Skip to main content

Full text of "The history of India : as told by its own historians. The Muhammadan period"

See other formats 


President  Whjte   Library, 
Cornell  yNivERSiTY. 


CORNELL  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 


3   1924  073   036   737 


Cornell  University 
Library 


The  original  of  tiiis  book  is  in 
tine  Cornell  University  Library. 

There  are  no  known  copyright  restrictions  in 
the  United  States  on  the  use  of  the  text. 


http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924073036737 


THE  HISTORY  OF  INDIA. 


THE 


HISTORY   OF    INDIA, 


BY  ITS  OWE"  HISTOHIAE^S. 


THE    MUHAMMADAE    PERIOD. 


EDITED    PROM    THE    POSTHUMOUS    PAPERS 


OF  THE  LATE 


SIR  H.  M.  ELLIOT,  K.C.B., 

EAST  INDIA  company's  BENGAL  CIVIL  SERVICE. 


PEOFESSOR    JOHN    DOWSON,    M.E.A.S., 

8TAPP    COLLEGE,    SANDHTTEST. 


VOL.    III. 


LONDON : 
TEUBNER    AND    CO.,    8    aot    60,    PATEENOSTEE    EO"W. 

1871. 
\_AU  rights  reserved.'] 


'H 


A .  (  0^^  ^  1 3 


STEPHEN   AUSTIN    &   SOWS, 


-W 


PRINTERS,  HEE.TFORD. 


PREFACE. 


This  third  volume  carries  the  history  of  India  on  from 
the  death  of  Nasiru-d  din,  in  1260  a.d.,  to  the  inroad  of 
Timur  the  Tatar,  in  1398  a.d.  It  comprises  some  matter 
relating  to  periods  not  included  within  these  dates ;  but 
on  the  other  hand,  it  is  deficient  in  the  history  of  the 
reigns  intervening  between  the  death  of  Firoz  Shah 
and  the  irruption  of  Timur.  This  portion  remains  to 
be  supplied,  in  the  succeeding  volume,  from  works  of 
a  somewhat  later  date.  The  period  here  traversed  is 
not  a  very  long  one,  but  it  is  illustrated  by  works  of 
more  than. usual  interest  and  importance. 

Of  the  first  .five  works  included  in  the  present 
volume,  three  were  noticed  in  the  old  volume  pub- 
lished by  Sir  H.  Elliot  himself.  The  other  two,  the 
TdrlJch-i  Wassdf,  and  the  Tdrikh-i  'Aldi  of  Amir 
Khusru,  are  now  first  made  accessible  to  English 
readers.  Part  of  the  History  of  Wassaf  has  appeared 
in  a  German  translation,  from  the  pen  of  Hammer- 
Purgstall,  but  the  portions  relating  to  India  are  now 
published  for  the  first  time.  The  Tdrlkh-i  ^Aldi  is 
more  of  a  poem  than  a  history,  but  it  bears  the  cele- 
brated name  of  Amir  Khusru,  and  it  enters  into  de- 


VI  PREFACE. 


tails  which  the  student  of  history  cannot  pass  over, 
however  diligently  and  cautiously  he  may  weigh  and 
sift  them. 

Far  different  from  these  are  the  two  Tdrikhs  bear- 
ing the  title  Firoz-ShdU.  Sir  H.  Elliot  was  strongly 
impressed  with  the  value  of  these  histories,  and  his 
design  was  to  publish  a  fall  translation  of  both.  For 
the  translation  of  the  work  of  Ziau-d  din  Bami,  he 
had  enlisted  the  services  of  an  eminent  member  of 
the  Bengal  Civil  Service;  for  that  of  Shams-i  Siraj's 
history,  he  trusted  to  a  munshi.  Advancement  in  the 
service,  and  the  increasing  cares  of  office,  arrested  the 
translation  of  Barm's  work,  and  the  munshi's  partial 
translation  of  that  of  Shams-i  Siraj  proved  to  be  en- 
tirely useless.  Thus  there  was  a  complete  deficiency 
of  these  two  important  works.  Determined  to  prevent 
the  publication  from  coming  to  a  standstillj  the  Editor 
took  in  hand  the  translation  of  Shams-i  Siraj's  work, 
and  caused  renewed  inquiries  to  be  made  in  India  for 
that  of  Barni.  He  completed  the  former,  and  still  no 
promise  was  received  of  the  latter;  so  he  again  set  to 
work,  and  he  had  all  but  completed  the  translation 
of  Barni,  when  Sir  H.  Elliot's  friend,  loyal  to  his 
promise,  transmitted  from  India  the  translations  of 
two  reigns,  made  by  friends  in  whom  he  had  confi- 
dence. Unfortunately  they  arrived  too  late.  The 
annals  of  these  particular  reigns  had  already  been  com- 
pleted;  so,  without  any  undue  partiality  for  his  own 


PEEFACE,  VU 

work,  the  Editor  declined  using  them;  for  a  trans- 
lation by  one  hand  seemed  preferable  to  one  made  up 
of  the  work  of  three  different  persons, 

Barni's  work  approaches  more  nearly  to  the  Euro- 
pean idea  of  a  history  than  any  one  which  has  yet 
come  under  notice.  ITarrow-minded  and  bigoted,  like 
Muhammadans  in  general,  he  yet  has  a  care  for  matters 
besides  the  interests  of  his  religion  and  the  warlike 
exploits  of  the  sovereign  representatives  of  his  faith. 
He  freely  criticizes  the  actions  and  characters  of  the 
kings  and  great  men  of  the  time,  dealing  "out  his 
praises  and  censures  in  no  uncertain  terms.  His  style 
has  been  criticized  as  being  occasionally  tarnished  by 
Hindi  idioms,  and  this  is  no  doubt  true,  not  only  of 
him,  but  of  other  historians  who  wrote  in  Persian,  but 
whose  native  language  was  Hindi.  Persian  was 
familiar  to  them,  still  it  was  a  foreign  language,  and 
their  writings  could  hardly  fail  of  receiving  a  tinge 
from  the  more  ready  and  familiar  expressions  of  their 
mother-tongue.  To  Europeans  this  blemish  is  of  no 
importance,  few  can  detect  it  in  the  original,  and  it 
entirely  disappears  in  translation.  As  a  vigorous  plain- 
spoken  writer,  he  may  unhesitatingly  be  indicated  as 
the  one  most  acceptable  to  a  general  reader,  one  whose 
pages  may  be  read  without  that  feeling  of  weariness  and 
oppression  which  the  writings  of  his  fellows  too  com- 
monly produce.  The  Editor's  translation  adheres  strictly 
to  the  text,  without  being  literal ;  for,  as  the  author  has 


VIU  PREFACE. 


no  pretensions  to  beauty  of  style  or  felicity  of  diction,  a 
clear  representation  of  his  meaning  is  of  more  import- 
ance than  an  exact  reproduction  of  his  words.  So  the 
object  aimed  at  has  been  to  make  the  translation  an 
accurate  but  a  free  and  readable  version  of  the  origi- 
nal text.^ 

Shams-i  Siraj,  the  author  of  the  other  Tdrikh-i  Firos 
Shdhi,  is  a  writer  of  a  very  different  character.  A 
painstaking  and  laborious  chronicler,  he  enters  into 
details  of  little  moment  to  the  general  reader,  but  of 
importance  to  the  historian  and  archseologist.  Valuable 
as  a  recorder  of  facts  and  details,  he  is  not  an  author 
who  will  be  read  for  the  interest  of  his  narrative,  or 
the  excellence  of  his  style. 

The  short  but  interesting  work  of  the  Sultan  Firoz 
Shah,  almost  as  rare  in  India  as  in  Europe,  is  now 
first  brought  to  notice.  The  Editor  has  made  the 
translation  from  a  unique  copy  belonging  to  Mr.  E. 
Thomas. 

Timur's  irruption  into  India  is  fully  represented  by 
the  extracts  from  his  own  memoirs,  and  from  the  work 
of  his  panegyrist,  Sharafu-d  din  Tazdi ;  but  there  is 
more  matter  in  store  upon  this  period  from  other 
writers. 


^  Lest  this  statement  should  excite  a  feeling  of  misgiTing  as  to  the  licence  taken 
with  the  Text,  the  Editor  refers  to  Nos.  IV.,  1869,  and  I.,  1870,  of  the  Jonxnal  of 
the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  in  which  a  literal  translation  of  the  history  of  'Al&u-d 
din's  reign  has  heen  puhlished  since  the  present  translation  has  been  in  print. 


PREFACE.  IX 

In  the  Appendix  there  is  a  careful  and  exhaustive 
analysis  by  Sir  H.  Elliot  of  several  of  the  poetical  works 
of  Amir  Khusrti,  from  which  he  has  culled  all  the 
passages  which,  in  his  judgment,  have  an  historical 
bearing.  He  has  performed  the  same  office  for  a  far 
inferior  poet,  Badr  Chach.  The  two  succeeding  articles 
are  the  work  of  the  Editor.  The  first  is  taken  from 
an  article  in  the  Notices  et  Eztraits  des  MSS. ;  the 
other  from  the  Travels  of  Ibn  Batuta.  The  former  is 
but  little  known,  and  in  India  is  almost  inaccessible. 
Both  these  works  were  published  in  French.  They 
afford  many  curious  and  interesting  illustrations  of  the 
period  covered  by  this  volume;  so  to  bring  them  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  many  Indian  readers  who  are 
conversant  with  our  own  tongue,  copious  extracts,  trans- 
lated into  English,  have  been  here  introduced. 

The  following  is  a  statement  of  the  various  articles 
in  this  volume,  with  the  names  of  their  respective 
authors,  and  to  this  the  reader  is  referred  if  he  desires 
to  ascertain  the  authority  for  any  article  or  passage. 
It  will  be  seen  that  somewhat  more  than  two-thirds 
of  the  contents  have  been  supplied  by  the  Editor,  and 
this  has  made  it  undesirable  to  keep  up  throughout 
the  use  of  the  brackets  [  ]  to  mark  the  Editor's  addi- 
tions. "Where  this  table  shows  a  translation  to  have 
been  made  by  the  Editor,  the  whole  of  it,  notes  and  all 
are  to  be  considered  his,  and  no  brackets  are  used. 
Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  had  made  preparation,  more  or  less 


X  PREFACE. 

for  all  the  bibliograpliical  notices :  in  these,  and  in 
those  translations  which  the  table  shows  to  have  been 
made  by  Sir  H.  Elliot,  or  by  his  coadjutors,  the 
brackets  indicate  the  Editor's  additions. 

X. — Jami'u-t  Tawarikh — A  munsM  revised  by  Editor. 
XI.— Tarikt-i  Wassaf— Part  by  Sir  H.  M.  EUiot  and  part  by 
a  munsM,  revised  by  him. 
XII. — Tarikh-i  Binakiti — A  few  lines  by  Editor. 
XIII. — Tarikb-i  Guzida — Eevised  by  Editor. 
XrV.— Tarikb-i  'Alaf.— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot. 
XV.— Tarikh-i  Eiroz  Shahi,  of  Ziau-d  din  Bami— Editor. 
XVL— Tarikh-i  Firoz  Sbahi,  of  Sbams-i  Siraj— Editor. 
XVII.— Futubat-i  Eiroz  SbSbi.— Editor. 

XVIII.— Malfuzat-i  Timuri— Page  394  to  421  by  Mr.  C.  E.  Cbapman, 
B.C.S. ;  page  422  to  477  by  Editor. 
XIX. — Zafar-nama — Editor. 

APPENDIX. 

A. — Poems  of  Amir  Kbusru— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot. 

B.— Poems  of  Badr  Cbach— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot. 

C— Masaliku-1  Absar— Editor. 

D.— Travels  of  Ibn  Batiita.— Editor. 

E. — Notes  on  tbe  Tarikb-i  Eiroz  Shabi — ^Editor. 

The  Editor  much  regrets  the  length  of  time  which 
the  printing  of  this  Volume  has  occupied.  The  delay 
has,  in  some  degree,  arisen  from  causes  oyer  which  he 
had  no  control,  but  principally  from  his  having  had  to 
supply  so  large  a  portion  of  the  matter  from  his  own 
pen.  When  the  extent  of  this  is  taken  into  considera- 
tion, the  time  engaged  may  not  appear  excessive. 


CONTEl^TS  OF  VOL.  III. 


PAGE 


X.     Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrihh,  of  EasMdu-din  -     -     -  -     -         1 

XI.   '■  Tazjiyatu-l  Amsdr  wa  Tajriyatu-l  A'sd/r,  of  'Abdu-llah, 

Wassaf 24 

Xn.     Td/rikh-i  Bindkiti,  of  Pakhni-d  din,  Binakiti      -  55 
Xm.    3!drikh-i  Guzida,  of  Hamdu-Ua,  Mustauf  i  -     -     -     -      '60 
XIV.   "T^rikJi-i  'AM;  or,  Ehazdim-l  Futuk,  of  Amir  Kliusru    67 
XV.  I  Td/rihh-i  Firoz  ShdM,  of  Ziau-d  din,  Barni            -     -       93 
XVI.     TdriM-i  Firoz  SUM,  of  Shams-i  Siraj,  'Afif          -        269 
XVII.     FutuMt-i  Firoz  SUM,  of  Sultan  Firoz  Shah               -     374 
XVni.     Mdfuzdt-i  Timuri,  or  Tuzah-i  Timuri:   The  Autobio- 
graphy of  Timur-          389 

XIX.     Zafar-ndma,  of  Sharafu-d  din,  Yazdi  -     -  -     -        478 

APPENDIX. 

A. — Poems  of  AmfE  KhusbtJ     -    -    -  .    -  523 

1.  Kirdmu-s  Sa'dain  -     -     -     .  .  .  .  524 

2.  OJiurratu-l  leamdl;  Miftdhu-l  fiduh  -     -  -     -     634 

3.  'AsUka .  544 

4.  Nuh  Sipihr 567 

5.  I'jdz-i  Khusruwi --  -  .  566 

B. — Kasdid,  of  Badr  Chach -     -  -    567 

C. — Masdliku-l  Ahsdr  fi  Mamdliku-l  Amsdr,  of  Shahabu-d  din 

Abu-1  Abbas  Ahmad 573 

D.— Travels  of  Ibn  Batuta .     -     .        585 

E. — ^Note  to  the  Translation  of  the  Tdrilh-i  Firoz  ShdM,  of 

Ziau-d  din  Bamf  -     -     -  620 


ADDENDA  ET  COREIGENDA. 


Page  121,  five  lines  from  bottom,  omit  "  (Pilibhit)." 
146,  omit  the  note  :  "  Jh&in  must  be  Ujj&in." 
158,  Gold  Stars.     See  note  of  Sir  Walter  EUiot  in  Thomas's  Coins  of  the 

Path&n  Sult&ns,  new  edition,  page  169. 
303,  para.  3,  line  11,  omit  the  word  "silver." 
311,  line  16,  to  the  word  "  Tor§.band,"  add  a  note,  "  Possibly  this  is  a  pnn  on 

the  words  Terd  banda,  '  thy  slave.' " 
400,  line  4,  for  "  1408,"  read  "  1398." 

421,  to  the  word  "  Eudanah,"  add  a  note,  "  See  note  in  page  488." 
427,  to  the  word  "  Sarstiti,"  add  "  Sirsah." 
430,  to  note  1,  add,  "  This  is  Firoz  Sh&h's  bridge." 
468,  line  7,  to  "jins  (specie),"  add  a  note,  "  See  note  in  Appendix,  p.  626." 


HISTOEIA^S  OF  IKDIA. 


X. 

JA'MrU-T  TAWi^RrXH 

OF 

EASHrDU-D  DIN. 

The  JamiV-t-TawaeIkh  Eashidi  was  completed  in  a.h.  710 
— A.D.  1310.  The  author  Fazlu-llah  Rashid,  or  Eashidu-d  din  ibn 
'Imadu-d  daula  Abii-l  Khair  ibn  MuwAfiku-d  daula,'^  was  born  in 
A.H.  645 — A.D.  1247,  in  the  city  of  Hamadan.^  His  practice  of  the 
medical  art  brought  him  into  notice  at  the  court  of  the  Mongol 
Sultans  of  Persia.  He  passed  part  of  his  life  in  the  service  of 
Abakd  Khan,  the  Tartar  king  of  Persia,  and  one  of  the  descendants 
of  Hulaku  Khan.  At  a  subsequent  period,  Ghdzan  Khan,  who 
was  a  friend  to  literature  and  the  sciences,  and  who  appreciated 
the  merits  of  Rashidu-d  din  at  their  proper  value,  appointed  him 
to  the  post  of  Wazir  in  a.h.  697 — a.d.  1297,  in  conjunction 
with  Sa'du-d  din.  Eashidu-d  din  was  maintained  in  his  office  by 
TJljaitu,  surnamed  Khuda-banda,  the  brother  and  successor  of 
Gh4z4n  Khan,  and  was  treated  by  him  with  great  consideration 
and  rewarded  with  the  utmost  liberality.     The  author  himself 

'  [D'Ohsson  says  that  lie  was  also  called  Easiidu-d  daulat  and  Eashidu-l  hakk 
wau-d  din.    Hist,  des  Mongols  xxxiii.] 

'  [The  biographical  portion  of  this  article  is,  for  the  most  part,  taken  from  Mr. 
Morley's  Notice  of  the  Author,  in  Vol.  VI.  of  the  Journal  of  the  E.  As.  Soc] 


2-  EASHrDU-D  DfN. 

admits  that  no  sovereign  ever  lavished  upon  a  subject  such 
enormous  sums  as  he  had  received  from  TJljaitu  Khdn. 

Rashidu-d  din  and  his  successive  colleagues  did  not  manage  to 
conduct  the  administration  with  unanimity;  but  this  seems  to 
have  arisen  less  from  any  infirmity  of  our  author's  temper  than 
from  the  envy  and  malice  which  actuated  his  enemies.  In  his 
first  rupture  with  Sa'du-d  din  he  was  compelled,  in  self-defence, 
to  denounce  him,  and  to  cause  him  to  be  put  to  death.  'Ali 
ShAh  Jabaldn,  a  person  of  low  origin,  who  had  managed  by  his 
talents  and  intrigues  to  raise  himself  into  consideration,  was 
appointed  Sa'du-d  din's  successor  at  Kashidu-d  din's  request, 
but  with  him  he  had  shortly  so  serious  a  misunderstanding,  that 
the  Sultdn  was  compelled  to  divide  their  jurisdiction,  assigning 
the  care  of  the  Western  provinces  to  'Ali  Shdh,  and  the  Eastern 
to  Rashidu-d  din. 

Notwithstanding  this  arrangement,  the  two  Wazirs  continued 
at  enmity,  and  shortly  after  the  death  of  UljS,itu,  who  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Abu  Sa'id,  'Ali  Shdh  so  far  succeeded  in  pre- 
judicing the  Sultan  against  the  old  minister  ^  that  he  was,  after 
many  years'  faithful  service,  removed  from  the  Waz^rat  in  a.h. 
717 — A.D.  1317.  A  short  time  afterwards  he  was  recalled,  in 
order  to  remedy  the  mal-administration  which  was  occasioned  by 
his  absence,  but  it  was  not  long  before  he  again  lost  favour  at 
court,  and  was  accused  of  causing  the  death  of  his  patron  TTljciitu 
Khan.  It  was  charged  against  him  that  he  had  recommended  a 
purgative  medicine  to  be  administered  to  the  deceased  chief,  in 
opposition  to  the  advice  of  another  physician,  and  that  under  its 
effects  the  king  had  expired.  Rashidu-d  din  was  condemned  to 
death,  and  his  family  were,  after  the  usual  Asiatic  fashion,  in- 
volved in  his  destruction.  His  son  Ibrahim,  the  chief  butleri 
who  was  only  sixteen  years  old,  and  by  whose  hands  the  potion 
was  said  to  have  been  given  to  the  chief,  was  put  to  death  before 
the  eyes  of  his  parent,  who  was  immediately  afterwards  cloven  in 

'  Mod.  TTniv.  Hist.,  iv.  401. 


JAMI'U-T  TAWA'RrKH.  3 

twain  by  the  executioner.  Eashidu-d  din  was  73  years  ^  old 
when  he  died,  and  his  death  occurred  in  a.h.  718 — a.d.  1318. 
His  head  was  borne  through  the  streets  of  Tabriz,  and  pro- 
claimed by  the  public  crier  as  the  head  of  a  Jew,  his  children 
and  relatives  had  their  property  confiscated,  and  the  Eab'a  Eash- 
Idi,  a  suburb  which  he  had  built  at  an  enormous  expense,  was 
given  up  to  pillage,  His  eldest  son,  Ghiyasu-d  din,  was  sub- 
sequently raised  to  the  same  dignities  as  his  father,  and  met 
with  an  equally  tragical  death. 

"  The  body  of  the  murdered  Wazir  was  buried  near  the  mosque 
which  he  had  constructed  in  Tabriz,  but  it  was  not  destined  to 
repose  quietly  in  its  last  asylum.  Nearly  a  century  after  his 
death,  the  government  of  Tabriz,  together  with  that  of  the  whole 
province  of  ^zarbdijan,  was  given  by  Timtir  Lang  to  his  son 
Mirdn  Shdh,  The  young  prince,  naturally  of  a  mild  disposition, 
had  become  partially  deranged,  in  consequence  of  an  injury  of 
the  head  occasioned  by  a  fall  from  his  horse,  and  one  day,  during 
a  temporary  access  of  madness,  he  caused  the  bones  of  Eashidu-d 
din  to  be  exhumed,  and  they  were  finally  deposited  in  the  ceme- 
tery of  the  Jews, — a  renewal  of  the  insult  ofiered  by  his  enemies 
during  his  life  and  at  the  time  of  his  death,  in  order  to  render 
his^name  odious  amongst  Musulmans."  ^ 

"Almost  all  those  who  had  conspired  to  ruin  Eashidu-d  din 
perished  in  the  course  of  the  following  year.  'All  Shah,  the  one 
most  deserving  of  punishment,  alone  survived  to  enjoy  the  fruits 
of  his  crime.  He  continued  by  his  address  to  maintain  his  high 
honours  and  the  favour  of  his  master  for  the  space  of  six  years, 
when  he  died,  being  the  only  Wazir,  since  the  establishment  of 
the  Mongol  monarchy^  who-  had  not  met  with  a  violent  death." 


1  This  is  the  age  assigned'  by  M.  Quatremfere  {CoU.  Orientale,  Tom.  I.  p.  xliv.) 
but  these  must  have  been  lunar  years,  if  he  was  bom  in  a.d.  1247. — Hammer- 
Purgstall  says,  Eashidu-d  din  was  80  years  old  when  he  died.  [Gesehichte  der  Ilchane, 
Vol.  ii.  p.  260.)  H4ji  Khalfa  gives  717  as  the  year  of  his  death,  but  S&dik  baa  it 
right. 

*  ["  This  calumny  was  probably  grounded  upon  the  particular  attention,  he  had 
paid  to  the  history  ajid  customs  of  the  Jews."     Morley..] 


4  RASHrDU-D  DrN. 

Eashldu-d  din  was  endowed  with  a  wonderful  degree  of  ability 
and  industry.  "  Few  men,  even  of  those  who  have  devoted  their 
lives  to  research,  could  hope  to  attain  the  knowledge  acquired  by 
him  ;  and  when  we  recollect  that  from  his  youth  upwards  he  was 
involved  in  the  intrigues  and  tumults  of  the  court,  and  that  he 
bore  the  principal  weight  of  the  administration  of  an  immense 
empire  under  three  successive  Sultans,  we  cannot  but  feel  the 
highest  respect  for  his  talents.  Besides  medicine,  together  with 
those  sciences  which  are  immediately  connected  with  it,  he  had 
cultivated  with  success  agriculture,  architecture,  and  metaphysics, 
and  had  rendered  himself  conversant  with  the  most  abstruse 
points  of  Musulmdn  controversy  and  doctrine.  He  was  also  an 
accomplished  linguist,  being  acquainted  with  the  Persian,  Arabic, 
Mongolian,  Turkish,  and  Hebrew  languages,  and,  as  it  seems 
from  his  works,  with  the  Chinese  also.  Amongst  his  great 
natural  powers,  we  may  reckon  as  the  most  important,  the  talent 
of  writing  with  extreme  facility  ;  this  is  attested  by  the  volu- 
minous extent  of  his  works,  and  by  a  passage  in  one  of  his 
writings,  in  which  he  asserts  that  he  composed  three  of  his 
greatest  works,  viz. :  the  Kitdbu-t  tauzihdt,  the  Miftdhu-t  tafdsir, 
and  the  Eisdlatu-s  SuUdniat,  in  the  short  space  of  eleven  months, 
and  this  not  by  giving  up  his  whole  time  to  his  literary  labours, 
but  in  the  midst  of  the  cares  of  government,  and  without 
reckoning  numerous  other  treatises  on  various  intricate  subjects, 
which  were  written  by  him  during  the  same  period,"  such  as  a 
book  on  Rural  Economy,  and  works  on  Theology,  Medicine,  and 
Musulmdn  Theology. 

"It  was  not  till  somewhat  late  in  life  that  Rashidu-d  din  turned 
his  thoughts  to  authorship,  and  until  his  master,  Ghdzan  Khan, 
ordered  him  to  compose  a  history  of  the  Mongols,  he  had  not 
ventured  to  commit  the  results  of  his  learning  and  meditations 
to  the  judgment  of  the  world."  This  history  occupies  the  first 
volume  of  the  Jdmi'u-t-Tawdrikh,  and  has  received  the  highest 
commendations  from  European  scholars. 

"  The  work  was  on  the  point  of  completion  when  Ghdzan  Khan 


JAMI'U-T  TA-WAETEH.  5 

died,  A.H.  703 — a.d.  1303.  Uljaitu  Kh^n,  his  successor,  not 
only  approved  of  the  plan  which  our  author  had  followed,  and 
the  manner  in  which  he  had  executed  his  task,  but  enjoined  him 
to  complete  it,  and  to  add  thereto  a  general  account  of  all  the 
people  known  to  the  Mongols,  and  a  description  of  all  the 
countries  of  the  globe.  Eashidu-d  din  undertook  this  laborious 
work,  and  a  few  years  sufficed  for  its  accomplishment,  for  we  find 
that  in  a.h.  710 — a.i>.  1310,  the  entire  history  was  written, 
bound,  and  deposited  in  the  mosque  constructed  by  the  author  at 
Tabriz.  It  is  true  that  the  author  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Wassdf 
affirms,  that  Rashidu-d  din  continued  his  work  till  a.h.  712,  but 
this,  probably,  only  applies  to  that  portion  of  it  which  gives  the 
history  of  Uljaitu.  Haidar  EazI,  in  his  General  History,  says, 
that  the  portion  relating  to  India  was  completed  in  a.h.  703,  the 
period  when  our  author  received  orders  to  commence  his  re- 
searches." Still  it  is  evident  that  he  copied  from  Wassaf,  who 
wrote  upon  his  Indian  history  down  to  710  A.h. 

The  entire  work,  when  completed,  received  from  its  author  the 
title  of  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrikh,  or  "  Collection  of  Histories,"  a  very 
appropriate  name,  for  it  is  not  a  general  consecutive  history,  but 
consists  of  several  independent  works,  arranged  and  bound  up 
together  in  different  order  according  to  the  fancy  of  the  copyist. 
Thus  the  first  volume  is  often  considered  as  a  history  by  it- 
self, and  as  such  is  called  the  Tdrikh-i  Ghdzdni,  after  the 
Prince  by  whose  orders  it  was  composed,  and  to  whom  it  was 
dedicated. 

[The  value  of  the  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrikh  is  unquestionable,  but 
Rashidu-d  din  must  be  ranked  as  a  compiler,  or  copyist,  rather 
than  among  historians.  He  borrows  by  wholesale  fi-om  his  pre- 
decessors, appropriating  their  productions,  with  all  their  errors, 
and  without  any  critical  examination  or  judgment  of  his  own. 
It  is  to  his  credit,  however,  that  he  fairly  and  openly  acknow- 
ledges the  sources  from  which  he  has  borrowed  ;  and  he  occasion- 
ally makes  additions  which  may  be  his  own,  or  which  may  have 
been  derived  from  other  unknown  sources.     For  the  geographical 


6  EASHrDTJT-D  DrN. 

account  of  India  i  he  is  avowedly  indebted  to  Biruni^  though 
he  adds  some  passages  in  continuation.^  In  his  account  ot 
the  Ghaznivides  "  he  follows  'Utbi  implicitly  as  far  as  the  Tamini 
extends,  taking  out  not  only  the  facts,  but  giving  a  literal 
translation  even  to  the  images  and  similes."  He  makes  no  attempt 
to  improve  of  supplement  that  work,  his  account  of  the  Ghazm- 
vides  closes  where  that  closes,  and  so  he  omits  all  notice  of  the 
famous  expedition  to  Somndt.*  The  TdriJch-i  Jahdn-Kushd  has 
also  been  laid  under  contribution.  D'Ohsson  finds  that  he  often 
copied  it  word  for  word,  but  he  adds,  "  the  history  of  the  Wazir 
Rashid  is  the  most  complete,  and  that  in  which  the  best  order 
and  method  prevail;  his  style  also  has  that  noble  simplicity 
suitable  to  historical  writings."*  Wassaf,  a  contemporary  of 
Rashidu-d  din,  is  another  of  those  from  whom  he  copied ;  and 
further  investigation  will  probably  reveal  more  of  the  sources  of 
the  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrlkh?'] 

It  seems  to  have  been  doubted  whether  the  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrihh 
was  originally  written  in  Arabic  or  Persian.  Most  authors  who 
have  mentioned  the  work  consider  it  to  have  been  written  in 
Persian,  and  translated,  under  the  author's  direction,  into  Arabic;^ 
but  it  is  certain  that  no  Persian  copies  were  very  generally  avail- 
able in  Akbar's  time,  for  'Abdu-1  KS,dir  Badauni  states,  under 
the  transactions  of  a.h.  lOOQ,  that  he  was  directed  by  the 
Emperor  to  translate  the  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrilih  from  Arabic  into 


i-'[Tol.  I.  p.  44.]  «  [Vol.  I.  p.  67.] 

3  [See  Vol.  II.  p.  430  ;  Jour.  E.  A.  S.  New  Series,  Vol.  III.  p.  426]. 

*  [D'Ohsson,  Hist,  des  Mongols,  I.  xlii.  and  235.] 

'  [David's  Turkisli  Grammar,  p.  iii.] 

^  [M.  Quartremere  concurs,  and  adds,  "Mais  ce  qu'il  y  a  de  sui,  et  que  rauteui 
atteste  de  la  maniSre  la  plus  formelle,  au  moment  oti  il  d^posa  dans  la  grande  mosquee 
construit  par  lui  ^  Tabriz  une  collection  complete  de  ses  ouyrages,  U  fit  traduire  en 
arabe  ce  qui  avait  ete  primitiTement  ecrit  en  persan  et,  en  persan  ce  qui  etait  redige 
en  langue  arabe. — Ainsi  les  deux  redactions  ont  ete  executees  par  I'auteur  lui-meme, 
ou,  au  moins,  sous  sa  direction — Par  consequent  elles  se  trouTeut  egalement  autben- 
tiques." — Jour,  des  Sav.  Sep.  1850.  A  farther  and  decisive  argument  may  be  drawn 
from  the  fact  previously  noticed,  that  proper  names  are  occasionally  met  with  in  the 
Arabic  version,  in  which  a  Persian  preposition  before  a  name,  or  a  numeral  immedi- 
ately after  it,  is  taken  as  being  part  and  parcel  of  the  name  itself. — See  Vol.  I.  p.  62.] 


JAMI'U-T  TAWAErKH.  7 

Persian.  It  does  not  exactly  appear  from  the  text  whether  this 
was  an  abridgment  or  a  translation,  but  the  portion  which  was 
completed  by  'Abdu-1  Kadir  is  distinctly  said  to  have  been  trans- 
lated from  the  Arabic.  It  is  curious  that  an  interlinear  trans- 
lation of  a  part  of  the  historyy  executed  under  the  orders  of 
Colonel  Francklin,  and  presented  by  him  to  the  Royal  Asiatic 
Society,  should  also  bear  the  name  of  'Abdu-1  Kadir,  who  thus 
appears  to  have  executed  a  second  time  what  his  namesake  had 
done  before  him  more  than  250  years  ago. 

A  portion  of  the  Tdrihh-i  GMzdni  has  been  admirably  trans- 
lated by  M.  Quatremere  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Collection 
Orientale,  and  we  are  indebted  to  him  for  a  full  account  of  our 
author's  biography  and  his  literary  merits.  M.  Erdmann  pro- 
mised an  edition  of  the  complete  text  of  the  Jdmi''^  [which  has 
never  appeared,  but  he  has  given  a  short  extract  therefrom  upon 
"  Barkiarok's  Regierung  "  in  the  Zeitschrift  des  Deutschen  Mor- 
genldndischen  Oesellscha/t  (vol.  IX.  800)]. 

The  following  account  of  the  contents  of  the  entire  Jdmi'u-t 
Tawdrikh,  is  taken  from  a  notice  in  Arabic,  by  Rashidu-d  din 
himself,  prefixed  to  a  MS.  of  his  theological  works,  in  the  Royal 
Library  at  Paris. 

"  The  book  called  the  Jarm!u-t  Tawdrikh,  comprises  four 
volumes,  the  first  of  which  contains  a  preface,  an  account  of  the 
origin  of  the  nations  of  the  Turks,  the  number  of  their  tribes, 
and  an  account  of  the  Kings,  Kh4ns,  Amirs,  and  great  men  who 
have  sprung  from  each  tribe ;  also  of  the  ancestors  of  Ohangiz 
Khan,  the  history  of  that  monarch's  actions,  and  of  his  children 
and  descendants,  who  have  occupied  the  throne  down  to  the  time 
of  Uljaitu  Sultan.  To  the  life  of  each  prince  is  added  his 
genealogy,  an  account  of  his  character,  and  of  his  wives  and 
children,  a  notice  of  the  Khalifas,  Kings,  Sultdns,  and  Atabaks, 
who  were  contemporary  with  him,  and  a  history  of  the  remark- 
able events  that  occurred  during  his  reign. 

1  Journal  Asiatiqm,  2ad  Series,  Tom.  I.  p.  322.  [The  work  has  been  trans- 
lated into  Enssian,  and  a  "Tatar  translation"  has  also  been  made — Zeitsehrif 
D.M.G.YI.  125— IX.  800.] 


8  EASHrDTJ-D  DfN. 

"  The  second  volume  contains  an  introduction  and  a  history  of 
the  Hfe  of  Uljditu  from  the  time  of  his  birth  to  the  present  day ; 
to  this  portion  of  the  second  volume  will  be  added  a  supplement, 
comprising  an  account  of  the  daily  actions  of  this  prince,  written 
by  me,  and  afterwards  continued  by  the  court  historians.  This 
second  volume  also  contains  a  concise  history  of  the  Prophets, 
Sultdns,  and  Kings  of  the  universe,  from  the  days  of  Adam  to 
the  present  time,  together  with  a  detailed  account  of  many  people, 
of  whom  historians  have,  till  now,  given  little  or  no  description. 
All  tliat  I  have  said  respecting  them  I  have  taken  from  their 
own  books,  and  from  the  mouths  of  the  learned  men  of  each 
nation ;  it  also  gives  the  history  of  the  People  of  the  Book,  viz., 
the  Jews  and  the  Christians,  and  the  histories  of  the  Sultans 
and  most  celebrated  Princes  of  each  country ;  also  an  account  of 
the  Ismailis,  and  many  curious  and  instructive  particulars. 

"  The  third  volume  gives,  after  the  preface,  a  detailed  account 
of  the  descent  of  the  Prophets,  Kings,  Khalifas,  the  Arab  tribes, 
the  companions  of  the  Prophet  Muhammad,  etc.,  from  the  time 
of  Adam  to  the  end  of  the  dynasty  of  the  BanI  'Abbas ;  the 
genealogy  of  the  ancestors  of  Muhammad,  and  of  the  tribes 
descended  from  them  ;  the  series  of  Prophets  who  have  appeared 
amongst  the  Bani  Israil,  the  Kings  of  the  latter,  and  an  enumer- 
ation of  their  different  tribes  ;  the  genealogies  of  the  Kaisers  and 
others  of  the  Christian  princes,  with  their  names  and  the  number 
of  years  of  their  respective  reigns.  All  these  details  have  been 
faithfully  extracted  from  the  chronicles  of  these  people,  and 
arranged  in  systematic  order. 

"  The  fourth  volume  comprises  a  preface  and  a  circumstantial 
account  of  the  limits  of  each  of  the  seven  climates,  the  division 
and  extent  of  the  vast  countries  of  the  globe,  the  geographical 
position  and  description  of  the  greater  part  of  the  cities,  seas, 
lakes,  valleys,  and  mountains,  with  their  longitudes  and  latitudes. 
In  writing  this  portion  of  our  work,  we  have  not  been  satisfied 
merely  with  extracts  from  the  most  esteemed  geographical  works, 
but  we  have,  besides,  made  inquiries  from  the  most  learned  men. 


JAMrU-T  TAVAEIKH.  9 

and  those  who  have  themselves  visited  the  countries  described ; 
we  have  inserted  in  our  relation,  particulars  obtained  from  the 
learned  men  of  Hind,  Chin,  Machin,  the  countries  of  the  Franks, 
etc.,  and  others  which  have  been  faithfully  extracted  from  works 
written  in  the  languages  of  those  different  countries." 

This  is  the  account  given  by  our  author  himself  of  his  work ; 
it  must,  however,  be  remarked,  that  in  the  preface  to  the  Tdrikh-''' 
Ghdzdni  and  in  many  other  passages,  he  speaks  of  three  volumes 
only,  writing,  under  the  head  of  the  second,  the  matters  which 
here  form  the  contents  of  the  second  and  third.  The  easiest  way 
of  accounting  for  this  contradiction  is  to  suppose  that  he  sub- 
sequently divided  this  second  volume  into  two  portions,  on 
account  of  its  great  bulk  and  disproportion  in  size  to  the  others. 

In  the  preface  to  the  Tdrilth-i  Ghdzdni  the  work  is  divided,  as 
mentioned  above,  into  three  volumes,  according  to  the  following 
distribution : — 

The  contents  of  the  first  volume  are  the  same  as  given  in  the 
preceding  description,  and  it  is  dedicated  to  Ghazan  Khan.  It 
comprises  two  books  and  several  sections. 

The  second  volume  contains  the  history  of  IJljaitii  Sultan  (to 
whom  it  was  dedicated),  from  his  birth  to  the  time  when  our 
author  wrote  ;  this  forms  the  first  division  of  the  volume.  The 
second  division  comprises  two  parts,  the  first  of  which  is  again 
sub-divided  into  two  sections.  The  first  section  contains  an 
abridged  history  of  all  the  Prophets,  Khalifas,  and  of  the 
different  races  of  men,  to  the  year  of  the  Flight,  700.  The 
second  section  comprises  a  detailed  chronicle  of  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  earth,  according  to  their  races,  extracted  from  their  various 
writings,  and  from  the  mouths  of  natives  of  the  different  coun- 
tries. The  second  part  is  filled  with  the  remaining  portion  of  the 
history  of  Uljaitu,  "the  Sultdn  of  Islam,"  as  he  is  styled,  and 
was  destined  to  be  continued  in  chronological  order  to  the  time  of 
his  death.  "  The  historians  who  are,  or  may  be,  servants  of  the 
court,  will  take  care  to  write  this,  and  add  it  as  a  supplement  to 
this  second  volume." 


10  EASHrDTJ-D  Dm. 

The  third  volume  comprises  the  description  of  the  Geographical 
charts,  and  the  various  routes  from  one  place  to  another,  taken 
from  the  sources  already  mentioned.  "  The  author  has,  as  far  as 
was  in  his  power,  multiplied  and  verified  his  researches  from  all 
that  was  previously  known  on  the  subject  in  this  country,  whether 
described  in  books  or  drawn  in  charts.  To  this  he  has  added  all 
that,  during  this  fortunate  epoch,  the  philosophers  and  wise  men 
of  Hind,  Chin,  M4chin,  Farang,  and  other  countries  have  written, 
and  has  entered  it  all  in  this  third  volume,  after  having  fiilly 
ascertained  its  authority." 

The  extended  notice  which  is  here  given  to  Rashidu-d  din  and 
the  Jdmi'u-t-Taicdrikh,  is  not  only  due  to  his  merits  and  to  the 
curious  sources  of  his  information  on  Indian  subjects,  but  to  the 
interest  which  was  excited  some  years  ago  by  the  discovery, 
under  very  peculiar  circumstances,  of  a  large  portion  of  the  work 
which,  up  to  that  time,  was  supposed  to  be  lost. 

A  full  account  of  this  curious  discovery  is  given  in  the  sixth 
volume  of  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society.  Mr.  W. 
Morley,  while  engaged  in  making  a  catalogue  of  the  Society's 
MSS.,  met  with  an  imperfect  Arabic  MS.,  which  proved  to 
be  a  portion  of  the  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrikh.  It  was  written  in 
a  beautiful  and  very  old  Naskhi  hand,  with  many  pictures 
very  creditably  executed.  He  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Society, 
giving  an  account  of  his  discovery,  and  before  the  letter  was 
published  Professor  Forbes  accidentally  fell  in  with  a  much 
larger  portion  of  the  same  MS.,  comprising  one  half  the  original 
volume,  of  which  the  Society's  fragment  formed  about  one-fifth. 
The  two  fragments  proved  to  be  parts  of  the  same  original,  and 
were  thus  brought  together  after  many  years,  perhaps  centuries,  of 
separation.  This  larger  portion  of  the  MS.  of  the  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrilsh 
belonged  to  Colonel  John  Baillie,  an  eminent  orientalist.  Shortly 
after  his  death,  his  MSS.  and  books  were  prepared  for  trans- 
mission to  the  family  seat  in  Inverness-shire,  but  before  they  were 
actually  despatched  Professor  Forbes  obtained  a  sight  of  them. 
He  there  picked  out  a  fine  large  historical  MS.  on  the  back  of  which 


JAMI'U-T  TAWAErKH.  11 

was  written,  in  a  distinct  Persian  hand,  "  Tdrikh-i  Talari,"  and  as 
if  this  were  not  sufficient,  there  was  a  note  written  in  Persian, 
on  a  blank  page,  folio  154,  of  which  the  following  is  a  literal 
translation.  "  The  name  of  this  book  is  The  Tdrikh-i  Tabari, 
(the  History  or  Chronicle  of  Tabari),  the  author's  autograph. 
The  whole  number  of  leaves,  when  complete,  amounted  to  303  ; 
now,  however,  some  one  has  stolen  and  carried  off  one  half  of  it, 
or  about  150  leaves.  It  was  written  by  the  author's  own  hand, 
in  the  year  of  the  Hijra706  (a.d.  1306-7.")  This  description  of 
the  MS.  as  being  the  work  of  Tabari  was,  from  the  date  alone, 
very  suspicious  and  unsatisfactory,  and  Professor  Forbes,  in  his 
enquiries,  was  eventually  led  to  examine  the  MS.  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society,  when  the  two  MSS.  proved  to  be  indubitably 
portions  of  one  and  the  same  book. 

These  discoveries  were  communicated  to  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Bengal,  and  a  request  was  made  that  the  Society  would  interest 
itself  in  searching  for  manuscripts  of  the  work.  A  circular  was 
in  consequence  issued  to  many  of  the  native  chiefs  and  literati  of 
India,  but  no  satisfactory  reply  was  received.  Upon  that  occasion 
I  pointed  out  to  the  Society  that  the  work  was  probably  in  their 
own  library,  for  that  an  anonymous  volume  purporting  to  con- 
tain precisely  the  same  matter,  was  brought  by  Sir  J.  Malcolm 
from  Persia,  and  presented  to  the  College  of  Fort  William,  as 
appeared  from  a  notice  at  the  end  of  Stewart's  Catalogue  of  Tipu 
Sultan's  Library.  The  work  was  searched  for  and  discovered,  in 
consequence  of  this  information,  among  those  which  were  trans- 
ferred from  the  College  to  the  Asiatic  Society .i 

It  was  not  till  some  years  afterwards  that  I  had  the  satis- 
faction of  reading  the  superb  French  publication,  entitled  Col- 
lection Orientale,  in  the  preface  to  the  first  volume  of  which  I 
found  that  the  very  same  enquiry  had  been  suggested  by  M. 
Quatremere,  in  the  following  passage :  "  au  nombre  des  MSS. 
apport^s  de  Perse  par  le  Major  Malcolm  et  ofierts  par  lui  au 
College  du  Fort  William,  je  trouve  un  ouvrage  ayant  pour  titre 
1  See  Journal  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Vol.  X.  p.  934. 


12  EASHIDU-B  DIN. 

Bjami-altawarikh-kadim.  Oe  livre  ferait-il  partie  du  travail  de 
Rashideldin  ?  O'est  ce  que  je  n'ai  pu  verifier."  ^  Had  this 
enquiry  then  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Bengal,  it  would  have  resulted  in  an  earlier  discovery  of  the 
missing  volume  ;  but  when  at  last  it  was  drawn  forth  from  their 
library,  it  had  become  of  comparatively  little  importance,  for,  in 
the  mean  time,  a  manuscript  of  the  Persian  original  had  been 
found  in  the  library  of  the  East  India  House,  of  which  a  fiiU 
description  was  shortly  after  given  by  Mr.  Morley  in  the  seventh 
volume  of  the  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  from  which 
the  following  extract  is  taken  : — 

"  The  MS.  in  question  is  of  a  large  folio  size,  and  contains  in 
all  1189  pages  ;  but  as  numerous  spaces  have  been  left  for  the 
insertion  of  paintings,  the  actual  volume  of  the  work  is  not  equal 
to  its  apparent  extent ;  the  character  is  a  small  and  tolerably 
clear  Nast'alik  ;  the  transcriber  was  evidently  both  careless  and 
ignorant,  and  the  text  abounds  with  errors, — this  is  particularly 
conspicuous  in  the  spelling  of  the  names  of  places  and  individuals, 
the  same  name  being  frequently  written  in  two  or  three  different 
ways  in  the  same  page ;  many  considerable  omissions  also  occur 
in  the  body  of  the  work,  the  original  from  which  our  MS.  was 
transcribed  being,  in  all  probability,  damaged  or  defective  in 
those  parts. 

"  The  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrikh  consists  of  a  collection  of  histories 
(as  its  name  imports),  each  distinct  from  the  other  and  complete 
in  itself  Those  contained  in  our  MS.  occur  in  the  following  order : — 

"  I.  A  general  history  of  Persia  and  Arabia,  from  the  earliest 
times  to  the  fall  of  the  Khilafat ;  this  history  comprises  a  preface 
and  two  sections.  The  preface  contains  an  account  of  Adam  and 
his  children,  of  Nub  and  his  posterity,  of  the  reign  of  Kaiiimars, 
the  first  of  the  kings  of  F4rs,  and  of  the  tribes  of  the  Arabs,  to 
the  time  of  the  prophet  Muhammad.  This  preface  mentions 
that  the  history  was  composed  in  the  year  of  the  Flight  700, 
from  various  traditional  and  written  authorities. 

'   Vie  et  les  owirages  de  Mashiieldin,  secoude  parfcie,  p.  Ixxxv. 


JAMI'TJ-T  TAWA'RrKH.  13 

"  Section  1  contains  a  history  of  the  kings  of  Fdrs,  and  of  the 
events  that  occurred  in  their  respective  reigns ;  also  accounts  of 
the  prophets  from  the  time  of  Kaiumars  until  that  of  Yazdajird, 
the  last  of  the  kings  of  'Ajam. 

"  Section  2  contains  a  copious  and  detailed  history  of  the 
prophet  Muhammad  and  his  Khalifas  to  the  time  of  Al  Mustasim 
bi-llah.  This  history,  which  in  our  MS.  comprises  364  pages, 
was  transcribed  in  the  month  of  Shaww41,  in  the  year  of  the 
Flight  1081.  It  is  contained  entire  in  the  MS.  of  Colonel 
Baillie,  with  the  absence  of  forty-six  leaves,  seven  of  which  are, 
however,  to  be  found  in  the  MS.  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

"  II.  A  concise  history  of  the  Sultan  Mahmud  Subuktigin,  the 
Ghaznivides,  the  Samanides,  the  Buwaihides,  and  some  others,  to 
the  time  of  Abu-1  Fath  Maudtid  bin  Mas''ud,  and  the  year  of 
his  death,  viz.,  the  547th  of  the  Flight.  This  history  comprises 
fifty-six  pages,  and  was  transcribed  in  the  month  Zi'l  hijja,  and 
the  ]  031st  year  of  the  Flight.  This  is  also  in  Colonel  Baillie's 
MS.,  of  which  it  forms  the  third  portion. 

"  III.  A  history  of  the  Saljuki  kings  and  of  the  Atabaks,  to 
the  time  of  Tughril  bin  Muhammad  bin  Malik  Shah,  the  last  of 
the  Saljtiks,  who  was  slain  in  the  year  of  Flight  589.  It  com- 
prises forty-two  pages. 

"  To  this  history  is  added  a  supplement,  composed  by  Abu 
Hamid  Ibn  Ibrahim,  in  the  year  of  the  Flight  599  ;  it  contains 
an  account  of  the  fall  of  the  Saljuks,  and  the  history  of  the  kings 
of  Khwarizm,  to  the  time  of  Jalalu-d  din,  the  last  of  tliat  dynasty. 
This  supplement  comprises  twenty-five  pages,  and  apparently 
formed  part  of  the  original  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdr'ikh,  as  Professor 
Forbes  mentions  two  leaves  existing  at  the  end.  of  Colonel 
Baillie's  MS.,  which  are  occupied  with  the  history  of  Khwarizm. 

"  IV.  A  history  of  U^ghuz,  and  of  the  other  Sultans  and 
Kings  of  the  Turks  ;  it  comprises  twenty-two  pages.  At  the 
end  it  is  stated  that  this  history  is  to  be  followed  by  that  of  the 
Khdns  of  Chin  and  Machin. 

"V.  A  history  of  Khita,  and  of  the  Kings  of  Chin   and 


14  EASHrDU-D  DIN. 

Mdchin,  to  the  time  of  the  conquest  by  the  Mongols.  It  com- 
prises forty-six  pages.  At  the  end  it  is  stated  that  this  history 
is  to  be  succeeded  by  that  of  the  Bani  Isr^il.  The  conchiding 
part  of  this  account  of  Khitci  is  contained  in  the  MS.  of  the 
Boyal  Asiatic  Society. 

"  VI.  A  history  of  the  children  of  Israel,  comprising  forty- 
eight  pages.  At  the  end  it  is  stated  that  this  history  is  to  be 
followed  by  that  of  the  Franks,  and  the  date  of  transcription  is 
said  to  be  the  month  Safar,  in  the  year  of  the  Flight  1082.  The 
first  portion  of  this  history  occurs  in  the  MS.  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society. 

"  YII.  A  history  of  the  Franks,  from  the  creation  of  Adam 
to  the  time  when  the  author  wrote,  viz.,  705th  year  of  the  Flight, 
giving  a  short  account  of  the  various  Emperors  and  Popes, 
amounting  to  little  more  than  a  list  of  mis-spelt  names.  It 
comprises  122  pages,  and  bears  the  date  of  Rabi'u-l-awwal,  in 
the  year  of  the  Flight  1082. 

"  VIII.  A  history  of  the  Sultans  of  Hind  and  of  the  Hindus. 
It  comprises  58  pages.  This  history  exists  in  the  MS.  of  the 
Eoyal  Asiatic  Society,  supplying  the  lacuna  in  that  M.S,  where 
about  six  pages  are  wanting. 

"  IX.  A  treatise  on  metempsychosis,  extracted  from  the  Tauzi- 
hdt-i  Rashidi  by  Eashidu-d  din.  This  treatise  comprises  12 
pages.  The  date  of  transcription  is  Eabi'u-1-awwal,  in  the  1082 
year  of  the  Flight ;  the  name  of  the  scribe  is  also  here  given, 
viz.,  Tahir  Ibn  Al  B4ki  Alayi. 

"  X.  The  general  preface  and  contents  of  the  whole  volume, 
headed,  '  This  is  the  book  of  the  collection  of  histories.'  This 
preface  comprises  eight  pages.  It  has  been  published,  with  a 
translation  by  M.  Quatremere,  in  the  first  volume  of  the  Col- 
lection Orientale. 

"XI.  The  first  volume  of  the  Jdmi'u-l  Tawdrikh,  entitled  the 
Tdrikh-i  Ohdzdni,  and  containing  an  account  of  the  Turks  and 
Mongols  to  the  time  of  Uljaitti  Khudd-banda,  who  reigned  when 
the  author  completed  his   work.     This  history  comprises   386 


JAMrU-T  TAWARrKH.  .  15 

pages,  and  was  transcribed  in  the  mouth  Sha'b^n,  and  the  year 
of  the  Flight  1082." 

By  comparing  this  table  of  contents  with  the  one  above  given 
by  Eashidu-d  din  himself,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  India-House 
Manuscript  does  not  contain  the  entire  work  ;  the  parts  deficient 
being  the  first  division  of  the  second  volume,  containing  the  life 
of  Uljaitu  Sultdn,  with  the  supplementary  journal,  and  the 
whole  of  the  third  volume,  containing  the  geography. 

It  is,  however,  very  probable  that  the  last  volume  was  never 
written,  for  we  nowhere  find  any  mention  amongst  Eastern 
authors  of  Eashidu-d  din  as  a  writer  on  geography ;  and  what 
gives  greater  colour  to  this  probability  is  that  he  intersperses 
some  of  his  narratives  with  geographical  details,  which,  in  many 
instances,  might  be  considered  to  supersede  the  necessity  of  any 
further  notice  in  a  separate  volume.  This  may  be  observed  in 
the  case  of  the  Geography  of  India,  his  account  of  which  has 
been  printed  in  Yol.  I.  of  this  work.  In  that  brief  account  he 
exhausts  all  that  was  then  known  to  the  Western  Asiatics  of  the 
geography  of  India,  and  he  could  therefore  merely  have  repeated 
in  the  third,  what  he  had  already  given  in  the  second  volume.^ 

It  does  not  appear  that  these  successive  discoveries  of  the 
Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrihh  in  English  collections  have  been  followed  by 
others  on  the  Continent  of  Europe.  None  have  been  announced 
from  Paris,  or  Leyden,  and  two  passages  in  the  preface  to  the 
Gesehichte  der  Goldenen  Sorde  (p.  xv.  and  xxi.)  show  that,  up  to 
1840,  no  copy  had  been  discovered  in  Germany.^ 

Mr.  Morley  perhaps  attached  a  little  too  much  importance  to 
his  discovery,  for  he  entertained  the  same  opinion  as  M.  Quatre- 
mere,  that  the  second  portion  of  the  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrihh  was 

'  [M.  Quatrem^re,  in  reply  to  this  opinion,  argues  in  favour  of  Eashfdn-d  din 
having  written  the  voliune  on  Geography,  and  says,  "  On  pent  done  conclnre,  avec 
certitude,  que  le  traite  de  gSographie  se  trouvait  compris  parmis  les  nombreux 
ouvrages  composes  par  I'auteur." — /.  des  Sav.  Sep.  1850.] 

2  [A  letter  of  Dr.  Dom's  in  1852  anffouuced  the  discovery  of  the  "  third  part  of 
Eashidu-d  dfn's  History"  in  the  Caucasus,  but  nothing  further  is  known  of  it. — 
Zeitsclmft,  D.  M-  (?•  fi.  406.] 


16  RASHrDU-D  DIN. 

altogether  lost.  To  him  is  certainly  due  the  credit  of  having 
rescued  it  from  oblivion,  but  the  work  is  by  no  means  so  much 
unknown  as  they  had  been  led  to  suppose.  Not  only  do  Mlrk- 
hond  and  the  author  of  the  Kimyd-i  Sa'ddat,  notice  it,  as  ob- 
served by  Professor  Forbes,  but  Sddik  Isfahdui  quotes  it  under 
the  article  "  Mdchin  "  in  his  Tahldliu-l  Trdb,  Muslihu-d  din-al- 
Lari  quotes  it  in  his  Mir-diu-l  Adwdr,  Hamdulla  Mustaufi  in  his 
Tdrikh-i  Gtczida,  Tahir  in  the  Rauzatii-t  Tdhirin,  Ahmad-al- 
Ghaffciri  in  his  Nigdristdn,  and  Haidar  Eazi  confesses  to  have  ex- 
tracted from  it  no  less  than  40,000  lines,  if  lait  may  be  so  trans- 
lated, when  referring  to  an  historical  work  in  prose. 

In  the  library  of  the  British  Museum  there  is  a  very  valuable 
copy  of  the  Persian  original  (No.  7623,  Addit.)  written  by 
different  transcribers  as  early  as  a.d.  1314,  four  years  before  the 
author's  death.  This  copy  was  noticed  by  Dr.  Bernhard  Dorn 
in  the  preface  to  his  "  History  of  the  Afghans,"  before  the 
appearance  of  the  articles  above  mentioned.  It  is  supposed  to 
have  belonged  to  Uljditu  Khdn,  and  to  have  come  subsequently 
into  the  possession  of  Shah  Rukh,  the  son  of  Tirnur.  It  would 
indeed  have  been  surprising  had  the  work  been  so  little  known  as 
is  supposed,  for  we  are  informed  in  the  Tdrikh-i  Wassdf  and 
Rauzatu-s  8afd,  that  the  author  expended  no  less  than  60,000 
dinars  in  the  transcription  and  binding  of  his  own  writings. 
Every  precaution  was  taken  by  him  to  secure  his  labours  from 
destruction,  and  considerable  revenues  were  set  aside  for  the 
purpose  of  copying  and  disseminating  them,  both  in  Arabic  and 
Persian,  throughout  the  most  considerable  cities  of  the  Muham- 
madan  world. 

I  know  of  no  copy  in  India,  except  the  Asiatic  Society's 
volume,  which  will  shortly  receive  more  particular  notice  ;  but 
an  exceedingly  valuable  portion  of  the  Persian  version,  com- 
prising the  account  of  India,  exists  in  the  Royal  Library  at 
Lucknow,  under  the  wrong  title  of  Tdrikh-i  Suhuktir/m.  It 
includes  portions  of  three  different  books,  for  it  begins  with 
the  history  of  Mahmud   Subuktigin  and   the   dynasty   of  the 


JAMI'U-T  TAWAErKH.  17 

G-haznivides,  and  contains  the  history  of  the  Kings  of  Khwarizm, 
the  Saljukians,  the  Buwaihides,  and  part  of  the  history  of  the 
Khalifs.  It  is  embellished  with  paintings  which  are  beyond  the 
average  degree  of  Asiatic  merit,  and  the  text  is  written  in  a  clear 
nashh  character,  comprising  one  hundred  and  five  folios,  with 
thirty-five  lines  to  a  page.  It  would  be  useful  for  the  purpose  of 
collation,  although  in  many  parts  it  is  written  very  incorrectly, 
especially  in  the  names  of  places,  where  accuracy  is  particularly 
desirable.  I  know  of  two  copies  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Ghdzdni,  but 
they  contain  no  portion  which  has  not  already  been  made  familiar 
to  the  public  by  the  French  edition  of  M.  Quatremere  noticed  above.' 
In  inquiries  after  this  work  care  must  be  taken  not  to  con- 
found the  Jdmi'u-r  Rashidi  with  the  Tdrikh-i  Rashidi,  which  is 
common  in  Hindustan,  and  derives  its  name  of  Rashidi  chiefly 
(though  other  reasons  are  assigned)  from  being  dedicated  to  the 
reigning  Kh^n  of  the  Mughals,  'Abdu-r-Rashid  Khan,  by  its 
author,  Mirza  Haidar  Dughlat  Grurgdn.  It  contains  nothing  re- 
specting the  History  of  India.  There  is  also  a  Turkish  work  of  the 
name  of  Jdmiu-t  Taicdrikh,  of  which  there  is  an  account  in  Von 
Hammer's  Geschichte  des  Osmanischen  Reichs  (Vol.  ix.  p.  180), 
and  which  the  same  author  quotes  as  one  of  his  authorities  in 
his  Geschichte  der  Assassinen.  It  was  composed  a.d.  1574,  and 
is  said  to  be  compiled  chiefly  from  the  Nizdmu-t  Tawdrikh  of 
Baizawi,  and  Bahjatu-t  Tawdrikh  oi  Shukru-lla.  There  is  also 
an  Arabic  History,  which,  from  similarity  of  name,  may  be 
mistaken  for  it,  the  Mukhtasar  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrikh,  by  Ibnu-1- 
Wdrdi,  a  valuable  general  History  from  1097  to  1543  a.d. 

1  Compare  Fundgruhen  des  Orients,  Vol.  V.  pp.  265-272.  Journal  des  Savants, 
1838,  pp.  501-514.  Klaproth,  Mem.  Tom.  I.  p.  393.  Vou  Hammer,  Qeschichte  der 
schonen  Sedelriinste  Persiens,  pp.  12,  242.  Dr.  Bernhard  Dorn,  Sist.  oftlie  Afghans, 
p.  XV.  Wilken,  Bisi.  Qhaznevidarum,  p.  xii.  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  Bengal, 
Vol.  IX.  p.  1131 ;  Vol.  X.  p.  934.  Sddik  Isfahdni,  p.  45.  Journal  Asiatique,  2nd 
Series,  Tom.  I.  p.  322 ;  3rd  Series,  No.  36,  pp.  571-589.  Collection  Orientate,  Vol. 
I.  pp.  1-175.  Journal  of  the  Soyal  Asiatic  Society,  Vol.  VI.  pp.  11-41 ;  Vol.  VII. 
pp.  267-272.  Geschichte  der  Jlchane,  Vol.  II.  pp.  150,  219,  243,  259-262.  M.  Abel 
Remusat,  Nomeaux  Melanges  Asiatiques,  Tom.  I.  pp.  138-441.  Eampoldi,  IX.  484. 
Mod.  Univ.  Sist.  III.  334.  Ha).  Khalfa  II.  509-611.  Klaprotli  in  Schmidt  and 
Joh.  Actorum  erud  Supplemenfa  Tom.  IX.  200.    D'Herbelot,  v.  "  Giame." 


18  EASHrDU-D  DrN. 

I  will  now  proceed  to  describe  the  volume  in  the  Asiatic 
Society's  library,  premising  that  it  was  copied  a.h.  1098,  and  is 
written  in  a  clear  nasta'lik  character : — 

I.  A  history  of  the  Saljuki  kings,  to  the  last  of  the  dynasty, 
Abti  Tdlib  Tughril,  son  of  Arsldn.  This  extends  to  p.  44,  where 
a  continuation  by  Abu  Hamid  Muhammad,  son  of  Ibrahim,  com- 
mences, comprising  also  the  history  of  the  Sultans  of  Khw&rizm, 
extending  from  pp.  44  to  64. 

II.  A  history  of  I/ghiiz  and  the  Turks,  From  pp.  65  to  77. 
The  epigraph  states  that  it  is  followed  by  a  history  of  China. 

III.  A  history  of  the  khdns  and  kings  of  Chin  and  Machin, 
and  of  the  capital  called  Khitd.  The  portraits  in  this  book 
almost  all  represent  the  kings  with  two  tails  below  their  caps. 
At  the  end  it  is  stated  that  this  chapter  is  followed  by  an  account 
of  the  Bani  Isrdil.     This  history  extends  from  pp.  78  to  114. 

IV.  A  history  of  the  children  of  Israil,  said  to  be  succeeded 
by  a  history  of  the  Franks  and  Kaisers.      From  pp.  115  to  156. 

Y.  This  book  is  divided  into  two  chapters  and  several  sections. 

Chapter  1st.  Adam  and  his  descendants. — Null  and  his  de- 
scendants.— Ibrahim  and  his  descendants  to  the  Virgin  Mary. — 
Moses. —  The  kings  of  Persia. — The  Greeks. —  The  Arabs. — 
Muhammad. — The  Mughals. — The  Khalifas  to  the  close  of  the 
'Abbdside  dynasty. 

Chapter  2nd.  On  the  belief  of  Christians. — The  country  of 
Armenia. — The  country,  seas,  and  islands  of  the  Franks. — The 
birth  of  the  Messiah. — The  Emperors  of  Rum. — The  Popes  and 
Kaisers,  with  fancy  portraits  intended  to  represent  each  of  these 
two  last. 

The  proper  sequence  is  interrupted  by  some  mistake  of  the 
binder,  but  the  whole  of  this  unconnected  book  extends  from  pp. 
157  to  467. 

VI.  A  history  of  Sultdn  Mahmiid  Subuktigin. — The  Grhazni- 
vides,  Samdnides,  and  Buwaihides.  The  subdivisions  of  this  book 
are  as  follows  : — 

Respecting  the  victory  of  Bust. — The  victory  of  Kuzdar. — 


JA'MI'U-T  TAWA'ErKH.  19 

Account  of  Sistdn.  — Regarding  K^iis  and  Fakhni-d .  daula.— . 
Concerning  the  restoration  of  Fakhrurd  daula  to  his  government, 
and  his  friendship  with  Hisamu-d  daula  Tash.  —  Respecting 
Abii-l  Hasan,  son  of  Simhiir,  and  his  administration  in  Khu- 
rasan, to  the  time  of  his  death,  and  the  succession  of  his  son 
Abii  'AH. — Regarding  Ffiik,  and  his  condition  after  his  defeat  at 
Marv. — Retirement  of  Niih,  son  of  Mansiir,  from  Bokhara,  and 
the  arrival  of  Bughrd  Khkn  at  Bokhdrd. — ^Regarding  Abii-l 
KAsim,  son  of  Slmhiir  and  brother  of  Abii  'Ali,  and  his  condition 
after  his  separation  from  his  brother. — The  Amiru-1  Muminin 
Al  Kadir  Bi-llah  confers  a  robe  of  honour  on  Sultan  Yaminu-d 
Daula. — The  return  of  'Abdu-1  Malik. — Abii  Ibrahim  Isma'il 
and  the  occurrences  between  him,  flak  Khan,  and  Amir  Nasr, 
son  of  Ndsiru-d  din. — Regarding  the  SAmani  Amirs,  and  the 
occurrences  of  their  reigns. — Relating  to  the  friendship  and 
enmity  between  Nasiru-d  din  Subuktigin,  and  Khalaf,  son  of 
Ahmad,  and  the  assumption  of  the  reins  of  government  by  the 
SultSn. — Respecting  Shamsu-1  Ma'dli  Kdbus,  and  his  return  to 
his  country.  The  friendship  and  subsequent  enmity  between  the 
Sultan  and  Tlak  KhSn. — Relating  to  the  sacred  war  of  Bhatiyah. 
— Respecting  the  capture  of  the  fort  of  Bhfm. — Regarding  the 
family  of  the  khalif  Al  Kadir  Bi-llah,  and  his  government. — His 
attachment  to  the  Saltan  and  Bahau-d  Daula,  son  of  'Azdu-d 
Daula. — An  account  of  Bahdu-d  Daula. — Respecting  the  affair 
at  Nardin. — Relating  to  the  sacred  war  of  Ghor. — Regarding  the 
traitors  after  their  return  from  Mdwarau-n  Nahr. — Relatins:  to 
the  retirement  of  Bughrd  Khan  from  Bokhara,  and  the  return  of 
Niih,  son  of  Mansiir,  to  his  home. — Respecting  the  Afghans. — 
Amir  Nasru-d  din,  son  of  Nasiru-d  din  Subuktigin. — The  reign 
of  Muhammad,  son  of  Mahmud. — The  reign  of  Abu-1  Fath 
Maudiid,  son  of  Mas'dd,  son  of  Mahmud.   From  pp.  468  to  523. 

VII.  On  Hind  and  Sind  and   Shakmuni,  divided  into  the 
following  chapters  and  sections  : — 

Chapter  1st.  On  eras  and  revolutions. — The  measurement  of 
the  earth. — On  the  four  jugs. — The  hills  and  waters  of  Hind. 


20  RASHrDTT-D  DrN. 

— On  its  countries,  cities,  and  towns. — On  the  islands. — The 
Sultins  of  Dehli. — The  birth  of  Basdeo,  and  the  kings  of  India 
preceding  Mahmiid. — On  Kashmir,  its  hills,  waters,  and  cities. — 
An  account  of  the  kings  of  the  Tritd  jug. — The  kings  of  the 
Dwapar  jiig. — The  kings  of  the  Kal  jiig. 

Chapter  2nd.  An  account  of  the  prophets  of  the  Hindus,  of 
whom  there  are  six  of  the  highest  class,  Shakmiini  being  the 
sixth. — On  the  hirth  of  Shakmuni. — On  the  properties  and  signs 
of  a  perfect  man. — On  the  character,  conduct,  and  sayings  of 
Shakmuni. — On  the  austerities  of  Shakmuni,  and  his  incorpora- 
tion with  the  divine  essence.'^ — Further  proceedings  of  Shakmuni. 
— On  his  appearance  in  various  forms. — On  the  knowledge  of 
certain  prayers  addressed  to  Grod. — On  the  different  degrees  of 
metempsychosis,  and  the  number  of  hells. — How  a  man  can 
become  a  god. — How  a  man  can  escape  from  the  form  of  a  beast. 
— How  a  man  can  escape  from  the  form  of  another  man. — On 
the  difference  between  men  and  angels. — On  the  questions  put  to 
Shakmuni  by  the  angels. — On  the  information  given  by  Shak- 
muni respecting  another  prophet. — On  the  rewards  of  paradise 
and  the  punishments  of  hell,  and  the  injunctions  and  prohibitions 
of  Shakmuni. — On  the  establishment  of  his  religion  in  Hind 
and  Kashmir. — On  the  death  of  Shakmuni,  and  the  events 
which  followed.     From  pp.  524  to  572. 

VIII.  An  essay  in  refutation  of  the  doctrine  of  transmigra- 
tion, extracted  from  the  Tauzihdt-i  Rashkli.  From  pp.  572  to  581. 

Size — Large  folio,  containing  581  pages,  of  30  lines  to  a  page. 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  this  volume  comprises  the  same 
matter  as  the  East  India  House  MS.,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Tdrikh-i  Ghdzdni,  of  which  that  MS.  contains  the  first  portion. 
The  arrangement,  however,  of  the  several  books  is  very  different, 
as  will  be  evident  to  any  one  who  feels  disposed  to  compare  them. 

[The  portion  of  the  JdniV  which  relates  to  the  geography  of 
India  has  been  printed  in  Yol.  I.  of  this  work  (page  42)  j  and 
that  which  describes  the  conflict  of  Jalalu-d  din  Khwarizm  Shdh 
with  Changlz  Kh4n,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Indus,  will  be  found 


JAMI'TJ-T  TAWARrKH.  .  21 

in  the  Appendix  to  Vol.  II., (page  550).  The  following  extract  is 
taken  from  the  commencement  of  the  history  of  the  Ghaznivides 
(Chap.  II.  MS.  E.  I.  L.     Chap.  IV.  MS.  As.  Soc.  of  Bengal).] 

EXTRACT. 

It  has  been  before  mentioned  in  the  history  of  TJghuz,  son 
of  Dib  Yfiwaghui/  that  his  sons  and  descendants  were  all  kings 
in  succession  down  to  the  time  of  the  mission  of  the  chief  of  the 
apostles  and  seal  of  the  prophets  —  Muhammad,  the  chosen, 
(may  God  bless  him  and  his  descendants  !) 

Tughril  ruled  in  the  city  of  Marv  for  twenty  years,  and  after 
his  death  Tuk^k  sat  in  his  place ;  he  reigned  seven  years,  and 
was  contemporary  with  the  companions  of  the  prophet.  When  he 
died,  Dukuz  Y4waghui  was  raised  to  the  throne  and  reigned 
twelve  entire  years.  After  his  death,  Saman  (or  the  noble  born) 
was  exalted  to  the  sovereignty  in  the  country  of  Mawarau-n  nahr, 
and  he  it  is  whom  the  Tfeiks  (Turks)  call  Sam^n  Jad^,  since  he 
was  the  ancestor  of  all  the  Sdmanians.  After  him  the  sovereignty 
was  given  to  Ughum  Yawaghtii.  He  was  succeeded  by  Kukam 
Ydwaghui,  who  was  a  mere  boy  near  the  age  of  puberty.  The 
nobles  managed  the  administration  of  the  kingdom  and  the 
appointment  of  its  governors. 

All  at  once  an  enemy,  by  name  Far^shib,^  brought  an  army 
from  all  parts  of  the  country  against  him,  and  oppressed  both 
Turks   and  Arabs.^      After   some   hard   fighting   the   army    of 

'  XJgliliz  was  the  son  of  Kar&  Khto,  son  of  Dib  T^waghtii,  son  of  Uljii,  son  of 

Y&flt.  Dib  T&waghui  ^^ijl)  m  the  history  of  Ughuz  is  called  Dib  Bawakii  Kh^n, 
and  it  is  stated  that  Dib  signifies  a  throne  and  magnificence,  and  Bkwakd  a  chief  of 
the  grandees.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  fix  the  orthography  of  the  names  of  the 
earlier  Mongols,  as  they  are  spelt  dififerently  in  the  various  portions  of  each  MS. 
where  they  occur.  The  reading  TiwaghCii  is  favoured  by  the  majority  of  the  read- 
ings, but  the  name  occiirs  with  ten  or  a  dozen  different  spellings.  [This  uncertainty 
of  spelling  has  already  been  remarked  upon  (Vol.  II.  p.  266^ .  The  forms  of  one  well- 
known  name  are  so  numerous  and  various,  from  "Altamsh"  to  "  Ilitmish,"  that  they 
are  scarcely  to  be  identified,  except  by  the  initiated.] 

^  [Sometimes  written  Kar&shib.  ] 

^  [The  meaning  of  this  is  not  obvious.   tXi  c^s."*  ^jVi  j  1.1$^'  j] 


22  EASHrDTJ-D  DIN, 

Kukam  Y^waghui  was  overcome  and  put  to  flight.  The  enemy- 
plundered  his  house  and  took  his  infant  brother  a  prisoner  and 
endeavoured  to  capture  Uljdi. 

The  forces  of  Kukam  Yawaghui  again  collected  and  recovered 
strength.  With  a  feeling  of  honour  and  pride  they  all,  men, 
women,  and  children,  pursued  Far'ashib.  They  slew  and  scattered 
his  followers,  and,  returning  victorious  and  triumphant,  occupied 
themselves  in  managing  the  affairs  of  their  government.  After 
a  few  years  the  infant  brother  of  Kukam,  whom  they  called 
Sarang,  and  who  was  kept  in  abject  captivity,  when  he  attained 
the  age  of  manhood,  sent  to  his  brother  Kukam  and  asked  him 
to  despatch  an  army  for  his  succour.  Kukam  Yawaghui  sent  a 
thousand  brave  men  of  war  and  warriors  against  Farashib.  When 
the  two  armies  confronted  each  other,  Sarang  went  over  and 
joined  his  brother's  army.  A  great  conflict  ensued.  At  last  the 
battle  ceased,  and  both  parties  retired  to  their  respective  camps. 
Sarang  related  his  whole  story  before  his  brother,  and  said  the 
enemy  had  given  him  the  office  of  Sarhang  ^  and  porter.  Kukam 
Yawaghui  said :  "  Let  this  treatment  here  recoil  upon  him.^  " 

Kukam  ruled  twenty  years,  when  he  died  suddenly.  Sarang 
kept  his  brother  in  a  coffin  in  his  house  for  a  whole  year,  and 
pretended  that  he  was  lying  sick.  He  himself  managed  and 
carried  on  the  affairs  of  government.  After  the  lapse  of  a  year 
the  nobles  assembled  and  told  Sarang  that  he  should  show  his 
brother  to  them  if  living,  and  if  dead  he  should  no  longer  conceal 
the  fact,  but  seat  himself  upon  the  throne.  Sarang  wept  and 
confessed  that  his  brother  had  been  dead  a  year  past,  but  as 
he  had  numerous  enemies,  he  had  kept  his  death  concealed. 
After  this  he  brought  out  the  corpse  of  his  brother  and  buried  it. 
He  then  mounted  the  throne  and  ruled  for  ten  years. 

liiJiijytjl  tf'Vj'^  J-W^'  iS-^j^-  The  word  sarAaM^  musfe  here  bear  its 
baser  meaning  of  "  Serjeant,  footsoldier,  guardsman,''  and  is  probably  connected  with 
the  name  Sarang,  which  indeed  is  written  "  Sarhang"  in  one  instance.] 


Ji^MI'U-T  TAWAErKH.  23 

When  he  died  his  sou  ^  Subuktigin  was  named  king.  He  was 
a  Turk,  in  whom  the  signs  of  generosity  and  courage  were 
apparent,  and  whose  actions  and  sayings  gave  proofs  of  his 
future  prosperity.  He  was  a  descendant  of  Dib  Yawaghui,  who 
belonged  to  the  house  of  Ughuz.^ 

In  the  reign  of  Mansur  bin  Niih  Samani,  during  the  chamber- 
lainship  of  Abii  Is'hak,  Alptigin  was  appointed  commanfler  of 
the  army  of  Khurasan,  and  the  management  of  all  the  affairs  (of 
that  country),  and  the  control  of  all  the  servants,  officers,  and  troops 
were  entrusted  to  his  care.  Afterwards  he  was  sent  to  Ghazna,  and 
the  government  of  that  place  was  conferred  on  him.  When  Abu 
Is'hak  came  to  Ghazna,  after  a  short  time  he  died,  and  as  there 
was  no  one  of  his  family  fitted  for  the  sovereignty,  all  the  nobles^ 
assembled  and,  with  one  accord  and  by  the  general  voice,  con- 
sented to  the  chiefship  and  sovereignty  of  N^siru-d  din  Su- 
buktigin. 

'  [jj  J,^  JjJ  jJbLijLj  Ij^^-i^-:  fj^j^  '-^^^V.  '-^^^  U^?"J 

2  [In  both  MSS.— E.  I.  L.  and  B.  M.— Dfb  is  here  caUed  the  grandson  of  TJghiSz, 
but  at  the  beginning  of  this  extract  he  is  called  the  father,  and  he  was  in  fact  the 

grandfather  of  t/ghtiz,  !sS\ilS  LS*>y^.   '-;-»,■',  i^  (J^  J^  lS'^  ^j\jSxJt  j\ 
^  Sam-kundn,  compeers. 


24 


XL 


TAZJIYATU-L  AMSAR  WA  TAJRIYATU-L  A'S^R 


OF 


'ABDF-LLAH,  WASSAF.i 

[The  author  of  this  history,  'Abdu-llah,  son  of  Fazlu-Uah,  of 
Shirdz,  is  commonly  known  by  his  hterary  name  Wassdf,  the  Pa- 
negyrist. The  title  which  he  has  given  to  his  work,  "A  Eamble 
through  the  Regions  and  the  Passing  of  Ages,"  is  quite  in  keeping 
with  its  florid  style.  Different  readings  of  the  title  are  common, 
and,  for  simplicity's  sake,  the  work  is  often  called  Tdrikh-i  Wassdf. 
The  date  of  the  work,  as  given  in  the  preface,  is  the  last  day  of 
Sha'bdn  699  (March  1300),  and  the  first  four  volumes  were  pub- 
lished about  that  time,  for  Rashidu-d  din  borrowed  from  them, 
as  has  been  already  stated.  But  Wassdf  subsequently  resumed 
his  labours,  and,  adding  another  volume  to  his  history,  brought 
the  work  down  to  the  year  728  (1328  a.b.) 

Rashidu-d  din,  the  wazir  of  Uljaitu  and  author  of  the  Jdmi'u-t 
Tawdrikh,  was,  as  we  have  seen,  more  of  a  compiler  than  an 
author,  but  he  had  a  just  appreciation  of  those  from  whom  he 
had  borrowed,  and  was  ready  to  acknowledge  and  requite  his 
obligations.  He  extended  his  patronage  to  'Abdu-llah,  the 
author  of  the  history  before  us,  and  under  his  auspices  the  author 
presented  his  work  to  the  Sultan  Ulj^itu  on  the  24  Muharram 

1  [Sir  H.  Elliot,  having  lost  his  Biographical  Notice  of  Wassftf,  has  left  only  a 
few  notes  which  come  in  at  the  end  of  this  article.  The  editor  has  di-awn  the  fii-st 
part  of  the  article  in  great  part  from  D'Ohsson.] 


TAZJITATU-L  AMSA'E.  25 

712  (June,  1312).  This  introduction  had  heen  long  desired  by 
'Abdu-llah,  and  when  he  obtained  it  he  recited  an  ode  on  the 
succession  of  the  Sultan,  and  another  in  praise  of  his  city  of 
Sultaniya.  These  productions  were  so  full  of -metaphors  that  the 
sovereign  was  many  times  obliged  to  ask  for  explanations,  but  in 
the  end  he  was  so  gratified  that  he  conferred  on  the  writer  a  robe 
of  honour  and  the  title  "■Wassdfu-l  Sazrat,  Panegyrist  of  his 
Majesty."  In  one  of  his  chapters  the  writer  dilates  upon  this 
incident  with  much  self-complacency. 

This  work  takes  up  the  history  at  the  point  where  the  Jahdn 
Kushd  closes,  and  was  designed  as  a  continuation  of  that  work, 
of  which  Wassaf  expresses  the  highest  opinion,  and  on  which  he 
expends  a  laboured  panegyric.  The  facts  recorded  in  the  work 
the  author  professes  to  have  gathered  from  the  oral  accounts  of 
trustworthy  persons. 

The  history  opens  with  the  death  of  Mangii  Khan  and  the 
accession  of  Kublai  Khan.  In  the  third  and  fourth  volumes  it 
gives  some  notices  of  India,  from  which  the  following  extracts 
are  taken.  The  fourth  volume  closes  with  a  summary  retrospect 
of  the  reigns  of  Changlz  Kh4n  and  his  immediate  successors. 
The  fifth  volume,  subsequently  written,  is  principally  occupied 
with  the  reign  of  Abu  Sa'id.  As  a  history  of  the  Mongol 
dynasty  the  work  is  held  in  the  highest  estimation.  There  is 
not  much  in  the  work  directly  relating  to  India^  and  the  extracts 
which  follow  this  give  all  that  is  of  importance  in  respect  of 
that  country. 

D'Ohsson  has  made  great  use  of  this  work  in  his  History  of 
the  Mongols,  in  which  he  often  refers  to  it  and  quotes  it. 
Hammer-Purgstall  made  it  the  object  of  his  especial  attention, 
and  has  noticed  it  in  several  of  his  writings.  He  says  "the 
history  of  Wassaf,  so  far  as  regards  style,  holds  the  same 
position  in  Persian  as  the  Makamat  of  Hariri  in  Arabic,  being 
an  unapproachable  model  of  rhetoric,  and  also,  in  the  opinion  of 
the  Persians  of  historic  art."  He  describes  and  dilates  upon  its 
difficulties,  but  is  enthusiastic  upon  its  merits  as  a  literary  com- 


26  "WASSAF. 

position,  rating  it  above  Hariri,  "because  Wassaf  has  decked  the 
highly-embellished  pages  of  his  historical  narrative  with  the 
choicest  flowers  of  Arabic  and  Persian  poetry,  and  has  worked 
with  equal  labour  and  accuracy  on  the  limited  subject  of  geo- 
graphy and  in  the  wide  field  of  history."  Sir  H.  Elliot,  while 
admitting  the  style  of  Wassdf  to  be  highly  elaborated,  considers 
Hammer's  description  of  it  to  be  rather  overdrawn.]  He  says 
Hammer,  in  his  notice  of  Aibak's  reign,  makes  Wassaf  to  exceed 
the  Tdju-l  Ma-dsir  in  ornateness,  but  this  is  not  possible.  In 
the  extracts  which  follow,  and  which  do  not  amount  to  one- 
fortieth  part  of  Wassaf,  there  is  more  real  matter  on  India 
than  in  a  far  greater  extent  of  the  Tdj\  though  the  latter  work 
is  specially  devoted  to  that  country. 

Wassdf's  reflections  and  opinions  are  judicious  and  appropriate, 
as  where  he  speaks  of  'Aldu-d  din  slaying  the  ambassadors. 
He  was  partial  to  introducing  Arabic  words  and  phrases  into  his 
history  ;  indeed  some  whole  chapters  are  written  in  Arabic.  The 
extract,  for  instance,  which  is  given  below,  respecting  the  con- 
quest of  Somnat,  is  in  Arabic,  avowedly  in  imitation  of  'Utbi. 
The  first  extract  respecting  Java  has  the  Arabic  words  in  italics 
in  order  to  show  their  prevalence  in  his  ordinary  style.  Some  of 
the  extracts  are  literal  and  some  are  abstract  translations,  with 
the  omission  of  all  superfluous  words ;  but  Wassdf  is  so  full  of 
useful  historical  matter  that,  after  divesting  his  volume  of  all 
redundancies  we  should  reduce  them  to  only  half  their  size, 
whereas,  were  the  Tdju-l  Ma-dsir  subjected  to  a  similar  process, 
not  more  than  one-hundredth  part  of  it  would  remain. 

[An  edition  of  Wassaf  in  lithograph,  with  a  vocabulary  of 
difficult  words,  was  published  at  Bombay  in  1853,  and  in  1856  ■ 
Hammer-Purgstall  published  the  first  book  of  the  text  with  a 
German  translation,  most  beautifully  printed  in  the  Imperial 
printing  office  at  Yienna.  The  further  publication  of  the  work 
has  been  interrupted  by  the  death  of  the  veteran  and  hard- 
working orientalist. 

[In  Sir   H.  Elliot's  library  there   is  only  the  4th  book  of 


TAZJIYATU-L  AMSAE.  27 

Wassaf,  and  some  loose  leaves  containing  the  text  of  the  ex- 
tracts printed  below,  very  badly  copied.  The  work  is  not  rare 
in  Europe,  for  several  libraries  contain  copies.]  ^ 

EXTRACTS.^ 

Conquest  of  the  Island  of  Mul  Java? 

Among  the  easy  conquests  during  the  time  of  the  reign  of 
Kublai  Khan  was  that  of  the  island  of  Miil  J^va,  one  of  the 
countries  of  Hind,  in  the  months  of  the  year  691  h.  Having 
appointed  "  a  leader  of  an  army  who  was  a  seeker  of  battle,"  he 
despatched  him  with  extreme  splendour  and  immense  preparations 
"  upon  ships  traversing  the  waves  of  the  sea."  When  the  men  of 
the  expedition  had  brought  their  ships  to  anchor  at  the  shore  of 
their  desire,  they  brought  under  the  bondage  of  their  acquisi- 
tion, through  fear  of  the  attack  of  their  swords,  an  island  which 
could  scarcely  be  called  an  island,  as  it  was  no  less  than  two 
hundred  parasangs  long  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  broad. 

The  ruler  of  that  country,  Sri  ES.m,  intended  to  pay  his 
respects  to  his  majesty  with  offerings  and  humble  representations, 
but  predestined  death  did  not  grant  him  the  power  of  moving 

^  See  Hammer-Purgstall,  Cfesehichte  der  schone  Bede&iinste  Fersiens.  Ges.  des 
Osmanisehen  Meichs.  Die  Ldndeverwaltung  unter  dem  ChalifaU.  Ilohame  II.  passim 
and  Goldme  Horde,  Index.  Noiweau  Jour.  Asiat.  XII.  1838.  Ouseley,  Persian 
Foets,  p.  230.  Fmdgruben  des  Or.  I.  113,  VI.  274.  Diez,  Benhwardigkeiten  I.  272. 
Noim.  Mel.  As.  I.  437.    Eampoldi,  Annali,  1849,  p.  48. 

*  [A11  these  extracts  from  Wassif  were  either  translated  or  very  extensively  cor- 
rected by  Sir  H.  Elliot  himself.] 

'  D'Ohsson  {Histoire  des  Mongols,  II.  464)  does  not  enter  this  expedition  ia  his 
text,  but  mentions  it  only  in  a  note.  But  from  other  authorities  he  gives  an  account 
of  a  naval  expedition  in  1293,  against  Tche-po  or  Koua-oua,  which  he  thinks  may 
probably  refer  to  the  Isle  of  Ja.va.  The  " Xawlsprache"  applied  to  the  language  of 
Java  gave  this  supposition  great  probability,  but  Wass&f  and  EasWdu-d  din  both 
ascribe  the  expedition  to  1292.  The  testimony  of  Marco  Polo  (Edinburgh  Ed. 
p.  278),  that  "  on  account  of  the  long  and  difficult  navigation,  the  great  Kh&n  never 
could  acquire  dominion  over  J&va"  is  of  no  value,  because,  as  he  left  China  in  1291, 
he  must  have  reached  the  island  before  the  expedition  sailed  for  it.  Mills  considers 
the  island  to  have  been  Borneo. — Sislory  of  Muhammedanism,  p.  212.  See  Col. 
rule's  Cathay,  pi  618. 


28  WASSAF. 

from  that  place.  Afterwards  his  son  came  to  the  foot  of  the 
sublime  throne  and  acquired  abundant  good  fortune  by  the  be- 
stowal of  favours  and  Mndnesses  without  stint;  and  his  majesty, 
after  fixing  an  annual  tribute  in  gold  and  the  pearls  of  that 
country,  confirmed  him  in  the  possession  of  it. 

The  trite  account  of  that  country  is,  that  it  is  a  portion  pf  the 
portions  of  the  ocean  full  of  accumulated  curiosities  and  abundant 
wealth,  v/ith  plenty  of  all  kinds  of  treasures  and  precious  jeioels,  and 
charming  products  of  ingenuity,  and  honourable  gifts  of  merchan- 
dise, displaying  the  contrivances  of  the  incomparable  one.  That 
country  and  all  around  it  is  fragrant  with  the  odours  of  aloe-wood 
and  cloves,  and  plains  and  precincts  are  vocal  with  the  notes  of 
parrots,  saying,  "  I  am  a  garden,  the  shrubs  of  which  are  envied 
by  the  freshness  of  the  garden  of  Paradise,"  etc.,  and  so  forth. 


Eulogium  upon  the  Countries  of  Hind. 

India,  according  to  the  concurrent  opinion  of  all  writers,  is 
the  most  agreeable  abode  on  the  earth,  and  the  most  pleasant 
quarter  of  the  world.  Its  dust  is  purer  than  air,  and  its  air 
purer  than  purity  itself;  its  delightful  plains  resemble  the  garden 
of  Paradise,  and  the  particles  of  its  earth  are  like  rubies  and 
corals.^ 

Some  commentators  upon  the  Kur&n,  in  the  explanation  of  the 
account  of  Adam — (Peace  be  to  him  !) — have  stated,  that  when 
our  first  father,  having  received  the  order  to  "  go  down,"  was 
about  to  descend  from  the  gardens  pleasant  to  the  soul  and 
delightful  to  the  eye,  to  the  wretched  world  below,  the  all- 
embracing  grace  of  God  made  some  of  the  mountains  of  the 

1  This  opening  sentence  is  the  same  as  the  one  -which  commences  the  account  of 
India  in  the  rare  Geographical  ■work,  called  Bahru-l  hulddn.  It  is  a  translation  of 
the  Asdru-l  bildd  of  Zakariya  Kazwini,  with  a  few  alterations  and  additions,  of  which 
this  is  one.  Another  passage  is  taken  from  WassWs  Chapter  on  the  history  of 
Dehli.    [See  Vol.  I.  of  this  work,  p.  94.]. 


TAZJITATTI-L  AMSXE.  29 

Isle  of  Ceylon  to  be  the  place  of  his  descent. ^  This  land  is 
distinguished  from  all  parts  of  the  globe  by  its  extreme  temper- 
ateness,  and  by  the  purity  of  its  water  and  air.  If  he  had 
fallen  at  once  from  the  best  to  the  worst,  the  change  would  have 
caused  the  annihilation  of  his  health  and  the  destruction  of  his 
limbs.  Indeed,  the  charms  of  the  country  and  the  softness  of 
the  air,  together  with  the  variety  of  its  wealth,  precious  metals, 
stones,  and  other  abundant  productions,  are  beyond  description. 
The  leaves,  the  bark,  and  the  exudations. of  the  trees,  the  grass, 
and  the  woods  of  that  country  are  cloves,  spikenard,  aloe-wood, 
sandal,  camphor,  and  the  fragrant  wood  of  Mandal.  White 
amber  is  the  dreops  of  its  sea,  and  its  indigo  and  red  Bakham 
wood  are  cosmetics  and  rouge  for  the  face  ;  the  thorns  and 
wormwoods  of  its  fields  are  regulators  of  the  source  of  life,  and 
are  useM  electuaries  in  the  art  of  healing  for  the  throes  of 
adverse  fortune ;  its  icy  water  is  a  ball  of  mumiya  for  the  frac- 
tures of  the  world ;  and  the  benefits  of  its  commerce  display  the 
peculiarities  of  alchemy  ;  the  hedges  of  its  fields  refresh  the 
heart  like  the  influence  of  the  stars  ;  and  the  margins  and  edges 
of  its  regions  are  bed-fellows  of  loveliness  ;  its  myrobalans  impart 
the  blackness  of  youthful  hair ;  and  its  peppercorns  put  the  mole 
of  the  face  of  beauty  on  the  fire  of  envy ;  its  rubies  and  cor- 
nelians are  like  the  lips  and  cheeks  of  charming  girls  ;  its  light- 
shedding  recesses  are  all  mines  of  coined  gold  ;  and  its  treasuries 
and  depositories  are  like  oceans  full  of  polished  gems ;  its  trees 
are  in  continual  freshness  and  verdure ;  and  the  zephyrs  of  its  air 
are  pure  and  odoriferous  ;  the  various  birds  of  its  boughs  are 
sweet-singing  parrots ;  and  the  pheasants  of  its  gardens  are  all 
like  graceful  peacocks, — 

"If  it  is  asserted  that  Paradise  is  in  India, 
Be  not  surprised  because  Paradise  itself  is  not  comparable  to  it." 

1  The  Oriental  tradition  runs,  that  when  our  first  parents  were  cast  out  of  Paradise, 
Adam  descended  in  Ceylon,  Eve  at  Jidda,  the  peacock  in  Hindustan,  the  serpent  at 
Ispah&n,  and  Iblls  at  Mult6.n,  or,  according  -to  some,  Sist5,n.  Eespecting  the  print  of 
Adam's  foot,  and  its  veneration  equally  by  Buddhists  and  Musulm&ns,  see  Eeinaud's 
Geo.  d'  Aboulf^da,  Trad.  Franc.  Tom.  II.  p,  88. 


30  "WASSAF. 

If  any  one  suppose  that  these  selected  epithets  exceed  all 
bounds,  and  think  the  author  indulges  in  exaggeration  and  hy- 
perbole, let  him,  after  a  deep  reflection  on  this  matter,  ask  his 
own  heart  whether,  since  the  days  of  Adam  till  the  present, 
from  East  to  West  or  from  North  to  South,  there  has  ever  been  a 
country,  to  which  people  export  gold,  silver,  commodities,  and  curi- 
osities, and  from  which,  in  exchange,  they  bring  away  only  thorns, 
dregs,  dust,  pebbles,  and  various  aromatic  roots,  and  from  which 
money  has  never  been  sent  to  any  place  for  the  purchase  of  goods. 
If,  by  the  will  of  God;  he  still  deems  my  narrative  to  be  over- 
charged with  hyperbole,,  still  he  must  admit  these  praises  to  be 
deservedly  and  justly  applied.  With  all  its  diverse  qualities  and 
properties,  it  is  reported  that  the  extent  of  that  territory  is  equal 
to  the  breadth  of  heaven. 

Before  proceeding  further  in  this  matter,  I  am  anxious  to  give 
an  account  of  the  seven  climates,  and  of  the  shape  of  the  habit- 
able part  of  the  earth,  the  measure  of  the  surface  of  which 
having  been  ascertained  by  geometrical  demonstration  and  the 
figures  of  Euclid,  has  been  recorded  in  the  books  of  that  philo- 
sopher. Although  it  has  no  great  connection  with  this  book, 
yet  my  desire  is  that  my  readers  may  be  acquainted  with  the 
extent  of  these  regions  and  the  countries  of  that  inhabited  quarter 
of  the  world.  The  whole  surface  of  the  planisphere  of  the  earth 
is  divided  into  four  equal  parts  by  the  intersection  of  two  great 
circles,  one  proceeding  east  and  one  west,  and  the  other  the 
meridian,  which  crosses  it  at  right  angles.  Two  of  the  quarters 
lie  to  the  north,  one  eastern,  the  other  western  ;  and  two  to  the 
south,  one  eastern,  and  one  western.  Of  these  four  quarters  the 
north-eastern  quarter  is  habitable,  and  contains  the  climates ; 
and  even  within  this  quarter  the  high  northern  latitude,  on 
account  of  extreme  cold,  is  not  habitable  by  animals,  and  the 
southern  hemi-planisphere  is  also  not  habitable  on  account  of 
excessive  heat.  The  area  of  the  whole  globe  (sea  and  land)  is 
132,416,400  mils,  and  the  area  of  the  habitable  part  is  8,143,300 
parasangs,  which  is  equal  to  24,429,900  mils.i 

1  This  is  again  subdiyided  in  the  text  into  yards,  into  digits,  and  into  barleycorns. 


TAZJITATU-L  AMSAE.  31 

'  It  is  related  by  sufficient  informants,  experienced  travellers, 
who  have  long  fixed  their  staff  in  the  country  of  Hind  and  raised 
the  standards  of  enquiry  and  research,  that  the  length,  breadtli, 
and  the  number  of  its  most  celebrated  provinces  are  as  follows  : — 
Malibar,  from  the  borders  of  Khor^  to  the  country  of  Kulam,  is 
about  300  parasangs  ;  that  Bula,^  from  the  beginning  of  Kambayat 
to  the  borders  of  Malibar,  is  more  than  400  parasangs ;  that 
Sawalik  contains  125,000  cities  and  villages  ;  and  Mdlwa 
1,893,000  towns  and  villages.  And  it  may  be  about  thirty 
years  previous  to  my  laying  the  foundation  of  this  book  that  the 
king  of  M^lwci  died,  and  dissension  arose  between  his  son  and 
minister.  After  long  hostilities  and  much  slaughter,  each  of 
them  acquired  possession  of  a  part  of  that  country.  In  conse- 
quence of  these  disturbances,  every  year  incursions  are  made  into 
it  from  most  parts  of  Hind,  much  property  and  wealth,  and 
captives,  and  fine  linen  {kirbds)  are  carried  off,  and  as  yet  no 
change  (for  the  better)  has  taken  place. 

Gujarat,  which  is  commonly  called  Kambayat,  contains  70,000 
villages  and  towns,  all  populous,  and  the  people  abound  in  wealth 
and  luxuries.  In  the  course  of  the  four  seasons  of  the  year 
seventy  different  species  of  beautiful  flowers  grow  within  that 
province.  "  The  purity  of  its  air  is  so  great  that  if  the  picture 
of  an  animal  is  drawn  with  the  pen,  it  is  life-like.  And  it  is 
another  matter  of  wonder  that  many  plants  and  herbs  are  found 
wild  and  uncultivated  there.  You  may  always  see  the  ground  full 
of  tulips  even  in  the  winter  season.  The  air  is  healthy  and  the 
earth  picturesque,  neither  too  warm  nor  too  cool,  but  in  perpetual 
spring."  The  winter  cultivation  is  brought  about  only  through 
the  moistness  of  dew,  called  Idrasi.  When  that  harvest  is  over 
they  begin  summer  cultivation,  which  is  dependent  upon  the 
influence  of  the  rain.  The  vineyards  in  this  country  bring  forth 
blue  grapes  twice  a  year ;  and  the  strength  of  the  soil  is  so  great 

"  Compare  EasWdu-d  din's  accoimt  in  Vol.  I.  p,  67.] 

2  [See  an  article  by  Col.  Yule,  to  appear  in  the  Jour.  S.A.S.  New  Series,  Vol.  IV.] 

3  [This  name  is  so  transcribed  by  Sir  H.  Elliot.  In  Hs  Persian  extracts  the  line 
in  which  the  name  occurs  has  been  subseijuently  added  in  pencil ;  the  name  there 
reads  "  Dewal."] 


32  WASSAF. 

that  the  cotton  plants  spread  their  branches  like  willows  and 
plane  trees,  and  yield  produce  for  several  years  successively. 

Had  the  author  full  leisure  to  express  fully  the  circumstances 
of  that  country,  and  to  ascertain  them  from  trustworthy  men 
and  historians,  and  to  devote  a  long  period  of  his  Hfe  to  explain 
them,  still  he  would  not  be  able  to  record  even  a  portion  of  the 
marvels  and  excellences  of  that  country. 

***** 

Ma'bar  extends  in  length  from  Kulam  to  Nil4war  (Nellore), 
nearly  three  hundred  parasangs  along  the  sea-coast,  and  in  the 
language  of  that  country  the  king  is  called  Dewar,  which  signifies 
the  Lord  of  Empire.  The  curiosities  of  Chin  and  Machin, 
and  the  beautiful  products  of  Hind  and  Sind,  laden  on  large 
ships  (which  they  call  junks),  sailing  like  mountains  with  the 
wings  of  the  winds  on  the  surface  of  the  water,  are  always 
arriving  there.  The  wealth  of  the  Isles  of  the  Persian  Gulf  in 
particular,  and  in  part  the  beauty  and  adornment  of  other 
countries,  from  'Irak  and  Khurasan  as  far  as  Rum  and  Europe, 
are  derived  from  Ma'bar,  which  is  so  situated  as  to  be  the  key  of 
Hind.i 

A  few  years  since  the  Dewar  was  Sundar  Pandi,^  who  had 
three  brothers,  each  of  whom  established  himself  in  independence 
in  some  different  country.  The  eminent  prince,  the  margrave 
(marzbdn)  of  Hind,  Takiu-d  din  'Abdu-r  Rahman,  son  of  Mu- 
hammadu-t  Tibi,  whose  virtues  and  accomplishments  have  for  a 
long  time  been  the  theme  of  praise  and  admiration  among  the 
chief  inhabitants  of  that  beautiful  country,  was  the  Dewar's 
deputy,  minister,  and  adviser,  and  was  a  man  of  sound  judgment. 
Fitan,  Mali  Fitan  and  KS,bil^  were  made  over  to  his  possession, 

1  [See  Col.  Yule's  Cathay,  pp.  218-19.] 

'  Sundar,  or  Sundara,  was  a  common  name  among  the  Pandya  Dynasty.  The 
name  originally  belonged  to  a  king  of  the  north,  who  vanquished  and  wedded  a 
princess  of  the  family.  Sundara  is  said  to  have  been  Siva  in  human  form,  and  the 
tutelary  deity  of  Madura  is  still  Sundareswara,  the  linga  erected  by  Sundara.  See 
Wilson's  Maclemzie  OoUection,  p.  Ixxvi.  and  Jour.  E.A.S.  Vol.  III.  p.  199. 

3  [See  Col.  Yule  in  J.  K.  A.  S.,  New  Series,  Vol.  IV.] 


TAZJITATU-L  AMSAE.  33 

for  he  is  still  worthy  (Jcdbifj  of  haying  the  Khutba  read  in  his 
name,  and,  notwithstanding  these  high  dignities,  is  not  worthy 
of  seditions  (fitna). 

It  was  a  matter  of  agreement  that  Maliku-1  Islam  Jamdlu-d 
din  and  the  merchants  should  embark  every  year  from  the  island 
of  Kais  and  land  at  Ma'bar  1,400  horses  of  his  own  breed,  and 
of  such  generous  origin  that,  in  comparison  with  them  the  most 
celebrated  horses  of  antiquity,  such  as  the  Eukhs  of  Eustam, 
etc.,  should  be  as  worthless  as  the  horse  of  the  chess-board.  It 
was  also  agreed  that  he  should  embark  as  many  as  he  could 
procure  from  all  the  isles  of  Persia,  such  as  Katlf,  Lahsa, 
Bahrein,  Hurmuz  and  Kulhatu.  The  price  of  each  horse  was 
fixed  from  of  old  at  220  dinars  of  red  gold,  on  this  condition, 
that  if  any  horses  should  sustain  any  injury  during  the  voyage, 
or  should  happen  to  die,  the  value  of  them  should  be  paid  from 
the  royal  treasury.  It  is  related  by  authentic  writers,  that  in 
the  reign  of  Atabak  Abu  Bakr,  10,000  horses  were  annually  ex- 
ported from  these  places  to  Ma'bar,  Kambayat,  and  other  ports 
in  their  neighbourhood,  and  the  sum  total  of  their  value  amounted 
to  2,200,000  dindrs,  which  was  paid  out  of  the  overflowing 
revenues  of  the  estates  and  endowments  belonging  to  the  Hindu 
temples,  and  from  the  tax  upon  courtezans  attached  to  them,  and 
no  charge  was  incurred  by  the  public  treasury.  It  is  a  strange 
thing  that  when  those  horses  arrive  there,  instead  of  giving  them 
raw  barley  they  give  them  roasted  barley  and  grain  dressed  with 
butter,  and  boiled  cow's  milk  to  drink. 

"Who  gives  sugar  to  an  owl  or  crow  ? 

Or  who  feeds  a  parrot  with  a  carcase  P 

A  crow  should  he  fed  with  a  dead  body, 

And  a  parrot  with  candy  and  sugar. 

"Who  loads  jewels  on  the  back  of  an  ass  ? 

Or  who  would  approve  of  giving  dressed  almonds  to  a  cow  ? 

They  bind  thera  for  forty  days  in  a  stable  with  ropes  and  pegs, 
in  order  that  they  may  get  fat ;  and  afterwards,  without  taking 
measures  for  training,  and  without  stirrups  and  other  appurten- 
ances of  riding,  the  Indian  soldiers  ride  upon  thera  like  demons. 


34  VASSAF. 

They  are  equal  to  Burdk  in  celerity,  and  are  employed  either  in 
war  or  exercise.  In  a  short  time  the  most  strong,  swift,  fresh,  and 
active  horses  become  weak,  slow,  useless,  and  stupid.  In  short, 
they  all  become  wretched  and  good  for  nothing.  In  this  climate 
these  powerful  horses  which  fly  swiftly  without  a  whip  (for 
whips  are  required  for  horses,  especially  if  they  are  to  go  any 
distance),  should  they  happen  to  cover,  become  exceedingly 
weak  and  altogether  worn  out  and  unfit  for  riding.  There  is, 
therefore,  a  constant  necessity  of  getting  new  horses  annually, 
and,  consequently,  the  merchants  of  Muhammadan  countries 
bring  them  to  Ma'bar.^  Their  loss  is  not  without  its  attendant 
advantage,  for  it  is  a  providential  ordinance  of  God  that  the 
western  should  continue  in  want  of  eastern  products,  and  the 
eastern  world  of  western  products,  and  that  the  north  should 
with  labour  procure  the  goods  of  the  south,  and  the  south  be 
furnished  in  like  manner  with  commodities  brought  in  ships  from 
the  north.  Consequently,  the  means  of  easy  communication  are 
always  kept  up  between  these  difierent  quarters,  as  the  social 
nature  of  human  beings  necessarily  requires  and  profits  by. 
Thou  wert  called  a  man  because  thou  wert  endowed  with  love. 
In  the  months  of  the  year  692  h.  the  above-mentioned  Dewar, 
the  ruler  of  Ma' bar,  died,  and  left  behind  him  much  wealth 
and  treasure.  It  is  related  by  Maliku-1  Islam  Jamalu-d  din, 
that  out  of  that  treasure  7,000  oxen,  laden  with  precious  stones, 

1  These  curious  facts  regarding  the  horse  trade  of  Ma'bar  are  in  striking  accordance 
with  the  statements  of  Marco  Polo,  who  visited  that  coast  about  twenty  years  before 
this  was  written.  He  says  :  "  In  this  country  no  horses  are  reared,  and  hence  the 
greater  part  of  the  revenue  is  employed  in  obtaining  them  from  foreign  regions. 
The  merchants  of  Curmos,  of  Quisci,  of  Dufar,  of  Soer,  and  of  Aden,  whose  pro- 
vinces contain  many  steeds  of  fine  quality,  purchase,  embark,  and  bring  them  to  the 
king  and  his  four  princely  brothers,  selling  them  for  500  sagi  of  gold,  worth  more 
than  100  marcs  of  silver.  I  assure  you  this  monarch  buys  annually  more  than  2,000, 
but  by  the  end  of  the  year  they  are  all  dead,  from  wanting  the  medicine  necessary 
to  keep  them  in  health.  The  merchants  who  import  them  want  this  to  happen,  and 
are  careful,  therefore,  not  to  introduce  the  cure." — Travels,  Murray's  Ed.  p.  296. 
The  Editor  adds :  "  Count  Boni  (p.  172)  has  found  in  Tavemier  aad  the  Zettres 
Mdifiantes,  that  frequent  medicine  and  peculiar  care  are  requisite  to  keep  them  in 
health."     See  also  Marsden. 


TAZJITATU-L  AMSAE.  35 

and  pure  gold  and  silver,  fell  to  the  share  of  the  brother  who  suc- 
ceeded him.  Malik-i  a'zam  Takiu-d  din  continued  prime  minister 
as  before,  and,  in  fact,  ruler  of  that  kingdom,  and  his  glory  and 
magnificence  were  raised  a  thousand  times  higher.^ 

Notwithstanding  the  immense  wealth  acquired  by  trade,  he 
gave  orders  that  whatever  commodities  and  goods  were  imported 
from  the  remotest  parts  of  China  and  Hind  into  Ma'bar,  his 
agents  and  factors  should  be  allowed  the  first  selection,  until 
which  no  one  else  was  allowed  to  purchase.  When  he  had 
selected  his  goods  he  despatched  them  on  his  own  ships,  or 
delivered  them  to  merchants  and  ship  owners  to  carry  to  the  island 
of  Kais.  There  also  it  was  not  permitted  to  any  merchant  to  con- 
tract a  bargain  until  the  factors  of  Maliku-1  Islam  had  selected 
what  they  required,  and  after  that  the  merchants  were  allowed  to 
buy  whatever  was  suited  to  the  wants  of  Ma'bar.  The  remnants 
were  exported  on  ships  and  beasts  of  burden  to  the  isles  of  the 
sea,  and  the  countries  of  the  east  and  west,  and  with  the  prices 
obtained  by  their  sale  such  goods  were  purchased  as  were  suitable 
for  the  home  market ;  and  the  trade  was  so  managed  that  the 
produce  of  the  remotest  China  was  consumed  in  the  farthest 
west.     No  one  has  seen  the  like  of  it  in  the  world. 

Nobility  arises  from  danger,  for  the  interest  is  ten  in  forty  ; 
If  merchants  dread  risk  they  can  derive  no  profit. 

As  the  eminent  dignity  and  great  power  of  Malik-i  a'zam 
Takiu-d  din,  and  Maliku-1  Islam,  and  Jamalu-d  din  were  cele- 
brated in  most  parts  of  Hind  to  even  a  greater  extent  than  in 
Ma'bar,  the  rulers  of  distant  countries  have  cultivated  and  been 
strengthened  by  their  friendship,  and  continually  kept  up  a  cor- 
respondence with  them,  expressing  their  solicitations  and  desires. 
The  correspondence,  in  Arabic,  between  Jamalu-d  din  and  Sultdn 
'All  bin  Huzabbaru-d  din  Muwaiyid,  will  show  the  consideration 
in  which  he  was  held  by  contemporary  princes. 


1  [See  Col.  Yule,  Oathay,  p.  218,  219,  and  Jour.  R.A.  S.  (New  Series),  Tol.  IV.] 


36  VASSAF. 

Brief  history  of  the  Sultans  of  Dehli. 
From  Book  III.  of  the  MS. 

Dehli  is  one  of  the  southern  countries,  and  in  honour  and  in 
position  is  like  the  heart  within  the  body,  its  provinces  being 
placed  around  like  the  limbs  and  extremities.  Its  inhabitants  are 
all  Musulmans,  and  ready  for  the  prosecution  of  holy  war.  Its 
soil  is  odoriferous,  its  air  temperate,  its  water  pure,  its  gardens 
charming,  and  its  plains  spacious.  Its  disciplined  armies  exceed 
the  number  of  300,000  men. 

The  following  are  the  most  celebrated  cities  and  tracts  which 
lie  between  Khurasan  and  Hindustan,  according  to  the  testimony 
of  eye-witnesses.  After  crossing  the  Panjab,  or  five  rivers, 
namely,  Sind,  Jelam,  the  river  of  Lohiwar,  Satlut^  and  Biyah, 
there  are  Banian  of  the  Jiid  Hills,  Sodra,  Jalandhar,  the  Kokar 
country,  Multan,  Uchh,  Jasl,  Sarsuti,  Kaithal,  Sanam,  Tabar- 
hindh,^  Banadri,  S^mana,  Hajnir,  Kahram  and  Nagor. 

On  travelling  from  Dehli  to  the  province  of  Hind  you  proceed 
in  this  wise — 'Iwaz  (Oudh),  Badaiin,  Karra  Manikpur,  Behar, 
Silhet,  Lakhnauti.  Each  of  these  places  comprises  several  sub- 
ordinate villages,  and  there  are  strong  forts  and  towns  and  other 
inhabited  spots,  which  cannot  be  noticed  in  this  narrative  on 
account  of  their  great  number.^ 

In  the  year  512  h.  (H18  a.d.)  Bahrdm  ShS,h,  a  descendant  of 
Mahmud  Subuktigin,  became  Sultdn  of  Grhaznin,  and  after  some 
time  'A14u-d  din  Husain  bin  Hasan,  the  first  king  of  the  Ghorians, 
attacked  him  and  took  his  country,  and  seated  his  nephew  on  the 
throne  of  Ghaznin,  after  which  he   again  returned  to  Dehli. 

1  [In  the  margin  "  Satliij  :"  the  Sutlej.] 

2  [Sarhindh— see  note  in  Vol.  II.  p.  200,  302.] 

'  Some  names  of  places  have  been  omitted  as  being  doubtful.  The  author's 
knowledge  of  the  geography  of  Upper  India  is  Tory  imperfect.  From  the  rivers  of 
the  Panjab  he  omits  the  Chin&b,  and  transposes  the  order  of  some  of  the  others. 
He  is  not  more  fortunate  in  the  former  history  of  HindiSstiu,  which  differs  so  very 
much  from  all  other  authors,  as  to  inspire  little  confidence,  except,  perhaps,  in  those 
passages  where  the  proceedings  of  the  Mughals  are  mentioned. 


TAZJITATU-L  AMSAE.  37 

When  Bahram  Shah  saw  his  hereditary  country  freed  from  the 
lions  of  Ghor,  he  again  rose  in  arms  and  took  the  nephew  of 
'Aldu-d  din  prisoner,  and  disgraced  him  by  seating  him  on  a  cow 
and  parading  him  round  the  walls  of  Ghaznin. 

When  'Aldu-d  din  heard  this  intelligence,  he  ajrain  marched  to 
repel  him,  but  before  his  arrival  Bahrdm  Shdh  had  died,  having 
received  the  order  of  God,  and  his  son  Khusru  had  placed  the 
royal  crown  upon  his  head,  but  not  being  able  to  oppose  'Alau-d 
din,  he  fled  towards  the  country  of  Hind.  'Alau-d  din  plundered 
and  massacred  in  Ghaznin,  and  after  depopulating  the  country  he 
took  up  his  abode  at  Dehli.  Khusru  Shkh  died  in  the  year  555  h. 
(1160  A.D.)  and  the  dynasty  of  the  Ghaznivides  became  extinct. 

'Alau-d  din  Husain  appointed  (to  the  government  of  Ghaznin) 
his  nephews,  the  sons  of  S4m,  son  of  Hasan,  namely  Ghiyasu-d 
din  Abu-1  fath  Muhammad  and  Shahabu-d  din  Abu-1  Muzaffar. 
When  Sultan  Ghiyasu-d  din  died,  the  government  devolved 
alone  upon  Sultdn  Shahdbu-d  din  Ghori,  who  was  slain  by  some 
Hindu  devotees  in  the  year  602  H.  (1205  a.d.) 

As  he  had  no  son,  Kutbu-d  din  Aibak,  his  slave,  succeeded  him, 
and  several  important  holy  wars  were  undertaken  by  him.  When 
he  died,  leaving  no  male  child,  a  slave,  by  name  Altamsh,  as- 
cended the  throne  under  the  name  of  Shamsu-d  din.  He  also 
engaged  in  many  holy  wars  and  conquests.  He  reigned  for  a 
long  time  in  splendour  and  prosperity. 

When  he  died  he  left  two  sons  and  one  jdaughter,  namely, 
Jalalu-d  din,  Ndsiru-d  din,  and  Eaziya.  His  slaves,  TJlugh 
Khdn,  Katlagh  Khan,  Sankez  Khan,  Aibak  Khitai,  Nur  Beg, 
and  Murad  Beg  'Ajami,  forgot  their  gratitude  to  their  old  master, 
attacked  Jalalu-d  din,  and  aspired  to  independence.  Jal41u-d  din 
fled  in  the  year  651  h.  (1253  a.d.),  and  sought  the  protection  of 
Mangu  Kdcin.  Katlagh  Khan  and  Sankez  Khan,  taking  alarm 
at  Ulugh  Khan's  proceedings,  also  followed  Jalalu-d  din  to  the 
same  court,  upon  which  TJlugh  Khan  placed  the  virtuous  Sultan 
Eaziya,  the  sister  of  Jal41u-d  din,  upon  the  throne,  and  himself 
became  administrator,  guide,  counsellor,  and  ruler. 


38  "WASSAF. 

Mangu  Kd4n  treated  Jalalu-d  din  with  great  kindness,  and 
ordered  Sali  Bahddur  to  afford  all  the  assistance  which  the 
Mughal  army  on  the  border  was  able  to  render ;  to  escort  him 
to  his  hereditary  country,  and  cleanse  his  garden  from  the 
rubbish  of  the  enmity  of  the  slaves,  who  had  realized  the 
proverb  of  "  flies  have  become  rulers." 

Jalalu-d  din  returned,  accompanied  by  S^li  Bahadur  and  his 
army,  and  reached  as  far  as  Hajnir  (Ajmir)  on  the  borders  of 
Dehli,  but  beyond  that  they  were  not  able  to  advance,  and,  there- 
fore, retreated.  Jaldlu-d  din  then  took  possession  of  the  hills  and 
the  passes  which  led  to  them  and  Sodra,  which  were  then  in  the 
occupation  of  the  Mughals,  and  was  there  compelled  to  content 
himself  with  a  small  portion  of  the  whole. 

After  some  time,  Ulugh  Khdn  slew  Sult&n  Raziya,  and  his 
son-in-law  N4siru-d  din  assumed  the  crown.  After  two  or  three 
years,  during  which  N4siru-d  din  held  the  name  of  king,  while 
all  substantial  power  was  wielded  by  Ulugh  Khin,  he  per- 
fidiously cut  off  his  son-in-law.  When  Ulugh  Khan  had  cleared 
the  country  of  his  opponents,  he  himself  placed  his  foot  upon 
the  throne,  and  assumed  the  title  of  Sultdn  Ghiydsu-d  din.  He 
took  possession  of  the  treasures,  and  brought  the  army  into  sub- 
jection to  his  orders.  He  flattered  himself  that  the  whole  world 
of  disobedience  would  be  repressed  during  his  time,  and  that  the 
country  would  find  security  under  his  protection  ;  bat  suddenly 
death,  the  exposer  of  ambushes,  attacked  him  and  gave  a  reply 
to  all  the  schemes  which  he  had  contemplated  against  others, 
for  the  arrow  of  destruction  was  discharged  at  him  from  the 
hand  of  one  whose  power  cannot  be  resisted.  His  death  occurred 
in  the  year  686  h.  (1287  a.d.) 

He  was  succeeded  by  his  grandson,  Mu'izzu-d  din  Kai-kob4d, 
the  son  of  Bughra  Khdn.  Meanwhile  Hulaku  Kh&n  issued  an 
order  to  Famlak,i  who  was  the  ruler  of  Sind,  to  bring  N4siru-d 
din,  the  son  (of  Ghiydsu-d  din)  into  his  presence;  and  on  his 

'  [So  written  in  Sir  H.  Elliot's  extract  from  Wassif,  but  the  real  name  is 
"  Karlagh."] 


TAZJIYATU.L  AMSAE.  39 

arrival,  Shamsu-d  din  Kart  and  Prince  Barghandi  trumped  up 
some  accusation  against  him,  and  exposed  the  impurity  of  his 
conduct  with  such  exaggeration,  that  he,  as  well  as  some  of  his 
chiefs  and  adherents,  were  brought  to  capital  punishment  under 
the  law. 

On  receiving  this  intelligence,  Malik  Firoz,  who  was  governor 
of  Khilj  on  the  part  of  Nasiru-d  din,  alarmed  by  his  suspicions, 
went  to  Dehli,  and  entered  into  the  service  of  Kai-kobdd,  whom  he 
found  in  occupation  of  the  throne,  and  endeavoured  to  ingratiate 
himself  in  his  favour  by  the  performance  of  many  useful  services. 
As  many  signs  of  wisdom  and  courage  were  observed  in  him,  he 
was  appointed  to  the  government  of  Multdn,  which  is  on  the 
frontier  of  the  kingdom,  in  order  that  he  might  preclude  the 
possibility  of  any  invasion  by  the  Mughals.  After  he  had  been 
employed  for  some  time,  he  was,  according  to  the  usual  practice 
of  the  envious  and  inimical,  accused  of  entering  into  a  truce  with 
the  Mughals.  In  consequence  of  this  he  was  recalled  from  his 
government,  but  refused  to  return,  as  he  was  apprehensive  of  the 
Sultan's  anger. 

Notwithstanding  the  frequent  orders  he  received  he  made  ex- 
cuses and  delayed  his  return.  The  Wazir  became  angry  at  his 
dilatoriness  and  opposition,  and  by  orders  of  the  Sultdn,  marched 
with  a  few  followers  towards  Mtiltdn  to  enforce  his  attendance. 
They  met  each  other  on  the  road,  and  as  the  Wazir  addressed  to 
him  several  harsh  enquiries  respecting  the  reason  of  his  delay, 
Malik  Firoz  answered  his  insolence  by  the  tongue  of  his  sharp 
sword,  and  slew  the  Wazir.  He  then  hastened  to  the  capital  of 
the  kingdom.  The  royal  servants  were  alarmed  at  his  approach' 
and  the  Sultan  himself  was  disabled  by  sickness.  The  opportunity 
was  favourable  for  Malik  Firoz,  so  he  entered  the  royal  apart- 
ments and  slew  the  king.  This  happened  on  the  night  preceding 
the  eighth  of  Shawwal  689  h.  (October,  1290  a.d.). 

In  order  to  gratify  the  people,  and  silence  the  opposition  of  the 
army,  he  placed  nominally  upon  the  throne  an  infant  son  of  the 
late  king,  by  name  Shamsu-d  din  Kaiomars,  and  thus  satisfied 


40  WASSAF. 

the  army ;  but  a  few  days  afterwards  he  sent  the  son  to  follow  the 
father,  and  Malik  Firoz  ascended  an  inauspicious  throne  on  Friday, 
25th  Zri  hijja  (December)  of  the  same  year.  He  sufficiently  pro- 
vided for  the  defence  of  the  frontier,  and  married  his  brother's 
son,  'A14u-d  din  Muhammad,  whom  he  had  himself  brought  up, 
to  one  of  the  princesses,  and  bestowed  upon  him  the  government 
of  Oudh  and  Badaun.  There  'Alau-d  din  remained  for  a  long  time, 
and,  by  degrees,  collected  a  large  army.  It  was  reported  to  him 
that  the  E4i  of  Hind,  whose  capital  was  Deogir,  had  immense 
treasures  in  money  and  jewels,  and  he  therefore  conceived  an  in- 
tense desire  of  securing  them  for  himself,  as  well  as  of  conquering 
the  country.  He  appointed  spies  to  ascertain  when  the  Eai's 
army  was  engaged  in  warfare,  and  then  he  advanced  and  took  the 
country  without  the  means  which  other  kings  think  necessary  for 
conquest.  The  prudent  Rai,  in  order  to  save  his  life,  gave  his 
daughter  to  the  Sultan,  and  made  over  to  him  his  treasures  and 
jewels. 

'Alau-d  din  Muhammad,  having  laden  all  the  beasts  he  could 
procure  with  his  spoils,  and  giving  thanks  to  God,  returned  to 
his  own  province.  When  Malik  Firoz  heard  of  this,  he  sent  an 
envoy  to  communicate  the  expression  of  his  pleasure  and  con- 
gratulations at  the  victory,  and  invited  him  to  the  presence. 
These  invitations  were  frequently  repeated,  and  as  often  declined, 
till  a  suspicion  of  his  rebellion  arose,  and  induced  Malik  Firoz  to 
advance  against  him  with  an  army. 

When  'Alau-d  din  learnt  his  uncle's  intentions,  he  began  to 
entertain  evil  designs,  and  went  with  a  few  personal  attendants 
to  have  an  interview  with  him  at  Dehli  ;  and  the  two  parties 
met  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna.  Malik  Firoz,  abandoning  the 
course  which  prudence  dictated,  and  relying  upon  the  terror  which 
his  frontier  and  power  inspired,  as  well  as  the  natural  aiFection 
which  he  supposed  his  nephew  to  entertain  towards  him,  crossed 
the  river  with  only  five  attendants,  and  went  to  the  camp  of 
'Alau-d  din. 

When  news  was  received  of  the  approach  of  Malik  Firoz, 


TAZJIYATU-L  AMSAE.  41 

Alau-d  din  advanced  to  receive  him ;  and  when  he  neared  the 
river  he  went  bare-footed,  and,  as  usual,  kissed  the  earth  in  the 
presence  of  his  uncle,  assuming  a  deportment  of  humility  instead 
of  his  previous  opposition,  and  behaving  towards  him  as  a  son 
does  towards  a  father.  They  then  sat  down  and  held  a  con- 
versation together,  and  after  a  time  Malik  Firoz  took  Sultan 
'A14u-d  din's  hand  and  invited  him  to  come  to  his  camp.  When 
they  reached  the  bank  of  the  river  Malik  Firoz  wished  to  enter 
the  boat  first,  'Alau-d  din  following  him.  Two  of 'Alau-d  din's 
servants,  Ikhtiyaru-d  din  and  Mahmtid  Salim,  went  behind  him 
and  waited  their  opportunity.  As  Malik  Firoz  had  placed  one 
foot  on  the  boat,  and  was  about  to  lift  the  other  upon  it, 
Ikhtiydru-d  din  struck  at  him  with  a  sword  and  wounded  his 
hand.  Malik  Firoz,  in  alarm,  tried  to  throw  himself  into  the 
boat,  but  Mahmud  Sdlim  came  up  and  dealt  him  such  a  blow 
that  his  head  fell  into  the  water  and  his  trunk  into  the  boat. 
This  happened  on  the  18th  Eamazdn  695  h.  (June  1296  a.d.). 
The  period  of  his  reign  was  nearly  six  years. 

When  the  army  of  Malik  Firoz  witnessed  these  transactions 
from  the  opposite  bank,  they  were  greatly  excited,  and  to  appease 
them  'Alau-d  din  distributed  gold  amongst  the  nobles  and  officers 
and  thus  gained  their  goodwill.  Everyone  felt  himself  com- 
pelled to  proffer  his  allegiance,  so  they  all  returned  to  Dehli  in 
company  with  him,  and  in  the  month  of  Zi-1  ka'da  695  h.  he 
arrived  at  the  palace. 

The  garrison  of  the  fort  reftised  to  open  the  gates,  upon  which 
'Aldu-d  din  placed  bags  filled  with  gold  in  his  mangonels  and 
discharged  them  into  the  fortj  which  had  the  effect  of  persuad- 
ing them  to  abandon  their  resistance. 

Two  sons  of  Malik  Firoz,  Kadar  Khan  and  Arkali  Khdn, 
who  were  at  Multan,  were  brought  to  Dehli  and  deprived  of 
their  eyes.  So  it  is,  that  in  this  world  the  wise  are  depressed 
and  the  unworthy  raised  to  honour  and  prosperity. 

Sultan  'Alaii-d  din  then  ascended  the  throne  in  perfect  security, 
and  protected  all  the  provinces  of  the  empire  by  his  great  power. 


42  "WASSAP. 

Towards  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  Prince  Katlagh  Khwdja, 
son  of  Dua,i  advanced  with  a  large  army,  like  drops  of  rain, 
towards  Dehli,  in  order  to  conquer,  massacre,  and  plunder. 
Sultan  'A14u-d  din  advanced  against  him  at  the  head  of  a  large 
army  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  a  holy  war,  actuated  b^' 
pure  faith,  sincere  intentions,  the  hope  of  resurrection,  and  the 
determination  to  bring  destruction  on  the  infidels.  Without 
placing  his  troops  in  array,  he  attacked  the  enemy,  and  put 
many  to  the  sword ;  and  the  remnant,  in  sorrow,  loss,  and  dis- 
appointment, returned  to  their  native  country.  Pardon  go  with 
them  ! 

The  rest  of  the  transactions  of  'Alau-d  din's  reign  shall  be 
recorded  in  their  proper  place  for  the  information  of  my  readers. 
Praise  be  to  God,  who  hath  poured  his  blessings  upon  the  good, 
and  from  whose  worship  advantages  are  derived  ! 


The  Conquest  of  Somndt? 

From  Book  IV.  of  the  MS. 

When  Sultan  'Alau-d  din,  the  Sultan  of  Dehli,  was  well 
established  in  the  centre  of  his  dominion,  and  had  cut  off  the 
heads  of  his  enemies  and  slain  them,  and  had  imparted  rest  to 
his  subjects  from  the  fountain  of  his  kindness  and  justice,  the 
vein  of  the  zeal  of  religion  beat  high  for  the  subjection  of  in- 
fidelity and  destruction  of  idols,  and  in  the  month  of  Zi'1-hijja 

'  Dii&i  or  T&k,  of  the  Chaghatal  hranch  in  Turkist&n  and  Transoxiana,  was  a 
celehrated  rival  of  Kubl^.  He  died  in  1306.  He  had  several  sons,  who  are  spoken 
of  in  Mongol  history.  Among  the  best  known  are  Giinjdk,  who  died  in  1308  ; 
Gruebek,  who  died  in  1321 ;  and  Tarmashirin,  who  died  in  1330.  See  D'Ohssou. 
Sistoire  des  Mongols,  Vol.  II.  p.  620. 

^  [This  does  not  mean  the  temple  of  Somn&t,  but  as  Zl&n-d  din  BamI  explains, 
"  an  idol  to  which  the  Brahmans  gave  the  name  of  Somnit,-  after  the  victory  of 
Mahmdd,  and  his  destraotion  of  theii-  idol  Man&t"  (Text  251).  ■  Guzerat  was  over- 
run and  JSTahrwUa  was  taken  in  this  expedition,  but  there  is  no  special  mention  of  the 
temple  or  town  of  Somnit.  ] 


TAZJIYATU-L  AMSAE.  43 

698  H.  (1298  AD.)  his  brother  Malik  Mu'izzu-d  dini  and  Nusrat 
Khan,  the  chief  pillar  of  the  state  and  the  leader  of  his  armies,  a 
generous  and  intelligent  warrior,  were  sent  to  Kambayat,  the 
most  celebrated  of  the  cities  of  Hind  in  population  and  wealth. 
Its  air  is  pure,  its  water  clear,  and  the  circumjacent  country- 
beautiful  and  charming  both  in  scenery  and  buildings.  With  a 
view  to  holy  war,  and  not  for  the  lust  of  conquest,  he  enlisted 
under  their  banners  about  14,000  cavalry  and  20,000  infantry, 
which,  in  their  language,  are  called  dakk.''''  ^ 

They  went  by  daily  marches  through  the  hills,  from  stage  to 
stage,  and  when  they  arrived  at  their  destination  at  early  dawn 
they  surrounded  Kambdyat,  and  the  idolaters  were  awakened 
from  their  sleepy  state  of  carelessness  and  were  taken  by  surprise, 
not  knowing  where  to  go,  and  mothers  forgot  their  children  and 
dropped  them  from  their  embrace.  The  Muhammadan  forces  began 
to  "kill  and  slaughter  on  the  right  and  on  the  left  unmercifully, 
throughout  the  impure  land,  for  the  sake  of  IsMm,"  and  blood 
flowed  in  torrents.  They  plundered  gold  and  silver  to  an  extent 
greater  than  can  be  conceived,  and  an  immense  number  of  brilliant 
precious  stones,  such  as  pearls,  diamonds,  rubies,  and  emeralds, 
etc.,  as  well  as  a  great  variety  of  cloths,  both  silk  and  cotton, 
stamped,  embroidered,  and  coloured. 

They  took  captive  a  great  number  of  handsome  and  elegant 
maidens,  amounting  to  20,000,  and  children  of  both  sexes,  "more 
than  the  pen  can  enumerate,"  and  thirteen  enormous  elephants, 
whose  motions  would  put  the  earth  in  tremor."  In  short,  the 
Muhammadan  army  brought  the  country  to  utter  ruin,  and 
destroyed  the  lives  of  the  inhabitants,  and  plundered  the  cities, 
and  captured  their  offspring,  so  that  many  temples  were  deserted 
and  the  idols  were  broken  and  trodden  under  foot,  the  largest  of 
which  was  one  called  Somndt,  fixed  upon  stone,  polished  like  a 

1  [In  the  translation  of  FirisMa  he  is  called  "Aluf  Khan,"  hut  this  is  an 
erroneous  transcription  of  his  title  "TJlugh  Khan,"  or  "Great  Kh&u,"  the  same 
title  as  was  previously  home  hy  Ghiy&su-d  din  Balhan.  The  texts  of  Krishta  and 
Barni  hoth  read  "Ulugh  Kh&n."] 

2  This,  probahly,  means  dag,  "  a  pace,"  just  as  we  say  20,000  foot. 


44  WASSAP. 

mirror,  of  charming  shape  and  admirable  workmanship.  It  stood 
seven  yards  high.  Its  position  was  such  as  if  it  was  about  to 
move,  and  its  expression  such  as  if  it  was  about  to  speak.  If 
the  introducer  of  idolatry  were  to  look  on  it  he  would  become 
enamoured  of  its  beauty.  The  infidels  objected  to  people  going 
near  it.  Its  head  was  adorned  with  a  crown  set  with  gold  and 
rubies  and  pearls  and  other  precious  stones,  so  th^t  it  was  im- 
possible for  the  eyes  to  trace  the  redness  of  the  gold  on  account 
of  the  excessive  lustre  of  the  jewels,  and  a  necklace  of  large 
shining  pearls,  like  the  belt  of  Orion,  depended  from  the  shoulder 
towards  the  side  of  the  body. 

The  Muhammadan  soldiers  plundered  all  those  jewels  and 
rapidly  set  themselves  to  demolish  the  idol.  The  surviving  in- 
fidels were  deeply  affected  with  grief,  and  they  engaged  "  to  pay 
a  thousand  thousand  pieces  of  gold "  as  a  ransom  for  the  idol, 
but  they  were  indignantly  rejected,  and  the  idol  was  destroyed, 
and  "  its  limbs,  which  were  anointed  with  ambergris  and  per- 
fumed, were  cut  off.  The  fragments  were  conveyed  to  Dehli, 
and  the  entrance  of  the  J^mi'  Masjid  was  paved  with  them,  that 
people  might  remember  and  talk  of  this  brilliant  victory." 
"  Praise  be  to  God,  the  Lord  of  the  worlds.     Amen  !  " 

After  some  time,  among  the  ruins  of  the  temples,  a  most 
beautiful  jasper-coloured  stone  was  discovered,  on  which  one  of  the 
merchants  had  designed  some  beautiful  figures  of  fighting  men  and 
other  ornamental  figures  of  globes,  lamps,  etc.,  and  on  the  margin 
of  it  were  sculptured  verses  from  the  Kurdn.  This  stone  was 
sent  as  an  offering  to  the  shrine  of  the  pole  of  saints.  Shaikh 
Murshid  Abu.  Is'hak  Ibrdhim  bin  Shahridr.  At  that  time  they 
were  building  a  lofty  octagonal  dome  to  the  tomb.  The  stone 
was  placed  at  the  right  of  the  entrance.  "At  this  time,  that  is, 
in  the  year  707  h.  (1307  a.d.),  'Aldu-d  din  is  the  acknowledged 
Sultan  of  this  country.  On  all  its  borders  there  are  infidels, 
whom  it  is  his  duty  to  attack  in  the  prosecution  of  a  holy  war, 
and  return  laden  with  countless  booty." 


TAZJITATTJ-L  AMSAR.  45 


An  Account  of  some  Contemporary  Princes. 

When  Sultan  U'ljaitu  was  fully  established  upon  the  throne, 
Shaikhu-1  Islam  Jamdlu-d  din,  towards  the  close  of  the  year 
703  H.  (1303  A.D.),  came  to  the  court  of  the  Protector  of  the 
world,  and  was  received  with  distinguished  honours  and  kindness. 
He  was  nominated  to  the  government  of  Fars,  but  declined  the 
appointment,  and  returned  to  his  independent  principality  of  Kais. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  year,  the  Malik-i  'Azam,  Margrave  of 
Hind,  Takiu-d  din  'Abdu-r  rahnianu-t  Tibi,  who  was  endowed 
with  great  power  and  dignity,  departed  from  the  country  of 
Hind  to  the  passage  {ma'bar)  of  corruption.'-  The  king  of 
Ma'bar  was  anxious  to  obtain  his  property  and  wealth,  but  Malik 
Mu'azzam  Siraju-d  din,  son  of  the  deceased,  having  secured  his 
goodwill  by  the  payment  of  two  hundred  thousand  dinars,  not 
only  obtained  the  wealth,  but  the  rank  also  of  his  father. 

Emhassy  to  China. 

Malik  Mu'azzam  Fakhru-d  din  Ahmad  and  Eukd  Elchi  were, 
by  order  of  the  just  king,  Ghazan,  appointed,  in  the  year  697  h., 
as  ambassadors  to  Timtir  Kaan,^  with  presents  of  cloths,  jewels, 
costly  garments,  and  hunting  leopards,  worthy  of  his  royal  ac- 
ceptance, and  ten  tumdns  (one  hundred  thousand  pieces)  of  gold 
were  given  to  him  from  the  chief  treasury,  to  be  employed  as 
capital  in  trade.  Fakhru-d  din  Faid  in  a  supply  of  necessaries 
for  his  voyage  by  ships  and  junks,  and  laded  them  with  his  own 
merchandize  and  immense  jewels  and  pearls,  and  other  com- 
modities suited  to  Timur  Khan  s  country,  belonging  to  his  friends 
and  relations,   and  to  Shaikh-1  Islam  Jamalu-d  din.     He  was 


1  At  the  close  of  the  sentence  the  author  contradicts  himself,  and  ascribes  this 
event  to  the  year  702  h. 

a  Mention  is  made  of  this  interesting  embassy  by  D'Ohsson  {Sistoire  des  Mongols, 
Tom.  lY.  p.  320),  but  there  is  no  allusion  to  the  voyage  by  sea,  nor  to  the  character- 
istic reception  of  the  ambassadors. 


46  WASSAF. 

accompanied  on  the  voyage  by  an  army  of  expert  archers, 
Turki  and  Persian. 

The  actual  distance  of  the  voyage  was  much  augmented  by 
the  constant  dangers  to  which  their  lives  and  property  were 
exposed  on  the  sea.  When,  at  last,  they  arrived  at  the  port  of 
the  Chinese  frontier  they  were  conducted  stage  by  stage,  by  the 
deputies  and  officers  of  that  country  according  to  the  Kaani  in- 
stitutes, were  furnished  with  supplies  and  tents,  and  were  not 
troubled  for  the  payment  of  any  duties.  In  this  manner  they 
reached  the  Urdu,  or  Imperial  Camp,  at  Tdidu,  near  Kh&nbaligh. 

The  Khan  was  at  that  time  indisposed,  but  the  four  principal 
ministers  and  other  nobles  ^  were  present  in  the  assembly  and  sat 
beyond  the  royal  carpet  on  golden  seats,  with  great  pomp  and 
dignity.  Buka,  on  his  first  introduction,  considered  a  salam 
sufficient,  and  did  not  kneel  down,  to  which  want  of  respect  they 
raised  objections.  Buka,  who  was  a  shrewd  and  eloquent  Turk, 
replied,  "It  is  the  royal  order,  that  until  I  behold  the  blessed 
countenance  of  the  Kh^n,  the  very  abstract  of  the  book  of  pros- 
perity, I  should  not  look  upon  any  pillars  of  the  state  or  nobles 
of  his  majesty."  They  were  then  admitted  to  a  personal  inter- 
view, and  presented  the  rarities  entrusted  to  them,  which  were 
most  graciously  received.  The  merchandize  also  was  brought 
forward  and  approved.  The  Khan  then  presented  a  cup  of 
wine  with  his  royal  hand,  and  issued  orders  that  the  am- 
bassadors, during  their  stay,  should  be  furnished  with  residences, 
food,  clothes,  and  servants  .appropriate  to  the  four  seasons  ; 
and  forty-five  horses  were  placed  at  their  disposal.     *         *         * 

The  ambassadors  remained  four  years  in  China  and  were  dis- 
missed with  honour,  and  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  nobles  was 
bestowed  upon  Fakhru-d  din.  A  friendly  reply  was  written  to 
Grhazan  Khan,  and  presents  were  sent  in  return,  together  with 
some  valuable  silk  stuffs,  which  had  fallen  to  the  share  of 
Hulaku  Khan,  but   had  remained  in  China  since  the  time  of 

^  The  titles  of  these  high  dignitaries  will  be  foiind  in  D'Ohsson,  JEist.  des  Mongols, 
Tom.  IV.  p.  637. 


TAZJITATU-L  AMSAE.  47 

Mangu  Khdn.  An  ambassador  took  charge  of  them  on  a 
separate  junk,  and  he  was  commissioned  to  deliver  expressions 
of  friendship  and  regard. 

Malik  Fakliru-d  din  departed,  much  gratified  at  his  reception, 
accompanied  by  the  embassies  and  twenty-three  junks,  and  other 
vessels  laden  with  valuable  property.  The  ambassador  of  the 
Khan  died  on  the  voyage  *  *  *  and  when  they  were  only 
two  days  distant  from  Ma'bar,  Malik  Fakhru-d  din  also  died. 
*  *  *  His.  tomb  is  in  Ma'bar,  near  that  of  his  uncle.  His 
death  occurred  towards  the  close  of  the  year  of  704  h.^  (1305 
A.D.).     *     *     * 

In  the  middle  of  the  year  705  h.  Shaikhu-1  Islam  Jamalu-d 
din  was  summoned  from  the  principality  of  Kais  to  the  capital  of 
Shiraz,  the  government  of  which  place  was  conferred  upon  him. 
He  accepted  the  office  in  obedience  to  the  command,  although  he 
was  ill  at  the  time.  *  *  *  He  died  in  the  year  706  H. 
(1306  A.D.)  to  the  great  regret  of  the  inhabitants  of  Shiraz,  who 
raised  a  handsome  tomb  over  his  remains,  and  composed  an  elegy 
upon  his  death.  *  *  *  The  author  also,  in  consideration  of 
certain  obligations  conferred  upon  him  by  the  deceased,  gave  vent 
to  his  feelings  in  the  following  poem. 


The  History  of  Sultan  'Aldu-d  din  (continued) . 

When  Sultdn  'Alau-d  din  had  fully  established  himself  in  the 
empire  of  Dehli,  and  his  conquests  and  holy  wars  had  proclaimed 
him  universally  as  the  greatest  champion  of  the  Muhammadan 
religion,  it  happened,  that  in  the  year  708,  'Ali  Beg  Gurgan, 
with  an  army  consisting  of  three  ttimans,  marched  to  Hindu- 
stan, and  pitched  his  camp  in  the  vicinity  of  'Iwaz  (Oudh)  and 
Badaun,  expecting  to  make  an  easy  conquest  of  that  country. 
The   Sultan   despatched    his   general  Hazar-Dindri,  who  was 

1  This  does  not  coincide  with  the  fact  that  they  remained  only  four  years  in  China. 


48  WASSAF. 

called  Malik  Kafur,i  with  80,000  formidable  and  veteran  cavalry 
to  expel  them  ;  and  when  the  array  of  Islam  was  within  the 
distance  of  a  day's  journey  from  the  enemy,  it  made  suddenly  a 
night  attack  on  their  camp,  which  was  left  quite  unguarded,  and 
the  greater  part  of  the  Mughal  armies  received  their  retribution 
{'iwaz)  from  the  empire  of  Dehli,  where  they  met  with  the  silent 
tomb  of  entire  annihilation.  Havino;  surrounded  the  remnant 
on  the  field  of  battle  they  deprived  them  of  their  arms,"  and 
'All  Beg  and  other  officers  of  the  Mughals  were  -carried  captive 
to  Uehli. 

"*  Sultdn  'Alau-d  din  gave  orders  that  the  sword  of  menace  and 
the  declaration  of  unity  should  be  oiFered  to  them  ;  when,  as  they 
they  could  not  help  themselves,  they  placed  their  heads  on  the 
line  of  Islam,"  and  repeated  the  profession  of  the  Muhammadan 
creed.  *  *  *  "  'Alau-d  din  honoured  and  gave  preferment 
to  'All  Beg,  and  made  him  one  of  his  nobles,  and  the  Mughal 
army  was  provided  for  amongst  the  armies  of  Islam.  After  the 
battle  an  order  was  issued  by  'Alau-d  din  to  gather  together  the 
heads  of  those  who  had  been  slain.  This  matter  was  specially 
made  over  to  the  Hindus.  On  counting  them  after  they  were 
thrown  at  the  feet  of  the  holy  warrior  they  were  found  to  amount 
to  60,000,  and,  as  was  done  with  the  Nigudari^  Mughals,  a 
pillar  was  constructed  of  these  heads  before  the  Badaun  gate, 
in  order  that  it  might  be  a  warning  and  spectacle  to  future  gene- 
rations. The  good  tidings  of  this  happy  conquest  were  published 
throughout  all  the  countries  and  provinces  both  of  the  faithful 
and  the  idolatrous. 


1  All  the  copies  I  have  consulted  give  this  name  as  Nahfi  or  Niii  ;  prohably  the 
former  may  have  been  a  corruption  of  Niib,  which  was  his  true  designation.  [In  the 
text  of  Fu-ishta  he  is  called  "Malik  Nkib  Kaffir  Haz&r-dfniri."  The  latter  title 
is  said  to  have  been  derived  from  his  having  been  originally  purchased  for  1000 
din&rs.     See  Briggs'  Trans.  Vol.  I.  365.] 

^  Nigudar,  a  younger  son  of  Chagatal,  after  his  disgrace,  established  himself  with 
his  vassals  and  followers  in  Sist&n,  and  committed  ravages  upon  the  neighbouring 
provinces.     His  foUowers  were  called  "  Nigfldari,"  or  "  Kar&ianass." 


TAZJIYATU-L  AMSA'E.  49 


Conquest  of  Telingdna. 

In  the  year  709  (1309  a.d.), — the  year  arrived  in  prosperity 
and  the  time  was  propitious, — the  lofty  mind  of  the  king  greatly 
inclined  towards  the  conquest  of  the  whole  of  Hindustan,  and  the 
subjection  of  the  infidels.  Previous  to  this,  Malwa  had  been  con- 
quered ;  he,  therefore  despatched  Malik  Nabu,  Zafar  Khan,  and 
N4nak  Hindi,'-  with  an  army  consisting  of  one  hundred  thousand 
horse  and  foot, — 

Oil  thou  for  •whom  there  is  an  army  that  obtains  yictory, — 
to  conquer  the  province  of  Telingana.  When  they  arrived  on 
its  frontier,  the  Eai  of  that  province  adopted  a  prudent  reso- 
lution, submitted  to  the  Muhammadans,  and  agreed  to  pay  an 
annual  tribute  and  receive  the  royal  collectors,  and  that  populous 
territory,  replete  with  every  kind  of  wealth — 

As  the  cheek  of  your  friend  full  of  excellence, 
In  which  are  all  desires  you  are  in  search  of, — 

containing  more  than  30,000  tracts  of  country,  was  added  to 
the  Muhammadan  empire.  It  is  related  that  6,000  kharwars,  or 
loads,  of  gold  were  despatched  to  Dehli, — 

Much  yellow  gold  was  in  the  large  sacks, — 
and  in  consequence  of  the  abundance  of  diamonds  obtained  by 
plunder,  they  became  so  cheap  that,  one  weighing  a  miskdl,  could 
be  purchased  for  three  dinars. 

The  Conquest  of  Blir  Bamundar. 

The  royal  army  marched  from  this  place  towards  the  country 
of  Dur  Samun.  Eai  Pandya  offered  opposition,  and  begged  the 
assistance  of  an  army  from  Ma'bar.  At  that  time  enmity  pre- 
vailed between  the  two  brothers,  Sundar  Pandi  and  Tira  Pandi, 

1  The  reading  is  doubtful.  One  copy  has  Khinka  Mandi,  and  Firishta  has 
Khw&ja  H5.j£.  As  Amir  Zhusrti  speaks  prominently  of  the  Hindds  who  ac- 
companied this  expedition,  there  is  no  improbability  in  the  reading  adopted  in 
the  text. 

VOL.    III.  i 


50  "WASSAF. 

after  the  murder  of  their  father.  The  latter  sent  to  his  assistance 
an  army  of  horse  and  foot.  Subsequently,  the  Rai,  turning  to 
the  right  rank,  declined  a  contest,  and,  having  profifered  his  sub- 
mission, he  was  left  in  possession  of  his  country  without  the 
necessity  of  fighting.  He  delivered  up  to  Malik  Kafur  the 
country  of  'Arikanna,  as  a  proof  of  his  allegiance,  and  treasure 
beyond  what  imagination  can  conceive,  together  with  55  large 
elephants,  which  were  worthy  of  carrying  the  great  and  for- 
tunate heroes  of  the  time,  so  that  the  country  was  restored  to 
him,  and,  instead  of  shell-blowing,  pyrolatry,  and  idol-worship, 
the  true  faith  and  the  five  daily  prayers  were  established.  On 
account  of  these  transactions  the  fame  of  the  first  holy  wars 
which  opened  Hind  under  Mahmiid  Subuktigin  was  erased  from 
the  page  of  history. 

At  the  present  time  the  imperial  army  consists  of  475,000 
Muhammadan  disciplined  holy  warriors,  whose  names  are  re- 
corded by  the  imperial  muster-master,  and  whose  pay  and  rations 
are  entered  in  the  regulations  of  the  deputy-victualler.  They  are 
most  obedient  to  the  orders  they  receive,  and  are  prepared  to 
sacrifice  their  lives  for  the  especial  sake  of  their  religion.  Four 
hundred  war  elephants  *  *  *  are  kept  in  the  royal  stables, 
and  forty  swift  camels  *  *  *  are  employed  to  convey  daily 
reports,  with  the  greatest  expedition,  from  and  to  the  distant 
provinces  of  the  empire.     *     *     * 

Invasion  of  Ma'har, 

In  the  month  of  Eajab  of  the  year  710  h.  (1310  a.d.)  the  ap- 
pointed leaders,  accompanied  by  a  select  army,  were  dispatched  t'o 
conquer  Ma'bar,  and  some  of  the  towns  were  obtained  through  the 
animosity  which  has  lately  arisen  between  the  two  brothers  ;  when 
at  last  a  large  army,  attended  by  numerous  elephants  of  war, 
was  sent  out  to  oppose  the  Muhammadans.  Malik  Nabu,  who 
thought  himself  a  very  Saturn,  was  obliged  to  retreat,  and  bring 
back  his  -army. 


TAZJITATU-L  AMSA'R.  51 


Uljditii  Sultan  sends  am,  Embassy  to  'Aldu-d  din. 

About  that  period  the  king  of  the  world,  U'ljaltui  Sultan, — 
May  his  empire  last  for  ever  !  — sent  two  ambassadors,  named 
Khaliiya  and  Muhammad  Sh4h,  to  the  court  of  Dehli,  with  a 
royal  mandate  to  the  following  purport,  that  as  the  rulers  of  that 
quarter,  both  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Ohangiz  Khan,  the 
conqueror  of  the  world,  and  the  most  generous  U'ktdi  Khdn,  had 
tendered  their  friendship  and  homage,  and,  through  the  language 
of  the  ambassadors,  had  occasionally  offered  their  sentiments  of 
goodwill,  it  is,  therefore,  strange  that,  since  the  imperial  throne 
has  been  adorned  by  our  auspicious  accession,  and  the  sun  of  the 
kingdom  of  Islam  has  shed  its  light  over  the  world,  Sultdn 
'Alau-d  din  has  never  opened  the  road  of  ancient  friendship  by 
means  of  an  ambassador  to  our  regal  court,  nor  sent  a  message 
conveying  tidings  of  himself  or  congratulations  to  us ;  it  is, 
therefore,  expected  that  he  will  henceforth  be  willing  to  apply  him- 
self to  strengthen  the  foundations  of  regard  and  free  intercourse. 
In  connection  with  this  embassy  it  was  also  intimated  that  the 
Emperor  asked  in  marriage  one  of  the  Princesses  from  behind 
the  veil  of  the  kingdom  of  Delili.^ 

Sultdn  'Alau-d  din,  notwithstanding  all  his  bravej-y  and  con- 
quests, and  abundant  treasures  and  obedient  armies,  combining 
in  himself  all  personal  accomplishments  and  worldly  advantages, 
was  a  tyrant,  and  never  used  to  hesitate  at  slaughter,  burning, 
restricting  the  privileges  of  the  army,  or  reducing  the  allowances 
of  his  servants,  and  was  quite  overcome  by  his  disposition  to- 
wards temerity  and  oppression.     As  a  proof  of  this  he  ordered 

"  It  signifies  "  fortunate  "  in  the  Mongol  language. 

2  On  similar  occasions  the  like  delicacy  of  expression  is  observed.  Thus,  when  the 
dauo-hter  of  At5.bak  Sa'd  of  Shiriz  was  bestowed  upon  Sult&n  Jaiaiu-d  din,  'At§,u-1 
mulk  Juwaini  says,  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Jahdn  Kushd  ; 


52  WASSAF. 

the  ambassadors  to  be  imprisoned,  and  several^  of  their  attendants 
to  be  trodden  under  the  feet  of  elephants,  and  thus  he  submerged 
the  jewel  of  his  good  fame ;  for  to  bring  trouble  on  an  ambassador 
is,  under  every  system  of  religious  faith,  altogether  opposed  to 
the  principles  of  law,  social  observance,  and  common  sense.  With 
respect  to  law,  an  ambassador  receives  his  credentials  without  even 
the  suspicion  of  criminality;  with  respect  to  social  observance, 
the  oppressor  and  the  oppressed,  friend  and  foe,  peace  and 
war,  are  all  equally  in  need  of  embassies  and  communications : 
with  respect  to  common  sense,  it  is  abundantly  evident  that  the 
killing  of  one  man,  or  even  ten,  entails  no  infirmity  or  injury  on 
a  kingdom.  Inasmuch,  therefore,  as  'A14u-d  din,  free  to  do  as 
he  chose,  was  guilty  of  a  deed  from  which  danger  might  have 
resulted,  and  without  any  cause  exhibited  his  enmity,  he  must 
be  considered  to  have  acted  contrary  to  what  a  peaceful  policy 
and  sound  prudence  dictated. 

Continuation  of  the  history  of  the  Kings  of  Ma'har. 

Kales  Dewar,  the  ruler  of  Ma'bar,  enjoyed  a  highly  prosperous 
life,  extending  to  forty  and  odd  years,  during  which  time  neither 
any  foreign  enemy  entered  his  country,  nor  any  severe  malady 
confined  hiift  to  bed.  His  coffers  were  replete  with  wealth,  inas- 
much that  in  the  treasury  of  the  city  of  Mardi  there  were 
1,200  crores  of  gold  deposited,  every  crore  being  equal  to  a 
thousand^  laks,  and  every  lak  to  one  hundred  thousand  dinars. 
Besides  this  there  was  an  accumulation  of  precious  stones,  such  as 
pearls,  rubies,  turquoises,  and  emeralds, — more  than  is  in  the 
power  of  language  to  express.  (Here  follows  a  long  string  of 
reflections  upon  the  instability  of  worldly  wealth  and  grandeur.) 

This  fortunate  and  happy  sovereign  had  two  sons,  the  elder 

1  One  copy  reads  eighteen. 

2  Properly  only  a  hundred,  if  the  reading  of  "  crore  "  be  correct ;  but  the  copies 
I  have  consulted  read  kuze,  which  might  be  meant  to  imply  an  earthen  vessel,  or 
some  capacious  receptacle  calculated  to  contain  a  hundred  laks. 


-TAZJITATU-L  AMSAE.  53 

named  Sundar  Pandi,"who  was  legitimate,  his  mother  being 
joined  to  the  Dewar  by  lawful  marriage,  and  the  younger  named 
Tlra  Pandi,  was  illegitimate,  his  mother  being  one  of  the  mis- 
tresses who  continually  attended  the  king  in  his  banquet  of 
pleasure  ;  for  it  was  customary  with  the  rulers  of  that  country 
that,  when  the  daily  affairs  of  the  administration  were  over,  and 
the  crowds  that  attended  the  court  had  gone  to  their  respective 
homes,  a  thousand  beautiful  courtezans  used  to  attend  the  king 
in  his  pleasure.  They  used  to  perform  the  several  duties  pre- 
scribed to  each  of  them ;  some  were  appointed  as  chamberlains, 
some  as  interpreters,  some  as  cup-bearers,  and  day  and  night 
both  the  sexes  kept  promiscuous  intercourse  together  ;  and  it  was 
usual  for  the  king  to  invite  to  his  bed  that  girl  upon  whom  the 
lot  should  happen  to  fall.  I  have  mentioned  this  in  illustration 
of  their  customs. 

As  Tira  Pandi  was  remarkable  for  his  shrewdness  and  intre- 
pidity, the  ruler  nominated  him  as  his  successor.  His  brother 
Sundar  Pandi,  being  enraged  at  this  supercession,  killed  his 
father,  in  a  moment  of  rashness  and  undutifulness,  towards  the 
close  of  the  year  709  h.  (1310  a.d.),  and  placed  the  crown  on  his 
head  in  the  city  of  M^rdi.^  He  induced  the  troops  who  were  there 
to  support  his  interests,  and  conveyed  some  of  the  royal  treasures 
which  were  deposited  there  to  the  city  of  Manktil,^  and  he  him- 
self accompanied,  marching  on,  attended  in  royal  pomp,  with  the 
elephants,  horses,  and  treasures.  Upon  this  his  brother  Tira 
Pandi,  being  resolved  on  avenging  his  father's  blood,  followed  to 
give  him  battle,  and  on  the  margin  of  a  lake  which,  in  their 
language,  they  call  Tal^chi,  the  opponents  came  to  action.  Both 
the  brothers,  each  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  the  other,  fled  away  ; 
but  Tira  Pandi  being  unfortunate  {tira  ba/cht),  and  having  been 
wounded,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  seven  elephant- 
loads  of  gold  also  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  army  of  Sundar  Pandi. 

It  is  a  saying  of  philosophers,  that  ingratitude  will,  sooner  or 
later,  meet  its  punishment,  and  this  was  proved  in  the  sequel,  for 
1  [Madura  f]  ^  [Namkul  ?] 


54  "WASSAF. 

Manar  Barmul,  the  son  of  the  daughter  of  Kales  Dewar,  who 
espoused  the  cause  of  Tira  Pandi,  being  at  that  time  at  Karam- 
hatti,  near  Kdlul,^  sent  him  assistance,  both  in  men  and  money, 
which  was  attended  with  a  most  fortunate  result.  Sundar  Pandi 
had  taken  possession  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  army  and  the 
treasure  were  his  own  ;  but,  as  in  every  religion  and  faith,  evil 
deeds  produce  a  life  of  insecurity,  a  matter  which  it  is  unneces- 
sary to  expatiate  upon,  he,  notwithstanding  all  his  treasures 
and  the  goodwill  of  the  army,  was  far  from  being  happy  and 
prosperous,  entertaining  crude  notions,  and  never  awaking  from 
his  dream  of  pride,  and  at  last  he  met  with  the  chastisement  due 
to  his  ingratitude,  for  in  the  middle  of  the  year  710  (1310  a.d.) 
Tira  Pandi,  having  collected  an  army,  advanced  to  oppose  him, 
and  Sundar  Pandi,  trembling  and  alarmed,  fled  from  his  native 
country,  and  took  refuge  under  the  protection  of  'Alau-d  din,  of 
Dehli,  and  Tira  Pandi  became  firmly  established  in  his  hereditary 
kingdom. 

While  I  was  engaged  in  writing  this  passage,  one  of  my  friends 
said  to  me  :  "  The  kings  of  Hind  are  celebrated  for  their  pene- 
tration and  wisdom  ;  why  then  did  Kales  Dewar,  during  his  life- 
time, nominate  his  younger  and  illegitimate  son  as  his  successor; 
to  the  rejection  of  the  elder,  who  was  of  pure  blood,  by  which  he 
introduced  distraction  into  a  kingdom  which  had  been  adorned 
like  a  bride." 

J  [Kkruv?] 


55 


XII. 
Ti^RfKH-I  BINi^KITI' 

OF 

FAKHEU-D  DfN,  BINi^KITI. 

This  is  the  same  work  as  is  called  Bind-Gety  by  Mr.  James 
Fraser,  in  his  "  Catalogue  of  Oriental  Mamtscripis ;"  and  Bina-i- 
Gety  by  General  Briggs,  in  his  translation  of  the  Preface  of 
Firishta,  which  would  seem  to  imply  that  the  title  was  considered 
by  them  to  bear  the  meaning  of  "  History  of  the  Foundation  of 
the  World."  It  certainly  is  so  understood  by  native  transcribers, 
for  I  have  seen  no  copy  of  Firishta,  not  even  the  lithograph 
edition,  in  which  it  is  not  so  written,  and  it  has  been  so  trans- 
lated by  some  Continental  scholars.  Its  correct  name  at  full 
length  is  "  Bauzat  iiluu-l  Alhab  ft  Tawdrikhu-l  Akdbir  wa-ul 
Ansdh,"  "the  garden  of  the  learned  in  the  histories  of  great 
men  and  genealogies."  It  is  chiefly  an  abridgment,  as  the 
author  himself  states,  of  the  Jdmi'u-t  Tawdrikh  of  Eashidu-d 
din,  and  was  compiled  only  seven  years  after  that  work,  in  a.h. 
717  (a.d.  1317),  by  Abii-Sulaimdn  Daiid,  bin  Abu-1  Fazl,  bin 
Muhammad  Fakhr  ^  Bindkiti.  He  is  commonly  called  Fakhru-d 
din  Bin4kiti  from  his  having  been  born  at  Binakit,  or  Fin^kit,  a 
town  in  Transoxiana,  afterwards  called  Shdhrukhia.  He  copies 
Eashidu-d  din  closely,  without,  however,  adopting  his  arrange- 
ment, and  dedicates  his  work  to  Sultdn  Abu  Sa'id,  the  ninth 
Mongol  king  of  Persia. 

The   author  was   a  poet  as  well   as  an   historian,  and  was 

'  This  is  the  name  he  gives  in  his  own  Preface.  European  Orientalists  generally 
call  him  Fakhni-d  din.    [Morley  cites  several  variations  in  the  name  and  genealogy.] 


56  BINAKITr. 

appointed  by  Sultdn  Ghdzdn,  poet  laureate  of  his  Court.  Till 
the  discovery  of  the  lost  portions  of  the  JamVu-t  Tawdrihh, 
Bindkiti's  work  ranked  very  high  both  in  Europe  and  Asia,  but 
it  must  now  take  its  place  as  a  mere  abridgment,  and  can  be  con- 
sidered of  no  value  as  an  original  composition.  Several  good 
copies  of  the  work  exist  in  European  libraries,  as  in  the  Rich 
collection,  Nos.  7626,  7627,  of  the  British  Museum ;  in  the 
library  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society ;  in  the  Leyden  library  ; 
and  in  Hammer-Purgstairs  private  collection.  The  work  is  not 
common  in  India.  The  best  copy  I  know  is  in  the  possession  of 
a  native  gentleman  at  Lucknow. 

The  8th  Book  of  this  work  is  already  known  to  the  European 
public,  though  ascribed  to  a  different  author.  In  the  year  1677, 
Andreas  Miiller  published  at  Berlin  a  small  work  in  Persian, 
with  a  Latin  translation,  under  the  title  of  Abdallm  Beidavm 
Historia  Sinensis,  ascribing  the  original  to  the  Nizdmu-t  Tawd- 
rikh  of  Baiz^wi.  It  was  reprinted  by  his  son  in  1689,  and 
Brunet  ^  teUs  us  that  Stephen  Weston  published  fifty  copies  of  an 
English  translation  in  1820.  M.  Quatremere  had  the  ingenuity 
to  guess,  for  several  reasons  which  he  states  in  detail,  that  this 
was  in  reality  an  extract  from  the  History  of  Bindkiti,  and  not 
from  Baiz^wi ;  and  by  comparing  the  passage  he  has  given  from 
Miiller's  printed  work  with  Bindkiti,  of  which  a  copy  was  not 
available  to  M.  Quatremere,  it  proves  to  be  verbatim  the  2nd 
Chapter  of  the  8th  Book  of  Bin4kiti ;  and  as  the  same  result 
has  been  obtained  by  comparing  it  with  the  copy  in  the  British 
Museum,  there  can  no  longer  be  any  doubt  on  this  point,  and  the 
Historia  Sinensis  must  henceforth  be  attributed  to  Bindkiti. 

CONTENTS. 

Book  I. — The  Genealogy  and  History  of  the  Prophets  and 
Patriarchs  from  the  time  of  Adam  to  Abraham,  comprising  a 
period  of  4838  years.  (The  use  of  the  word  Ausiyd  shows  the 
writer  to  be  a  Shi'a  Muhammadan  ;) — from  p.  2  to  25. 

^  sub  voce  Abdalla. 


TAEfKH-I  BINAKITr.  •  57 

Book  II. — The  kings  of  Persia,  from  Kaiumars  to  Yazdajird, 
together  with  the  celebrated  Prophets  and  Philosophers  who 
were  their  contemporaries ;  4322  years  ; — from  p.  25  to  59. 

Book  III. — History  of  Muhammad ;  the  four  first  Khalifs ; 
twelve  Im^ms,  and  later  Khalifs,  down  to  Mustasira  bi-llah,  the 
last  of  the  'AbbAsides ;  626  years ;— from  p.  60  to  186. 

Book  IV. — The  Sultans  and  kings  who,  in  the  time  of  the 
'Abbdside  Khalifs,  rose  to  power  in  the  kingdom  of  Tran,  includ- 
ing the  dynasties  of  Saffarians,  S^m^nians,  Ghaznivides,  Buwai- 
hides  Saljukians,  Khwdrizmians  and  the  kings  of  the  Forest 
or  Heretics  (Assassins) ;  400  years  ; — from  p.  186  to  208. 

Book  V. — The  history  of  the  Jews,  their  Kings  and  Prophets, 
from  Moses  to  Mutina  (Zedekiah,  see  2  Kings  xxiv.  17),  who 
was  slain  by  Bakhtnassar  ;  941  years  ; — from  p.  208  to  230. 

Book  VI. — The  history  of  the  Christians  and  Franks ;  the 
descent  of  the  Virgin  Mary  from  David ;  the  kings  of  the  Franks, 
the  Csesars,  and  Popes ;  1337  years  ; — ^from  p.  231  to  260. 

Book  VII. — The  Hindus  ;  an  account  of  the  country  and 
kings  of  India  from  Basdeo  to  'Aldu-d  din,  and  an  account  of 
Sh^kmiini ;  1200  years  ;— from  p.  260  to  281. 

Book  VIII. — History  of  Khitd.  The  government  lasted, 
according  to  local  historians,  42,875  years  ; — from  p.  281  to  299. 

Book  IX. — History  of  the  Mughals  ;  the  origin  of  Ohangiz 
Khan,  and  his  conquest  of  Persia,  etc.,  with  an  account  of  his 
sons  and  successors  ;  101  years  ; — from  p.  299  to  402. 

Size. — Small  Folio,  containing  402  pages,  of  21  lines. 

A  fuller  detail  is  given  in  the  Vienna  Year-book  for  1835  by 
Hammer-Purgstall,  who  states  that  our  author  composed  his 
work  in  a.h.  718,  not  717,  though  the  latter  date  is  expressly 
mentioned,  not  only  in  the  Preface,  but  in  other  parts  of  the 
work.  The  same  author  gives  the  year  of  his  death  as  a.h.  730 
(1329  A.D.),  and  reads  his  name  Bin^kati.  [Morley  also  has 
given  a  full  notice  of  the  work  in  his  Catalogue  of  the  MSS. 
of  the  Eoyal  Asiatic  Society.] 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  seventh  Book  is  devoted  to  India. 


58  .  BiNAKi'rr. 

Throughout  the  whole  of  it  Bin&kiti  follows  Rtiahidu-d  din  im- 
plicitly, copying  him  even  with  all  his  errors,  just  as  Kashidu-d 
din  follows  Birtini.  Nothing  shows  more  completely  the  igno- 
rance of  the  western  Asiatics  with  respect  to  the  state  of  India 
since  Mahmud's  time  than  to  find  these  two  authors,  300  years 
afterwards,  mentioning  that  Bdri  is  the  capital  of  the  province  of 
Kanauj,  of  which  the  kings  are  the  most  potent  in  India,  and 
that  Thanesar  is  in  the  Dti^b.  All  this  is  taken  from  Abu 
Rihan,  as  may  be  seen  by  referring  to  the  extracts  in  the  first 
volume. 

It  is  needless  to  translate  any  passage  from  this  work,  hut  it 
may  be  as  well  to  mention,  as  the  Calcutta  copy  of  Eashidi,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  India  House,  is  deficient  in  that  respect,^  that 
the  succession  of  the  K4bul  kings,  who  preceded  the  Grhaznivides, 
occurs  in  nearly  the  same  order  as  in  M.  Eeinaud's  edition  of 
Biruni,  and  with  nearly  the  same  names,  hut  the  last  of  the 
Turk  dynasty,  whom  M.  Reinaud  calls  Laktouzeman,  appears 
■here  under  the  more  probable  shape  of  Katoran,  or  Katorm^n, 
"king  of  the  Katores,"^  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the 
present  chief  of  Chitrdl  is  called  Shah  Kator,  and  claims  descent 
from  the  Macedonians.  Kalar,  the  first  of  the  Brahman  dynasty, 
is  omitted  by  Bindkiti.  Anandpal  is  converted  into  Anda- 
pal,  and  the  nearest  approach  to  M.  Reinaud's  doubtful  name 
of  Nardanjdnpala  (correctly  perhaps  Niranjanp41)  is  Tisdar 
Jaip41.' 

'  [The  British  Museum  MS.,  and  the  Arabic  MS.  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society 
ha¥e  passages  upon  the  subject  obviously  demed  feom  Bir&ni,  See  Thomas' 
Prinsep,  I.  315.] 

2  [See  Vol.  11.  p.  404.] 

'  Compare  Morle/s  Oat.  p.  25.  Hammer-Purgstall's  Handschrifien,  p.  194. 
Recueil  dea  Voyages,  Tom.  II.  p.  369.  Fundgruien  des  Orients,  Tom.  III. 
p.  330.  Gesoh.  der  Ilchane,  Vol.  II.  p.  267.  Coll.  Or.  Tom.  I.  pp.  Ixxxv. — ci. 
424.  Jahrbucher,  No.  69.  Am.  Matt,  p.  33,  and  No.  73,  p.  26.  Gesoh.  d.  schon. 
Bed.  Fers.  p.  241.  Elphinstone,  Kingdom  of  Cabul,  App.  C.  p.  619.  Burnes' 
Bokhara,  Vol.  II.  p.  209.  Journ.  E.  A.  8.  Vol.  IX.  p.  194.  C.  Hitter,  Urd.  von 
As.  Vol.  V.  p.  207.  Gemdldesaal  der  Lehensh.  Vol.  IV.  p.  35.  Zenker,  Bihliotheca 
Or.  857,  858.  Gesoh.  d.  G.  Horde,  pp.  ixxi.  343.  Jenisch,  Sist.  priorum  JRegum 
Fersarttm.  p.  142. 


TARrXH-I  BINAKITr.  59 

EXTRACT. 

[The  following  is  translated  from  a  MS.  in  the  library  of  the 
Royal  Asiatic  Society  : — 

"After  (him)  Arjun  became  king;  after  him  Kank,  who  was 
the  last  of  the  Katormcin  kings ;  after  him  Brahma  S4mand 
became  king ;  after  him  Kamlu ;  after  him  Jaipdl ;  after  him 
Andah  pal ;  and  after  him  Tadar  JaipaV  who  was  killed  412 
Hijri  (1021  A.D.)." 


60 


XIII. 
TA'RfKH-I  GUZfDA. 

OP 

HAMDU-LLA  MUSTAUFI'. 

This  work  was  composed  in  a.h.  730  (1329)  by  Hamdu-Ua 
bin  Abu  Bakr  bin  Hamd  bin  Nasr  Mustaufi  ^  Kazwini,  and  was 
dedicated  to  the  minister  Ghiy4su-d  din,  the  son  of  Rashidu-d 
din,  to  both  of  whom  our  author  had  been  secretary. 

It  ranks  among  the  best  general  histories  of  the  East.  Reinaud 
used  it  for  his  Mem.  sur  I'Inde.  Hammer-Purgstall  calls  it  in 
different  passages  of  his  works  the  best,  the  most  faithful,  and  the 
most  brilliant  of  all  the  histories  which  were  composed  about 
that  period.  He  remarks  that  it  contains  much  matter  not 
found  elsewhere,  and  concurs  in  the  praise  bestowed  upon  it  by 
Hdji  Khalfa,  that  implicit  confidence  is  to  be  placed  in  its  asser- 
tions. It  is  a  pity,  therefore,  that  the  work  is  in  so  abridged  a 
form  as  to  be  more  useful  for  its  dates  than  for  its  details  of  facts. 
The  authors  of  the  Universal  History  frequently  quote  it  under 
the  name  of  "  Tarik  Cozidih." 

Eleven  years  after  the  completion  of  this  history,  the  author 
composed  his  celebrated  work  on  Geography  and  Natural  History, 
entitled  Nuzhatu-l  Kulub,  "  the  delight  of  hearts,"  which  is  in 
high  repute  with  oriental  scholars.^ 

1  "  President  of  the  Exchequer."  C*m.  le  Brun  says  the  Mustaufi  is  chief  of  the 
Chamber  of  Accounts  of  the  Lordships  which  particularly  belong  to  his  Majesty. 
Price  (II.  360)  calls  him  controller  or  auditor  of  the  Exchequer.  In  the  case  of  our 
author  the  title  appears  to  be  a  family  designation,  derived  from  actual  occupation  of 
the  office  by  an  ancestor.    The  title  Kaz-wini  is  derived  from  his  native  town  KazwJn. 

2  [See  Eeinaud's  Aboulfeda  Int.  civ.] 


TAErKH-I  GUZrDA.  61 

The  author  states  that  he  had  undertaken  to  write  in  verse  an 
universal  history  from  the  time  of  Muhammad,  and  had  already- 
written  five  or  six  thousand  lines,  and  hoped  to  complete  it  in 
seventy-five  thousand  ;  but  being  anxious  to  bring  out  a  work  in 
prose  also,  in  order  that  he  might  have  the  satisfaction  of  pre- 
senting it  as  soon  as  possible  to  his  excellent  patron  Ghiydsu-d 
din,  whose  praises  extend  throughout  two  pages,  he  compiled  the 
present  work  under  the  name  of  Tdrikh-i  Giizida.  "  Selected 
History,"  having  abstracted  it  from  twenty  four  different  works, 
of  which  he  gives  the  names,  and  amongst  them,  the  history  of 
Tabari,  the  Kdmilu-t  Tawdrikh  of  Ibnu-1  Asir  Jazari,  the  Nizd- 
mu-t  Tawdrikh  of  Baizawi,  the  Zuhdatu-t  Tawdrikh  of  Jam^lu-d 
din  Kashi,  and  the  Jahdn-kushdi  of  Juwaini.  Besides  these 
twenty -four,  he  quotes  occasionally  several  other  valuable  works, 
many  of  which  are  now  quite  unknown.  In  its  turn  the  Tdrikh-i 
Guztda  has  been  used  by  later  writers.  The  SaUbu-s  8iyar 
quotes  largely  from  it. 

The  Tdrikh-i  Guztda  contains  a  Preface,  six  Books,  and  an 
Appendix.  The  only  Books  useful  for  the  illustration  of  Indian 
history  are  the  third  and  fourth,  in  which  are  comprised  the 
account  of  the  early  attempts  of  the  Arabs  on  the  Indian  frontier 
and  the  history  of  the  Ghaznivide  and  Ghorian  monarchs. 

[A  portion  of  the  work,  comprising  the  history  of  the  Saljukian 
dynasty,  has  been  translated  by  M.  Defr^mery,  and  published  in 
the  Journal  Asiatique  ;  ^  and  another  portion,  relating  to  the  city 
of  Kazwin,  has  also  been  translated  by  the  same  writer.^] 

CONTENTS. 

The  Preface  contains  an  account  of  the  creation  of  the  world ; 
fi-om  p.  1  to  p.  8. 

Book  I. — An  account  of  the  Patriarchs,  Prophets,  and  Philo- 
sophers ;   in  two  sections  and  two  subsections  ; — from  p.  8  to  67. 

Book  II. — The  Peshdadians,  Kaianians,  Ashkanians  (Arsacidse 

1  [Vols.  XI.,  XII.,  XIII.  Quat.,  Serie.]  =  [lb.  5  Serie.    Tome  X.] 


62  HAMDU-LLA  MUSTAUFr. 

and  Muluk-i  Tawaif)  and  Sdssanians  ;   in  four  sections ; — ^from 
p.  68  to  109. 

Book  III. — Muhammad,  the  Khalifas  and  Imams  ;  in  an 
introduction  and  six  sections ; — from  p.  109  to  311. 

Book  IV. — The  eastern  monarchies,  from  the  beginning  of 
Muhammadanism  to  a.h.  730  (a.d.  1329) ;  in  twelve  sections 
and  several  subsections,  devoted  to  the  following  Dynasties  : — 
Bani  Lais  SafiFar,  Samanians,  Ghaznivides,  Ghorians,  Buwaihides 
or  Dy^lima,  Saljukians,  Khw^rizmians,  Atabaks  (2  sections), 
Ismailians,  Karakhitdis,  and  Mughals  ; — from  p.  311  to  477, 

Book  V. — The  Saints  and  Elders  of  the  Muhammadan  faith, 
Philosophers  and  Poets  ;  in  six  sections  ; — from  p.  477  to  557. 

Book  VI. — An  account  of  the  author's  native  place,  Kazwin, 
and  its  celebrated  characters ;  in  eight  sections ; — from  p.  557 
to  603. 

The  Appendix  contains  Genealogical  Trees  of  Prophets, 
Princes,  Philosophers  and  others ; — from  p.  603  to  618. 

Size. — 8vo.  containing  618  pages  of  14  lines. 

This  history,  though  often  quoted  by  oriental  writers,  is  rare 
in  India.  The  best  copy  I  know  is  in  the  library  of  the  Bengal 
Asiatic  Society,  No.  493,  but  it  is  unfortunately  defective  both 
in  the  beginning  and  end.  Ydr  'Ali  Khan,  chief  native  Judge  of 
Jaunpur,  has  a  good  copy,  and  there  is  one  also  in  the  king  of 
Lucknow's  library.  Robert  Oust,  Esq.  (B.C.S.),  has  an  admir- 
able copy,  written  in  864  a.h.  In  Europe  the  most  celebrated 
are  those  of  Stockholm,  Paris,  the  British  Museum,  the  Bodleian 
Library,  Hammer-Purgstall,  and  Sir  W.  Ouseley.^  M.  Quatre- 
m^re  also  possessed  two  copies. 

A  work  in  so  abridged  a  form  can  scarcely  be  expected  to 

1  See  Haji  Khalfa,  IT.  176,  VI.  7.  Wiener  Jahrhh.  No.  Ixix.  p.  10,  and  Anzgbl. 
p,  31.  Briggs'  Ferishta,  Vol.  I.  p.  1.  Fundgr.  d.  Or.  Vol.  III.  p.  331.  Gesch.  der 
Gold.  Horde,  pp.  xTi.  xxli.  Coll.  Or.  Tom.  I.  p.  lir.  Gesch.  der  Ilchane,  Vol.  II. 
pp.  268,  320.  Gesch.  d.  Sch.  Red.  Pers.  p.  12.  Journ.  Asiatique,  III.  Ser.  Tom. 
I.  p.  581.  M.  Petis  de  la  Croix,  Hist,  de  Genghis  Can,  p.  541.  D'Hertelot,  Bibl. 
Or.  Art.  Tdrileh  Khozideh.  Biog.  Univ.  v.  Kazwyny.  Kampoldi,  ix.  322.  Gemdldesaal 
Fref.  xi.  Ouseley's  Jehanara,  p.  xi.  Price,  Mahom.  Hist.  I.  464,  II.  638,  672. 
Shajrat  al  Atrak,  303.     Gildemeister,  p.  2.     Journ.  des  Sav.,  1851,  p.  47. 


TAEfKH-I  GTTZrDA.  63 

present  any  passages  worthy  of  extract,  but  the  following  are 
selected  as  comprising  a  few  anecdotes  which  have  escaped  the 
notice  of  some  more  ponderous  chroniclers : — 

Sultan  Mahmiid. 

"The  exploits  of  the  Sultan  Mahmud  are  more  conspicuous 
than  the  sun,  and  his  exertions  in  the  cause  of  religon  surpass  all 
description  and  eulogy.  The  Tdrikh  Tamini,  Malcdmdt  Ahii 
Nasr  MisMti,  and  the  volumes  of  Abu-1  Fazl  Baihaki,  testify  to 
his  achievements.^ 

"  He  was  a  friend  to  learned  men  and  poets,  on  whom  he 
bestowed  munificent  presents,  insomuch  that  every  year  he  ex- 
pended upon  them  more  than  400,000  dinars.  His  features 
were  very  ugly.  One  day,  regarding  his  own  face  in  a  mirror,  he 
became  thoughtful  and  depressed.  His  Wazir  inquired  as  to  the 
cause  of  his  sorrow,  to  which  he  replied,  '  It  is  generally  under- 
stood that  the  sight  of  kings  adds  vigour  to  the  eye,  but  the 
form  with  which  I  am  endowed  is  enough  to  strike  the  beholder 
blind.'  The  Wazir  replied,  '  Scarcely  one  man  in  a  million  looks 
on  your  face,  but  the  qualities  of  your  mind  shed  their  influence 
on  every  one.  Study,  therefore,  to  maintain  an  unimpekchable 
character,  that  you  may  be  the  beloved  of  all  hearts.'  Aminu-d- 
daula  Mahmiid  was  pleased  with  this  admonition,  and  he  paid  so 
much  attention  to  the  cultivation  of  his  mental  endowments,  that 
he  surpassed  all  other  kings  in  that  respect.^ 

"In  the  first  year  of  his  accession  to  the  throne  a  mine  of 
gold  was  discovered  in  Sistan,  in  the  shape  of  a  tree,  and  the 

1  [See  supra,  Vol.  IT.  pp.  430,  433.] 

^  This  anecdote  is  given  in  the  GemUldesaal  d.  Lehensb.,  hut  Firishta  merely  saya 
Mahmfid  -was  marked  with  the  small-pox.  In  the  reign  of  Mas'tid,  that  historian 
ascrihes  a  statement  to  the  Guzida  which  is  at  variance  with  the  MSS.  I  have  con- 
sulted. He  says  that,  according  to  the  Guzida,  Mas'dd  reigned  nine  years  and  nine 
months,  whereas  the  Guzida  distinctly  says  that  monarch  reigned  thirteen  years. 
It  may  he  as  well  to  mention  here  that  Briggs,  in  his  translation  of  Firishta,  has, 
hy  some  oversight,  entered  the  History  of  Uamdu-lln  Mustaufi  and  the  Tdrihh-i 
Guzida,  as  two  different  worts. 


64  HAMDU-LLA  MUSTAUPr. 

lower  the  miners  dug  the  richer  and  purer  it  became,  till  one  of 
the  veins  attained  the  circumference  of  three  yards.  It  dis- 
appeared in  the  time  of  Sultdn  Mas'iid,  on  the  occurrence  of  an 
earthquake. 

#  *  #  *  # 

'•  In  the  month  of  Muharram  of  the  year  293  he  made  war 
upon  Jaipal,  in  Hindustan,  and  made  him  prisoner.  He  spared 
his  life,  but  exacted  tribute.  It  is  a  rule  among  the  Hindus  that 
a  king  who  has  been  twice  made  prisoner  by  Musulmdns  ought 
no  longer  to  reign,  and  that  his  fault  can  only  be  purged  by  fire. 
Jaipal,  therefore,  made  the  kingdom  over  to  his  son;  and  burnt 
himself.  In  this  war  Yaminu-d-daula  Mahmud  obtained  the 
title  of  Ghazi. 

"  In  the  year  394,  he  set  out  on  an  expedition  to  Slstan  against 
Khalaf,!  the  son  of  Ahmad,  because  Khalaf,  on  returning  from 
his  pilgrimage,  had  appointed  his  son  Tahir  as  his  successor,  he 
himself  having  retired  from  the  world  and  devoted  himself  to 
the  worship  of  Grod.  But  he  repented  this  step,  and  put;  his  son 
to  death  by  treachery.  Yaminu-d-daula,  in  order  to  avenge  this 
perfidy,  attacked  Khalaf,  who  took  shelter  in  the  fort  of  T4k. 
Yaminu-d-daula  Mahmud  besieged  the  fort  and  took  it.  Khalaf 
came  out  in  safety,  and  when  he  entered  the  presence  of  Mah- 
mud he  addressed  him  as  '  Sultan.'  Yaminu-d-daula  Mahmud, 
being  pleased  with  this  title,  freely  pardoned  Khalaf,  and  rein- 
stated him  in  the  government  of  Sistan.  From  that  period  he 
assumed  the  title  of  Sultan.  Khalaf,  son  of  Ahmad,  after  a 
while,  rebelled  against  Sultdn  Mahmud,  and  sought  the  pro- 
tection of  riak  Khdn.  Sult4n  Mahmud,  on  hearing  this,  de- 
throned him  from  Sistan,  and  sent  him  to  the  fort  of  Juzjan 
where  he  remained  till  the  day  of  his  death. 

"  Sultan  Mahmud,  having  conquered  Bhatiya  and  Multan  as  far 
as  the  frontiers  of  Kashmir,  made  peace  with  I'lak  Khan,  who 
some  time  after  broke  faith  with  him,  and  advanced  to  battle 

'  See  Jenisch,  ffist.  Reg.  Fers.  p.  46. 


TA'ErKH-I  GUZrDA.  65 

against  him ;  but  he  was  defeated,  and  took  to  flight.  Many- 
beautiful  youths  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Z^wuliy^ns,  who  were 
delighted  with  their  prisoners.  I'lak  Khdn  then  sought  the 
assistance  of  the  Ghuzz  and  the  Turks  of  Chin,  the  descendants 
of  Afr4siyab,  but  was  again  defeated  in  an  action  at  the  gates  of 
Balkh,  and  took  a  second  time  to  flight.  He  again  made  peace 
with  the  Sultdn,  and  went  to  reside  in  Mdwarau-n-nahr. 

•"  Sultdn  Mahmud  then  made  war  with  Nawasa  (the  grandson 
of)  the  ruler  of  Multdn  ;  conquered  that  country ;  converted 
the  people  to  Isldm ;  put  to  death  the  ruler  of  Multan,  and 
entrusted  the  government  of  that  country  to  another  chief. 

"  Sultan  Mahmud  now  went  to  fight  with  the  Ghorians,  who 
were  infidels  at  thait  time.  Suri,  their  chief,  was  killed  in  this 
war,  and  his  son  was  taken  prisoner ;  but  dreading  the  Sultan's 
vengeance,  he  killed  himself  by  sucking  poison  which  he  had 
kept  under  the  stone  of  his  ring.  The  country  of  Ghor  was 
annexed  to  that  of  the  Sultdn,  and  the  population  thereof  con- 
verted to  Islam.  He  now  attacked  the  fort  of  Bhim,  where  was 
a  temple  of  the  Hindus.  He  was  victorious,  and  obtained  much 
wealth,  including  about  a  hundred  idols  of  gold  and  silver.  One 
of  the  golden  images,  which  weighed  a  million  miskdls,  the 
Sultdn  appropriated  to  the  decoration  of  the  Mosque  of  Ghazni, 
so  that  the  ornaments  of  the  doors  were  of  gold  instead  of  iron. 
"  The  rulers  of  Ghurjistdn  were  at  this  time  called  Shdr,  and 
Abu  Kasr  was  Shdr  of  the  Ghurjis.  He  was  at  enmity  with 
Sultdn  Mahmud,  who  sent  an  army  against  him,  and  having 
taken  him  prisoner,  the  Saltan  concluded  peace  with  him,  and 
purchased  his  possessions.  From  that  time  he  remained  in  the 
service  of  the  Sultdn  to  the  day  of  his  death. 

"  The  ruler  of  Mardain,i  having  likewise  rebelled  against  the 
Sultan,  withheld  the  payment  of  tribute.  The  Sultan  deputed 
Abu  Sa'id  Tai,  with  an  army,  to  make  war  with  him,  and  he 
himself  followed  afterwards,  and  a  battle  ensuing,  the  chief  of 

1  Otier  authorities  usually  say  N4rdiu  or  N&rdain.     [See  Vol.  II.  pp.  450,  452, 
465.] 

VOL.   III.  5 


66  HAMDU-LLA  MUSTATTF f. 

Mdrdain  took  refuge  in  a  fort.  The  Sultan  destroyed  its  walls 
by  means  of  elephants,  and  thus  gained  possession  of  the  fort. 
In  a  house  there  were  found  some  inscriptions  on  a  stone,  giving 
the  date  of  the  erection  of  the  fort,  which  they  carried  so  far 
back  as  40,000  years.  Upon  this  all  were  convinced  of  the  folly 
of  the  idolaters ;  as,  from  the  creation  of  Adam,  the  age  of  the 
world  did  not  (as  it  is  generally  understood)  reach  7,000  years  ; 
nor  is  it  probable,  according  to  the  opinion  of  the  learned,  that  a 
building  could  remain  in  a  state  of  repair  so  long ;  but  as  their 
ignorance  is  carried  to  such  a  degree  that  they  worship  idols 
instead  of  the  Supreme  Being,  it  is  not  improbable  that  they 
really  did  entertain  such  a  belief." 


67 


XIV. 
TA'RrKH-I   'ALi^r. 

OR 

KHAZArNU    L     FUTU'H, 

OF 

AMIR  KHUSRI/. 

The  history  which  goes  by  both  these  names  is  a  work  in  prose, 
by  Mir  Khusru,  who  died  in  1325  a.d.  It  contains  an  interest- 
ing account  of  the  first  years  of  the  reign  of  Sultan  'Alau-d  din 
Khilji  (whom  he  also  styles  Muhammad  Sh6,h  Sultdn),  from 
his  accession  to  the  throne  in  695  h.  (1296  a.d.)  to  his  con- 
quest of  Ma'bar  at  the  close  of  710  h.  (1310  a.d.)  It  is  most 
probably  the  same  work  as  that  which  is  quoted  by  some  of  the 
general  historians,  under  the  name  of  Tdrilch  'Alcui-d  din  Khilji ; 
but,  if  so,  it  has  not  been  closely  examined,  for  several  facts 
of  interest  have  escaped  the  compilers. 

It  will  be  observed  that  this  small  work  contains  much  infor- 
mation on  the  subject  to  which  it  relates.  The  mode  of  war- 
fare of  that  period,  especially,  receives  illustrations  such  as  can 
be  obtained  from  no  other  work.  The  style  in  which  it  is  com- 
posed is  for  the  most  part  difficult,  as  the  whole  is  constructed 
of  a  series  of  fanciful  analogies,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  pre- 
face to  the  Baldya  Ndkiya  and  the  I'jaz-i  Khusriivi  of  the  same 
author,  and  the  Odes  of  Badar-chachi,  and  the  treatises  of  Mirz4 
Katil  and  several  other  works,  in  which  fancy  is  predominant  over 
sense.  Every  portion  is  devoted  to  a  selection  of  words  con- 
nected with  one  particular  subject.     For  instance,  among  the 


68  AMfE  KHUSEU. 

passages  translated  below,  one  portion,  p.  69,  is  composed  of 
words  derived  from  architecture ;  another,  p.  71,  is  derived  from 
words  descriptive  of  the  powers  and  anatomy  of  the  hand ;  an- 
other, at  p.  73,  is  composed  of  words  used  in  the  game  of  chess. 
I  have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  adhere  closely  to  the  similes 
in  every  part.  Those  which  are  used  in  the  passages  noted  above 
are  of  themselves  sufficiently  tedious  in  translation,  though  cer- 
tainly ingenious  in  the  original. 

It  may  easily  be  conceived  that  a  work  so  composed  contains 
much  that  is  forced,  trivial,  and  unnatural ;  but  we  can  forgive 
that  for  the  solid  information  we  are  occasionally  able  to  extract 
from  it.  Indeed,  these  puns,  riddles,  and  analogies,  are  even 
valuable  on  one  account,  for  the  author  rarely  mentions  a  date 
which  is  not  comprised  in  a  sentence  containing  some  kind  of 
enigma,  so  that  we  can  easily  ascertain  the  correctness  of  a  date, 
if  we  have  reason  to  doubt  the  correctness  of  the  numerals.  The 
following  are  instances  : — "  When  the  boat  of  the  moon's  crescent 
entered  the  stream  of  clouds  (abr)" — of  which  the  initial  letter 
being  alif,  or  one,  the  first  day  of  the  month  is  signified.  Again, 
"  When  the  computation  of  the  month  Ramazan  had  reached 
that  stage,  that  the  first  period  of  the  fast  {syam)  had  departed, 
and  the  last  had  not  yet  arrived " — that  is,  that  eleven  days  of 
the  month  had  elapsed.  Meaning,  that  by  rejecting  the  first 
and  last  letters  of  sydm^  only  yd  remains,  of  which  the  numerical 
value  is  eleven. 

The  Khazainu-1  Futtih  contains  many  Hindi  words,  shewing 
how  partial  the  author  was  to  that  language  compared  with  his 
Muhammadan  contemporaries.  Thus  we  have  Kath-garh,  pard- 
hdn,  basith,  mdr-d-mdr,  and  others.  The  work  is  not  written 
in  chronological  order,  but,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Mughal  invasion, 
the  author  has  grouped  together  the  series  of  events  which  oc- 
curred over  several  years  in  one  particular  part  of  the  empire.'^ 

'  The  work  is  rare,  and,  being  in  prose,  is  not  contained  in  the  Kulydt  or  complete 
(poetical)  works  of  the  author.  The  MS.  used  is  an  8vo.  of  188  pages,  15  lines  to 
a  page.  [Mr.  Thomas  has  a  copy,  and  there  is  also  a  copy  at  King's  College,  Cam- 
bridge, Jour.  fi.A.S.  Vol.  III.  p.  116,  N.S.'\ 


Tii;RrKH-I  'ALAT.  69 

Mir  Khusru's  authority  is  great  as  a  narrator,  for  he  was  not 
only  contemporary  with  the  events  which  he  describes,  but  was 
a  participator  in  many  of  them ;  and  his  friend,  the  historian 
Zik  Barni,  appeals  to  him  frequently  for  confirmation  of  his  own 
assertions. 

ABSTRACT.^ 

The  Accession  of  Sultan  lAldu-d  din  to  the  Throne. 

'A14u-d  din  Khilji,  on  the  19th  of  Rabi'u-l-4khir,  695  h.  (Feb. 
1295),  left  Karra  Mdnikptir,  of  which  he  was  then  governor, 
on  his  expedition  to  Deogir,  and  after  taking  immense  booty 
from  E.4m  Ueo,  the  Rai  of  that  country,  he  returned  to  Karra 
on  the  28th  of  Rajab  of  the  same  year.  His  accession  to  the 
throne  on  the  16th  of  Ramazan,  695  h.  (July,  1296),  after  mur- 
dering his  uncle  and  father-in-law.  Sultan  Jalalu-d  din.  His 
arrival  at  Dehli,  where'  he  again  mounted  the  throne,  on  the 
22nd  of  Zi-1  hijja  of  the  same  year.  His  rules,  regulations,  justice, 
and  liberality.    The  cheapness  which  prevailed  in  his  time. 

Edifices  Erected  and  Repaired  by  the  Sultan. 
The  Sultan  determined  upon  adding  to  and  completing  the 
Masjid-i  Jdmi'  of  Shamsu-d  din,  "  by  building  beyond  the  three 
old  gates  and  courts  a  fourth,  with  lofty  pillars,"  "  and  upon  the 
surface  of  the  stones  he  engraved  verses  of  the  Kuran  in  such 
a  manner  as  could  not  be  done  even  on  wax ;  ascending  so 
high  that  you  would  think  the  Kur^n  was  going  up  to  heaven, 
and  again  descending,  in  another  line,  so  low  that  you  would 
think  it  was  coming  down  from  heaven.  When  the  whole  work 
was  complete  from  top  to  bottom,  he  built  other  masjids  in  the 
city,  so  strong  that  if  the  nine-vaulted  and  thousand-eyed 
heavens  were  to  fall,  as  they  will,  in  the  universe-quake,  on 
the  day  of  resurrection,  an  arch  of  them  would  not  be  broken. 
He  also  repaired  the  old  masjids,  of  which  the  walls  were  broken 
or  inclining,  or  of  which  the  roof  and  domes  had  fallen." 

1  [Prepared  by  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot.] 


70  AMfE  KHTTSEXr. 

"  He  then  resolved  to  make  a  pair  to  the  lofty  mindr  of  the 
J  ami'  masjid,  which  min^r  was  then  the  single  (celebrated)  one  of 
the  time,  and  to  raise  it  so  hifjh  that  it  could  not  be  exceeded. 
He  first  directed  that  the  area  of  the  square  before  the  masjid 
should  be  increased,  that  there  might  be  ample  room  for  the  fol- 
lowers of  Isl^m." 

"  He  ordered  the  circumference  of  the  new  mindr  to  be  made 
double  that  of  the  old  one,  and  to  make  it  higher  in  the  same 
proportion,  and  directed  that  a  new  casing  and  cupola  should  be 
added  to  the  old  one."  The  stones  were  dug  out  from  the  hills, 
and  the  temples  of  the  infidels  were  demolished  to  furnish  a 
supply.  The  building  of  the  new  fort  of  Dehli,  and  the  repairs 
of  the  old  one.  "  It  is  a  condition  that  in  a  new  building  blood 
should  be  sprinkled;  he  therefore  sacrificed  some  thousands  of 
goat-bearded  Mughals  for  the  purpose."  He  also  ordered  re- 
pairs to  be  made  to  all  the  other  masjids  and  forts  throughout 
the  kingdom. 

As  the  tank  of  Shamsu-d  din  was  occasionally  dry,  'Alau-d 
din  cleaned  it  out  and  repaired  it,  and  erected  a  dome  in  the 
middle  of  it. 


Mughal  Invasion  under  Kadar. 

"  The  following  is  the  account  of  the  victory  which  the 
champions  of  the  triumphant  army  obtained,  on  the  first  occa- 
sion, during  the  reign  of  this  Sanjar-like  Sult&n,  may  God  pro- 
tect his  standards  !  over  the  soldiers  of  the  accursed  Kadar,  in 
the  land  of  Jdran  Manjur,  when  the  subtle  [mu-shiMf)  Tatdr, 
accompanied  by  an  army,  like  an  avenging  deluge,  came  as  pre- 
sumptuous as  ever  from  the  Judi  mountain,  and  crossed  the  Biah, 
and  Jelam,  and  Sutlej,i  and  the  advancing  wave  of  the  hellites 
burnt  down  all  the  villages  ^  of  the  Khokhars  in  such  a  way  that 

'  This  is  the  order  observed  in  the  original. 

'  The  word  is  talwdrd,  a  common  name  for  a  Tillage  in  many  parts  of  the  Upper 
PanjS.b.    The  talwandi  of  the  Khokhars  is  a  local  word  similarly  applied. 


TAErKH-I  'AMI.  71 

the  flames  extended  as  far  as  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  and  ruin 
hurled  its  ravages  upon  the  houses.  Such  a  wailing  arose,  that 
the  sound  reached  his  majesty  the  king  of  kings. 

"  He  despatched  the  late  Ulugh  Khdn,  the  arm  of  the  empire, 
with  the  whole  of  the  right  wing  (hand)  of  the  army,  and  the 
powerful  chiefs  1  and  the  officers ^  who  were  the  support^  of  the 
state,  and  he  named  him  for  the  purpose  of  wielding  the  sword 
of  holy  war ;  that  so,  making  themselves  ready  with  power,  they 
might  go  and  lay  their  hands  upon  the  infidel."  "  The  Khan 
sped  swift  as  an  arrow  from  its  bowstring,  and  made  two  marches 
in  one  until  he  reached  the  borders  of  J4ran  Manjur,  the  field  of 
action,  so  that  not  more  than  a  bow-shot  remained  between  the 
two  armies.  That  was  a  date  on  which  it  became  dark  when  the 
day  declined,  because  it  was  towards  the  close  of  the  month,  and 
the  moon  of  Rabi'u-l  akhir  waned  till  it  looked  like  a  sickle 
above  the  heavens  to  reap  the  Grabrs.  Arrows  and  spears  com- 
mingled together.  Some  Mughals  were  captured  on  Thursday, 
the  22nd  of  Eabi'u-1  akhir,  in  the  year  695  h.  (Feb.  1296  a.d.). 
On  this  day  the  javelin-head  of  the  Kh4n  of  Isl4m  fell  on  the 
heads  of  the  infidels,  and  the  standard-bearers  of  the  holy  war 
received  orders  to  bind  their  victorious  colours  firmly  on  their 
backs ;  and  for  honour's  sake  they  turned  their  faces  towards  the 
waters  of  the  Sutlej,  and  without  the  aid  of  boats  they  swam 
over  the  river,  striking  out  their  hands,  like  as  oars  impelling  a 
boat." 

The  Mughals  were  defeated,  "  though  they  were  in  number 
like  ants  and  locusts,"  with  a  loss  of  twenty  thousand  men  left 
dead  on  the  plain.  Many  took  to  flight,  and  many  were  taken 
prisoners,  "  and  the  iron  collars,  which  were  desirous  to  be  so 
employed,  embraced  them  with  all  respect."  On  the  return 
of  the  Khdn  to  the  King,  he  was  received  with  many  thanks 
and  honours,  and  a  festival  was  held  in  celebration  of  the 
event. 

'  These  -words  also  bear  respectively  the  meaning  of  bones,  tendons,  wrists ;  the 
words  in  this  sentence  being  intended  to  bear  some  relation  to  the  arm  and  hand. 


72  AMfR  KHUSEU. 

Invasion  under  ""All  Beg,  Turtdk,  and  TurgM. 

"When  'Ali  Beg,  Turtdk,  aud  Turghi  came  with  drawn 
Bwords  from  the  borders  of  Turkistdn  to  the  river  Sind,  and, 
after  crossing  the  Jelam,  turned  their  faces  in  this  direction, 
Turghi,  who  already  saw  his  head  on  the  spears  of  the  champions 
of  Isldm,  who,  although  he  had  an  iron  heart,  durst  not  place  it 
in  the  power  of  the  anvil-breaking  warriors  of  God,  was  at  last 
slain  by  an  arrow,  which  penetrated  his  heart  and  passed  through 
on  the  other  side. 

"  But  Turtdk  and  'AH  Beg,  as  they  had  never  yet  come  to 
this  country,  regarded  the  swords  of  the  Musulmdns  as  if  they 
were  those  of  mere  preachers,  and  rushed  on  impetuously  with 
about  fifty  thousand  horsemen.  From  the  mere  dread  of  that 
army  the  hills  trembled,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  foot  of  the 
hills  were  confounded — all  fled  away  before  the  fierce  attack  of 
those  wretches,  and  rushed  to  the  fords  of  the  Ganges.  The 
lightning  of  Mughal  fury  penetrated  even  to  those  parts,  and 
smoke  arose  from  the  burning  towns  of  Hindustan,  and  the 
people,  flying  from  their  flaming  houses,  threw  themselves  into 
the  rivers  and  torrents.  At  last  from  those  desolated  tracts 
news  reached  the  court  of  the  protector  of  the  world,  and  a 
confidential  officer,  Malik  Akhir  Beg,  Mubashara,  was  directed, 
at  the  head  of  a  powerful  body  of  thirty  thousand  horse,  to  use 
his  best  endeavours  to  attack  the  accursed  enemy,  and  throw  a 
mighty  obstacle  in  their  way."  He  obtained  victory  over  them 
on  the  twelfth  of  Jumada-s  skai  a.h.  705.  "  In  short,  imme- 
diately on  discerning  the  dust  of  the  army  of  Isldm,  the  grovel- 
ling Mughals  became  like  particles  of  sand  revolving  above  and 
below;"  and  they  fled  precipitately  "like  a  swarm  of  gnats 
before  a  hurricane."  "  The  enemy  made  one  or  two  weak  attacks, 
but  the  army  of  the  second  Alexander,  which  you  might  well 
call  an  iron  wall,  did  not  even  bend  before  the  foe,  but  drove 
before  them  those  doers  of  the  deeds  of  Gog."  "  Their  fire- 
coloured  faces  began  to  fall  on  the  earth,  and  in  the  rout,  'All 
Beg  and  Turtdk,  the  commanders,  when  they  saw  destruction 


TAErKH-I  'ALKt.  73 

awaiting  them,  threw  themselves  under  the  shade  of  the  standard 
of  Isldm,  and  exclaimed  that  the  splendour  of  our  swords  had 
cast  such  fire  upon  them,  that  they  could  gain  no  repose,  until 
they  had  arrived  under  the  shadow  of  God." 

"  He  who  lias  been  burnt  by  tbe  heat  of  misfortune, 
Let  him  seek  no  rest  save  under  the  shadow  of  God." 

"  The  field  of  battle  became  like  a  chess-board,  with  the  pieces 
manufactured  from  the  bones  of  the  elephant-bodied  Mughals, 
and  their  faces  (rukh)  were  divided  in  two  by  the  sword.  The 
slaughtered  hoggish  Mughals  were  lying  right  and  left,  like  so 
many  captured  pieces,  and  were  then  thrust  into  the  bag  which 
holds  the  chessmen.  The  horses  which  filled  the  squares  were 
some  of  them  wounded  and  some  taken ;  those  who,  like  the 
pawns,  never  retreated,  dismounted,  and,  advancing  on  foot,  made 
themselves  generals  (queens).  'Ali  Beg  and  Turtdk,  who  were 
the  two  kings  of  the  chessboard,  were  falling  before  the  fierce 
opposition  which  was  shown  by  the  gaunt  bones  of  Malik  Akhir 
Beg,  who  checkmated  them  both,  and  determined  to  send  them 
immediately  to  his  majesty,  that  he  might  order  either  their 
lives  to  be  spared,  or  that  they  should  be  pil-mated,  or  trodden 
to  death  by  elephants." 


Invasion  under  Kapak. 

"  Dust  arose  from  the  borders  of  the  land  of  Sind,  and  the 
inhabitants  fled  and  threw  away  their  property  like  leaves  dis- 
persed by  the  wind  in  autumn ;  but  as  that  blast  of  destruction 
had  no  power  to  raise  the  dust  as  far  as  Kuhram  and  Samana,  it 
turned  its  face  towards  the  deserts  of  Ndgor,  and  began  to  sweep 
away  the  dwellers  of  that  country."  The  king  despatched  Malik 
Kafur  against  them,  with  orders  to  advance  rapidly  without 
attracting  observation.  "  The  kind-hearted  Musulm^ns,  running 
up  from  the  right  and  left,  took  Kapak  prisoner,"  sent  him  to 
the  sublime  court,  and  made  all  his  followers  prisoners. 


74  AMIE  KHUSEir. 

Invasion  under  Ikhdl  Mudhir,  and  Muddhir  Tdi  Balwi. 

"  Another  army,  namely,  that  of  Ikbdl  Mudbir  and  Mudabir 
T^i  Balwi,  followed  close  behind  Kapak's,  thirsty  for  the  blood 
of  the  Musulmdns,  but  well  filled  with  the  blood  of  their  own 
tribes.  Suddenly  a  torrent  of  blood  of  the  slaughtered  infidels 
flowed  towards  them,"  and  they  had  no  place  to  stand  on. 
"  Meanwhile,  the  van  of  the  army  of  Islam  advanced  like  clouds 
and  rain  against  them,  and  fell  like  a  raging  storm  on  those 
Jihiinians."  Both  these  leaders  were  compelled  to  fly  across 
the  river  of  Sind.  Ikbal  was  taken  prisoner,  with  many  of  his 
followers,  and  those  who  escaped  fled  towards  the  north,  and 
"  countless  infidels  were  despatched  to  hell."  A  farman  was 
issued  by  Sultan  'Alau-d  din  that  the  surviving  prisoners  should 
be  massacred,  and  beaten  up  into  mortar  for  the  fort. 

'  They  hung  down  from  the  I'aikri  and  Chini  fortress. 
As  Abyssinians  with  heads  inverted  hang  from  a  new  building ;' 

And  a  bastion  was  formed  from  an  hundred  thousand  of  their 
heads.*" 

The  conquest  of  Gujarat,  Somndt,  Nahrwdla,  and  Kamhdy. 

The  Sultan  despatched  Ulugh  Khan  to  Ma'bar  and  Gujar&t 
for  the  destruction  of  the  idol-temple  of  Somnat,  on  the  20th 
of  Jumada-1  awwal,  698  h.  (1300  a.d.)  He  destroyed  all  the 
idols  and  temples  of  Somndt,  "  but  sent  one  idol,  the  biggest  of 
all  the  idols,  to  the  court  of  his  Godlike  Majesty,  and  in  that 
ancient  stronghold  of  idolatry  the  summons  to  prayers  was 
pronounced  so  loud,  that  they  heard  it  in  Misr  and  Madain."'^ 
He  conquered  also  the  city  of  Nahrwala  and  the  city  of 
Khambalh,^  and  other  cities  on  that  sea-shore. 

The  Conquest  of  Rantamhhor  and  Jhdin. 

The  king  himself  went  to  conduct  the  siege  of  Eantambhor. 
"  The   Saturnian   Hindus,    who    pretend  to   relation  with  that 

'  \_Misr,  Egypt;  Maddin,  the  two  cities,  "  Mecca  and  Medina."]         *  [Cambay.] 


TARTKH-I  'ALAr.  75 

planet,  had  for  purposes  of  defence  collected  fire  in  each  bastion. 
Every  day  the  fire  of  those  infernals  fell  on  the  light  of  the 
Musulmdns,  and  as  there  were  no  means  of  extinguishing  it  they 
filled  bags  with  earth  and  prepared  entrenchments.  You  might 
have  said  that  the  sewing  up  of  the  bags  containing  the  sand 
looked  as  if  the  king  of  the  earth  was  preparing  to  invest  the 
fortress  with  an  earthen  robe  of  honour.  When  the  bank  of  the 
entrenchment  had  reached  the  height  of  the  western  bastion  of 
the  fortress,  the  Royal  Westerns,^  shot  large  earthen  balls  against 
that  infidel  fort,  so  that  the  hearts  of  the  Hindus  began  to  quail." 
"  Some  newly  converted  Musulmdns  among  the  ill-starred 
Mughals  had  turned  their  faces  from  the  sun  of  Islam,  and 
joined  those  Saturnians ;"  but  they  discharged  their  arrows  in- 
effectually against  the  party  they  had  deserted.  "  The  victorious 
array  remained  encamped  under  that  fort  from  the  month  of 
Eajab  to  Zi-1  ka'da."  Every  day  they  collected  at  the  foot  of 
their  outwork  or  entrenchment,^  and  made  vigorous  attacks, 
rushing  like  salamanders  through  the  fire  which  surrounded 
them.  "  The  stones  which  were  shot  from  the  catapults  and 
balistas,  within  and  without  the  fort,  encountered  each  other  half, 
way,  and  emitted  lightning.  They  fell  upon  the  fort  like  hail- 
stones, and  when  the  garrison  ate  them,  they  became  cold  and 
dead."  "Ifo  provisions  remained  in  the  fort,  and  famine  pre- 
vailed to  such  an  extent,  that  a  grain  of  rice  was  purchased  for 
two  grains  of  gold."  One  night  the  Eai  lit  a  fire  at  the  top  of 
the  hill,  and  threw  his  women  and  family  into  the  flames,  and 
rushing  on  the  enemy  with  a  few  devoted  adherents,  they 
sacrificed  their  lives  in  despair.  "  On  the  fortunate  date  of  the 
3rd  of  Zi-1  ka'da  a.h.  700  (July,  1301  a.d.),  this  strong  fort 
was  taken  by  the  slaughter  of  the  stinking  Eai."  Jhain  was 
also  captured,  "  an  iron  fort,  an  ancient  abode  of  idolatry,  and 

1  A  name  applied  to  the  catapults  and  similar  instruments  of  war  derived  from 
the  West. 

2  The  word  in  the  original  is  pdshib — usually  applied  to  "  a  footstool,  a  declivity 
of  a  mountain,  the  bottom  of  a  ladder."  A  little  lower  down,  in  the  siege  of 
Warangal,  we  find  it  representing  a  slope  to  a  breach. 


76  AMra  KHUSRU-. 

a  new  city  of  the  people  of  the  faith  arose."  The  temple  of 
Bahir  Deo,  and  the  temples  of  other  gods,  were  all  razed  to  the 
ground. 

Conquest  of  Mdlwa. 

"  On  the  southern  border  of  Hindustan,  R4(  Mahlak  Deo,  of 
M41wa,  and  Kokd,  his  Pardhan,  who  had  under  their  command 
a  select  body  of  thirty  or  forty  thousand  cavalry,  and  infantry 
without  number,  boasting  of  their  large  force,  had  rubbed  their 
eyes  with  the  antimony  of  pride,  and,  according  to  the  verse, 
'  When  fate  decrees  the  sight  is  blinded,'  had  forsaken  the  path 
of  obedience.  A  select  army  of  royal  troops  was  appointed,  and 
suddenly  fell  on  those  blind  and  bewildered  men.  Victory  itself 
preceded  them,  and  had  her  eyes  fixed  upon  the  road  to  see 
when  the  triumphant  army  would  arrive.  Until  the  dust  of  the 
army  of  Isldm  arose,  the  vision  of  their  eyes  was  closed.  The 
blows  of  the  sword  then  descended  upon  them,  their  heads  were 
cut  off,  and  the  earth  was  moistened  with  Hindu  blood." 

The  accursed  Kok^,  also,  was  slain,  and  his  head  was  sent  to 
the  Sultan.  His  confidential  chamberlain,  'Ainu-l  Mulk,  was 
appointed  to  the  Government  of  Malwa,  and  directed  to  expel 
Mahlak  Deo  from  Mandti,  "and  to  cleanse  that  old  Gabristan 
from  the  odour  of  infidelity."  A  spy  showed  him  a  way 
secretly  into  the  fort,  and  he  advanced  upon  Mahlak  Deo 
"  before  even  his  household  gods  were  aware  of  it."  The  B.4i 
was  slain  while  attempting  to  fly.  This  event  occurred  on 
Thursday,  the  5th  of  Jumada-1  awwal,  a.h.  705 1  (Nov.  1305 
A.D.).  'Ainu-lMulk  sent  a  chamberlain  to  the  Sultan  with  a 
despatch  announcing  this  event.  The  Sultan  returned  thanks 
to  God  for  the  victory,  and  added  Mandu  to  the  Government 
of'Ainu-lMulk. 

Conquest  of  Chitor, 
On    Monday,    the    8th   Jumdda-s  s^ni,    A.h.    702,  the   loud 

'  [Sic :  but  either  the  date  is  wrong  or  the  event  is  taken  out  of  chronological 
order.    Firishta  places  it  in  704  h.] 


TA'ErK.H-1  'ALAr.  77 

drums  proclaimed  the  royal  march  from  Dehli,  undertaken  with 
a  view  to  the  capture  of  Chitor.  The  author  accompanied  the 
expedition.  The  fort  was  taken  on  Monday,  the  11th  of 
Muharram,  a.h.  703  (August,  1303  A.D.).  The  Eai  fled,  but 
afterwards  surrendered  himself,  "  and  was  secured  against  the 
lightning  of  the  scimetar.  The  Hindus  say  that  lightning  falls 
wherever  there  is  a  brazen  vessel,  and  the  face  of  the  Eal  had 
become  as  yellow  as  one,  through  the  effect  of  fear." 

After  ordering  a  massacre  of  thirty  thousand  Hindus,  he 
bestowed  the  Grovernment  of  Chitor  upon  his  son,  Khizr  Khdn, 
and  named  the  place  Khizrabad.  He  bestowed  on  him  a  red 
canopy,  a  robe  embroidered  with  gold,  and  two  standards — one 
green,  and  the  other  black — and  threw  upon  him  rubies  and 
emeralds.  He  then  returned  towards  Dehli.  "  Praise  be  to 
Grod !  that  he  so  ordered  the  massacre  of  all  the  chiefs  of  Hind 
out  of  the  pale  of  Isldm,  by  hie  infidel-smiting  sword,  that  if  in 
this  time  it  should  by  chance  happen  that  a  schismatic  should 
claim  his  right,  the  pure  Sunnis  would  swear  in  the  name  of  this 
Khalifa  of  God,  that  heterodoxy  has  no  rights." 

Conquest  of  Deog'ir. 

Rai  Rdm  Deo,  of  Deogir,  having  swerved  from  his  allegiance, 
an  expedition  of  thirty-thousand  horse  was  fitted  out  against 
him,  and  Malik  Naib  Barbak^  was  appointed  to  the  command. 
"  He  accomplished  with  ease  a  march  of  three  hundred  parasangs 
over  stones  and  hills,  without  drawing  rein,"  "  and  arrived  there 
on  Saturday,  the  19th  of  Eamazdn,  a.h.  706  (March,  1307  a.d.). 
The  son  of  the  R4i  fled  at  once,  and  most  of  the  army  of  the 
Hindus  was  sent  to  hell  by  the  spears  and  arrows.  Half  of  the 
rest  fled  away,  and  the  other  half  received  quarter." 

After  the  victory,  the  general  ordered  that  the  soldiers  should 
retain  the  booty  they  had  acquired,  with  the  exception  of  horses, 
elephants,  and  treasure,  which  were  to  be  reserved  for  the  king. 
The  Kal  was  taken  prisoner  and  sent  to  the  king,  by  whom  he 

1  \Bdrl)ah  or  Barleg,  the  officer  who  presents  persons  at  Court.] 


78  AMfR  KHUSRir. 

was  detained  for  six  months,  and  then  released  with  all  honour, 
and  a  red  umbrella  was  bestowed  upon  him. 

Conquest  of  Siwdna. 

On  Wednesday,  the  13th  of  Muharram,  a.h.  708  (July,  1308 
A.D.),  the  king  set  out  on  his  expedition  against  Siw4na,  "  a  fort 
situated  on  an  eminence,  one  hundred  parasangs  from  Dehli,  and 
surrounded  by  a  forest  occupied  by  wild  men,  who  committed 
highway  robberies.  Sutal  Deo,  a  Gabr,  sat  on  the  summit  of 
the  hill-fort,  like  the  Simurgh  upon  Caucasus,  and  several  thou- 
sand other  Gabrs,  were  also  present,  like  so  many  mountain 
vultures."  "The  Western  mangonels  were  placed  under  the 
orders  of  Malik  Kamalu-d  din  Garg  (the  wolf) ; 

"  For  in  slaying  lions  he  excelled 
As  much  as  the  wolf  in  killing  sheep." 

Some  of  the  garrison,  in  attempting  to  escape  to  the  jungles,  were 
pursued  and  killed.  "  On  Tuesday,  the  23rd  of  Rabfu-l  awwal, 
Sutal  Deo,  the  Savage,  was  slain.  When  the  affair  with  those 
savages  was  brought  to  completion,  the  great  king  left  Malik 
Kamdlu-d  din  Garg,  to  hunt  the  hogs  of  that  desert,"  and  he 
himself  returned  to  Dehli. 

Conquest  of  Tilang. 

On  the  25th  of  Jumada-1  awwal,  a.h.  709,  Malik  Naib  Kafur, 
the  minister,  was  despatched  on  an  expedition  to  Tilang,  and 
"  accompanied  by  the  royal  red  canopy,  through  the  kindness  of 
the  Sun  of  Sultans,  he  departed  towards  the  sea  and  Ma'bar." 
"  The  army  marched  stage  by  stage  for  nine  days,  when  the 
lucky  star  of  the  chief  of  Wazirs,  at  a  fortunate  moment, 
arrived  at  Mas'udpur,  so  called  after  the  son  of  King  Mas'ud. 
Thei-e  the  army  halted  for  two  days,  and,  on  the  6th  of  the  second 
Jumad,  he  took  his  departure  with  all  the  chiefs."  The  diflB- 
culties  of  the  road  described,  through  hills  and  ravines  and 
forests.  "  The  obedient  army  went  through  this  inhospitable 
tract,  file  after  file,  and  regarded  this  dreadful  wilderness  as  the 
razor-bridge  of  hell. 


TAErKH-I  'ALAT.  79 

"In  six  days  the  army  crossed  five  rivers,  the  Jun,  the 
Chambal,  the  Kunwari,  the  Niyds,i  and  Bahuji,  which  were 
all  crossed  by  fords,  and  arrived  at  Sultanpur,  commonly  called 
T'rijpiir,  where  the  army  halted  four  days."  "  After  thirteen 
days,  on  the  first  of  the  month  of  Eajab,  they  arrived  at  Khan- 
dhdr ;  in  such  a  wilderness,  the  month  of  God  advanced  to  meet 
the  army  of  Islam."  Here  they  remained  fourteen  days.  "  At 
this  fortunate  season,  all  the  Imdms,  Maliks,  the  pious  and 
celebrated  persons  in  the  army,  assembled  before  the  royal  canopy 
and  ofiiered  up  prayers  for  the  king. 

"  The  army  again  advanced,  and,  like  a  raging  deluge,  passed 
through  torrents  and  water  courses — now  up,  now  down.  Every 
day  it  arrived  at  a  new  river."  "  There  were  means  of  crossing 
all  the  rivers,  but  the  Nerbadda  was  such  that  you  might  say 
it  was  a  remnant  of  the  universal  deluge.  As  the  miraculous 
power  of  the  saintly  Sultan  accompanied  the  army,  all  the 
whirlpools  and  depths  became  of  themselves  immediately  dry  on 
the  arrival  of  the  army,  and  the  Musulm^ns  passed  over  with 
ease,  so  that  in  the  space  of  eight  days  after  crossing  that  Tigris 
they  arrived  at  Nilkanth."  "  As  Nilkanth  was  on  the  borders 
of  Deoglr,  and  included  in  the  country  of  the  Eai  Eaydn,  Ram 
Ueo,  the  minister,  acting  under  the  orders  of  his  Majesty, 
directed  that  it  should  be  secured  against  being  plundered  by 
the  army,  which  was  as  destructive  as  ants  and  locusts.  No  one, 
therefore,  was  able  to  carry  off  doors,  enclosures,  dwellings,  and 
grain  stores,  or  to  cut  down  the  growing  crops.  The  drums 
which  sounded  to  march  were  detained  here  two  days,  while 
enquiries  were  made  about  the  stages  in  advance,  and  on  Tues- 
day, the  26th  of  Rajab,  the  army  again  moved  forward." 

The  difficulties  of  the  next  sixteen  marches  described. — Stones, 
hills,  streams,  ravines,  and  pathways  "narrower  than  a  guitar- 
string,"  "  After  crossing  three  plains  and  hills  with  fortitude 
and  determination,  they  arrived  at  a  place  within  the  borders  of 

1  [This  name  may  also  be  read  as  Bamb&s.  The  Kumv&rl  is  the  Kuh&ri  of  the 
maps,  and  the  Niy^s  and  Bahtiji  must  be  the  rivers  now  known  as  the  Sind  and  Betwa.] 


80  AMrn  KHUSRU'. 

Bijdnagar,  which  was  pointed  out  as  containing  a  diamond-mine." 
It  was  in  a  DoAb,  or  Interamnia,  one  river  being  the  Yashar,  the 
other  the  Bariiji. 

About  this  time,  he  arrived  at  the  fort  of  Sarbar,  "  which  is 
considered  among  the  provinces  of  Tilang."  The  commander, 
without  delay,  "  gave  orders  that  the  fort  should  be  invested ; 
from  without  the  archers  shot  arrows,  from  within  the  Hindus 
exclaimed  '  strike  !  strike  !  (mar  mdry  "  When,  in  consequence 
of  the  fire-arrows  shot  by  the  Musulmans,  the  houses  in  the  fort 
began  to  burn,  "  Every  one  threw  himself,  with  his  wife  and 
children,  upon  the  flames,  and  departed  to  hell."  While  the  fire 
was  yet  blazing,  an  attack  was  made  on  the  fort,  and  those  that 
escaped  the  flames,  became  the  victims  of  the  sword.  The  Naib 
'Axz-i  mamdlik,  by  name  Siraj-i  din,  when  he  saw  that  the 
moment  of  victory  had  arrived,  called  upon  Ananir,  the  brother 
of  the  commander  of  the  fort,  who  had  made  his  escape,  to  sur- 
render the  fort  with  all  its  treasures.  The  defenders  who  still 
survived  fled  in  terror. 

On  Saturday,  the  10th  of  Sha'bdn,  the  army  marched  from 
that  spot,  "  in  order  that  the  pure  tree  of  Islam  might  be  planted 
and  flourish  in  the  soil  of  Tilang,  and  the  evil  tree,  which  had 
struck  its  roots  deep,  might  be  torn  up  by  force." 

On  the  14th  of  the  month,  they  arrived  at  Kiinarpal,  when 
Malik  N^ib  Barbak  sent  out  a  detachment  of  a  thousand  men  to 
seize  some  prisoners  from  whom  information  might  be  obtained. 
As  the  army  had  arrived  near  Arangal,  two  chiefs  were  sent  on 
with  forty  mounted  archers  to  occupy  "  the  hill  of  An  Makinda, 
for  from  that  all  the  edifices  and  gardens  of  Arangal  can  be  seen." 
Here  he  himself  encamped  a  few  days  afterwards. 

"  The  wall  of  Arangal  was  made  of  mud,  but  so  strong  that  a 
spear  of  steel  could  not  pierce  it ;  and  if  a  ball  from  a  western 
catapult  were  to  strike  against  it,  it  would  rebound  like  a  nut 
which  children  play  with."  "  At  night  Khwdja  Nasiru-l  Mulk 
Siraju-d  Daulat  distributed  the  troops  to  their  several  destina- 
tions, and  sent  every  detachment  to  occupy  its  proper  place,  so  that 


TA'ErKH.1  'ALAr.  81 

the  fort  might  be  invested  in  every  direction,  and  that  his  soldiers 
might  find  shelter  from  the  naphtha  and  fire  of  those  within. 

"  When  the  blessed  canopy  had  been  fixed  about  a  mile  from 
the  gate  of  Arangal,  the  tents  around  the  fort  were  pitched  to- 
gether so  closely  that  the  head  of  a  needle  could  not  get  between 
them."  "  To  every  tamin  (tribe  or  division)  was  allotted  one 
thousand  and  two  hundred  yards  of  land,  and  the  entire  circuit 
of  the  wall  was  twelve  thousand  and  five  hundred  and  forty  and 
six  yards."  "  Orders  were  issued  that  every  man  should  erect 
behind  his  own  tent  a  kath-gar,  that  is  a  wooden  defence.  The 
trees  were  cut  with  axes  and  felled,  notwithstanding  their  groans  ; 
and  the  Hindus,  who  worship  trees,  could  not  at  that  time  come 
to  the  rescue  of  their  idols,  so  that  every  cursed  tree  which  was 
in  that  capital  of  idolatry  was  cut  down  to  the  roots  ;  and  clever 
carpenters  applied  the  sharp  iron  to  shape  the  blocks,  so  that  a 
wooden  fortress  was  drawn  around  the  army,  of  such  stability, 
that  if  fire  had  rained  from  heaven  their  camp  would  have  been 
unscathed." 

A  night  attack  was  made  on  the  camp  by  three  thousand 
Hindu  horse,  under  the  command  of  Banak  Deo,  the  chief 
(jnukaddam)  of  that  country.  It  was  unsuccessful,  and  "  the 
heads  of  the  R^wats  rolled  on  the  plain  like  crocodiles'  eggs," 
the  whole  party  being  slain,  or  taken  prisoners.  From  the 
latter  it  was  learnt  that  "in  the  town  of  Damdhum,  six  parasangs 
from  Tilang,  three  powerful  elephants  were  kept."  A  thousand 
men,  under  Karrah  Beg,  were  detached  to  seize  them,  and  they 
were  brought  into  camp  and  reserved  for  the  royal  stables. 

The  Naib  Amir  gave  daily  orders  to  attack  the  chiefs  of 
Laddar  Deo,  and  he  also  ordered  the  "  western  stone-balls  "  to 
be  thrown  at  the  wall  from  every  direction  "  to  demolish  it,  and 
reduce  it  to  powder."  The  manjaniks  from  without  had  more 
eflFect  than  the  arradas  from  within ;  "  the  stones  of  the 
Musulmdns  all  flew  highj  owing  to  the  power  of  the  strong 
cable,  but  the  balls  of  the  Hindus  were  shot  feebly,  as  fi-om  a 
Brahman's  thread." 


82  AMrR  KHUSRU. 

"When  the  stories  and  redoubts  (sdbdt  o  gargaj)  were  com- 
pleted, and  had  attained  such  a  height  that  the  garrison  of  the 
fort  were  placed  suddenly  on  a  lower  elevation,^  the  ditch  of  the 
wall  which  was  in  front  of  the  army  of  IslS,m,"  and  which  was  of 
very  great  depth,  had  to  be  crossed.  This  was  filled  to  the  mouth 
with  earth.  "  One  face  of  the  fort,  which  was  one  hundred  cubits 
in  length,  was  so  battered  down  by  heavy  stones  that  it  no  longer 
covered  the  Hindus  and  afforded  them  protection.  On  another 
face  also,  the  balls  of  the  western  engines  which  were  in  the 
outwork  had,  by  the  breaches  they  had  made,  opened  several 
gates.  All  those  breaches  were  so  many  gates  of  victory,  which 
heaven  had  opened  for  the  royal  army. 

"As  the  earth  which  was  battered  down  from  the  wall  filled 
up  the  ditch  from  the  very  bottom  to  the  middle  of  the  wall, 
and  the  walls  of  the  earthen  fortress  were  pounded  into  dust  by 
the  stones  discharged  at  them,  the  commander  was  about  to  make 
a  sloping  ascent  to  the  breach,  so  wide  and  open  that  a  hundred 
men  could  go  on  it  abreast.  But  as  it  would  have  taken  several 
days  to  make  this  slope,  and  victory  was  herself  urgent  that  she 
should  be  secured  by  rapid  action,  the  wise  minister  summoned 
his  prudent  Maliks  to  a  council,  and  it  was  unanimously  deter- 
mined that,  before  making  an  ascent  to  the  breach,  an  assault 
should  be  attempted." 

On  the  night  of  the  11th  of  Bamazan,  "the  minister  of  ex- 
alted rank  issued  orders  that  in  every  division  high  ladders,  with 
other  apparatus,  should  be  kept  ready  in  the  middle  of  the  night, 
and  whenever  the  drum  should  beat  to  action  every  one  should 
advance  from  his  entrenchment  and  carry  the  ladders  towards 
the  fort — 

"  That  the  work  of  victory  might  he  exalted  step  hy  step." 

During  the  attack,  the  catapults  were  busily  plied  on  both 
sides.  "  If  one  ball  from  an  engine  without  the  walls  was  dis- 
charged, it  fell  as  two  balls  within,  but  from  the  engines  within, 

'  We  find  this  kind  of  outwork  constructed  hy  Changiz  Kh&n,  in  his  siege  of 
B&mf&n. 


TAEtKH-I  'ALAT.  83 

although  two  balls  might  be  discharged  at  a  time,  no  misfortune 
befell  the  proclaimers  of  unity.  Praise  be  to  God  for  his  exalta- 
tion of  the  religion  of  Muhammad  !  It  is  not  to  be  doubted 
that  stones  are  worshipped  by  the  Gabrs,  but  as  stones  did  no 
service  to  them,  they  only  bore  to  heaven  the  futility  of  that 
worship,  and  at  the  same  time  prostrated  their  devotees  upon 
earth."  Three  bastions  of  the  outer  wall  were  taken  and  occu- 
pied by  the  Musulmans. 

On  Sunday,  the  13th,  "  a  day  dedicated  to  the  sun,"  the  attack 
was  renewed,  and  cries  of  ^^  huzza  huzz,  and  khuzza  khuzz," 
the  acclamation  of  the  triumph  of  holy  warriors  arose.  "  They 
took  fire  with  them,  and  threw  it  into  the  places  of  retreat  of  the 
Gabrs,  who  worshipped  fire."  By  Wednesday,  the  whole  of  the 
outer  wall  was  in  possession  of  the  Musulmi^ns.  They  then  saw 
the  inner  fortress,  which  was  built  of  stone.  "  You  might  have 
said  it  was  the  fort  of  Ndi,  in  which  the  air  is  as  much  lost  as 
in  a  reed."  When  the  army  reached  the  inner  ditch,  they  swam 
across  it,  and  commenced  a  vigorous  attack  on  one  of  the  stone 
bastions,  which  so  alarmed  Eai  Laddar  Deo  that  he  offered  terms 
of  capitulation.  He  despatched  confidential  messengers  to  offer 
an  annual  payment  of  tribute,  and  sent  a  golden  image  of  him- 
self, with  a  golden  chain  round  its  neck,  in  acknowledgment  of 
his  submission.  "  When  the  messengers  ^  of  the  Eai  came  before 
the  red  canopy,  which  is  the  honoured  harbinger  of  victory  and 
triumph,  they  rubbed  their  yellow  faces  on  the  earth  till  the 
ground  itself  acquired  their  colour,  and  they  drew  out  their 
tongues  in  eloquent  Hindui,  more  cutting  than  a  Hindi  sword, 
and  they  delivered  the  message  of  the  Edi." 

"  The  idol-breaking  Malik  comprehended  the  gilding  of  the 

'  An  early  eastern  use  of  Huzza  !  huzza !  The  same  exclamations  occur  in  the 
Miftdhu-l  Fuli,h. 

''■  The  Hindi  word  basith  is  here  used.  It  is  one  of  those  chosen  by  the  author  for 
illustration  iu  his  well-known  vocahulary  called  "  Xhalik  bdri." 


84  AMfE  KHUSEir. 

Hindus,  and  paid  no  regard  to  their  glozing  speech,  and  would 
not  look  towards  that  golden  image ; "  but  he  ("  a  part  of  the 
second  Alexander  ")  ordered  his  officers  to  take  the  gold  that  was 
brought  and  suspend  operations  against  the  fort.  He  demanded, 
in  reply,  everything  that  the  Rai's  country  produced,  from 
"  vegetables,  mines,  and  animals.  On  this  condition  the  fort- 
taking  Malik  stretched  forth  his  right  hand,  and  placed  his  sword 
in  his  scabbard,  and  struck  his  open  hand,  by  way  of  admonition, 
so  forcibly  on  the  backs  of  the  hasiths  that  he  made  them  bend 
under  the  blow.  They  hastened  to  the  fort,  trembling  like  quick- 
silver. The  Eai  was  engaged  all  night  in  accumulating  his 
treasures  and  wealth,  and  next  morning  his  officers  returned 
with  elephants,  treasures,  and  horses,  before  the  red  canopy, 
which  is  the  dawn  of  the  eastern  sun  ;  and  the  Malik,  having 
summoned  all  the  chiefs  of  the  army,  sat  down  in  a  place  which 
was  found  in  front  of  the  exalted  throne,  and  every  other  officer 
found  a  place  in  the  assembly  according  to  his  rank.  The  com- 
mon people  and  servants  assembled  in  a  crowd.  He  then  sent 
for  the  basiths  of  the  Rai,  and  directed  them  to  place  their  faces 
on  the  ground  before  the  canopy,  the  shadow  of  God ;  and  the 
elephants  were  placed  in  front  of  that  assembly,  to  be  exhibited 
for  presentation." 

The  Malik  took  the  entire  wealth  of  the  E.ai  which  was 
brought,  and  threatened  a  general  massacre,  if  it  should  be  found 
that  the  Rai  had  reserved  anything  for  himself.  An  engagement 
was  then  entered  into  that  the  Eai  should  send  jizya  annually  to 
Dehli,  The  Malik  left  Arangal  on  the  16th  of  Shaww41  (March, 
1310  A.D.)  with  all  his  booty,  and  "a  thousand  camels  groaned 
under  the  weight  of  the  treasure."  He  arrived  at  Dehli  on  the 
11th  of  Muharram,  a.h.  710,  and  on  Tuesday,  the  24th,  in  an 
assembly  of  all  the  chiefs  and  nobles  on  the  terrace  of  N4siru-d 
din,  the  plunder  was  presented,  and  the  Malik  duly  honoured. 

"  They  raised  a  black  pavihon  on  the  Ohautara  Nasira,  like  the 
Ka'ba  in  the  navel  of  the  earth,  and  kings  and  princes  of  Arabia 
and  Persia  took  up  their  stations  around  it,  while  various  other 


TAEIKH-I  'ALAr.  85 

celebrated  chiefs,  who  had  fled  to  the  city  of  Isldm,  came  with 
pure  intentions  to  offer  allegiance,  and  honoured  the  dust  which 
adhered  to  their  foreheads  when  prostrating  themselves  upon  the 
earth  before  his  majesty."  "You  would  have  said  that  the 
people  considered  that  day  a  second  'Id,  when  the  returning 
pilgrims,  after  traversing  many  deserts,  had  arrived  at  the  sacred 
dwelling  of  the  king.  The  common  people  went  roaming  about, 
and  there  was  no  one  to  prevent  their  enjoying  that  blessed  sight. 
They  obtained  the  rewards  resulting  from  pilgrimage,  but  a 
greater  reward  than  that  attending  other  pilgrimages  was,  that, 
on  whatsoever  person  the  fortunate  sight  of  the  king  fell,  that 
person  was  a  recipient  of  his  kindness  and  favour." 

The  Conquest  of  Ma'har. 

"  The  tongue  of  the  sword  of  the  Khalifa  of  the  time,  which  is  the 
tongue  of  the  flame  of  Isl4m,  has  imparted  light  to  the  entire  dark- 
ness of  Hindustan  by  the  illumination  of  its  guidance ;  and  on  one 
side  an  iron  wall  of  royal  swords  has  been  raised  before  the  infidel 
Magog-like  Tatars,  so  that  all  that  God-deserted  tribe  drew  their 
feet  within  their  skirts  amongst  the  hills  of  Ghazni,  and  even 
their  advance-arrows  had  not  strength  enough  to  reach  into 
Sind.  On  the  other  side  so  much  dust. arose  from  the  battered 
temple  of  Somndt  that  even  the  sea  was  not  able  to  lay  it,  and 
on  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left  hand  the  army  has  conquered 
from  sea  to  sea,  and  several  capitals  of  the  gods  of  the  Hindus, 
in  which  Satanism  has  prevailed  since  the  time  of  the  Jinns,  have 
been  demolished.  All  these  impurities  of  infidelity  have  been 
cleansed  by  the  Sultdn's  destruction  of  idol-temples,  beginning 
with  his  first  holy  expedition  against  Deogir,  so  that  the  flames 
of  the  light  of  the  law  illumine  all  these  unholy  countries,  and 
places  for  the  criers  to  prayer  are  exalted  on  high,  and  prayers 
are  read  in  mosques.     God  be  praised ! " 

"  But  the  country  of  Ma'bar,  which  is  so  distant  from  the  city 
of  Dehli  that  a  man  travelling  with  all  expedition  could  only 
reach  it  after  a  journey  of  twelve  months,  there  the  arrow  of  any 


86  AMrE  KHUSRCr. 

holy  warrior  had  not  yet  reached ;  but  this  world-conquering 
king  determined  to  carry  his  army  to  that  distant  country,  and 
spread  the  light  of  the  Muhammadan  religion  there."  Malik 
N4ib  Barbak  was  appointed  to  command  the  army  for  this  ex- 
pedition, and  a  royal  canopy  was  sent  with  him.  The  Malik 
represented  that  on  the  coast  of  Ma'bar  were  five  hundred 
elephants,  larger  than  those  which  had  been  presented  to  the 
Sultan  from  Arangal,  and  that  when  he  was  engaged  in  the 
conquest  of  that  place  he  had  thought  of  possessing  himself  of 
them,  and  that  now,  as  the  wise  determination  of  the  king  had 
combined  the  extirpation  of  idolaters  with  this  object,  he  was 
more  than  ever  rejoiced  to  enter  on  this  grand  enterprise. 

The  army  left  Dehli  on  the  24th  of  Jumada-1  dkhir,  a.h.  710 
(Nov.  1310  A.B.)  and  after  marching  by  the  bank  of  the  Jiin 
(Jumna)  halted  at  Tankal  for  fourteen  days.  While  on  the  bank 
of  the  river  at  that  place,  the  Biwdn  of  the  'J!ri%-i  Mamdlik  took 
a  muster  of  the  army.  "  Twenty  and  one  days  the  royal  soldiers, 
like  swift  grey-hounds,  made  lengthened  marches,  while  they 
were  making  the  road  short,  until  they  arrived  at  Kanhun ;  from 
that,  in  seventeen  more  days,  they  arrived  at  Grur-gdnw.  During 
these  seventeen  days  the  Ghats  were  passed,  and  great  heights 
and  depths  were  seen  amongst  the  hills,  where  even  the  elephants 
became  nearly  invisible."  "And  three  large  rivers  had  to  be 
crossed,  which  occasioned  the  greatest  fears  in  their  passage. 
Two  of  them  were  equal  to  one  another,  but  neither  of  them 
equalled  the  Nerbadda." 

"  After  crossing  those  rivers,  hills,  and  many  depths,  the  R4i 
of  Tilang  sent  twenty-three  powerful  elephants  for  the  royal 
service."  "For  the  space  of  twenty  days  the  victorious  army 
remained  at  that  place,  for  the  purpose  of  sending  on  the  ele- 
phants, and  they  took  a  muster  of  the  men  present  and  absent, 
until  the  whole  number  was  counted.  And,  according  to  the 
command  of  the  king,  they  suspended  swords  from  the  standard 
poles,  in  order  that  the  inhabitants  of  Ma'bar  might  be  aware 
that  the  day  of  resurrection  had  arrived  amongst  them ;  aud  that 


TARrKH-I  'AL^r.  87 

all  the  burnt  ^  Hindus  would  be  despatched  by  the  sword  to  their 
brothers  in  hell,  so  that  fire,  the  improper  object  of  their  wor- 
ship, might  mete  out  proper  punishment  to  them." 

"  The  sea-resembling  army  moved  swiftly,  like  a  hurricane,  to 
Ghurg&nw.^  Everywhere  the  accursed  tree,  that  produced  no  reli- 
gion, was  found  and  torn  up  by  the  roots,  and  the  people  who  were 
destroyed  were  like  trunks  carried  along  in  the  torrent  of  the 
Jihun,  or  like  straw  tossed  up  and  down  in  a  whirlwind,  and 
carried  forward.  When  they  reached  the  Tkwi  (T&pti),  they  saw 
a  river  like  the  sea.  The  army  crossed  it  by  a  ford  quicker  than 
the  hurricane  they  resembled,  and  afterwards  employed  itself  in 
cutting  down  jungles  and  destroying  gardens." 

"  On  Thursday,  the  13th  of  Eamazdn,  the  royal  canopy  cast 
its  shadow  on  Deogir,  which  under  the  aid  of  heaven  had  been 
protected  by  the  angels,  and  there  the  army  determined  to  make 
all  preparations  for  extirpating  Bill&l  Deo  and  other  Deos  (demons). 
The  Rai  Edydn,  Ram  Deo,  who  had  heard  safety  to  Satan  pro- 
claimed by  the  dreadful  Muhammadan  tymbals,  considered  him- 
self safe  under  the  protection  secured  to  him ;  and,  true  to  his 
allegiance,  forwarded  with  all  his  heart  the  preparations  necessary 
for  the  equipment  of  the  army  sent  by  the  Court,  so  as  to  render 
it  available  for  the  extermination  of  rebels  and  the  destruction  of 
the  Bir  and  Dhtir  Samundar."^  The  city  was  adorned  in  honour 
of  the  occasion,  and  food  and  clothes  plentifully  supplied  to  the 
Musulmdns. 

Dalwi,  a  Hindu,  who  had  been  sent  on  to  hold  the  gates  of  access 
to  the  Bir  and  Dhur  Samundar,  was  directed  by  the  RAi  Eaydn 
to  attend  on  the  Musulm^n  camp,  and  "  he  was  anxious  to  see 
the  conquest  of  the  whole  of  Dhtir  Samundar  by  the  fortunate 
devotees  of  the  Ka'ba  of  religion."    The  Muhammadan  army 

1  ["Sokhta,"  literally  "burnt,"  but  also  signifying  consumed  by  trouble.] 

'  Here  spelt  with  an  h  in  the  first  syllable. 

'  [DwSja-samudra  ■was  the  capital  of  the  Bell&la  rSJas,  and  Vira  Narasinha  was 
the  name  of  the  prince  who  was  overthrown  in  this  invasion.  See  Wilson's  Mackenzie 
Collection,  Int.,  p.  cxiii. ;  Buchanan's  Mysore,  iii.,  pp.  391,  474 ;  Thomas,  Prinsep's 
UsefulTables,  p.  276.] 


.  88  AMIR  KHUSRtr. 

remained  for  three  days,  and  on  the  17th  departed  "from  the 
Tman^b^d  Deogir  to  the  Khardb^b^d  of  Paras  Deo  Dalvi,^  in 
five  stages,  in  which  three  large  rivers  were  crossed,"  Sini, 
Goddvari,  and  Binhur,^  and  other  frightful  rivers;  and  "after 
five  days  arrived  at  Bdndri,  in  the  country  (ikta')  of  Paras 
Deo  Dalvi,  who  was  obedient  to  his  exalted  Majesty,  and 
desired  that,  by  the  force  of  the  arms  of  the  victorious  Mu- 
hammadan  soldiers,  Bir  Dhtil  and  Bir  Pdndya^  might  be  re- 
duced, together  with  the  seas  which  encircle  them,  into  one  cup."* 

Here  he  stayed  to  make  inquiries  respecting  the  countries  in 
advance,  when  he  was  informed  that  the  two  Eais  of  Ma'bar, 
the  eldest  named  Bir  Pandyd,  the  youngest  Sundar  Pdndya,^  who 
had  up  to  that  time  continued  on  friendly  terms,  had  advanced 
against  each  other  with  hostile  intentions,  and  that  Billal  Deo, 
the  Rai  of  Dhur  Samundar,  on  learning  this  fact,  had  marched 
for  the  purpose  of  sacking  their  two  empty  cities,  and  plundering 
the  merchants ;  but  that,  on  hearing  of  the  advance  of  the  Mu- 
hammadan  army,  he  had  returned  to  his  own  country. 

On  Sunday,  the  23rd,  after  holding  a  council  of  his  chief 
officers,  he  took  a  select  body  of  cavalry  with  him,  and  pressed  on 
against  Billdl  Deo,  and  on  the  5th  of  Shawwal  reached  the  fort 
of  Dhur  Samund,^  after  a  difficult  march  of  twelve  days  over  the 
hills  and  valleys,  and  through  thorny  forests. 

•  Dalwi  is  perhaps  meant  for  an  inhabitant  of  Tuluva,  the  modem  Canara. 

2  No  doubt  the  present  Slna  and  Bhima,  but  the  position  of  the  God&vari  is 


3  [This  should  signify  Bir  (Vfra)  the  E&ja  of  D  w&ra-samudra,  and  Vira  the  R6.ja 
of  Pindya;  but  there  was  evidently  a  confusion  in  the  mind  of  the  writer  as  to 
persons  and  places,  as  seen  in  this  passage-  In  another  place  he  says  "  the  fort  which 
is  called  Bir  and  Dhfir  Samundar."  Wass&f  calls  the  Pindya  r&ja  "  Tira  P&ndi,"  and 
makes  a  pun  on  this  name,  calling  him  "  tira-hakht"  showing  that  he  did  not  know 
the  real  name  {suprd,  p.  63).] 

••  There  is  great  punning  here  about  wells  {bir)  and  buckets  {dalvi},  which  is 
impossible  to  render  into  English  so  as  to  make  it  comprehensible. 

5  See  suprd,  pp.  32,  49,  62. 

«  The  author  spells  it  both  "tamutidar"  and  "samund," — here  he  makes  it  rhyme 
with  !cund  and  fund;  in  another  place  he  puns  upon  "  samundar"  as  the  name  of 
a  salamander. 


TAErKH-I  'KLKX.  89 

"The  fire- worshipping "  Rai,  when  he  learnt  that  "his  idol 
temple  was  likely  to  be  converted  into  a  mosque,"  despatched 
Kisu  Mai  to  ascertain  the  strength  and  circumstances  of  the 
Musulmans,  and  he  returned  with  such  alarming  accounts 
that  the  R4i  next  morning  despatched  Balak  Deo  Naik  to 
the  royal  canopy,  to  represent  that  "your  slave  Billal  Deo  is 
ready  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  mighty  emperor,  like  Laddar 
Deo  and  Ram  Deo,  and  whatever  the  Sulaiman  of  the  time 
may  order,  I  am  ready  to  obey.  If  you  desire  horses  like 
demons,  and  elephants  like  afrits,  and  valuables  like  those  of 
Deogir,  they  are  all  present,  If  you  wish  to  destroy  the  four 
walls  of  this  fort,  they  are,  as  they  stand,  no  obstacle  to  your 
advance.  The  fort  is  the  fort  of  the  king;  take  it."  The 
commander  replied  that  he  was  sent  with  the  object  of  con- 
verting him  to  Muhammadanism,  or  of  making  him  a  Zimmi, 
and  subject  to  pay  tax,  or  of  slaying  him,  if  neither  of  these 
terms  were  assented  to.  When  the  Rai  received  this  reply,  he 
said  he  was  ready  to  give  up  all  he  possessed,  except  his  sacred 
thread. 

On  Friday,  the  6th  of  Shawwal,  the  R^i  sent  Balak  Deo 
Naik,  Ndrdin  Deo,  and  Jit  Mai,  with  some  other  hasiths,  to 
bow  before  the  royal  canopy,  and  they  were  accompanied  by 
six  elephants.  Next  day  some  horses  followed.  On  Sunday, 
"  Billal  Deo,  the  sun-worshipper,  seeing  the  splendour  of  the 
sword  of  Islam  over  his  head,  bowing  down  his  head,  descended 
from  his  fortress,  and  came  before  the  shadow  of  the  shadow 
of  God  J  and,  trembling  and  heartless,  prostrated  himself  on 
the  earth,  and  rubbed  the  forehead  of  subjection  on  the 
ground."  He  then  returned  to  fetch  his  treasures,  and  was 
engaged  all  night  in  taking  them  out,  and  next  day  brought 
them  before  the  royal  canapy,  and  made  them  over  to  the  king's 
treasurer. 

The  commander  remained  twelve  days  in  that  city,  "  which  is 
four  month's  distance  from  Dehli,"  and  sent  the  captured  elephants 
and  horses  to  that  capital. 


90  AMrR  KHCJSEU. 

On  Wednesday,  the  18th  of  Shawwal,  the  Malik  "  beat  his 
drums,  and  loaded  his  camels  for  his  expedition  to  Ma'bar,  and 
after  five  days  arrived  at  the  mountains  which  divide  Ma'bar 
from  Dhur  Samundar.  In  this  range  there  are  two  passes — one 
Sarmali,  and  the  other  Tabar.  After  traversing  the  passes,  they 
arrived  at  night  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Kdnobari,  and 
bivouacked  on  the  sands.  Thence  they  departed  for  Birdhul, 
and  committed  massacre  and  devastation  all  around  it.  The  Rdi 
BIr  showed  an  intent  of  flying  for  security  to  his  islands  in  the 
ocean,  but  as  he  was  not  able  to  attempt  this,  his  attendants 
counselled  him  to  fly  by  laud.  With. a  small  amount  of  treasure 
and  property,  he  deserted  the  city,  and  fled  to  Kandur,  and  even 
there  he  dare  not  remain,  but  again  fled  to  the  jungles. 

Thither  the  Malik  pursued  "the  yellow-faced  Bir,"^  and  at 
Kandur  was  joined  by  some  Musulmans  who  had  been  subjects 
of  the  Hindus,  now  no  longer  able  to  offer  them  protection. 
They  were  half  Hindus,  and  not  strict  in  their  religious  obser- 
vances, but"  as  they  could  repeat  the  kalima,  the  Malik  of  Islam 
spared  their  lives.  Though  they  were  worthy  of  death,  yet,  as 
they  were  Musulmans,  they  were  pardoned." 

After  returning  to  Birdhul,  he  again  pursued  the  Eaja  to 
Kandur,  and  took  one  hundred  and  eight  elephants,  one  of  which 
was  laden  with  jewels.  The  Rai  again  escaped  him,  and  he 
ordered  a  general  massacre  at  Kandur.  It  was  then  ascertained 
that  he  had  fled  to  Jalkota,  "  an  old  city  of  the  ancestors  of 
Bir."  There  the  Malik  closely  pursued  him,  but  he  had  again 
escaped  to  the  jungles,  which  the  Malik  found  himself  unable  to 
penetrate,  and  he  therefore  returned  to  Kandur,  where  he  searched 
for  more  elephants.  Here  he  heard  that  in  Brahmastpuri  there 
was  a  golden  idol,  round  which  many  elephants  were  stabled. 
The  Malik  started  on  a  night  expedition  against  this  place,  and 
in  the  morning  seized  no  less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  ele- 
phants. He  then  determined  on  razing  the  beautiful  temple  to- 
the  ground, — "  you  might  say  that  it  was  the  Paradise  of  Shad- 
'  The  B^  is  here  frequently  oaUed  Bir. 


TAErKH-I  'AL&r.  91 

ddd,  which,  after  being  lost,  those  heUites  had  found,  and  that 
it  was  the  golden  Lanka  of  U&m," — "  the  roof  was  covered  with 
rubies  and  emeralds,"—"  in  short,  it  was  the  holy  place  of  the 
Hindus,  which  the  Malik  dug  up  from  its  foundations  with  the 
greatest  care,"  "  and  the  heads  of  the  Brahmans  and  idolaters 
danced  from  their  necks  and  fell  to  the  ground  at  their  feet,"  and 
blood  flowed  in  torrents.  "  The  stone  idols  called  Ling  Mahadeo, 
which  had  been  a  long  time  established  at  that  place,— 'quibus, 
mulieres  infidelium  pudenda  sua  affricant,^ — these,  up  to  this 
time,  the  kick  of  the  horse  of  Islam  had  not  attempted  to  break." 
The  Musulmdns  destroyed  all  the  lings,  "  and  Deo  Narain  fell 
down,  and  the  other  gods  who  had  fixed  their  seats  there  raised 
their  feet,  and  jumped  so  high,  that  at  one  leap  they  reached  the 
fort  of  Lanka,  and  in  that  affright  the  lings  themselves  would 
have  fled  had  they  had  any  legs  to  stand  on."  Much  gold  and 
valuable  jewels  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Musulmans,  who  re- 
turned to  the  royal  canopy,  after  executing  their  holy  project,  on 
the  13th  of  Zi-1  ka'da,  710  h.  (April,  1311  a.d.).  They  destroyed 
all  the  temples  at  Bfrdhul,  and  placed  the  plunder  in  the  public 
treasury. 

Capture  of  Southern  Mathra  {Madura). 

After  five  days,  the  royal  canopy  moved  from  Birdhul  on 
Thursday,  the  17th  of  Zi-1  ka'da,  and  arrived  at  Kham,  and  five 
days  afterwards  they  arrived  at  the  city  Mathra  (Madura),  the 
dwelling-place  of  the  brother  of  the  Eai  Sundar  Pandyi.  They 
found  the  city  empty,  for  the  E.ai  had  fled  with  the  Ranis,  but 
had  left  two  or  three  elephants  in  the  temple  of  Jagndr  (Jag- 
gandth)."     The  elephants  were  captured  and  the  temple  burnt. 

When  the  Malik  came  to  take  a  muster  of  his  captured  ele- 
phants they  extended  over  a  length  of  three  parasangs,  and 

•  Allusive  to  a  practice,  wMcli  it  ia  unnecessary  to  particularize  more  closely, 
which  is  said  to  be  stiU  much  observed  amongst  the  Khattris,  and  which  HindHs  in 
general  repudiate,  attributing  it  at  the  same  time  to  the  SarSogis. 


92  AMfE  KHUSEir. 

amounted  to  five  hundred  and  twelve,  besides  five  thousand 
horses,  Arabian  and  Syrian,  and  five  hundred  mans  of  jewels  of 
every  description — diamonds,  pearls,  emeralds,  and  rubies. 

Return  to  Dehli. 

On  Sunday,  the  4th  of  Zi-1  hijja,  710  h.  Malik  Kafiir,  accom- 
panied by  his  army,  returned  towards  Dehli  with  all  the  plunder, 
and  arrived  in  safety  on  Monday,  the  4th  of  Jum^da-s  S&ni,  711 
H,  Sultdn  'AMu-d  din  held  a  public  darbdr  in  front  of  the 
Golden  Palace,  and  all  the  nobles  and  chiefs  stood  on  the  right 
and  on  the  left,  according  to  their  rank.  Malik  Naib  Kafur 
Hazar-dinari,  with  the  officers  who  had  accompanied  him,  were 
presented  to  the  Sultan,  before  whom  the  rich  booty  was  ex- 
hibited. The  Sultan  was  much  gratified,  loaded  the  warriors 
with  honour,  and  the  darbdr  was  dissolved. 


93 


XV, 
TA'RrKH-I    FI'IWZ     SHA'Hf 

OP 

ZtXTJ-D  DtN  BARNf. 

This  History  is  very  much  quoted  by  .subsequent  authors,  and 
is  the  chief  source  from  which  Firishta  draws  his  account  of  the 
period.  Barni  takes  up  the  History  of  India  just  where  the 
Tabakdt-i  Ndsiri  leaves  it ;  nearly  a  century  having  elapsed  with- 
out any  historian  having  recorded  the  events  of  that  interval. 
In  his  Preface,  after  extolling  the  value  of  history,  he  gives  the 
following  account  of  his  own  work.  ["  Having  derived  great 
benefit  and  pleasure  from  the  study  of  history,  I  was  desirous 
of  writing  a  history  myself,  beginning  with  Adam  and  his  two 
sons.  *  *  *  But  while  I  was  intent  upon  this  design,  I  called 
to  mind  the  Tabakdt-i  Ndsiri,  written  with  such  marvellous 
ability  by  the  Sadar-i  Jahdn,  Minhdju-d  din  Jauzjaui.  *  *  *  I 
then  said  to  myself,  if  I  copy  what  this  venerable  and  illustrious 
author  has  written,  those  who  have  read  his  history  will  derive 
no  advantage  from  reading  mine  ;  and  if  I  state  any  thing  con- 
tradictory of  that  master's  writings,  or  abridge  or  amplify  his 
statements,  it  will  be  considered  disrespectful  and  rash.  In  addi- 
tion to  which  I  should  raise  doubts  and  difficulties  in  the  minds 
of  his  readers.  I  therefore  deemed  it  advisable  to  exclude  from 
this  history  everything  which  is  included  in  the  Tabakdt-i  Ndsiri, 
*  *  *  and  to  confine  myself  to  the  history  of  the  later  kings  of 
Dehli.  *  *  *  It  is  ninety-five  years  since  the  Tabakdt-i  Ndsiri, 
and  during  that  time  eight  kings  have  sat  upon  the  throne  of 
Dehli.     Three  other  persons,  rightly  or  wrongfully,  occupied  the 


94  ZrATT-D  DfN  BAENf. 

throne  for  three  or  four  months  each  ;  but  in  this  history  I  have 
recorded  only  the  reigns  of  eight  kings,  beginning  with  Sultdn 
Ghiyasu-d  din  Balban,  who  appears  in  the  Tahahdt-i  Ncisiri 
under  the  name  of  Ulugh  Khan.] 

"First. — Sultdn  Ghiyasu-d  din  Balban,  who  reigned  twenty 
years. 

"  Second. — Sultdn  M'uizzu-d  din  Kai-kubad,  son  of  Sultdn 
Balban,  who  reigned  three  years. 

"  Third. — Sultdn  Jaldlu-d  din  Firoz  Khilji,  who  reigned  seven 
years. 

"  Fourth. — Sultan  'A14u-d  din  Khilji,  who  reigned  twenty  years. 

"Fifth.— Sultdn  Kutbu-d  din,  son  of  Sultdn  'AMu-d  din,  who 
reigned  four  years  and  four  days. 

"Sixth. — Sultdn  Ghiyasu-d  din  Tughlik,  who  reigned  four 
years  and  a  few  months. 

"  Seventh. — Sultan  Muhammad,  the  son  of  TugUik  Shah,  who 
reigned  twenty  years. 

"Eighth. — Sultdn  Firoz  Shdh,  the  present  king,  whom  may 
God  preserve. 

"  I  have  not  taken  any  notice  of  three  kings,  who  reigned  only 
three  or  four  months.  I  have  written  in  this  book,  which  I  have 
named  Tdrikh-i  Firoz  ShdM,  whatever  I  have  seen  during  the 
six  years  of  the  reign  of  the  present  king,  Firoz  Sh4h,  and  after 
this,  if  God  spares  my  life,  I  hope  to  give  an  account  of  subse- 
quent occurrences  in  the  concluding  part  of  this  volume.  I  have 
taken  much  trouble  on  myself  in  writing  this  history,  and  hope 
it  will  be  approved.  If  readers  peruse  this  compilation  as  a 
mere  history,  they  will  find  recorded  in  it  the  actions  of  great 
kings  and  conquerors  ;  if  they  search  in  it  the  rules  of  adminis- 
tration and  the  means  of  enforcing  obedience,  even  in  that  respect 
it  will  not  be  found  deficient ;  if  they  look  into  it  for  warnings 
and  admonitions  to  kings  and  governors,  that  also  they  will  find 
nowhere  else  in  such  perfection.  To  conclude,  whatever  I  have 
written  is  right  and  true,  and  worthy  of  all  confidence." 

Zidu-d  din  Barni,  like  many  others,  who  have  written  under  the 


TARrKH-I   FTEOZ   SHAHT.  95 

eye  and  at  the  dictation  of  contemporary  princes,  is  an  unfair  nar- 
rator. Several  of  the  most  important  events  of  the  reigns  he  cele- 
brated have  been  altogether  omitted,  or  slurred  over  as  of  no  con- 
sequence. Thus  many  of  the  inroads  of  the  Mughals  in  the  time  of 
'Alau-d  din  are  not  noticed,  and  he  omits  all  mention  of  the  atro- 
cious means  of  perfidy  and  murder,  by  which  Muhammad  Tughlik 
obtained  the  throne,  to  which  concealment  he  was  no  doubt  in- 
duced by  the  near  relationship  which  that  tyrant  bore  to  the 
reigning  monarch.  With  respect,  however,  to  his  concealment 
of  the  Mughal  irruptions,  it  is  to  be  remarked,  as  a  curious  fact, 
that  the  Western  historians,  both  of  Asia  and  Europe,  make  no 
mention  of  some  of  the  most  important.  It  is  Firishta  who 
notices  them,  and  blames  our  author  for  his  withholding  the 
truth.  Firishta's  sources  of  information  were  no  doubt  excellent, 
and  the  general  credit  which  his  narrative  inspires,  combines 
with  the  eulogistic  tone  of  Zidu-d  din  Barni's  history  in  proving 
that  the  inroads  were  actually  made,  and  that  the  author's  con- 
cealment was  intentional.  The  silence  of  the  authorities  quoted 
by  De  Guignes,  D'Herbelot,  and  Price,  may  be  ascribed  to  their 
defective  information  respecting  the  transactions  of  the  Mughal 
leaders  to  the  eastward  of  the  Persian  boundary. 

The  author  did  not  live  to  complete  his  account  of  Firoz  Shdh, 
but  towards  the  close  of  his  work  lavishes  every  kind  of  enco- 
mium, not  altogether  undeserved,  upon  that  excellent  prince. 
Notwithstanding  that  Firishta  has  extracted  the  best  part  of 
the  Tdrikh-i  Firoz  Shdhi,  it  will  continue  to  be  consulted,  as  the 
reigns  which  it  comprises  are  of  some  consequence  in  the  history 
of  India.  The  constant  recurrence  of  Mughal  invasions,  the 
expeditions  to  the  Dekkin  and  Telingana,  the  establishment  of 
fixed  prices  for  provisions,  and  the  abortive  means  adopted  to 
avert  the  effects  of  famine,  the  issue  of  copper  money  of  arbitrary 
value,  the  attempted  removal  of  the  capital  to  Deogir,  the  wanton 
massacres  of  defenceless  subjects,  the  disastrous  results  of  the 
scheme  to  penetrate  across  the  Himalaya  to  China,  the  public 
buildings,   and  the  mild  administration  of   Firoz  ;    all    theae 


96  ZrAU-D  DrN  BAENr. 

measures,  and  many  more,  invest  the  period  with  an  interest 
which  cannot  be  satisfied  from  the  mere  abstract  given  by  Fi- 
rishta. 

[Barni  is  very  sparing  and  inaccurate  in  his  dates.  He  is  also 
wanting  in  method  and  arrangement.  He  occasionally  introduces 
divisions  into  his  work,  but  in  such  a  fitful  irregular  way  that 
they  are  useless.  In  his  latter  days  "  he  retired  to  a  village  in 
the  suburbs  of  Dehli,  which  was  afterwards  the  burial  place  of 
many  saints  and  distinguished  men.  He  was  reduced  to  such 
extreme  poverty  that  no  more  costly  shroud  than  a  piece  of 
coarse  matting  could  be  furnished  for  the  funeral  obsequies." 
His  tomb  is  not  far  from  that  of  his  friend,  the  poet  Amir 
Khusrti.  ^ 

[Sir  H.  Elliot  had  marked  the  whole  of  Barni's  history  for 
translation,  intending  probably  to  peruse  it  and  expunge  all 
trivial  and  uninteresting  passages.  The  translation  had  been 
undertaken  by  a  distinguished  member  of  the  Bengal  Civil  Ser- 
vice, but  when  required  it  was  not  forthcoming.  After  waiting 
for  some  time,  the  editor,  anxious  to  avoid  further  delay,  set  to 
work  himself,  and  the  whole  of  the  translation  is  from  his  pen.^ 
It  is  somewhat  freer  in  style  than  many  of  the  others,  for 
although  the  text  has  been  very  closely  followed,  the  sense  has 
always  been  preferred  to  the  letter,  and  a  discretion  has  been 
exercised  of  omitting  reiterated  and  redundant  epithets.  All 
passages  of  little  or  no  importance  or  interest  have  been  omitted, 
and  their  places  are  marked  with  asterisks.  The  Extracts, 
therefore,  contain  the  whole  pith  and  marrow  of  the  work,  all 
that  is  likely  to  prove  in  any  degree  valuable  for  historical  pur- 
poses. Barni's  history  of  the  eighth  king,  Firoz  Shah,  is  incom- 
plete, and  is  of  less  interest  than  the  other  portions.  In  the 
weakness  of  old  age,  or  in  the  desire  to  please  the  reigning 
monarch,  he  has  indulged  in  a  strain  of  adulation  which  spoils 

•  Col.  Lees.  Jour.,  E.A.S.,  vol.  iii.,  new  series,  p.  4i5. 

'  When  a  portion  of  the  translation  was  already  in  type,  and  the  editor  was  at 
work  on  the  last  reign,  a  letter  arrived  from  India  with  translations  of  the  histories 
of  the  second  and  sixth  of  the  eight  kings — too  late  to  be  of  any  service. 


TAErKH-I  FIROZ   SHAHf.  97 

his  narrative.  The  Tdrikh-i  Firoz  Shdhi  of  Shams-i  Siraj, 
which  will  follow  this  work,  is  specially  devoted  to  the  reign 
of  that  king.  Shams-i  Sir4j  has  therefore  been  left  to  tell  the 
history  of  that  monarch.  But  the  two  writers  have  been  com- 
pared, and  one  or  two  interesting  passages  have  been  extracted 
from  Barni's  work. 

[The  translation  has  been  made  from  the  text  printed  in  the 
Bibliotheca  Indica,  and  during  the  latter  half  of  the  work  two 
MSS.,  borrowed  by  Sir  H.  Elliot,  have  been  also  constantly 
used,i  These  MSS.  prove  the  print,  or  the  MSS.  on  which  it 
was  based,  to  be  very  faulty.  A  collation  would  furnish  a  long 
list  of  errata  and  addenda.  One  of  the  two  MSS.  gives  the 
original  text  apparently  unaltered ;  ^  but  the  other  has  been 
revised  with  some  judgment.  It  sometimes  omits  and  some- 
times simplifies  obscure  and  difficult  passages,  and  it  occasionally 
leaves  out  reiterations  ;  but  it  is  a  valuable  MS.,  and  would  have 
been  of  great  assistance  to  the  editor  of  the  text.] 

EXTRACTS. 

Zia-Barni,  the  author  of  this  history,  and  an  earnest  well- 
wisher  of  the  Muhammadaus,  declares  that  what  he  has  written 
upon  the  life  and  actions  of  Sultan  G-hiyasu-d  din  Balban  he 
himself  heard  from  his  father  and  grandfather,  and  from  men 
who  held  important  offices  under  that  sovereign. 

Grhiyasu-d  din  Balban  ascended  the  throne  in  662^  h.  He 
was  one  of  the  Shamsi  slaves,  and  belonged  to  the  band  of  Turk 
slaves  which  was  known  as  "  The  Forty."  *  *  *  Before  he 
became  king  the  glory  of  the  State  had  greatly  declined  from 

1  These  MSS.  beiiig  carefully  secured  by  Lady  Elliot,  could  not  be  obtained  while 
she  was  absent  from  home.  They  have  since  been  examined  in  respect  of  several 
passages  in  the  earlier  parts  of  the  translation. 

^  This  is  said  to  be  "a  perfect  copy,  and  the  autograph  of  the  author.  It  belongs  to 
the  Nawwib  of  Tonk,  by  whose  father  it  was  plundered  from  Boolandshahr."     It  is 
_  a  good  MS.,  but,  so  far  from  being  an  autograph,  the  colophon  gives  the  name  of  the 
scribe  and  the  date  of  the  transcription,  1019  (1610  a.d.). 
3  Should  be  664  h.  (1265-6  a.d.) 

VOL.  III.  7 


98  ZrAU-D  DIN  BARNT. 

what  it  had  been  in  the  days  of  Sultdn  Shamsu-d  din,  who  was 
the  equal  of  the  Sultdn  of  Egypt,  and  the  compeer  of  the  kings 
of  'Irak,  Khurdsan,  and  Khwdrizm.  For  thirty  years  after  him, 
during  the  reigns  of  his  sons,  the  affairs  of  the  country  had.  fallen 
into  confusion  through  the  youth  and  sensuality  (of  his  imme- 
diate successors),  and  through  the  mildness  and  humility  of 
Sultan  N4siru-d  din.  The  treasury  was  empty,  and  the  royal 
court  had  but  little  in  the  way  of  wealth  and  horses.  The 
Shamsi  slaves  had  become  Khdns,  and  divided  among  them  the 
wealth  and  power  of  the  kingdom,  so  that  the  country  was  under 
their  control. 

During  the  ten  years  after  the  death  of  Sultan  Shamsu-d  din 
four  of  his  children  sat  upon  the  throne.  They  were  young  and 
unequal  to  the  duties  of  government.  Their  lives  were  passed 
in  pleasure  and  neglect  of  their  duties.  The  Turk  slaves,  called 
"  The  Forty,"  thus  obtained  power  in  the  government  of  the 
country,  and  grew  in  strength  and  dignity.  The  free-born 
maliks  and  noble  officials  who  had  served  the  Shamsi  throne  with 
honour  and  renown  were  all  removed. 

After  the  lapse  of  ten  years,  during  which  three  of  Sultdn 
Shamsu-d  din's  children  reigned,  his  youngest  son,  N4siru-d  din 
(after  whom  the  Tabakdt-i  JYdsiri  is  named),  came  to  the  throne. 
He  was  a  mild,  kind,  and  devout  king,  and  passed  much  of  his 
time  in  making  copies  of  the  Holy  Book.  During  the  twenty 
years  of  his  reign  Balban  was  Deputy  of  the  State,  and  bo?e  the 
title  of  Ulugh  Khdn.  He,  keeping  Nd^ru-d  din  as  a  puppet 
(namuna),  carried  on  the  government,  and  even  while  he  was 
only  a  Kkdn  used  many  of  the  insignia  of  royalty. 

In  the  reign  of  Shamsu-d  din  the  fear  inspired  by  the  slaughter 
and  ravages  of  Ohangiz  Khan,  the  accursed  Mughal,  caused 
many  renowned  maliks  and  amirs,  who  had  long  exercised  autho- 
rity, and  many  intelligent  wazirs,  to  rally  round  the  throne  of 
Shamsu-d  din.  *  *  *  His  Court  thus  became  the  equal  of  that  of 
Mahmud  or  of  Sanjar,  and  the  object  of  universal  confidence. 
After  the  death  of  Shamsu-d  din  his  Forty  Turk  slaves  grew 


TA'RrEH-I  FfROZ  SHAHr.  99 

powerful.  The  sons  af  the  late  Sultda  did  not  bear  themselves 
like  princes,  and  were  unfitted  for  the  duties  of  foyalty,  which, 
saving  only  those  of  the  prophetic  office, ;  are  the  highest  and 
most  important  in  the  world.-  TJnder  the  influence  of  these  Turk 
Slaves  all  the  great  men,  and  the  sons  of  those  great  men  who 
had  been  maliks  and  tvuzirs,  were  upon  some  pretence  or  other 
set  aside,  and  after  their  removal  the  Shamsi  Slaves  became  the 
leading  men  of  the  State,  and  acquired  the  dignity  of  Khan.  *  *  * 
These  Shamsi  slaves  had  been  fellow  slaves,  and  when  they 
became  all  at  once  great  and  powerful,  no  one-  would  give  prece- 
dence or  acknowledge  inferiority  to  another.  In  possessions  and 
display,  in  grandeur  and.  dignity,  they  vied  with  each  other,  and 
in  their  proud  vaunts  and  boasts  every  one .  exclaimed  to  the 
other,  "  What  art  thou  that  I  am  not,  and  what  wilt  thou  be 
that  I  shall  not  be  V  Tbe  incompetence  of  the  sons  of  Shamsu-d 
din,  and  the  arrogauce  of  the  Shamsi  slaves,  thus  brought  into 
contempt  that  throne  which  had  been  among  thfl  most  dignified 
and  exalted  in  the  world. 

Sultdn  Ghiyasu-d  (Kn  Balban  was  a  man  of  experience  in 
matters  of  government.  From  being  a  malik  he  became  a  khan, 
and  from  being  a  khan  he  became  king.  When  he  attained  the 
throne  he  imparted  to  it  new  lustre,  he  brought  the  administra- 
tion into  order,  and  restored  to  efficiency  institutions  whose 
power  had  been  shaken  or  destroyed..  The  dignity  and  author- 
ity of  government  were  restored,  and  his  stringent  rules  and 
resolute  determination  caused  all  men,  high  and  low,  through- 
out his  dominions,  to.  submit  to  his  authority.  Fear  and  awe 
of  him  took  possession  of  all  men's  hearts,  but  his  justice  and 
his  consideration  for  his  people  won  the  favour  of  his  subjects 
and  made  them  zealous  supporters  of  his  throne:  During  th,e 
thirty  years  front  the  death  of  Shamsu-d  din,  the  incompetency 
of  that  monarch's  sons  and  the  overweening  power  of  the 
Shamsi  slaves  had  produced  a  vacillating,  disobedient,  self- 
willed  feeling  among  the  people,  which  watched  for  and  seized 
upon  every  opportunity.     Fear  of  the  governing  power^  which 


100  zrAU-D  DrN  BAENr. 

is  the  basis  of  all  good  government,  and  the  source  of  the  glory 
and  splendour  of  states,  had  departed  from  the  hearts  of  all 
men,  and  the  country  had  fallen  into  a  wretched  condition. 
But  from  the  very  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Balban  the 
people  became  tractable,  obedient,  and  submissive  ;  self-assertion 
and  self-will  were  thrown  aside,  and  all  refrained  from  insubordi- 
nation and  insolence. 

In  the  first  year  after  his  accession,  the  ripe  judgment  and 
experience  of  Balban  was  directed  in  the  first  place  to  the  organi- 
zation of  his  army,   for  the  army  is  the  source  and  means  of 
government.     The  cavalry  and  infantry,  both  old  and  new,  were 
placed  under  the  command  of  maliks  of  experience,  of  chiefs  who 
held  the  first  rank  in  their  profession,  and  were  brave,  dignified, 
and  faithful.  *  *  *  *  In  the  first  and  second  year  he  assumed 
great  state,  and  made  great  display  of  his  pomp  and  dignity.  *  *  * 
Musulmans  and  Hindus  would  come  from  distances  of  one  or  two 
hundred  kos  to  see  the  splendour  of  his  equipage,  which  filled 
them   with   amazement.  *  *  *     No   sovereign   had   ever  before 
exhibited  such  pomp  and  grandeur  in  Dehli.  *  *  «  *     For  the 
twenty-two  years  that  Balban  reigned  he  maintained  the  dignity, 
honour,  and  majesty  of  the  throne  in  a  manner  that  could  not  be 
surpassed.      Certain  of  his  attendants  who  waited  on  him  in 
private  assured  me  that  they  never  saw  him  otherwise  than  full- 
dressed.     During  the  whole  time  that  lie  was  Khan  and  Sultan, 
extending  over  nearly  forty  years,  he  never  conversed  with  per- 
sons of  low   origin  or  occupation,  and  never  indulged  in  any 
familiarity,  either  with  friends  or  strangers,  by  which  the  dignity 
of  the   Sovereign  could  be  lowered.     He  never  joked  with  any 
one,  nor  did  he  allow  any  one  to  joke  in  his  presence ;  he  never 
laughed  aloud,  nor  did  he  permit  any  one  in  his  Court  to  laugh. 
*  *  *     As  long  as  he  lived  no  officer  or  acquaintance  dared  to  re- 
commend for  employment  any  person  of  low  position  or  extraction. 
In  the  administration  of  justice  he  was  inflexible,  showing  no 
favour  to  his  brethren  or  children,  to  his  associates  or  attendants  ; 
and  if  any  of  them  committed  an  act  of  injustice,  he  never  failed 


TAETKH-I  FIEOZ  SHA'Hr.  101 

to  give  redress  and  comfort  to  the  injured  person.  No  man 
dared  to  be  too  severe  to  his  slaves  or  handmaids,  to  his  horse- 
men or  his  footmen.  Malik  Bak-bak,  father  of  Malik  Kir5 
Beg,  was  a  slave  of  Sultan  Balban ;  he  was  Sar-Jdnddr,  and 
one  of  the  privileged  attendants  at  Court.  He  held  a  Jdgir 
of  four  thousand  horse,  and  the  fief  of  Badaiin.  In  a  fit  of 
drunkenness,  while  at  Baddun,  he  caused  one  of  his  domestic 
attendants  to  be  beaten  to-  death  with  scourges.  Some  time 
afterwards,  the  SultSn  went  to  Badaun,  and  the  man's  widow 
complained  to  the  Sultdn.  He  immediately  ordered  that  this 
Malik  Bak-bak,  chief  of  Badaun,  should  be  scourged  to  death  in 
the  presence  of  the  widow.  The  spies  {harid)  who  had  been 
stationed  to  watch  the  fief  of  Badaun,  and  had  made  no  report, 
were  hanged  over  the  gate  of  the  town.  Haibat  Khan,  father  of 
Malik  Kiran  '^la,  was  the  slave  and  kdra-heg  of  Sultdn  Balban. 
He  also  while  intoxicated  killed  a  man.  The  dead  man's  friends 
brought  the  matter  before  the  Sultdn,  who  ordered  that  Haibat 
Khan  should  receive  five  hundred  lashes  in  his  presence,  and 
should  then  be  given  to  the  widow.  Addressing  the  woman,  he 
said,  "  This  murderer  was  my  slave,  I  give  him  to  you  :  with 
your  own  hands  stab  him  with  a  knife  till  you  kill  him."  Haibat 
Khdn  employed  some  friends  to  intercede  with  the  woman,  and 
after  much  humiliation  and  weeping  they  succeeded  in  purchasing 
his  release  for  20,000  tankas.  Haibat  Khan  never  after  went 
out  of  his  house  until  the  day  of  his  death.  *  *  * 

In  his  efforts  to  secure  justice  he  appointed  confidential  spies 
(barids)  in  all  the  fiefs,  and  throughout  his  territories ;  he  also 
appointed  them  for  great  cities,  and  for  important  and  distant 
towns.  And  that  they  might  discharge  their  duties  with 
efficiency  and  honesty  he  did  not  give  them  too  large  a  field  of 
observation.  He  never  failed  to  attend  to  what  came  to  his 
knowledge  through  these  spies,  and  had  no  respect  for  persons 
in  administering  justice.  These  spies  were  greatly  feared  by  the 
nobles  and  officials,  and  neither  they  nor  their  sons  or  dependants 
dared  to  distress  any  innocent  person.     *  *  * 


102  ZMU-D  BXS  BARNr. 

Sultdn  Balban,  while  he  was  a  Khan,  was  addict^  to  wine 
drinking,  and  was  fond,  of  giving  entertainments :  two  or  three 
times  in  a  week  he  jvould  give  banquets  and  gamble  with  his 
guests.  *  *  *  But  after  he  came  to  the  throne  he  allowed  him- 
self no  prohibited  indulgences.  He  repented  of  all  his  former 
drunken  bouts,  gave  up  wine,  and  never  mentioned  the  name  of 
either  wine  or  wine-drinkers.   *  *  * 

The  intimate  friends  of  the  Sultdn,  such  as  'i^dil  Khan,  Tabar 
Khan,  and  others  of  the  old  Shamsi  Slaves,  who,  through  the 
protection  of  the  Sult§,n,  still  occupied  exalted  positions,  often 
said  to  him — Sovereigns,  like  Kutbu-d  din  Aibak  and  Shamsu-d 
din,  our  former  patrons,  conquered  Jhain,  ^  Malwd,  Ujjain, 
Gujarat,  and  other  distant  countries,  and  carried  off  treasure  and 
valuables,  and  elephants  and  horses  from  the  Rdis  and  Manas. 
"  How  is  it  that  with  your  well  equipped  and  disciplined  army 
you  do  not  undertake  any  distant  campaign,  and  never  move  out 
of  your  territory  to  conquer  other  regions  ?"  The  Sultdn  replied, 
"  The  thoughts  which  you  have  expressed  have  also  been  very  active 
in  my  mind,  but  you  have  not  considered  the  hordes  of  Ohangiz 
Khcin,  and  the  evil  they  have  brought  upon  the  women  and 
children,  the  flocks  and  herds  of  my  frontiers.  These  Mughals 
have  established  themselves  in  Grhazni,  in  Turmuz,  and  in 
Mawarau-n  Nahr.  Hulaku,  the  grandson  of  Changiz  Kh4n, 
with  a  vast  horde,  has  subdued  'Ir^k  and  occupied  Baghdad. 
These  accursed  wretches  have  heard  of  the  wealth  and  prosperity 
of  Hindustan,  and  have  set  their  hearts  upon  conquering  and 
plundering  it.  They  have  taken  and  plundered  Ldhor,  within 
my  territories,  and  no  year  passes  that  they  do  not  come  here 
and  plunder  the  villages.^  They  watch  the  opportunity  of  my 
departure  on  a  distant  campaign  to  enter  my  cities  and  ravage 
the  whole  T>okh.  They  even  talk  about  the  conquest  and  sack 
of  Dehli.     I  have  devoted  all  the  revenues  of  my  kingdom  to  the 

1  The  printed  text  always  gives  this  name  as  "Jah&ban,"  but  the  MSS.  have 
"  Jhiin,"  the  name  used  by  Firishta.  ' 

'  "  Talwandihd  "  villages.     See  supA,  p.  70. 


TARrEH-i  Fraoz  shahi.  103 

equipment  of  my  army,  and  I  hold  all  my  forces  ready  and  pre- 
pared to  receive  them.  I  never  leave  my  kingdom,  nor  will  I  go 
to  any  distance  from  it.  In  the  reigns  of  my  patrons  and  pre- 
decessors there  was  none  of  this  difficulty  of  the  Mughals ;  they 
could  lead  their  armies  where  they  pleased,  subdue  the  dominions 
of  the  Hindus,  and  carry  off  gold  and  treasures,  staying  away 
from  their  capitals  a  year  or  two.  If  this  anxiety,  which  ad- 
monishes me  that  I  am  the  guardian  and  protector  of  Musulmans, 
were  removed,  then  I  would  not  stay  one  day  in  my  capital,  but 
would  lead  forth  my  army  to  capture  treasures  and  valuables, 
elephants  and  horses,  and  would  never  allow  the  Hdis  and 
Rdnas  to  repose  in  quiet  at  a  distance.  With  the  army  that  I 
possess  I  would  take  all  the  spirit  out  of  the  opponents  and 
enemies  of  the  Faith."  *  *  * 

The  Sultdn  frequently  observed  to  his  associates  that  elephants 
and  horses  were  the  strength  of  Hindustan,  and  that  one  elephant 
was  worth  five  hundred  horsemen.  *  *  *  In  the  first  year  of 
the  reign,  sixty-three  elephants  were  sent  by  Tkikr  Kh^n,  son  of 
Arsldn  Kh^n,  from  Lakhnauti  to  Dehli,  whi^jr  greatly  pleased 
the  people,  and  was  the  occasion  of  great  public  rejoicing.  *  *  * 
He  took  great  pleasure  in  hunting,  and  followed  it  with  much 
zest  during  the  winter.  By  his  orders  the  country  for  twenty 
kos  round  Dehli  was  preserved,  and  no  one  was  allowed  to  take 
game.  *  *  *  He  used  to  go  out  in  the  morning,  and  always 
returned  at  night,  even  if  it  were  midnight.  A  thousand  horse- 
men belonging  to  the  palace  guard,  each  man  of  whom  was  ac- 
quainted with  his  person,  accompanied  him ;  besides  a  thousand 
old  and  trusty  footmen  and  archers.  Heports  of  the  hunting 
expeditions  of  the  Sultdn  were  carried  to  Hulaku,  at  Baghddd, 
and  he  said,  "  Balban  is  a  shrewd  ruler  and  has  had  much  ex- 
perience in  government.  He  goes  out  apparently  to  hunt  *  *  * 
but  really  to  exercise  his  men  and  horses,  so  that  they  may  not 
be  wanting  when  times  of  danger  and  war  arrive.  *  *  * 

Towards  the  end  of  the  first  year  of  his  reign  he  employed 
himself  in  harrying  the  jungles,  and  in  routing  out  the  Mi- 


104  ZrAU-D  DfN  BARNr, 

wdtUs,^  whom  no  one  had  interfered  with  since  the  days  of 
Shamsu-d  din.  *  *  *  The  turbulence  of  the  Miwdttis  had  in- 
creased, and  their  strength  had  grown  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Dehli,  through  the  dissolute  habits  and  negligence  of  the  elder  sons 
of  Shamsu-d  din,  and  the  incapacity  of  the  youngest,  Ndsiru-d  din. 
At  night  they  used  to  come  prowling  into  the  city,  giving  all  kinds 
of  trouble,  depriving  the  people  of  their  rest ;  and  they  plundered 
the  country  houses  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city.  *  *  *  In 
the  neighbourhood  of  Dehli  there  were  large  and  dense  jungles, 
through  which  many  roads  passed.  The  disaffected  in  the  Dodb, 
and  the  outlaws  towards  Hindustan  grew  bold  and  took  to  robbery 
on  the  highway,  and  they  so  beset  the  roads  that  caravans  and 
merchants  were  unable  to  pass.  The  daring  of  the  Miwattts  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Dehli  was  carried  to  such  an  extent  that  the 
western  gates  ^  of  the  city  were  shut  at  afternoon  prayer,  and  no 
one  dared  to  go  out  of  the  city  in  that  direction  after  that  hour, 
whether  he  travelled  as  a  pilgrim  or  with  the  display  of  a 
sovereign.  At  afternoon  prayer  the  Mmdttis  would  often  come 
to  the  Sar-hauz,  and  assaulting  the  water-carriers  and  the  girls 
who  were  fetching  water,  they  would  strip  them  and  carry  off 
their  clothes.  These  daring  acts  of  the  Miwdttis  had  caused  a 
great  ferment  in  Dehli. 

In  the  year  of  his  accession,  the  Sultan  felt  the  repression  of 
the  Miwdttis  to  be  the  first  of  his  duties,  and  for  a  whole  year 
he  was  occupied  in  overthrowing  them  and  in  scouring  the 
jungles,  which  he  effectually  accomplished.  Great  numbers  of 
Miwdttis  were  put  to  the  sword.  The  Sultan  built  a  fort  at 
Gropal-gir,  and  established  several  posts  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
city,  which  he  placed  in  the  charge  of  Afghdns,  with  assignments 
of  land  (for  their  maintenance).  In  this  campaign  one  hundred 
thousand  of  the  royal  army^  were  slain  by  the  Miwdttis,  and  the 

'  The  printed  text  and  the  MS S.  say  "Miwdns,"'  but  Firishta  has  ^^  Miwdttis," 
and  he  is  no  doubt  correct.  The  copyists  must  have  misunderstood  the  name,  or 
possibly  they  have  modified  the  orthography.  *  {_Barwdzahde  simat-i  KiblahJ] 

'  SJii  Jl.^^  uW*  J^  iJ^^  u^^  *J>^  iS^  '•^.  firishta  says,  with 
more  probability,  that  he  put  a  hundred  thousand  men  (of  the  enemy)  to  the  sword. 


TARrKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHf.  105 

Sultan  with  his  sword  delivered  many  servants  of  God  from  the 
assaults  and  violence  of  the  enemy.  From  this  time  the  city  was 
delivered  from  the  attacks  of  the  Miwdtiis. 

After  the  Sultan  had  thus  routed  out  the  Miwdttis,  and  cleared 
away  the  jungle  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city,  he  gave  the 
towns  and  country  within  the  Doab  to  some  distinguished  chiefs, 
with  directions  to  lay  waste  and  destroy  the  villages  of  the 
marauders,  to  slay  the  men,  to  make  prisoners  of  the  women  and 
children,  to  clear  away  the  jungle,  and  to  suppress  all  lawless 
proceedings.  The  noblemen  set  about  the  work  with  strong 
forces,  and  they  soon  put  down  the  daring  of  the  rebels.  They 
scoured  the  jungles  and  drove  out  the  rebels,  and  the  rt/ois  were 
brought  into  submission  and  obedience. 

The  Sultdn  afterwards  marched  out  twice  to  open  the  roads  to 
Hindustan,  and  proceeded  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Kampil  and 
Pattiali.  There  he  remained  five  or  six  months,  putting  the 
rebels  to  the  sword.  The  roads  to  Hindustan  were  thus  cleared, 
so  that  caravans  and  merchants  could  pass,  and  great  spoil  in 
slaves,  horses,  and  cattle  was  secured.  Kampil,  Pattiali,  and 
Bhojpur,  had  been  the  strongholds  of  the  robbers  who  had  in- 
fested the  roads  to  Hindustan,  so  the  Sultan  erected  in  these 
places  three  strong  forts,  in  which  he  placed  Afghan  garrisons. 
He  set  apart  cultivable  lands  for  the  garrisons,  and  under  the 
protection  of  these  forces  robbery  was  suppressed,  and  the  roads 
to  Hindustan  were  made  safe.  Sixty  years  have  passed  since 
these  events,  but  the  roads  have  ever  since  been  free  from  robbers. 
In  this  campaign  he  also  repaired  the  fort  of  Jalali,  which  he 
garrisoned  with  Afghans,  and  appropriated  the  land  of  the  place 
to  its  support.  The  den  of  the  robbers  was  thus  converted  into 
a  guard-house,  and  Musulmans  and  guardians  of  the  way  took 
the  place  of  highway  robbers.     It  remains  standing  to  this  day. 

While  the  Sultan  was  engaged  in  these  duties  news  arrived 
from  Kateher^  that  disturbances  had  broken  out  in  that  district, 

'  Variously  spelt  as  -«j,«iS'  ^^^    ->#jl^ 


106  zrAU-D  DIN  BAENr. 

that  the  houses  of  the  ryots  had  been  plundered,  and  that  the 
districts  of  Baddun  and  Amroha  were  also  disturbed.  The 
mutiny  had  grown  so  much  and  had  acquired  such  strength  that 
the  chiefs  of  Badatin  and  Amroha  were  in  great  trouble  and  were 
unable  to  keep  order.  The  Sultdn  immediately  returned  from 
Kampil  and  Patti41i  to  Dehli,  where  great  rejoicings  were  made. 
His  mind  was  bent  upon  suppressing  the  disturbances  at  Kateher, 
so  he  ordered  the  main  body  of  his  army  (Jcalb)  to  be  prepared 
for  service,  and  he  spread  the  report  that  he  was  going  to  the  hills 
on  a  hunting  excursion.  He  left  the  city  with  his  army  without 
the  royal  tent-equipage,  and  made  all  haste  to  the  scene  of  opera- 
tions. In  two  nights  and  three  days  he  crossed  the  Ganges  at 
Kateher,  and  sending  forward  a  force  of  five  thousand  archers,  he 
gave  them  orders  to  burn  down  Kateher  and  destroy  it,  to  slay 
every  man,  and  to  spare  none  but  women  and  children,  not  even 
boys  who  had  reached  the  age  of  eight  or  nine  years.  He  re- 
mained for  some  days  at  Kateher  and  directed  the  slaughter. 
The  blood  of  the  rioters  ran  in  streams,  heaps  of  slain  were  to  be 
seen  near  every  village  and  jungle,  and  the  stench  of  the  dead 
reached  as  far  as  the  Ganges.  This  severity  spread  dismay 
among  the  rebels  and  many  submitted.  The  whole  district  was 
ravaged,  and  so  much  plunder  was  made  that  the  royal  army 
was  enriched,  and  the  people  of  Badaiin  even  were  satisfied. 
Woodcutters  were  sent  out  to  cut  roads  through  the  jungles,  and 
the  army  passing  along  these  brought  the  Hindus  to  submission. 
From  that  time  unto  the  end  of  the  glorious  ^  reign  no  rebellion 
made  head  in  Kateher,  and  the  countries  of  BadAun,  Amroha, 
Sambal,  and  Kdnwari  continued  safe  from  the  violence  and  tur- 
bulence of  the  people  of  Kateher. 

The  Sultan  having  thus  extirpated  the  outlaws,  returned  vic- 
torious to  his  capital,  where  he  remained  some  time.  After  the 
suppression  of  the  freebooters,  and  the  construction  of  roads  in 
every  direction,  by  which  all  fear  of  highway  robbers  was  removed, 
the  Sultan  resolved  upon  making  a  campaign  in  the  Jud  moun- 
1  "  Jal&ll,"  meaning,  perhaps,  the  reign  of  Jal&lu-d  din. 


TAEIKH-I  FrUOZ  SHAHI.  107 

tains.  He  accordingly  marclied  thither  with  a  suitable  force, 
and  inflicted  chastisement  upon  the  hills  of  Jud  and  the  vicinity. 
The  country  was  plundered,  and  a  large  number  of  horses  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  soldiers,  so  that  the  price  of  a  horse  in  the 
army  came  to  be  forty  tankas.  *  *  * 

Two  years  after  the  Sultan  returned  from  his  Jud  expedition 
he  marched  to  Ldhor,  and  ordered  the  rebuilding  of  the  fort 
which  the  Mughals  had  destroyed  in  the  reigns  of  the  sons  of 
Shamsu-d  din.  The  towns  and  villages  of  Labor,  which  the 
Mughals  had  devastated  and  laid  waste,  he  repeopled,  and  ap- 
pointed architects  and  managers  (to  superintend  their  restoration.) 

While  on  this  campaign  it  was  again  brought  to  his  notice 
that  the  old  Shamsi  military  grantees  of  land  were  unfit  for 
service,  and  never  went  out.  *  *  *  On  returning  to  Dehli  he 
ordered  the  muster-master  to  make  out  a  list  of  them,  with  full 
particulars,  and  to  present  it  to  the  throne  for  instructions.  It 
then  appeared  that  about  two  thousand  horsemen  of  the  army  of 
Shamsu-d  din  had  received  villages  in  the  Doab  by  way  of  pJy. 
*  *  *  Thirty  or  forty  years  and  even  more  had  passed  since  the 
establishment  of  this  body,  many  of  the  grantees  were  old  and  in- 
firm, many  more  had  died,  and  their  sons  had  taken  possession  of 
the  grants  as  an  inheritance  firom  their  fathers,  and  had  caused  their 
names  to  be  recorded  in  the  records  of  the  'Ariz  (Muster- master). 
Some  who  had  no  children  sent  their  slaves  as  their  representa- 
tives. All  these  holders  of  service  lands  called  themselves  pro- 
prietors, and  professed  to  have  received  the  lands  in  free  gift  from 
Sultan  Shamsu-d  din.  *  *  *  Some  of  them  went  leisurely  to 
perform  their  military  duties,  but  the  greater  part  stayed  at 
home  making  excuses,  the  acceptance  of  which  they  secured  by 
presents  and  bribes  of  all  sorts  to  the  deputy  muster-master  and 
his  ofiicials. 

When  the  list  was  brought  to  the  Sultan,  in  the  year  of  his 
return  from  Ldhor,  he  divided  the  grantees  into  three  classes. 
The  first  consisted  of  the  old  and  worn-out,  upon  whom  he  set- 
tled pensions  of  forty  or  fifty  tankas,  and  resumed  their  villages. 


108  ZrATJ-D  DfN  BARNI'. 

2nd.  Those  who  were  in  the  prime  of  life,  or  were  young,  on 
whom  an  allowance  proportionate  to  their  service  was  settled  : 
their  villages  were  not  to  be  taken  from  them,  but  the  surplus 
revenues  were  to  be  collected  by  the  government  revenue  officers. 
3rd.  The  children  and  orphans,  who  held^  villages,  and  sent 
deputies  to  perform  their  military  service.  The  grants  were  to 
be  taken  from  these  orphans  and  widows,  but  a  suitable  allowance 
was  to  be  made  for  their  food  and  raiment. 

These  orders  caused  great  dismay  among  the  old  Shamsi 
grantees,  of  whom  there  were  many  in  the  city,  and  a  loud  outcry 
arose  in  every  quarter.  A  number  of  them  assembled  and  went 
to  the  house  of  Maliku-1  umara  Fakhru-d  din  kotwdl,  weeping, 
and  complaining  that  more  than  fifty  years  had  elapsed  since 
the  reign  of  Shamsu-d  din,  and  that  they  had  regarded  the  lands 
granted  to  them  by  that  sovereign  as  having  been  given  in  free- 
gift  {in'am).  *  *  *  The  liotwdl  felt  for  them,  *  *  and,  going  to 
the  Court,  he  stood  thoughtful  and  dejected  before  the  Sultan, 
who,  observing  his  state,  inquired  what  was  the  matter.  The 
Icotwdl  replied,  I  have  heard  that  the  Muster-master  is  turning 
off  all  the  old  men,  and  that  the  officers  of  the  exchequer  are 
resuming  the  lands  which  support  them.  This  has  filled  me 
with  sorrow  and  fear,  for  I  am  an  old  man  and  feeble,  and  if  old 
men  are  to  be  rejected  in  the  Day  of  Judgment,  and  are  to  find 
no  place  in  heaven,  what  will  become  of  me  ?  *  *  *  The  Sultan 
was  moved  with  compassion,  and  sending  for  the  revenue  officers, 
he  directed  that  the  villages  should  be  confirmed  to  the  grantees, 
and  that  the  orders  passed  respecting  them  should  be  treated  as 
inoperative.  I,  the  author,  very  well  remember  that  many  of 
these  grantees  lived  and  rendered  service  at  the  Court  of  Sultan 
Jalalu-d  din,  always  invoking  blessings  on  Sultdn  Balban  and 
Malik  Fakhru-d  din. 

Four  or  five  years  after  the  accession  of  the  Sultdn,  Sher  Khdn, 
his  cousin,  a  distinguished  Khdn,  who  had  been  a  great  barrier  to 
the  inroads  of  the  Mughals,  departed  this  life,  I  have  heard 
from  reliable  sources  that  the  Khan  did  not  come  to  Dehli,  and 


TAErKH-I  FIROZ  SHAHf.  109 

that  the  Sultan  caused  him  to  be  poisoned.  A  grand  tomb  was 
erected  to  his  memory  at  Bhatnir.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  and  respected  of  the  Forty  Shamsi  slaves,  all  of 
whom  bore  the  title  of  Khan.  He  repaired  the  forts  of  Bhatinda 
and  Bhatnir,  and  held  charge  of  the  districts  of  Sannam,  Labor, 
Dipalpur,  and  other  territories  exposed  to  the  inroads  of  the 
Mughals.  He  maintained  several  thousand  horse,  and  had  many 
times  utterly  routed  the  Mughals.  He  had  caused  the  khutba 
to  be  read  in  the  name  of  the  Sultan  Nasiru-d  din  at  Grhazni, 
and  the  terror  of  his  name  and  the  greatness  of  his  power  de- 
tered  the  Mughals  from  assailing  the  frontiers  of  Hindustan. 
But  notwithstanding  his  services,  he  felt  a  strong  apprehension 
that  there  was  an  intention  to  get  rid  of  all  the  old  Shamsi  slaves 
upon  some  pretext  or  other,  so  he  kept  away  from  Dehli.  He 
did  not  even  come  there  when  Sultan  Balban  succeeded,  and  so 
the  Sultan,  although  the  Kh^n  was  his  cousin,  caused  him  to  be 
poisoned.  After  his  death  the  Sultan  bestowed  S4mana  and  San- 
nkm  on  Tamar  Khan,  who  also  was  one  of  the  Forty  Shamsi  slaves. 
The  other  possessions  of  the  late  Kh4n  were  given  to  other  noble- 
men. Sher  Kh4n  had  coerced  and  brought  under  his  control 
the  Jats,  the  Khokhars,  the  Bhattis,  the  Minas,  the  Manddhars, 
and  other,  similar  tribes  ;  he  had  also  shown  himself  able  to  give 
a  good  account  of  the  Mughals.  The  nobles  who  succeeded  him 
in  his  territories  were  unequal  to  these  duties  ;  the  Mughals  made 
head  against  them,  and  these  frontier  countries  were  exposed  to 
their  ravages.  What  the  late  Khdn  had  effected  in  one  decade, 
no  one  of  his  successors  was  able  to  accomplish. 

When  Sultdn  Balban  had  secured  himself  in  his  dominions, 
and  had  removed  all  his  rivals  and  opponents,  and  when  he  had 
appointed  his  own  followers  to  the  possessions  of  Sher  Khan,  he 
gave  a  royal  canopy  to  his  eldest  son,  proclaimed  him  his  heir 
apparent,  and  made  him  governor  of  all  Sind  and  the  other 
dependent  frontier  districts.  He  then  sent  him  with  a  large 
body  of  nobles  and  officials  to  Multan.  The  prince  was  a  young 
man  possessed  of  many  excellent  qualities ;  he  was  known  in  those 


110  ZrATT-D  DTK  BAENf. 

days  by  the  name  of  Muhammad  Sultdn,  but  the  Sultan,  on 
giving  him  this  appointment,  bestowed  on  him  the  title  of 
K4'4m-1  Mulk.  He  is  commonly  known  as  Khan-i  shahid,  "  the 
Martyr  Khan."  In  the  early  years  of  his  father's  reign  he  had 
held  the  territory  of  Kol  and  some  districts  dependent  thereto. 
Here  he  exhibited  many  virtues  and  excellent  qualities.  Several 
of  the  old  Shamsi  slaves  had  given  the  name  of  Muhammad  to 
their  sons,  and  these  all  became  famous.  Thus  there  was  Mu- 
hammad Kishli  Khdn,  who  had  no  rival  in  archery  in  Khurdsdn 
or  Hindustan.  *  *  *  Among  these  Muhammads,  the  son  of 
Sultan  Balban,  named  Muhammad  Sultdn,  was  pre-eminently 
distinguished.  His  father  loved  him  dearer  than  his  life.  The 
Court  of  the  young  prince  was  frequented  by  the  most  learned, 
excellent,  and  accomplished  men  of  the  time.  His  attendants 
used  to  read  (to  him)  the  Shdh-ndmah,  the  Diwdn-i  Sandi,  the 
Diwdn-i  Khdkdni,  and  the  Khamsah  of  Shaikh  Nizami.  Learned 
men  discussed  the  merits  of  these  poets  in  his  presence.  Amir 
Khusru  and  Amir  Hasan  were  servants  at  his  Court,  and  at- 
tended upon  him  for  five  years  at  Multan,  receiving  from  the 
prince  allowances  and  grants  of  land.  The  Prince  fully  appreci- 
ated the  merits  and  excellencies  of  these  two  poets,  and  delighted 
to  honour  them  above  all  his  servants.  I,  the  author  of  this 
work,  have  often  heard  from  Amir  Khusru  and  Amir  Hasan  that 
they  had  very  rarely  seen  a  prince  so  excellent  and  virtuous  as 
the  "  Martyr  Prince."  *  *  At  his  entertainments  they  never 
heard  him  indulge  in  foolish  dirty  talk,  whether  wine  was  drunk 
or  not  J  and  if  he  drank  wine  he  did  so  with  moderation,  so  as 
not  to  become  intoxicated  and  senseless.  *  *  * 

The  Martyr  Prince  twice  sent  messengers  to  Shiraz  for  the 
express  purpose  of  inviting  Shaikh  S'adi  to  Multdn,  and  for- 
warded with  them  money  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  journey. 
His  intention  was  to  build  a  khdnlcdh  (monastery)  for  him  in 
Multan,  and  to  endow  it  with  villages  for  its  maintenance. 
Khwaja  S'adi,  through  the  feebleness  of  old  age,  was  unable 
to  accept  the  invitations,  but  on  both  occasions  he  sent  some 


TARrxH-i  rrRoz  SHAsr.  m 


verses    in   his    own  han.d,   and    made    his    apologies 
writing.  *  *  * 

Every  year  the  Prince  used  to  come  to  see  his  father,  bringing 
treasure  and  presents,  and  after  staying  a  few  days  at  Court 
he  returned  to  his  government.  On  the  last  occasion  of  their 
meeting  the  Sultdn  addressed  him  in  private,  telling  him  that 
he  had  grown  old,  *  *  that  he  had  made  him  his  heir-apparent, 
and  now  intended  making  a  will  for  his  guidance.  *  *  He  called 
for  pen  and  ink,  and  giving  them  into  his  son's  hands,  com- 
manded attention  to  his  dictation.  *  *  *  When  the  Sultdn 
had  finished  his  testament  ^  of  counsel,  he  sent  the  Prince  back  to 
Multan, 

In  the  same  year  that  the  SultSn  made  this  testament  he  sent 
his  younger  son,  Bughrd  Khan,  also  entitled  Nasiru-d  din,  to 
Samdna,  having  placed  under  his  charge  S&mdna,  Sanndm,  and  all 
their  dependencies.  This  prince  was  a  fine  young  man,  but  in 
qualities  he  was  not  to  be  compared  with  his  elder  brother.  When 
the  Sultdn  sent  him  to  his  government  he  commanded  him  to 
increase  the  allowances  to  the  old  soldiers,  and  to  enlist  twice  as 
many  more  new  men.  He  also  ordered  him  to  promote  the  in- 
dustrious and  faithful  officials,  and  to  give  them  grants  of  land. 
He  farther  directed  him  to  be  particularly  careful  in  appointing 
officers  for  his  army,  so  that  he  might  be  ready  to  repel  any  ad- 
vances of  the  Mughals. 

Bughr^  Khan  was  inferior  to  his  elder  brother  in  intelligence  ; 
the  Sultdn  therefore  directed  him  not  to  be  hasty  in  business, 
but  to  consult  with  his  officers  and  trusty  followers  on  all  matters 
of  importance  concerning  the  army  and  country.  All  matters 
beyond  his  capacity  were  to  be  referred  direct  to  the  Sultan,  and 
all  orders  upon  such  questions  which  the  Sultdn  might  p'ass 
were  to  be  scrupulously  enforced,  without  failure  or  excess. 
The  Sultan  forbad  the  use  of  wine  to  Bughri  Khan.  He  ob- 
served that  Simana  was  an  important  territory,  and  its  army 
most  useful ;  and  he  threatened  him  that  if  he  indulged  in  wine 
1  An  epitome  of  this  Testament  is  given  in  Briggs's  Firishta. 


112  ZrAU-D  DfN  BARNr. 

and  in  unseemly  practices,  neglecting  the  interests  of  the  army 
and  the  country  under  his  charge,  he  would  assuredly  remove 
him,  and  give  him  no  other  employment.  The  Sultdn  also  sent 
spies  (larid)  to  watch  over  his  proceedings,  and  took  great  pains 
to  obtain  information  of  his  doings.  The  son  accordingly  con- 
ducted himself  honourably  and  gave  up  improper  indulgences. 

At  this  time  the  Mughal  horse  crossed  the  Biyah,  and  the 
Sultan  sent  against  them  the  Martyr  Prince  from  Multan, 
Bughrd  Khan  from' Samdna,  and  Malik  Bdrbak  Bektars^  from 
Dehli.  They  marched  to  the  Biyah,  driving  back  the  Mughals, 
and  obtaining  many  victories  over  them,  so  that  the  enemy  were 
unable  to  advance  beyond  the  Biyah.  In  each  of  these  three 
armies  there  were  about  seventeen  or  eighteen  thousand  horse. 

Fifteen  or  sixteen  years  had  passed  since  the  accession  of 
Balban,  during  which  the  country  had  been  quiet,  and  no  adver- 
sary or  disaffected  person  had  disturbed  the  peace.  *  *  *  News 
at  length  reached  Dehli  that  the  perfidious  Tughril  had  broken 
out  in  rebellion  at  Lakhnauti.  Tughril  was  a  Turk,  and  a  very 
active,  bold,  courageous,  and  generous  man,  Sultdn  Balban  had 
made  him  viceroy  of  Lakhnauti  and  Bengal.  Shrewd  and  know- 
ing people  had  given  to  Lakhnauti  the  name  of  Bulghakpur  (the 
city  of  strife),  for  since  the  time  when  Sultan  Mu'izzu-d  din 
Muhammad  Sam  conquered  Dehli,  every  governor  that  had  been 
sent  from  thence  to  Lakhnauti  took  advantage  of  the  distance, 
and  of  the  difficulties  of  the  road,  to  rebel.  If  they  did  not 
r^bel  themselves  others  rebelled  against  them,  killed  them,  and 
seized  the  country.  The  people  of  this  country  had  for  many 
long  years  evinced  a  disposition  to  revolt,  and  the  disaffected  and 
evil  disposed  among  them  generally  succeeded  in  alienating  the 
loyalty  of  the  governors. 

Tughril  Khdn,  on  being  appointed  to  Lakhnauti,  was  successful 
in  several  enterprises.     He  attacked  Jdjnagar^  and  carried  off 

'  FirisMa  reads  this  name  as  ".Birlls." 

'  The  printed  text  has  H&jinagar,  an  obyious  blunder.    The  MSS.  correctly  give 
"  JSjnagar."    Briggs,  foEomng  Dow,  says,  "  Jajnagar  is  on  the  banks  of  the  Ma- 


TAEIKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHf.  113 

great  spoil  in  valuables  and  elephants.  Traitors  and  rebels  then 
made  advances  to  him,  and  represented  that  the  Sultan  was  old, 
and  his  two  sons  were  engaged  in  guarding  against  the  Mughals. 
That  no  year  passed  without  the  Mughals  forcing  their  way  into 
Hindustan  and  seizing  upon  different  towns.  The  Court  of 
Dehli  had  quite  enough  to  do  in  repelling  these  attacks,  and 
neither  the  Sultan  nor  his  sons  could  leave  this  all  important  duty 
to  come  to  Lakhnauti.  The  nobles  of  Hindustan  had  no  leader, 
they  were  wanting  in  soldiers  and  retainers,  in  elephants  and 
wealth,  and  they  were  quite  incapable  of  marching  to  Lakh- 
nauti and  opposing  Tughril.  So  they  urged  him  to  revolt  and 
make  himself  king.  Tughril  listened  to  and  was  led  astray  by 
these  evil  advisers.  He  was  young,  self-willed,  and  daring ; 
"  ambition  had  long  laid  its  egg  in  his  head,"  and  he  was  heed- 
less of  the  royal  revenge  and  chastisement.  The  spoil  and  ele- 
phants which  he  had  captured  at  J^jnagar  he  kept  for  himself, 
and  sent  none  to  Dehli.  He  assumed  royal  insignia,  and  took 
the  title  of  Sultdn  Mughisu-d  din,  which  title  was  used  in  the 
khutha  and  on  his  coins.  He  was  profuse  in  his  liberality,  so  the 
people  of  the  city  and  the  environs  were  his  friends.  Money 
closed  the  eyes  of  the  clear-sighted,  and  greed  of  gold  kept  the 
more  politic  in  retirement.  The  army  and  the  citizens  lost  all 
fear  of  the  supreme  power,  and  joined  heart  and  soul  with 
Tughril. 

The  rebellion  of  Tughril  was  a  sore  trouble  to  Balban,  for  the 
rebel  had  been  one  of  his  cherished  slaves  {handa).  In  his 
anger  and  sorrow  he  lost  his  rest  and  appetite ;  and  as  the  news 
of  Tughril's  introducing  his  name  into  the  khutba,  his  striking 
of  coins,  and  his  largesses  reached  Dehli,  he  became  more  and 
more  incensed.     He  was  so  engrossed  with  this  rebellion  that  no 

hanuddi,  and  was  the  capital  of  Orissa,"  and  there  is  still  a  town  called  J&jpur  in 
Cuttact.  But  the  J&jnagar  here  mentioned  was  evidently  east  of  the  Brahmaputra, 
and  corresponds  to  Tippera.  The  Sun&r-g&nw,  presently  mentioned  as  on  the  road  to 
JSjnagar,  is  described  by  EenneU  as  being  once  a  large  city  and  now  a  Tillage  on  a 
branch  of  the  Brahmaputra,  13  miles  S.E.  of  Dacca.-cjmsto  I.  260;  EenneU's 
Memoir;  Stewart's  Bengal,  72. 
VOL.  m.  8 


114  zrAtr-D  DrN  barni. 

other  business  received  any  attention  ;  night  and  day  he  was  on 
the  alert  for  further  news  about  it.  At  first  he  sent  against 
the  rebel  Abtagin,  "  the  long  haired,"  who  was  known  as  Amir 
Khdn.  This  chief  was  an  old  slave  of  Balban ;  he  had  re- 
ceived his  training  among  military  men,  and  had  for  Inany 
years  held  the  fief  of  Oudh.  He  was  named  Commander-in- 
chief,  and  along  with  him  were  sent  Tamar  Kh^n  Shamsi,  Malik 
T4ju-d  din,  son  of  Katlagh  Khdn  Shamsi,  and  other  nobles  of 
Hindustan. 

Amir  Khan,  with  the  army  of  Hindustan,  crossed  the  Sarad,! 
and  marched  towards  Lakhnauti;  and  Tughril,  with  a  large  force 
numbering  many  elephants,  advanced  to  meet  him.  The  two 
armies  came  in  sight  of  each  other,  and  a  number  of  people  as- 
sembled to  support  the  traitor  Tughril.  His  profuse  liberality  had 
induced  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  country  to  assist  him, 
and  had  won  over  also  a  large  number  of  the  troops  sent  from 
Dehli  against  him.  He  attacked  Amir  Khdn  and  defeated  him. 
The  troops  of  Dehli  fled,  and  were  cruelly  treated  by  the  Hindus. 
The  victorious  troops  of  Tughril  pursued,  and  many  of  the  de- 
feated force,  being  poor  and  greedy,  and  unmindful  of  the  Sultan's 
chastisement,  deserted  the  army  of  Amir  Khdn,  and  joined 
Tughril.  When  the  news  of  this  defeat  reached  the  Sultdn,  his 
rage  and  shame  increased  a  hundred-fold.  All  fear  of  the  anger 
of  God  left  his  bosom,  and  he  gave  way  to  needless  severity. 
He  ordered  Amir  Khdn  to  be  hanged  over  the  gate  of  Oudh. 
This  condign  punishment  excited  a  strong  feeling  of  opposition 
among  the  wise  men  of  the  day,  who  looked  upon  it  as  a  token 
that  the  reign  of  Balban  was  drawing  to  an  end. 

Next  year  the  Sultan  sent  another  army  against  Lakhnauti, 
under  a  new  commander.  The  defeat  of  Amir  Khdn  had  made 
Tughril  bolder,  and  his  power  and  state  had  greatly  increased. 
He  marched  out  of  Lakhnauti,  attacked  the  army  of  Dehli,  and 
totally  defeated  it.  Many  of  this  force  also  deserted  to  Tughril, 
allured  by  his  gold.  The  news  of  this  second  defeat  over- 
^  Here  written  Sarifi,  and  afterwards  Sard,  meaning  the  Sarju  or  G-ogra. 


TAEfKH-I  FrROZ  SHA'Hr.  115 

whelmed  the  Sultdn  with  shame  and  anger,  his  life  was  em- 
bittered, and  he  devoted  all  his  attention  and  energy  to  ejffect  the 
defeat  of  Tughril.  He  resolved  to  march  against  the  rebel  in 
person,  and  ordered  a  large  number  of  boats  to  be  collected  on 
the  Ganges  and  the  Jumna.  He  then  set  forth,  as  if  for  a 
hunting  excursion  to  Samdna  and  Sanndm  (the  fiefs  of  his  son 
Bughr4  Khdn),  and,  dividing  these  districts,  he  placed  them 
under  the  charge  of  the  chiefs  and  troops  of  those  districts.  Malik 
Sunj  Sarjdnddr  was  made  Ndih  of  Sdmana,  and  commander  of 
its  forces.  Bughta  Khan  was  directed  to  collect  his  own  forces, 
and  to  follow  in  the  rear  of  his  father's  army.  The  Sultdn  then 
left  S4m4na,  and,  proceeding  into  the  Doab,  he  crossed  the 
Ganges,  and  took  his  course  to  Lakhnauti.  He  wrote  to  his  son 
at  Multan,  directing  him  to  be  careful  of  his  country,  and  to  give 
a  good  account  of  the  Mughals,  adding  that  he  had  placed  the 
forces  of  Sdmdna  at  his  disposal.  The  Sultan  wrote  also  to 
Maliku-1  umard  Kotwdl  of  Dehli,  one  of  his  most  trusty  ad- 
herents, appointing  him  to  act  as  his  lieutenant  at  Dehli  during 
his  absence,  and  placing  the  whole  business  of  the  State  and  the 
various  officials  under  his  charge.  In  announcing  this  appoint- 
ment the  Sultan  told  him  that  he  had  marched  against  Tughril, 
and  that  he  was  fully  resolved  to  pursue  him,  and  never  turn 
back  until  he  had  exacted  vengeance. 

The  Sultan  summoned  all  the  forces  of  the  neighbourhood  where 
he  was,  and  marched  for  Lakhnauti,  his  rage  and  shame  causing 
him  to  disregard  the  rainy  season.  Proceeding  into  Oudh  he 
ordered  a  general  levy,  and  two-  lakhs  of  men  of  all  classes 
were  enrolled.  An  immense  fleet  of  boats  was  collected,  and  in 
these  he  passed  his  army  over  the  Sardti.  The  rains  now  came 
on,  and  although  he  had  plenty  of  boats  the  passage  through  the 
low-lying  country  was  difficult,  and  the  army  was  delayed  ten 
or  twelve  days,  toiling  through  the  water  and  mud,  and  the  pour- 
ing rain.  Meantime  Tughril  had  received  intelligence  of  the  ad- 
vance of  the  Sultan.  He  then  said  to  his  friends  and  supporters, 
"  If  any  one  besides  the  Sultdn  had  come  against  me,  I  would 


116  zrAU-D  DfN  BARNr. 

have  faced  him,  and  fought  it  out.  But  as  the  Sultan  has  left 
his  duties  at  Dehli,  and  has  come  against  me  in  person,  I  cannot 
withstand  him."  When  intelligence  of  the  passage  of  the  Sardu 
reached  Tughril,  he  immediately  prepared  for  flight,  and  as  the 
Sultan's  march  was  retarded  by  the  rains  he  had  plenty  of  time. 
Many  people  joined  him  through  fear  of  the  Sultan's  vengeance  ; 
and  he  carried  off  with  him  treasure  and  elephants,  a  picked 
body  of  troops,  his  officers,  relations,  and  adherents,  with  their 
wives  and  children.  He  also  worked  upon  many  people  by 
holding  out  to  them  the  terrors  of  the  SultAn's  vengeance,  so 
that  they  collected  their  money  and  followed  him.  He  took  the 
road  to  Jajnagar,  and  halted  at  a  dry  place,  one  day's  journey 
from  Lakhnauti.  Few  persons  of  importance  were  left  in  the 
city,  and  the  people  were  all  well  disposed  to  him,  having  the 
fear  of  the  Sultan  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  hope  of  TughriPs 
favour  on  the  other.  The  Sultan  was  thirty  or  forty  kos  from 
Lakhnauti,  and  Tughril  continued  his  march  to  Jdjnagar.  He 
deluded  the  people  who  accompanied  him  by  telling  them  that  he 
would  stay  for  a  time  at  Jajnagar,  but  that  the  Sultan  would 
be  unable  to  remain  long  at  Lakhnauti.  As  soon  as  he  should 
hear  of  the  Sultan's  departure  they  would  plunder  Jajnagar,  and 
return  rich  and  safe  to  Lakhnauti,  for  no  one  whom  the  Sultan 
could  leave  there  would  be  able  to  oppose  their  return.  On  their 
approaching  the  place  the  Sultdn's  deputy  Would  retire. 

Several  days  were  passed  by  the  Sultan  at  Lakhnauti  in 
arming  and  newly  organizing  his  forces ;  but  he  set  off  with  all 
possible  speed  towards  Jdjnagar  in  pursuit  of  the  rebel.  The 
author's  maternal  grandfather,  Sipdh-sdldr  Hisdmu-d  din,  wakil- 
dar  of  Malik  B4r-bak,  was  made  governor  of  Lakhnauti,  with 
directions  to  send  on  to  the  army,  three  or  four  times  every  week, 
full  particulars  of  the  news  which  might  arrive  from  Dehli. 
Balban  marched  with  all  speed,  and  in  a  few  days  arrived  at 
Sunar-ganw.  The  E&i  of  that  place,  by  name  Daniij  Rai,  met 
the  Sultan,  and  an  agreement  was  made  with  him  that  he  should 
■guard  against  the  escape  of  Tughril  by  water. 


TAETKH-I  FIROZ  SHA'HI.  117 

The  Sultan  many  times  publicly  declared  that  he  would  never 
give  up  the  pursuit  of  the  rebel.  They  were  playing  for  half  the 
kingdom  of  Dehli ;  and  if  Tughril  took  to  the  water  he  would 
pursue  him,  and  he  would  never  return  to  Dehli,  or  even  men- 
tion it,  until  the  blood  of  the  rebel,  and  his  followers  had  been 
poured  out.  The  people  of  the  array  well  knew  the  fierce  temper 
and  implacable  resolution  of  the  Sultan.  They  despaired  of  ever 
returning,  and  many  of  them  drew  up  their  wills  and  sent  them 
to  their  homes.  *  *  *  The  army  marched  about  seventy  kos, 
and  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  Jdjnagar ;  but  Tughril  had  pursued 
a  different  route,  and  not  a  man  of  his  army  had  been  seen. 
The  SuMn  therefore  sent  Mahk  Bdrbak  Bektars^  Sultdni,  at 
the  head  of  seven  or  eight  thousand  horse,  who  marched  ten  or 
twelve  kos  in  advance  of  the  main  force,  and  every  day  scouts 
were  sent  on  before  this  advance  party  to  get  intelligence  of 
Tughril.  Thus  they  proceeded.  But  although  scouts  were  sent 
out  in  all  directions,  no  trace  could  be  found  of  the  rebel,  till 
one  day  Muhammad  Sher-andaz,  the  chief  of  Kol,  his  brother 
Malik  Mukaddir,  and  "  Tughril-kush,"  all  brave  and  renowned 
soldiers,  who  had  been  sent  forward  ten  or  twelve  kos  in  advance 
to  reconnoitre  and  make  inquiries,  fell  in  with  a  party  of  corn 
dealers,  who  were  returning  home  after  completing  their  dealings 
with  Tughril.  These  men  were  immediately  seized,  and  Malik 
Sher-andaz  ordered  two  of  them  to  be  beheaded.  This  act  so 
terrified  the  rest  that  they  gave  the  desired  information.  Tugh- 
ril was  encamped  at  less  than  half  a  kos  distance,  near  a  stone- 
built  reservoir,^  and  intended  next  day  to  enter  the  territory  of 
Jajnagar.  Malik  Sher-anddz  sent  two  of  these  grain  dealers  in 
charge  of  two  Turk!  horsemen  to  Malik  Barbak,  announcing  the 
discovery,  and  urging  his  advance.  The  reconnoitring  party 
proceeded  and  found  the  tents  of  Tughril  pitched  near  a  land, 
with  all  his  force  encamped  around.     All  seemed  secure  and  free 

•  This  name  is  always  so  given  in  the  Printed  Text  and  in  the  MSS.,  but  Firishta 
has  "  Birlas." 


118  ZrAU-D  DIN  BAENT. 

from  apprehension  ;  some  were  washing  their  clothes,  others  were 
drinking  wine  and  singing.  The  elephants  were  browsing  on  the 
branches  of  the  trees,  and  the  horses  and  cattle  were  gra.zing — 
everywhere  a  feeling  of  security  prevailed.  The  leaders  of  the 
reconnoitring  force  remarked  to  each  other  that  if  they  were 
discovered  the  traitor  would  take  to  flight.  His  elephants  and 
treasure  might  fall  into  their  hands,  but  he  himself  would  escape. 
If  this  occurred,  what  could  they  say  to  the  Sultdn,  and  what 
hope  would  there  be  of  their  lives.  They  therefore  resolved  that 
it  was  best  to  take  the  boldest  course,  to  rush  at  once  into  the 
enemy's  camp  and  attack  the  tent  of  the  traitor.  He  might 
possibly  be  taken  and  be  beheaded  before  his  forces  could  rally  to 
the  rescue ;  and  his  army  might  take  to  flight,  under  the  impres- 
sion that  they  were  attacked  by  the  army  of  the  Sultdn,  and  .not 
by  a  mere  handful  of  thirty  or  forty  horsemen.  So  the  brave 
fellows  drew  their  swords,  and  shouting  the  name  of  Tughril, 
dashed  into  the  camp.  They  reached  his  tent ;  but  Tughril  had 
heard  the  clamour,  and,  passing  through  his  scullery,  he  mounted 
a  horse  without  a  saddle,  and  made  off  to  a  river  which  ran 
near.  The  whole  army  of  Tughril,  under  the  impression  that 
the  Sultan  was  upon  them,  fled  in  terror  and  dismay.  Mu- 
kaddir  and  "  Tughril-kush "  pursued  Tughril,  who  made  all 
speed  to  the  river.  When  he  reached  it,  Tughril-kush  drew  an 
arrow,  shot  him  in  the  side  and  brought  him  down.  Mukaddir 
instantly  dismounting,  cut  ofi'  his  head,  and  cast  his  body  into 
the  river.  Concealing  the  head  under  his  clothes  he  went  to 
the  river  and  washed  his  hands.  The  officers  of  Tughril  came 
up  shouting,  "  Your  Majesty,"  and  seeking  for  him  on  every 
side.  Just  then  Malik  Barbak  arrived  with  his  army  and  dis- 
persed the  forces  of  Tughril.  Mukaddir  and  Tughril-kush 
placed  the  head  of  the  traitor  before  Malik  Bdrbak,  who  instantly 
wrote  a  despatch  of  victory  to  the  Sultdn.  The  sons  and 
daughters  of  Tughril,  his  attendants,  companions,  and  officers, 
all  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  The  men  of  this  victorious 
force  obtained  such  booty  in  money,  goods,  horses,  arms,  slaves, 


TAI^rKH-I  FIEOZ  SHA^f.  119 

and  handmaids,  as  to  suffice  them  and  their  children  for  many 
years.  Two  or  three  thousand  men  and  women  were  taken 
prisoners. 

When  news  of  the  victory  and  of  the  death  of  Tughril  reached 
the  Sultan,  he  halted,  and  Malik  B^rbak  returned,  bringing 
with  him  the  booty  and  prisoners  that  had  fallen  into  his  hands. 
The  Malik  recounted  all  the  particulars  of  the  victory,  and  the 
Sultan  was  very  angry  with  Muhammad  Sher-andaz,  saying  that 
he  had  committed  an  error,  which  might  have  been  of  serious 
consequences  to  him  and  the  army  of  Dehli.  But  as  all  had 
ended  well,  the  Sultdn,  atfter  these  censures,  bestowed  robes  and 
rewards  upon  all  the  men  of  the  reconnoitring  party,  according 
to  their  rank  and  position,  and  raised  their  dignities.  Upon 
Muhammad  Sher-anddz  he  bestowed  especial  favour ;  to  the  man 
who  shot  the  arrow  he  gave  the  title  of  "  Tughril-kush,"  ^  Slayer 
of  Tnghril ;  and  to  Mukaddir,  who  had  cut  off  the  traitor's  head 
he  gave  a  robe  and  suitable  rewards.  *  *  *  This  achievement 
increased  a  hundred-fold  the  awe  felt  of  Balban  by  his  subjects. 

The  Sultan  returned  to  Lakhnauti,  and  there  ordered  that 
gibbets  should  be  erected  along  both  sides  of  the  great  bazar, 
which  was  more  than  a  kos  in  length.  He  ordered  all  the  sons 
and  sons-in-law  of  Tughril,  and  all  men  who  had  served  him  or 
borne  arras  for  him,  to  be  slain  and  placed  upon  the  gibbets. 
Tughril  had  shown  great  favour  to  a  certain  kalandar,  *  *  * 
and  the  Sultdn  went  so  far  as  to  kill  him  and  gibbet  him,  with  all 
his  followers.  The  punishments  went  on  during  the  two  or  three 
days  that  the  Sultan  remained  at  Lakhnauti,  and  the  beholders 
were  so  horrified  that  they  nearly  died  of  fear,  I,  the  author, 
have  heard  from  several  old  men  that  such  punishment  as  was 
inflicted  on  Lakhnauti  had  never  been  heard  of  in  Dehli,  and  no 
one  could  remember  anything  like  it  in  Hindustan.     A  number 

1  The  Text  in  every  instance  speaks  of  Malik  Mnkaddir  and  Tughril-kush  as 
two  distinct  persons,  and  this  passage  is  decisive  as  to  the  author's  opinion.  Firishta, 
however,  who  evidently  used  Bami's  account,  is  just  as  distinct  in  saying  that 
Mukaddir  was  the  man  who  shot  and  killed  Tughril,  and  that  it  was  he  who  was 
called  *'  Tughril-kush." 


120  ZrAU-D  DfN  BAENr. 

of  prisoners  who  belonged  to  Dehli  and  its  neighbourhood  were 
ordered  to  be  put  in  fetters  and  carried  to  Delhi,  there  to  receive 
their  punishment. 

The  Sultdn  remained  some  days  longer  at  Lakhnauti.  He 
placed  the  country  under  the  charge  of  his  younger  son,  Bughra 
Khan,  to  whom  he  granted  a  canopy  and  other  royal  insignia. 
He  himself  appointed  the  officials  and  feudatories  (iktd'ddrs)  ; 
but  he  gave  to  Bughra  Khkn  all  the  spoils  of  Tughril  Khan, 
excepting  the  elephants  and  gold  which  he  took  with  him  to 
Dehli.  He  called  his  son  to  him  in  private,  and  made  him  take 
an  oath  that  he  would  recover  and  secure  the  country  of  Bengal, 
and  that  he  would  not  hold  convivial  parties,  nor  indulge  in  wine 
and  dissipation.  He  then  asked  his  son  where  he  was  lodging, 
and  he  replied  in  the  palace  of  the  old  kings  near  the  great 
bazar.  Bughr&  Khkn  was  also  called  Mahmud,  and  the  Sultan 
said  to  him,  "  Mahmud,  didst  thou  see  ? "  The  prince  was 
surprised  at  the  question,  and  made  no  answer.  Again  the  king 
said,  "  Mahmud,  didst  thou  see  ? "  The  prince  was  amazed,  and 
knew  not  what  answer  to  give.  The  Sultdn  repeated  the  ques- 
tion a  third  time,  and  then  added,  "  You  saw  my  punishments 
in  the  bazar  ?"  The  prince  bowed  and  assented.  The  Sultan 
went  on  to  say,  "If  ever  designing  and  evil-minded  persons 
should  incite  you  to  waver  in  your  allegiance  to  Dehli,  and  to 
throw  off  its  authority,  then  remember  the  vengeance  which  you 
have  seen  exacted  in  the  bazar.  Understand  me  and  forget  not, 
that  if  the  governors  of  Hind  or  Sind,  of  Malwa  or  Gujarat,  or 
Lakhnauti,  or  Sunar-ganw  shall  draw  the  sword  and  become 
rebels  to  the  throne  of  Dehli,  then  such  punishment  as  has  fallen 
upon  Tughril  and  his  dependents  will  fall  upon  them,  their  wives 
and  children,  and  all  their  adherents.  Another  day  he  spoke  to 
his  son  in  private  before  some  of  his  principal  associates  [im- 
pressing  upon  him  the  responsibilities  of  his  station,  and  warning 
him  against  pleasure  and  dissipation'\. 

The  Sultan  then  took  his  departure  for  Dehli,  and  Bughr4 
Khdn  accompanied  him  for  some  marches.     On  the  day  before 


TARfKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHr.  121 

Bughr^  Kh&n  was  to  return  the  Sultdn  halted,  and  after  morning 
prayer  he  called  several  of  his  old  friends  and  Bughrd  Khdn  into 
his  presence.  He  directed  the  latter  to  summon  his  secretary  to 
come  with  writing  materials,  and  told  them  to  sit  down  before 
him,  for  he  was  about  to  deliver  some  counsels  to  his  son. 
Then  addressing  his  friends  he  said,  "  I  know  that  whatever 
principles  of  government  I  may  enforce  upon  this  my  son,  he, 
through  his  devotion  to  pleasure,  will  disregard.  Still,  my 
paternal  affection  impels  me  to  write  down  some  counsels  for 
him,  in  the  presence  of  you  who  are  old  men,  who  have  seen 
much,  and  have  gained  great  experience.      God  give  my  son 

grace  to  act  upon  some  of  my  words." 

*  #  #  *  « 

After  the  Sultan  had  concluded  his  counsels  to  his  son,  and 
the  secretary  had  committed  them  to  writing,  he  gave  him  a 
robe  of  honour,  tenderly  embraced  him,  and  shedding  tears  over 
him  bade  him  farewell.  Bughra  Khdn  then  returned  to  Lakh- 
nauti,  and  the  Sultdn,  with  his  army,  pursued  his  journey 
towards  Dehli.  On  reaching  the  Saru  he  halted,  and  he  issued 
an  order  that  no  one  who  had  gone  with  the  army  from  Dehli  to 
Lakhnauti  should  remain  at  the  latter  place  without  permission, 
and  that  no  one  should  proceed  from  Lakhnauti  to  Delhi  without 
his  consent.  After  an  inspection  of  the  men  of  his  army,  he 
crossed  the  river  and  continued  his  journey.  *  *  *  He  passed 
through  Badatin,  and  crossed  the  Granges  at  the  ferry  of  Ghaniir. 
The  people  of  Dehli  of  all  classes  came  forth  to  meet  him  *  *  * 
and  he  entered  his  capital  after  being  absent  three  years.  \_Be- 
joicings,  public  thanks,  and  rewards."] 

After  the  rewards  were  distributed,  the  Sultdn  ordered  a  row 
of  wibbets  to  be  erected  on  both  sides  of  the  road  from  Baddun 
to  Talpat  (Pilibhit  ?),  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  Dehli  and  its 
environs,  who  had  joined  Tughril,  and  had  been  made  prisoners 
at  Lakhnauti,  should  be  suspended  thereon.  This  direftil  order 
spread  dismay  in  the  city ;  for  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town  and  environs  had  relations  and  connections   among  the 


122  ZMU-D  DtN  BARNr. 

prisoners.  *  *  *  The  public  sorrow  became  known  to  the  kdzi 
of  the  army,  who  was  greatly  shocked.  He  proceeded  on  the 
evening  of  the  Sabbath,  and  throwing,  himself  at  the  feet  of  the 
Sultan  interceded  for  the  unhappy  prisoners.  The  Sult4n  was 
moved  by  his  importunity,  aud  ordered  that  the  majority  of  the 
prisoners,  who  were  of  no  name  and  repute,  should  be  set  at 
liberty ;  that  some  of  the  better  known  should  be  banished  to  the 
neighbouring  towns,  and  that  those  belonging  to  the  city  should 
be  retained  in  prison  for  a  time.  The  most  notorious  among  them 
were  ordered  to  be  mounted  on  buffalos,  and  to  be  paraded  round 
the  city  for  an  exemplary  punishment.  After  a  while,  through 
the  intercession  of  the  Mzi,  they  all  obtained  their  release.  *  *  * 

The  Sultdn's  eldest  son,  who  was  called  Khan  of  Multan,  and 
ruled  over  Sind,  brought  to  Dehli  the  tribute  money  and  horses 
for  the  whole  three  years  during  which  the  Sultdn  had  been 
absent,  and  presented  his  reports  to  his  father.  The  Sultan  was 
greatly  pleased,  his  affection  and  kindness  to  his  son  was  in- 
creased tenfold,  and  he  sent  him  back  to  his  government  loaded 
with  honours.  *  *  * 

In  the  year  684  h.  (a.d.  1285)  the  Khan  of  Multdn,  the 
eldest  son  and  heir  apparent  of  the  Sultan,  and  the  mainstay  of 
the  State,  proceeded  to  Labor  and  Deobalpur  (Dipdlpur)  to 
oppose  the  accursed  Samar,  the  bravest  dog  of  all  the  dogs  of 
Changiz  Kh4n.  By  the  will  of  fate,  the  prince  with  many  of  his 
nobles  and  officers  fell  in  battle,  and  a  grievous  disaster  thus  hap- 
pened to  the  throne  of  Balban.  Many  veteran  horsemen  perished 
in  the  same  battle.  This  calamity  caused  great  and  general 
mourning  in  Multan.  *  *  *  From  that  time  the  deceased  prince 
was  called  "  the  Martyr  Prince."  Amir  Khusru  was  made 
prisoner  by  the  Mughals  in  the  same  action,  and  obtained  his 
freedom  with  great  difficulty.  He  wrote  an  elegy  on  the  death 
of  the  prince.  *  *  * 

When  the  news  of  this  defeat  and  the  death  of  the  prince 
reached  the  Sultdn,  he  was  quite  broken  down  with  sorrow.  The 
army  was  a  well-appointed  one,  and  "the  Martyr  Prince"  was 


TARrKH-I  FTROZ  SHAHf.  123 

the  son  whom  he  had  loved  dearer  than  his  life,  and  whom  he 
had  destined  to  be  his  successor.  The  Sultan  was  now  more 
than  eighty  years  old,  and  although  he  struggled  hard  against 
the  effects  of  his  bereavement,  they  day  by  day  became  more 
apparent.  By  day  he  held  his  court,  and  entered  into  public 
business  as  if  to  show  that  his  loss  had  not  affected  him ;  but  at 
night  he  poured  forth  his  cries  of  grief,  tore  his  garments,  and 
threw  dust  upon  his  head.  When  the  particulars  of  the  prince-s 
death  arrived,  the  Sultdn  bestowed  Multan,  with  the  other  terri- 
tories, the  canopy,  and  all  the  ensigns  of  royalty  which  he  had 
given  to  the  late  prince,  on  Kai-Khusrii,  his  son.  This  prince 
was  very  young,  but  he  was  greatly  favoured  by  the  Sult4n,  who 
sent  him  to  Multan  with  a  large  retinue  of  nobles  and  officers. 
The  reign  of  Balban  now  drew  to  a  close,  and  he  gradually  sank 
under  his  sorrow. 

Biographical  notices  of  the  nobles  and  great  men  of  the  reign  of 

Balban. 

To  return  to  my  history.  When  the  Sultan  grew  weak  and  ill 
from  grief  for  his  lost  son,  he  summoned  his  younger  son,  Bughra 
Khan,  from  Lakhnauti,  and  said  to  him,  "  Grief  for  your  brother 
has  brought  me  to  my  dying  bed,  and  who  knows  how  soon  my 
end  may  come  ?  This  is  no  time  for  you  to  be  absent,  for  I  have 
no  other  son  to  take  my  place.  Kai-Khusrii  and  Kai-Kubad, 
your  sonSji  whom  I  have  cherished,  are  young,  and  have  not 
experienced  the  heat  and  cold  of  fortune.  Youthful  passions  and 
indulgence  would  make  them  unfit  to  govern  my  kingdom,  if  it 
should  descend  to  them.  The  realm  of  Dehli  would  again  be- 
come a  child's  toy,  as  it  was  under  the  successors  of  Shamsu-d 
din.  If  you  are  in  Lakhnauti  when  another  mounts  the  throne 
in  Dehli,  you  must  be  his  subordinate ;  but  if  you  are  estab- 
lished in  Dehli,  whoever  rules  in  Lakhnauti  must  submit  to  you. 
Think  over  this ;  do  not  leave  my  side ;  cast  away  all  desire  of 
going  to  Lakhnauti."     Bughrd  Khdn  was  a  heedless  prince ; 


124  ZrA'TJ-D  DfN  BAENr. 

he  did  not  know  that  in  the  management  of  a  kingdom  questions 
are  constantly  arising  and  dangers  threatening.  He  had  been 
two  or  three  months  in  Dehli,  and  his  father's  health  had  slightly 
improved.  He  wanted  to  go  to  Lakhnauti,  so  he  found  a  pretext 
for  doing  so,  and  set  off  thither  without  leave  from  his  father. 

Bughrd  Kh^n  had  a  son  named  Kai-Kub4d,  who  had  been 
brought  up  by  the  Sultan,  and  now  stayed  by  his  side.  The 
Khan  had  not  reached  Lakhnauti  when  the  Sultdn  became  worse. 
He  knew  that  he  was  stricken  by  death,  and  gave  up  all  hope 
of  surviving.  Three  days  before  his  death,  he  summoned  to  his 
presence  Maliku-1-umara  Kotwal  of  Dehli,^  Khwdja  Husain  Basri 
the  wazir,  and  some  other  of  his  favourite  servants,  and  said. 
You  are  old  and  are  versed  in  matters  of  government  :  you 
know  how  things  go  on  when  kings  die,  and  I  know  that  my  end 
is  near.  *  *  *  After  I  am  gone,  you  must  set  upon  the  throne 
Kai-Khusrd,  son  of  my  eldest  son,  the  martyr  prince,  whom,  after 
his  father's  death,  I  named  as  my  successor,  and  who  is  worthy 
of  the  throne.  He  is  young  and  incapable  of  ruling  as  yet,  but 
what  can  I  do  ?  Mahmud  (Bughrd  Khan)  has  shrunk  from  the 
work,  and  people  shut  their  eyes  at  him.  He  is  gone  to  Lakh- 
nauti, intent  upon  other  views.  The  throne  will  not  stand 
without  a  king,  and  I  see  no  course  but  that  of  my  making  my 
will  in  favour  of  Kai-Khusru.  He  dismissed  his  friends,  and 
three  days  afterwards  he  died.  The  kotwal  and  his  people  were 
strong,  and,  as  confidants  of  the  late  king,  had  great  power  in  the 
city.  For  a  private  reason,  which  it  would  be  unseemly  to 
expose,^  they  had  been  unfriendly  to  the  martyr  prince,  and  they 
were  apprehensive  of  danger  if  Kai-Khusru  succeeded,  so  they 
sent  him  at  once  to  Multdn.  They  then  took  Kai-Kub4d,  the 
son  of  Bughr^  Khan,  and  placed  him  on  the  throne  with  the 
title  of  Mu'izzu-d  din.  The  corpse  of  Suitdn  Balban  was  taken 
out  of  the  Eed  Palace  at  night,  and  was  buried  in  the  house  of 
rest,  and  thus  ended  one  who  for  so  many  years  had  ruled  with 
dignity,  honour,  and  vigour.  *  *  * 

'■  j,lj  <^b^  J^j*-1  i-MJj  J\  S  i^cVr  J^ 


TARrKH-i  rmoz  SHAnr.  125 

From  the  day  that  Balban,  the  father  of  his  people,  died,  all 
security  of  life  and  property  was  lost,  and  no  one  had  any  confi- 
dence in  the  stabiUty  of  the  kingdom.  Mu'izzu-d  din  had  not 
reigned  a  year  before  the  chiefs  and  nobles  quarrelled  with  each 
other ;  many  were  killed  upon  suspicion  and  doubt ;  and  the 
people,  seeing  the  troubles  and  hardships  which  had  befallen  the 
country,  sighed  for  a  renewal  of  the.  reign  of  Balban. 

SuLTANTJ-i  Karam  Mu'izzu-d  Dumya  wau  Din  Kai-Kubad. 

The  author  of  this  history,  Zia-Barni,  was  a  child  in  the  reign 
of  Sultdn  Mu'izzu-d  din  Kai-Kubad,  grandson  of  Sultan  Balban, 
and  the  details  which  he  has  written  he  learned  from  his  father, 
Muyidu-1  Mulk,  and  from  his  preceptors,  who  were  men  of  note 
at  the  time.  Kai-Kubad^  ascended  the  throne  in  the  year 
685  H.  (1286  A.D.)  ^  He  was  then  seventeen  or  eighteen  years 
old,  and  was  a  young  man  of  many  excellent  qualities.  He  was 
of  an  equable  temper,  kind  in  disposition,  and  very  handsome ; 
but  he  was  fond  of  pleasure  and  sensual  gratifications.  From  his 
childhood  till  the  day  he  came  to  the  throne,  he  had  been  brought 
up  under  the  eye  of  the  Sultdn,  his  grandfather.  Such  strict 
tutors  had  been  placed  over  him  that  he  never  had  the  idea  of 
indulging  in  any  pleasure,  or  the  opportunity  of  gratifying  any 
lust.  His  tutors,  in  fear  of  the  Sultan,  watched  him  so  carefully 
that  he  never  cast  his  eyes  on  any  fair  damsel,  and  never  tasted 
a  cup  of  wine.  Night  and  day  his  austere  guardians  watched 
over  him.  Teachers  instructed  him  in  the  polite  arts  and  in 
manly  exercises,  and  he  was  never  allowed  to  do  any  unseemly 
act,  or  to  utter  any  improper  speech.  When,  all  at  once,  and 
without  previous  expectation,  he  was  elevated  to  such  a  mighty 
throne,  *  *  *  all  that  he  had  read,  and  heard,  and  learned,  he 
immediately  forgot ;    his  lessons  of  wisdom  and  self-restraint 

1  Bami  generally  uses  the  title  Mu'izzu-d  din,  tut  I  have  preferred  the  shorter  and 
more  distinctive  name. 

"  Properly  686,  as  proved  in  the  Printed  Teit  by  a  verse  quoted  from  Amir 
Khusrii's  Kirdnu-s  Sadain. 


126  ZrATJ-D  DIN  BAENf. 

were  thrown  aside,  and  he  plunged  at  once  into  pleasure  and 
dissipation  of  every  kind.  *  *  *  His  ministers,  likewise,  the 
young  nohles  of  his  court,  and  his  companions  and  friends,  all 
gave  themselves  up  to  pleasure.  The  example  spread,  and  all 
ranks,  high  and  low,  learned  and  unlearned,  acquired  a  taste  for 
wine  drinking  and  amusements. 

Kai-Kub^d  gave  up  residing  in  the  city,  and,  quitting  the 
Eed  Palace,  he  built  a  splendid  palace,  and  laid  out  a  beautiful 
garden  at  Kilu-garhi,  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna.  Thither  he 
retired,  with  the  nobles  and  attendants  of  his  court,  and  when  it 
was  seen  that  he  had  resolved  upon  residing  there,  the  nobles 
and  officers  also  built  palaces  and  dwellings,  and,  taking  up  their 
abode  there,  Kilu-garhi  became  a  populous  place  \_and  the  resort 
of  all  the  votaries  and  ministrants  of  pleasure."]  Night  and  day 
the  Sultan  gave  himself  up  entirely  to  dissipation  and  enjoyment. 

Malik  Nizamu-d  din,  nephew  and  son-in-law  of  Maliku-1 
umara  Kotwal  of  Dehli,  now  rose  to  the  highest  offices.  He 
became  Ddd-bak,  or  chief  administrator  of  justice,  and  Ndih-i 
mulk,  or  deputy  ruler  of  the  State,  and  the  government  of  the 
country  was  in  his  hands.  Malik  Kiwdmu-d  din,  who  held 
the  office  of  secretary,  an  accomplished  and  eloquent  man, 
thoroughly  versed  ni  correspondence  and  the  duties  of  secretary, 
was  made  ''Umdatu-l  mulk  and  Ndib-wakildar.  Niz4mu-d  din 
was  an  active,  ready,  and  crafty  man,  and  his  rise  to  power  gave 
great  offence  to  the  nobles  and  servants  of  the  late  king,  who 
were  strong  and  numerous,  and  still  held  important  positions. 
His  head  was  filled  with  ambitious  designs,  while  the  Sultdn  was 
engrossed  with  pleasure  and  conviviality.  The  old  and  expe- 
rienced courtiers,  who  had  felt  the  heat  and  cold  of  varying 
fortune,  perceived  that  the  minister  bore  them  no  good  will,  and 
formed  themselves  into  various  parties.  The  nobles,  heads  of 
great  families,  found  their  position  at  court  shaken,  and  some 
of  them  conceived  a  craving  for  an  extension  of  their  power. 
Niz4mu-d  din  sharpened  his  teeth  in  the  pursuit  of  his  ambition, 
and  argued  with  himself  thus  :  "  Sultdn  Balban  was  a  wary  old 


TAErSH-I  FIKOZ  SHAHf.  127 

wolf,  who  held  possession  of  Dehli  for  sixty  years,  and  kept  down 
the  people  of  the  kingdom  with  a  firm  grasp.  He  is  gone,  and 
his  son,  who  was  fitted  to  be  a  king,  died  before  him ;  Bughra 
Kh4n  remains  contented  at  Lakhnauti,  and  the  roots  of  empire 
which  the  old  man  planted  are  day  by  day  growing  weaker. 
The  Sultan,  in  his  devotion  to  pleasure,  has  not  a  thought  for 
his  government.  If  I  get  rid  of  Kai-Khusru,  the  son  of  "  the 
Martyr  Prince,"  and  can  remove  some  of  the  old  nobles  from  the 
person  of  the  sovereign,  the  realm  of  Dehli  will  fall  with  ease 
into  my  hands."  With  such  thoughts  and  crooked  designs,  he 
began  to  play  his  game  against  Kai-Khusru;  so  he  said  to  the 
Sultan,  "Kai-Khusru  is  your  partner  in  the  kingdom,  and  is 
endued  with  many  kingly  virtues.  The  nobles  are  very  friendly 
towards  him,  and  look  upon  him  as  the  heir-apparent  of  Sultdn 
Balban.  If  several  of  Balban's  nobles  support  him,  one  day  they 
will  set  you  aside  and  raise  him  to  the  throne.  It  would  there- 
fore be  politic  for  you  to  summon  him  from  Multan,  and  to  make 
away  with  him  on  the  road.  This  truculent  suggestion  was 
adopted,  and  messengers  were  sent  for  Kai-Khusru.  Nizamu-d 
din  took  advantage  of  the  Sultan's  drunkenness  to  obtain  his 
sanction  for  the  murder  of  the  prince.  He  then  despatched  his 
emissaries,  who  murdered  the  prince  at  Eohtak. 

This  murder  excited  great  dread  of  the  minister  among  all  those 
nobles  who  remained  in  office.  The  glory  and  honour  of  the 
maliks  was  shattered,  and  fear  seized  upon  them  all.  Nizamu-d 
din  became  more  overbearing.  He  brought  a  charge  against 
Khwdja  Khatir,  wdzir  of  the  Sult&n,  and  had  him  placed  upon 
an  ass,  and  paraded  through  the  whole  city.  This  punishment 
increased  the  terror  which  all  the  nobles  and  officers  felt.  He 
next  resolved  upon  removing  the  chief  nobles  and  heads  of  illus- 
trious families ;  so  he  said  to  the  Sult4n,  "  These  newly-made 
Musulmans,  who  hold  offices  and  appointments  near  your  ma- 
jesty, are  in  league  together.  You  have  made  them  your  com- 
panions and  associates,  but  they  intend  to  deal  treacherously 
with  you  ;    and,  introducing  themselves  by  degrees  into  the 


128  ZiKV-B  DrN  BAENr. 

palace,  they  will  turn  you  out  and  seize  upon  the  kingdom. 
These  Mughal  nobles  hold  meetings  in  their  houses  and  consult 
together.  They  are  all  of  one  race,  their  followers  are  numerous, 
and  they  have  grown  so  strong  that  they  will  raise  a  rebellion. 
Shortly  after  he  reported  to  the  Sultdn  some  words  which  had 
come  to  his  ears,  as  having  been  uttered  by  these  Mughals  while 
in  a  state  of  intoxication,  and  he  obtained  from  him  permission 
to  seize  and  kill  them.  One  day  he  had  them  all  seized  in  the 
palace,  the  principal  of  them  were  slain  and  cast  into  the  Jumna, 
and  their  houses  and  property  were  plundered.  Several  de- 
scendants of  slaves,'^  also,  who  were  men  of  high  rank  in  the  time 
of  Balban,  having  formed  acquaintances  and  friendship  with  these 
new  Musulmans,  were  made  prisoners  and  confined  in  distant 
forts.  Their  families,  which  had  long  taken  root  in  the  land, 
were  scattered. 

Next  after  these  Malik  Shdhik,  amir  of  Multan,  and  Malik 
Tiizakl,  who  was  the  holder  of  the  fief  of  Baran,  and  held  the 
office  of  Muster-master-general — men  of  high  rank  and  import- 
ance in  the  reign  of  Balban — were  both  of  them  got  rid  of  by 
stratagem.  These  proceedings  made  the  designs  of  Niz&mu-d 
din  sufficiently  clear  to  all  men  of  the  court  and  city ;  and  his 
house  became  the  resort  of  the  principal  men  of  the  place.  He 
had  obtained  such  an  ascendancy  over  Kai-Kubad,  that  when- 
ever any  one  belonging  to  the  city  or  otherwise  made  allusion  to 
the  ambitious  designs  of  Nizamu-d  din,  or,  in  a  fair  and  open 
way,  brought  any  evil  practice  to  his  notice,  the  Sultan  used  to 
say  to  his  minister,  "  So  and  so  has  spoken  this  about  you ; " 
or  he  would  have  the  person  seized,  and  giving  him  over  to 
Nizamu-d  din,  would  say,  "  This  man  wanted  to  make  mischief 
between  us." 

The  ascendancy  of  Nizamu-d  din  reached  such  a  pitch  that 
his  wife,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Maliku-1  umard,  became 
known  as  "honorary  mother"  of  the  Sultdn,  and  the  directress 
of  his  female  apartments.     The  sight  of  his  power  caused  all  the 

'  "  Mttula  zddagdn." 


TARrKH-I  FfROZ  SHA'Hr.  129 

great  men  and  chiefs  of  the  city  and  country  to  anxiously  watch 
his  proceedings  and  guard  against  his  hostility  with  all  caution. 
With  every  device  in  their  power,  they  endeavoured  to  obtain 
his  favour,  and  to  be  reckoned  among  his  adherents.  Kotwdl 
Maliku-1  TJmard  Fakhru-d  din,  father-in-law  and  uncle  of 
Niz&mu-d  din,  often  spoke  to  him  in  private,  and  remonstrated 
with  him  on  his  ambitious  designs  and  his  destruction  of  the 
nobles,  saying,  "  I  and  my  father  have  been  kotwdls  of  Dehli  for 
eighty  years,  and  as  we  have  never  meddled  with  affairs  of  State, 
we  have  remained  in  safety,  *  *  *  banish  this  vision  of  royalty 
from  your  mind,  for  royalty  has  no  relation  with  us.  *  *  * 
Supposing  you  kill  this  drunken  insensate  king  by  some  vil- 
lainous contrivance,  the  infamy  of  such  an  action  will  remain 
upon  you  and  your  children  till  the  day  of  judgment."  *  *  * 
This  admonition  of  the  kotwdVs  became  generally  known,  *  *  * 
and  raised  him  very  high  in  public  estimation. 

Niz4mu-d  din  profited  nothing  by  these  counsels ;  his  ambition 
to  acquire  the  regal  power  made  him  blind  and  deaf  Every  day 
he  made  some  new  move  in  the  game,  and  sought  to  remove  the 
Khiljis,  who  were  obstacles  in  his  road  to  sovereignty.  Fate,  how- 
ever, derided  these  crude  designs,  and  smiled  upon  the  Khiljis.  The 
Sult4n  himself  became  aware  that  Nizamu-d  din  desired  to  remove 
him,  and  in  fact  his  designs  were  patent  to  every  one  in  Dehli. 

While  Kai-Kubdd  was  sitting  on  the  throne  in  Dehli,  his 
father,  Bughra  Ehan,  at  Lakhnauti,  had  assumed  the  title  of 
Nasiru-d  din,  and  had  struck  coins  and  caused  the  khutba  to  be 
read  in  his  own  name.  A  correspondence  was  kept  up  between 
the  father  and  son,  and  messengers  were  constantly  passing, 
carrying  presents  from  one  to  the  other.  The  father  was  in- 
formed of  his  son's  devotion  to  pleasure,  and  of  Nizamu-d  din's 
designs,  *  *  *  so  he  wrote  letters  of  advice  and  caution  to  his  son, 
*  *  *  but  the  Sultdn,  absorbed  in  his  pleasures,  *  *  *  paid  no 
heed  to  his  father's  remonstrances,  and  took  no  notice  of  his 
minister's  designs.  Neither  did  he  give  the  least  attention  to 
the  business  of  the  kingdom. 


130  ZTAU-D  DfN  BARNT. 

When  Bughrd  Khdn'  heard  that  his  son  *  *  *  paid  no  heed 
to  his  letters,  he  resolved  to  go  and  see  him,  and  he  wrote  him  a 
letter  announcing  his  intention.  *  *  *  This  letter  awakened  the 
Sultan's  affection  *  *  *  and  several  letters  passed.  *  *  *  It  was 
at  length  arranged  that  the  Sultan  would  go  to  Oudh,  and  that 
his  father  should  come  from  Lakhnauti  and  meet  him  on  the  banks 
of  the  Saru.  The  Sultdn's  intention  was  to  proceed  privately 
(jaridah)  to  the  Saru,  but  his  minister  opposed  this,  *  *  *  ob- 
serving that  "the  journey  was  long,  and  that  he  ought  to  travel 
in  state  with  an  army.  *  *  *  Old  writers  had  said  that  in 
pursuit  of  dominion  fathers  will  slay  their  sons,  and  sons  their 
fathers.  Ambition  for  rule  stifles  both  paternal  and  filial  affec- 
tion. *  *  *  The  Sultan''s  father  had  struck  coins  and  caused  the 
khutha  to  be  read  in  his  name — ^besides,  he  was  the  rightful  heir 
to  the  kingdom,  and  who  could  foresee  what  would  happen  at  the 
interview.  The  Sultan  ought  to  proceed  with  his  army  in  all 
state  and  grandeur.  *  *  *  The  Rdis  and  Ranas  would  then 
come  to  pay  their  respects  ;  but  if  he  travelled  with  haste,  all 
reverence  for  the  kingly  office  would  be  lost."  *  *  *  His  advice 
was  taken  by  the  Sultan,  and  he  directed  his  army  and  travel- 
ling equipage  to  be  prepared. 

In  due  time  the  Sultdn  set  out  in  all  regal  state,  with  a  suit- 
able army,  and  marching  into  Qndh  he  pitched  his  camp  on  the 
banks  of  the  Saru.  When  Bughra  Khdn  heard  that  the  Sult4n 
had  brought  a  large  army,  he  understood  that  Nizdmu-d  din  had 
instilled  fear  into  the  heart  of  his  son  ;  but  he  set  forth  fi-om 
Lakhnauti  with  an  army  and  elephants,  and  arrived  at  the  Saru, 
where  the  two  armies  encamped  on  opposite  sides  of  the  river, 
within  sight  of  each  other.  For  two  or  three  days  officers  passed 
from  both  sides,  carrying  messages  between  father  and  son. 
The  order  of  the  interview  was  at  length  settled.  Bughra  Kh4n 
was  to  pay  honour  and  homage  to  the  king  of  Dehli.  He  was  to 
cross  the  river  to  see  his  son  seated  on  his  throne,  and  to  kiss 
'  his  hands  (in  token  of  inferiority).     The  Kh4n  said,  "  I  have  no 

1  He  ia  now  called  "N&siru-d  din,"  but  it  seems  preferable  to  retain  his  old  name. 


TAIlreH-I  FfROZ  SHAHr.  131 

inclination  to  pay  homage  to  my  own  son ;  but  he  sits  upon  the 
throne  of  Dehli  in  my  father's  seat,  and  that  exceeds  in  grandeur 
all  the  thrones  of  the  earth.  *  *  *  If  I  do  not  show  it  due 
honour,  its  glory  will  be  shattered,  and  evil  will  come  both  upon 
me  and  my  son.  *  *  *  I  will  therefore  fulfil  all  the  requirements 
of  etiquette."  He  directed  the  astrologers  to  fix  upon  an 
auspicious  hour  for  the  interview.  On  the  appointed  day  the 
Sultan's  court  was  arranged,  and  he  sat  upon  his  throne  to  hold 
a  leyee-.  Bughra  Khan  alighted,  and  came  within  the  privileged 
circle.  He  bowed  his  head  to  the  earth,  and  three  times  kissed 
the  ground,  as  required  by  the  ceremonial  of  the  court.  But  when 
he  approached  the  throne,  the  Sultan  could  no  longer  bear  the 
degradation  of  his  father  ;  he  threw  aside  all  kingly  grandeur, 
and,  descending  from  the  throne,  cast  himself  at  his  father's  feet. 

*  *  *  Father  and  son  burst  into  tears  and  embraced  each  other, 

*  *  *  and  the  Sult'dn  rubbed  his  eyes  upon  his  father's  feet. 
This  sight  drew  tears  also  from  the  eyes  of  the  beholders.  The- 
father  took  his  son's  hand  and  led'  him  to  the  throne,  intending 
himself  to  stand  before  it  for  awhile-;  but  the  Sultdn  came  down, 
and  conducting  his  father  to  th«  throne,  seated  him  there  on  his 
own  right  hand.  Then,  coming  down,  he  bent  his  knees,  and  sat 
respectfully  before  him.  *  *  *  Afterwards  they  had  some  con- 
versation together  in  private,  and  then  Bughra  Khdn  retired 
across  the  river  to  his  own  camp.  *  *  * 

One  day,  Bughra  Kh4n,  after  telling  his  son  a  story  about 
Jamshid,  said,  "  Oh,  my  dear  son>  how  far  wilt  thou  carry  thy 
addiction  to  pleasure  and  dissipation,  and  how  long  wilt  thou 
disregard  the  sayings  of  great  and  powerful  kings  ?"  *  *  * 
When  the  Khdn  had  finished  his  counsels  he  wept,  and  pressing 
his  son  to  his  bosom  bade  him  farewell ;  and  as  he  did  so,  he 
secretly  whispered  to  him  his  advice  that  he  should  remove 
Nizdmu-d  din  as  soon  as  possible,  otherwise  that  man  would  one 
day  seize  an  opportunity  to  remove  him  from  the  throne.  So 
saying,  and  shedding  many  tears,  he  parted  from  his  son.  *  *  » 
When  he  reached  his  own  camp  he  said  to  his  friends,  "  I  have 


132  ZrAU-D  DFN  BAKNr. 

said  farewell  to  my  son  and  to  the  kingdom  of  Dehli ;  for  I  know 
full  well  that  neither  my  son  nor  the  throne  of  Dehli  will  long 

exist." 

Kai-Kubad  returned  through  Oudh,  towards  Dehli,  and  for 
some  days  he  was  mindful  of  his  father's  advice,  and  abstained 
from  sensual  amusements.  *  *  *  The  tenor  of  that  advice  was 
known  to  all  men  in  the  army.  *  *  *  He  kept  aloof  from 
women,  till  one  day  a  lovely  girl  met  him  on  the  road  [decked  in 
the  most  alluring  style'],  and  addressed  some  lines  of  poetry  to 
him.  *  *  *  The  Sultdn  was  overpowered  by  her  charms,  he 
could  not  resist  *  *  *  but  called  for  wine ;  and,  drinking  it  in 
her  presence,  recited  some  verses,  to  which  she  replied  also  in 
verse.  *  *  *  His  father's  counsels  were  forgotten,  and  he  gave 
himself  up  to  pleasure  in  the  society  of  that  "vow-breaker"  [and 
plunged  deeper  into  his  old  habits'].  From  Oudh  to  Dehli  all  his 
journey  was  one  round  of  dissipation  and  pleasure.  When  he 
arrived  at  Kilu-garhi  public  rejoicings  were  held.  *  *  * 

I,  Ziau-d  din  Barni,  author  of  this  work,  heard  from  Kdzi 
Sharfu-d  din  that  Sultan  Kai-Kubdd  was  so  engrossed  by  his 
dissolute  pursuits,  that  his  government  would  not  have  endured 
for  a  single  week,  but  for  Malik  Niz5,mu-d  din  and  Malik 
Kiwamu-d  din,  both  of  whom  were  old  Shamsi  and  Balbani 
nobles.  They  were  wise,  experienced  men,  who  possessed  ability, 
and  encouraged  ability.  *  *  *  Niz4mu-d  din  was  also  very  gene- 
rous, *  *  *  and  it  was  a  thousand  pities  that  so  many  excellent 
qualities  should  all  have  been  spoilt  by  his  ambition  to  attain, 
the  throne.  *  *  *  Soon  after  the  Sultdn  returned  from  Oudh, 
his  constitution  began  to  give  way,  and  his  excessive  indulgence 
in  sensual  pleasures  made  him  very  feeble  and  pale.  He  thought 
upon  the  advice  of  his  father,  and  resolved  upon  removing 
Nizamu-d  din,  without  reflecting  that  there  was  no  one  to  take 
his  place,  and  that  troubles  and  difl3.cu]ties  would  arise.  So  he 
ordered  Nizdmu-d  din  to  proceed  to  Multcin  to  arrange  the 
afiuirs  of  that  dependency.  The  minister  perceived  that  the 
Sultan  was  acting  upon  advice  received  from  his  father,  or  some 


TAEfKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHI.  133 

other  person,  and  fearing  the  intrigues  of  his  rivals  he  delayed 
his  departure.  The  Sultdn's  associates  and  attendants  were 
aware  that  he  was  resolved  upon  removing  Nizdmu-d  din,  so 
after  obtaining  the  Sultan's  consent,  they  put  poison  into  his 
wine,  and  he  died.  The  fact  of  his  having  been  poisoned  was 
well  known  in  Dehli.  What  little  order  had  been  maintained  in 
the  government  was  now  entirely  lost.  People  were  .without 
employ,  and  flocked  to  the  gates  of  the  palace ;  and  as  no 
order  was  maintained  there,  no  security  was  anywhere  to  be 
found. 

At  this  time  Jal41u-d  din  was  Ndih  of  Sdm&na  and  Sar- 
jdndar  of  the  court.  He  was  brought  from  SAmana,  and  the 
fief  of  Baran  was  conferred  upon  him ;  and  he  received  the  title 
of  Siyasat  KhAn.  Malik  Aitarour  Kachhan  was  made  Bdrhak, 
and  Malik  Aitamur  Surkha  obtained  the  office  of  WaMl-dar. 
Both  had  been  slaves  {handa)  of  SultAn  Balban.  They  now 
divided  the  control  of  the  palace  between  them,  and  both  were 
led  away  by  ambition.  Several  of  the  Balban  officials,  who  had 
been  set  aside  by  Nizdmu-d  din,  again  entered  into  employ- 
ment, and  rose  into  notice. 

The  affairs  of  the  court  now  fell  into  the  greatest  confusion, 
and  no  regularity  was  observed  in  any  business.  The  Sultan  was 
struck  with  paralysis,  and  was  confined  to  his  couch.  He  daily 
grew  worse,  and  was  quite  incapable  of  attending  to  business.  The 
nobles  desired  some  leading  spirit  who  would  take  the  control  of 
public  aflFairs;  but  they  were  all  too  much  upon  a  level,  and 
could  not  endure  that  any  one  should  rise  above  the  rest,  and 
should  have  entire  command  of  the  reins.  There  was  no  hope  of 
the  SultAn's  recovery,  so  the  old  Balban  officers,  the  maliks,  the 
amirs,  the  officials,  heads  of  tribes,  etc.,  met  together,  and 
although  the  Sultdn's  son  was  of  tender  years,  they  brought  him 
forth  from  the  harem  and  seated  him  upon  the  throne.  It  was 
resolved  to  appoint  a  regent,  so  that  the  throne  might  be  pre- 
served to  the  family  of  Balban,  and  might  not  pass  from  the 
Turk  to  any  other  race.     With  this  object  the  Sultdn's  child 


134  ZrAU-D  DfN  BARNI', 

was  seated  on  the  throne,  under  the  title  of  Sultan  Shamsu-d 
din.  The  old  Balbani  officers  were  his  supporters,  and  they 
received  offices,  titles,  and  grants  of  land.  The  young  Sultdn 
was  taken  to  the  Chahutara-i  Ndsirt,  which  hecame  his  Court, 
and  there  the  nohles  and  great  men  attended  upon  him. 

Sultan  Kai-Kubad  was  lying  sick  and  powerless  at  Kllu- 
ghari,  attended  by  his  doctors.  At  the  same  time  Jalalu-d  din, 
who  was  lA'riz-i  mamdlik  (Muster-master-general),  had  gone  to 
Bahdr-piir,  attended  by  a  body  of  his  relations  and  friends. 
Here  he  held  a  muster  and  inspection  of  the  forces.  He  came  of 
a  race  different  from  that  of  the  Turks,  so  he  had  no  confidence 
in  them,  nor  would  the  Turks  own  him  as  belonging  to  the 
number  of  their  friends.  Aitamur  Kachhan  and  Aitamur  Surkha 
waUl-dar  conspired  to  denounce  and  remeve  several  nobles  of 
foreign  extraction.  They  accordingly  drew  up  a  list,  at  th«  head 
of  whiph  they  placed  the  name  of  Jal41u-d  din.  The  latter  very 
prudently  oellected  his  adherents,  and  all  the  Khilji  maliks  and 
amirs,  drew  together,  and  formed  a  camp  at  Bahar-pur.  Several 
other  nobles  joined  him.  Aitamur  Kachhan  now  proceeded  to 
Bahar-piir,  in  order  to  entice  Jalalu-d  din  to  the  Shamsi  palace, 
where  he  intended  to  kill  him.  Jalalu-d  din  was  aware  of  the  plot, 
and  intercepted  and  slew  Aitamur  Kachhan,  as  he  was  on  the 
way  to  invite  him.  The  sons  of  Jaldlu-d  din,  who  were  all 
daring  fellows,  went  publicly  at  the  head  of  500  horse  to  the 
royal  palace,  seized  upon  the  infant  Sultan,  and  carried  him  off 
to  their  father.  Aitamur  Kachhan '^  pursued  them,  but  he  was 
wounded  with  an  arrow,  and  fell.  The  sons  of  Maliku-1  umara 
Kotwal  were  captured  and  taken  to  Bahar-pur,  where  they  were 
kept  as  hostages.  Great  excitement  followed  in  the  city ;  the 
people,  high  and  low,  small  and  great,  poured  out  of  the  twelve 
gates  of  the  city,  and  took  the  road  for  Bahar-piir  to  the  rescue 
of  the  young  prince.  They  were  all  troubled  by  the  ambition  of 
the  Khiljis,  and   were  strongly  opposed  to  Jalalu-d  din's  ob- 

'  So  says  the  Text,  and  the  two  MSS.  agree  :  but  as  Kachhan  was  dead,  Surkha 
must  be  here  intended,  and  Firishta  has  it  so. 


TAHrKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHf.  135 

taining  the  crown  ;  but  the  kotwdl,  on:  account  of  his  sons, 
allayed  the  popular  excitement,  and  brought  back  the  citizens. 
The  crowd  dispersed  at  the  Baddun  gate. 

Several  maliks  and  amirs  of  Turk  extraction  now  joined 
Jald,lu-d  din  at  his  camp,  and  the  Khilji  force  increased.  Two  • 
days  after  these  occurrences  a  malik,  whose  father  had  been  put 
to  death  by  order  of  Sult4n  Kai-Kubdd,  was  sent  to  Kilu-ghari, 
with  instructions  to  make  an  end  of  him.  This  man  entered 
Kilu-ghari,  and  found  the  Sultan  lying  at  his  last  gasp  in  the 
room  of  mirrors.  He  despatched  him  with  two  or  three  kicks, 
and  threw  his  body  into  the  Jumna.  Malik  Ohhaju,  brother's 
son  of  Sultan  Balban,  and  rightful  heir  to  the  throne,  received 
the  grant  of  Karra,  and  was  sent  off  thither. 

Friends  and  opponents  now  came  to  terms  with  Jalalu-d  din, 
who  was  escorted  from  Bah^rpur  by  a  large  body  of  horse,  and 
was  seated  on  the  throne  in  Kilti-ghari.  He  immediately  pro- 
ceeded to  strengthen  his  position  by  bringing  in  his  friends,  and 
distributing  the  offices.  But  the  majority  of  the  people  of  Dehli 
was  opposed  to  him,  and  through  fear  of  the  populace  he  did 
not  go  to  the  city,  there  to  take  his  seat  upon  the  old  throne 
of  his  predecessors.  Some  time  elapsed  before  he  ventured  there, 
or  before  the  people  went  to  Kilii-gharl  to  oflfer  their  congratula- 
tions. They  hated  the  Khilji  maliks,  and  would  not  look  upon 
them.  There  were  many  officers  and  nobles,  representatives  of 
old  families  in  Dehli  at  that  time.  By  the  death  of  Sultan  Kai- 
Kubdd  M'uizzu-d  din  the  Turks  lost  the  empire. 

SULTANU-L   HALIM   JaLALU-D   DUNYA    WAU-D   dIn   FiROZ   ShaH 

Khilji. 

Zid-Barni,  the  author  of  this  history,  declares  that  the  events 
and  affairs  of  the  reign  of  Jalalu-d  din,  and  the  other  matters 
about  which  he  has  written  from  that  period  unto  the  end  of  his 
work,  all  occurred  under  his  own  eyes  and  observation.     • 

Sultan  Jaldlu-d  din  Firoz  Khilji  ascended  the  throne  in  the 


136  ZrAU-D  DIN  BAENr. 

palace  of  Kilu-ghari,  in  the  year  688  H.i  (1289  a.d.).  The 
people  of  the  city  (of  Dehli)  had  for  eighty  years  been 
governed  by  sovereigns  of  Turk  extraction,  and  were  averse  to 
the  succession  of  the  Khiljis ;  for  this  reason  the  new  Sultdn  did 
jiot  go  into  the  capital.  The  great  men  and  nobles,  the  learned 
men,  the  officials,  and  the  celebrities  with  whom  the  city  was 
then  filled,  went  out  to  pay  their  respects  to  the  new  Sultan,  and 
to  receive  robes.  In  the  course  of  the  first,  year  of  the  reign  the 
citizens  and  soldiers  and  traders,  of  all  degrees  and  classes,  went 
to  Kilu-ghari,  where  the  Sultdq  held  a  public  darhdr.  They 
were  struck  with  admiration  and  amazement  at  seeing  the  Khiljis 
occupying  the  throne  of  the  Turks,  and  wondered  how  the  throne 
had  passed  from  the  one  to  the  other. 

The  Sultan,  not  being  able  to  go  into  Dehli,  made  Kilu-ghari 
his  capital,  and  fixed  his  abode  there.  He  ordered  the  palace, 
which  Kai-Kubad  had  begun,  to  be  completed  and  embellished 
with  paintings  ;  and  he  directed  the  formation  of  a  splendid 
garden  in  front  of  it  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna.  The  princes 
and  nobles  and  officers,  and  the  principal  men  of  the  city,  were 
commanded  to  build  houses  at.  Kilu-ghari.  Several  of  the 
traders  were  also  brought  from  Dehli,  and  bazars  were  estab- 
lished. Kilu-ghari  then  obtained  the  name  of  "New-town." 
A  lofty  stone  fort  was  commenced,  and  the  erection  of  its 
defences  was  allotted  to  the  nobles,  who  divided  the  work  of 
building  among  them.  The  great  men  and  citizens  were  averse 
to  building  houses  there,  but  as  the  Sultdn  made  it  his  residence, 
in  three  or  four  years  houses  sprung  up  on  every  side,  and  the 
markets  became  well  supplied. 

Some  time  passed,  and  still  the  Sultan  did  not  go  into  the 
city,  but  the  authority  of  his  government  acquired  strength. 
The  excellence  of  his  character,  his  justice,  generosity,  and 
devotion,  gradually  removed  the  aversion  of  the  people,   and 


'  The  editors  of  the  text  again  correct  the  date  by  quoting  the  Miftdhu-l  Futiih 
of  Amir  Khusni,  which  makes  the  year  to  he  689.    Firishta  giyes  it  687. 


TARrKH-I  FIROZ  SHAHf.  137 

hopes  of  grants  of  land  assisted  in  conciliating,  though 
.grudgingly  and  unwillingly,  the  affections  of  his  people. 

The  eldest  son  of  the  Sultdn  was  styled  Khan-i  Khdndn,  the 
second  son  Arkall  Khan,  and  the  youngest  Kadar  Khdn.  For 
each  of  these  a  palace  was  provided.  The  Sultan's  brother  was 
entitled  Yaghrish  KhAn,  and  he  was  made  'A'riz-i  mamdlik 
(Muster-master-general) ;  'A14u-d  din  and  Ulugh  Khan,  brother's 
sons  and  sons  in  law  of  the  Siiltdn,  were  made,  one  Amir 
Tuzak,  and  the  other  Akhur-baki  (master  of  the  horse).  *  *  * 
Khwdja  Khatir,  the  best  of  ministers,  was  made  prime  minister, 
and  Malikul-1  umara,  of  long  standing  renown,  was  confirmed 
as  kotwdl.  The  populace  was  appeased  and  gratified,  and  the 
Sult4n,  with  great  pomp  and  a  fine  retinue,  went  into  the  city 
and  alighted  at  the  palace  (daulat-khdna).  He  offered  up  his 
thanksgivings  and  took  his  seat  upon  the  throne  of  his  predeces- 
sors. He  then  called  his  nobles  and  friends  around  him  and  ad- 
dressed them  [in  terms  of  thanksgiving  and  gratulation.}  *  *  * 

In  the  second  year  of  the  reign,  Malik  Ohhajii,  nephew  of 
Balban,  raised  the  white  canopy  in  Karra,  and  had  the  hhutba 
read  in  his  name.  Malik  'Ali,  sar-jdnddr,  son  of  a  slave 
(mauld-zdda)  of  Sultan  Balban,  who  held  the  grant  of  Oudh, 
joined  hira.  Several  other  old  adherents  of  Balban,  who  held 
territories  towards  Hindustan,  also  supported  hira.  He  assumed 
the  title  of  Sultdn  Mughisu-d  din,  and  the  hhutha  was  read  in 
his  name  throughout  Hindustan.  Assembling  an  army,  he 
marched  towards  Dehli  to  claim  the  throne  of  his  uncle,  with 
the  expectation  that  the  people  of  the  city  would  join  him. 
Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Dehli  and  the  environs,  mindful  of 
the  benefits  they  had  received  from  his  ancestors,  heard  of  his 
approach  with  satisfaction  and  joy,  and  recognized  him  as  the 
rightful  heir  to  the  throne ;  for  they  said  that  no  Khilji  had  ever 
been  a  king,  and  that  the  race  had  no  right  or  title  to  Dehli. 

The  Sultdn  marched  from  Kilii-ghari,  attended  by  his 
adherents  and  the  Khilji  nobles,  who  rallied  thick  around  him. 
Taking  with  him  an  army  in  whose  fidelity  he  had  confidence, 


138  ZrATT-D  DTN  BARNI. 

he  advanced  towards  Ohhaju.  When  he  approached  Bad4un, 
he  deputed  his  eldest  son,  Kh4n-i  Jahkn,  to  be  his  deputy  in 
Dehli  during  his  absence ;  and  he  placed  his  second  son,  Arkali 
Khdn,  one  of  the  most  renowned  warriors  of  the  time,  at  the 
head  of  a  force,  and  sent  him  on  in  advance  against  the 
insurgents.  Arkali  Khan  marched  ten  or  twelve  kos  before 
the  Saltan  and  crossed  the  river  of  Kulaibnagar(?)  ^  The 
SultS,n  remained  at  Baddiin.  Malik  Chhaju  continued  to 
advance.  The  rdivats  and  pdiks  of  Hindustan  flocked  around 
him  like  ants  or  locusts,  and  the  most  noted  of  them  received 
betel  from  him,  and  promised  to  fight  against  the  standards  of 
the  Sultdn.  When  the  two  armies  came  in  sight,  the  royal 
forces  discharged  their  arrows.  The  spiritless  rice-eating 
Hindustanis  made  a  great  noise,  but  lost  all  their  powers ;  and 
the  valiant  soldiers  of  the  royal  army  drew  their  swords  and 
rushed  upon  them.  Malik  Chhaju,  his  nobles  and  all  the 
Hindustanis,  took  to  flight  and  dispersed.  There  was  a  mawds^ 
in  the  neighbourhood  into  which  Ohhaju  crept,  and  a  few  days 
after  the  chief  of  that  mawds  sent  him  to  Sultdn  Jalalu-d  din. 
The  chiefs,  adherents,  and  officers  of  Chhaju,  and  the  pdiks  who 
had  been  the  leaven  of  his  army,  were  all  taken  prisoners. 
Arkali  Kh4n  put  yokes  upon  their  necks  and  sent  them  bound 
to  the  Sultdn.  I,  the  author  of  this  Tdrikh-i  Firoz-Shdhi, 
heard  from  Amir  Khusrii,  who  was  an  attendant  of  the  Court, 
that  when  the  rebellious  maliks  and  amirs  were  brought  before 
the  Sultdn,  he  held  a  public  darbdr.  Malik  Amir  'Ali, 
sar-jdnddr,  Malik  Ulughchi,  and  other  nobles  were  conducted 
into  his  presence,  riding  upon  camels,  with  yokes  upon  their 
shoulders,  their  hands  tied  behind  their  necks,  covered  with 
dust  and  dirt,  and  their  garments  all  soiled.  It  was  expected 
that  the  Sultan  would  have  them  paraded  in  this  state  all 
through  the  army  as  examples,  but  as  soon  as  he  saw  them  he 

'  So  in  the  print — "db-Xuldi  {Guldb?)  tagar"  in  one  MS.,  and  "Kuldik"  in 
the  other. 

^  A  natural  stronghold  or  fortress.  See  Thornton  "  Mewassee ; "  and  vol.  ii.  of 
this  -work,  p.  362. 


TARrKH-I  rrEoz  shahi.  139 

put  his  handkerchief  before  his  eyes  and  cried  with  a  loud  voice, 
"  What  is  this  ! "  He  ordered  them  to  be  dismounted  and  un- 
fastened immediately.  Those  among  them  who  had  held  offices 
in  former  reigns  were  separated  from  the  rest,  and  were  con- 
ducted into  an  empty  tent,  where  they  were  washed,  perfumed, 
and  dressed  in  clean  garments  by  the  Sultan's  attendants.  The 
Sultdn  went  into  his  private  apartments  and  ordered  wine  to  be 
set  out.  He  then  called  these  captive  nobles  in  as  his  guests, 
and  they  were  so  overwhelmed  with  shame  that  they  kept 
their  eyes  fixed  on  the  ground  and  did  not  speak  a  word.  The 
SultAn  spoke  kindly  to  them  and  endeavoured  to  console  them, 
telling  them  that,  in  drawing  their  swords  to  support  the  heir  of 
their  old  benefactor,  they  had  taken  an  honest  rather  than  a 
dishonest  course. 

This  leniency  of  the  Sultan  towards  the  captive  nobles  did 
not  please  the  Khilji  nobles,  and  they  whispered  to  each  other 
that  the  Sultan  did  not  know  how  to  rule,  for  instead  of  slaying 
the  rebels  he  had  made  them  his  companions.  Malik  Ahmad 
Chap,  deputy  lord  chamberlain,  a  personal  attendant  and  coun- 
sellor of  the  Sultan,  told  him  that  a  King  should  reign  and 
observe  the  rules  of  government,  or  else  be  content  to  relinquish 
the  throne.  He  had  shewn  great  attention  to  those  prisoners 
who  deserved  death,  and  had  made  them  his  guests.  He  had 
removed  the  fetters  of  rebels  who  all  deserved  punishment,  and 
had  set  them  free.  Malik  Chhaju,  who  for  several  months  had 
caused  the  khutba  to  be  read  in  his  name  in  Hindustan,  and 
who  had  struck  coins,  he  had  sent  in  a  litter  to  Multan,  with 
orders  to  keep  him  secluded,  but  to  supply  him  with  wine,  fruit, 
food,  and  garments,  and  whatever  lie  required.  When  such  an 
offence,  the  worst  of  all  politicar  offences,  had  been  passed  over 
without  punishment,  how  could  it  be  expected  but  that  other 
rebellions  would  break  out  and  disturbances  arise.  The  punish- 
ments awarded  by  kings  are  warnings  to  men.  Sultan  Balban, 
who  never  forgot  his  dignity  and  power,  visited  rebellious  and 
political  offences  with  the  greatest  severity,  and  how  much  blood 


140  zrAU-D  DrN  BAENT. 

did  he  shed  ?  If  the  Sultdn  and  his  followers  were  i&  fall  into 
their  hands,  no  name  or  trace  of  the  Khiljis  would  be  left  in 
Hindustan. 

The  Sultan  replied,  "  Oh  Ahmad,  I  am  aware  of  what  you 
say.  I  have  seen  the  punishment  of  rebellion  before  you  saw  it, 
but  what  can  I  do?  I  have  grown  old  among  Mnsulmans,  and 
am  not  accustomed  to  spill  their  blood.  My  age  exceeds 
seventy,  and  I  have  never  caused  one  to  be  killed ;  shall  I  now,  im 
my  old  days,  for  the  short  life  that  remains,  which  has  never 
continued  to  others  and  will  not  be  prolonged  for  me,  act  against 
the  principles  of  the  law  and  bring  Muhammadans  to  the  block  ? 
*  *  *  As  regards  these  nobles  who  have  been  made  prisoners^ 
I  have  reflected,  and  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  if  I  look 
over  their  rebellion  and  spare  their  lives,  they  are  men,  and  will 
be  ashamed  before  God  and  man  for  the  course  they  have 
pursued.  I  am  sure  they  will  feel  their  obligation  to  me,  and 
will  never  again  form  designs  against  my  throne  or  excite' 
rebellion.  *  *  *  If  I  go  to  Multdn,  I  will,  like  Sher  Khan, 
fight  against  and  give  a  good  account  of  the  Mughals,  because 
they  have  invaded  Musulman  territory  ;  bat  if  I  cannot  reign 
without  shedding  the  blood  of  Musulmans,  I  renounce  the 
throne,  for  I  could  not  endure  the  wrath  of  God." 

When  the  Sultdn  returned  from  Badatin  after  the  suppression 
of  the  rebellion  of  Malik  Chhaju,  he  bestowed  Karra  on  'Alau-d 
din  his  nephew  (brother's  son)  and  son  in  law,  whom  he  had 
brought  up.  'Alau-d  din  proceeded  to  his  territory,  and  in  the 
same  year  he  found  there  many  of  the  officers  and  friends  of 
Malik  Ohhaju  who  had  taken  part  in  his  rebellion.  Them  he 
set  free  and  took  into  his  service.  These  disaffected  persons 
began  at  once  to  suggest  to  'Aldu-d  din,  that  it  was  quite 
possible  to  raise  and  equip  a  large  force  in  Karra,  and  through 
Karra  to  obtain  Dehli.  Money  only  was  needed  :  but  for  want 
of  that  Malik  Chhaju  would  have  succeeded.  Get  only  plenty 
of  money,  and  the  acquisition  of  Dehli  would  be  easy.  'Aliu-d 
din  was  at  variance  with  his  mother  in  law,  Malika-i  Jahan,  wife 


TARfKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHf.  141 

of  Sult&n  Jalalu-d  din,  and  also  with  his  wife,  so  he  was 
anxious  to  get  away  from  them.  The  crafty  suggestions  of  the 
Karra  rebels  made  a  lodgment  in  his  brain,  and,  from  the  very 
first  year  of  his  occupation  of  that  territory,  he  began  to  follow 
up  his  design  of  proceeding  to  some  distant  quarter  and  amassing 
money.  To  this  end  he  was  constantly  making  inquiries  about 
other  countries  from  travellers  and  men  of  experience. 

On  the  Sultan's  returning  to  Kilu-ghari,  public  rejoicings 
were  held  *  *  *  after  which  he  devoted  himself  assiduously  to 
the  business  of  his  kingdom,  *  *  *  But  the  nobles  and  great 
men  spoke  of  him  with  disparagement,  saying  that  he  knew  not 
how  to  rule,  and  had  none  of  the  awe  and  majesty  of  kings. 

*  *  *  His  business  was  to  fight  against  the  Mughals,  and 
such  work  would  suit  him,  for  he  was  not  wanting  in  courage 
and  warlike  accomplishments.  But  he  knew  nothing  about 
government.  *  *  *  Two  things  were  required  in  kings.  1. 
Princely  expenditure  and  boundless  liberality.  *  *  2.  Dignity^ 
awe,  and  severity,  by  which  enemies  are  repulsed  and 
rebels  pat  down.  *  *  *  These  two  qualities  were  wanting 
in  him.  *  *  *  Thieves  were  often  brought  before  him,  from 
whom  he  took  an  oath  that  they  would  never  steal  again,  and  he' 
then  set  them  free,  observing  to  those  around  him  that  he  could 
not  slay  a  bound  man,  and  although  he  could  do  it  in  battle^,  ki 
was  against  his  feelings.  *  *  *  In  his  reign  some  tka^s  were' 
taken  in  the  city,  and  a  man  belonging  to  that  fraternity  was- 
the  means  of  about  a  thousand  being  captured.  But  not  one  of 
these  did  the  Sultan  have  killed.  He  gave  orders  for  them.  tO' 
be  put  into  boats  and  to  be  conveyed  into  the  Lower  country  tO' 
the  neighbourhood  of  Lakhnauti,  where  they  were  to  be  set  free. 
The  tka^s  would  thus  have  to  dwell  about  Lakhnauti,  and  would 
not  trouble  the  neighbourhood  (of  Dehli)  any  more.  *  *  * 

Men  complained  of  the  clemency  and  humanity  of  the  Sultani 

*  *  *  and  a  party  of  wicked,  ungrateful  nobles  used  tO'  talk 
over  their  cups  of  killing  him  and  setting  him  aside.  Thi» 
was  all  reported  to  the  Sultan,  but  he  sometimes  dismissed  it 


142  ZrAU-D  DrN  BAENr. 

lightly,  and  at  others  used  to  say,  "  Men  often  drink  too  much, 
and  then  say  foolish  things  ;  do  not  report  drunken  stories  to 
me."  One  day  a  party  was  held  in  the  house  of  Malik  T4ju-d 
din  Kuchi,  a  nobleman  of  some  distinction.  When  the  wine 
had  got  into  the  heads  of  the  guests  and  they  were  intoxicated, 
they  said  to  Taju-d  din :  "  You  are  fit  to  be  a  king,  but  the  Sultdn 
is  not.  If  there  is  any  Khilji  fit  to  be  a  king,  it  is  Ahmad 
Chap,  not  Jalalu-d  din."  This  and  similar  absurdities  they 
uttered.  All  who  were  present  promised  to  aid  Taju-d  din  in 
acquiring  the  crown.  One  of  them  said  he  would  finish  the 
Sultan  with  a  hunting  knife,^  and  another  drew  his  sword  and 
said  he  would  make  mince-meat  of  him.  Many  other  foolish 
vaunts  were  uttered,  all  of  which  were  duly  reported  to  the 
Sultan.  He  had  heard  a  good  deal  of  these  proceedings  before, 
and  had  made  light  of  them  ;  but  on  the  present  occasion,  when 
he  learned  the  extravagant  boasts  which  had  been  uttered  at 
Taju-d  din's  party,  he  could  endure  no  longer,  and  had  all  the 
topers  brought  before  him.  He  upbraided  them  severely,  and 
while  men  were  wondering  where  it  would  end,  he  grew  hot,  and, 
drawing  a  sword,  threw  it  down  before  them,  and  exclaimed,  "Ah 
drunken  negroes,  who  brag  together,  and  talk,  one  of  killing  me 
with  an  arrow,  and  another  of  slaying  me  with  a  sword  !  Is 
there  one  among  you  who  is  man  enough  to  take  this  sword  and 
fight  it  out  fairly  with  me  ?  See  !  here  I  sit  ready  for  him,  let  him 
come  on  !  "  Malik  Nusrat  Sabah,  principal  inkstand  bearer,  a 
witty  nobleman,  was  among  them,  who  had  uttered  many  absurd 
things.  He  now  replied,  and  said,  "  Your  Majesty  knows  that 
topers  in  their  cups  utter  ridiculous  sayings.  We  can  never 
kill  a  Sultan  who  cherishes  us  like  sons,  as  you  do,  nor  shall  we 
ever  find  so  kind  and  gracious  a  master ;  neither  will  you  kill  us 
for  our  absurd  drunken  ravings,  because  you  will  never  find 
other  nobles  and  gentlemen  like  us."  The  Sultdn  himself  had 
been  drinking  wine.     His  eyes  filled  with  tears  at  these  words  of 

•  Nim-shikdri."'    Tir  is  sometimea  substituted  for  nim,  as  in  the  next  place  where 
it  is  mentioned. 


TA'ErKH-I  FTEOZ  SKKRt.  143 

Nusrat  Sabdh,  and  he  pardoned  them  all.  He  gave  Nusrat 
Sabdh  a  cup  of  wine  and  made  him  his  guest.  The  other  evil- 
minded  and  evil-speaking  nobles  he  dismissed  to  their  estates, 
commanding  them  to  stay  there  for  a  year  and  not  to  enter  the 
city.  *  *  *  Jal41u-d  din  always  treated  his  nobles,  officers, 
and  subjects,  with  the  greatest  kindness  and  tenderness.  He 
never  visited  their  oifences  with  blows,  confinement,  or  other 
severity,  but  treated  them  as  a  parent  does  his  children.  If  he 
got  angry  with  any  of  them,  he  threatened  them  with  his  second 
son,  Arkali  Khan,  who  was  a  hot-tempered  man.  »  *  *  In 
the  reign  of  Balban,  while  Jalalu-d  din  was  Sar-jdnddr,  he 
held  the  territory  of  KaithaP  and  the  deputyship  of  Sanii,na. 
His  officers  in  Samana  demanded  revenue  from  a  village  belong- 
ing to  Maulana  Siraju-d  din  Sawi.  *  *  *  The  Maulan4 
was  very  angry,  and  wrote  a  work  which  he  called  Kkilji-ndma, 
in  which  he  lampooned  Jalalu-d  din.  *  *  *  On  the  latter 
becoming  sovereign,  the  Maulan^  *  *  *  came  to  court  with 
a  rope  round  his  neck,  despairing  of  his  life,  *  *  *  but  the 
Sultan  called  him  forward,  embraced  him,  gave  him  a  robe, 
enrolled  him  among  his  personal  attendants,  restored  his  vil- 
lage, and  added  another,  confirming  them  both  to  him  and  his 
descendants.  *  *  * 

After  he  became  Sultan,  he  reflected  that  he  had  warred  many 
years  against  the  Mughals,  and  so  he  might  be  appropriately 
called  in  the  khutla  "  al  Mujdhid  ft  saUl-alldh."  He  aecord- 
ino-ly  instructed  Malika-i  Jahan,  the  mother  of  his  children,  to 
su»o-est  to  the  Kdzis  and  heads  of  reUgion,  when  they  came 
to  pay  their  respects  to  her,  that  they  should  ask  the  Sultdn  to 
allow  this  title  to  be  used.  *  *  *  Soon  after  they  came  to 
offer  cono-ratulations  *  *  *  and  Malika-i  Jahdn  sent  a  message 
to  the  heads  of  religion.  *  *  *  Shortly  afterwards  they  made 
the  proposition  to  the  Sultan.  His  eyes  filled  with  tears, 
and  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  directed  Malika-i  Jahan  to 
make  the  suggestion,  but  he  had  since  reflected  that  he  was 
1  Here  written  "  Kathal." 


144  zrAiT-D  Drsr  BARNr. 

■not  worthy  of  the  title  *  *  *  as  he  had  fought  for  his   own 

gratification  and  vanity;  *  *  *  and  so  he  refused  to  accept  it. 

Jal41u-d  din  was  a  great  appreciator  and  patron  of  talent. 

*  *  *  On  the  day  that  he  was  made  ''A'riz-i  mamdlih,  he 
-presented  Amir  Khusru  with  twelve  hundred  tanhas  *  *  *  and 
when  he  became  Sultan,  he  made  the  amir  one  of  his  chosen 
attendants,  and  appointed  him  keeper  of  the  Kur&n.  He 
invested  him  with  such  robes  as  are  given  to  great  nobles,  and 
girded  him  with  a  white  sash. 

But  for  all  the  gentleness  and  kindness  and  mercy  of  Sultan 
Jalalu-d  din,  in  his  reign  SIdi  Maula  was  cast  under  the  feet  of 
an  elephant :  after  which  event  the  Jalali  throne  and  family 
began  to  decline.  Sidi  Maula  was  a  darwesh  from  the  Upper 
-country  {wildyat-i  mulk-i  laid),  who  came  to  Dehli  in  the  reign 
of  Balban.  He  had  peculiar  notions  about  religion,  and  was 
remarkable  for  his  expenditure  and  for  his  food.  He  did  not  go 
i,'o   public  prayers   in  the  mosque,  though   he   offered  prayers. 

*  *  *  He  kept  no  servant  or  handmaid,  and  indulged  no 
passion.  He  took  nothing  from  any  one,  but  yet  he  expended 
so  much  that  people  were  amazed,  and  used  to  say  that  he  dealt 
in  magic.  On  the  open  ground  in  front  of  his  door  he  built  a 
magnificent  khdnkdh,  and  expended  thousands  upon  it.  There 
great  quantities  of  food  were  distributed,  and  travellers  resorted 
thither.  Twice  a  day,  such  bounteous  and  various  meals  were 
provided  as  no  khan  or  malik  could  furnish.  *  *  *  He  went 
to  pay  a  visit  to  Shaikh  Farid  at  Ajodhan  *  *  *  and  when 
he  was  about  to  leave,  the  Shaikh  said,  "  I  give  thee  a  bit  of 
advice,  which  it  will  be  well  for  thee  to  observe.  Have 
nothinff  to  do  with  maliks  and  amirs,  and  beware  of  their 
intimacy  as  dangerous  ;  no  darwesh  ever  kept  up  such  an 
intimacy,  but  in  the  end  found  it  disastrous."  *  *  *  In  the 
reign  of  Jal41u-d  din,  his  expenditure  and  his  society  grew 
larger.  The  Sultan's  eldest  son,  Khan-i  Khandn,  was  his 
friend  and  follower,  and  called  himself  the  Sidi's  son.  *  *  * 
K^zi  Jalal  K^shani,  a  Kdzi  of  some  repute,  but  a  mischievous 


TAErKH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHf.  145 

man,  used  to  stay  for  two  or  three  nights  together  at  the 
hharikah,  and  converse  in  private  with  the  Sidi.  *  *  *  It  at 
length  became  known  that  this  Kdzi  and  several  (discontented 
and  needy)  nobles  used  to  go  to  the  khdnhdh  and  sit  with  the 
Sidi  in  the  evening  and  talk  sedition.  They  resolved  that  when 
the  Sultan  went  in  state  to  the  mosque  on  the  Sabbath  he"  should 
be  killed,  and  that  Sidi  Maula  should  then  be  proclaimed 
khalifa,  and  should  marry  the  daughter  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d 
din.  Kdzi  Jaldl  Keshan!  was  to  have  the  territory  of  Multdn 
\and  the  other  conspirators  were  to  he  provided  for'].  One  of 
the  persons  present  carried  information  to  the  Sultan.  The  Sidi 
and  all  the  other  conspirators  were  arrested  and  brought  before 
the  Sultdn.  They  strenuously  denied  the  charge,  and  it  was 
not  the  custom  in  those  days  to  extort  confession  by  beating. 
The  Sultdn  and  the  people  were  satisfied  of  their  guilt,  but  they 
denied  it,  and  so  nothing  could  be  done.  Orders  were  given  for 
the  preparation  of  a  large  fire  in  the  plain  of  Bahdr-pur.  *  *  * 
The  Sultdn  (with  a  large  following)  went  there,  and  orders  were 
given  for  placing  the  accused  upon  the  pile,  so  that  fire  might 
elicit  the  truth.  Before  carrying  out  the  order  the  opinion  of 
the  learned  lawyers  was  asked,  and  they  replied  that  the  ordeal 
by  fire  was  against  the  law  *  *  *  and  that  the  evidence  of 
one  man  was  not  sufiicient  to  convict  any  one  of  treason.  The 
Sultan  accordingly  set  aside  the  ordeal.  Kdzi  Kdshani,  the 
chief  of  the  conspiracy,  was  sent  as  Kazi  to  Baddtin.  The 
nobles  were  banished  to  different  countries,  and  their  properties 
were  confiscated.  Hatya  Paik,  the  destined  assassin,  waa 
sentenced  to  suitable  punishment,  and  Sidi  Maula  was  carried 
bound  to  the  front  of  the  palace,  where  the  Sultan  expostulated 
with  him.  Shaikh  Abu  Bakr  Tusi  was  present  with  a  number 
of  his  followers,,  and  the  king,  turned  to  them  and  said,  "  Oh 
darweshes  avenge  me  of  the  Maula."  One  of  them  fell  upon 
the  Sidi  and  cut  him  several  times  with  a  razor.  Arkali  Khdn 
was  on  the  top  of  the  palace,  and  he  made  a  sign  to  an  elephant 
driver,  who  drove  his  elephant  over  the  Sidi  and  killed  him. 

VOL.   III.  .  10 


146  ZrXV-n  DIN  BAENr. 

This  most  humane  King  could  not  endure  the  plotting  of  A 
darwesh,  and  gave  an  order  which  broke  through  their  prestige 
and  sanctity.  I,  the  author,  -well  remember  that  on  the  day  of 
the  Sidi's  death,  a  black  storm  arose  which  made  the  world 
dark.  Troubles  afterwards  arose  in  the  State.  *  *  *  In  the 
same  year  there  was  a  scarcity  of  rain,  there  was  dearth  in 
Dehli,  and  grain  rose  to  ajital  per  sir.  In  the  Siwdlik  also 
the  dearth  was  greatly  felt.  The  Hindus  of  that  country  came 
into  Dehli  with  their  families,  twenty  or  thirty  of  them  together, 
and  in  the  extremity  of  hunger  drowned  themselves  in  the 
Jumna.  The  Sultan  and  nobles  did  all  they  could  to  help 
them.  In  the  following  year  such  rain  fell  as  but  few  people 
could  remember. 

I  now  return  to  my  narrative  of  the  events  of  Jal41u-d  din's 
reign.  In  the  year  689  H.  (1290  a.d.),  the  Sultdn  led  an  army  to 
Eantambhor.  Khdn-i  Jah4n  his  eldest  son  was  then  dead,  and 
he  appointed  his  second  son  Arkall  Khan  to  be  his  vicegerent  at 
Kllu-ghari  in  his  absence.      He  took  the  ^   of  Jhain, 

destroyed  the  idol  temples,  and  broke  and  burned  the  idols.  He 
plundered  Jhdin  and  M^lwa,  and  obtained  great  booty,  after 
which  his  army  rested.  The  Ildi  of  Eantambhor,.  with  his 
Rdwats  and  followers,"  together  with  their  wives  and  children, 
all  took  refuge  in  the  fort  of  Rantambhor.  The  Sultan  wished 
to  invest  and  take  the  fort.  He  ordered  manjaniks'^  to  be 
erected,  tunnels  (sdbdi)  to  be  sunk,  and  redoubts  {gargacU)  to  be 
constructed,  and  the  siege  to  be  pressed.  He  arrived  from 
Jhdln,  carefully  reconnoitred  the  fort,  and  on  the  same  day 
returned  to  Jhdin.  Next  day  he  called  together  his  ministers 
and  officers,  and  said  that  he  had  intended  to  invest  the  fort,  to 
bring  up  another  army,  and  to  levy  forces  from  Hindustan. 
But  after  reconnoitring  the  fort,  he  found  that  it  could  not  be 
taken  without  sacrificing  the  lives  of  many  Musulmans  *  *  * 

'  It  is  difficult  to  say  what  is  here  intended.      The  printed  text  has  ...Uiij  . 
One  MS.  says  \^^.t)    and  the  other  <^j ^  ,     Jhifn  must  be  TJjj&in. 
*  The  word  used  is  "  maghribihd"  western  (engines). 


TA'ErKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHr.  147 

and  that  he  did  not  value  the  fort  so  much  as  the  hair  of  one 
Musulmdu.  If  he  took  the  place  and  plundered  it  after  the  fall 
of  many  Muhammadans,  the  widows  and  orphans  of  the  slain 
would  stand  before  him  and  turn  its  spoils  into  bitterness.  So 
he  raised  the  siege,  and  next  day  departed  for  Dehli.  When  he 
announced  his  intention  of  retreating,  Ahmad  Ohap  protested 
and  said.  *  *  *  *  The  Sultdn  replied  at  length.  *  *  *  He 
concluded  by  saying  "  I  am  an  old  man.  I  have  reached  the 
age  of  eighty  years,  and  ought  to  prepare  for  death.  My  only 
concern  should  be  with  matters  that  may  be  beneficial  after  my 
decease."  *  *  * 

In  the  year  691  h.  (1292  a.d.),  'Abdu-Uah,  grandson  of  the 
accursed  Halu  (Hulakii),  invaded  Hindustan  with  fifteen  tumdns 
of  Mughals  (150,000  !).  The  Sultdn  assembled  his  forces,  and 
marched  from  Dehli  to  meet  them,  with  a  large  and  splendid 
army.  When  he  reached  Bar-ram,'^  the  outposts  of  the  Mughals 
were  descried,  and  the  two  armies  drew  up  in  face  of  each  other 
with  a  river  between  them.  Some  few  days  were  passed  in 
arraying  th«ir  forces,  and  the  advanced  parties  of  the  opposing 
forces  had  several  skirmishes  in  which  the  Musulmans  were 
victorious,  and  made  some  prisoners,  who  were  conducted  to  the 
Sultan.  Shortly  after  the  van  of  the  Mughal  army  crossed  the 
river.  The  van  of  the  Musulmans  hastened  to  meet  them,  and  a 
sharp  conflict  ensued,  in  which  the  Musulman  forces  were 
victorious.  Many  Mughals  were  put  to  the  sword,  and  one  or 
two  commanders  of  thousands,  and  several  centurions  were 
made  prisoners.  Negotiations  followed,  and  it  was  agreed  that 
war  was  a  great  evil,  and  that  hostilities  should  cease.  The 
Sultan  and  'Abdu-Uah,  grandson  of  Halii  the  accursed,  had 
an  interview.  The  Sultdn  called  him  son,  and  he  addressed  the 
Sultan  as  father.  Presents  were  exchanged,  and  after  hostilities 
had  ceased,  buying  and  selling  went  on  between  the  two  armies. 
'Abdu-llah  departed  with  the  Mughal  army,  but  Ulghu,  grandson 
of  Changiz  Khdn,  the  accursed,  with  several  nobles,  commanders 
1  Briggs  says  "  Beiram,"  but  thinks  it  an  error. 


148  ZfAU-D  DIN  BARNr. 

of  thousands  and  centurions,  resolved  to  stay  in  India.  They 
said  the  creed  and  became  Muhammadans,  and  a  daughter  of 
the  Sultan  was  given  in  marriage  to  TJIghii.  The  Mughals  who 
followed  Ulghu,  were  brought  into  the  city  with  their  wives  and 
children.  Provision  was  made  for  their  support,  and  houses 
were  provided  for  them  in  Kilu-ghari,  Ghiyaspur,  Indarpat,  and 
Taluka.  Their  abodes  were  called  Mughalpur.  The  Sultan 
continued  their  allowances  for  a  year  or  two,  but  the  climate  and 
their  city  homes  did  not  please  them,  so  they  departed  with 
their  families  to  their  own  country.  Some  of  their  principal 
men  remained  in  India,  and  received  allowances  and  villages. 
They  mixed  with  and  formed  alliances  with  the  Musulmans,  and 
were  called  "New  Musulmans." 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year,  the  Sultan  went  to  Mandur,  re- 
duced it  to  subjection,  plundered  the  neighbourhood,  and  returned 
home.  Afterwards  he  marched  a  second  time  to  Jhain,  and  after 
once  more  plundering  the  country,  he  returned  in  triumph. 

'A14u-d  din  at  this  time  held  the  territory  of  Karra,  and  with 
permission  of  the  Sultan  he  marched  to  Bhailasan  (Bhilsa). 
He  captured  some  bronze  idols  which  the  Hindus  worshipped, 
and  sent  them  on  cars  with  a  variety  of  rich  booty  as  presents 
to  the  Sultdn.  The  idols  were  laid  down  before  the  Bad&un 
gate  for  true  believers  to  tread  upon.  'A14u-d  din,  nephew  and 
son-in-law  of  the  Sultan,  had  been  brought  up  by  him.  After 
sending  the  spoils  of  BhailasA.n  to  the  Sultan,  he  was  made 
''Ariz-i  mamdlik,  and  received  the  territory  of  Oudh  in  addition 
to  that  of  Karra.  When  'Alau-d  din  went  to  Bhailasan  (Bhilsa), 
he  heard  much  of  the  wealth  and  elephants  of  Deogir.  He  in- 
quired about  the  approaches  to  that  place,  and  resolved  upon 
marching  thither  from  Karra  with  a  large  force,  but  without 
informing  the  Sultan.  He  proceeded  to  Dehli  and  found  the 
Sultan  more  kind  and  generous  than  ever.  He  asked  for  some 
delay  in  the  payment  of  the  tribute  for  his  territories  of  Karra 
and  Oudh,  saying  that  he  had  heard  there  were  countries  about 
Chanderi  where  peace  and  security  reigned,  and  where  no  appre- 


TARrKH-I  FrROZ  SHABr.  149 

hension  of  the  forces  of  Dehli  was  felt.  If  the  Sultdn  would 
grant  him  permission  he  would  march  thither,  and  would  acquire 
great  spoil,  which  he  would  pay  into  the  royal  exchequer,  together 
with  the  revenues  of  his  territories.  The  Sultdn,  in  the  innocence 
and  trust  of  his  heart,  thought  that  'Alau-d  din  was  so  troubled 
by  his  wife  and  mother-in-law  that  he  wanted  to  conquer  some 
country  wherein  he  might  stay  and  never  return  home.  In  the 
hope  of  receiving  a  rich  booty,  the  Sultan  granted  the  required 
permission,  and  postponed  the  time  for  the  payment  of  the 
revenues  of  Karra  and  Oudh. 

'AI4u-d  din  was  on  bad  terms  with  his  mother  in  law,  Malika-i 
Jah4n,  wife  of  the  Sultan,  and  with  his  wife,  the  daughter  of  the 
Sultd,n.  He  was  afraid  of  the  intrigues  of  the  Malika-i  Jahan, 
who  had  a  great  ascendancy  over  her  father.  He  was  averse  to 
bringing  the  disobedience  of  his  wife  before  the  Sultdn,  and  he 
could  not  brook  the  disgrace  which  would  arise  from  his  deroga- 
tory position  being  made  public.  It  greatly  distressed  him,  and 
he  often  consulted  with  his  intimates  at  Karra  about  going  out 
into  the  world  to  make  a  position  for  himself.  When  he  made 
the  campaign  to  Bhailas^n,  he  heard  much  about  the  wealth  of 
Deogir.  *  *  *  He  collected  three  or  four  thousand  horse,  and 
two  thousand  infantry,  whom  he  fitted  out  from  the  revenues  of 
Karra,  which  had  been  remitted  for  a  time  by  the  Sultan,  and 
with  this  force  he  marched  for  Deogir.  Though  he  had  secretly 
resolved  upon  attacking  Deogir,  he  studiously  concealed  the  fact, 
and  represented  that  he  intended  to  attack  Ohanderi.  Malik 
'AlAu-1  mulk,  uncle  of  the  author,  and  one  of  the  favoured 
followers  of  'A14u-d  din,  was  made  deputy  of  Karra  and  Oudh 
in  his  absence. 

'Alau-d  din  marched  to  Elichpur,  and  thence  to  Ghati- 
Idjaura.  Here  all  intelligence  of  him  was  lost.  Accounts 
were  sent  regularly  from  Karra  to  the  Sultan  with  vague  state- 
ments,^ saying  that  he  was  engaged  in  chastising  and  plundering 

1  "  Ardjif" — "  false  ramours,"  but  here  and  elsewhere  it  seems  to  rather  mean, 
vague  unsatisfactory  news. 


150  ZrAU-D  DrN  BAENr, 

rebels,  and  that  circumstaintial  accounts  would  be  forwarded 
in  a  day  or  two.  The  Sult4n  never  suspected  him  of  any  evil 
designs,  and  the  great  men  and  wise  men  of  the  city  thought 
that  the  dissensions  with  his  wife  had  driven  him  to  seek  his 
fortune  in  a  distant  land.  This  opinion  soon  spread.  "When 
'A14u-d  din  arrived  at  Ghati-ldjaura,  the  army  of  R4m-deo, 
under  the  command  of  his  son,  had  gone  to  a  distance.  The 
people  of  that  country  had  never  heard  of  the  Musulmdns ;  the 
Mahratta  land  had  never  been  punished  by  their  armies ;  no 
Musulmdn  king  or  prince  had  penetrated  so  far.  Deogir  was 
exceedingly  rich  in  gold  and  silver,  jewels  and  pearls,  and  other 
valuables.  When  Ram-deo  heard  of  the  approach  of  the  Mu- 
hammadans,  he  collected  what  forces  he  could,  and  sent  them 
under  one  of  his  rdnas  to  Ghati-lajaura.  They  were  defeated 
and  dispersed  by  'Aldu-d  din,  who  then  entered  Deogir.  On  the 
first  day  he  took  thirty  elephants  and  some  thousand  horses. 
Ram  deo  came  in  and  made  bis  submission.  'Alau-d  din  carried 
off  an  unprecedented  amount  of  booty.  *  *  * 

In  the  year  695  h.  (1296  a.D.),  the  Sultdn  proceeded  with  an 
army  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Gwalior,  and  stayed  there  some 
time.  Rumours  [ardjif)  here  reached  him  that  'Alau-d  din  had 
plundered  Deogir  and  obtained  elephants  and  an  immense  booty, 
with  which  he  was  returning  to  Karra.  The  Sultan  was  greatly 
pleased,  for  in  the  simplicity  of  his  heart  he  thought  that  what- 
soever his  son  and  nephew  had  captured,  he  would  joyfully  bring 
to  him.  To  celebrate  this  success,  the  Sultdn  gave  entertain- 
ments, and  drank  wine.  The  news  of  'Alau-d  din's  victory  was 
confirmed  by  successive  arrivals,  and  it  was  said  that  never  had 
so  rich  a  spoil  reached  the  treasury  of  Dehli.  Afterwards  the 
Sultan  held  a  private  council,  to  which  he  called  some  of  his 
most  trusty  advisers  *  *  *  and  consulted  whether  it  would  be 
advisable  to  go  to  meet  'Aldu-d  din  or  to  return  to  Dehli. 
Ahmad  Chap,  Naih-bdrbah,  one  of  the  wisest  men  of  the  day, 
spoke  before  any  one  else,  and  said,  "  Elephants  and  wealth 
when  held  in  great  abundance  are  the  cause  of  much  strife. 


TAEIKH-I  FIKOZ  SHAHf.  151 

Whoever  acquires  them  becomes  so  intoxicated  that  he  does  not 
know  his  hands  from  his  feet.  'Al&u-d  din  is  surrounded  by 
many  of  the  rebels  and  insurgents  who  supported  Malik  Chhaju. 
He  has  gone  into  a  foreign  land  without  leave,  has  fought  battles 
and  won  treasure.  The  wise  have  said  '  Money  and  strife ; 
strife  and  money ' — that  is  the  two  things  are  allied  to  each 
other,  *  *  *  My  opinion  is  that  we  should  march  with  all  haste 
towards  Ohanderi  to  meet  'A15,u-d  din  and  intercept  his  return. 
When  he  finds  the  Sultdn's  army  in  the  way,  he  must  necessarily 
present  all  his  spoils  to  the  throne  whether  he  likes  it  or  not. 
The  Sultdn  may  then  take  the  silver  and  gold,  the  jewels  and 
pearls,  the  elephants  and  horses,  and  leave  the  other  booty  to 
him  and  his  soldiers.  His  territories  also  should  be  increased, 
and  he  should  be  carried  in  honour  to  Dehli."  *  *  *  The 
Sult&n  was  in  the  grasp  of  his  evil  angel,  so  he  heeded  not  the 
advice  of  Ahmad  Chap  *  *  *  but  said  "  what  have  I  done  to 
'Alau-d  din  that  he  should  turn  away  from  me,  and  not  present 
his  spoils  ?"  The  Sultan  also  consulted  Malik  Fakhru-d  din 
Kuchi  (and  other  nobles).  The  Malik  was  a  bad  man  ;  he  knew 
that  what  Ahmad  Chap  had  said  was  right,  but  he  saw  that  his 
advice  was  displeasing  to  the  Sultdn,  so  he  advised  *  *  *  that 
the  Sultdn  should  return  to  Dehli  to  keep  the  Eamazan.  *  *  * 

The  guileless  heart  of  the  Sultdn  relied  upon  the  fidelity  of 
'Alciu-d  din,  so  he  followed  the  advice  of  Fakhru-d  din  Kuchi, 
and  returned  to  Kilti-ghari.  A  few  days  after  intelligence 
arrived  that  'Alkn-d  din  had  returned  with  his  booty  to  Karra. 
'Alau-d  din  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Sultan  announcing  his  return 
with  so  much  treasure  and  jewels  and  pearls,  and  thirty-one 
elephants,  and  horses,  to  be  presented  to  his  majesty,  but  that  he 
had  been  absent  on  campaign  without  leave  more  than  a  twelve- 
month, during  which  no  communications  had  passed  between 
him  and  the  Sultan,  and  he  did  not  know,  though  he  feared  the 
machinations  of  his  enemies  during  his  absence.  If  the  Sultdn 
would  write  to  reassure  him,  he  would  present  himself  with  his 
brave  officers  and  spoils  before  the  throne.     Having  despatched 


152  ZfAU-D  DIN  BAENr. 

this  deceitful  ktter,  he  immediately  prepared  for  an  attack  upon 
Lakhnauti.  He  sent  Zafar  Khdn  into  Oudh  to  collect  boats  for 
the  passage  of  the  Saru,  and,  in  consultation  with  his  adherents, 
he  declared  that  as  soon  as  he  should  hear  that  the  Sultdn  had 
marched  towards  Karra,  he  would  leave  it  with  his  elephants  and 
treasure,  with  his  soldiers  and  all  their  families,  and  would  cross 
the  Sarti  and  march  to  Lakhnauti,  which  he  would  sieze  upon, 
being  sure  that  no  army  from  Dehli  would  follow  him  there. 
*  *  *  No  one  could  speak  plainly  to  the  SultAn,  for  if  any  one 
of  his  confidants  mentioned  the  subject  he  grew  angry,  and  said 
they  wanted  to  set  him  against  his  son.  He  wrote  a  most 
gracious  and  affectionate  letter  with  his  own  hand,  and  sent  it  by 
the  hands  of  some  of  his  most  trusted  officers.  When  these 
messengers  arrived  at  Karra,  they  saw  that  all  was  in  vain,  for 
that  'A14u-d  din  and  all  his  army  were  alienated  from  the 
Sultdn.  They  endeavoured  to  send  letters  informing  the  Sult&n, 
but  they  were  unable  to  do  so  in  any  way.  Meanwhile  the  rains 
came  on,  and  the  roads  were  all  stopped  by  the  waters.  Alm^s 
Beg,  brother  of  'A14u-d  din,  and  like  him  a  son-in-law  of  the 
Sult4n,  held  the  office  of  Akhur-bak  (Master  of  the  horse).  He 
often  said  to  the  Sultan  "  People  frighten  my  brother,  and  I  am 
afraid  that  in  his  shame  and  fear  of  your  majesty  he  will  poison 
or  drown  himself."  A  few  days  afterwards  'Al^u-d  din  wrote  to 
Aim  4s  Beg,  saying  that  he  had  committed  an  act  of  disobedience, 
and  always  carried  poison  in  his  handkerchief.  If  the  Sultan 
would  tra,Ye\  jarida  (i.e.  speedily,  with  only  a  small  retinue),  to 
meet  him,  and  would  take  his  hand,  he  should  feel  re-assured ;  if 
not,  he  would  either  take  poison  or  would  march  forth  with  his 
elephants  and  treasures  to  seek  his  fortune  in  the  world.  His 
expectation  was  that  the  Sultdn  would  desire  to  obtain  the 
treasure,  and  would  come  with  a  scanty  following  to  Karra,  when 
it  would  be  easy  to  get  rid  of  him.  *  *  *  Almas  Beg  showed  to 
the  Sultdn  the  letter  which  he  had  received  from  his  brother,  and 
the  Sultdn  was  so  infatuated  that  he  believed  this  deceitful  and 
treacherous   letter.     Without  further  consideration  he  ordered 


TAErXH-I  FfROZ  SHAHf,  153 

Almds  KMn  to  hasten  to  Xarra,  and  not  to  let  his  brother 
depart,  promising  to  follow  with  all  speed.  Alines  Beg  took  a 
boat  and  reached  Karra  in  seven  or  eight  days.  When  he 
arrived,  'Alau-d  din  ordered  drums  of  joy  to  be  beaten,  saying 
that  now  all  his  apprehensions  and  fears  were  removed. 

The  crafty  counsellors  of  'Aldu-d  din,  whom  he  had  promoted 
to  honours,  advised  the  abandonment  of  his  designs  upon  Lakh- 
nauti,  saying  that  the  Saltan,  coveting  the  treasure  and  elephants, 
had  become  blind  and  deaf,  and  had  set  forth  to  see  him  in  the 
midst  of  the  rainy  season — adding,  "  after  he  comes,  you  know 
what  you  ought  to  do."  The  destroying  angel  was  close  behind 
the  Sult4n,  he  had  no  apprehension,  and  would  listen  to  no 
advice.  He  treated  his  advisers  with  haughty  disdain,  and  set 
forth  with  a  few  personal  attendants,  and  a  thousand  horse  from 
Kilii-ghari.  He  embarked  in  a  boat  at  Dhamal,  and  proceeded 
towards  Karra.  Ahmad  Chap,  who  commanded  the  army,  was 
ordered  to  proceed  by  land.  It  was  the  rainy  season,  and  the 
waters  were  out.  On  the  15th  Kamaz^n,  the  Sultan,  arrived 
at  Karra,  on  the  hither  side  of  the  Ganges. 

'A14u-d  din  and  his  followers  had  determined  on  the  course  to 
be  adopted  before  the  Sultan  arrived.  He  had  crossed  the  river 
with  the  elephants  and  treasure,  and  had  taken  post  with  his  forces 
between  Manikpur  and  Karra,  the  Ganges  being  very  high.  When 
the  royal  ensign  came  in  sight  he  was  all  prepared,  the  men  were 
armed,  and  the  elephants  and  horses  were  harnessed.  'Alau-d  din 
sent  Almas  Beg  in  a  small  boat  to  the  Sultdn,  with  directions  to 
use  every  device  to  induce  him  to  leave  behind  the  thousand  men 
he  had  brought  with  him,  and  to  come  with  only  a  few  personal 
attendants.  The  traitor  Almds  Beg,  hastened  to  the  Sultdn, 
and  perceived  several  boats  full  of  horsemen  around  him.  He 
told  the  Sultdn  that  his  brother  had  left  the  city,  and  God  only 
knew  where  he  would  have  gone  to  if  he,  Almds  Beg,  had  not 
been  sent  to  him.  If  the  Sultan  did  not  make  more  haste  to 
meet  him  he  would  kill  himself,  and  his  treasure  would  be 
plundered.     If  his  brother  were  to  see  these  armed  men  with  the 


154  ZrAU-D  DfN  BAENr. 

Sultdn  he  would  destroy  himself.  The  Sultdn  accordingly 
directed  that  the  horsemen  and  boats  should  remain  by  the  side 
of  the  river,  whilst  he,  with  two  boats  and  a  few  personal 
attendants  and  friends,  passed  over  to  the  other  side.  When  the 
two  boats  had  started,  and  the  angel  of  destiny  had  come  still 
nearer,  the  traitor.  Almas  Beg,  desired  the  Sultan  to  direct  his 
attendants  to  lay  aside  their  arms,  lest  his  brother  should  see 
them  as  they  approached  nearer,  and  be  frightened.  The  Sultdn, 
about  to  become  a  martyr,  did  not  detect  the  drift  of  this 
insidious  proposition,  but  directed  his  followers  to  disarm.  As 
the  boats  reached  mid-stream,  the  army  of  'Alau-d  din  was 
perceived  all  under  arms,  the  elephants  and  horses  harnessed, 
and  in  several  places  troops  of  horsemen  ready  for  action. 
When  the  nobles  who  accompanied  the  Sultan  saw  this,  they 
knew  that  Almas  Beg  had  by  his  plausibility  brought  his  patron 
into  a  snare,  and  they  gave  themselves  up  for  lost.  *  *  *  Malik 
Khuram  wakildar  asked  *  *  *  what  is  the  meaning  of  all  this  ? 
and  Almas  Beg,  perceiving  that  his  treachery  was  detected,  said 
his  brother  was  anxious  that  his  army  should  pay  homage  to  his 
master. 

The  Sultdn  was  so  blinded  by  his  destiny,  that  although  his 
own  eyes  saw  t"he  treachery,  he  would  not  return ;  but  he  said 
to  Almas  Beg,  "I  have  come  so  far  in  a  little  boat  to  meet  your 
brother,  cannot  he,  and  does  not  his  heart  induce  him  to  advance 
to  meet  me  with  due  respect."  The  traitor  replied,  "  My  brother's 
intention  is  to  await  your  majesty  at  the  landing  place,  with  the 
elephants  and  treasure  and  jewels,  and  there  to  present  his 
officers."  *  *  *  The  Sultdn  trusting  implicitly  in  them  who 
were  his  nephews,  sons-in-law,  and  foster-children,  did  not  awake 
and  detect  the  obvious  intention.  He  took  the  Kurdn  and  read 
it,  and  proceeded  fearless  and  confiding  as  a  father  to  his  sons. 
All  the  people  who  were  in  the  boat  with  him  saw  death  plainly 
before  them,  and  began  to  repeat  the  chapter  appropriate  to  men 
in  sight  of  death.  The  Sultdn  reached  the  shore  before  afternoon 
prayer,  and  disembarked  with  a  few  followers.     'Aldu-d  din 


TARrKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHr.  155 

advanced  to  receive  him,  he  and  all  his  officers  showing  due 
respect.  When  he  reached  the  Sultan  he  fell  at  his  feet,  and  the 
Sultan  treating  him  as  a  son,  kissed  his  eyes  and  cheeks,  stroked 
his  beard,  gave  him  two  loving  taps  upon  the  cheek,  and  said  "  I 
have  brought  thee  up  from  infancy,^  why  art  thou  afraid  of  me  ?" 
*  *  *  *  The  Sultin  took  'A14u-4  din's  hand,  and  at  that 
moment  the  stony-hearted  traitor  gave  the  fatal  signal.  Mu- 
hammad Salim,  of  Samina,  a  bad  fellow  of  a  bad  family,  struck 
at  the  Sultdn  with  a  sword,  but  the  blow  fell  short  and  cut  his 
own  hand.  He  again  struck  and  wounded  the  Sultan,  who  ran 
towards  the  river,  crying,  "  Ah  thou  villian,  'A14u-d  din !  what 
hast  thou  done  ? "  Ikhtiyaru-d  din  Hud  ran  after  the  betrayed 
monarch,  threw  him  down,  and  cut  off  his  head,  and  bore  it 
dripping  with  blood  to  'Alau-d  din.  *  *  *  *  Some  of  those 
persons  who  accompanied  the  Sultan  had  landed,  and  others 
remained  in  the  boats,  but  all  were  slain,  Yillainy  and  treachery, 
and  murderous  feelings,  covetousness  and  desire  of  riches,  thus 
did  their  work.^  *  *  *  * 

The  murder  was  perpetrated  on  the  17th  Eamazdn,  and  the 
venerable  head  of  the  Sultan  was  placed  on  a  spear  and  paraded 
about.  When  the  rebels  returned  to  Karra-Manikpur  it  was 
also  paraded  there,  and  was  afterwards  sent  to  be  exhibited  in 
Oudh.  *  *  *  *  While  the  head  of  the  murdered  sovereign 
was  yet  dripping  with  blood,  the  ferocious  conspirators  brought 
the  royal  canopy  and  elevated  it  over  the  head  of  'Alau-d 
din.  Casting  aside  all  shame,  the  perfidious  and  graceless 
wretches  caused  him  to  be  proclaimed  king  by  men  who  rode 
about  on  elephants.  Although  these  villains  were  spared  for 
a  short  time,  and  'A14u-d  din  for  some  years,  still  they  were 
not  forgotten,  and  their  punishments  were  only  suspended. 
At  the  end  of  three  or  four  years  TJlugh  Kh4n  (Almas  Beg), 
the  deceiver,  was  gone,  so  was  Nusrat  Khan,  the  giver  of  the 

'  The  Suite's  exact  worda  are  expressive  enough,  but  are  somewhat  too  precise 
and  familiar  for  European  taste. 
'  The  writer  goes  on  condemning  the  murder  in  strong  terms. 


156  ZrAtr-D  DTK  BAENr. 

signal,  so  also  was  Zafar  Khdn,  the  breeder  of  the  mischief, 
my  uncle,  'Alau-1  Mulk,  kotwdl,  and  *  *  *  and  *  *  *  The 
hell-hound  Salim,  who  struck  the  first  blow,  was  a  year  or  two 
afterwards  eaten  up  with  leprosy.  Ikhtiydru-d  din,  who  cut  off 
the  head,  very  soon  went  mad,  and  in  his  dying  ravings  cried 
that  Sultdn  Jalalu-d  din  stood  over  him  with  a  naked  sword, 
ready  to  cut  off  his  head.  Although  'Alau-d  din  reigned  suc- 
cessfully for  some  years,  and  all  things  prospered  to  his  wish,  and 
though  he  had  wives  and  children,  family  and  adherents,  wealth 
and  grandeur,  still  he  did  not  escape  retribution  for  the  blood 
of  his  patron.  He  shed  more  innocent  blood  than  ever  Pharaoh 
was  guilty  of.  Fate  at  length  placed  a  betrayer  in  his  path,  by 
whom  his  family  was  destroyed,  *  *  *  and  the  retribution 
which  fell  upon  it  never  had  a  parallel  even  in  any  infidel 
land.  *  *  * 

When  intelligence  of  the  murder  of  Sultan  Jalalu-d  din  reached 
Ahmad  Chap,  the  commander  of  the  army,  he  returned  to  Dehli. 
The  march  through  the  rain  and  dirt  had  greatly  depressed  and 
shaken  the  spirits  of  the  men,  and  they  went  to  their  homes. 
The  Malika-i  Jahan,  wife  of  the  late  Sultdn,  was  a  woman  of 
determination,  but  she  was  foolish  and  acted  very  imprudently. 
She  would  not  await  the  arrival  from  Multan  of  Arkali  Khdn, 
who  was  a  soldier  of  repute,  nor  did  she  send  for  him.  Hastily 
and  rashly,  and  without  consultation  with  any  one,  she  placed 
the  late  SultS-n's  youngest  son,  Euknu-d  din  Ibrahim,  on  the 
throne.  He  was  a  mere  lad,  and  had  no  knowledge  of  the 
world.  With  the  nobles,  great  men,  and  officers  she  proceeded 
from  Kilu-ghari  to  Dehli,  and,  taking  possession  of  the  green 
palace,  she  distributed  offices  and  fiefs  among  the  maliks  and 
amirs  who  were  at  Dehli,  and  began  to  carry  on  the  government, 
receiving  petitions  and  issuing  orders.  When  Arkali  Kh4n 
heard  of  his  mother's  unkind  and  improper  proceedings,  he  was 
so  much  hurt  that  he  remained  at  Multdn,  and  did  not  go  to 
Dehli.  During  the  life  of  the  late  Sultdn  there  had  been  dis- 
sensions between  mother  and  son,  and  when  'A14u-d  din,  who 


TAEfKH-I  FrEOZ  SHA'HI.  157 

remained  at  Karra,  was  informed  of  Arkali  Khan's  not  coming 
to  Dehli,  and  of  the  opposition  of  the  Malika-i  Jahan,  he  saw 
the  opportunity  which  this  family  quarrel  presented.  He  re- 
joiced over  the  absence  of  Arkali  Khan,  and  set  off  for  Dehll 
at  once,  in  the  midst  of  the  rains,  although  they  were  more 
heavy  than  any  one  could  remember.  Scattering  gold  and  col- 
lecting followers,  he  reached  the  Jumna.  He  then  won  over 
the  maliks  and  amir&  by  a  large  outlay  of  money,  and  those 
unworthy  men,  greedy  for  the  gold  of  the  deceased,  and  caring 
nothing  for  loyalty  or  treachery,  deserted  the  Malika-i  Jahan  and 
Euknu-d  din  and  joined  'Alau-d  din.  Five  months  after  start- 
ing, 'A14u-d  din  arrived  with  an  enormous  following  within  two 
or  three  kos  of  Dehli,  The  Malika-i  Jahan  and  Ruknu-d  din 
Ibrahim  then  left  Dehli  and  took  the  road  to  Multan.  A  few 
nobles,  faithful  to  their  allegiance,  left  their  wives  and  families 
and  followed  them  to  Multan.  Five  months  after  the  death  of 
Jaldlu-d  din  at  Karra,  'Alau-d  din  arrived  at  Dehli  and  ascended 
the  throne.  He  scattered  so  much  gold  about  that  the  faithless 
people  easily  forgot  the  murder  of  the  late  Sultdn,  and  rejoiced 
over  liis  accession.  His  gold  also  induced  the  nobles  to  desert 
the  sons  of  their  late  benefactoi-,  and  to  support  him.  *  *  * 

Iskandar-i  sdni  Sultdnu-l'azam  'Aldu-d  dunya  wau-d  din 
Muhammad  Shah  Tughlih. 

Sultan  'Alau-d  din  ascended  the  throne  in  the  year  695  H. 
(1296  A.D.).  He  gave  to  his  brother  the  title  Ulugh  Khan,  to 
Malik  Nusrat  Jalesari  that  of  Nusrat  Khan,  to  Malik  Huzab- 
baru-d  din  that  of  Zafar  Khan,  and  to  Sanjar,  his  wife's  brother, 
who  was  amir-i  majlis,  that  of  Alp  Khan.  He  made  his  friends 
and  principal  supporters  amirs,  and  the  amirs  he  promoted  to 
be  maliks.  Every  one  of  his  old  adherents  he  elevated  to  a 
suitable  position,  and  to  the  Khans,  maliks,  and  amirs  he  gave 
money,  so  that  they  might  procure  new  horses  and  fresh  servants. 
Enormous  treasure  had  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  he  had  com- 
mitted a  deed  unworthy  of  his  religion  and  position,  so  he  deemed 


158  ZrAU-D  DTN  BAENr. 

it  politic  to  deceive  the  people,  and  to  cover  his  crime  by  scatter- 
ing honours  and  gifts  upon  all  classes  of  people. 

He  set  out  on  his  journey  to  l)ehli,  but  the  heavy  rains  and 
the  mire  and  dirt  delayed  his  march.  His  desire  was  to  reach 
the  capital  after  the  rising  of  Oanopus,  as  he  felt  very  appre- 
hensive of  the  late  Sultan's  second  son,  Arkali  Khan,  who  was 
a  brave  and  able  soldier.  News  came  from  Dehli  that  Arkali 
Kh4n  had  not  come,  and  'Aldu-d  din  considered  this  absence  as 
a  great  obstacle  to  his  (rival's)  success.  He  knew  that  Euknu-d 
din  Ibrahim  could  not  keep  his  place  upon  the  throne,  for  the 
royal  treasury  was  empty  and  he  had  not  the  means  of  raising 
new  forces.  'Alau-d  din  accordingly  lost  no  time,  and  pressed 
on  to  Dehli,  though  the  rains  were  at  their  height.  In  this  year, 
through  the  excessive  rain,  the  Ganges  and  the  Jumna  became 
aeas,  and  every  stream  swelled  into  a  Ganges  or  a  Jumna ;  the 
roads  also  were  obstructed  with  mud  and  mire.  At  such  a  season 
'A14u-d  din  started  from  Karra  with  his  elephants,  his  treasures, 
and  his  army.  His  khans,  maliks,  and  am'trs  were  commanded 
to  exert  themselves  strenuously  in  enlisting  new  horsemen,  and 
in  providing  of  all  things  necessary  without  delay.  They  were 
also  ordered  to  shower  money  freely  around  them,  so  that  plenty 
of  followers  might  be  secured.  As  he  was  marching  to  Dehli  a 
light  and  moveable  manjanik  was  made.  Every  stage  that  they 
marched  five  mans  of  gold  stars  ^  were  placed  in  this  manjanik, 
which  were  discharged  among  the  spectators  from  the  front  of 
the  royal  tent.  People  from  all  parts  gathered  to  pick  up  "the 
stars,"  and  in  the  course  of  two  or  three  weeks  the  news  spread 
throughout  all  the  towns  and  villages  of  Hindustan  that  'Aldu-d 
din  was  marching  to  take  Dehli,  and  that  he  was  scattering  gold 
upon  his  path  and  enlisting  horsemen  and  followers  without  limit. 
People,  military  and  unmilitary,  flocked  to  him  from  every  side, 
so  that  when  he  reached  Badaun,  notwithstanding  the  rains,  his 
force  amounted  to  fifty-six  thousand  horse  and  sixty  thousand 
foot.  *  *  *  * 


TARfKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHI.  159 

When  'A14u-d  dm  arrived  at  Baran,  he  placed  a  force  under 
Zafar  Khdn,  with  orders  to  march  by  way  of  Kol,  and  to  keep 
pace  while  he  himself  proceeded  by  way  of  Baddun  and  Baran. 
T6ju-d  din  Kiichi,  and  *  *  and  *  *  other  maliks  and  amirs  who 
were  sent  from  Dehli  to  opposiB  the  advancing  forces,  came  to 
Baran  and  joined  'AMu-d  din,  for  which  they  received  twenty, 
thirty,  and  some  even  fifty  mans  of  gold.  All  the  soldiers  who 
were  under  these  noblemen  received  each  three  hundred  tankas, 
and  the  whole  following  of  the  late  Jaldlu-d  din  was  broken  up. 
The  nobles  who  remained  in  Dehli  wavered,  while  those  who  had 
joined  'Aldu-d  din  loudly  exclaimed  that  the  people  of  Dehli 
maligned  them,  charging  them  with  disloyalty,  with  having 
deserted  the  son  of  their  patron  and  of  having  joined  themselves 
to  his  enemy.  They  complained  that  their  accusers  were  unjust, 
for  they  did  not  see  that  the  kingdom  departed  from  Jal41u-d  din 
on  the  day  when  he  wilfully  and  knowingly,  with  his  eyes  wide 
open,  left  Dehli  and  went  to  Karra,  jeopardizing  his  own  head 
and  that  of  his  followers.  What  else  could  they  do  but  join 
'Aldu-ddin? 

When  the  maliks  and  amirs  thus  joined  'Alau-d  din  the  Jaldli 
party  broke  up.  The  Malika-i  Jahan,  who  was  one  of  the  silliest 
of  the  silly,  then  sent  to  Multdn  for  Arkali  Khan.  She  wrote 
to  this  effect — "  I  committed  a  fault  in  raising  my  youngest  son 
to  the  throne  in  spite  of  you.  None  of  the  maliks  and  amirs  heed 
him,  and  most  of  them  have  joined  'A14u-d  din.  The  royal 
power  has  departed  from  our  hands.  If  you  can,  come  to  us 
speedily,  take  the  throne  of  your  father  and  protect  us.  You 
are  the  elder  brother  of  the  lad  who  was  placed  upon  the  throne, 
and  are  more  worthy  and  capable  of  ruling.  He  will  acknowledge 
his  inferiority.  I  am  a  woman,  and  women  are  foolish.  I  com- 
mitted a  fault,  but  do  not  be  offended  with  your  mother's  error. 
Come  and  take  the  kingdom  of  your  father.  If  you  are  angry  and 
will  not  do  so,  'Alau-d  din  is  coming  with  power  and  state  ;  he 
will  take  Dehli,  and  will  spare  neither  me  nor  you."  Arkali 
Khdn  did  not.  come,  but  wrote  a  letter  of  excuse  to  his  mother, 


160  ZrAU-D  DfN  BAENr. 

saying,  "  Since  the  nobles  and  the  army  have  joined  the  enemy, 
what  good  will  my  coming  do  ?"  When  'Aldu-d  din  heard  that 
Arkali  Kh^n  would  not  come,  he  ordered  the  drums  of  joy  to  be 
beaten. 

'Alau-d  din  had  no  boats,  and  the  great  height  of  the  Jumna 
delayed  his  passage.  While  he  was  detained  on  the  banks  of  the 
river,  Oanopus  rose,  and  the  waters  as  usual  decreased.  He  then 
transported  his  army  across  at  the  ferries,  and  entered  the  plain 
of  Judh.'^  Euknu-d  din  Ibrahim  went  out  of  the  city  in  royal 
state  with  such  followers  as  remained  to  oppose  'Aldu-d  din,  but 
in  the  middle  of  the  night  all  the  left  wing  of  his  army  deserted 
to  the  enemy  with  great  uproar.  E.uknu-d  din  Ibrahim  turned 
back,  and  at  midnight  he  caused  the  Badaun  gate  (of  Dehli)  to 
be  opened.  He  took  some  bags  of  gold  tankas  from  the  treasury, 
and  some  horses  from  the  stables.  He  sent  his  mother  and 
females  on  in  front,  and  in  the  dead  of  the  night  he  left  the  city 
by  the  Grhazni  gate,  and  took  the  road  to  Multan.  Malik  Kutbu-d 
din  'Alawi,  with  the  sons  of  Malik  Ahmad  Chap  Turk,  furnished 
the  escort,  and  proceeded  with  him  and  the  Malika-i  Jahan  to 
Multan.  Next  day  'Alau-d  din  marched  with  royal  state  and 
display  into  the  plain  of  Siri,^  where  he  pitched  his  camp. 
The  throne  was  now  secure,  and  the  revenue  officers,  and  the 
elephant  keepers  with  their  elephants,  and  the  kottodk  with  the 
keys  of  the  forts,  and  the  magistrates  and  the  chief  men  of  the 
city  came  out  to  'Alau-d  din,  and  a  new  order  of  things  was 
established.  His  wealth  and  power  were  great ;  so  whether 
individuals  paid  their  allegiance  or  whether  they  did  not,  mat- 
tered little,  for  the  kJiutba  was  read  and  coins  were  struck  in  his 
name. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  695  h.  (1296)  'A14u-d  din 
entered  Dehli  in  great  pomp  and  with  a  large  force.  He  took  his 
seat  upon  the  throne  in  the  daulat-khdna-i  juliis,  and  proceeded 
to  the  Kushk-i  I'al  (red  palace),  where  he  took  up  his  abode. 

1  The  print  lias  "  Jildh."     One  MS.  writes  "  Khdd ; "  tlie  other  omifs  the  name. 
"  See  Cunningham's- Archseological  Eeport  for  1862-3,  page  38. 


TAErKH-I  FtEOZ  SHAHf.  161 

The  treasury  of  'A14u-d  din  was  well  filled  with  gold,  which  he 
scattered  among  the  people,  purses  and  bags  filled  with  tanlcas 
and  jitals  were  distributed,  and  men  gave  themselves  up  to  dis- 
sipation and  enjoyment.  \_Puhlie  festivities  followed.']  'A14u-d 
din,  in  the  pride  of  youth,  prosperity,  and  boundless  wealth, 
proud  also  of  his  army  and  his  followers,  his  elephants  and  his 
horses,  plunged  into  dissipation .  and  pleasure.  The  gifts  and 
honours  which  he  bestowed  obtained  the  good  will  of  the  people. 
Out  of  policy  he  gave  offices  and  fiefs  to  the  maliks  and  amirs  of 
the  late  Sultan.  Khwaja  Khatir,  a  minister  of  the  highest  re- 
putation, was  made  wazir,  etc.,  etc.  *  *  *  Malik  'A14u-1  Mulk, 
uncle  of  the  author,  was  appointed  to  Karra  and  Oudh,  and 
Muyidu-1  Mulk,  the  author's  father,  received  the  deputyship 
and  khwdjagi  of  Baran.  *  *  *  People  were  so  deluded  by  the 
gold  which  they  received,  that  no  one  ever  mentioned  the  horrible 
crime  which  the  Sultdn  had  committed,  and  the  hope  of  gain 
left  them  no  care  for  anything  else.  *  *  *  * 

After  'Alau-d  din  had  ascended  the  throne,  the  removal  of  the 
late  king's  sons  engaged  his  first  attention.  Ulugh  Khdn  and 
Zafar  Khan,  with  other  maliks  and  amirs.,  were  sent  to  Multan 
with  thirty  or  forty  thousand  horse.  They  besieged  that  place 
for  one  or  two  months.  The  kotwdl  and  the  people  of  Multan 
turned  against  the  sons  of  JaMlu-d  din,  and  some  of  the  amirs 
came  out  of  the  city  to  Ulugh  Khdn  and  Zafar  Khan.  The 
sons  of  the  late  Sultan  then  sent  Shaikhu-1  Isldm  Shaikh 
Euknu-d  din  to  sue  for  safety  from  TJlugh  Kh4n,  and  received 
his  assurances.  The  princes  then  went  out  with  the  Shaikh  and 
their  amirs  to  TJlugh  Khdn.  He  received  them  with  great  re- 
spect and  quartered  them  near  his  own  dwelling.  News  of  the 
success  was  sent  to  Dehli.  There  the  drums  were  beaten. 
Kahas  ^  were  erected,  and  the  despatch  wa«  read  from  the  pulpit 
and  was  circulated  in  all  quarters.  The  amirs  of  Hindustan 
then  became  submissive  to  'Aldu-d  din,  and  no  rival  remained. 
Ulugh  Khan   and  Zafar  Khan  returned  triumphant  towards 

1  Booths  erected  for  the  distribution  of  food  and  drink  on  festiTS  occasions.- 
voL.  ni.  U 


162  ZrA'U-D  DIN  BAENr. 

Dehli,  carrying  with  them  the  two  sons  of  the  late  Sultan,  both 
of  whom  had  received  royal  canopies.  Their  maliks  and  amirs 
were  also  taken  with  them.  In  the  middle  of  their  journey  they 
were  met  by  Nusrat  Khan,  who  had  been  sent  from  Dehli,  and  the 
two  princes,  with  Ulghii  Khan,  son  in  law  of  the  late  Sultdn,  and 
Ahmad  Chap,  Ndih-amir-i  hdj'tb,  were  all  blinded.  Their  wives 
were  separated  from  them,  and  all  their  valuables  and  slaves  and 
maids,  in  fact  everything  they  had  was  seized  by  Nusrat  Kh4n. 
The  princes'  were  sent  to  the  fort  of  Hdnsi,  and  the  sons  of 
Arkali  Khan  were  all  slain.  Malika-i  Jahan,  with  their  wives, 
and  Ahmad  Chap  were  brought  to  Dehli  and  confined  in  his  house. 
In  the  second  year  of  the  reign  Nusrat  Kh4n  was  made  wazir. 
'Alau-1  Mulk,  the  author's  uncle,  was  summoned  from  Karra, 
and  came  with  the  maliks  and  amirs  and  one  elephant,  bringing 
the  treasure  which  'Alau-d  din  had  left  there.  He  was  become 
exceedingly  fat  and  inactive,  but  he  was  selected  from  among  the 
nobles  to  be  kotwdl  of  the  city.  In  this  year  also  the  property 
of  the  maliks  and  amirs  of  the  late  Sultan  was  confiscated,  and 
Nusrat  Kh4n  exerted  himself  greatly  in  collecting  it.  He  laid 
his  hands  upon  all  that  he  could  discover,  and  seized  upon  thou- 
sands, which  he  brought  into  the  treasury.  Diligent  inquiry  was 
made  into  the  past  and  present  circumstances  of  the  victims.  In 
this  same  year,  696  h.  (1296),  the  Mughals  crossed  the  Sind 
and  had  come  into  the  country.  Ulugh  Khan  and  Zafar  Khin 
were  sent  with  a  large  force,  and  with  the  amirs  of  the  late  and 
the  present  reign,  to  oppose  them.  The  Musulman  army  met  the 
accursed  foe  in  the  vicinity  of  J41andhar^  and  gained  a  victory. 
Many  were  slain  or  taken  prisoners,  and  many  heads  were  sent  to 
Dehli.  The  victory  of  Multdn  and  the  capture  of  the  two  princes 
had  greatly  strengthened  the  authority  of  'Aldu-d  din ;  this 
victory  over  the  Mughals  made  it  still  more  secure.  *  *  *  The 
maliks  of  the  late  king,  who  deserted  their  benefactor  and  joined 
'Aldu-d  din,  and  received  gold  by  mans  and  obtained  employ- 

'  Both  the  MSS.  say  "sons,"  while  the  print  incorrectly  iises  the  singular. 

'^  So  in  the  print;  hut  the  MSS.  have  "  J&dawa  o  ManjtSr"  and  "  J&xat-mahM." 


TA'ErKH-i  rrBoz  snxm.  163 

ments  and  territories,  were  all  seized  in  the  city  and  in  the 
army,  and  thrown  into  forts  as  prisoners.  Some  were  blinded  and 
some  were  killed.  The  wealth  which  they  had  received  from 
'Aldu-d  din,  and  their  property,  goods,  and  effects  were  all  seized. 
Their  houses  were  confiscated  to  the  Sultan,  and  their  villages 
were  brought  under  the  public  exchequer.  Nothing  was  left  to 
their  children ;  their  retainers  and  followers  were  taken  in  chafge 
by  the  amirs  who  supported  the  new  regime,  and  their  establish- 
ments were  overthrown.  Of  all  the  amirs  of  the  reign  of  Jal5,lu-d 
din,  three  only  were  spared  by  'A14u-d  din.  *  *  *  These  three 
persons  had  never  abandoned  Sultan  Jaldlu-d  din  and  his  sons, 
and  had  never  taken  money  from  Sult4n  'Aldu-d  din.  They 
alone  remained  safe,  but  all  the  other  Jal41i  nobles  were  cut  up 
root  and  branch.  Nusrat  Khdn,  by  his  fines  and  confiscations, 
brought  a  kror  of  money  into  the  treasury. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  third  year  of  the  reign,  Ulugh  Khan 
and  Nusrat  Khan,  with  their  amirs,  and  generals,  and  a  large 
army,  marched  against  Gujardt.  They  took  and  plundered 
Nahrwala  and  all  Gujarat.  Karan,  Rai  of  Gujarat,  fled  from 
Nahrwdla  and  went  to  Rdm  Deo  of  Deogir.  The  wives  and 
daughters,  the  treasure  and  elephants  of  R4i  Karan,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Muhammadans.  All  GujarAt  became  a  prey  to  the 
invaders,  and  the  idol  which,  after  the  victory  of  Sultan  MahmudL 
and  his  destruction  of  (the  idol)  Manat,  the  Brahmans  had  set 
up  under  the  name  of  Somnath,  for  the  worship  of  the  Hindus, 
was  removed  and  carried  to  Dehli,  where  it  was  laid  down  for 
people  to  tread  upon.  Nusrat  Khan  proceeded  to  Kambaya* 
(Cambay),  and  levied  large  quantities  of  jewels  and  precious 
articles  from  the  merchants  of  that  place,  who  were  very  wealthy. 
He  also  took  from  his  master  (a  slave  afterwards  known  as) 
K&fur  Hazdr-dindrl,  who  was  made  Malik-naib,  and  whose 
beauty  captivasted  'Aldu-d  din.  Flugh  Khdn  and  Nusrat  Khdn 
returned  with  great  booty ;.  but  on  their  way  they  provoked  their 

1  The  printed  text  ha»  tj:^)\i^ ,  b»t  tliere  can  be  ao  doubt  that. Cambay  is  the 
place. 


164  zrAu-D  DrN  baeni. 

soldiers  to  revolt  by  demanding  from  them  a  fifth  of  their  spoil, 
and  by  instituting  inquisitorial  inquiries  about  it.     Although  the 
men  made  returns  (of  the  amount),  they  would  not  believe  them 
at  all,  but  demanded  more.     The  gold  and  silver,  and  jewels  and 
valuables,  which  the  men  had  taken,  were  all  demanded,  and 
various  kinds  of  coercion  were  employed.     These  punishments 
and  prying  researches  drove  the  men  to  desperation.      In  the 
army  there  were  many  amirs  and  majiy  horsemen  who  were  "  new 
Muhammadans.'"     They  held  together  as  one  man,  and  two  or 
three  thousand  assembled  and  began  a  disturbance.     They  killed 
Malik  A'zzu-d  din,  brother  of  Nusrat  Kh4n,  and  amir-i  hdjib  of 
Ulugh  Khdn,  and  proceeded  turaultuously  to  the  tent  of  Ulugh 
Khan.      That   prince   escaped,   and   with   craft   and  cleverness 
reached  the  tent  of  Nusrat  Khan;   but   the  mutineers  killed 
a  son  of  the  Sultdn's  sister,  who  was  asleep  in  the  tent,  whom 
they  mistook  for  Ulugh  Khan.     The  disturbance  spread  through 
the  whole  army,  and  the  stores  narrowly  escaped  being  plundered. 
But  the  good  fortune  of  the  Sultan  prevailed,  the  turmoil  sub- 
sided, and  the  horse  and  foot  gathered  round  the  tent  of  Nusrat 
Khan.      The  amirs  and  horsemen  of  "the  new  Musulmans" 
dispersed ;  those  who  had  taken  the  leading  parts  in  the  disturb- 
ance fled,  and  went  to  join  the  R^is  and  rebels.      Further  in- 
qiiiries  about   the   plunder  were   given   up,  and  Ulugh   Khan 
and  Nusrat  Khan  returned  to  Dehli  with  the  treasure,  and  ele- 
phants, and  slaves,  and  spoil,  which  they  had  taken  in  Gujardt. 

When  intelligence  of  this  outbreak  of  the  new  Muhammadans 
reached  Dehli,  the  crafty  cruelty  which  had  taken  possession  of 
'4-lau-d  din  induced  him  to  order  that  the  wives  and  children  of 
all  the  mutineers,  high  and  low,  should  be  cast  into  prison.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  tlie  practice  of  seizing  women  and  children 
for  the  faults  of  men.  Up  to  this  time  no  hand  had  ever  been  laid 
upon  wives  and  children  on  account  of  men's  misdeeds.  At  this 
time  also  another  and  more  glaring  act  of  tyranny  was  committed 
by  Nusrat  Kh^i},  the  author  of  many  acts  of  violence  at  Dehli. 
His  brother  had  been  murdered,  and  in  revenge  he  ordered  the 


TAErEH-I  FrROZ  SHAHf.  165 

•wives  of  the  assassins  to  be  dishonoured  and  exposed  to  most 
disgraceful  treatment ;  he  then  handed  them  over  to  vile  persons 
to  make  common  strumpets  of  them.  The  children  he  caused  to 
be  cut  to  pieces  on  the  heads  of  their  mothers.  Outrages  like 
this  are  practised  in  no  religion  or  creed.  These  and  similar 
acts  of  his  filled  the  people  of  Dehli  with  amazement  and  dismay, 
and  every  bosom  trembled. 

In  the  same  year  that  Ulugh  Khan  and  Nusrat  Khan  were 
sent  to  Gujardt,  Zafar  Khdn  was  sent  to  Siwistan,  which  Saldi/ 
with  his  brother  and  other  Mughals,  had  seized  upon.  Zafar 
Khan  accordingly  proceeded  to  Siwistan  with  a  large  army,  and 
besieged  the  fort  of  Siwistdn,  which  he  took  with  the  axe  and 
sword,  spear  and  javelin,  without  using  either  Westerns  (mayhribe), 
manj'aniks  or  balistas  {'arddah),  and  without  resorting  to  mines 
{sdbaf),  mounds  {pdshib),  or  redoubts  (gargaj).  This  fort  had 
been  taken  by  the  Mughals,  and  they  maintained  such  a  con- 
tinuous discharge  of  arrows  that  no  bird  could  fly  by.  For  all 
this  Zafar  Khdn  took  it  with  the  axe  and  sword.  Saldi  and  his 
brother,  with  all  the  Mughals  and  their  wives  and  children,  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  sent  in  chains  to  Dehli.  This  victory 
inspired  awe  of  Zafar  Khdn  in  every  heart,  and  the  Sultan  also 
looked  askance  at  him  in  consequence  of  his  fearlessness,  general- 
ship, and  intrepidity,  which  showed  that  a  Eustam  had  been  bom 
in  India.  Ulugh  Khan,  the  Sultan's  brother,  saw  that  he  had 
been  surpassed  in  bravery  and  strategy,  and  so  conceived  a  hatred 
and  jealousy  of  Zafar  Khan.  In  the  same  year  he  (Zafar  Khan) 
received  the  fief  of  Scimana,  and  as  he  had  become  famous  the 
Sultan,  who  was  very  jealous,  began  to  revolve  in  his  mind  what 
was  best  to  be  done.  Two  modes  of  dealing  with  him  seemed 
open  for  the  Sultan's  choice.  One  was  to  send  him,  with  a 
few  thousand  horse,  to  Lakhnauti  to  take  that  country,  and 
leave  him  there  to  supply  elephants  and  tribute  to  the  Sultan ; 
the  other  was  to  put  him  out  of  the  way  by  poison  or  by  blinding. 
At  the  end  of  this  year  Katlagh  Khw^ja,  son  of  the  accursed 

*  So  in  the  print,  and  supported  by  one  MS.    The  other  has  "  Sadari." 


166  ZrATJ-D  DfN  BAENr. 

Zud,i  with  twenty  tumdns  of  Mughals,  resolved  upon  the  invasion 
of  Hindustan.  He  started  from  M&wardu-n  Nahr,  and  passing 
the  Indus  with  a  large  force  he  marched  on  to  the  vicinity  of  Dehli. 
In  this  campaign  Dehli  was  the  object  of  attack,  so  the  Mughals 
did  not  ravage  the  countries  bordering  on  their  march,  nor  did 
they  attack  the  forts.  *  *  *  Great  anxiety  prevailed  in  Dehli, 
and  the  people  of  the  neighbouring  villages  took  refuge  within 
its  walls.  The  old  fortifications  had  not  been  kept  in  repair,  and 
terror  prevailed,  such  as  never  before  had  been  seen  or  heard  of. 
All  men,  great  and  small,  were  in  dismay.  Such  a  concourse 
had  crowded  into  the  city  that  the  streets  and  markets  and 
mosques  could  not  contain  them.  Everything  became  very  dear. 
The  roads  were  stopped  against  caravans  and  merchants,  and 
distress  fell  upon  the  people. 

The  Sultan  marched  out  of  Dehli  with  great  display  and 
pitched  his  tent  in  Siri.  Maliks,  amirs,  and  fighting  men  were 
summoned  to  Dehli  from  every  quarter.  At  that  time  the 
author's  uncle,  'Aldu-1  Mnlk,  one  of  the  companions  and  ad- 
visers of  the  Sultdn,  was  kotwdl  of  Dehli,  and  the  Sult&n  placed 
the  city,  his  women  and  treasure,  under  his  charge.  *  *  *  * 
'Alau-1  Mulk  went  out  to  Sir!  to  take  leave  of  the  Sultdn,  and 
in  private  consultation  with  him  [advised  a  temporising  policy. "[ 
The  Sultdn  listened  and  commended  his  sincerity.  He  then 
called  the  nobles  together  and  said  *  *  *  you  have  heard  what 
'Alau-1  Mulk  has  urged  *  *  *  now  hear  what  I  have  to  say. 
*  *  *  If  I  were  to  follow  your  advice,  to  whom  could  I  show 
my  face  ?  how  could  I  go  into  my  harem  ?  of  what  account 
would  the  people  hold  me  ?  and  where  would  be  the  daring  and 
courage  which  is  necessary  to  keep  my  turbulent  people  in  sub- 
mission? Come  what  may  I  will  to-morrow  march  into  the 
plain  of  Kili.  *  *  * 

'A14u-d  din  marched  from  Siri  to  Kili  and  there  encamped. 
Katlagh  Khw4ja,  with  the  Mughal  army,  advanced  to  encounter 

'  T"irislita  (vol.  i.,  p.  329)  says  "  son  of  Am£r  D&iid  Eh&n,  king  of  Ma.war&u-n 
nahr." 


TAEfKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHf.  167 

him.  In  no  age  or  reign  had  two  such  vast  armies  been  drawn 
up  in  array  against  each  other,  and  the  sight  of  them  filled  all 
men  with  amazement.  Zafar  Kh&n,  who  commanded  the  right 
wing,  with  the  amirs  who  were  under  him,  drew  their  swords 
and  fell  upon  the  enemy  with  such  fury  that  the  Mughals  were 
broken  and  forced  to  fall  back.  The  army  of  Isldm  pursued, 
and  Zafar  Khdn,  who  was  the  E>ustam  of  the  age  and  the  hero 
of  the  time,  pressed  after  the  retreating  foe,  cutting  them  down 
with  the  sword  and  mowing  oiF  their  heads.  He  kept  up  the  pur- 
suit for  eighteen  kos,  never  allowing  the  scared  Mughals  to  rally, 
Ulugh  Khan  commanded  the  left  wing,  which  was  very  strong, 
and  had  under  him  several  distinguished  amirs.  Through  the 
animosity  which  he  bore  to  Zafar  Khdn  he  never  stirred  to  support 
him. 

Targhi,  the  accursed,  had  been  placed  in  ambush  with  his 
fumdn.  His  Mughals  mounted  the  trees  and  could  not  see 
any  horse  moving  up  to  support  Zafar  Khdn.  When  Targhi 
ascertained  that  Zafar  Kh4n  had  gone  so  far  in  pursuit  of  the 
Mughals  without  any  supporting  force  in  his  rear,  he  marched 
after  Zafar  Khan,  and,  spreading  out  his  forces  on  all  sides,  he 
surrounded  him  as  with  a  ring,  and  pressed  him  with  arrows. 
Zafar  Kh4n  was  dismounted.  The  brave  hero  then  drew  his 
arrows  from  the  quiver  and  brought  down  a  Mughal  at  every 
shaft.  At  this  juncture,  Katlagh  Khwdja  sent  him  this  message, 
"  Come  with  me  and  I  will  take  thee  to  my  father,  who  will 
make  thee  greater  than  the  king  of  Dehli  has  made  thee."  Zafar 
Kh4n  heeded  not  the  offer,  and  the  Mughals  saw  that  he  would 
never  be  taken  alive,  so  they  pressed  in  upon  him  on  every  side 
and  despatched  him.  The  amirs  of  his  force  were  all  slain,  his 
elephants  were  wounded,  and  their  drivers  killed.  The  Mughals 
thus,  on  that  day,  obtained  the  advantage,  but  the  onslaught  of 
Zafar  Khan  had  greatly  dispirited  them.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  night  they  retreated,  and  marched  to  a  distance  of  thirty 
kos  from  Dehli.  They  then  continued  their  retreat  by  marches 
of  twenty  kos,  without  resting,  until  they  reached  their  own 


168  ZrAU-D  DrN  BAENr. 

confines.  The  bravery  of  Zafar  Khdn  was  long  remembered 
among  the  Mughals,  and  if  their  cattle  refused  to  drink  they 
used  to  ask  if  they  saw  Zafar  Khdn.^  No  such  army  as  this 
has  ever  since  been  seen  in  hostile  array  near  Dehli.  'Alau-d 
din  returned  from  Kill,  considering  that  he  had  won  a  great 
victory :  the  Mughals  had  been  put  to  flight,  and  the  brave 
and  fearless  Zafar  Kh4n  had  been  got  rid  of  without  disgrace. 

In  the  third  year  of  his  reign  'A14ud-d  din  had  little  to  do 
beyond  attending  to  his  pleasures,  giving  feasts,  and  holding 
festivals.  One  success  followed  another ;  despatches  of  victory 
came  in  from  all  sides ;  every  year  he  had  two  or  three  sons  born, 
affairs  of  State  went  on  according  to  his  wish  and  to  his  satis- 
faction, his  treasury  was  overflowing,  boxes  and  caskets  of  jewels 
and  pearls  were  daily  displayed  before  his  eyes,  he  had  numerous 
elephants  in  his  stables  and  seventy  thousand  horses  in  the  city 
and  environs,  two  or  three  regions  were  subject  to  his  sway,  and 
he  had  no  apprehension  of  enemies  to  his  kingdom  or  of  any 
rival  to  his  throne.  All  this  prosperity  intoxicated  him.  Vast 
desires  and  great  aims,  far  beyond  him,  or  a  hundred  thousand 
like  him,  formed  their  germs  in  his  brain,  and  he  entertained 
fancies  which  had  never  occurred  to  any  king  before  him.  Tn 
his  exaltation,  ignorance,  and  folly,  he  quite  lost  his  head,^  form- 
ing the  most  impossible  schemes  and  nourishing  the  most  extra- 
vagant desires.  He  was  a  man  of  no  learning  and  never  asso- 
ciated with  men  of  learning.  He  could  not  read  or  write  a 
letter.  He  was  bad  tempered,  obstinate,  and  hard-hearted,  but 
the  world  smiled  upon  him,  fortune  befriended  him,  and  his 
schemes  were  generally  successful,  so  he  only  became  the  more 
reckless  and  arrogant. 

During  the  time  that  he  was  thus  exalted  with  arrogance  and 
presumption,  he  used  to  speak  in  company  about  two  projects  that 
he  had  formed,  and  would  consult  with  his  companions  and  asso- 

1  See  D'Ohsson  Hist,  des  Mongols,  iv.,  560. 

^  Lit.,  "hands  and  feet."     Here,  and  occasionally  elsewhere,  I  have  been  obliged 
to  prune  the  exuberant  eloquence  of  the  author. 


TAErXH-I  FrEOZ  SHA'Hl.  169 

ciates  upon  the  execution  of  them.  One  of  the  two  schemes 
which  he  used  to  debate  about  he  thus  explained,  "  God  Almighty- 
gave  the  blessed  Prophet  four  friends,  through  whose  energy  and 
power  the  Law  and  Religion  were  established,  and  through  this 
establishment  of  law  and  religion  the  name  of  the  Prophet  will 
endure  to  the  day  of  judgment.  Every  man  who  knows  himself 
to  be  a  Musulman,  and  calls  himself  by  that  name,  conceives 
himself  to  be  of  his  religion  and  creed.  God  has  given  me  also 
four  friends,  TJlugh  Khan,  Zafar  Khan,  Nusrat  Khan,  and  Alp 
Khdn,  who,  through  my  prosperity,  have  attained  to  princely 
power  and  dignity.  If  I  am  so  inclined,  I  can,  with  the  help  of 
these  four  friends,  establish  a  new  religion  and  creed ;  and  my 
sword,  and  the  swords  of  my  friends,  will  bring  all  men  to  adopt 
it.  Through  this  religion,  my  name  and  that  of  my  friends  will 
remain  among  men  to  the  last  day  like  the  names  of  the  Prophet 
and  his  friends."  *  *  *  Upon  this  subject  he  used  to  talk  in  his 
wine  parties,  and  also  to  consult  privately  with  his  nobles.  *  *  * 
His  second  project  he  used  to  unfold  as  follows ;  "  I  have  wealth, 
and  elephants,  and  forces,  beyond  all  calculation.  My  wish  is 
to  place  Dehli  in  charge  of  a  vicegerent,  and  then  I  will  go  out 
myself  into  the  world,  like  Alexander,  in  pursuit  of  conquest, 
and  subdue  the  whole  habitable  world."  Over-elated  with  the 
success  of  some  few  projects,  he  caused  himself  to  be  entitled 
"  the  second  Alexander"  in  the  khutia  and  on  his  coins.  In  his 
convivial  parties  he  would  vaunt,  "  Every  region  that  I  subdue 
I  will  intrust  to  one  of  my  trusty  nobles,  and  then  proceed  in 
quest  of  another.  Who  is  he  that  shall  stand  against  me  ?" 
His  companions,  although  they  saw  his  *  *  *  folly  and  arro- 
gance, were  afraid  of  his  violent  temper^  and  applauded  him.  *  *  * 
These  wild  projects  became  known  in  the  city;  some  of  the  wise 
men  smiled,  and  attributed  them  to  his  folly  and  ignorance ; 
others  trembled,  and  said  that  such  riches  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  a  Pharaoh  who  had  no  knowledge  or  sense.  *  *  * 

My  uncle  'Alau-1  Mulk,  kotwdl  of  Dehli,  through  his  extreme 
corpulence,  used  to  go  (only)  at  the  new  moon  to  wait  upon  the 


170  ZrAIJ-D  DrN  BAENr. 

Sultdn,  and  to  take  wine  with  him.  On  one  occasion  the  Sultdn 
began  to  consult  him  about  these  two  extravagant  delusions. 
'Alau-1  Mulk  had  heard  how  the  king  used  to  talk  about  these  pro- 
jects at  his  feasts,  and  how  the  guests  used  to  coincide  with  him, 
and  refrain  from  speaking  the  truth  through  fear  of  his  hot  tem- 
per and  violence.  When  the  questions  were  put  to  him  by  the 
Sult4n,  he  said,  "  If  your  Majesty  will  order  the  wine  to  be  re- 
moved, and  all  persons  to  withdraw  except  the  four  nobles, 
TTlugh  Khan,  Zafar  Khdn,  Nusrat  Khan,  and  Alp  Khdn,  I  will 
then  open  my  mind  to  your  Majesty."  The  Sultan  gave  the 
order  *  *  *  and  'Alau-1  Mulk,  after  apologizing  for  his  boldness, 
said  "Religion,  and  law,  and  creeds,  ought  never  to  be  made 
subjects  of  discussion  by  your  Majesty,  for  these  are  the  con- 
cerns of  prophets,  not  the  business  of  kings.  Religion  and  law 
spring  from  heavenly  revelation  ;  they  are  never  established  by 
the  plans  and  designs  of  man.  From  the  days  of  Adam  till  now 
they  have  been  the  mission  of  Prophets  and  Apostles,  as  rule 
and  government  have  been  the  duty  of  kings.  The  prophetic 
office  has  never  appertained  to  kings,  and  never  will,  so  long  as 
the  world  lasts,  though  some  prophets  have  discharged  the  func- 
tions of  royalty.  My  advice  is  that  your  Majesty  should  never 
talk  about  these  matters.  *  *  *  Your  Majesty  knows  what  rivers 
of  blood  Changiz  Khan  made  to  flow  in  Muhammadan  cities,  but 
he  never  was  able  to  establish  the  Mughal  religion  or  institutions 
among  Muhammadans.  Many  Mughals  have  turned  Musulmans, 
but  no  Musulm^n  has  ever  become  a  Mughal."  *  *  *  The  Sultan 
listened,  and  hung  down  his  head  in  thought.  His  four  friends 
heartily  approved  what  'A14u-1  Mulk  had  said,  and  looked 
anxiously  for  the  Sultdn's  answer.  After  awhile  he  said  *  *  * 
"  From  henceforth  no  one  shall  ever  hear  me  speak  such  words. 
"  Blessings  be  on  thee  and  thy  parents,  for  thou  hast  spoken  the 
truth,  and  hast  been  loyal  to  thy  duty.  But  what  dost  thou  say 
about  ray  other  project  ? "  'A14n-1  Mulk  said,  "  The  second  design 
is  that  of  a  great  monarch,  for  it  is  a  rule  among  kings  to  seek 
to  bring  the  whole  world  under  their  sway  *  *  *  but  these  are 


TARrxH-i  rrEoz  sekex.  171 

not  the  days  of  Alexander  *  *  *  and  where  will  there  be  found 
a  wasir  like  Aristotle  p»  *  *  *  The  Sultdn  replied,  "  What  is 
the  use  of  my  wealth,  and  elephants  and  horses,  if  I  remain  con- 
tent with  Dehli,  and  undertake  no  new  conquests  ?  and  what  will 
be  said  about  my  reign?"  'A14u-1  Mulk  replied  that  "there 
were  two  important  undertakings  open  to  the  King,  which  ought 
to  receive  attention  before  all  others  *  *  *  One  is  the  conquest 
and  subjugation  of  all  Hindustan,  of  such  places  as  Eantambhor, 
Chitor,  Chanderi,  Mdlwa,  Dhdr,  and  Ujjain,  to  the  east  as  far 
as  the  Saru,  from  the  Siwalik  to  Jdlor,  from  Multdn  to  Damrila,^ 
from  Palam  to  Lohor  and  Deopalpur;  these  places  should  all 
be  reduced  to  such  obedience  that  the  name  of  rebel  should  never 
be  heard.  The  second  and  more  important  duty  is  that  of 
closing  the  road  of  Multan  against  the  Mughals."  *  *  *  Before 
closing  his  speech,  'Aldu-1  Mulk  said  "What  I  have  recom- 
mended can  never  be  accomplished  unless  your  Majesty  gives  up 
drinking  to  excess,  and  keeps  aloof  from  convivial  parties  and 
feasts.  *  *  *  If  you  cannot  do  entirely  without  wine,  do  not 
drink  till  the  afternoon,  and  then  take  it  alone  without  com- 
panions." *  *  *  When  he  had  finished  the  Sultan  was  pleased, 
and  commending  the  excellence  of  the  advice  which  he  had  given, 
promised  to  observe  it.  He  gave  him  a  brocaded  robe  of  honour 
with  a  gold  waistband  weighing  half  a  man,  ten  thousand  tankas, 
two  horses  fully  caparisoned,  and  two  villages  in  iTCdm.  The 
four  Khans  who  were  present  added  to  these  gifts  three  or  four 
thousand  tankas,  and  two  or  three  horses  with  trappings.  The 
advice  which ' Aldu-1  Mulk  had  given  was  greatly  praised  by  all  the 
wazirs  and  wise  men  of  the  city.  This  happened  while  Zafar  Khdn 
was  alive,  upon  his  return  from  Siwistan,  before  he  went  to  fight 
with  Katlagh  Khwaja. 

'Aldu-d  din  now  first  resolved  upon  the  capture  of  Eantambhor, 
which  was  near  Dehli.  This  fort-  had  been  taken,  and  was  held 
by  Hamir  Deo,  grandson  of  Rdi  Pithaura  of  Dehli.^     TJlugh 

•  "  Marila"  ia  the  print. 

2  Pithaura,  was  killed  in  1192,  and  here  we  are  in  1299  a.d.     Naiasa,  the  word 
used,  probably  here  means  loosely  "  descendant." 


172  ZrAU-D  DrN  BAENr. 

Khan,  who  held  Bayana,  was  ordered  to  Eantambhor,  and  Nusrat 
K.han,  who  held  Karra  that  year,  was  ordered  to  collect  all  the 
forces  of  Karra,  and  that  part  of  Hindustan,  and  to  march  to  the 
assistance  of  Ulugh  Khan.  They  captured  Jhdln,i  and  invested 
Eantambhor.  One  day  Nusrat  Khan  approached  the  fort  to 
direct  the  construction  of  a  mound  (pdsMb),  and  a  redoubt  {gar- 
gaj).  A  stone  discharged  from  a  Maghrihi  in  the  fort  struck 
him,  and  so  wounded  him  that  he  died  two  or  three  days  after. 
When  this  intelligence  was  brought  to  the  Sultdn,  he  departed 
from  Dehli  in  great  state  for  Eantambhor. 

The  Sultdn  proceeded  from  Dehli  towards  Eantambhor,  and 
halted  for  some  days  at  Til-pat.^  He  went  out  daily  to  hunt 
and  a  nargah^  was  drawrf.  One  day  he  was  benighted,  and 
alighted  with  only  ten  horsemen  at  the  village  of  Badih,  where 
he  remained  for  the  night.  Next  day  before  sunrise  he  gave 
orders  to  close  up  the  circle.  The  huntsmen  and  horsemen  went 
forth  to  draw  it  together,  and  the  Sultdn  remained  sitting  on  a 
stool  with  only  a  few  attendants,  waiting  until  the  beasts  were 
driven  up.  At  this  time  Akat  Khdn,  the  Sultan's  brother's 
son,  who  held  the  office  of  Wahildar,  rose  up  against  the  Sultan. 
Conceiving  that  if  he  killed  the  monarch  he  might,  as  his 
nephew,  aspire  to  the  throne,  he  plotted  with  sundry  new  Musul- 
man  horsemen,  who  had  been  long  in  his  service.  These  men 
now  approached  the  Sultan,  shouting  tiger  !  tiger  !  and  began  to 
discharge  arrows  at  him.  It  was  winter,  and  the  Sultan  was 
wearing  a  large  over-coat.  He  jumped  up  just  as  he  was,  and 
seizing  the  stool  on  which  he  had  been  sitting,  he  made  a  shield 
of  it.  He  warded  off  several  arrows  ;  two  pierced  his  arm, 
but  none  reached  his  body.  A  slave  of  the  Sultdn,  by  name 
Manik,  threw  himself  before  his  master,  and  made  his  own  body 
a  shield.  He  was  struck  by  three  or  four  arrows.  The  pdiks 
(foootmen)  who  stood  behind  the  Sultdn  now  covered  him  with 
their  bucklers.      Akat  Khdn  galloped    up  with  his    confede- 

1  Here  it  is  evident  that  Jh4iu  was  close  to  11011181111)1101,  so  that  it  cannot  be 
TJjjain  as  suggested  in  p.  146  snprd.  »  See  Elliot's  Glossary,  II.,  122. 

3  A  large  circle  or  sweep  made  by  hunters  for  driving  the  game  together. 


TXErKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHT.  173 

rates,  intending  to  cut  off  the  Sultdn's  head ;  but  finding  the 
pdiks  standing  firm  with  their  swords  drawn,  they  dared  not 
alight  to  lay  hands  on  him.  The  pdiks  cried  out  that  the  Sultan 
was  dead.  Akat  Khan  was  young,  rash,  and  foolish.  He  had 
made  a  violent  attack  on  his  sovereign,  but  he  lacked  the  decision 
and  resolution  to  carry  it  through,  and  cut  off  the  Sult5,n's  head. 
In  his  folly  and  rashness  he  took  another  course.  Believing 
what  the  pdiks  said,  he  went  with  all  speed  to  the  plain  of  Til-pat, 
and  seated  himself  on  the  throne  of  'Alau-d  din,  proclaiming  to 
the  people  of  the  court  with  a  loud  voice  that  he  had  slain  the 
Sultan.  The  people  could  not  believe  that  the  horsemen  would 
have  come  to  the  royal  residence,  or  that  Akat  Khan  would  have 
dared  to  seat  himself  on  the  throne  and  hold  a  court  if  the 
Sultan  had  not  been  killed.  A  tumult  broke  out  in  the  army, 
and  everything  was  getting  into  confusion.  The  elephants  were 
accoutred  and  brought  before  the  royal  tent.  The  attendants  of 
the  court  assembled  and  took  up  their  respective  positions,  *  *  * 
and  the  chief  men  of  the  army  came  to  pay  their  respects  to  the 
new  sovereign.  They  kissed  the  hand  of  that  evil  doer  and  did 
homage.  Akat  Kh^n,  in  his  egregious  folly,  attempted  to  go 
into  the  harem,  but  Malik  Dinar  armed  himself  and  his  fol- 
lowers, and,  taking  his  stand  at  the  door,  told  Akat  Khan  that 
he  should  not  enter  until  he  produced  the  head  of  'Alau-d  din. 

When  'Aldu-d  din  was  wounded  his  Turk  horsemen  dispersed, 
raising  a  clamour.  About  sixty  or  seventy  men,  horse  and  foot, 
remained  with  him.  After  Akat  Khan  had  left,  the  Sultan 
recovered  his  senses  ;  he  was  found  to  have  received  two  wounds 
in  the  arm,  and  to  have  lost  much  blood.  They  bathed  the 
wounds  and  placed  his  arm  in  a  sling.  When  he  reflected  on 
what  had  happened,  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  Akat  Klidn 
must  have  had  many  supporters  among  the  maliks,  amirs,  and 
soldiers,  for  he  would  never  have  ventured  on  such  a  step  without 
strong  support.  He  therefore  determined  to  leave  his  army,  and 
to  proceed  with  all  speed  to  his  brother,  Ulugh  Khan,  at  Jh^in, 
in  order  to  concert  with  him  measures  for  securing  his  position. 


174  ZrAU-D  DIN  BAENr. 

Malik  Hamidu-d  din,  ndih-wdkil-dar,  son  of  Umdatu-1  Mulk, 
opposed .  this  plan,  and  advised  the  Sultan  to  proceed  at  once  to 
his  army.  *  *  *  The  Malik's  reasoning  convinced  the  Sultdn, 
and  he  started  at  once  for  the  army.  As  he  went  along  every 
trooper  whom  he  fell  in  with  joined  him,  so  that  on  reaching 
the  army  he  had  an  escort  of  £ve  or  six  hundred  men.  He 
immediately  showed  himself  on  a  rising  ground,  and  being  re- 
cognized, the  assembly  at  the  royal  tent  broke  up,  and  his  at- 
tendants came  forth  with  elephants  to  receive  him.  Akat  Khdn 
rushed  out  of  the  tents  and  fled  on  horseback  to  Afghdnptir. 
The  Sult4n  then  came  down,  entered  his  tents,  and,  seating  him- 
self upon  the  throne,  held  a  public  court.  He  sent  two  officers 
in  pursuit  of  Akat  Khdn,  who  came  up  with  him  at  Afghanpur, 
and  beheaded  him.  His  head  was  carried  to  the  Sultan,  who 
ordered  it  to  be  exhibited  to  the  army  on  a  spear,  and  then  to  be 
sent  to  Dehli  for  exhibition,  after  which  it  was  to  be  sent  to 
Ulugh  Khdn  at  Jhiin,  with  an  account  of  the  Sultan''s  escape. 
Katlagh  Khwdja,  younger  brother  of  Akat  Khan,  was  also 
killed.  *  *  *  The  Sultan  remained  some  days  with  the  army, 
diligently  seeking  out  all  who  had  connived  at  or  had  been 
aware  of  Akat  Khan's  attempt.  Those  who  were  discovered 
were  scourged  to  death  with  thongs  of  wire,  their  property  was 
confiscated,  and  their  wives  and  children  sent  prisoners  to  various 
forts.  The  Sultan  then  proceeded  to  Rantambhor,  and  after 
punishing  the  rest  of  those  who  were  concerned  in  Akat  Khdn's 
conspiracy,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  business  of  the  siege. 
Bags  were  made  and  distributed  to  the  soldiers,  who  filled  them 
with  sand  and  threw  them  into  the  holes  {ghdr).  The  traverses 
of  the  pdshlb  were  formed,  the  redoubts  {gargaj)  raised,  and 
stones  were  discharged  firom  the  maghrihis.  The  besieged^ 
battered   the  pdsMb    with   stones    from  their  maghrihis,   and 

1  There  is  a  line  omitted  from  the  print  here.  The  following  is  a  literal  transla- 
tion of  Firishta's  account :  ("  The  Sult&ji)  having  assembled  numerous  forces  from 
all  quarters  distributed  bags  among  them.  Each  man  filled  his  bag  with  sand,  and 
cast  it  into  the  trench  {darra),  which  they  call  rdrcm,  until  they  obtained  command 
(oyer  the  walls),  and  struck  down  the  defenders  inside;" 


TAErKH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHf.  175 

scattered  fire  from  the  summit  of  the  fort.  Many  men  were 
killed  on  both  sides.  The  territories  of  Jh^in  were  attacked 
and  subdued  as  far  as  Dhdr. 

After  the  conspiracy  of  Akat  Khdn  was  suppressed,  news  was 
brought  to  the  army  that  'Fmar  Khdn  and  Mangu  Kh4n,  taking 
advantage  of  the  Sultdn's  absence  and  the  difficulties  of  the  siege 
of  Eantambhor,  had  broken  out  in  revolt  and  had  obtained  a  fol- 
lowing among  the  people  of  Hindustan.  The  Sult&n  sent  some 
officers  against  them,  who  made  them  prisoners  before  they  had 
effected  anything,  and  carried  them  to  Eantambhor.  The 
Sultan's  cruel  implacable  temper  had  no  compassion  for  his 
sister's  children,  so  he  had  them  punished  in  his  presence. 
They  were  blinded  by  having  their  eyes  cut  out  with  knives 
like  slices  of  a  melon.  Their  families  and  dependants  were 
overthrown.  Of  the  horse  and  foot  who  had  supported  them, 
some  fled,  and  others  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  amirs  of  Hin- 
dustan and  were  imprisoned. 

While  the  Sultan  was  prosecuting  the  siege  of  Eantambhor, 
a  revolt  of  some  importance  broke  out  at  Dehli.  *  *  *  There 
was  a  person  named  H4ji,  a  maula  or  slave  of  the  late  Kotwdl, 
Amlru-1  umara  Fakhru-d  din.  He  was  a  man  of  violent, 
fearless,  and  malignant  character  *  *  *  and  he  was  charged 
with  the  guard  of  the  exchequer.^  A  man  called  Turmuzi 
was  kotwdl  of  the  city  and  greatly  oppressed  the  people.  *  *  * 
'Alau-d  dm  Ajkz,  father  of  Ahmad  Ay4z,  was  kotwdl  of  the 
New  Fort.  H4ji  Maula,  seeing  the  city  empty,  and  the  in- 
habitants distressed  by  the  violence  and  tyranny  of  Turmuzi  the 
kotwdl  *  *  *  knowing  also  that  not  a  man  could  be  spared  from 
the  army  *  *  *  he  thought  the  people  would  support  him.  He 
secured  the  support  of  the  old  kotwdli  oiEcers,  and  excited  a 
somewhat  formidable  revolt.    It  was  the  month  of  Eamazan,  and 

1  The  words  are  J  Jj  walU-  ,X.J^  .  "^^^  *^°  'iH^^.,  howeyer,  read  J  J^. 
This  word  is  not  intelligible.  The  "context  seems  to  imply  that  the  Mania  was 
stationed  in  the  city,  otherwise  KhdUah-i  ratal  might  signify  "  the  government  lands 
of  Ratol." 


176  ZrAU-D  DrN  BAENI. 

the  sun  was  in  Gemini,  The  weather  was  very  hot,  and  at  mid- 
day people  kept  indoors  taking  their  siesta,  so  there  were  few 
in  the  streets.  At  this  time  Hdji  Maula,  with  several  armed 
followers,  went  to  the  house  of  koiwdl,  carrying  with  them  as 
a  blind  a  letter  which  he  pretended  to  have  received  from  the 
Sultdn.  The  kotwdl  was  taking  his  nap,  and  had  none  of  his 
men  with  him.  When  he  was  called  he  roused  himself,  put  on 
his  slippers,  and  came  to  the  door.  Haji  Maula  instantly  gave 
the  signal,  and  his  followers  cut  oiF  the  unsuspecting  victim's 
head.  He  then  brought  out  the  pretended  royal  farmdn,  and, 
showing  it  to  the  crowd,  he  said  that  he  had  killed  the  kotwdl 
in  obedience  to  orders  received  from  the  Sultan.  The  people 
were  silent.  The  keepers  of  the  gates  were  creatures  of  Hdji 
Maula,  so  they  closed  them.  After  killing  kotwdl  Turmuzi,  he 
sent  to  summon  'Alau-d  din  Ayaz,  intending  to  kill  him  also. 
*  *  *  But  Ayaz  had  been  informed  of  the  outbreak,  so,  instead  of 
coming  out,  he  gathered  his  followers  round  him,  placed  guards, 
and  refused  to  open  the  gates  of  the  New  Fort.  Haji  Maula  then 
proceeded  with  his  riotous  followers  to  the  Red  Palace,  seated 
himself  upon  a  balcony,  and  set  free  all  the  prisoners,  some  of 
whom  joined  his  followers.  Bags  of  gold  tankas  were  brought  out 
of  the  treasury  and  scattered  among  the  people.  Arms  also  were 
brought  from  the  armoury,  and  horses  from  the  royal  stables, 
and  distributed  among  the  rioters.  Every  one  that  joined  them 
had  gold  tankas  thrown  into  his  lap.  There  was  an  'Alawi 
(descendant  of  'Ali)  in  Dehll  who  was  called  the  grandson  of 
Shah  Najaf,'^  who,  by  his  mother's  side,  was  grandson  of  Sultan 
Shamsu-d  din.  The  Maula  set  off  from  the  Eed  Palace  with  a 
party  of  horse,  and  went  to  the  house  of  the  poor  'Alawi.  They 
carried  him  off  by  force  and  seated  him  on  the  throne  in  the 
Eed  Palace.  The  principal  men  of  the  city  were  brought  by 
force  and  made  to  kiss  his  hand.  *  *  *     These  riotous  proceed- 

1  A  very  doubtful  passage.  The  print  says :  ^^xxi^  ^.JsT  i^  <UuJ  \jj\  S. 
One  MS.  writes  ^X^  l  -...•■■  .^^  jji  ^»  <UjjJ  \jj\  ,  The  other  MS.  omits 
the  words. 


TARrKH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHr.  177 

ings  went  on  for  seven  or  eight  days,  and  intelligence  was  several 
times  conveyed  to  the  Sultdn,  but  he  kept  it  secret,  and  it  did 
not  become  known  to  the  army. 

On  the  third  or  fourth  day  of  the  riot,  Malik  Hamidu-d  din, 
Amir  of  Koh,  with  his  sons  and  relations,  all  valiant  men,  opened 
the  Grhazni  gate  and  went  into  the  city.  They  proceeded  towards 
the  gate  of  Bhandar-k41,  and  arrows  began  to  fly  between  them 
and  the  rioters,  who  became  desperate  and  obtained  gold  from 
Haji  Maula.  After  Hamidu-d  din,  the  Amir  of  Koh,  had  been 
in  the  city  two  days,  he  and  his  loyal  followers  prevailed  over 
the  rebels.  A  party,  of  the  friends  of  Zafar  Khan,  who  had  come 
from  Amroha,  joined  him.  He  then  entered  the  gate  of  Bhan- 
dar  k41,  and  a  struggle  ensued  between  him  and  the  shoemakers, 
and  between  him  and  H^ji  Maula.  The  Amir  of  Koh  alighted 
from  his  horse,  dashed  Haji  Maula  to  the  ground,  and  sat  upon 
his  breast.  Swords  and  clubs  were  aimed  at  him  all  round  and 
he  was  wounded,  but  he  never  quitted  his  fallen  foe  till  he  had 
despatched  him.  After  this  the  victors  proceeded  to  the  Red 
Palace.  They  decapitated  the  miserable  'Alawi  and  carried  his 
head-about  the  city  on  a  spear. 

A  despatch  announcing  the  death  of  Haji  Maula  was  sent  to 
the  Sultan  at  Rantambhor.  Intelligence  of  the  revolt  and  of  the 
anarchy  prevailing  at  Dehli  had  in  several  ways  reached  the 
Sultan,  but  he  had  resolved  upon  the  reduction  of  the  fort,  and 
so  he  would  not  be  shaken  from  his  purpose  and  leave  it  to  go  to 
Dehli,  All  his  forces  were  engaged  in  pressing  the  siege,  and 
were  severely  tried  and  distressed.  But  such  was  the  fear  felt  for 
the  Sultan  that  no  one  dared  to  set  off  for  Dehli  or  any  other 
place.  In  the  course  of  five  or  six  days  every  one  in  the  city  who 
had  supported  Hdji  Maula,  or  had  taken  money  from  him,  was 
cast  into  prison.  The  gold  which  had  been  distributed  among 
the  people  was  brought  back  again  to  the  treasury.  A  few  days 
after,  Ulugh  Khin  arrived  from  Rantambhor  and  took  up  his 
residence  in  the  Muizzi  palace.  The  rioters  were  brought  before 
him  and  he  decreed  their  punishments,  so  that  blood  ran  in 
VOL.  HI.  12 


178  ZIKV-D  DIN  BAENr. 

streams.  The  sons  and  grandsons  of  the  old  kotwdl  Maliku-1 
umara  had  no  guilty  knowledge  of  the  revolt,  but  they  and  every 
one  belonging  to  that  family  were  put  to  death.  No  name  or 
trace  of  them  was  left — a  sad  warning  to  politicians. 

From  the  revolt  of  the  "new  Musulmdns"  in  Gujarat  to 
that  of  Hdji  Maula,  four  insurrections  had  successively  troubled 
Sultdn  'A14u-d  din.  These  roused  him  from  his  dreams  of 
security  and  pride,  and  he  exerted  all  his  powers  for  the  re- 
duction of  Rantambhor.  He  held  privy  consultations  with  *  *  * 
arguing  with  them  and  inquiring  into  the  causes  of  the  insur- 
rections, declaring  that  if  the  real  reasons  could  be  ascertained 
he  would  remove  them,  so  that  no  revolt  should  afterwards 
occur.  After  considering  for  some  nights  and  days,  these  great 
men  agreed  that  the  causes  were  four.  1.  The  Sultdn's  disregard 
of  the  affairs  (both)  of  good  and  bad  people.  2.  Wine.  Parties 
are  formed  for  wine-drinking,  and  those  who  attend  them  talk 
openly  of  what  passes  in  these  meetings.  They  strike  up  friend- 
ships and  excite  disturbances.  3.  The  intimacy,  affection,  alli- 
ances, and  intercourse  of  maliks  and  amirs  with  each  other.  So 
that  if  anything  happens  to  one  of  them,  a  hundred  others  get 
mixed  up  in  it.  4.  Money,  which  engenders  evil  and  strife,  and 
brings  forth  pride  and  disloyalty.  If  men  had  no  money,  they 
would  attend  to  their  own  business,  and  would  never  think  of  riots 
and  revolts.  And  if  riotecs  and  rebels  had  no  money,  they  could 
never  count  upon  the  assistance  of  low  and  turbulent  people.^ 

Some  time  after  this  revolt,  the  Sultan  succeeded  in  reducing 

'  These  "  counsels  of  the  wise,"  which  so  freijueutly  appear,  are,  in  most  oases, 
only  expositions  of  the  author's  own  opinions.  I  have  translated  these  replies  in 
order  that  it  may  be  seen  how  a  subsequent  writer  deals  with  them.  Firishta  uses 
the  passage.  The  first  reason  he  quotes  verbatim,  but  the  other  three  he  modifies 
and  embellishes.  The  fourth  reason,  as  he  gives  it,  is :  "  Abundance  of  money  and 
wealth.  For  whenever  men  of  low  origin  acquire  the  material  means  of  greatness, 
vain  imaginations  spring  up  in  them,  and  they  lay  pretensions  to  royalty,"  This 
is  further  improved  by  Firishta's  translator,  who  says,  "  The  last,  and  not  the  least, 
cause  they  thought  arose  from  the  unequal  division  of  property:  they  considered 
that  the  wealth  of  a  rich  empire,  if  confined  to  a  few  persons,  only  rendered  them, 
as  governors  of  provinces,  more  like  independent  princes  than  subjects  of  the  state." 
— Briggs,  I.,  345. 


TARfKH-I  rrROZ  SHAHr.  179 

Rantambhor,  but  witb  much  bloodshed  and  difficulty.  He  slew 
Hamir  deo,  the  Edi,  and  all  the  "  new  Musulmdns  "  who  had 
fled  from  the  rebellion  in  Gujarat,  and  had  taken  refuge  with 
him.  The  fort  and  all  its  territories  and  appurtenances  were 
placed  under  the  charge  of  Ulugh  Khdn,  and  the  Sult6,n  returned 
to  Dehli.  He  was  angry  with  the  citizens  and  had  exiled  many 
of  their  chiefs ;  so  he  did  not  enter  the  city,  but  stopped  in  the 
suburbs  Cumrdndt). 

Four  or  five  months  after  the  Sultan  left  Rantambhor,  Ulugh 
Kh4n  collected  a  large  force  with  the  intention  of  attacking 
Tilang  and  Ma'bar,  but  his  time  was  eome,  and  the  angel  of 
destiny  took  him  to  the  blessed  city.  His  corpse  was  conveyed 
to  Dehli  and  buried  in  his  own  house.  The  Sultan  grieved  for 
him  and  made  many  offerings  for  his  soul. 

The  Sultan  next  directed  his  attention  to  the  means  of  pre- 
venting rebellion,  and  first  ho  took  steps  for  seizing  upon  pro- 
perty. He  ordered  that,  wherever  there  was  a  village  held  by 
proprietary  right  (milky,  in  free  gift  (in'dm),  or  as  a  religious  en- 
dowment (wakf),  it  should  by  one  stroke  of  the  pen  be  brought 
back  under  the  exchequer.  The  people  were  pressed  and  amerced, 
money  was  exacted  from  them  on  every  kind  of  pretence.  Many 
were  left  without  any  money,  till  at  length  it  came  to  pass  that, 
excepting  malihs  and  amirs,  ofiicials,  Multdnis,  and  bankers,  no 
one  possessed  even  a  trifle  in  cash.  So  rigorous  was  the  confisca- 
tion that,  beyond  a  few  thousand  tankas,  all  the  pensions,  grants 
of  land  (in'dm  ma  mafriiz),  and  endowments  in  the  country  were 
appropriated.  The  people  were  all  so  absorbed  in  obtaining  the 
means  of  living,  that  the  name  of  rebellion  was  never  mentioned. 
Secondly,  he  provided  so  carefully  for  the  acquisition  &f  intelligence, 
that  no  action  of  good  or  bad  men  was  concealed  from  him. 
No  one  could  stir  without  his  knowledge,  and  whatever  happened 
in  the  houses  of  nobles,  great  men,  and  officials,  was  communi- 
cated to  the  Sultan  by  his  reporters.  Nor  were  the  reports 
neglected,  for  explanations  of  them  were  demanded.  The  system 
of  reporting  went  to  such  a  length,  that  nobles  dared  not  speak 


180  zrATT-D  DTN  BAKNI. 

aloud  even  in  the  largest  palaces,^  and  if  they  had  anything  to 
say  they  communicated  by  signs.  In  their  own  houses,  night 
and  day,  dread  of  the  reports  of  the  spies  made  them  tremble. 
No  word  or  action  which  could  provoke  censure  or  punishment 
was  allowed  to  transpire.  The  transactions  in  the  hdzdrs,  the 
buying  and  selling,  and  the  bargains  made,  were  all  reported  to 
the  Sultan  by  his  spies,  and  were  kept  under  control.  Thirdly, 
he  prohibited  wine-drinking  and  wine-selling,  as  also  the  use  of 
beer  and  intoxicating  drugs.  Dicing  also  was  forbidden.  Many 
prohibitions  of  wine  and  beer  were  issued.  Vintners  and  gam- 
blers and  beer-sellers  were  turned  out  of  the  city,  and  the  heavy 
taxes  which  had  been  levied  from  them  were  abolished.  The 
Sultdn  directed  that  all  the  china  and  glass  vessels  of  his  banquet- 
ing room  should  be  broken,  and  the  fragments  of  them  were  thrown 
out  before  the  gate  of  Badaun,  where  they  formed  a  heap.  Jars 
and  casks  of  wine  were  brought  out  of  the  royal  cellars,  and 
emptied  at  the  Badaun  gate  in  such  abundance,  that  mud  and 
mire  was  produced  as  in  the  rainy  season.  The  Sultan  himself 
entirely  gave  up  wine  parties.  He  directed  the  maliks  to  mount 
elephants  and  to  go  to  the  gates  of  Dehli,  through  the  streets 
and  wards,  hdzdrs  and  sardis,  proclaiming  the  royal  command 
that  no  one  should  drink,  sell,  or  have  anything  to  do  with 
wine.  Those  who  had  any  self-respect  immediately  gave  up 
drinking ;  but  the  shameless,  the  dissolute,  and  vile  characters 
used  to  make  and  distil  wine^  in  the  distilleries,  and  to  drink 
and  sell  it  clandestinely  at  a  great  price.  They  put  it  into 
leather  bottles,  and  conveyed  it  hidden  in  loads  of  hay,  fire- 
wood, and  such  like.  By  hundreds  of  tricks  and  devices, 
and  by  all  sorts  of  collusion,  wine  was  brought  into  the  city. 
Informers  searched  diligently,  and  the  city  gate-keepers  and 
spies  exerted  themselves  to  seize  the  wine,  and  apprehend 
the  contrabandists.  When  seized,  the  wine  was  sent  to  the 
elephant-stables  and  given  to  those   animals.     The  sellers,  the 

1  "  Sazdr-sutm,"  a  palace  of  1000  columns. 
'  Shardh,  wine ;  but  it  evidently  includes  spirits. 


TARrKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHI.  181 

importers,  and  drinkers  of  wine,  were  subjected  to  corporal 
punishment,  and  were  kept  in  prison  for  some  days.  But  their 
numbers  increased  so  much  that  holes  for  the  incarceration  of 
ofienders  were  dug  outside  the  Baddiin  gate,  which  is  a  great 
thoroughfare.  Wine-bibbers  and  wine-sellers  were  placed  in 
these  holes,  and  the  severity  of  the  confinement  was  such  that 
many  of  them  died.  Many  others  were  taken  out  half  dead,  and 
were  long  before  they  recovered  their  health  and  strength.  The 
terrors  of  these  holes  deterred  many  from  drinking.  Those  who 
were  unable  to  give  up  their  habit  went  out  to  the  fords  of  the 
Jumna,  and  to  villages  ten  or  twelve  kos  distant  to  procure  their 
liquor.  In  Ghiydspur,  Indarpat,  Kilughari,  and  towns  four  or  five 
kos  from  Dehli,  wine  could  not  be  sold  or  drunk  publicly.  Still  some 
desperate  men  used  to  keep  it,  drink  it,  and  even  sell  it  privately. 
They  thus  disgraced  themselves  and  got  confined  in  the  pits. 
The  prevention  of  drinking  being  found  to  be  very  difficult,  the 
Sultan  gave  orders  that  if  the  liquor  was  distilled  privately,  and 
drunk  privately  in  people's  own  houses  ;  if  drinking  parties  were 
not  held,  and  the  liquor  not  sold,  then  the  informers  were  not  to 
interfere  in  any  way,  and  were  not  to  enter  the  houses  or  arrest 
the  offenders.  After  the  prohibition  of  wine  and  beer  in  the  city, 
conspiracies  diminished,  and  apprehension  of  rebellion  disappeared. 
Fourthly,  the  Sultan  gave  commands  that  noblemen  and  great 
men  should  not  visit  each  other's  houses,  or  give  feasts,  or  hold 
meetings.  They  were  forbidden  to  form  alliances  without  con- 
sent from  the  throne,  and  they  were  also  prohibited  from  allow- 
ing people  to  resort  to  their  houses.  To  such  a  length  was  this 
last  prohibition  carried  that  no  stranger  was  admitted  into  a 
nobleman's  house.  Feasting  and  hospitality  fell  quite  into  dis- 
use. Through  fear  of  the  spies,  the  nobles  kept  themselves 
quiet ;  they  gave  no  parties  and  had  little  communication  with 
each  other.  No  man  of  a  seditious,  rebellious,  or  evil  reputation 
was  allowed  to  come  near  them.  If  they  went  to  the  sardis, 
they  could  not  lay  their  heads  together,  or  sit  down  cosily 
and  tell  their  troubles.      Their  communications  were  brought 


183  ZrA'TJ-D  DrN  BAENr. 

down  to  a  mere  exchange  of  signs.  This  interdict  prevented 
any  information  of  conspiracy  and  rebellion  coming  to  the  Sultan, 
and  no  disturbance  arose. 

After  the  promulgation  of  these  interdicts,  the  Sultdn  requested 
the  wise  men  to  supply  some  rules  and  regulations  for  grinding 
down  the  Hindus,  and  for  depriving  them  of  that  wealth  and 
property  which  fosters  disaffection  and  rebellion.  There  was  to 
be  one  rule  for  the  payment  of  tribute  applicable  to  all,  from  the 
kliMa  to  the  haldhar^  and  the  heaviest  tribute  was  not  to  fall  upon 
the  poorest.  The  Hindu  was  to  be  so  reduced  as  to  be  left  un- 
able to  keep  a  horse  to  ride  on,  to  carry  arms,  to  wear  fine  clothes, 
or  to  enjoy  any  of  the  luxuries  of  life.  To  effect  these  important 
objects  of  government  two  regulations  were  made.  The  first  was 
that  all  cultivation,  whether  on  a  small  or  large  scale,  was  to  be 
carried  on  by  measurement  at  a  certain  rate  for  every  hiswa. 
Half  (of  the  produce)  was  to  be  paid  without  any  diminution, 
and  this  rule  was  to  apply  to  hhiitas  and  haldhars,  without  the 
slightest  distinction.  The  TchMas  were  also  to  be  deprived  of  all 
their  peculiar  privileges.  The  second  related  to  buffaloes,  goats, 
and  other  animals  from  which  milk  is  obtained.  A  tax  for 
pasturage,  at  a  fixed  rate,  was  to  be  levied,  and  was  to  be  de- 
manded for  every  inhabited  house,  so  that  no  animal,  however 
wretched,  could  escape  the  tax.  Heavier  burdens  were  not  to 
be  placed  upon  the  poor,  but  the  rules  as  to  the  payment  of  the 
tribute  were  to  apply  equally  to  rich  and  poor.  Collectors, 
clerks,  and  other  officers  employed  in  revenue  matters,  who  took 
bribes  and  acted  dishonestly,  were  all  dismissed.  Sharaf  %.ki 
naib  tcazir-i  mamdlih,  an  accomplished  scribe  and  a  most  honest 
and  intelligent  man,  who  had  no  rival  either  in  capacity  or  in- 
tegrity, exerted  himself  strenuously  for  some  years  in  enforcing 
these  regulations  in  all  the  villages  and  towns.  *  *  *  They 
were  so  strictly  carried  out  that  the  chaudharis  and  khMs  and 
mukaddims  were  not  able  to  ride  on  horseback,  to  find  weapons, 
to  get  fine  clothes,  or  to  indulge  in  betel.     The  same  rules  for 


TAErKH-I  FIEOZ  SHAHr.  183 

the  collection  of  the  tribute  applied  to  all  alike,  and  the  people 
were  brought  to  such  a  state  of  obedience  that  one  revenue  officer 
would  string  twenty  khiits,  mukaddims,  or  chaudharis  together  by 
the  neck,  and  enforce  payment  by  blows.  No  Hindu  could  hold 
up  his  head,  and  in  their  houses  no  sign  of  gold  or  silver,  tonkas 
or  j'itals,  or  of  any  superfluity  was  to  be  seen.  These  things, 
which  nourish  insubordination  and  rebellion,  were  no  longer  to 
be  found.  Driven  by  destitution,  the  wives  of  the  khMs  and 
mukaddims  went  and  served  for  hire  in  the  houses  of  the  Musul- 
mdns.  Sharaf  K&i,  ndih-wazir,  so  rigorously  enforced  his  demands 
and  exactions  against  the  collectors  and  other  revenue  officers, 
and  such  investigations  were  made,  that  every  single /ite/ against 
their  names  was  ascertained  from  the  books  of  the  patwdris 
(village  accountants).  Blows,  confinement  in  the  stocks,  im- 
prisonment and  chains,  were  all  employed  to  enforce  payment. 
There  was  no  chance  of  a  single  tanka  being  taken  dishonestly, 
or  as  bribery,  from  any  Hindu  or  Musulmdn.  The  revenue  col- 
lectors and  officers  were  so  coerced  and  checked  that  for  five 
hundred  or  a  thousand  tankas  they  were  imprisoned  and  kept  in 
chains  for  years.  Men  looked  upon  revenue  officers  as  something 
worse  than  fever.  Clerkship  was  a  great  crime,  and  no  man  would 
give  his  daughter  to  a  clerk.  Death  was  deemed  preferable 
to  revenue  employment.  Ofttimes  fiscal  officers  fell  into  prison, 
and  had  to  endure  blows  and  stripes. 

'Alau-d  din  was  a  king  who  had  no  acquaintance  with  learning, 
and  never  associated  with  the  learned.  When  he  became  king, 
he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  polity  and  government  are  one 
thing,  and  the  rules  and  decrees  of  law  are  another.  Royal 
commands  belong  to  the  king,  legal  decrees  rest  upon  the  judg- 
ment of  kdzis  and  muftis.  In  accordance  with  this  opinion, 
whatever  aflair  of  state  came  before  him,  he  only  looked  to  the 
public  good,  without  considering  whether  his  mode  of  dealing 
with  it  was  lawful  or  unlawful.  He  never  asked  for  legal 
opinions  about  political  matters,  and  very  few  learned  men 
visited  him.  *  *  Kazi  Mughisu-d  din,  of  Bayanah,  used  to  go  to 


184  ZTKU-I)  DrN  BAENr. 

court  and  sit  down  in  private  audience  with  the  amirs.  One 
day,  when  the  efforts  were  being  made  for  the  increase  of  the 
tribute  and  of  the  fines  and  imposts,  the  Sultdn  told  the  Kdzi 
that  he  had  several  questions  to  ask  him,  and  desired  him  to 
speak  the  plain  truth.  The  Kdzi  replied,  "  The  angel  of  my 
destiny  seems  to  be  close  at  hand,  since  your  Majesty  wishes  to 
question  me  on  matters  of  religion  ;  if  I  speak  the  truth  you  will 
be  angry  and  kill  me."  The  Sultdn  said  he  would  not  kill  him, 
and  commanded  him  to  answer  his  questions  truly  and  candidly. 
The  Kdzi  then  promised  to  answer  in  accordance  with  what  he 
had  read  in  books.  The  Sultan  then  asked,  "  How  are  Hindus 
designated  in  the  law,  as  payers  of  tribute  (Jchardj-guzdr)  or 
givers  of  tribute  {khardj-dih)  ?"  The  Kdzi  replied,  "They  are 
called  payers  of  tribute,  and  when  the  revenue  officer  demands 
silver  from  them,  they  should,  without  question  and  with  all 
humility  and  respect,  tender  gold.  If  the  officer  throws  dirt  into 
their  mouths,  they  must  without  reluctance  open  their  mouths 
wide  to  receive  it.  By  doing  so  they  show  their  respect  for 
the  officer.  The  due  subordination  of  the  zimmi  (tribute-payer) 
is  exhibited  in  this  humble  payment  and  by  this  throwing  of  dirt 
into  their  mouths.  The  glorification  of  Isldm  is  a  duty,  and 
contempt  of  the  Religion  is  vain.  God  holds  them  in  contempt, 
for  he  says,  'Keep  them  under  in  subjection.'  To  keep  the 
Hindus  in  abasement  is  especially  a  religious  duty,  because  they 
are  the  most  inveterate  enemies  of  the  Prophet,  and  because  the 
Prophet  has  commanded  us  to  slay  them,  plunder  them,  and 
make  them  captive,  saying,  '  Convert  them  to  Isl4m  or  kill  them, 
enslave  them  and  spoil  their  wealth  and  property.'  No  doctor  but 
the  great  doctor  (Hanifa),  to  whose  school  we  belong,  has  assented 
to  the  imposition  of  the  jizy a  (poll  tax)  on  Hindus.  Doctors  of 
other  schools  allow  no  other  alternative  but  'Death  or  Isl4m.'" 

The  Sultan  smiled  at  this  answer  of  the  Kdzi's,  and  said,  "  I 
do  not  understand  any  of  the  statements  thou  hast  made ;  but 
this  I  have  discovered,  that  the  khMs  and  mukaddims  ride  upon 
fine  horses,  wear  fine  clothes,  shoot  with  Persian  bows,  make  war 


TAEfKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHr.  185 

upon  each  other,  and  go  out  hunting ;  but  of  the  khardj  (tribute), 
jizya  (poll  tax),  kari  (house  tax),  and  chari  (pasture  tax),  they 
do  not  pay  one  jital.  They  levy  separately  the  Khiit's  (land- 
owner's) share  from  the  villages,  give  parties  and  drink  wine,  and 
many  of  them  pay  no  revenue  at  all,  either  upon  demand  or 
■without  demand.  Neither  do  they  show  any  respect  for  my 
officers.  This  has  excited  my  anger,  and  I  have  said  to  myself, 
'  Thou  hast  an  ambition  to  conquer  other  lands,  but  thou  hast 
hundreds  of  leagues  of  country  under  thy  rule  where  proper 
obedience  is  not  paid  to  thy  authority.  How,  then,  wilt  thou 
make  other  lands  submissive  ? '  I  have,  therefore,  taken  my 
measures,  and  have  made  my  subjects  obedient,  so  that  at  my 
command  they  are  ready  to  creep  into  holes  like  mice.  Now  you 
tell  me  that  it  is  all  in  accordance  with  law  that  the  Hindus 
should  be  reduced  to  the  most  abject  obedience."  Then  the  Sul- 
ika  said,  "  Oh,  doctor,  thou  art  a  learned  man,  but  thou  hast  had 
no  experience  ;  I  am  an  unlettered  man,  but  I  have  seen  a 
great  deal ;  be  assured  then  that  the  Hindus  will  never  become 
submissive  and  obedient  till  they  are  reduced  to  poverty.  I  have, 
therefore,  given  orders  that  just  sufficient  shall  be  left  to  them 
from  year  to  year,  of  corn,  milk,  and  curds,  but  that  they  shall 
not  be  allowed  to  accumulate  hoards  and  property." 

Secondly. — The  Sultdn  next  put  the  following  question  :  "  Is 
there  any  reference  made  in  the  Law  to  revenue  officers  and  clerks 
who  are  guilty  of  dishonesty,  peculation,  or  receiving  bribes  V 
The  Kdzi  answered,  "There  is  no  mention  made  of  this,  nor 
have  I  read  of  it  in  any  book ;  but  if  revenue  officers  are  insuf- 
ficiently paid,i  and  they  appropriate  the  revenue  belonging  to  the 
treasury,  or  receive  bribes,  then  the  ruler  can  inflict  punishment 
upon  them,  either  by  fine  or  imprisonment ;  but  it  is  not  allow- 
able to  cut  ofi^  hands  for  robbing  the  treasury.''  The  Sultan  said, 
"  I  have  given  orders  to  recover  from  the  various  revenue  officers 
whatever  they  have  misappropriated  or  received  in  excess,  pun- 

1  Kadar  i  kifdyat  na^yaband.    The  negative  seems  superfluous,  and  it  is  rejected 
ty  NizS.mu-d  dia.  and  by  Finshta. 


186  ZrATJ-D  DIN  BARNr. 

ishing  them  with  sticks,  pincers,  the  rack,  imprisonment,  and 
chains.  I  now  hear  that  alienations  of  the  revenue  •  and  bribery- 
have  diminished.  I  have  ordered  such  stipends  to  be  settled 
on  the  various  revenue  oflScers  as  will  maintain  them  in  re- 
spectability, and  if,  notwithstanding,  they  resort  to  dishonesty 
and  reduce  the  revenue,  I  deal  with  them  as  thou  hast  seen." 

Thirdly,  The  Sultan  put  this  question,  "  That  wealth  which 
I  acquired  while  I  was  a  malik,  with  so  much  bloodshed  at 
Deogir,  does  it  belong  to  me  or  to  the  public  treasury?"  The 
Kdzi  replied,  "  I  am  bound  to  speak  the  truth  to  your  Majesty. 
The  treasure  obtained  at  Deogir  was  won  by  the  prowess  of  the 
army  of  Isldm,  and  whatever  treasure  is  so  acquired  belongs  to  the 
public  treasury.  If  your  Majesty  had  gained  it  yourself  alone  in 
a  manner  allowed  by  the  law,  then  it  would  belong  to  you."  The 
Sultdn  was  angry  with  the  Kdzi  and  said,  "  What  sayest  thou ! 
Let  thy  head  beware  of  what  thou  utterest.  That  wealth  which  I 
won  at  the  risk  of  my  own  life  and  of  the  lives  of  my  servants, 
from  Hindus  whose  names  had  never  been  heard  of  in  Delhi, 
and  before  I  became  king,  that  wealth  I  have  retained  and  have 
not  brought  it  into  the  public  treasury.  How  can  treasure  won 
like  this  belong  to  the  state  ? "  The  Kdzi  answered,  "  Your 
Majesty  has  put  to  me  a  question  of  law ;  if  I  were  not  to  say 
what  I  have  read  in  the  book,  and  your  Majesty,  to  test  my 
opinion,  were  to  ask  some  other  learned  man,  and  his  reply,  being 
in  opposition  to  mine,  should  show  that  I  had  given  a  false  opinion, 
to  suit  your  Majesty's  pleasure,  what  confidence  would  you  have 
in  me,  and  would  you  ever  afterwards  consult  me  about  the  law!" 

Fourthly,  The  Sultan  asked  the  Kdzi  what  rights  he  and  his 
children  had  upon  the  public  treasury.  The  Kdzi  replied,  "  The 
time  of  my  death  is  at  hand,"  and  upon  the  Sultan  inquiring 
what  he  meant,  he  said,  "  If  I  answer  your  question  honestly 
you  will  slay  me,  and  if  I  give  an  untrue  reply  I  shall  hereafter 
go  to  hell."  The  Sultdn  said,  "  State  whatever  the  law  decrees, 
I  will  not  kill  thee."     The  Kdzi  replied,  "  If  your  Majesty  will 

'  Dlhhdi,  lit :  villages. 


TARfKH-I  FfEOZ  SR&UT.  187 

follow  the  example  of  the  most  enlightened  Khalifas,  and  will  act 
upon  the  highest  principle,  then  you  will  take  for  yourself  and 
your  establishment  the  same  sum  as  you  have  allotted  to  each 
fighting  man:  two  hundred  and  thirty-four  tankas.  If  you 
would  rather  take  a  middle  course  and  should  think  that  you 
would  be  disgraced  by  putting  yourself  on  a  par  with  the  army  in 
general,  then  you  may  take  for  yourself  and  your  establishment 
as  much  as  you  have  assigned  to  your  chief  officers,  such  as 
Malik  Kirdn,  etc.  *  *  If  your  Majesty  follows  the  opinions  of 
politicians,!  then  you  will  draw  from  the  treasury  more  than  any 
other  great  man  receives,  so  that  you  may  maintain  a  greater  ex- 
penditure than  any  other  and  not  suflfer  your  dignity  to  be 
lowered.  I  have  put  before  your  Majesty  three  courses,  and  all 
the  krors  of  money  and  valuables  which  you  take  from  the 
treasury  and  bestow  upon  your  women  you  will  have  to  answer 
for  in  the  day  of  account."  The  Sultan  was  wroth,  and  said, 
"  Fe'arest  thou  not  my  sword  when  thou  tellest  me  that  all  my 
great  expenditure  upon  my  harem  is  unlawful  ? "  The  Kdzi  re- 
plied, "  I  do  fear  your  Majesty's  sword,  and  I  look  upon  this  my 
turban  as  my  winding-sheet ;  but  your  Majesty  questions  me 
about  the  law,  and  I  answer  to  the  best  of  my  ability.  If,  how- 
ever, you  ask  my  advice  in  a  political  point  of  view,  then  I  say 
that  whatever  your  Majesty  spends  upon  your  harem  no  doubt 
tends  to  raise  your  dignity  in  the  eyes  of  men ;  and  the  exalta- 
tion of  the  king's  dignity  is  a  requirement  of  good  policy." 

After  all  these  questions  and  answers,  the  Sultan  said  to  the 
Kazi,  "  You  have  declared  my  proceedings  in  these  matters  to 
be  unlawful,  Now  see  how  I  act.  When  troopers  do  not  appear 
at  the  muster,  I  order  three  years  pay  to  be  taken  from  them.* 
I  place  wine-drinkers  and  wine-sellers  in  the  pits  of  incarceration. 
If  a  man  debauches  another  man's  wife,  I  effectually  prevent  him 

1  '  Vlamd-i  dtmyd,  wise-men  of  the  world. 

^  *l  ifJ^  JU-  JiiiliMj  tli1;<A:i-jl  i,.^^\y  JL  <Lj     Firislita's  yersion 

of  this  is   AijL.^  c^b  jb  t_->p-l»^  <JLs  iS*j,  which  Briggs  translates,  "I 
am  in  the  habit  of  stopping  one  month's  pay  for  three  successive  years." 


188  ZrAU-D  DfN  BAENr. 

from  again  committing  such  an  oflFence,  and  the  woman  I  cause 
to  be  killed.!     Rebels,  good  and  bad,  old  hands  or  novices  (tar 

0  khusk),  I  slay ;  their  wives  and  children  I  reduce  to  beggary 
and  ruin.  Extortion  I  punish  with  the  torture  of  the  pincers 
and  the  stick,  and  I  keep  the  extortioner  in  prison,  in  chains 
and  fetters,  until   every  jitai  is   restored.      Political   prisoners 

1  confine  and  chastise.  Wilt  thou  say  all  this  is  unlaw- 
ful ! "  The  JSMsi  rose  and  went  to  the  entrance  of  the  room, 
placed  his  forehead  on  the  ground,  and  cried  with  a  loud  voice, 
"  My  liege !  whether  you  send  me,  your  wretched  servant,  to 
prison,  or  whether  you  order  me  to  be  cut  in  two,  all  this  is 
unlawful,  and  finds  no  support  in  the  sayings  of  the  Prophet, 
or  in  the  expositions  of  the  learned." 

The  Sultan  heard  all  this  and  said  nothing,  but  put  his  slippers 
on  and  went  into  his  harem.  Kazi  Mughisu-d  din  went  home. 
Next  day  he  took  a  last  farewell  of  all  his  people,  made  a  propi- 
tiatory offering,  and  performed  his  ablutions.  Thus  prepared  for 
death  he  proceeded  to  the  court.  The  Sultan  called  him  forward, 
and  showed  him  great  kindness.  He  gave  him  the  robe  he  was 
wearing,  and  presented  him  with  a  thousand  tankas,  saying,  "Al- 
though I  have  not  studied  the  Science  or  the  Book,  I  am  a  Mu- 
sulmdn  of  a  Musulmdn  stock.  To  prevent  rebellion,  in  which 
thousands  perish,  I  issue  such  orders  as  I  conceive  to  be  for  the 
good  of  the  State,  and  the  benefit  of  the  people.  Men  are  heedless, 
disrespectful,  and  disobey  my  commands ;  I  am  then  compelled  to 
be  severe  to  bring  them  into  obedience.  I  do  not  know  whether 
this  is  lawful  or  unlawful ;  whatever  I  think  to  be  for  the  good 
of  the  State,  or  suitable  for  the  emergency,  that  I  decree.  *  *  * 

After  the  Sultdn  returned  from  Rantambhor  to  Dehli,  he  dealt 
very  harshly  with  the  people,  and  mulcted  them.  Shortly  after- 
wards Ulugh  Khdn  died  while  on  his  journey  to  the  city.  Malik 
'Azzu-d  din  Btirkhdn  became  wazir  in  the  New  City  (shahr-i  nau), 
and  the  tribute  of  the  New  City  was  assessed  by  measurement  at  a 
certain  rate  per  biswa,  as  in  the  environs  of  the  capital.  The  Sultan 


TAErxH-I  PfEOZ  SHA'Hr.  189 

then  led  forth  an  army  and  laid  siege  to  Ohitor,  which  he  took  in 
a  short  time,  and  returned  home.  New  troubles  now  arose  on  ac- 
count of  the  Mughals  in  Mawar4u-n  nahr.  They  had  learned  that 
the  Sult&n  had  gone  with  his  army  to  lay  siege  to  a  distant  fort, 
and  made  but  slow  progress  with  the  siege,  while  Dehli  remained 
empty.  Targhi  assembled  twelve  tumdns  of  cavalry,  with  which 
he  marched  with  all  speed  to  Dehli,  and  reached  that  neighbour- 
hood very  soon.  At  this  time  the  Sultan  was  engaged  in  the  siege 
of  Chitor.  Malik  Fakhru-d  din  Jiind,  dddbak-i  hazrat,  and  Malik 
Jhaju  of  Karra,  nephew  of  Nusrat  Khan,  had  been  sent  with  all 
the  officers  and  forces  of  Hindustdn  against  Arangal.  On  their 
arrival  there  the  rainy  season  began,  and  proved  such  a  hin- 
drance that  the  army  could  do  nothing,  and  in  the  beginning  of 
winter  returned,  greatly  reduced  in  numbers,  to  Hindustan. 

The  Sultan  now  returned  from  the  conquest  of  Ohitor,  where 
his  army  had  suffered  great  loss  in  prosecuting  the  siege  during 
the  rainy  season.  They  had  not  been  in  Dehli  a  month,  no 
muster  of  the  army  had  been  held,  and  the  losses  had  not  been 
repaired,  when  the  alarm  arose  of  the  approach  of  the  Mughals. 
The  accursed  Targhi,  with  thirty  or  forty  thousand  horse,i 
came  on  ravaging,  and  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna, 
preventing  all  ingress  and  egress  of  the  city.  Affairs  were 
in  this  extraordinary  position ;  the  Sultan  had  just  returned 
from  Ohitor,  and  had  had  no  time  to  refit  and  recruit  his 
army  after  his  great  losses  in  the  siege  ;  and  the  array  of 
Hindustan  had  returned  from  Arangal  to  the  districts  of  Hin- 
dustan dispirited  and  reduced  in  numbers.  The  Mughals 
had  seized  the  roads,  and  were  so  encamped  that  no  reinforce- 
ments could  reach  the  city  from  the  army  of  Hindustan.  There 
were  no  forces  in  Multan,  Samana,  and  Deopalpiir  sufficient  to 
cope  with  the  Mughals,  and  join  the  Sultan  at  Siri.  The  army 
of  Hindustan  was  pressed  to  advance ;  but  the  enemy  was  too 

'  i\'J!>  (L,J»-     c-J .     Fi™lita  says  "  120,000,"  and  oiir  author  has  above  rated 

them  at  the  same  number,  viz.  "  twelve  tumdns,"  Perhaps  he  here  intended  to  say, 
"  three  times  forty  thousand." 


190  ZrAU-D  DrN  BAENr. 

strong,  and  they  remained  in  Kol  and  Baran.  All  the  passages 
of  the  Jumna  were  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  The  Sultan, 
with  his  small  army  of  horse,  left  the  capital  and  encamped  at 
Siri,  where  the  superior  numbers  and  strength  of  the  enemy 
compelled  him  to  entrench  his  camp.  Round  the  entrenchments 
he  built  block  houses,  and  other  erections,  to  prevent  the  enemy 
from  forcing  a  way  in,  and  he  kept  his  forces  constantly  under 
arms  and  on  the  watch  to  guard  against  the  dreaded  attack,  and 
to  delay  any  great  engagement.  In  every  division  of  the  army, 
and  in  each  line  of  entrenchment,  there  were  five  elephants  fully 
armed,  supported  by  a  body  of  infantry.  The  Mughals  came  up  on 
every  side,  seeking  opportunity  to  make  a  sudden  onslaught  and 
overpower  the  army.  Such  fear  of  the  Mughals  and  anxiety  as 
now  prevailed  in  Dehli  had  never  been  known  before.  If  Targhi 
had  remained  another  month  upon  the  Jumna,  the  panic  would 
have  reached  to  such  a  height  that  a  general  flight  would  have 
taken  place,  and  Dehli  would  have  been  lost.  It  was  difficult  to 
procure  water,  fodder,  and  fuel  from  without,  for  the  convoys  of 
grain  were  prevented  from  reaching  the  city,  and  the  utmost 
terror  prevailed.  The  enemy's  horse  approached  the  suburbs, 
and  quartered  themselves  in  the  neighbourhood,  where  they 
drank  wine,  and  sold  at  a  low  price  grain  and  other  articles 
plundered  from  the  royal  stores,  so  that  there  was  no  great 
scarcity  of  grain.^  Two  or  three  times  the  advanced  guards  met 
and  combats  ensued,  but  without  advantage  to  either  party.  By 
the  mercy  of  God  the  Mughal  was  unable  to  find  any  means  of 
forcing  the  camp,  and  overpowering  the  royal  army.  After  two 
months  the  prayers  of  the  wretched  prevailed,  and  the  accursed 
Targhi  retreated  towards  his  own  country. 

This  escape  of  the  royal  army  and  the  preservation  of  Dehli 
seemed,  to  wise  men,  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  a<re.  The 
Mughals  had  sufficient  forces  to  take  it ;  they  arrived  at  the  most 
opportune  time ;  they  made  themselves  masters  of  the  roads,  and 
hemmed  in  the  royal  army  and  its  appurtenances.     The  Sultdn's 


TAErKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHf.  191 

army  had  not  been  replenished,  and  no  reinforcements  reached 
it.     But  for  all  this  the  Mughals  did  not  prevail.^ 

After  this  very  serious  danger,  'A14u-d  din  awoke  from  his 
sleep  of  neglect.  He  gave  up  his  ideas  of  campaigning  and  fort- 
taking,  and  built  a  palace  at  Siri.  He  took  up  his  residence 
there,  and  made  it  his  capital,  so  that  it  became  a  flourishing 
place.  He  ordered  the  fort  of  Dehli  to  be  repaired,  and  he  also 
ordered  the  restoration  of  the  old  forts  which  lay  in  the  track  of 
the  Mughals.  Additional  forts  were  directed  to  be  raised  wher- 
ever they  were  required.  To  these  forts  he  appointed  veteran 
and  prudent  commandants.  Orders  were  given  for  the  manu- 
facture of  manj'aniks  and  ^arddas  (balistas),  for  the  employment  of 
skilful  engineers,  for  a  supply  of  arms  of  every  kind,  and  for  the 
laying  in  of  stores  of  grain  and  fodder.  Sdmdna  and  Deobalpur 
were  ordered  to  be  garrisoned  with  strong  selected  forces,  and  to 
be  kept  in  a  state  of  defence ;  the  fiefs  in  the  track  of  the  Mughals 
were  placed  under  amirs  of  experience,  and  the  whole  route  was 
secured  by  the  appointment  of  tried  and  vigilant  generals. 

The  Sultan  next  turned  his  attention  to  the  increase  of  his 
forces,  and  consulted  and  debated  with  wise  men  by  night  and  by 
day  as  to  the  best  means  of  opposing  and  overcoming  the  Mughals. 
After  much  deliberation  between  the  Sultdn  and  his  councillors, 
it  was  decided  that  a  large  army  was  necessary,  and  not  only 
large,  but  choice,  well  armed,  well  mounted,  with  archers,  and  all 
ready  for  immediate  service.  This  plan,  and  this  only,  seemed 
to  recommend  itself  as  feasible  for  opposing  the  Mughals.  The 
Sultdn  then  consulted  his  advisers  as  to  the  means  of  raising 
such  a  force,  for  it  could  not  be  maintained  without  heavy  expen- 
diture, and  what  was  arranged  for  one  year  might  not  be  con- 
tinuous. On  this  point  he  said,  "  If  I  settle  a  large  amount  of 
pay  on  the  army,  and  desire  to  maintain  the  pay  at  the  same 
rate  every  year,  then,  although  the  treasury  is  now  full,  five  or 
six  years  will  clear  it  out,  and  nothing  will  be  left.     Without 

'  Bami  was  evidently  deeply  impressed  with  the  peril  of  DeUf,  and  is  fond  of 
recounting  the  odds  against  it.    See  D'Ohsson,  iv.  661. 


192  zrATJ-D  DfN  BAENr. 

money  government  is  impossible.    I  am  very  desirous  of  having 
a   large   army,  well   horsed,   well   accoutred,   picked   men   and 
archers,  ready  for  service  year  after  year.     I  would  pay  them 
234  tankas  regularly,  and  I  would  allow  seventy-eight  tankas  to 
those  who  keep  two  horses,  requiring  in  return  the  two  horses, 
with  all  necessary  appointments.     So  also  as  regards  the  men  of 
one  horse,  I  would  require  the  horse  and  his  accoutrements.     In- 
form me,  then,  how  this  large  army  can  be  regularly  maintained 
on  the  footing  I  desire."     His  sagacious  advisers  thought  care- 
fully over  the  matter,  and  after  great  deliberation  made  a  unani- 
mous report  to  the  Sultan.      "  The   ideas   which  have  passed 
through  your  Majesty's  mind  as  to  maintaining  a  large  and  per- 
manent army  upon  a  low  scale  of  pay  are  quite  impracticable. 
Horses,  arms,  and  accoutrements,  and  the  support  of  the  soldier 
and  his  wife  and  family,  cannot  be  provided  for  a  trifle.     If  the 
necessaries  of  life  could  be  bought  at  a  low  rate,  then  the  idea 
which  your  Majesty  has  entertained  of  maintaining  a  large  army 
at  a  small  expense  might  be  carried  out,  and  all  apprehension 
of  the  great  forces  of  the  Mughals  would  be  removed."     The 
Sultdn  then  consulted  with  his  most  experienced  ministers  as  to 
the  means  of  reducing  the  prices  of  provisions  without  resorting 
to  severe  and  tyrannical  punishments.     His  councillors  replied 
that  the  necessaries  of  life  would  never  become  cheap  until  the 
price  of  grain  was  fixed  by  regulations  and  tariffs.     Cheapness  of 
grain  is  a  universal  benefit.     So  some  regulations  were  issued, 
which  kept  down  the  price  for  some  years. 
Regulation  I. — Fixing  the  price  of  grain. 

Wheat,  T^er  man YlJitals. 

Barley,  „       4      „ 

Rice,  „       5      „ 

Mash  (a  vetch),      „       5      „ 

Nukhud  (a  vetch),  „       5      „ 

Moth  (a  vetch),      „       3      „ 

This  scale  of  prices  was  maintained  as  long  as  'Alau-d  din  lived, 
and  grain  never  rose  one  dang,  whether  the  rains  were  abundant 


TARrKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHf.  193 

or  scanty.  This  unvarying  price  of  grain  in  the  markets  was 
looked  upon  as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  time. 

Regulation  II. — To  secure  the  cheapness  of  grain,*  Malik 
Kabul  Ulugh  Khan,  a  wise  and  practical  man,  was  appointed  con- 
troller of  the  markets.  He  received  a  large  territory  and  used  to 
go  round  (the  markets)  in  great  state  with  many  horse  and  foot. 
He  had  clever  deputies,  friends  of  his  own,  who  were  appointed 
by  the  crown.     Intelligent  spies  also  were  sent  into  the  markets. 

Regulation  III. — Accumulation  of  corn  in  the  king's  granaries. 
— The  Sultan  gave  orders  that  all  the  Khdlsa  villages  of  the 
DoAb  should  pay  the  tribute  in  kind.  The  corn  was  brought 
into  the  granaries  of  the  city  (of  Dehli).  In  the  country  depen- 
dent on  the  New  City  half  the  Sultdn's  portion  (of  the  produce) 
was  ordered  to  be  taken  in  grain.  In  Jhain  also,  and  in  the  vil- 
lages of  Jhain,  stores  were  to  be  formed.  These  stores  of  grain 
were  to  be  sent  into  the  city  in  caravans.  By  these  means  so 
much  royal  grain  came  to  Dehli  that  there  never  was  a  time  when 
there  were  not  two  or  three  royal  granaries  full  of  grain  in  the 
city.  When  there  was  a  deficiency  of  rain,  or  when  for  any 
reason  the  caravans  did  not  arrive,  and  grain  became  scarce  in 
the  markets,  then  the  royal  stores  were  opened  and  the  corn  was 
sold  at  the  tariff  price,  according  to  the  wants  of  the  people. 
Grain  was  also  consigned  to  the  caravans  from  New  City. 
Through  these  two  rules,  grain  never  was  deficient  in  the 
markets,  and  never  rose  one  dang  above  the  fixed  price. 

Regulation  IV. — The  Caravans. — The  Sult4n  placed  all  the 
carriers^  of  his  kingdom  under  the  controller  of  the  markets. 
Orders  were  given  for  arresting  the  head  carriers  and  for  bringing 
them  in  chains  before  the  controller  of  the  markets,  who  was 
directed  to  detain  them  until  they  agreed  upon  one  common 
mode  of  action  and  gave  bail  for  each  other.  Nor  were  they  to 
be  released  until  they  brought  their  wives  and  children,  beasts  of 

1  "  To  maintain  the  tariff."     TabaMt-i  Akhari. 

'  Kdrawdniydn,  here  used  as  the  Persian  equivalent  of  the  Hindustani  bcmjdrd, 
com  dealers  and  carriers. 

VOL.   III.  13 


194  ZrA'IT-D  DfN  BABNt. 

burden  and  cattle,  and  all  their  property,  and  fixed  their  abodes 
in  the  villages  along  the  banks  of  the  Jumna.  An  overseer  was 
to  be  placed  over  the  carriers  and  their  families,  on  behalf  of  the 
controller  of  the  markets,  to  whom  the  carriers  were  to  submit. 
Until  all  this  was  done  the  chiefs  were  to  be  kept  in  chains. 
Under  the  operation  of  this  rule,  so  much  grain  found  its  way 
into  the  markets  that  it  was  unnecessary  to  open  the  royal  stores, 
and  grain  did  not  rise  a  dang  above  the  standard.^ 

Regulation  V. — Regrating. — The  fifth  provision  for  securing 
the  cheapness  of  grain  was  against  regrating.  This  was  so 
rigidly  enforced  that  no  merchant,  farmer,  corn-chandler,  or  any 
one  else,  could  hold  back  secretly  a  man  or  half  a  man  of  grain 
and  sell  it  at  his  shop  for  a  dang  or  a  diram  above  the  regulated 
price.  If  regrated  grain  were  discovered,  it  was  forfeited  to  the 
Sultan,  and  the  regrater  was  fined.  Engagements  were  taken 
from  the  governors  and  other  revenue  officers  in  the  Do4b  that 
no  one  under  their  authority  should  be  allowed  to  regrate,  and 
if  any  man  was  discovered  to  have  regrated,  the  deputy  and  his 
officers  were  fined,  and  had  to  make  their  defence  to  the  throne. 

Regulation  V.T. — Engagements  were  taken  from  the  pro- 
vincial revenue  officers  and  their  assistants,  that  they  would 
provide  that  the  corn-carriers  should  be  supplied  with  corn  by  the 
raiyats  on  the  field  at  a  fixed  price.  The  Sultan  also  gave  orders 
that  engagements  should  be  taken  from  the  chief  diwdn,  and  from 
the  overseers  and  other  revenue  officers  in  the  countries  of  the 
Doab,  near  the  capital,  that  they  should  so  vigorously  collect  the 
tribute  that  the  cultivators  should  be  unable  to  carry  away  any 
corn  from  the  fields  into  their  houses  and  to  regrate.  They 
were  to  be  compelled  to  sell  their  corn  in  the  fields  to  the  corn- 
carriers  at  a  low  price,  so  that  the  dealers  should  have  no  excuse 
for  neglecting  to  bring  the  corn  into  the  markets.     A  constant 

^  The  TabaMt-i  Ahbari  gives  these  rules  very  succinctly  and  clearly.  This  fourth 
Regulation  is  thus  given : — "  Malik  KahUl  was  commanded  to  summon  all  the  grain- 
sellers  of  the  kingdom  and  to  settle  them  in  the  villages  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna, 
so  that  they  might  convey  grain  to  Dehlf  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  prevent 
the  price  rising  above  the  royal  standard." 


TAErXH-I  FtROZ  SHAHT.  195 

supply  was  thus  secured.  To  give  the  villagers  a  chance  of 
profit,  they  were  permitted  to  carry  their  corn  into  the  market 
and  sell  it  at  the  regulation  price. 

Regulation  VII. — Eeports  used  to  be  made  daily  to  the 
Sult5,n  of  the  market  rate  and  of  the  market  transactions  from 
three  distinct  sources.  1st.  The  superintendent  made  a  report 
of  the  market  rate  and  of  the  market  transactions.  2nd.  The 
harids,  or  reporters,  made  a  statement.  3rd.  The  manhis,  or 
spies,  made  a  report.  If  there  was  any  variance  in  these  reports, 
the  superintendent  received  punishment.  The  various  officials 
of  the  market  were  well  aware  that  all  the  ins  and  outs  of  the 
market  were  reported  to  the  Sultan  through  three  difierent 
channels,  and  so  there  was  no  opportunity  of  their  deviating 
from  the  market  rules  in  the  smallest  particular. 

All  the  wise  men  of  the  age  were  astonished  at  the  evenness 
of  the  price  in  the  markets.  If  the  rains  had  fallen  (regularly), 
and  the  seasons  had  been  (always)  favourable,  there  would  have 
been  nothing  so  wonderful  in  grain  remaining  at  one  price ;.  but 
the  extraordinary  part  of  the  matter  was  that  during  the  reign 
of  'Alau-d  din  there  were  years  in  which  the  rains  were  deficient, 
but  instead  of  the  usual  scarcity  ensuing,  there  was  no  want  of 
corn  in  Dehli,  and  there  was  no  rise  in  the  price  either  in  the 
grain  brought  out  of  the  royal  granaries,  or  in  that  imported 
by  the  dealers.  This  was  indeed  the  wonder  of  the  age,  and 
no  other  monarch  was  able  to  efiect  it.  Once  or  twice  when  the 
rains  were  deficient  a  market  overseer  reported  that  the  price  had 
risen  half  a  Jital,  and  he  received  twenty  blows  with  the  stick. 
When  the  rains  failed,  a  quantity  of  corn,  sufficient  for  the  daily 
supply  of  each  quarter  of  the  city,  was  consigned  to  the  dealers 
every  day  from  the  market,  and  half  a  man  used  to  be  allowed 
to  the  ordinary  purchasers  in  the  markets.  Thus  the  gentry  and 
traders,  who  had  no  villages  or  lands,  used  to  get  grain  from  the 
markets.  If  in  such  a  season  any  poor  reduced  person  went  to 
the  market,  and  did  not  get  assistance,  the  overseer  received  his 
punishment  whenever  the  fact  found  its  way  to  the  king's  ears. 


196  ZrAU-D  DIN  BAENr. 

For  the  purpose  of  securing  low  prices  for  piece  goods,  gar- 
ments, sugar,  vegetables,  fruits,  animal  oil,  and  lamp  oil,  five 
Eegulations  were  issued.  *  *  * 

For  securing  a  cheap  rate  for  the  purchase  of  horses,  slaves, 
and  cattle,  four  Eegulations  were  issued.  *  *  * 

Regulation  IY. — *  *  *  The  price  of  a  serving  girl  was  fixed 
from  5  to  12  tankas,  of  a  concubine  at  20,  30,  or  40  tankas. 
The  price  for  a  male  slave  was  100  or  200  tankas,  or  less.  If 
such  a  slave  as  could  not  in  these  days  be  bought  for  1000  or 
2000  tankas  came  into  the  market,  he  was  sold  for  what  he  would 
fetch,  in  order  to  escape  the  reports  of  the  informers.  Hand- 
some lads  fetched  from  20  to  30  tankas;  the  price  of  slave- 
labourers  was  10  to  15  tankas,  and  of  young  domestic  slaves  17 
or  18  tankas.  *  *  *  * 

Great  pains  were  taken  to  secure  low  prices  for  all  things  sold 
at  the  stalls  in  the  markets,  from  caps  to  shoes,  from  combs  to 
needles,  etc.,  etc.  Although  the  articles  were  of  the  most  trifling 
value,  yet  the  Sultan  took  the  greatest  trouble  to  fix  the  prices 
and  settle  the  profit  of  the  vendors.  Four  Eegulations  were 
issued.  *  *  * 

The  fourth  Eegulation  for  securing  cheapness  provided  severe 
punishments ;  blows,  and  cutting  off  flesh  from  the  haunches  of 
those  who  gave  short  weight.  *  *  *  The  market  people,  however, 
could  not  refrain  from  giving  short  weight.  They  sold  their  goods 
according  to  the  established  rate,  but  they  cheated  the  purchasers 
in  the  weight,  especially  ignorant  people  and  children.  When  the 
Sultan  turned  his  attention  to  the  subject,  he  discovered  that  the 
market  people,  as  usual,  were  acting  dishonestly  *  *  *  He 
therefore  used  to  send  for  some  of  the  poor  ignorant  boys,  who 
attended  to  his  pigeon-houses,  and  to  give  them  ten  or  twenty 
dirams  to  go  into  the  market  and  buy  bread  and  various  other 
articles  for  him.  *  *  *  When  the  boys  had  purchased  the  arti- 
cles, and  brought  them  to  the  Sultan,  the  inspector  of  the  market 
was  sent  for,  and  he  had  to  weigh  the  things  in  the  presence  of 
the  SultAn.    If  the  weight  was  less  than  required  by  the  Sultan's 


TAErKH-I  F^EOZ  SHA'Hr.  197 

scale  of  prices,  the  inspector  took  the  lad  and  went  to  the  shop  of 
the  dealer  who  had  given  short  weight,  and  placed  the  purchased 
article  before  him.  The  inspector  then  took  from  his  shop  what- 
ever was  deficient,  and  afterwards  cut  from  his  haunches  an  equal 
weight  of  flesh,  which  was  thrown  down  before  his  eyes.  The 
certainty  of  this  punishment  kept  the  traders  honest,  and  re- 
strained them  from  giving  short  weight,  and  other  fenavish  tricks. 
Nay,  they  gave  such  good  weight  that  purchasers  often  got  some- 
what in  excess.^ 

The  various  Regulations  *  *  *  of  'Aldu-d  din  came  to  an  end 
at  his  death,  for  his  son,  Kutbu-d  din,  was  not  able  to  maintain 
a  thousandth  part  of  them. 

After  the  prices  of  goods  and  provisions  were  brought  down, 
the  pay  of  the  soldier  was  fixed  at  the  rate  of  234  tankas,  and 
the  man  of  two  horses  at  seventy-eight  tankas  more.  All  the 
men  Were  inspected  by  the  'driz'i  mamdlik  (Muster-master) ; 
those  who  were  skilled  in  archery  and  the  use  of  arms  passed, 
and  they  received  the  price  for  their  horse,  and  the  horse  was 
branded  according  to  rule. 

When  the  tarifis  had  been  settled  and  the  army  had  been 
increased  and  newly  organized,  the  Sultdn  was  ready  for  the 
Mughals.  Whenever  they  made  an  attack  upon  Dehli  and  its 
vicinity,  they  were  defeated,  driven  back,  and  put  to  the  sword. 
The  arms  of  Isldm  were  everywhere  triumphant  over  them. 
Many  thousands  were  taken  prisoners,  and  were  brought  into 
Dehli  with  ropes  round  their  necks,  where  they  were  cast  under 
the  feet  of  elephants.  Their  heads  were  piled  up  in  pyramids, 
or  built  into  towers.  So  many  thousands  were  slain  in  battle 
and  in  the  city  that  horrid  stenches  arose.  Such  was  the 
superiority  of  the  men  of  Islam  over  the  Mughals,  that  one  or 
two  horsemen  would  tie  by  the  neck  and  bring  in  ten  Mughal 
prisoners,  and  one  Musulmdn  horseman  would  drive  a  hundred 
Mughals  before  him. 

'  Here  the  printed  text  differs  from,  and  is  inferior  in  accuracy  to,  the  MSS.  in 
several  particulars. 


198  zrAU-D  DrN  baeni. 

On  one  occasion  'Ali  Beg  and  Tart^k^  were  the  leaders  of 
the  Mughal  forces,  men  who  had  acquired  some  repute.  'AH 
Beg  was  said  to  be  a  descendant  of  Ohangiz  Khan,  the  accursed. 
With  thirty  or  forty  thousand  horse  they  skirted  the  mountains 
and  advanced  into  the  territory  of  Amroha.  The  Sultdn  sent 
against  them  Malik  Nayak  Akhur-beg.  The  opposing  forces  met 
in  the  territory  of  Amroha,  and  God  gave  the  victory  to  the  army 
of  Islam.  'All  Beg  and  Tart^k  were  both  taken  alive,  and 
many  thousand  Mughals  were  put  to  the  sword.  The  force  was 
entirely  routed,  and  the  battle-field  was  covered  with  heaps  of 
slain  like  shocks  of  corn.  Ropes  were  fastened  round  the  necks 
of  'All  Beg  and  Tartak,  and  they  were  conducted  to  the  Sultan 
with  many  other  Mughal  prisoners.  Twenty  thousand  horses 
belonging  to  the  slain  Mughals  were  taken  into  the  royal  stables. 
A  grand  court  was  held  by  the  Sultan  in  the  Ohautara  Subhani. 
From  the  court  at  this  place  a  double  row  of  soldiers  was  formed 
as  far  as  Indarpat.  Such  numbers  of  men  were  assembled  on 
that  day  that  a  pitcher  of  water  fetched  twenty  jitak  to  half  a 
tanka.  'Ali  Beg,  Tart6,k,  and  other  Mughal  prisoners,  were 
brought  forward  with  their  accoutrements.  The  prisoners  were 
cast  under  the  feet  of  elephants  in  the  presence  of  the  court,  and 
streams  of  blood  flowed. 

In  another  year  a  battle  was  fought  in  Khikar  between  the 
army  of  IsMm  and  the  Mughals,  under  the  accursed  Kank. 
The  Mughals  were  defeated,  and  Kank  was  brought  prisoner  to 
'A14u-d  din,  and  thrown  under  the  feet  of  elephants.  On  an- 
other occasion  great  numbers  of  Mughals  were  slain,  partly  in 
battle,  partly  afterwards  in  the  city.  A  tower  was  built  of  their 
heads  in  front  of  the  gate  of  Baddun,  and  remains  to  this  day  a 
memento  of  'Alau-d  din.  At  another  time  three  or  four  Mughal 
amirs,  commanders  of  tumdns,  with  thirty  or  forty  thousand  horse, 
broke  into  the  Siwdlik,  and  engaged  in  slaughter  and  plunder, 

'  The  MSS.  have  "Tary&k"  and  "  Ziyak."  In  the  text  of  Firishta  he  is  called 
"Taryil,"  but  in  the  translation  "Khwaja  Tash,"  which  is  in  accordance  with 
D'Ohsson  (Hist,  des  Mongols,  iv.  571).     The  Tabakdt-i  Akbari  has  "  Easm^k." 


TAErKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHf.  199 

An  army  was  sent  against  them  with  orders  to  seize  upon  the  road 
by  which  the  Mughals  must  return  to  the  river,  and  there  to  en- 
camp, so  that  when  the  thirsty  Mughals  attempted  to  approach 
the  river  they  would  receive  their  punishment.  These  orders 
were  carried  out.  The  Mughals  having  wasted  the  Siwdlik,  had 
moved  some  distance  off.  When  they  and  their  horses  returned 
weary  and  thirsty  to  the  river,  the  army  of  Islam,  which  had  been 
waiting  for  them  some  days,  caught  them  as  they  expected.  They 
begged  for  water,  and  they  and  all  their  wives  and  children  were 
made  prisoners.  Islam  gained  a  great  victory,  and  brought 
several  thousand  prisoners  with  ropes  on  their  necks  to  the  fort 
of  Ndrdniya.  The  women  and  children  were  taken  to  Dehli,  and 
were  sold  as  slaves  in  the  market.  Malik  Khass-hdjib  was  sent 
to  Nardniya,  and  there  put  every  Mughal  prisoner  to  the  sword. 
Streams  ran  with  their  foul  blood. 

In  another  year  Ikbdlmanda  came  with  a  Mughal  army,  and 
the  Sultan  sent  an  army  against  him  from  Dehli.  The  army  of 
Islam  was  again  victorious,  and  Ikbalmanda  was  slain  with  many 
thousands  of  his  followers.  The  Mughal  commanders  of  thou- 
sands and  hundreds,  who  were  taken  prisoners,  were  brought  to 
Dehli,  and  thrown  under  the  feet  of  elephants.  On  the  occa- 
sion when  Ikbalmanda  was  slain  no  man  returned  alive,  and 
the  Mughals  conceived  such  a  fear  and  dread  of  the  army  of 
Isldm,  that  all  fancy  for  coming  to  Hindustan  was  washed  clean 
out  of  their  breasts.  Till  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Kutbu-d  din 
the  name  of  Hindustan  was  never  mentioned  among  them,  nor 
did  they  venture  to  approach  it.  Fear  of  the  army  of  IsMm 
prevented  them  from  attaining  their  heart's  desire,  even  in  their 
dreams ;  for  in  their  sleep  they  still  saw  the  sword  of  Tsldm 
hanging  over  them.  All  fear  of  the  Mughals  entirely  departed 
from  Dehli  and  the  neighbouring  provinces.  Perfect  security 
was  everywhere  felt,  and  the  raiyats  of  those  territories,  which 
had  been  exposed  to  the  inroads  of  the  Mughals,  carried  on  their 
agriculture  in  peace. 

Ghazi  Malik,  who  afterwards  became  Sultan  Tughlik  Shdh, 


200  ZrAU-D  DrN  BARNr. 

had  obtained  great  renown  in  Hindustdn  and  Khurdsan.  He 
held  the  territories  of  Debdlpur  and  Ldhor,  and,  until  the  end  of 
the  reign  of  Kutbu-d  din,  he  proved  a  barrier  to  the  inroads  of 
the  Mughals,  occupying,  in  fact,  the  position  formerly  held  by 
Shir  Khdn.  Every  winter  he  led  out  a  chosen  force  from  Debal- 
pur,  and  marching  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Mughals  he  challenged 
them  to  come  forth.  The  Mughals  were  so  dispirited  that  they 
dared  not  even  make  any  military  display  upon  their  frontiers. 
No  one  now  cared  about  them,  or  gave  them  the  slightest 
thought.  *  *  * 

Wherever  Sultan  'A14u-d  din  looked  around  upon  his  terri- 
tories, peace  and  order  prevailed.  His  mind  was  free  from  all 
anxiety.  The  fort  of  Siri  was  finished,  and  it  became  a  popu- 
lous and  flourishing  place.  Devoting  his  attention  to  political 
matters,  he  made  ready  his  army  for  the  destruction  of  the  Mais 
and  zaminddrs  of  other  lands,  and  for  the  acquisition  of  elephants 
and  treasure  from  the  princes  of  the  South.  He  withdrew  several 
divisions  of  his  army,  which  had  been  employed  in  guarding 
against  the  advance  of  the  Mughals,  and  formed  them  into  an 
army,  which  he  sent  against  Deogir,  under  the  command  of 
Malik  Ndib  Kdfiir  Hazar-dindri,  accompanied  by  other  maliks 
and  amirs,  and  the  red  canopy.  He  also  sent  Khw4ja  Haji, 
deputy  'driz-i  mamdlik,  to  attend  to  the  administration  of  the 
army,  the  collection  of  supplies,  and  the  securing  of  elephants 
and  the  spoil.  No  army  had  marched  from  Dehli  to  Deogir 
since  the  Sultdn  himself  attacked  it  before  he  ascended  the 
throne.  Edmdeo  had  rebelled,  and  for  several  years  had  not 
sent  his  tribute  to  Dehli.  Malik  Ndlb  Kafur  reached  Deogir 
and  laid  the  country  waste.  He  niade  £,4mdeo  and  his  sons 
prisoners,  and  took  his  treasures,  as  well  as  seventeen  elephants. 
Great  spoil  fell  into  his  hands,  *  *  *  and  he  returned  with  it 
triumphant  to  Dehli,  carrying  with  him  Rdmdeo.  The  Sultdn 
showed  great  favour  to  the  Eai,  gave  him  a  canopy,  and  the  tiile 
of  Rdi-rdydn  (King  of  kings).  He  also  gave  him  a  lak  of  fankas, 
and  sent  him  back  in  great  honour,  with  his  children,  wives,  and 


TARTKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHI.  201 

dependents  to  Deogii?,  which  place  he  confirmed  in  his  possession. 
The  E-cii  was  ever  afterwards  obedient,  and  sent  his  tribute  regu- 
larly as  long  as  he  liv6d. 

Next  year,  in  the  year  709  h.  (1309  a.d.),  the  Sultdn  sent 
Malik  Naib  Kdfur  with  a  similar  force  against  Arangal.  The 
Sultdn  gave  him  instructions  to  do  his  utmost  to  capture  the 
fort  of  Arangal,  and  to  overthrow  Eai  Laddar  Deo.^  If  the  R4i 
consented  to  surrender  his  treasure  and  jewels,  elephants  and 
horses,  and  also  to  send  treasure  and  elephants  in  the  following 
year,  Malik  Ndib  Kdfur  was  to  accept  these  terms  and  not  press 
the  Ral  too  hard.  He  was  to  come  to  an  arrangement  and  retire, 
without  pushing  matters  too  far,  lest  E4i  Laddar  Deo  should 
get  the  better  of  him.  If  he  could  not  do  this,  he  was,  for  the 
sake  of  his  own  name  and  fame,  to  bring  the  R4i  with  him  to 
Dehlf.  *  *  * 

Malik  Naib  K^fiir  and  Khwdja  Hajl  took  leave  of  the  Sultan 
and  marched  to  Kabari,  a  village  in  the  fief  of  the  Malik.  There 
the  army  assembled,  and  marched  towards  Deogir  and  Arangal. 
The  maliks  and  amirs  of  Hindustan,  with  their  cavalry  and 
infantry,  joined  at  Chanderi,  where  a  review  was  held.  On  ap- 
proaching Deogir,  Rai-raydn  Ramdeo  came  forth  to  meet  the 
army,  with  respectful  offerings  to  the  Sultdn  and  presents  to  the 
generals.  While  the  army  was  marching  through  the  territories 
of  Deogir,  Ramdeo  attended  every  day  at  head  quarters.  So  long 
as  it  remained  encamped  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  he  showed 
every  mark  of  loyalty,  and  to  the  best  of  his  ability  supplied  Ndib 
Kdfur  and  his  officers  with  fodder,  and  the  army  with  matiriel. 
Every  day  he  and  his  ofiicers  went  out  to  the  camp,  rendering 
every  assistance.  He  made  the  hdzdr  people  of  Deogir  attend 
the  array,  and  gave  them  strict  orders  to  supply  the  wants  of  the 
•  soldiers  at  cheap  rates.  The  army  remained  in  the  suburbs  of 
Deogir  for  some  days,  resting  from  its  fatigues.  When  it  marched, 
Ramdeo  sent  men  forward  to  all  the  villages  on  the  route,  as  far 

1  A  wtole  line  is  here  omitted  from  the  printed  text,  and  there  are  other  minor 
errors.    The  date  is  given  as  909  instead  of  709. 


202  ZrAU-D  DTN  BAENr. 

as  the  borders  of  Arangal,  with  orders  for  the  collection  of  fodder 
and  provisions  for  the  army,  and  giving  notice  that  if  a  bit  of 
rope^  was  lost  they  would  have  to  answer  for  it.  He  was  as 
dutiful  as  any  raiyat  of  Dehli.  He  sent  on  all  stragglers  to 
rejoin  the  army,  and  he  added  to  it  a  force  of  Mahrattas,  both 
horse  and  foot.  He  himself  accompanied  the  march  several  stages, 
and  then  took  leave  and  returned.  All  wise  and  experienced  men 
noticed  and  applauded  his  devotion  and  attention. 

When  Malik  Naib  Kdfur  arrived  in  Tilang,  he  found  the 
towns  and  villages  in  his  way  laid  waste.  The  mukaddims 
and  rais  perceived  the  superiority  of  the  army  of  IsUm,  and 
so  they  abandoned  their  forts  and  went  and  took  refuge  in 
Arangal. 

The  fort  of  Arangal  was  of  mud,  and  tolerably  large.  All 
the  active  men  of  the  country  had  assembled  there.  The  HaJi, 
with  the  mukaddims  and  (inferior)  rais  and  connections,^  went 
with  their  elephants  and  treasure  into  the  stone  fort.  Malik 
Ndib  Kafur  invested  the  mud  fort,  and  there  were  fights  every 
day  between  the  besiegers  and  the  besieged.  The  Maghribis 
(western  manjaniks)  were  played  on  both  sides,  and  on  both  sides 
many  were  wounded.  This  went  on  for  some  days,  till  the  daring 
and  adventurous  men  of  the  army  of  Isldm  planted  their  scaling 
ladders  and  fixed  their  ropes.  Then,  like  birds,  they  escaladed 
the  towers  of  the  mud  fort,  which  was  stronger  than  the  stone 
one,  and,  cutting  down  the  defenders  with  their  swords,  spears, 
and  axes,  they  made  themselves  masters  of  the  fort.  They  next 
invested  the  stone  fort  most  closely.  Laddar  Deo  perceived  that 
all  hope  was  gone,  and  that  the  fort  was  tottering  to  its  fall.  He 
therefore  sent  some  great  brahmans  and  distinguished  basiths,^ 

'     ^jU  (tu-ii  in  tlie  printed  text.     One  MS.  has  for  the  latter  word     Jlj,  • 
and  the  other  has  ^,lj, 

^  The  printed  text  has  "bhatdn,"  but  one  of  the  MSS.  has  hhasitMn,  which  agrees 
with  Amir  Khusrd  {supra  p.  83).    The  other  MS.  omits  the  word. 


TAErKH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHf.  203 

with  presents  to  Malik  Kdfiir,  to  beg  for  quarter,  promising  to 
give  up  all  the  treasures  and  elephants  and  horses,  jewels  and 
valuables,  that  he  had,  and  to  send  regularly  every  year  a  certain 
amount  of  treasure  and  a  certain  number  of  elephants  to  Dehli. 
Malik  Kd.fur  agreed  to  these  terms,  and  raised  the  siege  of  the 
fort.  He  took  from  Laddar  Deo  all  the  treasure  which  he  had 
accumulated  in  the  course  of  many  years, — a  hundred  elephants, 
seven  thousand  horse,  and  large  quantities  of  jewels  and  valu- 
ables. He  also  took  from  him  a  writing,  engaging  to  send 
annually  treasure  and  elephants.  In  the  early  part  of  the 
year  710  he  started  to  return,  loaded  with  booty,  and,  passing 
through  Deogir,  Dhdr  and  Jhain,  he  at  length  arrived  in 
Dehli.  *  *  * 

It  was  the  practice  of  the  Sultan,  when  he  sent  an  army  on 
an  expedition,  to  establish  posts  on  the  road,  wherever  posts 
could  be  maintained,  beginning  from  Tilpat,  which  is  the  first 
stage.  At  every  post  relays  of  horses  were  stationed,  and  at 
every  half  or  quarter  hos  runners  were  posted,  and  in  every  town 
or  place  where  horses  were  posted,  officers  and  report  writers 
were  appointed.  Every  day,  or  every  two  or  three  days,  news 
used  to  come  to  the  Sultan  reporting  the  progress  of  the  army, 
and  intelligence  of  the  health  of  the  sovereign  was  carried  to 
the  army.  False  news  was  thus  prevented  from  being  circulated 
in  the  city  or  in  the  army.  The  securing  of  accurate  intelli- 
gence from  the  court  on  one  side,  and  the  army  on  the  other, 
was  a  great  public  benefit.  *  *  * 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  710  h.  (1310  a.d.)  the  Sultdn 
sent  an  army  under  Malik  JSTdib  Kafur  against  Dhur-samundar 
and  Ma'bar.  The  Malik,  with  Khwaja  H4ji,  Ndib-i  'driz,  took 
leave  of  the  Sultan  and  proceeded  to  Rdbari,  where  the  army 
collected.  They  then  proceeded  to  Deogir,  where  they  found 
that  Eamdeo  was  dead,  and  from  Deogir  to  the  confines  of 
Dhiir-samundar.  At  'the  first  onslaught  Billdl  Eai  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Muhammadans,  and  Dhur-samundar  was 
captured.      Thirty-six  elephants,  and  all  the  treasures  of  the 


204  zrAu-D  DrN  baeni. 

place,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  A  despatch  of  victory 
was  then  sent  to  Dehli,  and  Malik  Ndib  Kdfur  marched  on  to 
Ma'bar,  which  he  also  took.  He  destroyed  the  golden  idol 
temple  {hiit-khdnah-i  zarin)  of  Ma'bar,  and  the  golden  idols 
which  for  ages  (karnha)  had  been  worshipped  by  the  Hindus 
of  that  country.  The  fragments  of  the  golden  temple,  and  of 
the  broken  idols  of  gold  and  gilt,  became  the  rich  spoil  of  the 
army.  In  Ma'bar  there  were  two  Eais,  but  all  the  elephants 
and  treasure  were  taken  from  both,  and  the  army  turned  home- 
wards flushed  with  victory.  A  despatch  of  victory  was  sent  to 
the  Sultdn,  and  in  the  early  part  of  711  h.  (1311  a.d.)  the  army 
reached  Dehli,  bringing  with  it  six  hundred  and  twelve  elephants, 
ninety-six  thousand  mans  of  gold,  several  boxes  of  jewels  and 
pearls,  and  twenty  thousand  horses.  Malik  Naib  Kafur  pre- 
sented the  spoil  to  the  Sultan  in  the  palace  at  Siri  on  different 
occasions,  and  the  Sultan  made  presents  of  four  mans,  or  two 
mans,  or  one  man,  or  half  a  man  of  gold  to  the  maliks  and  amirs. 
The  old  inhabitants  of  Dehli  remarked  that  so  many  elephants 
and  so  much  gold  had  never  before  been  brought  into  Dehli. 
Ko  one  could  remember  anything  like  it,  nor  was  there  anything 
like  it  recorded  in  history. 

At  the  end  of  this  same  year  twenty  elephants  arrived  in 
Dehli  from  Laddar  Deo  Rdi  of  Tilang,  with  a  letter  stating  that 
he  was  ready  to  pay  at  Deogir,  to  any  one  whom  the  Sultan 
would  commission  to  receive  it,  the  treasure  which  he  had  en- 
gaged to  pay,  thus  fulfilling  the  terms  of  the  treaty  made  with 
Malik  Kdfiir. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  'Alau-d  din  several  important 
victories  were  gained,  and  the  affairs  of  the  State  went  on  accord- 
ing to  his  heart's  desire,  but  his  fortune  now  became  clouded  and 
his  prosperity  waned.  Cares  assailed  him  on  many  sides.  His 
sons  left  their  places  of  instruction  and  fell  into  bad  habits.  He 
drove  away  his  wise  and  experienced  ministers  from  his  presence, 
and  sent  his  councillors  into  retirement.  He  was  desirous  that 
all  the  business  of  the  State  should  be  concentrated  in  one  office, 


TARrKH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHf.  205 

and  under  the  officers  of  that  office  ;i  and  that  the  control  of  all 
matters,  general  or  special,  should  be  in  the  charge  of  men  of  his 
own  race  {zdt).  Mistakes  were  now  made  in  political  matters ; 
the  Sultdn  had  no  Aristotle  or  Buzurjmihr  to  point  out  the  pros 
and  cons  of  any  question,  and  to  make  the  true  course  clear  to 
him. 

At  the  time  when  the  Sult4n  so  resolutely  opposed  himself  to 
the  inroads  of  the  Mughals,  several  of  the  amirs  of  the  "  New 
Musulmans"  who  had  no  employ,  and  whose  bread  and  grants  of 
revenue  had  been  resumed  or  curtailed  by  the  revenue  officers, 
grumbled,  and  conceived  certain  crude  ideas.  The  Sult4n  heard 
that  some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  New  Musulmans  were  complaining 
of  their  poverty  and  wretchedness,  and  were  talking  about  him 
with  ill  feeling,  saying  that  he  dealt  harshly  with  his  people, 
oppressing  them  with  fines  and  exactions  to  fill  his  own  treasury, 
that  he  had  forbidden  the  use  of  wine,  beer,  and  strong  drinks, 
and  that  he  had  levied  heavy  tribute  from  the  country,  and 
reduced  the  people  to  distress.  They  thought,  therefore,  that  if 
they  raised  a  revolt  all  the  New  Musulmdns,  their  countrymen, 
would  join  them,  and  that  the  prospect  of  escaping  from  the 
severity  and  oppression  of  'Alau-d  din  would  be  pleasing  to 
others  as  well.  There  had  been  no  revolt  for  some  time,  and  so 
none  would  be  expected.  Their  plan  was  to  seek  an  opportunity 
when  the  Sultdn  went  out  hawking  in  a  light  dress,  and  when 
he  and  his  followers  were  eager  in  pursuit  of  the  game,  with  their 
arms  thrown  aside.  Two  or  three  hundred  New  Musulmans  in 
one  compact  band  were  then  to  rush  upon  the  SultS.n,  and  carry  off 
him  and  his  personal  attendants.  This  conspiracy  became  known 
to  the  Sultdn.  He  was  by  nature  cruel  and  implacable,  and  his 
only  care  was  the  welfare  of  his  kingdom.  No  consideration  for 
religion,  no  regard  for  the  ties  of  brotherhood  or  the  filial  rela- 

1  One  MS.  here  omits  about  ten  lines ;  the  other  differs  a  little  from  the  printed 
text,  and  runs:  i,)\^  ...ISlXiJ  .  .1  ij\js^  tl^U.«  ^Uj  CJ,U1  ,  _^1 


and  runs:  i,)\^  (^jlSlXiJ  j  j\  ij\js^  tl^U.«  ^Uj  CJ,U1 
lii^f  il)  •! .     It  is  evident  that  the  SultSn  sought  to  establish  a  centralizing 


system. 


206  zrAtr-D  din  BARNr. 

tion,  no  care  for  the  rights  of  others,  ever  troubled  him.  He 
disregarded  the  provisions  of  the  law,  even  in  the  punishments 
which  he  awarded,  and  was  unmoved  by  paternity  or  sonship. 
He  now  gave  his  commands  that  the  race  of  "  New  Musulmdns," 
■who  had  settled  in  his  territories,  should  be  destroyed,  and  they 
were  to  be  so  slain  that  they  all  perished  on  the  same  day,  and 
that  not  one  of  the  stock  should  be  left  alive  upon  the  face  of  the 
earth.  Upon  this  command,  worthy  of  a  Pharaoh  or  a  Nimrod, 
twenty  or  thirty  thousand  "New  Musulmdns"  were  killed,  of 
whom  probably  only  a  few  had  any  knowledge  (of  the  intended 
revolt).  Their  houses  were  plundered,  and  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren turned  out.  In  most  of  the  years  which  have  been  noticed 
disturbances  (ibdhatiydn)  broke  out  in  the  city;  but  by  the 
Sultan's  command  every  rioter  was  most  perseveringly  pursued, 
and  put  to  death  with  the  most  severe  punishment.  Their  heads 
were  sawn  in  two  and  their  bodies  divided.  After  these  punish- 
ments breaches  of  the  peace  were  never  heard  of  in  the  city. 

The  generals  and  ministers  of  'Alau-d  din,  by  their  courage, 
devotion,  and  ability,  had  secured  the  stability  of  the  State 
during  his  reign,  and  had  made  themselves  remarkable  and  bril- 
liant in  the  political  and  administrative  measures  of  that  time, 
such  as  *  *  *. 

*  *  *  During  the  reign  of  'Alau-d  din,  either  through  his 
agency  or  the  beneficent  ruling  of  Providence,  there  were  several 
remarkable  events  and  matters  which  had  never  been  witnessed 
or  heard  of  in  any  age  or  time,  and  probably  never  will  again. 

1.  The  cheapness  of  grain,  clothes,  and  necessaries  of  life.  *  *  * 

2.  The  constant  succession  of  victories.  *  *  *  3.  The  destruc- 
tion and  rolling  back  of  the  Mughals.  *  *  *  4.  The  maintenance 
of  a  large  army  at  a  small  cost.  *  *  *  5.  The  severe  punish- 
ment and  repression  of  rebels,  and  the  general  prevalence  of 
loyalty.  *  *  *  6.  The  safety  of  the  roads  in  all  directions.  *  *  * 
7.  The  honest  dealings  of  the  hdzdr  people.  *  *  *  8.  The  erec- 
tion and  repair  of  mosques,  minarets,  and  forts,  and  the  excava- 
tion of  tanks.  *  *  *     9.  That  during  the  last  ten  years  of  the 


TARrKH-I  FrKOZ  SHAHf.  207 

reign  the  hearts  of  Musulmans  in  general  were  inchned  to  recti- 
tude, truth,  honesty,  justice,  and  temperance.  *  *  *  10.  That 
without  the  patronage  of  the  Sultan  many  learned  and  great 
men  flourished.  *  *  *  \_^otiees  of  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
men;  2Q pages. "] 

The  prosperity  of  'Aldu-d  din  at  length  declined.  Success 
no  longer  attended  him.  Fortune  proved,  as  usual,  fickle,  and 
destiny  drew  her  poniard  to  destroy  him.  The  overthrow  of 
his  throne  and  family  arose  from  certain  acts  of  his  own.  First, 
He  was  jealous  and  violent  in  temper.  He  removed  from  his 
service  the  administrators  of  his  kingdom,  and  filled  the  places 
of  those  wise  and  experienced  men  with  young  slaves  who  were 
ignorant  and  thoughtless,  and  with  eunuchs  without  intelligence. 
He  never  reflected  that  eunuchs  and  worthless  people  cannot 
conduct  the  business  of  government.  Having  set  aside  his  wise 
and  able  administrators,  he  turned  his  own  attention  to  dis- 
charging the  duties  of  minister,  a  business  distinct  from  that 
of  royalty.  His  dignity  and  his  ordinances  hence  fell  into  dis- 
respect. Secondly,  He  brought  his  sons  prematurely,  before 
their  intelligence  was  formed,  out  of  their  nursery .1  To  Khizr 
Khan  he  gave  a  canopy  and  a  separate  residence,  and  he  caused 
a  document  to  be  drawn  up,  appointing  Khizr  Khan  his  heir 
apparent,  and  he  obtained  the  signatures  of  the  nobles  thereto. 
He  did  not  appoint  any  wise  and  experienced  governors  over 
him,  so  the  young  man  gave  himself  up  to  pleasure  and  de- 
bauchery, and  buff'oons  and  strumpets  obtained  the  mastery  over 
him.  In  the  case  of  this  son,  and  of  his  other  sons,  the  Sult4n 
was  precipitate,  and  they  gave  entertainments  and  had  uproari- 
ous parties  in  his  private  apartments.  Many  improper  proceed- 
ings thus  became  the  practice  under  his  rule.  Thirdly,  He  was 
infatuated  with  Malik  Naib  Kdfur,  and  made  him  commander 
of  his  army  and  wazir.  He  distinguished  him  above  all  his 
other  helpers  and  friends,  and  this  eunuch  and  minion  held  the 
chief  place  in  his  regards.     A  deadly  enmity  arose  between  this 

•  Kdhuk,  dovecot. 


208  ZfATJ-D  DTK  BAEXr. 

Malik  Ndfb  Kdfur  and  Alp  Khan,'  the  father-in-law  and  ma- 
ternal uncle  of  Khizr  Khan.  Their  feud  involved  the  whole 
State,  and  day  by  day  increased.  Fourthly,  The  Eegulations 
of  the  government  were  not  enforced.  His  sons  gave  themselves 
up  to  dissipation  and  licentious  habits.  Malik  Naib  Kdfiir  and 
Alp  Khan  struggled  against  each  other;  and  the  Sultan  was 
seized  with  dropsy,  that  worst  of  diseases.  Day  by  day  his 
malady  grew  worse,  and  his  sons  plunged  still  deeper  into  dissipa- 
tion. Under  his  mortal  disorder  the  violence  of  his  temper  was 
increased  tenfold.  He  summoned  Malik  Naib  Kafur  from  Deogir, 
and  Alp  Kh4n  from  Gujardt.  The  traitor,  Malik  Naib  Kdfiir, 
perceived  that  the  feelings  of  the  Sultan  were  turned  against  his 
wife  and  Khizr  Khan.  He  acted  craftily,  and  induced  the  Sultan 
to  have  Alp  Khdn  killed,  although  he  had  committed  no  offence 
and  had  been  guilty  of  no  dishonesty.  He  caused  Khizr  Khan 
to  be  made  prisoner  and  sent  to  the  fort  of  Gwalior,  and  he  had 
the  mother  of  the  prince  turned  out  of  the  Red  Palace.  On  the 
day  that  Alp  Khdn  was  slain  and  Khizr  Khan  was  thrown  into 
bonds,  the  house  of  'A14u-d  din  fell.  A  serious  revolt  broke  out 
in  Gujarat,  and  Kamdlu-d  din  Garg,  who  was  sent  to  quell  it, 
was  slain  by  the  rebels.  Other  risings  occurred  and  were  spread- 
ing, and  the  rule  of  the  Sultdn  was  tottering  when  death  seized 
him.  Some  say  that  the  infamous^  Malik  Naib  Kdfur  helped 
his  disease  to  a  fatal  termination.  The  reins  of  government  fell 
into  the  hands  of  slaves  and  worthless  people ;  no  wise  man  re- 
mained to  guide,  and  each  one  did  as  he  listed.  On  the  sixth 
Shawwal,  towards  morning,  the  corpse  of  'Alau-d  din  was  brought 
out  of  the  Red  Palace  of  Siri,  and  was  buried  in  a  tomb  in  front 
of  the  Jdrai'  Masjid. 

On  the  second  day  after  the  death  of  'Alau-d  din,  Malik  Ndib 

1  Pirishta  gives  the  name  as  "  Ulugh  Eh&.ii "  (Aluf  Kh&.ii  in  the  translation),  but 
Alp  Eh8,n  is  right.     See  supra,  p.  157. 

"  The  author's  words  are  too  explicit  to  he  reproduced.  The  filthy  practices  al- 
luded to  are  everywhere  spoken  of  in  plain  terms,  without  the  slightest  attempt  at 
disguise.  They,  or  rather  the  perpetrators  of  them,  are  condemned,  but  the  many 
familiar  names  for  them,  show  that  they  were  but  too  common. 


TAETKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHf.  209 

Kdfiir  assembled  the  principal  nobles  and  officers  in  the  palace, 
and  produced  a  will  of  the  late  Sultdn  which  he  had  caused  to 
be  executed  in  favour  of  Malik  Shahabu-d  din,  removing  Khizr 
Khdn  from  being  heir  apparent.  With  the  assent  of  the  nobles 
he  placed  Shahabu-d  din  upon  the  throne,  but  as  the  new 
sovereign  was  a  child  of  only  five  or  six  years  old,  he  was  a 
mere  puppet  in  the  hands  of  schemers.  Malik  Ndib  KMur 
himself  undertook  the  conduct  of  the  government.  *  *  *  In 
the  earliest  days  of  his  power  he  sent  the  traitor,  Malik  Sumbul, 
to  put  out  the  eyes  of  Khizr  Kh4n  at  Gwalior,  and  he  promoted 
this  villain  to  be  Bdr-hah.  He  also  sent  his  barber  to  blind 
Shadi  Khan,  full  brother  of  Khizr  Khdn,  in  the  palace  of  Siri, 
by  cutting  his  eyes  from  their  sockets  with  a  razor,  like  slices 
of  melon.  He  took  possession  of  the  palace  of  the  heir  apparent, 
Khizr  Khan,  and  sent  his  mother,  the  Malika-i  Jahan,  into  miser- 
able retirement.  Then  he  seized  all  her  gold,  silver,  jewels  and 
valuables,  and  exerted  himself  to  put  down  the  partisans  of 
Khizr  Khdn,  who  were  rather  numerous.  He  ordered  Mubirak 
Khdn,  afterwards  Sultan  Kutbu-d  din,  who  was  of  the  same 
a^e  as  Khizr  Khdn,  to  be  confined  to  his  room,  and  intended  to 
have  him  blinded.  It  never  occurred  to  this  wretched  man,  nor 
did  any  one  point  out  to  him  that  his  setting  aside  of  the  queen 
and  princes  would  alienate  all  the  old  supporters  of  the  throne, 
and  that  no  one  would  put  any  trust  in  him.  *  *  *  His  great 
object  was  to  remove  all  the  children  and  wives  of  the  late_  Sultdn, 
all  the  nobles  and  slaves  who  had  claims  upon  the  throne,  and 
to  fill  their  places  with  creatures  of  his  own.  *  *  * 

While  he  was  thus  engaged  in  endeavouring  to  remove  all  the 
family  of  the  late  Sultan,  he  resolved  that  when  the  chief  nobles 
of.  the  throne  came  together  from  different  parts  of  the  country, 
he  would  seize  them  in  their  houses  and  kill  them.  But  Grod  be 
thanked  that  it  entered  into  the  hearts  of  some  pdiks,  slaves  of 
the  late  king,  who  had  charge  of  the  Hazar-sutun,  that  they 
ought  to  kill  this  wicked  fellow.  The  officers  had  observed  that 
every  night  after  the  company  had  retired,  and  the  doors  of  the 

TOL  III.  14 


210  ZrAU-D  DrN  BARNr. 

palace  were  shut,  Malik  Naib  Kafur  used  to  sit  up  all  night, 
plotting  with  his  creatures  the  destruction  of  the  late  Sultan's 
family  ;  they  therefore  resolved  that  they  would  slay  the  rascal, 
and  thus  obtain  an  honourable  name.  So  one  night,  when. the 
people  were  gone,  and  the  doors  were  locked,  these  pdiks  went 
with  drawn  swords  to  his  sleeping  room,  and  severed  his  wicked 
head  from  his  foul  body.  They  also  killed  all  his  confederates 
who  were  in  concert  with  him.  Thus  thirty-five  days  after  the 
death  of 'Alau-d  din,  Malik  Naib  Kdfur  was  decapitated,  and 
Khizr  Khan  and  Sh^di  Khdn  were  avenged. 

In  the  morning,  when  the  nobles  and  officers  attended  at  the 
palace  and  learned  that  the  wretch  was  dead,  and  saw  that  he 
was  mere  clay,  they  gave  thanks  to  God,  and  with  a  feeling  of 
renewed  life  congratulated  each  other.  The  same  pdiks  who  had 
done  the  deed  brought  forth  Mubarak  Khan  from  the  chamber 
in  which  Malik  K4fur  had  confined  him,  and  had  intended  to 
blind  him,  and  placed  him  in  the  situation  of  director  (naib)  to 
Shahdbu-d  din,  instead  of  Malik  Kafur.  They  thought  and 
boasted  to  themselves  that  they  could  remove  and  kill  one  of  the 
two  princes,  and  make  the  other  one  Sultan.  Mubarak  Khan 
acted  as  director  for  Shahabu-d  din  several  months,  and  managed 
the  government.  He  was  seventeen  or  eighteen  years  old,  and 
he  made  friends  of  many  of  the  malihs  and  amirs.  He  then 
seated  himself  upon  the  throne  with  the  title  of  Kutbu-d  din, 
and  sent  Shahabu-d  din  a  prisoner  to  Grwalior,  where  he  had  him 
deprived  of  sight.  The  pdiks  who  had  killed  Malik  Kafur  now 
talked  in  vaunting  tones  at  the  door  of  the  palace,  boasting  of 
having  slain  the  Malik,  and  of  having  raised  Kutbu-d  din  to  the 
throne.  They  claimed  to  have  seats  below  the  maliks  and  amirs, 
and  to  receive  robes  before  them.  *  *  *  They  collected  at  the 
door  of  the  palace,  and  went  in  before  all  to  the  audience  chamber. 
Sultdn  Kutbu-d  din,  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign,  was 
therefore  compelled  to  give  orders  that  these  pdiks  should  be 
separated,  and  sent  to  different  places,  where  they  were  killed, 
and  an  end  put  to  their  pretensions.  *  *  » 


TAHrKH-I  FrEOZ  SHA'Hr.  211 

SULTANU-S  ShAHID    KuTBU-D    DUMYA    WATT-D   DiN.  't 

Sultdn  Kutbu-d  din,  son  of  Sultan  'Alau-d  din,  ascended  the 
throne  in  the  year  717^  H.  (1317  a.d.).  He  gave  to  Malik 
Dindr,  the  keeper  of  the  elephants,  the  title  Zafar  Khan,  tb 
Muhammad  Mauland,  his  maternal  uncle,  the  title  Sher  Khdri. 

*  *  *  There  was  a  young  Parwari,  named  Hasan,  who  had  beeh 
brought  up  by  Malik  Shd,dl,  the  Ndib-Mjib.  The  Sultan  took 
an  inordinate  liking  for  this  youth.  In  the  very  first  year  of  hife 
reign  he  raised  him  to  distinction,  and  gave  him  the  title  of 
Khusru  Khan.  He  was  so  infatuated  and  so  heedless  of  conse- 
quences, that  he  placed  the  army  of  the  late  Malik  Nalb  Kafur 
under  this  youth,  and  gave  to  him  the  fiefs  held  by  that  malik. 
His  passion  and  temerity  carried  him  so  far  that  he  raised  the 
youth  to  the  office  of  wazir,  and  he  was  so  doting  that  he  could 
never  endure  his  absence  for  a  moment.  The  trouble  which  had 
prevailed  in  the  land,  from  the  beginning  of  the  sickness  of 
'Alau-d  din  to  the  death  of  Malik  Naib  Kafur,  began  to  abate 
on  the  accession  of  Kutbu-d  din.  People  felt  secure,  and  were 
relieved  from  the  apprehension  of  death,  and  the  nobles  were 
released  from  the  dread  of  death  and  punishment. 

When  Kutbu-d  din  came  to  the  throne  he  was  much  given  to 
dissipation  and  pleasure.  Still  he  was  a  man  of  some  excellent 
qualities.  When  he  escaped  from  the  danger  of  death  and  blind- 
ing, and  was  delivered  from  evils  of  many  kinds ;  when  he  was 
relieved  from  despair  of  the  future  and  became  ruler,  on  the  day 
of  his  accession  he  gave  orders  that  the  (political)  prisoners 
and  exiles  of  the  late  reign,  amounting  to  seventeen  or  eighteeii 
thousand  in  number,  should  all  be  released  in  the  city  and  in  all 
parts  of  the  country.  The  amnesty  was  circulated  by  couriers 
in  every  direction,  and  the  miserable  captives  broke  forth  in 
praises  of  the  new  sovereign.  Six  months'  pay  was  given  to  the 
army,  and  the  allowances  and  grants  to  the  nobles  were  increased. 

*  *  *  The  Sultan  from  his^  good  nature  relieved  the  people  of 

'  Note  in  the  t&t.  Amir  Khusr(i,  in  his  Masnawl  Nuh  sipihr,  makes  the  year 
to  be  716. 


212  ZrAU-D  DfN  BAENr. 

the  heavy  tribute  and  oppressive  demands;  and  penalties,  extor- 
tion, beating,  chains,  fetters,  and  blows  were  set  aside  in  revenue 
matters.  Through  his  love  of  pleasure,  and  extravagance,  and 
ease,*  all  the  regulations  and  arrangements  of  the  late  reign  fell 
into  disuse ;  and  through  his  laxity  in  business  matters  all  men 
took  their  ease,  'being  saved  from  the  harsh  temper,  severe  treat- 
ment, and  oppressive  orders  of  the  late  king.  Gold  and  gilt, 
silver  and  silver-gilt,  again  made  their  appearance  indoors  and 
out  of  doors  in  the  streets.  Men  were  no  longer  in  doubt  and 
fear  of  hearing,  "  Do  this,  but  don't  do  that ;  say  this,  but  don't 
say  that ;  hide  this,  but  don't  hide  that ;  eat  this,  but  don't  eat 
that ;  sell  such  as  this,  but  don't  sell  things  like  that ;  act  like 
this,  but  don't  act  like  that."  *  *  *  After  the  accession  of 
Kutbu-d  din  all  the  old  Regulations  were  disregarded,  the  world 
went  on  to  the  content  of  men  of  pleasure,  and  an  entirely  new 
order  of  things  was  established  ;  all  fear  and  awe  of  the  royal 
authority  vanished.  *  *  *  The  Sultan  plunged  into  sensual 
indulgences  openly  and  publicly,  by  night  and  by  day,  and  the 
people  followed  his  example.  Beauties  were  not  to  be  obtained. 
*  *  *  The  price  of  a  boy,  or  handsome  eunuch,  or  beautiful 
damsel,  varied  from  500  to  1000  and  2000  tankas. 

Of  all  the  Eegulations  of  the  late  Sultan,  that  prohibiting 
wine  was  the  one  maintained  by  the  new  sovereign.  But  such 
was  the  disregard  of  orders  and  contempt  of  restrictions  that  wine- 
shops were  publicly  opened,  and  vessels  of  wine  by  hundreds 
came  into  the  city  from  the  country.  The  necessaries  of  life  and 
grain  rose  in  price,  the  old  regulations  and  tariffs  were  unheeded, 
and  piece  goods  were  sold  at  prices  fixed  by  the  vendors.  The 
Multanis  engaged  in  their  own  business,  and  in  every  house 
drums  and  tabors  were  beaten,  for  the  hdzdr  people  rejoiced  over 
the  death  of  'Alau-d  din.  They  now  sold  their  goods  at  their 
own  price,  and  cheated  and  fleeced  people  as  they  listed.  They 
reviled  the  late  Sultin,  and  lauded  the  new  one.  The  wages  of 
labourers  rose  .twenty-five  per  cent.,  and  servants  who  had  re- 
'  "  Sahal-giri,"  Mi.  taking  it  easy. 


TAEfKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHf.  213 

ceived  ten  or  twelve  tanhas  now  got  seventy,  eighty,  and  a 
hundred  tankas.  The  doors  of  bribery,  extortion,  and  malversa- 
tion were  thrown  open,  and  a  good  time  for  the  revenue  officers 
came  round.  Through  the  diminution  of  their  tribute,  the 
Hindus  again  found  pleasure  and  happiness,  and  were  beside 
themselves  with  joy.  They  who  had  plucked  the  green  ears  of 
corn  because  they  could  not  get  bread,  who  had  not  a  decent 
garment,  and  who  had  been  so  harassed  by  corporal  punish- 
ments that  they  had  not  even  time  to  scratch  their  heads,  now 
put  on  fine  apparel,  rode  on  horseback,  and  shot  their  arrows. 
Through  all  the  reign  of  Kutbu-d  din,  not  one  of  the  old  Rules 
and  Regulations  remained  in  force,  no  order  was  maintained, 
new  practices  sprung  up,  the  doors  were  kept  closed  and  spies 
were  useless,  and  no  regularity  or  authority  was  maintained  in 
the  revenue  department.  The  people  were  delivered  from  their 
distress,  and  every  man  engaged  in  pleasure  according  to  the 
extent  of  his  means.  *  *  * 

Through  the  indolence  and  liberality  of  Kutbu-d  din,  and 
through  the  abeyance  of  the  old  Regulations,  licentiousness  spread 
among  the  Musulmdns,  and  disaffection  and  rebeUion  appeared 
among  the  Hindus.  He  plunged  deeply  into  pleasure  and  de- 
bauchery ;  the  world  likewise  sported  in  the  same.  *  *  *  During 
(his  reign  of)  four  years  and  four  months,  the  Sultan  attended 
to  nothing  but  drinking,  listening  to  music,  debauchery  and 
pleasure,  scattering  gifts,  and  gratifying  his  lusts.  If  the 
Mughals  had  come  up  during  his  reign ;  if  a  rival  had  made 
pretensions  to  the  throne ;  if  any  serious  rebellion  or  sedition 
had  broken  out  in  any  quarter,  no  one  can  tell  what  might  have 
happened  to  Dehli  through  the  Sultan's  negligence,  heedlessness, 
and  dissipation.  But  in  his  reign  there  was  no  deficiency  in  the 
crops,  no  alarm  from  the  Mughals,  no  irreparable  calamity  from 
above  visited  the  earth,  no  revolt  or  great  disturbance  arose  in 
any  quarter,  not  a  hair  of  any  one  was  injured,  and  the  name 
of  grief  or  sorrow  never  entered  the  breast,  or  passed  from  the 
tongue  of  any  one.     His  whole  life  was  passed  in  extreme  dis- 


214  zrATJ-D  DrN  BAENr. 

sipation   alid   utter  negligence :    debauchery,   drunkenness,   and 
shamelessness  proved  his  ruin.  *  *  * 

'  In  the  first  year  of  the  reign  a  numerous  army  was  sent  to 
put  down  the  revolt  of  Alp  Khan,  who  had  slain  Kam&lu-d  din 
Garg,  and  had  stirred  up  such  a  disturbance  that  Grujarat  had 
shaken  off  its  allegiance. .  'Ainu-1  Mulk  Multanl  was  sent  with 
an  army  to  Grujardt.  This  officer  was  a  very  intelligent,  ex- 
perienced, and  practical  man.  He  marched  with  the  army  of 
Dehli  and  several  distinguished  amirs  to  Gujardt,  and  defeated 
ike  forces  of  the  rovolters.  They  were  entirely  subdued,  and 
the  maiiag'ement  of  'Ainu-1  Mulk,  and  the  valour  of  the  army  of 
Dehli,  once  more  reduced  Nahrwala  and  all  the  country  of  Gu- 
jarat to  obedience.  This  army  took  the  field  again,  and  defeated 
several  of  the  promoters  and  leaders  of  this  revolt,  who  were 
compelled  to  flee  to  Hindus  in  distant  parts. 

Sultan  Kutbu-d  din  married  the  daughter  of  Malik  Dinar,  to 
whom  he  had  given  the  title  of  Zafar  Khdn.  The  Khan  was  one 
of  the  old  servants  [handagdn)  of  'Alau-d  din,  an  intelligent  and 
prudent  man,  who  had  seen  changes  of  fortune,  and  had  drawn 
experience  from  them.  He  was  now  made  governor  (ledli)  of 
Gujarat,  and  proceeded  thither  with  amirs,  officers,  and  a  veteran 
army.  In  four  months  he  brought  the  country  into  such  sub- 
jdction,  that  the  people  forgot  Alp  Khan  and  his  ascendency. 
All  the  rdis  and  mukaddims  of  the  country  waited  upon  hira, 
much  money  was  acquired,  and  a  select  army  was  maintained 
always  ready  for  service. 

Although  the  Sultan  did  not  maintain  the  Eules  and  E.egu-> 
lations  of  the  late  reign,  the  old  servants  of  the  State  continued 
in  their  various  posts,  and  retained  their  great  fiefs.  Hence  all 
the  territories  of  the  State  were  made  secure  in  the  first  year  of 
the  reign,  no  sedition  or  rebellion  occurred  in  any  quarter,  nor 
did  any  distress  or  anarchy  make  its  appearance.  The  accession 
of  the  new  king  was  universally  accepted. 

In  the  year  718  h.  (1318  a.d.)  the  Sultan  marched  with  his 
maliks  and  amii-s  at  the  head  of  an  army  against  Deoglr,  which. 


TARrKH-i  rraoz  sHAnr.  215 

upon  the  death  of  Malik  N4Ib  Kafur,  had  thrown  off  its  subjec- 
tion, and  had  been  taken  possession  of  by  Harpal  Deo  and  Earn 
Deo.  In  the  heedlessness  of  youth  he-  did  not  nominate  a  wise 
and  experienced  man  to  act  as  his  vicegerent  during  his  absence ; 
but  he  selected  a  youthful  slave,  named  Shahin,  who  had  been 
called  Barilda  during  the  reign  of  'A14u-d  din,  and  whom  he 
now  entitled  Wafa-e  Mulk.  In  his  extreme  rashness  and  utter 
disregard  of  appearances,  he  placed  Dehli  and  the  treasures  of 
Dehli  under  this  lad,  without  giving  a  moment's  thought  to  dis- 
turbances or  other  things  that  might  happen  in  his  absence.  On 
arriving  at  Deogir,  Harpal  Deo  and  the  other  Hindus  who  had 
joined  him  were  unable  to  withstand  the  army  of  Islam,  and  they 
and  all  the  mukaddims  dispersed,  so  that  the  Sultan  recovered  the 
fort  without  fighting  and  spilling  of  blood.  The  Sultan  then  sent 
some  officers  in  pursuit  of  Harpal  Deo,  who  was  the  leader  of  the 
rebels,  and  had  excited  the  revolt.  He  was  captured,  and  the 
Sultan  ordered  him  to  be  flayed,  and  his  skin  to  be  hung  over 
the  gate  of  Deoorlr.  The  rains  came  on  and  the  Sultan  remained 
with  the  army  for  a  time  at  Deogir.  All  the  Mahrattas  were 
once  more  brought  into  subjection.  The  Sultan  selected  as 
governor  of  Deogir,  Malik  Yak  Lakhi,  an  old  servant  {handd) 
of  'Alau-d  din,  who  for  many  years  was  ndib  of  the  harids 
(spies) ;  and  he  appointed  feudatories,  rulers,  and  revenue-col- 
lectors over  the  territories  of  the  Mahrattas. 

When  Oanopus  appeared  the  Sultan  resolved  upon  returning 
to  Dehli.  He  then  granted  a  canopy  to  Khusru  Khan,  and 
raised  him  to  a  dignity  and  distinction  higher  than  had  ever  been 
attained  by  Malik  Naib  Kafur.  In  fact,  his  infatuation  for  this 
infamous  and  traitorous  Parwdri  exceeded  that  of  'AlAu-d  din  for 
Malik  Ndib  Kdfiir.  He  sent  him  at  the  head  of  an  army  with 
maliks  and  amirs  into  Ma'bar ;  and  as  'Alau-d  din  gave  full  powers 
to  Naib  Kcifiir,  sent  him  with  an  army  into  a  distance,  and  placed 
in  his  hands  the  means  of  conquest,  so,  in  like  manner,  Kutbu-d 
din  sent  the  vile  Malik  Khusru  into  Ma'bar.  Malik  Khusru  was 
a  base,  designing,  treacherous,  low-born  fellow.  *  *  He  rose  from 


216  zrAU-D  DrN  baeni. 

one  dignity  to  another,  and  received  the  title  of  Khusru  Kh4n, 
He  was  also  made  commander-in-chief,  and  all  the  affairs  of  the 
army  were  in  his  hands.  *  *  *  But  the  vile  wretch  had  often 
thought  of  cutting  down  the  Sultdn  with  his  sword  when  they 
were  alone  together.  »  *  *  "When  he  marched  from  Deogfr  to 
Ma'bar,  he  used  to  hold  secret  councils  at  night  with  some  of  his 
fellow  Hindus,  and  with  several  disaffected  adherents  of  Malik 
Naib  Kafur,  whom  he  had  taken  as  friends,  about  making  a 
revolt ;  and  thus  intriguing,  he  arrived  in  Ma'bar.  The  Sultan 
himself  returned  towards  Dehli,  drinking  and  indulging  in  dissi- 
pation. 

Malik  Asadu-d  din,  son  of  Malik  Yagharsh  Khdn,  uncle  of 
Sultdn  'Alau-d  din,  was  a  brave  and  renowned  warrior.  He  saw 
the  king  given  up  to  debauchery,  and  utterly  regardless  of  the 
affairs  of  his  kingdom.  Youths  of  new-made  fortunes,  without 
experience,  and  knowing  nothing  of  the  world,  were  chosen  by 
the  Sultan  as  his  advisers,  and  men  of  wisdom  and  counsel  were 
set  aside.  All  alike  were  heedless,  haughty,  and  unsuspicious. 
Malik  Asad,  seeing  all  this,  conspired  with  some  malcontents  of 
Deogir,  and  formed  a  plot  to  seize  the  Sultan,  at  Ghati-sakun, 
when  drinking  in  his  harem,  unattended  by  guards.  Some  horse- 
men with  drawn  swords  were  to  rush  in  and  kill  him,  and  after 
that  the  royal  canopy  was  to  be  raised  over  Malik  Asad,  as  brother 
and  heir  of  'A14u-d  din.  It  was  presumed  that  after  the  death  of 
the  Sultan  there  would  be  no  opposition  to  Malik  Asad's  eleva- 
tion, but  that  all  people  would  support  him.  This  was  the  plot 
which  the  conspirators  had  conceived  and  matured.  While  on  the 
march  they  saw  that  ten  or  twelve  resolute  horsemen  might  enter 
the  harem  and  kill  the  Sultdn,  but  his  time  was  not  yet  come ; 
*  *  *  and  one  evening  one  of  the  conspirators  came  in  to  the 
Sultdn  and  gave  full  information  of  the  plot.  The  Sultdn  halted 
at  Ghati-sakun,  and  there  arrested  Malik  Asad  and  his  brothers, 
with  all  the  party  of  conspirators  who  were  leagued  with  them. 
After  some  investigation,  they  were  all  beheaded  in  front  of  the 
royal  tent.     Following  the  custom  of  his  father,  the  Sultdn,  in 


TAEIKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHr.  217 

his  ruthlessness,  ordered  the  arrest  at  Dehli  of  twenty-nine  indi- 
viduals, sons  of  Yagharsh  Khdn.  These  were  all  of  tender  years, 
and  had  never  left  their  homes.  They  had  no  knowledge  what- 
ever of  the  conspiracy,  but  they  were  all  seized  and  slaughtered 
like  sheep.  Their  wealth,  which  their  father,  the  uncle  of 
the  late  Sultan,  had  amassed  in  a  long  course  of  time,  was 
brought  into  the  royal  treasury,  and  the  women  and  girls  of  the 
family  were  turned  into  the  streets  and  left  homeless. 

The  Sultdn  escaped  from  this  plot  by  the  decree  of  God  ;  but 
he  learned  no  wisdom  from  it,  made  no  change  in  his  conduct, 
and  gave  up  none  of  his  dissolute  drunken  habits.  As  he 
pursued  his  journey  homewards,  he  arrived  at  Jh^in,  from 
whence  he  sent  Shadi  Kath,  chief  of  his  guards  (silahddr), 
to  the  fort  of  Gwalior,  with  orders  to  put  to  death  at  one  fell 
swoop  Khizr  Khdn,  Shadi  Khdn,  and  Malik  Shahabu-d  din,  sons 
of  the  late  'Aldu-d  din,  who  had  been  deprived  of  sight,  and 
were  dependent  on  him  for  food  and  raiment.  According  to  his 
orders  Shadi  Kath  slew  the  poor  blind  wretches,  and  carried 
their  mothers  and  wives  to  Dehli.  Acts  of  violence  and  tyranny 
like  this  became  the  practice.  *  *  *  The  good  qualities  which 
the  Sultan  had  possessed  were  now  all  perverted.  He  gave  way 
to  wrath  and  obscenity,  to  severity,  revenge,  and  heartlessness. 
He  dipped  his  hands  in  innocent  blood,  and  he  allowed  his  tongue 
to  utter  disgusting  and  abusive  words  to  his  companions  and 
attendants.  *  *  *  After  he  returned  from  Deogir,  no  human 
being,  whether  friend  or  stranger,  dared  to  boldly  advise  him 
upon  the  affairs  of  his  realm.  The  violent,  vindictive  spirit 
which  possessed  him  led  him  to  kill  Zafar  K'hdn,,  the  governor  of 
Gujarat,  who-had  committed  no  offence;  and  thus  with  his  own 
hands  to  uproot  the  foundation  of  his  own  supremacy.  A  short 
time  after,  he  caused  to  be  decapitated  Malik  Shahin,  one  of 
his  vile  creatures,  to  whom  he  had  given  the  title  of  Wafa-e 
Mulk,  and  whom  he  had  once  made  his  vicegerent.  *  *  He  cast 
aside  all  regard  for  decency,  and  presented  himself  decked  out  in 
the  trinkets  and  apparel  of  a  female  before  his  assembled  com- 


218  ■  ZrAU-D  DIN  BAENr. 

pany.  He  gave  up  attendance  on  public  prayer,  and  publicly 
broke  the  fast  of  the  month  of  Ramazan.  Malik  'Ainu-1 
Mulk  Multani  was  one  of  the  greatest  nobles  of  the  time  ;  but  he 
caused  him  and  Malik  Kardbeg,  who  held  no  less  than  fourteen 
offices,  to  be  assailed  with  such  filthy  and  disgusting  abuse,  by 
low  women,  from  the  roof  of  the  palace  of  the  Hazar-sutun,  as 
the  occupants  of  that  palace  had  never  heard  before.  In  his 
recklessness  he  made  a  Gujar^ti,  named  Tauba,  supreme  in  his 
palace,  and  this  low-born  bhand  would  call  the  nobles  by  the 
name  of  wife  or  mother,  would  defile  and  befoul  their  garments, 
and  sometimes  made  his  appearance  in  company  stark  naked, 
talking  obscenity.  *  *  * 

After  the  execution  of  Zafar  Kh^n,  he  conferred  the  government 
of  Gujarat  upon  his  favourite  Hisamu-d  din,i  maternal  uncle  of 
the  traitor  Khusru  Khan,  and  sent  him  to  Nahrwdla  with  amirs, 
officers,  and  men  of  business.  All  the  army  and  attendants  of  Zafar 
Khan  were  placed  under  this  fellow,  an  ill-conditioned  Parwari 
slave,  whom  the  Sultan  had  often  thrashed.  This  base-born 
upstart  proceeded  to  Gujardt,  and  collecting  his  kindred  and 
connections  among  the  Parwaris,  he  stirred  up  a  revolt.  But 
the  nobles  of  Gujarat  collected  their  forces  and  adherents,  made 
him  prisoner,  and  sent  him  to  Dehli.  The  Sultdn,  in  his' in- 
fatuation for  his  brother,  gave  him  a  slap  on  the  face,  but  soon 
after  set  him  at  liberty,  and  made  him  one  of  his  personal  atten- 
dants. When  the  nobles  of  Gujardt  heard  of  this  they  were 
confounded,  and  felt  disgusted  with  the  Sultan.  After  the  re- 
moval of  this  brother  of  Khusru  Khdn,  the  government  of 
Gujarat  was  given  to  Malik  Wahidu-d  din  Kuraishi,  who,  in 
comparison,  was  a  worthy  and  fit  person ;  and  he  received  the 
title  of  Sadaru-1  Mulk.  *  *  * 

Malik  Yak  Lakhi,  governor  of  Deoglr,  revolted;  but  when  the 
intelligence  reached  the  Sultdn,  he  sent  a  force  against  him,  from 
Dehli,  which  made  him  and  his  confederates  prisoners.  When  they 
were  brought  to  the  Sultin,  he  had  the  ears  and  nose  of  Yak 

'  Here  he  ia  called  "  barddar  i  mddar,"  elsewliere  "  barddar,"  of  Khusrfl. 


TAHrXH-I  Fmoz  SHA'HT.  219 

Lakhi  cut  off,  and  publicly  disgraced  him.  His  confederates  also 
received  punishment.  Malik  'Ainu-1  Mulk,  Taju-1  Mulk,  and 
Yamkhiru-1  Mulk  were  sent  as  governor  and  assistants  to 
Deogir,  and  these  being  good  men,  their  appointments  excited 
surprise.  They  soon  settled  the  district,  regulated  the  forces, 
and  made  arrangements  for  the  payment  of  the  tribute.  *  *  * 

When  Khusru  Khdn  marched  from  Deogir  to  Ma'bar,  it  was 
seen  that  he  acted  in  the  same  way  as  Malik  Naib  Kdfur  had 
done.  The  Edis  of  Ma'bar  fled  with  their  treasures  and  valu- 
ables ;  but  about  a  hundred  elephants,  which  had  been  left  in 
two  cities,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Khusru  Khan.  On  his  arriving 
in  Ma'bar  the  rains  came  on,  and  he  was  compelled  to  remain. 
There  was  in  Ma'bar  a  merchant,  named  Taki  Kh4n,  a  Sunni  by 
profession,  who  had  acquired  great  wealth,  which  he  had  purified 
by  paying  the  alms  prescribed  by  his  religion.  Relying  on  the 
fact  of  the  invading  army  being  Musulmdn,  he  did  not  flee. 
Khusru  Khdn,  who  had  nothing  in  his  heart  but  rapacity  and 
villany,  seized  this  Musulman,  took  his  money  from  him  by 
force,  and  put  him  to  death,  declaring  the  money  to  belong 
to  the  treasury.  Whilst  he  remained  in  Ma'bar  he  did  nothing 
but  plot  with  his  confidants  as  to  the  best  means  of  seizing 
and  putting  to  death  those  nobles  who  supported  the  reign- 
ing dynasty ;  and  he  consulted  with  them  as  to  the  course  he 
should  pursue,  whom  of  the  army  he  should  make  his  friends, 
and  whom  he  should  get  rid  of.  He  fixed  his  attention  upon 
certain  of  the  old  Maliks,  such  as  Malik  Tamar  of  Chanderi, 
Malik  Afghan,  and  Malik  Talbagha  Yaghda  of  Karra,  who  had  . 
considerable  forces  at  their  command,  and  he  made  some  ad- 
vances to  them.  His  treacherous  designs  and  rebellious  inten- 
tions reached  the  ears  of  the  old  nobles,  and  they  perceived,  from 
many  other  signs  and  appearances,  that  the  flames  of  rebellion 
were  about  to  break  forth.  So  the  loyal  nobles  Malik  Tamar 
and  Malik  Talbagha  Yaghda  sent  to  tell  him  that  they  had 
heard  of  his  doing  his  utmost  to  get  up  a  rebellion,  and  that  he 
wished  to  remain  where  he  was,  and  not  return  to  Dehli ;  but 


220  zrAU-D  DrN  baeni. 

they  added  that  they  would  not  allow  him  to  remain,  and  that 
he  had  better  make  up  his  mind  to  return  whilst  there  remained 
a  show  of  amity  between  them,  and  without  their  having  to  seize 
him.  By  many  devices  and  menaces  they  induced  him  to  return, 
and  did  all  they  could  think  of  and  contrive  to  bring  him  and 
his  army  to  Dehli.  Their  expectation  was  that  the  Sultan,  on 
learning  the  facts,  would  show  them  great  favour,  and  would 
punish  Khusrii  Kh4n  and  his  fellow-conspirators.  The  Sultan 
was  so  infatuated,  and  so  strongly  desired  the  presence  of 
Khusru  Khdn,  that  he  sent  relays  of  bearers  with  a  litter  to 
bring  him  with  all  haste  from  Deogir  in  the  course  of  seven 
or  eight  days.  *  *  *  Khusrti  Khan  told  the  Sultan  that 
some  maliks,  who  were  his  enemies,  had  charged  him  with 
treason,  and  were  weaving  a  tissue  of  lies  against  him.  Then 
he  insinuated  some  counter-charges  into  the  ears  of  the  Sultan, 
who  was  so  deluded  as  to  believe  what  he  represented.  *  *  * 
The  army  afterwards  arrived,  and  Malik  Tamar  and  Malik 
Talbagha  made  a  report  of  the  designs  of  the  Khan.  *  *  * 
Fate  blinded  the  Sultan,  and  he  would  not  believe.  *  *  *  He 
grew  angry  with  the  accusers.  He  ordered  Malik  Tamar  to  be 
degraded,  and  not  to  be  allowed  to  enter  (the  palace) ;  and  he 
took  from  him  the  territory  of  Ohanderi,  and  gave  it  to  the 
Parwdri  boy.  Malik  Talbagha  Yaghda,  who  had  spoken  more 
plainly  about  the  plans  of  the  traitor,  was  deprived  of  sight, 
beaten  on  the  mouth,  stripped  of  his  offices,  territories,  and 
retainers,  and  put  in  prison.  Whoever  spoke  of  their  fidelity, 
or  testified  to  the  treachery  of  Khusrd  Khdn,  received  condign 
punishment,  and  was  imprisoned  or  banished.  All  the  atten- 
dants of  the  court  plainly  perceived  that  to  speak  against  him 
would  be  to  court  the  same  chastisement.  The  wise  men  of  the 
court  and  city  saw  that  the  Sultdn's  end  was  approaching.  *  *  * 
After  Khusru  Kh4n  had  crushed  his  accusers,  he  prosecuted 
his  schemes  with  all  his  energy.  The  Sultdn  had  quarrelled  with 
Bah4u-d  din,  his  secretary,  about  a  woman,  and  this  man,  eager 
for  revenge,  was  won  over  by  the  traitor.     Before  proceeding  fur- 


TAErKH-I  FIEOZ  SHAHf.  221 

ther  with  his  designs,  Khusru  represented  to  the  SultS,n  that  he 
had  been  made  a  great  man  by  his  Majesty's  favour,  and  had 
been  sent  on  an  important  command  into  a  distant  country.  The 
maliks  and  amirs  had  their  relations  and  friends  and  adherents 
around  them,  but  he  had  none ;  he  therefore  begged  that  he 
might  be  allowed  to  send  unto  Bahlawdl  and  the  country  of 
Grujardt  for  some  of  his  own  connections.  The  Sultan,  in  his 
doting  and  heedlessness,  gave  the  permission.  Khusru  then 
brought  some  Gujardtis,  called  Parwaris,'^  and,  pretending  they 
were  his  kinsfolk,  kept  them  near  him,  giving  them  horses  and 
clothes,  and  entertaining  them  in  grand  state.  The  villain,  in 
prosecution  of  his  designs,  used  to  call  the  chiefs  of  these  Par- 
waris  and  some  other  conspirators  round  him  every  night,  in 
the  rooms  of  Malik  Ndib  Kafur,  to  plot  with  him,  and  each  of 
them  used  to  propose  the  plan  which  his  malignity  suggested 
for  killino;  the  Sultdn.  Just  at  this  time  the  Sultan  went  on  a 
hunting  excursion  to  Sarsawa,  and  the  Parwaris  proposed  to 
execute  their  design  in  the  field;  but  some  of  their  leaders  op- 
posed this,  arguing  that  if  they  slew  the  Sultan  in  the  field,  all 
his  armed  followers  would  collect  and  destroy  the  assassins.  *  * 
It  seemed  preferable  to  accomplish  their  purpose  in  the  palace, 
and  make  that  building  their  protection.  They  might  then, 
after  the  deed  was  done,  call  the  maliks  and  amirs  together  and 
make  them  accomplices,  or  kill  them  on  their  refusal.  *  *  * 

After  the  Sultdn  returned  from  his  excursion,  the  favourite 
made  another  request.  He  said  that  when  he  returned  home 
from  the  palace  at  early  dawn,  the  doors  were  locked,  and  those 
kinsfolk  who  had  come  from  Gujarat  to  enjoy  his  society  could  not 
then  see  him.  If  some  of  his  men  were  entrusted  with  the  key 
of  the  postern  gate,  (dar-i  chdk),  he  might  bring  his  friends  into 
the  lower  apartments  and  hold  converse  with  them.  The  Sultdn, 
in  his  infatuation,  did  not  perceive  the  design,  and  the  keys  were 
given  over.  Every  night,  after  the  first  or  second  watch,  armed 
Parwaris,  to  the  number  of  300,  used  to  enter  by  the  postern,  and 

'  Barddrdn  in  the  print,  but  JBardwdn  and  Bardwan  in  the  MSS. 


222  ZrAtr-D  DIN  BAENr. 

assemble  in  the  lower  apartments.  The  guards  of  the  palace  saw 
the  entry  of  armed  men,  and  had  their  suspicions  ;  and  men  of 
sense  all  perceived  that  this  entry  of  the  Parwaris  boded  evil. 

*  *  *  But  no  human  beino-  dared  to  utter  a  word  to  the  Sultdn, 
even  to  save  his  life.  *  *  *  Kazi  Ziau-d  din,  generally  called  Kdzi 
Khan,  *  *  venturing  his  life,  spoke  to  the  Sultan  [aeqiiainting 
him  with  the  facts,  and  urging  Mm  to  make  an  investigation'].  The 
Sultan  was  incensed  at  the  words  of  the  Kdzi,  grossly  abused 
him,  and  spurned  his  honest  counsels.  Just  then  Khusrii  came 
in,  and  the  Sultdn  [told  him  what  the  Kdzt  had  said].  The  in- 
famous wretch  then  began  to  weep  and  lament,  saying,  that  the 
great  kindness  and  distinction  which  the  Sultan  had  bestowed 
upon  him  had  made  all  the  nobles  and  attendants  of  the  Court 
his  enemies,  and  they  were  eager  to  take  his  life.     The  Sultan 

*  *  *  said  that  if  all  the  world  were  turned  upside  down,  and  if  all 
his  companions  were  of  one  voice  in  accusing  Khusru,  he  would 
sacrifice  them  all  for  one  hair  of  his  head.  *  *  *  When  a  fourth 
of  the  night  was  past  and  the  first  watch  had  struck,  *  *  Randhol, 
the  maternal  uncle  {niyd)  of  Khusru,  and  several  Parwaris,  entered 
the  Hazdr-sutun  with  their  swords,  which  they  hid  under  a  sheet. 

*  *  *  A  Parwdri  named  Jahariya,  who  had  been  appointed  to 
kill  the  Sultan,  approached  Kazi  Ziau-d  din,  and  pierced  him 
with  a  spear,  which  he  drew  from  under  the  sheet.  *  *  An  out- 
cry arose  in  the  palace,  and  Jahariya  hastened,  with  some  other 
armed  Parwaris,  to  the  upper  rooms.  The  whole  palace  was 
filled  with  Parwdris,  and  the  uproar  increased.  The  Sultan 
heard  it,  and  asked  Khusru  what  it  was.  *  *  He  went  and 
looked,  and  told  the  Sultdn  that  his  horses  had  broken  loose, 
and  were  running  about  in  the  court-yard,  where  men  were  en- 
gaged in  catching  them.  Just  at  this  time  Jahariya,  with  his 
followers,  came  to  the  upper  story,  and  despatched  the  ofiicers  and 
door-keepers.  The  violent  uproar  convinced  the  Sultan  that 
treason  was  at  work,  so  he  put  on  his  slippers  and  ran  towards 
the  harem.  The  traitor  saw  that  if  the  Sultdn  escaped  to  the 
women's  apartments,  it  would  be  difficult  to  consummate  the  plot. 


TAEfKH-I  rrROZ  SHAHr.  223 

Prompt  in  his  villany,  he  rushed  after  the  Sultan  and  seized 
him  behind  by  the  hair,  which  he  twisted  tightly  round  his  hand. 
The  Sultan  threw  him  down  and  got  upon  his  breast,  but  the 
rascal  would  not  release  his  hold.  They  were  in  this  position 
when  Jahariyd  entered  at  the  head  of  the  conspirators.  Khusru 
called  out  to  him  to  be  careful.  The  assassin  stuck  the  Sultan 
in  the  breast  with  a  spear,  dragged  him  off  Khusru,  dashed 
him  to  the  ground,  and  cut  off  his  head.  All  persons  that  were 
in  the  palace  or  upon  the  roof  were  slain  by  the  Parwaris,  who 
filled  all  the  upper  story.  The  watchmen  fled  and  hid  themselves. 
The  Parwaris  lighted  torches  ;  they  then  cast  the  headless  trunk 
of  the  Sultan  into  the  court-yard.  The  people  saw  it,  and  knew 
what  had  happened.  Every  one  retired  to  his  home  in  fear. 
Randhol,  Jahariyd,  and  other  of  the  assassins,  proceeded  to  the 
harem.  They  killed  the  widow  of  'Alau-d  din,  mother  of  Farid 
Khan  and  'Umar  Khdn,  and  committed  atrocities  which  had  never 
been  paralleled  among  infidels  and  heathens.  *  *  *  After  killing 
all  there  were  to  kill,  the  whole  palace  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Parwdris.  Lamps  and  torches  were  lighted  in  great  numbers, 
and  a  Court  was  held.  Though  it  was  midnight,  Malik  'Ainu-d 
din  Multani,  Malik  Wahidu-d  din  Kuraishi,  Malik '  Fakhru-d 
din  Juna  afterwards  Sultan  Muhammad  Tughlik,  and  other 
nobles  and  great  men  were  sent  for,  and  were  brought  into  the 
palace  and  made  accomplices  in  what  passed.  When  day  broke 
the  palace  was  full  inside  and  out  with  Parwdris  and  Hindus. 
Khusru  Khan  had.  prevailed,  the  face  of  the  world  assumed  a 
new  complexion,  a  new  order  of  things  sprung  up,  and  the  basis 
of  the  dynasty  of  'Alau-d  din  was  utterly  razed.  *  *  * 

As  morning  broke,  Khusru,  in  the  presence  of  those  nobles 
whom  he  had  brought  into  the  palace,  mounted  the  throne  under 
the  title  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d  din.  *  *  *  He  had  no  sooner  begun 
to  reign,  than  he  ordered  all  the  personal  attendants  of  the  late 
Sultan,  many  of  whom  were  of  high  rank,  to  be  slain.  Some 
were  despatched  in  their  houses,  others  were  brought  to  the  palace 
and  were  beheaded  in  private.      Their  wives,  women,  childreii, 


224  ZrAU-D  DfN  BAENT. 

and  handmaids  were  all  given  to  the  Parwaris  and  Hindus.  The 
house  of  Kazi  Zidu-d  din,  with  all  that  it  contained,  was  given 
to  Randhol,  the  maternal  uncle  of  Khusru.  The  wife  and  chil- 
dren of  the  Kazi  had  fled  in  the  early  part  of  the  night.  The 
brother  of  Khusru  received  the  title  of  Kh4n-i  Khdndn,  Eandhol 
was  made  Rai-r^yan,  *  *  *  and  Bah4u-d  din  received  the  title  of 
'Azamu-1  Mulk.  To  keep  up  a  delusive  show,  and  to  implicate 
the  great  men  of  the  preceding  reigns,  'Ainu-1  Mulk  Multdni,  who 
had  no  kind  of  connection  with  the  usurper,  was  entitled  'Alam 
Khan  ;  the  office  of  diwdn  was  conferred  on  T4ju-1  Mulk.  *  *  * 
In  the  course  of  four  or  five  days  preparations  were  made  for  idol 
worship  in  the  palace.  Jdhariya,  the  murderer  of  Kutbu-d  din 
was  decked  out  in  jewels  and  pearls ;  and  horrid  Parwdris  sported 
in  the  royal  harem.  Khusru  married  the  wife  of  the  late  Sultan 
Kutbu-d  din ;  and  the  Parwaris,  having  gained  the  upper  hand, 
took  to  themselves  the  wives  and  handmaids  of  the  nobles  and 
great  men.  The  flames  of  violence  and  cruelty  reached  to  the 
skies.  Copies  of  the  Holy  Book  were  used  as  seats,  and  idols 
were  set  up  in  the  pulpits  of  the  mosques.  *  *  *  It  was  Khusru's 
design  to  increase  the  power  and  importance  of  the  Parwaris  and 
Hindus,  and  that  their  party  should  grow ;  he  therefore  opened 
the  treasury  and  scattered  money  about.  *  *  *  Calling  himself 
Sultan  Nasiru-d  din,  the  base-born  slave  had  his  title  repeated  in 
the  khutba,  and  impressed  upon  coins.  For  the  few  months  (that 
he  reigned)  he  and  his  satellites  thought  only  of  overthrowing 
the  adherents  of  the  late  Sultdns,  and  they,  had  no  awe  of  any 
malik  or  amir  except  of  Ghdzi  Malik,  afterwards  Sultdn 
Ghiyasu-d  din  Tughlik  Shah. 

This  nobleman  held  the  territory  of  Deobalpur,  and  dwelt 
there  in  his  palace.  When  he  heard  of  the  overthrow  of  the 
dynasty  of  'Alau-d  din,  he  writhed  like  a  snake.  To  induce 
him  to  come  into  the  city  and  into  their  toils,  they  tried  every 
art  with  his  son  (Muhammad  Fakhru-d  din  Jun4,  afterwards) 
Sultan  Muhammad  Tughlik.  They  made  Juna  master  of  the 
horse,  and  gave  him  in'dms  and  robes  •  of  honour.      But  he 


TAEFKH-I  FTEOZ  SHAHf.  225 

had  been  a  friend  of  the  late  Sultdn,  and  was  deeply  wounded 
by  his  death.  He  was  also  sorely  annoyed  by  the  ascendancy 
of  the  Parwdris,  and  by  having  to  meet  Hindus  who  patron- 
ized him.  But  he  could  do  nothing,  for  Khusru  had  deluded 
the  people,  and  had  made  them  his  own  by  scattering  his 
gold.  Ghiydsu-d  din  in  Deobdlpur  *  *  *  deplored  the  fate  of 
the  sons  and  ladies  of  his  patron,  'A14u-d  din,  and  pondered 
night  and  day  over  the  means  of  exacting  vengeance  from  the 
Parwdris  and  Hindus.  But  he  was  afraid  of  the  Hindus  hurting 
his  son  Fakhru-d  din  Jund,  and  so  could  not  move  out  of 
Deobdlptir  to  destroy  them.  In  those  dreadful  days  the  infidel 
rites  of  the  Hindus  were  highly  exalted,  the  dignity  and  the 
importance  of  the  Parwaris  were  increased,  and  through  all  the 
territory  of  Isldm  the  Hindus  rejoiced  greatly,  boasting  that 
Dehli  had  once  more  come  under  Hindu  rule,  and  that  the 
Musulmdns  had  been  driven  away  and  dispersed.  *  *  * 

When  more  than  two  months  had  passed  after  the.  overthrovsr 
of  the  house  of  'A14u-d  din,  and  the  degradation  of  all  its  con- 
nections and  dependents  before  the  eyes  of  several  of  its  great 
nobles,  Malik  Fakhru-d  din  began  to  take  heart,  and  courage- 
ously to  resolve  upon  exacting  vengeance.  One  afternoon  he 
mounted  his  horse,  and,  with  a  few  slaves,  confiding  himself 
to  God,  he  fled  from  Khusru.  *  *  *  At  evening  his  flight 
became  known,  *  *  *  and  filled  Khusru  and  his  followers 
with  dismay.  *  *  *  A  body  of  horse  was  sent  after  him,  but 
Fakhru-d  din,  the  hero  of  trin  and  Turan,  reached  Sarsuti,  and 
his  pursuers,  not  being  able  to  overtake  him,  returned  dispirited 
to  Dehli.  Before  he  reached  Sarsuti,^  his  father,  Ghazi  Malik 
(afterwards  Sultdn  Ghiyasu-d  din),  sent  Muhammad  Sartaba 
with  two  hundred  horse,  and  he  had  taken  possession  of  the  fort 
of  Sarsuti.  With  these  horsemen  Fakhru-d  din  proceeded  to 
his  father,  whom,  to  his  great  joy,  he  reached  in  safety  at  Deo- 
bdlpur.  Malik  Ghdzi's  hands  were  now  free  to  wreak  vengeance 
on  the  Parwdris  and  Hindus  for  the  murder  of  his  patron,  and 
1  "  SarbarMudh"  in  one  MS.,  "  N'arainah"  in  the  other — perhaps  for  Taharhindh. 
VOL.  III.  15 


226  ZTKV-D  DrN  BAENr. 

he  immediately  prepared  to  march  against  the  enemy.  Khusru 
appointed  his  brother,  whom  he  had  made  JDi&n-i  Kh4n4n,  and 
Yusuf  Sufi,  now  Yusuf  Kh4n,  to  command  his  ar;ny.  He  gave 
his  brother  a  royal  canopy,  and  sent  them  with  elephants  and 
treasure  towards  Deobalpur.  So  these  two  foolish  ignorant  lads 
went  forth,  like  newly-hatched  chickens  just  beginning  to  fly,  to 
fight  with  a  veteran  warrior  like  Malik  Ghdzi,  whose  sword  had 
made  Khurasan  and  the  land  of  the  Mughals  to  tremble.  *  *  * 
They  reached  Sarsuti ;  but  such  was  their  inexperience  and  want 
of  energy,  that  they  could  not  drive  out  Malik  Crhazi's  horse. 
So  they  turned  their  backs  upon  the  place,  and  in  their  folly, 

*  *  *  marched  to  encounter  the  hero,  who  twenty  times  had 
routed  the  Mughals.  Like  children  in  their  parents'  laps,  they 
went  on  helplessly  all  in  confusion.  *  *  * 

On  the  other  hand,  Grhazi  Malik  had  called  in  the  assistance  of 
Malik  Bahram  Abiya  of  Uch,  one  of  the  faithful,  and  he  arrived 
at  Deobalpur  with  his  horse  and  foot,  and  joined  Ghazi.  When 
intelligence  of  the  enemy's  march  from  Sarsuti  reached  them, 

*  *  *  G-hdzi  drew  his  forces  out  of  Deobalpur,  and  passing  the 
town  of  Daliya,^  he  left  the  river  behind,  and  came  face  to  face 
with  the  enemy.  Next  day  he  gave  battle.  *  *  *  The  enemy 
broke  at  the  first  charge,  and  was  thrown  into  utter  confusion. 
The  canopy  and  baton  of  Khusru's  brother,  and.  the  elephants 
and  horses  and  treasure,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Many 
chiefs  and  ofB.cers  were  killed,  and  many  were  wounded  and 
made  prisoners.      The  two  lads  who   called  themselves  Khins 

*  *  *  fled,  without  stopping,  to  Khusru.  This  defeat  so 
terrified  Khusru  and  his  followers  that  hardly  any  life  was  left 
in  their  bodies.  *  *  * 

For  a  week  after  the  victory  Malik  Ghazi  remained  on  the 
field  of  victory,  and  after  collecting  the  spoils  and  arranging 
his  forces,  he  proceeded  towards  Dehli.  *  *  *  Khusru  Khan 
and  his  followers,  in  dismay,  left  Siri,  and  marched  out  into 
the  field  to  the  Hauz-i  'Alki,  where  he  posted  himself  op- 
1  "  Dalili "  in  tie  print. 


TARfKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHf.  227 

posite  Lahrdwat,  with  gardens  in  front  and  the  citadel  in 
his  rear.  He  brought  &ut  all  the  royal  treasures  from  Kilu- 
gharl  and  Dehli,  making  a  clean  sweep  of  the  whole,  like 
one  spurned  bj  fortune  or  worsted  in  gambling.  The  records 
and  accounts  he  caused  to  be  burned,  *  *  *  and  everything 
in  the  public  treasury  he  distributed  as  pay  or  gifts  to  his 
forces.  Furious  at  the  thought  of  anything-  valuable  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  chief  ol  Islam,  he  did  not  leave  a 
ddngi  or  diram  behind.  *  *  *  The  soldiers,  who  were  faithful 
to  their  creed,  and  had  no  thought  of  drawing  a  sword  against 
Malik  Ghazi  and  the  army  of  Isldm,  took  the  money  of  the 
wretched  fellow,  heaped  hundreds  of  curses  upon  him,  and  then 
went  to  their  homes.  *  *  *  GhAzi  Malik,  with  his  army  and 
friends,  arrived  near  Dehli,  and  encamped  in  the  suburb  of 
Indarpat.  On  the  mght  preceding  the  expected  battle,  'Ainu-1 
Mulk  Multani  deserted  Khusru  Khdn,  and  went  towards  TJjjain 
and  Dh4r.  This  defection  quite  broke  down  the  spirits  of  Khusru 
and  his  followers. 

On  Friday,  a  day  of  joy  and  victory  to  the  Musulmdns,  but  of 
woe  to  the  Hindus  and  infidels,  Ghazi  Malik  led  forth  his  forces 
from  Indarpat  against  the  foe.  Khusru,  on  the  other  side,  sent 
forward  his  elephants,  and,  with  his  Parwaris,  Hindus,  and  the 
Musulmans  who  stood  by  him,  advanced  to  the  plain  of  Lahrawat, 
where  both  armies  drew  up  in  order  of.  battle.  Skirmishes  en- 
sued, in  which  the  side  of  Ghazi  Malik  had  the  advantage. 
Malik  Talbagha  N4gorl,  who  had  attached  himself  heart  and 
soul  to  Khusru  Khdn,  and  drew  his  sword  against  the  army  of 
Isldm,  was  overthrown,  and  his  severed  head  was  brought  to 
Ghazi  Malik.  Shdyista  Kh4n,  formerly  known  as  the  son  of 
Karrat  Kimar,  and  now  ''ariz-i  mamalik,  seeing  all  was  over,  led 
away  his  force  towards  the  desert,  but  plundered  the  baggage 
of  Ghazi  Malik  at  Indarpat  as  he  pursued  his  flight.  The  main 
armies  still  confronted  each  other,  but  in  the  affcernoan  *  *  * 
Ghdzi  Malik  advanced  against  the  centre  of  Khusru's  force. 
The  eiFeminate  wretch  could  not  bear  the  attack  of  men.     He 


228  ZrATJ-D  DTN  BAENr. 

fled,  and,  leaving  his  army,  he  took  the  road  to  Tilpat.  *  *  * 
His  Parwdris  were  separated  from  him,  and  not  one  remained 
with  him  when  he  reached  that  place.  He  fell  back  from 
thence  and  concealed  himself  for  the  night  in  a  garden  which 
formerly  belonged  to  Malik  Shadi,  his  patron.  After  the  defeat 
and  dispersion  of  the  Parwaris  and  Hindus,  they  were  cut  down 
wherever  they  were  found,  and  their  arms  and  horses  were  seized. 
Those  who,  in  parties  of  three  or  four,  fled  from  the  city  towards 
Gujarat,  Wiere  likewise  slain  and  plundered.  On  the  day  after 
the  battle  Khusru  was  brought  out  of  the  garden  of  Malik  iShddi 
and  was  beheaded. 

That  night,  while  Grhazi  Malik  was  at  Indarpat,  most  of  the 
nobles  and  chief  men  and  officers  came  forth  from  the  city  to 
pay  their  respects,  and  the  keys  of  the  palace  and  of  the  city 
gates  were  brought  to  him.  On  the  second  day  after  the  battle  he 
proceeded  with  a  great  following  from  Indarpat  to  the  palace  of 
Siri.  He  seated  himself  in  the  Hazdr-sutun,  and,  in  the  presence 
of  the  assembled  nobles,  wept  over  the  unhappy  fate  which  had  be- 
fallen Kutbu-d  din  and  the  other  sons  of  'Aldu-d  din,  his  patron, 
*  *  and  gave  thanks  to  God  for  the  victory  he  had  gained.  Then 
he  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  "  1  am  one  of  those  who  have  been 
brought  up  under  'Alau=-d  din  and  Kutbu-d  din,  and  the  loyalty 
of  my  nature  has  roused  me  up  against  their  enemies  and  de- 
stroyers. I  have  drawn  my  sword,  and  have  taken  revenge  to 
the  best  of  my  power.  Ye  are  the  nobles  of  the  State !  If  ye 
know  of  any  son  of  our  patron's  blood,  bring  him  forth  imme- 
diately, and  I  will  seat  him  on  the  throne,  and  will  be  the  first 
to  tender  him  njy  service  and  devotion.  If  the  whole  stock  has 
been  clean  cut  off,  then  do  ye  bring  forward  some  worthy  and 
proper  person  and  raise  him  to  the  throne ;  I  will  pay  my  allegi- 
ance to  him.  I  have  drawn  my  sword  to  avenge  my  patrons,  not 
to  gain  power  and  ascend  a  throne."  *  *  *  The  assembled  nobles 
unanimously  replied  that  the  usurpers  had  left  no  scion  of  the 
royal  stock  in  existence.  The  murder  of  Kutbu-d  din  and  the 
supremacy  of  Khusru  and  the  Parwdris  had  caused  disturbances, 


TAErKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHf,  229 

and  had  stirred  up  rebels  in  every  direction.  Affairs  were  all 
in  confusion.  They  then  added,  "  Thou,  0  Ghazi  Malik,  hast 
claims  upon  us.  For  many  years  thou  hast  been  a  barrier  to 
the  Mughals  and  hast  prevented  their  coming  into  Hindustan. 
Now  thou  hast  done  a  faithful  work,  which  will  be  recorded  in 
history;  thou  hast  delivered  the  Musulmdiis  from  the  yoke  of 
Hindus  and  Parwdris ;  thou  hast  avenged  our  benefactors,  and 
hast  laid  every  one,  rich  and  poor,  under  obligation.  *  *  *  All 
we  who  are  here  present  know  no  one  besides  thee  who  is  worthy 
of  royalty  and  fit  to  rule."  All  who  were  present  agreed  with 
one  acclaim,  and,  taking  him  by  the  hand,  they  conducted  him  to 
the  throne.  He  then  took  the  title  of  Sultan  Grhiydsu-d  din, 
*  *  *  and  every  one  paid  him  due  homage.  *  *  * 


SULTANU-L    GhaZI    GhIYASU'D  DTJNYA    WAU-D   DIN   TuGHLIK 

Shahu-s  SultaSt. 

Sult4n  Ghiy4su-d  din  Tughlik  Sh^h  ascended  the  throne  in 
the  palace  of  Siri  in  the  year  720  h.  (1320  a.d.)  *  *  *  In  the 
course  of  one  week  the  business  of  the  State  was  brought  into 
order,  and  the  disorders  and  evils  occasioned  by  Khusrti  and  his 
unholy  followers  were  remedied.  *  *  *  The  people  in  all  parts  of 
the  country  were  delighted  at  his  accession.  Rebellion  and  dis- 
affection ceased,  peace  and  obedience  prevailed.  *  *  *  On  the 
day  of  his  accession,  he  ordered  all  the  surviving  relatives  of 
'Aldu-d  din  and  Kutbu-d  din  to  be  sought  out,  and  he  treated 
these  ladies  with  all  due  respect  and  honour.  The  daughters 
of  'A14u-d  din  he  married  into  suitable  families.  He  severely 
punished  the  men  who  unlawfully  married  Khusru  to  the  widow 
of  Kutbu-d  din  three  days  after  her  husband's  murder.  The 
maliks,  amirs,  and  other  officers  of  his  predecessors,  he  confirmed 
in  their  possessions  and  appointments.  When  he  attained  the 
throne,  his  nobleness  and  generosity  of  character  made  him  dis- 
tinsuish  and  reward  all  those  whom  he  had  known  and  been  con- 
nected  with,  and  all  those  who  in  former  days  had  showed  him 


230  ZrAU-D  DfN  BARNr. 

kindness  or  rendered  him  a  service.  No  act  of  kindness  was 
passed  over.  *  *  *  His  eldest  son^  showed  great  elevation  of 
character.  To  him  he  gave  the  title  of  Ulugh  Khan,  with  a 
royal  canopy,  and  he  declared  him  his  heir  apparent.  To  his 
four  other  sons  he  gave  the  titles  respectively  of  Bahram  Khan, 
Zafar  Khdn,  Mahmud  Khan,  and  Nusrat  Khan.  Bahrdm  Abiya 
he  honoured  with  the  name  of  brother,  and  the  title  Kishlu 
Khan.  To  him  also  he  entrusted  Multdn  and  Sindh.  Malik 
Asadu-d  din,  his  brother's  son,  he  made  Naib  Bdrbak,  and  Malik 
Bahau-d  din,  his  sister's  son,  he  made  'ariz-i  mamdlik  (muster-, 
master),  with  the  territory  of  S^raana.  *  *  *  The  excellence  of 
his  government  is  said  to  have  inspired  this  verse  of  Amir 
Khusru's — 

"  He  never  did  anything  that  was  not  replete  with  wisdom  and  sense. 
He  might  be  said  to  wear  a  hundred  doctors'  hoods  under  his  crown." 

*  *  *  In  the  generosity  of  his  nature,  he  ordered  that  the  land 
revenues  of  the  country  should  be  settled  upon  just  principles 
with  reference  to  the  produce.  *  *  *  The  officers  of  the  Exchequer 
were  ordered  not  to  assess  more  than  one  in  ten,  or  one  in  eleven 
upon  the  iktd's,  and  other  lands,  either  by  guess  or  computation, 
whether  upon  the  reports  of  informers  or  the  statements  of 
valuers.  They  were  to  be  careful  that  cultivation  increased  year 
by  year.  Something  was  to  be  left  over  and  above  the  tribute, 
so  that  the  country  might  not  be  ruined  by  the  weight  of  taxa- 
tion, and  the  way  to  improvement  be  barred.  The  revenue  was 
to  be  collected  in  such  a  way  that  the  raiyats  should  increase 
their  cultivation ;  that  the  lands  already  in  cultivation  might  be 
kept  so,  and  some  little  be  added  to  them  every  year.  So  much 
was  not  to  be  exacted  at  once  that  the  cultivation  should  fall 
off,  and  no  increase  be  made  in  future.  Countries  are  ruined 
and  are  kept  in  povert}"^  by  excessive  taxation  and  the  exorbitant 
demands  of  kings.  The  Hindus  were  to  be  taxed  so  that  they 
might  not  be  blinded  with  wealth,  and  so  become  discontented 

'  Barni  follows  the  general  practice  of  using  the  regal  title  by  anticipation. 


TARTKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHr.  231 

and  rebellious ;  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  be  so  reduced  to  poverty 
and  destitution  as  to  be  unable  to  pursue  their  husbandry.^  *  *  * 

In  the  year  721  h.  (1321  a.d.)  the  Sultdn  sent  his  eldest 
son,  Ulugh^  Khdn,  with  a  canopy  and  an  army  against  Arangal 
and  Tilang.  Several  of  the  nobles  and  officers,  both  of  the  old 
and  new  dynasty,  were  sent  with  him.  The  prince  set  out 
with  great  pomp,  and  when  he  arrived  in  Deogir,  the  officers 
and  forces  of  that  place  joined,  and  marched  with  him  to 
Tilang.  Awe  of  the  majesty  of  the  Sultaii,  and  fear  of  Ulugh 
Khdn,  drove  Laddar  Deo  and  all  the  rdis  and  mukaddims  to 
seek  shelter  in  the  fortresses ;  they  never  dreamed  of  opposing 
the  Kh4n  (in  the  field).  He  arrived  at  Arangal,  and  invested 
the  mud  fort.  He  then  sent  some  of  his  officers  to  spoil  the  land 
of  Tilang,  to  collect  plunder,  and  bring  in  forage.  They  brought 
in  spoil  and  fodder  in  abundance,  and  the  army  pushed  on  the 
siege  in  full  confidence.  The  mud  fort  and  the  stone  fort  of 
Arangal  were  both  garrisoned  with  numerous  Hindus,  who  had 
gathered  in  muniments  from  all  quarters.  Maghribis,  ^arddas, 
and  manjaniks  were  brought  into  use.  Sharp  conflicts  daily  oc- 
curred. Fire  was  discharged^  from  the  fort,  and  many  were 
killed  on  both  sides ;  but  the  army  of  Isldm  had  the  advantage, 
the  garrison  was  reduced  to  distress,  and  the  mud  fort  was  on 
the  point  of  being  taken.  They  resolved  to  surrender,  and 
Laddar  Deo  the  Rai,  with  mukaddims,  sent  hasiths  to  Ulugh 
Khdn  to  make  terms.  They  offered  treasure  and  elephants 
and  jewels  and  valuables,  and  begged  that  the  Khdn  would 
accept  these  with  tribute,  as  Malik  Naib  Kafur  had  done  in  the 
reign  of  'Alau-d  din,  and  would  then  retire.  The  Khdn  would 
grant  no  terms,  but  resolutely  determined  to  reduce  the  fort  and 
capture  the  R4i.  So  the  basifhs  returned  disappointed  and  dejected. 

When  the  besieged  were  thus  reduced  to   extremities,    and 

'  Many  pages  follow  in  enlogy  of  the  character  and  government  of  Ghiyasu-d  din, 
but  these  are  expressed  in  such  general  terms  as  not  to  be  of  much  interest. 

*  The  printed  text  and  one  of  the  two  MSS.  here  fall  into  the  error  of  writing  this 
title,  "  Alaf  Khan,"  as  it  always  appears  in  Briggs  and  Elphinstone. 

3  Atashhd  mi-rekhtand. 


232  ZfATJ-D  DfN  BARNr. 

were  suing  for  peace,  very  nearly  a  month  had  passed  since  any 
couriers  had  arrived  from  the  Sult§,n,  although  the  Kh4n  had 
previously  received  two  or  three  letters  every  week.  This  want 
of  intelligence  from  ■  the  court  caused  some  uneasiness  in  the 
minds  of  the  Kh4n  a,nd  his  officers ;  they  imagined  that  some 
of  the  posts  on  the  road  had  been  destroyed,  and  that  conse- 
quently the  couriers  had  been  unable  to  prosecute  their  journeys 
with  the  news.  It  also  caused  apprehension  and  misgivings 
to  spread  among  the  troops,  and  stories  were  carried  from  one 
to  another.  'Ubaid  the  poet,  and  Shaikh  Zdda-i  Dimashki,  two 
evil-disposed,  turbulent  fellows,  who  by  some  means  had  been 
introduced  to  the  Khan,  fanned  the  strife,  and  spread  false  re- 
ports among  the  soldiers,  to  the  effect  that  the  Sultdn  was 
dead,  that  the  government  had  been  overthrown,  that  a  new 
prince  now  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Dehli,  and  that  the  way 
was  quite  closed  against  all  couriers  and  messengers.  So  every 
man  took  his  own  course.  These  two  malicious  men  trumped  up 
another  false  story.  They  went  to  Malik  Tamar,  Malik  Tigin, 
Malik  Mall  Afghan,  and  Malik  Kafur,  keeper  of  the  seal,  and 
told  these  nobles  that  Ulugh  Khdn  looked  upon  them  with 
envy  and  suspicion,  as  generals  and  nobles  of  the  reign  of  Al4u-d 
din,  and  as  obstacles  to  his  attaining  the  throne ;  that  their 
names  were  written  down  in  a  list  as  men  to  be  disposed  of,  and 
that  they  would  be  all  seized  at  once  and  beheaded.  These 
nobles  were  aware  that  these  two  treacherous  men  were  con- 
stantly about  Ulugh  Khan,  and  so  they  credited  their  statements. 
They  therefore  agreed  to  take  flight,  and,  joining  together  their 
followers,  they  left  the  camp.  Through  this  defection  a  panic  fell 
upon  the  army,  trouble  and  tumult  arose,  and  no  man  thought  of 
another.  This  event  was  very  opportune  for  the  besieged  Hindus, 
and  saved  them.  They  sallied  forth  and  plundered  the  baggage 
of  the  army,  and  Ulugh  Khan  with  his  immediate  followers  re- 
treated to  Deogir.  The  soldiers  were  worn  out,  and  fell  in  all 
directions.  As  they  retreated,  couriers  arrived  from  the  court, 
bringing  news  of  the  health  and  safety  of  the  Sultan. 


TARrKH-I  FIROZ  SHAHf.  233 

Differences  arose  among  those  "AUi  nobles  who  had  fled  from 
the  army,  each  of  them  pursued  his  own  course.  Their  soldiers 
and  servants  perished,  and  their  horses  and  arms  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Hindus.  Ulugh  Kh4n  reached  Deogir  in  safety. 
Malik  Tamar,  with  a  few  horsemen,  plunged  into  the  Hindu 
territories,  and  there  perished.  Malik  Tigin  of  Oudh  was  killed 
by  the  Hindus,  and  his  skin  was  sent  to  Ulugh  Khdn  at  Deogir. 
Malik  Mall  Afghan,  'Ubaid  the  poet,  and  other  revolters,  were 
made  prisoners,  and  were  also  sent  to  Deogir.  The  prince  sent 
them  on  alive  to  his  father.  The  wives  and  children  of  the 
revolters  had  been  already  seized.  The  Sultdn  held  a  public 
darbdr  in  the  plain  of  Siri,  when  'TJbaid,  the  poet,  and  Kafur, 
the  seal-keeper,  and  other  rebels,  were  impaled  alive  j^  some  of 
the  others,  with  their  wives  and  children,  were  thrown  under  the 
feet  of  elephants.  Such  a  terrible  punishment  was  inflicted  as 
long  inspired  terror  in  the  breasts  of  the  beholders.  All  the  city 
trembled  at  the  vengeance  taken  by  the  Sultan. 

Four  months  afterwards  the  Sultdn  sent  strong  reinforcements 
to  the  prince,  and  directed  him  to  march  against  Arangal  once 
more.  He  accordingly  entered  the  country  of  Tilang,  took  the 
fort  of  Bidr,  and  made  its  chief  prisoner.  From  thence  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Arangal  for  the  second  time.  He  invested  the  mud  fort, 
and  after  plying  it  for  a  few  days  with  arrows  from  the  ndwaks, 
and  stones  fi-om  the  maghribis,  he  captured  the  whole  place.  R4i 
Laddar  Deo,  with  all  his  rdis  and  mukaddims,  their  wives  and 
children,  elephants  and  horses,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 
A  despatch  of  victory  was  sent  to  Dehli,  and  at  Tughlikdb^d 
and  Siri  there  were  great  rejoicings.  The  prince  sent  Laddar 
Deo  Edi,  of  Arangal,  with  his  elephants  and  treasures,  relations 
and  dependents,  to  the  Sultan,  under  the  charge  of  Malik  Beddr, 
who  had  been  created  Kadar  Khdn,  and  Khwdja  Hdji,  ndib  of 
the  'ariz-i  mamdlik.  The  name  of  Arangal  was  changed  to 
Sultdnpur,  and  all  the  country  of  Tilang  was  conquered.    Officers 

'  Zindah  harddr  Jcardand, — that  is,  crucified  or  impaled  alive.    Firishta  says  they 
were  buried  alive. 


234  zrAU-D  DrN  BAENr. 

were  appointed  to  manage  the  country,  and  one  year's  tribute 
was  taken.  The  prince  then  marched  towards  Jdjnagar,^  and 
there  took  forty  elephants,  with  which  he  returned  to  Tilang. 
These  he  sent  on  to  his  father. 

At  the  time  when  Arangal  was  taken,  and  the  elephants 
arrived  from  Jajnagar,  several  Mughal  armies  attacked  the 
frontiers,  but  the  armies  of  Islam  defeated  them  and  sent  their 
two  generals  as  prisoners  to  the  court.  The  Sultdn  had  made 
Tughlikdbad  his  capital,  and  the  nobles  and  officials,  with  their 
wives  and  families,  had  taken  up  their  abode  there,  and  had 
built  houses. 

About  this  time  certain  noblemen  came  from  Lakhnauti,  com- 
plaining of  the  oppressive  laws  under  which  they  were  suffering, 
and  informing  the  8ult4n  of  the  distress  and  tyranny  under 
which  they  and  other  Musulmdns  laboured.  So  the  Sultdn 
resolved  to  march  against  Lakhnauti,  and  he  sent  couriers  to 
summon  TJlugh  Khdn  from  Arangal.  He  made  him  his  vice- 
gerent, and  placed  all  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  under  his 
management  during  his  own  absence.  He  then  marched  to 
Lakhnauti,  and  so  conducted  his  forces  through  the  deep  waters 
and  mire  and  dirt,  on  this  distant  march,  that  not  a  hair  of  any 
man's  head  was  hurt.  Fear  and  respect  for  the  Sultan  had 
spread  through  Khurasan  and  Hindustan,  and  all  the  countries 
of  Hind  and  Sindh,  and  the  chiefs  and  generals  of  east  and 
west,  had  trembled  in  fear  of  him  for  many  a  year  {karn). 
When  the  Sultan  reached  Tirhut,  the  ruler  of  Lakhnauti,  Sultan 
N^siru-d  din,  came  forth  with  great  respect  to  pay  homage  to 
the  Sultan ;  and  without  the  sword  being  called  into  requisi- 
tion, all  the  rdis  and  rdnas  of  the  country  made  their  submission. 
Tdtdr  Khdn,  foster-son  (pisar  i  khtvdnda)  of  the  Sultdn,  held  the 
territory  of  Zafarabdd ;  and  a  force  having  been  assigned  to  him, 
he  brought  the  whole  country  under  the  imperial  rule.  BahMur 
Sh4h,  the  ruler  of  Sundr-ganw  made  some  resistance ;  but  a  cord 
was  thrown  upon  his  neck,  and  he  was  conducted  to  the  Sultdn. 
'  The  JSjuagar  on  the  Mahanadi  in  Cutback  referred  to  hy  Briggs,    Firishta,  I.,  260. 


TAErKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHf.  235 

All  the  elephants  of  the  country  were  sent  to  the  royal  stables, 
and  the  army  acquired  great  spoil  in  the  campaign.  Sultdn 
Nasiru-d  din  had  shown  .great  respect  and  submission,  so  the 
Sultdn  gave  him  a  canopy  and  a  baton,  sent  him  back,  and 
placed  Lakhnauti  under  his  rule.  Bahadur  Shdh,  the  ruler  of 
Sunar-g4nw,  Was  sent  to  Dehli  with  a  rope  round  his  neck,  and 
the  Sultdn  returned  towards  his  capital  triumphant.  *  *  * 

When  Ulugh  Khan  received  information  of  the  Sultan's 
hastening  homewards  to  Tughlikdbad,  he  ordered  a  temporary 
erection  to  be  raised  at  Afghdnpur,  about  three  or  four  kos  from 
the  city,  where  the  Sultdn  might  stay  for  the  night  and  take 
rest,  before  marching  on  the  following  day  into  the  city  with 
pomp  and  triumph.  *  *  *  Sultdn  Tughlik  Shdh  arrived  in 
the  afternoon  and  stopped.  Ulugh  Khan,  and  all  the  great 
nobles  and  officers,  had  gone  forth  to  meet  him,  and  had  con- 
ducted him  thither  with  great  ceremony.  The  Sultdn's  table 
had  been  spread,  and  he  took  food  ;  the  nobles  came  out  to  wash 
their  hands.  A  thunderbolt  from  the  sky  descended  upon  the 
earth,  and  the  roof  under  which  the  Sultdn  was  seated  fell  down, 
crushing  him  and  five  or  six  other  persons,  so  that  they  died.^ 

SULTANU-L   MUJAHID   AbU-L    FaTH   MuHAMMAD   ShaH   IBN 

Tughlik  Shah. 

Sultan  Muhammad  bin  Tughlik  Shah,  the  heir  apparent,  suc- 
ceeded his  father,  and  ascended  the  throne  at  Tughlikdbad  in  the 
year  725  H.  (1325  a.d.).  On  the  fortieth  day  after,  he  proceeded 
from  Tughlikdbdd  to  Dehli,  and  there  in  the.  ancient  palace  took 
his  seat  upon  the  throne  of  the  old  Sultdns.  *  *  *  2 

In  the  caligraphy  of  books  and  letters  Sultan  Muhammad 
abashed  the  most  accomplished  scribes ,  The  excellence  of  his 
hand-writing,  the  ease  of  his  composition,  the  sublimity  of  his 

'  The  reticence  of  Barni  upon  this  catastroplie  favours  the  suspicion  that  it  was 
the  work  of  design ;  not  an  accident.  Firishta,  however,  notices  this  siispiciou,  but 
to  discredit  it. 

*  A  long  strain  of  eulogy  follows,  from  which  one  or  two  passages  have  been 
selected. 


236  ZMU-D  DtN  BARNf. 

style,  and  the  play  of  his  fancy,  left  the  most  accomplished 
teachers  and  professors  far  behind.  He  was  an  adept  in  the  use 
of  metaphor.  If  any  teacher  of  composition  had  sought  to  rival 
him,  he  would  have  failed.  He  knew  by  heart  a  good  deal  of 
Persian  poetry,  and  understood  it  well.  In  his  epistles  he 
showed  himself  skilled  in  metaphor,  and  frequently  quoted 
Persian  verse.  He  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Sikandar  ndma, 
and  also  with  the  Birni-i  mlim  Ndmah  and  the  Tdrikh-i  Mah- 
miidL  *  *  *  No  learned  or  scientific  man,  or  scribe,  or  poet,  or 
wit,  or  physician,  could  have  had  the  presumption  to  argue  with 
him  about  his  own  special  pursuit,  nor  would  he  have  been  able 
to  maintain  his  position  against  the  throttling  arguments  of  the 
SultAn.  *  *  * 

The  dogmas  of  philosophers,  which  are  productive  of  in- 
difference and  hardness  of  heart,  had  a  powerful  influence  over 
him.  But  the  declarations  of  the  holy  books,  and  the  utterances 
of  the  Prophets,  which  inculcate  benevolence  and  humility,  and 
hold  out  the  prospect  of  future  punishment,  were  not  deemed 
worthy  of  attention.  The  punishment  of  Musulmdns,  and  the 
execution  of  true  believers,  with  him  became  a  practice  and  a 
passion.  Numbers  of  doctors,  and  elders,  and  saiyids,  and  siifis, 
and  kalandars,  and  clerks,  and  soldiers,  received  punishment  by 
his  order.  Not  a  day  or  week  passed  without  the  spilling  of 
much  Musulman  blood,  and  the  running  of  streams  of  gore 
before  the  entrance  of  his  palace.  *  *  * 

In  the  course  of  twenty-seven  years,  a  complete  karn,  the 
King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords  made  him  to  prevail  over  the 
dominions  of  several  kings,  and  brought  the  people  of  many  coun- 
tries under  his  rule  in  Hindustan,  Gujarat,  Mdlwa,  the  Mahratta 
(country),  Tilang,  Kampila,  Dhur-samuudar,  Ma'bar,  Lakhnauti, 
Sat-g4nw  (Chittagong),  Sun4r-gd.nw,  and  Tirhut.  If  I  were  to 
write  a  full  account  of  all  the  afi'airs  of  his  reign,  and  of  all  that 
passed,  with  his  faults  and  shortcomings,  I  should  fill  many 
volumes.  In  this  history  I  have  recorded  all  the  great  and  im- 
portant matters  of  his  reign,  and  the  beginning  and  the  end  of 


TAEIKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHr.  237 

every  conquest ;  but  the  rise  and  termination  of  every  mutiny, 
and  of  events  (of  minor  importance),  I  have  passed  over.  *  *  * 

Sultan  Muhammad  planned  in  his  own  breast  three  or  four 
projects  by  which  the  whole  of  the  habitable  world  was  to  be 
brought  under  the  rule  of  his  servants,  but  he  never  talked  over 
these  projects  with  any  of  his  councillors  and  friends.  Whatever 
he  conceived  he  considered  to  be  good,  but  in  promulgating  and 
enforcing  his  schemes  he  lost  his  hold  upon  the  territories  he 
possessed,  disgusted  his  people,  and  emptied  his  treasury.  Em- 
barrassment followed  embarrassment,  and  confusion  became  worse 
confounded.  The  ill  feeling  of  the  people  gave  rise  to  outbreaks 
and  revolts.  The  rules  for  enforcing  the  royal  schemes  became 
daily  more  oppressive  to  the  people.  More  and  more  the  people 
became  disaffected,  more  and  more  the  mind  of  the  king  was  set 
against  them,  and  the  numbers  of  those  brought  to  punishment 
increased.  The  tribute  of  most  of  the  distant  countries  and 
districts  was  lost,  and  many  of  the  soldiers  and  servants  were 
scattered  and  left  in  distant  lands.  Deficiencies  appeared  in  the 
treasury.  The  mind  of  the  Sultan  lost  its  equilibrium.  In  the 
extreme  weakness  and  harshness  ^  of  his  temper  he  gave  himself 
up  to  severity.  Grujardt  and  Deogir  were  the  only  (distant) 
possessions  that  remained.  In  the  old  territories,  dependent 
on  Dehli,  the  capital,  disaffection  and  rebellion  sprung  up. 
By  the  will  of  fate  many  different  projects  occurred  to  the 
mind  of  the  Sultdn,  which  appeared  to  him  moderate  and  suit- 
able, and  were  enforced  for  several  years,  but  the  people  could 
not  endure  them.^  These  schemes  effected  the  ruin  of  the 
Sultdn's  empire,  and  the  decay  of  the  people.  Every  one  of 
them  that  was  enforced  wrought  some  wrong  and  mischief,  and 
the  minds  of  all  men,  high  and  low,  were  disgusted  with  their 
ruler.     Territories  and  districts  which  had  been  securely  settled 

'  The  two  MSS.  differ  slightly  from  each  other,  but  both  contain  many  words  not 
in  the  printed  text.  I  have  taken  what  appears  to  be  the  general  sense  of  what  was 
evidently  deemed  an  obscure  and  doubtful  passage. 


238  ZrAU-D  DrN  BAENr. 

were  lost.  When  the  Sultdn  found  that  his  orders  did  not  work 
so  well  as  he  desired,  he  became  still  more  embittered  against  his 
people.  He  cut  them  down  like  weeds  and  punished  them.  So 
many  wretches  were  ready  to  slaughter  true  and  orthodox  Musul- 
mdns  as  had  never  before  been  created,  from  the  days  of  Adam. 
*  *  *  If  the  twenty  prophets  had  been  given  into  the  hands  of 
these  minions,  I  verily  believe  that  they  would  not  have  allowed 
them  to  live  one  night.  *  *  * 

The  first  project  which  the  Sultan  formed,  and  which  operated 
to  the  ruin  of  the  country  and  the  decay  of  the  people,  was  that 
he  thought  he  ought  to  get  ten  or  five  per  cent,  more  tribute  from 
the  lands  in  the  Dodb.  To  accomplish  this  he  invented  some 
oppressive  dbwabs^  (cesses),  and  made  stoppages  from  the  land- 
revenues  until  the  backs  of  the  raiyats  were  broken.  The  cesses 
were  collected  so  rigorously  that  the  raiyats  were  impoverished 
and  reduced  to  beggary.  Those  who  were  rich  and  had  property 
became  rebels ;  the  lands  were  ruined,  and  cultivation  was 
entirely  arrested.  When  the  raiyats  in  distant  countries  heard 
of  the  distress  and  ruin  of  the  raiyats  in  the  Dodb,  through  fear 
of  the  same  evil  befalling  them,  they  threw  off  their  allegiance 
and  betook  themselves  to  the  jungles.  The  decline  of  cultiva- 
tion, and  the  distress  of  the  raiyats  in  the  Doab,  and  the  failure 
of  convoys  of  corn  from  Hindustan,  produced  a  fatal  famine  in 
Dehli  and  its  environs,  and  throughout  the  Doab.  Grain  became 
dear.  There  was  a  deficiency  of  rain,  so  the  famine  became 
general.  It  continued  for  some  years,  and  thousands  upon 
thousands  of  people  perished  of  want.  Communities  were  re- 
duced to  distress,  and  families  were  broken  up.  The  glory  of 
the  State,  and  the  power  of  the  government  of  Sultan  Muham- 
mad, from  this  time  withered  and  decayed. 

The  second  project  of  Sultan  Muhammad,  which  was  ruinous 
to  the  capital  of  the  empire,  and  distressing  to  the  chief  men  of 
the  country,  was  that  of  making  Deogir  his  capital,  under  the 

'  This  is  the  first  time  that  this  word,  since  so  well  known,  has  come  under  my 
ohservation  in  these  histories. 


TAErKH-i  rrRoz  shahf.  239 

title  of  Daulatab&d.  This  place  held  a  central  situation  :  Dehli, 
Grujardt,  Lakhnauti,  Sat-ganw,  Sun4r-ganw,  Tilang,  Ma'bar, 
Dhur-samundar,  and  Kampila  were  about  equi-distant  from 
thence,  there  being  but  a  slight  difference  in  the  distances. 
Without  any  consultation,  and  without  carefully  looking  into 
the  advantages  and  disadvantages  on  every  side,  he  brought 
ruin  upon  Dehli,  that  city  which,  for  170  or  180  years,  had 
grown  in  prosperity,  and  rivalled  Baghdad  and  Cairo.  The 
city,  with  its  sdrdis,  and  its  suburbs  and  villages,  spread  over 
four  or  five  kos.  All  was  destroyed.  So  complete  was  the 
ruin,  that  not  a  cat  or  a  dog  was  left  among  the  buildings 
of  the  city,  in  its  palaces  or  in  its  suburbs.  Troops  of 
the  natives,  with  their  families  and  dependents,  wives  and 
children,  men-servants  and  maid-servants,  were  forced  to  remove. 
The  people,  who  for  many  years  and  for  generations  had  been 
natives  and  inhabitants  of  the  land,  were  broken-hearted.  Many, 
from  the  toils  of  the  long  journey,  perished  on  the  road,  and 
those  who  arrived  at  Deogir  could  not  endure  the  pain  of  exile. 
In  despondency  they  pined  to  death.  All  around  Deogir,  which  is 
an  infidel  land,  there  sprung  up  graveyards  of  Musulmans.  The 
Sultcin  was  bounteous  in  his  liberality  and  favours  to  the  emi- 
grants, both  on  their  journey  and  on  their  arrival ;  but  they  were 
tender,  and  they  could  not  endure  the  exile  and  suffering.  They 
laid  down  their  heads  in  that  heathen  land,  and  of  all  the 
multitudes  of  emigrants,  few  only  survived  to  return  to  their 
home.  Thus  this  city,  the  envy  of  the  cities  of  the  inhabited 
world,  was  reduced  to  ruin.  The  Sultdn  brought  learned  men 
and  gentlemen,  tradesmen  and  landholders,  into  the  city  (Dehli) 
from  certain  towns  in  his  territory,  and  made  them  reside  there. 
But  this  importation  of  strangers  did  not  populate  the  city;  many 
of  them  died  there,  and  more  returned  to  their  native  homes. 
These  changes  and  alterations  were  the  cause  of  great  injury  to 
the  country. 

The  third  project  also  did  great  harm  to  the  country.      It 
increased  the  daring  and  arrogance  of  the  disaffected  in  Hin- 


240  zrA'tr-D  din  barni-. 

dustdn,  and  augmented  the  pride  and  prosperity  of  all  the 
Hindus.  This  was  the  issue  of  copper  money.^  The  Sultdn, 
in  his  lofty  ambition,  had  conceived  it  to  be  his  work  to  subdue 
the  whole  habitable  world  and  bring  it  under  his  rule.  To 
accomplish  this  impossible  design,  an  army  of  countless  numbers 
was  necessary,  and  this  could  not  be  obtained  without  plenty  of 
money.  The  Sultdn's  bounty  and  munificence  had  caused  a 
great  deficiency  in  the  treasury,  so  he  introduced  his  copper 
money,  and  gave  orders  that  it  should  be  used  in  buying  and 
selling,  and  should  pass  current,  just  as  the  gold  and  silver  coins 
had  passed.  The  promulgation  of  this  edict  turned  the  house  of 
every  Hindu  into  a  mint,  and  the  Hindus  of  the  various  pro- 
vinces coined  krors  and  lacs  of  copper  coins.  With  these  they 
paid  their  tribute,  and  with  these  they  purchased  horses,  arms, 
and  fine  things  of  all  kinds.  The  rdis,  the  village  headmen  and 
landowners,  grew  rich  and  strong  upon  these  copper  coins,  but 
the  State  was  impoverished.  No  long  lime  passed  before  distant 
countries  would  take  the  copper  tanka  only  as  copper.  In  those 
places  where  fear  of  the  Saltan's  edict  prevailed,  the  gold  tanka 
rose  to  be  worth  a  hundred  of  (the  copper)  tankas.  Every  gold- 
smith struck  copper  coins  in  his  workshop,  and  the  treasury  was 
filled  with  these  copper  coins.  So  low  did  they  fall  that  they  were 
not  valued  more  than  pebbles  or  potsherds.  The  old  coin,  from  its 
great  scarcity,  rose  four-fold  and  five-fold  in  value.  When  trade 
was  interrupted  on  every  side,  and  when  the  copper  tankas  had 
become  more  worthless  than  clods,  and  of  no  use,  the  Sultan 
repealed  his  edict,  and  in  great  wrath  he  proclaimed  that  whoever 
possessed  copper  coins  should  bring  them  to  the  treasury,  and 
receive  the  old  gold  coins  in  exchange.  Thousands  of  men  from 
various  quarters,  who  possessed  thousands  of  these  copper  coins, 
and  caring  nothing  for  them,  had  flung  them  into  corners  along 
with  their  copper  pots,  now  brought  them  to-  the  treasury,  and 
received  in  exchange  gold  tankas  and  silver  tankas,  shash-gdnis 

'  The  printed  text  adds,  "his  interference  mth  buying  and  selling,"  bnt  this  is  not 
to  be  fonnd  in  either  of  my  MSS.,  and  is  certainly  superfluous. 


TAEfKH-I  FfEOZ  SHA'Hr.  241 

and  du-gdnis,  which  they  carried  to  their  homes.  So  many  of 
these  copper  tankas  were  brought  to  the  treasury,  that  heaps  of 
them  rose  up  in  Tughlikab&d  like  mountains.  Great  sums 
went  out  of  the  treasury  in  exchange  for  the  copper,  and  a  great 
deficiency  was  caused.  When  the  SultS.n  found  that  his  pro- 
ject had  failed,  and  that  great  loss  had  been  entailed  upon  the 
treasury  through  his  copper  coins,  he  more  than  ever  turned 
against  his  subjects. 

The  fourth  project  which  diminished  his  treasure,  and  so 
brought  distress  upon  the  country,  was  his  design  of  conquering 
Khurasdn  and  'Irak.  In  pursuance  of  this  object,  vast  sums 
were  lavished  upon  the  officials  and  leading  men  of  those 
countries.  These  great  men  came  to  him  with  insinuating 
proposals  and  deceitful  representations,  and  as  far  as  they  knew 
how,  or  were  able,  they  robbed  the  throne  of  its  wealth.  The 
coveted  countries  were  not  acquired,  but  those  which  he  possessed 
were  lost ;  and  his  treasure,  which  is  the  true  source  of  political 
power,  was  expended. 

The  fifth  project  *  *  *  was  the  raising  of  an  immense  army 
for  the  campaign  against  Khurasdn.  *  *  *  In  that  year  three 
hundred  and  seventy  thousand  horse  were  enrolled  in  the  muster- 
master's  office.  For  a  whole  year  these  were  supported  and  paid; 
but  as  they  were  not  employed  in  war  and  conquest  and  enabled  to 
maintain  themselves  on  plunder,  when  the  next  year  came  round, 
there  was  not  sufficient  in  the  treasury  or  in  the  feudal  estates 
{iM£)  to  support  them.  The  army  broke  up;  each  man  took  his 
own  course  and  engaged  in  his  own  occupations.  But  lacs  and 
hrors  had  been  expended  by  the  treasury. 

The  sixth  project,  which  inflicted  a  heavy  loss  upon  the  army, 
was  the  design  which  he  formed  of  capturing  the  mountain  of 
Kard-jal.^  His  conception  was  that,  as  he  had  undertaken  the 
conquest  of  Khur&sdn,  he  would  (first)  bring  under  the  dominion 
of  Isldm  this  mountain,  which  lies  between  the  territories  of 

1  The  printed  text  has  "  FarSjal,"  and  this  is  favoured  to  some  extent  by  one  MS., 
but  the  other  is  consistent  in  reading  Kara-jal.     See  stqird,  Vol.  I.,  p.  46,  note  2. 

VOL.  III.  16 


242  ZrA'U-D  DfN  BAENr. 

Hind  and  those  of  China,  so  that  the  passage  for  horses  and 
soldiers  and  the  march  of  the  array  might  be  rendered  easy. 
To  efifect  this  object  a  large  force,  under  distinguished  amkrs  and 
generals,  was  sent  to  the  mountain  of  Kara-jal,  with  orders  to 
subdue  the  whole  mountain.  In  obedience  to  orders,  it  marched 
into  the  mountains  and  encamped  in  various  places,  but  the 
Hindus  closed  the  passes  and  cut  off  its  retreat.  The  whole 
force  was  thus  destroyed  at  one  stroke,  and  out  of  all  this  chosen 
body  of  men  only  ten  horsemen  returned  to  Dehli  to  spread  the 
news  of  its  discomfiture.  *  *  * 

Revolts. —  *  *  The  first  revolt  was  that  of  Eahram  Abiya  at 
Mult4n.  This  broke  out  while  the  Sultdn  was  at  Deogir.  As  soon 
as  he  heard  of  it  he  hastened  back  to  his  capital,  and  collecting 
an  army  he  marched  against  Multdn.  When  the  opposing  forces 
met,  Bahram  Abiya  was  defeated.  His  head  was  cut  off  and  was 
brought  to  the  Sultan,  and  his  army  was  cut  to  pieces  and  dis- 
persed. *  *  *  The  Sultdn  returned  victorious  to  Dehli,  where 
he  stayed  for  two  years.  He  did  not  proceed  to  Deogir,  whither 
the  citizens  and  their  families  had  removed.  Whilst  he  re- 
mained at  Dehli  the  nobles  and  soldiers  continued  with  him, 
but  their  wives  and  children  were  at  Deogir.  At  this  time  the 
country  of  the  Doab  was  brought  to  ruin  by  the  heavy  taxation 
and  the  numerous  cesses.  The  Hindus  burnt  their  corn  stacks 
and  turned  their  cattle  out  to  roam  at  large.  Under  the  orders  of 
the  Sultan,  the  collectors  and  magistrates  laid  waste  the  country, 
and  they  killed  some  landholders  and  village  chiefs  and  blinded 
others.  Such  of  these  unhappy  inhabitants  as  escaped  formed 
themselves  into  bands  and  took  refuge  in  the  jungles.  So  the 
country  was  ruined.  The  Sultan  then  proceeded  on  a  hunting 
excursion  to  Baran,  where,  under  his  directions,  the  whole  of  that 
country  was  plundered  and  laid  waste,  and  the  heads  of  the 
Hindus  were  brought  in  and  hung  upon  the  ramparts  of  the  fort 
of  Baran. 

About  this  time  the  rebellion  of  Fakhra  broke  out  in  Bengal, 
after  the  death  of  Bahr4m  Waka.  (Governor  of  Sunar-gdnw). 


TAErxH-i  Frnoz  SHAnr.  243 

Fakhra  and  his  Bengali  forces  killed  Kadar  Khan  (Governor  of 
Lakhnauti),  and  cut  his  wives  and  family  and  dependents  to 
pieces.  He  then  plundered  the  treasuBes  of  Lakhnauti,  and 
secured  possession  of  that  place,  and  of  Sat-ganw  and  Sunar- 
ganw.  These  places  were  thus  lost  to  the  imperial  throne,  and, 
falling  into  the  hands  of  Fakhr4  and  other  rebels,  were 
not  recovered.  At  the  same  period  the  Sultdn  led  forth  his 
army  to  ravage  Hindustan.  He  laid  the  country  waste  from 
Xanauj  to  Dalamu,  and  every  person  that  fell  into  his  hands  he 
slew.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  fled  and  took  refuge  in  the 
jungles,  but  the  Sultan  had  the  jungles  surrounded,  and  every 
individual  that  was  captured  was  killed. 

While  he  was  engaged  in  the  neighboarhood  of  Kanauj  a  third 
revolt  broke  out.  Saiyid  Hasan,  father  of  Ibrahim,  the  purse- 
bearer,  hroke  out  into  rebellion  in  Ma'bar,  killed  the  nobles,  and 
seized  upon  the  government.  The  army  sent  from  Dehli  to 
recover  Ma'bar,  remained  there.  When  the  Sultan  heard  of  the 
revolt  he  seized  Ibrahim  and  all  his  relations.  He  then  returned 
to  Dehli  for  reinforcements,  and  started  from  thence  to  Deoo-ir, 
in  order  to  prepare  for  a  campaign  against  Ma'bar.  He  had  only 
marched  three  or  four  stages  from  Dehli  when  the  price  of  grain 
rose,  and  famine  began  to  be  felt.  Highway  robberies  also 
became  frequent  in  the  neighbourhood.  When  the  Sultan 
arrived  at  Deogir  he  made  heavy  demands  upon  the  Musulm4n 
chiefs  and  collectors  of  the  Mahratta  country,  and  his  oppressive 
exactions  drove  many  persons  to  kill  themselves.  Heavy  abwdbs 
also  were  imposed  on  the  country,  and  persons  were  specially  ap- 
pointed to.  levy  them.  After  a  short  time  he  sent  Ahmad  Ayyaz 
(as  lieutenant)  to  Dehli,  and  he  marched  to  Tilang.  When 
Ayydz  arrived  in  Dehli  he  found  that  a  disturbance  had  broken 
out  in  Labor,  but  he  suppressed  it.  The  Sultdn  arrived  at 
Arangal,  where  cholera  (.wabd)  was  prevalent.  Several  nobles 
and  many  other  persons  died  of  it  The  Sultan  also  was  at- 
tacked. He  then  appointed  Malik  Kabul,  the  ndib-wazir,  to  be 
ruler  over  Tilang,  and   himself  returned  homewards  with  all 


244  ZrAU-D  DrN  BARNr. 

speed.  He  was  ill  when  he  reached  Deoglr,  and  remained  there 
some  days  under  treatment.  He  there  gave  Shahab  Sultdni 
the  title  of  Nusrat  Kh^n,  and  made  him  governor  of  Bidar 
and  the  neighbourhood,  with  a  fief  of  a  lac  of  tanlms.  The 
Mahratta  country  was  entrusted  to  Katlagh  Khan.  The  Sultan, 
still  ill,  then  set  off  for  Dehli,  and  on  his  way  he  gave  general 
permission  for  the  return  home  of  those  people  whom  he  had 
removed  from  Dehli  to  Deogir.  Two  or  three  caravans  were 
formed  which  returned  to  Dehli,  but  those  with  whom  the 
Mahratta  country  agreed  remained  at  Deogir  with  their  wives 
and  children. 

The  Sultan  proceeded  to  Dhdr,  and  being  still  indisposed,  he 
rested  a  few  days,  and  then  pursued  his  journey  through  M41wa. 
Famine  prevailed  there,  the  posts  were  all  gone  off  the  road,  and 
distress  and  anarchy  reigned  in  all  the  country  and  towns  along 
the  route.  When  the  Sultan  reached  Dehli,  not  a  thousandth  part 
of  the  population  remained.  He  found  the  country  desolate,  a 
deadly  famine  raging,  and  all  cultivation  abandoned.  He  employed 
himself  some  time  in  restoring  cultivation  and  agriculture,  but 
the  rains  fell  short  that  year,  and  no  success  followed.  At  length 
no  horses  or  cattle  were  left ;  grain  rose  to  16  or  17  jitals  a  sir, 
and  the  people  starved.  The  Sultan  advanced  loans  from  the 
treasury  to  promote  cultivation,  but  men  had  been  brought  to  a 
state  of  helplessness  and  weakness.  Want  of  rain  prevented 
cultivation,  and  the  people  perished.  The  Sultdn  soon  recovered 
his  health  at  Dehli. 

Whilst  the  SultS.n  was  thus  engaged  in  endeavouring  to  restore 
cultivation,  the  news  was  brought  that  Shdhu  Afghan  had  re- 
belled in  Multdn,  and  had  killed  BihzS,d,  the  ndih.  Malik  Nawa 
fled  from  Multdn  to  Dehli.  Shahu  had  collected  a  party  of 
Afghans,  and  had  taken  possession  of  the  city.  The  Sultan  pre- 
pared his  forces  and  marched  towards  Multdn,  but  he  had  made 
only  a  few  marches  when  Makhduma-i  Jah^n,  his  mother,  died 
in  Dehli.  *  *  The  Sultdn  was  much  grieved.  *  *  He  pursued  his 
march,  and  when  he  was  only  a  few  marches  from  Multdn,  Shdhu 


TA'ErKH-I  FIEOZ  SHA'Hr.  245 

submitted,  and  sent  to  say  that  he  repented  of  what  he  had  done. 
He  fled  with  his  Afghans  to  Afghanistan,  and  the  Sultan  pro- 
ceeded to  Sanndm.  From  thence  he  went  to  Agroha,  where 
he  rested  awhile,  and  afterwards  to  Dehli,  where  the  famine 
was  very  severe,  and  man  was  devouring  man.  The  Sultan 
strove  to  restore  cultivation,  and  had  wells  dug,  but  the  people 
could  do  nothing.  No  word  issued  from  their  mouths,  and 
they  continued  inactive  and  negligent.  This  brought  many  of 
them  to  punishment. 

The  Sultau  again  marched  to  Sannam  and  Sdm4na,  to  put 
down  the  rebels,  who  had  formed  mandak  (strongholds  ?),  with- 
held the  tribute,  created  disturbances,  and  plundered  on  the 
roads.  The  Sultdn  destroyed  their  mandals,  dispersed  their  fol- 
lowers, and  carried  their  chiefs  prisoners  to  Dehli.  Many  of 
them  became  Musulmans,  and  some  of  them  were  placed  in  the 
service  of  noblemen,  and,  with  their  wives  and  children,  became 
residents  of  the  eity.^  They  were  torn  from  their  old  lands,  the 
troubles  they  had  caused  were  stopped,  and  travellers  could  pro- 
ceed without  fear  of  robbery. 

While  this  was  going  on  a  revolt  broke  out  among  the  Hindus 
at  Arangal.  Kanya  N4ik  had  gathered  strength  in  the  country. 
Malik  Makbul,  the  ndib-wazir,  fled  to  Dehli,  and  the  Hindus 
took  possession  of  Arangal,  which  was  thus  entirely  lost.  About 
the  same  time  one  of  the  relations  of  Kanya  Naik,  whom  the 
Sultan  had  sent  to  Kambala,^  apostatized  from  Islam  and  stirred 

'  The  work  is  not  divided  into  chapters,  or  other  divisions,  systematically,  in  a 
way  useful  for  reference,  so  the  occasional  headings  have  not  been  given  in  the 
translation.  But  the  heading  of  the  section  in  which  this  passage  occurs  is  more 
explicit  than  the  narrative ;  it  says — "  Campaign  of  Sult&n  Muhammad  in  Sann&m, 
Sam&na,  Kaithal  and  Kuhram,  and  devastation  of  those  countries  which  had  all 
become  rebellious.  Departure  of  the  Sult&n  to  the  hiUs ;  subjugation  of  the  rdnas 
of  the  hills ;  the  carrying  away  of  the  village  chiefs  and  head  men,  Bir&has,  Mand&- 
hars,  Jats,  Bhats,  and  Manhis  to  Dehli.  Their  conversion  to  Isl4m,  and  their  being 
placed  in  the  charge  of  the  nobles  in  the  capital." 

"  Kampala  is  the  name  given  in  the  print,  but  both  MSS.  read  "  Kambala,"  making 
it  identical  with  the  place  mentioned  directly  afterwards.  I  have  not  been  able  to 
discover  the  place.  The  author  probably  took  the  name  to  be  identical  with  that  of 
Eampila  in  the  Do^b. 


246  ZI'AU-D  DI'N  BAENr. 

up  a  revolt.  The  land  of  Kambala  also  was  thus  lost,  and  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Hindus.  Deogir  and  Gujarat  alone  re- 
mained secure.  Disaffection  and  disturbances  arose  on  every 
side,  and  as  they  gathered  strength  the  Sultan  became  more  ex- 
asperated and  more  severe  with  his  subjects.  But  his  severities 
only  increased  the  disgust  and  distress  of  the  people.  He  stayed 
for  some  time  in  Dehli,  making  loans  and  encouraging  cultiva- 
tion ;  but  the  rain  did  not  fall,  and  the  raiyats  did  not  apply 
themselves  to  work,  so  prices  rose  yet  higher,  and  men  and 
beasts  died  of  starvation.  *  *  *  Through  the  famine  no  business 
of  the  State  could  go  on  to  the  Sultan's  satisfaction. 

The  Sultdn  perceived  that  there  was  no  means  of  providing 
against  the  scarcity  of  grain  and  fodder  in  the  capital,  and  no 
possibility  of  restoring  cultivation  without  the  fall  of  rain.  He 
saw  also  that  the  inhabitants  were  daily  becoming  more  wretched ; 
so  he  allowed  the  people  to  pass  the  gates  of  the  city  and  to  remove 
with  their  families  towards  Hindustan,  *  *  *  so  many  proceeded 
thither.  The  Sultan  also  left  the  city,  and,  passing  by  Pattidli 
and  Kampila,!  he  halted  a  little  beyond  the  town  of  Khor,  on 
the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  where  he  remained  for  a  while  with 
his  army.  The  men  built  thatched  huts,  and  took  up  their 
abode  near  the  cultivated  land.  The  place  was  called  Sarg- 
dwari  (Heaven's  gate).  Grain  was  brought  thither  from  Karra 
and  Oudh,  and,  compared  with  the  price  at  Dehli,  it  was 
cheap.  While  the  Sultan  was  staying  at  this  place  'Ainu-I 
Mulk  held  the  territory  of  Oudh  and  Zafarabad.  His  brothers 
had  fought  against  and  put  down  the  rebels,  thus  securing 
these  territories,  *  *  and  the  Malik  and  his  brothers  sent  to  Sarg- 
dwari  and  to  Dehli  money,  grain  and  goods,  to  the  value  of  from 
seventy  to  eighty  lacs  of  tankas.  This  greatly  increased  the 
Sultan's  confidence  in  'Ainu-1  Mulk,  and  confirmed  his  opinion 
of  his  ability.  The  Sultan  had  just  before  been  apprized  that 
the  officials  of  Katlagh  Khdn  at  Deogir  had,  by  their  rapacity,  re- 
duced the  revenues ;  he  therefore  proposed  to  make  'Ainu-1  Mulk 
1  Towns  in  Farrukli&b&d. 


TARrKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHf.    ■  247 

governor  of  Deogir,  and  to  send  him  there  with  his  brothers  and 
all  their  wives  and  families,  and  to  recall  Katlagh  Khan  with  his 
adherents.  When  'Ainu-1  Mulk  and  his  brothers  heard  of  this 
design,  they  were  filled  with  apprehension,  and  attributed  it  to  the 
treachery  of  the  Sultdn.  They  had  held  their  present  territories 
for  many  years,  and  many  nobles  and  officials  of  Dehli,  through 
fear  of  the  Sultan's  severity,  had  left  the  city,  alleging  the  dearness 
of  grain  as  the  reason,  and  had  come  to  Oudh  and  Zafarabdd,  with 
their  wives  and  families.  Some  of  them  became  connected  with  the 
Malik  and  his  brothers,  and  some  of  them  received  villages.  *  * 
The  Sultan  was  repeatedly  informed  of  this,  and  it  made  him 
very  angry,  but  he  kept  this  feeling  to  himself,  until  one  day, 
while  at  Sarg-dw4ri,  he  sent  a  message  to  'Ainu-1  Mulk,  order- 
ing that  all  the  people  of  note  and  ability,  and  all  those  who  had 
fled  from  Dehli  to  escape  punishment,  should  be  arrested  and  sent 
bound  to  Dehli.  *  *  *  This  message,  so  characteristic  of  the 
Sultan's  cruelty,  enhanced  the  fears  of  the  Malik  and  his  brothers, 
and  they  felt  assured  that  the  Sultan's  intention  was  to  send  them 
to  Deogir  and  there  perfidiously  destroy  them.  They  were  filled 
with  abhorrence,  and  began  to  organize  a  revolt. 

About  this  time,  during  the  Sult&n's  stay  at  Dehli  and  his 
temporary  residence  at  Sarg-dwari,  four  revolts  were  quickly  re- 
pressed. First.  That  of  Niz4m  Ma-in  at  Karra.  *  *  *  'Ainu-l 
Mulk  and  his  brothers  marched  against  this  rebel,  and  having  put 
down  the  revolt  and  made  him  prisoner,  they  flayed  him  and 
sent  his  skin  to  Dehli.  Second.  That  of  Shahab  Sultdni,  or 
Nusrat  Khdn,  at  Bidar.  *  *  *  In  the  course  of  three  years  he 
had  misappropriated  about  a  kror  of  tankas  from  the  revenue.  *  * 
The  news  of  the  Sultdn's  vengeance  reached  him  and  he  rebelled, 
but  he  was  besieged  in  the  fort  of  Bidar,  *  *  *  which  was 
captured,  and  he  was  sent  prisoner  to  Dehli.  Third.  That  of 
'Alisha,  nephew  of  Zafar  Khdn,  which  broke  out  a  few  months 
afterwards  in  the  same  district.  *  *  *  He  had  been  sent  from 
Deogir  to  Kulbarga  to  collect  the  revenues,  but  finding  the 
country  without  soldiers  and  without  any  great  men,  he  and  his 


248  ■        ZrATJ-D  DrN  BARNr. 

brothers  rebelled,  treacherously  killed  Bhairan,  chief  of  Kulbarga, 
and  plundered  his  treasures.  He  iihen  proceeded  to  Bidar  and 
killed  the  ndib,  after  which  he  held  both  Bidar  and  Kulbarga, 
and  pushed  his  revolt.  The  Sultan  sent  Katlagh  Khan  against 
him  *  *  *  from  Deogir,  and  the  rebel  met  him  and  was  de- 
feated. *  *  *  He  then  fled  to  Bidar,  where  he  was  besieged  and 
captured.  He  and  his  brothers  were  sent  to  the  Sultan,  *  *  * 
who  ordered  them  to  Ghazni.  They  returned  from  thence,  and 
the  two  brothers  received  punishment.  Fourth.  The  revolt  of 
'Ainu-1  Mulk  and  his  brothers  at  Sarg-dwdri.  The  Malik  was 
an  old  courtier  and  associate  of  the  Sultdn,  so  he  feared  the 
weakness  of  his  character  and  the  ferocity  of  his  temper.  Con- 
sidering himself  on  the  verge  of  destruction,  he,  by  per- 
mission of  the  Sultdn,  brought  his  brothers  and  the  armies 
of  Oudh  and  Zafarabdd  with  him  when  he  went  to  Sarg- 
dwdri,  and  they  remained  a  few  kos  distant.  One  night  he 
suddenly  left  Sarg-dwari  and  joined  them.  His  brothers  then 
passed  over  the  river  with  three  or  four  hundred  horse,  and,  pro- 
ceeding towards  Sarg-dwdri,  they  seized  the  elephants  and  horses 
which  were  grazing  there,  and  carried  them  off.  A  serious  revolt 
thus  arose  at  Sarg-dwdri.  The  Sultan  summoned  forces  from 
Sdmana,  Amroha,  Baran,  and  Kol,  and  a  force  came  in  from 
Ahmaddbad.  He  remained  a  while  at  Sarg-dwari  to  arrange  his 
forces,  and  then  marched  to  Kanauj  and  encamped  in  its  suburbs. 
'Ainu-1  Mulk  and  his  brothers  knew  nothing  of  war  and  fighting, 
and  had  no  courage  and  experience.  They  were  opposed  by  Sultan 
Muhammad,  *  *  *  who  had  been  victorious  in  twenty  battles 
with  the  Mughals.  In  their  extreme  ignorance  and  folly  they 
crossed  the  Ganges  below  Bangarmu,  *  *  *  and  thinking  that 
the  Sultdn's  severity  would  cause  many  to  desert  him,  they  drew 
near  to  offer  battle.  *  *  *  In  the  morning  one  division  of  the 
Sultan's  forces  charged  and  defeated  them  at  the  first  attack. 
'Ainu-I  Mulk  was  taken  prisoner,  and  the  routed  forces  were  pur- 
sued for  twelve  or  thirteen  kos  with  great  loss.  The  Malik's  two 
brothers,  who  were  the  commanders,  were  killed  in  the  fight. 


TAEI'KH-I  FtROZ  SHAHL  249 

Many  of  the  fugitives,  in  their  panic,  cast  themselves  into  the  river 
and  were  drowned.  The  pursuers  obtained  great  booty.  Those 
who  escaped  from  the  river  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Hindus 
in  the  Mawds  and  lost  their  horses  and  arms.  The  Sultan  did 
not  punish  'Ainu-l  Mulk,  for  he  thought  that  he  was  not  wilfully 
rebellious,  but  had  acted  through  mistake.  *  *  *  After  a  while 
he  sent  for  him,  treated  him  kindly,  gave  him  a  robe,  promoted 
him  to  high  employment,  and  showed  him  great  indulgence.  His 
children  and  all  his  family  were  restored  to  him. 

After  the  suppression  of  this  revolt,  the  Sultan  resolved  on 
going  to  Hindustan,  and  proceeded  to  Bahrdich,  where  he  paid  a 
visit,  and  devoutly  made  offerings  to  the  shrine  of  the  martyr 
Sipdh-salar  Mas'iid,!  one  of  the  heroes  of  Sultan  Mahmud  Subuk- 
tigfn.  *  *  * 

When  the  Sultdn  returned  to  Dehli,  it  occurred  to  his  mind 
that  no  king  or  prince  could  exercise  regal  power  without  con- 
firmation by  the  Khalifa  of  the  race  of  'Abbas,  and  that  every 
king  who  had,  or  should  hereafter  reign,  without  such  confirma- 
tion, had  been  or  would  be  overpowered.  The  Sultdn  made 
diligent  inquiries  from  many  travellers  about  the  Khalifas  of  the 
line  of  'Abbds,  and  he  learned  that  the  representatives  of  the 
line  of  'Abbds  were  the  Khalifas  of  Egypt.  So  he  and  his 
ministers  and  advisers  came  to  an  understanding  with  the  Khalifa 
that  was  in  Egypt,  and  while  the  Sultan  was  at  Sarg-dw^ri  he 
sent  despatches  to  Egypt  about  many  things.  When  he  returned 
to  the  city  he  stopped^  the  prayers  of  the  Sabbath  and  the  'I'ds. 
He  had  his  own  name  and  style  removed  from  his  coins,  and  that 
of  the  Khalifa  substituted  ;  and  his  flatteries  of  the  Khalifa  were 
so  fulsome  that  they  cannot  be  reduced  to  writing.  In  the  year 
744  H.  (1343  A.D.)  H4ji  Sa'id  Sarsari  came  to  Dehli,  from  Egypt, 
bringing  to  the  Sultan  honours  and  a  robe  from  the  Khalifa. 

'  The  tomb  of  Mas'ud  had  thus  become  a  place  of  sanctity  at  this  time.  See  Vol. 
II.  App.,  pp.  513,  649. 

2  Dor  tawaTckvf  ddsht,  probably  meaning  that  he  substituted  the  name  of  the 
Khalifa  of  Egypt  for  that  of  the  Khalifa  of  Baghdad. 


250  ZrAU-D  DfN  BAENr. 

The  Sultan,  with  all  his  nobles  and  saiyids  and  *  *  *,  went  forth 
to  meet  the  Haji  with  great  ceremony,  *  *  *  and  he  walked 
before  him  barefoot  for  the  distance  of  some  long  bow-shotg. 
*  *  *  From  that  date  permission  was  given,  that  out  of  respect 
the  Khalifa's  name  should  be  repeated  in  the  prayers  for  Sabbaths 
and  holydays,  *  *  *  and  it  was  also  ordered  that  in  mentioning 
the  names  of  the  kings  in  the  lihutba,  they  should  be  declared  to 
have  reigned  under  the  authority  and  confirmation  of  the  'Abbdsi 
Khalifas.  The  names  of  those  kings  who  had  not  received  such 
confirmation  were  to  be  removed  from  the  hhufba,  and  the  kings 
were  to  be  declared  to  be  superseded  {mutaghallab).  *  *  *  The 
name  of  the  Khalifa  was  ordered  to  be  inscribed  on  lofty  build- 
ings, and  no  other  name  besides.  *  *  *  The  Sultdn  directed  that 
a  letter  acknowledging  his  subordination  to  the  Khalifa  should 
be  sent  by  the  hands  of  Hdji  Rajab  Barka'i,  *  *  *  and  after  two 
years  of  correspondence  the  Hdji  returned  from  Egypt,  bringing 
a  diploma  in  the  name  of  the  Sultan,  as  deputy  of  the  Khalifa}  *  * 
After  the  Sultan  returned  from  Sarg-dwari,  he  remained  for 
three  or  four  years  at  Dehli,  where  he  devoted  himself  to  sundry 
matters  which  he  considered  to  be  for  the  good  of  the  State. 
Firstly.  He  did  his  best  for  the  promotion  of  agriculture,  and  for 
the  encouragement  of  building.  *  *  *  The  officers  entrusted  with 
the  distribution  of  the  loans  from  the  public  treasury  took  care  of 
themselves',  and  appropriated  the  money  to  their  own  wants  and 
necessities.  Much  of  the  pasture  land  being  unfit  for  cultivation 
remained  uncultivated,  and  the  superintendents  were  in  dread 
of  punishment.  In  the  course  of  two  years  about  seventy  lacs 
oitankas  had  been  issued  from  the  treasury  to  the  superinten- 
dents of  the  cultivation  of  waste  lands,  and  not  one  hundredth 
or  a  thousandth  part  of  what  was  disbursed  was  reproduced  in 
agriculture.  If  the  Sultan  had  returned  from  his  campaign 
against  Thatta,  not  one  of  these  superintendents  and  managers 

'  In  the  translation  of  Firishta  it  ia  made  to  appear  that  it  was  the  Khalifa  of 
Arabia  who  was  thus  recognized :  the  text,  however,  says  correctly  that  it  was  he  of 
Egjpt. 


TA'RrKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHf.  251 

would  have  remained  alive.  Secondly.  The  Sultan  supported 
and  patronized  the  Mughals.  Every  year  at  the  approach 
of  winter,  the  amirs  of  tumans  (of  men)  and  of  thousands 
etc.,  etc.,  received  krors  and  lacs,  and  robes,  and  horses,  and 
pearls.  During  the  whole  period  of  two  or  three  years,  the 
,  Sultan  was  intent  upon  patronizing  and  favouring  the  Mughals. 
Thirdly.  *  *  *  He  was  diligently  engaged  in  drawing  out  plans 
and  schemes  for  increasing  his  revenue  and  army,  and  for  pro- 
moting agriculture.  Fourthly.  He  applied  himself  excessively  to 
the  business  of  punishment,  and  this  was  the  cause  of  many  of 
the  acquired  territories  slipping  from  his  grasp,  and  of  troubles 
and  disturbances  in  those  which  remained  in  his  power.  *  *  * 
The  more  severe  the  punishments  that  were  inflicted  in  the  city, 
the  more  disgusted  were  the  people  in  the  neighbourhood,  insur- 
rections spread,  and  the  loss  and  injury  to  the  State  increased. 
Every  one  that  was  punished  spoke  evil  of  him.  *  *  *  Fifthly. 
The  exertions  which  he  made  in  the  latter  part  of  these  years  to 
promote  the  settlement  and  prosperity  of  Deogir  and  the  country 
of  the  Mahrattas.  The  Sult4n  and  the  evil  counsellors  who  found 
favour  in  his  sijjht  came  to  the  conclusion  that  vast  sums  of  the 
revenues  of  Deogir  were  lost  through  the  peculations  of  Katlagh 
Khan's  officials.  *  *  *  He  divided  the  Mahratta  country  into  four 
provinces  (shikh).  *  *  *  The  oiBcers  who  were  sent  thither  received 
orders  to  exterminate  all  those  who  had  revolted  or  were  inimical 
to  the  Sultan's  rule.  *  *  *  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  Katlagh 
Khan,  with  his  family  and  suite,  were  recalled  to  Dehli,  and  'Aziz 
Himdr,  a  low  fellow,  depraved  and  foolish,  was  sent  to  Dhar,  and 
made  governor  of  all  Malwa.  The  recall  of  Katlagh  Khdn  quite 
disheartened  the  people  of  Deogir,  and  they  saw  themselves  upon 
the  very  brink  of  ruin.  They  had  enjoyed  tranquility  under  the 
just  and  benevolent  rule  of  that  nobleman,  and  they  had  looked 
to  him  as  their  defence  against  the  cruel  punishments  of  the 
Sultan.  The  accounts  which  they  heard  of  his  severity  had 
disgusted  all  the  people  of  Deogir,  both  Hindus  and  Musulmans, 
and  many  of  them  broke  out  into  rebellion.   *  *  *    Mauland 


252  ZtKXJ-D  DIN  BARNr. 

Nizarau-d  din,  a  simple  inexperienced  man,  and  brother  of  Kat- 
lagli  Kh4n,  was  sent  from  Bahruj    (Broach)   to  succeed  him. 

*  *  *  The  cash  raised  from  the  revenues  under  Katlagh  Kh4n 
had  been  accumulated  at  Dedgir,  for  it  was  not  possible  to  convey 
it  to  Dehli  in  consequence  of  the  badness  of  the  roads,  the  dis- 
tress in  Malwa,  and  the  disaffection  of  the  village  chiefs.  Orders 
were  therefore  given  to  secure  it  in  Dharagir,  a  strong  fort.  *  *  * 

The  Sultdn  having  thus  appointed  the  base-bom  'Aziz  Himar 
to  Dhdr  and  Malwa,  gave  him  several  lacs  of  tanhas  on  his 
departure,  in  order  that  he  might  proceed  thither  with  befitting 
state  and  dignity.  *  *  *  He  said  to  him,  "  Thou  seest  how  that 
revolts  and  disturbances  are  breaking  out  on  every  side,  and  I 
am  told  that  whoever  creates  a  disturbance  does  so  with  the  aid 
of  the  foreign  amirs.^  *  *  *  Revolts  are  possible,  because  these 
amirs  are  ready  to  join  any  one  for  the  sake  of  disturbance  and 
plunder.  If  you  find  at  Dhdr  any  of  these  amirs,  who  are  dis- 
affected and  ready  to  rebel,  you  must  get  rid  of  them  in  the 
best  way  you  can."  'Aziz  arrived  at  Dhdr,  and  in  all  his  native 
ignorance  applied  himself  to  business.  The  vile  whoreson  one 
day  got  together  about  eighty  of  the  foreign  amirs  and  chiefs  of 
the  soldiery,  and,  upbraiding  them  with  having  been  the  cause 
of  every  misfortune  and  disturbance,  he  had  them  all  beheaded 
in  front  of  the  palace.  *  *  *  This  slaughter  of  the  foreign  amirs 
of  Dh4r,  on  the  mere  ground  of  their  being  foreigners,  caused 
those  of  Deogir,  and  Gujarat,  and  every  other  place  to  unite  and 
to  break  out  into  insurrection.  *  *  *  When  the  Sultan  was 
informed  of  this  punishment,  he  sent  'Aziz  a  robe  of  honour  and  a 
complimentary  letter.  *  *  * 

I,  the  author  of  this  work,  have  been  for  seventeen  years  and 
three  months  at  the  court  of  Sultdn  Muhammad,  and  have  re- 

'  The  printed  text,  the  MSS.,  and  the  text  of  Firishta  all  agree  in  this  word 

*  Ju>  jf^\  ,  ™  tlie  plural  ,l^jua  -«.«1 .  It  is  the  Mughal  title  for  a  centurion 
or  commander  of  a  hundred.  Briggs  converts  it  into  "Amir  Judeeda,"  and  trans- 
lates it  "foreign  chiefs."  He  is  probahly  not  far  wrong  in  the  popular  meaning 
he  has  assigned  to  it,  but  he  is  not  justified  in  his  alteration  of  the  original  word. 


TAErKH-I  FTROZ  SHAHT,  253 

ceived  many  favours  and  gifts  from  him,  *  *  *  and  I  have  often 
heard  him  speak  with  contempt  of  low-born,  mean  men.  *  *  * 
Now  when  I  see  him  promoting  and  honouring  low  and  unworthy 
persons,  I  am  lost  in  amazement.  *  *  * 

About  the  time  when  this  horrid  tragedy  was  perpetrated  by 
'Aziz  Himar,  the  ndib-wazir  of  Gujardt,  Mukbil  by  name,  having 
with  him  the  treasure  and  horses  which  had  been  procured  in 
Gujarat  for  the  royal  stables,  was  proceeding  by  way  of  Dihui 
and  Baroda  to  the  presence  of  the  Sultan.  When  he  came  near 
Dihui  and  Baroda,  the  foreign  amirs  of  those  places,  who,  alarmed, 
by  the  act  of  'Aziz,  had  been  impelled  into  rebellion,  attacked 
Mukbil,  and  carried  off  all  the  horses  and  treasure.  They 
also  destroyed  all  the  goods  and  stuffs  which  the  merchants  of 
G-ujardt  were  carrying  under  his  convoy.  Mukbil  returned  to 
Nahrwala,  and  his  party  was  dispersed.  The  amirs  having  ac- 
quired so  many  horses  and  so  much  property  grew  in  power  and 
importance.  Stirring  up  the  flames  of  insurrection,  they  gathered 
together  a  force  and  proceeded  to  Kanhdyat  (Oambay).  The 
news  of  their  revolt  spread  throughout  Gujardt,  and  the  whole 
country  was  falling  into  utter  confusion.  At  the  end  of  the 
month  of  Ramazan,  745  h.  (Feb.  1345),  the  intelligence  of  this 
revolt  and  of  the  defeat  and  plunder  of  Mukbil  was  brought  to 
the  Sultdn.  It  caused  him  much  anxiety,  and  he  determined 
to  proceed  to  Gujarat  in  person  to  repress  the  revolt. 

Katlagh  Khan,  who  had  been  his  preceptor,  sent  a  communi- 
cation to  the  Sultan  by  Zia  Barni,  the  author  of  this  history, 
saying,  "What  are  these  amirs  of  Dihui  and  Baroda,  and  in  what 
position  are  they  that  the  Sultdn  should  proceed  in  person  against 
them?"  *  *  "If  permission  is  granted  I  am  willing  to  raise  an 
army  from  the  resources  which  I  have  received  through  the 
Sultdn's  bounty,  and  to  march  to  Gujardt,  to  repress  this  revolt." 
*  *  *  The  author  of  this  work  delivered  the  letter,  *  *  *  but  it 
did  not  meet  with  the  Sultan's  approval,  and  he  vouchsafed  no 
answer.  He  gave  orders,  however,  for  pressing  on  the  prepara- 
tions for  his  campaign.     Before  the  news  of  the  revolt  arrived, 


254  ZrAU-D  BIN  BARNr. 

he  had  appointed  Shaikh  Mu'izzu-d  din,  son  of  Shaikh  'A14u-d 
din  Ajodhani,  to  be  ndib  of  Gujarat.      He  now  ordered  three 
lacs  of  tankas  to  be  given  to  the  Shaikh  for  enabling  him  to 
raise  in  two  or  three  days  a  thousand  horse  to  accompany  the 
royal   army.      He   appointed   Flroz,    afterwards  Sultdn,   Mahk 
Kabir,   and   Ahmad   Ayydz  to   be   vicegerents   in   the   capital 
during  his  absence.     He  commenced  his  march  and  proceeded 
to  SultAnpiir,  about  fifteen  kos  from  Dehli,  where  he  remained 
a  short  time.      This  was  just  at  the  end  of  Ramazdn.      Here 
a  letter  reached  him  from  Dhdr  from  'Aziz  Him4r,  stating  that 
*    *   *   as  he  was   nearer  to   the   rebels,  and  was  ready  with 
the  forces  of  Dhdr,  he  had  marched  against  them.     The  Sultan 
was  not  very  pleased  with  this   movement,  and   became   very 
anxious,  for   'Aziz   knew   nothing  of  warfare,   and  the   Sultdn 
feared  that  he  might  be  cut  up  by  the  rebels.     This  letter  was 
followed  immediately  by  the  news  that  'Aziz  had  engaged  the 
enemy,  and,  having  lost  his  head  during  the  battle,  he  had  fallen 
from  liis  horse,  and  being  senseless  and  helpless  he  had  been 
taken  by  the  rebels  and  put  to  an  ignominious  death. 

Insurrection  followed  upon  insurrection.  During  the  four  or 
five  days  of  Ramazan  that  the  Sultdn  halted  at  Sultanpiir,  late 
one  evening  he  sent  for  the  author  of  this  work,  Zia  Barni. 
When  he  arrived  the  Sultan  said,  "  Thou  seest  how  many  revolts 
spring  up.  I  have  no  pleasure  in  them,  although  men  will  say 
that  they  have  all  been  caused  by  my  excessive  severity.  But 
I  am  not  to  be  turned  aside  from  punishment  by  observations 
and  by  revolts.  You  have  read  many  histories  ;  hast  thou 
found  that  kings  inflict  punishments  under  certain  circum- 
stances?" I  replied,  "I  have  read  in  royal  histories  that  a 
king  cannot  carry  on  his  government  without  punishments, 
for  if  he  were  not  an  avenger  God  knows  what  evils  would 
arise  from  the  insurrections  of  the  disaffected,  and  how  many 
thousand  crimes  would  be  committed  by  his  subjects.  Jam- 
sliid  was  asked  under  what  circumstances  punishment^  is  ap- 

'  "  Siydsat."    Capital  punishment  is  evidently  meant,  in  a  limited  sense  of  the  word. 


TAErKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHf.  255 

proved.  He  replied,  'under  seven  circumstances,  and  what- 
ever goes  beyond  or  in  excess  of  these  causes,  produces  dis- 
turbances, trouble,  and  insurrection,  and  inflicts  injury  on  the 
country :  1.  Apostasy  from  the  true  religion,  and  persistence 
therein ;  2.  Wilful  murder ;  3.  Adultery  of  a  married  man 
with  another's  wife ;  4.  Conspiracy  against  the  king ;  5.  Head- 
ing a  revolt,  or  assisting  rebels ;  6.  Joining  the  enemies  or 
rivals  of  the  king,  conveying  news  to  them,  or  aiding  and  abet-* 
ting  them  in  any  way  ;  7.  Disobedience,  productive  of  injury 
to  the  State.  But  for  no  other  disobedience,  as  detriment  to 
the  realm  is  an  essential.  The  servants  of  God  are  disobedi- 
ent to  him  when  they  are  disobedient  to  the  king,  who  is  his 
vicegerent ;  and  the  State  would  go  to  ruin,  if  the  king  were  to 
refrain  from  inflicting  punishment  in  such  cases  of  disobedience 
as  are  injurious  to  the  realm.'"  The  Sultan  then  asked  me  if  the 
Prophet  had  said  anything  about  these  seven  off"ences  in  respect 
of  their  punishment  by  kings.  I  replied  "  that  the  Prophet  had 
declared  his  opinion  upon  three  ofiences  out  of  these  seven — viz., 
apostasy,  murder  of  a  Musulmdn,  and  adultery  with  a  married 
woman.  The  punishment  of  the  other  four  offences  is  a  matter 
rather  of  policy  and  good  government.  Eeferring  to  the  benefits 
derivable  from  the  punishments  prescribed  by  Jamshid,  it  has 
been  remarked  that  kings  appoint  wazirs,  advance  them  to  high 
dignity,  and  place  the  management  of  their  kingdoms  in  their 
hands  in  order  that  these  wazirs  may  frame  regulations  and  keep 
the  country  in  such  good  order  that  the  king  may  be  saved  from 
having  to  stain  himself  with  the  blood  of  any  mortal."  The 
Sultan  replied,  "  Those  punishments  which  Jamshid  prescribed 
were  suited  to  the  early  ages  of  the  world,  but  in  these  days 
many  wicked  and  turbulent  men  are  to  be  found.  I  visit  them 
with  chastisement  upon  the  suspicion  or  presumption  of  their 
rebellious  and  treacherous  designs,  and  I  punish  the  most  trifling 
act  of  contumacy  with  death.  This  I  will  do  until  I  die,  or  until 
the  people  act  honestly,  and  give  up  rebellion  and  contumacy.  I 
have  no  such  wazir  as  will  make  rules  to  obviate  my  shedding 


256  ZrAU-D  DIN  BAENI. 

blood.  I  punish  the  people  because  they  have  all  at  once  become 
my  enemies  and  opponents.  I  have  dispensed  great  wealth 
among  them,  but  they  have  not  become  friendly  and  loyal. 
Their  temper  is  well  known  to  me,  and  I  see  that  they  are  dis- 
affected and  inimical  to  me." 

The  Sultan  marched  from  Sultdnpur  towards  Gujarat,  and 
when  he  arrived  at  Nahrwdla  he  sent  Shaikh  Mu'izzu-d  din,  with 
•some  officials,  into  the  city,  whilst  he,  leaving  it  on  the  left, 
proceeded  into  the  mountains  of  Abhu,^  to  which  Dihui  and 
Baroda  were  near.  The  Sultan  then  sent  an  oflScer  with  a 
force  against  the  rebels,  and  these  being  unable  to  cope  with 
the  royal  army,  were  defeated.  Many  of  their  horsemen  were 
killed,  the  rest  were  dispersed,  and  with  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren fled  to  Deogir.  The  Sultdn  then  proceeded  from  the 
mountains  of  Abhu  to  Broach,  from  whence  he  sent  Malik 
Makbul,^  ndib-wazir-i  mamdlik,  with  some  of  the  soldiers  from 
Dehli,  some  of  the  foreign  amirs  of  Broach,  and  the  soldiers 
of  Broach,  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  Malik  Makbul  ac- 
cordingly followed  the  fugitives  as  far  as  the  Nerbudda,  where 
he  attacked  and  utterly  routed  them.  Most  of  them  were 
killed,  and  their  wives,  children,  and  goods  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  victors.  Some  of  the  most  noted  of  the  rebels  fled  upon 
bare-backed  horses  to  Mdn  Deo,  chief  of  the  mountains  of  S41ir 
and  Mallr.  Man  Deo  made  them  prisoners,  and  plundered 
them  of  all  the  valuables  they  possessed.  Their  evil  influence  in 
Gujarat  was  thus  put  an  end  to.  Malik  Makbul  remained  for 
some  days  on  the  banks  of  the  Nerbudda,  and  under  royal 
commands  he  seized  most  of  the  foreign  amirs  of  Broach  who  had 
been  sent  to  him,  and  put  them  to  death.  Of  those  who  escaped 
the  sword,  some  fled  to  Deogir,  others  to  the  chiefs  {mukaddims) 
of  Gujarat. 

The  Sultdn  remained  for  some  time  at  Broach,  busily  engaged 
in  collecting  the   dues   of  Broach,   Kanhdyat   (Oambay),  and 

1  Mount  AbCi.    Print  J  ^\  ,    MS.  1.  caret;  2.   Oo.-il .     Firishta,  Abdogur. 
^  He  is  called  Kabiil  in  page  243  and  Mukbil  in  page  263. 


TARrKH-I  FIROZ  SRKBt.  257 

Gujardt,  which  were  several  years  in  arrear.  He  appointed  sharp 
collectors,  and  rigorously  exacted  large  sums.  At  this  period 
his  anger  was  still  more  inflamed  against  the  people,  and  revenge 
filled  his  bosom.  Those  persons  at  Broach  arid  Oambay,  who 
had  disputed  with  Malik  Makbul,  or  had  in  any  way  encouraged 
insurrection,  were  seized  and  consigned  to  punishment.  Many 
persons  of  all  descriptions  thus  met  their  ends. 

While  the  Sultdn  was  at  Broach  he  appointed  Zin-banda  and 
the  middle  son  of  Eukn  Thdnesari,  two  men  who  were  leaders 
in  iniquity  and  the  most  depraved  men  in  the  world,  to  inquire 
into  the  matters  of  the  disaffected  at  Deogir.  Pisar  Thanesari, 
the  vilest  of  men,  went  to  Deogir;  and  Zin-banda,  a  wicked 
iniquitous  character,  who  was  called  Majdu-1  Mulk,  was  on  the 
road  thither.  A  murmuring  arose  among  the  Musulmdns  at 
Deogir  that  two  vile  odious  men  had  been  deputed  to  investi- 
gate the  disaffection,  and  to  bring  its  movers  to  destruction. 
One  of  them  was  before  their  eyes,  and  they  heard  that  the 
other  had  arrived  at  Dhar.  It  so  happened  that  just  about  the 
same  time  the  Sultdn  sent  two  well-known  noblemen  to  Deogir 
with  an  order  to  the  brother  of  Katlagh  Khan,  directing  him 
to  send  to  Broach  fifteen  hundred  horsemen  from  Deogir  with  the 
most  noted  of  the  "foreign  amirs."  They  accordingly  proceeded 
to  Deogir,  and  presented  the  order  to  Nizamu-d  din,  brother  of 
Katlagh  Khan.  In  accordance  therewith,  he  commissioned  fifteen 
hundred  horse,  and  despatched  with  them  the  chief  foreign  amirs 
under  the  conduct  of  the  two  nobles  who  had  been  sent  for  them- 
They  marched  toward  Broach,  but  at  the  end  of  the  first  stage 
the  foreign  amirs,  who  were  attended  by  their  own  horsemen,  con- 
sidered that  they  had  been  summoned  to  Broach  in  order  to  be 
executed,  and  if  they  proceeded  thither  not  one  would  return.  So 
they  consulted  together  and  broke  out  into  open  resistance,  and  the 
two  nobles  who  had  been  sent  for  them  were  killed  in  that  first 
march.  They  then  turned  back  with  loud  clamour  and  entered 
the  royal  palace,  where  they  seized  Mauldnd  Nizamu-d  din,  the 
governor,  and  put  him  in  confinement.     The  officials,  who  had 

VOL.  III.  17 


258  ZrATT-D  DfN  BAENr. 

been  sent  by  the  Sultan  to  Deoglr,  were  taken  and  beheaded. 
They  cut  Pisar  Th^nesari  to  pieces,  and  brought  down  the  trea- 
sure from  (the  fort  of)  Dh6,r4gir.  Then  they  made  Makh  Afghan, 
brother  of  Malik  Yak  Afghan,  one  of  the  foreign  amirs,  their 
leader,  and  placed  him  on  the  throne.  The  money  and  treasure 
were  distributed  among  the  soldiers.  The  Mahratta  country  was 
apportioned  among  these  foreign  amirs,  and  several  disaffected 
persons  joined  the  Afghans.  The  foreign  amirs  of  Dihui  and 
Baroda  left  M4n  Deo  and  proceeded  to  Deogir,  where  the  revolt 
had  increased  and  had  become  established.  The  people  of  the 
country  joined  them. 

The  Sultan,  on  hearing  of  this  revolt,  made  ready  a  large  force 
and  arrived  at  Deogir,  where  the  rebels  and  traitors  confronted 
him.  He  attacked  them  and  defeated  them.  Most  of  the 
horsemen  were  slain  in  the  action.  Makh  Afghan,  their  com- 
mander, who  had  received  a  royal  canopy,  and  had  called  himself 
Sultan,  escaped,  with  his  confederates  and  his  wives  and  children, 
to  the  fort  of  DharAglr,  and  there  took  refuge.  Hasan  K&ngu, 
and  the  rebels  of  Bidar,  and  the  brethren  of  Makh  Afghan,  fled 
before  the  royal  forces  to  their  own  countries.  The  inhabitants 
of  Deogir,  Hindus  and  Musulmdns,  traders  and  soldiers,  were 
plundered.  'Imddu-l  Mulk,  Sar-tez  i  Sultdni,  with  several  other 
amirs,  was  sent  by  the  Sultan  to  Kulbarga,  with  instructions 
to  occupy  that  place  and  to  secure  the  neighbouring  country. 
He  was  also  directed  to  hunt  up  the  fugitives  who  had  fled  before 
the  royal  forces,  and  to  put  a  stop  to  their  machinations.  The 
Sultan  stayed  for  a  while  at  Deogir,  in  the  royal  palace,  and  on 
New  Year's  Day  all  the  Musulmans  in  the  place  went  to  wait 
upon  him.  *  *  * 

While  the  Sultdn  was  engaged  at  Deogir  in  settling  the 
affairs  of  that  place  and  in  providing  for  the  settlement  of  the 
Mahratta  country,  and  before  he  had  finished  the  business 
of  the  amirs  and  the  army,  news  arrived  of  the  revolt,  excited 
by  the  traitor  Taghi,  in  Gujarat.  This  man  was  a  cobbler, 
and  had  been  a  slave  of  the  general,  Malik  Sultdni.     He  had 


TAEtKH-I  PIEOZ  SHAHr.  259 

won  over  the  foreign  amirs  of  Gujarat,  and  had  broken  out 
into-  rebellion.  Many  of  the  mukaddirm  of  Gujarat  joined  him. 
He  marched  to  Nahrw&la,  killed  Malik  MuzafFar,  the  assistant 
of  Shaikh  Mu'izzu-d  din  (the  governor),  and  ma,de  the  latter 
and  his  officers  prisoners.  Taghi  then  proceeded,  at  the  head 
of  his  rebels,  to  Oambay,  and,  after  plundering  that  place,  he 
proceeded  with  a  body  of  Hindus  and  Musulmans  to  the  fort  of 
Broach.  They  attacked  the  fort,  and  every  day  had  conflictis 
with  the  defenders.  The  Sultan,  upon  receiving  intelligence  of 
this  rising,  left  the  affairs  of  Deoglr  half  settled,  and  placing 
certain  officers  in  charge,  departed  with  all  speed  towards  Broach 
to  m-eet  the  rebels.  All  the  Musulmans  of  that  place  who  had 
remained  in  Deogir,  high  and  low,  marched' with  the  royal  army 
to-  Broach.  Grain  was  very  dear,  and  the  army  suffered  great 
privations.  I,  7A.k  Barni,  the  author  of  this  history,  just  at 
this  time  joined  the  Sultan,  after  he  had  made  one  or  two 
marches  from  Ghati-saktin  towards  Broach.  I  had  been  sent 
from  the  capital  by  the  present  Sultan  (Firoz),  Malik  Kabir, 
and  Ahmad  Ayyaz,  with  letters  of  congratulation  on  the  con- 
quest of  Deogir.  The  Sultan  received  me  with  great  favour. 
One  day,  as  I  was  riding  in  his  suite,  the  Sultan  conversed 
with  me,  and  the  conversation  turned  upon  rebellion.  He  then 
said,  "  Thou  seest  what  troubles  these  traitorous  foreign  amirs 
have  excited  on  every  side.  When  I  collect  my  forces  and  put 
them  down  in  one  direction,  they  excite  disturbances  in  some 
other  quarter.  If  I  had  at  the  first  given  orders  for  the  de- 
struction of  all  the  foreign  amirs  of  Deogir,  Gujardt,  and  Broach, 
I  s-hould  not  have  been  so  troubled  by  them.  This  rebel,  Taghi, 
is  my  slave ;  if  I  had  executed  him  or  had  sent  him  as  a  memorial 
to  the  King  of  Eden,  this  revolt  would  never  have  broken  out." 
I  could  not  help  feeling  a  desire  to  tell  the  Sultdn  that  the 
troubles  and  revolts  which  were  breaking  out  on  every  side,  and 
this  general  disaffection,  all  arose  from  the  excessive  severity  of 
his  Majesty,  and  that  if  punishments  were  suspended  for  a  while, 
a  better  feeling  might  spring  up,  and  mistrust  be  removed  from 


260  ZMU-D  DrN  BARNr. 

the  hearts  of  the  people.  But  I  dreaded  the  temper  of  the  king, 
and  could  not  say  what  I  desired,  so  I  said  to  myself.  What  is  the 
good  of  pointing  out  to  the  Sultan  the  causes  of  the  troubles  and 
disturbances  in  his  country,  for  it  will  have  no  eflfect  upon  him  ? 

The  Sultan  arrived  at  Broach,  and  encamped  on  the  banks  of 
the  Nerbadda,  which  flows  by  the  town.  When  the  rebel  Taghi 
was  apprized  of  the  approach  of  the  Sultan,  he  abandoned  the 
town,  with  a  party  of  his  adherents  not  numbering  more  than 
three  hundred  horse.  The  Sultan  then  placed  Malik  Yusuf 
Baghra  in  command  of  two  thousand  horse,  and  sent  him  with 
some  other  amirs  to  Oambay.  In  four  or  five  days  he  drew  near 
to  that  place  and  encountered  Taghi,  when  he  and  several  other 
ttnnrs  were  slain,  and  the  army  being  routed,  fled  to  Broach, 
Instantly  upon  hearing  this,  the  Sultan  crossed  the  river,  and  re- 
mained two  or  three  days  in  Broach.  Although  he  made  every 
exertion  to  get  to  Cambay,  Taghi  heard  of  his  advance  and  fled 
from  that  place  to  As&wal.'^  Thither  the  Sultdn  pursued  him, 
but  the  rebel  again  fled  and  went  to  Nahrwala.  Before  the 
Sultan  left  Broach,  Taghi  had  executed  Shaikh  Mu'izzu-d  din 
and  several  other  officials  whom  he  had  made  prisoners.  *  *  * 

The  Sultan  arrived  at  Asdwal  and  had  to  stay  there  about  a 
month,  on  account  of  the  ill-condition  of  his  horses  and  the  fall 
of  rain.  While  the  rains  were  still  prevailing,  news  came  from 
Nahrwala  that  Taghi  had  marched  from  thence  with  a  party  of 
horse  towards  Asawal  and  had  arrived  at  the  town  of  Karra. 
The  Sultdn  marched  from  Asawal  in  the  very  height  of  the  rains, 
and  on  the  third  or  fourth  day  reached  Karra.  Next  day  he 
drew  out  his  forces  and  attacked  the  rebel.  Taghi,  on  seeing  the 
approach  of  the  royal  force,  plied  his  men  with  wine  and  made 
them  drunk.  The  foreign  horsemen  {sawdri  sadi)  then  made  an 
impetuous  and  reckless  charge  with  their  drawn  swords  on  the 
royal  forces,  but  they  were  encountered  by  the  elephants  and 
overthrown.  They  then  ran  among  the  trees,  dispersed  and  fled 
towards  Nahrwdla.      Several  were  made  prisoners,  and  all  the 

'  AhmadabW. 


TAErXH-I  rrEOZ  SHAHr.  261 

baggage  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Four  or  five  hundred 
men,  combatants  and  non-combatants,i  were  taken  with  the  bag- 
gage, and  were  all  put  to  the  sword.  The  Sultan  then  placed 
the  son  of  Malik  Yiisuf  Baghra  at  the  head  of  a  force,  and 
sent  him  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives,  but  night  came  on,  so  he 
and  his  troops  halted  to  rest.  Taghi,  with  his  remaining  horse- 
men, reached  Nahrwdla;  there  he  collected  all  his  family  and 
dependents,  and  proceeded  to  Kant-bardhi,^  where  he  stayed 
some  days.  From  thence  he  wrote  to  the  Rai  of  Karnal,  im- 
ploring assistance  in  his  flight,  and  proceeded  to  Karndl.  Then 
he  went  to  Thatta  and  Damrlla,  where  he  found  refuge. 

Two  or  three  days  after,  the  Sultan  arrived  at  Nahrwdla,  and 
alighted  .at  the  garden  of  the  reservoir  of  Sahsilang.  There  he 
applied  himself  to  settling  the  affairs  of  Gujarat.  The  mukaddims, 
the  rdnas,  and  the  mahants  of  Gujarat,  came  in  and  paid  their 
homage,  and  received  robes  and  rewards.  In  a  short  time  the 
inhabitants  who  had  been  scattered  abroad  returned  to  their 
homes  and  were  delivered  from  the  ravages  of  the  rebels.  Several 
of  Taghl's  chief  supporters  left  him  and  went  to  the  Eana  of 
Mandal  and  Teri,'  but  that  chief  slew  them  and  sent  their  heads 
to  the  Sultdn.  He  also  seized  upon  all  their  wives  and  children. 
For  this  service  he  received  robes  and  rewards,  and  being  so 
fe/voured  he  came  to  the  Court. 

While  the  Sultan  was  engaged  in  settling  the  aifairs  of  the 
country,  and  was  about  to  enter  Nahrwala,  news  came  from 
Deogir  that  Hasan  Kdngu  and  other  rebels,  who  had  fled  before 
the  royal  army  in  the  day  of  battle,  had  since  attacked  'Imadu-I 
Mulk,  and  had  slain  him  and  scattered  his  army.  Kiwamu-d 
din  and  other  nobles  left  Deogir  and  went  towards  Dhkr.  Hasan 
Kangu  then  proceeded  to  Deogir  and  assumed  royal  dignity. 
Those  rebels  who  had  fled  before  the  Sultan's  army  to  the 
summit  of  Dhdragir,  now  came  down,  and  a  revolution   was 

1  Aztar  0  Jchmh. 

"  So  the  print.  One  MS.  has  "  Katah  and  Bar&l,"  the  other  "  Kanhan  and 
Bara,M." 

3  So  the  print.    One  MS.  says  "  Mandal  Tabri,"  the  other  "  Mandal  Pari," 


262  ZrAU-D  DIN  BAENr. 

effected  in  Deogir.  When  intelligence  of  this  reached  the 
Sultdn's  ears,  he  was  very  disheartened,  for  he  saw  very  well  that 
the  people  were  alienated.  No  place  remained  secure,  all  order 
and  regularity  were  lost,  and  the  throne  was  tottering  to  its  fall. 

During  the  months  of  the  Sultdn's  stay  at  Nahrw^Ia  no  one 
was  sent  to  execution  {siydsat).  He  summoned  Ahmad  Ayy4z 
and  other  nobles,  with  an  army,  from  the  capital,  with  the  in- 
tention of  sending  them  to  Deogir,  and  they,  having  made  every 
preparation,  came  to  the  Sultan.  But  news  now  arrived  that 
Hasan  Kangii  had  drawn  together  a  large  force  at  Deogir.  The 
Sultan  therefore  did  not  deem  it  advisable  to  send  them  there, 
and  gave  up  the  idea  of  attacking  it.  He  determined  that  he 
would  free  Q-ujarat,  take  Karnal,  and  put  down  the  traitor  Taghi; 
after  which  he  would  march  to  Deogir,  overthrow  the  rebels,  and 
remove  every  cause  of  trouble  and  anxiety.  In  pursuance  of  this 
plan  he  first  directed  his  attention  to  the  taking  of  Karnal  and 
the  fort  of  Khankar.^  The  mukaddims  of  Deogir,  who  had  come 
from  that  place  to  wait  upon  the  Sultan,  now  saw  that  the  busi- 
ness of  their  country  was  postponed ;  so  they  went  off  by  ones 
and  twos,  and,  meeting  at  a  rendezvous,  they  returned  to  Deogir. 

The  success  of  the  rebels,  and  the  loss  of  Deogir,  greatly 
troubled  the  king.  One  day,  while  he  was  thus  distressed,  he 
sent  for  me,  the  author  of  this  work,  and,  addressing  me,  said : 
"My  kingdom  is  diseased,  and  no  treatment  cures  it.  The  physi- 
cian cures  the  headache,  and  fever  follows ;  he  strives  to  allay  the 
fever,  and  something  else  ^  supervenes.  So  in  my  kingdom  dis- 
orders have  broken  out ;  if  I  suppress  them  in  one  place  they 
appear  in  another;  if  I  allay  them  in  one  district  another  be- 
comes disturbed.  What  have  former  kings  said  about  these 
disorders?"  I  replied,  "Histories  record  many  remedies  which 
kings  have  employed  in  these  disorders.  Some  kings,  when 
they  have  perceived  that  they  do  not  retain  the  confidence  of 

'  This  is  a  personal  name,  see  infrd.    The  spelling  is  that  of  one  of  the  MSS. 
The  print  has  "  Kanhg&r  "  and  "  Khank^r." 
*  "  Sadali"  in  the  print  and  in  one  MS.,  "  cMze  digar  "  in  the  other. 


TARIKH-I  FmoZ  SHAHr.  263 

their  people,  and  have  become  the  objects  of  general  dislike, 
have  abdicated  their  thrones  and  have  given  over  the  government 
to  the  most  worthy  of  their  sons.  Retiring  into  privacy,  and 
occupying  themselves  in  innocent  pursuits,  they  have  passed  their 
time  in  the  society  of  sympathizing  friends,  without  troubling 
themselves  about  matters  of  government.  Other  kings,  when 
they  have  found  themselves  the  objects  of  general  aversion,  have 
taken  to  hunting,  pleasure,  and  wine,  leaving  all  the  business  of 
the  State  to  their  waztrs  and  ofiScers,  and  throwing  off  all  concern 
in  them.  If  this  course  seems  good  ^  to  the  people,  and  the  king 
is  not  given  to  revenge,  the  disorders  of  tbe  State  may  be  cured. 
Of  all  political  ills,  the  greatest  and  most  dire  is  a  general  feeling 
of  aversion  and  a  want  of  confidence  among  all  ranks  of  the 
people."  The  Sultan  replied,  "  If  I  can  settle  the  affairs  of  my 
kingdom  according  to  my  wish,  I  will  consign  my  realm  of  Dehli 
to  three  persons,  Firoz  Sh^h,  Malik  Kabir,  and  Ahmad  Ajjiz, 
and  I  will  then  proceed  on  the  pilgrimage  to  the  holy  temple. 
At  present  I  am  angry  with  my  subjects,  and  they  are  aggrieved 
with  me.  The  people  are  acquainted  with  my  feelings,  and  I 
am  aware  of  their  misery  and  wretchedness.  No  treatment  that 
I  employ  is  of  any  benefit.  My  remedy  for  rebels,  insurgents, 
opponents,  and  disaffected  people  is  the  sword.  I  employ  punish- 
ment and  use  the  sword,  so  that  a  cure  may  be  effected  by  suffer- 
ing. The  more  the  people  resist,  the  more  I  inflict  chastisement." 
When  the  Sultan  gave  up  Deogir  and  applied  himself  to  the 
settlement  of  Grujardt,  he  passed  three  rainy  seasons  in  that 
country.  The  first  he  passed  at  Mandal  and  Teri,^  devoting  his 
time  to  the  affairs  of  the  country  and  the  equipment  of  his  army. 
The  second  he  passed  near  the  fort  of  Karnal.  When  the  mukad- 
dim  of  that  place  saw  the  numbers  and  strength  of  the  royal 
army,  he  resolved  to  make  Taghi  prisoner  and  deliver  him  up; 
but  the  rebel  got  notice  of  his  intention,  and  fled  to  Thatta,  where 
he  found  refuge  with  the  Jdm.     After  the  rains  were  over,  the 

1  The  text  has  a  negative  here,  which  seems  to  mar  the  sense. 

2  "  Mandalid  Tert."     "  Mandal  pari"  in  one  MS. 


264  ZrAU-D  DfN  BARNr. 

Sultan  took  Karndl,  and  brought  all  the  coast  into  subjection. 
The  rdnas  and  mukaddims  came  in  and  made  submission,  where- 
npon  they  received  robes  and  rewards.  A  commissioner  was  sent 
to  take  charge  of  Karnal.  Khankh^r  and  the  Rana  of  Karnal, 
being  taken  prisoners,  were  brought  to  the  court,  and  all  that 
country  was  completely  subdued.  The  third  rainy  season  the 
Sultan  passed  at  Kondal.  This  is  a  place  in  the  direction  of 
Thatta,  Sumargdn,i  and  Damrlla.  At  Kondal  the  Sultan  fell 
sick  with  fever,  which  obliged  him  to  remain  there  for  some  time. 
Before  the  Sultdn  went  to  Kondal  he  received  from  Dehli  the 
intelligence  of  the  death  of  Malik  Kabir,  which  deeply  grieved 
him.  Thereupon  he  sent  Ahmad  Ayyaz  and  Malik  Makbul 
from  the  army  to  take  charge  of  the  affairs  of  the  capital.  He 
summoned  Khud4wand-z4da,*  Makhdum-zdda,  and  many  elders, 
learned  men  and  others,  with  their  wives  and  families,  to  Kondal. 
Every  one  that  was  summoned  hastened  with  horse  and  foot  to 
join  the  Sultdn  at  Kondal,  so  that  a  large  force  was  gathered 
there  and  was  formed  into  an  army.  Boats  were  brought 
from  Deobalpur,  Multdn,  Uch,  and  Siwistdn  to  the  river. 
The  Sultdn  recovered  from  his  disorder,  and  marched  with  his 
army  to  the  Indus.  He  crossed  that  river  in  ease  and  safety 
with  his  army  and  elephants.  He  was  there  joined  by  Altun 
Bahadur,  with  four  or  five  thousand  Mughal  horse,  sent  by  the 
Amir  of  Farghan.  The  Sultan  showed  great  attention  to  this 
leader  and  his  followers,  and  bestowed  many  gifts  upon  them. 
He  then  advanced  along  the  banks  of  the  Indus  towards  Thatta, 
with  an  army  as  numerous  as  a  swarm  of  ants  or  locusts,  with 
the  intention  of  humbling  the  Stimras  and  the  rebel  Taghl,  whom 
they  had  sheltered. 

As  he  was  thus  marching  with  his  countless  army,  and  was 
thirty  hos  from  Thatta,  the  ''dshura  or  fast  of  the  10th  of 
Muharram  happened.  He  kept  the  fast,  and  when  it  was  over 
he  ate  some  fish.  The  fish  did  not  agree  with  him,  his  illness 
returned  and  fever  increased.     He  was  placed  in  a  boat  and  con- 

'  Var :  "  Siyuinga,n  "  and  "  Siyumragan."  '  See  page  276  infri. 


TARrKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHf.  265 

tinned  his  journey  on  the  second  and  third  days,  until  he  came  to 
within  fourteen  kos  of  Thatta.  He  then  rested,  and  his  army  was 
fully  prepared,  only  awaiting  the  royal  command  to  take  Thatta, 
and  to  crush  the  Sumras  of  Thatta  and  the  rebel  Taghi  in  a 
single  day,  and  to  utterly  annihilate  them.  But  fate  ruled  it 
otherwise.  During  the  last  two  or  three  days  that  he  was 
encamped  near  Thatta,  the  Sultan's  malady  had  grown  worse, 
and  his  army  was  in  great  trouble,  for  they  were  a  thousand 
kos  distant  from  Dehli  and  their  wives  and  children,  they  were 
near  the  enemy  and  in  a  wilderness  and  desert,  so  they  were 
sorely  distressed,  and  looking  upon  the  Sultdn's  expected  death 
as  preliminary  to  their  own,  they  quite  despaired  of  returning 
home.  On  the  21st  Muharram,  752  h.  (1350  a.d.),  Sultan 
Muhammad  bin  Tughlik  departed  this  life  on  the  banks  of  the 
Indus,  at  fourteen  kos  from  Thatta.  *  *  * 

Sultan  Firoz  Shah. 

I,  the  author  of  this  Tdrikh-i  Firoz  Shdhi,  have  written  all 
that  I  have  witnessed  during  six  years  of  the  personal  character 
of  the  reigning  sovereign,  and  of  the  events  which  have  occurred 
during  that  time.  I  have  included  these  in  eleven  chapters, 
and  if  I  live  some  years  longer  I  intend  to  write  ninety  more 
chapters,  so  that  the  complete  history  of  the  reign  may  consist  of 
one  hundred  and  one  chapters  {mukaddamas).  *  *  * 

Chapter  1.  Account  of  the  Accession  of  Firoz  Shah. 

2.  March  of  the  Sultan  from  Shvistdn  to  Dehli. 

3.  Eulogy  of  the  personal  character  of  the  Sultan. 

4.  Sis  iounty  in  the  grant  of  pensions  and  in^dms. 

5.  His  buildings. 

6.  Formation  of  Canals. 

7.  Mules  of  Government. 

8.  Conquest  of  Lakhnauti. 

9.  Arrival  of  letters  and  robes  from  the  Khalifa. 

10.  Hunting  matters. 

11.  Defeat  of  the  attacks  of  the  Mughals. 


266  ZfA'TJ-D  DTN  BARNr. 

1. — Accession  of  Mroz  Shah, 
*  *  *  On  the  third  day  after  the  death  of  Muhammad  Tughlik, 
the  army  marched  from  (its  position)  fourteen  kos  from  Thatta 
towards  Siwistdn,  on  its  return  homewards.  Every  division  of 
the  army  marched  without  leader,  rule,  or  route,  in  the  greatest 
disorder.  No  one  heeded  or  listened  to  what  any  one  said,  but 
continued  the  march  like  careless  caravans.  So  when  they  had 
proceeded  a  kos  or  two,  the  Mughals,  eager  for  booty,  assailed 
them  in  front,  and  the  rebels  of  Thatta  attacked  them  in  the 
rear.  Cries  of  dismay  arose  upon  every  side.  The  Mughals  fell 
to  plundering,  and  carried  off  women,  maids,  horses,  camels, 
troopers,  baggage,  and  whatever  else  had  been  sent  on  in  advance. 
They  had  very  nearly  captured  the  royal  harem  and  the  treasure 
with  the  camels  which  carried  it.  The  villagers  (who  had 
been  pressed  into  the  service)  of  the  army,  and  expected  the 
attack,  took  to  flight.  They  pillaged  various  lots  of  baggage  on 
the  right  and  left  of  the  army,  and  then  joined  the  rebels  of 
Thatta  in  attacking  the  baggage  train.  The  people  of  the  army, 
horse  and  foot,  women  and  men,  stood  their  ground ;  for  when 
they  marched,  if  any  advanced  in  front,  they  were  assailed  by  the 
Mughals  ;  if  they  lagged  behind,  they  were  plundered  by  the 
rebels  of  Thatta.  Those  who  resisted  and  put  their  trust  in  God 
reached  the  next  stage,  but  those  who  had  gone  forward  with 
the  women,  maids,  and  baggage,  were  cut  to  pieces.  The 
army  continued  its  march  along  the  river  without  any  order 
or  regularity,  and  every  man  was  in  despair  for  his  life  and 
goods,  his  wife  and  children.  Anxiety  and  distress  would  allow 
no  one  to  sleep  that  night,  and,  in  their  dismay,  men  remained 
with  their  eyes  fixed  upon  heaven.  On  the  second  day,  by 
stratagem  and  foresight,  they  reached  their  halting  ground,  as- 
sailed, as  on  the  first  day,  by  the  Mughals  in  front  and  the 
men  of  Thatta  in  the  rear.  They  rested  on  the  banks  of  the 
river  in  the  greatest  possible  distress,  and  in  fear  for  their  lives 
and  goods.  The  women  and  children  had  perished.  Makhdum 
Zdda  'Abbdsi,  the  Shaikhu-s  Shaiyukh  of  Egypt,  Shaikh  Nasiru-d 


TARrKH-i  rrRoz  sHAHr.  267 

din  Mahmiid  Oudhi,  and  the  chief  men,  assembled  and  went  to 
Firoz  Shdh,  and  with  one  voice  said,  "  Thou  art  the  heir  apparent 
and  legatee  of  the  late  Sultan  ;  he  had  no  son,  and  thou  art  his 
brother's  son  ;  there  is  no  one  in  the  city  or  in  the  army  enjoy- 
ing the  confidence  of  the  people,  or  possessing  the  ability  to 
reign.  For  God's  sake  save  these  wretched  people,  ascend  the 
throne,  and  deliver  us  and  many  thousand  other  miserable  men. 
Redeem  the  women  and  children  of  the  soldiers  from  the  hands 
of  the  Mughals,  and  purchase  the  prayers  of  two  lacs  of  people." 
Firoz  Shdh  made  objections,  which  the  leaders  would  not  listen 
to.  All  ranks,  young  and  old,  Musulmans  and  Hindus,  horse 
and  foot,  women  and  children,  assembled,  and  with  one  acclaim 
declared  that  Firoz  Shah  alone  was  worthy  of  the  crown.  "It 
he  does  not  assume  it  to-day  and  let  the  Mughals  hear  of  his 
doing  so,  not  one  of  us  will  escape  from  the  hands  of  the  Mughals 
and  the  Thatta  men."  So  on  the  24th  Muharram,  752  h.  (1351 
A.D.),  the  Sultdn  ascended  the  throne. 

On  the  day  of  his  accession  the  Sultan  got  some  horse  in  order 
and  sent  them  out  to  protect  the  army,  for  whenever  the  Mughal 
horse  came  down  they  killed  and  wounded  many,  and  carried  ofiF 
prisoners.  On  the  same  day  he  named  some  amirs  to  guard  the 
rear  of  the  army,  and  these  attacked  the  men  of  Thatta  when 
they  fell  upon  the  baggage.  Several  of  the  assailants  were 
put  to  the  sword,  and  they,  terrified  with  this  lesson,  gave  up  the 
pursuit  and  returned  home.  On  the  third  day  he  ordered  certain 
amirs  to  attack  the  Mughals,  and  they  accordingly  made  several 
of  the  Mughal  commanders  of  thousands  and  of  hundreds  pri- 
soners, and  brought  them  before  the  Sultan.  The  Mughals  from 
that  very  day  ceased  their  annoyance ;  they  moved  thirty  or  forty 
kos  away,  and  then  departed  for  their  own  country. 

11. — Stoppage  of  the  evils  inflicted  hy  the  Mughals  of  Changiz 

Khan. 

All  men  of  intelligence  in  Hind  and  Sind  have  seen  and  re- 
marked the  stop  which  has  been  put  to  the  inroads  of  the  Mughals 


268  ZrAU-D  DIN  BARNr. 

of  Changiz  Khdn  in  this  auspicious  reign.  They  have  not  been 
able  to  attack  and  ravage  the  frontier  territories,  nor  have  they 
been  permitted  to  come  in  with  professions  of  friendship  and 
employ  their  arts  to  carry  off  the  wealth  of  the  country.  They 
had  the  presumption  to  make  two  attacks.  Once  they  crossed 
the  Sodra  and  came  into  the  neighbouring  country.  There  they 
were  met  by  the  forces  of  Islam  and  were  defeated.  Many  were 
killed  and  many  were  taken  prisoners.  These  latter  were  placed 
upon  camels,  and  were  paraded  in  derision  'round  Dehli,  with 
wooden  collars  on  their  necks.  Those  who  escaped  from  the 
battle  fled  in  the  greatest  precipitation  and  confusion,  and  many 
were  drowned  in  the  passage  of  the  Sodra.  On  the  other  occa- 
sion they  made  a  rapid  dash  into  Gujarat.  Some  perished  from 
thirst,  some  died  by  the  hands  of  the  soldiers,  and  some  fell  in  a 
night  attack  which  the  natives  of  the  country  made  upon  them. 
Not  one-tenth  of  these  accursed  followers  of  Changiz  Khan 
reached  their  own  country. 


269 

XVI. 
Ti^RrKH-I    FfEOZ    SHi^Hf 

OP 

SHAMS-I  SIRA'J  'AFtF. 

[This  History  of  Firoz  Shah  is  devoted  exclusively  to  the 
reign  of  that  monarch,  and  therefore  has  a  better  right  to  the 
title  than  Barnl's  history,  which  embraces  only  a  small  por- 
tion of  the  reign  of  Firoz,  and  bears  the  title  simply  because 
it  was  written  or  finished  during  his  reign.  Little  is  known  of 
Shams-i  Siraj  beyond  what  is  gleaned  from  his  own  work.  He 
was  descended  from  a  family  which  dwelt  at  Abuhar,  the  country 
of  Firoz  Shah's  Bhatti  mother.  His  great  grandfather,  he  says, 
was  collector  of  the  revenue  of  Abuhar,  and  was  intimate  with 
Grhiy&su-d  din  Tughlik  before  he  became  Sult&n.  He  himself 
was  attached  to  the  court  of  Firoz,  and  accompanied  him  on  his 
hunting  expeditions.] 

The  work  has  met  with  scarcely  any  notice,  whilst  every 
historian  who  writes  of  the  period  quotes  and  refers  to  Zidu-d 
din  Barni.  The  reasoil  of  this  may  be  that  Shams-i  Siraj  enters 
more  than  usual  into  administrative  details,  and  devotes  some 
chapters  to  the  condition  of  the  common  people — a  matter  of 
the  utmost  indifference  to  Muhammadan  authors  in  general. 
His  untiring  strain  of  eulogy  could  not  have  condemned  him 
in  their  eyes,  as  they  were  accustomed  to  little  else  in  all  the 
other  histories  they  consulted ;  so  that  we  must  either  attribute 
the  neglect  of  this  work  to  the  cause  assigned,  or  to  the  fact 
of  its  having  at  a  comparatively  late  period  been  rescued  from 
some  musty  record  room.  The  work,  consisting  of  ninety 
chapters,  contains  an  ample  account  of  this  Akbar  of  his  time ; 
and,  making  due  allowance  for  the  prevalent  spirit  of  eulogium 
and  exaggeration,  it  not  only  raises  in  us  a  respect  for  the  virtues 


270  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFfF. 

and  munificence  of  Firoz,  and  for  the  benevolence  of  his  character, 
as  shown  by  his  canals  and  structures  for  public  accommodation, 
but  gives  us  altogether  a  better  view  of  the  internal  condition  of 
India  under  a  Muhammadan  sovereign  than  is  presented  to  us 
in  any  other  work,  except  the  Aym-i  Akbark 

[In  style,  this  history  has  no  pretensions  to  elegance,  being, 
in  general,  very  plain.  The  author  is  much  given  to  reiterations 
and  recapitulations,  and  he  has  certain  pet  phrases  which  he  con- 
stantly uses.  Sir  H,  Elliot  desired  to  print  a  translation  of  the 
whole  work,  and  he  evidently  held  it  in  high  estimation.  A  por- 
tion of  the  work  had  been  translated  for  him  by  a  munsM,  but  this 
has  proved  to  be  entirely  useless.  The  work  of  translation  has, 
consequently,  fallen  upon  the  editor,  and  he  has  endeavoured  to 
carry  out  Sir  H.  Elliot's  plan  by  making  a  close  translation  of 
the  first  three  chapters,  and  by  extracting  from  the  rest  of  the 
work  everything  that  seemed  worthy  of  selection.  The  transla- 
tion is  close,  without  being  servile ;  here  and  there  exuberances 
of  eloquence  have  been  pruned  out,  and  repetitions  and  tauto- 
logies have  been  passed  over  without  notice,  but  other  omissions 
have  been  marked  by  asterisks,  or  by  brief  descriptions  in  brackets 
of  the  passages  omitted.  Shams-i  Sir&j,  with  a  better  idea  of 
method  than  has  fallen  to  the  lot  of  many  of  his  brother  his- 
torians, has  divided  his  work  into  books  and  chapters  with 
appropriate  headings. 

[Besides  this  history  of  Firoz  Shah,  the  author  often  refers  to 
his  Mandkib-i  Sultan  Tughlik,  and  he  mentions  his  intention  of 
writing  similar  memoirs  of  the  reign  of  Sultan  Muhammad,  the 
son  of  Firoz  Shdh.  Nothing  more  appears  to  be  known  of  these 
works.  Copies  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Firoz  Shdhi  are  rare  in  India, 
and  Colonel  Lees,  who  has  selected  the  work  for  publication  in 
the  Bibliotheca  Indica,  has  heard  only  of  "  one  copy  in  General 
Hamilton's  library,  and  of  another  at  Dehli,  in  the  possession 
of  Nawdb  Ziau-d  din  Lohdrii,  of  which  General  Hamilton's  is 
perhaps  a  transcript.""  ^  The  editor  has  had  the  use  of  four 
•  Jour.  E.  A.  S.,  New  Series,  iii.,  446. 


TARTKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHr.  271 

copies.  One  belonging  to  Sir  H.  Elliot,  and  another  belong- 
ing to  Mr.  Thomas,  are  of  quite  recent  production.  They 
are  evidently  taken  from  the  same  original,  most  probably  the 
Dehli  copy  above  mentioned.  The  other  two  copies  belong  to 
the  library  of  the  India  OflBce,  one  having  been  lately  purchased 
at  the  sale  of  the  Marquis  of  Hastings's  books.  These  are  older 
productions ;  they  are  well  and  carefully  written,  and  although 
they  contain  many  obvious  errors,  they  will  be  of  the  greatest 
service  in  the  preparation  of  a  correct  text.  None  of  these 
MSS.  are  perfect.  The  two  modern  copies  terminate  in  the 
middle  of  the  ninth  chapter  of  the  last  book.  The  Hastings 
copy  wants  several  chapters  at  the  end  of  the  first  and  the 
beginning  of  the  second  book;  but  it  extends  to  the  eleventh 
chapter  of  the  last  book,  and  has  the  final  leaf  of  the  work.  The 
other  MS.  ends  in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  chapter  of  the  last 
book,  and  some  leaves  are  missing  from  the  fourteenth.  For- 
tunately these  missing  chapters  seem,  from  the  headings  given  in 
the  preface,  to  be  of  no  importance. 

[A  considerable  portion  of  the  work  was  translated  in  abstract 
by  Lieut.  Henry  Lewis,  Bengal  Artillery,  and  published  in  the 
Journal  of  the  Archaeological  Society  of  Dehli  in  1849.] 

First  Muhaddama. — Birth  of  Firoz  Shah. 

Firoz  Shdh  was  born  in  the  year  709  h.  (1309  a.d.).  Tt  is 
recorded  that  his  father  was  named  Sipah-saldr  Eajab,  and  was 
brother  of  Sultdn  Ghiyasu-d  din  Tughlik  Ghazi.  The  writer  of 
this  work  has  given  a  full  account  of  their  parentage  in  his 
Memoirs  of  Sultdn  Tughlik  [Mandldh-i  Sultan  Tughlik).  The 
three  brothers,  Tughlik,  Eajab,  and  Abu  Bakr,  came  from 
Khurdsdn  to  Dehli  in  the  reign  of  'Alau-d  din,  and  that  monarch, 
under  Divine  guidance,  treated  them  with  great  kindness  and 
favour.  All  three  were  taken  into  the  service  of  the  Court,  and 
the  Sultdn,  observing  their  courage  and  energy,  conferred  upon 
Tughlik  the  country  of  Dipalpur,  and  employed  all  the  brothers 
in  public  business.    Tughlik  was  desirous  that  his  brother  Sipah- 


272  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrP. 

salar  Rajab  should  obtain  in  marriage  the  daughter  of  one  of  the 
Hdis  of  Dip41pur  ;  and  while  he  was  seeking  a  suitable  match,  he 
was  informed  that  the  daughters  of  Eana  Mall  Bhatti  were  very 
beautiful  and  accomplished.  In  those  days  all  the  estates,  from 
the  highest  to  the  lowest,  and  all  the  jungle  belonging  to  the 
Mini  and  Bhatti  tribes,  were  attached  to  the  town  of  Abuhar, 
which  was  one  of  the  dependencies  of  Dipdlptir.  The  author's 
great-grandfather,  Malik  S'adu-1  Mulk  Shahdb  'Afif  was  then 
'amaldar  of  Abuhar,  and  Tughlik  Shdh,  after  consultation  with 
him,  sent  some  intelligent  and  acute  persons  to  Eana  Mall  with 
a  proposal  of  marriage. 

When  the  messengers  delivered  Tughlik's  message,  Rana  Mall, 
in  his  pride  and  haughtiness,  uttered  unseemly  and  improper 
observations.  This,  together  with  the  Rana's  refusal,  was  com- 
municated to  Tughlik  ShS,h,  who  then  again  took  counsel  with 
the  author's  ancestor,  and  after  much  debate  it  was  decided  that 
Tughlik  Shdh  should  proceed  to  the  villages  {talwandi)  belonging 
to  Rana  Mall,  and  demand  payment  of  the  year's  revenue. 
Next  day  Tughlik  proceeded  thither  and  demanded  payment  in 
ready  money  of  the  whole  amount.  The  mukaddims  and  chaud- 
haris  were  subjected  to  coercion,  and  payment  in  full  was  insisted 
upon.  The  Rana's  people  were  helpless  and  could  do  nothing, 
for  those  were  the  days  of  'Alau-d  din,  and  no  one  dared  to 
make  any  outcry.  In  the  course  of  two  or  three  days  they  were 
reduced  to  extremities  and  suffered  much  hardship.  Some  trust- 
worthy and  precise  persons  told  the  author  that  the  mother  of 
Rana  Mall,  who  was  an  old  woman,  when  she  heard  of  Tughlik 
Shah's  severity  to  the  people,  proceeded  at  the  time  of  evening 
prayer  into  the  house  of  her  son,  weeping  and  tearing  her  hair,  and 
spoke  most  feelingly  upon  the  matter.  At  that  time  Rana  Mall's 
daughter,  the  future  mother  of  Firoz  Shdh,  was  in  the  court-yard. 
When  that  fortunate  damsel  heard  the  wailing  and  crying  of  the 
Rana's  mother,  she  inquired  what  was  the  cause  of  her  grief; 
and  the  dame  replied,  "  I  am  weeping  on  your  account,  for  it  is 
through  you  that  Tughlik  Sh4h  is  weighing  so  heavily  on  the 


TAErKH-i  rrEOz  sn&m.  273 

people  of  this  land."  The  author's  veracious  informer  said  that 
the  high-spirited,  noble  girl  exclaimed,  "If  the  surrender  of  me 
will  deliver  the  people  from  such  misery,  comply  instantly  with 
the  demand,  and  send  me  to  him;  consider  then  that  the  Mughals 
have  carried  off  one  of  your  daughters."  The  old  lady  went 
and  told  the  Eana  of  his  daughter's  resolution,  and  he  gave 
his  assent.  The  B&na  communicated  the  fact  to  the  author's 
great-grandfather,  when  a  messenger  was  sent  to  Tughlik  Shah 
announcing  the  Eidna's  assent  to  the  marriage,  and  the  damsel 
herself  was  brought  to  Dipalpur.  Before  her  marriage  she  was 
called  Bibi  Nalla,  but  on  entering  the  house  of  Sipah-sdlar 
Rajab,  she  was  styled  Sultan  Bibi  Kadb4nu. 

After  the  lapse  of  a  few  years  she  gave  birth  to  Firoz  Sh5,h  in 
a  most  auspicious  hour,  and  Tughlik  Shah  distributed  his  bounty 
on  all  sides  in  token  of  his  joy.  On  the  very  day  that  Firoz 
Shah  was  bom,  the  author's  grandfather,  Shams-i  Shdhdb  'Afif, 
also  came  into  the  world.  The  females  of  the  author's  ancestors 
then  lived  at  Dipalpur,  and  constantly  visited  the  female  apart- 
ments of  Tughlik  Shdh,  and  often  in  talking  of  these  matters  the 
author's  great-grandfather  used  to  say  that  he  had  frequently 
given  Firoz  Shdh  a  cup  of  milk ;  and  Firoz  Shdh  himself,  when 
he  had  reached  the  summit  of  his  power  and  glory,  used  to  tell 
the  author's  father  that  he  had  sucked  at  the  breast  of  his  grand- 
mother. 

When  Firoz  Shkh  was  seven  years  old  his  father,  Sipah-s41ar 
Rajab,  died,  and  Tughlik  Sh^h  made  great  mourning  for  him. 
The  widowed  mother  was  in  great  distress  as  to  the  education 
and  training  of  her  son,  but  Tughlik  Shah  consoled  her,  and  told 
her  that  he  would  look  upon  the  child  as  his  own,  and  treat  him 
with  every  kindness  so  long  as  he  lived.  The  mother  of  Firoz 
Shdh  had  no  other  child,  either  son  or  daughter.  Those  who 
say  that  Malik  Kutbu-d  din  was  brother  of  Firoz  Shah  speak 
the  truth,  but  he  was  born  of  another  mother.  The  same  was 
the  case  with  Malik  Ndib  Bar-bak ;  he  also  was  his  brother,  but 
by  a  different  mother. 

VOL  III.  18 


274  SHAMS-I  SIEA'J  'AFIF. 

Firoz  Shdh  received  instruction  in  the  duties  of  royalty  and 
the  functions  of  sovereignty  from  two  kings,  Sultan  Tughlik 
Shdh  and  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah,  and  he  became  thoroughly 
conversant  with  all  affairs  of  State.  Tdtar  Khan  Buzurg  used 
to  say  upon  this  subject  that  Firoz  ShS.h  ought  to  be  acquainted 
with  regal  and  political  duties,  and  that  no  one  should  feel  any 
apprehension  about  him. 

Second  Muhaddama. — Firoz  ShdKs  Education  in  the  Duties  of 

Royalty. 

Firoz  Sh^h  was  fourteen  years  old  when  Sultan  Tughlik  Shah 
ascended  the  throne.  The  Sult&n  was  engaged  for  four  years 
and  a  half  in  travelling  about  his  dominions,  and  during  that 
time  Firoz  Shdh  attended  him,  obtaining  full  knowledge  of  all 
public  business  transacted  by  the  Sultdn.  On  the  death  of 
Sultdn  Tughlik  he  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  of  Dehli  by 
Muhammad  Shah.  At  the  accession  of  this  monarch  Firoz  Sh&h 
was  eighteen  years  of  age.  He  was  appointed  deputy  of  the  lord 
chamberlain  (ndib-i  amir-hdjib),  with  the  title  of  N^dib  Bdr-bah, 
and  received  the  command  of  12,000  horse.  The  Sultan  was 
exceedingly  kind  and  generous  to  him,  and  keeping  him  con- 
stantly near  his  person  he  used  to  explain  to  him,  with  much 
intelligence,  all  affairs  of  State  that  came  up  for  consideration. 
Even  at  this  period  Firoz  Shah  showed  himself  very  kind  and 
generous  to  the  poor,  and  when  any  case  of  distress  came  before 
him  he  was  prompt  to  relieve  it.  When  Muhammad  Shah 
divided  the  territories  of  Dehli  into  four  parts,  as  the  author 
has  fully  explained  in  his  Mandkib-i  Sultdn  Muhammad,  he 
placed  one  part  under  the  charge  of  Firoz  Sh4h,  so  that  he 
might  acquire  experience  in  the  art  of  government.  The  wise 
have  said  that  the  man  who  can  perform  the  duties  of  one  charge 
may  guide  the  affairs  of  a  State  and  accomplish  the  government  of 
a  kingdom.  So  the  clear-sighted  Sultdn  Muhammad  placed  Firoz 
Shih  over  a  fourth  part  of  his  kingdom,  in  order  that,  with  the 
Divine  favour,  he  might  become  an  adept  in  all  political  matters. 


MRfKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHf.  2-75 

It'  is  commonly  said  that  Sult4n  Muhammad  Sbdh  used  to  keep 
Firoz  Sh41i  continually  at  work  in  various  matters^  and  the  state- 
ment is  true.  But  this  labour  was  not  imposed  upon  him  out  of 
any  ill-feeling,  for,  had  the  king  disliked  him,  he  would  have 
sent  him  far  from  his  court.  Muhammad  Shah  was  an  illustrious 
king,  and  a  most  intelligent  and  able  man,  so  much  so  that  he 
was  remarkable  for  his  talents  among  the  great  men  of  Dehli. 
His  object  was  to  train  Firoz  Shah,  so  that  he  might  become 
thoroughly  versed  in  the  duties  of  royalty.  Thus  Firoz  Shah 
completed  his  forty-fifth  year  under  the  tuition  of  Sultan  Mu- 
hammad Shah. 

Third  Muhaddama. — Accession  of  Firoz  Shah. 

When  Sultdn  Muhammad  Sh^h  died,  a  body  of  Mughals 
plundered  the  baggage  train  and  went  off  towards  their  own 
country.  At  this  conjuncture  all  the  Khans  and  princes, the  learned 
men,  shaikhs,  and  officials  who  were  with  Sultdn  Muhammad  at 
Thatta,  met  in  council  and  decided  that  nothino-  could  be  done 
without  a  leader,  saying,  "Dehli  is  distant,^  and  these  things 
have  happened.  Sultan  Muhammad  is  gone  to  Paradise,  and 
the  Mughals  have  taken  the  field  and  have  come  up  against  us."^ 
In  fine,  a  Mughal  band  plundered  the  baggage,  and  their  in- 
satiate desires  being  unsatisfied  with  the  plunder  thus  wickedly 
obtained,  they  approached  closer  in  search  of  further  booty. 
The  nobles  of  Sult^  Muhammad  Shah  then  assembled  in 
council,  and,  after  a  long  and  anxious  deliberation,  the  nobles 
and  the  administrative  officers  both  agreed  that  the  proper  course 
was  to  place  the  reins  of  government  in  the  hands  of  Firoz  Shah. 

J'iroz  Shdh,  through  fear  of  God,  was  averse  to  being  made 
sovereign,  and  stated  that  he  had  formed  the  design  of  making 
the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca.  But  the  divine  approval  of  the  suc- 
cession of  Firoz  Shdh  was  from  the  first  made  known  by  means 
of  the  shaikhs,  because  in  attaining  royalty  the  mode  of  its  acqui- 
sition is  an  important  point.     Sometimes  when  an  elder  is  about 

1  A  provertial  expression.  '  Bu-ha-dk-i  mi  dar-dmndah. 


276  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFfF. 

to  quit  the  world,  he  authoritatively  places  one  of  his  disciples  in 
his  place,  and  hands  over  to  him  his  prayer-carpet,  although  the 
disciple  may  be  reluctant  to  undei-take  the  serious  charge.  This 
mode  of  appointment  is  called  authorization  by  investiture  with 
the  religious  garment,  and  is  highly  honoured  among  shaikhs. 
So  all  the  princes,  and  judges,  and  doctors,  and  shaikhs,  and 
officials  who  had  gone  to  Thatta  with  Muhammad  Shah,  agreed 
unanimously  upon  choosing  Firoz  Shdh,  but  he  was  reluctant 
to  assent,  feeling  the  weight  of  the  responsibility  to  God.  This 
however,  is  a  feeling  which  can  only  be  allowed  to  saints,  because 
the  burden  of  royalty  is  an  arduous  one.  Every  one  approved 
the  choice,  and  all  men  set  their  hearts  upon  its  acceptance. 

When  this  election  was  made  known,  Khudawand-z4da, 
daughter  of  Tughlik  Sh^h  and  mother  of  Dawar  Malik,  sent  a 
message  to  the  nobles,  urging  that  it  was  not  right  to  prefer  the 
Amir-hdjib  to  her  son  by  Malik  Khusru,  seeing  that  she  was 
daughter  of  SultS.n  Tughlik,  and  sister  of  Sultdn  Muhammad. 
Whilst  her  son  lived,  how  could  any  stranger  sit  upon  the  throne  ? 
Some  historians  add  that  Khudawand-zada  used  indecorous  lan- 
guage upon  the  matter.  On  her  message  being  delivered  to  the 
nobles,  they  all  winced  as  if  snake-bitten.  It  pleased  nobody, 
but  all  the  assembly  agreed  to  send  Malik  Saifu-d  din  Khoju 
to  her.  The  Malik  was  a  celebrated  man,  and  whatever  he  said, 
he  said  well,  with  dignity  and  firmness.  He  accordingly  pro- 
ceeded to  Khudawand-z4da,  and  addressed  her  in  polite,  though 
decided,  language,  saying,  "  0  woman,  if  thy  son  had  been  chosen 
instead  of  Firoz  Sh4h,  thou  wouldst  have  no  home  to  look 
upon,  nor  should  we  have  wives  or  children  to  gladden  our 
eyes,  because  thy  son  is  an  incompetent  person,  incapable  of 
governing.  We  have  come  into  this  foreign  country,  and  a 
large  Mughal  army  confronts  us  ;  if  thou  wishest  tb  save  thyself 
from  that  army,  do  thou  acquiesce  in  what  we  all  have  deter- 
mined, and  the  office  and  title  of  Ndib  Bdr-hak  shall  be  conferred 
upon  thy  son."  Khud4wand-z4da  was  silent,  and  Malik  Saifu-d 
din  returned. 


TA'ErKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHI.  277 

All  the  nobles  then  agreed  upon  choosing  FIroz  Shah,  but 
still  he  would  not  consent.  Writers  of  credit  report  that  Tdtar 
Khdn,  who  was  president  of  the  meeting,  then  stood  up,  and 
taking  the  arm  of  Firoz  Shkh,  forced  him  to  sit  upon  the  throne. 
Upon  this  Sultdn  Firoz  said  to  Tdtar  Khan,  "  Since  you  have 
placed  this  heavy  trouble  and  grievous  labour  upon  my  shoulders, 
you  must  be  patient  for  a  while  till  I  have  performed  my  de- 
votions." He  then  went  through  his  ablutions,  and  repeated  the 
regular  form  of  prayer  in  singleness  of  heart.  Afterwards, 
bowing  his  head  to  the  ground,  he,  with  tearful  eyes,  poured 
forth  his  supplications  to  the  Almighty,  saying,  "  0  Lord !  the 
stability  of  states,  the  peace,  regulation,  and  occupations  of 
governments  do  not  depend  upon  man.  Permanence  of  dominion 
depends  upon  thy  behests.  Oh  God,  thou  art  my  refuge  and  ray 
strength."  After  this  they  placed  the  crown  of  empire  upon 
his  head,  and  invested  him  with  the  robes  of  sovereignty.  Many 
persons  who  were  present  in  this  assembly  have  told  the  author 
that  Sultan  Firoz  Shih  put  on  the  robes  of  royalty  over  his 
garments  of  mourning,  and  although  the  nobles  of  the  late 
Sultan  Muhammad  Sh^h  wished  to  remove  the  dress  of  mourn- 
ing, he  -Would  not  allow  them,  and  said:  "Although  in  com- 
pliance with  your  counsels  I  have  assumed  the  robes  of  sove- 
reignty, still  I  cannot  throw  off  my  garments  of  mourning,  for 
Sultan  Muhammad  was  my  lord,  my  teacher,  and  my  guide  in 
all  things.  It  was  my  earnest  desire  to  make  the  pilgrimage 
to  the  holy  temple,  but  I  have  yielded  to  your  strenuous  opposi- 
tion ;  it  will  be  well,  therefore,  that  the  robes  of  royalty  should 
cover  the  garments  of  mourning."  He  was  so  attired,  when  an 
elephant  was  brought,  which  ha  mounted,  and  went  forth  in 
state.  The  heralds  and  attendants  shouted  in  loud  acclaim,  the 
drums  were  beaten  in  exultation,  and  universal  joy  prevailed. 

The  first  public  act  of  Sultdn  Firoz  Shkh  was  to  invest  Shir- 
abru  Chashm  with  the  duties  of  'Im4du-1  Mulk.^  The  date 
of  his  accession  to  the  throne  was  the  24th  Muharram,  752  h. 
'  "  Pillar  of  the  state  " — i.e.  minister. 


278  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

(March  23rcl,  1351  a.d.).  Firoz  Shah,  the  sovereign  elect,  pro- 
ceeded on  his  elephant  to  the  female  apartments,  and  threw  him- 
self at  the  feet  of  Khuddwand-zdda.  She  embraced  him,  and 
with  her  own  hands  placed  upon  his  head  a  crown,  valued  at  a 
lac  of  tanltas,  which  had  belonged  to  Sultan  Tughlik  Shah  and 
Sultan  Muhammad  Shdh.  The  Sultan  Firoz  Sh&h  then  re- 
turned, and  general  satisfaction  prevailed. 

Fourth  Muhaddama. — Firoz  Shah  wars  with  a  Mughal  force. 

The  accession  of  Firoz  Shdh  made  the  people  glad,  because 
they  were  in  great  alarm  about  the  Mughal  hordes.  After 
plundering  the  baggage  train,  the  Mughals  had  come  within  sight 
of  the  camp  at  Dehli.  The  khans  and  nobles  assemhled,  and 
the  opportunity  was  deemed  favourable  for  an  attack  upon  the 
invaders.  The  Sultan  accordingly  assembled  his  forces  of  horse, 
foot,  and  elephants,  and  attacked  the  enemy.  A  fierce  battle 
ensued,  and  the  slaughter  was  great,  but  victory  inclined  to  the 
Sultan,  and  the  Mughals  fled,  abandoning  their  camp  and 
baggage.  The  victory  was  complete,  and  all  the  people  of  the 
great  bazar  (hdzdr-i  buzurg)  ■  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  by 
the  Mughals  were  set  free.  This  was  the  first  victory  of  the 
reign  of  Sultan  Firoz,  and  he  proceeded  to  Dehli  amid  general 
rejoicings  and  acclamations. 

Fifth  Mukaddama. — On  the  mistake  made  hy  Khwdja-i  Jahdn 
Ahmad  Ayydz  in  setting  up  the  son  of  the  late  Sultan  Mu- 
hammad Shdh. 

When  Sultdn  Muhammad  Sh^h,  in  the  latter  days  of  his 
reign,  proceeded  to  Daulatdbdd  (Deogir),  he  left  three  persons 
in  (charge  of)  Dehli ; — Malik  Kabir,  Katlagh  Khdn,  and  Firoz 
Shah,  who  was  then  Ndib-i  amir  hdjib  (deputy  of  the  lord  cham- 
berlain). The  two  former  died  before  their  master,  and  the  latter 
was  summoned  to  attend  his  person  in  Thatta.  Dehli  being 
thus  left  vacant,  Khwdja-i  Jahdn  was  sent  thither  from  Thatta 
as  representative  of  the  absent  sovereign.    With  him  were  several 


TAErKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHI.  279 

other  nobles,  Malik  Kiwdmu-1  Mulk  the  Khdn-i  Jahdn,  Malik 
Hasan,  Malik  Hisdmu-d  din  Uzbek,  and  others.  It  is  commonly 
reported  that  when  the  Khwdja-i  Jahdn  heard  that  Sultan 
Muhammad  Sh4h  was  dead,  and  that  Sultdn  Firoz  Shah  had 
been  chosen  by  the  nobles  and  chief  men  to  succeed  him,  he  set 
up  the  son  of  Muhammad  Sh4h  in  opposition  at  Dehll,  and 
gained  the  people  over  to  his  side.  But  this  commonly  received 
story  is  not  true.  The  author  here  gives  the  true  account  of  this 
transaction  just  as  he  heard  it  from  Kishwar  Khan,  son  of 
Kishlii  Khan  Bahrdm,  one  of  the  servants  of  the  Court. 

When  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah  died  at  Thatta,  the  chiefs  of 
the  Haz^ra  of  Khurasd,n,  who  had  come  to  assist  him,  as  soon 
as  they  heard  of  his  death,  plundered  the  chief  bazar,  as  the 
author  has  related  in  his  Mandkih-i  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah. 
In  those  days  the  baggage  belonging  to  the  forces,  which  were 
at  detached  stations,  was  plundered,  and  the  men  of  these  de- 
tachments all  fled  to  the  city.  Firoz  Shih  had  not  yet  been 
placed  on  the  throne.  A  slave  named  Malih  Tuntun^  had  been 
sent  from  Dehli  by  Khw&ja-i  Jahah  to  Sultan  Muhammad,  and 
just  at  this  juncture,  when  the  alarming  news  was  coming  in 
from  the  army,  he  started  on  his  return  to  Dehli.  On  his 
arrival  he  unfolded  to  KhwAja-i  Jahan  the  intelligence  of  the 
death  of  the  Sultan,  the  attacks  of  the  Mughals  upon  the  army, 
the  plundering  of  the  bdzdr,  and  the  disaffection  and  bloodshed 
among  the  royal  forces.  He  then  proceeded  to  add  that  Tdtar 
Khdn  and  the  Amir-hdjib  Firoz  Shah  were  missing,  and  it  was 
not  known  whether  they  had  been  taken  prisoners  or  killed  by 
the  Mughals ;  that  many  other  nobles  had  been  slain  5  and  that 
such  untoward  events  had  happened  in  the  royal  army. 

When  the  Khwdja-i  Jahdn  heard  this  news,  he  mourned  for 
the  death  of  Sultan  Muhammad,  and  also  for  Firoz  Shah.  There 
was  great  affection  between  the  Khwaja  and  Firoz  Shah,  so  that 
they  had  no  reserve  with  each  other,  and  it  reached  to  such  an 
extent  that  the  Khwdja  called  Firoz  his  son.  After  the  duties 
1  Var.  "Tflnlin.''    Barni  calls  him  "  AltiSn,"  which  is  more  likely. 


280  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'ArrF. 

of  mourning  were  completed,  the  Khw4ja,  believing  the  report 
brought  by  Malih  to  be  correct,  placed  a  son  of  Sultan  Mu- 
hammad Shdh  upon  the  throne,  and  thus,  through  adverse  fate, 
committed  a  blunder.  "When  he  heard  that  the  Lord  Chamber- 
lain was  alive  and  well,  he  perceived  his  error.  But  he  proceeded 
to  collect  an  army,  and  thought  his  best  policy  was  to  be  pre- 
pared, because  in  affairs  of  State  no  one  believes  acts  like  his  to 
be  be  mistakes  and  errors ;  and  until  peace  is  made  between  the 
two  parties,  neither  ought  to  be  free  from  apprehension  of  grievous 
consequences.  So  the  Khwdja  assembled  a  strong  force  in  Dehli, 
and  took  men  into  his  service,  until  his  army  amounted  to  about 
20,000  horse.  He  distributed  large  sums  among  the  people, 
although  the  treasury  was  then  at  a  very  low  ebb,  in  consequence 
of  the  lavish  liberality  of  Sultdn  Muhammad  Shdh  during  his 
reign  of  twenty-seven  years.  When  the  money  was  exhausted, 
he  gave  away  the  gold  and  silver  utensils,  and  when  these  had 
come  to  an  end,  the  jewels.  This  profusion  attracted  crowds 
from  all  directions,  but  it  was  a  curious  fact  that  while  they  ac- 
cepted the  Khwaja's  bounty,  their  hopes  and  prayers  were  in 
favour  of  Firoz  Shdh. 

Siast/i  Mukaddama. — Khwdja-i   Jahdn   hears  of  the  accession  of 
Sultan  Firoz  Shah. 

When  Khwaja-i  Jahan  heard  of  the  succession  of  Sultdn  Firoz 
Shd,h,  he  lamented  the  mistake  he  had  made.  Conflicting  rumours 
were  afloat  in  the  two  armies.  It  was  said  to  be  the  Khwdja's 
determination  that,  as  soon  as  the  Sultdn's  army  reached  Dehli, 
he  would  place  all  the  dependents  of  the  nobles  who  were  in  that 
army  on  the  manjaniks,  and  shoot  them  away.  Another  rumour 
said  that  the  Khw4ja  had  a  powerful  army  and  would  offer  a 
stout  resistance. 

When  these  proceedings  and  rumours  were  reported  to  Sultdn 
Firoz,  he  called  a  council  of  all  the  princes  and  nobles  in  his 
army.  It  was  unanimously  agreed  that  Sultin  Muhammad 
Shah  had  no  son,  but  only  a  daughter,  who  was  born  in  the  reign 


TA'ErKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHr.  281 

of  Sultan  Tughlik.  Where,  it  was  asked,  had  the  Khw4ja-i 
Jahdn  found  the  pretended  son?  All  wise  men  spoke  in  the 
same  strain,  expressing  their  astonishment  at  the  Khwdja's 
error,  and  agreeing  that  his  actions  were  quite  unworthy  a  man 
of  his  age.  Sultdn  Firoz  finished  the  discussion  by  expressing 
his  own  surprise,  and  resolved  upon  marching  to  Uehli.  The 
chiefs  and  men  of  the  army  warmly  supported  him,  and  on  the 
other  side  the  people  of  Dehli  anxiously  watched  for  his  arrival. 
He  accordingly  marched  on  and  arrived  at  Multan.  Up  to  this 
time  he  had  never  talked  to  any  one,  small  or  great,  about  the 
Khwdja-i  Jahan,  but  had  acted  in  the  most  politic  manner  and 
in  strict  accordance  with  the  examples  of  the  wisest  kings.  It 
was  now  fully  confirmed  that  the  Khwdja  was  resolved  upon 
opposition.  Sultan  Firoz  knew  that  the  army  of  Thatta  had 
suffered  many  hardships  and  troubles,  and  through  the  prodi- 
gality of  Sultan  Muhammad  Shdh  the  treasury  was  empty. 
The  army  had  also  been  reduced  to  great  straits  by  the  assaults 
of  the  Mughals,  and  had  been  compelled  to  retire  towards  Dehli ; 
and,  besides  this,  the  wives  and  children  of  the  men  were  there  ; 
hence  Firoz  Shkh  was  apprehensive  that  if  the  Khwaja-i  Jahdn's 
antagonism  became  the  talk  of  the  army,  the  men  would  be  di- 
spirited, and  would  think  the  Sultdn  was  afraid  of  the  Khwdja. 
For  these  reasons  Sultdn  Firoz  never  talked  on  the  subject  until 
he  reached  Multdn. 

Seventh  Mukaddama. — March  of  Firoz  Shah  from  Thatta  to  Dehli. 

When  the  Sultan  was  about  to  march  upon  Dehli,  a  consulta- 
tion was  held  as  to  the  most  suitable  route.  The  council  was  in 
favour  of  proceeding  by  way  of  Guj4rdt,  so  that  the  riches  of 
that  country  might  be  secured.  But  the  Sultan  took  another 
view,  and  said,  "  When  Sultan  Tughlik  Shah  marched  to  repress 
the  insurrection  of  Khusru  Kh4n,  he  went  by  way  of  Dipalptir, 
and  by  God's  favour  obtained  the  victory.  I  am  therefore  re- 
solved upon  pursuing  the  same  route  by  Dipalpur  and  Multdn, 


282  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AJTF. 

hoping  that  I,  in  like  manner,  shall  be  brought  in  safety  to 
l)ehli."  So  he  began  his  march  by  that  road.  When  the 
news  of  his  approach  by  way  of  Multan,  with  the  elephants 
and  baggage,  reached  Dehli,  the  people  rejoiced,  and  many  of  the 
nobles  and  principal  men  of  the  place  went  forth  to  meet  him. 
The  Khwaja,  on  seeing  this  defection,  was  sorely  troubled,  but 
he  said  nothing,  and  did  nothing  to  prevent  it.  His  counsellors 
pointed  out  to  him  that  the  fugitives  were  carrying  olF  the  wealth 
of  Dehli  to  Firoz  Shdh,  and  urged  him  to  put  a  stop  to  it  by 
detaining  their  wives  and  children.  To  all  this  Khw4ja-i  Jahdn 
gave  no  answer,  and  things  went  on  until  every  one  who  had  the 
power  joined  Sultan  Firoz,  and  those  who  had  not  the  power 
looked  in  anxious  expectation  of  his  arrival.  *  *  * 

When  the  Sultan  arrived  near  Multan,  while  he  was  on 
the  march,  Malih  Tuntun,  the  slave  of  Khw4ja-i  Jah&n  was 
perceived  approaching  at  a  distance.  He  came  as  a  messenger 
and  carried  in  his  sword-belt  a  letter  from  the  son  of  Sultan 
Muhammad.  Sultan  Ffroz  recognized  him  when  a  long  way 
off,  and  reining  up  his  horse,  he  doubted  in  his  mind  whether 
Khwaja-i  Jahdn  might  not  be  dead.  He  then  ordered  the  mes- 
senger to  be  stopped,  and  inquiry  to  be  made  of  him  as  to 
whether  the  Khwdja  was  well.  The  attendants  went  forward 
and  inquired  as  to  the  state  of  the  Khwaja  and  of  the  people  of 
Dehli.  Malih  replied  in  very  haughty  terms,  and  his  answer 
was  conveyed  to  the  Sultan,  who  observed,  "We  must  trust  in 
God's  mercy — what  can  Khwaja-i  Jahdn  or  others  do?" 

The  Sultan  at  length  entered  Multdn,  and  behaved  very  liber- 
ally to  the  shaikhs  of  the  city.  From  thence  he  proceeded  to 
Ajodhan,  and  made  a  pilgrimage  to  the  tomb  of  Shaikhu-1  Isldm 
Faridu-1  hakk.  He  next  marched  to  Sarsuti,  which  is  ninety  kos 
from  Dehli.  The  bankers  and  merchants  of  the  place  assembled 
and  brought  several  lacs  of  tankas  to  the  Sultan  who  accepted  the 
money  as  a  loan,  and  promised  to  repay  it  after  his  arrival  at 
Dehli,  making  Malik  'Imddu-1  Mulk  responsible  for  its  discharge. 
All  the  money  thus  received  was  paid  to  the  army.  *  *  * 


TAEIKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHI.  283 

Eighth  Mukaddama. — Kiwdmu-l  Mulk  the  Khdn-i  Jahdn  Makbul 
joins  Sultan  Firoz. 

As  Sultdn  Firoz  advanced,  the  people  of  Multdn,  Dipalpur, 
Sarsuti,  and  other  places,  joined  his  army,  just  as  they  had 
flocked  to  the  support  of  Sultan  Muhammad  Sh4h.  Men  of  all 
classes  came  in,  nobles  and  plebeians,  soldiers  and  officials. 
Thirty-six  rajas  of  the  neighbourhood  joined  him,  and  his  forces 
greatly  increased.  The  Sultan  addressed  them  all  in  friendly, 
conciliatory  terms,  and  held  out  promises  of  favours  to  come. 
The  people  in  Dehli  were  anxious  about  the  progress  of  the 
Sultdn,  and  at  length  Kiwdmu-l  Mulk,  the  Khdn-i  Jahdn  Mak- 
bul, took  the  lead,  and  addressed  a  letter  to  him  relating  how 
matters  stood,  and  announcing  his  intention  of  joining  him.  In 
every  letter  he  expressed  his  ardent  good-will,  and  the  Sultdn, 
according  to  his  request,  wrote  to  him  in  reply.  It  began  to  be 
whispered  about  in  the  city  that  Khan-i  Jahdn  was  in  corre- 
spondence with  Firoz  Shdh,  and  would  soon  be  off  to  join  him. 
Khwaja-i  Jahdn  was  satisfied  of  this  being  his  intention  by  many 
palpable  proofs,  and  resolved  to  seize  the  Khdn  and  to  frustrate 
his  design.  *  *  * 

Early  one  morning  Kiwdmu-l  Mulk  got  into  a  chaudol  (kind 
of  sedan),  and  with  his  armed  retinue,  his  wives,  children,  friends, 
and  dependents  proceeded  to  the  gate  of  the  maiddn.  When  he 
reached  it,  the  sentinels  attempted  to  bar  it,  but  the  horsemen 
rode  up  with  drawn  swords  and  frustrated  their  design.  So 
Kiwamu-1  Mulk,  the  Khan-i  Jahdn,  then  went  leisurely  out  of 
the  city  to  meet  Sultdn  Firoz  Shdh.  The  Sultdn  had  left 
Sarsuti,  and,  having  made  several  marches,  had  reached  Ikddr, 
where  he  was  joined  by,  and  received  homage  from,  Khdn-i 
Jahdn.  Another  pleasure  which  the  Sultan  received  on  the  same 
day  at  this  place  was  the  birth  ^  of  a  son,  who  was  named  Fath 
Khdn.  The  Sultdn  founded  a  town  there,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Fath-dbdd  (Futtehabad). 

•  The  text  says  "in  the  house  of  Prince  Firoz  Khin,"  but  these  words  have  been 
omitted  to  prevent  confusion. 


284  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'ArrF. 

Ninth  Muhaddama. — Khwdja-i  Jahdn  meets  the  SuUdn. 

Khwdja-i  Jalian  heard  that  Kiwdmu-1  Mulk  Kh4n-i  Jahan 
had  joined  the  Sultdn.  *  *  *  His  mind  became  greatly  troubled, 
and  he  reflected  that  as  his  proceedings  had  originated  in  error, 
no  good  could  come  of  them.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  go  to 
the  Sultan  and  explain  his  error,  trusting  in  God's  protection. 
Accordingly  he  started  from  Dehll  on  a  Thursday,  and  on  the 
same  day  arrived  at  Ismd'il,^  which  is  twenty-four  Icos  distant. 
On  the  next  day,  being  Friday,  after  prayers,  he  proceeded  to 
Hauz-i  Khass-i  'Aid.  Here  the  nobles,  who  were  faithful  to 
him,  Malik  Hasan,  Malik  Khattdb,  Mahk  His4mu-d  din  Uzbek, 
and  others,  being  uneasy  in  their  minds,  went  to  him  and  said 
that  they  perceived  he  was  resolved  upon  going  to  Sultan  Firoz, 
and  inquired  what  he  advised  them  to  do.  He  told  them  that 
in  preferring  the  son  of  Sultdn  Muhammad  Shdh,  he  had  no 
object  or  design  of  his  own  in  view.  *  *  *  When  he  heard  that 
Sultan  Muhammad  was  dead,  that  the  Mughals  were  pressing 
on,  and  that  Firoz  Shah  and  Tatdr  Khdn  were  missing,  he  acted 
as  he  thought  best  for  the  public  welfare  and  the  safety  of  the 
country.  He  had  been  guilty  of  many  faults  and  errors,  but 
the  cries  and  pressure  of  the  people  on  all  sides  had  urged  him 
on ;  otherwise  he  would  have  taken  no  part  in  the  matter. 
He  then  went  on  to  say  that  during  the  late  reign  he  had 
called  Firoz  Shah  his  son,  and  had  been  addressed  by  him  as 
father,  and  his  wives  had  been  in  the  custom  of  going  to  the 
house  of  Firoz.  He  knew  not  what  God  had  decreed  for  him, 
but  Sultan  Firoz  was  a  kind  man,  and  would  listen  to  what  he 
had  to  say.  He  would  also  extend  his  pardon  to  the  Khwdja's 
supporters. 

Khwaja-i  Jahan  was  more  than  eighty  years  old.  His  frame 
was  wasted  and  feeble,  and  his  hair  was  white.  *  *  *  He  was  a 
kind-hearted  man,  and  when  his  followers  heard  of  the  resolution' 

'  This  is  a  large  village  on  the  road  from  DehU  to  fl&nsi.  It  is  now  open,  butj 
apparently,  was  once  strongly  fortified. 


TAErKH-i  rrEoz  sukut.  285 

he  had  taken,  they  wept  for  him,  and  told  him  that  in  affairs  of 
royalty  no  consideration  is  paid  to  the  relation  of  father  and  son, 
and  no  excuses  of  error  can  be  admitted.  Sultdn  Firoz,  although 
a  good  man,  could  not  act  differently  from  kings  in  general.  The 
Khw4ja  replied,  "I  may  turn  back  and  fortify  myself  in  Dehli 
but  although  I  have  an  army  and  elephants.  Sultan  Firoz  will 
take  the  place,  and  Muhammadan  ladies  will  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  raffians  of  his  army.  In  my  old  age  I  should  do  that 
for  which  I  should  be  called  upon  to  account  in  the  judgment. 
I  have  not  much  longer  to  live ;  come  what  may,  God's  will  be 
done  ! "  His  adherents  seeing  him  thus  resolved,  some  accom- 
panied him  to  Sultan  Firoz,  and  some  fled. 

Khwaja-i  Jahdn  accordingly  proceeded  to  Fathdbad.  The 
author  has  been  informed  that,  on  his  arrival,  the  Sult4n  was 
seated  on  his  throne  holding  a  court,  and  the  Khwdja  went  into 
his  presence  with  a  chain  around  his  neck,  his  turban  off  a 
tdlika  (?)  on  his  head,  and  a  naked  sword  fastened  to  his  throat 
and  took  his  standing  low  down  among  the  attendants.  *  *  * 
The  Sultan  directed  his  turban  to  be  replaced  upon  his  head 
and  sent  his  own  chaudol  to  convey  him  to  the  grass  plot,  where 
he  promised  to  meet  and  converse  with  him.  *  *  * 

Tenth  Mukaddama. — Conversation  of  the  Sultan  with  his  nobles 
about  Khwdja-i  Jahdn. 

Sultan  Firoz  was  desirous  that  no  evil  should  come  to  Khwaja-i 
Jahan,  and  wished  to  reinstate  him  as  wazir,  *  *  *  but  the  Khans, 
nobles,  and  officials,  having  met  and  consulted,  arrived  at  the 
unanimous  opinion  that  it  was  improper  to  look  over  such  a 
political  offence.  *  *  *  They  accordingly  went  to  the  Sultan  and 
said  that  as  Dehli  had  now  come  into  his  hands,  and  the  Khwaja-i 
Jahan  had  joined  him,  all  apprehension  upon  that  ground  was 
removed ;  they  therefore  desired  the  royal  permission  to  set  out 
on  a  pilgrimage  to  Mecca.  The  Sultan  perceived  their  meaninc 
and,  speaking  in  kind  and  gentle  words,  said :  "  It  was  a  hif-h 
.duty  of  kings  to  overlook  any  irregular  acts  of  their  officers." 


286  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFfF. 

*  *  *  They  replied,  "  That  the  offences  of  royal  servants  were 
of  two  classes — one  small,  the  other  great.  The  venial  offences 
were  those  against  property,  the  graver,  those  against  authority ; 
the  former  might  be  excused,  but  the  latter  ought  not  to  be  for- 
given. Clemency  in  such  cases  was  sure  to  be  followed  by  re- 
pentance. The  Khwdja,  in  his  inordinate  thirst  for  distinction, 
had  raised  a  child  to  the  royal  dignity,  and  had  squandered  vast 
wealth  among  the  people."  *  *  *  SultAn  Firoz  saw  that  they 
were  resolved,  heart  and  soul,  upon  the  destruction  of  the  Khwdja. 
This  made  him  very  anxious  and  thoughtful,  so  that  he  grew 
pale.  In  this  state  he  remained  for  some  days — his  heart  rent 
with  sorrow.  At  length  he  called  'Imadu-1  Mulic  to  a  private 
interview,  and  told  him  to  go  to  the  friends  and  supporters  of 
the  throne  and  tell  them  that  the  Sult4n  placed  the  case  of 
Khwaja-i  Jahan  in  their  hands.  They  might  do  with  him  what 
seemed  to  them  best,  for  the  Sultan  had  given  up  the  case.  *  *  * 
They  accordingly  agreed  that  as  the  Khwaja  was  aged,  the  estate 
of  Sdmdna  should  be  assigned  to  him  in  in' dm,  and  so^he  was 
ordered  to  go  there  and  devote  his  days  to  religion.  *  *  *  The 
Khwdja  set  out  for  Samdna,  and  had  made  some  stages  when  Sher 
Kh4n  overtook  him,  but  did  not  go  to  see  him.  *  *  *  So  the 
unfortunate  noble  saw  plainly  that  the  Khan  had  come  on  no 
errand  of  mercy,  but  rather  to  effect  his  destruction.  *  *  Next  day 
he  asked  Sher  Khdn  for  some  tents,  into  one  of  which  he  went, 
performed  his  ablutions  and  said  his  prayers.  *  *  *  He  then 
looked  at  the  executioner  and  asked  if  he  had  a  sharp  sword, 
and  the  executioner,  who  was  a  friend  of  the  Ehwaja's,  showed 
his  weapon.  The  old  man  then  told  him  to  make  his  ablutions, 
say  his  prayers,  and  use  his  sword.  When  the  man  had  com- 
pleted his  devotions,  the  Khwdja  bowed  his  head  to  his  prayer- 
carpet,  and  while  the  name  of  God  was  on  his  lips  his  friend 
severed  his  head  irom  his  body.  : 

Eleventh  Mukaddama. — Arrival  of  Sultan  Firoz  at  HdnsL 
The  Sultan  being  relieved  from  all  apprehension  on  account 
of  Dehll,  marched  in  great  state  from  Karoda  towards  the  city. 


TARIKH-I  FIROZ  SHA'Hr.  287 

After  several  stages  he  arrived  at  Hansi,  where  he  went  to  wait 
upon  the  Shaikhu-1  Isldm  Shaikh  Kutbu-d  din.  *  *  *  The 
Shaikh  said  to  him,  "  I  have  heard  it  said  that  you  are  addicted 
to  wine  ;  but  if  Sultans  and  the  heads  of  religion  give  themselves 
up  to  wine-bibbing,  the  wants  of  the  poor  and  needy  will  get 
little  attention."  *  *  *  The  Sultan  thereupon  said  that  he  would 
drink  no  more.  After  this  the  Shaikh  said  that  he  had  been 
informed  that  the  Sultan  was  passionately  fond  of  hunting ;  but 
hunting  was  a  source  of  great  trouble  and  distress  to  the  world, 
and  could  not  be  approved.  To  kill  any  animal  without  neces- 
sity was  wrong,  and  hunting  ought  not  to  be  prosecuted  farther 
than  was  necessary  to  supply  the  wants  of  man — all  beyond  this 
was  reprehensible.  The  Sultan,  in  reverence  of  the  Shaikh, 
promised  to  abstain'  from  hunting.  *  *  * 

Twelfth  Mukaddama.  —  Interview   with    Shaikh   Kutbu-d   din-i 
Munawwar  and  Shaikh  Nasiru-d  din  Mahmud  at  Sdnsi. 

Thirteenth  Mukaddama. — Arrival  of  Sultan  Firoz  Shah  at  Behli. 

When  the  Sultan  reached  Dehli,  the  drums  of  joy  were  beaten, 
and  the  citizens  decked  themselves  out  in  their  jewels  and  best 
clothes.  Pavilions  {kaba)  were  erected  and  were  decorated  accord- 
ing to  the  custom  prevailing  in  the  times  of  former  kings.  Six 
of  these  pavilions  were  raised,  and  for  twenty-one  days  a  continual 
festival  was  maintained.  One  lac  of  tankas  was  expended  in  each 
pavilion  in  food  and  sherbet,  and  no  one  was  excluded.  *  *  * 

Fourteenth  Mukaddama. — The  Sultan' s  fostering  care  of  the  people 
of  Dehli  and  his  remission  of  arrears. 
*  *  *  In  those  days  Khwaja  Fakhr  Shddi  was  accountant- 
creneral.  After  Sultdn  Muhammad  returned  from  Daulatabdd, 
he  lent  the  people  of  Dehli  property  equivalent  to  two  krors  (of 
tankas  ?)  ^  for  the  purpose  of  restoring  the  land,  villages,  and 
quarters  which  had  fallen  into  ruin  during  the  days  of  the  famine. 

'  Do  kror-i  mdl. 


288  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFfF. 

This  money  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  Khwaja-i 
Jahdn,  after  the  death  of  Sultdn  Muhammad,  took  the  people  of 
Dehlf  under  his  protection,  and  they  in  their  greediness  joined 
themselves  to  him.  When  Sultan  Firoz  ascended  the  throne  at 
Thatta,  the  Khwdja  distributed  jewels  and  diamonds  among  them. 
All  the  money  lent  and  the  jewels  stood  against  the  names 
of  the  parties  concerned  in  the  government  books.  Fakhr  Shddf , 
the  accountant,  brought  the  fact  to  the  notice  of  Firoz  Shdh. 
After  thinking  over  the  matter,  the  Sultdn  consulted  Kiwdmu-1 
Mulk  as  to  what  ought  to  be  done,  *  *  *  and  that  minister  re- 
plied, "That  Sultan  Muhammad  had  deemed  it  expedient  to  make 
loans  to  the  people,  and  that  the  Khwaja-i  Jahan  had  squandered 
the  jewels  and  wealth  in  prosecution  of  his  projects  and  vain 
desires;  therefore  it  would  not  be  seemly  to' demand  their  res- 
toration. The  people  were  in  great  distress  and  poverty  ;  if  such 
a  claim  were  made,  they  would  be  reduced  to  utter  helplessness 
and  ruin,  and  not  one  jot  of  the  debt  and  jewels  would  be 
realized."  *  *  *  The  Sultdn  then  asked  him  how  he  ought  to  pro- 
ceed, and  the  Khan  advised  him  to  have  all  the  accounts  brought 
into  the  public  court,  and  there  to  destroy  them  in  the  presence 
of  all  the  people,  so  that  they  might  be  relieved  from  their  great 
anxiety.  The  Sultdn  heartily  approved  of  this  advice,  and  by 
his  direction  the  records  of  the  debt  and  of  the  jewels  were 
brought  into  his  court,  where  they  were  publicly  cancelled.  *  *  * 
At  this  time  the  Sultan  appointed  Kiw4mu-1  Mulk  his  tcasir, 
and  bestowed  upon  him  the  insignia  of  his  office.  *  *  *  The 
revenues  of  Dehli,  during  the  forty  years  which  Sultdn  Firoz 
reigned,  amounted  to  six  krors  and  seventy-five  lacs  of  tanhas 
(67,500,000). 

Fifteenth  Mukaddama. — Sultan  Firoz  makes  new  rules  for  grants 

of  revenue} 
The  Sultan  showed  great  liberality  in  his  grants  of  revenue, 
and  excited  the  cupidity  of  a  host  of  expectants.     To  some  he 

'  " Ndnhd" — plural  of  nan,  a  loaf.    Grants  of  revenue  instead  of  salaries  or 
pecuniary  allowances. 


TARrXH-I  FIROZ  SHAHI.  289 

gave  10,000  tankas,  to  others  5,000,  and  to  others  2,000,  accord- 
ing to  the  respective  ranks  and  claims  of  the  different  office- 
bearers. This  method  (of  paying  officials)  was  introduced  by 
Sultan  Firoz,  and  remains  as  a  memorial  of  him.  In  the  reigns 
of  former  rulers  of  Dehli  it  had  never  been  the  rule  to  bestow 
villages  as  stipends  upon  office-bearers.  The  author  has  under- 
stood from  various  historians  that  Sultan  'Alau-d  din  used  to 
speak  of  this  practice  with  disapprobation,  and  say  that  in.  every 
village  granted  there  would  be  two  or  three  hundred  residents,  all 
of  whom  would  receive  pay  (from  the  grantee).  Such  a  number 
of  pensioners  would  give  rise  to  pride  and  insubordination,  and 
if  they  were  to  act  in  concert,  there  would  be  danger  of  rebellion. 
With  these  feelings  there  is  no  wonder  that  'Alau-d-din  refused 
to  make  grants  of  villages,  and  paid  his  followers  every  year  with 
money  from  the  treasury.  But  when  Sultan  Firoz  came  to  the 
throne,  he  dismissed  such  thoughts  from  his  heart,  and  during 
the  forty  years  of  his  reign  he  devoted  himself  to  generosity  and 
the  benefit  of  Musulmans,  by  distributing  villages  and  lands 
among  his  followers.  In  the  whole  of  these  forty  years  not  one 
leaf  of  dominion  was  shaken  in  the  palace  of  sovereignty .^  These 
facts  are  among  the  glories  of  his  reign.  *  *  * 

Another  law  made  by  Firoz  Shah  was  this  :  If  an  officer  of 
the  army^  died,  he  was  to  be  succeeded  by  his  son ;  if  he  had  no 
son,  by  his  son-in-law ;  if  he  had  no  son-in-law,  by  his  slave 
(ghuldm) ;  if  he  had  no  slave,  by  his  nearest  relation  ;  and  if 
he  had  no  relations,  by  his  wives.  During  the  whole  of  his  reign 
he  made  it  a  rule  that,  under  all  circumstances,  the  succession 
of  every  person  should  be  clearly  defined.  *  *  * 

Sixteenth  Mukaddama. — Sultan  Firoz' s  fostering  care  of  his 

subjects. 

*  *  *  Unwise  regulations  had  been  made  in  former  reigns,  and 

the  raiyats  and  subjects  were  oppressed  in  the  payment  of  the 

revenue.     Several  writers  told  the  author  of  this  work  that  it 

1  That  is,  there  was  no  rebellion.  *  TaU  az  jumlah  i  ydrdn  i  hashm. 

VOL.  III.  19 


^90  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

was  the  practice  to  leave  the  raiyat  one  cow  and  take  away  all  the 
rest.  Sultan  Firoz  made  the  laws  of  the  Prophet  his  guide, 
acting  zealously  upon  the  principles  they  laid  down,  and  pro- 
hibiting all  that  was  inconsistent  therewith.  No  demand  in 
excess  of  the  regular  government  dues  was  to  be  made,  and  the 
officer  who  made  any  such  exaction  was  to  make  full  reparation. 
Brocades,  silks,  and  goods  required  for  the  royal  establishments 
were  to  be  purchased  at  the  market  price,  and  the  money  paid. 
*  *  *  Such  rules  were  made  that  the  raiyats  grew  rich,  and  were 
satisfied.  *  *  *  Their  homes  were  replete  with  grain,  property, 
horses,  and  furniture ;  every  one  had  plenty  of  gold  and  silver ; 
no  woman  was  without  her  ornaments,  and  no  house  was  want- 
ing in  excellent  beds  and  couches.  Wealth  abounded  and  com- 
forts were  general.  The  whole  realm  of  Dehli  was  blessed  with 
the  bounties  of  the  Almighty. 

Seventeenth  Muhaddama. — Perfidy  of  Khusrii  Malik  and  Khudd- 

wand-zdda. 
While  Firoz  Shdh  was  engaged  at  Dehli  in  arranging  the 
affairs   of  government,    Khuddwand-zdda,    daughter   of   Sultan 
Tughlik  Shah,  was  also  residing  there  with  her  husband,  Khusrii 
Malik,  in  a  palace  which  had  belonged  to  the  late  Sult4n  Mu- 
hammad.    Sultan  Firoz  had  made  it  his  custom  to  go  every 
Friday  after  prayers  to  pay  a  ■  visit  to  Khud^wand-zdda,  and 
whenever  he  saw  her  he  treated  her  with  the  greatest  possible 
respect.      She  also,  on  her  part,  shewed  every  mark  of  respect 
to  him.      The  Sultdn  and  Khuddwand-zada  used  to  sit  down 
together  in  the  robe-room ;  Khusru  Malik  used  to  stand ;  and 
D4war  Malik  to  sit  behind  his  mother,  Khuddwand-zada.   When 
their  conversation  was  over,  the  princess  used  to  present  pan,  and 
the  Sultan  departed.     So  it  went  on  every  Friday.     Under  the 
decrees  of  God  envy  and  rancour  still  lurk  in  the  constitution  of 
man,  and  so  Khusru  Malik  and  Khuddwand-zada  conceived  the 
idea  of  hastening  the  end  of  Sultan  Firoz,  and  of  killing  him 
treacherously  in  the  place  where  he  was  in  the  habit  of  visiting 
Khuddwand-zada  on  Fridays. 


TAEfKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHr.  291 

In  the  palace  there  was  a  long  room,  haying  two  lateral 
chambers.  These  rooms  Khusru  Malik  filled  with  men  armed 
from  head  to  foot,  and  gave  them  instructions  that  when  Khudd- 
wand-z4da  adjusted  the  garment  round  her  head,  they  were  to 
rush  forth  and  cut  ofF  the  Sultan's  head.  Khusru  Malik  also 
concealed  some  more  armed  men  under  the  floor  of  the  outer 
gateway,  who  were  directed  to  fall  upon  the  Sultdn  and  despatch 
him  should  he  succeed  in  escaping  from  the  inside  of  the  palace. 
*  *  *  When  Friday  came,  the  Sultan  paid  his  accustomed  visit, 
and  sat  down  to  converse  as  usual.  DAwar  Malik,  son  of  Khud4- 
wand-zdda  (but,  as  the  author  has  been  informed,  by  another 
husband  than  the  base  Khusru  Malik),  sat  behind  his  mother. 
He  took  no  part  in  the  plot,  and  when  he  saw  the  Sultan,  he 
made  signs  that  he  should  depart  quickly  and  secure  himself  in 
his  own  palace.  The  Sultan  took  the  hint  and  rose  to  depart. 
Khudawand-zada  pressed  him  to  wait  until  the  pan  was 
served,  but  he  said  that  Fath  Khan  was  sick,  and  he  .must 
hasten  away,  but  that  he  would  come  another  day.  The  armed 
men  in  concealment  were  not  informed  of  what  passed,  and  so  the 
Sultan  escaped  from  the  room.  The  men  who  were  hidden  in  the 
gateway  knew  the  Sultan  had  gone  in,  but  they  were  unaware 
of  his  having  come  out,  and  so,  by  the  grace  of  God,  the  Sultan 
got  away  safe  from  the  house  of  Khuddwand-zdda. 

As  soon  as  he  got  outside  the  house  (into  the  court-yard),  the 
Sultan  raised  a  loud  cry  for  his  followers,  but  as  it  was  Friday 
most  of  the  nobles  had  gone  back ;  Rai  Bhiru '  Bhatti  remained 
in  attendance.  When  the  Sultan  came  forth  very  excited,  he  cried 
out  in  a  fierce  tone,  "  Eai  Bhiru,  give  me  the  sword  which  thou 
hast  in  thine  hand  !  "  The  Rai  perceived  that  he  was  in  a  state 
of  great  excitement,  and  replied,  "  I  will  draw  my  sword  and 
will  follow  your  Majesty ;  will  you  not  proceed  home  ?"  With- 
out heeding  what  was  said,  the  Sultan  snatched  the  sword 
from  the  hands  of  the  Rai,  and  drew  it ;  then  getting  safely  away 
from  the  buildings  of  Sultan  Muhammad's  harem,  he  mounted 
^  This  name  is  written  ^  _^_^ , 


292  SHAMS-I  SIRA'J  'AFIF. 

to  the  top  of  the  hushk  (palace).  The  princes  and  nobles  were 
instantly  summoned,  and  they  surrounded  the  dwelling  of  Khusru 
Malik  and  Khudawand-zada.  The  armed  men  were  brought 
forth,  and,  on  being  questioned,  told  all  the  truth  of  the  matter. 
The  Sultan  asked  if  they  were  not  aware  of  what  had  passed. 
They  replied  with  one  voice  that  the  Almighty  had  closed  the 
eyes  of  their  perception,  so  that  they  were  aware  of  the  Sultin's 
going  into  the  house,  but  did  not  know  of  his  coming  out. 

When  the  facts  were  proved,  the  Sultan' ordered  Khudawand- 
zada  into  retirement  and  settled  an  allowance  upon  her.  She  had 
very  great  wealth,  by  the  power  of  which  Khusru  Mahk  had 
hoped  to  effect  his  designs ;  all  this  was  brought  into  the  public 
treasury.  Khusru  Malik  was  banished,  and  Ddwar  Malik  was 
directed  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  Sultan  at  the  oeginning  of  every 
month,  wearing  an  overcoat  and  slippers  on  his  feet.^ 

Eighteenth  Mukaddama. — Sultan  Firoz  adopts  a  Khutha,  including 
the  names  of  former  Sultans  for  the  public  prayers  of  Fridays 
and  Festivals.    Account  of  the  edicts  issued  hy  him. 

******* 

1.  On  the  names  used  in  the  khutha. — It  had  been  a  rule  among 
the  Sultans  of  Dehli  that  the  name  of  the  reigning  monarch  only 
was  mentioned  in  the  prayers  of  Sabbaths  and  Festivals,  and  no 
reference  was  made  to  former  Sultans.  When  Sultan  Firoz  came 
to  the  throne,  they  were  about  to  follow  the  same  rule,  and  to 
mention  his  name  only  in  the  khutha ;  but  he  disapproved  of  the 
omission  of  former  kings,  and  ordered  that  a  khutha  should  be  said 
first  in  the  names  of  former  kings,  and  then  one  in  which  his  own 
name  should  be  mentioned.  In  accordance  with  this  decree,  the 
Sultans  in  the  following  hst  were  specially  selected  to  be  named 
in  the  khutha : — 1.  Sult4n  Shah^bu-d  din  Muhammad  Sdm ; 
2.  Shamsu-d  din  Altamsh ;  3.  Ndsiru-d  din  Mahmud ;  4. 
Ghiy^su-d  din  Balban ;  5.  Jalalu-d  din  Firoz ;  6.  'Aldu-d  din 
Muhammad  Khilji ;    7.  Kutbu-d   din  Mubarak ;    8.  Ghiydsu-d 

'  C^A  ijije  ^^>\ji  i^xJ  Hdf  \jjd  jLs6  J  XSj^y  ^\j\^  . 


TARrKH-i  Fraoz  SHAHr.  293 

din  Tughlik  Shdh;  9.  Sultan  Muhammad;  10.  Firoz  Shdh. 
Two  names  were  selected  to  be  mentioned  after  that  of  Sultdn 
Firoz  Shdh ;  viz.,  1.  Muhammad  bin  Firoz  Shdh ;  2.  'Alau-d 
din  Sikandar  Shdh ;  and  till  the  end  of  the  reign  these  names 
were  mentioned  in  the  prayers.  *  *  * 

2.  Account  of  the  edicts  on  matters  of  royalty. — Sultan  Firoz 
Shdh  issued  twenty-one  edicts  (sikka)  and  thirty-one  instructions 
Caldmat)  upon  matters  of  royalty.  The  author  here  inserts  their 
titles  for  the  benefit  of  his  readers.  1.  On  the  khutha ;  2.  On 
the  sandal-wood  throne;  3.  On  the  imperial  cornelian  signet, 
etc.,  etc.^ 

KisM  II. — The  Two  Expeditions  to  LakhnautI  and  the 
Campaigns  against  J  a  jn  agar  and  Nagaekot. 

Mrst  Mukaddama. — The  first  expedition  to  Lakhnauti. 
About  70,000  men  of  the  khans  and  maliks  having  assembled, 
Firoz  Shkh  marched  with  his  nobles  and  great  men  to  Lakhnauti. 
*  *  *  Kh4n-i  Jahan  remained  behind  at  Dehli. 

Second  Mukaddama. — The  Sultan  lays  siege  to  Lakhnauti. 

Sh^h  Firoz  marched  triumphantly  through  Hindustan  and 
reached  Bengal  in  great  strength.  *  *  *  When  he  arrived  on 
the  banks  of  the  Kosi,  after  resting  for  a  short  time,  he  found 
the  army  of  Shamsu-d  din  posted  in  force  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river,  near  its  junction  with  the  Ganges.^  The  passage  ap- 
peared difficult,  so  the  Sultdn  marched  100  kos  up  the  Kosi,  and 

'  This  list  of  sikkas  has  puzzled  the  copyists,  from  their  having  apparently  under- 
stood the  word  sikka  in  its  common  signification  of  "  coin,"  not  in  that  of  "  rule,  regu- 
lation." Taken  in  this  latter  sense,  the  title  of  the  list  quite  agrees  with  its  contents. 
The  MS.  of  the  East  India  Library,  No.  1002,  gives  interlineary  explanations  of  some 
of  the  words,  which  explanations  are  copied  as  part  of  the  original  text  by  the  copyists 
of  Sir  H.  EUiot's  and  Mr.  Thomas's  MSS.  Sir  H.  Elliot's  scribe  appends  a  mar- 
ginal note  that  "  the  whole  is  evidently  erroneous,  and  a  correct  list  is  desirable," 
and  the  writer  of  Mr.  Thomas's  copy  thought  the  list  so  manifestly  wrong  that  "  he 
has  not  entered  it  in  the  book,  but  copied  it  on  a  separate  piece  of  paper." 

2  This  sentence  is  derived  from  another  passage  which  says  the  position  was  "  on 
the  banks  of  the  Sam  and  Ganges,  and  on  the  Kosi,  etc. 


294  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

crossed  it  below  Ohamp4ran,^  at  the  place  where  the  river  issues 
from  the  mountain.  Here  a  ford  was  found,  but  the  waters  ran 
with  such  force  that  stones  of  five  hundred  mans  weight  were 
borne  along  like  straws.  The  Sultdn  ordered  a  line  of  elephants 
to  be  drawn  across  the  river,  both  above  and  below  the  ford, 
to  facilitate  the  passage.  The  upper  line  was  to  break  the 
force  of  the  current ;  the  lower  line  was  furnished  with  ropes, 
to  which  men  carried  away  hj  the  stream  might  cling.  *  *  * 
When  Shamsu-d  din  heard  that  the  SultAn  had  succeeded 
in  crossing  the  river,  he  fled  in  great  alarm  with  all  his 
forces  to  Ikddla,  and  the  Sultan  followed  by  way  of  Cham- 
pdran  and  Rachap.^  Shamsu-d  din  abandoned  the  town  of 
Pandwah,  and  shut  himself  up  in  IkdMa,  pursued  by  the 
Sultan,  who  closely  besieged  the  place  and  threw  up  batteries 
(hungura),  and  dug  entrenchments  all  round  it.  The  forces  of 
Shamsu-d  din  came  out  daily  from  Ikddla  to  make  a  display, 
and  were  received  with  showers  of  arrows.  They  were  at  length 
compelled  to  take  shelter  in  the  islands  [jazdir)  of  Ikdala.  The 
country  was  overrun  by  the  troops  of  the  Sultdn,  and  all  the 
rdos,  rdnas,  and  zaminddrs  of  Bengal,  who  joined  the  Sultan, 
were  favourably  received.  Many  people  of  the  country  of  Bengal 
also  came  over  to  him. 

When  hostilities  had  thus  gone  on  fiercely  for  some  time  be- 
tween the  two  sovereigns,  unfriendly  weather  sowed  the  seed  of 
heat  in  the  moist  earth,  and  the  sun  was  about  to  enter  the  sign 
Cancer.  The  Sultan  therefore  called  a  council,  and  after  much 
secret  debate  it  was  resolved  that  Shamsu-d  din  had  taken  refiige 
and  fortified  himself  in  the  islands  of  Ikddla,  with  the  belief  that 
when  the  rains  came  on,  and  the  country  became  inundated,  the 

'  So  in  Sir  H.  Elliot's  MS.  Mr.  Thomas's  has  ^.L».,  and  that  of  the  East 
India  Library     ,  ,L:>. . 

'  Var. :  -^s-X  ,  CLJ  ,L-l>-  .  jia-\ ,  ,  ,  ,L»- .  Barni  does  not  mention  these 
places,  but  says  simply  the  march  was  through  Gorakhpur,  Kharosa,  and  Tirhut. 
He  represents  the  rdls  of  Gorakhpur  and  Kharosa  as  making  their  submission 
to  the  Sultan  and  foUowing  him  to  Lakhnautl. 


TAErxH-i  rrEoz  shahi.  295 

Sultan  would  be  obliged  to  retreat.  It  was  therefore  expedient 
that  the  Sultan  should  fall  back  strategically  a  few  kos  and  see 
what  would  happen. i  This  plan  was  approved,  and  accordingly- 
next  day  the  Sultan  retreated  seven  kos  towards  Dehli.  Some 
kalandars  were  then  craftily  sent  to  Ikddla,  with  instructions  that 
if  they  were  brought  before  Sharasu-d  din,  they  were  to  report 
that  the  Sultan  was  in  full  retreat,  with  all  his  forces  and 
baggage,  towards  Dehli.  The  kalandars,  being  captured,  were 
taken  into  the  presence  of  Shamsu-d  din,  to  whom  they  told  the 
story  they  had  been  taught,  and  he,  believing  it,  *  *  *  de- 
determined  to  go  out  of  Ikdala  and  harass  the  retreat. 

Third  Mukaddama. — Battle  between  Sultan  Firoz  and  Shamsu-d 
din.  Capture  of  fifty  elephants  and  slaughter  of  one  lao  of  the 
people  of  Bang  and  Bangdla. 

When  Shamsu-d  din  heard  that  Sultdn  Firoz  had  retreated 
towards  Dehli,  he  made  up  his  mind  to  pursue  him.  Some 
writers  say  that  Firoz  Shdh  left  his  camp  {rakht)  standing, 
others  that  he  caused  part  of  his  baggage  to  be  burned.  Sultan 
Shamsu-d  din  came  out  in  pursuit  with  a  force  which  consisted 
of  10,000  horse,  200,000  infantry  like  the  infantry  of  Subuk- 
tigin,  and  fifty  mighty  elephants.  Firoz  Shah  had  marched 
seven  kos,  and  the  place  where  he  was  lying  in  wait  was  on 
the  bank  of  the  river  where  the  eddies  had  formed  a  ford. 
His  baggage  was  in  the  act  of  crossing  at  this  ford,  when, 
unexpectedly,  the  Sultan  of  the  Bengalis  came  up  and  rushed 
to  the  attack.  *  *  *  *  When  the  Sultan  heard  that  the 
enemy  had  arrived  in  great  force,  he  proceeded  to  draw  up  his 
army  in  three  divisions.  Malik  Dildn,  the  Mir-sMkdr,  had 
command  of  the  right  wing,  consisting  of  30,000  horse,  and  the 
left  wing,  also  consisting  of  30,000  warriors,  was  commanded  by 
Malik  Hisdm  Naw4.     The  centre,  consisting  likewise  of  30,000 

'  BamI  says  the  rains  were  at  hand,  and  the  country  was  low  and  liaUe  to  deep 
inundations.  The  mosquitos  also  were  so  large  and  numerous  that  neither  men  nor 
horses  would  have  been  able  to  endure  their  stings. 


296  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFIF. 

men,  was  under  Tat4r  KhAn.  The  Sultan  himself  proceeded 
frona  one  division  to  another,  encourasiinir  his  men.  *  *  *  The 
elephants  were  divided  among  the  three  divisions.  *  *  *  AH 
preparations  being  made,  the  drums  were  beaten,  and  the  din 
of  war  arose  between  the  two  armies.  When  Shamsu-d  din 
perceived  the  Sultan's  army  drawn  up  in  battle  array,  he  feared 
and  trembled  like  a  willow-leaf,  for  he  found  that  he  had  been 
deluded  by  the  kalandars  to  bring  his  forces  out  of  his  strong- 
hold ;  all  he  could  now  do  was  to  resign  himself  to  the  decrees  of 
fate. 

The  fight  began  with  the  left  wing  under  Hisdmu-d  din  Nawd, 
and  was  stoutly  maintained.  The  right  wing  also  under  Malik 
Dilan  became  hotly  engaged.  *  *  *  When  the  time  for  shooting 
arrows  was  past,  they  used  their  spears  and  swords,  and  when 
the  conflict  became  even  yet  closer,  the  brave  warriors  seized 
each  other  by  the  waistbands,  and  grappled  in  deadly  strife.  *  *  * 
After  much  fighting  and  slaughter,  Shamsu-d  din  retreated  and 
fled  towards  his  own  city.  T4t4r  Khan,  with  the  centre  of  the 
Sultan's  army,  strongly  reinforced  from  both  wings,  pursued; 
and  the  Bengali  army  having  abandoned  Pandwah,  continued  its 
flight  to  Ikdala.  Tatdr  Khan  cried,  "0  Shams-i  siydh  (Black 
Sun),  whither  art  thou  running  ?  A  man  ought  to  show  his  face, 
not  turn  his  back :  stop  for  a  moment  and  feel  the  strength  of 
Firoz  Shdh's  lads ! "  Shamsu-d  din,  however,  pursued  his  flight, 
heedless  of  everything.  Forty-eight  elephants  were  taken,  and 
three  were  slain.  The  King  of  Bengal,  out  of  all  his  enormous 
force,  fled  with  seven  horsemen,  and  his  whole  army  was  scattered. 
The  place  where  Firoz  Shah  had  taken  his  position  on  the  river 
was  seven  kos  from  Ikddla.  *  *  *  Sultdn  Shamsu-d  din  took 
refuge  in  the  fort  of  Ikddla,  and  by  dint  of  great  exertion  the 
commander  succeeded  in  closing  the  gate,  but  Firoz  Sh4h's  forces 
occupied  the  town.  When  the  arrival  of  Firoz  Shah  became 
known,  all  the  ladies  and  respectable  women  went  to  the  top  of 
the  fort,  and  when  they  saw  him  they  uncovered  their  heads, 
and  in  their  distress   made  great  lamentation.     The  Sultan  saw 


TAErXH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHI.  297 

their  state  and  heard  their  waihngs ;  he  thereupon  reflected 
that  he  had  occupied  the  city,  had  overcome  many  Musulmdns. 
had  taken  possession  of  the  country,  and  that  the  Khutha  would 
be  said  in  his  name.  To  storm  the  fort,  put  more  Musulmdns 
to  the  sword,  and  expose  honourable  women  to  ignominy,  would 
be  a  crime  for  which  he  could  not  answer  in  the  day  of  judg- 
ment, and  which  would  leave  no  difference  between  him  and  the 
Mughals. 

Tdtdr  Kh4n  repeatedly  urged  the  Sultan  to  retain  the  territory 
he  had  conquered,  but  the  Sultan  was  adverse  to  annexation, 
observing  that  many  of  the  sovereigns  of  Dehli  had  come  into 
this  country  and  had  subdued  it,  but  none  of  them  had  deemed 
it  prudent  to  remain  there  long.  For  Bengal  was  a  land  of 
swamps,^  and  the  nobles  of  the  country  passed  their  lives  in  their 
islands  {jazdirdt).  It  would  not  do  therefore  for  him  to  act 
differently  from  all  his  sovereign  predecessors,  so  Firoz  Shah 
turned  back  after  having  changed  the  name  of  Ikddla  to  j^zadpur. 
Tdtar  Khan  acted  with  great  bravery  in  this  war,  and  pressed  the 
retreat  of  Sultan  Shamsu-d  din  with  great  vigour.  He  at  one 
time  during  the  pursuit  resolved  to  put  the  fugitive  prince  to 
the  sword,  but  he  abandoned  that  design  and  fell  back  slowly  to 
Flroz  Shdh.  *  *  * 

Fourth  Muhaddama. — Return  of  Firoz  Shah  to  Delhi. 

When  the  Sultdn  resolved  upon  returning  home  from  Bengal 
all  his  followers  were  much  pleased.  An  order  was  given  for 
collecting  the  heads  of  the  slain  Bengalis,  and  a  silver  tanka  was 
offered  for  every  head.  The  whole  army  went  busily  to  work, 
and  brought  in  the  heads  of  the  slain  and  piled  them  in  heaps, 
receiving  in  payment  the  silver  tankas.  The  heads  were  counted 
and  amounted  to  rather  more  than  180,000,  for  the  battle  had 
raged  for  a  whole  day  over  an  extent  of  seven  kos,  *  *  * 

•  Three  MSS.  agree  in  reading  J^^^  .  or  \\s>- ,,  words  which  have  no  appropriate 
meaning.  A  note  in  the  margin  of  one  MS.  suggests  A.>.,  "mud,"  and  that 
reading  has  been  here  followed. 


298  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

The  Sultdn  then  turned  with  his  army  and  marched  quickly 
towards  Dehli.  When  he  reached  Pandwah,i  the  khutba  was  said 
in  his  name,  and  he  changed  the  name  of  the  place  to  Firozab^d. 
The  new  names  which  he  gave  to  Ikdala  and  Pandwah  were  made 
permanent  and  were  entered  in  the  Government  records  as 
"  i(!zd,d-pur,  otherwise  Ikddla, "  and  "  Firozabdd,  otherwise 
Pandwah."  When  the  Sultan  arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Kosi 
the  rains  came  on,  and  orders  were  given  for  the  troops  to  embark 
in  boats  (kishUhd-i  band-kusha).  The  whole  army  thus  crossed 
over.  When  Shamsu-d  din  entered  Ikddla,  he  seized  the 
Governor,  who  had  shut  the  gates,  and  had  him  executed. 

As  the  Sultdn  was  returning,  he  sent  forward  to  Dehli  a 
despatch  announcing  his  conquest  of  Lakhnauti.  Khan-i  Jah&n 
Makbul  had  been  left  in  Dehli  as  deputy,  and  when  the  news 
of  the  victory  arrived,  great  rejoicings  were  carried  on  for 
twenty-one  days,  *  *  *  and  great  preparations  were  made  for 
the  reception  of  the  Sultan.  *  *  *  When  he  entered  the  city, 
forty-eight  elephants,  captured  at  Lakhnauti  with  their  howdahs 
and  housings,  marched  at  the  head  of  the  victorious  army. 
*  *  *  In  this,  the  Sultan's  first  expedition  to  Lakhnauti,  he  was 
engaged  eleven  months. 

Mfih  Mukaddama. — Founding  of  the  city  of  JSisdr  Firozah. 

After  returning  victorious  from  Bengal,  Sultan  Firoz  passed 
several  successive  years  riding  about  Dehli.  The  author  was  told 
by  his  father  that,  in  the  second  year  after  the  Bengal  campaign, 
the  Sultan  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Hisar  Firozah,  and  exerted 
himself  actively  and  liberally  in  endeavouring  to  provide  for  the 
needs  of  the  country.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Hisar  Firozah 
was  founded.  *  *  *  In  the  place  now  occupied  by  the  city  two 
large  and  populous  villages  formerly  stood,  which  were  called 
Great  Lards  and  Little  Lards.  There  were  fifty  kharaks  included 
in  Great  Lards,  and  forty  in  Little  Lards.     In  this  country  there 

'  5.JiX»    Stewart  calls  it  '-Pundua,"  and  says  it  is  near  Malda. — "History  of 
,"  p.  84. 


Ti^ErKH-I  FtEOZ  SHA'Sf.  299 

is  no  other  village  than  the  Jcharak}  The  neighbourhood  of 
Great  Lards  greatly  pleased  Sultan  Flroz,  and  he  thought  it 
would  be  well  to  build  a  city  there,  for  it  was  very  deficient  in 
water,  and  during  the  hot  season  travellers  who  came  from 
'Irak  and  Khurdsdn  had  to  pay  as  much  as  four  fitals  for  a 
pitcher  full.  So  the  Sultdn  resolved  to  build  a  city,  being 
filled  with  hope  that  if  he  built  a  town  for  the  benefit  of 
Musulmdns,  God  would  provide  it  with  water.  He  therefore 
began  the  work,  and  persevered  in  it  for  several  years,  assisted 
by  his  nobles  and  great  men.  Hard  stone  was  brought  from 
the  bills  of  Narsdi,  and  was  used  with  strong  quicklime  and 
burnt  bricks.  A  fort  of  great  extent  and  height  was  com- 
menced. Various  officers  were  appointed  to  superintend  different 
portions  of  the  work,  and  busied  themselves  in  their  respective 
duties,  so  that  in  course  of  time  the  fort  was  completed.  The 
Sultd,n  gave  to  the  place  the  name  of  Hisar  Firozah.  When 
the  fort  was  finished,  a  ditch  was  dug  round  it,  and  the  earth, 
which  was  taken  from  its  bed  was  spread  on  each  side  of  the 
ditch,  and  along  the  banks  of  the  ditch  battlements  were  built. 
Inside  the  fort  a  large  and  deep  tank  was  formed,  the  water  of 
which  ran  into  the  ditch  and  replenished  it  from  year  to  year. 
Inside  the  fort  a  palace  was  built,  which  had  no  equal  in  the 
world,  and  the  various  apartments  of  which  were  contrived  with 
infinite  pains.  One  of  the  arrangements  of  this  palace  was  that 
any  person,  having  a  general  acquaintance  with  the  place,  after 
passing  through  several  apartments,  would  arrive  at  the  centre. 
This  central  apartment  under  the  palace  was  very  dark,  and  the 
passages  were  narrow,  so  that  if  the  attendants  did  not  guide 
the  visitor  he  would  never  be  able  to  find  his  way  out.  Indeed, 
it  is  said  that  a  servant  once  went  into  that  place,  and  after  he 
had  been  missing  for  some  days,  the  guards  went  there  in  search 
of  him  and  rescued  him  from  the  darkness.  *  *  * 

One  MS.  reads  jXib   J   i^j^  jJo  ^J  ^Jd  <tJl   ^^j  ^  ^j. 
.  Thomas's  copy  has    j^u  instead  of   ^  . 


Mr.  Thomas's  copy  has    j^u  i 


300  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFfF. 

The  Sultdn,  perceiving  that  there  was  a  great  scarcity  of  water, 
resolved  in  his  munificence  to  bring  a  supply  thither.  He  ac- 
cordingly conducted  two  streams  {jiii)  into  the  city  from  two 
rivers ;  one  from  the  river  Jumna,  the  other  from  the  Sutlej.i 
That  from  the  Jumna  was  called  Eajiwdh,  and  (the  other)  Alagh- 
khani.  Both  these  streams  were  conducted  through  the  vicinity 
of  Karnal,  and,  after  a  length  of  about  eighty  kos,  discharged 
their  waters  by  one  channel  into  the  town.  The  author's  father 
was  then  in  the  service  of  the  Court,  and  held  the  office  of  8hab- 
navis.  He  informed  the  author  that  Sult&n  Tiroz  was  occupied 
two  years  and  a  half  in  building  the  town.  When  it  was  built 
he  laid  out  many  gardens  and  planted  many  trees,  including  all 
sorts  of  fruit  trees.  *  *  *  Previous  to  this  time  there  had  been 
an  autumn  harvest,  but  the  spring  harvest  failed,  because  wheat 
would  not  grow  without  water.  After  the  canals  had  been  dug, 
both  harvests  came  to  maturity. 

Before  this  time,  in  the  days  of  the  old  kings,  this  country  had 
been  entered  in  the  revenue  accounts  as  belongins  to  the  division 
(shikk)  of  H^nsi ;  but  now  that  Hisdr  Firozah  had  been  built, 
the  Sultan  ordered  that  from  henceforth  the  division  should  be 
called  Hisar  Firozah,  and  that  the  districts  {iktd'df)  of  Hansi, 
Agrowah,^  Fath-4bad,  and  Sarsuti,  as  far  as  Salaurah  and  Khizr- 
abad,  with  some  other  districts,  should  all  be  "included  in  the 
division  of  Hisar  Firozah.*  *  *  * 


1  All  three  MSS.  agree  that  the  canals  werehrought  from  iwo  riyers,  but  the  MS. 
of  the  India  Office  Library  alone  mentions  the  Sutlej.  The  catise  of  the  omission  is 
palpable :  two  lines  commence  with  the  word  Jun,  and  one  of  these  has  been  passed 
over. 

^  Sii-nim  ;  lit.  two  halves. 

3  Two  MSS.  have  "  'Agrah." 

*  This  simply  means  that  the  new  town  of  HisSj  Firozah  was  made  the  sadar  or 
chief  place  of  the  revenue  division,  instead  of  H&nsi.  The  word  shikh  is  not  a 
common  revenue  term,  but  its  meaning  is  that  of  "  division,  separating,"  and  there 
can  be  no  doubt  of  the  sense  in  which  it  is  here  employed.  Mr.  Beames  in  the 
Glossary  (II.,  17)  quotes  and  translates  the  passage  with  some  doubt.  The  verb 
which  he  comments  upon  is  given  correctly  in  one  MS.,  "  mi  nahishtand ;"  which  is 
certainly  preferable  to  the  inappropriate  "mi-nishinad,"  which  he  adopts  from  the 
MS.  1002  of  the  East  India  Library. 


TAEIKH-I  FrKOZ  SHAHf.  301 

Sixth  Mukaddama.  —  Settlement  of  the  Sovereign's  rental 
(istikdmat-i  amldh)} 

Firoz  Shdh  thus  established  two  cities  by  land  and  by  water — 
the  city  of  Fath-abad,  of  which  an  account  has  been  given  in 
a  former  chapter,  and  the  city  of  Hisdr  Firozah,  which  has 
just  been  described.  Numerous  water-courses  were  brought  into 
these  places,  and  an  extent  of  from  eighty  to  ninety  kos  in 
these  districts  was  brought  (under  cultivation),  in  which  there 
were  many  towns  and  villages,  as  the  kashas  o/' Janid^  and  Daha- 
tarath,  and  the  town  of  Hansi  and  its  dependencies.  In  every 
town  and  village  great  advantage  was  derived  from  the  supply 
of  water.  The  king  therefore  convened  a  general  assembly  of 
judges,  lawyers,  and  doctors,  and  demanded  of  them  an  opinion 
upon  this  question :  "  If  a  man  with  great  labour  and  expendi- 
ture of  money  conducts  water  into  certain  districts,  so  that  the 
inhabitants  thereof  realize  a  large  profit,  ought  he  or  not  to 
receive  any  return  for  his  trouble  and  outlay  ?"  They  were 
unanimously  of  opinion  that  the  benefactor  was  entitled  to  the 
right  of  sharhf  that  is  to  say,  ten  per  cent.  The  Sultan  ac- 
cordingly realized  his  sharh^  and  included  it  in  his  rent-roll. 

Like  unto  former  kings,  he  brought  many  waste  lands*  into 
cultivation,  and  subject  to  the  payment  of  rent ;  but  the  pro- 
ceeds of  such  lands  were  devoted  to  the  learned  and  religious, 
among  whom  they  were  apportioned,  and  the  public  treasury  was 
by  this  means  relieved.  The  king's  rental  was  thus  increased  from 
two  sources,  from  the  sharh,  and  secondly  from  the  newly  culti- 
vated lands.*  A  sum  of  about  two  lacs  of  tankas  was  in  this 
way  added  to  the  king's  revenue.     Ko  king  of  Dehlf  had  ever 

1  The  word  amldk  is  used  to  designate  the  sovereign's  private  rental  as  distinct 
from  the  revenue  of  the  public  treasury. 

2  The  name  "  Janid"  is  found  only  in  the  MS.  of  the  East  India  Library. 

3  Sharaha,  an  Arabic  verbal  root,  means  "  to  drink,"  as  a  noun,  "  water "  or 
"  drinking."     Here  it  has  a  technical  meaning. 

*  "  Zamin-i  amwdt, "  lit.  "  dead  lands." 

5  Karydt-i  ahydi,  "living  villages,"  as  opposed  to  the  "dead  lands"  before 
mentioned. 


302  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFfF. 

been  in  the  receipt  of  such  an  income  as  Sultdn  FIroz  now 
enjoyed,  and  the  sovereign's  financial  business  had  so  greatly 
increased  that  separate  officers  were  appointed  for  the  control  of 
the  private  income  of  the  Sultdn,  and  the  public  revenue  of  the 
State  was  kept  distinct. 

When  the  rainy  season  came  on,  and  the  rains  were  at  their 
height,  officers  were  appointed  to  examine  the  banks  of  all  the 
water-courses,  and  report  how  far  the  inundations  extended. 
The  author's  father  was  several  times  appointed  on  this  duty. 
The  Sultdn  was  greatly  pleased  when  he  heard  of  the  spread  of 
the  waters.  If  any  village  in  his  estate  went  to  ruin,  he  dis- 
missed the  officers  in  disgrace,  and  so  during  his  reign  the 
country  was  thriving  and  prosperous. 

Seventh  Mukaddama. — Interview  of  the  Sultan  with  the  preceptor 
of  the  Author  at  SdnsL 

Saltan  Firoz  proceeded  from  His^r  Firozah  to  Hansi,  in  order 
to  have  an  interview  with  the  author's  preceptor,  Niiru-d  din, 
who  had  succeeded  to  the  spiritual  supremacy  {sijjada)  lately 
vacated  by  the  death  of  Kutbu-d  din.  \The  Sultan's  object  was 
to  induce  the  Shaikh  to  remove  to  Hisdr  Firozah,  but  he  declined, 
because  Hansi  had  been  the  home  of  his  ancestors  and  the  abode 
■  of  his  predecessors.]^  In  these  latter  days  the  accursed  (Mughals) 
have  captured  the  city  of  Dehli  and  have  plundered  and  laid 
waste  the  possessions  of  Musulmans ;  but  through  the  protection 
of  the  Shaikh,  the  town  of  Hansi  remained  in  safety,  and  the 
people  of  Hisar  Firozah,  who  there  took  refuge,  also  found 
security. 

Eighth  Mukaddama. — The  building  of  Firozdbdd  on   the  river 

Jumna. 

*  *  *  The  Sultan  having  selected  a  site  at  the  village  of 
G-^win,  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  founded  the  city  of  Firoz- 
6,b4d,  before  he  went  to  Lakhnauti  the  second  time.     Here  he 


TAErKH-I  FtEOZ  SHAHr.  303 

commenced  a  palace,  *  *  *  and  the  nobles  of  his  court  having 
also  obtained  {giriftand)  houses  there,  a  new  town  sprang  up, 
five  hos  distant  from  Dehli.  Eighteen  places  were  included  in 
this  town,  the  kasha  of  Indarpat,  the  sarai  of  Shaikh  Malik 
Y4r  Paran,  the  sardi  of  Shaikh  Abu  Bakr  Tusi,  the  village  of 
Gawin,  the  land  of  Khetw4ra,  the  land  of  Lahrdwat,  the  land  of 
Andhdwali,  the  land  of  the  sardi  of  Malika,  the  land  of  the 
tomb  of  Sultan  Raziya,  the  land  of  Bhdri,  the  land  of  Mahrola, 
and  the  land  of  Sultdnpur.  So  many  buildings  were  erected  that 
from  the  kasha  of  Indarpat  to  the  Kushk-i  shikdr,  five  kos  apart, 
all  the  land  was  occupied.  There  were  eight  public  mosques,  and 
one  private  mosque.  *  *  *  The  public  mosques  were  each  large 
enough  to  accommodate  10,000  supplicants. 

During  the  forty  years  of  the  reign  of  the  excellent  Sultan 
Firoz,  people  used  to  go  for  pleasure  from  Dehli  to  Firozabad, 
and  from  Firozabad  to  Dehli,  in  such  numbers,  that  every  kos  of 
the  five  kos  between  the  two  towns  swarmed  with  people,  as  with 
ants  or  locusts.  To  accommodate  this  great  trafiic,  there  were 
public  carriers  who  kept  carriages,  mules  {sutiir),  and  horses, 
which  were  ready  for  hire  at  a  settled  rate  every  morning  after 
prayers,  so  that  the  traveller  could  make  the  trip  as  seemed  to 
him  best,  and  arrive  at  a  stated  time.  Palankin-bearers  were 
also  ready  to  convey  passengers.  The  fare  of  a  carriage  was 
■four  silver  yi^afe  for  each  person;  of  a  mule  {sutur),  six;  of  a 
horse,  twelve  ;  and  of  a  palankin,  half  a  tanka.  There  was  also 
plenty  of  porters  ready  for  employment  by  any  one,  and  they 
earned  a  good  livelihood.  Such  was  the  prosperity  of  this 
district;  *  *  but  it  was  so  ravaged  by  the  Mughals,  that  the 
inhabitants  were  scattered  in  all  directions.  This  was  the  will 
of  God,  and  none  can  gainsay  it. 

Ninth  Mukaddama. — Arrival  of  Zafar  Khdnfrom  Sundr-gdnw  to 
seek  the  protection  of  Firoz  Shah. 

Zafar  Khan  was  son-in-law  of  the  king  of  Sunar-ganw,  who 
was  called  Sultan  Fakhru-d  din.     The  capital,  Sundr-g4nw,  is 


304  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFfF. 

before  Pandwah.i  After  Sult4n  Firoz  returned  the  first  time 
from  Bengal,  Sultan  Shamsu-d  din,  in  pursuit  of  revenge,  em- 
barked in  boats,  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  days  reached  Sundr- 
ganw.  Fakhru-d  din,  who  was  commonly  called  FukhrA,  was 
living  without  any  thought  of  danger  at  Sundr-gdnw,  where  he 
was  taken  aUve  and  slain  immediately  by  Shamsu-d  din,  who 
established  himself  in  his  territory.  AH  the  friends  and  allies 
of  Fakhru-d  din  were  scattered ;  but  Zafar  Khan  was  at  that  time 
engaged  in  the  country  collecting  the  revenues  and  examining 
the  accounts  of  the  collectors.  When  he  was  informed  of  what  had 
happened,  he  was  greatly  alarmed,  and  fled  from  the  territory  of 
Sunar-gdnw.  He  embarked  in  a  boat  and  departed  by  the  river, 
and  afterwards,  pursuing  the  most  dijBEcult  roads,  he  at  length, 
after  many  hardships,  arrived  at  Thatta,  and  from  thence  pro- 
ceeded to  Dehli.  He  was  then  conducted  to  Hisar  Firozah  to 
pay  his  homage  and  tell  his  story  to  Sultdn  Firoz.  *  *  *  The 
author's  father  was  then  in  attendance  on  the  Sultan,  and,  ac- 
cording to  his  account,  Zafar  Khan  was  greatly  amazed  at  the 
splendour  of  the  court,  because  he  had  never  seen  the  like  at 
Lakhnauti.  He  made  an  offering  of  an  elephant,  and  paid  his 
compliments. 

The  Sultdn  having  very  graciously  made  many  inquiries  of 
him,  consoled  him  and  told  him  that,  after  all  his  troubles  and 
sufferings,  he  should  at  length  gain  his  object,  and  should  receive- 
the  double  of  what  he  had  lost  at  Sun4r-ganw.  *  *  *  B,obes  were 
presented  to  Zafar  Khan  and  his  followers.  On  the  first  day 
he  received  30,000  tankas  to  get  his  clothes  washed,^  his  title, 
Zafar  Khan,  was  confirmed  to  him,  and  the  sum  of  four  lacs  of 
tankas  was  granted  to  him  and  his  friends.     One  thousand  horse 

[1  This  sentence  is  doubtful.  One  MS.  has  "  Tahhtgdh-i  Sundr-gdnw  az  takhtgdh-i 
Pandioah  peshtar  ast ;"  two  others  have  "  az  takhtgdh-i  Pandwah  wa  Sundr-gdnte 
peshtar  ast,"  which  seems  to  be  nonsense  ;  and  a  fourth  has  "Fandwah  wa  Satkdh.'-' 
The  application  oi  peshtar  is  not  obvious ;  it  may  relate  to  time,  place,  or  estimation, 
but  it  most  likely  means  that  Sunar-gS,nw  was  a  more  ancient  capital  than  Pandwah, 
which  had  been  only  lately  established.] 


TARrKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHT.  305 

and  large  numbers  of  footmen  were  assigned  to  him.  He  was  first 
appointed  de^uty-wazir,  and  subsequently  became  wazir.  *  *  * 

On  another  day,  when  the  Sultdn  held  a  court,  he  perceived 
Zafar  Khdn  to  be  downcast  and  pensive,  *  *  *  and  he  inquired 
the  reason  why  he  was  so  oppressed.  *  *  *  He  replied  that  *  * 
he  was  sore  distressed,  but  that  if  the  Sultan  would  consider  his 
case,  his  mind  would  be  set  at  ease.  The  Sultdn  directed  him 
to  proceed  at  once  to  Khdn-i  Jahan  in  Dehli,  whither  he  him- 
self would  follow.  The  Khan  accordingly  took  leave  of  the 
Sultan  and  proceeded  to  Dehli,  where  he  was  received  with  great 
kindness  and  respect  by  the  Khan-i  JahAn,  and  was  lodged  in 
the  Green  Palace  belonging  to  his  majesty.  The  Sultan  soon 
followed  him  to  Dehli,  and,  after  consulting  with  the  Khan-i 
Jahan,  directed  him  to  make  every  suitable  preparation  for 
avenging  the  claims  of  Zafar  Khdn. 

When  Sultan  Shamsu-d  din  heard  of  the  preparations  that  were 
making  against  him,  he  was  dismayed,  and  felt  that  he  could  not 
remain  in  the  islands  of  Ikdala.  He  deemed  it  expedient  to  re- 
move to  Sunar-ganw,  which  was  in  the  very  centre  of  Bengal,  and 
there  secure  himself  against  the  enemy.  He  accordingly  pro- 
ceeded thither,  but  the  inhabitants  of  that  place  were  instant  in 
their  supplications  to  Sultdn  Firoz  Shkh.  for  relief  from  the  tyrant. 

Tenth  Mukaddama. — Sultdn  Firoz' s  second  expedition  to  Lakhnauti. 

*  *  *  As  on  the  first  occasion  when  the  Sultan  marched  to 
Lakhnauti,  his  army  (was  large  and)  consisted  of  70,000  cavalry, 
innumerable  infantry,  470  warlike»elephants,  and  many  barrier- 
breaking  boats  {kishtihd-i  hand-kushd).  The  warlike  fervour  was 
so  great  at  the  time  that  many  volunteers  assembled  in  Dehli,  and 
were  sent  on  by  the  Sultan  to  the  army.  There  were  two  outer  tents 
(dihliz),  and  two  reception  tents  (bdrgdh) ;  two  sleeping  tents,  and 
two  tents  for  cooking  and  domestic  work.     There  were  also  one  ^ 

'  The  authorities  differ  here;  three  of  my  four  MSS.  read  "ham  sad  o  hashtdd, 
also  one  hundred  and  eighty  ;"  the  fourth  has  "  nuham  sad  o  hashtdd,  nine  hundred 
and  eighty ;"  which  agrees  with  Lieut.  Lewis's  translation  in  the  Dehli  ArchEeological 
JTournal. 

VOL.  in.  20 


306  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFrF. 

hundred  and  eighty  standards  of  various  kinds,  eighty-four  ass- 
loads  of  drums  and  trumpets  {tahal  o  damdmah),  and  camels, 
asses,  and  horses  in  great  numbers. 

With  this  brave  and  well-appointed  army  the  Sultdn  marched 
towards  Bengal,  and  Kh4n-i  Jahan  was  left  behind  as  deputy  in 
Dehli.  The  Khdn-i  'azam  T4tar  Kh4n' accompanied  the  royal 
standards  some  marches,  but  was  then  sent  back  to  Hisar 
Firozah.  The  author  learned  the  cause  of  this  dismissal  from 
his  father,  who  was  then  one  of  the  royal  attendants  (khawdss). 
The  Sultan  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  as  is  the  practice  of 
kings,  used  to  indulge  in  wine  from  time  to  time.  After  starting 
on  his  campaign  the  Sultdn  encamped  with  his  army  and  showed 
the  utmost  care  and  attention  to  its  discipline.  But  it  so  hap- 
pened that  one  morning  they  placed  some  wine  before  him.  It 
is  a  remarkable  fact  that  the  wines  which  Firoz  Shdh  used  to 
drink  were  of  various  colours  and  diiferent  flavours ;  some  were 
yellow  as  saffron,  some  red  as  the  rose,  some  were  white ;  and 
the  taste  of  all  was  like  sweet  milk.  Thus  the  personal  at- 
tendants of  this  great  king  used  to  serve  him  with  wines  of  dif- 
ferent colours.  One  morning  after  prayers  the  Sultdn  called  for 
a  glass  to  moisten  his  throat,  and  it  so  happened  that  Tdtdr  Khan 
came  to  wait  upon  him  just  at  the  same  time.  His  arrival  was 
announced  to  the  Sultan,  who  was  greatly  annoyed  at  being 
thwarted  in  his  enjoyment ;  so  he  desired  his  son  Fath  Khan  to 
see  Tatar  Khan,  and  to  put  him  off  with  some  excuse.  But  Tdtdr 
Khdn  was  not  to  be  denied ;  in  spite  of  all  excuses  he  would  not  go 
away,  but  went  in  and  sat  do,wn,  saying  that  he  had  a  statement 
to  make.     The  Sultdn  was  thus  compelled  to  invite  him  in. 

At  that  time  the  Sultan  was  lying  half-naked  {chiin  nihang) 
on  his  couch ;  but  before  the  Kh&n  came  in,  he  wrapped  a  garment 
around  him,  and,  rising  from  his  couch,  sat  down  on  a  coverlet. 
The  wine  and  cups  he  pushed  under  the  bed,  and  covered  all  with 
a  sheet.  When  Tdtdr  Khdn  entered,  he  spied  what  was  hidden 
under  the  bed,  and  his  suspicions  were  aroused.  He  was  so  troubled 
by  the  sight  that  his  lips  failed  to  utter  the  usual  salutation.    The 


TAErXH-I  FfEOZ  SHA'Hr.  307 

Sultan  spoke  not  a  word,  neither  did  he.  At  length  Tat^r  Khdn 
began  to  speak  (seriously)  as  if  beginning  a  sermon  (ddstdn),  saying, 
that  they  were  about  to  march  against  the  enemy,  and  the  time 
was  one  for  repentance,  self-abasement,  and  prayer.  The  Sultdn 
inquired  what  he  meant,  and  asked  if  anything  untoward  had  hap- 
pened, and  the  Kh4n  said  he  perceived  certain  articles  under  the 
bed.  The  Sultdn  repUed  that  he  liked  to  take  a  little  now  and 
then ;  and  T&tar  Kh^n  expressed  his  deep  regret  that  the  Sultan 
should  indulge  in  such  a  practice.  Thereupon  the  Sult4n  swore 
an  oath  that  he  would  drink  no  more  wine  while  the  Khan  was 
with  the  army.  T4t4r  Khdn  gave  thanks  to  God  and  went 
away.  The  Sultdn  sat  brooding  over  the  matter  and  thought  the 
KhS.n  had  spoken  to  him  in  a  disrespectful  and  unkind  manner. 
After  some  days  the  Sultdn  bethought  him  that  they  were  not 
near  Hisdr-Firozah,  the  neighbourhood  of  which  town  was  in 
a  disturbed  state;  he  therefore  sent  Tdtdr  Xhdn  thither  to  re- 
store order  and  quiet,  and  the  Kh^n  accordingly  took  his  de- 
parture. 

The  Sultdn  then  marched  through  Kanauj  and  Oudh  to 
Jaunpur.  Before  this  time  there  was  no  town  of  any  extent 
(shahr-i  dhdddn)  there,  but  the  Sultdn,  observing  a  suitable  site,  de- 
termined upon  building  a  large  town.  He  accordingly  stayed  there 
six  months,  and  built  a  fine  town  on  the  banks  of  the  Kowah.^  to 
which  he  determined  to  give  the  name  of  Sultdn  Muhammad 
Sh4h,  son  of  Tughlik  Sh^h,  and  as  that  sovereign  bore  the  name 
of  Jaundn,  he  called  the  place  Jaunanpiir  (Jaunpur).  An  ac- 
count of  this  foundation  was  sent  to  Khwaja-i  Jahan  at  Dehli. 
Jaunpur  was  made  a  (capital)  city  in  the  reign  of  the  Sultdnu-sh 
Shark  Khwdja-i  Jahan,*  and  I  intend  to  give  a  full  account  of 
this  King  of  the  East  in  my  memoirs  (mandkib)  of  the  reign  of 
Sultdn  Muhammad,  son  of  Firoz.  After  this  delay  of  six 
months,  he  marched  for  Bengal,  and  in  due  time  arrived  there. 

Sultan  Shamsu-d  din  was  dead,  and  had  been  succeeded  by 
Sultdn  Sikandar,  who,  fearing  the  invading  force,  fled  with  all 
1  The  Giimti.  '  See  Stewart's  "History  of  Bengal,"  p.  96, 


308  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFrF. 

his  forces  into  the  islands  (j'azdlr)  of  Ilcdala.  Firoz  Sh4h  sur- 
rounded these  islands,  and  by  his  command  all  his  forces  built 
themselves  wooden  huts/  and  prepared  for  battle. 

Eleventh  Mukaddama,  —  Sultan   Sihandar  takes  refuge  in  his 
fortress. — Fall  of  a  bastion  of  the  fort. 

The  Sultdn  having  blockaded  the  islands  of  Ikddla,  as  above 
stated,  'arrddas  (small  balistas)  and  manjaniks  were  erected  on 
both  sides,  arrows  and  darts  were  discharged,  the  business  of  the 
siege  went  on,  and  conflicts  occurred  every  day.  The  besieged 
were  unable  to  come  out  of  their  fortress,  and  strict  guard  was 
kept  on  both  sides  by  night  and  day.  Suddenly  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal bastions  of  the  fort  of  Sikandariya  fell  down,  because  it  was 
unable  to  bear  the  men  and  the  immense  weight  placed  upon  it. 
A  great  cry  arose  from  the  besiegers  before  the  place  and  the 
besieged  within,  and  both  sides  prepared  for  battle.  When  the 
alarm  reached  the  ears  of  the  Sultan,  he  looked  inquiringly  upon 
his  attendants,  and  Prince  Fath  Kh^n  suggested  that  the  Bengal 
army  had  made  a  sally  from  Ikdala.  The  Sultan  immediately 
called  for  his  dress,  and,  girding  on  his  arms,  he  rode  to  the  scene 
of  the  iiproar.  There  he  was  met  by  the  impetuous  His&mu-l 
Mulk,  who  told  him  that  the  chief  tower  had  fallen  under 
the  pressure  of  the  crowds  placed  upon  it,  and  urged  him  to 
make  an  immediate  assault  and  capture  the  place.  The  Sultan 
thought  over  the  proposition,  and  after  serious  reflection  he 
replied  to  His4mu-d  din,  that  although  it  was  very  desirable 
that  the  place  should  be  captured,  still,  if  it  were  taken  by 
sudden  assault,  thousands  of  worthy  and  respectable  women 
would  be  subjected  to  violence  and  indignity  at  the  hands  of  grace- 
less men,  and  he  was  therefore  resolved  to  wait  awhile  and  trust 
in  Providence.  AH  the  army  expected  the  order  for  the  assault, 
but  accepted  patiently  the  I'oyal  decision. 

During  the  night  "  the  King  of  the  Blacks  "  mounted  "  the 
eastern  roof,"  and  urging  his  Bengalis  to  work  energetically,  they 

1  soJJ,':^. 


T.«RrKH-I  FTEOZ  SHAHI.  309 

laboured  all  nights  and,  restoring  the  ruined  fort,  were  again  pre- 
pared for  the  attack.  The  author  has  been  informed  by  trust- 
worthy people  that  the  fort  of  Ikdala  was  built  of  mud,  so  that 
it  was  soon  repaired  and  made  ready  for  action.  Fighting  re+ 
commenced  and  went  on,  of  which  no  description  can  be  given. 
Provisions  at  length  grew  short  in  the  fort,  which  made  the 
Bengalis  anxious,  and  both  parties  being  heartily  tired  of  fight- 
ing, the  Almighty  disposed  the  two  kings  for  peace. 

Twelfth  Mukaddama. — Concltision  of  Peace  between  8ultdn 
Sikandar  and  Sultan  Flroz,  with  the  presentation  of  forty 
elephants. 

Sultdn  Sikandar  and  his  people  being  in  great  distress,  he  con- 
sulted with  his  ministers  as  to  the  best  course  to  be  pursued  to 
escape  from  their  difficulties.  They  being  unanimous,  said  that 
the  people  of  Bengal  had  never  been  very  friendly  with  the 
people  of  the  Upper  provinces,^  because  the  decrees  of  fate  had 
so  ruled  5  but  if  the  Sultan  would  give  his  consent,  they,  his 
servants  and  well-wishers,  would  send  a  person  to  the  ministers 
of  Sultan  Firoz  Sh4h  and  make  propositions  of  peace.  Sultan 
Sikandar  kept  silence,  and  his  advisers  retired,  observing  that 
"  Silence  is  one  of  the  signs  of  assent."  His  ministers  accord- 
ingly sent  a  clever,  confidential  agent  to  the  ministers  of  Sultan 
Firoz  to  open  negotiations  for  peace,  representing  that  *  *  * 
the  combatants  on  both  sides  were  Muhammadans,  and  that  these 
contentions  were  productive  of  evil  to  the  professors  of  Isl^m ; 
it  therefore  behoved  the  ministers  of  Sultan  Firoz  to  make  him 
disposed  for  peace,  as  Sultdn  Sikandar  was  already  inclined. 

When  these  overtures  were  made  to  the  ministers  of  Firoz 
Sh4h,  they  assembled  together,  and,  after  carefully  considering 
the  matter,  they  agreed  that  the  propositions  were  reasonable, 
and  that  they  would  recommend  them  to  his  acceptance.  These 
wise  men  accordingly  repaired  to  his  presence,  and  made  known 

'  Faro-daet,  "  the  lower  country,"  meaning  Bengal ;  and  Idld-dast,  "  the  upper 
country,"  meaning  the  provinces  dependent  on  Dehli. 


310  SHAMS-I  SIEA'J  'AFrF. 

to  him  the  proposals  of  Sultdn  Sikandar.  He  entertained  the 
proposal,  and  said  that  as  his  adversary  was  reduced  to  distress, 
and  was  disposed  to  peace,  it  behoved  him  to  listen  to  the  pro- 
position in  conformity  to  the  Divine  precept  that  "Peace  is 
good,"  and  so  stop  the  sword  in  its  ravages  on  the  people  of 
Islam.  After  some  consideration  he  replied,  that  he  would 
accept  the  proposition,  on  condition  that  the  Kh^n-i  'azam,  Zafar 
Khan,  should  be  placed  on  the  throne  in  Sun4r-ganw.  When 
the  ministers  heard  this  resolution  of  the  Sultan,  they  *  *  * 
sent  Haibat  Khdn  as  envoy,  to  settle  the  terms  of  peace. 

The  ministers  of  Sultdn  Sikandar  met  and  received  the  envoy ; 
but  although  Sultdn  Sikandar  was  fully  acquainted  with  all  the 
negotiations  which  had  been  carried  on,  he  pretended  to  be  in 
ignorance.  Haibat  Kh6,n  was,  according  to  trustworthy  statements, 
a  countryman  of  his,  and  had  two  sons  in  his  service.  When 
he  set  forth  the  terms  on  which  peace  might  be  made,  Sultdn 
Sikandar  replied,  that  Sultan  Firoz  had  been  kind  to  him,  and 
that  he  was  very  averse  to  carrying  on  war  and  slaughter  with  him. 
Haibat  Khan  conducted  himself  like  an  accomplished  ambassador; 
what  he  had  to  say  he  said  well,  tenderly,  and  warmly.  When  he 
perceived  that  Sikandar  also  spoke  in  favour  of  peace,  he  said  that 
the  chief  reason  why  Sultdn  Firoz  had  undertaken  the  campaign 
was  the  establishment  of  Zafar  Khdn  in  the  country  of  Sundr- 
gdnw.  Sultan  Sikandar  accepted  the  proposed  terms,  and  agreed 
to  surrender  Sun&r-gdnw  to  Zafar  Kh4n.  But  he  added,  that  if 
this  were  the  object  of  the  campaign,  much  unnecessary  trouble 
had  been  undertaken ;  for  if  an  order  had  been  sent  to  him  from 
Dehli,  he  would  have  placed  Zafar  Kh4n  in  possession  of  the 
place. 

Haibat  Khan  returned  to  Sult4n  Firoz  in  high  spirits,  and 
made  an  exact  report  of  all  that  had  passed,  including  Sikandar's 
consent  to  allow  Zafar  Kh4n  to  occupy  Sundr-gdnw.  The  Sultdn 
was  satisfied,  and  expressed  his  desire  to  remain  at  peace  with 
Sikandar,  and  to  look  upon  him  as  a  nephew.  [Maibat  Khan 
suggested  that  some  presents  should  be  given  to  Sultdn  Sikandar 


TAErXH-I  FrROZ  SHAHr.  311 

and']  the  Sultan  sent  into  the  fort  of  Ikd41a,  by  the  hands  of 
Malik  Kabtil,  otherwise  called  Tordb^nd,  a  crown  worth  80,000 
tankas,  and  500  valuable  Arab  and  Turki  horses,  with  an  ex- 
pression of  his  wish  that  henceforth  they  might  never  again  draw 
the  sword.  The  Sultdn  then  advanced  two  marches,  while  Malik 
Kabul  proceeded  to  the  fort.  It  is  credibly  reported  that  the 
ditch  of  the  fort  of  Iskandariya  was  twenty  gas  broad.  When 
Malik  Kabul  reached  it,  to  show  his  daring,  he  made  his  horse 
take  a  leap,  and  the  high-spirited  animal  carried  him  over  in 
safety,  to  the  great  amazement  and  admiration  of  the  Bengalis. 
When  Malik  Kabul  was  received,  he  walked  seven  times  round 
the  throne  of  Sikandar,  and  placed  the  crown  upon  his  head  and 
the  robes  upon  his  breast  \_eixpressmg  in  strong  terms  the  hope  of 
peace  and  friendship  between  the  two  Mngs\.  Sultdn  Sikandar 
asked  him  what  his  name  was,  and  he  replied,  in  the  Hindi 
language,  "  Tordbcind."  The  Sultan  again  spoke  and  asked  if 
his  master  had  other  servants  like  him,  and  the  Khan  replied, 
that  he  was  a  slave  in  the  second  palace,  and  that  10,000  men  as 
good  as  he  kept  night  watch  over  the  palace  of  his  sovereign. 
At  which  Sultdn  Sikandar  was  much  amazed. 

Sultdn  Sikandar,  to  show  his  satisfaction,  sent  forty  elephants 
and  other  valuable  presents,  expressing,  at  the  same  time,  his 
desire  that  every  year  there  might  be  a  similar  interchange  of 
brotherly  and  friendly  feeling  between  them.  So  long  as  these 
two  sovereigns  lived,  presents  and  souvenirs  were  exchanged,  as 
was  well  known  to  their  subjects;  but  when  they  died,  the  people 
of  the  two  kingdoms  did  the  best  they  could  {rah-i  hhud  giriftand)  • 

When  the  forty  elephants  were  sent  to  Sultan  Firoz,  the  Sultan 
of  Bengal  sent  one  also  for  Malik  Kabul.  Firoz  Shdh  was 
greatly  pleased,  and,  in  gratifying  language,  he  told  Malik 
Kabul  that  Sultan  Sikandar  had  done  well  in  restoring  Sunar- 
ganw  to  Zafar  Khan,  and  that  he  did  not  intend  to  interfere 
fiirther  about  it.  He  then  sent  for  Zafar  Kh4n,  and  directed 
him  to  proceed  to  Sundr-g4nw,  oflfering  to  remain  for  a  time 
where  he  was,  with  his  whole  force  to  sustain  him.    Zafar  Khdn 


312  SHAMS-I  SIRA'J  'AETF. 

consulted  with  his  friends,  and  they  all  agreed  that  it  would  be 
impossible  for  him  to  stay  at  Sun4r-gdnw,  for  all  his  relations 
and  friends  had  perished.  He  therefore  returned  to  the  Sultdn 
and  said  that  he  and  his  family  were  so  happy  and  secure  under 
the  government  of  Dehli,  that  he  had  given  up  all  desire  of 
Sunar-ganw,  and  had  resolved  to  retain  his  present  position  in 
peace.  For  all  the  Sultdn's  persuasion  he  would  not  return. 
Sultdn  Firoz  then,  to  the  joy  of  his  friends,  went  back  to  his 
garden,  and  sent  oflF  dispatches  to  Khan-i  Jahdn.  After  some 
time,  the  Sultdn  proceeded  to  Jaunptir,  and  from  thence  he 
went  towards  Jdjnagar,  accompanied  by  the  forty  elephants  from 
Lakhnauti. 

Thirteenth  Muhaddama. — March  of  Sultan  Firoz  from  Jaunpiir 
to  Jajnagar.^ 

When  Sultan  Firoz  reached  Jaunpur  in  returning  from  his 
campaign  against  Bengal,  he  determined  to  proceed  to  Jajnagar, 
and  his  officials  made  every  preparation  for  the  march.  The 
Sultdn  left  his  baggage^  at  Karra,  and  proceeding  from  thence  he 
hastened  to  Jajnagar,  which  place  he  reached  by  making  suc- 
cessive marches  through  Bih^r.  The  country  of  Jdjnagar  was 
very  prosperous  and  happy.  The  author's  father,  who  was  in 
the  royal  suite,  informed  the  writer  that  it  was  in  a  very  flourish- 
ing state,  and  the  abundance  of  corn  and  fruit  supplied  all  the 
wants  of  the  army  and  animals,  so  that  they  recovered  from  the 
hardships  of  the  campaign.  Sultdn  Firoz  rested  at  BanArasi,  an 
ancient  residence  of  the  arrogant  EAis.  At  that  time  the  EAi  of 
Jdjnagar,  by  name  Addya,  had  deemed  it  expedient  to  quit 
Bardnasi,  and  to  take  up  his  residence  elsewhere ;  so  Sultan  Firoz 
occupied  his  palace.  The  writer  has  been  informed  that  there 
were  two  forts  in  Bandrasi,  each  populated  with  a  large  number 

1  The  J&jnagar  of  Cuttaok,  see  swprcL,  pp.  112  and  234. 

2  Two  MSS.  haTe  ij:^^|a^  ij^^j  Jl^  ili  Ciiyo^,  "the  King  of 
Bengal "  proceeded  to  Karra,  which  agrees  with  Lieut.  Lewis's  translation  in  the 
Dehli  Journal.  The  other  two  MSS.  say  i-  ^  .*.|,'v^  }s^  .j  iilJoj  iLii  ^"'^A-^, 
"  the  SultSin  left  his  baggage  train  at  Karra,"  which  is  undoubtedly  correct,  and  is 
confirmed,  by  a  subsequent  passage  in  the  fifteenth  Mti&addama,  page  316. 


TARrKH-I  FIEOZ  SHAHr.  313 

of  people.  The  Eais  were  Brahmans,  and  it  was  held  to  be  a 
religious  duty  that  every  one  who  succeeded  to  the  title  of  Eai 
at  Jdjnagar  should  add  something  to  these  forts.  They  had  thus 
grown  very  large. 

The  cowardly  R4i  of  Jdjnagar,  when  he  heard  of  the  approach 
of  the  Sultdn's  army,  embaiked  on  board  a  boat  in  great  alarm, 
and  took  refuge  on  the  water.  All  his  country  was  thrown  into 
confusion — some  of  the  inhabitants  were  made  prisoners,  others 
fled  to  the  hills.  Their  horses  (hurda)  and  cattle  became  the 
spoil  of  the  army;  Those  who  accompanied  the  Sultan  relate 
that  the  numbers  of  animals  of  every  kind  were  so  great  that  no 
one  cared  to  take  them.  Two  jUals  was  the  price  of  a  horse 
{hurda) ;  ^  as  for  cattle,  no  one  would  buy  them.  Sheep  were 
found  in  such  countless  numbers,  that  at  every  halt  great  num- 
bers were  slaughtered.  If  any  were  not  required,  they  were  left 
behind,  because  a  plentiful  supply  was  sure  to  be  found  at  the 
next  stage.  The  author  has  mentioned  these  matters  to  show 
the  prosperity  of  the  country.  He  has  further  been  informed 
that  the  inhabitants  had  spacious  houses  and  fine  gardens  ;  they 
had  even  gardens  and  walks  within  their  houses,  and  fruit  trees, 
flowers,  etc.,  were  cultivated  therein.  *  *  * 

The  Sultan  left  Bandrasi  with  the  intention  of  pursuing  the 
Rai  of  Jdjnagar,  who  had  fled  to  an  island  in  the  river,  having  let 
loose  a  fierce  elephant  to  occupy  the  attention  of  his  enemies,  and 
to  divert  them  from  pursuing  him.  This  elephant  was  very  wild, 
and  would  allow  no  other  elephant  to  approach  him.  For  three 
days  the  army  was  actively  engaged  in  endeavouring  to  take  him 
alive,  but  failed.  By  the  Sultdn's  order  he  was  then  slain,  and 
the  Sultan  with  his  army  entered  the  fort.  News  was  then 
brought  that  in  the  jangal  there  were  seven  elephants,  and  one 
old  she-elephant,  which  was  very  fierce.  The  Sultan  resolved 
upon  endeavouring  to  capture  these  elephants  before  continuing 
the  pursuit  of  the  Eai, 

1  In  page  350,  Vol.  II.,  I  assigned  the  meaning  of  "horse  "  to  hurda,  instead  of 
' '  prisoner."    That  interpretation  is  here  confirmed. 


314  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

Fourteenth  Mukaddama.  —  Elephant  hunt.     Submission  cf  the 
Mai  of  Jdjnagar. 

[_Hunt  of  the  Elephants.']  After  some  days  the  elephants  were 
tired  and  were  cut  off  from  their  pasture.  The  elephant-drivers 
then  went  into  the  jangal,  and  climbed  up  the  trees ;  when  the 
animals,  weak  with  thirst  and  hunger,  passed  slowly  under  the 
trees,  the  drivers  dropped  down  upon  their  backs,  and,  putting 
ropes  and  chains  upon  them,  captured  the  whole  eight. 

After  the  hunt  was  over,  the  Sultd,n  directed  his  attention  to 
the  Rai  of  Jajnagat,  and  entering  the  palace  where  he  dwelt  he 
found  many  fine  buildings.  It  is  reported  that  inside  the  Eafs 
fort  there  was  a  stone  idol  which  the  infidels  called  Jagan- 
n4th,  and  to  which  they  paid  their  devotions.  Sultdn  Firoz,  in 
emulation  of  Mahmud  Subuktigin,  having  rooted  up  the  idol, 
carried  it  away  to  Dehli,  where  he  subsequently  had  it  placed  in 
an  ignominious  position.  The  Sultdn  then  resolved  upon  pursuing 
the  R4i  into  his  island ;  but  the  R4i  sent  some  of  his  Brahmans 
{pdtar)  to  wait  upon  the  Sultdn.  As  Sultdns  consult  with  their 
clear-sighted  ministers,  so  do  rdis,  rdnas,  and  zamindars  take 
counsel  with  their  mahtas  ^  on  matters  of  war.  In  the  country  of 
Jdjnagar  the  mahtas  are  called  pdtars ;  and  the  Rcii  of  Jdjnagar 
had  twenty  pdtars,  otherwise  called  mahtas,  under  whose  advice 
he  conducted  all  the  affairs  of  his  State.  In  great  fear,  the  Rdi 
sent  five  of  these  pdtars  to  wait  on  the  Sultdn,  and  make  his 
submission ;  when  they  represented,  with  much  respect,  that  the 
Bdi  had  long  been  a  dependent  and  subject  of  the  Sultdn,  and 
they  desired  to  ascertain  the  Sultdn's  intentions. 

When  the  Sultdn  had  heard  what  they  had  to  say,  he  replied 
that  his  intentions  had  been  friendly.  He  had  received  certain 
information  that  elephants  were  as  numerous  as  sheep  in  the 
jangal  round  the  Rdi's  dwelling,  and  he  had  proceeded  thither  for 
the  purpose  of  hunting.  When  he  approached,  the  Edi  fled  in 
alarm,  and  took  refuge  in  his  islands.     What  was  the  cause  of 

1  This  word  is  written  mahta  and  matha  in  the  different  MSS.  It  is  evidently  the 
Hindi  mahant  or  mahat.    Pdtar  is  common  in  Orissa. 


TARIKH-I  FfROZ  SHAHr.  315 

this  flight?  After  explanations,  the  E4i  sent  twenty  mighty- 
elephants  as  an  offering,  and  agreed  to  furnish  certain  elephants 
yearly  in  payment  of  revenue.  The  Sulti^n  then  sent  robes  and 
insignia  by  the  mahtas  to  the  R4i,  he  granted  robes  to  them  also, 
and  then  they  returned  home.  After  this  the  Sultdn  started  on 
his  return,  taking  with  him,  from  the  two  countries  of  Lakhnauti 
and  Jajnagar,  seventy-three  elephants,  having  stayed  two  years 
and  seven  months  in  those  territories. 

Fifteenth  Mukaddama. — Return   of  Firoz  Shah  from  Jajnagar 
hy  difficult  roads. 

After  the  Sultdn  had  started  on  his  return  to  Dehli,  the  guides 
lost  their  way,  and  proceeded  over  mountains  and  plains  and 
along  the  banks  of  a  river  like  the  Jihun.  The  author's  father, 
who  accompanied  the  march,  stated  that  the  army  ascended  and 
descended  mountain  after  mountain,  and  passed  through  jangals 
and  hills  until  they  were  quite  in  despair  and  utterly  worn  out 
with  the  fatigues  of  the  arduous  march.  No  road  was  to  be 
found,  nor  any  grain.  Provisions  became  very  scarce,  and  the 
army  was  reduced  to  the  verge  of  destruction.  For  six  months 
no  news  of  the  Sultan  reached  Dehli,  and  the  Kh4n-i  Jah^n  was 
in  great  alarm.  Day  after  day  he  rode  about  the  environs  of 
the  city,  and  fear  of  him  kept  the  country  at  peace.  At  the 
end  of  six  months,  a  road  was  discovered,  and  the  Sultdn  de- 
termined to  send  a  messenger  to  Dehli.  He  gave  public  notice 
that  all  who  wished  to  write  to  their  families  and  friends  might 
take  this  opportunity.  This  gave  great  satisfaction,  and  every 
man  of  the  army,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  wrote  some 
account  of  his  condition.  The  letters  were  sent  to  the  tent  of 
the  Sultdn,  and  the  number  of  them  was  so  great  that  a  camel- 
load  of  letters  was  sent  to  Dehli.  When  they  reached  the  city, 
the  Khdn-i  Jahan  made  great  public  rejoicing,  the  letters  were 
piled  in  a  heap  before  the  palace,  and  all  who  expected  letters 
were  directed  to  come  forward  and  receive  them. 

The  Sultdn's  army  having  at  length  traversed  the  mountains 


316  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

and  jungles,  and  having  crossed  the  river,  after  enduring  great 
privations  and  practising  many  expedients,  came  out  into  the 
open  country.  They  thanked  God  for  their  deliverance,  and  the 
Sultdn  hastened  to  rejoin  his  baggage-train  (bungdh).  When 
the  Sultdn  was  at  J^jnagar,  he  left  the  baggage  train  at  Karra, 
where  it  still  remained.  A  farman  was  sent  to  Dehli  announcing 
the  return  of  the  Sultan,  and  the  Kh4n-i  Jahdn  made  suitable 
preparations  for  his  reception. 

Sixteenth  Muhaddama. — Arrival  of  the  Sultan  at  Dehli.    Erection 
of  kabbas  (pavilions  for  public  rejoicings). 

[^Rejoicings  at  Dehli.']  The  author  has  been  informed  that  the 
town  of  Firozabdd  was  not  yet  populous,  and  neither  the  hushk 
(palace)  nor  the  fort  was  erected,  yet  one  habba  was  erected  there. 
On  the  day  the  Sultan  entered  Dehli,  *  *  *  the  seventy-three 
elephants,  in  gorgeous  trappings,  preceded  him  like  a  flock  of 
sheep  *  *  *  into  the  Kushk-i  Humdyun,  without  any  drivers.  *  * 
The  Sultan  employed  himself  at  Dehli  in  State  affairs.  Among 
his  other  qualities,  he  had  a  remarkable  fondness  for  history. 
Just  at  this  time  Maulana  Ziau-d  din  Barni,  the  author  of  the 
Tdrikh-i  Firoz  Shdhi  died,  and  the  Sultan  expressed  to  every 
learned  man  the  great  desire  he  felt  for  an  historical  record  of 
the  events  of  his  own  reign.  When  he  despaired  of  getting 
such  a  work  written,  he  caused  the  following  lines,  of  his  own 
composition  (az  zahdn-i  khwesK),  to  be  inscribed  in  letters  of  gold 
on  the  walls  (^imaraf)  of  the  Kushk-i  Shik&r-rav,  and  on  the  domes 
of  the  Kushk-i  nuzul,  and  the  walls  Qimdraf)  of  the  minarets  of 
stone  which  are  within  the  Kushk-i  Shikdr-rav  at  Firozabad  : — 
"  I  made  a  great  hunt  of  elephants,  and  I  captured  so  many : 
"  I  performed  many  glorious  deeds ;  and  all  this  I  have  done 
"  That  in  the  world  and  among  men  ;  in  the  earth  and  among 
mankind,  these  verses 

"  May  stand  as  a  memorial  to  men  of  intelligence,  and  that 
the  people  of  the  world,  and  the  wise  men  of  the  age,  may  follow 
the  example."  ^ 

1  The  Sult&u's  yerses  certainly  do  not  rise  aboye  the  leyel  of  his  exploits. 


TA'ErKH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHf.  317 

Seventeenth  Muhaddama. — Soppiness  of  the  peopk  in  the  reign  of 

Firoz  Shah. 

After  his  return  from  Lakhnauti,  the  Sultdn  was  much  oc- 
cupied with  building.  He  completed,  with  much  care,  the  kushk 
at  Firozdbdd,  and  also  commenced  a  kushk  in  the  middle  of  that 
town.  After  the  lapse  of  two  half  years,  every  man  of  the 
army  now  returned  to  his  home.  The  Sultan  passed  his  time  in 
three  ways :  1.  In  hunting ;  *  *  *  S.  In  directing  the  affairs 
of  State ;  *  *  *  3.  In  building ;  *  *  *  Through  the  attention 
which  the  Sultan  devoted  to  administration,  the  country  grew 
year  by  year  more  prosperous  and  the  people  more  happy.  He 
assigned  thirty-six  lacs  of  tankas  for  learned  and  religious  men, 
and  about  a  100  lacs  in  pensions  and  gifts  to  the  poor  and  needy. 
\_Every  class  of  the  community  shared  in  the  general  prosperity.'] 
One  day  the  Sult4n  went  hunting,  and  in  pursuit  of  his  quarry, 
having  separated  from  his  followers,  he  went  to  a  garden 
where  he  met  a  woman  [whose  conversation  showed  him  the 
necessity  of  more  strict  attention  to  the  duties  of  revenue  ad- 
ministration]. During  the  forty  years  that  Firoz  Shah  reigned, 
all  his  people  were  happy  and  contented;  but  when  he  de- 
parted, and  the  territory  of  Dehli  came  into  the  hands  of 
others,  by  the  will  of  fate,  the  people  were  dispersed  and  the 
learned  were  scattered.  At  length  the  inhabitants,  small  and 
great,  all  suffered  from  the  inroads  of  the  Mughals.  The  aged 
author  of  this  work  has  written  a  full  account  thereof  in  his 
Description  of  the  Sack  of  Dehli  \_Zikr-i  khardbi  Dehli], 

Eighteenth  Mukaddama. — Conquest  of  Nagarkot  [Kangrd). 

After  his  return  from  Lakhnauti,  Sultan  Firoz  determined 
upon  a  hunting  expedition  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Daulatabad, 
and  started  thither  with  a  suitable  train  of  attendants  and  tent 
equipage.  He  arrived  at  Bhaydna,  where  he  rested  for  a  while, 
and  State  affairs  then  necessitated  his  return  to  Dehli.  After- 
wards he  marched  with  his  army  towards  Nagarkot,  and,  passing 


318  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFIF. 

by  the  valleys  of  Ndkhacli  nuh  garhi,'  he  arrived  with  his  army 
at  Nagarkot,  which  he  found  to  be  very  strong  and  secure.  The 
Rai  shut  himself  up  in  his  fort,  and  the  Sultdu's  forces  plundered 
all  his  country.  The  idol,  Jw414-mukhi,  much  worshipped  by 
the  infidels,  was  situated  in  the  road  to  Nagarkot.  This  idol  is 
said  to  have  been  placed  in  a  secluded  room,  where  it  was 
worshipped  by  the  Hindus.  Some  of  the  infidels  have  re- 
ported that  Sult4n  Firoz  went  specially  to  see  this  idol  and  held 
a  golden  umbrella  over  its  head.  But  the  author  was  informed 
by  his  respected  father,  who  was  in  the  Sultdn's  retinue,  that 
the  infidels  slandered  the  Sultdn,  who  was  a  religious.  God- 
fearing man,  who,  during  the  whole  forty  years  of  his  reign, 
paid  strict  obedience  to  the  law,  and  that  such  an  action  was 
impossible.  The  fact  is,  that  when  he  went  to  see  the  idol, 
all  the  rdis,  rdnas,  and  zaminddrs  who  accompanied  him 
were  summoned  into  his  presence,  when  he  addressed  them, 
saying,  "0  fools  and  weak-minded,  how  can  ye  pray  to  and 
worship  this  stone,  for  our  holy  law  tells  us  that  those  who  oppose 
the  decrees  of  our  religion  will  go  to  hell  1 "  The  Sultan  held 
the  idol  in  the  deepest  detestation,  but  the  infidels,  in  the  blind- 
ness of  their  delusion,  have  made  this  false  statement  against 
him.  Other  infidels  have  said  that  Sultan  Muhammad  Shd.h  bin 
Tughlik  Sh^h  held  an  umbrella  over  this  same  idol,  but  this  also 
is  a  lie ;  and  good  Muhammadans  should  pay  no  heed  to  such 
statements.  These  two  Sultdns  were  sovereigns  specially  chosen 
by  the  Almighty  from  among  the  faithful,  and  in  the  whole 
course  of  their  reigns,  whenever  they  took  an  idol  temple  they 
broke  and  destroyed  it ;  how,  then,  can  such  assertions  be  true  ? 
These  infidels  must  certainly  have  lied  ! 

The  Eai  of  Nagarkot  withdrew  into  the  keep  of  his  stronghold, 
which  was  invested  by  the  royal  forces  in  double,  nay,  even  in  ten- 
fold lines.    Manjaniks  and  'arrddas  were  erected  on  both  sides,  and 

1  This  is  not  very  intelligible ;  the  original  words  are  .\^  ,.j*^  i    .il->^  .=»-  e'  --f".' 
Oj.Ij      ^^  J  1^^^'    It  may  be  read  "  N&khach  of  the  nine  forts." 


TARrXH-I  FfROZ  SHAHr,  319 

SO  many  stones  were  discharged  that  they  clashed  in  the  air  and 
were  dashed  to  pieces.  For  six  months  the  siege  went  on,  and 
both  sides  exhibited  great  courage  and  endurance.  At  length 
fortune  inclined  to  the  Sultan.  He  was  one  day  examining  the 
fortress,  .when  he  perceived  the  EAi  standing  on  the  top  of  his 
citadel.  There  he  stood,  in  an  attitude  of  humility,  and  stretch- 
ing forth  his  hand  in  sign  of  distress,  he  clasped  his  hands  and 
bowed  in  subjection.  When  the  Sultdn  observed  this,  he  drew  a 
handkerchief  from  his  bosom,  and,  waving  it  kindly  towards  the 
Edi,  he  signed  for  him  to  come  down.  The  Mahtm  of  the  Eai 
assembled  \_and  counselled  surrender].  So  the  Rai,  throwing  off 
his  pride,  came  down  from  his  fort,  and,  making  apologies,  cast 
himself  at  the  feet  of  the  Sultan,  who  with  much  dignity  placed 
his  hand  on  the  back  of  the  Rai,  and  having  bestowed  on  him 
robes  of  honour  and  an  umbrella,  sent  him  back  to  his  fort.  So 
the  R4i  returned  laden  with  presents  which  he  had  received  from 
the  royal  treasury,  and  accompanied  by  several  fine  horses  which 
had  been  given  to  him.  Thus,  by  the  favour  of  Grod,  the  Sultdn 
became  master  of  Nagarkot.  When  he  left  the  fort,  to  return  to 
his  capital,  the  Rai  sent  many  offerings  and  horses  of  priceless 
worth.  *  *  * 


KisM  III.  —  Concerning  the  affairs  of  Thatta  and  the 

SUBMISSION   OF  THE   JaM  AND    BaBINIYA.      ESTABLISHMENT 
OF   THE   TaS-I    GhARIYAL. 

First  Mukaddama, — Resolution  of  the  Sultan  with  Khdn-i  Jahdn 
about  Thatta. 

*  *  *  Pour  whole  years  passed  after  the  Saltan's  return  from 
Lakhnauti,  during  which  he  stayed  principally  at  Dehli  and 
attended  to  the  affairs  of  his  people,  though  from  time  to  time 
he  turned  his  thoughts  towards  the  concerns  of  the  people  of 
Thatta.  Whenever  he  spoke  of  this  place  he  used  to  stroke 
his  beard,  and  exclaim  that  it  was  a  hundred  thousand 
pities  that  his  predecessor,  Sultdn    Muhammad  Shdh  Tughlik, 


320  SHAMS-I  SIEA'J  'AFTF. 

had  failed  in  conquering  it.  From  these  indications  the 
nobles  and  attendants  clearly  perceived  that  his  thoughts  were 
bent  upon  an  expedition  to  that  country.  One  day,  in  private 
consultation  with  his  wazir,  Kh^n-i  Jah^n,  he  disclosed  the 
secret  thoughts  of  his  heart,  saying,  "  What  sort  of  men  are 
they  of  Thatta,  and  are  they  exempt  from  apprehension,  because 
they  opposed  the  late  Sultdn  when  he  entered  their  territory, 
and  he  ended  his  life  before  the  contest  was  concluded  ?  Often, 
during  his  illness,  he  looked  at  me  and  said,  '  Would  that  God 
would  turn  my  sickness  into  health,  so  that  I  might  subdue 
these  people  of  Thatta !  If  God  should  please  to  take  me,  still 
this  desire  will  remain  constant  in  my  heart.' "  Sultan  Firoz 
recalled  to  the  mind  of  the  Khdn-i  Jahdn  how  Sult4n  Muhammad 
had  died  without  accomplishing  this  dearest  wish  of  his  heart ; 
and  went  on  to  say  that  as  God  had  made  him  the  successor  to 
Muhammad,  had  not,  then,  the  duty  of  exacting  vengeance  de- 
volved upon  him?  The  minister  carefully  pondered  over  the 
matter,  and  replied  that  the  Sultdn's  views  were  right  and  ex- 
pedient. Two  objects  might  be  gained :  First,  it  was  a  duty  to 
carry  out  the  testaments  and  precepts  of  predecessors ;  children 
and  brethren  are  bound  to  be  zealous  in  avenging  their  deceased 
relatives,  and  this  duty  is  more  especially  incumbent  on  kings. 
Secondly,  it  is  an  obligation  on  kings  that  every  year  they  should 
strive  to  subdue  fortresses,  for,  as  Sa'di  says, 

"  If  a  holy  man  eats  half  his  loaf,  he  ■wiU  give  the  other  half  to  a  heggar ; 

"  But  if  a  king  conquers  all  the  world,  he  will  still  seek  another  world  to  conquer." 

The  minister  being  thus  in  accord  with  the  wishes  of  the 
Sultdn,  he  ordered  the  necessary  preparations  to  be  made  for  an 
expedition  to  Thatta.  The  ministers  accordingly  proceeded  to 
inquire  into  the  number  of  soldiers  present  and  absent,  and 
made  a  report  of  the  numbers  of  horse  and  foot  who  were  present, 
and  of  those  who  were  absent.  The  report  soon  spread  abroad 
that  the  Sultan  meditated  an  expedition  against  Thatta.  He 
had  undertaken  in  the  course  of  his  reign  several  enterprizes, 
which  had  gratified  his  people,  and  they  now  eagerly  came  for- 


TAErKH-I  FrROZ  SHAHr.  321 

ward  to  join  his  army.  When  the  muster  was  called,  four, 
ten,  and  eleven  fold  of  irregulars  {ghair-wajh)  appeared ;  ^  and 
the  regulars  {wajh-ddr)  through  long  tranquillity  attended  in 
great  numbers  with  horses  and  arms.  So  the  Sult4n  started  for 
Thatta,  accompanied  by  his  nobles  and  followers. 

•  Second  Mukaddama. — March  o/Firoz  Shdh  to  Thatta. 

Before  the  Sultan  departed  on  his  expedition  he  made  pilgrim- 
ages to  the  saints  and  holy  men  who  were  buried  near  Dehli,  as 
other  great  kings  had  done  before  him,  to  invoke  the  assistance 
of  their  prayers.  This  was  the  usual  practice  of  the  Sultan. 
Whenever  he  was  about  to  make  a  journey  for  a  month  or  two, 
he  used  to  visit  the  shrines  of  holy  men  and  famous  kings,  to  in- 
voke their  aid  and  to  cast  himself  on  their  protection,  not  trust- 
ing to  his  own  power  and  greatness.  \_Account  of  his  devotions 
and  charities. \ 

The  Sult4n  having  thus  discharged  his  religious  duties,  he  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  brave  and  numerous  army,  and  turned 
towards  Thatta.  The  author  intends,  in  his  fourth  book,  to  give 
an  account  of  the  many  servants  who  joined  the  royal  army. 
In  those  days  the  author's  father  served  in  the  minister's  office 
{dar  mahal-i  diwdn-i  wizdrat)  among  the  great  officials.  The 
Sultdn's  army  consisted  of  90,000  cavalry  and  480  elephants. 
The  Khan-i  'azam,  Tatar  Khan,  was  now  dead.  The  wazir, 
Khan-i  Jahan,  was  left  as  viceroy  in  Dehli  \_Tents  and  equip- 
age']. When  the  Sultan  started,  he  resolved  to  pay  a  visit  to 
the  shrine  of  Shaikh  Farldu-d  din,  at  Ajodhan,  and,  on  arriving 
at  that  town,  he  accomplished  this  object.  When  he  reached 
the  confines  of  Bhakkar  and  Siwistan,  he  issued  an  order  for 
collecting  all  the  boats  of  the  country,  and  when  as  many  as 
five   thousand   had  been  brought  together,   he  placed  them  by 

'  I  translate  this  passage  somewhat  douhtfuUy  with  the  light  of  the  context,  which 
evidently  implies  that  more  men  were  ready  than  were  required.     The  words  are 

,c;:^;b  istijlj  ad  ^^l^^f-  ijiTiji'-  f^^  uuvii'  t^y^j'*  jU*-.^!  ^^y>- 
See  infra,  p.  327. 

VOL.   III.  21 


322  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFrr. 

thousands  under  the  command  of  his  principal  officers,  and  the 
author's  father  had  command  of  one  division.  The  order  was 
given  to  descend  the  river  Sind,  and  in  a  few  days  they  reached 
Thatta.  The  Sultan  himself  marched  in  company  with  a  force 
along  the  hither  bank  of  the  river. 

Third  Muhaddama. — Descent  of  Sultan  Flroz  on  Thatta, 
In  these  days  the  territory  of  Thatta  was  divided  into  two  parts, 
one  division  lying  on  the  hither  [kirdna)  or  Dehli  side  of  the  river 
Sindh,  and  the  other  on  the  farther  (guzdrd)  or  Thatta  side;  both 
of  them  populated  by  a  numerous  and  warlike  people.  At  that 
time  the  Jam,  brother  of  Rdi  TJnar,  and  Babiniya,  his  brother's 
son,  were  masters  of  Thatta.^  They  made  great  show  of  their 
prowess  and  [collecting  their  forces  they  prepared  for  resist- 
ance^. Mud  forts  had  also  been  built  in  both  divisions  of  Sind. 
The  Jam,  and  Babiniya  the  arrogant,^  made  ready  for  battle ; 
the  Sultdn  also,  having  approached  Thatta,  arrayed  his  forces, 
and  a  battle  seemed  imminent  from  day  to  day.  But  grain 
became  scarce  in  the  army  of  the  Sultdn.  A  pestilence  also 
broke  out  among  the  horses,  which  was  a  very  grievous  calamity, 
and  greatly  disheartened  the  troops  of  every  rank.  Of  the  whole 
90,000  horses  which  had  marched  with  the  Sultan,  only  one- 
fourth,  at  the  utmost,  remained  alive.  The  dearness  of  grain 
caused  great  dismay ;  the  price  rose  from  two  to  three  tankas  a 
man,  and  even  beyond  that.  When  the  men  of  Thatta  saw 
these  sufferings  of  their  adversaries,  the  Jdm  and  Babiniya  re- 
solved to  seize  the  opportunity  and  to  make  an  attack. 

Fourth  Muhaddama. — Engagement  with  the  army  of  Thatta. 
The  Jam,  and  Babiniya  the  arrogant,  came  forth  from  their 
fort  with  a  large  force  of  horse  and  foot,  and  drew  up  in  array 

'  [This  is  according  to  the  version  of  the  two  MSS.  of  the  East  India  Library. 
Sir  H.  Elliot's  and  Mr.  Thomas'  MSS.  are  here  defective.  They  omit  the  name 
"  Pnar,"  and  change  "B&biniya"  into  "Thatta,"  mating  sheer  nonsense.  Firishta 
gives  only  one  name,  -'Jam  Bany,  the  son  of  Jim  Afra"  (or,  according  to  the  text, 
Ghafra).    See  Mir  Ma'siim,  Yol.  I.  of  this  work,  p.  226.] 

'  \_Khud-Mm  ;  this  epithet  is  appended  to  his  name  until  he  made  his  submission.] 


TAErKH-I  FrEOZ  SHiiCHr.  323 

against  the  royal  forces.  When  the  Sult4n  heard  of  their 
advance,  he  also  drew  out  his  forces,  and,  upon  examination, 
there  pro>ved  to  he  hardly  one-fourth  cavalry.  Famine  also  had 
broken  down  the  vigour  and  spirit  of  his  men.  Still,  like  a 
valiant  king,  he  made  ready  for  battle,  and  arranged  his  forces 
in  three  divisions — a  centre  and  two  wings.  The  elephants 
were  divided  among  the  three  divisions.  He  then  put  on  his 
armour,  and,  baton  in  hand,  rode  through  the  whole  array,  en- 
couraging and  cheering  the  men.  This  raised  the  spirits  of  his 
people  and  incited  their  devotion. 

The  SultSn  passed  along  in  front  of  his  forces  speaking  words 
of  encouragement,  and  all  men  offered  up  their  prayers  for 
him.  Although  he  affected  not  to  fear  the  vast  force  of  his 
enemies,  still,  in  his  heart,  he  looked  with  apprehension  on  the 
weakness  of  his  own  army,  and  prayed  to  God  for  assistance. 
The  enemy's  numbers  amounted  to  about  20,000  cavalry  and 
400,000'  infantry.  With  all  this  enormous  force  the  enemy  were 
unable  to  force  an  action,  but  discharges  of  arrows  were  inter- 
changed. Heaven  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Sultan,  and  such 
a  storm  of  wind  arose  that  the  men  were  unable  to  open  their 
eyes.  Still,  the  brave  men  on  both  sides  maintained  a  struggle. 
The  SultSn,  notwithstanding  the  weakness  of  his  force,  resolved 
to  advance,  and  the  whole  army,  making  one  vigorous  and  united 
charge,  the  enemy  fled  and  took  refuge  in  their  fort.  *  *  *  The 
Sultan  was  thus  left  master  of  the  field.  He  then  held  a  council, 
and  announced  his  intention  to  retire  upon  Gujarat  and  reinforce 
his  army,  but  he  added  that  if  God  spared  him  he  would  return 
again  the  following  year  and  push  his  enterprize. 

Fifth  Mukaddama. — Retreat  of  Firoz  Shah  from  ThaUa  to- 

Gujarat. 

\_Full  account  af  what  passed  at  the  council,  and  of  the  de- 
termination to  retreat  into  Gujarat  to  recruit,  and  return  in 
the  following  year,  when  the  crops  would  he  ripe  and  grain 
plentiful.']     The  Sultdn  then  gave  orders  for  the  march,  which 


324  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFrF. 

spread  universal  joy  throughout  the  army.  *  *  The  Khan-i  'azam 
(Zafar  Kh4n),  who  had  under  his  command  a  large  force  of 
Bengalis,  had  charge  of  the  rear.  When  the  enemy  found 
that  the  Sultan  had  retreated,  with  all  his  forces  and  baggage 
(as  they  supposed),  towards  Dehli,  they  pursued.  The  first  day 
the  royal  army  made  a  march  of  ten  kos,  and  the  enemy  coming 
up,  a  sharp  encounter  took  place  between  them  and  Zafar  Khdn, 
in  which  they  were  repulsed.  The  heads  of  several  Thatta  men 
were  cut  off  and  sent  to  the  Sultan.  All  the  fleet  of  boats  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  but  the  baggage  was  carried  off 
with  the  army  to  Gujarat. 

Sixth  MuTtaddama. — Falling  of  the  army  into  Kimchi-ran  (the 
Man  of  Kach) 

When  Sultan  Firoz  fell  back  victorious,  grain,  which  was  dear, 
became  dearer ;  day  by  day  it  rose  higher,  and  the  state  of  the  horses' 
feet  is  beyond  description.  Grain  rose  to  one  tanka  and  two  tankas 
a  sir,  and  even  at  that  price  was  not  to  be  obtained.  Men,  through 
craving  hunger  and  helpless  nakedness,  could  not  pursue  their 
way,  and  in  their  extreme  distress  gave  up  in  despair.  As  no 
corn  was  to  be  procured,  carrion  and  raw  hides  were  devoured ; 
some  men  even  were  driven  by  extreme  hunger  to  boil  old  hides, 
and  to  eat  them.  A  deadly  famine  reigned,  and  all  men  saw  death 
staring  them  in  the  face.  All  the  horses  were  destroyed,  and 
the  khans  and  maliks  were  compelled  to  pursue  their  weary  way 
on  foot.  Not  one  steed  remained  in  the  army,  and  by  the  will 
of  God  all  ranks  were  reduced  to  the  same  state  of  destitution. 
The  guides  who  led  the  way  and  conducted  them,  had  maliciously 
misled  them  into  a  place  called  Kunchi-ran.  In  this  place  all 
the  land  is  impregnated  with  salt  to  a  degree  impossible  to  de- 
scribe, and  if  the  water  was  held  upon  the  tongue  it  crystalized. 

When  the  army  was  thus  reduced  to  the  extremity  of  despair, 
the  Sultan  had  one  of  the  false  guides  beheaded.  Then  the  others 
came  honestly  before  him  and  said :  "  We  have  dealt  falsely  toward 
you,  and  have  led  you  into  a  place  where  none  but  you  could 


TAEIKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHI.  325 

have  survived;  not  even  things  which  could  fly  in  the  air  and 
drive  along  like  the  wind.  This  place  is  called  Kunchi-ran,  and 
the  sea  is  near.  The  saltness  of  the  water  arises  from  this 
proximity,  and  the  district  is  deadly."  When  the  people  heard 
these  words  of  their  guides,  they  gave  themselves  utterly  up  to 
despair.  The  Sultan  ordered  (the  guides)  to  find  fresh  water  for 
him  and  his  followers,  and  to  lead  them  away  from  this  salt 
water.  The  water,  indeed,  was  so  excessively  salt  that  all  men 
were  in  amazement  and  despair.  As  far  as  the  eye  could  reach, 
all  was  salt  water.  When,  after  endless  labours  and  hardships, 
the  wretched  men  found  fresh  water,  they  rushed  into  the  middle 
of  it.  So  excessive  was  the  prevalerfce  of  salt,  that  if  a  pot  of 
fresh  water  was  placed  upon  the  impregnated  ground,  the  fresh 
water  became  salt,  and  no  one  could  bear  it  on  his  tongue. 

When  with  great  difficulty  and  exertion  they  escaped  from 
that  salt  country  they  came  into  a  desert  where  no  bird  laid  an 
egg,  or  flapped  its  wing,  where  no  tree  was  to  be  seen,  and  where 
no  blade  of  grass  grew.  If  even  a  lethal  weed  had  been  wanted 
it  could  not  have  been  found.  No  other  desert,  however  fearful, 
could  be  compared  with  this.  [Despair  of  the  men  and  distress 
of  the  Sultan.]  Four  calamities  had  at  once  assailed  them  : 
famine,  the  necessity  of  walking  on  foot,  the  terrors  of  the  deadly 
desert,  and  separation  from  beloved  ones. 

For  six  months  no  news  of  the  army  reached  Dehli,  where 
every  one,  small  and  great,  was  in  distress,  believing  that  the 
Sultan  and  his  army  were  lost.  Khan-i  Jahdn,  the  wazir,  by 
his  great  prudence  and  sagacity,  managed  to  maintain  order; 
and  fear  of  him  restrained  all  disposition  to  create  disturbances. 
The  fact  of  the  disappearance  of  the  Sultan  and  his  army  became 
known  through  all  the  country,  and  every  house  was  filled  with 
mourning.  *  *  * 

When  Khan-i  Jahdn  saw  the  perilous  condition  in  which  the 
country  was  placed,  he  removed  all  the  Sultdn's  valuables  from 
the  palace  to  his  own  house,  and  issued  numerous  orders  to 
x-estrain  any  exhibition  of  individual  power.     Every  day  he  rode 


326  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFrP. 

about  the  city  displaying  his  own  strength,  but  when  he  per- 
ceived that  the  rumour  (of  the  king''s  destruction)  gathered  force 
from  day  to  day,  he  feigned  to  have  received  a  despatch  from  the 
Sultan  announcing  the  safety  of  the  royal  person.  This  allayed 
all  apprehension,  and  was  the  cause  of  great  rejoicing,  after 
which  every  one  went  on  as  usual  with  his  own  business.  If 
kings  had  not  wise  and  able  ministers  they  could  never  leave 
their  kingdoms,  and  never  engage  in  conquest.  [Eulogy  of 
Khdn-i  Jahdn.] 

Seventh  Mukaddama.  —  Lamentations    of   the  soldiers,   and 
anxiety  of  thp  Sultan  in  Kimchi-ran. 

*  *  *  In  every  march  thousands  of  men  and  horses  died.  *  *  * 
At  length  the  Sultdn  in  his  trouble  prayed  earnestly  for  rain,  *  * 
and  Grod  in  his  great  mercy  raised  clouds  in  the  sky.  On  every 
side  they  rolled  up  swiftly,  cloud  upon  cloud ;  the  rain  fell,  and 
the  water-courses  ran.  All  men  drank  and  used  the  water,  and 
were  delivered  from  their  trouble.  On  the  same  da,y  a  road  of 
escape  was  discovered.  *  *  * 

As  soon  as  he  emerged  from  the  desert  the  SultS,n  returned 
humble  thanks  to  the  Almighty,  and  then  sent  a  despatch  to 
Dehli  for  Khdn-i  JahS,n,  "  informing  him  of  the  safety  of  the 
Sultan  and  of  all  his  army''^  [which  gave  rise  to  great  rejoicings 
in  the  capital]. 

Eighth  Mukaddama. — Arrival  of  Sultan  Firoz  in  Gujarat. 
The  Sultafl,  on  escaping  from  the  desert,  marched  speedily 
with  his  army  into  Gujarat,  and  his  men  then  rested  from  their 
troubles.  At  that  time  Amir  Husain,  son  of  the  late  Amir 
Miran,  Miistaufi  of  the  State,  governed  the  country  of  Gujarat 
with  the  titles  Malihu-sh  Shark,  Prince  of  the  East,  and 
Nizamu-l  Mulk,  Administrator  of  the  State,  and  Nek-ndm,  of 

'  ^\jj^jLi2  ^-r^:>'j  Jj^  ^Ji.J^  J^J^-  The  inconsistency  of 
this  statement  with  the  picture  of  sufFering'and  death,  previously  drawn,  exceeds  even 
the  ordinary  stretch  of  Oriental  license. 


TAErXH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHr.  327 

good  repute.  He  was  an  active  ruler,  but  when  he  waited  on  his 
sovereign,  tlie  Sultan  demanded  with  much  warmth  why  he  had 
sent  no  supplies  and  assistance  for  the  relief  of  the  army,  and 
why  he  had  allowed  the  army  to  perish.  He  was  dismissed 
from  his  government,  and  his  estates  were  resumed.  The  Sultan 
remained  in  Grujardt  recruiting  his  army.  The  irregulars  ^ 
having  received  six,  ten,  and  eleven  {tankas  ?)  from  the  kindness 
of  the  Sultan,  in  a  short  time  they  were  all  horsed.  Under  these 
circumstances  Malik  'Imddu-1  Mulk,  one  of  the  pillars  of  the 
State  of  Dehli,  took  up  the  case  of  the  regulars  (wajh-ddrs)  and 
represented  to  his  Majesty  that  the  irregulars  had  by  his  bounty 
become  mounted  while  the  regulars,  through  great  distress,  were 
obliged  to  go  on  foot,  and  were  in  deep  trouble  and  despair. 
Their  villages  were  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dehli,  while  they 
were  (far  away  and)  in  great  distress.  They  had  come  into  this 
country  (of  Gujarat)  in  straggling  parties,^  and  how  could  they 
obtain  «,nythiug  from  Dehli — they  were  indeed  in  a  pitiable  con- 
dition. The  Sultan  replied  that  he  knew  his  regular  soldiers 
(jvajh-ddr)  were  in  great  distress  and  were  reduced  to  go  on  foot 
through  the  hardships  they  had  undergone.  They  had  rendered 
him  their  aid,  but  their  villages  were  far  distant,  and  they  had 
the  greatest  difficulty  to  get  a  handful  of  corn.  Their  children, 
too,  required  maintenance,  so  that  they  were  in  the  greatest  pos- 
sible difficulty.  Under  these  circumstances  he  directed  that  loans 
should  be  advanced  to  them  from  the  public  treasury.  In  ac- 
cordance with  this  order  every  man  received  an  advance,  some  of 
a  hundred,  some  of  seven  hundred,  and  some  of  a  thousand 
tankas;  thus  they  obtained  new  outfits  and  remounts.     Orders 

1  The  word  translated  "  irregulars  "  is  ghair  wajh,  "  one  without  pay ; "  it  is 
opposed  to  the  wajh-ddrs,  i.e.,  the  regulars  or  pay -receivers.  The  first  sentence  of 
this  passage  is  ambiguous ;  it  runs  thus : 

The  general  sense  is  obvious,  and  is  sufficiently  indicated  by  the  translation. 

2  [Sashtdd  ba  haahtdd,  literally  "  eighty  by  eighty."] 


328  SHAMS-I  SIEA'J  'AFIF. 

were  also  written  to  Khdn-i  Jahdn  at  Dehli,  that  do  interference 
of  any  kind  should  be  made  in  the  villages  of  the  regular 
soldiers,  and  that  the  officers  of  Government  should  be  strictly 
enjoined  to  do  them  no  harm,  so  that  something  might  come  to 
the  soldiers  and  that  their  children  might  be  maintained  in 
comfort  at  home. 

Sultan  Firoz  expended  the  whole  revenue  (mdl)  of  Gujarat, 
amounting  to  about  two  krors,  in  refitting  his  army  and  in  the 
payment  of  his  troops,  so  that  he  might  march  once  more  against 
Thatta.  When  he  was  on  the  point  of  departure  he  wrote 
Kh4n-i  Jahan  [announcing  his  intention  and  directing  the 
Khan  to  send  him  ample  supplies']. 

Ninth  Mukaddama.  —  Khan-i   Jahan  sends  supplies   to   the 
Sultan  in  Gujarat. 

When  Firoz  Shah  was  about  to  march  for  Thatta,  Khan-i 
Jahdn  made  great  efforts  to  send  supplies,  and  gave  orders  to  the 
officials  urging  them  to  exert  themselves  in  the  collection  of 
supplies,  munitions  and  money.  The  vast  quantities  collected 
exceed  all  description  ;  seven  lacs  of  tankas  were  expended  upon 
only  one  kind  of  military  weapon.  These  provisions  were  des- 
patched from  day  to  day,  and  they  arrived  in  such  vast  quantities 
in  Gujardt  that  it  was  difficult  to  provide  carriage  for  them. 
Khdn-i  Jah4n  sent  with  them  a  letter  [expressing  his  hope  for 
the  safety  and  success  of  the  Sultan  in  his  enterprize]. 

The  Sultan  gave  orders  for  the  march  to  Thatta,  which  was 
received  with  much  joy  by  the  army.  *  *  Just  at  this  time  letters 
were  received  from  Bahram  Khan,  son-in-law  of  Hasan  Kh4n 
Kclngti  from  Daulatabdd,  representing  that  Bahram  Khdn  held 
Daulat^bM,  but  that  a  dispute  had  arisen  between  him  and  the 
son  of  Hasan  Kdngu,  he  therefore  solicited  the  Sultdn  to  come 
himself  and  assume  the  seat  of  royalty.  [After  consultation 
the  Sultan  replied  that  he  must  first  conquer  Thatta;  he  would 
afterwards  proceed  to  Daulatdidd]. 

Postponing  the  affairs  of  Daulat^bid  to  those  of  Thatta,  he 


TAErKH-I  FfEOZ  SEKEX.  329 

left  Zafar  Khdn  in  charge  of  Gujarat.  He  had  at  first  intended 
to  place  Malik  Naib  Bdrbak  in  charge,  and  the  robes  and  titles 
had  all  been  prepared ;  but  the  Sultdn  never  transacted  any- 
business  without  referring  to  the  Kuran  for  an  augury,  and  now 
when  he  tried  the/d7  (augury)  it  was  against  Ndib  Barbak,  and 
in  favour  of  Zafar  Khan.  The  latter  was  accordingly  sent  for, 
and  the  robes  of  investiture,  the  estates  and  full  powers  were 
given  to  him.  Such  was  the  trust  of  Firoz  Shkh  in  the  indica- 
tions of  the  Divine  will. 

Tenth  Mukaddama. — March  of  Sultan  Firoz  from  Chjardt 

to  Thatta. 

When  the  Sultan  marched  the  second  time  for  Thatta,  many 
of  his  men,  who  had  gone  through  the  hardships  of  the  first 
campaign,  went  off  with  their  outfits  to  their  homes.  On  being 
apprized  of  this,  the  Sultdn  consulted  his  ofiicers,  who  advised 
him  to  appoint  sentinels,  to  prevent  desertions.  The  Sultan 
\_among  other  reasons  for  rejecting  this  advice^  said,  "If 
the  Almighty  wills  that  I  should  conquer  Thatta,  the  presence 
of  these  men  is  unnecessary ;  but  if  I  am  to  fail,  what  can  they 
do  ?"  He  then  sent  orders  to  Khan-i  Jahan,  directing  him  to 
look  after  all  men  who  returned  from  the  army  to  the  city,  and, 
for  the  sake  of  example,  to  apprehend  and  inflict  the  tadaruh-i 
ma'nawi  upon  all  those  who  had  been  regularly  retained  (chdkar) 
and  had  received  money  from  the  State.  They  were  not  to  be 
subjected  to  the  taddruh-i  khusrawi.  In  affairs  of  State  the 
taddruk-i  khusrawi^  or  imperial  remedy,  signifies  execution, 
banishment  or  amercement ;  but  the  taddruk-i  ma^nawi,  or 
moral  remedy,  is  to  expose  a  man  to  the  shafts  of  public  re- 
proach. This  was  following  the  precepts  of  the  Prophet. 
*  *  *  In  obedience  to  these  orders  Khan-i  Jahdn  directed  his 
officers  to  apprehend  every  man  who  returned  from  the  army. 
If,  after  due  inquiry,  a  man  proved  to  be  a  regular  retainer,  he 
was  subjected  to  the  taddruk-i  mdnawi.  Some  well  known 
oiFenders  were  exposed  in  the  bazars  for  a  day  or  two  to  the 


330  SHAMS-I  SIRKJ  'AFIF. 

gaze  of  all  men,  and  were  then  set  free  without  further  chastise- 
ment, and  without  their  villages  or  pay  being  touched. 

Eleventh  Muhaddama, — Descent  of  Sultan  Firoz  Shah  upon 
Thatta  in  a  favourable  season.. 

At  the  commencement  of  his  march  to  Thatta,  the  Sultan 
consulted  the  Shaikhu-1  Isl4m.  *  *  *  On  this  occasion  the  boats 
employed  were  few.  When  he  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  Thatta, 
the  inhabitants  were  all  busily  engaged  in  agricultural  operations, 
totally  ignorant .  of  his  return,  which  was  quite  unexpected. 
When  the  Sultdn  retreated  to  Gujarat,  the  people  of  Thatta 
made  a  verse,  which  was  currently  repeated  among  them,  saying, 
"  By  the  will  of  God  Sultdn  Muhammad  Tughlik  died  in  pur- 
suit of  us,  and  Sultan  Firoz  Shah  has  fled  before  us."  The 
news  of  the  Sultdn's  approach  reached  Thatta,  and  it  was  in 
every  Sindian's  mouth  that  the  King  of  Hind  was  approaching 
with  large  armies,  and  that  Sultan  Firoz  was  advancing  once 
more  in  great  force  from  Gujarat.  In  fear  of  the  Sultan  they 
destroyed  their  crops  on  the  bank  of  the  Sindh,  and,  crossing 
the  river,  took  refuge  in  mud  forts.'  When  the  Sultan  arrived 
he  perceived  that  the  inhabitants  had  destroyed  all  their  spring 
crop,  and  that  they  had  crossed  to  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
where  they  were  busily  engaged  in  forming  batteries  and  en- 
trenchments. The  Sultdn's  troops  were  in  good  case  and  in 
high  spirits,  although  the  price  of  grain  was  as  high  as  eight 
and  ten  jitals  for  five  sirs,  because  the  crop  was  not  yet  ripe. 
When  the  new  grain  came  in  the  price  fell.  Under  the  orders  of 
the  Sultan  the  troops  went  out  in  all  directions,  foraging  in  the 
villages  for  grain.  The  villages  on  the  hither  side  (kirdna)  of  the 
Sindh  were  numerous,  and  the  inhabitants  of  some  had  not  been 
able  to  escape  over  the  river.  These  were  taken  prisoners,  and 
when  the  fact  became  known  to  the  Sultdn,  he  issued  a  proclama- 
tion, in  which  he  said  the  prisoners  were  a  mere  handful ;  they 

1     J^  \,t2s>~.    Possibl)'  a  proper  name,  "tte  fort  of  Kali,"  though  more  likely, 
as  translated,  "mud  forts." 


TAEtKH-I  FTEOZ  SHAHr.  331 

were  Musulmdns,  and  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  keeping  them 
captive,  and  making  them  slaves.  Those  who  had  prisoners 
were  ordered  not  to  keep  them,  on  pain  of  being  deemed  criminal, 
but  to  hand  them  over  to  the  proper  authorities.  About  4,000 
Sindians  were  accordingly  brought  to  the  government  office,  and 
were  directed  to  be  kept  in  secure  custody ;  three  sirs  of  grain 
being  allowed  to  each  one  daily  from  the  minister's  office.  At 
that  time  mung  was  five  tanhas  a  man,  and  bread  {jarrat)  four 
tankas  a  man.  According  to  the  orders  of  the  Sultdn  mung 
was  given  to  the  prisoners,  and  all  his  orders  in  respect  of  them 
were  obeyed.    Behold  the  kindness  and  clemency  of  Firoz  Sh4h ! 

Twelfth  Mukaddama. — Malik  'Imddu-l  Mulk  and  Zafar  Khan 
cross  the  Sindh  and  fight  a  battle  with  the  Sindians. 

When  the  Sultan  was  posted  on  the  hither  side  {kirdna)  of 
the  river  Sindh,  the  enemy,  in  great  numbers,  was  on  the  op- 
posite side  (^Msdrd),  and  occasionally  crossing  over  skirmishes 
occurred.  The  Sultan  determined  to  send  a  force  over  the  river 
and  harass  the  enemy.  ''Im&du-l  Mulk  and  Zafar  Kh^n  were  ap- 
pointed to  the  command,  and  were  directed  to  cross  the  river. 
A  body  of  Sindians,  in  strong  force  and  with  great  bravery,  dis- 
puted the  passage  of  the  river,i  and  resisted  the  crossing  of  men 
in  boats.  After  much  examination  and  exertion  the  transit  was 
found  to  be  impracticable.  Consultations  were  held,  and  it  was 
then  determined  that  Malik  Tmadu-l  Mulk  and  Zafar  Khdn,  with 
a  strong  force,  should  fall  back,  as  if  proceeding  towards  Dehli. 
The  fleet  of  boats  also  was  directed  to  accompany  them.  The  plan 
of  operations  was  that  they  were  to  proceed  a  hundred  and  twenty 
kos  up  the  near  bank  of  the  Sindh,  and  effect  a  crossing  just 
below  Bhakkar.  After  the  passage,  they  were  to  march  back  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  give  battle  to  the  enemy. 
The  plan  succeeded,  and  the  force  marched  down  in  to  the 
« 
1  The  words  of  this  sentence  down  to  this  point,  are  to  be  found  in  only  one  of  the 
four  MSS.,  No.  1002  of  the  East  India  Library. 


332  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFIF. 

territory  of  the  enemy.^  Upon  this  the  enemy,  horse  and  foot, 
came  forth  from  their  forts  in  great  numbers,  and  a  fierce  battle 
(Jang)  ensued  which  cannot  be  described. 

Sultan  Firoz  was  a  very  cautious  man.  The  fort  of  Thatta 
was  visible  (from  his  side  of  the  river),  but  from  the  great  breadth 
of  the  stream,  the  land  on  the  opposite  side  was  not  discernible. 
Therefore,  it  could  not  be  seen  how  the  fight  with  the  army  pro- 
gressed. Sultdn  Firoz  stood  watching  in  expectation,  his  eyes 
now  lifted  to  heaven  and  now  strained  over  the  river,  in  order  to 
learn  what  was  passing.  By  divine  inspiration  he  sent  a  trusty 
man  across  the  river  in  a  boat  with  orders  directing  his  forces  to 
desist  from  battle  and  return  to  him.  The  combatants  on  both 
sides  were  Musulmdns,  and  if  the  fighting  went  on,  many 
innocent  persons  would  be  slain.  They  were  accordingly  directed 
to  return  by  the  same  way  they  had  gone.  When  the  messenger 
delivered  these  commands  to  'Imddu-1  Mulk  and  Zafar  Khan, 
they  retreated  with  their  whole  force — marching  the  120  Hos  up 
the  farther  or  Thatta  side  of  the  river  to  Bhakkar,  where  they 
crossed  back  and  rejoined  the  main  army.  The  Sultan  then  said 
to  'Imadu-1  Mulk,  where  can  this  handful  of  Thattians  fly  to, 
unless  they  creep  into  an  ant-hole  like  a  snake.  My  army  shall 
remain  here,  and  we  will  build  a  large  city. 

Thirteenth  Muhaddama. — 'Imddu-l  Mulk  goes   to   DehU  for 
reinforcements . 

Some  days  after  the  Sultan  held  a  privy  council,  in  which  it 
was  determined  that  'Imadu-1  Mulk  should  proceed  to  Dehli,  in 
order  to  raise  reinforcements,  and  then  return  to  Thatta.  On  his 
taking  leave  the  Sultdn  charged  him  not  to  give  any  orders  to 
Khdn-i  Jahan  about  collecting  the  forces,  for  the  Khdn  was  not 
the  man  to  slight  or  neglect  the  directions  of  his  master  in  the 
smallest  degree.  Upon  his  arriving  in  the  capital,  he  directed 
him  to  wait  upon  the  Khdn,  and  say  that  he  had  been  sent  to 

'  l^'Sar  mmin-i  Thatthiydn — into  the  country  of  the  men  of  Thatta."  The 
enemy  are  generally  called  "  Thatthiydn,"  men  of  Thattha.] 


TARrKH-I  FIEOZ  SHAHf.  333 

advise  with  him  on  the  matter.  The  simple  order  of  the  Sultan 
was  quite  sufficient  to  ensure  the  despatch  of  reinforcements  by 
the  Kh^n. 

[Friendly  and  courteous  reception  of  'Imddu-l  Mulk"].  Khdn-i 
,Jahan  sent  a  lac  of  tanhas  to  'Imadu-1  Mulk  for  subsistence 
money  (^aliifa),  and  despatched  demands  for  men  to  all  the 
various  dependencies  of  the  State :  to  Badaun,  Kanauj,  Sandila, 
Oudh,  Jaunpur,  Bihar,  Tirhut,  Ohanderi,  Dhdr,  the  interior  and 
exterior  of  the  Doab,  Samdna,  Dipdlpur,  Multan,  Labor,  and 
other  dependencies  (iktd'dt).  Kh4n-i  Jaban  used  to  take  his 
seat  every  day  for  expediting  the  business,  and  'Imadu-1  Mulk 
used  to  attend  and  assist  him.  In  time  the  force  was  assembled, 
and  was  despatched  under  the  charge  of  'Im&du-l  Mulk,  who 
marched  with  all  possible  speed  and  joined  the  Sultan.  When 
he  arrived  he  highly  praised  the  zeal  and  activity  of  Khan-i 
Jahan,  and  the  Sultan  was  greatly  pleased  to  hear  this  commen- 
dation, and  to  see  the  arrival  of  the  reinforcements.  The  new 
men  passed  in  review  before  him,  and  each  man  received  a  present 
of  clothes. 

When  the  Sindians  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  reinforcements 
from  Dehli  their  hearts  failed  them,  and  they  began  to  quarrel  with 
each  other.  The  troops  of  the  Sultan  were,  by  God's  grace,  very 
well  supplied  with  comforts,  and  those  who  had  formerly  deserted, 
being  informed  of  this,  greatly  repented  the  step  they  had  taken. 

But  a  terrible  famine  now  appeared  among  the  enemy.  As  on 
the  former  occasion,  famine  had  occurred  in  the  army  of  the 
Sultan,  when  the  scarcity  of  grain  was  the  cause  of  great  misery ; 
so  now  on  the  second  occasion,  the  dearness  of  grain  brought 
dismay  upon  the  enemy.  The  cause  of  the  scarcity  was  that 
when  the  Sultan  retreated  from  his  first  attempt  on  the  country, 
the  people  of  Thatta  returned  to  their  old  homes  with  great  satis- 
faction. Being  free  from  all  apprehension  of  any  future  attack 
they  sowed  all  the  grain  which  they  possessed.  When  harvest 
time  came,  Sultan  Firoz  returned  from  Gujarat  and  took  pos- 
session of  the  crops.    The  Sultan's  forces  were  thus  well  supplied. 


334  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFrF. 

while  the  price  rose  very  high  among  the  enemy,  amounting  to 
one  and  two  tanhas  per  sir.  Every  day  men,  of  high  and  low 
degree,  through  hunger,  deserted  the  enemy  and  crossed  over  the 
river  in  boats  to  the  Sultan's  army.  Thatta  was  verging  to  its 
fall,  when  the  Jam  and  B^biniya  reflected  over  the  state  of  affairs, 
and  resolved  that  the  best  course  was  to  escape  from  trouble  by 
timely  submission.  They  accordingly,  after  much  deliberation, 
notified  their  willingness  to  surrender  through  Saiyid  Jaldlu-1 
hakk  wau-s  shara'  wau-d  din  Husain  Bukhdri. 

Fourteenth  Mukaddama. — Peace  with  the  People  of  Thatta. 
When  the  people  of  Thatta  made  up  their  minds  tO'  seek  for 
peace,  they  determined  upon  making  their  overtures  through 
Saiyid  Jaldlu-d  din.^  The  Jdm  and  Bdbiniya,  after  considera- 
tion, sent  a  confidential  agent  to  Uch  to  make  known  their  views. 
Saiyid  Jalalu-d  din  started,  and  when  he  reached  the  Sultdn's 
camp  all  the  army  turned  out  to  show  their  reverential  respect. 

*  *  *  On  his  arrival  the  Sultan  went  forth  to  meet  him  and 
brought  him  with  due  honour  into  his  camp.  After  they  had 
met  and  shaken  hands,  the  Saiyid  said  there  was  a  holy  woman 
in  Thatta  whose  prayers  had  prevented  the  conquest  of  the  place, 

*  *  *  but  she  had  now  been  dead  three  days,  and  consequently 
the  submission  might  be  expected.  The  inhabitants  of  Thatta 
heard  that  the  Saiyid  was  in  the  Sultan's  camp,  and  they  sent 
messages  to  him  representing  their  great  distress,  and  the  Saiyid 
communicated  to  the  Sultdn  all  the  matters  which  in  the  sorrow 
of  their  hearts  they  had  made  known  to  him.  This  excited  the 
commiseration  of  the  Sultdn. 

The  state  of  affairs  having  thus  been  made  known  to  the 
Sultan,  Bdbiniya  consulted  with  the  Jam,  and  said  that  it  had 
been  stated  to  the  Sultan  that  all  the  disturbance  {shor)  had 
arisen  through  him  (Bdbiniya) ;  it  therefore  seemed  in  every 
way  most  desirable  that  he  should  go  first  to  the  Sultin  and 
make  his  submission ;  the  Jdm  might  follow,  and  a  way  might 

'  Here  and  all  through  this  chapter  he  is  referred  to  as  "  Khidmat  Saiyid  Jal5.1u-d 
diu." 


TAEIKH-I  rrEOZ  SHA'Hr.  335 

thus  be  opened  for  a  satisfactory  conclusion.  This  proposition  of 
Babiniya's^  pleased  the  3km.  He  gave  him  permission  to  proceed, 
and  next  day  Babiniya  reached  the  royal  camp. 

Fifteenth  Mukaddama. — Arrival  of  Babiniya  in  the  camp  of 

the  Sultan. 

The  Sultdn  was  out  hunting,  when  he  was  informed  that 
Babiniya  had  arrived  in  his  camp.  *  *  He  allowed  no  indication 
of  his  feelings  to  appear  in  his  countenance.  *  *  Babiniya  followed 
the  Sultan  to  the  hunting  ground,  where  he  had  just  killed  a  wolf, 
*  *  *  and  there  he  presented  himself,  with  his  turban  in  front 
of  his  throat  and  a  sword  upon  his  neck,  like  a  repentant 
criminal,  and,  humbly  approaching  the  Sultan,  kissed  his  stirrup 
and  begged  forgiveness.  The  Sultdn  then  graciously  placed  his 
hand  on  the  back  of  Bd.biniya  and  said,  "  Why  were  you  so 
afraid  of  me  ?  I  did  not  wish  to  hurt  any  one,  especially  you ; 
cheer  up  your  spirits  and  dispel  your  anxiety,  for  you  shall  be 
twice  the  man  you  were  before."  He  then  ordered  an  Arab  horse 
to  be  presented  to  Bdbiniya,  and,  closing  his  discourse,  he  went 
on  hunting  again. 

On  the  same  day,  and  soon  after  Bdbiniya,  the  Jam  came  to 
make  his  submission,  and  he  also,  like  a  wise  man,  went  out  to  the 
hunting  ground.  On  his  being  brought  into  the  presence  of  the 
Sultan,  he  advanced  with  his  turban  on  his  head,  and  cast  him- 
self at  the  feet  of  the  Sultan.  Hanging  the  turban  from  the 
throat,  and  placing  a  sword  upon  the  neck,  is  practised  only  by 
the  offender  who  first  approaches  the  sovereign,  and  B&biniya 
had  already  made  this  sign  of  submission.  The  Jam  therefore 
retained  his  turban  in  the  presence  of  the  Sultan,  but  paid  him 
due  homage.  The  Sultan  very  kindly  placed  his  hand  on  the 
back  of  the  Jdm,  and  spoke  graciously  to  him.  Very  submis- 
sively the  Jam  expressed  his  surrender,  and,  in  a  line  of  his  own 

composition,  he  said : 

"  Thou  art  my  gracioTis  Bovereigu ;  I  am  thy  abashed  servant." 
The  Sultan  treated  him  with  great  kindness  and  care,  and  to 
'  His  epithet  of  khud-hdm  is  now  changed  to  mk-ndm. 


336  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

him  also  he  presented  a  horse.  On  returning  to  the  camp,  the 
the  Jam  and  Babiniya  received  embroidered  robes,  and  their  at- 
tendants also  received  presents  suited  to  their  respective  stations. 
The  two  captive  chiefs  were  told  to  send  for  their  wives  and 
families,  and  accompany  the  Sultan  to  Dehli.  This  royal  com- 
mand they  obeyed,  and,  with  their  wives  and  children,  followed 
in  the  train  of  the  Sultdn. 

Sixteenth  Mukaddama. — Return  of  Firoz  Shah  to  Dehli. 

The  surrender  of  the  Jam  and  Bdbiniya  spread  great  deligh^ 
throughout  the  royal  camp,  and  the  Sultan  determined  to  return 
to  Dehli.  The  son  of  the  Jam,  and  Tamdchi  brother  of  Babi- 
niya, were  placed  over  Thatta,  and  titles  were  conferred  upon 
them.  They  paid  four  lacs  of  tanhas  in  cash,  by  way  of  marking 
their  allegiance,  and  agreed  to  pay  several  lacs  of  tankas  in  money 
and  goods  yearly.^  The  Sultan  then  marched  for  Dehli,  taking 
the  Jam  and  Babiniya  with  all  their  establishment  in  his  train. 
Orders  were  given  that  they  were  to  alight  in  front  of  the  royal 
tents,  and  they  were  supplied  with  white  carpets  from  the  royal 
stores.  Malik  Saifu-d  din  Khwaju  was  directed  to  instruct 
them  in  the  etiquette  of  the  Court,  and  to  keep  watch  over  them. 
Their  followers  were  brought  from  the  farther  side  of  the  river, 
and  were  placed  in  boats  to  make  the  journey.  Saifu-d  din  at- 
tended to  them,  and  carefully  watched  over  them  night  and  day. 

One  day  an  alarm  was  raised  that  the  boat  containing  the 
wives  and  children  of  Babiniya  had  sunk,  and  that  therefore  he 
must  hasten  (to  the  scene  of  the  disaster)  up  the  bank  of  the 
river.  Saifu-d  din  Khwaju  thought  that  this  was  a  stratagem  to 
enable  Babiniya  to  escape  and  return  home,  so  he  sent  his  son  [to 
inform  the  Sultan  of  his  suspicions,]  and  to  enquire  whether  he  was 
to  restrain  Babiniya.  The  Sultan  considered  the  point,  and  then 
said,  "  Go  and  tell  your  father  that  if  Babiniya  wishes  to  go  to  the 

1  [This  is  taken  from  the  MS.  of  the  East  India  Library,  No.  1002.  The  other 
three  MSS.  omit  rather  more  than  a  line,  and  quite  reverse  the  meaning.  They  say 
"  (the  new  governors)  accepted  several  lacs  and  horses."  The  three  are,  however, 
probably  right  in  reading  aspdn  instead  of  asbdb,  i.e.  "horses"  instead  of  "goods."] 


TARrKH-I  FfEOZ  SHA'Hr.  337 

river  to  ascertain  the  facts,  he  must  go  with  him.  If  Babiniya 
shows  any  intention  of  going  on  board  a  boat  and  escaping  to  his 
home,  do  not  attempt  to  prevent  him,  but  say  to  him,  'Babiniya, 
if  you  have  the  manliness  and  boldness,  go  ! '  Then  return  back. 
I  know  what  will  happen,  and  so  does  Edbiniya.^" 

Before  the  messenger  returned  from  the  Sultan  to  his  father, 
Saifu-1  Mulk,  news  reached  Babiniya  that  the  boat  containing  his 
children  had  not  been  lost.  He  then  returned.  *  *  *  Mean- 
while the  Sultan,  with  his  army,  was  marching  homewards,  the 
men  being  delighted  with  the  prospect  of  seeing  home  again  after 
two  and  a-half  year's  absence.  He  halted  for  a  while  at  Multan, 
and  from  thence  he  sent  his  "despatch  of  victory"  to  Khan-i 
Jahdn  in  Dehli,  which  on  its  arrival  caused  great  rejoicing. 

Seventeenth  Mukaddama. — Khdn-i  Jahdn  proceeds  to  Dipdlpur  to 
meet  the  Sultan. 

Khan-i  Jahan  proceeded  to  Dipalpur  to  receive  his  sovereign. 
When  they  met,  the  Kh4n  offered  his  congratulations,  and 
presented  his  tribute  and  offerings.  The  Sultan  recounted  to 
him  all  the  hardships  and  sufferings  which  his  army  had  gone 
through  at  Thatta,  and  on  the  march  into  Gujarat.  *  *  *  Thatta 
had  been  a  source  of  trouble  to  the  sovereigns  of  Dehli  ever 
since  the  days  of  Sultan  Mu'izzu-d  din  Muhammad  Sam.  The 
splendid  army  of  Sultan  'Aldu-d  din  had  marched  towards 
Thatta,  but  the  difficulties  of  the  enterprize  had  rendered  the 
attempt  abortive.  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah  bin  Tughlik  lost  his 
life  in  the  same  country  \hut  now  the  conquest  had  been  accom- 
plished^. The  Sultan  marched  from  Dip^lpiir  and  arrived  at 
Dehli,  where  the  inhabitants  turned  out  to  meet  him.  [_Great 
rejoicings'].  Amid  the  general  joy  it  was  represented  to  the 
Sultan  that  the  families  of  those  men  who  had  lost  their  lives 
and  property  in  Kunchi-ran  were  in  great  distress.  He,  in  con- 
sequence, issued  orders  that  if  any  man  had  marched  to  Thatta 
with  him  and  had  died  in  Kunchi-ran,  his  children  should  receive 


"S-if^^  J  ^iJ  ^ 


22 


338  SHAMS-I  SIEA'J  'AFrP. 

his  allowances,  and  should  not  be  troubled  in  any  way.  *  *  He 
also  directed  that  those  who  had  deserted  him  in  Gujardt,  after 
receiving  his  gifts,  and  had  returned  home,  were  to  have  their 
livelihood  and  villages  continued  to  them.  He  was  desirous  that 
no  one  should  suffer  on  that  account. 

The  Jam,  and  Babiniya  "  of  good  name,"  had  a  residence 
appointed  for  themselves  and  families  near  the  royal  palace, 
where  they  lived  in  comfort.  Their  dwelling  received  the  name 
of  the  "  Palace  of  Thatta."  An  annual  allowance  of  two  lacs 
of  tankas  in  cash,  from  the  imperial  treasury,  was  assigned  to 
the  J4m,  and  the  same  amount  was  also  granted  to  Babiniya. 
Besides  this  they  daily  received  robes  and  so  many  presents  from 
the  court  that  they  quite  forgot  Thatta.  On  court  days,  when 
the  Sultan  sat  on  his  throne,  they  used  to  attend,  and,  with  his 
permission,  sat  down  on  his  right  hand,  in  the  second  room  of 
mirrors,  below  the  Chief  Judge.  The  author  intends  (D.V.)  to 
speak  about  -this  in  the  chapter  where  he  describes  the  etiquette 
observed  at  the  Sultan's  court  in  respect  of  the  seats  of  the 
khans,  maliks,  and  others. 

After  some  years  Tamachi,  the  brother  of  Bdbiniya,  rebelled 
at  Thatta,  and  the  Sultan  sent  the  Jam  there  to  repress  the  out- 
break. On  his  arrival,  the  J4m  sent  Tamachi  to  Dehli.  Babi- 
niya remained  at  Dehll,  in  attendance  on  the  Sultdn.  On  the 
accession  of  Sultan  Tughlik  Shah  he  was  presented  with  an 
umbrella,  and  was  sent  to  Thatta,  but  he  died  on  the  road. 

Eighteenth  Mukaddama. — Invention  of  the  Tds-i  ghariydl  {a  clock 
or  hell  to  tell  the  time). 

Many  wonderful  things  were  invented  by  Sultdn  Firoz  in  the 
course  of  his  reign,  and  among  the  most  wonderful  was  the  Tds- 
i  ghariydl.  \_8even  different  uses  of  the  Tds  in  marking  time  and 
making  known  the  hours  of  prayer,  etc.]  It  was  placed  on  the 
top  of  the  darhdr  of  the  kushk  in  Firozabad,  and  people  crowded 
to  see  it. 


TAETKH-I  PrROZ  SHAHr.  339 

KiSM  lY. — Return  of  Sultan  Fieoz  from  a  Tour  of  In- 
spection, AND  application  OF  HIS  ATTENTION  TO  EIGHTEEN, 
AFFAIRS    OF   StATE. 

First  Muhaddama. — Return  of  the  Sultan  from  his  tour. 

While  the  Sultan  was  at  Dehli,  attending  to  the  affairs  of  his 
kingdom,  ambassadors  arrived  from  Ma'bar  to  state  a  grievance 
to  him.  Kurbat  Hasan  Kdngu  was  king  in  Ma'bar.  When 
Sultan  Muhammad  Shah  died,  and  Sultan  Firoz  succeeded,  his 
edicts  were  sent  into  Ma'bar,  but  the  people  of  that  country  re- 
belled, and,  going  to  Daulatdbad,  they  made  Kurbat  K^ngu 
king  of  Ma'bar.  When  this  Kurbat  held  his  court,  he  appeared 
decked  out  hand  and  foot  with  female  ornaments,  and  made  him- 
self notorious  for  his  puerile  actions.  The  men  of  Ma'bar  saw 
this,  and,  being  greatly  incensed  against  him,  they  rebelled.  A 
neighbouring  chief,  named  Bakan,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  men 
and  elephants,  marched  into  Ma'bar  and  made  Kurbat  Hasan 
Kangu  prisoner.  He  made  himself  master  of  all  Ma'bar,  which 
had  belonged  to  Muhammadans  ;  their  women  suffered  violence 
and  captivity  in  the  hands  of  Hindus,  and  Bakan  established 
himself  as  ruler  of  Ma'bar.  [  J%e  Sultan  reproached  them  for 
their  repudiation  of  his  authority,  and  for  now  resorting  to  him  in 
their  distress,  and']  told  them  that  his  army  was  weary  and  ex- 
hausted with  the  late  campaign  and  long  marches,  but  that  after 
it  had  rested  and  recruited  its  strength  he  would  proceed  towards 
Ma'bar.  *  *  *  The  ambassadors  were  sent  back  with  assurances 
of  his  forgiveness,  and  he  devoted  himself  to  business. 

One  day  his  officers  came  to  him  in  private  and  represented 
that  they  were  very  desirous  of  making  a  march  to  Daulatabad, 
for  the  sufferings  of  the  people  there  had  excited  their  pity. 
Kings  were  generally  ambitious  to  conquer  kingdoms  and  extend 
their  dominion,  etc.  *  *  *  The  army  had  rested  and  was.  fresh, 
and  ready.  There  was  no  necessity  for  the  Sultan  to  go,  for  he 
might  appoint  one  of  his  most  trusted  officers  to  the  command,, 
who  would  root  out  the  wretched  band,  and  set  an  example  to 


340  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFIF. 

others.  There  were  plenty  of  Musulmdn  countries  round  Dehli 
to.  furnish  forces  for  the  acquisition  of  territory ;  but  drawing 
the  sword  against  people  of  Islam,  had  ten  evils  for  every  ad- 
vantage. *  *  *  When  Kh4n-i  Jah^n  had  finished  this  homily, 
the  effect  was  plainly  visible  in  the  Sultdn,  he  looked  distressed 
and  his  eyes  were  suffused  with  tears,  and  approving  their  argu- 
ments, he  said  that  *  *  he  was  resolved  never  more  to  make  war 
upon  men  of  the  Muhammadan  faith.  *  *  * 

Second  Miikaddama. — The   Sultan's   care   to  provide  slaves 
{handagdii). 

The  Sultan  was  very  diligent  in  providing  slaves,  and  he 
carried  his  care  so  far  as  to  command  his  great  fief-holders  and 
ofiicers  to  capture  slaves  whenever  they  were  at  war,  and  to  pick 
out  and  send  the  best  for  the  service  of  the  court.  When  the 
feudatories  went  to  court,  each  one  according  to  his  ability  took 
with  him  beautiful  slaves,  dressed  and  ornamented  in  the  most 
splendid  style.  They  also,  when  they  paid  their  annual  visit, 
brought  other  presents  suited  to  their  means  and  station — high- 
priced  horses  of  the  best  breeds,  fine  elephants,  valuable  gar- 
ments of  every  kind,  vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  arms,  camels 
and  mules,— each  man  according  to  the  extent  of  his  fief,  some 
as  many  as  a  hundred,  some  fifty,  some  twenty,  and  some  eleven. 
They  also  brought  slaves.  Under  an  edict  of  the  Sultan,  all  the 
presents  which  the  feudatories  brought  were  valued,  and  the 
amount  was  deducted  from  the  dues  payable  by  them  to  the 
Government.  This  was  a  regulation  established  by  Sultan  Firoz. 
Before  his  time,  in  the  reigns  of  his  predecessors,  the  feudatories 
brought  whatever  they  could,  but  no  remission  in  their  payments 
was  made  in  consideration  of  their  presents.  Sultan  Firoz  saw 
that  the  expenses  of  his  feudatories  were  very  large,  and  decreed 
that  they  should  not  be  required  to  make  presents. 

From  this  arrangement  two  advantages  were  expected — the 
chieftains'  pride  would  be  spared  (the  fear  of  being  outdone), 
and  the  gifts  themselves  would  be  more  worthy  of  the  Sultan's 


TA'RrKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHf.  341 

notice.  This  regulation  remained  in  force  for  forty  years 
throughout  the  reign.  Those  chiefs  who  brought  many  slaves 
received  the  highest  favour,  and  those  who  brought  few  re- 
ceived proportionately  little  consideration.  When  the  chiefs 
perceived  the  Sultan's  eagerness  for  slaves,  and  that  their  efforts 
to  get  them  were  highly  appreciated,  they  exerted  themselves 
in  providing  them,  and  the  numbers  brought  every  year  exceed 
description.  Great  numbers  of  slaves  were  thus  collected,  and 
when  they  were  found  to  be  in  excess,  the  Sultdn  sent  them 
to  Mult^n,  Dipdlpur,  HisSr-Firozah,  SSmana,  Gujarat,  and  all 
the  other  feudal  dependencies.  In  all  cases  provision  was  made 
for  their  support  in  a  liberal  manner.  In  some  places  they  were 
provided  for  in  the  army,  and  villages  were  granted  to  them; 
those  who  were  placed  in  cities  had  ample  allowances,  varying 
from  100  down  to  10  tankas,  which  was  the  lowest  amount. 
These  allowances  were  paid  in  full,  without  any  deduction,  at 
the  treasury,  every  six,  four,  or  three  months. 

Some  of  the  slaves  spent  their  time  in  reading  and  committing 
to  memory  the  holy  book,  others  in  religious  studies,  others  in 
copying  books.  Some,  with  the  Sultan's  leave,  went  to  the  temple 
at  Mecca.  Some  were  placed  under  tradesmen  and  were  taught 
mechanical  arts,  so  that  about  12,000  slaves  became  artisans 
(kdsib)  of  various  kinds.  Forty  thousand  were  every  day  in  readi- 
ness to  attend  as  guards  in  the  Sultan's  equipage  or  at  the  palace. 
Altogether,  in  the  city  and  in  the  various  fiefs  there  were  180,000 
slaves,  for  whose  maintenance  and  comfort  the  Sultan  took 
especial  care.  The  institution  took  root  in  the  very  centre  of  the 
land,  and  the  Sultdn  looked  upon  its  due  regulation  as  one  of  his 
incumbent  duties.  To  such  an  extent  were  matters  carried  that 
there  was  a  distinct  muster-master  (majmu'-dar)  of  the  slaves,  a 
separate  treasury  for  the  payment  of  their  allowances,  a  separate 
jdo-shughiiri,  and  deputy  jao-shughiir'i}  and  a  distinct  diwdn, 

'  The  signification  of  this  is  obscure,  and  the  copyists  seem  to  have  so  deemed  it. 
The  word  by  the  majority  is  written  ^_^,txi>t\;>-  ',    tut  one  varies,  and  gives  it 


as 


'rfjy'  cr!;^ 


U-. 


342  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFrF. 

that  is  to  say,  the  officers  for  administering  the  affairs  of  the 
slaves  {ashub-i  dkodn-i  bandagdn),  were  entirely  distinct  from 
those  under  the  Prime  Minister  {ashdb-i  diwdn-i  'ala-e  wizdrat). 

When  the  Sultdn  went  out  in  state  the  slaves  accompanied 
him  in  distinct  corps — first  the  archers,  fully  armed,  next  the 
swordsmen,  thousands  in  number  (hazdr  hazdr),  the  fighting  men 
{handagdn-i  dward),  the  handagdn-i  mdhili^  riding  on  male  buffa- 
loes, and  slaves  from  the  Hazdra,  mounted  on  Arab  and  Turki 
horses,  bearing  standards  and  axes.  These  all,  thousands  upon 
thousands,  accompanied  the  royal  retinue.  The  slaves  increased 
to  such  a  degree  that  they  were  employed  in  all  sorts  of  domestic 
duties,  as  water  coolers,  butlers  \_etc.,  etc.].  In  fact  there  was  no 
occupation  in  which  the  slaves  of  Firoz  Shah  were  not  employed. 
None  of  the  Sultan's  predecessors  had  ever  collected  so  many 
slaves.  The  late  Sultan  'Alau-d  din  had  drawn  together  about 
50,000  slaves,  but  after  him  no  Sultan  had  directed  his  attention 
to  raising  a  body  of  them  until  Sultan  Firoz  adopted  the  practice. 
*  *  *  When  the  slaves  under  the  great  feudal  chieftains  became 
too  numerous,  some  of  them,  by  order  of  the  Sultan,  were  given 
into  the  charge  of  amirs  and  maliks,  that  they  might  learn 
the  duties  of  their  respective  employments.  These  amirs  and 
maliks  treated  them  like  children,  providing  them  with  food 
and  raiment,  lodging  them  and  training  them,  and  taking  every 
care  for  their  wants.  Each  year  they  took  their  slaves  to  court, 
and  reported  upon  their  merits  and  abilities.  These  reports  were 
received  by  the  Sultan  with  great  interest.  Such  was  the  care 
and  attention  which  Sultan  Firoz  devoted  to  his  slaves;  but 
after  his  death,  the  heads  of  these  his  favoured  servants  were  cut 
off  without  mercy,  and  were  made  into  heaps  in  front  of  the 
darbdr,  as  I  will  describe  in  my  chapter  on  the  reign  of  Sultan 
Muhammad  bin  Firoz. 

Third  Mukaddama. — Arrival  of  robes  from  the  Khalifa. 

The  author  has  described  how  a  robe  was  sent  by  the  Khalifa 
to  Sultdn  Muhammad  bin  Tughlik  Shdh,  in  the  account  (^ikr) 


TAErSH-I  FTROZ  SHAHf.  343 

which  he  wrote  of  that  Sultdn.  A  similar  robe  was  now  sent  to 
Firoz  Tughlik  with  great  courtesy  and  marks  of  respect.  Three 
robes  in  all  were  sent,  one  for  the  Sultdn,  one  for  the  Prince 
Fath  Kh4n,  and  one  for  Kh4n-i  Jah^n.  *  *  * 

Fourth  Mukaddama. — Sow  Sultan  Firoz  used  to  sit  in  State. 

There  were  three  palaces  in  which  Sultdn  Firoz  used  to  sit 
publicly  in  state.  One  was  the  Mahal-i  sahan-i  gilin^  (the  palace 
of  the  clayey  quadrangle).  It  was  also  called  the  Mahal-i  dikh, 
i.e.,  the  Mahal-i  angiir,  or  Palace  of  Grapes.  The  second  was 
called  Mahal-i  chhaja-i^  choMn.  The  third  was  the  Mahal-i 
hdr-i  'dmm,  or  Palace  of  the  Public  Court,  and  it  was  also  called 
Sahn-i  miydnagi,  the  central  quadrangle.  The  first  palace  was 
appropriated  to  the  reception  of  the  khans,  maliks,  amirs,  officials 
and  distinguished  literary  men.  The  Mahal-i  chhaja  choUn  was 
for  the  reception  of  the  principal  personal  attendants.  The  palace 
of  the  Sahn-i  miydnagi  was  used  for  general  receptions.  *  *  * 

Sultan  Firoz  had  given  up  residing  in  Dehll,  and  stayed  at 
Firozab^d.  When  it  was  necessary  to  hold  a  court,  he  left  his 
devotions  [which  are  descrihed'\  and  proceeded  to  the  capital  to 
hold  his  Court.  [Precedence,  ceremonial,  and  dress.]  Khdn-i 
Jahan,  the  wazir  of  the  State,  used  to  sit  on  the  right  near  the 
throne.  The  Amir-i  Mu'azzam  Amir  Ahmad  Ikbal  sat  higher 
up  and  a  little  {yak  zdnii)  behind  Khan-i  Jahan,  which  position 
was  considered  to  be  neither  higher  nor  lower  than  that  of  the 
Khan.  Malik  Nizamu-1  Mulk,  Amir  Husain,  Amir  Miran, 
who  were  deputies  of  the  wazir,  sat  near  the  throne  below  Khan-i 
Jahan.  [Positions  of  the  various  officials.]  In  those  days  the 
humble  author  of  this  work,  Shams-i  Siraj  'Afif,  used  to  go 
into  the  reception  chamber,  under  the  royal  regulations,  in  at- 
tendance upon  the  officers  of  the  wazir' s  department.  [Precedence 
and  ceremonial  of  the  Court.     Reception  of  the  8haikhu-l  Isldm.] 

'■  This  name  is  rendered  only  by  conjecture,  it  may  be  IcaUn,  gulin,  etc.,  etc. 

'  Three  of  the  MSS.  write  the  word  ^^jhaja,"  but  this  is  not  conclusive.  The 
fourth  has  ohhaja,  a  Hindi  word,  meaning  "gallery,"  and  this  is  probably  right. 
The  title  of  the  palace  would  so  be  "  Palace  of  the  wooden  gallery." 


344  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  •AEXY. 


Fifth  Mukaddama. — Prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  nobles. 

Duringthe  reign  of  Firoz  Shah  *  *  *  all  men,  high  and  low, 
bond  and  free,  lived  happily  and  free  from  care.  *  *  *  When  the 
Sultan  went  to  the  palace,  at  the  "grand  city"  of  Firozdbad, 
the  Khan-i  Jahan  used  to  make  preparations  some  days  before- 
hand for  his  reception,  by  having  the  palace  whitewashed  and 
ornamented  with  pictures.  Every  possible  care  was  taken  by  the 
Khdn  for  the  proper  reception  of  the  Sultan.  \_Splendour  and 
ceremonial  of  the  Court.  Easy  condition  of  the  people. '\  Things 
were  so  plentiful  and  cheap ;  and  the  people  were  so  well  to  do, 
and  enjoyed  such  ease,  that  the  poorest  married  their  daughters 
at  a  very  early  age.  Nothing  in  the  least  degree  unpleasant  or 
disagreeable  happened  during  his  reign ;  how  wonderful  is  it 
that,  since  his  decease,  the  city  of  Dehli  has  been  turned  up- 
side down.  Those  who  survive  will  ever  call  to  mind  the  reign 
of  Firoz  Shah,  and  exclaim,  "  The  reign  of  Firoz  will  always 
dwell  upon  the  memory,  and  (san  never  be  forgotten.'" 

Sixth  Mukaddama. — The  plenty  and  cheapness  in  the  reign  of 
Firoz  Shah. 

By  the  blessing  of  God  favourable  seasons  and  abundance  of 
the  necessaries  of  life  prevailed  in  the  reign  of  Firoz  Shdh,  not 
only  in  the  capital,  but  throughout  his  dominions.  During  the 
whole  forty  years  of  his  reign  there  was  no  appearance  of  scarcity, 
and  the  times  were  so  happy  that  the  people  of  Dehli  forgot  the 
reign  of  'A14u-d  din,  although  no  more  prosperous  times  than 
his  had  ever  faUen  to  the  lot  of  any  Muhammadan  sovereign. 
'Alau-d  din  took  such  pains  to  keep  down  the  price  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life,  that  his  exertions  have  found  a  record  in  famous 
histories.  To  the  merchants  he  gave  wealth,  and  placed  before 
them  goods  in  abundance,  and  gold  without  measure.  He  showed 
them  every  kingly  favour,  and  fixed  on  them  regular  salaries.^ 

'  [Mawdjib,  salaries,  allowances,  or  pensions]. 


TAEfKH-I  FI'EOZ  SHAHI'.  345 

In  the  reign  of  'A14u-d  din  the  necessaries  of  life  were  abundant 
through  excellent  management,^  but  through  the  favour  of  God 
grain  continued  cheap  throughout  the  reign  of  Firoz  Shah,  with- 
out any  effort  on  his  part.  Grain  was  so  cheap  that,  in  the  city 
of  Dehli,  wheat  was  eight  j'itals  a  man,  and  gram  and  barley  four 
jUals  a  man.  A  camp  follower  could  give  his  horse  a  feed  of 
ten  sirs  of  corn  (dalida)  for  one  JUal.  Fabrics  of  all  kinds  were 
cheap,  and  silk  goods,  both  white  and  coloured,  were  of  moderate 
price.  Orders  were  given  for  the  reduction  of  the  price  of  sweet- 
meats, in  unison  with  the  general  fall  of  prices. 

During  the  forty  years  of  this  sovereign's  reign,  cheapness 
prevailed.  If  occasionally  prices  rose  from  bad  seasons,  or  from 
scarcity  of  rain,  and  reached  one  tanka  per  m«»,  it  was  only 
for  a  short  time.  The  good  fortune  of  the  Sultan  prevailed, 
.  so  that  no  dearth  occurred.  Such  was  the  prosperity  that, 
throughout  the  Do^b,  from  the  hill  of  Sakriidih  and  Kharla 
to  Kol,  not  one  village  remained  waste,  even  in  name,  nor  one 
span  of  land  uncultivated.  In  the  Doab  there  were  fifty-two 
parganas  flourishing,  and  a  similar  (state  of  prosperity)  prevailed 
elsewhere.  The  like  prosperity  prevailed  in  every  fief  (iktd'a) 
and  district  (shikk).  Thus,  in  the  district  of  Samdna,  there  were 
four  prosperous  villages  within  one  kos,  and  the  inhabitants  were 
happy  and  free  from  care.  Such  perfect  happiness  did  the  king- 
dom enjoy  in  those  days. 

Sultan  Firoz  had  a  great  liking  for  the  laying  out  of  gardens, 
which  he  took  great  pains  to  embellish.  He  formed  1,200  gardens 
in  the  vicinity  of  Dehli.  Such  of  them  as  were  private  property, 
or  were  religious  endowments,  after  ^  due  investigation  of  the 
titles,  he  settled  for  with  their  owners.     All  gardens  received 

'  ["  Ba  hikmat-i  liihriydi."  These  words  may  be  translated  "  by  Dhine  wisdom," 
but  they  are  evidently  used  antithetically  to  the  "  baghair  koshisli,"  or  "absence  of 
effort"  on  the  part  of  Firoz]. 

^  Three  of  the  MSS.  have  "  ^jc  without ;"  while  the  fourth  (East  India  Library, 

No.  1002)  says  "  j^jo  after"  Teriflcation  of  titles.  The  latter  is  certainly  most 
probable. 


346  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

abundant  proofs  of  his  care,^  and  he  restored  thirty  gardens 
which  had  been  commenced  by  'Alau-d  din.  In  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Salaura  he  made  eighty  gardens,  and  in  Ohitiir  forty- 
four  gardens.  In  every  garden  there  were  white  and  black 
grapes,  of  seven  [named']  varieties.  They  were  sold  at  the  rate 
of  one  jital  per  sir.  Of  the  various  articles  grown  in  the  gar- 
dens, the  government  share  of  the  produce  amounted  to  8(5,000 
tankas,  without  taking  into  account  the  dues  of  the  owners  and 
gardeners. 

The  revenues  of  the  Doab  in  this  reign  amounted  to  eighty 
lacs  of  tanlias;  and  under  the  fostering  care  of  this  religious 
sovereign,  the  revenues  of  the  territories  of  Dehli  were  six 
krors  and  eighty-five  lacs  of  tankas  (60,850,000).  The  Sultan, 
throughout  his  reign,  in  his  great  sagacity  and  prudence,  en- 
deavoured to  circumscribe  the  extent  of  his  dominions,  but  still 
the  revenues  amounted  to  the  sum  stated.  All  this  large  revenue 
was  duly  apportioned  out ;  each  Kh4n  received  a  sum  suitable  to 
his  exalted  position,  the  amirs  and  maliks  also  obtained  allowances 
according  to  their  dignity,  and  the  ofEcials  were  paid  enough  to 
provide  a  comfortable  living.  The  soldiers  of  the  army  received 
grants  of  land,  enough  to  support  them  in  comfort,  and  the 
irregulars  (ghair  wajh)  received  payment  from  the  government 
treasury.  Those  soldiers  who  did  not  receive  their  pay  in  this 
manner  were,  according  to  necessity,  supplied  with  assignments 
(itldk)  upon  the  revenues.  When  these  assignments  of  the 
soldiers  (wajh-ddrs)  arrived  in  the  fiefs  {ikfd'di),  the  holders 
used  to  get  about  half  of  the  total  amount  from  the  holders  of 
the  fiefs.  It  was  the  practice  of  certain  persons  in  those  days 
to  buy  up  these  assignments,  which  was  an  accomodation  to  both 
parties.     They  used  to  give  one-third  of  the  value  for  them  in 

'  The  text  is  a  little  confused  here.  I  have  ventured  upon  one  emendation  in 
reading  n^^  CjliU  jJ  '-^.V  L5^  Ci-JUi-ol  ^^^L>*o  iju^jLcjl  instead 
of  |_y.U4«j  iji^jlc  \\,  etc.,  etc.  All  the  MSS.  concur  in  the  latter  reading, 
although  it  seems  to  make  nonsense. 


TARrKH-I  FmOZ  SHAHr.  347 

the  city,  and  receive  one  half  in  the  districts.  The  purchasers 
of  these  assignments  carried  on  a  traffic  in  them,  and  gaining  a 
good  profit,  many  of  them  got  rich  and  made  their  fortunes. 

Sultan  Firoz,  under  Divine  inspiration,  spread  all  the  revenues 
of  his  territories  among  his  people.  The  various  districts  of  the 
fiefs  were  also  divided.  Khan-i  Jahan,  the  wazir,  exclusive  of  the 
allowances  for  his  retainers,  friends,  and  sons,  received  a  sum  of 
thirteen  lacs  of  tankas,  or  instead  of  it  sundry  fiefs  and  districts. 
Other  chiefs  were  similarly  provided  for,  according  to  their 
merit ;  some  receiving  eight  lacs  of  tankas,  others  six  lacs,  and 
others  four  lacs.  All  the  khans  and  maliks  grew  rich  in  his  reign, 
and  had  vast  stores  of  wealth,  and  jewels  and  diamonds  of  great 
value.  When  Malik  Shahin  Shahna,  who  was  naib-amir  of  the 
majlis-i  khdss,  died,  and  his  effects  were  examined,  a  sum  of  fifty 
lacs  of  tankas,  in  cash,  was  taken  out  of  his'  house,  besides  horses, 
valuables,  and  jewels  in  abundance.  The  enormous  wealth  left 
by  'Imadu-1  Mulk,  Bashir-i  Sultani,  was  well  known,  and  is  well 
remembered.  An  account  of  it  will  be  given  in  the  fifth  book  of 
this  work.  The  Sultan  being  thus  beneficent,  all  men,  high  and 
low,  were  devoted  to  him. 

Seventh  Mukaddama. — Affairs  of  the  Army. 

1  In  the  reign  of  Firoz  Shdh  there  was  an  army  of  80,000  and 
sometimes  90,000  horse,  exclusive  of  slaves.  These  men  remained 
on  service  all  the  year.  Horses  of  little  value  were  often  brought 
to  the  registry  office  (diwdn)  and  were  passed  as  serviceable. 
Stories  about  this  often  reached  the  ears  of  the  Sultan,  but  he 
treated  them  as  if  he  had  never  heard  them.  When  the  year 
drew  to  a  close,  and  there  remained  yet  many  men  who  had 
not  presented  their  horses,  the  clerks  made  a  statement  to  his 
Majesty  of  the  number  of  men  that  had  not  yet  registered  their 
horses.     An  order  was  then  issued  granting  two  months'  grace 

'  Several  passages  of  this  chapter  are  very  obscure,  and  seem  to  have  been  so  con- 
sidered by  the  copyists,  for  the  MSS.  show  many  discrepancies  and  omissions, 


348  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFrp. 

for  the  production  of  the  animals.  When  this  term  was  passed 
a  statement  was  again  made  of  the  men  who  had  not  produced 
them.  In  those  days  Malik  E,azi,  a  very  venerable  and  righteous 
man,  was  deputy  'ariz,  and  administered  the  business  of  the 
army  in  a  very  proper  manner.  He  used  to  point  out  to  the 
Sultdn  that  those  men  who  had  not  brought  in  their  horses  were 
generally  members  of  a  troop,  that  their  assignments  {itldk)  had 
been  sent  into  the  districts  to  realize  the  amount  of  their  pay, 
and  when  that  was  effected  they  would  come  into  the  city. 
But  before  this  could  be  accomplished  the  year  passed  by,  and 
the  poor  men  remained  in  a  state  of  distress.  Many  of  those 
who  had  failed  were  employed  in  other  business  (masdlihi  and). 
On  hearing  these  kind  representations  the  Sultan  said,  that  if 
any  man  had  been  sent  on  business  {masdlih)  by  his  commanding 
officer,  and  the  year  should  end  while  he  was  absent,  without  his 
making  any  statement  of  the  fact  or  presenting  his  horse,  then 
if  he  were  discharged,  it  would  go  ill  with  him,  and  mourning 
would  fall  upon  his  house.  The  Sultan  also  directed  that  sub- 
stitutes should  be  found  by  the  officers  for  all  men  who  went 
away  on  business.  The  soldier  himself  who  was  absent  might 
put  in  his  appearance  at  the  office  of  the  chieftain  in  whose  dis- 
trict he  was  ;  he  might  also  produce  his  new  horse  there,  so  that 
all  inconvenience  might  be  spared  the  poor  soldier.  Thus  the 
kindness  of  the  Sultan  for  his  people  was  such  as  no  father  or 
brother  could  show,  \_8tory  of  the  Sultan  overhearing  a  soldier 
complain  that  he  was  unable  to  produce  his  horse  at  the  muster.] 
The  Sultan  told  him  to  go  and  arrange  matters  with  the  clerks 
of  the  office,  and  he  replied  that  his  difficulty  was  that  he  had 
not  got  the  necessary  money.  The  Sultdn  inquired  how  much 
was  wanted,  and  the  soldier  said  that  if  he  had  a  gold  tanka  he 
could  get  a  certificate  for  his  horse.  He  then  ordered  a  tanha 
to  be  given  to  him.  On  receiving  the  coin  the  soldier  went  to  the 
office,  and  placing  it  in  the  hands  of  the  clerks,  he  got  the 
certificate;  he  then  returned  to  the  Sultdn  and  expressed  his 
thanks. 


TAErxH-i  rrEOz  shahi'.  349 

Eighth  Muhaddama. — Report  made  to  the  Sultan  by  the  son  of 
'Imddu-l  Mulk,  and  the  Sultan's  appropriate  reply. 

Malik  Is'hak,  (son  of)  'Im^du-l  Mulk,  made  a  report  to  the 
Sultdn  that  many  of  the  soldiers  were  old  and  feeble,  and  unfit 
for  duty.  It  was  therefore  expedient  to  replace  them  with  young 
and  efficient  men.  At  this  period  'Imadu-1  Mulk  was  an  old 
man,  and  Malik  Is'hak  discharged  for  him  the  duties  of  the 
diwdti-i  ''arz.  When  he  made  this  report  the  Sultan  observed  it 
was  a  very  proper  one :  when  men  grew  old  they  should  be  set 
aside,  and  their  places  should  be  filled  by  their  sons  or  strangers; 
no  consideration  whatever  should  be  shown  to  these  old  men. 
"  Now,"  said  he,  "  Your  father  is  an  old  man,  first  turn  him 
out  of  his  office,  and  then  I  will  remove  all  the  old  men  from 
the  service  of  the  State."     Malik  Is'hak  was  silenced. 

The  Sultan,  in  the  kindness  of  his  heart,  then  said :  "  If  I 
remove  the  old  and  inefficient  men,  and  appoint  their  sons  or 
strangers  in  their  stead,  the  poor  old  men  will  be  greatly  troubled, 
and  will  be  reduced  to  distress  in  their  old  age.  I  do  not  approve 
of  dismissing  them,  and  putting  their  sons  in  their  places.  This 
is  not  a  time  for  encouraging  disobedient  children.  With  ao-e 
the  heart  becomes  desolate,  and  if  the  old  men  are  turned  off  and 
their  sons  succeed  them,  these  sons  may  prove  undutiful,  and 
the  hearts  of  their  poor  old  fathers  may  break  in  their  distress. 
Let  an  order  therefore  be  promulgated  that,  when  a  soldier  grows 
old  and  incapable,  his  son  shall  succeed  him,  as  his  deputy;  if 
he  has  no  son,  his  son-in-law,  and  failing  any  son-in-law,  his 
slave  shall  represent  him.  The  veteran  may  thus  remain  at 
home  at  ease,  and  the  young  ride  forth  in  their  strength." 

Addressing  Is'hak,  he  said,  "Do  not  make  such  reports.  The 
Almighty  does  not  take  away  his  servants'  sustenance  because 
they  are  old,  how  then  can  I,  his  creature,  dismiss  my  aged 
servants."  All  the  actions  and  words  of  Sultan  Firoz  *  *  * 
were  like  unto  this,  and  are  worthy  of  a  place  in  history.  This 
humble  author  desires  to  write  the  Sultan's  memoirs,  but  his 


350  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

gracious  words  and  generous  actions  are  so  numerous  that  the 
author  makes  but  slow  progress  towards  his  conclusion. 

Ninth  Muhaddama. — Transport  of  sione  Obelisks. 

After  Sultdn  Firoz  returned  from  his  expedition  against  Thatta, 
he  often  made  excursions  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dehli.  In  this 
part  of  the  country  there  were  two  stone  columns.  One  was  in 
the  village  of  Tobra,  in  the  district  (shikk)  of  Sdlaura  and  Khiz- 
rab&d,  in  the  hills  {koh-pdyah) ;  the  other  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
town  of  Mirat.  These  columns  had  stood  in  those  places  from  the 
days  of  the  Pandavas,  but  had  never  attracted  the  attention  of  any 
of  the  kings  who  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Dehli,  till  Sultdn  Firoz 
noticed  them,  and,  with  great  exertion,  brought  them  away.  One 
was  erected  in  the  palace  (kushk).  at  Firozabad,  near  the  Masjid-i 
jama',  and  was  called  the  Mindra-i  zarin,  or  Golden  Column,  and 
the  other  was  erected  in  the  Kushk-i  Shikdr,  or  Hunting  Palace, 
with  great  labour  and  skill.  The  author  has  read  in  the  works 
of  good  historians  that  these  columns  of  stone  had  been  the 
walking  sticks  of  the  accursed^  Bhim,  a  man  of  great  stature 
and  size.  The  annals  of  the  infidels  record  that  this  Bhim  used 
to  devour  a  thousand  mam  of  food  daily,  and  no  one  could  com- 
pete with  him.  *  *  *  In  his  days  all  this  part  of  Hind  was 
peopled  with  infidels,  who  were  continually  fighting  and  slaying 
each  other.  Bhim  was  one  of  five  brothers,  but  he  was  the  most 
powerful  of  them  all.  He  was  generally  engaged  in  tending  the 
herds  of  cattle  belong  to  his  wicked  brothers,  and  he  was  ac- 
customed to  use  these  two  stone  pillars  as  sticks  to  gather  the 
cattle  together.  The  size  of  the  cattle  in  those  days  was  in  pro- 
portion to  that  of  other  creatures.  These  five  brothers  lived 
near  Dehli,  and  when  Bhim  died  these  two  columns  were  left 
standing  as  memorials  of  him.  *  *  *  When  Firoz  Shah  first 
beheld  these  columns,  he  was  filled  with  admiration,  and  resolved 
to  remove  them  with  great  care  as  trophies  to  Dehli,  *  *  * 

'  One  MS.,  to  tlie  credit  of  the  writer,  omits  this  execration. 


TARrKH-I  FfROZ  SHA'Hr.  351 

Removal  of  the  Mindra-i  zarin. — Khizrib^d  is  ninety  kos 
from  Dehli,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  hills.  When  the  Sultan  visited 
that  district,  and  saw  the  column  in  the  village  of  Tobra,  he 
resolved  to  remove  it  to  Dehli,  and  there  erect  it  as  a  memorial 
to  future  generations.  After  thinking  over  the  best  means  of 
lowering  the  column,  orders  were  issued  commanding  the  at- 
tendance of  all  the  people  dwelling  in  the  neighbourhood,  within 
and  without  the  Uodb,  and  all  soldiers,  both  horse  and  foot. 
They  were  ordered  to  bring  all  implements  and  materials  suitable 
for  the  work.  Directions  were  issued  for  bringing  parcels  of  the 
cotton  of  the  Sembal  (silk  cotton  tree).  Quantities  of  this  silk 
cotton  were  placed  round  the  column,  and  when  the  earth  at 
its  base  was  removed,  it  fell  gently  over  on  the  bed  prepared  for 
it.  The  cotton  was  then  removed  by  degrees,  and  after  some 
days  the  pillar  lay  safe  upon  the  ground.  When  the  foundations 
of  the  pillar  were  examined,  a  large  square  stone  was  found  as 
a  base,  which  also  was  taken  out.  The  pillar  was  then  encased 
from  top  to  bottom  in  reeds  and  raw  skins,  so  that  no  damage 
might  accrue  to  it.  A  carriage,  with  forty-two  wheels,  was  con- 
structed, and  ropes  were  attached  to  each  wheel.  Thousands  of 
men  hauled  at  every  rope,  and  after  great  labour  and  difficulty 
the  pillar  was  raised  on  to  the  carriage.  A  strong  rope  was 
fastened  to  each  wheel,  and  200  men  pulled  at  each  of  these 
ropes.  By  the  simultaneous  exertions  of  so  many  thousand 
men  the  carriage  was  moved,  and  was  brought  to  the  banks  of 
the  Jumna.  Here  the  Sultdn  came  to  meet  it.  A  number  of 
large  boats  had  been  collected,  some  of  which  could  carry  5,000 
and  7,000  mans  of  grain,  and  the  least  of  them  2,000  mans. 
The  column  was  very  ingeniously  transferred  to  these  boats,  arid 
was  then  conducted  to  Firozabdd,  where  it  was  landed  and  con- 
veyed into  the  KusJik  with  infinite  labour  and  skill. 

Account  of  the  Raising  of  the  Obelisk. — At  this  time  the  author 
of  this  book  was  twelve  years  of  age,  and  a  pupil  of  the  respected 
Miir  Khan.  When  the  pillar  was  brought  to  the  palace,  a  build- 
ing was  commenced  for  its  reception,  near  the  Jdmi''  Masjid,  and 


352  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFIF. 

the  most  skilful  architects  and  workmen  were  employed.  It  was 
constructed  of  stone^  and  chunam,  and  consisted  of  several  stages 
or  steps  (poshish).  Wlien  a  step  was  finished  the  column  was 
raised  on  to  it,  another  step  was  then  built  and  the  pillar  was 
again  raised,  and  so  on  in  succession  until  it  reached  the  intended 
height.  On  arriving  at  this  stage,  other  contrivances  had  to  be 
devised  to  place  it  in  an  erect  position.  Ropes  of  great  thickness 
were  obtained,  and  windlasses  were  placed  on  each  of  the  six  stages 
of  the  base.  The  ends  of  the  ropes  were  fastened  to  the  top  of 
the  pillar,  and  the  other  ends  passed  over  the  windlasses,  which 
were  firmly  secured  with  many  fastenings.  The  wheels  were  then 
turned,  and  the  column  was  raised  about  half  a  gaz.  Logs  of 
wood  and  bags  of  cotton  were  then  placed  under  it  to  prevent  its 
sinking  again.  In  this  way,  by  degrees,  and  in  the  course  of 
several  days,  the  column  was  raised  to  the  perpendicular.  Large 
beams  were  then  placed  round  it  as  shores,  until  quite  a  cage  of 
scaflblding  was  formed.  It  was  thus  secured  in  an  upright  position, 
straight  as  an  arrow,  without  the  smallest  deviation  from  the  per- 
pendicular. The  square  stone,  before  spoken  of,  was  placed  under 
the  pillar.  After  it  was  raised,  some  ornamental  friezes  of  black 
and  white  stone  were  placed  round  its  two  capitals  {do  sar-i  an), 
and  over  these  there  was  raised  a  gilded  copper  cupola,  called  in 
Hindi  kolas}  The  height  of  the  obelisk  was  thirty-two  gaz; 
eight  gaz  was  sunk  in  its  pedestal,  and  twenty-four  gaz  was  visible. 
On  the  base  of  the  obelisk  there  were  engraved  several  lines  of 
writing  in  Hindi  characters.  Many  Brahmans  and  Hindu 
devotees  3  were  invited  to  read  them,  but  no  one  was  able.  It 
is  said  that  certain  infidel  Hindus  interpreted  them  as  stating 
that  no  one  should  be  able  to  remove  the  obelisk  from  its  place 
till  there  should  arise  in  the  latter  days  a  Muhammadan  king, 
named  Sultan  Firoz,  etc.,  etc. 

'  Two  MSS.  call  the  stone  t '  C:...    X^  and  the  other  two  jL»j  _,i'. 
^  A  spire,  pinnacle,  or  cupola. 
^ij^j^^.     Qy.Hind.l«^J. 


TARrKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHr.  353 

Erection  of  the  other  Obelisk  in  the  Kushk-i  Shikar. — This 
obelisk  stood  in  the  vicinity  of  the  town  of  Mirat,  in  the  Doab, 
and  was  somewhat  smaller  than  the  Mindra-i  zarin.  This  also 
was  removed  by  Snltdn  Firoz,  with  similar  skill  and  labour,  and 
was  re-erected  on  a  hill  in  the  Kushk-i  Shikar  \_amid  great  feast- 
ing and  rejoicing^.  After  the  erection  of  the  pillar  a  large  town 
sprang  up,  and  the  khans  and  maliks  of  the  Court  built  houses 
there.  *  *  *  Every  great  king  took  care  during  his  reign  to  set 
up  some  lasting  memorial  of  his  power.  So  Sultdn  Shamsu-d  din 
Altamsh  raised  the  large  pillar  in  the  Masjid-i  jama'  at  old  Dehli, 
the  history  of  which  is  well  known.  *  *  * 

In  these  days,  in  the  year  801  h.  (1398  a.d.),  Amir  Timur, 
of  Khurdsdn,  has  marched  into  India,  and  by  the  will  of  fate 
has  subdued  the  empire  of  Hindustan.  During  his  stay  of  some 
days  in  Dehli,  he  inspected  all  the  monuments  of  former  kings, 
*  *  *  and  among  them  these  two  obelisks,  when  he  declared 
that  in  all  the  countries  he  had  traversed  he  had  never  seen  any 
monuments  comparable  to  these.  *  *  * 

Tenth  Mukaddama. — Sunting  Excursions. 

*  *  *  The  author  proposes  to  describe,  in  succession,  how  the 
various  kinds  of  hunting  were  carried  on.^  The  chase  of  the 
gor-khar  or  wild  ass  was  pursued  in  the  deserts  between  Dipdlptir 
and  SarsutI  *  *  *  during  the  hot  season,  when  these  animals 
congregate.  *  *  *  The  chase  of  the  deer,  nil-gdos,  etc.,  was 
carried  on  principally  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Baddun  and 
Anwala,^  where  these  animals  were  found  in  great  numbers. 
This  district  was  waste,  but  well  furnished  with  water  and  grass. 
No  other  such  waste  was  to  be  found  near  Dehli.  *  *  *  Orders 
were  given  for  its  being  retained  waste  for  hunting  purposes,  other- 
wise it  would  quickly  have  become  peopled  and  cultivated  under 

1  He  tells  us  that  he  sometimes  accompanied  these  expeditions,  and  he  descrihes 
the  mode  of  proceeding  in  great  detail  and  with  evident  gusto. 

2  Var.  Anwala,  AtwUa. 

VOL,  ni.  23 


354  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFfF. 

the  prosperous  and  fostering  government  of  Firoz.  *  *  *  If  a  lion, 
tiger,  or  wolf  was  surrounded,  the  Sultdn  used  to  kill  it  first,  and 
then  pursue  the  other  animals. 

Eleventh  Mukaddama. — Buildings  erected  hy  Firoz  8Mh. 

Sultan  Firoz  excelled  all  his  predecessors  on  the  throne  of 
Dehli  in  the  erection  of  buildings,  indeed  no  monarch  of  any 
country  surpassed  him.  He  built  cities,  forts,  palaces,  hands, 
mosques,  and  tombs,  in  great  numbers.  Of  cities,  there  were 
Hisdr  Firozah  and  Fath-abad,  of  which  the  author  has  given  an 
account  in  a  previous  chapter.  Firoz- abdd,  Firoz-abdd  Harni 
Khlra,  Tughlikpur-i  Kasna,  Tughlikpur-i  Muluk-i  Kamut,  and 
Jaunptir,  besides  sundry  other  places  and  forts  which  he  re- 
paired and  strengthened.  His  palaces  {kwshh)  were  those  of 
Firoz,  Nuzul,  Mahandwdri,  Hisdr  Firozah,  Fath-ab^d,  Jaunptir, 
Shikar,  Band-i  Fath  Khan  and  Salaura.  Bands :  Fath  Khan, 
M41ja  (into  which  he  threw  a  body  of  fresh  water,  db-i  zamzam), 
Mahp^lpur,  Shukr  Khan,  Salaura,  Wazirdbdd,  and  other  similar 
strong  and  substantial  lands.  He  also  built  monasteries,  and 
inns  for  the  accommodation  of  travellers.  One  hundred  and 
twenty  khdnkdhs  (monasteries)  were  built  in  Dehli  and  Firoz- 
ab^d  for  the  accommodation  of  the  people  of  God,  in  which 
travellers  from  all  directions  were  receivable  as  guests  for  three 
days.  These  one  hundred  and  twenty  buildings  were  full  of 
guests  on  all  the  three  hundred  and  sixty  days  of  the  year. 
Superintendents  and  officers  of  the  Sunni  persuasion  were  ap- 
pointed to  these  khdnkdhs,  and  the  funds  for  their  expenses  were 
furnished  from  the  public  treasury,  Malik  Ghazi  Shahna  was 
the  chief  architect,  and  was  very  efficient;  he  held  the  gold 
staff  (of  office).  'Abdu-1  Hakk,  otherwise  Jdhir  Sundhar  (was 
deputy,  and)  held  the  golden  axe.  A  clever  and  qualified 
superintendent    was    appointed    over    every    class    of   artisans. 

*  *  *  The   Sultdn  also  repaired  the  tombs  of  former  kings. 

*  *  *   It  is   a  custom   among  kings  while  they  are   on  the 


TXarKH-I  FfEOZ  SHA'Hr.  355 

throne  to  appropriate  villages  and  lands  to  religious  men  in  order 
to  provide  means  for  the  maintenance  and  repair  of  their  tombs. 
But  these  endowments  had  all  been  destroyed,  and  the  grantees 
being  divested  of  them,  were  reduced  to  distress.  *  *  *  The 
Sultan  carefally  repaired  all  the  tombs  and  restored  the  lands 
and  villages  after  bringing  into  cultivation  such  as  had  been  laid 
waste.  He  also  sought  out  and  restored  the  superintendents  and 
officers  of  these  endowments  who  had  been  driven  out  of  them. 
*  *  *  The  financial  officer  {diwdn-i  wizdrat)  examined  the  plan 
of  every  proposed  building,  and  made  provision  so  that  the  work 
should  not  be  stopped  for  want  of  funds.  The  necessary  money 
was  issued  from  the  royal  treasury  to  the  managers  of  the  build- 
ing, and  then  the  work  was  begun.  Thus  it  was  that  so  many 
buildings  of  different  kinds  were  erected  in  the  reign  of  Ffroz 
Shdh. 

Twelfth  Mukaddania. — Consideration  of  the  Sultan  for  the  un- 
employed. 

*  *  *  The  Sultan  gave  directions  that  when  there  were  any 
workmen  out  of  employ  in  the  city  they  were  to  be  sent  to  him. 
The  Jcotwdl  used  to  call  his  district  officers  before  him,  and  make 
enquiries  of  them.  The  most  respectable  people,  out  of  shame, 
would  not  make  their  necessities  known,  and  such  gentlemen 
as  these  were  brought  to  the  kotwdl  by  his  officers.  *  *  *  When 
they  were  brought  before  the  Sultdn  they  were  all  placed  in 
employ.  Men  of  the  pen  were  sent  into  the  Government  estab- 
lishments (kdr-khdna),  intelligent  men  of  business  were  placed 
under  the  "Kh^n-i  Jahan,  if  any  one  expressed  a  desire  to  be 
made  the  slave  (jbanda)  of  any  particular  nobleman,  the  Sultan 
himself  used  to  send  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  that  noble ; 
and  if  one  desired  to  be  made  the  slave  (banda)  of  an  amir  who 
held  a  fief  (iktd'),  a  farmdn  was  sent  to  that  amir,  and  the 
applicant  proceeded  thither.  So,  few  persons  remained  without 
employment,  and  wherever  one  of  the  unemployed  was  sent, 
there  he  found  a  comfortable  settlement.  *  *  * 


356  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  -ArrF. 

Thirteenth  Mukaddama. — The  royal  establishments  {kdr-khdna)  of 

Mroz  Shah. 

Sultdn  Firoz  had  thirty-six  royal  establishments,  for  which 
enormous  supplies  of  articles  were  collected,  *  *  *  and  the 
annual  outlay  on  which  was  very  large.  Some  of  them  were  in 
receipt  of  a  regular  payment  (rdyati);  others  had  no  fixed 
income  {ghair-rdydti).  Thus  among  the  rdyati  establishments 
there  were  the  elephant,  horse,  and  camel  stables,  the  kitchen, 
the  butlery,  the  candle  department,  the  dog-kennels,  the  water- 
cooling  department  and  other  similar  establishments.  These 
received  a  regular  monthly  allowance  of  one  lac  and  sixty  thou- 
sand tankas  for  their  expenses,  in  addition  to  which  there  was 
the  cost  of  their  furniture,^  and  the  monthly  salaries  of  the  ac- 
countants ^  and  other  officers,  which  also  amounted  to  one  Icui 
and  sixty  thousand  silver  tankas.  In  the  establishments  which 
received  no  regular  allowance,  such  as  the  wardrobe,  the  'alam- 
khdna  or  insignia,  the  carpet  stores,  and  the  like,  new  goods 
were  procured  every  year  according  to  orders  given.  In  the 
winter  season  six  lacs  of  tankas  were  expended  on  the  wardrobe, 
besides  the  outlay  for  the  spring  and  summer.  80,000  tankas 
were  expended  on  the  'alam-khdna  in  the  purchase  of  articles, 
besides  the  salaries  of  the  accountants  and  the  wages  of  the  work- 
people. About  two  lacs  of  tankas  were  expended  in  the  carpet 
department.  Each  of  these  establishments  was  under  the  charge 
of  a  khan  or  malik  of  high  rank ;  thus  the  wardrobe  was  under 
the  superintendence  of  Malik  'Ali  and  Malik  Isma'il.   *  *  * 

Khwaja  Abii-l  Hasan  Khan  was   charged  with  the  general 

1  Rakht,  famituie,  fittings,  plant. 

'  The  copyists  seem  to  have  been  puzzled  with  this  chapter.  They  all,  in  the 
early  part  of  it,  write  ,^.^,1,^.     "border  of  a  garment,"  although  it  makes  no 

sense ;  while  the  correct  word  appears  to  be  il;,u.jl-s. ,  "  an  accountant,"  which  is 
used  in  similar  passages  subseejuently.     The  reading  of  this  passage  in  three  of  the 

MSS.  is  (__;ljs-'l  .  <U-i)ls-  iJbXjly*  --lU., ''"'  *'^«  ''^^^  °^  ^^^  ^^-  ^''°^'  °^ 
the  East  India  Library,  seeing  the  inconsistency  of  hdshiya  and  asMb,  changes  the 
latter  word  into  asbdh.  In  another  part,  one  MS.  instead  of  'alam-Mdna  has  kham- 
hhdna,  "  wine  cellar ;"  and  they  all  write  "  sar-mdhi,"  which  has  been  translated  as 
being  either  an  equivalent,  or  a  mistake,  for  dar-mdhi,  "monthly  pay." 


TARrKH-I  FIEOZ  SHiSHr.  357 

superintendence  of  all  the  Mr-khdnas,  and  through  him  all  orders 
were  issued  to  the  respectiye  establishments.  There  was  a 
separate  financial  department  (diwdn-Mdna)  for  the  Mr-hhdnas, 
in  which  the  general  accounts  were  kept,  but  the  accounts  were 
rendered  to  and  recorded  in  the  exchequer  (dnodn-i  wizdrat).  So 
that  the  exchequer  not  only  kept  an  account  of  the  land  revenues 
(iktd'),  but  also  of  the  expenditure  of  the  kdr-kkdnas.  There 
were  many  accountants  in  the  various  kdr-khdnas  who  received 
monthly  pay.  *  *  The  royal  stables  were  in  five  different  places, 
*  *  *  and,  beside  these,  some  thousands  of  horses  grazed  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Dehli,  and  were  called  sih-panj.  The  camel 
establishment  was  distinct,  *  *  *  and  was  in  the  district  of  Dub- 
lahan,  where  whole  villages  were  appropriated  to  them  and  their 
keepers.  *  *  *  Their  numbers  increased  every  year,  because  the 
great  feudatories,  when  they  came  to  Court,  brought  camels  of  all 
sorts  among  their  presents  to  the  throne.  *  *  * 

In  this  reign  there  were  audits  of  the  accounts  of  the  fiefs. 
When  the  feudatory  came  up  from  his  fief  to  Court,  he  was 
brought  before  the  exchequer,  where  an  audit  of  his  accounts 
was  held,  and  the  results  were  reported  to  the  throne.  The 
balance  was  struck,  and  the  chieftain  was  questioned,  after  which 
he  was  sent  back  at  once  to  his  fief.  The  managers  {muharrir) 
of  the  kdr-khdnas  also  had  to  attend  in  the  exchequer  at  the 
end  of  every  year,  and  present  abstracts  of  their  accountSj  show- 
ing the  balance  of  cash  and  the  stores  of  goods.  *  *  * 

Fourteenth  Mukaddama. — On  the  striking  of  the  Coin  calkd 

Shashgdni. 

Sultan  Firoz  issued  several  varieties  of  coins.  There  was 
the  gold  tanka  and  the  silver  tanka..  There  were  also  distinct 
coins  of  the  respective  value  of  forty-eight,  twenty-five,  twenty- 
four,  twelve,  ten,  eight,  six,  and  one  jltal,  known  as  the  chihal 
0  hashtgdni^   list  o  panjgdni,  hist  a   chahdrgdni,  dwdzdahgdni, 

1  Gdn  is  an  aggregate  particle  added  to  numerals.  The  meaning  of  gdni  is  exactly 
expressed  in  the  vulgar  phrases  "  a  fiver,"  "  a  tenner."  Mr.  Thomas,  however,  finds 
quite  a  different  origin  for  the  term.   See  Jour.  B.  A.  S.,  Yol.  II.,  new  series,  p.  166. 


358  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFfF. 

dahgdni,  kashtgdni,  shashgdni  and  yakjiial.  When  the  Sultdn  had 
issued  these  many  varieties  of  coins,  it  occurred  to  his  benignant 
mind  that  a  very  poor  person  might  buy  an  article  in  the  market, 
and  a  half  or  a  quarter /zto^  might  be  due  to  him  in  change,  but 
if  the  shopteeper  had  no  ddngs  (quarters)  no  change  could  be 
be  given,  and  the  purchaser  would  incur  a  loss.  If  the  purchaser 
demanded  his  due,  how  could  he  get  it  if  there  was  no  coin  in 
which  to  pay  it.  Contentions  might  thus  arise  between  buyer 
and  seller.  The  Sultan  accordingly  gave  directions  for  the  issu- 
ing of  a  half  jital,  called  ddhd,^  and  a  quarter  jital,  called  bikh, 
so  that  the  requirements  of  the  indigent  might  be  supplied. 

When  the  Sultan  ordered  the  coinage  of  the  shashgdni  (or  six- 
^'«te^-piece),  Kajar  Shdh  was  Director  of  the  Mint,  and  he  exerted 
himself  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  Sultdn.  The  new  coin  was 
accordingly  struck  during  the  reign  of  the  Sultdn,  under  the 
management  of  Kajar  Shah.  When  it  came  into  circulation  two 
sharp  individuals  made  a  representation  to  the  Sult&n  that  there 
was  a  deficiency  of  one  grain  of  silver  in  the  shashgdni,  and 
prayed  for  an  investigation  to  test  the  truth  of  their  statement. 
If  it  proved  true  the  oflicials  must  take  the  consequences.  The 
Sultan  directed  his  ministers  to  make  private  enquiry  into  the 
truth  of  the  statement.  Khdn-i  Jahan  Makbul  was  then  alive ; 
it  was  the  year  772  h.  (1370  a.d.),  and  he  turned  his  attention  and 
political  experience  to  the  matter.  He  observed  that  the  coinage 
of  kings  was  like  an  unmarried  daughter,  whom  no  one  would 
seek  after,  however  beautiful  and  charming  she  might  be,  if  any 
aspersion  had,  either  rightly  or  wrongly,  been  cast  upon  her 
character.  So  also  with  royal  coins,  if  any  one  honestly  or 
falsely,  from  interested  motives,  alleged  a  deterioration  of  the 
coinage,  the  insinuation  would  spread,  the  coinage  would  obtain 
a  bad  name,  and  no  one  would  take  it.  On  hearing  this  his 
Majesty  said,  what  course  can  we  take  to  ascertain  the  rights  of 
this  matter.  The  minister  replied  that  it  would  be  very  im- 
politic to  publish  the  secret  rules  (of  the  manufacture  of  the 
»  Hindi,  "half." 


TAEIKH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHf.  359 

coin) ;  but  to  pass  the  matter  over  would  be  an  error,  and  to 
hold  an  (open)  investigation  would  be  a  great  mistake.  The 
Sult4n  insisted  that  the  truth  must  be  ascertained  so  that  his 
doubts  might  be  dispelled.  The  minister  then  recommended 
that  the  two  informers  should  be  placed  in  confinement,  and  that 
a  careful  examination  should  be  made  (in  private).  Accordingly 
the  informers  were  confined  in  the  prison  of  the  Exchequer 
(ditvdn-i  wizdrat),  and  the  next  day  was  appointed  for  the  busi- 
ness of  testing. 

Khdn-i  Jahan  retired,  and  his  Majesty  went  into  his  private 
apartments.  The  minister  then  sent  secretly  for  Xajar  Shah, 
and  when  he  arrived^  Kh^n-i  Jah4n  addressed  him  saying  that 
his  officials  had  been  very  covetous,  and  had  greatly  diminished 
the  value  of  the  coins.  It  was  well  known  in  the  world  that 
government  clerks  and  servants  (kdr-kun)  were  given  to  pecula- 
tion.^'  There  was  no  intention  of  charging  him  (Kajar  Sh4h) 
with  participation  in  this  delinquency,  but  he  had  better  go  and 
make  enquiry  among  his  subordinates.  If  the  charge  of  de- 
terioration proved  to  be  true,  he  (Khdn-i  Jahdn)  would  devise 
some  adroit  move^  by  which  the  shashgdni  coin  should  appear  to 
the  world  as  of  fiiU  intrinsic  value.  Kajar  Sh^h  returned  to  his 
office  and  made  the  necessary  investigation,  when  it  was  acknow- 
ledged that  the  shashgdni  was  one  grain  of  silver  deficient.  He  ac- 
cordingly made  a  full  and  true  report  to  the  Sultan.  The  minister 
thereupon  recommended  that  some  goldsmiths  should  be  called  in 
privately  to  test  the  truth  of  the  matter,  and  Kajar  Shah  was 
directed  to  provide  them.  When  Kajar  Shah  received  this  in- 
struction he  proceeded  to  the  goldsmiths  and  communicated  to 

^  The  words  from  the  beginning  of  the  paragraph  to  this  point  are  found  in  only 
one  of  the  four  MSS.  (No.  1002  East  India  Library),  although  they  are  necessary  to 
the  sense. 

^  The  translation  here  follows  the  general  sense  of  the  context  rather  than  the 
actual  word  used,  which  is  a  very  doubtful  one.  One  MS.  has  C->\  .«J  J,  another 
cyljl«j'  the  third  seems  to  agree  with  this  as  it  writes  i  "  <t  jLv     The  fourth  has 

3  The  game  of  chess  is  here  used  to  express  the  speaker's  meaning. 


360  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFTF. 

them  what  he  had  heard  from  the  minister ;  telling  them  that  they 
must  contrive  to  show  that  matters  were  all  right  and  proper.  The 
goldsmiths  replied  that  when  they  should  be  called  to  make  the 
assay  in  the  presence  of  the  Sult4n  they  would  have  to  go  naked, 
excepting  only  the  barest  clothing  required  by  decency;  but  that 
if  a  few  grains  of  silver  could  be  smuggled  into  the  palace  they 
would  throw  it  into  the  crucible.  Kajar  Shah  then  proceeded  to 
the  charcoal  dealers,  and  after  making  known  his  wishes  they 
agreed  to  scoop  out  a  piece  of  charcoal,  to  introduce  a  few  grains 
of  silver,  and  to  seal  up  the  aperture  with  wax.  Next  day  the 
Sultan  took  his  seat  in  a  private  apartment  with  his  minister. 
Kajar  Shah  and  his  accusers  were  then  called  in.  The  gold- 
smiths also  were  brought  in  wearing  the  most  scant  clothing,  and 
the  charcoal  dealers  brought  the  charcoal  and  placed  it  before  the 
goldsmiths.  Several  shashgdni  pieces  were  placed  in  a  crucible, 
which  the  goldsmiths  put  upon  the  fire.  The  Sultan  entered  into 
conversation  with  his  minister,  and  while  he  was  so  engaged,  the 
workmen  adroitly  threw  into  the  melting  pot  the  piece  of  charcoal 
which  contained  the  silver.  After  a  while  the  crucible  was  taken 
oiF  the  fire  and  allowed  to  cool.  It  was  then  taken  before  the 
Sultdn  and  (the  contents  were)  weighed,  when  the  weight  corres- 
ponded to  the  estimate,  and  the  shashgdni  proving  to  be  of  full 
standard  value,  the  informers  were  declared  to  be  false  accusers. 
The  Sultan  presented  Kajar  Sh&h  with  a  robe,  and  bestowed  on 
him  other  marks  of  favour.  Khan-i  JahAn  then  said  that  as  the 
coin  had  come  triumphant  out  of  the  test,  Kajar  Sh4h  should  be 
mounted  on  an  elephant  and  paraded  round  the  city,  so  that  all 
men  might  understand  that  the  shashgdni  was  of  full  value,  and 
not  to  be  charged  with  impurity.  Kajar  Shdh  was  accordingly 
carried  through  the  city  in  triumph,  and  the  two  informers,  being 
shown  to  be  false,  were  banished.  After  awhile  the  minister 
caused  Kajar  Shdh  to  be  dismissed  upon  some  other  charge.  If 
there  were  no  such  wise  ministers  the  affairs  of  States  would  fall 
into  confusion,  and  the  animadversions  of  the  high  and  low  would 
be  cast  upon  the  most  excellent  institutions. 


TARrKH-I  FmOZ  SHAHr.  361 

Fifteenth  Muhaddama. — Establishment  of  a  Spuse  of  Charity 
and  a  Sospital. 

Sultan  Firoz  founded  an  establishment  (diwdn-i  hhairdt)  for 
the  promotion  of  marriages.  Many  needy  Musulmans  were  dis- 
tressed at  having  marriageable  daughters,  for  whom  they  could 
provide  no  marriage  portion.  *  *  *  Notice  was  given  that  any 
man  having  a  marriageable  daughter  might  apply  at  the  diwdn-i 
hhairdt  and  state  his  case  and  his  poverty  to  the  officers  of  that 
establishment,  *  *  *  who,  after  due  enquiry,  might  fix  an  allow- 
ance of  fifty  tankas  for  the  first  class  of  recipients,  thirty  for  the 
second,  and  twenty-five  for  the  third.  *  *  *  People,  small  and 
great,  flocked  to  the  city  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  re- 
ceived grants  for  purchasing  housekeeping  requisites  for  their 
daughters.  *  *  * 

The  Shifd-khdna,  or  Hospital,  also  called,  Sihhat-khdna.  *  *  * 
The  Sultdn,  in  his  great  kindness  and  humanity,  established  a 
hospital  for  the  relief  of  the  sick  and  afflicted,  whether  natives 
(dshnd)  or  strangers.  Able  physicians  and  doctors  were  appointed 
to  superintend  it,  and  provision  was  made  for  the  supply  of  medi- 
cines. The  poor  afflicted  went  to  the  hospital  and  stated  their 
cases.  The  doctors  duly  considered  and  applied  their  skill  to  the 
restoration  of  health.  Medicines,  food,  and  drinks  were  supplied 
at  the  expense  of  the  treasury.  *  *  * 

When  the  Sultdn  founded  these  institutions  for  the  public 
benefit  he  settled  some  rich  and  well  cultivated  villages  upon 
them,  to  provide  for  their  expenses.  Allowances  were  also 
granted  to  learned  men  and  Kur4n  readers.  The  author  has 
understood  from  the  best  authority  that  the  sum  of  thirty-six 
lacs  of  tankas  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  kingdom  were  appro- 
priated to  the  payment  of  wages  (idrdr),  and  that  4,200  afflicted 
persons  received  these  monthly  allowances.  *  *  * 

Sixteenth  Mukaddama. — Festivals. 

Sultan  Firoz  used  to  keep  the  'ids,  the  Shab-i  bardt,  and  the 
NavrTOZ  (New  Years  Day)  as  public  festivals.  *  *  * 


362  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFfF. 

Seventeenth  Mukaddama. — Engagement  of  musicians  at  the  Palace 
on  Fridays,  after  prayers. 

Every  Friday,  after  public  service,  parties  of  musicians  from 
the  four  cities,^  athletes,  and  story-tellers,  amounting  in  all  to 
about  three  thousand  persons,  used  to  attend  at  the  palace. 

Eighteenth  Mukaddama. — Inventions  or  new  contrivances. 

The  Tds-i  Ghariydlhas  already  been  described  in  the  eighteenth 
Mukaddama  of  the  Third  Book,  etc.,  etc. 

KisM  V. — ToNsuEE  OF  FiKoz  ShAh.  The  Petnce  Fath  Khan. 
The  great  Khans  and  Maliks.     Close  of  the  Ebign. 

Mrst  Mukaddama. — The  Tonsure  of  Firoz  Shah. 

The  Sultdn  showed  great  respect  to  Shaikhu-1  Islam  'Alau-d 
din  and  Shaikhu-1  Isldm  Farldu-d  din  Ajodhani.  As  long  as 
he  lived  he  paid  much  attention  to  the  elders  of  religion,  and 
towards  the  end  of  his  reign  he  himself  became  a  shaveling 
(mahluk).^  *  *  *  In  the  year  776  h.  (1374  a.d.),  the  Sultan  went 
on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  tomb  of  Sdlar  Mas'ud  Ghkxi  at  Bahrdich. 
He  stayed  there  some  time,  and  one  night  the  spirit  of  Scildr 
Mas'ud  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,^  and  stroked  his  own  beard 
with  his  hand,  thereby  intimating  to  the  Sultan  that  age  was 
prevailing  over  him,  and  that  he  must  prepare  for  death.  When 
he  returned  from  the  visit,  many  of  the  khans  and  amirs,  out  of 
love  for  the  Sultdn,  performed  the  tonsure. 

Second  Mukaddama. — Suppression  of  unlawful  practices. 

Abuses  which  had  pressed  upon  the  people  in  revenue  matters, 
mal-practices    in   the    administration   of   public  business,   and 

'  The  four  towns  or  divisions  of  Dehli. 

'  Three  of  the  four  MSS.  write  "ma&hluk,  created,"  instead  of  "  maWiJ,  shaven," 
although  there  are  passages  which  expressly  mention  the  removal  of  the  hair  from  the 
Sultin's  head.    Mr.  Thomas's  MS.  has  the  word  mahlulc  correct. 

3  The  ghost  of  Mas'tid  must  apparently  have  attained  a  notoriety  for  revisiting 
the  mortal  world,  and  so  the  author  of  the  Mir-dl-i  Mas'udi  only  adopted  a  popular 
belief  in  asserting  that  he  wrote  his  book  under  the  inspiration  of  that  spirit.  See 
Vol.  11.,  p.  513. 


TARTKH-I  FIROZ  SHAHf.  363 

breaches  of  the  Holy  Law  were  all  forbidden.  One  of  these 
(last)  was  the  painting  of  portraits  in  the  private  apartments  of 
kings.  It  was  held  right  among  monarchs  to  have  painted 
chambers  to  gratify  their  eyes  in  retirement,  but  Firoz  Sh4h, 
in  his  fear  of  God,  prohibited  the  painting  of  portraits  as  con- 
trary to  the  Law,  and  directed  that  garden  scenes  should  be 
painted  instead. 

Former  kings  used  to  have  ornaments  of  brass  and  copper, 
silver  and  gold,  in  opposition  to  the  Law ;  these  he  interdicted. 
They  had  also  used  plates  and  drinking  vessels  of  metal ;  these 
also  were  forbidden,  and  he  used  only  stone  and  earthenware 
table  furniture.  Pictures  on  banners  and  ensigns  were  also  for- 
bidden. 

Learned  and  holy  men  were  also  present  in  the  Court  of  the 
Sultan,  and  whatever  they  objected  to  as  being  unlawful  in  the  col- 
lection of  taxes  he  forbad,  even  though  it  diminished  the  revenue. 
They  brought  to  the  notice  of  His  Majesty  several  abuses  which 
had  sprung  up  in  former  reigns,  and  among  them  was  that 
of  ddngdna.  Merchandize  that  had  paid  the  regular  zahdt,  after 
being  passed,  was  carried  off  to  the  zariba,  again  weighed,  and 
an  impost  of  one  dang  per  tanka  levied.  A  large  sum  was  thus 
raised.  Merchants,  both  natives  and  strangers,  were  sorely  vexed 
with  the  proceedings  at  the  ddngdna  office,  for  they  were  subjected 
to  annoyances  and  delays  by  the  officials,  and  were  quite  helpless. 
In  the  city  of  Dehli  there  was  an  unlawful  impost  called  mustag- 
hall — a  ground  rent  levied  from  houses  and  shops,  which  pro- 
duced annually  150,000  tankas.  It  was  also  called  Mrd-zamin,  or 
ground  rent.  There  was  another  unlawful  tax  oalleS.  Jazdri,  levied 
from  butchers,  at  the  rate  of  twelve  Jitals  for  every  ox  they 
killed,  and  this  brought  a  considerable  sum  to  the  treasury. 
The  Mozi  was  an  impost  upon  traders.  When  traders,  native 
or  foreign,  brought  grain,  salt,  sugar,  or  other  goods  into  Dehli, 
laden  upon  bullocks,^  the  customs  officers  used  to  seize  these 
animals  for  a  day  and  send  them  to  old  Dehli.    In  this  old  city 

'  "  Sutur,"  any  beast  of  burden. 


364  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFrF. 

there  were  seven  fortifications  (hisdr),  built  by  famous  sovereigns ; 
but  these  buildings  were  old  and  falling  to  decay,  and  they  fiir- 
nished  an  inexhaustible  supply  of  bricks.  The  trader's  animals 
were  sent  to  this  place  for  a  day  (roz)  by  the  government  officials, 
and  had  to  convey  one  load  of  bricks  from  thence  to  Firozabad. 
No  merchant  who  came  to  Dehli  was  allowed  to  depart  until  his 
animals  had  rendered  this  service.  This  made  traders  reluctant 
to  come  to  the  city,  and,  consequently,  grain  and  salt  began  to 
grow  dear. 

The  facts  of  these  various  imposts  were  brought  to  the  know- 
ledge of  his  Majesty  and  were  fully  explained.  The  case  of  a 
trader  was  reported  who  had  brought  in  three  mans  of  cotton, 
which  was  carried  to  the  ddngdna  zariba  and  detained.  The  oflB.- 
cials  would  not  take  three  ddngs  proffered  in  payment,  nor  would 
they  let  it  pass.  While  it  was  thus  detained  it  caught  fire  and 
was  burnt.  Such  was  the  hardship  on  traders.  The  rozi  also 
was  so  oppressive  that  traders  kept  away  from  the  city,  and  com- 
modities rose  in  price.  The  mustaghall,  or  ground  rent,  was 
levied  from  all  classes ; — from  widows  and  the  very  poorest 
people,  so  that  it  bore  very  hardly  upon  them. 

The  Sultdn,  in  his  benevolence,  *  *  *  called  to  his  presence 
the  elders  and  learned  men,  the  magistrates  and  revenue  officers, 
and  examined  them  upon  these  subjects.  The  doctors  and  elders 
all  gave  their  opinion,  which  they  supported  by  quotations  from 
books  of  authority,  that  these  imposts  were  opposed  to  the  Law. 
So  the  Sultan  ordered  the  abolition  of  them  all.  'K.kd  Nasru- 
llah,  who  was  the  Kdzi  of  the  army,  was  mounted  on  an  ele- 
phant, and  was  sent  out  to  read  publicly  the  royal  proclamation  of 
abolition.  *  *  *  The  author  of  this  work,  who  was  then  under 
Mur  Khan,  was  present  and  heard  this  proclamation  read. 
The  numbers  of  people  who  crowded  to  hear  it  exceeded  all 
computation.  *  *  *  The  author  has  been  informed  that  the  loss 
incurred  by  the  abolition  of  these  imposts  amounted  to  thirty 
lacs  of  tankas  per  annum.  This  abolition  was  proclaimed  in 
777  H.  (1375  A.D.). 


TAEfKH-I  FIROZ  SHAHr.  365 

Third  Mukaddama. — Burning  of  a  Brahman  before  the  Royal 

Falace. 

A  report  was  brought  to  the  Sultan  that  there  was  in  Dehli 
an  old  Brahman  (zundr  ddr),  who  persisted  in  publicly  performing 
the  worship  of  idols  in  his  house ;  and  that  the  people  of  the  city, 
both  Musulmdns  and  Hindus,  used  to  resort  to  his  house  to 
worship  the  idol.  This  Brahman  had  constructed  a  wooden  tablet 
{muhrak),  which  was  covered  within  and  without  with  paintings 
of  demons  and  other  objects.  On  days  appointed,  the  infidels 
went  to  his  house  and  worshipped  the  idol,  without  the  fact  be- 
coming known  to  the  public  officers.  The  Sultdn  was  informed 
that  this  Brahman  had  perverted  Muhammadan  women,  and  had 
led  them  to  become  infidels.  An  order  was  accordingly  given 
that  the  Brahman,  with  his  tablet,  should  be  brought  into  the 
presence  of  the  Sultan  at  Firozabdd.  The  judges  and  doctors 
and  elders  and  lawyers  were  summoned,  and  the  case  of  the 
Brahman  was  submitted  for  their  opinion.  Their  reply  was  that 
the  provisions  of  the  Law  were  clear :  the  Brahman  must  either 
become  a  Musulmdn  or  be  burned.  The  true  faith  was  declared 
to  the  Brahman,  and  the  right  course  pointed  out,  but  he  refused 
to  accept  it.  Orders  were  given  for  raising  a  pile  of  faggots  before 
the  door  of  the  darbdr.  The  Brahman  was  tied  hand  and  foot 
and  cast  into  it ;  the  tablet  was  thrown  on  the  top  and  the  pile 
was  lighted.  The  writer  of  this  book  was  present  at  the  darbdr 
and  witnessed  the  execution.  The  tablet  of  the  Brahman  was 
lighted  in  two  places,  at  his  head  and  at  his  feet ;  the  wood  was 
dry,  and  the  fire  first  reached  his  feet,  and  drew  from  him  a  cry, 
but  the  flames  quickly  enveloped  his  head  and  consumed  him. 
Behold  the  Sultan's  strict  adherence  to  law  and  rectitude,  how 
he  would  not  deviate  in  the  least  from  its  decrees. 

Fourth  Mukaddama. — Levy  of  the  Jizya  from  the  Brahmam. 

*  *  *  The  Jizya,  or  poll  tax,  had  never  been  levied  from 
Brahmans ;  they  had  been  held  excused,  in  former  reigns.    But 


366  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFfF. 

the  Sultdn  convened  a  meeting  of  the  learned  men  and  elders, 
and  suggested  to  them  that  an  error  had  been  committed  in 
holding  Brahmans  exempt  from  the  tax,  and  that  the  revenue 
officers  had  been  remiss  in  their  duty.  The  Erahmans  were  the 
very  keys  of  the  chamber  of  idolatry,  and  the  infidels  were  de- 
pendent on  them.  They  ought  therefore  to  be  taxed  first. 
The  learned  lawyers  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  the  Brah- 
mans ought  to  be  taxed.  The  Brahmans  of  all  the  four 
cities  then  assembled  and  went  to  the  Kushk-i  Shikar,  where 
the  Sultan  was  engaged  in  building,  and  represented  that  the 
Brahmans  had  never  before  been  called  upon  to  pay  the  Jizya, 
and  they  wanted  to  know  why  they  were  now  subjected  to  the 
indignity  of  having  to  pay  it.  They  were  determined  to  collect 
wood  and  to  burn  themselves  under  the  walls  of  the  palace  rather 
than  pay  the  tax.  When  these  pleasant  words  {kalimdt  i  pur 
naghmdt)  were  reported  to  the  Sultdn,  he  replied  that  they 
might  burn  and  destroy  themselves  at  once,  for  they  would  not 
escape  from  the  payment.  He  could  not  overlook  the  matter 
as  former  kings  had  done,  and  they  must  give  up  all  hope  of  it. 
The  Brahmans  remained  fasting  for  several  days  at  the  palace 
until  they  were  on  the  point  of  death.  They  clearly  perceived 
that  the  Sultan  did  not  intend  to  spare  them.  The  Hindus  of 
the  city  then  assembled  and  told  the  Brahmans  that  it  was  not 
right  to  kill  themselves  on  account  of  the  Jizya,  and  that  they 
would  undertake  to  pay  it  for  them.  In  Dehll,  the  Jizya  was  of 
three  kinds :  1st  class.  Forty  tankas ;  2nd  class,  Twenty  tankas ; 
3rd  class,  Ten  tankas.  When  the  Brahmans  found  their  case 
was  hopeless,  they  went  to  the  Sultan  and  begged  him  in  his 
mercy  to  reduce  the  amount  they  would  have  to  pay,  and  he 
accordingly  assessed  it  at  ten  tankas  and  fifty  jitaU}  for  each  in- 
dividual. 

Fifth  Mukaddama. — Account  of  two  giants  and  a  dwarf;  also  of 
two  bearded  women  \_and  other  wonders  of  the  reign^. 


TAEfKH-I  FrEOZ  SHAHf.  367 

Sixth  Mukaddama. — Memoir  of  the  Khdn-i  'azam  Tatar  Khan. 

Tatdr  Kh^n  was  of  Turk!  origin.  *  *  *  In  the  reign  of 
Ghiy4su-d  din  Tughlik  Ghdzi,  a  king  of  Khurdsdn  made  an 
attack  upon  Multdn  and  Dipalpur,  and  was  ravaging  and  wast- 
ing that  country.  He  had  a  wife,  a  very  handsome  woman, 
from  whom  he  could  not  bear  to  be  absent,  and  so  he  took  her 
with  him  on  his  campaign.  She  was  pregnant,  and  was  delivered 
of  a  child  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Multdn  and  Dip^lptir.  On 
that  same  night,  Sultan  Tughlik  made  an  attack  upon  the  army 
of  her  husband,  which  he  defeated  and  put  to  flight.  In  the  con- 
fusion the  child  was  lefb  in  its  cradle.  *  *  *  and  was  found  by 
the  soldiers  of  Sultan  Tughlik.  The  Sultan  was  pleased  with 
the  child,  brought  him  up  like  a  son,  and  gave  him  the  name  of 
Tatar  Malik.  He  was  young  when  that  Sultan  died,  but  grew 
up  in  the  reign  of  Sultdn  Muhammad,  and  became  distinguished 
for  his  courage,  intrepidity,  and  military  talents.  *  *  *  In  the 
reign  of  Firoz  Shkh.  he  obtained  the  title  of  Tdtdr  Khan  [and 
many  marks  of  distinction^.  *  *  *  He  collected  a  great  number 
of  commentaries  on  the  Kuran,  and  having  secured  the  assist- 
ance of  a  number  of  learned  men,  *  *  *  he  produced  the  com- 
mentary which  he  called  the  Tafsir-i  Tatar  Khani.  He  also 
compiled  a  law  book,,  called  the  Fatdwa-i  Tatar  Khdni.  *  *  * 
He  died  some  years  after  the  accession  of  Firoz  Shah. 

Seventh  Mukaddama. — Memoir  of  Khdn-i  Jahdn. 

The  name  of  Khdn-i  Jahan  was  Makbul.  In  his  state  of 
ignorance  {i.e.  when  he  was  a  Hindu)  he  was  called  Kattu.  He 
was  a  native  of  Telingana,  and  a  man  of  high  position  in  his 
tribe,  and  he  had  attracted  the  favour  of  the  Bdi  of  that  country. 
When  Sult4n  Muhammad  sent  the  Bdi  of  Tehngana  to  Dehli, 
the  Rdi  died  upon  the  road.  Kattu  then  presented  himself  to 
Sultan  Muhammad,  and  made  his  profession  of  the  Muhammadan 
faith.  On  being  admitted  to  the  honour  of  the  faith,  the  Sultan 
gave  him  the  name  of  Makbul,  and  bestowed  on  him  many  marks 


368  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFfF. 

of  his  favour.  Sultdn  Muhammad  perceived  in  him  many  marks 
of  sagacity  and  intelligence,  so  he  made  him  deputy-wa^ir  of 
Dehli,  when  he  used  to  seal  and  place  his  signature  on  parwdnas 
as  follows,  "  Makbul,  slave  of  Muhammad  Tughlik."  Although 
he  had  no  knowledge  of  reading  and  writing,  he  was  a  man  of 
great  common  sense,  acumen  and  intelligence,  and  was  an  orna- 
ment to  the  Court.  In  the  reign  of  Sultin  Muhammad  he 
received  the  title  of  Kiwamu-1  Mulk,  and  a  grant  of  the  fief  of 
Multdn.  This  was  before  he  became  deputy-wa^fr.  In  those 
days  Khwaja-i  Jahdn  was  wazir  of  Sult4n  Muhammad.  *  *  * 
When  this  Sultan  died,  and  Sultdn  Firoz  attained  the  throne, 
Khwaja-i  Jahan  was  desirous  of  giving  the  crown  to  a  son 
of  Sultan  Muhammad,  and  opposed  Sultan  Firoz,  as  has  been 
related  in  a  former  part  of  this  work.  Khw4ja-i  Jahdn  and 
Kiw4mu-1  Mulk  were  both  in  Dehli  at  the  time,  and  when  Firoz 
Shah  approached  the  city,  Kiwamu-1  Mulk  went  out  to  meet 
him,  and  helped  him  to  get  possession  of  the  city.  He  was 
then  made  wazir  \_and  received  the  title  of  Khdn-i  Jahdri]. 
*  *  *  When  the  Sultin  departed  from  Dehli  on  affairs  of 
State,  or  for  hunting,  he  used,  to  leave  Khan-i  Jahan  as  his 
deputy,  who,  during  his  absence,  rode  about  Dehli  with  a  great 
display  of  power,  *  *  *  having  his  sons,  grandsons,  sons-in-law, 
and  slaves  in  his  train.  *  *  *  During  the  absence  of  the  Sultan, 
the  city  was  thus  kept  in  subjection.  After  the  death  of  the 
Khan,  the  Sultan  ceased  from  his  excursions,  and  only  went  out 
riding  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  capital. 

Kh&n-i-Jahdn  had  a  great  number  of  children.  He  was 
much  devoted  to  the  pleasures  of  the  harem,  and  sought  eagerly 
for  pretty  handmaids.  It  is  reported  that  he  had  two  thousand 
women  of  Eum  and  Chin  in  his  harem,  where  he  spent  much 
of  his  time  notwithstanding  his  onerous  official  duties.  He 
had  numerous  sons,  and  the  Sultdn  made  a  provision  that  every 
son  born  to  him  should  from  his  birth  receive  an  allowance 
{nan)  of  11,000  tankas  for  his  maintenance,  he  also  provided  that 
every  daughter  on  her  marriage  should  receive  an  allowance 


TAErKH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHf.  36& 

of  15,000  tankas.  His  sons  and  sons-in-law  all  wore  caps  and 
white  waist-bands,  and  his  magnificence  reached  to  such  a  pitch, 
that  the  Sultan  was  often  heard  to  say  that  Khan-i  Jahan  was 
the  grand  and  magnificent  king  of  Dehli. 

'Ainu-1  Mulk  was  also  called  'Ain  M4hru.  *  *  *  He  was  a 
wise,  accomplished,  excellent,  clever  man,  full  of  sound  judgment 
and  intelligence,  *  *  *  but  during  the  reign  of  Sultan  Muham- 
mad bin  Tughlik  his  brothers  had  been  guilty  of  some  improper 
and  unworthy  action,  through  which  he  had  properly  been  sent 
into  disgrace.  *  *  *  One  day  Muhammad  Tughlik  held  a  general 
Court,  *  *  *  when  he  perceived  'Ainu-1  Mulk,  and,  pointing  to 
him,  said,  that  the  misconduct  of  his  brothers  had  deprived  the 
State  of  his  services,  and  the  Sultdn  gave  orders  that  he  should 
be  re-instated  in  his  position  at  Court.  'Ainu-1  Mulk  was  a 
clever  and  accomplished  man  of  the  highest  ability.  He  wrote 
some  excellent  books  in  the  reigns  of  Muhammad  Tughlik  and 
Firoz  Shah.  One  of  them  is  the  'Ainu-l  Mullci,  a  popular  and  ap- 
proved work.  *  *  In  the  reign  of  Firoz  Shdh  he  was  appointed  to 
the  office  of  Ashrdful-l  Mamdlik,  and  entered  actively  upon  his 
duties  in  the  minister's  office.  But  a  dispute  arose  between  him 
and  the  minister  *  *  *  which  was  carried  to  extremities.  *  *  * 
The  contention  reached  such  a  height  that  Khan-i  Jahdn  often 
uttered  most  bitter  personal  remarks  in  the  presence  of  'Ainu-1 
Mulk,  and  the  latter  retorted  in  the  same  strain ;  there  was  no 
delicacy  between  them.  *  *  *  Kh4n-i  Jah^n  told  the  Sultdn 
that  he  could  no  longer  stay  in  the  country,  and  therefore  he 
wished  to  make  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca.  *  *  *  *  At  length 
the  Sultdn  said  to  Khan-i  Jahan,  "  I  have  given  to  you  the 
ofiice  of  Diwdn-i  wazdrat,  all  officers  are  under  you,  dismiss 
whom  you  please  and  give  the  office  of  Ashrdfu-l  mamdlik 
to  another."  The  wazir  went  home  rejoiced,  *  *  *  and  sent 
'Ainu-1  Mulk  his  dismissal.  When  'Ainu-1  Mulk  received  his 
discharge  he  did  not  go  to  the  palace  for  three  days,  but  on  the 
third  day  he  went  and  paid  his  respects  to  the  sovereign.  The 
Sultdn  called  him  near,  and  observed  that  the  world  is  ruined 
Toii  III.  24 


370  SHAMS-I  SIRAJ  'AFfF. 

by  dissensions,  *  *  *  *  and  as  a  quarrel  had  arisen  between 
Kh4n-i  Jahdn  and  him,  there  was  granted  to  him  the  fiefs  of 
Multdn,  Bhakkar,  and  Siwistdn,  whither  he  had  better  repair 
and  look  after  their  affairs.  But  'Ainu-1  Mulk  replied,  that  if  he 
managed  these  territories  he  would  not  render  his  accounts  to  the 
office  of  the  wazir,  but  that  he  would  submit  them  to  the  Sultan 
himself.  The  Sultan  accordingly  ordered  that  the  fief  of  Multdn 
should  be  removed  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  minister,  and  told 
'Alnu-l  Mulk  that  he  would  himself  receive  his  reports  ^  and  that 
his  books  would  be  sufficient.  Upon  these  conditions  'Ainu-1 
Mulk  accepted  the  fiefs.  The  writer  has  been  informed  that 
when  'Ainu-l  Mulk  was  thus  dismissed,  the  chief  servants 
met  to  consider  the  matter,  and  they  observed  that  he  had 
been  disgraced  through,  the  influence  of  the  minister,  and  that 
the  same  might  happen  to  them  to-morrow.  They  therefore 
endeavoured  to  set  the  Sultan  against  Khdn-i  Jahan.  *  *  * 
'Ainu-l  Mulk  had  started  for  Multan,  and  had  proceeded  about 
twenty-four  kos,  when  he  received  an  order  from  the  Sult4n 
directing  him  to  leave  all  his  train  and  return  quickly.  He  did 
so  with  alacrity,  and  when  he  arrived  in  Dehli,  the  Sultan  gave 
him  a  private  audience,  when  the  officers  who  were  present 
observed  that  it  was  not  right  to  give  such  predominance  to 
Kh^n-i  Jahan,  and  that  it  would  be  well  to  beware  of  him.  The 
Sult4n  looked  towards  'Ainu-1  Mulk  who  said  that  *  *  *  Kh4n-i 
Jahan  was  a  wise  and  experienced  minister,  and  that  his  removal 
would  be  a  calamity  to  the  State.  These  sentiments  greatly 
pleased  the  Sultan.  He  afterwards  consulted  with  him  and 
asked  him  what  ought  to  be  done.  He  replied  that  the  *  *  * 
wazir  should  be  sent  for,  and  that  all  fear  and  apprehension 
should  be  removed  from  his  mind.  *  *  *  The  minister  was 
accordingly  summoned,  and  when  the  officers  who  were  sent 
to  call  him  informed  him  of  what  had  passed  he  was  greatly 
amazed.  *  *  *  When  the  Sultdn  saw  he  was  disturbed  in  mind 

'  TMs  seems  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  sentence,  but  the  exact  words  are  "  all  that 
you  may  happen  to  do  in  the  fief  of  Mult&n  shall  be  listened  to." 


TAHrKH-I  FrEOZ  SHA'Hr.  371 

he  reassured  him,  clothed  him  with  a  splendid  robe  and  sent 
him  away  with  many  marks  of  favour.  As  the  minister  retired, 
radiant  and  happy,  he  embraced  'Ainu-1  Mulk  and  said,  "  I  had 
never  thought  that  you  were  so  friendly  towards  me.  I  have 
been  wrong  and  ungracious  to  you."  'Ainu-1  Mulk  replied  that 
he  hoped  that  all  misgiving  would  be  removed  from  the  mind 
of  the  minister,  he  had  spoken  warmly  for  him,  notwithstanding 
their  old  feud,  and  all  that  he  had  said  had  been  for  the  good 
of  the  throne  of  Sultan  Firoz.  Khdn-i  Jahan  strongly  wished 
to  take  'Ainu-1  Mulk  home  with  him  but  he  declined. 

\_Order  of  Precedence  at  Court].  Khdn-i  Jah^n  lived  to  a  ripe 
old  age,  till  he  was  more  than  eighty  years  old,  and  all  his  limbs 
had  become  very  feeble.  *  *  *  He  died  in  the  year  770  H.  (1368 
A.D.),  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  Firoz  Shah.  When 
he  died  all  Dehli  went  into  mourning,  and  crowded  to  the  mosques 
and  tombs.  [^Eulogy  of  the  Khan.']  The  Sultan  was  greatly 
affected  at  his  death,  and  wept  bitterly ;  and  he  resolved  in  his 
mind  that  he  would  never  more  ride  forth  on  any  great  enter- 
prize.  *  *  * 

When  Khan-i  Jahan  held  the  fief  of  Mult^n,  he  had  a  son 
born  to  him.  *  *  *  He  wrote  to  acquaint  Sultan  Muhammad 
Shdh  of  the  fact,  and  that  monarch  directed  that  the  child  should 
be  named  Jundn  Shdh.  This  was  he  who  was  afterwards  known 
as  Khan-i  Jahan,  son  of  Khan-i  Jah4n.  *  *  *  After  the  death 
of  his  father,  the  Sultdn  promoted  him  to  the  office  of  wazir, 
and  bestowed  on  him  this  title.  *  *  *  He  acted  as  minister  under 
Firoz  Shah  for  twenty  years,  *  *  *  and  the  Sultdn  committed 
all  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  to  his  charge.  But  towards  the 
end  of  the  reign  of  Firoz  Sh4h,  *  *  *  enmity  broke  out  between 
the  minister  and  Prince  Muhammad  KhAn,  afterwards  Sultan 
Muhammad  Shkh.  Their  dissensions  were  the  cause  of  great 
trouble  and  disaster  to  the  country;  old  and  young,  small  and 
great,  suffered,  and  the  country  at  length  fell  a  prey  to  the  inroads 
of  the  Mughals.  The  author  has  entered  fully  into  the  details  of 
this  quarrel  in  his  memoir  of  Sultan  Muhammad  bin  Firoz. 


372  SHAMS-I  SIEAJ  'AFTP. 

Eighth  Muhaddama. — Memoir  of  Malik  Ndib  Bar-hak. 

Ninth    Mukaddama. —  Memoir    of   Malik-i    Muliiku-sh    Sharf, 
''Imddu-l  Mulk,  Bashir-i  Sultdni. 

*  *  *  Some  say  that  Sipdh-s&ldr  Eajab,  the  father  of  Sult&n 
Piroz  received  'Imadu-1  Mulk  as  part  of  his  wife's  dower,  others 
that  he  purchased  him  with  the  price  of  some  of  his  wife's 
jewels,  and  others  assert  that  when  Sultdn  Firoz,  after  his 
accession,  married  a  daughter  of  Sultdn  Kutbu-d  din,  this  lady- 
gave  her  slave  'Imadu-1  Mulk  to  her  husband.  *  *  *  *  The 
great  wealth  of  'Im&du-l  Mulk  has  already  been  spoken  of;  it 
amounted  to  krors.  The  author  was  told  that  on  one  occasion 
bags  were  required  for  containing  the  coin,  and  2,500  tankas 
were  expended  in  the  purchase  of  the  material,  the  cost  of  each 
bag  being  four  jitals.  *  *  *  When  the  accounts  were  brought 
before  'Imddu-l  Mulk  he  objected  to  this  extravagant  outlay 
for  bags,  and  directed  that  pits  should  be  dug  in  the  ground  and 
the  money  placed  therein  like  as  com  is  stored.*  *  *  There  were 
many  rich  khans  and  maliks  in  the  time  of  Firoz  Shdh,  but  no 
one  was  so  rich  as  he ;  indeed  there  never  had  been  one  so  rich  in 
any  reign  or  in  any  kingdom.  It  is  said  that  he  amassed  thirteen 
krors.  (of  tankas)  but  he  was  avid  in  the  acquisition  of  more.  He 
held  the  fief  of  Eapri  and  looked  very  vigilantly  after  it.  The 
clerks  of  the  Exchequer  (dirvdn-i  wazdrat)  were  afraid  of  him, 
and  they  refrained  from  calling  him  to  account,  so  that  in  the 
course  of  years  a  large  balance  was  due  by  him.  This  fact 
became  known  to  the  Sultan,*  *  *  When  'Imddu-l  Mulk  heard 
about  the  enquiry  he  drew  up  a  statement  of  his  wealth  which  he 
himself  presented  to  the  Sultdn,  who  read  it  without  making  any 
observation  and  returned  it.  *  *  One  day  'Imddu-l  Mulk  brought 
a  kror  (of  tankas)  in  bags  to  Court,  and  when  the  Sultan  cried  out 
"  Bashir,  what  is  this  1 "  he  replied  that  it  was  a  small  contribu- 
tion [chize  'alitfah)  for  the  use  of  the  servants  of  the  court.  The 
Sultan  declined  to  take  it,  but  'Imddu-l  Mulk  urged  its  ac- 
ceptance.    At  length  the  Sultdn  said,  "  Bashir  is  my  property. 


TAETKH-I  FfEOZ  SHAHf.  373 

and  so  his  property  is  mine.  But  this  kror  must  not  be  placed 
in  the  public  treasury,  because  that  is  the  depository  of  the 
public  revenue.  Let  it  therefore  be  deposited  with  Makbtil  the 
perfumer  ('itr-ddr).  Whenever  Khan-i  Jahdn  required  money 
for  fitting  out  the  equipage  of  the  Sultan,  he  used  to  give  notice 
to  the  Sultdn,  and  this  kror  in  the  hands  of  Makbtil  was  drawn 
upon  for  the  necessary  expenses.'^  But  as  money  was  continually 
coming  in  from  ('Imadu-1  Mulk's)  fief,  which  was  handed  over  to 
Makbtil  the  perfiimer,  the  kror  (of  tankas),  so  long  as  the  SultAn 
lived,  was  not  diminished.  *  *  *  When  'Imddu-1  Mulk  died  the 
§ultdn  decided  that  the  wealth  did  not  belong  to  the  deceased. 
There  were  twelve  krors,  of  which  the  Sultan  took  nine,  leaving 
three  for  Malik  Is'hak. 

Tenth  Mukaddama. — Memoir  of  Malik  Saiyidu-l  Hvj^db, 

Eleventh  Mukaddama, — Memoir  of  Malik  Shamsu-d  din  Aburjd, 
Mustaufi-  mamdlik. 

Twelfth  Mukaddama. — Memoir  of  8hamsu-d  din  Ddmaghdni. 

Thirteenth  Mukaddama. — Destruction  of  a  land  of  murderers  ly 

Firoz  Shah. 

Fourteenth  Mukaddama. — Attention  shown  to   three   subjects   hy 
Firoz  Shah  towards  the  end  of  his  life,  viz., 
1.  Liberation  of  prisoners.     2.  Restoration  of  mosques.     3. 
Bedressing  the  wrongs  of  the  oppressed. 

Mfteenth  Mukaddama. — The  lastfarewell  of  Saiyid  Jaldlu-d  din.' 

Sixteenth  Mukaddama. — Hepentance  of  Firoz  Shah. 

Seventeenth  Mukaddama. — Resignation  {taslim  Icardan)  of  Firoz 
Shah  to  Khdn-i  Jahdn. 

Eighteenth  Mukaddama. — Account  of  the  charms  {ahndli  sihr) 
performed  for  Firoz  Shah. 

'  Sir  H.  Elliot's  and  Mr.  Thomas'  MSS.  here  come  to  an  abrupt  termination, 
having  been  evidently  copied,  as  before  observed,  from  the  same  (imperfect)  original. 

2  The  best  MS.  terminates  abruptly  in  this  chapter.  The  headings  of  the  remain- 
ing three  chapters  are  taken  from  the  Preface. 


374 


XVII.    . 
FUTUH^T-I    FfROZ    SHi^Hr 

OF 

SULTA'N  FfEOZ  SHA'H. 

[This  little  work,  the  production  of  the  Sult§,ii  Firoz  Shdh, 
contains  a  brief  summary  of  the  res  gestae  of  his  reign,  or,  ses 
he  designates  them,  his  "Victories."  Sir  H.  Elliot  was  un- 
able to  obtain  a  copy  of  it,  but  considered  its  recovery  very 
desirable,  "as  everything  relating  to  the  noble  character  of 
Firoz  is  calculated  to  excite  attention."  Colonel  Lees  also 
speats  of  it,  but  he  had  never  seen  it,  and  was  not  well  in- 
formed as  to  its  extent.!  ]y[j,_  Thomas  was  more  fortunate,  for 
he  possesses  a  copy  which  purports  to  have  been  written  in  1139 
H.  (1726  A.D.),  but  it  is  quite  modern ;  the  date  therefore  must 
be  that  of  the  MS.  from  which  it  was  copied.  The  work  is  a 
mere  brochure  of  thirty-two  pages,  and  the  editor  has  translated 
the  whole  of  it,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  lines  in  the  preface 
laudatory  of  the  prophet.  It  exhibits  the  humane  and  generous 
spirit  of  Firoz  in  a  very  pleasing  unostentatious  light,  recording 
his  earnest  endeavours  to  discharge  the  duties  of  his  station  with 
clemency,  and  to  act  up  to  the  teaching  of  his  religion  with 
reverence  and  earnestness.] 

EXTRACTS. 

[Praises  without  end,  and  infinite  thanks  to  that  merciful 
Creator  who  gave  to  me  his  poor  abject  creature  Firoz,  son  of 
Eajab,  the  slave  of  Muhammad  Shah  son  of  Tughlik  Shah,  His 
impulse  for  the  maintenance  of  the  laws  of  His  religion,  for  the 

1  Journal  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  Vol.  IV.,  New  Series,  p.  446.     See  also  Briggs' 
Ferishta,  I.,  462. 


FUTITHAT-I  FrEOZ  SHA'Hr.  375 

repression  of  heresy,  the  prevention  of  crime,  aud  the  prohibition 
of  things  forbidden;  who  gave  me  also  a  disposition  for' dis- 
charging my  lawful  duties  and  my  moral  obligations.  *  *  *  My 
desire  is  that,  to  the  best  of  my  human  power,  I  should  recount 
and  pay  my  thanks  for  the  many  blessings  He  has  bestowed  upon 
me,  so  that  I  may  be  found  among  the  number  of  His  grateful 
servants.  First  I  would  praise  Him  because  when  irreligion  and 
sins  opposed  to  the  Law  prevailed  in  Hindustan,  and  mens'  habits 
and  dispositions  were  inclined  towards  them,  and  were  averse  to 
the  restraints  of  religion,  He  inspired  me  His  humble  servant  with 
an  earnest  desire  to  repress  irreligion  and  wickedness,  so  that  I 
was  able  to  labour  diligently  until  with^His  blessing  the  vanities 
of  the  world,  and  things  repugnant  to  religion,  were  set  aside, 
and  the  true  was  distinguished  from  the  false, 

1.  In  the  reigns  of  former  kings  the  blood  of  many  Musulmans 
had  been  shed,  and  many  varieties  of  torture  employed.  Ampu- 
tation of  hands  and  feet,  ears  and  noses ;  tearing  out  the  eyes, 
pouring  molten  lead  into  the  throat,  crushing  the  bones  of  the 
hands  and  feet  with  mallets,  burning  the  body  with  fire,  driving 
iron  nails  into  the  hands,  feet,  and  bosom,  cutting  the  sinews, 
sawing  men  asunder ;  these  and  many  similar  tortures  were 
practised.  The  great  and  merciful  God  made  me,  His  servant, 
hope  and  seek  for  His  mercy  by  devoting  myself  to  prevent  the 
unlawfiil  killing  of  Musulmans,  and  the  infliction  of  any  kind  of 
torture  upon  them  or  upon  any  men. 

"  Thanks  for  God's  mercies  I  will  show. 
By  causing  man  nor  pain  nor  woe." 

All  these  things  were  practised  that  fear  and  dread  might  fall 

upon  the  hearts  of  men,  and  that  the  regulations  of  government 

might  be  duly  maintained. 

"  ■Wonld'st  thou  see  thy  land  at  rest  ? 
Keep  the  (headsman's)  sword  at  rest ! " 

Through  the  mercy  which  God  has  shown  to  me  these  severi- 
ties and  terrors  have  been  exchanged  for  tenderness,  kindness, 
and  mercy.     Tear  and  respect  have  thus  taken  firmer  hold  of 


376  SULTAN  FfEOZ. 

the  hearts  of  men,  and  there  has  been  no  need  of  executions, 
scourgings,  tortures,  or  terrors.  But  this  blessed  result  is 
altogether  due  to  the  mercy  and  favour  of  the  Creator. 

"  Thy  power  is  great,  then  mercy  show  : 
Pardon  than  vengeance  better  know. 
Greatness  to  thee  from  Heaven  descends : 
Proneness  to  wrath  thy  God  offends. 
"Withhold  thine  hand,  some  respite  give, 
Nor  kill  the  man  thou  might'st  forgive ; 
Let  not  his  body  lifeless  fall. 
His  spirit  thou  cau'st  ne'er  recall. 
See  how  the  mother's  tender  breast 
Is  by  her  child's  distress  opprest. 
Boast  not  the  hundreds  thou  hast  slain, 
To  save  one  life's  a  nobler  aim. 
Thou  shrinkest  from  the  lancet's  smart, 
Keep  then  thy  sword  from  neck  and  heart. 
Seek  not  to  shed  a  victim's  gore, 
The  life-stream  stopped  will  flow  no  more. 
From  deeds  of  blood  thy  hand  restrain, 
Thy  blood  the  assassin's  blade  may  stain. 
That  leader  praise  whose  generous  heart, 
Disdains  with  captives'  lives  to  sport. 
From  the  well  of  fate  he  life  will  draw 
Who  shields  the  wretch  from  tyrants'  law. 
A  vanquished  foe  should  claim  thy  care, 
Then  pity  show— in  mercy  spare ! " 

By  God's  help  I  determined  that  the  lives  {khun)  of  Musul- 
mans  and  true  believers  should  be  in  perfect  immunity,  and 
whoever  transgressed  the  Law  should  receive  the  punishment  pre- 
scribed by  the  book  and  the  decrees  of  judges. 

2.  The  next  matter,  which  by  God's  help  I  accomplished,  was 
the  repetition  of  the  names  and  titles  of  former  sovereigns  which 
had  been  omitted  from  the  prayers  on  Sabbaths  and  Feasts. 
The  names  of  those  sovereigns  of  Islim,  under  whose  happy 
fortune  and  favour  infidel  countries  had  been  conquered,  whose 
banners  had  waved  over  many  a  land,  under  whom  mosques  and 
pulpits  had  been  built  and  exalted,  the  fragrant  creed  had  been 
extended,  and  the  people  of  Islam  had  waxen  strong  and  warlike, 
the  names  of  these  men  had  fallen  into  neglect  and  oblivion.  So 
I  decreed  that  according  to  established  custom  their  names  and 


FUTITHAT-I  FrEOZ  SHA'Hr.  377 

k- 
titles  should  be  rehearsed  in  the  khutba  and  aspirations  offered 
for  the  remission  of  their  sins. 

"  Would' st  thou  enjoy  a  lasting  fame  ? 
Hide  not  the  merits  of  an  honoured  name ! " 

3.  In  former  reigns  they  used  to  collect  frivolous,  unlawful, 

and  unjust  cesses  at  the  public  treasury,  such  as  the  Mandavi 

bark,  daldlat-i  bazdrhd,  jdrdri,  amiri-tarab,  gul-faroshi,  jaribd-i 

tambol,    changi-ghala,    kitdbi,    Ulgari,   mdhi-faroshi,   sdbunkari, 

rismdn  faroshi,  raughan-kari,  nukhud-birydn,  tah-bdzdri,  jhaba, 

kimdr-khdna,  ddcl-banki,  kotwdli,  ihtisdbi,  karhi,  chardi,  musd- 

dardt.    I  had  all  these  abolished  and  removed  from  the  accounts, 

and  any  revenue  collector  who  exacted  these  cesses  from  the 

people  was  to  be  brought  to  punishment  for  his  offence. 

"Better  a  people's  weal  than  treasures  vast, 
Better  an  empty  chest  than  hearts  downcast." 

The  money  received  in  the  public  treasury  should  be  derived 
from  sources  recognized  by  the  Sacred  Law,  and  approved  by 
books  of  authority.  First  the  khardj  or  tenth  from  cultivated 
lands,  then  the  zakdt  or  alms,  then  the  jizya  or  poll  tax  on 
Hindus  and  other  separatists,  then  the  khams  or  fifth  of  the  spoil 
and  of  (the  produce  of)  mines.  No  tax  unauthorized  by  the 
declarations  of  the  book  should  be  received  in  the  public  treasury. 

4.  Before  my  time  it  was  the  rule  and  practice  that  in  re- 
pressing infidelity  four-fifths  of  the  spoil  was  appropriated  to 
the  public  treasury  and  one-fifth  was  given  to  the  captors ;  but 
the  rule  of  the  Law  is  that  one-fifth  should  be  taken  by  the 
State,  and  four-fifths  allotted  to  the  captors.  The  provisions  of 
the  Law  had  thus  been  entirely  subverted.  As  the  Law  was  thus 
set  at  nought,  every  man  looked  upon  himself  as  the  lawful 
owner  of  the  spoil  he  captured.  Hence,  children  borne  by 
female  captives  were  the  offspring  of  fornication.  To  prevent 
these  irregularities  I  decreed  that  one-fifth  (of  the  spoil)  should 
be  taken  by  the  State,  and  four-fifths  given  to  the  captors. 

5.  The  sect  of  Shi'as,  also  called  Rawdfiz,  had  endeavoured  to 
make  proselytes.     They  wrote  treatises  and  books,  and  gave  in- 


378  SULTAN  FfROZ. 

« 
struction  and  lectures  upon  the  tenets  of  their  sect,  and  traduced 

and  reviled  the  first  chiefs  of  our  religion  (on  whom  be  the  peace 
of  God!).  I  seized  them  all  and  I  convicted  them  of  their 
errors  and  perversions.  On  the  most  zealous  I  inflicted  punish- 
ment (siydsaf),  and  the  rest  I  visited  with  censure  (tdzir)  and 
threats  (tahdib)  of  public  punishment  (tashhir-i  %ijr).  Their 
books  I  burnt  in  public,  and  so  by  the  grace  of  God  the  influence 
of  this  sect  was  entirely  suppressed. 

6.  There  was  a  sect  of  heretics  (mulhid),  and  sectarians  (abdh- 
tii/dn),  who  laboured  to  seduce  the  people  into  heresy  and 
schism.  They  met  by  night  at  an  appointed  time  and  place, 
both  friends  and  strangers.  Wine  was  served,  and  they  said 
that  this  was  their  religious  worship.  They  brought  their  wives, 
mothers,  and  daughters  to  these  meetings.  The  men  threw  them- 
selves on  the  ground  as  if  in  worship,  and  each  man  had  inter- 
course with  the  woman  whose  garment  he  caught.  I  cut  ofl"  the 
heads  of  the  elders  of  this  sect,  and  imprisoned  and  banished  the 
rest,  so  that  their  abominable  practices  were  put  an  end  to. 

7.  There  was  a  sect  which  wore  the  garments  of  atheism,  and 
having  thrown  oiF  all  restraint,  led  men  astray.  The  name  of 
their  chief  was  Ahmad  Bahdri.  He  dwelt  in  the  city,  and  a 
party  of  his  followers  called  him  a  God.  They  brought  those 
people  before  me  in  bonds  and  chains,  and  informed  me  that  he 
presumptuously  made'  himself  a  prophet,  and  said  that  there 
could  be  none  of  the  grace  of  prophecy  in  any  one  who  had  not 
been  admitted  into  his  following.  One  of  his  disciples  affirmed 
that  a  God  had  appeared  in  Dehli,  that  is,  Ahmad  Eahari. 
When  these  facts  were  proved  against  them,  I  ordered  them 
both  to  be  confined  and  punished  with  chains.  I  admonished 
the  others  to  repent  and  reform,  and  I  banished  them  to  difiierent 
cities  to  put  a  stop  to  the  influence  of  this  wretched  sect. 

8.  There  was  in  Dehli  a  man  named  Euknu-d  din,  who  was 
called  Mahdl,  because  he  affirmed  himself  to  be  the  Imdm  Mahdi 
who  is  to  appear  in  the  latter  days,  and  to  be  possessed  of  know- 
ledge by  inspiration.    He  said  that  he  had  not  read  or  studied 


FUTirpAT-r  FTEOZ  SHAHr.  379 

under  anyone,  and  that  he  knew  the  names  of  all  things,  a  know- 
ledge which  no  prophet  had  acquired  since  Adam.  He  pretended 
that  the  mysteries  of  the  science  of  letters  Cilm-i  huricf)  had 
been  revealed  to  him  in  a  way  never  made  known  to  any  other 
man,  and  that  he  had  written  books  upon  the  subject.  He  led 
people  astray  into  mystic  practices,  and  perverted  ideas  by  main- 
taining that  he  was  Euknu-d  din,  the  prophet  of  God.  The 
elders  brought  the  facts  of  this  case  to  ray  attention,  and  gave 
evidence  of  what  they  had  heard  him  say.  When  he  was  brought 
before  me  I  investigated  the  charges  of  error  and  perversion 
brought  against  him,  and  he  was  convicted  of  heresy  and  error. 
The  doctors  of  the  Law  said  he  was  an  infidel,  and  worthy  of 
death,  for  having  spread  such  vile  and  pernicious  ideas  among 
the  people  of  Isldm.  If  any  delay  were  made  in  putting  them 
down  they  would  spread  like  a  pestilence,  and  many  Musulmdns 
would  stray  from  the  true  faith.  A  revolt  (against  religion) 
would  follow ;  and  many  men  would  fall  into  perdition.  I 
ordered  that  this  vile  fellow's  rebellion  and  wickedness  should  be 
communicated  to  all  societies  of  learned  men,  and  be  made  public 
to  all  men,  high  and  low  :  and  that  in  accordance  with  the  de- 
cision of  the  doctors  learned  in  the  holy  Law,  the  guilty  should 
be  brought  to  punishment.  They  killed  him  with  some  of  his 
supporters  and  disciples,  and  the  people  rushing  in  tore  him  to 
pieces  and  broke  his  bones  into  fragments.  Thus  was  his  iniquity 
prevented.  G-od  in  His  mercy  and  favour,  made  me.  His  humble 
creature,  the  instrument  of  putting  down  such  wickedness,  and 
abolishing  such  heresy  ;  and  guided  me  to  effect  a  restoration  of 
true  religion.  Thanks  for  this  are  due  to  the  great  and  glorious 
God.  Upon  hearing  or  reading  the  facts  here  recorded,  every 
well-wisher  of  His  religion  will  admit  that  this  sect  was  de- 
servedly punished,  and  for  this  good  action  I  hope  to  receive 
future  reward. 

9.  A  person  who  was  one  of  the  pupils  of  'Ain  Mdhru,i  had 
set  himself  up  as  a  shaikh  in  the  country  of  Gujardt,  and  having 


380  SULTAN  FrEOZ. 

got  together  a  body  of  disciples,  used  to  say,  "Ana-l  Sakk"  (I  am 
God).  He  commanded  his  disciples  that  when  he  used  these 
words  they  were  to  say,  "  Thou  art,  thou  art ! "  He  further 
said,  "  I  am  the  king  who  dies  not ;"  and  he  wrote  a  book  in 
which  he  inserted  the  words  of  his  profession  (kalamdt).  He 
was  put  in  chains  and  brought  before  me.  The  charge  being 
proved,  I  condemned  him  to  punishment,  and  his  book  I  ordered 
to  be  burnt,  so  that  his  innovation  (fasdd)  might  be  prevented 
from  spreading  among  the  faithful  people  of  Isldm. 

10.  A  custom  and  practice  unauthorized  by  the  Law  of  Isldm 
had  sprung  up  in  Musulm^n  cities.  On  holy  days  women  riding 
in  palankins,  or  carts,  or  litters,  or  mounted  on  horses  or  mules, 
or  in  large  parties  on  foot,  went  out  of  the  city  to  the  tombs. 
Rakes  and  wild  fellows  of  unbridled  passions  and  loose  habits, 
took  the  opportunity  which  this  practice  afforded  for  improper 
riotous  actions.  I  commanded  that  no  woman  should  go  out  to 
the  tombs  under  pain  of  exemplary  punishment.  Now,  thanks 
to  the  great  God,  no  lady  or  respectable  Musulman  woman  can 
go  out  on  pilgrimage  to  the  tombs.  The  practice  has  been  en- 
tirely stopped. 

11.  The  Hindus  and  idol-worshipers  had  agreed  to  pay  the 
money  for  toleration  (zar-i  zimmiya),  and  had  consented  to  the 
poll  tax  {jizyd),  in  return  for  which  they  and  their  families  en- 
joyed security.  These  people  now  erected  new  idol  temples  in 
the  city  and  the  environs  in  opposition  to  the  Law  of  the  Prophet 
which  declares  that  such  temples  are  not  to  be  tolerated.  Under 
Divine  guidance  I  destroyed  these  edifices,  and  I  killed  those 
leaders  of  infidelity  who  seduced  others  into  error,  and  the  lower 
orders  I  subjected  to  stripes  and  chastisement,  until  this  abuse 
was  entirely  abolished.  The  following  is  an  instance : — In  the 
village  of  Maluh  there  is  a  tank  which  they  call  kund  (tank). 
Here  they  had  built  idol-temples,  and  on  certain  days  the  Hindus 
were  accustomed  to  proceed  thither  on  horseback,  and  wearing 
arms.  Their  women  and  children  also  went  out  in  palankins 
and  carts.     There  they  assembled  in  thousands  and  performed 


FUTUHAT-I  FIROZ  SHAHI.  381 

idol  worship.  This  abuse  had  been  so  overlooked  that  the  bazar 
people  took  out  there  all  sorts  of  provisions,  and  set  up  stalls  and 
sold  their  goods.  Some  graceless  Musulm^ns,  thinking  only  of 
their  own  gratification,  took  part  in  these  meetings.  When  intelli- 
gence of  this  came  to  my  ears  my  religious  feelings  prompted  me 
at  once  to  put  a  stop  to  this  scandal  and  offence  to  the  religion  of 
Isl^m.  On  the  day  of  the  assembling  I  went  there  in  person, 
and  I  ordered  that  the  leaders  of  these  people  and  the  promoters 
of  this  abomination  should  be  put  to  death,  I  forbad  the  in- 
fliction of  any  severe  punishments  on  the  Hindus  in  general,  but  I 
destroyed  their  idol  temples,  and  instead  thereof  raised  mosques. 
I  founded  two  flourishing  towns  (kasba),  one  called  Tughlikpiir, 
the  other  Salarptir.  Where  infidels  and  idolaters  worshiped  idols, 
Musulmdns  now,  by  God's  mercy,  perform  their  devotions  to  the 
true  God.  Praises  of  God  and  the  summons  to  prayer  are  now 
heard  there,  and  that  place  which  was  formerly  the  home  of 
infidels  has  become  the  habitation  of  the  faithful,  who  there 
repeat  their  creed  and  offer  up  their  praises  to  God. 

12.  Information  was  brought  to  me  that  some  Hindus  had 
erected  a  new  idol-temple  in  the  village  of  S41ihpur,  and  were 
performing  worship  to  their  idol.  I  sent  some  persons  there  to 
destroy  the  idol  temple,  and  to  put  a  stop  to  their  pernicious  in- 
citements to  error. 

13.  Some  Hindus  had  erected  a  new  idol-temple  in  the  village 
of  Kohdna,  and  the  idolaters  used  to  assemble  there  and  perform 
their  idolatrous  rites.  These  people  were  seized  and  brought 
before  me.  I  ordered  that  the  perverse  conduct  of  the  leaders  of 
this  wickedness  should  be  publicly  proclaimed,  and  that  they 
should  be  put  to  death  before  the  gate  of  the  palace.  I  also 
ordered  that  the  infidel  books,  the  idols,  and  the  vessels  used  in 
their  worship,  which  had  been  taken  with  them,  should  all  be 
publicly  burnt.  The  others  were  restrained  by  threats  and 
punishments,  as  a  warning  to  all  men,  that  no  zimmi  could  follow 
such  wicked  practices  in  a  Musulman  country. 

14.  It  had  been  the  practice  in  former  reigns  to  use  vessels  of 


382  SULTAN  FrROZ. 

gold  and  silver  at  the  royal  table,  and  sword-belts  and  quivers 
were  ornamented  with  gold  and  jewels.  I  forbad  these  things, 
and  I  ordered  the  fittings  of  my  arms  to  be  made  of  bone,  and  I 
commanded  that  only  such  vessels  should  be  used  as  are  recog- 
nized by  the  Law. 

15.  In  former  times  it  had  been  the  custom  to  wear  orna- 
mented garments,  and  men  received  robes  as  tokens  of  honour 
from  kings'  courts.  Figures  and  devices  were  painted  and  dis- 
played on  saddles,  bridles,  and  collars,  on  censers,  on  goblets 
and  cups,  and  flagons,  on  dishes  and  ewers,  in  tents,  on  curtains 
and  on  chairs,  and  upon  all  articles  and  utensils.  Under  Divine 
guidance  and  favour  I  ordered  all  pictures  and  portraits  to  be 
removed  from  these  things,  and  that  such  articles  only  should  be 
made  as  are  approved  and  recognized  by  the  Law.  Those  pictures 
and  portraits  which  were  painted  on  the  doors  and  walls  of  palaces 
I  ordered  to  be  effaced. 

16.  Formerly  the  garments  of  great  men  were  generally  made 
of  silk  and  gold  brocades,  beautiful  but  unlawful.  Under  Divine 
guidance  I  ordered  that  such  garments  should  be  worn  as  are 
approved  by  the  Law  of  the  Prophet,  and  that  choice  should  be 
made  of  such  trimmings  of  gold  brocade,  embroidery,  or  braiding 
as  did  not  exceed  four  inches  [asdW)  in  breadth.  Whatever  was 
unlawfal  and  forbidden  by,  or  opposed  to,  the  Law  was  set  aside. 

Among  the  gifts  which  God  bestowed  upon  me,  His  humble 
servant,  was  a  desire  to  erect  public  buildings.  So  I  built  many 
mosques  and  colleges  and  monasteries,  that  the  learned  and  the 
elders,  the  devout  and  the  holy,  might  worship  God  in  these 
edifices,  and  aid  the  kind  builder  with  their  prayers.  The 
digging  of  canals,  the  planting  of  trees,  and  the  endowing  with 
lands  are  in  accordance  with  the  directions  of  the  Law.  The 
learned  doctors  of  the  Law  of  IslAm  have  many  troubles;  of 
this  there  is  no  doubt.  I  settled  allowances  upon  them  in  pro- 
portion to  their  necessary  expenses,  so  that  they  might  regularly 
receive  the  income.  The  details  of  this  are  fully  set  forth  in  the 
Wakf-ndma. 


FUTITHAT-I  FrEOZ  SHA'Hr.  383 

Again,  by  the  guidance  of  God,  I  was  led  to  repair  and  rebuild 
the  edifices  and  structures  of  former  kings  and  ancient  nobles, 
which  had  fallen  into  decay  from  lapse  of  time ;  giving  the  re- 
storation of  these  buildings  the  priority  over  my  own  building 
works.  The  Masjid-i  jdmi''  of  old  Dehli,  which  was  built  by 
Sultdn  Mu'izzu-d  din  Sdm,  had  fallen  into  decay  from  old  age, 
and  needed  repair  and  restoration.  I  so  repaired  it  that  it  was 
quite  renovated. 

The  western  wall  of  the  tomb  of  Sultdn  Mu'izzu-d  din  S4m, 
and  the  planks  of  the  door,  had  become  old  and  rotten.  I  re- 
stored this,  and,  in  the  place  of  the  balcony,  I  furnished  it  with 
doors,  arches,  and  ornaments  of  sandal-wood. 

The  mindra  of  Sultan  Mu'izzu-d  din  Sam  had  been  struck  by 
lightning.     I  repaired  it  and  raised  it  higher  than  it  was  before. 

The  Sauz-i  Shamsi,  or  tank  of  Altamsh,  had  been  deprived 
of  water  by  some  graceless  men,  who  stopped  up  the  channels  of 
supply.  I  punished  these  incorrigible  men  severely,  and  opened 
again  the  closed  up  channels. 

The  Sauz-i  'Aldi,  or  tank  of  'Alau-d  din,  had  no  water  in  it, 

and  was  filled  up.     People  carried  on  cultivation  in  it,  and  had 

dug  wells,  of  which  they  sold  the  water.     After  a  generation 

,  {karn)  had  passed  I  cleaned  it  out,  so  that  this  great  tank  might 

again  be  filled  from  year  to  year. 

The  Madrasa  (college)  of  Sultan  Shamsu-d  din  Altamsh  had 
been  destroyed.  I  rebuilt  it,  and  furnished  it  with  sandal-wood 
doors.  The  columns  of  the  tomb,  which  had  fallen  down,  I 
restored  better  than  they  had  been  before.  When  the  tomb  was 
built  its  court  (sahn)  had  not  been  made  curved  {kaj),  but  I  now 
made  it  so.  I  enlarged  the  hewn-stone  staircase  of  the  dome, 
and  I  re-erected  the  fallen  piers  (pushti)  of  the  four  towers. 

Tomb  of  Sultdn  Mu'izzu-d  din,  son  of  Sultdn  Shamsu-d  din, 
which  is  situated  in  Malikpur.  This  had  fallen  into  such  ruin 
that  the  sepulchres  were  undistinguishable.  I  re-erected  the 
dome,  the  terrace,  and  the  enclosure  wall. 

Tomb  of  Sultan  Kuknu-d  din,  son  of  Shamsu-d  din,  in  Malik- 


384  SULTAN  FTROZ. 

pur.    I  repaired  the  enclosure  wall,  built  a  new  dome,  and  erected 
a  monastery  (khdnkdh). 

Tomb  of  Sultdn  Jaldlu-d  din.  This  I  repaired,  and  I  supplied 
it  with  new  doors. 

Tomb  of  Sultdn  'A14u-d  din.  I  repaired  this,  and  furnished 
it  with  sandal-wood  doors.  I  repaired  the  wall  of  the  dhddr- 
khdna,  and  the  west  wall  of  the  mosque,  which  is  within  the 
college,  and  I  also  made  good  the  tesselated  pavement  {farsh-i 
ta'shib). 

Tomb  of  Sultan  Kutbu-d  din  and  the  (other)  sons  of  Sultan 
'A14u-d  din,  viz.,  Khizr  Khan,  Shddi  Khdn,  Farid  Khdn,  Sultan 
Shah4bu-d  din,  Sikandar  Khdn,  Muhammad  Khan,  'Usman 
Kh^n,  and  his  grandsons,  and  the  sons  of  his  grandsons.  The 
tombs  of  these  I  repaired  and  renovated. 

I  also  repaired  the  doors  of  the  dome,  and  the  lattice  work  of 
the  tomb  of  Shaikhu-1  Islam  Niz4mu-1  hakk  wau-d  din,  which 
were  made  of  sandal-wood.  I  hung  up  the  golden  chandeliers 
with  chains  of  gold  in  the  four  recesses  of  the  dome,  and  I  built 
a  meeting  room,  for  before  this  there  was  none. 

Tomb  of  Malik  T4ju-1  Mulk  Kafuri,  the  great  wazir  of  Sultan 
'Alau-d  din.  He  was  a  most  wise  and  intelligent  minister,  and 
acquired  many  countries,  on  which  the  horses  of  former  sovereigns 
had  never  placed  their  hoofs,  and  he  caused  the  khutba  of  Sultan 
'Alau-d  din  to  be  repeated  there.  He  had  52,000  horsemen. 
His  grave  had  been  leveled  with  the  ground,  and  his  tomb  laid 
low.  I  caused  his  tomb  to  be  entirely  renewed,  for  he  was  a 
devoted  and  faithful  subject. 

The  Ddru-l  dmdn,  or  House  of  Rest.  This  is  the  bed  and 
resting  place  of  great  men.  I  had  new  sandal- wood  doors  made 
for  it,  and  over  the  tombs  of  these  distinguished  men  I  had 
curtains  and  hangings  suspended. 

The  expense  of  repairing  and  renewing  these  tombs  and  colleges 
was  provided  from  their  ancient  endowments.  In  those  cases 
where  no  income  had  been  settled  on  these  foundations  in  former 
times  for  (procuring)  carpets,  lights,  and  furniture  for  the  use  of 


FUTTJHAT-I  FrEOZ  SHAHf.  385 

travelers  and  pilgrims  in  the  least  of  these  places,  I  had  villages 
assigned  to  them,  the  revenues  of  which  would  suffice  for  their 
expenditure  in  perpetuity. 

Jahdn-pandh.  This  foundation  of  the  late  Sultan  Muhammad 
Shah,  my  kind  patron,  by  whose  bounty  I  was  reared  and  edu- 
cated, I  restored. 

All  the  fortifications  which  had  been  built  by  former  sovereigns 
at  Dehli  I  repaired. 

For  the  benefit  of  travelers  and  pilgrims  resorting  to  the 
tombs  of  illustrious  kings  and  celebrated  saints,  and  for  pro- 
viding' the  things  necessary  in  these  holy  places,  I  confirmed 
and  gave  efi'ect  to  the  grants  of  villages,  lands,  and  other  en- 
dowments which  had  been  conferred  upon  them  in  olden  times. 
In  those  cases  where  no  endowment  or  provision  had  been  settled, 
I  made  an  endowment,  so  that  these  establishments  might  for 
ever  be  secure  of  an  income,  to  afi'ord  comfort  to  travelers  and 
wayfarers,  to  holy  men  and  learned  men.  May  they  remember 
those  (ancient  benefactors)  and  me  in  their  prayers. 

I  was  enabled  by  God's  help  to  build  a  Ddru-sh  shifd,  or 
Hospital,  for  the  benefit  of  every  one  of  high  or  low  degree,  who 
was  suddenly  attacked  by  illness  and  overcome  by  suffering. 
Physicians  attend  there  to  ascertain  the  disease,  to  look  after  the 
cure,  to  regulate  the  diet,  and  to  administer  medicine.  The  cost 
of  the  medicines  and  the  food  is  defrayed  from  my  endowments. 
AH  sick  persons,  residents  and  travelers,  gentle  and  simple, 
bond  and  free,  resort  thither;  their  maladies  are  treated,  and, 
under  God's  blessing,  they  are  cured. 

Under  the  guidance  of  the  Almighty  I  arranged  that  the  heirs 
of  those  persons  who  had  been  executed  (hushta)  in  the  reign  of 
my  late  lord  and  patron  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah,  and  those 
who  had  been  deprived  of  a,  limb,  nose,  eye,  hand,  or  foot,  should 
be  reconciled  to  the  late  Sultan  and  be  appeased  with  gifts, 
so  that  they  executed  deeds  declaring  their  satisfaction,  duly 
attested  by  witnesses.  These  deeds  were  put  into  a  chest,  which 
was  placed  in  the  Bdru-l  dmdn  at  the  head  of  the  tomb  of  the 
VOL.  III.  2S 


386  SULTAN  FIEOZ. 

late  Sultdn,  in  the  hope  that  God,  in  his  great  clemency,  would 
show  mercy  to  my  late  friend  and  patron,  and  make  those  persons 
feel  reconciled  to  him. 

Another  instance  of  Divine  guidance  was  this.  Villages,  lands, 
and  ancient  patrimonies  of  every  kind  had  been  wrested  from  the 
hands  of  their  owners  in  former  reigns,  and  had  been  brought 
under  the  Exchequer,  I  directed  that  every  one  who  had  a 
claim  to  property  should  bring  it  forward  in  the  law-court,  and, 
upon  establishing  his  title,  the  village,  the  land,  or  whatever 
other  property  it  was  should  be  restored  to  him.  By  God's 
grace  I  was  impelled  to  this  good  action,  and  men  obtained  their 
just  rights. 

I  encouraged  my  infidel  subjects  to  embrace  the  religion  of  the 
prophet,  and  I  proclaimed  that  every  one  who  repeated  the  creed 
and  became  a  Musulmdn  should  be  exempt  from  the  jizya,  or 
poll-tax.  Information  of  this  came  to  the  ears  of  the  people  at 
large,  and  great  numbers  of  Hindus  presented  themselves,  and 
were  admitted  to  the  honour  of  Islam.  Thus  they  came  forward 
day  by  day  from  every  quarter,  and,  adopting  the  faith,  were 
exonerated  from  the  jizya,  and  were  favoured  with  presents  and 
honours. 

Through  God's  mercy  the  lands  and  property  of  his  servants 

have  been  safe  and  secure,  protected  and  guarded  during  my 

reign ;  aqd  I  have  not  allowed  the  smallest  particle  of  any  man's 

property  to  be  wrested   from  him.      Men   often   spoke   to   me 

officiously,  saying  that  such  and  such  a  merchant  had  made  so 

many  lacs,  and  that  such  and  such  a  revenue  collector  had  so 

many  lacs.    By  reproofs  and  punishments  I  made  these  informers 

hold  their  tongues,  so  that  the  people  might  be  safe  from  their 

malignity,  and  through  this  kiftdness  men  became  my  friends 

and  supporters. 

"  Labour  to  earn  for  generous  deeds  a  name, 
Nor  seek  for  riches  to  extend  thy  fame. 
Better  one  word  of  praise  than  stores  of  gold, 
Better  one  grateful  prayer  than  wealth  untold." 

Under  God's  favour  my  heart  was  occupied  with  an  earnest 


FTTTUH^T-I  FfROZ  SHAHI.  387 

desire  to  succour  the  poor  and  needy  [fukra  wa  masdkin)  and  to 
comfort  their  hearts.  Wherever  I  heard  of  a  fakir  or  religious 
recluse,  I  went  to  visit  him  and  ministered  to  his  necessities,  so 
that  I  might  attain  the  blessing  promised  to  those  who  befriend 
the  poor. 

Whenever  a  person  had  completed  the  natural  term  of  life  and 
had  become  full  of  years,  after  providing  for  his  support,  I  ad- 
vised and  admonished  him  to  direct  his  thoughts  to  making 
preparation  for  the  life  to  come,  and  to  repent  of  all  things  which 
he  had  done  contrary  to  the  Law  and  religion  in  his  youth  ;  to 
wean  his  affections  from  this  world,  and  to  fix  them  on  the  next. 

I  desired  to  act  upon  the  sentiment  of  these  lines— 

"  The  practice  of  the  great  should  he 
To  succour  honest  men  ; 
And  when  a  good  man  dies,  to  see 
His  children  find  a  iriend." 

When  any  government  servant  filling  an  important  and  respon- 
sible position  was  carried  off  under  the  decrees  of  God  to  the 
happy  future  life,  I  gave  his  place  and  employment  to  his  son, 
so  that  he  might  occupy  the  same  position  and  rank  as  his  father 
and  suffer  no  injury. 

"Kings  should  make  their  rule  of  life 
To  love  the  great  and  wise ; 
And  when  death  ends  this  mortal  strife, 
To  dry  their  loved  ones'  eyes." 

The  greatest  and  best  of  honours  that  I  obtained  through 
God's  mercy  was,  that  by  my  obedience  and  piety,  and  friendli- 
ness and  submission  to  the  Khalifa,  the  representative  of  the  holy 
Prophet,  my  authority  was  confirmed ;  for  it  is  by  his  sanction 
that  the  power  of  kings  is  assured,  and  no  king  is  secure  until  he 
has  submitted  himself  to  the  khalifa,  and  has  received  a  confir- 
mation from  the  sacred  throne.  A  diploma  was  sent  to  me  fully 
confirming  my  authority  as  deputy  of  the  khildfat,  and  the  leader 
of  the  faithful  was  graciously  pleased  to  honour  me  with  the  title 
of  "  Saiyidu-s  Saldtin.''''  He  also  bestowed  upon  me  robes,  a 
banner,  a  sword,  a  ring,  and  a  foot-print  as  badges  of  honour  and 
distinction. 


388  SULTAN  FrROZ. 

My  object  in  writing  this  book  has  been  to  express  my  grati- 
tude to  the  All-bountiful  God  for  the  many  and  various  blessings 
He  has  bestowed  upon  me.  Secondly,  that  men  who  desire  to  be 
good  and  prosperous  may  read  this  and  learn  what  is  the  proper 
course.  There  is  this  concise  maxim,  by  observing  which,  a  man 
may  obtain  God's  guidance  :  Men  will  be  judged  according  to 
their  works,  and  rewarded  for  the  good  that  they  have  done. 


889 


XVIII. 
MALFI/ZA'T-I    TrMU'EF, 

OE 

TU'ZAK-I    TIMU'EI': 

THE 

AUTOBIOGRAPHY     OF     TI^'MU'R. 

[This  is  an  autobiographical  memoir  of  the  Emperor  Timur, 
written  in  the  Ohaghatdi  Turki  language,  translated  into  Persian 
by  Abii  Talib  Husaini,  and  dedicated  to  the  Emperor  Shah 
Jahan,  who  began  to  reign  in  a.d.  1628. 

In  the  brief  preface  to  his  translation,  Abu  Talib  states  that 
he  found  the  original  Turki  work  in  the  library  of  Ja'far,  Hakim 
of  Yaman,^  and  that  it  consisted  of  a  history  of  Timtir,  from 
the  seventh  to  the  seventy-fourth  year  of  his  age.  The  reticence 
of  Abu  Talib  as  to  the  authenticity  of  the  original  work,  and 
the  strangeness  of  the  place  for  the  discovery  of  a  MS',  in  a 
Turki  language,  have  given  rise  to  the  suspicion  that  there  was 
no  such  work,  and  that  Abu  Talib  made  the  statement  to 
give  greater  authority  to  a  production  of  his  own.  Major  Davy, 
who  first  brought  the  work  to  notice,  argued  against  this  sup- 
position, grounding  his  opinion  on  the  internal  evidence  of  the 
work  itself,  and  on  the  improbability  of  an  author  resorting  to 
"an  artifice  which  could  tend  only  to  diminish  his  fame  and  his 
profit."  The  probability  is  that  Abu  Talib  knew  nothing  more 
of  the  work  than  what  he  learned  from  its  own  pages,  and  that 
when  he  had  turned  these  into  Persian  he  had  nothing  to  add. 
Timtir's  descendants  seem  to  have  had  a  partiality  for  writing 

1  A  person  of  this  name  was  Pasha  of  Taman  in  1610. — Astley's  Voyages  referred 
to  by  Stewart  in  the  Preface  to  his  translation. 


390  THE  EMPEROR  TrMCR. 

their  own  memoirs,  as  in  the  instances  of  Bdbar  and  Jahangir ; 
and  others,  who  did  not  profess  to  be  their  .own  biographers,  pro- 
vided for  a  record  of  their  lives  and  actions  being  written.  This 
family  predilection  is  of  itself  something  in  favour  of  the  authen- 
ticity of  the  work. 

The  fact  of  its  being  a  genuine  work,  produced  under  the  super- 
vision of  Timur  himself,  can  however  be  proved  upon  more  certain 
evidence.  Only  thirty  years  after  Tiraur's  death,  Sharafti-d  din 
Tazdi  wrote  his  celebrated  Zafar-ndma,  or  Book  of  Victory,  to 
commemorate  the  exploits  of  Timiir,  and  in  his  preface  he  details 
the  sources  from  which  his  work  was  drawn,  and  the  auspices 
under  which  it  was  written.  To  establish  the  veracity  and  au- 
thority of  his  history,  he  first  describes,  in  the  following  words, 
the  way  in  which  a  record  of  the  events  of  Timur's  reign  was 
kept  at  the  Court  of  thai  Emperor. 

"  The  third  recommendation  (of  this  my  work,  named  Zafar- 
ndma)  is  its  truthfiilnesS' — the  exactness  and  verity  of  the  ac- 
counts and  descriptions  of  the  various  events  of  Timur's  life, 
both  at  home  and  abroad.  Men  of  the  highest  character  for 
learning,  knowledge,  and  goodness,  Aighur  officers  and  Persian 
secretaries,  were  in  attendance  at  the  Court  of  Timur,  and  a 
staff  of  them  under  the  orders  of  the  Emperor  wrote  down  an 
account  of  everything  that  occurred.  The  movements,  actions 
and  sayings  of  Timur,  the  various  incidents  and  affairs  of  State, 
of  religion,  and  the  ministers,  were  all  recorded  and  written 
down  with  the  greatest  care.  The  most  stringent  commands 
were  given  that  every  event  should  be  recorded  exactly  as  it 
occurred,  without  any  modification  either  in  excess  or  diminu- 
tion. This  rule  was  to  be  particularly  observed  in  matters  of 
personal  bearing  and  courage,  without  fear  or  favour  of  any 
one,  and  most  especially  in  respect  of  the  valour  and  prowess 
of  the  Emperor  himself.  The  learned  and  eloquent  writers 
having  recorded  the  facts,  their  compositions  were  polished 
and  finished  off  in  verse  and  prose.  From  time  to  time  these 
writings  were  brought  into  the  royal  presence  and  were  read  to 


MALFirzAT-i  TrMirnr.  391 

the  Emperor,  so  as  to  insure  confidence  by  the  impress  of  his 
approval.  In  this  way  the  records  of  the  various  incidents  and 
actions  of  the  life  of  Timur,  whether  recounted  in  Turki  verse 
or  Persian  prose,  were  revised  and  finally  recorded  in  prose  and 
verse.  Besides  this,  some  of  the  oiEcers  of  the  Court  wrote 
down  the  incidents  of  the  reign  of  Timur,  and  took  the  greatest 
pains  to  ascertain  the  truth  of  what  they  recorded.  Accomplished 
writers  then  moulded  these  productions  into  Turki  verse  and 
Persian  prose." 

Sharafu-d  din  then  goes  on  to  relate  how  his  own  royal  patron 
Ibrahim,  grandson  of  Timur,  took  the  greatest  interest  in  the  com- 
position of  the  Za/ar-ndma  how  he  procured  from  all  parts  of  his 
dominions  copies  of  the  works  relating  to  the  life  of  Timiir,  in 
prose  and  verse,  in  Turki  and  in  Persian ;  how  he  supplied  him 
with  men  learned  in  Persian  and  Turki  as  assistants ;  how  re- 
ference was  made  to  surviving  actors  in  the  events  recorded ; 
how  he  wrote  letters  in  all  directions  to  settle  discrepancies  in 
the  MSS.,  and  how  he  had  the  work  read  to  him  in  the  rough 
draft  and  in  the  finished  state.^ 

So  the  basis  of  Sharafu-d  din's  history  was  a  work  or  works 
written  under  the  direction  or  with  the  approval  of  Timur, 
and  a  comparison  of  the  Zafar-ndma  with  the  Malfuzdt  proves 
the  one  to  be  a  mere  reproduction  of  the  other.  The  events 
recorded  and  their  succession  are  identical,^  and  leave  no  doubt 
upon  the  mind  that  Sharafu-d  din  translated  or  wrote  over  again 
in  an  ornate  style  that  history  which  had  been  compiled  under 
Timiir's  direction.  Like  Oriental  writers  in  general,  he  half 
conceals  the  true  origin  of  his  book,  and  so  exaggerates  the 
magnitude  and  importance  of  his  own  labours,  but  the  only 
difierence  observable  in  the  two  works  is,  that  one  is  the  pro- 
duction of  a  skilful  and  accomplished  writer,  the  other  the  work 
of  a  plain,  laborious,  and  minute  chronicler  of  events.     With  all 

1  Petis  de  la  Croix  in  his  translation  of  the  Preface  of  the  Zafar-ndma,  which  is 
ahridged,  and  is  less  accurate  than  the  rest  of  his  translation,  has  made  all  this  to 
appear  as  if  it  applied  to  Timiir. 

2  So  far  at  least  as  concerns  the  extracts  in  this  volume. 


392  THE  EMPEROR  TrMUR. 

the  rhetoric  and  flourishes  of  the  Zafar-ndma,  the  narrative  is 
shorter  than  that  of  the  detailed  and  verbose  biography. 

The  Tuziikdt  or  Institutes  v^ere  translated  into  Enghsh  by- 
Major  Davy,  and  published  under  the  editorship  of  Professor 
White,  at  Oxford,  in  1783,  and  this  work  was  turned  into 
French  by  M.  Langles,  and  published  in  1787. 

The  Malfiizat  or  Memoirs,  as  far  as  the  forty-first  year  of 
Timur's  age,  were  translated  into  English  by  Major  Stewart, 
and  were  published  by  the  Oriental  Translation  Fund  in  1830. 

The  MS.  used  by  Major  Davy  and  Major  Stewart  was  im- 
perfect, ending  abruptly  with  the  forty-first  year  of  Timiir's  age. 
This  MS.  is  now  in  the  library  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society, 
which  library  also  possesses  another  imperfect  copy.  There  is  a 
similar  defective  copy  in  the  library  of  the  East  India  Office ; 
Sir  H.  Elliot  also  procured  a  defective  copy  in  India,  and  there 
are  several  in  the  British  Museum.  These,  in  all  probability, 
were  derived  directly  or  indirectly  from  one  MS.  But  the 
British  Museum  has  lately  secured  a  perfect  copy  from  the 
library  of  the  late  General  Hamilton,  which  bears  the  marks  of 
having  once  belonged  to  the  Royal  Library  at  Lucknow. 

Besides  the  Version  of  Abu  Tdlib,  there  is  another,  the  work 
of  Muhammad  Afzal  Bukh^ri.  The  author  of  this  later  version 
tells  us  in  his  preface  that  when  Amir  Abu  Tdlib's  translation 
had  been  read  by  the  Emperor  Shah  Jahdn,  it  was  found  to 
contain  errors  and  mistakes.  Its  statements  occasionally  difiered 
from  those  of  the  Zafar-ndma  and  other  histories ;  and  while 
omitting  events  recorded  in  the  Zafar-ndma,  it  added  others  of 
which  no  notice  had  been  taken  in  that  work.  For  these 
reasons  he  goes  on  to  say : — "  In  the  year  1047  of  the  Hijra, 
and  tenth  of  his  Majesty  Shah  Jah4n's  reign  (a.d.  1637),^  the 
royal  orders  were  issued  to  me,  the  meanest  of  the  servants 
of  the  Imperial  Court  (Muhammad  Afzal  Bukhdrl),  to  read 
and  revise  this  book  from  beginning  to  end,  and  to  assimi- 
late it  with  the  Zafar-ndma,  of  the  correctness  of  which  no 
intelligent  person  can  have  a  doubt,  and  compare  it  with  some 
'  So,  AbiJ  TMib's  version  was  finished  between  1628  and  1637  a.d. 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMITEr.  393 

other  trustworthy  histories  ;  to  omit  some  things  which  the 
translator  had  inserted,  and  to  insert  some  occurrences  which  he 
had  omitted;  also  to  translate  the  Turki  and  Arabic  sentences 
into  Persian,  and  to  correct  several  dates,  which  do  not  agree 
with  the  Zafar-ndma.  *  *  *  (The  author)  has  exerted  himself  as 
much  as  possible  in  revising  and  correcting  the  said  translation, 
and  has  thrown  out  all  the  unauthenticated  passages  which  Abu 
Talib  had  inserted.  He  has  inserted  several  passages  that  have 
been  omitted  by  that  translator,  and  he  has  thereby  made  the 
book  conform  with  the  Zafar-ndma."  Major  Stewart  observes 
that  "  It  appears  in  Dow's  History  of  Hindustan  that  Mu- 
hammad Afzal  was  the  name  of  the  Emperor  Shah  Jahan's 
preceptor,  and  so  he  was  probably  the  person  employed  to  revise 
this  work,  but  he  has  not  complied  with  his  promise  of  trans- 
lating all  the  Turki  passages,  although  a  native  of  Bukhara, 
where  that  language  was  well  understood." 

So  the  Zafar-ndma  was  based  upon  the  Turki  memoirs  of 
Timtir  translated  by  Abu  Talib  into  Persian,  and  Muhammad 
Afzal  was  afterwards  employed  to  bring  these  memoirs  more  com- 
pletely into  accord  with  the  Zafar-ndma,  which  was  founded  upon 
them.  The  alterations  of  Abu  Talib's  work  are,  however,  made 
to  appear  greater  and  more  important  than  they  actually  are. 
Major  Stewart,  after  the  translation  of  his  fragment  of  Abu 
Talib's  work,  received  two  copies  of  Muhammad  Afzal's,  and  he 
says  in  his  Appendix :  "  I  have  minutely  compared  them  with 
Colonel  Davy's  MS.  as  far  as  it  extends,  and  find  that  the  only 
additions  they  contain  are  extracts  from  Sharafu-d  din's  history, 
an  explanation  of  some  particulars  omitted  in  the  Memoire,  and 
an  attempt  to  prove  that  Timur  was  of  the  Sunni  sect,  although 
there  is  the  strongest  evidence  that  he  was  a  very  bigoted  Shi'a.'" 
The  editor  of  this  work  has  made  a  comparison,  though  not  a 
minute  one,  of  the  text  of  the  following  extracts  as  given  in  the 
MS.  of  Abu  Tdlib  in  the  British  Museum,  and  in  one  of  Mu- 
hammad Afzal's  belonging  to  Sir  H.  Elliot,  and  he  has  found  no 
greater  differences  between  them  than  might  be  expected  in  two 


394  THE  EMPEROR  TrMlTR. 

MSS.  of  the  same  work.  So  far  as  regards  the  portion  relating 
to  India  the  works  are  identically  the  same.  The  concluding 
sentences  dififer  slightly  in  the  two  works,  but  in  both  Timiir  is 
made  to  record  his  own  death.  Muhammad  Afzal,  the  later 
writer,  makes  him  briefly  say,  "  I  arrived  at  the  village  of  Atrar  i 
and  died;"  but  Abu  Talib  is  more  specific,  saying,  "At  night, 
on  the  17th  of  the  month  of  Sha'ban  (March  19,  1405  a.d.), 
calling  upon  the  name  of  God,  I  lost  my  senses,  and  resigned  my 
pure  soul  to  the  Almighty  and  Holy  Creator  "  (and  pure  it  was 
if  blood  could  make  it  pure  !).  Major  Stewart  has  noticed  this 
apparent  record  by  Timtir  of  his  own  death,  and  shows  that  it 
ought  not  to  stamp  the  work  as  a  forgery.  In  the  fourth  clause 
of  his  Testament  Timur  says,  "  I  desire  that  this  my  Testament, 
and  whatever  I  shall  say  to  the  last  moment  of  my  existence, 
shall  be  written  in  my  Memoirs  as  if  proceeding  from  my  own 
mouth."  This  instruction  has  only  been  carried  a  trifl-e  too  far. 
The  narrative  given  in  this  work  of  Timur's  expedition  to  India 
has  been  closely  followed  by  Mirkhond  in  the  Rauzatu-s  Sa/d, 
used  by  Price  in  his  Retrospect  of  Mahommedan  History. 

Two  MSS.  of  Muhammad  Afzal's  work  have  been  used  for 
the  following  extracts.  One  belonging  to  the  Nawab  of  Jhajjar, 
and  a  copy  of  a  portion  of  the  work  made  for  Sir  H.  Elliot  from 
a  MS.  belonging  to  the  Raja  of  Balamgarh.  Up  to  page  421  the 
translation  is  the  production  of  Mr.  0.  E.  Chapman,  of  the  Bengal 
Civil  Service  ;  the  remainder  has  been  prepared  by  the  Editor.] 

The  History  of  my  expedition  against  Hindustan. 

About  this  time  there  arose  in  my  heart  the  desire  to  lead  an 
expedition  against  the  infidels,  and  to  become  a  ghd%i ;  for  it  had 
reached  my  ears  that  the  slayer  of  infidels  is  a  ghdsi,  and  if  he 
is  slain  he  becomes  a  martyr.  It  was  on  this  account  that  I 
formed  this  resolution,  but  I  was  undetermined  in  my  mind 
whether  I  should  direct  my  expedition  against  the  infidels  of 
China  or  against  the  infidels  and  polytheists  of  India.     In  this 

'  A  large  town  two  parasangs  or  leagues  north  of  the  Sihfin  (Jaxartes). 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMtTRr.  395 

matter  I  sought  an  omen  from  the  Kurdn,  and  the  verse  I  opened 
upon  was  this,  "  0  Prophet,  make  war  upon  infidels  and  un- 
believers, and  treat  them  with  severity." 

My  great  officers  told  me  that  the  inhabitants  of  Hindustan 
were  infidels  and  unbelievers.  In  obedience  to  the  order  of 
Almighty  God  I  determined  on  an  expedition  against  them,  and 
I  issued  orders  to  the  amirs  of  mature  years,  and  the  leaders  in 
war,  to  come  before  me,  and  when  they  had  come  together  I 
questioned  the  assembly  as  to  whether  I  should  invade  Hindustan 
or  China,  and  said  to  them,  "By  the  order  of  God  and  the 
Prophet  it  is  incumbent  upon  me  to  make  war  upon  these  infidels 
and  polytheists."  Throwing  themselves  upon  their  knees  they 
all  wished  me  good  fortune.  I  demanded  of  the  warrior  chief- 
tains whether  I  should  direct  my  expedition  against  the  infidels 
of  Hindustan  or  China.  At  first  they  repeated  fables  and  wise 
sayings,  and  then  said,  in  the  country  of  Hindustan  there  are 
four  defences,  and  if  any  one  invading  this  extensive  country 
breaks  down  these  four  defences,  he  becomes  the  conqueror  of 
Hindust§,n. 

The  first  defence  consists  of  five  large  rivers,  which  flow  from 
the  mountains  of  Kashmir,  and  these  rivers  unite  in  their  course, 
and  passing  through  the  country  of  Sind,  flow  into  the  Arabian 
Sea,  and  it  is  not  possible  to  cross  them  without  boats  and 
bridges.  The  second  defence  consists  of  woods  and  forests  and 
trees,  which,  interweaving  stem  with  stem  and  branch  with 
branch,  render  it  very  difficult  to  penetrate  into  that  country. 
The  third  defence  is  the  soldiery,  and  landholders,  and  princes, 
and  Eajas  of  that  country,  who  inhabit  fastnesses  in  those 
forests,  and  live  there  like  wild  beasts.  The  fourth  defence  con- 
sists of  the  elephants,  for  the  rulers  of  that  country  in  the  day 
of  battle  equipping  elephants  in  mail,  put  them  in  the  van  of 
their  army,  and  place  great  confidence  in  them,  and  they  have 
trained  them  to  such  a  pitch  that,  lifting  with  their  trunks  a 
horse  with  his  rider,  and  whirling  him  in  the  air,  they  will  dash 
him  on  the  ground. 


396  THE  EMPEEOR  TrMUR. 

Some  of  the  nobles  said  in  reply  that  Sultan  Mahmiid  Subuk- 
tigin  conquered  the  country  of  Hindustan  with  30,000  horse, 
and  established  his  own  servants  as  rulers  of  that  region,  and 
carried  off  many  thousand  loads  of  gold  and  silver  and  jewels 
from  that  country,  besides  subjecting  it  to  a  regular  tribute,  and 
is  our  amir  inferior  to  Sultan  Mahmud  ?  No ;,  thanks  to  Al- 
mighty God,  to-day  a  100,000  valiant  TAtdr  horsemen  wait  at 
the  stirrup  of  our  amir;  if  he  determines  upon  this  expedition  Al- 
mighty God  will  give  him  victory,  and  he  will  become  a  ghdzi 
and  mujdhid  before  God,  and  we  shall  be  attendants  on  an  amir 
who  is  a  ghdzi,  and  the  army  will  be  contented  and  the  treasury 
rich  and  well  filled,  and  with  the  gold  of  Hindustan  our  amir 
will  become  a  conqueror  of  the  world  and  famous  among  the  kings 
of  earth. 

At  this  time  the  prince  Sh4h  Eukh  said :  "India  is  an  extensive 
country ;  whatever  Sultan  conquers  it  becomes  supreme  over  the 
four  quarters  of  the  globe ;  if,  under  the  conduct  of  our  amir,  we 
conquer  India,  we  shall  become  rulers  over  the  seven  climes." 
He  then  said :  "  I  have  seen  in  the  history  of  Persia  that,  in  the 
time  of  the  Persian  Sultans,  the  King  of  India  was  called  Dardi, 
with  all  honour  and  glory.  On  account  of  his  dignity  he  bore 
no  other  name;  and  the  Emperor  of  Eome  was  called  Ccesar, 
and  the  Sultdn  of  Persia  was  called  Kisra,  and  the  Sult4n  of 
the  Tatdrs,  Khdkdn,  and  the  Emperor  of  China,  Faghfur;  but 
the  King  of  frdn  and  Turan  bore  the  title  of  Shdhinshdh,  and 
the  orders  of  the  Shdhinshdh  were  always  paramount  over  the 
princes  and  Rdjds  of  Hindustdn,  and  praise  be  to  God  that  we 
are  at  this  time  Shdhinshdh  of  Ir4n  and  Turan,  and  it  would 
be  a  pity  that  we  should  not  be  supreme  over  the  country  of 
Hindustan."  I  was  excessively  pleased  with  these  words  of 
Prince  Shah  Rukh.  Then  the  Prince  Muhammad  Sultdn  said : 
"  The  whole  country  of  India  is  full  of  gold  and  jewels,  and  in 
it  there  are  seventeen  mines  of  gold  and  silver,  diamond  and 
ruby  and  emerald  and  tin  and  iron  and  steel  and  copper  and 
quicksilver,  etc.,  and  of  the  plants  which  grow  there  are  those 


MALFI7ZAT-I  TrMITEr,  397 

fit  for  making  wearing  apparel,  and  aromatic  plants,  and  the 
sugar  cane,  and  it  is  a  country  which  is  always  green  and 
verdant,  and  the  whole  aspect  of  the  country  is  pleasant  and 
delightful.  Now,  since  the  inhabitants  are  chiefly  polytheists 
and  infidels  and  idolaters  and  worshipers  of  the  sun,  by  the 
order  of  God  and  his  prophet,  it  is  right  for  us  to  conquer  them. 
My  wazirs  informed  me  that  the  whole  amount  of  the  revenue 
of  India  is  six  arbs;  now  each  arb  is  a  100  krors,  and  each  kror 
is  a  100  lacs,  and  each  lac  is  a  100,000  miskdls  of  silver.  Some 
of  the  nobles  said,  "  By  the  favour  of  Almighty  God  we  may 
conquer  India,  but  if  we  establish  ourselves  permanently  therein, 
our  race  will  degenerate  and  our  children  will  become  like  the 
natives  of  those  regions,  and  in  a  few  generations  their  strength 
and  valour  will  diminish."  The  amirs  of  regiments  Qtushundt) 
■were  disturbed  at  these  words,  but  I  said  to  them,  "My  object 
in  the  invasion  of  Hindustan  is  to  lead  an  expedition  against  the 
infidels  that,  according  to  the  law  of  Muhammad  (upon  whom 
and  his  family  be  the  blessing  and  peace  of  God),  we  may  con- 
vert to  the  true  faith  the  people  of  that  country,  and  purify  the 
land  itself  from  the  filth  of  infidelity  and  polytheism ;  and  that  we 
may  overthrow  their  temples  and  idols  and  become  ghdzis  and 
mujdhids  before  God."  They  gave  an  unwilling  consent,  but  I 
placed  no  reliance  upon  them.  At  this  time  the  wise  men  of 
Islam  came  before  me,  and  a  conversation  began  about  the  pro- 
priety of  a  war  against  infidels  and  polytheists ;  they  gave  it 
as  their  opinion  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Sultdn  of  Islam,  and 
all  the  people  who  profess  that  "there  is  no  god  but  Allah,  and 
Muhammad  is  the  prophet  of  Allah,"  for  the  sake  of  preserving 
their  religion  and  strengthening  their  law,  to  exert  their  utmost 
endeavour  for  the  suppression  of  the  enemies  of  their  faith. 
And  it  is  the  duty  of  every  Muslim  and  true  believer  to  use 
his  utmost  exertions  in  obedience  to  his  ruler.  When  the  edify- 
ing words  of  the  wise  men  reached  the  ears  of  the  nobles,  all  their 
hearts  were  set  upon  a  holy  war  in  Hindustan,  and  throwing 
themselves  on  their  knees,  they  repeated  the  Chapter  of  Victory. 


398  THE  EMPEROR  TrMCR. 

When  I  girded  up  my  loins  for  the  expedition,  I  wrote  to 
Hazrat  Shaikh  Zainu-d  din  to  the  effect  that  I  had  determined 
on  a  religious  expedition  to  Hindustan.  He  wrote  in  the  margin 
of  my  letter  :  "Be  it  known  to  Abu-1  Ghazi  Timur  (whom  may 
Grod  assist)  that  great  prosperity  in  this  world  and  the  next  will 
result  to  you  from  this  undertaking,  and  you  will  go  and  return  in 
safety."   He  also  sent  me  a  large  sword  which  I  made  my  sceptre. 

In  the  meanwhile  there  came  a  petition  from  the  Prince  Pir 
Muhammad  Jahangir,  from  the  confines  of  Kdbulistan,  the 
government  of  which  country,  from  the  boundaries  of  Kunduz 
and  Bakaldn  and  Kabul  and  Ghazni  and  Kandahar,  was  vested 
in  him.  When  I  looked  at  this  petition  it  was  thus  written : 
"  Since,  according  to  your  order,  I  arrived  in  this  country,  I  have 
acted  towards  all  the  people  conformably  to  the  exalted  order 
and  wisdom-increasing  counsels  of  the  great  king.  When  I 
had  satisfied  my  mind  with  the  conquest  and  settlement  of  this 
kingdom,  I  turned  my  thoughts  towards  the  acquisition  of  some 
of  the  provinces  of  Hindustan.  I  enquired  concerning  the  con- 
dition of  that  country,  and  received  the  following  account :  that 
the  city  of  Dehli  is  the  capital  of  the  sovereigns  of  India,  and 
after  the  death  of  Sultan  Firoz  Shkh,  two  brothers  among  his 
nobility,  of  whom  one  was  named  Mallu  and  the  other  Sarang, 
becoming  very  powerful,  established  their  independence,  giving 
the  nominal  sovereignty  to  one  of  the  sons  of  Sultdn  Firoz  Shah, 
by  name,  Sultan  Mahmud,  they  kept  the  real  power  in  their 
own  hands,  and  virtually  governed  the  empire,  Mallu,  the  elder 
brother,  lives  at  Dehli,  about  the  person  of  Sultan  Mahmud,  and 
Sarang  is  established  in  the  city  of  Multan,  for  the  protection  of 
that  country.  When  I  became  acquainted  with  these  matters, 
acting  according  to  the  practice  of  the  great  king,  I  wrote  a  letter 
and  sent  it  to  him  (Strang)  by  an  ambassador,  purporting  that 
since  the  fame  of  the  victories  and  conquests,  and  of  the  extensive 
empire  of  the  great  king  is  spread  all  over  the  world,  it  is 
certain  that  it  must  have  reached  him  also.  The  great  king  has 
appointed  me  to  the  government  of  those  provinces  which  lie  on 


MALFirZA'T  J  TrMURr.  399 

the  borders  of  Hindustan,  and  has  ordered  that  '  If  the  rulers  of 
Hindustan  come  before  me  with  tribute  I  will  not  interfere  with 
their  lives,  property,  or  kingdoms ;  but  if  they  are  negligent  in 
proffering  obedience  and  submission,  I  will  put  forth  my  strength 
for  the  conquest  of  the  kingdoms  of  India.  At  all  events,  if 
they  set  any  value  upon  their  lives,  property,  and  reputation, 
they  will  pay  me  a  yearly  tribute,  and  if  not,  they  shall  hear  of 
my  arrival  with  my  powerful  armies.  Farewell.'  When  the 
ambassador  reached  the  presence  of  Strang  at  Multan,  he  was 
treated  with  great  respect  and  consideration ;  but  in  reply  to  his 
letter,  Sarang  said,  'It  is  difficult  to  take  an  empire  like  a  bride  to 
your  bosom  without  trouble  and  difficulty  and  the  clashing  of 
swords.  The  desire  of  your  prince  is  to  take  this  kingdom  with 
its  rich  revenue.  Well,  let  him  wrest  it  from  us  by  force  of 
arms  if  he  be  able.  I  have  numerous  armies  and  formidable 
elephants,  and  am  quite  prepared  for  war.'  With  these  words  he 
dismissed  the  ambassador.  But  when  this  unsatisfactory  answer 
was  brought  back  to  me,  I  issued  immediate  orders  for  the  armies 
to  assemble  from  all  quarters,  together  with  such  of  the  nobles  as 
were  in  my  province,  such  as  Amir  S4ikal  Kandahdri,  and  other 
amirs,'^  and  soldiers.  I  got  ready  for  the  invasion  of  Hindustan. 
I  plundered  and  laid  waste  the  country  of  the  Aghdnis  who 
inhabit  the  mountain  Sulaimdn,  and  marching  steadily  forwards 
I  crossed  the  river  Indus,  and  assaulted  the  city  of  Uch,  and 
through  the  good  fortune  of  the  great  king,  I  took  it.  Leaving 
a  body  of  men  there  as  a  garrison,  I  proceeded  to  Multdn,  which 
I  besieged;  but  as  Sarang  had  carefully  fortified  and  strengthened 
this  fortress,  the  siege  has  been  protracted  for  some  days,  and, 
indeed,  I  aip  at  this  moment  engaged  in  the  siege,  giving  an 
assault  twice  every  day.  All  the  nobles  have  displayed  great 
valour  and  intrepidity,  more  especially  Tlmur  Khwdjah,  the  son 
of  Amir  Akughd,  and  I  am  now  waiting  for  further  instructions.'" 
When  I  had  read  this  letter,  my  previous  resolution  was  con- 
firmed and  strengthened. 

1  [A  long  string  of  names  is  given.] 


400  THE  EMPEEOR  TrMUR. 

The  holy  war  against  the  infidels  of  Sindustdn. 

I  acted  in  such  a  manner  that  by  the  spring  of  that  year  I  had 
collected  the  soldiery  from  all  parts  of  the  countries  under  my 
sway ;  and  in  the  auspicious  month  Eaj^b,  a.h.  800  (March, 
1408),  which  may  be  expressed  according  to  the  rule  of  Abjad, 
by  the  words  karibfath,  appointed  the  prince  'Umar,  the  son  of 
Prince  Mirz^  Shah,  my  viceroy  in  Samarkand,  and  leaving  him 
some  of  the  nobles  and  soldiery,  I  placed  my  foot  in  the  stirrup 
at  a  lucky  moment,  and  quitting  my  capital  Samarkand,  directed 
my  course  towards  Hindustan.  Marching  on,  hunting  as  I 
went,  I  reached  Turmuz,  and  ordering  the  construction  of  a 
bridge  of  boats  over  the  Jihiin,  I  crossed  that  river  with  my 
whole  army  and  encamped  at  the  village  of  Khulm.  Beating 
the  drum  of  departure  from  that  place,  and  passing  in  my  march 
Grhaztik  and  Samankan,  I  arrived  at  Indarab,  and  the  nobles 
and  people  of  that  place,  high  and  low,  pouring  out  in  crowds  to 
meet  me,  all  at  once  set  up  a  great  cry  and  lamentation,  demand- 
ing justice.  I  sent  for  a  number  of  the  nobles  and  chief  men 
among  them  and  instituted  an  enquiry  into  this  matter. 

On  their  knees  they  made  representation  demanding  pro- 
tection from  the  infidel  Kators  and  the  Siycih-poshes,  saying, 
we  have  brought  our  petition  against  these  oppressive  infidels  to 
the  presence  of  the  king  of  Isldm,  for  the  infidel  Kators  and  the 
Siyah-poshes  exact  tribute  and  black  mail  every  year  from  us 
who  are  true  believers,  and  if  we  fail  in  the  least  of  our  settled 
amount,  they  slay  our  men  and  carry  our  women  and  children 
into  slavery,  so  that  we  helpless  Musulmdns  fly  for  protection  to 
the  presence  of  the  great  king  that  he  may  grant  to  us  oppressed 
ones  our  hearts'"  desire  upon  these  infidels.  On  hearing  these 
words  the  flame  of  my  zeal  for  Isl4m,  and  my  affection  for  my 
relio-ion,  began  to  blaze,  and  I  addressed  those  Musulm^ns  with 
the  following  consolatory  words : — By  the  help  and  assistance  of 
Almighty  God  I  will  grant  you  your  hearts'  desire  on  these 
oppressive  infidel  Kators  and  Siydh-poshes,  and  I  will  relieve 


MALFirZAT-I  irMlTEr.  401 

you  who  are  MusulinS,ns  from  the  tyranny  of  these  unbelievers. 
They  all  lifted  their  hands  invoking  blessings  on  me. 

Account  of  the  holy  war  against  the  infidel  Kators  and  the 
8iydh-poshes. 

I  immediately  selected  ten  battalions  from  my  array,  and 
giving  the  command  to  Prince  Shah  Eukh,  left  him  in  charge  of 
the  remaining  forces  and  baggage,  in  Tildk  Ghundn,  and  Diktur, 
while  I  myself  set  my  foot  in  the  stirrup  to  chastise  the  infidel 
Kators.  Setting  spurs  to  my  horse  I  marched  forward  in 
great  haste,  accomplishing  two  days  journey  in  the  twenty-four 
hours.  When  I  arrived  at  the  place  called  Parydn  I  detached 
prince  Rustam  and  Burhan  Aghlan  Jujitar,  who  were  reckoned 
among  my  chief  nobles,  against  the  country  of  the  Siyah-poshes, 
which  lay  on  the  left  hand.  With  them  I  sent  some  of  the 
nobility  and  a  body  of  10,000  cavalry,  while  I  myself  pursued 
my  march  towards  the  mountains  of  Eator.  When  I  made 
enquiries  concerning  the  extent  and  condition  of  that  kingdom 
from  Muzid,  who  was  the  chief  man  of  Indarab,  he  informed  me 
that  the  length  of  the  kingdom  of  Kator  stretches  from  the  frontier 
of  Kashmir  to  the  mountains  of  Kabul,  and  there  are  many 
towns  and  villages  in  this  country.  One  of  their  large  cities  is 
called  Shokal,  and  another  Jorkal,  which  latter  is  the  residence 
of  their  ruler.  The  country  produces  fruits  in  large  quantities, 
such  as  grapes,  apples,  apricots,  and  various  other  kinds.  Rice 
and  other  grains  are  cultivated.  Much  wine  is  made,  and  all 
people,  great  and  small,  drink  of  it.  The  people  eat  swine's 
flesh.  Cattle  and  sheep  abound  in  this  country.  Most  of  the 
inhabitants  are  idolaters  ;  they  are  men  of  a  powerful  frame  and 
fair  complexion.  Their  language  is  distinct  from  Turki,  Persian, 
Hindi,  and  Kashmiri.  Their  weapons  are  arrows,  swords,  and 
slings.  Their  ruler  is  called  'Addlshu.^  When  I  arrived  at 
Khawak  I  perceived  a  dilapidated  fort  which  I  resolved  to  repair, 

1  [The  Zafar-ndma  writes  this  name  "  Ud&shri ; "  only  one  of  the  four 
admits  the  IJ] 

TOL.  III.  26 


402  THE  EMPEEOR  TmiTE. 

so  I  immediately  gave  orders  to  the  soldiers  to  that  effect,  and  it 
was  speedily  executed.  As  most  of  the  route  was  rocky  and 
precipitous,  I  ordered  most  of  the  nobles  and  all  the  soldiers  to 
leave  horses,  carpels,  and  superfluous  baggage  in  this  fort.  In 
obedience  to  this  order  most  of  the  nobles  and  all  the  soldiers  ac- 
companied me  on  foot,  while  I,  relying  on  the  assistance  of 
Almighty  God,  pressed  steadily  forward  to  the  conquest  of  Kator 
and  began  to  ascend  the  mountains.  In  spite  of  the  heat  of  the 
wind  there  was  so  much  snow  on  the  hills  that  the  feet  of  both 
men  and  cattle  helplessly  sank  in  it.  I  was  therefore  obliged 
to  halt  during  the  day,  but  at  night  when  the  snow  congealed  I 
pursued  my  way  over  the  frozen  surface  of  the  ice  till  I  reached 
the  top  of  the  mountain.  At  day-break,  when  the  ice  thawed, 
carpets  and  horse-rugs  were  spread  upon  its  surface  and  the 
horses  were  kept  upon  them.  At  night-fall  we  again  went  on  as 
before,  and  in  this  manner  I  crossed  several  lofty  mountains,  but 
the  nobles  were  obliged  to  send  back  to  the  fort  several  of  the 
horses  they  had  brought  with  them.  When  I  reached  the  top  of 
a  lofty  mountain,  such  that  there  can  be  none  higher  than  it,  I 
found  that  these  wicked  infidels  had  taken  up  their  position  in 
the  caverns  of  the  mountain,  the  entrances  of  which  were  blocked 
up  with  snow,  so  that  they  were  almost  inaccessible,  nor,  in  spite 
of  all  my  exertions,  could  I  find  a  way  to  descend  the  mountain.  , 
I  was  obliged  to  give  orders  to  my  brave  soldiers  to  get  down  as 
best  they  could.  The  nobles  and  soldiery  now  began  the  descent. 
Some  lying  down  on  their  sides  and  sliding  over  the  snow,  rolled 
themselves  down  to  the  bottom.  Others  fastening  cords  and  long 
tent  ropes  to  their  waists  and  attaching  one  end  of  the  ropes  to 
the  trees  and  rocks  which  were  on  the  top,  let  themselves  gently 
down.  As  for  me,  I  gave  orders  that  they  should  make  me  a 
basket  of  planks  and  wicker  work.  When  they  had  made  the 
basket  they  attached  firmly  to  each  of  its  four  corners  a  rope 
150  yards  in  length,  and  as  I,  since  I  undertook  this  expe- 
dition against  the  infidels,  had  made  up  my  mind  to  undergo 
all  manner  of  trouble  and  fatigue,  I  took  my  seat  in  the  basket, 


MALFUZAT-I  TrMURI'.  403 

and  a  body  of  men  taking*  hold  of  the  ends  of  these  ropes 
lowered  away  gently  till  the  rope  had  all  run  out,  and  then 
some  persons  scrambling  down  to  before  where  I  was,  cleared 
away  the  snow  and  ice  with  spades  and  mattocks,  and  made  a 
place  for  me  to  stand  upon.  The  first  body  of  men  then  having 
descended  to  this  place,  again  lowered  me  gently  down  as  far 
as  the  ropes  would  reach.  At  the  fifth  repetition  of  this  ma- 
ncBuvre  I  reached  the  bottom  of  the  mountain.  When  in  this 
manner  all  the  nobles  and  soldiers  had  got  down,  some  of  the 
horses,  my  own  private  property,  which  had  accompanied  me, 
were  let  down  in  the  same  manner,  that  is,  by  attaching  ropes  to 
their  legs  and  shoulders,  but  out  of  the  whole  number  only  two 
reached  the  bottom  in  safety,  all  the  others  being  dashed  to 
pieces.  When  no  more  of  my  people  remained  above,  since  my 
object  was  the  extermination  of  the  infidels,  grasping  my  sceptre- 
sword  in  my  hand  I  marched  forward  on  foot  one  parasang  into 
that  rocky  country,  together  with  my  nobility  and  troops.  At 
the  earnest  petition  of  the  nobles  I  again  mounted,  but  all  the 
chiefs,  with  their  soldiers,  kept  on  steadily  marching  on  foot  at 
my  stirrup.  The  ruler  of  Kator  had  a  fort,  on  one  side  of  which 
was  a  river,  and  beyond  the  river  a  lofty  mountain  reaching  down 
to  the  water.  As  the  infidels  in  this  fort  had  gained  intelligence 
of  my  approach  a  day  before  my  arrival,  and  dread  had  taken 
possession  of  their  hearts,  they  had  removed  their  wealth  and 
property  from  the  fort,  and  having  crossed  the  river,  had  taken 
refuge  in  the  mountain  which  was  very  lofty,  and  abounded  in 
caves  very  difficult  of  access.  On  its  being  represented  to  me 
that  this  fort  was  the  most  important  stronghold  of  the  ruler  of 
Kator  in  those  parts,.  I  resolved  to  subdue  it.  When  I  ad- 
vanced into  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort  I  did  not  perceive  a 
trace  of  the  infidels,  and  when  I  came  to  the  place  itself  I  saw 
that  they  had  abandoned  it  and  fled.  I  obtained  a  booty  of 
many  sheep  and  some  other  things  here,  and  ordered  that  they 
should  set  fire  to  the  houses  and  buildings  of  the  city,  in  the 
midst  of  which  the  fort  was  built,  and  that  they  should  level  it 


404  THE  EMPEEOE  TrMlTI!,. 

with  the  ground.  Then  crossing  the  river  in  haste  and  pursuing 
the  track  of  the  enemy,  I  reached  the  skirts  of  the  mountain  on 
the  top  of  which  the  infidels  had  taken  up  their  position  in 
defiles  and  other  strong  places.  I  immediately  gave  orders  to 
my  valiant  and  experienced  troops  to  ascend.  Raising  their  war 
cry  and  shouting  the  takbir,  they  rushed  to  the  attack,  and  before 
all  the  rest  Shaikh  Arsldn  Aztuman  Kabak  Khan,  who  is  a  lion 
in  the  day  of  battle,  mounting  the  hill  on  the  left  hand,  com- 
menced the  fight.  Leading  his  men  upon  the  infidels  he  put 
them  to  flight,  and  following  up  the  enemy  entered  the  fastnesses 
of  the  rock  and  sent  numbers  of  the  impious  unbelievers  to  hell. 
Tawachi  'Ali  Sultdn,  also  on  his  side,  made  a  valiant  assault  upon 
the  foe,  and  with  his  own  regiment  charged  and  routed  the  infidel 
enemy,  sending  numbers  of  them  to  hell.  Amir  Shdh  Malik 
too,  on  his  side,  displayed  great  valour,  making  a  great  slaughter 
of  the  infidels  and  driving  them  completely  out  of  the  mountain. 
Mubashlr  Bahadur  and  Mankali  Khw^jah,  and  Sunjak  Bahadur, 
and  Shaikh  'Ali  S41ar,  and  Musa  Zakmdl,  and  Husain  Malik 
Kiichin,  and  Mir  Husain  Kur,  and  the  other  nobles,  displayed 
great  valour  and  used  their  swords  well.  They  all  proved  their 
zeal  for  Islam  on  the  unbelieving  foe,  and  having  overpowered 
the  infidels  they  put  many  of  them  to  death,  and  took  possession 
of  their  fastnesses.  Only  a  few  of  the  enemy  succeeded  in 
sheltering  themselves,  wounded  and  worn  out  with  fatigue,  in 
their  caverns.  Of  my  troops  only  fourteen  persons  lost  their 
lives,  and  that  was  in  effecting  the  passage  of  the  mountain. 
Some  of  the  infidels  held  out  in  their  defiles  for  three  days  and 
nights,  but  sending  my  valiant  troops  against  them  I  so  pressed 
them  that  they  were  obliged  to  surrender  and  call  for  quarter. 
I  sent  Ak  Sultan  to  them  with  the  message  that  if  they  would 
consent  to  submit  unconditionally  and  would  all  become  Musul- 
mans  and  repeat  the  creed,  I  would  grant  them  quarter,  but 
otherwise  I  would  exterminate  them  to  a  man.  When  Ak 
Sult4n  reached  the  infidels  with  this  message,  which  he  explained 
to  them  through  the  medium  of  an  interpreter  conversant  both 


MAIFirZAT-I  TI'MtTEr.  405 

with  their  language  and  with  Turki,  they  all  proffered  submis- 
sion, and  repeating  the  necessary  formula,  embraced  the  Mu- 
hammadan  faith.  Relying  upon  this  external  profession  I  spared 
their  lives  and  property,  and  gave  orders  that  no  one  should 
interfere  with  their  lives,  wealth,  or  country.  I  then  clothed 
some  of  them  in  dresses  of  honour  and  dismissed  them,  I  halted 
with  my  army  there  for  that  night,  and  these  black-hearted 
infidels  made  a  nocturnal  assault  on  the  regiment  of  Amir  Shdh 
Malik,  but  as  this  leader  was  on  his  guard,  the  enemy  were 
foiled  in  their  intentions.  Numbers  of  them  were  slain,  and  150 
fell  into  our  hands  alive,  who  were  afterwards  put  to  death  by 
my  enraged  soldiery.  As  soon  as  it  was  day  I  ordered  my 
troops  to  attack  on  all  four  sides  at  once,  and  forcing  their  way 
into  the  defiles  to  kill  all  the  men,  to  make  prisoners  the  women 
and  children,  and  to  plunder  and  lay  waste  all  their  property.  In 
obedience  to  these  orders,  my  nobles  and  troops  making  a  valiant 
assault  on  all  sides  at  once,  and  putting  to  the  sword  the  remnant 
of  the  infidels,  consigned  them  to  the  house  of  perdition.  They 
made  prisoners  of  their  women  and  children,  and  secured  an 
enormous  booty.  I  directed  towers  to  be  built  on  the  mountain 
of  the  skulls  of  those  obstinate  unbelievers,  and  I  ordered  an 
engraver  on  stone,  who  was  in  my  camp,  to  cut  an  inscription 
somewhere  on  those  defiles  to  the  effect  that  I  had  reached  this 
country  by  such  and  such  a  route,  in  the  auspicious  month  of  Rama- 
zdn,  A.  H.  800  (May,  1398) :  that  if  chance  should  conduct  any- 
one to  this  spot  he  might  know  how  I  had  reached  it.  At  this  time 
I  had  received  no  intelligence  of  Prince  Rustam  and  Burhan 
Aghldn,  whom  I  had  detached  against  the  country  of  the  Siy^h- 
poshes,  and  since  this  same  Burhdn  Aghlan  on  a  former  oc- 
casion, when  I  had  appointed  him  to  the  command  in  a  predatory 
incursion,  had  displayed  great  sloth  and  military  incapacity  (to 
retrieve  which  negligence  I  had  given  him  the  command  on  the 
present  occasion),  a  doubt  entered  my  mind  as  to  what  he  could 
be  doing.  One  night,  too,  I  dreamt  that  my  sword  was  bent, 
which  I  interpreted  into  a  certain  token  that  Burhdn  Aghlan 


406  THE  EMPEROE  TrMUE. 

had  been  defeated.  T  immediately  appointed  Muhammad  Kzki, 
who  was  one  of  those  whom  I  had  brought  up,i  to  go  and  ascer- 
tain something  respecting  him,  and  I  put  under  his  command 
Daulat  Sh6,h  and  Shaikh  'Ali,  the  son  of  Airakuli  Adighur,  and 
Shaihk  Muhammad,  and  'Ali  Bahddur,  with  a  body  of  400  men, 
100  of  whom  were  Tatars  and  the  remaining  300  Tdjiks,  and 
gave  them  a  native  of  Kator  as  a  guide.  Muhammad  Azad 
with  his  band  of  heroes  immediately  commenced  his  march,  and 
crossing  lofty  mountains  full  of  snow  and  ice,  and  passing 
through  narrow  defiles,  rolling  in  many  places  over  precipices 
and  sliding  over  the  icy  surface,  finally  got  out  of  the  mountains 
and  into  the  open  country.  When  Muhammad  Azdd  having 
extricated  himself  from  the  mountains,  reached  the  fortress  of 
the  Siydh-poshes,  he  found  it  deserted,  for  they  had  abandoned 
it  from  their  dread  of  the  army  of  Islam,  and  had  taken  refuge 
in  their  mountain  defiles.  Now  Burhdn  Aghlan's  adventure  had 
been  as  follows  : — When  he,  with  the  nobles  under  his  command, 
,  such  as  Isma'il,  and  Allahdad,  and  Subakh  Timur,'  etc.,  etc.,  and 
the  troops  reached  the  fort  he  found  it  empty,  and  incautiously 
following  the  footsteps  of  the  enemy,  came  to  the  defiles.  They 
had  left  a  few  troopers  and  a  few  foot  soldiers  as  a  guard  below, 
and  the  infidels  rising  from  their  ambushes,  fiercely  assailed  the 
true-believers.  Such  was  the  cowardice  and  military  incapacity 
of  Burhdn  Aghlan  that  he  threw  away  his  arms  and  fled  without 
striking  a  blow.  When  the  troops  saw  the  flight  of  their  leader 
they  lost  heart  and  were  defeated,  and  the  infidels  following  them 
closely  raised  full  many  a  true  believer  to  the  rank  of  a  martyr. 
Of  the  amirs  of  the  regiments,  Daulat  Sh4h,  and  Shaikh  Husain 
Suchi,  and  Adina  Bahadur  displayed  great  valour,  but  after 
slaying  many  of  the  infidels  they  finally  drank  the  sherbet  of 
martyrdom  ;  Burhan  Aghldn,  leaving  many  horses  and  suits  of 
armour  a  prey  to  the  infidels,  escaped. 

When  Muhammad  Azad,  with  those  400  men,  arrived  at  the 
deserted  fort  of  the  Siyah-poshes,  he  followed  the  track  of  the 

'  "  Khdna-zdd,  bachagdn-i  man." 


MALFtrZiVT-I  TrMlTRr.  407 

enemy  towards  the  mountain.  On  arriving  at  the  scene  of 
Burhan  Aghl^n's  defeat  and  flight,  he  was  assaulted  by  the 
infidels,  who  had  defeated  Burhan  Aghlan,  but  he  fought  so 
gallantly  that  he  routed  them  with  great  slaughter,  and  recovered 
all  the  horses  and  armour  which  these  impious  ones  had  captured 
from  the  soldiers  of  Burlidn  Aghlan,  besides  taking  a  large 
booty  from  them  in  the  way  of  wealth  and  property.  Marching 
homeward,  he  met  on  that  very  day  Burhdn  Aghlan,  each  of 
whose  soldiers  recognized  and  had  restored  to  him  his  own  horse 
and  arms.  On  that  day  they  reached  a  pass  {kotal),  where 
Muhammad  Az^d  proposed  to  Burhan  Aghlan  that  they  should 
halt,  but  the  cowardice  and  inefficiency  of  the  latter  would  hear 
of  no  delay,  so  they  went  through  the  pass.  Certainly,  from 
the  days  of  Ohangiz  Khan  to  the  present  time,  no  man  of  the 
uliis  has  shown  such  a  lack  of  energy  and  courage. 

When  I  had  despatched  Muhammad  Azad  from  Eator,  and 
satisfied  myself  with  the  subjugation  of  that  country,  I  sent 
forward  'All  Sistani  and  Jalalu-1  IslS,m  to  discover  a  road  and 
make  clear  halting  places  for  me.  In  obedience  to  this  order  they 
went  forward,  clearing  away  the  snow  and  ice  in  many  places 
from  the  road.  Having  made  a  passage  for  me  they  returned. 
I  immediately  mounted  and  set  forward,  and  the  nobles  and 
soldiery  marched  along  with  me  on  foot,  and  so  I  proceeded  in 
triumph  along  the  track  which  they  had  made  till  I  reached 
Khawak,  where  I  had  left  the  horses  in  the  fort.  I  had  been 
absent  eighteen  days  on  this  expedition  against  the  infidels,  and 
the  nobles  and  soldiery,  who  had  hitherto  fought  on  foot,  now 
regained  their  horses.  Leaving  a  body  of  men  to  garrison  the 
fort  which  I  had  built,  I  directed  my  own  course  towards  the 
heavy  baggage,  and  arrived  at  Til4k  Ghunan  and  Diktur,  places 
in  that  country ;  the  princes  and  amirs  of  the  place  came  out  to 
meet  me  with  congratulations  on  my  victory.  Burhdn  Aghl4n 
and  Muhammad  Azad  here  joined  my  victorious  camp!  I  however 
wave  orders  that  they  should  refuse  admittance  to  Burhan 
Aghldn,  and  on  no  account  allow  him  to  enter  my  presence, 


o 


408  THE  EMPEROR  TrMUR. 

for  it  is  the  decree  of  Almighty  God  that  if  twenty  true  believers 
engage  boldly  and  steadily  in  fight  with  ten  times  the  number 
of  infidels  they  shall  prevail  against  them,  and  yet  Burhan 
Aghldn,  with  10,000  men  under  his  command,  was  routed  by 
and  fled  from  a  small  number  of  infidels, ♦exposing  Musulmdns 
to  disgrace  and  death.  On  the  other  hand,  I  loaded  with 
honours  and  benefits  Muhammad  Azad,  who,  with  only  400  men, 
had  fought  a  valiant  action  against  the  greatly  superior  numbers 
of  the  unbelievers.  I  exalted  his  rank  above  his  fellows,  and 
gave  him  a  regiment ;  nor  did  I  omit  to  shower  my  princely 
favours  on  his  companions  in  victory. 

Account  of  my  sending  Shah  Bukh  to  the  hingdom  of  Klmrdsdn. 

Account  of  the  construction  of  the  Canal  of  Mahi-gir. 

Arrival  of  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  from  Persia  with  magnificent 

presents. 

Repairing  of  the  Fort  of  Triydh. — Punishment  of  Musa  Aghdn. 

Audience  of  the  Sergeant  of  Archers,  etc.,  etc. 

*  *  *  When  I  had  arranged  the  conquest  and  settlement  of 
the  country  (of  the  Aghanis)  and  the  measures  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  roads  to  my  satisfaction,  and  had  exterminated  the 
rebellious  predatory  tribes  of  the  Aghanis,  I  mounted  my  horse 
and  spurred  forward  in  the  direction  of  Hindustan,  and  on 
Friday,  the  8th  of  the  month,  I  halted  on  the  bank  of  the 
river  Indus,  in  the  very  place  where  SultSn  Jal41u-d  din,  of 
Khwdrizm,  had  swum  the  river  to  escape  from  Changfz  Khdn, 
and  where  the  latter  encamped  when  he  refrained  from  following. 
There  I  pitched  my  camp,  and  gave  orders  to  the  nobles  and 
soldiery  that  they  should  collect  boats,  planks,  etc.,  and  construct 
a  bridge  over  the  Indus.  In  obedience  to  my  order  they  all  set 
to  work,  and  in  two  days  had  constructed  a  bridge  over  this 
mighty  river. 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMl/Rr.  409 

At  this  time  some  ambassadors  arrived  from  various  quarters 
of  the  globe,  and  the  drift  of  the  letters  and  communications  of 
the  Sultans  and  rulers  and  chief  men  of  their  respective  countries 
and  kingdoms  was  this :  "  We  have  placed  the  collar  of  obedience 
and  submission,  in  all  sincerity,  on  the  neck  of  our  life,  and  the 
saddle  of  servitude  on  our  back  ;  we  are  all  anxiously  expecting 
the  auspicious  arrival  of  the  great  king.  "When  will  it  be  that  the 
prosperous  shadow  of  his  umbrella  will,  by  its  protection,  impart 
felicity  to  this  kingdom,  and  when  will  the  honour  of  kissing  the 
sublime  footstool  be  attainable  by  us  P"  I  wrote  encouraging 
farmdns,  in  reply  to  the  representations  of  the  Sultans,  and  en- 
trusted them  to  the  ambassadors,  whom  I  dismissed,  and  such 
men  as  Saiyid  Muhammad  Madani,  who  came  on  the  part  of  the 
chief  men  of  Mecca,  the  exalted,  and  Medina,  the  blest,  I  treated 
with  great  respect  and  attention,  and  loaded  them  with  abundant 
favours  before  their  departure  ;  I  also  gave  a  horse  and  dress 
of  honour  to  the  envoy  of  Iskandar  Shdh,  the  ruler  of  Kashmir, 
when  I  dismissed  him,  and  despatched  &farmdn  to  his  master  to 
the  effect  that  as  soon  as  my  victorious  camp  arrived  at  the  city 
of  Dibdlpur  he  should  join  me  with  his  forces.  When  I  had 
dismissed  the  ambassadors  I  crossed  the  Indus,  on  Tuesday,  the 
12th  of  Muharram,  a.h.  801  (24th  Sept.,  a.d.  1398),  and 
pitched  my  camp  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river,  and  made 
inquiry  about  the  roads  from  some  zaminddrs  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood, who  had  voluntarily  submitted  and  given  in  their 
adhesion.  They  represented  that  one  of  the  roads  lay  through 
a  fertile  and  well-watered  district,  but  was  circuitous  and  lengthy ; 
and  the  other  road,  which  was  near  Mult^n,  was  a  route  through 
the  Ohol-jarad^  desert,  in  which  neither  water  nor  pasture  were 
procurable  for  several  days  journey.  It  was  by  this  route, 
through  the  Ohol-jarad,  that  Sultdn  Jaldlu-d  din  of  Khwdrizm 
reached  Multan,  after  crossing  the  Indus,  in  his  flight  from 
before  Changiz  Khkn.  This  desert  is  hence  called  Chol-i  Jalal. 
When  I  heard  this  account  I  determined  to  proceed  by  the  desert 
1  [Jarad,  an  open  barren  country :  Choi,  also  means  desert.] 


410  THE  EMPEROR  TrMlTR. 

route,  and  issued  orders  that  the  whole  army  should  carry  with 
them  water  and  provision  for  several  days.  I  then  advanced 
some  days  march  into  the  desert.  It  was  now  that  the  princes 
and  Rdjds  of  the  mountainous  country  of  Jud,  by  way  of  perfect 
sincerity,  planting  their  feet  in  the  road  of  obedience  and  sub- 
mission, sought  my  camp  with  tribute  and  presents,  when  they 
were  honoured  by  kissing  the  earth  in  my  presence.  Before  this, 
prince  Eustam,  whom  I  had  sent  with  Hamza  Amir  Taghi 
Bughd,  and  other  amirs,  and  a  numerous  army  towards  Multdn, 
having  entered  the  desert  by  the  same  road,  had  approached  the 
mountains  of  Jud,  and  these  princes  and  Rdjds,  owing  to  their 
good  fortune,  had  come  before  him  and  proffered  a  suitable  sub- 
mission, and  supplied  his  army  with  provisions.  Ever  since  then 
they  had  worn  the  yoke  of  servitude  and  obedience  to  my  power  on 
the  neck  of  sincerity.  I  therefore  confirmed  their  kings  and  dis- 
missed them  with  favourable/anwaws,  and  I  then  marched  forward, 
and,  getting  clear  of  the  desert,  halted  on  the  bank  of  the  river 
Jamd  ( Jhilam) ;  but  it  was  represented  to  me  that  in  the  middle 
of  this  stream  there  was  a  very  strongly  fortified  island,  the  ruler 
of  which  was  called  Shah^bu-d  din,  and  that  he  had  collected  a 
very  considerable  force.  When  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jahangir 
was  marching  upon  Multan,  this  Shah4bu-d  din,  girding  up  the 
loins  of  obedience  and  submission,  presented  himself  to  the  prince, 
and  made  an  external  display  of  the  duties  of  servitude  and  de- 
pendance,  and  ofiered  tribute  and  suitable  gifts,  besides  remaining 
some  time  in  the  prince's  presence.  When,  having  received  his 
dismissal,  he  returned  to  his  home,  he  became  arrogant,  seeing 
the  strength  and  insular  position  of  his  fortress  and  the  multitude 
of  his  troops,  so  that  he  ventured  on  rebellion  and  open  opposi- 
tion, and,  cutting  a  canal  from  the  river  Jamd,  he  brought  the 
water  of  the  river  to  that  side  of  the  city  on  which  it  was  not 
before,  so  that  on  all  four  sides  of  his  city  and  fort  he  had  a  moat 
full  of  water.  He  had  also  laid  up  a  stock  of  provisions  and 
munitions  of  war.  Now  when  I  heard  this,  I  resolved  on  his 
entire  subjugation. 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMUEr.  411 

Capture  of  the  island  of  Shahdbu-d  din. 
I  acted  in  the  following  manner.  I  gave  immediate  orders  to 
Amir  Shaikh  Niiru-d  din  to  march  with  his  own  tumdns  and 
other  commanders  of  regiments  (hushiin)  towards  this  island, 
and  commanded  that  every  soldier  should,  by  the  way,  take 
branches  of  trees,  and  that  with  these  branches  they  should  fill 
up  the  moat  which  Shahdbu-d  din  had  dug.  Having,  by  pru- 
dence and  stratagem,  captured  the  island,  they  were  to  utterly 
exterminate  the  enemy.  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din,  on  that  very 
day,  being  Wednesday,  the  14th  of  Muharram,  set  put  with 
his  gallant  army  for  the  island  of  Shahabu-d  din,  which  he 
reached  in  a  short  time.  He  and  all  his  troops  dismounted  on 
the  brink  of  the  moat,  into  which  they  threw  the  branches  of 
the  trees,  thereby  forming  a  bridge,  which  enabled  them  quickly 
to  cross  the  water  and  come  to  close  quarters  with  the  enemy. 
But  a  stern  resistance  here  awaited  them,  and  the  whole  day, 
from  day-break  till  the  time  of  evening  prayer,  was  spent  in 
furious  combat.  At  night-fall.  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din,  with 
his  valiant  troops,  occupied  his  own  ground,  not  yielding  a 
single  inch,  and  exercised  the  utmost  vigilance  and  precaution. 
All  on  a  sudden,  Shah4bu-d  din,  with  10,000  men,  made  a  night 
attack  on  our  troops.  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  displayed  great 
valour,  and  encountered  the  enemy  with  unflinching  energy,  and 
turned  back  the  tide  of  the  night  assault  upon  Shah4bu-d  din's 
army ;  which  at  length,  many  of  them  having  been  levelled  with 
the  dust  of  destruction,  took  to  flight,  and  many  of  the  fugitives 
throwing  themselves  into  the  water  of  the  moat  became  food 
for  fishes.  In  that  night,  Manstir  and  Btiraj  Chiira,  with  his 
brothers,  who  were  born  slaves  of  my  household  (khdna-zdd),  gave 
proofs  of  the  most  intrepid  courage,  and  were  badly  wounded. 
When,  in  the  course  of  my  march,  I  gained  intelligence  of 
Shahaba-d  din's  behaviour,  I  led  an  expedition  against  him  in 
my  own  person,  and  halted  on  the  edge  of  the  moat  of  his 
fortress.  It  was  represented  to  me  that  Shahabu-d  din,  in  his 
night  attack,  had  met  with  a  severe  repulse,  and  a  great  number 


412  THE  EMPEROE  TrMlTR. 

of  his  most  serviceable  men  had  been  slaughtered ;  he  had,  in 
consequence,  lost  hope,  and,  withdrawing  his  consideration  from 
his  kingdom  and  wealth,  had  embarked,  broken-hearted  and  in 
a  helpless  condition,  on  200  boats,  which  he  had  procured  for 
such  an  emergency  as  the  present,  and  had  kept  moored  under 
his  own  palace.  He  had  thus  effected  his  escape,  fleeing  down 
the  river  towards  TJch, 

Upon  this  I  issued  a  fanndn,  to  the  effect  that  Amir  Shaikh 
Nuru-d  din,  with  his  nobles  and  retainers,  should  proceed  along 
the  bank  of  the  river  in  pursuit  of  Shah4bu-d  din.  He  gallantly- 
pursued  with  his  brave  army,  and,  having  come  up  with  the 
fugitives,  engaged  them  with  his  archery,  and  succeeded  in 
making  great  slaughter  of  them,  and,  returning  in  triumph, 
obtained  the  highest  rewards.  He  was  admitted  to  the  honour 
of  kissing  my  footstool,  and  in  guerdon  of  the  gallantry  which 
he  had  displayed,  I  loaded  him  with  my  princely  benefits.  The 
troops  also  who,  in  the  night  attack,  had  shown  such  valour,  and 
had  received  wounds,  I  distinguished  with  marks  of  favour.  I 
ordered  Amir  Sh^h  Malik  to  lead  his  troops  into  every  nook  and 
corner  of  the  island,  and  search  all  the  jungles  and  forests,  so 
as  to  get  into  his  power  such  of  the  enemy  as  had  taken  refuge 
in  them.  He,  in  obedience  to  my  order,  instituted  a  rigorous 
search  through  every  nook  and  cranny  of  the  island,  and  numbers 
of  the  enemy  and  Indians,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  it,  fell  a  prey 
to  his  remorseless  scymitar,  and  he  returned,  bringing  as  captives 
their  women  and  children,  and  with  a  large  booty  consisting  of 
their  wealth  and  property,  and  many  boats  laden  with  grain. 
When  I  had  burnt  and  overthrown  the  city  and  fort  of  Shah4bu-d 
din,  and  levelled  it  to  the  ground,  I  was  satisfied,  and,  departing 
thence,  marched  along  the  banks  of  the  river  Jamd  (Jhilam).  In 
the  meanwhile  I  heard  that  Shah^bu-d  din's  fleet  of  boats,  having 
arrived  in  the  environs  of  Multdn,  had  encountered  the  troops 
of  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jahdngir  and  those  of  Amir  Sulaimdn 
Shah  (who  had  the  command  of  Prince  Shdh  Eukh's  army),  and 
that  the  fleet  had  been  completely  destroyed,  and  that  Shahdbu-d 


MALFUZAT-I  TrMlTEr.  413 

din  had  drowned  himself,  after  having  first  thrown  his  wives  and 
children  into  the  river,  which  utter  annihilation  of  his  family 
was  very  pleasing  to  me. 

After  five  or  six  days  march,  on  Sunday  the  21st  of  the 
month,  I  came  to  a  place  in  which  the  rivers  Jamd  and  Ohindd 
(Chindb)  unite,  where  there  was  a  fort  which  they  have  built  at 
the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers.  '  Here  I  halted  and  amused 
myself  by  beholding  the  waves  and  watery  conflict  at  the  junction 
of  these  great  streams,  and  the  sight  of  His  wonders  led  me  to 
reflect  on  the  power  of  Almighty  God.  But  it  occurred  to  me 
that  it  would  be  difficult  to  cross  here  without  constructing  a 
bridge,  and  when  I  gave  orders  to  the  nobles  and  soldiery  that 
they  should  commence  building  one,  some  of  the  zamlnddn  and 
chief  men  of  the  country  who  were  present  prostrated  themselves, 
and  on  their  knees  made  representation  that  it  was  impossible  to 
build  a  bridge  over  such  a  strong  and  turbulent  stream,  for  when 
Turmsharin  Khan  came  to  this  country,  his  utmost  endeavours 
were  insufficient  to  bridge  the  river,  and  he  was  finally  obliged  to 
cross  by  means  of  boats,  so  now  the  great  king  should  also  trans- 
port his  army  across  in  boats.  I  told  them  that  I  would  cross  in 
that  manner  in  case  I  found  myself  unable  to  construct  a  bridge, 
and  I  immediately  gave  orders  that  my  whole  army  should  set 
to  work  to  build  one.  Accordingly,  collecting  boats  and  con- 
necting them  together  firmly  with  chains  and  cables,  and  driving 
down  beams  and  piles  into  the  water,  they  formed  a  bridge,  and 
all  this  was  completed  and  made  excessively  strong  in  six  days, 
that  is  to  say  by  Wednesday  the  28th  of  the  month.  Mount- 
ing my  horse  of  state,  I  crossed  the  river  and  gave  directions 
that  the  several  divisions  of  my  army  should  cross  in  succession, 
and  I  halted  another  day  on  the  bank  of  that  river  for  the 
baggage  and  troops  to  pass. 

When  all  my  troops  had  crossed  in  safety  I  marched  forward, 
and  when  I  arrived  at  the  city  of  Tulamba  I  pitched  my  camp 
on  the  bank  of  the  river.  Tulamba  is  about  seventy  miles 
from  Multan.     On  the  same  day  the  Saiyids,  and  'JJlamd,  and 


414  THE  EMPEEOR  TrMUE. 

Shaikhs,  and  chief  men  and  rulers  of  Tulamba  came  out  to  meet 
me,  and  enjoyed  the  honour  of  kissing  my  stirrup.  As  sincerity 
was  clearly  written  on  their  foreheads,  every  one  of  them  accord- 
ing to  his  rank  was  distinguished  by  marks  of  my  princely  favour. 
Marching  forward  I  halted  on  Saturday,  the  1st  of  the  month 
Safar,  in  the  plain  which  lies  before  the  fortress  of  Tulamba. 
My  wazirs  had  fixed  the  ransom  of  the  people  of  the  city  at  two 
lacs  of  rupees,  and  appointed  collectors ;  but  as  the  Saiyids,  who 
are  the  family  and  descendants  of  our  Lord  Muhammad  the 
chosen,  and  the  'Ulamd  of  Islam,  who  are  the  heirs  of  the 
prophets  (upon  him  and  upon  them  be  blessings  and  peace),  had 
always  in  my  court  been  honoured  and  treated  with  reverence  and 
respect,  I  gave  orders,  now  that  a  ransom  was  about  to  be  levied 
from  the  citizens  of  Tulamba,  that  whatever  was  written  against 
the  names  of  the  Baiyids  and  '  Ulamd,  should  be  struck  out  of  the 
account,  and  I  sent  them  away,  having  filled  their  hearts  with 
joy  and  triumph  by  presents  of  costly  dresses  of  honour,  and 
Arab  horses.  A  reinforcement  of  troops  arrived  about  this  time, 
so  that  my  army  became  more  numerous  than  the  tribes  of  ants 
and  locusts,  causing  scarcity  of  provisions,  so  that  there  was  a 
dearth  of  grain  in  my  camp,  though  the  people  of  the  city  had 
quantities.  Since  a  part  of  the  ransom,  consisting  of  coin,  had 
not  yet  been  collected,  and  since  my  troops  were  distressed  on 
account  of  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  I  ordered  that  the  citizens 
should  make  payment  in  grain  instead  of  money ;  but  they  per- 
sisted in  storing  up  their  corn,  totally  regardless  of  the  sufferings 
of  my  troops.  The  hungry  Tatars,  making  a  general  assault 
upon  them  like  ants  and  locusts,  plundered  an  enormous  number 
of  granaries,  so  numerous  indeed  as  to  be  incalculable,  and 
according  to  the  text,  "Verily,  kings  when  they  enter  a  city 
utterly  ruin  it,"  the  hungry  T^tdrs  opened  the  hands  of  devas- 
tation in  the  city  till  a  rumour  of  the  havoc  they  were  making 
reached  me.  I  ordered  the  Siydwals  and  Tawdehis  to  expel  the 
troops  from  the  city,  and  commanded  that  whatever  corn  and 
other  property  had  been  plundered  should  be  taken  as  an  equiva- 


MALFUZAT-I  TrMCEr.  415 

lent  for  so  much  ransom.  At  this  time  it  was  represented  to  me 
that  some  of  the  chief  zaminddrs  of  the  environs  of  Tulamba,  at 
the  time  when  prince  Pir  Muhammad  was  marching  on  Mult^n, 
had  presented  themselves  before  him,  walking  in  the  path  of 
obedience  and  submission,  but  when  they  had  received  their  dis- 
missal and  returned  to  their  own  home  they  planted  their  feet  on 
the  highway  of  contumacy  and  rebellion.  I  immediately  gave 
orders  to  Amir  Shdh  Malik,  and  to  Shaikh  Muhammad,  the  son 
of  Aiku  Timur,  to  march  with  their  tumdns  and  hushims  against 
these  rebels,  and  to  inflict  condign  punishment  upon  them. 
Amir  Sh^h  Malik  and  Shaikh  Muhammad,  taking  a  guide  with 
them,  instantly  commenced  their  march,  and  having  arrived  at 
the  jungles  in  which  these  wretches,  forsaken  by  fortune,  had 
taken  refuge,  they  dismounted,  and  entering  the  jungle  slew  two 
thousand  of  these  ill  fated  Indians  with  their  remorseless  sabres, 
carrying  off  captives  their  women  and  children,  and  returned 
with  a  great  booty  of  kine,  buffaloes,  and  other  property.  When 
on  their  victorious  return  they  displayed  in  my  sight  the  spoils 
they  had  won,  I  ordered  them  to  make  a  general  distribution  to 
the  soldiery.  When  my  mind  was  satisfied  with  the  extermina- 
tion of  these  wretches,  on  Saturday  the  7th  of  Safar  I  set  my 
foot  in  the  stirrup  and  marched  from  Tulamba.  I  halted  at  a 
place  called  Jal,  which  is  on  the  bank  of  the  river  Biydh,  opposite 
to  Shahpiir.  It  was  represented  to  me  that  in  this  country  there 
was  a  certain  zammddr,  by  name  Nusrat,  of  the  tribe  of  Khokhar, 
who,  having  established  himself  with  two  thousand  bloodthirsty 
soldiers  in  a  fortress  on  the  bank  of  a  lake,  breathed  out  defiance 
and  rebellion.  Leaving  a  body  of  men  in  that  place,  I  imme- 
diately marched  to  attack  this  Nusrat  Khokhar. 

Account  of  the  utter  annihilation  of  Nusrat  Khokhar. 

Leaving  behind  the  heavy  baggage  with  a  select  body  of  men, 
I  commenced  my  march.  I  appointed  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din 
and  Amir  AUahddd  to  the  command  of  the  right  wing  of  the 
army,  and  Amir  Shah  Malik  and  Amir  Shaikh  Muhammad 


416  THE  EMPEROR  TrMUE. 

were  the  leaders  of  the  left  wing,  I  took  up  my  own  position  in 
the  centre,  placing  in  my  van  'Ali  Sultdn  with  the  infantry  of 
Khurasdn.  When  I  arrived  at  the  heavy  swampy  ground  on  the 
bank  of  the  lake,  where  the  God-forsaken  Nusrat  had  taken  up 
his  position,  I  found  that  he  was  there  with  his  two  thousand 
men  drawn  up  all  ready  to  receive  me.  'Ali  Sultdn,  with  the 
gallant  infantry  of  Khurasan,  immediately  entered  the  marshy 
ground,  and,  attacking  those  unsainted  Indians,  succeeded  in 
forcing  his  way  half  through  the  difficult  ground,  and  though  he 
and  several  of  his  men  were  severely  wounded,  kept  up  a  spirited 
fight.  I  immediately  ordered  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  and 
Amir  Allahd^d  with  the  troops  of  the  right  wing  to  hasten  to 
his  support,  and  as  soon  as  they  had  succeeded  in  overcoming  the 
difficulties  of  the  ground,  they  charged  full  upon  Nusrat  and  his 
men,  who,  already  worsted,  were  totally  unable  to  stand  the 
second  attack,  and  were  routed  with  great  slaughter.  Nusrat 
himself  fell  among  the  slain,  but  it  was  not  known  how  he  had 
been  killed,  or  whether  he  effected  his  escape.  My  victorious 
troops  entered  and  set  fire  to  the  residence  of  Nusrat  Khokhar, 
and  having  plundered  the  wealth  and  property  of  those  Indians 
and  taking  an  immense  booty  of  flocks,  herds,  buffaloes,  etc., 
returned  to  my  presence.  I  immediately  left  the  place  and  halted 
at  Sh&h  Naw^z,  which  is  a  populous  village  on  the  bank  of  the 
Biydh,  where  there  was  a  great  quantity  of  grain  stored  up  in 
magazines  and  granaries.  My  soldiers  and  I  carried  away  as 
much  as  ever  we  were  able,  and  as  for  what. remained  I  ordered 
them  to  set  fire  to  the  granaries,  and  detached  a  portion  of  my 
gallant  army  in  pursuit  of  some  of  Nusrat's  followers,  who  had 
escaped  across  the  river  Biy^h.  My  troops  crossed  the  stream, 
overtook  the  army,  slaughtered  a  great  number  of  them,  and  re- 
turned with  many  prisoners  and  an  immense  booty.  On  Tues- 
day, the  13th  of  the  month,  I  set  out  firom  Sh4h  Nawdz,  on  my 
return  to  the  baggage,  and  pitched  my  camp  on  the  bank  of  the 
river  Bijkh,  opposite  to  Janj^n,  in  the  place  where  all  my  heavy 
baggage  and  supplies  were  collected,  and  gave  orders  that  my 


MALFirZA'T-I  TrMUEI.  417 

whole  army  and  baggage  should  cross  the  river  to  Janjdn,  and 
that  they  should  set  up  my  tent  on  a  little  eminence  outside  the 
town,  at  the  foot  of  which  was  a  verdant  garden,  and  when 
they  had  done  this  I  myself  crossed  and  mounted  to  the  top  of 
this  little  eminence,  from  whence  a  green  pleasant  plain  met  my 
view.  I  returned  to  my  tent  in  time  for  mid-day  prayer,  after 
which  one  of  prince  Shdh  Eukh's  servants,  by  name,  Pir  Malik, 
brought  me  letters  from  the  prince  in  Khur^sdn.  These  letters 
I  found  to  contain  assurances  of  his  own  well-being  and  that  of 
the  country  intrusted  to  his  care. 

Account  of  the  arrival  of  the  news  of  the  conquest  of  Multan. 

At  the  same  time,  intelligence  arrived  from  my  prosperous 
son,  Pir  Muhammad  Jahingir,  and  the  other  nobles  who  were 
besieging  Multan,  "that,  by  the  mercy  of  G-od,  and  the  good 
fortune  of  the  great  king,  victory  has  shown  her  face,  after  we 
have  been  employed  six  months  in  the  siege  of  Mult4n.  Strang, 
the  ruler  of  Multan,  with  his  army  and  people,  were  reduced  to 
such  straits  that  nothing  eatable,  not  even  a  cat  or  a  mouse, 
remained  alive  in  their  city.  When  Sarang  found  himself 
reduced  by  famine  to  such  extremity,  he  was  forced  by  sheer 
weakness  and  exhaustion  to  surrender,  bargaining  only  for  his 
life.  On  this  condition  being  granted,  he  came  out  of  the  city 
and  made  it  over  to  us,  as  has  been  mentioned  before.  Now 
the  rainy  season  had  by  this  time  set  in,  and  the  rain  kept  con- 
tinually falling  in  torrents,  so  that  most  of  the  horses  of  my 
own  stable,  and  those  of  great  numbers  of  the  nobles  and  soldiery 
died,  and  we  were  obliged,  by  the  heavy  rains,  to  shift  our 
quarters  from  our  camp  into  the  city.  When  some  time  had 
elapsed  in  this  manner,  and  scarcely  a  horse  remained  among  us, 
the  neighbouring  zaminddrs  and  chieftains  who,  by  way  of  obe- 
dience and  submission,  had  entered  the  house  of  subjection,  and 
had  all  come  with  offers  of  service,  when  they  saw  our  apparent 
distress,  all  withdrew  their  feet  from  the  highway  of  obedience, 

VOL.   III.  27 


418  THE  EMPEROR  TrMUR. 

and  many  of  these  perfidious  chiefs  brought  death  upon  them- 
selves. Now,  praise  be  to  God,  that  at  the  time  when,  on  ac- 
count of  the  mortality  among  our  horses,  and  the  rebellious 
conduct  of  the  zaminddrs,  we  were  reduced  to  perplexity  and 
distress,  the  report  has  been  spread  through  the  country  of  the 
arrival  of  the  victorious  standards  of  the  great  king,  infusing 
joy  into  the  heart  of  his  servants  and  inspiring  the  wretched 
enemy  with  penitence  for  their  evil  deeds.  We  shall  follow  close 
upon  our  petition  to  the  glorious  threshold."  On  reading  these 
letters  from  Prince  Plr  Muhammad  Jahangir,  I  returned  thanks 
to  Almighty  God,  and  on  the  very  next  day,  having  received 
intelligence  of  the  prince's  near  arrival,  I  sent  out  a  plentifiil 
supply  of  food  and  provision  for  each  of  the  princes  and  nobles ; 
I  further  ordered  that  all  the  nobles  who  were  attendants  on 
my  stirrup  should  go  forth  to  pay  honour  to  Prince  Pir  Mu- 
hammad, and  that  all  the  nobles  and  army,  tumdn  by  tumdn, 
and  kushim  by  hushiin,  should  go  forth  to  meet  him.  This  being 
done,  the  prince  presented  himself  in  my  presence.  First,  I 
sent  for  Prince  Muhammad  Jahangir,  and,  affectionately  em- 
bracing him,  gave  him  a  place  before  myself.  I  then  ordered 
the  admittance  of  the  nobles,  who  knelt  and  saluted  me.  After 
this,  ordering  the  attendance  of  Mushk-hdsMs  and  Yuz-hdsMs, 
I  saluted  them  all.  I  then  entered  my  private  tent,  taking  the 
prince  with  me,  and  stationing  the  other  nobles  outside.  I 
alleviated  the  toils  and  fatigues  which  they  had  undergone  in  the 
Multan  war,  and  then,  after  affable  conversation,  I  dismissed 
them  to  their  own  tents.  But  keeping  with  me  Prince  Pir 
Muhammad  Jahdngir,  I.  entered  into  a  detailed  inquiry  of  the 
circumstances  of  the  army,  and  the  behaviour  of  each  of  the 
nobles,  and  the  services  which  each  had  rendered,  together  with 
any  cowardice  or  short-coming  on  their  part ;  to  all  which  ques- 
tions I  received  satisfactory  answers,  and  he  gave  me  all  the 
information  I  required  concerning  the  behaviour  of  the  army, 
and  the  conduct  of  the  war,  and  the  particulars  of  the  conquest 
of  the  mountain  of  Sulaimdn,   with  the  plundering  of  that 


MALFirzAT-i  TrMimr.  419 

country,  and  the  passage  of  the  river  Indus,  and  the  conquest 
of  the  city  TTch,  and  the  details  of  the  siege  of  Multdn,  and  the 
defeat  of  Sdrang  the  brother  of  Mallu  Khdn,  and  various  other 
matters  which  put  me  to  sleep.  I  rewarded  the  prince  for  the 
conquest  of  Multdn  with  a  title  and  other  favours,  making  him 
excessively  joyful;  and  I  honoured  with  princely  benefits  and 
favours  all  the  nobles  who  had  done  good  service  under  him. 
Some  chiefs  who,  in  the  expedition  against  Khwdrizm,  had  de- 
serted from  Jah^n  Shah's  army  and  fled  into  Hindustan,  were 
now,  after  committing  sundry  acts  of  rebellion,  reduced  to  great 
distress,  and  at  the  time  that  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jahdngir 
undertook  the  siege  of  Multan  they  presented  themselves  before 
him,  seeking  his  protection,  which  he  graciously  accorded  to 
them.  When  the  prince  came  to  my  camp,  he  entreated  my 
forgiveness  for  them,  and  presented  them  to  me  with  a  petition 
that  their  lives  might  be  spared.  To  gratify  him,  I  agreed  to 
overlook  their  offences,  and  ordered  that  they  should  be  released 
after  the  bastinado. 

On  Saturday,  the  15th  of  the  month  Safar,  I  issued  orders 
that  my  troops  and  baggage  should  cross  the  river  Biydh,  and 
then  crossing  over  myself,  I  halted  at  Janjdn,  which  was  stated 
to  be  eight  miles  distant  from  Multan.  At  this  place  I  halted 
four  days,  in  order  to  give  my  troops  time  to  effect  the  passage 
of  the  river,  and  here  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jah^ngir  had  pre- 
pared a  sumptuous  entertainment,  and  presented  me  with  valuable 
gifts,  such  as  crowns,  inwrought  girdles,  and  money,  and  priceless 
jewels,  and  Arab  horses,  with  housings  inlaid  with  gold  and 
jewels,  and  various  kinds  of  embroidered  cloths,  and  precious 
rarities,  and  specimens  of  gold  and  silver  work,  such  as  plates 
and  dishes  and  covers  and  beautifully  wrought  urns  and  ewers, 
and  these  in  such  quantities  that  all  the  scribes  attached  to  my 
retinue  were  employed  two  whole  days  in  taking  a  detailed  in- 
ventory of  them.  When  I  had  inspected  them,  I  distributed 
them  among  the  amirs  and  others  who  were  present  at  the  as- 
sembly, taking  care  to  include  all  in  the  partition.  * 


420  THE  EMPEEOE  TrMtTE. 

Account  of  my  presenting  30,000  horses  to  the  army  of  Prince 
Pir  Muhammad. 

Now  since  the  nobles  and  the  soldiers  of  Prince  Pir  Mu- 
hammad had  lost  all  their  horses  during  the  rains,  and  had 
undergone  much  toil  and  fatigue  in  their  march,  and  had  pre- 
sented themselves  at  my  camp,  some  on  feot  and  some  riding 
bullocks,  I  gave  orders  to  my  master  of  the  horse  to  produce 
30,000  chargers,  which  I  presented  to  Prince  Pir  Muhammad, 
thus  furnishing  his  whole  army  with  a  remount.  When 
all  my  troops,  some  by  boats  and  some  by  swimming,  had 
effected  the  passage  of  the  river  Biyah,  I  marched  forward  from 
Janjan  and  arrived  at  Sahwal.  Leaving  this  place  on  Friday, 
the  21st  of  Safar,  I  arrived  at  Aswan,  where  I  halted  for  one 
day ;  continuing  my  march  on  the  next  I  arrived  at  Jahwdl, 
where  I  pitched  my  camp.  It  was  here  brought  to  my  notice 
that  the  zaminddrs  and  nobles  of  the  city  of  DibAlpur  had  at 
first  come  to  Mult^n  and  tendered  their  allegiance  to  prince  Pir 
Muhammad  Jahangir,  beseeching  a  governor  from  him.  Yield- 
ing to  their  entreaty,  he  appointed  Mus^fir  K^buli  to  be  Bdroghd 
of  Dib^lpur,  and  gave  him  the  command  of  a  thousand  men ; 
but  in  the  rainy  season,  when  the  horses  of  the  soldiery  were  in- 
capacitated, the  people  of  Dib^lpur  entering  into  a  conspiracy 
with  the  servants  of  Firoz  Shdh,  made  a  sudden  attack  upon 
Musdfir  Kabuli,  who  was  unprepared  for  any  such  treachery,  and 
put  to  death  both  him  and  the  thousand  men  who  were  under  his 
command ;  but  (said  my  informants)  now  that  the  Great  King 
has  paid  these  countries  the  honour  of  a  visit,  these  rebels  have 
deserted  their  city  and  taken  refuge  in  the  fort  of  Bhatnir,  which 
is  one  of  the  most  renowned  fortresses  of  India,  and  the  raja  of 
the  fort  is  an  important  person,  famous  throughout  the  whole 
country. 

Account  of  the  capture  of  the  fortress  of  Bhatnir. 
On  hearing  this  relation,  the  fire  of  my  indignation  was  ex- 
cited, and  I  appointed  Amir  Shah  Malik  and  Daulut  Timur 


MALFtrZiST-I  irMUTir.  421 

Tawachi  to  march  forward  with  a  large  army,  by  way  of  Dibdl- 
pur,  towards  Dehli,  and  ordered  them  to  wait  for  me  at  Samana, 
which  is  a  place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dehli.  I,  myself,  in 
the  meanwhile,  pushed  forward  upon  Bhatnir  with  a  body  of 
10,000  picked  cavalry.  On  arriving  at  Ajodhan,  I  found  that 
among  the  shaikhs  of  this  place  (who,  except  the  name  of 
shaikh,  have  nothing  of  piety  or  devotion  about  them)  there 
was  a  shaikh  named  Manua,  who,  seducing  some  of  the  in- 
habitants of  this  city,  had  induced  them  to  desert  their  country 
and  accompany  him  towards  Dehli,  while  some,  tempted  by 
Shaikh  Sa'd,  his  companion,  had  gone  to  Bhatnir,  and  a  number 
of  the  wise  men  of  religion  and  the  doctors  of  law  of  Islam, 
who  always  keep  the  foot  of  resignation  firmly  fixed  in  the  road 
of  destiny,  had  not  moved  from  their  places,  but  remained  quietly 
at  home.  On  my  arrival  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ajodhan,  they 
all  hastened  forth  to  meet  me,  and  were  honoured  by  kissing  my 
footstool,  and  I  dismissed  them  after  treating  them  with  great 
honour  and  respect.  I  appointed  my  slave,  Nasiru-d  din,  and 
Shahdb  Muhammad  to  see  that  no  injury  was  inflicted  by  my 
troops  on  the  people  of  this  city.  I  was  informed  that  the 
blessed  tomb  of  Hazrat  Shaikh  Farid  Ganj-shakar  (whom  may 
God  bless)  was  in  this  city,  upon  which  I  immediately  set  out 
on  pilgrimage  to  it.  I  repeated  the  Fdtiha,  and  the  other  prayers, 
for  assistance,  etc.,  and  prayed  for  victory  from  his  blessed  spirit, 
and  distributed  large  sums  in  alms  and  charity  among  the  atten- 
dants on  the  holy  shrine.  I  left  Ajodhan  on  Wednesday,  the 
26th  of  the  month,  on  my  march  to  Bhatnir,  and,  passing  by 
Budanah,  I  halted  at  Khdlis  Kotali,  which  is  a  place  ten  kos 
distant.  At  this  place  I  made  inquiries  concerning  the  fort 
Bhatnir.  The  people  of  the  country  informed  me  that  Bhatnir 
was  about  fifty  kos  ofiF,  and  that  it  was  an  extremely  strong  and 
well-fortified  place,  so  much  so  as  to  be  renowned  throughout  the 
whole  of  Hindustan.  All  the  water  used  by  its  inhabitants  comes 
from  a  reservoir,  which  is  filled  with  rain  water  during  the  rainy 
season,  and  furnishes  a  supply  for  the  whole  year.i  The  Choi 
'  Mr.  Chapmaa's  translation  terminates  here. 


422  THE  EMPEROS  TrMlTR. 

extends  for  many  kos  around,  and  water  is  not  to  be  obtained. 
The  people  who  had  fled  from  Ajodhan  had  come  to  Bhatnir, 
because  no  hostile  army  had  ever  penetrated  thither.  So  a  great 
concourse  of  people  from  Dibalpur  and  Ajodhan,  with  much 
property  and  .valuables,  was  there  assembled.  The  town  and 
fort  were  full,  many  could  find  no  room  in  the  city,  and  remained 
outside  with  their  property  and  goods,  so  that  the  roads  were 
choked.  Immense  numbers  of  cattle  were  collected  in  the 
neighbourhood. 

The  raja  of  that  place  was  called  Dul  Chain.^  He  had  as- 
sembled a  body  of  Bdjputs,  a  class  which  supplies  the  most 
renowned  soldiers  of  India,  and  with  these  he  waited  ready  to 
do  battle.  When  I  had  ascertained  all  about  Bhatnir,  after 
noon-day  prayer  I  mounted  my  horse  and  rode  out  from  Kh^lis- 
Kotali.  The  remainder  of  that  day  and  all  that  night  I  pushed 
on,  taking  no  rest  anywhere  until  I  had  passed  the  Choi,  and 
morning  broke  out.  I  had  sent  on  an  advance  guard,  which  was 
attacked  several  times  by  the  enemy's  van.  Shaikh  Darwesh 
displayed  much  bravery,  overthrowing  and  killing  two  of  the 
enemy's  men.  Dul  Chain's  advance  guard  then  retreated.  I 
pursued  my  journey,  and  at  breakfast  time  I  reached  Bhatnir. 
I  gave  orders  that  the  drums  should  be  beaten,  the  instruments 
sounded,  and  the  war  cry  raised.  Immediately  afterwards  all 
the  vast  quantities  of  goods  and  property  that  were  outside  the 
city  were  plundered  by  my  soldiers.  RAo  Dul  Chain,  having 
secured  the  fort  and  walls,  prepared  for  his  defence,  and  I,  at 
the  same  time,  resolved  to  attack  and  conquer  the  place. 

Siege  of  Bhatnir. 

When  I  came  to  the  determination  of  taking  the  fort  of 
Bhatnir,  I  appointed  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din,  Amir  Sulaim^n,  Amir 
AUdh-dad,  and  other  amirs,  to  direct  the  attack  upon  the  right 
of  the  fort,  and  to  endeavour  to  make  themselves  masters  of  the 

'  The  Zafwr-ndma  calls  him  "Dfil  Chan;"  the  Chain  or  Chan  being  most  pro- 
bably intended  for  "  Chand." 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMlTEr.  423 

walls.  I  appointed  Prince  Khalil  Sultdn,  Shaikh  Muhammad, 
son  of  Aiku-timur,  and  some  other  commanders  of  regiments, 
to  make  the  assault  upon  the  left,  and  try  to  take  the  fort.  I, 
myself,  led  the  centre  of  my  army  against  the  gate.  My  bfave 
soldiers  stormed  the  fort  and  walls  in  all  directions,  and  at  the 
very  first  assault  the  fortifications  and  walls  (Jiisdr  wa  shahr- 
hand)  were  wrested  from  the  hands  of  the  Hindus  and  the  town 
was  taken.  Many  Rdjpids  were  put  to  the  sword,  and  all  the 
enormous  wealth  and  property  which  was  in  the  city  fell  as 
spoil  into  the  hands  of  my  soldiers.  My  brave  men  showed 
much  courage  and  determination  in  this  capture  of  the  fort. 
Eao  Dtil  Chain,  with  his  fighting  Rdjpiits,  drew  up  at  the  gate 
of  the  fort  to  dispute  the  entrance.  I  then  directed  the  generals 
of  the  division  of  Prince  Shah  Rukh,  Amir  Sulaiman  Shdh,  and 
Amir  Jahdn  Malik  to  fall  upon  E^o  Dul  Chain  and  the  men 
who  had  rallied  round  him.  They  engaged  in  the  conflict,  and 
showed  much  intrepidity  and  valour  with  their  flashing  swords. 
Jahan  Malik  fought  like  a  lion,  and  Saiyid  Khwaja  cut  down 
several  of  the  enemy.  All  my  oflS.cers  and  brave  soldiers  swarmed 
round  the  fort  like  ants  and  locusts ;  some  advanced  to  the  edge 
of  the  ditch,  and  some  passed  over  it.  When  Rao  Dul  Chain 
perceived  that  his  fort  was  being  taken  by  the  valour  and  prowess 
of  ray  men,  he  raised  a  cry  for  quarter,  and  prayed  a  cessation 
of  fighting,  declaring  his  determination  to  come  and  make  his 
submission  to  me.  He  sent  a  saiyid  to  intercede  for  him.  When 
the  saiyid  came  to  me  and  represented  the  forlorn  and  miserable 
state  of  the  Eao  Dul  Chain,  my  respect  for  the  gray  beard  of  the 
intercessor,  and  the  reverence  which  I  have  for  saiyids  in  general, 
led  me  to  give  the  command  for  my  soldiers  to  leave  off  fighting, 
telling  them  that  the  Udo  had  determined  to  come  and  surrender 
on  the  following  day.  In  consequence  of  this  order  the  soldiers 
withdrew  from  the  fort  and  took  up  their  quarters  outside  the 
town.  The  night  passed  with  much  vigilance  and  caution  on  our 
part.  When  morning  came  the  Itdo  broke  his  word,  and  did  not 
come  to  pay  homage  to  me.    I  gave  the  order  for  again  attacking 


424  THE  EMPEROR  TrMUR. 

the  fort  vigorously,  and  I  directed  that  every  man  should  strive 
to  mine  the  wall  in  front  of  him,  and  to  make  a  passage  under- 
neath. In  execution  of  this  order,  the  soldiers  pressed  forward 
to  make  holes  under  the  wall,  and  a  terrible  fight  ensued.  The 
besieged  cast  down  in  showers  arrows  and  stones  and  fireworks 
upon  the  heads  of  the  assailants,  but  my  brave  men  received 
these  missiles  on  their  heads  and  shoulders,  and,  treating  them 
as  mere  dirt  and  rubbish,  pushed  on  their  work.  The  enemy 
found  themselves  hemmed  in  on  all  sides  with  breaches  open,  so 
fear  took  possession  of  them,  their  hearts  fell,  and  they  gave  up 
resistance.  Edo  Diil  Chain  and  his  followers  {sipdh)  came  out  on 
the  top  of  the  battlements,  and  with  many  signs  of  distress  and 
trouble  begged  for  mercy,  promising  that  if  I  would  graciously 
pardon  their  ofiences  they  would  surrender,  and  faithfully  wait 
upon  me  to  pay  their  homage.  I  knew  very  well  their  hope- 
less condition,  but  I  remembered  the  saying  of  the  wise,  that 
"  Clemency  is  better  than  victory,"  so  I  granted  the  prayer  of 
the  enemy  and  returned  to  my  camp.  In  the  evening  of  the 
same  day,  Eao  Dul  Chain  sent  his  son  and  his  deputy  to  my 
tent,  bringing  with  them  some  head  of  game  and  some  Arab 
horses  as  presents.  I  received  the  youth  with  kindness  and 
princely  distinction,  gave  him  a  robe  and  a  sword  with  a  golden 
scabbard,  and  sent  him  back  to  his  father.  I  enjoined  him  to 
warn  his  father  against  giving  way  to  any  suggestions  of  de- 
ception and  false  play,  but  to  come  in  and  make  a  frank  sub- 
mission ;  I  would  then  treat  him  with  favour.  If,  however,  he 
made  any  delay,  he  should  see  what  would  happen. 

The  son  returned  to  his  father  and  told  him  all  that  he  had 
seen  and  heard.  Rao  Diil  Chain  had.  no  resource  left,  so  on 
Friday,  the  28th  Safar,  at  breakfast  time,  he  came  out  of  his 
fort  and  approached  my  tent.  He  brought  with  him  Shaikh 
8'ad  Ajodhani,  and,  being  introduced  by  the  amirs,  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  honour  of  kissing  my  feet.  He  presented  me  with 
twenty-seven  Arab  horses  with  gold-mounted  harness,  and 
several  sporting  hawks,     I  comforted  him,  and  bestowed  on  him 


MALPtrzxT-i  TrMiTRr.  425 

a  robe  of  gold  brocade,  a  cap  and  girdle  of  gold  work,  and  a 
gold-mounted  sword. 

A  number  of  the  zaminddrs  and  chiefs  of  the  surrounding 
country  had  put  to  death  the  governors,  especially  the  men  of 
Dibdlpiir,  who  had  slain  Musdfir  Kdbull  with  a  thousand  other 
persons.  These  men  had  fled,  and  had  now  taken  refuge  in 
Bhatnir.  I  accordingly  ordered  Amir  Sulaiman  and  Amir 
AUah-ddd  to  take  their  regiments  into  the  town  and  to  bring 
out  all  the  strangers  they  could  find,  with  their  property  and 
goods.  In  execution  of  the  order,  they  went  into  the  town,  and, 
driving  out  all  the  refugees,  they  brought  them,  with  their  pro- 
perty and  goods,  to  my  tent.  On  the  29th  Safar  I  distributed 
these  people  in  lots  among  my  amirs,  and  I  confiscated  all  the 
money  and  valuables  of  these  daring  men  for  royal  uses.  Three 
hundred  Arab  horses,  which  had  been  taken  in  the  fight,  I  dis- 
tributed among  my  soldiers.  In  retaliation  for  the  murder  of 
Mus4fir  Kdbuli  and  his  thousand  followers,  I  ordered  500  men 
of  Dibdlpiir  to  be  brought  to  punishment  {ydsdk),  and  their 
wives  and  children  to  be  made  slaves,  that  this  might  be  a  warn- 
ing to  other  daring  men.  The  men  of  Ajodban  and  other  places 
I  punished  according  to  their  ofi'ences.  Some  received  chastise- 
ment [ydsdk),  and  their  wives  and  children  were  enslaved,  others 
were  set  free. 

When  I  had  inflicted  this  chastisement  on  the  malefactors, 
Kam41u-d  din,i  brother  of  Edo  Dul  Chain,  and  the  Rao's  son 
were  stricken  with  dismay.  Although  Dul  Chain  was  in  my 
camp,  they  fled  into  the  fort  and  closed  the  gates.  As  soon  as 
I  heard  of  their  proceedings,  I  ordered  the  Rdo  to  be  placed  in 
confinement,  and  the  flames  of  my  wrath  blazed  high.  I  com- 
manded my  officers  and  men  to  direct  their  efforts  to  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  fort  by  breaching  and  scaling.  When  the  gamson , 
perceived  my  men  advancing  bravely  to  assault  the  fort,  the 
Bad's  brother  and  son  again  raised  the  cry  of  alarm  and  distress, 

1  The  two  MSS.  of  this  work,  and  the  four  of  the  Zafar-ndma  all  agree  in  giving 
this  MusulmSn  name  to  the  Rdo's  brother. 


426  THE  EMPEEOE  TrMtTE. 

and  begged  for  mercy.  They  put  their  swords  upon  their  necks, 
came  into  my  camp  to  make  excuses  for  their  folly,  and  presented 
the  keys  of  the  fort  to  my  officers.     I  spared  their  lives. 

On  the  1st  Rabi'u-1  awwal  I  gave  instructions  to  Amir  Shaikh 
Nuru-d  din  and  Amir  Allah-ddd  for  realizing  the  ransom  money, 
and  sent  them  into  the  city.  The  rdis  and  Bdjpiits  and  chiefs 
of  the  city  did  not  act  fairly  in  paying  the  ransom  money,  al- 
though it  was  a  matter  in  which  honourable  dealing  was  neces- 
sary. Contention  and  fighting  arose  between  the  collectors  and 
the  evil-minded  rdis.  When  intelligence  of  this  reached  my 
ears,  I  directed  my  brave  fellows  to  punish  the  infidels.  In 
obedience  to  the  order,  the  soldiers  pressed  towards  the  fort,  and, 
fixing  their  scaling  ladders  and  ropes  to  the  battlements,  they 
carried  the  fort  by  escalade.  The  infidels  and  Musulmans  in  the 
fort  now  found  their  case  desperate.  The  infidels  shut  up  their 
wives  and  children  in  their  houses,  to  which  they  set  fire,  and 
they  and  their  families  were  burned  altogether ;  those  who  called 
themselves  Musulmans,  but  who  had  strayed  from  the  Muham- 
madan  fold,  killed  their  wives  and  children  with  the  sword,  and 
then  boldly  facing  death  rushed  together  into  the  fight.  My 
men  entered  the  fort  on  all  sides,  and  plying  their  swords  and 
daggers  fell  upon  the  foe.  The  men  of  the  garrison  were  young 
and  vigorous,  active  and  daring.  They  fought  manfully  and  a 
desperate  conflict  ensued.  Some  of  my  renowned  and  brave  men 
performed  prodigies  of  valour,  and  received  most  fi-ightful  wounds. 
The  amirs  maintained  their  character  with  their  swords,  and 
fought  and  strove  with  manly  vigour.  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din 
maintained,  on  foot,  a  fierce  conflict  with  the  infidels,  and  many 
fell  under  the  blows  of  his  sword.  Several  of  them  then  joined 
and  made  a  simultaneous  assault  upon  him.  The  amir  was  alone 
and  they  were  many,  so  these  demons  in  looks  and  demons  in 
temper  seized  him  and  were  endeavouring  to  take  him  prisoner. 
Just  at  the  critical  moment  Firoz  Sist^ni  and  Auzan  Mazid 
Baghdad!  cut  their  way  to  the  side  of  Niiru-d  din,  and  after 
charging  the  infidels  once  and  again,  they  forced  them  to  fall 


MALFtrZAT-I  TrMlTEr.  427 

back,  and  thus  they  rescued  their  comrades  from  the  hands  of 
the  gabrs.  So  in  all  directions  the  brave  warriors  of  Isl4m  at- 
tacked the  infidels  with  lion-like  fury,  until  at  length  by  the 
grace  of  Grod,  victory  beamed  upon  the  efforts  of  my  soldiers.  In 
a  short  space  of  time  all  the  people  in  the  fort  were  put  to  the 
sword,  and  in  the  course  of  one  hour  the  heads  of  ten  thousand 
infidels  were  cut  off.  The  sword  of  Islam  was  washed  in  the 
blood  of  the  infidels,  and  all  the  goods  and  effects,  the  treasure 
and  the  grain  which  for  many  a  long  year  had  been  stored  in  the 
fort  became  the  spoil  of  my  soldiers.  They  set  fire  to  the  houses 
and  reduced  them  to  ashes,  and  they  razed  the  buildings  and  the 
fort  to  the  ground.  When  this  victory  had  been  accomplished  I 
returned  to  my  tent.  All  the  princes  and  amirs  waited  upon  me 
to  congratulate  me  upon  the  conquest  and  upon  the  enormous 
booty  which  had  fallen  into  my  hands.  It  was  all  brought  out  and 
I  distributed  it  among  my  brave  amirs  and  soldiers ;  I  bestowed 
great  gifts  and  rewards  on  Mazid  Baghdad!  and  on  Firoz  Sist^ni 
who  had  rescued  Amir  Nuru-d  din,  and  I  promoted  them  to  a 
high  rank. 

When  my  heart  was  satisfied  with  the  overthrow  of  the  rdis 
and  rdjds  and  turbulent  dwellers  of  these  parts,  on  the  3rd 
Eabi'u-1  awwal  the  drums  of  departure  sounded  ;  I  mounted 
my  horse,  and,  after  marching  fourteen  kos,  encamped  on  the 
borders  of  a  tank,  near  which  was  a  jungle  full  of  grass.  Next 
day  I  again  marched,  and  passing  by  the  fort  of  Firoz  I  arrived 
at  a  town  called  Sarsutf. 

Conquest  of  the  Town  of  Sarsuti. 

When  I  made  inquiries  about  the  city  of  Sarsuti,  I  was  in- 
formed that  the  people  of  the  place  were  strangers  to  the  religion 
of  Islam,  and  that  they  kept  hogs  in  their  houses  and  ate  the 
flesh  of  those  animals.  When  they  heard  of  my  arrival,  they 
abandoned  their  city.  I  sent  my  cavalry  in  pursuit  of  them,  and 
a  great  fight  ensued.  All  these  infidel  Hindus  were  slain,  their 
wives  and  children  were  made  prisoners,  and  their  property  and 


428  THE  EMPEROR  TrMUR. 

goods  became  the  spoil  of  the  victors.  The  soldiers  then  returned, 
bringing  with  them  several  thousand  Hindu  women  and  children 
who  became  Muhammadans,  and  repeated  the  creed.  Of  all  the 
braves  who  took  part  in  this  action,  'Kdil  Bahadur  Farrdsh  was 
the  only  one  who  fell. 

The  following  day  I  rested  in  the  town  of  Sarsuti,  and  on  the 
next  day,  the  6th  of  the  month,  I  marched  eighteen  kos,  and 
came  near  to  the  fort  of  Fath-dbad,  where  I  encamped.  The 
people  of  Fath-4b4d  also,  by  the  suggestion  of  Satan,  had  fled 
from  the  town  and  taken  refuge  in  the  deserts  and  jungles.  I 
despatched  some  commanders  of  regiments  after  them  who  over- 
took them  and  slew  great  numbers  of  them.  They  took  all  their 
property  and  goods,  horses  and  cattle,  and  returned  to  camp 
laden  with  spoil.  Next  day  I  marched  from  Fath-abad,  and 
passing  by  the  fort  of  Rajab-pur,  I  halted  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
fort  of  Ahruni.  The  people  of  this  town  and  fort  did  not  come 
out  to  meet  me  and  make  their  submission  so  as  to  escape  from 
the  rigour  of  the  army  of  Islam  ;  so  some  savage  Turks  entered 
the  town  and  began  plundering.  Some  of  the  inhabitants  who 
resisted  they  put  to  death ;  the  others  were  made  prisoners.  The 
soldiers  brought  away  great  quantities  of  grain,  and  set  fire  to  the 
houses  and  buildings  of  the  town. 

On  the  8th  of  the  month  I  marched  from  Ahruni,  through  the 
jungle  to  a  village  called  Tohana.  In  answer  to  the  inquiries  I 
made  about  the  inhabitants,  I  learned  that  they  were  a  robust 
race,  and  were  called  Jats.  They  were  Musulm4ns  only  in  name 
and  had  not  their  equals  in  theft  and  highway  robbery.  They 
plundered  caravans  upon  the  road,  and  were  a  terror  to  Musul- 
mdns  and  travellers.  They  had  now  abandoned  the  village  and 
had  fled  to  the  sugar-cane  fields,  the  valleys,  and  the  jungles.^ 
When  these  facts  reached  my  ears  I  prepared  a  force  which 
I  placed  under  the  direction   of  Tokal  Bahadur,  son  of  the 

'  Price  demurs  to  the  sugar-canes,  but  all  the  authorities  agree.    (See  Piice  iii.  2i8.) 


MALFirziiT-i  TrMimr.  429 

Hindu  Karkarra,*  and  sent  it  against  the  Jats.  They  accordingly- 
marched  into  the  sugar-canes  and  jungles.  I  also  sent  Maulan^ 
Nasiru-d  din  in  pursuit  of  them.  When  these  forces  overtook 
the  Jats  they  put  200  to  the  sword  and  made  the  rest  prisoners. 
A  large  stock  of  cattle  was  captured,  and  my  soldiers  returned 
to  camp. 

It  was  again  brought  to  my  knowledge  that  these  turbulent 
Jats  were  as  numerous  as  ants  or  locusts,  and  that  no  traveler 
or  merchant  passed  unscathed  from  their  hands.  They  had 
now  taken  flight,  and  had  gone  into  jungles  and  deserts  hard  to 
penetrate.  A  few  of  them  had  been  killed,  but  it  was  my  fixed 
determination  to  clear  from  thieves  and  robbers  every  country 
that  I  subdued,  so  that  the  servants  of  Grod,  and  Musulmans 
and  travelers  might  be  secure  from  their  violence.  My  great 
object  in  invading  Hindustd-n  had  been  to  wage  a  religious  war 
against  the  infidel  Hindus,  and  it  now  appeared  to  me  that  it 
was  necessary  for  me  to  put  down  these  Jats  and  to  deliver 
travelers  from  their  hands.  I  consequently  placed  the  care  of 
the  baggage  and  of  all  the  plunder  which  had  been  gained  in 
my  victories  in  the  charge  of  Amir  Sulaiman  Shah,  to  convey 
it  with  the  heavy  baggage  to  the  town  of  Samdna. 

On  the  9th  of  the  month  I  despatched  the  baggage  from 
Tohdna,  and  on  the  same  day  I  marched  into  the  jungles  and 
wilds,  and  slew  2,000  demon-like  Jats.  I  made  their  wives  and 
children  captives,  and  plundered  their  cattle  and  property.  Thus 
I  delivered  the  country  from  the  terror  it  had  long  sufiered  at 
the  hands  of  the  marauding  Jats.  On  the  same  day  a  party  of 
saiyids,  who  dwelt  in  the  vicinity,  came  with  courtesy  and 
humility  to  wait  upon  me,  and  were  very  graciously  received. 
In  my  reverence  for  the  race  of  the  prophet,  I  treated  their 
chiefs  with  great  honour.  I  gave  them  all  valuable  robes,  and 
I  appointed  an  officer  to  go  to  their  abodes  and  protect  them,  so 
that  none  of  my  soldiers  should  do  them  any  injury. 

I  marched  from  this  place  to  the  banks  of  the  river  Khagar, 


430  THE  EMPEROR  TrMlTR. 

where  I  halted,  and  Amir  Sulaimdn  Shah  arrived  there  also 
with  the  baggage  on  the  11th  of  the  mouth.  S4m5.na  was  near 
to  this  place,  and  as  the  heavy  baggage  had  not  yet  come  up,  I 
halted  several  days.  On  the  13th  I  marched  again,  and  halted 
near  the  bridge  of  Kotila,i  an  ancient  structure  over  the  river 
Khagar.  At  this  stage  Sultdn  Mahmtid  Khdn,  Prince  Rustam 
and  other  commanders  of  regiments  of  the  left  wing,  whom  I  had 
directed  to  march  to  India  by  way  of  Edbul,  rejoined  me.  I  re- 
ceived them  graciously  and  enquired  about  the  incidents  which 
had  happened  on  the  march,  and  they  informed  me  that  wher- 
ever the  people  of  any  city,  or  village,  or  fort,  made  their 
submission  and  offered  tribute,  they  gave  them  quarter;  but 
whenever  any  city  or  fort  offered  resistance  they  conquered  it, 
put  the  inhabitants  to  death,  plundered  the  goods  and  property, 
and  divided  the  spoil  among  the  soldiers.  I  approved  and  ap- 
plauded them. 

Next  day  I  crossed  over  the  bridge  and  halted.  Here  I  was 
joined  by  Amir  Shah  Malik,  who  brought  up  the  heavy  baggage 
safe  by  way  of  Dibdlpur.  The  following  day  I  remained  in  the 
same  position,  but  on  the  18th  I  marched  from  the  bridge  of 
Kotila  and  the  river  Khagar  and  encamped  at  the  end  of  a 
march  of  five  kos.  Next  day  I  reached  the  town  of  Kaithal, 
which  is  seventeen  kos  distant  from  Sdmana.  I  had  now  come 
near  to  Dehli,  the  capital  of  Hindustan,  and  began  to  prepare  for 
its  conquest. 

Preparations  for  the  Conquest  of  Dehli. 

For  my  intended  attack  upon  Dehli  I  arranged  my  forces  in 
the  following  manner  :  The  right  wing  I  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jah^ngir,  Prince  Rustam, 
Amir  Sulaiman  Shah,  and  *  *  * ;  the  left  I  gave  to  Sultdn 
Malimud  Khan,  Prince  Khalil  Sultan,  Prince  Sultdn  Husain, 
Amir  Jahan  Shd,h  and  *  *  *.  Under  my  own  direction  I  kept  the 
great  tumdns,  the  tiimdns  of  San-sir  (?)  of  Amir  Allah-d4d,  and 

1  Distinct  ia  toth  MSS.  » ^^  ^L  ^\^y  j  ^J^  (J;^^'  • 


MALFirZAT-I  TIMirEr.  431 

*  *  *  the  army,  as  thus  distributed,  extended  over  a  distance  of 
twenty  hos.  Being  satisfied  as  to  ray  disposition  of  the  forces,  I 
began  my  march  to  Dehli.  On  the  22nd  of  Eabi'u-1  awwal  I 
arrived  and  encamped  at  the  fort  of  the  village  of  Aspandi.  In 
answer  to  my  enquiries  about  this  place  1  found  that  Saradna 
was  distant  seven  kos.  The  people  of  S4raana,  and  Kaithal,  and 
Aspandi  are  all  heretics,  idolaters,  infidels,  and  misbelievers.' 
They  had  now  set  fire  to  their  houses  and  had  fled  with  their 
children,  and  property,  and  effects,  towards  Dehli,  so  that  the 
whole  country  was  deserted.  Next  day,  the  23rd  of  the  month, 
I  started  from  the  fort  of  Aspandi,  and  after  marching  six  kos 
arrived  at  the  village  of  Tughlik-pur.  I  encamped  opposite  the 
fort  bearing  that  name.  The  people  of  the  fort  on  hearing  of  the 
approach  of  my  army,  had  abandoned  it,  and  had  dispersed  over 
the  country.  From  the  information  supplied  to  me  I  learned 
that  these  people  were  called  sanawi  (fire-worshipers).  Many 
of  this  perverse  creed  believe  that  there  are  two  gods.  One  is 
called  Yazddn,  and  whatever  they  have  of  good  they  believe  to 
proceed  from  him.  The  other  god  they  call  Ahriman,  and  what- 
ever sin  and  wickedness  they  are  guilty  of  they  consider  Ahriman 
to  be  the  author  of.  These  misbelievers  do  not  know  that  what- 
soever there  is  of  good  or  evil  comes  from  God,  and  that  man  is 
the  mere  instrument  of  its  execution.  I  ordered  the  houses  of 
these  heretics  to  be  fired,  and  their  fort  and  buildings  to  be  razed 
to  the  ground. 

On  the  following  day,  the  24th  of  the  month,  I  marched  to 
Panipat,  where  I  encamped.  I  there  found  that  in  obedience  to 
orders  received  from  the  ruler  of  Dehli  the  people  had  deserted  all 
their  dwellings  and  had  taken  flight.  When  the,  soldiers  entered 
the  fort  they  reported  to  me  that  they  had  found  a  large  store 
of  wheat  amounting  to  some  thousand  mans.  I  ordered  it  to  be 
weighed  to  ascertain  the  real  weight,  and  then  to  be  distributed 
among  the  soldiers.  When  it  was  weighed  it  was  found  to 
amount   to   10,000  mans  of  the  great  weight  {sang-i  kaldn), 

1  "  Kaflrdn  tea  mmhrik  via  be-din  wa  had-kish" 


432  THE  EMPEROR  TrMlTR. 

or  160,000  of  the  legal  standard  {sang-i  ihara').  On  the  fol- 
lowing day  I  marched  from  Pdnipat  six  kos,  and  encamped 
on  the  banks  of  a  river  which  is  on  the  road.  I  marched 
from  this  place  on  Friday,  the  26th  of  the  month,  and  I  gave 
orders  that  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  my  army  should  put  on 
their  armour,  and  that  every  man  should  keep  in  his  proper 
regiment  and  place  in  perfect  readiness.  We  reached  a  village 
called  Kanhf-gazin  and  there  encamped.  I  issued  my  commands 
that  on  the  morrow,  the  28th  of  the  month,  a  force  of  cavalry 
should  proceed  on  a  plundering  excursion  against  the  palace  of 
Jahdn-numd,  a  fine  building  erected  by  Sultan  Firoz  ShAh  on 
the  top  of  a  hill  by  the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  which  is  one  of  the 
large  rivers  of  Hindustan.  Their  orders  were  to  plunder  and 
destroy  and  to  kill  every  one  whom  they  met.  Next  day,  in 
obedience  to  my  commands,  the  division  marched  and  proceeded 
to  the  palace  of  Jahan-numa,  which  is  situated  five  miles  from 
Dehli.  They  plundered  every  village  and  place  they  came  to, 
killed  the  men,  and  carried  off  all  the  valuables  and  cattle,  se- 
curing a  great  booty.  They  then  returned,  bringing  with  them 
a  number  of  Hindu  prisoners,  both  male  and  female. 

On  the  29th  I  again  marched  and  reached  the  river  Jumna. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  river  I  descried  a  fort,  and  upon  making 
inquiry  about  it,  I  was  informed  that  it  consisted  of  a  town  and 
fort,  called  Loni  and  that  it  was  held  by  an  officer  named  Mainiun 
as  kotwdl  on  behalf  of  Sultan  Mahmud.  I  determined  to  take 
that  fort  at  once,  and  as  pasture  was  scant  where  I  was,  on  the 
same  day  I  crossed  the  river  Jumna.  I  sent  Amir  Jahdn  Shah 
and  Amir  Shdh  Malik  and  Amir  AUah-ddd  to  besiege  the  fort  of 
Loni,  and  I  pitched  my  camp  opposite  to  the  fort.  They  in- 
vested the  fort  which  was  under  the  command  of  the  kotwdl  named 
Maimun.  He  made  preparations  for  resistance.  At  this  time 
a  holy  shaikh  who  dwelt  in  the  town  came  out  very  wisely 
and  waited  upon  me.  Although  the  shaikh  was  greatly  honoured 
by  the  people,  still,  they  would  not  listen  to  his  advice,  but 
determined  to  fight  rather  than  surrender  to  me.     These  people 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMUEr.  433 

were  Hindus  and  belonged  to  the  faction  of  Mallu  Khdn, 
They  despised  the  counsels  of  the  venerable  father  and  resolved 
to  resist.  When  I  was  informed  of  it,  I  ordered  all  the  amirs  and 
soldiers  to  assemble  and  invest  the  fort.  They  accordingly 
gathered  with  alacrity  round  the  fort,  and  in  the  course  of  one 
watch  of  the  day  they  carried  the  place.  It  was  situated  in  a 
dodb  between  two  rivers,  one  the  Jumna,  the  other  the  Halin, 
the  latter  being  a  large  canal  which  was  cut  from  the  river  Kaiini 
and  brought  to  Firozabdd,  and  there  connected  with  the  Jumna 
by  Sultdn  Firoz  Shdh.  Many  of  the  Rajputs  placed  their  wives 
and  children  in  their  houses  and  burned  them,  then  they  rushed 
to  the  battle  and  were  killed.  Other  men  of  the  srarrison  fought 
and  were  slain,  and  a  great  many  were  taken  prisoners.  Next 
day  I  gave  orders  that  the  Musulman  prisoners  should  be  sepa- 
rated and  saved,  but  that  the  infidels  should  all  be  despatched  to 
hell  with  the  proselyting  sword.  I  also  ordered  that  the  houses 
of  the  saiyids,  shaikhs,  and  learned  Musulmdns  should  be  pre- 
served, but  that  all  the  other  houses  should  be  plundered  and  the 
fort  destroyed.  It  was  done  as  I  directed  and  a  great  booty  was 
obtained. 

When  my  heart  was  satisfied  with  the  conquest  of  Lonl,  I  rode 
away  from  thence  on  the  1st  Rabi'u-l  dkhir  to  examine  the  fords 
of  the  Jumna,  and  proceeded  along  the  bank  of  the  river.  When 
I  came  opposite  the  palace  Jahdn-numd,  I  found  some  places 
where  the  river  was  passable.  At  the  time  of  mid-day  prayer,  I 
returned  to  the  camp.  I  gave  orders  to  the  princes  and  amirs, 
and  then  held  a  council  about  the  attack  upon  Dehli  and  the 
operations  against  Sultan  Mahmud. 

Council  of  War  on  the  attack  of  Dehli. 

After  much  discussion  in  the  Council  of  War,  where  everyone 
had  something  to  say  and  an  opinion  to  offer,  it  appeared  that 
the  soldiers  of  my  army  had  heard  tales  about  the  strength  and 
prowess  and  appearance  of  the  elephants  of  Hindustan.  They 
had  been  told  that  in  the  fight  one  would  take  up  a  horseman 
VOL.  III.  28 


434  THE  EMPEROE  TrMUR. 

and  his  horse  with  his  trunk  and  hurl  them  in  the  air.  These 
stories  had  been  met  by  suitable  answers  from  some  of  the  bold 
troopers.  The  Council  of  War  at  length  agreed  that  a  plentifiil 
supply  of  grain  must  first  be  secured,  and  stored  in  the  fort  of 
Loni  as  a  provision  for  the  army.  After  this  was  done,  we  might 
proceed  to  the  attack  of  the  fort  and  city  of  Dehli.  When  the 
Council  was  over,  I  ordered  Amir  Jahdn  Shah,  Amir  Sulaiman 
Shdh,  and  other  amirs  to  cross  over  the  Jumna  and  to  forage  in 
the  environs  of  Dehli,  bringing  off  all  the  corn  they  could  find  for 
the  use  of  the  army. 

It  now  occurred  to  me  that  I  would  cross  over  the  Jumna  with 
a  small  party  of  horse  to  examine  the  palace  of  Jahan-numa,  and 
to  reconnoitre  the  ground  on  which  a  battle  might  be  fought.    So 
I  took  an  escort  of  700  horsemen  clad  in  armour  and  went  off.    I 
sent  on  'Ali  Sultan  Tawachi  and  Junaid  Bur-uldal  as  an  advance 
guard.    Crossing  the  Jumna  I  reached  Jahan-num4  and  inspected 
the  whole  building,  and  I  discovered  a  plain  fit  for  a  battle-field. 
'Ali  Sultdn  and  Junaid,  my  advance-guard,  each  brought  in  a 
man  belonging  to  the  van-guard  of  the  enemy.     'Ali  Sultan's 
prisoner  was  named  Muhammad  Salaf.    When  I  had  interrogated 
him  about  the  matters  of  Sultdn  Mahmud  and  Mallu  Khan,  I 
ordered  him  to  be  put  to  death  as  an  augury  of  good.    My  scouts 
now  brought  me  information  that  Mallu  Khdn  with  4,000  horse- 
men  in   armour,  5,000   infantry,   and  twenty-seven  fierce  war 
elephants  fully  accoutred,  had  come  out  of  the  gardens  of  the  city 
and  had  drawn  up  his  array.   I  left  Saiyid  Khwajah  and  Mubashar 
Bahadur  with  300  brave  Turk  horsemen  on  gray  horses  (mfaid 
saicdr  i  Turk)  in  the  Jah^n-num4  and  withdrew  towards  my  camp. 
Mallu  Khan  advanced  boldly  towards  Jahdn-numd  and  Saiyid 
Khwajah  and  Mubashar  went  forth  to  meet  him.     A  conflict 
ensued,  and  my  men  fought  valiantly.    Immediately  I  heard  of  the 
action  I  sent  Sunjak  Bahadur  and  Amir  AUdh-d^d  with  two 
regiments  (Jtmhiiri)  to  their  support.     As  soon  as  practicable, 
they  assailed  the  enemy  with  arrows  and  then  charged  them.   At 
the  second  and  third  charge  the  enemy  was  defeated  and  fled 


MALFUZKI-I  TrMUEr.  435 

towards  Dehli  in  disorder.  Many  fell  under  the  swords  and 
arrows  of  my  men.  When  the  men  fled,  an  extraordinary  in- 
cident occurred  :  one  of  the  great  war  elephants,  called  Bengdlis, 
fell  down  and  died.  When  I  heard  of  it  I  declared  it  to  be  a  good 
omen.  My  victorious  troops  pursued  the  enemy  to  the  vicinity 
of  the  city,  and  then  returned  to  present  themselves  at  my  tent. 
I  congratulated  them  on  their  victory  and  praised  their  conduct. 
Next  day,  Friday  tlie  3rd  of  the  month,  I  left  the  fort  of  Loni 
and  marched  to  a  position  opposite  to  Jah4n-numa  where  I  en- 
camped. The  officers  who  had  been  sent  out  foraging  brought 
in  large  quantities  of  grain  and  spoil, 

Timiir  instructs  the  Princes  and  Amirs  about  the  conduct  of  the  war. 
I  now  held  a  Court.  I  issued  a  summons  to  the  princes,  amirs, 
niiydns,  commanders  of  kushiins,  the  commanders  of  tumdns,  of 
thousands  and  of  hundreds,  and  to  the  braves  of  the  advance- 
guard.  They  all  came  to  my  tent.  All  my  soldiers  were  brave 
veterans,  and  had  used  their  swords  manfully  under  my  own 
eyes.  But  there  were  none  that  had  seen  so  many  fights  and 
battles  as  I  had  seen,  and  no  one  of  the  amirs  or  braves  of  the 
army  that  could  compare  with  me  in  the  amount  of  fighting  I 
had  gone  through,  and  the  experience  I  had  gained.  I  therefore 
gave  them  instructions  as  to  the  mode  of  carrying  on  war ;  on 
making  and  meeting  attacks  ;  on  arraying  their  men ;  on  giving 
support  to  each  other ;  and  on  all  the  precautions  to  be  observed 
in  warring  with  an  enemy.  I  ordered  the  amirs  of  the  right 
wing  and  the  left  wing,  of  the  van  and  the  centre,  to  take  up 
their  proper  positions.  Not  to  be  too  forward  nor  too  backward, 
but  to  act  with  the  utmost  prudence  and  caution  in  their  opera- 
tions. When  I  had  finished,  the  amirs  and  others  testified  their 
approbation,  and,  carefully  treasuring  up  my  counsel,  they  de- 
parted expressing  their  blessings  and  thanks. 

Massacre  of  100,000  Sindus. 
At  this  Court  Amir  Jahan  Shah  and  Amir  Sulaiman  Shdh, 
and  other  amirs  of  experience,  brought  to  my  notice  that,  from 


436  THE  EMPEROE  TrMXJE. 

the  time  of  entering  HindustS.n  up  to  the  present  time,  we  had 
taken  more  than  100,000  infidels  and  Hindus  prisoners,  and 
that  they  were  all  in  my  camp.  On  the  previous  day,  when  the 
enemy's  forces  made  the  attack  upon  us,  the  prisoners, made  signs 
of  rejoicing,  uttered  imprecations  against  us,  and  were  ready,  as 
soon  as  they  heard  of  the  enemy's  success,  to  form  themselves 
into  a  body,  break  their  bonds,  plunder  our  tents,  and  then  to 
go  and  join  the  enemy,  and  so  increase  his  numbers  and  strength. 
I  asked  their  advice  about  the  prisoners,  and  they  said  that  on 
the  great  day  of  battle  these  100,000  prisoners  could  not  be  left 
with  the  baggage,  and  that  it  would  be  entirely  opposed  to  the 
rules  of  war  to  set  these  idolaters  and  foes  of  Islam  at  liberty. 
In  fact,  no  other  course  remained  but  that  of  making  them  all 
food  for  the  sword.  When  I  heard  these  words  I  found  them 
in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  war,  and  I  directly  gave  my  com- 
mand for  the  TawdcMs  to  proclaim  throughout  the  camp  that 
every  man  who  had  infidel  prisoners  was  to  put  them  to  death, 
and  whoever  neglected  to  do  so  should  himself  be  executed  and 
his  property  given  to  the  informer.  When  this  order  became 
known  to  the  ghdzis  of  Islam,  they  drew  their  swords  and  put 
their  prisoners  to  death.  100,000  infidels,  impious  idolaters, 
were  on  that  day  slain.  Maul&n4  Ndsiru-d  din  'TTmar,  a 
counsellor  and  man  of  learning,  who,  in  all  his  life,  had  never 
killed  a  sparrow,  now,  in  execution  of  my  order,  slew  with  his 
sword  fifteen  idolatrous  Hindus,  who  were  his  captives. 

After  the  whole  of  the  vile  idolaters  had  been  sent  to  hell,  I 
gave  orders  that  one  man  out  of  every  ten  should  be  told  ofi'  to 
guard  the  property,  and  cattle  and  horses,^  which  had  been 
captured  in  the  invasion ;  all  the  other  soldiers  were  to  march 
with  me.  At  the  time  of  mid-day  prayer  the  signal  was  given 
for  the  march,  and  I  proceeded  to  the  spot  selected  for  crossing 
the  Jumna,  and  there  encamped.  The  astrologers  who  accom- 
panied the  army  consulted  their  books  and  almanacs  as  to  the 
time  propitious  for  battle,  and  they  represented  that  the  aspects 
1  "JBurdahd,  prisoners,"  but  see  p.  213  siiprd. 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMCEr.  437 

of  the  stars  made  a  short  delay  advisable.  In  all  matters,  small 
and  great,  I  placed  my  reliance  on  the  favour  and  kindness  of 
God,  and  I  knew  that  victory  and  conquest,  defeat  and  flight, 
are  each  ordained  by  Him,  so  I  placed  no  reliance  on  the  words 
of  the  astrologers  and  star-gazers,  but  besought  the  giver  of 
victory  to  favour  my  arms. 

I  did  not  wish  the  war  to  be  of  long  continuance ;  so  as  soon 
as  night  was  over  and  morning  came,  I  arose  to  my  devotions. 
I  said  the  morning  prayers  in  the  congregation,  and  I  repeated 
ray  private  prayers,  then  I  took  the  holy  book,  which  I  always 
carried  with  me,  and  sought  a  /aP  on  the  subject  of  the  war. 
The  verse  which  appeared  was  one  in  the  chapter  of  the  Bee.^ 
I  immediately  sought  the  interpretation  of  this  verse  from  those 
who  were  present,  and  they  replied  that  the  manifest  meaning  of 
it  was  *  *  *  I  received  this  fdl  as  a  propitious  indication,  and 
acted  in  full  reliance  on  its  command  and  on  the  favour  of  God. 

On  the  5th  of  Rabru-1  akhir  I  passed  the  Jumna  by  a  ford, 
and  pitched  my  tents  on  the  (other)  side  of  the  river.  I  gave 
orders  to  the  amirs  and  other  officers  to  station  their  men  as 
close  as  possible  round  my  tent;,  and  I  also  directed  that  the 
ground  round  the  camp  should  be  parcelled  out  among  them, 
and  that  each  one  should  have  a  deep  ditch  dug  in  front  of 
his  allotment.  All  the  soldiers,  great  and  small,  assembled 
en  masse  to  dig  the  ditch.  In  two  watches  of  the  day  the  ditch 
round  the  whole  camp  was  complete.  I  rode  round  to  inspect 
it,  and  I  ordered  that  the  trees  in  the  vicinity  should  be  cut 
down,  and  brought  within  the  ditch ;  that  their  branches  should 
be  formed  into  a  strong  abattis,  and  that  in  some  places  planks 
should  be  set  up. 

It  had  been  constantly  dinned  into  the  ears  of  my  soldiers  that 
the  chief  reliance  of  the  armies  of  Hindustan  was  on  their 
mighty   elephants ;    that  these  animals,   in  complete  armour, 

'  Sortes. 

"  Sale's  Koran,  Vol.  II.,  chapter  xvi.,  Terse — "  God  propounded  as  a  parable,  etc. ;" 
the  application  of  which  is  not  very  obvioiis,  and  required  the  exercise  of  some  in- 
genuity on  the  part  of  its  expounders. 


438  THE  EMPEROR  TrMlTR. 

inarched  into  battle  in  front  of  their  forces,  and  that  arrows  and 
swords  were  of  no  use  against  them ;  that  in  height  and  bulk 
they  were  like  small  mountains,  and  their  strength  was  such  that 
at  a  given  signal  they  could  tear  up  great  trees  and  knock  down 
strongly  built  walls ;  that  in  the  battle-field  they  could  take  up 
the  horse  and  his  rider  with  their  trunks  and  hurl  them  into  the 
air.  Some  of  the  soldiers,  in  the  doubt  natural  to  man,  brought 
some  little  of  what  they  had  heard  to  my  attention,  so  when 
I  assigned  their  respective  positions  to  the  princes  and  amirs  of 
the  right  and  left  wing  and  of  the  centre,  I  enquired  of  the 
learaed  and  good  men  that  accompanied  my  army,  such  as  *  *  * 
where  they  would  like  to  be  placed  in  the  day  of  battle.  They 
had  been  with  me  in  many  campaigns,  and  had  witnessed  many 
a  great  battle,  but  the  stories  about  the  elephants  of  India  had  so 
affected  them  that  they  instantly  replied  that  they  would  like  to 
be  placed  with  the  ladies  while  the  battle  was  in  progress.  So  to 
allay  the  apprehensions  of  this  class  of  men  I  gave  orders  that 
all  the  buffalos  which  had  been  taken  and  placed  with  the 
baggage  should  be  brought  up ;  I  then  had  their  heads  and  necks 
fastened  to  their  legs,  and  placed  the  animals  inside  the  dbattis. 

Defeat  of  Sultan  Mahmud  of  Dehll. 
I  gave  orders  for  the  camp  to  be  carefully  guarded  all  night  to 
prevent  a  nocturnal  surprise  by  the  enemy,  and  the  night  was 
passed  with  the  caution  and  care  which  are  necessary  in  war. 
When  the  morn  of  victory  dawned  I  said  my  prayers  in  the  con- 
gregation, and  after  I  had  discharged  that  duty  I  gave  directions 
for  the  drums  and  other  warlike  instruments  to  be  sounded.  The 
princes,  amirs  and  niiyans,  armed  themselves  completely  and 
marched  with  their  respective  forces  in  regular  order.  I  mounted 
my  horse  and  rode  forth  to  marshal  my  array.  When  I  had 
arranged  my  right  and  left  wings  I  placed  the  right  wing  under 
the  command  of  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jahangir,  Amir  Yddgdr 
Birlas,  etc.  The  left  wing  I  put  under  the  command  of  Prince 
Sultan  Husain,  Prince  Khalil  Sultdn,  Amir  Jahdn  Shdh,  etc. 


MALFtrZAT-I  irMiTEr.  439 

The  advance-guard  I  placed  under  Prince  Eustam,  Amir  Shaikh 
Nuru-d  din,  etc.  I  took  my  own  place  with  the  centre.  When 
all  the  forces  were  arrayed  I  ordered  the  advance-guard  to  go 
forward  and  obtain  some  knowledge  of  the  enemy.  One  of  the 
advance-guard  captured  a  man  belonging  to  the  enemy's  van  and 
brought  him  in  to  me.  When  I  enquired  about  the  position  of 
the  enemy,  he  told  me  that  Sultan  Mahmud  had  drawn  up  his 
army  with  the  intention  of  fighting.  His  right  wing  was  com- 
manded by  Mu'inu-d  din,  Mahk  Hddi,  and  other  officers.  His 
left  wing  was  under  Taghi  Khan,  Mir  'Ali,  and  others.  The 
Sultcin  had  taken  up  his  own  position  with  the  centre,  and  had 
appointed  a  body  of  troops  to  act  as  rear-guard.  His  whole  force 
amounted  to  10,000  veteran  horse,  and  40,000  warlike  infantry. 
He  had  also  125  elephants  covered  with  armour.  Most  of  them 
carried  howdas  in  which  were  throwers  of  grenades  (r'ad-andaz), 
fireworks  (dtash  bdz),  and  rockets  {takhsh-anddz).  Thus  they 
came  up  to  battle. 

The  enemy's  forces  now  made  their  appearance,  and  for  better 
reconnoitering  their  order  I  rode  to  the  top  of  a  little  hill  which 
was  hard  by.  There  I  carefully  scrutinized  their  array,  and  I 
said  to  myself  that  with  the  favour  of  God  I  would  defeat  them 
and  gain  a  victory.  I  alighted  from  my  horse  on  the  top  of  that 
hill  and  performed  my  devotions.  I  bowed  my  head  to  the 
ground  and  besought  the  Almighty  for  victory.  As  I  did  this 
I  perceived  signs  that  my  prayers  were  heard.  When  I  had 
finished,  I  mounted  my  horse  in  the  full  assurance  of  God's 
assistance.  I  returned  to  the  centre  and  took  up  my  position 
under  the  Imperial  standard.  I  then  gave  orders  for  'Ali  SultAn 
Tawachi,  Altiin  Bakhshi,  etc.,  to  march  with  their  regiments  to 
strengthen  the  right  wing.  I  also  commanded  the  other  officers 
to  proceed  with  their  men  to  the  support  of  the  vanguard.  It  so 
happened  that  just  at  the  same  time  Amir  Yadgdr  Birlas  and 
Sulaimdn  Shah,  who  were  with  the  right  wing,  and  Amir  Shaikh 
Nuru-d  din  and  Amir  Shah  Malik,  who  were  with  the  advance 
guard,  had  conceived  the  idea  and  had  observed  to  each  other 


440  THE  EMPEEOR  TrMUE. 

that  they  should  look  upon  any  reinforcement  received  from  the 
centre  as  a  presage  of  victory.  It  was  just  then  that  the 
Almighty  put  it  into  my  mind  to  send  them  assistance. 

The  two  armies  now  confronted  each  other,  the  drums  were 
beaten  on  both  sides,  shouts  and  cries  were  raised,  a  trembling 
fell  upon  that  field,  and  a  great  noise  was  heard.  At  this  time 
Sunjak  Bahadur,  Saiyid  Khwajd,  A114h-dad,  and  others,  separated 
from  the  advance-guard,  and  when  they  perceived  that  Sultdn 
Mahmud's  forces  had  drawn  near,  they  moved  oflF  to  the  right, 
and  getting  secretly  behind  the  enemy's  advance-guard  as  it  came 
on  unsuspecting,  they  rushed  from  their  ambush,  and  falling 
upon  them  in  the  rear,  sword  in  hand,  they  scattered  them  as 
hungry  lions  scatter  a  flock  of  sheep,  and  killed  600  of  them  in 
this  one  charge.  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jabdngir,  who  com- 
manded the  right  wing,  moved  forward  his  own  forces,  and  with 
Amir  Sulaiman  Shdh  and  his  regiments  of  brave  cavalry,  fell 
upon  the  left  wing  of  the  enemy  and  poured  down  upon  it  a 
shower  of  arrows.  They  fell  boldly  upon  this  division  of  the 
enemy,  which  was  commanded  by  Taghi  Khan  ;  and  Prince  Pir 
Muhammad  Jahdngir  with  great  courage  and  determination  at- 
tacked one  of  the  fierce' elephants  and  cut  off  its  trunk  with  his 
sword,  so  that  the  severed  part  fell  upon  the  ground.  My  brave 
soldiers  pressing  like  furious  elephants  upon  this  wing  of  the 
enemy  compelled  it  to  take  flight. 

The  left  wing  of  my  army,  under  Prince  Sultdn  Husain,  Amir 
Jahan  Shdh,  Amir  Ghiyasu-d  din,  and  other  amirs,  bravely 
attacked  the  enemy's  right  wing,  which  was  commanded  by 
Malik  Mu'inu-d  din  and  Malik  Hadi.  They  so  pressed  it  with 
the  trenchant  sword  and  piercing  arrows  that  they  compelled  the 
enemy  to  break  and  fly.  Jah4n  Shdh  pursued  them,  and  at- 
tacked them  again  and  again  until  they  reached  the  gates  of  the 
city  (of  Dehli). 

Simultaneously,  Sultan  Mahmiid,  with  Mallu  Khan  and  the 
army  of  the  centre,  with  its  officers  and  soldiers  more  numerous 
than  ants  or  locusts,  and  with  its  strong  war  elephants,  made  its 


MALFxrzAT-i  TmirEr,  441 

attack  upon  (my  centre).  Prince  Eustam,  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d 
din,  etc.,  met  it  with  a  brave  and  res.olute  resistance.  While 
they  were  thus  engaged,  Daulat  Timur  Tawdchi,  Mangali 
Khwaja,  and  other  amirs  came  up  with  their  respective  forces 
and  assaulted  the  enemy.  I  now  gave  the  order  to  a  party  of 
brave  fellows  who  were  in  attendance  upon  me,  and  they  cut 
their  way  to  the  sides  of  the  amirs,  who  were  fighting  in  the 
front  of  the  battle.  They  brought  the  elephant  drivers  to  the 
ground  with  their  arrows  and  killed  them.  Then  they  attacked 
and  wounded  the  elephants  with  their  swords.  The  soldiers  of 
Sultdn  Mahmud  and  Mallti  Khan  showed  no  lack  of  courage, 
but  bore  themselves  manfully  in  the  fight,  still  they  could  not 
withstand  the  successive  assaults  of  my  soldiers.  Seeing  their 
own  plight  and  that  of  the  soldiers  and  elephants  around  them, 
their  courage  fell,  and  they  took  to  flight.  Sultdn  Mahmud  and 
Mallti  Khan  reached  the  city  with  a  thousand  difficulties,  and 
shut  themselves  up  close  in  the  fortifications. 

Prince  Khalil  Sultan  captured  one  of  the  famous  elephants  of 
Sultin  Mahmud,  having  brought  down  its  driver  with  an  arrow. 
He  brought  the  animal  to  me,  and  I  embraced  the  lad,  and  gave 
him  some  fine  presents,  for  he  was  only  fifteen  years  old  though 
he  had  exhibited  such  courage  and  manliness. 

The  whole  of  Sultdn  Mahmiid's  army  was  defeated ;  part  was 
slain,  and  part  had  found  refuge  in  the  fort,  and  I,  exalted  with 
victory,  marched  towards  the  fort.  When  I  reached  its  gates 
I  carefully  reconnoitred  its  towers  and  walls,  and  then  returned 
to  the  side  of  the  Sauz-i  Mass.  This  is  a  reservoir,  which  was 
constructed  by  Sultdn  Firoz  Shdh,  and  is  faced  all  round  with 
stone  and  cement  (gach).  Each  side  of  that  reservoir  is  more 
than  a  bow-shot  long,  and  there  are  buildings  placed  around  it. 
This  tank  is  filled  by  the  rains  in  the  rainy  season,  and  it  sup- 
plies the  people  of  the  city  with  water  throughout  the  year.  The 
tomb  of  Sultan  Firoz  Shdh  stands  on  its  bank.  When  I  had 
pitched  my  camp  here,  the  princes  and  amirs  and  nutans,  and 
all  the  generals  and  officers,  came  to  wait  upon  me  to  pay  their 


442  THE  EMPEEOE  TrMUE. 

respects  and  offer  their  congratulations  on  this  great  victory.  I 
embraced  the  princes  and  amirs,  and  I  praised  them  all  for  their 
exertions  and  courage  which  I  myself  had  seen.  When  I  re- 
counted the  favours  and  mercies  I  had  received  from  the  Al- 
mighty, my  excellent  sons,  the  brave  and  renowned  amirs,  who 
served  under  me,  and  the  great  and  glorious  victories  I  had 
achieved,  my  heart  melted,  and  the  tears  burst  from  eyes.  I 
cast  myself  upon  the  ground  and  poured  forth  my  thanksgivings 
to  the  All-beneficent.  All  who  were  present  raised  their  voices 
in  prayer,  and  in  wishes  for  the  continuance  of  my  prosperity 
and  the  prolongation  of  my  reign. 

I  called  up  the  heavy  baggage  and  here  formed  my  camp,  and 
I  issued  orders  for  my  soldiers  ^  to  be  very  cautious  and  watch- 
ful. Sultan  Mahmiid  and  Mallu  Kh^n,  after  their  defeat,  had 
taken  refuge  in  the  fort  in  a  wretched  state.  They  now  repented 
of  the  course  they  had  taken,  and  regretted  that  they  had  not 
made  submission  to  me,  and  so  avoided  the  evil  which  had  be- 
fallen them.  They  saw  that  if  they  stayed  in  the  fort  they 
would  be  captured  and  made  prisoners,  so  in  the  middle  of  that 
night,  7th  Rabl'u-1  akhir,  Sultan  Mahmud  and  Mallu  Khan  left 
the  fort  of  Jahdn-pandh  and  fled  towards  the  mountains  and 
jungles.  When  I  heard  of  this  I  immediately  sent  Amir  Sa'id 
and  *  *  *  other  officers  in  pursuit.  They  followed  with  all 
speed,  and,  coming  up  with  the  fugitives,  they  killed  many  of 
them,  and  obtained  great  spoil.  Malik  Sharfu-d  din  and  Malik 
Khuddi-ddd,  sons  of  Eashid  Mallu  Khan,  were  taken  prisoners, 
with  many  others,  and  brought  back  to  my  camp.  On  the  same 
right  that  I  heard  of  the  flight  of  the  Sultdn  and  his  generals 
from  Dehli,  I  sent  Amir  Allah-ddd  and  other  officers  to  watch 
the  gate  of  Hauz-rdni,  through  which  Mahmud  had  escaped ; 
and  that  of  Baraka,  by  which  Mallu  Khan  had  gone  out.  I 
also  sent  men  to  all  the  other  gates,  with  orders  not  to  let  the 
people  escape. 

'  There  is  a  sentence  here  which  I  do  not  understand : — 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMlTEr.  443 

I  mounted  my  horse  and  rode  towards  the  gate  of  the  maiddn. 
I  alighted  at  the  'id-gdh,  a  lofty  and  extensive  building,  and  I 
gave  orders  for  my  quarters  to'be  moved  there,  and  for  my  throne 
to  be  set  up  in  the  'id-gdh.  I  took  my  seat  upon  the  throne  and 
held  a  Court.  The  saiyids,  the  kdzis,  the  'ulamd  (learned  Musul- 
mans),  the  shaikhs,  and  the  great  men  and  chiefs  of  the  (Muham- 
madans  of  the)  city  assembled  and  came  out  to  attend  my  Court. 
I  had  them  introduced  one  by  one,  and  they  made  their  obeisances, 
and  were  admitted  to  the  honour  of  kissing  my  throne.  I  re- 
ceived every  one  of  them  with  respect  and  kindness,  and  directed 
them  to  be  seated.  Fazlu-Uah  Balkhi  was  mkil  and  ndib  of 
Mallii  Kh4n,  and  he  came  out  to  wait  upon  me  and  do  homage, 
accompanied  by  a  party  of  the  officials  and  clerks  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Sultdn  Mahmud  and  Mallu  Kh^n.  Hereupon  all  the 
saiyids,  'ulamd,  shaikhs,  and  other  leading  Musulm^ns  arose,  and, 
making  the  princes  their  mediators,  they  begged  that  quarter 
might  be  given  to  the  people  of  Dehli,  and  that  their  lives  might 
be  spared.  Out  of  respect  to  the  saiyids  and  'ulamd,  whom  I 
had  always  held  in  great  esteem  and  honour,  I  granted  quarter 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  I  then  ordered  my  ensign  {tank) 
and  royal  standard  to  be  raised,  and  the  drums  to  be  beaten  and 
music  played  on  the  tops  of  the  gates  of  Dehli.  Rejoicings  for 
the  victory  followed.  Some  of  the  clever  men  and  poets  that 
accompanied  me  worked  the  date  of  the  victory  into  a  verse, 
which  they  presented  to  me.  Of  all  these  memorial  verses  I 
have  introduced  (only)  this  one  into  my  memoirs — 

"  On  "Wednesday,  the  eighth  of  EaW  the  second  (17th  Dec,  1398),' 
The  Emperor  S&,hib-Kir4n  took  the  city  of  Dehli,"  etc.,  etc. 

I  rewarded  and  honourably  distinguished  the  literary  men  and 
poets  who  presented  these  verses  to  me. 

I  sent  a  party  of  men  into  the  city  to  bring  out  the  elephants 
which  Sultdn  Mahmud  had  abandoned  when  he  fled.      They 

'  This  agrees  with  the  Sauzatu-s  Safd,  translated  by  Price  and  followed  by 
Elphinstone.  Ferishta  makes  it  a  month  later. — See  Price  Mahommedan  History, 
III.,  p.  262;  Briggs'  Ferishta,  I.,  p.  401. 


444  THE  EMPEEOE  TrMUE. 

found  120  enormous  elephants  and  several  rhinoceroses,  which 
they  brought  out  to  my  Court.  As  the  elephants  passed  by 
me  I  was  greatly  amused  to  see  the  tricks  which  their  drivers 
had  taught  them.  Every  elephant,  at  the  sign  of  the  driver, 
bowed  his  head  to  the  ground,  made  his  obeisance,  and  uttered 
a  cry.  At  the  direction  of  their  drivers  they  picked  up  any 
object  from  the  ground  with  their  trunks  and  placed  it  in  their 
driver's  hands,  or  put  it  into  their  mouths  and  kept  it.  When 
I  saw  these  mighty  animals,  so  well  trained  and  so  obedient  to 
weak  man,  I  was  greatly  astonished,  and  I  ordered  that  they 
should  be  sent  to  Ttiran  and  fran,  to  Fdrs,  and  Azur,  and  Rum, 
so  that  the  princes  and  nobles  throughout  my  dominions  might 
see  these  animals.  Accordingly  I  sent  five  to  Samarkand,  two 
to  Tabriz,  one  to  Shirdz,  five  to  Hirat,  one  to  Sharw4n,  and  one 
to  Azurbaijan. 

When  Friday  came,  I  sent  Mauland  N4siru-d  din  'TJmar,  with 
some  other  holy  and  learned  men  that  accompanied  my  camp  to 
the  Masjid-i  jdmi',  with  directions  to  say  the  prayers  for  the 
Sabbath,  and  to  repeat  the  hhufba  of  my  reign  in  the  metropolis 
of  Dehll.  Accordingly,  the  hhutha,  with  my  name,  was  repeated 
in  the  pulpits  of  the  mosques  in  the  city  of  Dehli,  and  I  rewarded 
the  preachers  with  costly  robes  and  presents. 

When  the  preparations  for  holding  a  court  in  Dehli  were  com- 
plete I  gave  orders  for  the  princes,  the  amirs,  the  niiydns,  and 
other  of  my  officers,  and  the  saiyids,  the  'ulamd,  the  shaikhs, 
and  all  the  principal  men  of  the  city  to  attend  my  Court.  When 
they  had  all  arrived  I  entered  and  took  my  seat  upon  the 
throne.  The  Turk  and  Tajik  musicians  and  singers  began  to 
play  and  sing.  Wine  (shardb)  and  sharbat,  and  sweetmeats,  and 
all  kinds  of  bread  and  meat  were  served ;  I  bestowed  rich  robes, 
and  caps,  and  girdles,  and  swords,  and  daggers,  and  horses,  etc., 
etc.,  upon  the  princes,  and  amirs  and  other  leading  men  of  my 
army,  especially  upon  those  braves  who  had  distinguished  them- 
selves by  deeds  of  valour  under  my  own  observation.  To  some 
I  gave  regiments  and  raised  their  dignity.    Upon  the  saiyids  and 


MALFUZXT-I  TrMlTEr.  445 

'ulamd  of  the  city  I  bestowed  robes  and  presents.  I  ordered  my 
secretaries  to  draw  up  despatches  announcing  my  victories  in 
Hindustan,  and  to  circulate  them  with  all  speed  throughout  my 
dominions.  And  I  ordered  my  revenue  officers  to  make  pro- 
vision for  collecting  the  ransom-money  assessed  upon  the  city, 
excepting  the  saiyids,  \lamd,  and  shaikhs.  The  collectors  pro- 
ceeded about  their  work,  and  I  remained  in  the  same  quarters  for 
several  days,  holding  courts,  giving  feasts,  and  partaking  of 
pleasure  and  enjoyment. 

8ack  of  the  City  of  Behli. 

On  the  16th  of  the  month  some  incidents  occurred  which  led 
to  the  sack  of  the  city  of  Delili,  and  to  the  slaughter  of  many  of 
the  infidel  inhabitants.  One  was  this.  A  party  of  fierce  Turk 
soldiers  had  assembled  at  one  of  the  gates  of  the  city  to  look 
about  them  and  enjoy  themselves,  and  some  of  them  laid  violent 
hands  upon  the  goods  of  the  inhabitants.  When  I  heard  of  this 
violence,  I  sent  some  amirs,  who  were  present  in  the  city,  to 
restrain  the  Turks.  A  party  of  soldiers  accompanied  these  amirs 
into  the  city.  Another  reason  was  that  some  of  the  ladies  of  my 
harem  expressed  a  wish  to  go  into  the  city  and  see  the  palace  of 
Hazdr-sutun  (thousand  columns)  which  Malik  Jaund  built  in  the 
fort  called  Jahan-pan^h.  I  granted  this  request,  and  I  sent  a 
party  of  soldiers  to  escort  the  litters  of  the  ladies.  Another 
reason  was  that  Jal41  Islam  and  other  diwdns  had  gone  into  the 
city  with  a  party  of  soldiers  to  collect  the  contribution  laid  upon 
the  city.  Another  reason  was  that  some  thousand  troopers  with 
orders  for  grain,  oil,  sugar,  and  flour,  had  gone  into  the  city  to 
collect  these  supplies.  Another  reason  was  that  it  had  come  to 
my  knowledge  that  great  numbers  of  Hindus  and  gahrs,  with 
their  wives  and  children,  and  goods,  and  valuables,  had  come 
into  the  city  from  all  the  country  round,  and  consequently  I  had 
sent  some  amirs  with  their  regiments  {kushun)  into  the  city 
and  directed  them  to  pay  no  attention  to  the  remonstrances  of 
the  inhabitants,  but  to  seize  and  bring  out  these  fugitives.     For 


446  THE  EMPEEOR  TrMt/E. 

these  several  reasons  a  great  number  of  fierce  Turk!  soldiers  were 
iu  the  city.  When  the  soldiers  proceeded  to  apprehend  the 
Hindus  and  gabrs  who  had  fled  to  the  city,  many  of  them  drew 
their  swords  and  offered  resistance.  The  flames  of  strife  were 
thus  lighted  and  spread  through  the  whole  city  from  Jah^n- 
pan4h  and  Siri  to  Old  Dehli,  burning  up  all  it  reached.  The 
savage  Turks  fell  to  killing  and  plundering.  The  Hindus  set 
fire  to  their  houses  with  their  own  hands,  burned  their  wives  and 
children  in  them,  and  rushed  into  the  fight  and  were  killed. 
The  Hindus  and  gabrs  of  the  city  showed  much  alacrity  and 
boldness  in  fighting.  The  amk-s  who  were  in  charge  of  the  gates 
prevented  any  more  soldiers  from  going  into  the  place,  but  the 
flames  of  war  had  risen  too  high  for  this  precaution  to  be  of  any 
avail  in  extinguishing  them.  On  that  day,  Thursday,  and  all  the 
night  of  Friday,  nearly  15,000  Turks  were  engaged  in  slaying, 
plundering,  and  destroying.  When  morning  broke  on  the 
Friday,  all  my  army,  no  longer  under  control,  went  off  to  the 
city  and  thought  of  nothing  but  killing,  plundering,  and  making 
prisoners.  All  that  day  the  sack  was  general.  The  following 
day,  Saturday,  the  17th,  all  passed  in  the  same  way,  and  the 
spoil  was  so  great  that  each  man  secured  from  fifty  to  a  hundred 
prisoners,  men,  women,  and  children.  There  was  no  man  who 
took  less  than  twenty.  The  other  booty  was  immense  in  rubies, 
diamonds,  garnets,  pearls,  and  other  gems ;  jewels  of  gold  and 
silver ;  ashrafis,  tankas  of  gold  and  silver  of  the  celebrated  'Alai 
coinage ;  vessels  of  gold  and  silver  ;  and  brocades  and  silks  of 
great  value.  Gold  and  silver  ornaments  of  the  Hindu  women 
were  obtained  in  such  quantities  as  to  exceed  all  account.  Ex- 
ceptino-  the  quarter  of  the  saiyids,  the  'ulamd,  and  the  other 
Musulm^ns,  the  whole  city  was  sacked.  The  pen  of  fate  had 
written  down  this  destiny  for  the  people  of  this  city.  Although 
I  was  desirous  of  sparing  them  I  could  not  succeed,  for  it  was 
the  will  of  Grod  that  this  calamity  should  fall  upon  the  city. 

On  the  following  day,  Sunday,  it  was  brought  to  my  know- 
ledn-e  that  a  great  number  of  infidel  Hindus  had  assembled  in 


MALFU'Zii:T-I  TrMt/Er.  447 

the  Masjid-i  jdmi'  of  Old  Dehli,  carrying  with  them  arms  and 
provisions,  and  were  preparing  to  defend  themselves.  Some  of 
my  people. who  had  gone  that  way  on  business  were  wounded  by 
them.  I  immediately  ordered  Amir  Sh4h  Malik  and  'All  Sultan 
Tawachf  to  take  a  party  of  men  and  proceed  to  clear  the  house 
of  God  from  infidels  and  idolaters.  They  accordingly  attacked 
these  infidels  and  put  them  to  death.  Old  Dehli  then  was 
plundered. 

I  ordered  that  all  the  artisans  and  clever  mechanics,  who  were 
masters  of  their  respective  crafts,  should  be  picked  out  from 
among  the  prisoners  and  set  aside,  and  accordingly  some  thou- 
sands of  craftsmen  were  selected  to  await  my  command.  All 
these  I  distributed  among  the  princes  and  amirs  who  were 
present,  or  who  were  engaged  officially  in  other  parts  of  my 
dominions.  I  had  determined  to  build  a  Masjid-i  jdmi'  in 
Samarkand,  the  seat  of  my  empire,  which  should  be  without  a 
rival  in  any  country;  so  I  ordered  that  all  builders  and  stone- 
masons should  be  set  apart  for  my  own  especial  service. 

By  the  will  of  Grod,  and  by  no  wish  or  direction  of  mine,  all 
the  three  cities  of  Dehli,  by  name  Siri,  Jahan-pandh,  and  Old 
Dehli,  had  been  plundered.  The  khutba  of  my  sovereignty,  which 
is  an  assurance  of  safety  and  protection,  had  been  read  in  the 
city.  It  was  therefore  my  earnest  wish  that  no  evil  might 
happen  to  the  people  of  the  place.  But  it  was  ordained  by  God 
that  the  city  should  be  ruined.  He  therefore  inspired  the  infidel 
inhabitants  with  a  spirit  of  resistance,  so  that  they  brought  on 
themselves  that  fate  which  was  inevitable. 

When  my  mind  was  no  longer  occupied  with  the  destruction 
of  the  people  of  Dehli,  I  took  a  ride  round  the  cities.  Sirf  is 
a  round  city  (shahr).  Its  buildings  are  lofty.  They  are  sur- 
rounded by  fortifications  (kala'h),  built  of  stone  and  brick,  and 
they  are  very  strong.  Old  Dehli  also  has  a  similar  strong  fort, 
but  it  is  larger  than  that  of  SIri.  From  the  fort  of  Siri  to  that 
of  Old  Dehli,  which  is  a  considerable  distance,  there  runs  a 
strono'  wall,  built  of  stone  and  cement.     The  part  called  Jahan- 


448  THE  EMPEEOR  TrMUE. 

pan^h  is  situated  in  the  midst  of  the  inhabited  city 
abdddn).  The  fortifications  of  the  three  cities  have  thirty  gates. 
Jahan-pandh  has  thirteen  gates,  seven  on  the  south  side  bearing 
towards  the  east,  and  six  on  the  north  side  bearing  towards  the 
west.  Sir!  has  seven  gates,  four  towards  the  outside  and  three 
on  the  inside  towards  Jahan-panah.  The  fortifications  of  old 
Dehli  have  ten  gates,  some  opening  to  the  exterior  and  some 
towards  the  interior  of  the  city.  When  I  was  tired  of  examin- 
ing the  city  I  went  into  the  Masjid-i  j'dmi',  where  a  congregation 
was  assembled  of  saiyids,  lawyers,  shaikhs,  and  other  of  the 
principal  Musulmans,  with  the  inhabitants  of  their  parts  of  the 
city,  to  whom  they  had  been  a  protection  and  defence.  I  called 
til  em  to  my  presence,  consoled  them,  treated  them  with  every 
respect,  and  bestowed  upon  them  many  presents  and  honours. 
I  appointed  an  officer  to  protect  their  quarter  of  the  city,  and 
guard  them  against  annoyance.  Then  I  re-mounted  and  re- 
turned to  my  quarters. 

Campaign  against  the  Infidels  after  the  conquest  of  Dehli. 

I  had  been  at  Dehli  fifteen  days,  which  time  I  had  passed  in 
pleasure  and  enjoyment,  holding  royal  Courts  and  giving  great 
feasts.  I  then  reflected  that  I  had  come  to  Hindustan  to  war 
against  infidels,  and  my  enterprize  had  been  so  blessed  that 
wherever  I  had  gone  I  had  been  victorious.  I  had  triumphed 
over  my  adversaries,  I  had  put  to  death  some  lacs  of  infidels 
and  idolaters,  and  I  had  stained  my  proselyting  sword  with  the 
blood  of  the  enemies  of  the  faith.  Now  this  crowning  victory 
had  been  won,  and  I  felt  that  I  ought  not  to  indulge  in  ease, 
but  rather  to  exert  myself  in  warring  against  the  infidels  of 
Hindustan. 

Having  made  these  reflections  on  the  22nd  of  Rabi'u-1  4khir, 
I  again  drew  my  sword  to  wage  a  religious  war.  I  started  from 
Dehli  and  marched  three  kos  to  the  fcwt  of  Firoz-dbdd,  which 
stands  upon  the  banks  of  the  Jumna  and  is  one  of  the  edifices 
erected  by  Sultdn  Firoz  Shdh.     There  I  halted  and  went  in  to 


MALFirzAT-i  TrMirur.  449 

examine  the  place.  I  proceeded  to  the  Masjid-i  jdmi\  where  I 
said  my  prayers  and  offered  up  my  praises  and  thanksgivings  for 
the  mercies  of  the  Almighty.  Afterwards  I  again  mounted,  and 
proceeded  to  pitch  my  camp  near  the  palace  of  Jahdn-num4. 
On  this  day  Saiyid  Shamsu-d  din  Turmuzi  and  'Aldu-d  din, 
ndih-harliarl,  whom  I  had  sent  on  an  embassy  to  Bahadur  Nahir 
at  the  city  of  Kutila,^  returned  to  my  camp,  and  presented  to  me 
a  letter  which  Bahddur  had  most  respectfully  written  to  me  to 
the  following  effect :  "  I  am  one  of  the  most  insignificant  servants 
of  the  great  amir,  and  will  proceed  to  his  court  to  wait  upon 
him."  The  ambassadors  informed  me  that  Bahddur  Ndhir  would 
arrive  at  my  court  on  Friday.  Bahddur  NAhir  sent  to  me  as  a 
tribute  two  white  parrots  which  could  talk  well  and  pleasantly. 
The  envoys  presented  them  to  me,  and  told  me  that  these  two 
parrots  had  belonged  to  Sultdn  Tughlik  Sh^h,  and  that  they  had 
lived  at  the  courts  of  the  Sultans  ever  since.  The  sight  of  these 
parrots  and  the  sound  of  their  voices  gave  me  great  satisfaction, 
so  I  gave  directions  that  they  should  be  brought  before  me  in 
their  cages  every  day  that  I  might  listen  to  their  talk. 

Next  day  I  crossed  the  Jumna  and  marched  six  Iws  to  the 
village  of  Mudula.  There  I  halted  and  encamped.  On  the 
following  day,  Friday,  I  again  marched,  and  after  going  five 
or  six  hos,  arrived  at  the  village  of  Katah,^  where  I  pitched 
my  camp.  Bahddur  Nahir,  with  his  eldest  son,  named 
Kalndsh,  *  arrived  to  pay  their  respects,  and  I  received 
them  with  due  courtesy.  They  brought  rare  and  suitable 
presents  from  Hindustan,  but  I  looked  upon  the  two  parrots 
as  the  best  of  their  gifts.  After  I  had  ascertained  their  sincerity 
from  their  words  and  actions,  I  honoured  them  with  my  royal 
favour  and  bounty,  and  having  raised  their  dignity,  I  removed 
all  doubt  and  apprehension  from  their  minds.  On  the  following 
day  I  marched,  and,  after  going  six  kos,  I  arrived  at  the  town 

1  See  note  infrd  page  455.  *  Or  "  Kanah." 

3  The  different  MSS.  of  the  Zafar-ndma   have  "Kalt&sh,"  "Kat&sh,"  and 
"Katlaght&sh." 

VOL.  III.  29 


450  THE  EMPEEOR  TrMlTE. 

of  Baghpat,  where  I  encamped.  Next  day,  Sunday  the  26th, 
I  again  moved,  and,  after  travelling  five  hos,  arrived  at  the 
village  of  Asar,  which  is  situated  in  a  tract  called  dodb. 

Capture  of  Mirat. 

I  now  learned  that  there  was  in  the  vicinity  a  city  called  Mifat, 
having  a  very  strong  fort.  The  fortress  was  one  of  the  strongest 
in  Hindustan,  and  it  was  under  the  command  of  Tlyas  Afghan 
and  his  son,  Maula  Ahmad  Thanesari.  There  was  also  a  gabr 
named  Safi,  who,  with  a  large  body  of  gdbrs,  had  gone  into  the 
fort  to  aid  in  its  defence.  They  had  also  plenty  of  the  munitions 
and  implements  of  war.  When  I  heard  all  this,  I  instantly  sent 
Prince  Eustam,  Amir  Taghi  Bugha,  Amir  Sh^h  Malik,  and 
Amir  A114h-d4d  against  this  fort  of  Mirat,  with  orders  to  grant 
terms  to  the  place  if  the  inhabitants  showed  due  submission  and 
obedience ;  but  if  not,  to  inform  me  and  proceed  to  invest  the  place. 
These  officers  marched  on  the  26th  of  the  month,  and,  arriving 
at  Mirat,  delivered  my  message,  calling  upon  the  inhabitants  to 
capitulate,  and  to  trust  their  lives,  property,  and  honour  to  my 
protection.  They  replied  that  Tarmsharin  Khdn,  with  a  host 
beyond  all  number  and  compute,  had  assailed  their  fort,  but  had 
retired  from  it  baffled.  My  envoys  reported  to  me  the  defiant 
answer  of  the  inhabitants,  and  when  I  read  the  insolent  reference 
they  made  to  Tarmsharin  Khan,  who  was  a  great  king,  my  anger 
was  roused,  and  I  mounted  my  horse  and  gave  orders  for  my 
forces  to  march  against  Mirat.  On  that  same  day,  the  28th  of 
the  month,  after  mid-day  prayer,  I  started  with  10,000  picked 
horsemen.  Halting  one  night  upon  the  road,  I  accomplished 
the  distance  of  twenty  hos,  and  arrived  at  Mirat  on  the  29th. 

In  the  afternoon  I  ordered  my  officers  to  set  the  men  of  their 
divisions  ^  to  sap  holes  under  the  walls  of  the  fortifications.  In 
execution  of  this  order  they  set  to  work,  and  in  the  course  of 
one  night  each  party  had  pushed  their  mine  twelve  yards  forward 
under  the  defences.     When  the  besieged  discovered  this,  they 

'  The  word  used  is  "  morchal,"  which  would  imply  that  there  was  a  special  party 
or  corps  of  sappers. 


MALPirZAT-I  TiMtrEr.  451 

lost  all  nerve  and  were  quite  cast  down  and  bewildered.  At  this 
time  the  devoted  regiments  {kusMn)  of  Amir  Allah-dad  Kuchin 
assaulted  the  gate  of  the  fort,  rushing  against  it  shouting  their 
war-cry.  Sar&i  Bahadur,  son  of  Kalandar  Bahddur,  one  of  the 
followers  {naukar)  of  Amir  AUdh-d^d,  was  the  first  to  bring  up 
a  scaling  ladder,  attach  it  to  the  walls,  and  mount  to  the  summit. 
A  number  of  brave  men  rallied  to  support  him,  and,  with  the 
aid  of  their  ladders  and  ropes,  they  mounted  the  walls  and 
entered  the  fort.  They  then  spread  themselves  in  the  interior, 
and,  fighting  vigorously  and  bravely,  Rustam  Birlds  at  length 
encountered  Tlyfe  Afghan  and  his  son,  Mauldna  Ahmad  Thane- 
sari.  He  fought  valiantly,  and  made  them  both  prisoners ;  then, 
binding  their  hands  to  their  necks,  he  brought  them  to  my  pre- 
sence. Saf  i,  who  had  fought  well,  was  killed.  The  braves  and 
soldiers  of  my  army  spread  themselves  over  every  part  of  the 
fortifications,  and  put  all  the  gahrs  and  people  of  the  place  to 
death.  Their  wives  and  children  were  made  prisoners,  and  all 
their  property  was  plundered.  When  my  mind  was  set  at  rest 
by  this  conquest  of  Mirat,  I  gave  orders  that  the  wood  used  as 
props  to  support  the  mines  under  the  walls  should  be  set  on  fire, 
and  that  all  the  towers  and  walls  should  be  levelled  with  the 
ground.  The  houses  of  the  gabrs  were  set  on  fire,  and  the  great 
buildings  were  razed.  Divine  favour  had  thus  enabled  me  to 
obtain  an  easy  victory  over  Mirat,  a  place  which  Tarmsharin 
Khdn,  a  prince  of  great  dignity  and  power,  had  besieged  with  an 
enormous  army  and  failed  to  capture.  With  a  small  force  I  had 
made  a  rapid  march  upon  the  place,  and  my  brave  fellows,  by 
sheer  courage  and  determination,  had  planted  their  ladders  and 
scaled  the  walls  in  broad  daylight,  and  had  carried  the  place  at 
the  point  of  the  sword.  For  this  signal  success  I  offered  my 
devout  thanks  to  the  Almighty. 

Battles  on  the  Ganges. 

On  the'  1st  Jumada-1  awwal  I  placed  the  left  wing  of  the  army 
under  the  command  of  Amir  Jahan  Shah,  with  orders  to  march 


452  THE  EMPEROR  TrMlTR. 

up  the  Jumna,  to  take  every  fort  and  town  and  village  he  came, 
to,  and  to  put  all  the  infidels  of  the  country  to  the  sword.  The 
amir  led  off  his  army  to  execute  my  commands.  I  ordered  Amir 
Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  to  take  charge  of  the  heavy  baggage,  and 
convey  it  to  the  banks  of  the  river  Kard-sii.^  I,  myself,  de- 
termined upon  directing  my  arms  against  the  infidels  on  the 
Ganges.  I  accordingly  marched  towards  that  river,  which  is 
fourteen  kos  from  Mirat.  Amir  Sulaimdn  Sh4h,  whom  I  had 
left  with  the  baggage,  came  up  according  to  order,  and  joined  me 
on  the  march  with  his  division.  The  first  day  I  marched  six 
kos,  and  halted  for  the  night  at  the  village  of  Mansura.  Next 
day,  the  2nd  of  the  month,  I  arrived  early  in  the  morning  at 
Piroz-ptir,  and  then  I  proceeded  for  two  or  three  kos  along  the 
bank  of  the  river  in  search  of  a  ford.  At  breakfast  time  I 
reached  the  place  of  transit,  but  found  no  ford.  A  party  of 
my  men  entered  the  river  on  their  horses  and  crossed  by  swim- 
ming. I  also  was  about  to  guide  my  horse  into  the  water  to 
cross  in  the  same  way,  when  the  amirs  and  niiydns  cast  them- 
selves upon  their  knees,  and  represented  that  Prince  Pir  Mu- 
hammad and  Amir  Jahdn  Sh^h,  with  the  right  wing  of  the 
army,  had  crossed  the  river  near  Piroz-pur,  and  that  it  was 
advisable  for  me  not  to  cross  over  that  day.  I  assented  to  their 
representation,  and  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  but  I 
ordered  Amir  Jahan  Malik,  and  others  belonging  to  the  division 
of  Prince  Sh4h  Eukh,  to  cross  over  and  pass  the  night  there.  On 
the  following  day,  the  3rd  of  the  month,  I  marched  up  the  river 
for  a  distance  of  fifteen  kos,  towards  Tughlikpur,  and  that  place 
was  five  kos  distant,  when  I  heard  that  a  large  body  of  infidel 
Hindus  had  collected  at  the  fords  of  the  river.  I  immediately 
ordered  Mubdshar  Bahddur  and  'All  Sultdn  Tawdchi  to  proceed 
with  5,000  horse  to  chastise  these  infidels,  and  I  proceeded  on 
my  way  to  Tughlikpur.  As  I  went  on,  the  air  and  the  wind 
affected  me,  and  I  felt  a  pain  in  my  right  arm,  which  every 
moment  increased.      It  caused  me  much  suffering,  and  sundry 

'  "Black-river;"  a  translation  of  the  Hindu  Kdlini. 


MALFUZA'T-I  TrMUfir.  453 

hot  applications  ^  were  applied.  I  was  now  informed  that  there 
was  a  force  of  Hindus  coming  down  the  river  in  forty-eight 
boats  with  the  intention  of  fighting.  This  intelligence  acted  as 
a  cure  for  my  pain,  and  eagerness  for  the  fight  made  me  forget 
my  suffering.  I  mounted  my  horse,  and,  taking  with  me  1,000 
troopers,  who  were  at  hand,  we  struck  our  heels  into  the  flanks 
of  our  horses  and  hastened  to  the  side  of  the  river.  As  soon  as 
my  braves  saw  the  boats,  some  of  them  rode  their  horses  into 
the  river  and  swam  to  the  vessels ;  then,  seizing  fast  hold  of 
the  sides,  they  defeated  all  the  efforts  of  the  Hindus  to  shake 
them  off.  They  forced  their  way  into  some  of  the  boats,  put 
the  infidels  to  the  sword,  and  threw  their  bodies  into  the  river ; 
thus  sending  them  through  water  to  the  fires  of  hell.  Some  of 
my  men  dismounted,  and,  proceeding  to  the  ford,  assailed  the 
enemy  with  arrows.  The  occupants  of  the  boats  returned  the 
arrows,  but  the  vessels  were  at  length  wrested  from  their  posses- 
sion, and  were  brought  with  their  contents  to  my  presence.  The 
enemy  had  lashed  ten  of  their  boats  together  with  chains  and 
strong  ropes,  and  these  vessels  maintained  the  fight.  My  men 
plied  them  with  arrows  till  they  slew  many  of  them ;  they  then 
swam  off,  and,  boarding  the  boats,  put  every  living  soul  to  the 
sword,  sending  them  through  water  to  the  fires  of  hell.^ 

When  I  was  at  leisure,  after  this  affair  with  the  boats,  I,  on 
the  same  day,  marched  on  to  Tughlikpur,  and  there  encamped. 
I  sent  on  Amir  AUah-d^d,  B&yazid  Kuchin,  and  Altun  Bakhshi 
with  a  force  as  an  advance-guard  to  cross  the  river  and  to  obtain 
information  for  me  of  the  whereabouts  of  the  enemy.  After 
their  departure,  when  three  watches  of  the  night  had  passed, 
two  horsemen  came  in  from  All^-dad  to  report  that  the  re- 
connoitring party  had  discovered  a  ford  by  which  they  had 
passed  the  river,  and  had  found  on  the  other  side  a  large  body 
of  infidel  Hindus,  with  a  great  amount  of  property  and  goods, 

1  "  Garm-ddri,,"  explained  as  "hot  spices,  cloves,  etc,"     Tfmrir  was  probably 
suffering  from  rheumatism. 
^  Timlir  was  evidently  proud  of  this  savage  jest. 


454  THE  EMPEROR  TrMUR. 

under  the  command  of  a  man  named  Mubdrak  Kh^n.  Confident 
in  their  numbers,  they  were  ready  to  fight.  As  soon  as  I  learned 
this,  I  ordered  my  forces  to  be  drawn  out,  and  I  mounted  my 
horse  and  started  off  greatly  incensed.  Before  morning  broke 
I  passed  the  Ganges  with  1,000  horsemen  fiiUy  equipped  for 
service.  After  proceeding  a  hos,  the  time  for  morning  prayer 
arrived,  so  I  alighted  from  my  horse  in  the  plain,  paid  my  de- 
votions, and  offered  my  praises.  I  then  again  mounted,  in  full 
assurance  of  the  favour  of  the  Almighty,  and  went  on  towards 
the  enemy.  Mubdrak  Khan  was  informed  of  my  approach,  and 
stood,  with  10,000  fighting  men,  in  battle  array,  prepared  to 
fight. 

Three  great  victories  in  one  day. 
Attended  by  my  escort,  I  was  carefully  examining  and  scruti- 
nising the  enemy,  and  the  whole  of  my  1,000  horsemen  had  not 
come  up.  The  great  bulk  of  the  army  was  engaged  in  plunder- 
ing expeditions  at  a  distance.  I  had  but  1,000  men,  and  the 
enemy  numbered  10,000,  still  I  put  my  trust  in  God  and  prayed 
to  Him  for  victory.  By  a  wonderful  coincidence,  just  at  this 
juncture,  Saiyid  Khwdja  and  Jahdn  Malik  with  5,000  horse, 
whom  I  had  sent  on  a  plundering  excursion,  having  made  a 
sweep,  came  up  in  my  rear  just  in  the  nick  of  time.  If  it  had 
not  been  so  I  might  here  have  said  farewell,  for  I  could  hardly 
have  escaped,  I  deemed  their  arrival  a  most  fortunate  omen, 
offered  my  thanks  to  God  and  faced  the  foe.  I  ordered  Amir 
Allah-dM  and  Amir  Shdh  Malik  to  make  a  charge  upon  the 
enemy  with  the  thousand  horsemen  of  my  escort,  and  not  to  be 
dismayed  by  the  numbers  of  their  antagonists.  When,  in  obedi- 
ence to  my  command,  they  dashed  forward,  the  enemy  did  not 
await  their  charge,  but  wavered  and  turned  and  fled.  My 
brave  fellows  pursued  and  killed  many  of  them,  made  their  wives 
and  children  prisoners,  plundered  their  property  and  goods,  and 
secured  a  vast  number  of  cows  and  buffalos.  When,  by  the 
favour  of  God,  I  had  secured  this  victory,  I  got  off  my  horse  and 
prostrated  myself  on  the  ground  to  pay  my  thanks. 


MALFUZAT-I  TrMlTKI.  455 

While  the  soldiers  were  occupied  in  securing  the  spoil,  I  sat 
down  to  take  a  little  rest,  but  some  of  the  reconnoitring  party 
came  in  with  the  information  that  there  was  a  large  number  of 
Hindus  assembled  in  the  valley  of  Kutila,^  on  the  side  of  the 
Granges,  having  made  that  valley  a  place  of  reftige.  I  instantly 
mounted,  and  leaving  the  greater  part  {tamami)  of  my  force  to 
secure  the  spoil,  I  started  off  for  the  valley  of  Kutila  with  only 
five  hundred  horsemen.  When  I  reached  the  place  I  found  an 
immense  number  of  gabrs  assembled  in  the  darra.  Instantly  I 
ordered  Amir  ShS,h  Malik  and  'Ali  Sultdn  Taw&chi  to  charge 
the  enemy  without  paying  the  slightest  heed  to  their  numbers, 
although  they  were  twenty  to  one.  Spurring  their  horses, 
shouting  their  war-cry,  and  brandishing  their  swords,  they  fell 
upon  the  forces  {afwaj)  of  the  enemy  like  hungry  lions  upon  a 
flock  of  sheep.  At  the  first  charge  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  were 
broken,  and  many  of  their  men  fell  under  the  blows  of  the  sword. 
Grod  thus  gave  me  victory  with  such  a  small  band  of  followers 
over  such  a  numerous  host  of  the  enemy.  After  many  of  them 
had  been  slain,  those  who  escaped  kept  in  the  thickets  and  defiles 
(darrahd),  skulking  like  foxes  and  jackals.  An  immense  booty 
was  left,  and  my  braves  were  busy  in  securing  it.  Only  one 
hundred  men  remained  with  me  as  a  guard,  the  other  four 
hundred  were  engaged  in  collecting  the  plunder.  At  this  con- 
juncture Malik  Shaikha,  commander  of  the  infidels,  with  ^ve 
hundred  horse  and  a  large  force  of  foot,  knitting  their  brows  with 
hatred,  advanced  against  me.  I  perceived  this  force  coming 
to  attack  me,  and  my  warlike  spirit  was  roused,  so,  with  the 
hundred  men  who  supported  me,  I  spurred  on  to  meet  the  foe. 
When  about  the  distance  of  a  bow-shot  remained  between  us, 
one  of  the  horsemen,  who  was  in  advance  of  me,  turned  round 
and  told  me  that  it  was  a  force  belonging  to  Shaikh  Kukar,  one 

'  In  the  two  MSS.  of  this  work  this  name  is  written  ^^  and  djij^,  hut  the 
MSS.  of  the  Zafa/r-nama  generally  have  i^  Si  Kiipila,  which  is  an  old  name  of 

Hardw&r,  and  the  description  of  the  place  in  page  458  imfrd,  leaves  no  doubt  of  its 
being  Hardwar.    Petis  de  la  Croii  and  Price  also  both  have  Kiipila. 


456  THE  EMPEROR  TIMirR. 

of  my  dependents  and  servants,  who  was  coming  to  join  my 
camp.  These  words,  so  far  from  the  truth,  reached  my  ears, 
and  I  was  satisfied  and  turned  back.  But  Malik  Shaikha  drew 
his  sword,  and  came  dashing  on  with  his  men  against  my  fol- 
lowers, of  whom  several  received  wounds.  When  I  ascertained 
the  fact  that  these  were  foes,  and  not  the  people  of  Shaikh 
Kukar,  I  turned  rein,  and  charging  the  enemy  despatched  many 
of  them  at  the  first  attack.  Malik  Shaikha  received  a  spear 
thrust  in  his  stomach,  and  a  sword  cut  on  the  head.  He  fell 
from  his  horse,  and  my  men  made  him  prisoner.  They  bound 
his  hands  to  his  neck  and  brought  him  to  my  presence.  Many 
of  the  gabrs  were  killed  and  wounded ;  a  few  escaped  half  dead 
(with  fright).  Malik  Shaikha,  a  very  large  and  powerful  man, 
was  brought  before  me,  wounded  as  he  was.  The  awe  of  my 
presence  added  to  his  wounds,  took  such  an  effect  upon  him  that 
when  I  asked  him  a  question,  he  surrendered  his  soul  to  the 
Lord  of  Hell  before  he  could  answer  me.  God  thus  granted  me 
two  great  victories  in  one  day,  and  I  ofiered  my  thanksgivings 
for  his  favour. 

Again  I  mounted  my  steed,  and  as  I  did  so  intelligence  was 
brought  to  me  that  in  the  valley  {darra)  of  Ktitila,  two  kos 
distant,  a  large  number  of  infidels  and  gahrs  had  collected  with 
their  wives  and  children,  and  with  property,  goods,  and  cattle 
beyond  all  estimate.  The  road  thither  was  arduous,  through 
jungles  and  thickets.  When  I  heard  this  my  first  thought  was 
that  I  had  been  awake  since  midnight,  I  had  travelled  a  long 
distance  without  any  halt,  and  had  surmounted  many  difficulties, 
I  had  won  two  splendid  victories  with  a  few  brave  soldiers,  and  I 
was  very  tired,  I  would  therefore  stop  and  take  rest.  But  then 
I  remembered  that  I  had  drawn  my  sword,  and  had  come  to 
Hind  with  the  resolution  of  waging  a  holy  war  against  its  in- 
fidels, and  so  long  as  it  was  possible  to  fight  with  them,  rest  was 
unlawful  for  me.  Although  I  had  only  a  few  amirs  and  a  few 
soldiers  with  me,  I  placed  my  trust  in  God,  and  determined  to 
attack  the  enemy.     Spurring  my  horse,  I  started,  and  when  I 


MALPtrZAT-I  TrMlTRr.  457 

had  gone  a  little  way,  I  remembered  how  three  days  before  I  had 
sent  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  and  Amir  Sulaimdn  Shah  across  the 
river  from  the  village  of  Pirozpur,  and  I  thought  how  opportune 
it  would  be  if  they  were  now  to  join  me.  But  then  I  said  how 
can  they  know  that  I  have  crossed  the  river,  or  how  can  they 
conceive  that  I  am  engaged  in  this  distant  place'  in  action  with 
the  infidels.  I  was  going  along  with  my  head  bent  down,  en- 
gaged in  these  reflections,  when  suddenly  a  large  body  of  men 
came  to  view  in  the  distance,  and  every  man  had  something  to 
say  about  them.  I  sent  forward  some  scouts  to  ascertain  what 
force  it  was,  and  as  they  drew  near  they  discovered  that  it  was 
the  division  of  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jah^ngir  and  Amir 
Sulaimdn  Shah.  The  scouts  immediately  proceeded  to  the 
prince  and  told  him  of  the  state  of  afiairs,  how  I  had  already 
won  two  great  victories  that  day,  and  that  for  the  third  time  I 
was  marching  against  a  numerous  body  of  gahrs  collected  at 
Kutila.  The  prince  and  his  men  had  previously  heard  nothing 
of  me,  and  now,  on  getting  this  timely  information,  they  were 
very  glad,  and  turned  to  wait  upon  me.  The  scouts  whom  I 
had  sent  to  reconnoitre  returned,  and  told  me  that  the  prince 
with  his  division  in  martial  array  was  coming  up.  They  added 
that  the  prince  knew  nothing  about  me  until  they  informed  him 
of  the  euterprize  I  had  in  hand,  and  that  he  was  now  on  the 
way  to  meet  me.  This  information,  so  in  accordance  with  my 
wishes,  rejoiced  me  greatly.  It  was  quite  beyond  my  expecta- 
tions, for  I  had  no  idea  of  the  prince  being  near ;  so  I  was  glad, 
and  prostrated  myself  on  the  earth  in  thanks  to  God  for  having 
granted  me  what  my  heart  desired.  It  was  now  the  time  of 
afternoon  {asr)  prayer,  and  it  was  the  fourth  of  the  month.  The 
prince  and  Amir  Sulaimdn  Shah  came  up  with  their  numerous 
force,  and  were  honoured  with  an  interview.  Pressing  on  with 
all  haste  I  passed  the  jungles  and  thickets,  and  arrived  in  front 
of  the  infidels.  After  a  slight  resistance  the  enemy  took  to 
flight,  but  many  of  them  fell  under  the  swords  of  my  soldiers. 


458  THE  EMPEROR  TIMtrR. 

All  the  wives  and  children  of  the  infidels  were  made  prisoners, 
and  their  property  and  goods,  gold,  money  and  grain,  horses, 
camels  (shutur),  cows  and  buffalos  in  countless  numbers,  fell  as 
spoil  into  the  hands  of  my  soldiers.  Satisfied  with  this  rout  of 
the  enemy,  I  said  the  afternoon  prayers  in  public  in  that  desert, 
and  I  returned  thanks  to  God  for  that  I  had  fought  three  times 
with  enemies  outnumbering  my  men  by  ten  and  twenty  to  one, 
and  that  in  each  battle  I  had  gained  a  signal  victory. 

The  day  now  drew  to  a  close  and  night  came  on,  but  in  that 
desert  there  was  no  place  for  me  to  alight  and  pitch  my  camp,  so 
I  turned  back  with  my  enormous  booty,  and  encamped  in  the 
field  where  I  had  won  the  second  victory.  There  I  passed  the 
night  in  repose. 

At  this  place  information  was  brought  to  me  that  fifteen  kos 
off,  up  the  river,  and  near  the  mountains,  there  was  a  place  in 
which  there  was  the  image  of  a  cow,  carved  out  of  stone,  and 
that  the  river  (ah)  ran  from  its  mouth.  In  the  belief  of  the 
people  of  Hindustdn  the  source  of  the  river  Ganges  was  in  this 
same  mountain.  The  Hindu  infidels  worship  the  Ganges,  and 
once  every  year  they  come  on  pilgrimage  to  this  place,'^  which 
they  consider  the  source  of  the  river,  to  bathe  and  to  have  their 
heads  and  beards  shaved.  They  believe  these  acts  to  be  the 
means  of  obtaining  salvation  and  securing  future  reward.  They 
dispense  large  sums  in  charity  among  those  who  wear  the  Brah- 
manical  thread,  and  they  throw  money  into  the  river.  When 
infidels  die  in  distant  parts,  their  bodies  are  burned,  and  the 
ashes  are  brought  to  this  river  and  are  thrown  into  it.  This 
they  look  upon  as  a  means  of  sanctification.  When  I  learned 
these  fects,  I  resolved  to  war  against  the  infidels  of  this  place, 
so  that  I  might  obtain  the  merit  of  overthrowing  them. 

Information  was  also  brought  to  me  that  all  the  men  whom 
I  had  defeated  in  the  valley  of  Kutila,  before  coming  hither, 
had  not  been  killed.  The  day  having  drawn  to  a  close,  many 
had  escaped  and  were  hiding  in  the  thickets  and  broken  ground. 

'  Hardw&r, 


MALPUZAT-I  TIMXrEr.  459 

Neither  had  all  their  property  been  plundered.  So  I  resolved 
to  go  again  next  day  to  that  valley,  and  to  put  all  the  surviving 
infidels  to  death.  At  dawn  on  the  5th  Jum4da-1  awwal  I  said 
my  morning  prayer,  and  started  with  a  suitable  force  for  the 
valley  of  Ktitila,  which  lies  at  the  foot  of  a  lofty  mountain  and 
on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges.  During  the  night  all  the  gabrs 
who  had  been  scattered  reassembled  under  their  chiefs,  and  as 
they  had  no  place  of  refuge  more  secure,  they  resolved  that  if 
the  Musulmans  returned,  they  would  fight  till  they  died.  So 
they  were  prepared  for  battle.  When  I  approached  the  darra, 
I  made  the  following  disposition  of  my  forces  for  conquering 
the  infidels.  I  placed  my  right  wing  under  Prince  Pir  Muham- 
mad Jahangir  and  Amir  Sulaimdn  Sh5,h.  The  left  wing  I  gave 
into  the  charge  of  several  amirs  of  tumdns.  I  gave  the  command 
of  the  advance  to  Amir  Shdh  Malik,  and  I  kept  the  centre 
under  my  own  orders.  Upon  entering  the  valley  the  infidels  at 
first,  having  drawn  up  their  forces,  put  on  a  bold  appearance  and 
advanced  to  the  attack.  I  restrained  the  braves  of  my  advance- 
guard,  and  of  the  right  and  left  wings,  and,  having  massed  them 
together,  charged  the  enemy,  shouting  aloud  our  war-cry  until 
the  hills  and  valleys  resounded.  The  sounds  of  the  kettle- 
drums and  other  warlike  instruments  fell  upon  the  battle  field, 
and  at  the  first  and  second  charge  dismay  seized  upon  the  enemy, 
and  they  took  to  flight.  My  brave  men  displayed  great  courage 
and  daring;  they  made  their  swords  their  banners,  and  exerted 
themselves  in  slaying  the  foe.  They  slaughtered  many  of  the 
infidels,  and  pursued  those  who  fled  to  the  mountains.  So  many 
of  them  were  killed  that  their  blood  ran  down  the  mountains  and 
the  plain,  and  thus  (nearly)  all  were  sent  to  hell.  The  few  who 
escaped,  wounded,  weary,  and  half  dead,  sought  refuge  in  the 
defiles  of  the  hills.  Their  property  and  goods,  which  exceeded 
all  computation,  and  their  countless  cows  and  buflalos,  fell  as 
spoil  into  the  hands  of  my  victorious  soldiers. 

When  I  was  satisfied  with  the  destruction  I  had  dealt  out  to 
the  infidels,  and  the  land  was  cleansed  from  the  pollution  of 


460  THE  EMPEROR  TrMUR. 

their  existence,  I  turned  back  victorious  and  triumphant,  laden 
with  spoil.  On  that  same  day  I  crossed  the  Ganges,  and  said 
my  mid-day  prayers  in  the  congregation,  on  the  bank  of  that 
river.  I  prostrated  myself  in  humble  thanks  to  God,  and  after- 
wards again  mounting  my  horse,  marched  five  miles  down  the 
river  and  then  encamped.  It  now  occurred  to  my  mind  that  I 
had  marched  as  a  conqueror  from  the  river  Sind  to  Dehli,  the 
capital  of  the  kings  of  India.  I  had  put  the  infidels  to  the 
edge  of  the  sword  on  both  sides  of  my  route,  and  had  scoured 
the  land ;  I  had  seized  upon  the  throne  of  the  kings  of  India ; 
I  had  defeated  Sultan  Mahmnd,  the  king  of  Dehli,  and  triumphed 
over  him;  I  had  crossed  the  rivers  Ganges  and  Jumna,  and  I 
had  sent  many  of  the  abominable  infidels  to  hell,  and  had  purified 
the  land  from  their  foul  existence.  I  rendered  thanks  to  Al- 
mighty God  that  I  had  accomplished  my  undertaking,  and  had 
waged  against  the  infidels  that  holy  war  I  had  resolved  upon : 
then  I  determined  to  turn  my  course  towards  Samarkand,  my 
capital  and  paradise.  On  the  6th  of  the  month  I  mounted  and 
proceeded  towards  the  heavy  baggage,  and,  having  travelled 
several  kos,  I  encamped,  and  sent  some  yiirutcMs  (quarter- 
masters) to  go  and  bring  up  the  baggage. 

Victories  in  the  Siwdlik  hills. 

On  Tuesday  I  marched  six  kos,  and  the  heavy  baggage  was 
now  four  kos  distant.  I  now  learned  that  an  immense  number 
of  infidels  had  collected  in  the  Siwalik  hills.  Upon  inquiring 
into  the  nature  of  these  hills,  I  was  informed  that  the  people  of 
Hindustan  compute  this  mountain  region  at  one  lac  and  the 
fourth  part  of  a  lac}  It  has  narrow  and  strong  valleys  {darra), 
in  which  the  infidels  had  assembled.  When  I  received  this  in- 
formation I  immediately  ordered  the  troops,  with  the  baggage, 
to  march  towards  the  Siwdlik  hills,  and  I,  myself,  proceeded  in 


MALFirZA'T-I  TrMlTEr.  461 

that  direction.  Marching  in  the  evening  and  into,  the  night,  I 
accomplished  five  hos,  and  then  encamped  in  the  hills.  At  this 
halt  Prince  Khalil  Sultan  and  Amir  Shaikh  Niiru-d  din,  who 
had  been  with  the  baggage,  and  to  whom  I  had  issued  my 
order,  came  up.  When  I  was  seated  on  my  cushion  of  royalty, 
with  all  the  princes  and  amirs  around  me.  Amir  Sulaimdn  Sh4h, 
Amir  Shdh  Malik,  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din,  and  other  amirs, 
rose  from  their  places,  and,  coming  forward,  bowed  their  knees 
before  me  and  said :  "  So  long  as  we,  your  servants,  are  able  to 
move  hand  and  foot,  we  will  execute  your  orders,  but  what 
necessity  is  there  for  our  great  amir  to  take  all  this  toil  and 
hardship  upon  himself,  and  that  he  should  now  order  us  to 
march  against  the  infidels  of  the  Siwalik,  and  to  rout  and  destroy 
them  ?  "  I  replied :  "  My  principal  object  in  coming  to  Hindus- 
tdn,  and  in  undergoing  all  this  toil  and  hardship,  has  been  to 
accomplish  two  things.  The  first  was  to  war  with  the  infidels, 
the  enemies  of  the  Muhammadan  religion;  and  by  this  religious 
warfare  to  acquire  some  claim  to  reward  in  the  life  to  come. 
The  other  was  a  worldly  object ;  that  the  army  of  Isldm  might 
gain  something  by  plundering  the  wealth  and  valuables  of  the 
infidels :  plunder  in  war  is  as  lawful  as  their  mothers'  milk  to 
Musulmd,ns  who  war  for  their  faith,  and  the  consuming  of  that 
which  is  lawful  is  a  means  of  grace."  When  the  amirs  received 
this  answer,  they  maintained  silence.  I  now  despatched  some 
horsemen  with  all  speed  to  Amir  Jahdn  Shah,  whom  I  had  sent 
off  a  week  before  to  plunder  the  forts  and  towns  on  the  Jumna, 
ordering  him  to  rejoin  me  with  all  speed,  that  he  and  his  men 
might  also  share  in  the  merit  of  fighting  against  the  infidels. 
The  amir  came  in  directly  and  joined  me.  Then,  placing  my 
trust  in  God,  I  mounted  my  charger,  and,  on  the  10th  of  the 
month,  marched  towards  the  Siwdlik  hills. 

In  a  valley  {darra)  of  these  hills  there  was  a  rdi  named  Bahrtiz, 
the  number  of  whose  forces,  and  whose  lofty,  rugged,  narrow,  and 
strong  position,  made  him  superior  to  all  the  chiefs  of  the  hills, 
and,  indeed,  of  most  of  Hindustan.     At  the  present  time  es- 


462  THE  EMPEEOE  TrMlTR. 

pecially,  he,  having  heard  of  my  approach,  had  done  his  best  to 
strengthen  his  position,  and  all  the  malignant  rdis  of  the  country 
had  gathered  round  him.  Proud  of  the  number  of  his  men  and 
soldiers,  the  height  of  his  darra  and  abode,  he  stood  firm, 
resolved  upon  fighting.  On  the  other  hand,  I  resolved  upon 
attacking  Bahruz  and  conquering  the  Siwdlik  hills. 

Conquest  of  the  Siwdlih. 

On  the  10th  Jumdda-1  awwal  I  mounted  my  horse  and  drew 
my  sword,  determined  on  fighting  the  infidels  of  the  Siwalik. 
First  I  attended  to  the  disposition  of  my  forces.  I  gave  the 
command  of  the  right  wing  to  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jahangir 
and  Amir  Sulaimdn  ShAh ;  and  I  placed  the  left  wing  under 
Prince  Sultan  Husain  and  Amir  Jahan  Sh^h.  I  sent  forward 
Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  and  Amir  Shah  Malik  in  command  of  the 
advance-guard  of  the  centre.  When  my  arrangements  were 
complete,  we  marched,  and  on  approaching  the  valley,  I  ordered 
the  drums  to  be  beaten,  the  instruments  to  be  sounded,  and  the 
war-cry  to  be  raised,  until  the  hills  and  valleys  echoed  with  their 
sounds.  I  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of  the  darra,  where  I 
alighted  from  my  horse,  and  sent  forward  my  amirs  and  soldiers. 
They  all  dismounted,  and,  girding  up  their  loins,  marched  forward 
to  the  conflict,  full  of  resolution  and  courage.  The  demon-like 
Hindus  were  lurking  in  places  of  ambush,  and  attacked  my  sol- 
diers, but  these  retaliated  with  showers  of  arrows,  and  falling 
upon  them  with  the  sword  forced  their  way  into  the  valley. 
There  they  closed  with  them,  and  fighting  most  bravely  they 
slaughtered  the  enemy  with  sword,  knife,  and  dagger.  So  many 
fell  that  the  blood  ran  down  in  streams.  The  infidel  galrs  were 
dismayed  at  the  sight,  and  took  to  flight.  The  holy  warriors 
pursued  them,  and  made  heaps  of  slain.  A  few  Hindus,  in  a 
wretched  plight,  wounded  and  half  dead,  escaped,  and  hid  them- 
selves in  holes  and  caves.  An  immense  spoil,  beyond  all  com- 
pute, in  money,  goods  and  articles,  cows  and  buflfalos,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  my  soldiers.     All  the  Hindu  women  and  children 


MALFUZii:T-i  TrMiriir.  463 

in  the  valley  were  made  prisoners.  When  I  was  fiilly  satisfied 
with  the  defeat  of  the  insolent  infidels  of  the  Siwdlik,  and  with 
the  victory  I  had  gained,  I  returned  triumphant,  and  encamped 
in  the  same  place.  This  night  I  passed  as  a  guest  in  the  tents 
of  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jah&ngir. 

When  morning  came  I  ordered  all  the  plunder  that  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  my  men  to  be  collected,  for  I  understood  that 
some  had  obtained  much  and  others  little,  and  I  had  it  all  fairly 
divided.  On  that  day,  the  11th  of  the  month,  I  marched  and 
joined  the  heavy  baggage.  I  encamped  at  the  village  of  Bahrah, 
in  the  country  of  Miyapur.  Next  day  I  again  marched,  and 
accomplishing  four  kos,  halted  at  the  village  of  Shikk  Sdr.  An 
enormous  quantity  of  plunder,  goods  and  articles,  prisoners  and 
cattle,  was  now  collected  together  with  the  heavy  baggage,  and 
the  people  of  the  army  were  very  heavily  laden ;  consequently 
it  was  difficult  to  march  more  than  four  or  five  hos  in  a  day. 
On  the  13th  I  encamped  at  the  village  of  Kandar. 

On  the  following  day,  the  14th  Jumada-1  awwal,  I  crossed  the 
river  Jumna  with  the  baggage,  and  encamped  in  another  part  of 
the  Siwahk  hills.  Here  I  learned  that  in  this  part  of  the  Siwdlik 
there  was  a  rajah  of  great  rank  and  power,  by  name  Ratan 
Sen.  His  valley  [darra)  was  more  lofty  and  more  narrow,  and 
his  forces  more  numerous  than  those  of  R4ja  Bahruz.  The 
mountains  around  are  exceedingly  lofty,  and  the  jungles  and 
woods  remarkably  thick,  so  that  access  to  the  valley  was  im- 
possible, except  by  cutting  through  the  jungle.  When  I  under- 
stood these  facts  about  Katan  Sen,  I  felt  my  responsibilities  as 
a  warrior  of  the  Faith,  and  I  was  unwilling  that  the  night  should 
pass  in  ease ;  so  I  issued  a  summons  for  the  attendance  of  the 
amirs  and  other  officers.  When  they  were  all  present,  I  directed 
them  to  prepare  their  men  for  battle,  and  that  they  should  carry 
hatchets  and  bills,  etc.,  for  clearing  away  the  jungle.  I  directed 
some  thousands  of  torches  to  be  lighted,  and  the  drums  of  de- 
parture to  be  sounded.  So  at  night  I  mounted  my  horse,  and 
when  I  reached  the  jungle,  I  ordered  my  warriors  to  cut  away 


464  THE  EMPEROE  TrMlTE. 

the  jungle,  and  make  a  way  through.  They  proceeded  to  execute 
my  order,  and  all  night  long  they  were  occupied  in  clearing  a 
passage.  I  went  on  to  the  front,  and  as  morning  broke  I  had 
traversed  twelve  hos  by  the  way  that  had  been  pierced  through 
the  jungle.  When  I  emerged  from  the  jungle,  the  dawn  ap- 
peared, and  I  alighted  from  my  horse  and  said  my  morning 
prayers.  Then  I  again  mounted,  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
15th,  I  found  myself  between  two  mountains,  one  the  Siwalik 
mountain,  the  other  the  Kuka  mountain.  This  was  the  valley 
{darra),  and  it  was  exceedingly  strong.  The  hills  on  both  sides 
raised  their  heads  to  the  clouds.  In  the  front  of  this  valley 
Raja  Ratan  Sen  had  drawn  out  his  forces,  as  numerous  as  ants 
or  locusts.  There  he  had  taken  his  stand,  prepared  for  battle 
with  an  advance-guard,  a  right  wing  and  left  wing,  in  regular 
martial  array. 

As  soon  as  my  eye  fell  upon  the  dispositions  of  Raja  Ratan 
Sen,  I  ordered  my  warriors  to  shout  their  battle-cry  aloud,  and 
the  drums  and  other  instruments  to  be  sounded.  The  noise 
reverberated  through  the  hills,  and  filled  the  hearts  of  the  infidels 
with  dismay  and  trembling,  so  that  they  wavered.  At  this 
moment  I  ordered  my  forces  to  make  one  grand  charge  upon  the 
infidels.  At  the  first  onset,  the  Hindus  broke  and  fled,  and  my 
victorious  soldiers  pursued,  slashing  their  swords,  killing  many  of 
the  fugitives,  and  sending  them  to  hell.  Only  a  few  of  them 
escaped,  wounded  and  dispirited,  and  hiding  themselves  like 
foxes  in  the  woods,  thus  saved  their  lives.  When  the  soldiers 
gave  up  killing  the  infidels,  they  secured  great  plunder  in  goods 
and  valuables,  prisoners  and  cattle.  No  one  of  them  had  less 
than  one  or  two  hundred  cows,  and  ten  or  twenty  slaves — the 
other  plunder  exceeded  all  calculation.  On  this  day,  Prince  Pir 
Muhammad  Jah4ngir  and  Amir  Sulaim^n  Shdh,  with  the  right 
wing  of  the  army,  and  Prince  Sultan  Husain  and  Amir  Jahan 
Sh^h,  with  the  left  wing,  returned  and  joined  me.  By  my 
orders  they  had  parted  from  me,  and  had  penetrated  the  valleys 
on  my  right  and  left.     They  had  encountered  and  routed  many 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMUEr.  465 

infidels,  and  had  slain  great  numbers  of  thetn,  but  they  had  not 
gained  so  much  spoil  (as  my  division).  I  was  satisfied  with 
the  victory  I  had  won  over  Ratan  Sen  and  his  forces,  and  all 
that  he  possessed  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  my  soldiers.  Day 
came  to  a  close,  and  I  encamped  between  the  two  mountains. 
The  princes  and  amirs  of  the  right  and  left  wing,  whose  way  had 
lain  through  other  valleys,  came  in  to  me  in  the  evening,  which 
was  the  evening  of  Friday,  the  IGth,"^  and  reported  to  me  their  en- 
gagements with  the  enemy,  and  the  men  who  had  distinguished 
themselves  by  feats  of  valour.  After  a  night's  rest,  on  the 
morning  of  Friday,  I  arose,  and  after  saying  my  prayers  I 
mounted  and  rode  towards  the  valley  of  those  two  mountains, 
intent  upon  the  conquest  of  the  Siwalik  hills. 

Capture  of  Nagarkot  (Kdngra). 

When  I  entered  the  valley  on  that  side  of  the  Siwalik,  infor- 
mation was  brought  to  rae  about  the  town  (shahr)  of  Nagarkot, 
which  is  a  large  and  important  town  of  Hindustan,  and  situated 
in  these  mountains.  The  distance  was  thirty  kos,  but  the  road 
thither  lay  through  jungles,  and  over  lofty  and  rugged  hills. 
Every  rdi  and  rdja  who  dwelt  in  these  hills  had  a  large  number 
of  retainers.  As  soon  as  I  learned  these  facts  about  Nagarkot 
and  the  country  round,  my  whole  heart  was  intent  upon  carrying 
the  war  against  the  infidel  Hindus  of  that  place,  and  upon  sub- 
duing the  territory.  So  I  set  spurs  to  my  horse,  and  wended 
my  way  thither. 

The  left  wing  of  my  army,  commanded  by  Amir  Jah4n  Shdh, 
had  obtained  no  booty  on  the  previous  day,  so  I  ordered  his 
division  to  the  front  to  battle  with  the  infidels,  and  to  capture 
spoil  to  compensate  them  for  the  deficiency  of  the  previous 
day.  I  sent  Sain  Timur  with  a  party  of  soldiers  forward  as 
an  advance-guard,  and  then  I  followed.  At  breakfast  time  Sain 
Timur,  the  commander  of  the  vanguard,  sent  to  inform  me  that 
there  was  a  very  large  force  of  infidels  in  front  drawn  up  in  order 

1  It  must  be  bome  in  mind  that  tbe  Muhammadan  day  begins  at  sunset, 
vol.  III.  30 


466  THE  EMPEROR  TrMlTR. 

of  battle.  I  instantly  ordered  Amir  JaMn  Shah,  whom  I  had 
sent  to  the  front  with  the  forces  of  the  left  wing  and  the  army 
of  Khurasdn,  to  attack  the  enemy.  The  amir,  in  obedience  to 
ray  order,  advanced  and  charged  the  enemy.  At  the  very  first 
charge  the  infidels  were  defeated  and  put  to  flight.  The  holy 
warriors,  sword  in  hand,  dashed  among  the  fugitives,  and  made 
heaps  of  corpses.  Great  numbers  were  slain,  and  a  vast  booty  in 
goods  and  valuables,  and  prisoners  and  cattle  in  countless  num- 
bers, fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  who  returned  triumphant 
and  loaded  vrith  spoil. 

A  horseman  belonging  to  the  kushun  of  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d 
din  and  'Ali  Sultan  Tawdchi  now  came  galloping  in  to  inform 
me  that  upon  my  left  there  was  a  valley  in  which  an  immense 
number  of  Hindus  and  gabrs  had  collected,  and  were  crying  out 
for  battle.  Vast  herds  of  cattle  and  bufialos  were  grazing  around 
them,  in  numbers  beyond  the  reach  of  the  imagination.  As  soon 
as  I  heard  this,  I  proceeded  to  the  place,  and  having  said  my 
mid-day  prayers  with  the  congregation  on  the  way,  I  joined 
Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din,  and  I  ordered  him,  with  'Ali  Sultan 
Tawachi,  to  march  with  their  forces  against  the  enemy.  In 
compliance  with  this  order  they  went  boldly  forward,  and  by 
a  rapid  march  came  in  sight  of  the  infidels.  Like  a  pack  of 
hungry  sharp-clawed  wolves,  they  fell  upon  the  flock  of  fox-hke 
infidels,  and  dyed  their  swords  and  weapons  in  the  blood  of  those 
wretches  till  streams  of  blood  ran  down  the  valley.  I  went  to 
the  front  from  the  rear,  and  found  the  enemy  flying  on  all  sides, 
and  my  braves  splashing  their  blood  upon  the  ground.  A  party 
of  the  Hindus  fled  towards  the  mountain,  and  I  taking  a  body  of 
soldiers  pursued  them  up  that  lofty  mountain,  and  put  them  to 
the  sword.  After  mounting  to  the  summit  I  halted.  Finding 
the  spot  verdant  and  the  air  pleasant,  I  sat  myself  down  and 
watched  the  fighting  and  the  valiant  deeds  my  men  were  per- 
forming. I  observed  their  conduct  with  my  own  eyes,  and  how 
they  put  the  infidel  Hindus  to  the  sword.  The  soldiers  engaged 
in  collecting  the  booty,  and  cattle,  and  prisoners.     This  exceeded 


MALFirZAT-I  TrMlTEr.  467 

all  calculation,  and  they  returned  victorious  and  triumphant.  The 
princes  and  amirs  and  other  officers  came  up  the  mountain  to 
meet  me,  and  to  congratulate  me  on  the  victory.  I  had  seen 
splendid  deeds  of  valour,  and  I  now  promoted  the  performers  and 
rewarded  them  with  princely  gifts.  The  enormous  numbers  of 
cows  and  buiFalos  that  had  been  taken  were  brought  forward,  and 
I  directed  that  those  who  had  captured  many  should  give  a  few 
to  those  soldiers  who  had  got  no  share.  Through  this  order, 
every  man,  small  and  great,  strong  and  feeble,  obtained  a  share 
of  the  spoil.  I  remained  till  evening  on  the  mountain,  and  after 
saying  evening  prayer  I  came  down.  I  encamped  in  the  valley 
where  there  were  running  streams.  Several  times  when  I  en- 
camped in  these  mountains  great  numbers  of  monkeys  came  into 
the  camp  from  the  jungles  and  woods,  both  by  night  and  day, 
and  laid  their  claws  upon  whatever  they  could  find  to  eat,  and 
carried  it  off  before  the  faces  of  the  men.  At  night  they  stole 
their  little  articles  and  curiosities. 

Since  the  14th  Jumada-1  awwal,  when  I  entered  the  Siwalik 
hills,  I  had  fought  the  enemy  several  times,  I  had  gained  vic- 
tories and  captured  forts.  From  that  time  to  the  17th  Jumada-1 
akhir,  one  month  and  two  days,  I  had  been  engaged  in  fighting, 
slaying,  and  plundering  the  miscreant  Hindus  of  those  hills,  until 
I  arrived  at  the  fort  of  Jammu.  I  reckoned  that  during  those 
thirty-two  days  I  had  twenty  conflicts  with  the  enemy,  and 
gained  as  many  victories.  I  captured  seven  strong  celebrated 
forts  belonging  to  the  infidels,  which  were  situated  two  or  three 
kos  distance  apart,  and  were  the  jewels  and  beauties  of  that 
region.  The  people  of  these  forts  and  countries  had  formerly 
paid  the  j'izi/a  (poll-tax)  to  the  Sultan  of  Hindustan ;  but  for  a 
long  time  past  they  had  grown  strong,  and  casting  off  their 
allegiance  to  those  sovereigns,  they  no  longer  paid  the  Jizi/a,  but 
indulged  in  all  sorts  of  opposition. 

One  of  these  eight  forts  belonged  to  a  chief  named  Shaikha,  a 
relation  of  Malik  Shaikh  Kukar.  The  people  of  the  fort  made 
some  Musulmdns  who  were  dwelling  amongst  them  their  media- 


468  THE  EMPEROE  TTWIR. 

tors,  and  sent  oflfers  of  submission  and  service.  But  I  saw  looks 
of  deception  and  treachery  in  the  faces  of  the  people  of  the  fort. 
When  my  ministers  had  settled  the  amount  of  the  ransom 
money,  and  the  officers  proceeded  to  collect  it,  these  bad  people 
evaded  payment.  On  being  informed  of  this,  I  gave  orders  that 
all  kinds  of  articles  should  be  taken  at  a  good  price  instead 
of  money  and  specie  (jins).  When  this  was  understood,  they 
brought  forth  all  sorts  of  things  and  gave  them  over  at  a  high 
valuation,  so  it  came  to  pass  that  all  the  bows  and  arrows  and 
swords  that  they  possessed  were  surrendered  instead  of  money. 
I  now  issued  an  order  that  forty  of  the  Hindus  of  the  fort  should 
come  out  to  serve  Hindu  Shah,  my  treasurer.  Being  of  a  dis- 
obedient rebellious  spirit  they  resisted,  paid  no  respect  to  my 
order,  and  even  killed  some  of  the  Musulmans  who  were  in  the 
fort.  Directly  I  heard  this,  I  gave  orders  for  the  amirs  with 
their  respective  forces  to  advance  boldly  against  the  fort.  In 
execution  of  this  order  all  my  forces  assembled  en  masse  to  storm 
the  place.  They  assailed  it  on  every  side,  and  fixing  their 
scaling-ladders  they  mounted  the  walls  and  penetrated  to  the 
interior.  The  men  of  the  garrison  having  been  guilty  of  conduct 
worthy  of  death,  were  killed.  Two  thousand  thus  perished  and 
were  sent  to  hell.  The  women  and  children  were  made  prisoners, 
and  the  buildings  were  levelled  with  the  ground.  By  the  favour 
and  grace  of  God  my  heart  had  thus  been  gratified  with  the  over- 
throw of  the  vile  infidels  of  the  Siwdlik.  I  had  subdued  their 
strongholds,  and  there  remained  no  other  contumacious  rdi  or 
rdja  to  conquer.  I  inquired  of  the  people  who  were  acquainted 
with  this  region  if  there  were  any  more  infidels  in  the  vicinity 
against  whom  I  could  carry  the  scourge  of  holy  warfare. 

Conquest  of  Jammii. 

In  answer  to  my  inquiry  I  was  informed  that  the  castle  of 
Jammti  was  near,  that  it  was  connected  with  the  Siwalik  and 
Kuka  mountains,  and  that  the  inhabitants  were  not  submissive 
and  obedient  to  the  Sultans  of  Hindustdn.     These  facts  being 


MALFUZAT-I  TrMUEr.  469 

made  known  to  me,  I  on  the  16tli  Jumdda-1  dkhir  803,  marched 
from  the  village  of  Mansdr  determined  to  carry  my  arms  against 
the  infidels  of  Jammu.  After  marching  six  kos  I  encamped  at 
the  village  of  Bdila,  in  the-  territory  of  Jammu.  I  sent  Amir 
Shaikh  Muhammad,  son  of  Amir  Aiku-timur,  and  some  other 
ofiScers,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  horse  against  the  village  of 
Bciila.  The  people  in  that  village  confident  in  their  numbers,  in 
the  density  of  the  jungle,  and  in  the  altitude  of  the  position,  had 
placed  themselves  in  ambush  in  many  places  along  the  borders  of 
the  jungle  prepared  to  give  battle  and  ofier  resistance.  The 
amirs  who  had  gone  on  in  advance  reported  these  facts  to  me, 
and  asked  for  permission  to  attack  and  defeat  the  enemy.  I 
returned  answer  that  I  myself  was  desirous  of  sharing  in  the 
merit  of  the  holy  fight,  and,  therefore,  the  battle  must  be  deferred 
till  the  morrow  until  I  should  arrive.  When  my  orders  reached 
them  they  postponed  operations  for  that  day.  On  the  next  day, 
the  17th,  I  marched  towards  B4Ila.  When  the  eyes  of  the 
enemy  fell  upon  my  royal  banners,  and  the  cries  of  my  warriors 
sounded  in  their  ears,  they  wavered  and  fled,  seeking  refuge  in 
the  dense  jungles  and  thickets.  I  directed  the  amirs  in  the  front 
to  advance  and  seize  the  mouths  of  the  jungle  and  woods  so  that 
the  troops  might  enter  the  village  of  Baila  and  plunder  it  in 
security.  No  man  was  to  enter  the  jungle  and  woods.  The 
amirs  carried  out  these  orders  and  the  soldiers  obtained  great 
quantities  of  grain,  sugar,  and  oil.  After  that  they  set  fire  to 
the  houses  and  destroyed  the  buildings. 

The  same  day  I  advanced  four  kos  and  then  encamped.  Uljah 
Timur  Tiinkat^r,  Ful4d  Bahadur,  and  Zainu-d  din  whom  I  had 
sent  as  ambassadors  from  Dehli  to  Shkh.  Iskandar,  king  of  Kash- 
mir, now  returned  to  me  with  the  Shdh's  envoys,  bearing  a  letter 
from  him.  I  read  the  letter  from  beginning  to  end.  It  was 
couched  in  the  most  respectful  terms,  the  king  declaring  himself 
to  be  my  humble  servant,  and  stating  his  intention  to  follow  his 
letters  and  to  be  honoured  by  waiting  upon  me.  The  Shdh's 
ambassadors  bent  the  knee,  and  after  olFering  their  benedictions, 


470  THE  EMPEROR  TrMITR. 

informed  me  that  their  master  had  come  as  far  as  the  village  of 
Jahan  to  m«et  me. 

Iskandar^  King  of  Kashmir. 

I  was  now  informed  that  Mull&  Niiru-d  din,  the  ambassador 
of  Shah  Iskandar,  who  had  been  in  attendance  upon  me,  had 
returned  without  leave  to  his  master  at  the  village  of  Jabhin,  to 
inform  him  that  my  ministers  of  finance  had  determined  that 
when  he  should  arrive  at  my  court  there  should  be  demanded 
from  him  a  contribution  of  30,000  horses  and  a  lac  of  silver  tanltas, 
each  tanka  weighing  two  and  a  half  miskdls.  Shah  Iskandar,  in 
order  to  provide  for  this  payment,  had  returned  from  Jabhan  to 
Kashmir.  When  I  heard  this  I  called  for  my  financial  officers 
and  told  them  that  they  had  put  too  heavy  a  burden  on  the  neck 
of  Shdh  Iskandar,  that  the  tax  and  tribute  to  be  demanded  of 
every  country  ought  to  be  in  proportion  to  its  income  and  cultiva- 
tion, and  that  they  had  exhibited  their  own  ignorance  in  making 
such  a  demand.  I  immediately  reassured  the  ambassador  of  the 
Shdh,  gave  him  a  robe  and  presents,  and  sent  him  with  Mu'ata- 
mad  Zainu-d  din  to  his  master  with  a  message  that  he  was  not  to 
consider  himself  bound  by  the  demand  made  by  my  ofiicers,  but 
to  trust  in  my  royal  favour  and  to  return  without  fear.  It  was 
then  the  17th  of  the  month,  and  when  twenty-eight  days  had 
passed,  on  the  15th  of  the  month  of  Rajab,  he  must  come  to  my 
camp  upon  the  banks  of  the  Indus. 

At  the  foot  of  a  mountain  in  the  vicinity  of  my  camp  there 
was  a  flourishing  village,  and  I  sent  a  force  to  plunder  it.  When 
they  reached  it,  the  Hindus  of  the  place  who  were  numerous, 
assembled  to  resist,  but  on  the  approach  of  my  men  fear  fell  upon 
their  hearts,  and  they  set  fire  to  their  houses  and  fled  to  the 
mountains.  My  victorious  soldiers  pursued  them  and  slew  many 
of  them.  A  large  booty  in  grain  and  property  fell  into  our  hands. 
There  were  two  other  large  villages  in  the  vicinity  of  this  village. 
These  also  were  plundered  and  a  large  amount  of  spoil  was 
secured.     On  this  day  Ed-timtir  was  wounded. 


UALFUZKH-l  TrMlTRr.  471 

On  the  19th  I  again  marched,  and  came  up  opposite  to  the 
city  of  Jammu,  and  there  encamped,  my  royal  tents  and  canopies 
being  set  up.  The  five  or  six  Jcos  which  I  traversed  in  this 
day's  march  was  entirely  through  a  cultivated  country ;  nowhere 
did  I  see  any  dry  [khushk)  or  waste  (Mali)  land,  and  so  in  the 
place  where  I  encamped  there  was  no  necessity  for  any  man  to 
go  out  into  the  fields  in  search  of  fodder  for  his  horse  or  camel, 
for  there  was  grain  and  grass  enough  between  the  tents  to  feed 
the  animals.  On  the  next  day,  the  20th,  after  resting  for  the 
night,  I  again  moved  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  town  of 
Jammu.  I  came  into  the  valley  where  the  source  of  the  river 
of  Jammu  is  situated,  and  there  I  pitched  my  tents ;  but  I  sent 
my  army  over  the  river  to  the  foot  of  a  mountain,  on  the  left  of 
the  town,  and  to  the  village  of  Manii  on  the  right.  When  my 
forces  had  secured  these  positions,  the  demon-spirited  Hindus  sent 
off  their  wives  and  children  from  their  villages  to  the  tops  of  the 
mountains,  and  they  fortified  themselves  in  their  village.  Their 
raja,  with  his  warlike  gabrs  and  athletic  Hindus,  took  his  post 
in  the  vaUey,  where  they  howled  like  so  many  jackals.  I  com- 
manded that  not  a  soldier  should  go  towards  the  mountain,  or 
have  anything  to  do  with  these  gabrs,  but  that  they  should 
attack  and  plunder  the  town  of  Jammii  and  the  village  of  Manu. 
Accordingly  my  forces  fell  to  plundering,  and  secured  an  enor- 
mous booty  in  grain,  goods  of  all  kinds,  and  cattle.  I  returned 
victorious  to  the  baggage,  where  I  entered  my  tents,  and  passed 
the  night  in  pleasure  and  rest. 

As  soon  as  morning  broke  the  drums  sounded.  I  selected 
certain  kushims  which  I  placed  under  the  command  of  experienced 
veteran  amirs,  and  I  intrusted  them  to  go  and  conceal  themselves 
in  the  jungle,  while  I  marched  away  with  drums  playing.  The 
Hindus  and  gabrs,  who  had  fled  to  the  hills  in  alarm  at  my 
approach,  would  then  come  down  from  the  mountains  in  fancied 
security,  and  my  troops  in  ambush  might  fall  upon  the  infidels 
and  cut  them  to  pieces.  In  execution  of  this  order  the  troops 
went  and  concealed  themselves,  and  I  mounting  my  horse  crossed 


472  THE  EMPEROR  TrMUE. 

the  river  of  Jammu,  and  marclied  four  hos.  All  this  distance 
was  through  arable  land,  and  a  green  and  fertile  country.  I 
encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Ohindwa^  on  a  piece  of  cultivated 
ground,  and  set  up  my  tents  with  all  the  baggage  around.  Some 
horsemen  now  arrived  in  haste  from  the  amirs,  whom  1  had  left 
in  ambush,  to  inform  me  that,  after  I  had  marched  away,  the 
Raja  of  Jammu  and  other  devilish  gdbrs  came  down  confidently 
from  the  tops  of  the  hills.  When  they  reached  the  plain  the 
amirs  rushed  suddenly  from  their  ambush  upon  the  infidels,  and 
killed  a  great  number  of  them.  A  few  of  them,  worn  out  and 
wounded,  had  escaped  to  the  jungle  and  woods.  The  Eaja  of 
Jammu,  who  was  ruler  of  the  country,  with  fifty  Rdos  and 
Rdjpiits  had  been  made  prisoners  by  Daulat  Timur  Tawachi 
Husain  Malik  Kuchin  and  others  belonofins;  to  the  tumdn  of 
Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din,  and  the  whole  force  was  coming  up 
with  the  prisoners.  I  gave  thanks  to  Almighty  God  that  the 
enemies  of  the  Muhammadan  religion  had  been  smitten  down  by 
the  men  of  the  faith,  or  had  been  made  prisoners.  The  day 
before,  proud  of  their  numbers  and  confident  in  the  density  of  the 
jungle  and  the  altitude  of  the  hills,  they  had  raised  their  cries 
of  defiance,  and  now,  by  the  grace  of  God,  they  were  prisoners  in 
my  hands.  I  immediately  gave  orders  that  the  fifty  prisoners 
should  be  put  in  bonds  and  chains.  When  my  eyes  fell  upon  the 
E,4ja  of  Jammu,  who  was  wounded  and  a  prisoner,  fear  took 
possession  of  his  heart,  and  he  agreed  to  pay  certain  sums  of 
money  and  to  become  a  Musulmdn  if  I  would  spare  his  life.  I 
instantly  ordered  him  to  be  taught  the  creed,  and  he  repeated  it 
and  became  a  Muhammadan.  Among  these  infidels  there  is  no 
greater  crime  and  abomination  than  eating  the  flesh  of  a  cow  or 
killing  a  cow,  but  he  ate  the  flesh  in  the  company  of  Musulmans. 
When  he  had  thus  been  received  into  the  fold  of  the  faithful,  I 
ordered  my  surgeons  to  attend  to  his  wounds,  and  1  honoured 
him  with  a  robe  and  royal  favours. 

'  The  Chinab.    The  spelling  in  page  413  was  Chindd.    It  is  now  Ckindwa,  and 
the  Zafar-ndma  favours  this  orthography. 


MALFirZAT-I  TtMURr.  473 

On  the  23rd  Juuiada-l  d.khir  I  remained  stationary,  and 
messengers  arrived  from  Prince  PIr  Muhammad  and  Prince 
Rustam  and  Amir  Jahan  Shdh,  whom  I  had  sent  some  days 
before  with  a  force  to  L4hor.  They  brought  me  the  information 
that  the  princes  and  amirs  had  arrived  at  Labor  upon  the  busi- 
ness on  which  I  had  sent  them.  Malik  Shaikha  Kokhar  was 
brother  of  Nusrat  Kokhar,  who  was  formerly  governor  of  Ldhor 
on  the  part  of  Sultdn  Mahmud  of  Uehli.  After  I  had  defeated 
his  brother  Nusrat  Shaikha  Kokhar,  he  had  been  the  first  of  all 
the  mminddrs  and  governors  of  Hindustan  to  wait  upon  me  and 
make  his  submission.  From  my  capture  of  the  city  of  Dehli  till 
my  passage  of  the  Jumna  he  remained  in  attendance  on  me.  In 
the  middle  of  the  Dokh  he  asked  permission  to  return  home  to 
Labor.  I  had  always  perceived  the  signs  of  hypocrisy  upon  his 
countenance,  and  I  knew  well  that  he  had  submitted  from  neces- 
sity and  was  false  in  his  professions.  Still  he  was  the  first  to 
yield,  and  I  was  very  considerate  for  his  subjects,  and  whenever 
any  zaminddr  of  that  country  represented  himself  to  be  a  depen- 
dant of  Shaikha  Kokhar,  I  protected  him  from  the  assaults  of 
ray  followers,  and  from  pillage  and  plunder.  When  I  gave  him 
permission  to  leave  he  proceeded  to  Labor,  and  there  forgot  his 
protestations  of  service  and  devotion,  and  the  duties  imposed 
upon  him  by  my  favour  and  kindness.  He  kept  not  the  pro- 
mises he  made  when  he  waited  upon  me,  but  when  a  party  of 
my  followers,  such  as  Mauldna  'Abdu-llah,  etc.,  passed  through 
Labor  on  their  way  from  Samarkand  to  join  me,  he  showed  them 
no  attention,  and  never  asked  them  why  are  you  come  ?  where 
do  you  come  from  ?  or,  where  are  you  going  to  ?  The  defection 
of  Shaikha  Kokhar  had  become  clear  to  me,  and  I  had  sent  the 
princes  and  amirs  to  take  that  ungrateful  man  prisoner,  and  to 
levy  a  ransom  from  the  city  of  Ldhor. 

When  I  read  the  letters  from  the  princes  and  amirs,  I  found 
that  in  execution  of  my  orders  they  had  gone  to  Ldhor,  and  had 
fixed  the  amount  of  ransom  to  be  levied  from  the  inhabitants. 
They  had  found  Shaikha  Kokhar  remiss  and  negligent  in  raising 


474  THE  EMPEEOE  TfMUE. 

the  contribution,  and  so  in  compliance  with  my  order  they  had 
made  him  prisoner.  They  had  collected  the  whole  of  the  ransom 
and  were  coming  up  to  join  me.  In  reply  to  their  report  I  wrote 
that  as  Shaikha  had  proved  false  to  his  engagement  and  had 
acted  inimically,  his  country  was  to  be  plundered  and  he  himself 
should  be  sent  in  chains  to  my  presence.  This  order  I  sent 
off  by  the  hands  of  messengers. 

Next  day  the  24th  of  the  month,  I  crossed  the  river  Chind,^  and 
after  a  march  of  four  or  five  Itos,  I  encamped  in  a  verdant  plain. 
Some  messengers  now  arrived  from  Prince  Mirdn  Shah  in  Kzax- 
baijAn  [reporting  all  was  well.']  On  the  25th  I  again  marched. 
There  was  a  river  in  the  way,  which  I  crossed  over  and  en- 
camped. On  this  day  some  of  the  sick  men  {za'ifdn)  were 
drowned  in  crossing  the  river,  so  I  directed  that  all  my  own 
horses  and  camels  should  be  used  for  carrying  the  sick  and  feeble 
over.  On  that  day  all  my  camp  crossed  the  river,  and  on  the 
same  day  messengers  arrived  from  Persia.  *  *  I  sent  my 
treasurer  Hindu  Shah  to  Samarkand  to  announce  my  return 
home,  and  I  also  issued  a  notification  to  the  princes  and  amirs 
of  the  army,  recounting  how  I  had  achieved  great  victories  in 
Hindustan ;  how  I  had  taken  Dehli  the  capital  of  the  Sultans, 
and  other  cities,  towns  and  renowned  fortresses ;  how  by  the 
grace  of  God  I  had  overrun  the  country  and  the  hills,  and  how 
my  men  had  secured  an  immense  booty  in  money  and  gold, 
jewels  and  stufis,  high-hred  horses  and  elephants,  and  cattle  in 
countless  numbers.  We  had  returned  thus  far,  and  I  had  sent  off 
messengers  to  all  parts  of  my  dominions  to  announce  my  return 
home,  so  that  the  princes'  might  come  out  to  receive  me  as 
quickly  as  possible.  I  now  thought  it  would  have  been  better 
not  to  have  sent  the  messengers,  and  that,  having  left  the  bag- 
gage behind,  I  should  go  on  in  advance.  Accordingly,  mounting 
my  horse  I  crossed  the  river  which  lay  in  my  route.  On  the 
27th  I  travelled  six  hos  and  encamped  on  the  edge  of  a  jungle. 
The  men  of  my  advance-guard  brought  me  information  that  there 

'  Sic. :  but  the  Chin&b  is  intended. 


MALFirZii;!-!  TrMXTRr.  475 

was  a  brake  near  at  hand  in  which  there  was  a  large  tiger. 
When  I  arrived  there  my  daring  fellows  surrounded  the  brake 
on  all  sides,  and  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  quickly  sprang  forward 
and  attacked  the  beast  with  his  sword  and  slew  it.  I  loudly 
praised  the  prowess  of  that  brave  man. 

When  I  returned  from  the  hunt  Prince  Pir  Muhammad 
Jahdngir,  Prince  Eustam,  Amir  Sulaiman,  and  Amir  Jahdn 
Shdh  returned  from  L4hor  with  much  wealth  and  property  and 
were  received  with  all  honour.  The  plunder  which  they  had 
obtained  at  Labor  in  money,  goods,  and  horses  they  presented 
to  me,  and  I  divided  and  gave  all  the  goods  and  effects  among  the 
amirs  and  councillors  who  were  in  attendance  at  the  court.  *  *  * 

Tim-kr  holds  a  Court. 
On  the  same  day  I  ordered  preparations  to  be  made  for  holding 
a  splendid  court.  *  *  *  After  bestowing  many  rewards,  robes 
and  girdles,  swords  and  quivers  upon  the  amirs  and  others,  I 
ordered  that  the  right  and  left  wings  of  the  army  should  march 
towards  home  by  certain  prescribed  routes.  The  saiyids,  and 
''ulamd,  and  zaminddrs,  and  gentlemen,  natives  of  Hindustdn  who 
had  joined  and  accompanied  my  camp,  all  received  presents  and 
tasted  of  my  royal  bounty.  I  then  issued  orders  for  them  all  to 
return  home.  Khizr  Khdn,  who  was  one  of  the  principal  men  of 
Hindustan,  had  been  made  prisoner  by  Sarang,  the  governor  of 
Multdn,  and  kept  in  confinement.  But  he  escaped  from  prison 
and  took  refuge  with  Ahodan,  governor  of  BayS,na,  who  was  a 
Musulman  and  an  honest  man.  When  I  was  marching  victorious 
through  Hindustan,  Khizr  Kh4n  hastened  from  Bayana  to  wait 
upon  me,  and  I  received  him  with  honour  and  kindness  and  took 
him  into  my  suite.  I  now  appointed  him  governor  of  Mult4n.  \_and 
after  bestotnng  the  usual  marks  of  honour']  I  sent  him  thither. 

Sunting  of  the  Rhinoceros,  etc, 

*  *  *  On  Friday  the  26th  of  the  month  I  again  marched,  and 
after  accomplishing  eight  kos,  arrived  at  the  village  of  Jabh&n,  in 
the  territories  of  Kashmir. 


476  THE  EMPEEOE  TrMlTE. 

Description  of  Kashmir. 

At  this  stage  I  made  inquiries  about  the  country  and  city  of 
Kashmir  from  men  who  were  acquainted  with  it,  and  from  them 
I  learned  that  *  *  Kashmir  is  an  incomparable  country.  *  *  * 
In  the  midst  of  that  country  there  is  a  very  large  and  populous 
city  called  Naghaz.  The  rulers  of  the  country  dwell  there.  The 
buildings  of  the  city  are  very  large  and  are  all  of  wood,  and  they 
are  four  or  five  stories  high.  They  are  very  strong  and  will 
stand  for  500  or  700  years.  A  large  river  runs  through  the 
middle  of  this  city,  as  large  as  the  Tigris  at  Baghdad,  and  the 
city  is  built  upon  both  sides  of  it.  The  source  of  this  river  is 
within  the  limits  of  Kashmir  in  a  large  lake,  some  parasangs  in 
length  and  breadth,  which  is  called  Vir-nak.  The  inhabitants 
have  cast  bridges  over  the  river  in  nearly  thirty  places.  These 
are  constructed  of  wood,  stone,  or  boats ;  seven  of  the  largest  are 
within  the  city,  and  the  rest  in  the  environs.  When  this  river 
passes  out  of  the  confines  of  Kashmir,  it  is  named  after  each 
city  by  which  it  passes  ;  as  the  river  of  Dandana,  the  river  of 
Jamd.  The  river  passes  on  and  joins  the  Chindb  above  Multan. 
The  united  waters  pass  below  Multdn  and  then  join  the  Rdwi. 
The  river  Biy4h  comes  down  through  another  part  and  joins 
them,  and  the  three  united  rivers  fall  into  the  Sind  or  Indus  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Uch.  All  these  (united)  rivers  are  called 
the  Sind  or  the  Panjdb,  and  this  river  falls  into  the  Persian  Gulf 
near  Thatta.  *  *  * 

On  the  29th  Jumdda-1  dkhir,  I  started  from  Jabhan  and 
marched  five  hos  and  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Dandana. 
There  I  ordered  a  number  of  boats  to  be  collected  and  a  bridge 
to  be  formed.  I  ordered  Amir  Sh4h  Malik  and  Jal&lu-l  Islam 
to  take  their  post  at  the  head  of  the  bridge  and  careftiUy  superin- 
tend the  passage  of  the  army.  When  all  the  soldiers  and  bag- 
gage had  crossed  in  safety,  I  also  passed  over  and  encamped. 
Next  day,  the  1st  Eajab,  I  placed  the  heavy  baggage  in  charge 
of  certain  amirs,  who  were  to  follow  in  the  rear.  Then  I  started 
for  the  seat  of  my  empire,  intending  to  travel  rapidly.    That  day 


MALFUZAT-i  TrMtJar.  477 

I  accomplished  twenty  Iws,  and  rested  at  the  village  of  Sambast, 
in  the  Jtid  mountains.  On  the  2nd  I  again  started,  and  travel- 
ling one  and  a  half  watch  of  the  day,  I  reached  the  vicinity  of  the 
fort  of  Baruja,  where  I  halted  for  an  hour,  and  after  saying  noon- 
day prayers,  I  again  started,  and  entering  the  Ohol-i  Jalali,  I 
continued  my  course  until,  at  the  time  of  evening  prayer,  I 
emerged  from  the  desert,  and  encamped  on  the  margin  of  a  lake 
which  had  been  filled  by  the  rains  of  the  rainy  season.  On  the 
3rd  I  again  set  off,  and  at  breakfast  time  reached  the  banks  of  the 
Indus.  I  had  sent  orders  to  Pir  'Ali  Salandoz,  and  other  amirs 
who  had  charge  of  this  territory,  to  construct  a  strong  bridge  of 
timber  and  boats  over  the  river.  They  had  executed  my  orders, 
and  I  passed  over  the  bridge  immediately.  I  ordered  Amir 
Allah-d4d  to  guard  the  bridge  for  the  transit  of  the  forces  and 
baggage  which  were  coming  up.  I  halted  by  the  river  till  noon- 
day prayer,  which  I  said  in  public;  then  I  again  started,  and 
travelled  ten  kos  rapre  before  halting  for  the  night.  On  the  3rd  I 
marched  again,  and,  travelling  rapidly,  I  reached  the  fort  of  Bdnii, 
and  there  encamped.  *  *  * 


478 


XIX. 

ZAFAE-NA'MA 

OF 

SHAEAFU-D    DrN,    YAZDf. 

"The  Book  of  Victory"  by  Mauldn^  Sharafii-d  din  'Ali  Yazdi, 
who  died  a.d.  1446.  This  work,  which  Mirkhond  declares  to 
surpass  everything  that  had  up  to  his  time  enhghtened  the  world 
in  the  department  of  history,  is  a  very  partial  biography  of 
Timtir,  written  a.d.  1424.  It  is  interspersed  with  fables,  and  is 
well  known  to  the  Orientalists  of  Europe  by  the  accurate  French 
translation  of  M.  Petis  de  la  Oroix  {Histoire  de  Timiir  Bee, 
Paris,  1722,  4  vols.  12mo.),  which  is  one  of  Gibbon's  chief 
sources  respecting  this  hero. 

The  translation  of  M.  Petis  de  la  Croix  does  not  contain  the 
second  and  third  parts  of  the  Zafar-ndma,  nor  does  it  contain 
the  supplement  of  the  original  written  by  T4ju-d  din  Salm^ni, 
who  continued  the  history  to  the  time  of  Shah  Eukh,  a.d.  1410 ; 
and  as  the  Zafar-ndma  does  not  commence  till  the  twenty-fifth 
year  of  Timur's  age,  the  translation  is  by  no  means  to  be  con- 
sidered a  complete  biography,  more  especially  as  it  is  an  abridged 
rather  than  a  full  version  of  the  original.  The  French  version 
was  translated  into  English  by  J.  Darby  in  1723.  There  is 
also  an  Italian  translation  by  Bradutti. 

[As  stated  in  the  foregoing  notice  of  the  Malflizdt-i  Timuri, 
the  Zafar-ndma  is  based  upon  that  autobiography,  and  so  far  as 
the  expedition  to  India  is  concerned,  it  is  merely  a  polished  re- 
production of  that  work.  This  fact  may  be  seen  on  a  comparison 
of  the  following  Extracts  with  those  which  precede  this  from  the 
Malfuzdt-i  TimiirL      So  identical  are  they  that  the  Extracts 


ZAFAR-NAMA.  479 

which  follow  might  be  dispensed  with.  But  the  Zafar-ndma 
enjoys  such  a  high  reputation,  and  has  been  so  largely  used  and 
quoted  as  an  authority  by  writers,  both  in  the  East  and  in 
Europe,  that  it  cannot  be  passed  over  in  a  comprehensive  work 
like  the  present. 

[The  translation  has  been  made  by  the  editor,  and  he  has  had 
the  use  of  four  MSS.  belonging  to  the  Library  of  the  India  Office. 
In  one  of  these  (No.  985),  the  work  has  been  stripped  of  much  of 
its  florid  and  redundant  ornament — in  fact,  it  has  been  subjected  to 
a  treatment  closely  resembling  that  which  Petis  de  la  Croix  found 
to  be  necessary  in  making  his  French  translation.  This  abridged 
MS.  does  not  appear  to  give  any  account  of  the  writer  by  whom 
it  was  prepared,  but  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  to  Sir 
H.  Elliot  from  the  late  Professor  Duncan  Forbes  in  all  pro- 
bability refers  to  this  same  work.  "Another  curiosity  (in  the 
British  Museum)  connected  with  Timtir  is  a  very  plain  and 
sensible  paraphrase  of  the  Zafar-nama,  done,  by  command  of 
Jahdngir,  by  'Abdu-s  Sattar  Kasim  in  the  city  of  Ajmir,  A.h. 
1024  (1617  A.D.).  The  doer  of  the  thing  says  very  sensibly  in 
his  introduction  that  Yazdi's  book  is  very  flowery  and  pedantic, 
written  in  the  'ibdrat-i  munshiydna,  which  we  may  felicitously 
translate  the  Jedediah  Cleishbotham  style,  which  he,  'Abdu-s 
Sattdr  aforesaid,  improves  marvellously  by  leaving  out  all  Arabic 
and  Persian  verses  that  are  not  to  the  point,  and  enriching 
the  narrative  from  other  sources."  The  editor  has,  in  general 
followed  this  MS.,  but  he  has  constantly  referred  to  the  other 
copies,  and  has  occasionally  introduced  from  them  names  and 
passages  which  seemed  worthy  of  notice.]  ^ 

EXTRACTS. 

Cause  of  Timur's  Invasion  of  Hindustan. 

Timur,  the   invincible   and  world-conquering,    had   given   to 
Prince   Pir   Muhammad   Jah^ngir   the   provinces  of    Kunduz, 

"  A  translation  of  part  of  the  Zafar-ndma,  by  Major  HoUings,  waa  published  in 
the  Dehli  Archaologioal  Journal,  1862,  but  I  have  not  seen  it. — ^Ed. 


480  YAZDr. 

BakalS,n,  Kdbul,  Grhazni,  and  Kandahar,  with  all  their  depen- 
dencies as  far  as  the  confines  of  India.  The  prince  accordingly 
took  possession  of  these  territories,  and  ruled  with  justice  and 
liberality.  Under  the  orders  of  the  Emperor  he  collected  the 
troops  of  his  provinces,  and  marched  forth  to  conquer  other 
countries  with  a  large  army  and  valiant  chiefe.  *  *  *  He  plun- 
dered the  Aghanis  of  the  Koh-i  Sulaimdn,  and  crossing  the 
river  Indus  he  took  the  town  of  TJch  by  storm.  From  thence 
he  marched  to  Multan  and  laid  siege  to  it,  Multdn  at  that  time 
was  governed  by  SArang,  elder  brother  of  Mallu  Xhan.  After 
the  death  of  Sultan  Firoz  Shah  these  two  brothers  raised  his 
grandson  Sultan  Mahmud  to  the  throne,  and  seized  upon  the 
government  of  Hindustan.  Mallu  remained  at  Dehli  in  attend- 
ance on  the  Sult6.n,  and  Strang  had  taken  possession  of  Multan. 
The  prince's  forces  having  invested  Multdn,  they  every  day  made 
two  vigorous  assaults.  The  intelligence  of  these  proceedings 
being  carried  to  TImur  was  the  cause  of  his  going  to  Hindustan. 
Just  at  that  time  he  had  resolved  to  assemble  forces  from  all  his 
dominions,  and  to  march  against  China,^  with  the  intent  of  de- 
stroying the  idol  temples,  and  of  raising  mosques  in  their  places. 
He  had  previously  heard  that  the  standards  of  the  faith  of 
Islam  had  been  raised  in  Dehli  and  other  places,  and  that  its 
profession  of  faith  was  impressed  upon  the  coins,  but  that  the 
country  in  general  was  polluted  by  the  inhabitants  being  infidels 
and  idolaters.  Impelled  by  the  desire  of  waging  a  religious  war, 
he  resolved  to  march  against  Multdn  and  Uehli.  He  consulted 
with  his  nobles  and  chiefs,  and  they  concurred  in  the  propriety 
of  making  the  invasion. 

In  the  month  of  Rajab,  800  h.  (March  1398  a.d.),  nearly  cor- 
responding to  the  year  of  the  Leopard,  he  began  his  march  towards 
Hindustan,  with  an  army  as  numerous  as  the  leaves  of  the  trees. 
*  *  *  When  he  arrived  at  Indarab,  the  chiefs  of  that  country  came 
and  cast  themselves  at  his  feet,  saying  that  they  were  Musulmdns, 
and  that  the  infidel  Kators  and  Siyah-poshes  exacted  sums  of 

1  "Khitai." 


ZAFAE-NAMA.  481 

money  every  year  as  tribute  from  them ;  and  in  default  of  pay- 
ment, the  infidels  slew  the  men,  and  made  their  women  and 
children  prisoners.  Their  statements  kindled  the  anger  of  the 
emperor,  and  he  resolved  to  suppress  these  infidels.  *  *  *  He 
arrived  at  Khdwak,  and  ordered  the  fort  of  that  place,  which  was 
in  ruins,  to  be  repaired.  The  soldiers  and  many  of  the  amirs 
left  their  horses  there,  and  ascended  the  mountain  of  Kator  on 
foot.  *  *  *  The  infidels  of  this  country  are  tall,  stout,  and 
vigorous.  They  generally  go  about  naked.  Their  chiefs  are 
called  'Udd  and  'Uddshu.i  They  have  a  very  peculiar  language, 
di£Ferent  from  Persian,  Turki,  and  Hindi.  Most  of  them  know 
no  language  but  their  own.  If  men  of  the  neighbourhood  had 
not  mixed  with  them,  and  learned  their  language  so  as  to  be 
able  to  interpret,  no  one  would  know  anything  about  this  lan- 
guage. *  *  *  After  three  days'  continuous  fighting  Timur's 
troops  prevailed,  and  the  enemy  sued  for  quarter.  Timur  sent 
to  them  Kh  Sultdn,  proposing  that  if  they  would  surrender  and 
become  Musulmans,  he  would  spare  their  lives  and  property,  and 
confirm  them  in  the  possession  of  their  country.  When  they 
were  informed  of  these  terms  by  means  of  interpreters  they,  on 
the  fourth  day,  hastened  with  Kk  Sultdn  to  the  court  of  Timur, 
made  their  profession  of  the  faith,  and  with  tears  ofi'ered  excuses 
for  their  conduct.  They  declared  themselves  to  be  his  slaves, 
and  ready  to  obey  his  commands.  Timur,  in  his  kingly  gene- 
rosity, gave  them  robes  and  dismissed  them.  When  night  came 
on,  these  black-hearted  renegades  made  an  attack  upon  Amir 
Sh&h  Malik.  Some  few  of  them,  wounded  and  maimed,  escaped, 
but  150  of  them  were  taken  prisoners,  and  were  despatched  to 
hell  with  the  sword.  The  whole  army  of  Islim  then  ascended 
the  mountain  and  put  all  the  men  to  the  sword,  and  carried 
oS  the  women  and  children.  On  the  summit  of  the  mountain 
pyramids  were  built  with  the  heads  of  these  infidels,  who  had 
never  bowed  their  heads  in  adoration   of  God.     An  account 

1  This  name  is  very  carefully  written  in  two  of  the  MSS.,  and  they  agree  with  the 
reading  of  Petis  de  la  Croix. 

VOL.  in.  31 


482  YAZor. 

of  the  victory  was  engraved  upon  stone,  with  the  date  of 
the  month  Ramazdn  800  h.,  together  with  the  date  used  in  the 
locality.  *  *  * 

Passage  of  the  Indus. 

Timur  marched  from  Band,  and  on  the  8th  Muharram  he 
reached  the  banks  of  the  Indus,  at  the  place  where  Sultdn 
Jalalu-d  din  Khwdrizm  Shah  flying  from  Ohangiz  Khan  cast 
himself  into  the  river  and  swam  over,  Changiz  Khdn  did  not 
pass  the  river,  but  halted  there  and  then  returned.  Timur  gave 
orders  for  the  construction  of  a  bridge  over  the  river.  The  work 
was  immediately  commenced,  and  in  the  course  of  two  days  a 
safe  bridge  constructed  of  three-legged  trestles  (sih-pdyah)  and 
boats  was  completed.  *  *  * 

On  Monday,  12th  Muharram  801  H.  (24th  Sept.  1398), 
crossed  the  river  with  his  army  and  encamped  on  the  borders  of 
the  Ohol,i  which  is  a  large  desert,  called  in  books  of  history  the 
Chbl-i  Jalali  in  consequence  of  Sultdn  Jal^lu-d  din's  escape 
thither.  The  rdis  and  chiefs  of  the  Jud  mountain  came  respect- 
fully to  pay  homage  to  Timur  and  make  presents.  Some  time 
before  this  Amir  Eustam  Taghi  Buk4  Birlds,  under  the  orders 
of  Timur  had  marched  towards  Multan.  He  passed  near  the 
mountain  of  Jud  and  remained  there  some  days.  The  rdis  had 
then  carefully  attended  upon  him  and  had  supplied  him  with 
provisions.  This  was  the  reason  why  Timiir  now  treated  them 
with  such  favour.     They  returned  home  happy  and  full  of  joy. 

Contest  with  Shahdbu-din  Mubarak  Shah  Tamimi. 

Shah^bu-d  din  was  ruler  of  an  island^  on  the  banks  of  the 
river  Jamd.  He  was  rich  and  had  numerous  followers  and 
soldiers,  by  means  of  which  he  was  distinguished  above  the  Rdis 
of  Hind.  When  the  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jahangir  arrived 
in  the  vicinity  of  Multdn  he  came  in  and  paid  homage.     He  was 

'  One  MS.  says,  "  at  the  Jud  mountain  wliicli  is  the  Choi  desert." 
'  Jazirii,h.t,  an  island,  probably  formed  by  a  bend  or  branch  of  the  river,  connected 
as  the  text  describes  with  a  lake.     The  Tuzak-i  Tlmiiri  {suprd  p.  410)  says,  it  was 
"  in  the  middle  of  the  river ; "  but  the  words  here  used  are  "  bar  kindr  i  db  i  Jamd." 


ZAFAR-NAMA.  483 

received  among  the  adherents  of  the  prince  and  was  treated  with 
great  kindness.  For  some  time  he  remained  in  attendance  on 
the  prince,  but  after  a  while  he  obtained  leave  of  absence  and 
returned  to  his  government.  He  was  deluded  by  the  devil,  and 
being  puffed  up  with  pride  of  the  strength  of  his  place  and  the 
river,  he  set  himself  in  opposition.  When  the  ariny  had  crossed 
and  was  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Jamd,  this  revolt  was 
communicated  to  Timur.  He  then  ordered  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d 
din  to  march  with  his  tirnian  against  the  island,  and  to  extermi- 
nate the  whole  band  of  rebels.  When  the  Amir  arrived  near  the 
island,  he  found  that  Shahabu-d  din  had  dug  a  deep  ditch  and 
had  raised  high  walls  as  means  of  defence.  There  was  a  large 
lake  there,  but  the  assailants  plunged  instantly  into  the  water 
and  kindled  the  flames  of  war.  A  fierce  conflict  followed  which 
lasted  till  night,  and  the  assailants  then  retired  to  take  rest. 
During  the  night  Shahabu-d  din  fell  upon  the  camp  of  the 
besiegers  with  10,000  men  and  a  great  fight  took  place.  Amir 
Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  met  the  attack  with  a  determined  resistance, 
and  the  assailants  being  disheartened  by  this  vigour  fell  back 
dispirited.  Some  of  them  cast  themselves  into  the  water  and 
with  difficulty  brought  the  ship  of  life  to  the  shore  of  safety. 

Timur  then  came  up  with  his  army  and  encamped  near  the 
island.  Shahabu-d  din  by  a  prudent  precaution  had  kept  200 
boats  ready  for  such  an  emergency.  When  he  retreated  beaten 
from  his  night  attack  upon  the  besiegers  he  embarked  with  his 
family  and  followers  in  the  boats,  and  proceeded  down  the  Jamd 
towards  Uch,  which  is  one  of  the  towns  of  Hind.  Amir  Shaikh 
Ntiru-d  din,  under  the  orders  of  the  emperor,  pursued  them 
with  his  victorious  forces  along  the  banks  of  the  river,  and 
killed  a  good  number  of  them.  On  his  return  Timur  bestowed 
rewards  and  honours  upon  those  who  had  fought  so  valiantly 
and  had  been  wounded  in  repulsing  the  night  attack.  When 
Shahdbu-d  din  came  near  Multdn,  the  Prince  Pir  Muhammad 
and  Amir  Sulaiman  Shdh  with  their  detachment  opposed  his 
progress  and  cut  many  of  the  fugitives  to  pieces.     Shahabu-d 


484  JAZBT. 

din  cast  his  wife  and  children  into  the  river  and  -with  great 
difficulty  brought  them  half-dead  to  land.  Timtir  sent  Shah 
Malik  into  the  jungles  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  He  killed  a 
great  many  of  them  and  their  aUies,  and  returned  laden  with 
booty  and  with  boats  full  of  corn  to  the  royal  camp.  The 
Emperor  marched  from  thence,  and  in  five  or  six  days  arrived  on 
the  banks  of  the  Chinawa^  (ChinSb)  where  that  river  unites  with 
the  Jamd.  He  encamped  near  the  fort  of  Tulambi,  and  ordered 
a  bridge  to  be  thrown  across  the  river.  It  was  finished  in  three 
days. 


Conquest  of  the  Fort  of  Tulamhi. 

Timur  passed  over  the  bridge  with  his  army  and  pitched  his 
camp  on  the  bank  of  the  river  near  the  town.  The  maliks  and 
rdk  of  the  place  with  the  saiyids  and  learned  men  came  forth  to 
wait  upon  the  emperor.  They  paid  their  homage  and  were  well 
received.  On  the  1st  Safar  801  h.  in  the  plain  of  Tulambi  the 
officers  and  ministers  being  assembled  a  ransom  of  two  lacs  was 
demanded  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  but  orders  were  given 
that  the  saiyids  and  learned  Musulmans  should  be  exempted 
from  payment.  The  collectors  busied  themselves  in  the  work  of 
collection,  but  the  whole  was  not  realized,  when  a  large  division 
of  the  army  arrived  in  great  want  of  grain  and  provisions.  The 
royal  order  was  given  that  they  were  to  take  grain  wherever 
they  found  it.  With  savage  feelings  the  soldiers  entered  the 
town  on  the  pretext  of  seeking  for  grain,  and  a  great  calamity 
fell  upon  it.  They  set  fire  to  the  houses  and  plundered  whatever 
they  could  lay  their  hands  on.  The  city  was  pillaged,  and 
no  houses  escaped  excepting  those  of  the  saiyids  and  learned 
Musulmans. 

Timur  was  now  informed  that  a  party  of  the  chiefs  of  Tulambi 
who  had  formerly  submitted  to  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  had 
broken  out  into  revolt  and  open  violence.  This  greatly  incensed 
him,  and  he  sent  Shah  Malik  and  Shaikh  Muhammad  Aikii-tamur 


ZAPAE-NAMA.  485 

with  their  t&mdns  to  chastise  these  revolters.  These  chiefs  ac- 
cordingly entered  the  jungles  and  killed  about  2,000  of  them. 
Then  they  returned  laden  with  booty  to  the  royal  camp.  On 
the  8th  Safar  the  army  again  took  to  the  march  and  pitched 
their  camp  near  Jdl,  upon  the  Bydh  river,  opposite  the  town  of 
Shdh-nawaz. 

March  against  Nusrat  Kitkari  {Ehokhar). 

While  encamped  on  the  river  the  emperor  was  informed  that 
Nusrat  Kukari,  brother  of  Shaikha  Kukarl  with  2,000  men  had 
constructed  a  strong  river  fortress  (r4d-khdna-i'azim)  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  and  was  there  posted.  Timur  instantly 
marched  against  him  with  a  strong  force.  The  right  wing  he 
placed  under  the  command  of  Amir  Shaikh  Niiru-d  din  and 
Amir  Allah-dad;  and  the  left  under  Amir  Shah  Malik  and 
Amir  Shaikh  Muhammad  Aiku-tamur.  All  Sultan  Tawachi  at 
the  head  of  the  infantry,  marched  with  the  centre  in  battle  array. 
Nusrat  Kukari  with  great  presumption  and  ignorance  had  col- 
lected a  force  of  1,000  Indian  warriors,  and  had  drawn  them  up 
to  meet  Timur  on  the  banks  of  a  lake.^  Ali  Sultin  Tawachi 
attacked  them  with  his  infantry  of  Khurdsdn,  and  after  several 
assaults  he  overthrew  them  and  put  them  to  flight.  Shaikh 
Nuru-d  din  and  Allah-dad  pursued  the  fugitives  and  slew  many 
of  them.  He  who  bore  the  name  of  Nusrat  (victory)  could  not 
save  himself  from  this  disaster,  but  went  to  hell  with  many  of 
his  followers.  The  soldiers  secured  great  booty,  and  they  set 
fire  to  the  houses  of  the  enemy.  On  the  10th  Safar  the  army 
marched  by  a  difficult  road  to  Shah-nawdz  through  mud  and 
dirt.  This  is  a  considerable  village  where  large  stores  of  grain 
were  found.  The  men  carried  oflf  all  they  could,  and  under  the 
royal  command  set  fire  to  what  was  left,  so  that  it  might  not 
benefit  the  infidels.  From  thence  the  army  marched  to  the  river 
Biyah,  and  encamped  opposite  to  the  village  of  Janjan,*  where 

1  " Bar  Mndr-i db-i  hoi"     One  MS.  has  " Kunu.''     "  Kol "  means  lake,  but  here 
it  may  possibly  be  the  name  of  a  river. 
'  Yar.  "Manja,n." 


486  TAZDr. 

the  baggage  was  collected.  Here  an  opportunity  of  crossing  was 
found,  and  Timur  availing  himself  of  this  advantage,  ordered 
his  forces  to  cross  the  river. 

Arrival  of  Prince  Fir  Muhammad  from  Multdn. 

It  has  already  been  recorded  how  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  had 
besieged  Multdn,  and  how  his  forces  were  assaulting  the  place 
twice  daily.  The  contest  had  lasted  six  months.  Provisions 
had  become  so  scarce  in  the  place  that  not  a  dog  or  a  cat  was 
left,  and  the  inhabitants  being  compelled  to  abandon  the  place, 
the  prince  had  obtained  possession  of  the  country.  He  imme- 
diately sent  a  despatch  of  this  victory  to  the  royal  camp.  At 
this  time  heavy  rains  came  on  and  lasted  for  several  days,  it 
being  the  season  which  in  Hindustan  is  called  the  Barsh-Ml. 
This  caused  a  great  mortality  among  the  men  and  horses  of  the 
prince,  and  so  he  entered  the  city  with  all  his  forces.  The  chiefs 
and  rulers  of  this  country  of  Hind  who  had  made  their  sub- 
mission, now  conceived  ideas  of  throwing  off  the  yoke.  They 
killed  the  governors  of  several  places,  and  the  soldiers  being 
dismounted  were  unable  to  move  against  them.  This  gave  the 
prince  great  annoyance,  and  he  was  a  prey  to  constant  anxiety, 
when  the  news  of  the  emperor's  approach  struck  dismay  into  the 
hearts  of  the  enemy. 

The  prince  being  thus  delivered  from  his  difficulty  proceeded 
with  his  officers  and  followers  to  the  royal  camp.  On  the  14th 
Safar  he  reached  the  camp  on  the  banks  of  the  Biy4h,  when  the 
emperor  received  him  honourably  and  affectionately.  »  *  *  On 
the  15th  Safar  the  emperor  crossed  the  Biyah,  and  encamped 
under  the  fort  of  Janjdn.  There  he  remained  four  days.  During 
these  days  all  the  men  of  the  army  crossed,  some  in  boats  and 
some  by  swimming,  and  not  one  individual  was  lost.  *  *  *  As 
the  soldiers  of  the  prince  had  lost  their  horses  in  the  rainy  season, 
and  through  the  hardships  of  the  campaign  had  been  reduced  to 
ride  on  bullocks  and  to  walk,  the  emperor  presented  them  with 
thirty  thousand  horses.     The  royal  army  then  marched  from 


ZAFAE-NAMA.  ■  487 

Janjdn  to  Sahwdl ;  on  the  21st  it  proceeded  to  Asw4n,  where  it 
rested  one  day,  and  then  marched  to  Jahw&l. 

The  chiefs  of  Dibdlpur  had  previously  made  their  submission 
to  Prince  Pir  Muhammad,  who  sent  Musdfir  Kdbuli,  with  a 
thousand  men,  to  act  as  governor  of  the  place.  When  the  army 
of  the  prince  was  reduced  by  the  efifects  of  the  rainy  season,  the 
men  of  that  place,  combining  with  the  soldiers  of  Firoz  Shah, 
put  Mus^fir  and  his  thousand  men  to  death.  Upon  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  emperor's  progress  to  Multan  and  Dehli  reaching 
this  neighbourhood,  all  men  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  were 
in  the  greatest  consternation.  Fearing  for  their  lives  they 
abandoned  all  else,  and  fled  to  the  fort  of  Bhatnir.  At  Jahw41 
the  emperor  left  Amir  Shah  Malik  and  Daulat  Timtir  Tawachi 
with  the  baggage,  with  orders  to  proceed  by  way  of  Dib^lptir, 
and  to  join  him  at  Sdmana,  near  Dehli.  He  set  off  with 
10,000  men,  and  by  forced  marches  hastened  to  Ajodhan,  which 
he  reached  early  in  the  morning  of  the  24th  Safar.  Previous  to 
this  Shaikh  Munawwar  and  Shaikh  Sa'd,  both  men  of  evil  cha- 
racter, had  seduced  the  people  of  this  place  from  their  allegiance, 
and  had  incited  them  to  leave  their  country.  Some  of  them 
went  off  with  Shaikh  Sa'd  to  Bhatnir,  and  others  accompanied 
Shaikh  Munawwar  to  Dehli.  But  the  Saiyids  and  learned 
Musulmdus  of  the  place  had  heard  of  the  kindness  of  Timiir, 
and  resolved  to  remain  patiently  at  home,  and  await  the  course 
of  events.  As  soon  as  they  were  informed  of  his  arrival  they 
went  to  wait  upon  him,  and  were  received  with  great  favour. 
Timur  appointed  Maul4na  Ndsiru-d  din  'Umar  and  Muhammad, 
son  of  Khwaja  Muhammad  Shahdb,  to  be  governors  of  the  town, 
and  enjoined  them  not  to  allow  the  saiyids  and  learned  Mu- 
hammadans  to  be  hurt  by  the  people  of  the  army. 

Capture  of  the  city  walls  {shahr-iand^)  and  the  fort  of  Bhatnir. 
Extermination  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  place. 

The  fort  of  Bhatnir  was  extremely  strong,  and  was  celebrated 
as  one  of  the  strongest  in  Hind.     It  is  situated  far  out  of  the 

'  Petis  de  la  Croix  took  tliis  to  b.e  a  proper  name,  and  translated  it  "  the  city  of  Band." 


488  TAZDr. 

road  on  the  right  hand,  and  it  is  surrounded  by  the  desert  of 
Choi.  For  fifty  or  a  hundred  hos  round  there  is  no  water.  The 
inhabitants  obtain  their  water  from  a  large  lake  at  the  gate  of 
the  city  which  is  filled  in  the  rainy  season.  No  foreign  army 
had  ever  penetrated  thither,  nor  had  any  sovereign  of  India  ever 
led  his  forces  to  that  place.  So  the  inhabitants  of  Dibalpur, 
Ajodhan,  and  other  places  fled  thither  for  refuge  from  the  in- 
vading army,  A  very  large  number  of  people  thus  assembled 
there,  so  much  so  that  the  city  would  not  contain  them,  and 
carts  and  vehicles  with  large  quantities  of  goods  and  furniture 
had  been  left  outside  in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort.  On  the  25th 
Safar,  Timur  reached  Ajodhan,  and  paid  a  visit  to  the  shrine  of 
Shaikh  Farid  Shakar-ganj.  From  thence  he  started  for  Bhatnir, 
and  crossing  the  river,^  he  arrived  at  Kh41is-kotali,  two  hos  from 
Ajodhan,  and  fifty  from  Bhatnir.  Three  kos  is  equal  to  one 
legal /arsflsM  or  parasang. 

Timur  said  his  mid-day  prayers  at  Khalis-kotali,  and  then 
mounting  he  travelled  the  remainder  of  the  day  and  the  whole  of 
the  night  without  resting,  thus  accomplishing  this  long  distance 
in  one  march.  On  the  next  day,  at  breakfast  time,  he  was 
within  sight  of  Bhatnir.  The  drums  were  beaten  and  the  shouts 
of  the  warriors  rent  the  air.  All  that  was  outside  of  the  city 
was  plundered.  The  prince  of  that  country  and  city  was  called 
Rao  Dul  Chand,^  Bdo  being  a  Hindi  word  meaning  brave 
(bahddur).  He  had  a  large  number  of  soldiers,  and  the  whole 
neighbourhood  was  under  his  command.  He  used  to  levy  tolls 
from  travellers,  nor  could  merchants  and  caravans  escape  from 

'  The  French  vereion  says,  he  "  crossed  the  river  of  Dena,"  and  there  is  sufficient 
warrant  for  this  in  the  MSS.,  no  two  of  which  agree.  The  true  reading  appears  to  be 
"  az  riid guzasMa,"  "  he  crossed  the  river ; "  but  the  word  riid  (river)  is  written  also 
"rudad  and  riidu."  Two  of  the  MSS.,  and  both  those  of  the  Malfuzdt-i  Timiiri, 
insert  the  negative,  and  say  az  riid  nah  guzashta,  "  did  not  cross  the  river,"  which 
was  evidently  the  reading  of  Petis  de  la  Croix's  MS. ;  but  this  is  manifestly  wrong,  as 
the  Gharra  runs  between  Ajodhan  and  Kotali.  Mr.  Chapman,  in  his  translation  of 
the  Malfiizdt,  (p.  421  sMjirc),  read,  "  az  Sudanah  guzashta,"  and  translated  it,  "passing 
by  Eudanah  ; "  but  this  may  be  read  "  az  rud  nah  guzashta,"  "  not  crossing  the  river," 
though,  as  above  observed,  the  negative  is  certainly  wrong. 

2  "  Chan"  in  the  text. 


ZAFAE-Ni^MA.  489 

his  exactions.  When  Timur  approached  the  city  the  Bdo,  con- 
fident in  the  strength  of  his  fortress  and  the  number  of  his 
followers  would  not  submit.  The  army  was  at  once  brought  up, 
and  fiercely  attacked  the  city  both  on  the  right  and  on  the  left. 
At  the  first  assault  the  walls  of  the  city  were  taken  and  many 
Hindus  were  slain.  Great  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
soldiers.  The  officers  leading  on  their  men  with  axes  and  pikes 
advanced  to  attack  the  fort.  Rdo  Dtil  Ohand,  with  his  brave 
Indian  warriors,  drew  up  ready  for  combat  at  the  gate  of  the 
fort.  Amir  Sulaimdn  and  other  intrepid  officers  of  the  tiimdn 
of  Sh4h*  Rukh  went  forward  sword  in  hand  and  fought  most 
valiantly.  The  fort  was  on  the  point  of  being  taken  when  fear 
and  despair  fell  upon  the  heart  of  Dul  Ohand,  and  he  sent  out  a 
saiyid  to  beg  an  armistice  for  that  day,  promising  to  come  out 
on  the  day  following  and  make  his  submission  to  Timur.  The 
emperor,  relying  on  the  promise  brought  by  the  saiyid,  a 
descendant  of  the  Prophet,  granted  the  demand.  He  withdrew 
his  men  from  the  walls,  put  a  stop  to  the  fighting,  and  went  out 
to  his  tents.  When  the  next  day  came  E,4o  Dul  Ohand  failed 
to  keep  his  promise,  and  orders  were  given  that  each  amir  should 
sap  the  wall  in  front  of  his  position.  They  set  diligently  about 
the  work,  and  bravely  persevered,  although  fire  and  stones,  and 
darts  and  arrows  were  rained  down  upon  them  from  the  top  of 
the  walls.  When  E4o  Diil  Ohand  and  the  chiefs  of  his  party 
beheld  these  proceedings  they  were  filled  with  dismay.  They 
came  to  the  tops  of  the  bastions,  and  with  cries  and  lamenta- 
tions called  aloud  for  mercy.  They  acknowledged  their  fault 
and  admitted  they  had  done  wrong  in  not  submitting  to  the 
emperor,  but  they  begged  his  forgiveness.  He  was  graciously 
pleased  to  grant  their  petition.  On  the  same  day  the  Bdo  sent 
out  his  son  and  his  deputy  with  splendid  presents  and  valuable 
ofi"erings.  Timur  gave  the  young  man  a  robe  of  value,  a  sword- 
belt,  etc.,  and  sent  him  back  to  his  father.  Next  day  Edo  Dtil 
Ohand,  being  encouraged  by  this  kindness  and  generosity  of 
Timur,  came  out  of  the  fort  accompanied  by  Shaikh  Sa'du-d  din 


490  TAZDr. 

Ajodhani,  on  the  28th  Safar,  and  throwing  himself  upon  the 
ground  before  the  royal  tent,  he  presented  several  fine  animals 
and  three  Arab  horses  with  golden  saddles.  Timur  graciously 
accepted  these  presents,  and  in  return  gave  him  gold-embroidered 
robes,  etc.  A  large  body  of  people  from  many  parts  of  India, 
especially  from  Dlbdlpur  and  Ajodhan,  had  taken  refuge  there 
from  the  arms  of  the  conqueror,  so  Amir  Sulaiman  Shah  and 
Amir  Allah-d4d  were  careful  to  guard  the  gate.  On  the  next 
day  they  brought  out  to  the  royal  camp  the  strangers  who  had 
taken  refuge  in  the  town.  Five  hundred  men  belonging  to 
Dibdlpiir,  who  had  taken  part  in  the  murder  of  MusdAr  Kdbuli 
and  of  a  thousand  other  servants  of  Prince  Pir  Muhammad, 
were  put  to  death  in  retaliation.  Their  wives  and  children  were 
made  slaves.  Several  men  of  Ajodhan  also  had  deserted  the 
standards  of  Timiir,  and  had  fled  for  security  to  Bhatnir.  Some 
of  these  were  brought  to  punishment,  others  were  made  prisoners, 
and  their  property  was  plundered. 

Kamdlu-d  din,^  brother  of  Rao  Dul  Chand,  and  his  son,  when 
they  saw  Timtir's  severity  towards  the  guilty,  being  filled 
with  terror,  lost  their  judgment.  On  the  1st  Rabi'u-1  awwal, 
although  Diil  Chand  was  in  Timtir's  camp,  they  closed  the  gates 
of  the  city,  and  opened  the  gates  of  sorrow  and  trouble  for  them- 
selves. The  wrath  of  Timur  was  kindled ;  he  ordered  his  sol- 
diers to  again  invest  the  place,  and  to  carry  on  their  mining  and 
scaling  operations.  The  men  set  zealously  about  the  work,  and 
the  besieged  soon  perceived  that  there  was  no  hope  for  them, 
and  that  it  was  useless  to  struggle  against  their  fate.  The 
brother  and  son  of  the  Rao  went  forth  humbly  from  the  town, 
and  hastened  to  cast  themselves  upon  the  earth  before  Timur, 
and  implore  his  mercy.  They  gave  up  the  keys  of  the  town  to 
the  servants  of  the  emperor.  On  the  2nd  of  the  month  Amir 
Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  and  Amir  Allah-d4d  went  into  the  city  to 
receive  the  ransom  money,  but  the  evil-minded  rdis  resisted 
payment  of  the  tribute.  There  were  in  the  city  many  gahrs  and 
'  AH  the  MSS.  agree  in  this  Muharamadan  name. 


ZAPAE-NAMA.  491 

bad  men  who  set  themselves  in  opposition  and  made  open  resist- 
ance. When  Timur  heard  of  this  he  issued  a  stringent  order  for 
his  men  to  attack  the  fort,  and  put  the  occupants  to  the  sword. 
The  soldiers  accordingly  scaled  the  place  by  means  of  ladders 
and  ropes.  The  gahrs  set  fire  to  the  place,  and  cast  their  wives 
and  children  into  the  fire  and  consumed  them.  A  party  of  them 
who  called  themselves  Musulmdns,  cut  ofi"  the  heads  of  their 
wives  and  children  like  so  many  sheep.  The  two  parties  then 
joined  and  prepared  for  a  desperate  resistance.  They  were  very 
numerous,  and  very  resolute  and  savage.  According  to  com- 
mand the  soldiers  entered  the  city,  and  shouting  their  war  cry 
fell  upon  the  defenders.  A  desperate  conflict  ensued,  and  many 
of  the  assailants  were  slain  and  many  wounded.  Amir  Shaikh 
Nuru-d  din  had  entered  the  city  on  foot,  sword  in  hand,  to  fight 
with  the  infidels.  He  was  surrounded  by  a  number  of  infidels, 
and  was  in  imminent  danger,  when  Auz^n  Mazid  Baghdddi  and 
Firoz  Sistani  rushed  to  the  rescue,  and  despatching  several  of 
the  infidels  they  rescued  him  from  his  peril.  Yictory  at  length 
favoured  our  arms.  Ten  thousand  of  the  infidels  were  slain,  the 
houses  were  set  on  fire,  and  the  whole  place  was  destroyed. 
Nothing  was  left  but  a  few  heaps  of  ashes.  The  gold  and  silver, 
and  horses  and  spoil  of  every  sort  that  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
captors  was  by  order  of  Timur  divided  among  the  soldiers.  He 
solaced  the  wounded  by  his  royal  munificence,  and  he  showed 
great  favour  and  liberality  to  Auz&n  Mazid  and  Firoz,  who  had 
rescued  Amir  Nuru-d  din  at  the  risk  of  their  own  lives. 

March  of  Timiir  against  other  cities  of  India,  and  suppression  of 

the  Jai». 

After  the  destruction  of  the  town  of  Bhatnir  the  air  was 
polluted  by  the  putrefying  bodies  of  the  slain,  so  on  the  4th  of 
the  month  Timur  ordered  his  army  to  march  against  other  places 
of  India.  Having  advanced  fourteen  kos,  it  reached  a  place  called 
Kin6,ra-i-hauz  (brink  of  the  reservoir),  and  there  encamped.  On 
the  5th  it  again  marched  and  came  to  the  fort  of  Firozah,  from 


492  TAZDf. 

■whence  it  proceeded  on  the  same  day  to  the  town  of  Sarsuti. 
The  inhabitants  of  this  town  were  for  the  most  part  infidels  and 
kept  pigs,  whose  flesh  they  ate.  On  hearing  of  the  approach  of 
Timur  they  took  to  flight.  A  detachment  was  sent  in  pursuit, 
which  overtook  them  and  put  many  of  them  to  the  sword,  and 
plundered  the  property  which  they  had  carried  off.  The  detach- 
ment returned  safe  to  camp  with  its  plunder,  all  except  'Adil 
Farrash  who  was  killed  in  the  fight.  Timiir  rested  one  day  at 
Sarsuti  and  on  the  following  day  marched  eighteen  kos  to  Fath- 
ahki  where  he  encamped.  The  inhabitants  of  this  place  had  also 
abandoned  their  homes  and  fled  towards  the  desert.  They  were 
pursued  by  a  party  of  our  men  who  overtook  them,  killed  many 
of  them,  and  plundered  their  goods.  On  the  7th  of  the  month 
Timur  marched  by  the  fort  of  Rajab-nur  and  came  to  the  fort  of 
Ahrtini  where  he  pitched  his  camp.  This  place  did  not  contain 
any  men  of  sufiicient  sense  and  intelligence  to  come  out  and 
secure  protection  by  making  their  submission,  so,  some  of  the 
inhabitants  were  killed  and  others  were  made  prisoners.  The 
soldiers  set  fire  to  the  fort,  plundered  the  houses,  and  carried  off 
the  grain.     Not  a  house  was  left  standing. 

On  the  following  day  the  army  marched  into  the  desert  to  a 
village  called  Tohdna.  A  body  of  the  people  called  Jats  had 
made  themselves  masters  of  this  neighbourhood  and  for  a  long 
time  had  committed  depredations  on  the  roads.  They  had  east 
aside  all  the  restraints  of  religion,  plundering  the  caravans  and 
merchants  with  violence  and  murder.  When  they  heard  of  the 
advance  of  Timur's  victorious  host  to  Hindustan,  they  fled  into 
the  deserts  and  into  jungles  filled  with  sugar-canes  (nai-skakar). 
Orders  were  issued  for  pursuing  them,  and  Amir  Tokal  Hindu 
Karkarra,^  and  Maul4n4  NS,siru-d  din  were  sent  in  command  of 
the  detachment.  They  penetrated  the  jungles  and  killed  200  of 
them,  and  having  taken  many  prisoners  they  returned  with  the 
cattle  and  other  spoil  to  the  royal  camp. 

'  The  Tuzak-i-Timuri  say,  "Amir  Tokal  son  of  flindli  Karkarra,"  see  mprd  p.  428. 


ZAFAR-NAMA.  493 

March  against  the  Jat  rollers. 

One  of  Timiir's  chief  objects  was  to  break  up  the  bands  of 
robbers  and  to  make  the  roads  secure.  On  the  9th  of  the  month 
he  left  Toh^na,  and  he  sent  on  Amir  Sulaim^n  Shah  with  the 
baggage  and  with  the  plunder  that  had  been  collected  towards 
Samdna.  On  the  same  day  he  himself  passed  the  fort  of  Miing 
towards  Samdna  and  encamped.  From  this  place  he  made  a 
rapid  march  against  the  retreats  of  the  Jats  in  the  deserts  and 
jungles,  and  falling  upon  these  wild  demon-like  men  he  put  2,000 
of  them  to  the  sword,  their  wives  and  children  he  took  captive, 
and  their  cattle  and  effects  he  plundered.  He  thus  delivered 
the  country  from  the  fear  of  these  robbers  which  had  so  long 
oppressed  it. 

In  that  neighbourhood  there  was  a  party  of  distinguished 
saiyids  who  had  taken  up  their  abode  in  a  certain  village  and 
sustained  the  honour  of  their  religion.  They  came  full  of  hope 
and  confidence  to  wait  on  Timur  who  received  them  kindly  and 
bestowing  on  them  his  princely  bounty,  he  gave  them  a  governor 
to  protect  them  from  the  violence  of  soldiers. 

On  the  10th  EabiV-l  awwal  Amir  Sulaiman  marched  with  the 
baggage  from  the  vicinity  of  Miing  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
Samdna.  He  halted  for  the  night  and  on  the  11th  reached  the 
river  Khagar.  Timiir  who  had  made  a  forced  march  against  the 
Jats  rejoined  the  army  on  the  banks  of  the  Khagar  which  is 
near  S4mana.  He  rested  there  four  days  awaiting  the  arrival  of 
the  heavy  baggage.  On  the  15th  he  marched  from  thence  and 
halted  at  the  bridge  (/jiZ)  of  Ktibila.^  Here  he  was  joined  by  the 
princes  and  nobles  of  the  left  wing  of  his  army  whom  he  had  sent 
by  another  route  through  the  valley  (murgh-zdr)  of  Kabul  by  the 
ordinary  road  to  India.  Whenever  in  their  march  they  came  to 
a  hostile  town  or  fort  they  subdued  and  plundered  it.  They  now 
rejoined  the  imperial  standard.     On  the  16th  Timur  marched, 

'  Var.  "KupUa,"  "Kawila."  The  Jfa^/fe*,  (p.  430  sj^rd)  says,  "Kdtila."  Price 
and  Petis  de  la  Croix  have  Kiibila,  though  in  the  latter  it  is  somewhat  disguised  as 
"  Foulcoubl^." 


494  YAZDr. 

and  crossed  the  bridge  of  Kubila.  The  heavy  bagg;age  and  the 
remainder  of  the  army  coming  up  from  Dlbdlpur  under  Shah 
Malik,  here  joined  the  main  army.  On  the  17th  Timur  halted, 
but  on  the  18th  he  marched  from  the  bridge  of  Kiibila,  and 
having  marched  five  kos,  arrived  at  the  bridge  of  Yakr^n^  where 
he  rested.  On  the  19th  he  marched  to  the  town  of  Kaital.  The 
distance  between  Kaital  and  Samana  is  seventeen  kos,  i.e.,  five 
legal /arsaMs  and  two  miles.^ 

Array  and  March  of  the  Army. 
When  the  princes  and  amirs  of  the  army  who  had  under  the 
imperial  command  marched  by  different  routes,  had  all  joined  the 
imperial  standards,  every  ofiicer  of  the  right  and  left  wing  was 
ordered  to  his  own  post.  The  Princes  Pir  Muhammad,  Eustam, 
and  Sulaiman  Shah  with  several  amirs,  were  placed  over  the 
right.  Sultan  Mahmud  Khan,  the  Princes  Khalll  Sultan,  and 
Sultdn  Husain  with  amirs  were  in  command  of  the  left.  In  the 
centre  were  the  tiimans  of  Allah-dad,  of  'All  Sultdn  Tawcichi,  and 
of  other  amirs.  A  march  of  six  standard /flrsaMs  and  two  miles 
towards  Dehli  was  made.  On  the  22nd  they  arrived  at  the  fort 
of  Asandi,  seven  kos  from  Kaital.  The  inhabitants  of  S4mana, 
Kaital,  and  Asandi  who  were  mostly  fire-worshippers,  burned  their 
houses  and  fled  to  Delhi,  so  that  none  of  them  were  met  with* 
On  the  23rd  they  marched  from  Asandi  and  arrived  at  the 
fort  of  Tughlikpur,  six  kos  distant.  The  infidels  of  this  place 
belonged  to  the  religion  of  the  Magi  (sanawiyd)  whose  eyes  had 
never  been  enlightened  with  the  rays  of  the  true  religion.  In  the 
belief  of  these  people  there  are  two  gods,  one  called  Yazdan  the 
other  Ahriman  whom  they  typify  by  light  and  darkness.  They 
suppose  all  good  to  proceed  from  the  one  and  all  evil  from  the 
other.  The  people  of  this  place  who  were  also  called  Sdlim,  had 
left  it  empty  and  fled.  The  soldiers  set  fire  to  the  place  and 
reduced  it  to  ashes. 

^  "  Fid  ydkrdn  or  "  ful  bakrdn." 

^  This  stage  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Malfuzdt,  neither  is  it  noticed  in  the  reyised 
MS.,  No.  985. 


ZAFAE-NAMA.  495 

On  the  24th  the  army  arrived  at  the  town  of  Panipat,  a  dis- 
tance of  twelve  hos  from  Tughlikpur.  The  inhabitants  of  this 
place  also  had  taken  flight  and  not  a  soul  was  found  there.  In 
the  fort  there  was  a  store  of  wheat  more  than  10,000  heavy  mans 
in  weight  or  160,000  of  the  legal  or  standard  man.  This  was 
given  to  the  soldiers.  On  the  25th  Timur  marched  six  kos  from 
that  place  and  encamped  on  the  river  of  Panipat.  On  the  26th  the 
amirs  put  on  their  armour  ready  for  battle.  On  the  27th  the 
order  was  given  for  the  generals  of  the  right  wing  to  proceed  to 
Jahan-numai,  a  building  erected  by  FIroz  Shah  on  a  hill  two 
farsakhs  from  Dehli.  The  river  Jumna  runs  at  the  foot  of  this 
hill.  They  accordingly  ravaged  the  country  from  the  village  of 
Kanhi-gazin  to  Jahan-numdi.  The  people  were  killed  or  made 
prisoners  and  great  booty  was  carried  off  to  the  camp. 

On  the  29th  Timur  passed  the  Jumna  near  the  village  of 
Palla  and  marched  towards  the  fort  of  Loni  which  is  in  a  great 
pasture  country.  This  fort  is  situated  in  the  doab  between  the 
rivers  Jumna  and  Halin.  The  latter  is  a  large  canal  which  Sultdn 
Shah  brought  from  the  river  K^lini,  and  it  joins  the  river  Jumna 
near  FirozS,bad.  Amir  Jahdn  Shah,  Amir  Sh^h  Malik,  and 
Amir  Allah-dad  under  Timtir's  orders,  advanced  to  the  foot  of 
the  hill  of  Jahan-num4.  Maimun  Maishum  the  commandant 
of  the  fort,  unmindful  of  Timtir's  strength,  would  not  capitulate, 
but  prepared  to  offer  resistance.  As  soon  as  Timur  approached, 
a  wise  and  venerable  old  man  came  out  and  surrendered,  but  the 
other  inhabitants  who  were  gabrs  and  servants  of  Mallu  Khdn  in 
their  folly  and  presumption  resolved  to  defend  the  place.  The 
soldiers  were  immediately  ordered  to  invest  the  fort  and  to  take 
it  by  mining  the  walls.  They  accordingly  commenced  sapping 
in  various  places,  and  towards  evening  they  took  it.  The  gabrs 
had  previously  set  fire  to  their  houses  in  the  fort  and  had 
burnt  them  with  their  wives  and  children.  Timur  remained 
outside  of  the  fort  that  night.  On  the  last  day  of  Eabful-awwal 
he  gave  orders  that  such  of  the  servants  of  Naukar  Khdn  and  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  place  as  were  Muhammadans  should  be  set 


496  YAZDr. 

aside,  and  that  all  the  rest,  gdbrs  and  infidels,  should  be  passed 
under  the  sword  of  Isl^m.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  were 
plundered  except  the  saiyids  who  had  been  glorified  with  the  light 
of  the  faith.     The  fort  was  burnt  and  laid  waste. 

On  the  1st  Rabi'u-1  akhir,  Timiir  mounted  his  horse  and 
leaving  the  fort  of  Loni  he  went  forth  to  reconnoitre.  He  pro- 
ceeded to  the  river  Jumna  near  Jahan-numdi,  and  carefiiUy 
examined  the  fords.  He  then  returned  to  the  camp,  and  as 
Dehli  was  near  he  held  a  council  with  the  princes  and  nobles  as 
to  the  manner  of  besieging  it.  The  decision  arrived  at  was  that 
plenty  of  grain  and  fodder  should  first  be  provided  for  the  supply 
of  the  army  and  that  then  the  siege  should  be  entered  upon.  In 
pursuance  of  this  plan  Amir  Sulaimdn  Shah,  Amir  Jahan  Shah, 
and  others  were  sent  out  to  plunder  the  environs  of  Dehli  and 
bring  in  corn.  On  the  following  day  he  determined  to  pay  a 
visit  to  the  palace  of  Jahdn-numdi.  He  set  out  with  700 
men  clad  in  armour,  and  passing  the  river  Jumna  he  carefully 
examined  the  palace.  Firoz  Shah  had  given  to  the  place  the 
name  of  Jahan-numai  by  inspiration  as  it  was  to  become  illus- 
trious by  the  visit  of  the  Sovereign  of  the  world. 

After  inspecting  the  place  he  looked  around  to  discover  the 
ground  most  suitable  for  a  battle-field.  'All  Sultan  Tawdchi  and 
Junaid  Bur-uldai  who  had  marched  with  the  advance-guard  now 
returned;  the  former  brought  in  Muhammad  Salaf,  and  the 
latter  another  person  as  prisoners.  After  questioning  them 
Muhammad  Salaf  was  put  to  death.  At  this  juncture  Mallu 
Khan  was  descried  with  4,000  horse,  5,000  infantry,  and  twenty- 
seven  elephants  issuing  from  the  groves  near  the  city.  They 
drew  near,  and  Timur  passed  over  the  river  to  his  camp.  The 
advance-guard  of  the  army,  300  men,  under  the  command  of 
Saiyid  Khwaja  and  Mubdshar  met  and  attacked  them,  leading 
them  to  the  side  of  the  river  where  a  warm  conflict  took  place. 
Timur  ordered  Sunjak  Bahadur  and  A114h-d4d  to  support  Saiyid 
Khwdja.  They  crossed  the  river  with  the  utmost  celerity,  and 
joining  their  comrades  they  attacked  the  enemy  with  showers 


ZAFAR-NAMA.  497 

of  arrows.  When  the  enemy  saw  the  boldness  and  vigour  of 
their  assailants,  they  could  not  hold  their  ground,  but  broke  and 
fled  at  the  first  charge.  Saiyid  Khw4ja  pursued  and  killed  many 
of  them.  In  the  flight  a  war  elephant  fell  down  and  died ;  an 
incident  from  which  wise  men  drew  an  augury  of  victory. 

March  to  the  east  of  Loni — Massacre  of  Hindu  prisoners. 

On  the  3rd  Eabi'u-s  sani  Timur  marched  from  Jahdn-numai, 
and  pitched  his  camp  to  the  eastward  of  Loni.  All  the  princes 
and  amirs  who  had  been  engaged  in  different  expeditions  assem- 
bled here  under  the  royal  banner  [_and  Timur  harangued  them  on 
the  operations  of  war"]. 

On  the  same  day  Amir  Jahdn  Shdh  and  other  amirs  repre- 
sented to  Timur  that  from  the  time  he  crossed  the  Indus  a 
hundred  thousand  Hindu  prisoners,  more  or  less,  had  been  taken, 
and  that  these  gabrs  and  idol-worshippers  were  kept  in  the  camp. 
It  was  to  be  feared  that  in  the  day  of  battle  with  the  forces  of 
Dehli  they  might  join  the  enemy.  This  opinion  was  confirmed 
by  the  joy  which  the  prisoners  had  exhibited  when  Mallu  Khan 
marched  against  the  imperial  forces  at  Jahdn-numai.  Timur 
considered  the  point,  and  deeming  the  advice  of  his  ofiicers  to  be 
wise,  he  gave  orders  for  all  the  Hindu  prisoners  to  be  put  to 
death.  Every  one  who  neglected  to  comply  with  this  command 
was  to  be  executed,  and  his  wives,  children,  and  goods  were  to 
become  the  property  of  the  informer.  In  pursuance  of  this  order 
100,000  infidel  Hindus  were  put  to  the  sword.  Mauland 
Nasiru-d  din,  a  most  distinguished  ecclesiastic,  had  fifteen 
Hindus  in  his  train,  and  he  who  had  never  caused  a  sheep  to 
be  slaughtered  was  obliged  to  have  these  fifteen  Hindus  killed. 
Timur  also  issued  an  order  that  one  man  out  of  every  ten  should 
be  left  in  camp  to  guard  the  wives  and  children  of  the  prisoners, 
and  the  captured  cattle. 

On  the  same  day  Timur  resolved  upon  marching  to  Dehli, 
and  setting  off  after  mid-day  prayer  he  encamped  on  the  banks 
of  the  Jumna.     The  astrologers  and  soothsayers  disputed  with 

VOL.  III.  32 


498  YAZDr. 

each  other  as  to  whether  the  stars  and  presages  were  favourable. 
Timiir  placed  no  reliance  on  their  predictions,  but  put  his  trust 
in  God,  without  whose  pleasure  nothing  happens.  Next  morn- 
ing, after  prayers,  he  took  the  holy  book  and  opened  it  for  a  fU. 
The  verse  which  came  out  was  favourable  to  his  enterprize. 
Trusting  in  this  omen  he  crossed  the  river  Jumna,  and  encamped 
on  the  other  side  on  the  5th  Eabi'n-s  sdni.  The  soldiers  by 
way  of  precaution  intrenched  their  camp,  which  was  near  a  little 
hill  called  Pushta-bihdli,  and  they  fenced  it  in  with  branches  of 
trees  and  palisades.  In  front  of  the  ditch  they  fastened  buflfalos 
together  by  their  feet  and  necks,  and  inside  the  fence  they  raised 
pent-houses  {khamha). 

Battle  with  the  Sultan  of  Hindustan. 

On  the  7th  Eabi'u-s  sdni  Timur  settled  the  array  of  his  army. 
Prince  Pir  Muhammad  Jahdngir,  Amir  Y4dg4r  Birlas,  and 
others,  were  placed  over  the  right  wing.  Prince  Sultan  Husain, 
Prince  Khalil  Sultan,  Amir  Jahan  Shdh,  and  others,  had  com- 
mand of  the  left  wing.  The  van-guard  was  placed  under  the 
command  of  Prince  Rustam,  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din,  and 
others.  Timur  himself  commanded  the  centre.  In  this  order, 
full  of  spirits  and  courage,  the  soldiers  marched  to  the  battle  field. 

The  enemy  also  came  out  in  battle  array^  The  centre  was 
under  Sultan  Mahmiid,  grandson  of  Sultan  Firoz  Shah,  and 
Mallu  Khdn.  The  right  was  commanded  by  Taghi  Khan,  Mir 
All  Hauja,  and  others,  and  the  left  by  Malik  Mu'inu-d  din, 
Malik  Hani,  and  others.  The  enemy's  army  consisted  of  12,000 
veteran  horsemen  and  40,000  infantry,  with  all  the  appliances 
of  war.  Thus  they  advanced  to  the  field  of  battle.  The 
enemy's  great  reliance  was  on  his  enormous  war  elephants,  120 
in  number.  They  were  covered  with  armour,  and  on  their  backs 
was  a  kind  of  litter  or  cage,  in  which  cross-bow  men  and  discus 
throwers  were  concealed.  Sharp  ;poisoned  points  were  fastened 
firmly  to  their  tusks.  Eocket-men  {takhsh-afgan)  and  grenade- 
throwers  {ra'd-anddz)  marched  by  their  sides. 


ZAPAE-NAMA.  499 

Although  the  army  of  Timur  was  weak  compared  with  this 
Indian  army,  still  his  soldiers  did  not  rate  their  enemy  very 
highly.  But  although  they  had  fought  in  many  a  hattle,  and 
overthrown  many  an  enemy,  they  had  never  before  encountered 
elephants.  They  had  heard  by  report  that  the  bodies  of  these 
elephants  were  so  hard  that  no  weapon  would  pierce  them ;  that 
they  could  tear  up  strong  trees  with  the  wind  (bad)  of  their 
trunks ;  that  they  could  knock  down  strong  houses  with  the 
pressure  of  their  sides ;  and  that  in  battle  they  could  lift  horse 
and  horseman  from  the  ground  with  their  dragon-like  trunk  and 
raise  them  in  the  air.  Exaggerations  like  these  had  raised  ap- 
prehensions in  the  hearts  of  the  soldiers.  When  Timtir  pro- 
ceeded to  appoint  the  places  for  the  various  officers  of  the  Court, 
h«,  in  his  princely  kindness,  asked  the  learned  doctors  of  the 
Law  who  accompanied  the  army  in  this  invasion  where  he  should 
place  them.  They,  terrified  with  the  stories  they  had  heard  of 
the  elephants,  answered :  "  In.  the  same  place  as  the  ladies  and 
women." 

When  Timur  perceived  this  terror  and  alarm  of  his  followers, 
to  allay  their  fears  he  directed  that  they  should  fix  palisades, 
and  dig  a  trench  in  front  of  the  army.  In  front  of  these  he 
ordered  buffalos  to  be  placed  side  by  side,  and  fastened  firmly 
together  by  the  neck  and  feet  with  leather  thongs.  He  had 
strong  iron  claws  made  and  given  to  the  infantry,  who  were 
ordered  to  throw  them  on  the  ground  in  front  of  the  elephants. 
.Mauldnd  Shah4bu-d  din  Jami  has  celebrated  these  devices  in 
one  of  his  odes.  Heaven  was  always  favourable  to  Timur,  and 
now  gave  him  success  without  using  any  of  these  stratagems. 
He  had  on  horseback  ascended  an  eminence  between  the  two 
armies,  and  examined  all  around.  When  he  saw  the  opposing 
forces  he  alighted  from  his  horse,  and  turning  the  face  of  sup- 
plication to  heaven  he  offered  his  prayers,  and  begged  for  victory 
over  his  enemy.  It  was  not  long  before  a  sign  was  given  of  the 
acceptance  of  this  prayer.  While  Timur  was  offering  his  prayer 
to  heaven,  it  came  into  the  minds  of  Amir  Shaikh  Niiru-d  din, 


500  YAZDr. 

and  the  other  officers  in  command  of  the  van-guard,  that  if 
Timur  sent  a  reinforcement  to  the  right  -wing  and  to  the  advance 
guard  it  would  be  a  sure  presage  of  victory.  When  Timur  had 
finished  his  prayer,  he  sent  Sultdn  'Ali  Taw^chi  and  others  from 
the  centre  to  the  support  of  the  right  wing,  and  another  party  to 
the  support  of  the  van-guard.  These  movements  cheered  up  the 
spirits  and  strengthened  the  courage  of  the  men.  Th^  drew 
their  sw«rds  and  rushed  fearlessly  on  the  lenemy.  The  elephants 
of  mighty  form  and  craven  spirit  ran  off,  and  Timur  thus  ob- 
tained the  victory. 

The  van-guard  under  Stinjak  Bahidur  and  other  officers, 
when  they  saw  the  enemy  advancing  against  the  right  wing, 
placed  themselves  in  -ambush,  and  when  the  advance-guard  of 
the  enemy  had  passed  by,  they  rushed  out  in  their  rear  with 
swords  drawn  and  arms  uplifted,  and  in  one  charge  killed  more 
than  500  of  them.  On  the  right  wing  the  Prince  Pir  Muham- 
mad having  advanced  his  men  charged  the  enemy.  He  was 
supported  by  Amir  Sulaim^n  Shdh,  and  aided  by  fortune  he 
used  his  swords  upon  the  elephants.^  The  men  of  the  right  wing 
with  one  accord  advanced  against  the  left  of  the  enemy,  which 
placed  its  reliance  on  the  bravery  of  Taghi  Kh4n,  and  drove  it 
back  as  far  as  the  Hauz-i  Khdss,  which  is  a  wide  and  deep  well, 
one  of  the  works  of  Firoz  Shdh.  The  left  wing,  under  Prince 
Sultan  Husain  and  others,  charged  with  such  force  and  bravery 
the  enemy's  right  wing  under  Malik  Mu'inu-d  din,  that  it  was 
broken,  and  Amir  Jahan  Sh^h  pursued  its  scattered  fugitives  to. 
the  very  gates  of  Dehli.  The  centre  of  the  enemy  supported  by 
the  elephants  advanced  to  attack  in  good  order,  but  Prince 
Rustam  and  his  coadjutors  met  them  and  made  a  stout  resis- 
tance. The  various  officers  brought  their  men  into  action  and 
cut  their  way  to  the  elephants.  They  killed  the  drivers,  wounded 
the  trunks  of  the  animals  with  swords  and  arrows,  and  despatched 
them. 

'  Petis  de  la  Croix  here  describes  the  defeat  of  the  elephants,  but  his  account  is 
not  to  be  found  in  any  one  of  the  four  MSS.  I  have  used. 


ZAFAE-NAMA.  501 

The  soldiers  of  India  fought  bravely  for  their  lives,  but  the 
frail  insect  cannot  contend  with  the  raging  wind,  nor  the  feeble 
deer  against  the  fierce  lion,  so  they  were  compelled  to  take  to 
flight.  Sultdn  Mahrnud  Khdn,  Mallu  KJi^n,  and  those  who  fled 
with  them,  entered  the  city  and  closed  the  gates.  Prince  Khalil 
Sultdn,  of  the  right  wing,  notwithstanding  his  youth,  attacked 
one  of  the  monster  elephants,  cut  down  his  driver,  and  led  the 
animal,  as  a  husbandman  drives  a  buffalo  in  the  plough,  to  Timur. 

When  by  the  favour  of  God  the  enemy  was  defeated  and  put 
to  flight,  Timur  advanced  to  the  gate  of  DehH.  He  carefully 
examined  the  walls  and  bastions  of  that  noble  city,  and  then 
returned  to  the  Hauz-i  Khass.  This  is  a  reservoir  constructed  by 
Sultdn  Firoz  Shah,  so  large  that  an  arrow  cannot  be  shot  from 
one  side  to  the  other.  It  is  filled  by  the  rain  in  the  rainy  season, 
and  the  people  of  Dehli  obtain  water  from  it  all  the  year  round. 
The  tomb  of  Firoa  Shdh  is  by  its  side.  Timur  encamped  there 
and  the  princes  and  nobles  and  officers  waited  upon  him  and 
offered,  congratulations-  upon  the  victory.  They  then  praised  the 
bravery  and  reported,  the  valiant  exploits  performed  by  the 
princes  and  officers.  Timur  on  hearing  these  reports  was  moved 
to  tears,  and  gave  thanks  to  God  who  had  distinguished  him 
above  other  monarchs  by  granting  him  such  valiant  sons  and 
such  faithful  servants.  *  *  * 

Flight  of  SuUdn  MahmM  and  Mallu  Khan.  Capture  of  Behli. 
After  their  defeat,  Sultan  Mahmud  and  Mallu  Kh^  went  to 
Dehli  and  repented  of  the  course  they  had  pursued  and  of  the  rash- 
ness they  had  displayed.  But  repentance  after  a  disaster  is  of  no 
avail.  No  resource  but  flight  was  left.  So  in  the  darkness  of 
the  night  Sultan  Mahmud  left  the  city  by  the  gate  of  Hauzr-rdni 
and  Mallu  Kh4n  by  the  Baraka  gate,  both  of  which  are  to  the 
south  of  the  Jahan-pan4h.  They  fled  into  the  desert.  When 
Timtir  was  informed  of  their  flight  he  sent  Amir  Sa'id  and  other 
officers  in  pursuit  of  them.  These  officers  captured  many  fugi- 
tives and  secured  a  large  booty.     They  also  made  prisoners  of 


502  TAZDr. 

Mallu  Khdn's  sons,  Saif  Kh4n  entitled  Malik  Sharfu-d  din,  and 
Khuda-ddd.  On  the  same  evening  orders  were  given  to  Allah- 
dad  and  other  officers  to  take  possession  of  the  gates  of  the  city 
and  to  prevent  the  escape  of  any  one. 

On  the  8th  Eabi'u-s  skni,  Timtir  hoisted  his  victorious  flag  on 
the  walls  of  Dehlf.  He  then  went  to  the  gate  of  the  maiddrir  and 
took  his  seat  in  the  Tdgdh.  This  gate  is  one  of  the  gates  of 
Jah4n-pau4h  and  opens  towards  the  Sauz-i  Khdss.  There  he 
held  his  court ;  and  the  saiyids,  the  Mzis,  the  nobles  and  the  great 
men  who  were  in  the  city,  hastened  to  pay  their  homage  to  him. 
Fazlu-Uah  Balkhi,  deputy  of  Mallu  Khan,  with  all  the  officers  of 
the  diwdn,  proceeded  to  make  their  submission.  The  saiyids,  the 
""ulamd,  and  .the  shaikhs  sought  for  protection  through  the  inter- 
vention of  the  princes  and  officers.  Prince  Pir  Muhammad, 
Amir  Sulaim^n  Shdh,  Amir  Jahan  ShS,h,  and  others  interceded 
for  them  in  due  season,  and  gained  their  object.  The  standard  of 
victory  was  raised  and  drums  were  beaten  and  music  played  to 
proclaim  the  conquest  to  the  skies.  A  poet  also  wrote  some  lines 
containing  the  date  of  the  victory, — 8th  Eabi'u-s  sani,  801 
<Dec.  17th,  1398). 

The  elephants  and  rhinoceroses  were  brought  forth  with  their 
trappings  and  paraded  before  the  emperor.  The  elephants  all  in 
token  of  submission  bowed  their  heads  to  the  ground  and  raised  a 
cry  altogether  as  if  they  were  asking  for  quarter.  There  were 
120  war  elephants  captured,  and  on  the  return  home  of  the  army 
some  were  sent  to  different  parts  of  the  empire  for  the  use  of  the 
princes,  and  the  others  were  sent  to  Samarkand.  *  *  *  Maulana 
Nasiru-d  din  was  ordered  to  go  with  other  learned  doctors  and 
great  men  into  the  mosque  on  the  Sabbath,  and  proclaim  the 
name  of  the  Sdhib-kir^n  Amir  Timur  G-ufg^n  in  the  khutba,  in 
the  same  way  as  the  name  of  Firoz  Sh^h  and  other  Sult&ns  had 
been  proclaimed.  *  *  * 

On  the  16th  of  the  month  a  number  of  soldiers  collected  at  the 
gate  of  Dehli  and  derided  the  inhabitants.  When  Timtir  heard 
of  this  he  directed  some  of  the  amirs  to  put  a  stop  to  it.     But  it 


ZAFAR-NAMA.  503 

was  the  divine  pleasure  to  ruin  the  city  and  to  punish  the  inhabit- 
ants, and  that  was  brought  about  in  this  way.  The  wife  of 
Jahdn  Malik  'AghS,  and  other  ladies  went  into  the  city  to  see  the 
palace  of  the  Thousand  Columns  (Bazar-sMfjiw),  which  Malik  Jauni 
had  built  in  the  Jahdn^'pandh.  The  officers  of  the  Treasury  had 
also  gone  there  to  collect  the  ransom  money.  Several  thousand 
soldiers,  with  orders  for  grain  and  sugar;  had  proceeded  to  the  city. 
An  order  had  been  issued  for  the  officers  to. arrest  every  nobleman 
who  had  fought  against  Timur  and  had  fled  to  the  city,  and  in 
execution  of  this  order  they  were  scattered  about  the  city.  When 
parties  and  bands  of  soldiers  were  going  about  the  city,  numbers 
of  Hindus  and  gabrs  in  the  cities  of  Dehli,  Siri,  Jahdn-pandh, 
and  Old  Dehli,  seeing  the  violence  of  the  soldiers,^  took  up  arms 
and  assaulted  them.  Many  of  the  infidels  set  fire  to  their  goods 
and  effects,  and  threw  themselves,  their  wives  and  children,  into 
the  flames.  The  soldiers  grew  more  eager  for  plunder  and  de- 
struction. Notwithstanding  the  boldness  and  the  struggles  of 
the  Hindus,  the  officers  in  charge  kept  the  gates  closed,  and  would 
not  allow  any  more  soldiers  to  enter  the  city,  lest  it  should  be 
sacked.  But  on  that  Friday  night  there  were  about  15,000  men 
in  the  city  who  were  engaged  from  early  eve  till  morning  in 
plundering  and  burning  the  houses.  In  many  places  the  impure 
infidel  gabrs  made  resistance.  In  the  morning  the  soldiers  who 
were  outside,  being  unable  to  control  themselves,  went  to  the  city 
and  raised  a  great  disturbanee.  On  that  Sunday,  the  17th  of  the 
month,  the  whole  placed  was  pillaged,  and  several  palaces  in 
JahS,n-pan&h  and  Siri  were  destroyed.  On  the  18th  the  like 
plundering  went  on.  Every  soldier  obtained  more  than  twenty 
persons  as  slaves,  and  some  brought  as  many  as  fifty  or  a 
hundred  men,  women,  and  children  as  slaves  out  of  the  city. 
The  other  plunder  and  spoils  were  immense,  gems  and  jewels  of 
all  sorts,  rubies,  diamondsj  stufis  and  fabrics  of  all  kinds,  vases 
and  vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  sums  of  money  in  ""aMi  tankas,  and 
other  coins  beyond  aill  computation.  Most  of  the  women  who 
^  This  sentence  is  found  only  in  one  copy. 


504  TAZDr. 

were  made  prisoners  wore  bracelets  of  gold  or  silver  on  their 
wrists  and  legs  and  valuable  rings  upon  their  toes.  Medicines  and 
perfumes  and  unguents,  and  the  like,  of  these  no  one  took  any 
notice.  On  the  19th  of  the  month  Old  Dehli  was  thought  of, 
for  many  infidel  Hindus  had  fled  thither  and  taken  refuge  in  the 
great  mosque,  where  they  prepared  to  defend  themselves.  Amir 
Shah  Malik  and  'Ali  Sultan  Tawachi,  with  500  trusty  men, 
proceeded  against  them,  and  falling  upon  them  with  the  sword 
despatched  them  to  hell.  High  towers  were  built  with  the  heads 
of  the  Hindus,  and  their  bodies  became  the  food  of  ravenous  beasts 
and  birds.  On  the  same  day  all  Old  Dehli  was  plundered.  Such 
of  the  inhabitants  as  had  escaped  alive  were  made  prisoners. 
For  several  days  in  succession  the  prisoners  were  brought  out  of 
the  city,  and  every  amir  of  a  tumdn  or  kushiin  took  a  party  of 
them  under  his  command.  Several  thousand  craftsmen  and 
mechanics  were  brought  out  of  the  city,  and  under  the  command 
of  Timur  some  were  divided  among  the  princes,  amirs,  and  dghds 
who  had  assisted  in  the  conquest,  and  some  were  reserved  for 
those  who  were  maintaining  the  royal  authority  in  other  parts. 
Timur  had  formed  the  design  of  building  a  Masjid-i  jamV  in 
Samarkand,  his  capital,  and  he  now  gave  orders  that  all  the  stone- 
masons should  be  reserved  for  that  pious  work.  *  *  * 

The  three  cities  mentioned  are  thus  described — Siri  is  sur- 
rounded by  a  round  wall.  Old  Dehli  by  a  similar  wall,  but 
larger.  From  the  wall  of  Siri  on  the  north-east  to  the  wall  of 
Old  Dehli  on  the  south-west,  a  wall  has  been  erected  on  both 
sides,  and  the  space  between  is  called  Jahan-panah.  It  is 
larger  than  Old  Dehli.  Three  gates  of  Siri  open  towards  Jah4n- 
panah  and  four  towards  the  open  country.  Of  Old  Dehli  five 
gates  open  into  Jahan-panah  and  thirteen^  to  the  outside.  Jahan- 
pan^h  has  thirteen  gates,  six  to  the  north-east  and  seven  to  the 
south-west,  making  in  all  thirty  gates  to  these  three  cities  known 
by  the  common  name  of  Dehli. 

>  Sio.  in  two  MSS.,  but  the  number  of  the  gates  of  Old  Dehli  is  not  given  in  the 
other  two.  According  to  the  Malfiadt,  page  448  sttprd,  the  gates  of  Old  Dehli  were 
ten  in  number,  and  this  makes  the  total  (30)  of  the  three  cities  complete. 


ZAFAE-NAMA.  605 

TimUr  marches  from  Dehli  to  other  places  in  Hindustdn. 

Timur  remained  at  Dehli  fifteen  days,  and  then  marched  out  to 
conquer  other  places  in  India,  and  to  put  down  idolaters  and  rebels. 
When  he  was  about  to  depart  he  directed  that  all  the  saiyids 
and  kdzis,  and  doctors  and  shaikhs,  should  assemble  in  the  great 
mosque  of  Jah^n-pan&h,  and  he  appointed  one  of  his  own  officers 
to  be  their  keeper  and  prevent  their  being  molested  by  the 
soldiers  of  the  army.  On  the  22nd  Eabi'u-1  akhir,  801,  in  the 
morning,  Timur  began  his  march  and  proceeded  three  kos  to 
Firozabad.  He  halted  there  for  an  hour  to  view  the  beauties  of 
the  place.  He  then  went  to  the  mosque  of  Firozabad,  which  is 
built  of  hewn  stone,  on  the  banks  of  the  Jusmna,  and  there  per- 
formed his  devotions,  after  which  he  mounted  his  horse  and  went 
outside  of  the  town. 

Saiyid  Shamsu-d  din  Turmuzl  and  'Alau-d  din,  deputy  of 

Shaikh  Kukari,  whom  he  sent  as  envoys  to  the  city  of  Kiipila, 

now  returned,   and  reported  that    the    prince   of  that  place, 

Bahadur  Nihar,  had  made  his  submission,  and  would  come  in 

on  the  Friday  to  pay  his  respects.     Timur  encamped  beyond 

Jah^n-numdi,  near  Wazirabdd.     There  his  envoys  presented  to 

him  two  white  parrots,  which  had  been  sent  by  Bahadur  Nihdr. 

These  two  parrots  survived  from  the  time  of  Sultan  Tughlik 

Shah,  and  had  often  exhibited  their  powers  of  speech  in  the 

assemblies  of  kings.      Timur  considered  this  offering  as  very 

auspicious,  and  graciously  accepted  it.     The  distance  from  Dehli 

to  Wazirdbad  is  six  kos.     On  the  23rd  he  marched  from  Wazir- 

4bdd,  and,  crossing  the  Jumna,  he  proceeded  six  kos  to  the  village 

of  Mudula.     On  the  24th  he  marched  six  kos,  and  encamped  at 

Katah.    Here  Bahadur  Nihdr  and  his  son,  Kaltash,i  arrived  with 

tribute  and  presents.     They  were  admitted  to  an  audience  when 

they  paid  their  homage,  and  were  treated  with  favour.     On  the 

25th  he  made  a  day's  march  to  Bdghpat,  six  kos  distant.     On 

the  next  day  he  proceeded  to  the  village  of  Asdr,  which  is  situated 

between  two  rivers,  and  there  encamped. 

1  This  is  the  reading  of  one  MS.    The  others  haye  "  Kalyash  "  and  "  Kat4sh," 
and  one  "  Katlagh  t&sh."    See  swpcd  p.  449. 


506  TAZDr. 

Capture  of  the  Fort  of  Mirat. 
The  fort  of  MIrat  was  one  of  the  most  famous  in  India.  On 
the  26th  Eabi'u-1  S,khir  Timur  sent  Rustam  Taghl  Bfighd,  Amir 
Shah  Malik,  and  Allah-d4d  from  Asdr  to  the  gates  of  that  fort. 
On  the  27th  those  officers  reported  that  t\yks  Agh&ni  and  his 
son,  Maul4n4  Ahmad'  ThEinesari,  with  a,ffahr  named  Safi^  and  a 
body  of  gahrs,  had  fortified  themselves  in  the  place  and  had 
raised  the  standard  of  resistance,  boasting  that  Tarmsharin 
Khan  had  attacked  the  fort,  but  was  unable  to  take  it.  This 
defiance  greatly  incensed  Timtir,  especially  the  reference  to  the 
failure  of  Tarmsharin  Ehan.  On  the  same  day,  after  mid-day 
prayer,  he  mounted  his  horsey  and,  taking  with  him  10,000  men, 
he  marched  rapidly  to  Mirat.  That  night  he  halted  midway, 
and  on  the  following  day,  the  29th,  in  the  afternoon,  he  arrived 
at  Mirat.  He  immediately  issued  orders  to  the  commanders  of 
regiments  that  each  should  begin  mining  the  wall  in  front  of  his 
position,  and  when  night  came  on  it  was  found  that  an  extent 
of  ten  to  fifteen  gaz  had  been  sapped  under  each  bastion  and  wall. 
The  gahrs  perceived  this,  and  were  so  frightened  that  they  lost 
all  courage  and  ceased  to  defend  themselves.  Next  day  Amir 
Allah-dad,  with  his  regiment  of  KucMns,^  called  "  the  faithful," 
advanced  to  the  gate  of  the  fort,  shouting  the  cry  of  victory. 
One  of  his  followers,  named  Sar&i,  son  of  Kalandar,  a  brave 
young  fellow,  first  raised  a  scaling  ladder  against  the  battlements 
and  mounted  the  wall.  Other  brave  men  followed  him.  They 
soon  took  Ilyas  Agh4ni  and  his  son  Thdnesari,  the  commanders 
of  the  fort,  and,  putting  ropes  round  their  necks,  brought  them 
to  Timur.  Safi,  the  gabr,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  fort,  was 
killed  in  the  engagement,  and  was  punished  by  the  fire  he  in 
error  adored.^    Next  day,  the  remaining  gabrs  were  brought  out 

»  Or  "  Safii."  »  A  tribe  of  Turks. 

'  Sir  H.  Elliot,  in  his  Glossary,  Vol.  I.,  p.  119,  quotes  a  passage  from  tlie  Saiibu-a 
siyar  as  proving,  beyond  dispute,  that  this  man  was  a  fire-worshipper.  That  passage 
is  derived  directly  or  indirectly  from  the  one  before  us,  and  there  is  no  mistaking  its 
words.  Timiir,  in  his  autobiography,  however,  simply  calls  the  man  "a  gabr" 
which,  as  Sir  H.  Elliot  says,  has  come  to  mean  "  an  infidel  in  general."    The  words 


ZAFAE-NA'MA.  507 

and  put  to  the  sword.  Their  wives  and  children  were  made 
slaves.  By  the  imperial  order  fire  was  then  placed  in  the  mines 
and  the  bastions,  and  the  walls  were  thrown  down  and  levelled 
with  the  ground.  *  *  *  Thus  the  fort  which  Tarmsharin  Khan 
had  failed  to  capture  had  been  taken  by  a  detachment  of  the  im- 
perial army  at  the  first  assault.  *  *  * 

Battles  with  the  Qabrs  on  the  Ganges. 

Timur  having  reduced  the  fort  of  Mirat  on  the  1st  Jum^da-1 
awwal,  gave  orders  for  Amir  Jahdn  Shdh  to  march  with  the  left 
wing  of  the  army  against  the  upper  parts  of  the  river  Jumna, 
to  plunder  the  country  and  vex  the  infidels.  He  accordingly 
set  off  with  all  speed,  and  his  baggage  was  sent  after  him,  under 
Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din,  with  orders  to  proceed  along  the  river 
Kar4-su.  Timur  himself  marched  towards  the  Ganges,  fourteen 
hos  distant  from  Mirat.  On  his  march  he  was  joined  by  Amir 
Sulaimdn  ShSh.  Resolved  upon  carrying  the  war  against  the 
gahrs  of  those  parts,  he  proceeded  six  hos,  and  rested  for  the 
night  at  a  village  called  Mansura.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the 
2nd,  he  again  set  off  towards  the  Ganges,  and  at  sunrise  reached 
a  village  called  Pirozpur.  He  marched  three  kos  along  the 
bank,  seeking  a  place  to  cross.  At  breakfest  time  the  place  of 
transit  was  found,  but  there  was  no  ford  offering  an  easy  passage. 
Some  horsemen  passed  over  by  swimming.  Timur  was  about  to 
cross  in  the  same  way,  but  the  amirs  who  were  present  fell  upon 
their  knees  and  represented  that  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  and 
Amir  Sulaimdn  Shah  had  passed  the  river  with  the  right  wing 

of  Sharafii-d  din  then  ought  only  be  tegarded  as  a  rhetorical  flourish,  and  although 
subsequent  writers  hawe  copied  them  in  earnest,  they  are  too  vague  to  be  depended 
on.  In  Tlmtir's  Memoirs,  however  [mprd  ^.  431),  there  is  a  much  more  precise 
statement,  where  the  infidels  are  not  only  called  fire-worshippers,  but  their  tenets  are 
described;  and  this  passage  is  reproduced  in  the  Zafar-ndma,  (page  494,  «<pj-d). 
But,  for  all  this,  I  am  sceptical  as  to  there  being  fire- worshippers  in  this  part  of  India 
in  TimiSr's  days.  Gabrs  were  infidels,  and  so,  Musulmin  intolerance  and  contempt 
made  all  infidels  gahrs.  Thus  it  was  easy  for  one  man  to  call  the  Hindu  infidel 
by  the  opprobrious  term  gair  or  aemavii  in  a  loose  general  way,  meaning  nothing 
more  than  anti-Musulml.n,  and  for  another  to  understand  those  terms  in  their  true 
literal  meanrng. 


508  YAZDr. 

of  the  army  near  Pirozpur.  It  would  therefore  be  better  for  his 
majesty  to  remain  for  a  day  on  that  side  of  the  river.  Timur 
consented  to  this  proposal,  but  gave  orders  that  some  brave  men 
should  cross.  Saiyid  Khw4ja,  and  several  other  bold  men  be- 
longing to  the  division  of  Prince  Shih  Rukh,  accordingly  crossed. 
Tiratir  then  marched  two  kos  on  the  bank  of  the  river  and  en- 
camped. On  the  3rd  he  marched  towards  Tughlikpiir,  which  is 
situated  on  the  upper  part  of  the  Ganges,  at  twenty  kos  distance. 
When  he  had  made  fifteen  kos  a  report  was  brought  in  that  there 
was  a  Hindu  force  assembled  by  the  side  of  the  river.  He  then 
directed  Amir  Mubashir,  'AH  Sultan,  and  other  chiefs  to  march 
against  them  with  5,000  horse,  while  he  went  on  to  Tughlikpur. 
As  he  proceeded  he  was  taken  ill  suddenly,  and  a  swelling  rose 
in  his  arm.  The  doctors  and  attendants  exerted  themselves  to 
alleviate  the  malady. 

While  he  was  in  this  condition  intelligence  was  brought  that 
a  large  body  of  gahrs  was  coming  on  the  river  in  forty-eight 
boats.  When  he  heard  this,  the  prospect  of  fighting  against  the 
infidels  made  him  forget  his  malady.  He  mounted  his  horse, 
and,  with  a  thousand  of  his  guards,  went  to  the  bank  of  the 
river.  When  they  caught  sight  of  the  enemy  some  of  Timur's 
brave  followers,  heedless  of  their  own  safety,  threw  themselves 
into  the  river  and  swam  to  engage  the  enemy.  Others  kept  up 
a  discharge  of  arrows  against  the  enemy  from  the  banks  of  the 
river,  who,  in  their  ignorance,  did  nothing  but  put  up  their 
shields  over  their  heads  and  discharge  arrows  in  return.  The 
body  of  men  who  had  entered  the  river  on  horseback  and  swam 
off  to  the  boats  now  reached  them,  and  grappling  the  sides  with 
their  hands  they  boarded  them.  Having  thus  taken  most  of 
the  boats  they  put  the  men  to  the  sword,  and  made  prisoners  of 
the  women  and  children.  With  the  captured  boats  they  made 
the  best  of  their  way  to  the  remaining  boats,  ten^  in  number. 
These  the  enemy  lashed  together  in  the  middle  of  the  river,  and 
prepared  for  resistance.  But  our  men  engaged  them,  and  de- 
spatched all  the  infidels  either  with  their  arrows  or  their  swords. 
1  One  copy  says  "  two  "  only. 


ZAVAR-NiilMA.  509 

Timber  makes  three  Attacks  upon  the  Enemy  in  one  Bay. 
As  soon  as  Timur  had  defeated  these  boats  on  the  Ganges,  he 
left  the  river  and  marched  to  Tughlikpur,  where  he  encamped. 
On  the  same  night,  the  4th  of  the  month  of  Jum4da-1  awwal,  two 
persons  arrived  from  Amir  AUah-ddd,  BAyizid  Kuchin  and 
Altun  Bakshi,  commanders  of  the  advance-guard,  bringing 
intelligence  that  they  had  found  a  good  ford  and  had  crossed 
the  Ganges.  There  they  had  found  a  large  body  of  the 
enemy,  confident  in  numbers,  and  prepared  to  fight,  under  the 
command  of  a  leader  named  Mubdrak  KhS,n.  As  soon  as 
Timur  heard  this,  he  resolved  to  march  against  the.  infidels, 
and,  before  break  of  day,  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  crossed 
the  river  with  a  thousand  horsemen.  After  marching  a  kos  he 
halted  for  the  morning  prayer,  and  his  men  harnessed  on  their 
cuirasses,  in  readiness  to  encounter  the  enemy.  As  they  ap- 
proached, they  found  Muhammad  Khan,  with  10,000  men,  horse 
and  foot,  drawn  up  in  battle  array,  ready  for  the  fight,  with 
drums  beating  and  banners  flying. 

Timur  perceived  that  the  foe,  the  enemies  of  religion,  were 
numerous  and  bold,  while  his  own  followers  were  few.  The  two 
wings  of  the  army  were  far  away,  and  there  was  no  help  for 
it  but  to  put  his  trust  in  God  and  fight  bravely.  While  he  was 
thus  in  anxiety,  5,000  horse  belonging  to  the  tiimdns  of  Prince 
Shah  Eukh,  who  had  crossed  the  river  with  Saiyid  Khwaja 
and  Jah^n  Malik,  now  came  up  and  joined  him,  as  if  by  ar- 
rangement. Such  was  the  special  mercy  of  God.  Timur  first 
ofiered  his  thanksgivings.  Then  he  ordered  Amir  Shdh  Malik 
and  Amir  Allah-dad  to  attack  the  enemy  with  a  thousand  horse- 
men of  his  guard,  and  to  do  so  without  any  fear  of  their  number 
and  strength.  These  amirs,  without  hesitation,  drawing  their 
swords  and  placing  themselves  at  the  head  of  their  thousand  men, 
rushed  towards  the  enemy.  This  bold  charge  filled  Mubdrak 
Kh4n  and  the  enemy  with  fear,  so  that  they  turned  and  fled 
without  waiting  for  the  attack.  They  made  for  the  jungle,  but 
our  men  pursued  them  and  killed  a  great  number,  and  brought 


510  TAZDr. 

in  their  wives  and  children  as  prisoners,  as  well  as  vast  spoil  in 
cattle. 

Timur  halted  there  for  a  little  while,  but  intelligence  was  soon 
brought  to  him  that  there  was  a  large  body  of  gahrs  assembled  in 
the  valley  of  Kupila,^  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  He  set  off 
thither  immediately  with  500  men,  leaving  the  rest  of  the  army 
occupied  in  securing  the  spoil.  When  they  approached  the  valley 
of  Kupila,  they  perceived  a  large  body  of  the  enemy.  Amir  Shdh 
Malik  and  'Ali  Sultan  Tawdchi,  notwithstanding  their  scanty 
followers,  charged  the  enemy  boldly  sword  in  hand  and  cut  many 
of  them  down,  so  that,  notwithstanding  the  superior  numbers  of 
the  enemy,  they  were  defeated  and  put  to  flight,  and  large  booty 
was  found.  While  the  men  were  engaged  in  securing  the  spoil? 
Timur  was  left  with  only  a  hundred  of  his  guards,  when  an 
officer  of  the  gabrs,  by  name  Malik  Shaikha,  with  a  hundred^ 
men,  horse  and  foot,  made  a  charge  upon  him.  Timur  faced  his 
assailant  and  hastened  to  meet  him,  but  when  they  were  about 
an  arrow's  flight  apart,  one  of  the  soldiers,  without  having  well 
ascertained  what  he  asserted,  told  Timiir  that  it  was  Shaikh 
Kukari,  one  of  his  faithful  adherents,  who  was  advancing  to  meet 
him.  Timur  consequently  turned  back  towards  the  hill.  The 
gabr  Shaikha  then  cut  down  several  of  the  soldiers,  and  Timur, 
perceiving  this,  turned  against  his  enemy.  Shaikha  was  wounded 
in  the  belly  with  an  arrow  and  cut  down  with  a  sword.  He  was 
then  bound  with  a  cord  and  brought  into  the  presence  of  Timur, 
who  wished  to  interrogate  him,  but  he  died  before  he  could  reply. 

Intelligence  was  now  brought  that  about  two  kos  distant,  in  the 
valley  of  Kupila,  there  was  a  large  body  of  infidel  Hindus  as- 
sembled. The  way  thither  lay  through  a  jungle  which  was  thick 
with  trees  and  hard  to  traverse,  such  as  the  morning  breeze  could 
hardly  penetrate.  Timiir  had  already  undergone  the  toil  of 
fighting  twice  before  that  day  and  wanted  a  little  rest,  but  by  the 

'  Hardwir.     See  note  supra  p.  455. 

'  Here  one  MS,,  and  that  tte  most  sober  one,  magnifies  the  assailants  into  "several 
thousand  desperate  men  sword  in  hand." 


ZAFAE-NAMA.  511 

will  of  God,  being  thus  again  summoned,  he  set  off  with  a  party 
of  guards  and  several  commanders  of  regiments,  and  marched 
against  the  enemy  in  fiiU  reliance  upon  Divine  support.  The 
road  to  the  valley  was  diflScult,  the  enemy  numerous,  and  his 
followers  few.  Eeviewing  these  circumstances,  Timur  could  not 
help  thinking  how  fortunate  it  would  be  if  his  son  Pir  Muhammad 
and  Amir  Sulaimdn  Sh4h  should  come  up.  Three  days  before 
Timur  had  detached  them  to  ravage  the  country  and  plunder  the 
infidels  and  fire-worshippers.  They  had  crossed  the  Ganges  at 
Pirozpur,  and  had  no  knowledge  of  Timur  having  also  crossed 
and  being  near  them.  But  soon  after  afternoon  prayer  the  wish 
which  Timiir  had  conceived  was  realized,  and  the  prince  came 
up  with  his  detachment  and  joined  his  father.  They  advanced 
together  against  the  gabrs,  assailing  them  with  arrows  and  the 
sword.  They  killed  a  great  many  of  them  and  secured  a  large 
booty,  including  a  vast  number  of  camels  and  cattle.  In  that  one 
day  Timtir  had  fought  in  three  different  engagements.  When  the 
day  drew  to  a  close  he  found  himself  victorious  and  the  infidels 
discomfited,  but  there  was  no  place  in  the  jungle  where  he  could 
encamp,  so  he  returned  with  his  spoil  to  the  place  where  he  had 
won  his  second  victory. 

Destruction  of  Gabrs  in  the   Valley  of  Kivpila. — Account  of  a 
Stone  Cow  worshipped  hy  the  Gabrs. 

The  valley  of  Kupila  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain  by 
which  the  river  Ganges  passes.  Fifteen  hos  higher  up  there  is  a 
atone  in  the  form  of  a  cow,  and  the  water  of  the  river  flows  out  of 
the  mouth  of  that  cow.  The  infidels  of  India  worship  this  cow, 
and  come  hither  from  all  quarters,  fi'om  distances  even  of  a  year's 
journey,  to  visit  it.  They  bring  here  and  cast  into  the  river  the 
ashes  of  their  dead  whose  corpses  have  been  burned,  believing 
this  to  be  the  means  of  salvation.  They  throw  gold  and  silver 
into  the  river ;  they  go  down  alive  into  the  river,  bathe  their  feet, 
sprinkle  water  on  their  heads,  and  have  their  heads  and  beards 
shaved.      This  they  consider  to  be  an  act  of  devotion,  just  as 


512  YAZDr. 

the  Muhammadans  consider  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca  a  pious 
work.' 

In  this  valley  there  was  a  large  concourse  of  Hindus,  having 
great  riches  in  cattle  and  movables,  so  Timiir  resolved  to  attack 
them.  On  the  6th  Jum^da-1  awwal  he  set  his  army  in  motion 
towards  Kupila.  It  was  the  will  of  Heaven  that  these  infidels 
should  perish,  so  in  the  pride  of  their  numbers  and  strength  they 
awaited  his  approach,  and  had  the  temerity  to  resolve  upon  resis- 
tance. At  the  rising  of  the  sun  our  army  reached  the  valley. 
The  right  wing  was  under  the  command  of  Prince  Pir  Muham- 
mad and  Amir  Sulaimdn  Shah,  and  the  left  under  some  renowned 
leaders.  Amir  Shah  Mahk  and  other  officers  with  the  centre 
began  the  attack.  When  the  cries  of  our  men  and  the  noise- of 
our  drums  reached  them,  the  courage  of  the  infidels  failed.  In 
their  terror  they  fled  for  refuge  to  the  mountains,  but  they  were 
pursued  and  many  were  slain.  A  few  who,  half-dead,  escaped  the 
slaughter,  were  scattered  abroad.  All  their  property  and  goods 
became  the  spoil  of  the  victors. 

The  country  having  thus  been  cleansed  from  the  pollution  of 
infidels,  the  army  returned  back  on  the  same  day  and  recrossed 
the  Ganges.  Then  Timur  returned  thanks  for  his  victories, 
after  which  he  mounted  his  horse  and  marched  five  kos  down  the 
river  and  there  encamped. 

Timiir' s  resolution  to  retire  from  Hindustan. 
When  Dehli  and  its  territories  had  been  purged  from  the  foul 
pollution  of  gabrs  and  idolaters,  Timur  formed  the  resolve  of 
returning  home.  On  the  6th  Jumdda-1  awwal,  801  H.,  he  de- 
parted from  the  banks  of  the  Ganges.  Orders  were  issued  for  the 
march,  and  for  the  tawdcMs  to  bring  up  the  heavy  baggage.  On 
the  6th  a  march  of  six  kos  was  made,  and  then  a  halt  was  called ; 
the  baggage  in  this  march  being  four  kos  in  the  rear.  At  this 
sta^e  Timur  learned  that  in  the  valleys  of  the  Siwdlik  mountains 

1  Two  of  the  MSS.  here  refer  to  'UtM  for  a  short  notice  of  MahmUd's  conquests, 
which  the  other  two  manuscripts  omit. 


ZAPAR-NAMA.  513 

there  was  collected  a  large  number  of  Hindus  ready  for  battle. 
Timur  then  gave  orders  that  the  troops  in  charge  of  the  baggage 
should  inarch  to  these  mountains.  He  himself  having  marched 
rapidly  thither,  encamped  in  the  hills  of  Siw^lik.  In  this  march 
Prince  Khalil  Sultdn  and  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  came  up 
from  the  baggage  and  joined  Timur.  *  *  *  On  the  same  day  an 
order  was  issued  that  Amir  Jahdn  Sh^h,  one  of  the  officers  of 
the  left  wing,  who  had  been  absent  for  a  week  in  a  raid  upon  the 
upper  parts  of  the  Jumna,  should  come  in  and  take  part  in  the 
operations  against  the  infidels.  In  compliance  with  this  order 
he  hastened  to  the  royal  camp. 

Raid  into  the  Siwdlik  Mils. 
On  the  10th  Jum4da-1  awwal  Timur  marched  to  attack  the 
Siwilik  hills.  In  that  mountain  valley  there  was  a  rdi  named 
Bahruz.  He  had  collected  a  great  number  of  people  around  him, 
and  had  formed  a  numerous  army.  Relying  besides  upon  the 
strength  of  the  position  which  he  occupied,  he  was  bold  and 
resolved  upon  resistance.  Timur  appointed  Prince  Pir  Muham- 
mad and  several  amirs  of  the  right  wing,  and  Prince  Sultdn 
Husain  and  sundry  officers  of  the  left  wing,  to  march  and  attack 
the  infidels.  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  led  the  advance-guard  of 
the  centre.  Thus  they  marched  against  the  enemy,  while  Timtir 
halted  at  the  mouth  of  the  valley.  The  soldiers  fought  most 
valiantly  and  made  dreadful  slaughter  of  the  enemy.  They 
obtained  a  decisive  victory,  and  acquired  a  great  booty  in 
valuables,  slaves  and  cattle.  With  the  desire  of  doing  justice, 
Timur  ordered  that  the  strong  men  of  the  force,  who  had  secured 
as  their  share  of  the  spoil  three  or  four  hundred  head  of  cattle 
each,  should  give  up  part  of  them  to  the  weaker  men,  so  that  all 
might  obtain  a  share  in  the  fruits  of  the  victory,  and  no  man 
remain  empty-handed.  This  decision  gave  great  satisfaction. 
The  victorious  force  marched  and  joined  the  royal  camp  at  the 
village  of  Bahrah,  a  dependency  of  BakrI,  well  known  as  the 
VOL.  III.  33 


514  YAZor. 

country  of  Miydpur.i  On  the  12th  he  marched  four  kos  from 
Bahrah  and  encamped  at  the  village  of  Shikk-Sdrs&wa.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  immense  booty  which  the  army  had  gained,  it  was 
impossible  to  march  more  than  four  kos  per  day.  On  the  13th  he 
marched  and  encamped  at  Kandar,  a  distance  of  nearly  four  kos. 

Raid  into  other  parts  of  the  Siwdlik  hills. 
On  the  14th  Jumada-1  awwal  Timiir  passed  the  Jumna  and 
proceeded  to  another  part  of  the  Siwalik  hills.  There  he  heard 
that  one  of  the  rdis  of  Hind,  called  Eatan,  had  assembled  a  great 
number  of  Hindus,  and  had  taken  post  on  the  lofty  heights  in  the 
thick  forests.  The  hills  were  so  high  that  no  eye  could  see  from 
the  bottom  to  the  top,  and  the  trees  so  dense  that  the  rays  of 
the  sun  and  moon  could  not  reach  the  ground.  It  was  impos- 
sible to  make  a  passage  without  cutting  down  the  trees.  But  for 
all  this  Timur  did  not  hesitate,  and  without  even  waiting;  for  the 
night  to  pass,  he,  on  the  15th,^  gave  his  order  for  the  advance. 
The  troops  accordingly  marched  on  by  the  light  of  torches, 
and  employed  themselves  in  cutting  down  the  trees  and  clearing 
a  way.  In  that  night  they  made  a  progress  of  twelve  kos,  and  in 
the  morning  of  the  15th  they  penetrated  between  the  Siwdlik 
mountain  and  the  Kuka  mountain.  Here  Eai  Ratan  had  taken 
up  his  position,  with  his  forces  drawn  up  in  regular  battle  array, 
with  right  wing  and  left  wing,  and  centre  and  supports.'  But 
when  the  noise  of  our  music  and  the  cries  of  our  soldiers  reached 
the  ears  of  the  Hindus,  they  wavered  and  fled  without  waiting  for 
the  attack.  Our  ojBficers  and  men  pursued  them,  and  put  many  of 
them  to  the  sword.  All  their  property  in  movables  and  cattle 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Every  soldier  obtained  a 
hundred  to  two  hundred  head  of  cattle  and  from  ten  to  twenty 
slaves. 

■  '  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Muhammadan  day  begins  at  sunset. 


ZAFAE-NA'MA.  515 

On  the  same  day  Prince  Pir  Muhammad  and  Amir  Shah 
Malik,  in  command  of  the  right  wing,  went  to  another  valley, 
where  he  destroyed  many  Hindus  and  obtained  great  spoil.  The 
left  wing,  also  under  Prince  Jahan  Sh^h,  attacked  and  destroyed 
a  body  of  Hindus  in  another  direction,  but  they  did  not  obtain 
so  large  a  booty.  On  the  night  of  the  16th  both  wings  came 
up  and  joined  the  main  body.  In  the  morning  Timur  left  the 
valley  between  the  two  mountains  and  returned  to  the  Siwalik 
mountain.  From  this  encampment  to  the  country  of  Nagarkot 
there  was  a  distance  of  fifteen  parasangs.  In  this  valley  there 
are  many  dense  jungles,  and  the  mountains  are  high  and  difficult 
of  asceM.  Timur  heard  that  there  were  great  numbers  of  infidels 
in  the  mountains,  and  he  determined  to  disperse  and  destroy  them. 
The  men  of  the  left  wing  under  Amir  Jah4n  Shah,  and  the  army 
of  Khurdsan,  had  acquired  but  little  spoil,  so  he  sent  them  out 
to  make  a  raid  and  collect  plunder.  Early  on  that  day  Sain 
Tamur,^  commander  of  the  advance-guard,  came  in  to  report 
that  the  number  of  Hindus  in  front  exceeded  all  calculation. 
Timur  therefore  held  his  ground  while  the  left  wing  was  absent, 
engaged  in  its  work  of  plunder.  The  men  of  this  force  put  a 
great  many  infidels  to  death,  and  acquired  great  spoil  in  wealth 
and  cattle.  On  the  same  day,  at  noon,  news  came  from  the 
reoriment  of  Amir  Shaikh  Nuru-d  din  and  'Ali  Sultan  Tawachi 
that  there  was,  upon  the  left,  a  valley  in  which  many  Hindus 
had  gathered,  having  with  them  much  wealth  and  cattle.  Timur 
immediately  proceeded  thither,  and  ordered  the  two  officers  who 
had  made  the  report  to  attack  the  infidels.  They  accordingly 
fell  upon  the  enemy  and  put  many  to  the  sword,  and  while  they 
did  so  Timur  stood  upon  the  summit  of  a  hill  watching  them 
and  encouraging  them  with  his  presence.  Many  of  the  infidels 
were  killed  and  wounded,  and  those  who  were  able  fled,  leaving 
a  great  booty  behind,  which  the  victors  brought  into  the  presence 
of  Timur,  who  warmly  praised  their  bravery.     Vast  quantities 

^  The  printer  of  the  French  translation  has  converted  this  name  into  "Sainte 
Maura ! " 


516  TAZDr. 

of  cattle  were  taken,  and  Timur  stayed  upon  the  mountain  until 
evening,  in  order  that  the  booty  might  be  fairly  distributed,  and 
each  man  get  his  share.  Every  man  got  as  much  as  he  could 
take  care  of.  That  night  they  encamped  in  the  valley.  In  the 
jungles  there  were  many  monkeys,  and  when  night  came  on  they 
entered  the  camp  and  carried  oflf  the  things  of  the  soldiers.  In 
the  course  of  one  month,  from  the  16th  of  Jumd,da-1  awwal,  when 
Timur  was  between  the  mountains  Siwdlik  and  Kuka,  to  the 
16th  of  Jumada-s  skni,  when  he  arrived  at  Jammu,  he  had 
twenty  conflicts  with  the  infidels  and  took  seven  fortresses,  each 
of  them  a  Khaibar  in  strength.  These  forts  were  situated  one 
or  two  parasangs  apart,  and  their  occupants  were  all  at  war  with 
each  other.  In  the  days  of  the  old  Sultdns  they  had  paid  the 
jizya,  but  they  had  broken  away  from  their  allegiance  to  the 
sovereigns  of  IsMm,  and  would  not  now  pay  the  tax,  so  the 
slaughter  and  plunder  of  them  was  lawful  and  laudable.  One 
of  these  fortresses  belonged  to  Shaikhu,  a  relation  of  Malik 
Shaikh  Kukar,^  and  he,  by  means  of  a  few  Musulmans  who 
dwelt  there,  had  induced  the  inhabitants  to  make  submission  to 
Timur,  and  outwardly  to  admit  their  subjection.  But  proofs  of 
their  aversion  and  hatred  soon  become  apparent,  for  when  the 
ransom  money  was  assessed  upon  them,  they  made  all  sorts 
of  excuses  and  evasions.  One  of  Timiir's  of&cers  thereupon 
resorted  to  a  clever  stratagem.  He  gave  orders  that  cast-off 
clothes  and  old  bows  should  be  accepted  in  payment  of  the 
ransom,  and  as  he  offered  a  good  pripe  for  these  things  of  little 
value,  they  brought  forth  their  damaged  weapons  of  all  descrip- 
tions and  sold  them  for  a  high  price.  By  this  sharp  device  they 
were  led  to  strip  themselves  of  their  arras,  so  that  they  had  no 
weapons  left.  After  this  an  imperial  order  was  issued  that  forty 
persons  should  be  sent  in  to  be  the  servants  (khuddm)  of  Hindu 
Shah,  the  treasurer,  one  of  his  majesty's  courtiers.  The  infidels 
resisted  this  order,  and  killed  some  Musulmdns.  It  thus  became 
necessary  for  the  soldiers  of  the  Faith  to  exact  vengeance.  They 
'  Or  "  Shaikha  Krikari." 


ZAFAE-NAMA.  517 

assaulted  the  fort  and  took  it.  2,000  infidels  were  put  to  the 
sword,  and  the  smoke  of  their  consuming  goods  rose  from  their 
roofs  to  the  sky.i 

Of  these  forts,  the  fort  of  Deo  Eaj  and  five  others  were  all 
taken ;  and  in  a  short  time  the  country  was  cleansed  from  the 
wickedness  of  the  idolaters  and  infidels.  The  foundations  of 
idolatry  were  uprooted,  and  the  basis  of  the  true  religion  and 
law  was  firmly  laid. 

Inroads  into  the  territory  of  Jammii. 

When  Timur  had  completed  his  campaign  in  the  Siwdlik,  he 
resolved  to  march  against  the  country  of  Jammu.  On  the  16th 
Jumada-1  dkhir  he  left  the  village  of  Mansar.  After  a  march  of 
six  kos,  he  arrived  and  encamped  near  the  village  of  B^ila,  in  the 
Jammu  territory.  On  the  same  day  he  sent  Amir  Shaikh  Mu- 
hammad Aikutmur  and  other  oflicers  against  that  village.  The 
men  of  B4ila  were  very  brave,  and  they  had  some  strong  jungles. 
They  placed  palisades  (chapar)  along  the  edges,  and  then  stood 
ready  to  fight  and  slay.  The  brave  warriors  of  Islam  were  about 
to  attack  them  without  hesitation,  when  an  order  arrived  from 
TImur  ordering  the  assault  to  be  postponed  till  the  morrow,  as 
he  himself  intended  to  be  present. 

On  the  17th  Jumada-1  dkhir,  Timur  mounted  his  horse  and 
arranged  his  forces  in  order  of  battle,  with  right  wing,  left  wing, 
and  centre.  The  soldiers  raised  their  war-cry,  which  resounded 
to  the  sky,  and  the  infidels  on  hearing  it  were  filled  with  terror 
and  fled  to  the  woods,  abandoning  their  village.  Thither  the 
soldiers  pursued  them,  and  pulling  up  the  palisades  they  took 
their  post  on  the  border  of  the  jungle,  while  other  soldiers 
plundered  the  village  in  safety.  Great  quantities  of  grain  and 
fodder  were  secured,  sufficient  to  supply  the  wants  of  the  army. 

1  The  editor  of  the  revised  MS.  here  adds :  "  The  writer  of  these  sheets  considers 
that,  although  historians  have  credited  the  story  of  the  people  of  the  fort  haying 
brought  out  all  their  arms  and  sold  them  to  pay  the  ransom,  still  it  does  not  appear 
to  he  so  probable  as  they  represent  it.  There  were  quite  sufficient  proofs  of  the 
malice,  had  faith,  and  rebellious  spirit  of  the  infidels.    God  tnows  the  truth." 


518  TAZDr. 

On  the  same  day  the  army  marched  four  kos  and  encamped.  It 
was  then  joined  by  U'ljah  Tamur  Tunkatar,  and  Fuldd,  and  by 
Prince  Rustam's  confidant  Zainu-d  din,  who  had  been  sent  as 
ambassadors  on  the  part  of  Timtir  from  Dehli  to  Kashmir. 
They  brought  with  them  letters  to  Timur  from  Iskandar  Shah, 
king  of  Kashmir,  and  were  attended  by  ambassadors  from  him. 
The  letters  were  presented,  and  Timur  was  informed  that  the 
king  made  his  submission  and  had  come  as  far  as  the  village  of 
Jahdn.^  At  this  stage  Maulana  Nuru-d  din,  the  ambassador, 
represented  to  his  majesty  that  the  officers  of  the  Exchequer  had 
called  upon  his  master  for  a  contribution  of  30,000  horses  and 
100,000  durusts  of  gold,  each  durust  weighing  two  and  a  half 
miskdis.  He  (the  Sh4h)  had  therefore  gone  to  Kashmir  to 
endeavour  to  provide  for  this  demand,  and  would  return  when 
ready  to  discharge  it.  When  Timur  heard  of  this,  he  disap- 
proved of  the  demand  made  by  his  revenue  officers,  saying  that 
they  had  pressed  too  heavily  on  Sh4h  Iskandar,  and  had 
demanded  more  than  the  country  of  Kashmir  could  furnish.  It 
was  unjust  and  improper  to  demand  from  any  country  more  than 
its  extent  and  resources  could  pay.  The  ambassadors  represented 
the  ready  submission  of  Shah  Iskandar,  and  Timur  was  pleased 
to  act  liberally  towards  him.  He  ordered  the  ambassadors  to 
return  to  their  master,  and  tell  him  on  no  account  to  fail  in  obey- 
ing the  orders  he  should  receive.  On  the  following  day,  18th 
Jumada-1  akhir,  the  ambassadors  were  sent  back,  with  the  faithfiil 
Zainu-d  din,  with  directions  that  in  twenty-eight  days  from  that 
date  he  should  come  and  wait  upon  Timur  on  the  banks  of  the  Indus. 
Near  this  camp  there  was  a  village,  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain,  in 
whicli  were  many  people.  The  soldiers  attacked  it,  put  the 
Hindus  to  the  sword,  and  set  fire  to  the  village.  They  carried 
off  plenty  of  grain  and  fodder.  On  the  same  day,  in  the  after- 
noon, they  attacked  two  other  villages  which  were  near,  and  again 
found  abundance  of  provisions,  which  they  carried  off.     In  this 

'  Variants,   "J'ah^n,"   "  Chahkn,"   "Jfriy6ii."     The  real  name  appears  to  be 
Jabhta.     See  pp.  470,  476,  and  621. 


ZAFAR-NAMA.  519 

march  Ara-tamtir,  one  of  the  emperor's  officers,  was  wounded  with 
an  arrow.  On  the  19th,  Timur  marched  again  a  distance  of  four 
or  five  parasangs  through  a  well-cultivated  country,  where  plenty 
of  pasture  was  found  for  the  horses.  On  the  20th,  the  army 
marched  towards  the  town  of  Jammu,  which  is  situated  in  a 
valley  where  the  river  Jammu  rises.  The  army  passed  the  river 
several  times,  and  encamped  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain  on  the 
left  of  the  town  of  Jammu.  On  the  right  was  the  village  of 
Manu.  These  places  where  inhabited  by  robust,  tall,  and  power- 
fiil  Hindus ;  brave  but  ignorant.  They  considered  their  moun- 
tains and  jungles  to  be  so  strong  and  secure  that  they  could  not 
be  penetrated,  and  they  sent  off  their  wives  and  children  thither. 
The  rdi,  with  a  force  of  bold  and  fearless  men,  had  taken  his  stand 
in  a  strong  position  on  the  mountain,where  they  discharged  their 
arrows  and  kept  on  shouting  like  dogs  baying  the  moon.  Timur 
resolved  to  proceed  against  them  by  stratagem,  so  he  gave  orders 
that  they  should  be  left  alone,  and  that  the  village  of  Manti 
should  be  attacked.  The  soldiers  accordingly  plundered  that 
village,  and  as  they  were  returning  they  entered  the  town  of 
Jammu,  and  carried  off  a  large  quantity  of  grain  and  provisions. 
Timiir  then  ordered  several  regiments  of  active  men  to  place 
themselves  in  ambush  in  the  groves,  and  to  remain  there  while 
he  marched  away  with  the  (rest  of  the)  army.  On  the  21st  he 
passed  the  river  of  Jammu,  and  marching  four  kos  through  culti- 
vated lands,  he  encamped  in  a  pasturage  on  the  banks  of  the 
river  Ohindwa.^  When  he  had  left  the  valley  of  Jammu  and  Manu, 
the  Hindus,  like  foxes,  thinking  that  the  mighty  lion  had  left 
the  field,  came  out  of  their  holes  in  the  jungle,  quite  unaware  of 
the  ambuscade  prepared  for  them.  They  were  suddenly  assailed 
by  the  concealed  troops,  who  put  numbers  of  them  to  the  sword. 
Daulat-tamur  Tawachi  and  Husain  Malik  Kuchin  made  the  rdi 
of  Jammii  prisoner,  with  fifty  of  his  infidels,  and  brought  them  to 
Timur  \_who  praised  his  officers  and  gave  thanks  to  God.'\  These 
men  were  put  in  chains  and  bonds,  but  the  rdi,  who  was  wounded, 
'  a,  lip-      See  p.  472,  supri. 


520  YAZDr. 

was  carefully  tended,  for  the  sake  of  getting  the  ransom-money. 
By  hopes,  fears,  and  threats,  he  was  brought  to  see  the  beauty  of 
Isldm.  He  repeated  the  creed,  and  ate  the  flesh  of  the  cow,  which 
is  an  abomination  among  his  compatriots.  This  obtained  for  him 
great  honour,  and  he  was  taken  under  the  protection  of  the 
emperor.  On  the  21st  the  army  halted,  waiting  for  the  arrival 
of  the  division  which  had  marched  aisainst  Ldhor. 

Proceedings  at  Ldhor^  with  Shaikha  Kiikar. 

At  this  place  intelligence  arrived  that  the  princes  and  officers 
who  had  been  sent  against  L^hor  had  taken  possession  of  that 
city,  and  were  engaged  in  realizing  the  ransom-money.  They  had 
also  taken  prisoner  Shaikha  Kukar,  who  had  not  been  true  to  his 
professions.  *  *  The  history  of  this  is,  that  Shaikha  Kukar, 
brother  of  Nusrat  Kukar,  of  whom  mention  has  been  made  in  the 
early  part  of  the  history  of  this  invasion,  had  been  taken  into 
honour  by  Timur,  and  had  been  marked  with  great  favour,  so 
that  wherever  in  Hindustan  any  people  were  found  who  declared 
themselves  to  be  his  subjects  and  dependents,  they  were  exempted 
from  pillage  and  from  being  made  prisoners.  In  the  Doab, 
between  the  rivers  Ganges  and  Jumna,  he  sought  permission  to 
return  home,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  his  contribution  and 
tribute,  promising  to  rejoin  the  camp  of  Timur  on  the  river 
Biydh,  which  is  also  called  the  river  of  Labor.  When  he  obtained 
permission  and  returned  home,  he  forgot  his  promise,  and  gave 
himself  up  to  pleasure  and  dissipation.  He  allowed  the  ap- 
pointed time  to  pass  by,  regardless  of  his  oaths  and  promises, 
and  he  entirely  neglected  to  show  any  attention  and  honour  to 
several  of  Timur's  officers  who  passed  through  Ldhor  on  their 
way  to  join  their  master.  In  consequence  of  this  conduct,  Timur 
gave  orders  for  ravaging  his  country  and  making  him  prisoner. 

On  the  24th  of  the  month  the  army  crossed  the  Chinawa,  and 
encamped  after  a  march  of  five  hos.  *  *  On  the  25th,  several  of 
the  sick  soldiers  i^zdifdn)  were  drowned  in  the  river.  Timur  was 
'  The  name  is  still  written  "LaliS.war," 


ZAFAR-NAMA.  621 

sorry  for  the  poor  men,  and  ordered  that  his  own  horses  and 
oamels  should  be  used  to  carry  the  survivors  over.  On  the  26th, 
Titnur  left  the  shores  of  the  Ohindwa,  and  after  a  march  of  six  kos 
encamped  in  a  desert.  *  *  He  here  determined  to  cross  the  river 
Dandana  before  his  army,  and  started  oflF  in  advance.  On  the 
27th  he  v\ras  carried  in  a  litter  for  six  kos,  and  encamped  on  the 
edge  of  a  jungle.  In  the  course  of  this  day  a  tiger  {sher)  was 
seen  and  was  hunted.  It  was  killed  by  Shaikh  Ndru-d  din. 
Prince  Pir  Muhammad  and  Prince  Eustam,  accompanied  by  the 
Amirs  Sulaim^n  Sh^h  and  Jah4n  Shdh,  arrived  from  Labor. 
They  had  slain  many  infidel  Hindus,  had  gained  a  large  booty, 
and  now  returned  to  the  imperial  presence  to  oiFer  their  spoil.  *  * 
On  the  same  day  an  order  was  issued  that  the  amirs  of  the  left 
wing  and  the  amirs  of  regiments  should  all  proceed  to  their 
homes  by  certain  settled  routes.  The  princes,  the  nunidns,  the 
amirs  of  tumdns,  of  thousands  and  of  regiments,  all  received  robes 
and  gifts  according  to  their  merits.  Prince  Pir  Muhammad 
Jahangir  received  a  jewelled  girdle  and  diadem.  The  Indian 
chiefs  and  all  the  officers  and  attendants  and  saiyids  who  had 
accompanied  him  received  princely  gifts  and  permission  to  return 
home.  Khizr  Kh4n,  whom  Sdrang  had  taken  and  confined  in  a 
fort,  and  who,  having  made  his  escape,  fled  to  Baydna,  a  depen- 
dency of  Dehli,  to  Ahodan,  the  Musulmdn  governor,  and  who 
there  came  in  and  made  his  submission  to  Timur,  was  appointed 
governor  of  Multdn. 

[A.  great  hunt  in  which  many  rhinoceroses  were  kiUed.l 
On  the  28th  Jumada-1  akhir,  after  the  hunt  was  over,  the  army 
marched  eight  kos,  to  a  place  called  Jabhd,n,  on  the  frontier  of 
Kashmir,  a  very  lovely  and  pleasant  spot. 

Kashmir, 

[^Description  of  Kashmir.']  There  is  a  city  named  Naghaz, 
which  is  the  residence  of  the  rulers  Qiukkdm)  of  the  country. 
Like  Baghddd,  the  city  has  a  large  river  running  through  it, 
but  the  waters  of  this  river  exceed  those  of  the  Tigris.     It  is 


522  TAZDr. 

extraordinary  that  the  waters  of  so  great  a  river  all  spring  from 
one  source,  which  source  is  situated  in  this  country  itself,  and  is 
called  Yir.  *  *  *  This  river,  after  passing  from  the  confines  of 
Kashmir,  is  known  by  different  names  in  different  places.  First 
it  is  called  Dandana,  then  Jamd.  Above  Mult4n  it  joins  the 
Chindwa,  and  the  two  flow  together  past  that  city,  and  below  it 
join  the  river  E^vi,  which  passes  on  the  other  side  of  the  city. 
Afterwards  the  river  Biyah  joins  them,  and  the  united  streams 
pass  by  TJch  and  join  the  Sind  or  Indus.  *  *  *  On  the  29th 
Timur  marched  fi-om  Jabhan,  a  distance  of  four  kos,  and  then 
encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  Dandana.  He  ordered  a  bridge 
to  be  thrown  over  the  river,  which  was  a  great  relief  to  the 
infantry,  both  Turks  and  Tdjiks.  *  *  * 

Return  of  Timur  to  his  capital. 

On  the  last  day  of  Jum^da-1  dkhir,  Timur  set  out  in  advance 
of  his  army  towards  Samarkand.  He  marched  twenty  kos  down 
the  river  Danddna  to  the  village  of  Sambast,  belonging  to  the 
Jud  mountains.  On  the  1st  Eajab  he  proceeded  to  the  vicinity  of 
the  fort  of  Baruja,  and  there  halted;  but  on  the  same  day,  in 
the  afternoon,  he  mounted  his  horse  and  entered  the  desert  called 
Ohol-i  Jalali.  Making  all  possible  speed,  he  came  out  of  the 
desert  in  the  evening,  and  encamped  by  the  side  of  a  pool 
(magkdk)  which  still  retained  some  of  the  waters  of  the  rainy 
season.  This  place  is  three  kos  distant  from  Baruja.  On  the 
2nd  Eajab,  at  breakfast  time,  he  reached  the  river  Sind.  The 
officers  who  had  been  appointed  to  guard  the  way  from  Naghaz 
to  Bdnu  had  built  a  bridge  with  tripod  trestles  over  the  river. 
Timur  passed  over  this  bridge,  and  rested  on  the  bank  of  the 
river  till  noon.  Amir  AUah-ddd  was  left  in  charge  of  the  bridge, 
to  keep  it  for  the  transit  of  the  baggage  and  the  army  coming 
up  behind.  In  the  afternoon  Timtir  marched  ten  kos,  and  then 
encamped,  and  marching  again  on  the  4th  he  made  a  day's  journey 
to  Banu. 


523 


APPEIfDIX. 


A.— POEMS  OP  AMrE  EHUSEU', 

[The  following  analyses  of  some  of  the  poetical  works  of  Amir 
Khusru,  with  the  copious  extracts,  are  all  the  work  of  Sir  H.  Elliot. 
Mr.  Bloohmann,  the  present  learned  and  active  secretary  of  the 
Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  has  just  declared  that  "it  would  be  of 
interest  to  examine  Khusru's  KJiazdinu-l  futuh  and  the  Kirdnu-s 
Sa'dain  from  a  historical  point  of  view." '  That  examination  Sir 
H.  Elliot  made  twenty-five  years  ago,  nor  did  he  confine  his  investi- 
gations to  these  two  works  of  the  great  poet.  He  carefully  perused 
other  poems  of  this  most  copious  writer.  By  his  brief  abstracts 
he  has  given  a  general  notion  of  the  character  and  contents  of  each 
work,  and  he  has  translated  those  passages  which  have  an  historical 
interest. 

In  the  notice  preceding  the  extracts  from  the  Tdrikh-i  'Aldi  (swprd, 
p.  67),  he  has  given  a  short  account  of  the  author,  and  of  that  prose 
work,  which  after  all  is  more  of  a  poem  than  a  history.  Amir 
Khusru,  the  "Parrot  of  Hind,"  whose  name  was  Yaminu-d  din 
Muhammad  Hasan,  was  one  of  the  most  prolific  poets  that  the  world 
has  ever  produced,  for  he  is  said  to  have  left  behind  him  "some 
half  million  of  verses."  ^  Without  answering  for  the  accuracy  of 
this  prodigious  number,  a  mere  glance  at  the  list  of  his  productions, 
or  a  perusal  of  the  following  extracts,  wUl  establish  the  boundless 
fertility  of  his  muse.  He  was  born  in  651  a.h.  (1253  a.d.),  and 
died  in  725  h.  (1325  a.d.).  His  father  was  a  military  chief,  and  he 
himself  was  attached  to  the  Court.  "  He  lived  in  a  stirring  time," 
when  the  Mughals  were  making  reiterated  efforts  to  work  their  way 
into  India.  He  fell  a  prisoner  into  their  hands,  as  we  have  been 
told  by  Bami  (swprd,  p.  122),  and  the  frequent  references  made  to  him 
by  that  author  prove  the  esteem  and  honour  in  which  he  was  held.] 

1  Journal,  No.  1.    1870.  ^  Cowell,  Joum.  As.  Soc.  Beng.,  xxix.  p.  225. 


> 

524  APPENDIX. 

1.  KIEi^NU-S  SA'DAIN  OF  AMIE  KHUSEir. 

["  The  Conjunotion  of  the  Two  Auspicious  Planets,"  the  poem  in 
■which  Khusrii  celebrates  the  meeting  of  Sultan  Kai-kub^d,  with  his 
father,  Nasiru-d  din,  Sultan  of  Bengal.  This  poem  was  completed 
in  Eamazan  688  h.  (September,  1289  A.D.).  Professor  Cowell  has 
given  an  account  of  it,  with  some  specimens,  in  the  Journal  of  the 
Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  for  1860,  and  from  that  article  the  fol- 
lowing criticisms  are  quoted:  "The  style  of  the  poem  (as  of  all 
Khusru's  works)  is  fuU  of  exaggeration  and  metaphorical  descrip- 
tion, but  the  facts  of  the  history  are  generally  given  with  tolerable 
fidelity.  In  fact,  few  historical  poems  in  any  language  adhere  more 
closely  to  the  actual  order  and  character  of  the  events ;  and  when 
we  compare  Ferishta's  account  with  the  poetical  version,  we  are 
struck  by  their  great  agreement  in  the  main  points."  "Every  now 
and  then,  at  the  end  of  many  of  the  chapters,  there  is  given  a 
ghazal,  which  is  supposed  to  express  the  poet's  feelings  contemporary 
with  that  part  of  the  story  which  has  just  been  described,  something 
like  the  songs  introduced  between  the  parts  of  Tennyson's  Princess. 
These  ghazals  are  ia  various  metres,  and  serve  admirably  to  diversify 
the  poem,  while  at  the  same  time  they  form  a  running  commentary, 
like  the  choruses  of  a  Greek  play,  on  the  progress  of  the  action,  and 
the  hopes  and  fears  which  it  may  be  supposed  to  excite  in  the  minds 
of  the  spectators.  The  poet,  having  actually  been  present  through- 
out the  campaign,  is  in  this  way  enabled  to  throw  himself  into  the 
scene,  and  we  have  thus  an  interesting  mixture  of  the  epic  and  lyric 
elements,  each  portion  of  the  action  being  represented  from  an 
objective  and  subjective  point  of  view."] 

ABSTEACT. 

Praise  of  God  and  the  Prophet,  and  panegyric  upon  Mu'izzu-d 
din  Kai-kubad,  king  by  virtue  of  three  descents  :  the  first  from 
Sultan  Shamsu-d  din  Altamsh,  the  grandfather  of  his  grandmother  ; 
the  second  from  Nasiru-d  din  Mahmud  Shah,  the  father  of  his  grand- 
mother ;  the  third  from  Ghiyasu-d  din  Balban,  his  grandfather. 
Praise  of  the  city  of  Dehli,  which  has  three  large  forts  and  thirteen 
gates  ;  of  the  Masjid-i  Jdma'  and  its  lofty  minaret,  buUt  by  Shamsu-d 


APPENDIX.  525 

•din ;  of  tlie  Hauz-i  Shamsi,  the  terrace  and  dome  wMch  are  in  tte 
centre  of  the  Sauz.  Praise  of  Hindustan,  and  the  iahabitants  of 
Dehli,  its  learned  doctors,  poets,  singers,  and  chiefs. 

"When  Sultan  Kai-kubad  succeeded  his  grandfather  Balban  on  the 
throne  in  h.  686,  there  were  nearly  five  thousand  nobles  in  attend- 
ance upon  him,  -with  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men.  His 
kingdom  extended  from  the  borders  of  Bengal  to  the  river  Sind. 
Upon  receiving  the  news  of  his  accession,  his  father,  Baghrd  Khan, 
the  son  of  Balban,  advanced  from  his  capital,  Lakhnautf,  to  Oudh, 
with  a  powerful  army,  had  the  hhuiba  read  in  his  name,  and  pro- 
claimed himself  king  under  the  title  of  Nasiru-d  dfn  Sultan.' 

Kai-kubad,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  his  father's  having  marched 
to  Oudh,  ordered  his  officers  to  collect  an  army,  which  amounted  to 
one  hundred  thousand  horsemen.  "He  despatched  his  orders  to 
every  country,  he  summoned  a  chief  from  every  city.  The  nobles 
of  the  land  were  assembled  together;  Malilcs,  Klidns,  Princes,  and 
Kings ;  all  the  swordsmen  of  the  country  of  Hind,  all  the  spear- 
men of  tho  province  of  Sind.  The  horsemen  were  so  many  that 
Ehaspas  were  of  no  consideration,  and  FAiks  and  Afghans  were 
without  number." 

"  On  the  forenoon  of  Monday,  at  the  close  of  the  month  Zi-1  hij, 
the  victorious  banners  were  displayed,  and  the  moon-standard  was 
exalted  to  the  heavens.  The  king  rode  out  from  his  fortunate 
palace,  preceded  by  the  star-banner  and  the  cow-tail."  His  right 
wing  was  at  Tilpat,  his  left  wing  at  Indaipat,  and  the  Pdigdh-i  Mds 
at  Sirri,  and  his  elephants  occupied  a  breadth  of  thi-ee  miles  at 
Hapur.  The  king  mounted  his  horse  and  went  to  Kilokhari  to 
hunt.  Praise  of  the  new  palace  which  he  built  there  on  the  bank 
of  the  Jumna,  and  a  description  of  the  festivities  he  enjoyed  there, 
and  the  charms  of  the  season  of  autumn. 

The  Mughal  Invasion. 

"The  king  was  thus  enjoying  himself  at  this  season,  when  the 
report  of  a  Mughal  invasion  fell  upon  the  earth.     Several  messengers 

1  About  this  period  the  title  of  "  Defender  of  the  Faith"  appears  to  have  been  a 
favourite  with  Kings.  We  find  Khusrti  in  the  Diwdn  called  Wastu-l  haydt,  speak- 
ing of  Balban  as  Nasiru-d  din,  which  was  the  distinctive  title  of  his  predecessor. 


526  APPENDIX. 

arrived  swift  as  an  arrow  from  a  bow,  and  kissed  the  gromid  like  a 
barb,  reporting  that  the  Mughals  had  arrived  from  beyond  the 
border,  with  an  army  as  dense  as  the  sands  of  the  desert,  and  tumul- 
tuous as  boiling  water  in  a  cauldron ;  the  people  of  that  country 
were  ground  down  to  the  dust,  and  slaughter  accompanied  the  devas- 
tators wherever  they  went.  The  impetuous  torrent  of  invasion 
swept  on,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Lahniir  (Lahore)  fled  to  Multan." 

"  When  the  king  learnt  from  his  messengers  the  disobedience  of 
those  wretches,  he  laughed  bitterly  like  a  lion  in  anger,  and  ex- 
claimed, '  This  is  indeed  ridiculous  that,  during  my  reign,  foreigners 
should  dare  to  make  a  commotion  in  my  cradle.  If  my  holy  warriors 
should  not  be  able  to  protect  me,  infidels  may  well  commit  their 
ravages  in  my  country.  Dominion  over  all  the  world  is  miae,  why 
should  I  feel  any  anxiety  about  the  designs  of  others  ?  What  wUl 
the  people  of  every  kingdom  say  ?  I  am  king,  and  destroy  the  forts 
of  enemies.  How  can  the  owl  dare  with  long  talons  to  snatch  prey 
from  the  nest  of  the  falcon  ?  A  dog  may  be  very  bold  after  a  deer, 
but  how  can  he  contend  with  a  lion  ?  It  is  I  who  take  every  year 
from  the  rdis  of  Hind  tribute  in  elephants  and  money.  Sometimes 
I  pay  my  army  by  assignments  upon  Gujarat,  sometimes  upon 
Deogir.^  All  my  swift  horses  I  obtain  from  Tilang,  all  my  vigorous 
elephants  from  Bengal.  Treasures  of  mine  are  deposited  in  Malwa 
and  Jajnagar.  My  tunics  are  obtained  from  Khita,  the  borders  of 
Chin  are  tied  in  my  waistband.  Shall  I  take  the  cotton  from  my 
ears  and  attend  to  this  perfidious  tribe  with  their  quilted  dresses  ? 
The  bones  of  their  army  will  I  pound  into  flocks  of  cotton.  Though 
their  hordes  be  like  ants  and  locusts,  I  shall  tread  them  under  foot 
like  insects  on  the  road.  My  heart  disposes  me  to  leap  from  my 
throne  and  lay  the  head  of  Kara  Khan  beneath  my  feet ;  but  again 
I  should  feel  foul  scorn  that  my  sword  should  be  tarnished  with  the 
blood  of  a  dog.  No  one  would  condescend  to  shoot  an  arrow  at  a 
dead  body ;  it  is  only  a  pellet-ball  that  is  fit  for  such  vile  game 
as  this.' 

"When  he  had  finished  these  words,  the  wise  'A'riz  summoned 
the  army.     The  king  said,  '  I  desire  that  thirty  thousand  serviceable 

'  This  is  also  so  spelt  by  Badr-Chioh,  and  is  the  usual  mode  adopted  by  Khusrii 
and  other  writers  of  this  period.    It  is  also  authorized  by  coins. 


APPENDIX.  527 

cavalry  may  be  told  off  for  the  pursuit  of  tlie  Muglials.  At  the 
head  of  them  set  the  swordsman,  Barbak  Khan-i  Jahan,  the  active 
def eater  of  armies.'  Then  the  wise  'A'riz,  by  order  of  the  Shdh, 
detached  the  army  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  The  Bdrhak  took  post 
in  the  centre,  and  prepared  for  fight,  and  a  hundred  chiefs  of  lofty 
stature  were  under  his  orders.  *  *  *  They  proceeded  from  place  to 
place  with  such  expedition  that  they  outstripped  the  morning  breeze. 
In  that  country  not  a  name  or  vestige  remained  of  any  building 
where  the  vile  feet  of  the  Mughals  had  trod.  From  the  boundary 
of  Samana  as  far  as  Lahnur  (Lahore),  not  a  house  was  left  standing 
except  at  Kasur." 

The  MugJial  Army  Repulsed. 

"  When  the  army  of  Islam  reached  its  destination,  it  was  as  a 
river  watering  a  thirsty  soil,  for  the  deserted  country  was  again 
inhabited,  and  when  the  ungodly  infidels  heard  of  its  arrival,  they 
fled  swifter  than  an  arrow  from  a  bow.  They  turned  away  from 
their  plunder  to  flight,  and  thought  themselves  fortunate  in  escaping 
with  their  lives.  Notwithstanding  that  Tamur  exhibited  activity 
and  strength,  he  became  soft  as  wax,  though  as  firm  as  steel.' 
Sarmak,  Kill,  Khajlak,  and  Baidii,  fled  away  hastily  and  shamelessly 
all  of  them,  as  if  a  stone  had  fallen  among  a  brood  of  chickens.  The 
whole  tribe  turned  up  their  garments  and  fled  to  the  foot  of  the 
hills  in  all  directions.  The  Mughals  turned  their  backs  to  the  ad- 
vancing army,  and  when  their  faces  were  seen  they  were  black  and 
harsh.  Barbak  was  behind  them  with  relentless  revenge,  putting 
all  to  the  sword  who  fell  in  his  way.  *  *  *  Their  cheeks  were  as 
broad  as  an  inverted  bowl,  and  their  eyes  and  heads  looked  as  if 
they  had  been  bathed  in  gore.  **  *  *  The  army  of  Islam  in  pur- 
suit dyed  the  hills  like  tulips  with  their  blood.  Some  few  of  these 
ass-bodied  fools  managed  to  effect  their  escape,  but  the  rest,  both 
old  and  young,  were  put  to  the  sword,  or  taken  captive.  Khan-i 
Jahan  returned  happy  and  triumphant.  He  bound  the  Mughal 
captives  in  a  string,  and  led  them  camel-hearted  like  a  drove  of 
those  quadrupeds.  Not  one  of  those  marauding  Turks  was  slain 
until  the  skin  had  been  flayed  from  his  head." 

'  In  allusion  to  the  name  of  TamUr,  whicli  in  Turki  means  iron. 


528  APPENDIX. 

"When  the  world  had  derived  benefit  from  this  victory,  the 
leader  of  the  army  indulged  in  wine.  He  convened  an  assembly, 
after  the  manner  of  the  Kaianians,  and  the  golden  goblets  circulated 
freely.  A  drop  of  fragrant  wine  was  first  poured  on  the  earth. 
The  barbat  and  the  timbrel  resounded.  Many  presents  were  given 
to  his  friends  and  to  the  soldiers,  and  many  excuses  were  offered  on 
their  part.  Every  one  arose  from  that  assembly  happy  and  rejoiced, 
and  took  the  way  to  their  own  homes.  When  the  guests  had  all 
departed,  the  master  of  the  revels  sat  down  to  drink  wine.  A  few 
of  his  intimate  friends  were  invited  to  this  private  feast.  The  wine, 
which  quivered  in  the  cup  like  the  heart  of  an  infidel,  was  drunk  off 
in  the  name  of  the  King  of  Islam." 

In  celebration  of  Spring. — The  festival  of  the  new  year. — The  five 
royal  umbrellas,  black,  red,  white,  green,  and  rose  colour. 

The  king  set  out  for  his  Eastern  expedition  in  the  middle  of 
Eabi'u-1  awwal,  687  h.  The  first  march  was  made  from  the  New 
City  to  the  borders  of  Tilpat  and  Afghanpur.  On  the  army's  return 
from  the  expedition  against  the  Mughals,  the  booty  and  captives 
were  presented  before  the  Sultan,  Tatari  horses,  and  other  rarities. 

Description  of  the  Mughals. 

"  Barbak  advanced  straight  to  the  place  of  salutation,  and  bowing 
his  body,  brought  his  forehead  to  the  earth.  From  the  common 
soldier  to  the  lord  of  tymbals,  all  obtained  the  honour  of  kissing 
hands,  and  received  royal  rewards  without  measure  for  their  ser- 
vices,— standards  of  golden  cloth,  horses,  and  other  rarities.  There 
were  more  than  a  thousand  Tatar  infidels  and  warriors  of  other 
tribes,  riding  on  camels,  great  commanders  ia  battle,  all  with  steel- 
like bodies  clothed  in  cotton;  with  faces  like  fire,  with  caps  of 
sheep-skin,  with  their  heads  shorn.  Their  eyes  were  so  narrow 
and  piercing  that  they  might  have  bored  a  hole  in  a  brazen  vessel. 
Their  stink  was  more  horrible  than  their  colour.  Their  faces  were 
set  on  their  bodies  as  if  they  had  no  neck.  Their  cheeks  resembled 
soft  leathern  bottles,  full  of  wrinkles  and  knots.  Their  noses  ex- 
tended from  cheek  to  cheek,  and  their  mouths  from  cheek-bone  to 
cheek-bone.  Their  nostrils  resembled  rotten  graves,  and  from  them 
the  hair  descended  as  far  as  the  lips.     Their  moustaches  were  of 


APPENDIX.  529 

extravagant  length.  They  had  but  scanty  beards  about  their  chins. 
Their  chests,  of  a  colour  half  black,  half  white,  were  so  covered  with 
lice,  that  they  looked  like  sesame  growing  on  a  bad  soil.  Their 
whole  body,  indeed,  was  covered  with  these  insects,  and  their  skin 
as  rough-grained  as  chagreen  leather,  fit  only  to  be  converted  into 
shoes.     They  devoured  dogs  and  pigs  with  their  nasty  teeth." 

"  I  have  heard  another  story  about  them,  that  what  one  man 
vomits  another  eats,  but  this  is  no  great  wonder,  for  they  are  Turks 
of  Kai.'  Their  origin  is  derived  from  dogs,  but  they  have  larger 
bones.  The  king  marvelled  at  their  beastly  countenances,  and  said, 
that  God  had  created  them  out  of  hell-fire.  They  looked  like  so 
many  white  demons,  and  the  people  fled  from  them  everywhere  in 
afiright." 

Their  Punishment. 

When  they  were  carried  out  from  the  royal  presence  they  were 
put  to  the  slaughter.  "Spears  without  number  bore  their  heads 
aloft,  and  looked  denser  than  a  forest  of  bamboos ; "  others  were 
trodden  to  death  by  elephants.  After  several  had  been  slaughtered 
in  this  manner,  "  the  remnant  were  reserved  to  be  paraded  about 
from  city  to  city ;  sometimes  they  had  respite,  at  others  punish- 
ment." The  king  then  called  for  wine,  and  devoted  himself,  as 
iisual,  to  pleasure  and  revelry. 

The  armies  of  Dehli  and  Bengal  advance  to  the  Qhagra. 

"The  country-conquering  army  advanced,  and  heaven  and  earth 
became  as  one  through  the  dust  which  arose.''  After  two  marches 
the  Jumna  was  crossed  at  Jewar,  "  which  place,  from  the  encamp- 
ing of  the  army,  was  denuded  of  corn  and  grass."  Barbak  was 
appointed  to  the  command,  and  he  arrived  with  the  army  on  the 
banks  of  the  Saru  (Sarju).  He  was  joined  by  Chhajju,  the  Khan 
of  Karra,  at  the  head  of  several  thousand  horsemen,  and  by  the 
Khan  of  Oudh  and  his  party. 

When  Nasiru-d  din,  the  King  of  the  East,  who  was  encamped  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river,  heard  of  his  arrival,  he  sent  Shamsu-d 

1  Meaning  both  "  vomit"  and  "  a  tribe  of  Mughals."  In  the  next  line,  "  doge  " 
bears  the  same  equivocal  meaning,  there  being  also  a  Mughal  tribe  of  Sag.  It  seems 
strange  that  the  author  should  sometimes  confound  the  Turks  and  Mughals.  In  some 
passages  he  discriminates  very  accurately  between  them. 

VOL  III.  34 


530  APPENDIX. 

din  Dabu  with  a  message  inviting  to  peace,  but  he  returned  without 
effecting  anything.     Description  of  the  hot  season. 

Mu'izzu-d  din  Kai-kubad,  on  his  arriYal  from  Dehli,  pitched  his 
camp  at  Oudh  (Ajudhya),  on  the  bank  of  the  Ghagra.  Nasiru-d 
din,  from  the  opposite  side,  sent  his  chamberlain  to  deliver  a  mes- 
sage to  Kai-kubad,  who,  by  way  of  intimidation,  himself  discharged 
an  arrow  at  him,  which  induced  him  to  return  to  his  master  with- 
out crossing  the  river,  at  which  the  King  of  the  East  was  much 
grieved  and  angered. 

Next  day  the  King  of  the  East  sent  another  ofiScer  to  convey  a 
threatening  message,  mentioning,  amongst  other  things,  the  number 
and  power  of  his  elephants.  He  was  answered  by  the  son  in  a 
similar  spirit. 

He  then  tried  the  effect  of  sending  a  message  of  reconciliation, 
and  requesting  an  interview,  which  was  acceded  to.  The  King  of 
the  East  sent  his  youngest  son,  Kai-kaus,  to  Kai-kubad,  with  jewels 
and  elephants.  In  return,  Kai-kubad  sent  his  own  son,  Kaiomars, 
accompanied  by  the  'Ariz,  with  some  rare  presents. 

Interviews  hetween,  the  Father  and  Son. 

Each  is  invited  by  the  other  to  ascend  the  throne.  The  son  said 
to  the  father,  "  Here  is  the  throne,  it  is  thy  seat,  I  am  a  slave  ready 
to  obey  orders."  The  father  said  to  the  son,  "  This  is  a  mistake,  it 
is  of  you  that  this  honour  is  worthy."  Again,  the  son  said  to  the 
father,  "  Advance  and  ascend,  for  the  throne  will  be  exalted  by  thy 
presence."  Again,  the  father  said  to  the  son,  "  Oh,  thou  that  wearest 
a  crown,  my  empire  will  be  established  through  the  credit  of  thy 
name." 

"  Long  they  continued  in  this  gentle  altercation,  and  no  one  could 
see  the  step  of  either  advance.  And  when  the  father  saw  that  the 
respect  of  his  son  exceeded  all  bounds,  he  said,  '  I  have  one  desire 
near  to  my  heart,  and,  thanks  be  to  God,  that  it  now  approaches 
fulfilment,  and  that  is,  oh,  fortunate  one,  that  I  may  place  thee  on 
the  throne  with  my  own  hand ;  because  thou  didst  ascend  the  throne 
in  my  absence,  and  I  was  not  there  to  take  thy  hand,  though,  it  is 
true,  thou  hadst  no  need  of  my  aid,  for  by  thy  own  power  didst  thou 
establish  thyself  in  the  kingdom." 


APPENDIX.  531 

"  He  then  seized  his  son's  hand,  and  seated  him  bn  the  throne,  and 
when  he  had  descended  again  from  it,  he  stood  ■with  his  hands 
joined,  and  all  were  astonished  at  the  scene.  The  son  sat  but  a  short 
time  on  the  throne,  when  he  descended,  and  approached  his  father. 
The  officers  of  state  stood  on  each  side,  holding  trays  of  jewels  in 
their  hands,  which  they  poured  upon  the  heads  of  the  two  kings,  and 
the  ground  before  them  was  strewed  with  rubies,  pearls,  silver,  and 
gold." 

When  the  father  had  confirmed  the  possession  of  his  son  upon  the 
throne,  he  exclaimed  with  a  loud  voice  before  the  assembled  throng, 
"  This  day  enough  has  been  accomplished,  to-morrow  we  will  con- 
vene another  assembly.  Thanks  be  to  God,  that  I  have  attained  my 
wishes,  and  I  have  seen  the  desire  of  my  heart  accomplished ! "  He 
then  kissed  his  son's  head,  and  returned  in  his  boat  to  th&  other  side 
of  the  river,  and  again  the  son  filled  his  own  boat  with  a  flood  (of 
wine).  A  torrent  flowed  from  the  ocean  of  wine,  and  all  immersed 
themselves  in  it  till  they  became  drunk,  and  lost  all  respect  for  their 
king,  as  well  as  their  ovra  senses. 

Next  day,  the  Sultan  selected  some  horses,  and  sent  them  as  a 
present  to  his  son,  and  at  night  the  King  of  the  Bast  again  em- 
barked on  a  boat,  and  visited  Kai-kubad.  A  full  description  of  the 
festivities  on  the  occasion.  The  father  gave  the  son  a  valuable 
Bengal  elephant,  "  a  jewelled  crown,  lofty  on  all  sides,"  and  "  a 
throne  made  of  wood,  but  covered  with  gold,  standing  on  four  feet, 
with  supports  for  the  arms  of  the  king."  The  crown  was  placed 
upon  the  son's  head,  and  they  sat  together  upon  the  throne. 

The  father  requested  from  his  son  the  ^ft  of  a  white  canopy  and 
black  cap,  both  of  which  had  been  used  by  BaOban.  These  were 
promised  to  him,  and  he  retired,  declaring  his  intention  of  returning 
the  next  day.    The  Sultan  then  returned  to  his  usual  enjoyments. 

Next  morning,  the  Sultan  sent  the  white  canopy  and  black  cap  to 
his  father,  and  the  bearer  was  rewarded  with  a  robe  of  honour  and 
presents. 

In  the  evening,  the  father  again  embarked  on  a  boat,  to  have  an 
interview  with  his  son,  when  he  took  occasion  to  instil  into  his  ears 
good  advice  respecting  the  future  management  of  his  country,  and 
returned  at  midnight  to  his  own  camp. 


532  APPENDIX. 

The  next  day,  both  armies  prepared  to  return  to  their  respective 
countries.  "  The  army  of  lie  east,  towards  the  east,  the  army  of 
the  west,  marched  towards  the  west."  An  affectionate  interview 
first  took  place  between  the  two  kings,  and  they  finally  parted  from 
each  other.  No  one  else  was  allowed  to  be  present.  A  bridge  was 
made  over  the  river,  to  facilitate  communication  between  the  two 
armies.  Deep  grief  was  expressed  on  both  sides,  on  taking  leave, 
and,  locked  in  each  other's  arms,  the  father  reiterated  the  advice 
he  had  before  given.  On  the  departure  of  his  father,  the  son  solaced 
his  woes  by  drinking  wine. 

As  the  rainy  season  had  commenced,  and  the  river  Ghagra  began 
to  rise,  the  Sultan's  army  moved  from  the  bank  of  the  river  towards 
Oudh,  and  encamped  at  Kautpur.  Khan-i  Jahan  was  appelated  to 
the  government  of  Oudh,  and  directed  to  remain  there. 

The  Author  speah  of  himself. 

"  I,  who  had  been  in  the  service  of  Khan-i  Jahan,  previous  to  this, 
received  from  him  now  greater  kindness  than  ever.  He  took  me  to 
Oudh  with  him,  and  treated  me  with  such  consideration,  that  I 
forgot  my  own  country.  There  I  remained  with  him  two  years, 
and  knew  no  sorrow  or  want.  I  left  my  famUy,  to  attach  myself  to 
him.  My  mother,  who  was  old,  and  always  telling  her  beads, 
remained  at  Dehli,  distressed  at  my  absence.  Night  and  day  she 
was  sorrowful  that  this  worthless  person  was  not  near  her,  and  used 
always  to  write  letters  inviting  me  to  return.  Though  my  heart 
was  wounded  at  her  grief,  I  did  not  like  to  ask  her  to  come  to  me, 
When  I  was  deeply  grieved  at  these  perpetual  remonstrances,  and 
my  heart  was  greatly  unsettled,  I  mentioned  the  circumstances  to  my 
master,  and  showed  him  my  mother's  letters.  He,  with  his  usual 
greatness,  granted  my  request,  and  allowed  me  leave  to  return  to 
my  home,  and  sent  me  two  trays  of  gold  to  enable  me  to  proceed  on 
my  journey,  which  I  prosecuted  with  the  rapidity  of  an  arrow,  as 
my  mother's  grief  had  filled  my  heart  with  anxiety." 

"  I  had  travelled  a  whole  month,  without  drawing  rein,  and  ar- 
rived in  the  month  of  Zi'1-Ka'da  at  the  city.  Smiling  like  a  flower 
in  a  garden,  I  visited  my  friends,  and  thus  fulfilled  my  heart's 
desire,  and  was  restored  to  life  after  death.     I  placed  my  head  at 


APPENDIX.  533 

the  feet  of  my  mother,  who,  when  she  saw  me,  embraced  me  with 
tears  in  her  eyes,  and  when  relieved  from  her  solicitude,  fulfilled  the 
vows  which  she  had  made,  in  consideration  of  my  safe  return." 

"  Two  days  after,  the  news  of  my  arrival  was  conveyed  to  the  king, 
and  the  chamberlain  came  to  call  me  to  his  presence.  I  went  and 
placed  my  face  upon  the  earth,  while  my  heart  was  in  trepidation.  I 
drew  out  from  my  waistband  the  panegyric  I  had  written,  and  read 
it  out  with  a  loud  voice.  The  king  was  greatly  pleased  at  my  verses, 
and  honoured  me  in  the  eyes  of  my  companions.  He  treated  me 
with  great  kindness,  and  gave  me  a  dress  of  honour  of  his  own 
wearing,  and  two  bags  of  dirhama,  and  enrolled  me  amongst  his  special 
attendants.  My  heart  was  replete  with  joy,  and  my  poor  house  was 
filled  with  gold.  His  majesty  said,  'Oh,  most  perfect  of  poets, 
whose  very  crumbs  other  poets  are  glad  to  pick  up,  if  you  will,  the 
wish  of  my  heart  can  be  accomplished.  I  will  give  you  as  much  as 
you  like,  and  no  desire  of  yours  shall  be  left  ungratified.'  I  bowed 
to  the  ground,  and  replied,  '  Oh,  king,  what  am  I  capable  of,  but 
writing  a  few  laudatory  verses,  that  I  should  be  treated  with  such 
condescension  ?  Tour  majesty  bestows  everything  upon  the  needy ; 
what  need  then  can  you  have  of  such  poor  services  as  mine  ?  My 
imagination  is  not  lively,  and  I  have  no  accomplishment,  but  that  of 
being  able  to  write  some  indifferent  Persian.  If  the  wish  of  his 
majesty  can  be  gratified  by  such  poor  attainments,  I  am  ready  to 
be  honoured  with  his  commands.'  " 

"  When  I  had  thus  offered  my  excuses  to  the  king,  he  thus  ad- 
dressed me  :  '  It  is  my  desire,  that  you  should  undertake  the  trouble 
of  writing  in  verse  an  account  of  the  interview  between  the  two 
kings,  namely,  my  honoured  father  and  myself.'  When  he  had 
said  this,  he  pointed  to  the  treasure  before  him,  and  told  me  to  take 
it  away,  bestowing  upon  me  at  the  same  time  a  dress  of  honour." 

He  determined  to  effect  what  the  king  desired,  and  after  giving  the 
subject  much  consideration,  and  secluding  himself  from  all  society, 
and  trusting  in  God,  after  revolving  the  subject  in  his  mind  for 
three  months,  he  completed  the  poem  in  six  months,  in  3&44:  verses, 
in  the  month  of  Eamazan,  688  a.h.  (September,  1289  a.d.),  and  in 
the  36th  year  of  his  age. 

Verses  upon  his  pen,  inkstand,  and  paper.    Entry  of  the  king  into 


534  APPENDIX. 

city  of  DeUi.     Conclusion,  in  which  lie  expresses  a  hope  that  his 
errors  may  be  leniently  dealt  with. 


2.     GHUEEATU-L-KAMA'L, 
MIFTA'HU-L  FUTFH. 

The  Ohurratu-l-kamdl  is  the  third  and  longest  of  the  four  Biwdns 
of  Amir  Khusru.  The  Miftdhu-l  futuV  is  a  Masnavi  included  in 
the  Biwdn,  but  most  commonly  considered  to  be  a  separate  poem,  in 
consequence  of  the  extreme  rarity  of  such  an  arrangement.  I  have 
seen  respectable  copies  of  the  Ohurratu-l-kamdl,  in  which  this  poem 
is  included,  as  well  as  other  Masnavis,  from  one  of  which  the  second 
extract  which  follows  is  taken ;  but  in  a  very  beautiful  old  copy  of  all 
the  Biwdns,  in  the  possession  of  Nawab  Ziau-d  dm  Khan  of  Dehli, 
and  which  bears  the  seal  of  the  Tarkhan  prince,  Jftni  Beg,  being, 
therefore,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  old,  neither  this  nor 
any  other  Masnavi  is  included.  The  first  Biwdn  of  Amir  Khusru 
is  the  Tuhfcbtu-s  sighar,  "the  present  of  youth,"  containing  the 
poems  which  he  wrote  from  the  16th  to  the  19th  year  of  his  age. 
These  were  written  in  the  time  of  Sultan  Balban,  and  contain 
several  panegyrics  addressed  to  him.  In  compliment  to  his  sovereign 
title,  he  here  frequently  assumes  to  himself  the  poetical  designation 
of  Sultdni.    Thus,  in  one  passage  he  says  : — 

Most  of  the  hasidas  in  this  Biwdn,  which  are  not  devoted  to  the 
Sultan,  were  written  in  celebration  of  new  year  festivals  and  the 
'Ids,  or  addressed  to  the  king's  eldest  son,  Nusratu-d  din  Sultan 
Muhammad  Kaan,  known  better  as  Khan-i  Shahid,  or  the  Martyr 
Khan,  and  to  contemporary  ministers  and  nobles.  The  Tarjis  are 
addressed  to  the  author's  spiritual  teacher,  Nizamu-d  din  Aulya, 
Sultan  Balban,  and  his  son  above  named.  It  includes  also  a  poem 
in  praise  of  Malik  Ikhtiyaru-d  din,  the  'A'riz. 

The  second  Biwdn  is  the  Wastu-l-haydl,  "the  middle  of  life," 
containing  the  poems  written  from  the  24:th  to  the  32nd  year  of  his 
life.    These  are  in  praise  chiefly  of  Nizamu-d  din  Aulya,  and  the 

'  There  is  a  work  of  this  name  on  morals,  by  Shaikh  'Ahdu-1  Hakk  of  Dehli. 


APPENDIX.  535 

prince  above  named,  then  Governor  of  the  Panjab  and  Multan,  who 
was  slain  in  an  action  with  the  Mughals  at  Depalpur,  at  the  close 
of  the  year  683  h.  The  poet  was  in  his  service.  One  panegyric 
is  addressed  to  Sultan  Mu'izzu-d  din  Kai-kubad,  and  another  to 
Ikhtiyaru-d-daula  Ohhajju  Khan-i  mu'azzam,  the  son  of  Kishlu  Khdn, 
nephew  of  Sultan  Balban,  and  Governor  of  Karra  Manikpur.  Others 
are  addressed  to  the  'Ariz  Taju-d-din,  Tathu-l  mulk  Sharfu-d-din, 
Alp  Khan  Ghazi  son  of  Azhdar  Malik,  Naib  Shah  Malik  Ikhtiyaru-d 
din  'All  bin  Aibak,  and  other  nobles. 

The  third  Biwdm,  is  the  Ghurratu-l-lcamdl,  "perfect  light,"  con- 
taining poems  written  from  the  34th  to  the  42nd  year  of  his  life. 
It  opens  with  an  interesting  preface,  containing  some  autobio- 
graphical notices,  of  which  I  have  availed  myself  in  another  article. 
These  poems  comprise  panegyrics  upon  Nizamu-d  din  Aulya,  Sultan 
Kai-kubad,  Shayista  Khdn,  who  for  a  short  time  ruled  the  state  in 
the  name  of  Shamsu-d  din,  the  son  of  Kai-kubad,  and  afterwards 
became  king  under  the  title  of  Jalalu-d  din.  Sultan  Euknu-d  din 
.  Ibrahim,  youngest  son  of  Jalalu-d  din,  who  sat  for  a  short  time 
on  the  throne  of  Dehli  after  the  murder  of  his  father  Sultan  'Alau-d 
din,  Ikhtiyaru-d  din  'All  bin  Aibak,  Saifu-d-daula  Barbak,  Taju-d 
din.  Alp  Khan  Ghazi,  and  Taju-d-daula  Malik  Ohhajju;  an  elegy 
upon  the  death  of  Khan-i  Khanan  Mahmud,  Sultan  Ikhtiydru-d  din 
the  son  of  Jalalu-d  din,  and  benedictions  addressed  to  his  other  sons, 
Khan-i  mu'azzam  Arkalah  Khan  and  Khan-i  'a'zam  Kadr  Khan. 
This  JDiwdn  contains  also  odes  on  new  year  festivals  and  the  'Tds, 
and,  besides  the  Masnavis  mentioned  above,  the  poet  addresses  one 
to  his  brother  Zahid  Khan,  descriptive  of  his  accompanying  the 
royal  army  in  687  h.  to  Oudh.  Another  is  in  praise  of  the  palace  at 
Kllukhari  and  of  its  founder  Sultan  Kai-kubad.  Size  of  the  work, 
4to. ;  694  pages  of  an  average  of  15  lines. 

The  fourth  Biwdn  is  called  the  Bdkiya  nakiya,  "the  pure  rem- 
nant," containing  poems  written  by  Amir  Khusru  from  the  50th  to 
the  64th  year  of  his  age.  There  are  in  it  panegyrics  on  Nizamu-d 
din  Aulya,  Shaikh  'Alau-d  din,  grandson  of  Shaikh  !Faridu-d  din 
Ganj-i  shakar.  Sultan  'Alau-d  dfn,  Sultan  Kutbu-d  din  Mubarak  Shah, 
Shamsu-1  Hakk  Khizr  Khan,  eldest  son  of  Sultan  'Alau-d  din, 
Nasiru-1-Mulk  Haji,  Hamidu-d-daula,  Taju-d-daula,  Takhru-d  din 


536  APPENDIX. 

Pulad  Tughlik,  Mu'izzu-1  Hakk,  A'zam  Alp  Khan,  Malik  Ikhtiyaru-d 
din  Sa'di,  Malik  Hisamu-d  din  Khan-i  'a'zam  and  Nasiru-d  din. 
There  is  an  elegy  on  the  Sultan's  death  on  the  8th  of  Shawwal,. 
715  H.  and  some  Masnavis  on  the  marriage  of  the  princes  and  other 
matters. 

ABSTRACT. 

Preface. 

Praise  of  God  and  the  Prophet. — Panegyric  upon  Sultan  Jalalu-d 
din  Firdz  Shah  Khilji. — Concise  account  of  the  four  victories  of 
Firoz  Shah. 

"  Hail  to  Sultan  Firoz !  who  rapidly  accomplished  four  victories 
in  one  year.  In  the  first  victory,  he  made  the  head  of  one  rebel  roll 
upon  the  dust.  In  the  second  victory,  he  moistened  the  point  of 
his  spear  with  the  head  of  a  second  rebel.  By  the  third  victory,  he 
cleansed  Hindustan  from  the  darkness  of  his  enemy.  The  fourth 
victory  was  achieved  in  another  way,  when  he  fell  like  a  hurricane 
on  Jhain.  But  what  are  four  victories  for  such  a  hero  as  his 
majesty !  he  has  a  thousand  others  in  his  sleeve.  Long  may  he 
survive  to  rule  with  conquest  and  kingly  pomp,  and  may  the  key  of 
the  capital  of  the  seven  climates  remain  secure  in  the  hands  of  his 
slaves ! " 

Victory  over  Ghhoffu,  Governor  of  Karra. 

The  accession  of  Tiroz  Shah  to  the  throne  of  Dehli,  on  Tuesday, 
the  3rd  of  the  second  Jumad,  689  h.  "  He  despatched  his  orders  to 
the  comers  of  the  world,  and  established  the  hhutha  on  a  new  foun- 
dation. The  turbulent  throughout  the  whole  world  rubbed  their 
faces  upon  the  earth  in  respect  and  obedience.  They  girt  up  their 
loins  and  placed  their  heads  upon  the  ground,  and  then  stood 
obedient  in  the  audience-chamber.  They  proclaimed  the  sound  of 
the  hhutba  above  the  moon.  They  distributed  gold  in  the  name  of 
the  king  of  kings.  They  all  made  effort  to  show  their  obedience, 
except  the  faithless  Chhajju,  the  Mir  of  Karra.  Pride  had  inflated 
his  brain  with  wind,  which  extinguished  the  light  of  his  intel- 
lect, and  a  few  sip&Ms  from  Hindustan,  without  any  religion,  had 
supported  the  credit  of  his  authority.  Neither  fear  nor  hope  was 
able  to  inform  them  that  a  particle  cannot  contend  with  the  sun." 

"  The  Shah  received  intelligence  of  that  new  disturbance,  and  how 


APPENDIX.  537 

tliat  Chhajju  was  advancing  expeditiously  with  the  Hindu  thieves. 
Outrageous  like  a  male  lion,  he  became  greatly  perturbed,  and  ex- 
claimed, in  the  violence  of  his  anger,  '  Bravo !  Is  there  any  man  in 
in  the  world  who  dares  to  raise  dust  in  my  plain  ?  What  weakness 
has  that  wretch  seen  in  me,  that  he  dares  to  peer  where  my  arrow 
can  penetrate  ?  If  he  has  not  seen  the  splendour  of  my  sword,  he 
must  have  heard  its  renown  from  afar.  He  must  have  heard  how 
from  Ghazna,  Kirman,  and  Barghand,  I  have  extended  my  conquests 
as  far  as  Darband ;  how  I  have  issued  orders  for  the  shedding  of  the 
blood  of  my  enemies,  who  have  become  like  worms,  when  they  hear 
the  whizzing  of  my  Kirmani  blade ;  how,  at  one  time,  from  the 
heads  of  the  Mughals,  I  have  filled  my  cup  with  blood,  and  stuck 
their  inverted  skulls  upon  the  top  of  my  standards  ;  how,  at  another 
time,  my  spears  have  wounded  the  Afghans,  until  the  hills  resounded 
with  lamentations  (afghdn) ;  how,  at  another  time,  I  made  the  blood 
flow  in  Janjuha,  so  that  a  boat  might  have  glided  within  the  hills 
of  Jud.  The  Hindus  themselves  cannot  conceive  how  full  I  have 
made  hell.  What  did  that  ignorant  thoughtless  man  imagine,  that 
he  dared  advance  his  foot  into  my  territory  ?  ' 

"  When  he  had  thus  given  vent  to  his  anger,  he  forthwith  ordered 
the  prince  to  advance.  Arkali  Khan  proceeded,  swift  as  the  wind, 
accompanied  by  an  army  like  a  hill  of  steel.  He  then  directed  that 
gold,  to  any  amount  that  was  necessary,  should  be  distributed  to  the 
army,  from  the  treasury  of  his  mercy.  Although  only  eight  months' 
pay  was  due  from  the  royal  coffers,  yet  ten  months'  pay  was  bestowed 
upon  the  troops.  The  body  of  each  man  as  he  carried  away  his 
wealth  was  bent  down  by  the  load,  like  the  crescent  of  the  new 
moon.  The  sipdMs  stood  ready  before  the  commander,  as  a  hill  of 
iron  or  a  sea  of  flame."  *  *  *  ''  In  this  order,  the  king  of  the  fourth 
inhabited  portion  of  the  earth  carried  forth  his  standards  outside  the 
capital.  He  made  one  or  two  halts  to  adjust  the  affairs  of  the 
army."  «*  «  « 

"  The  king  remained  in  the  rear,  the  prince  was  in  advance.  The 
king  made  two  marches  in  one,  and  the  prince  marched  even  quicker. 
Mile  after  mile  he  hastened  on,  and  rapidly  passed  the  Jumna  and 
Ganges  towards  his  destination,"  and  then  encamped  on  the  bank  of 
the  Eahab. 


538  APPENDIX. 

The  enemy  was  encamped  on  the  opposite  side,  and  had  seized  all 
the  boats  on  the  river,  hut  "the  royal  army  crossed  the  river  on  a 
few  boats,  called  zaurdks,  like  the  wind,  and  spread  confusion  through 
the  camp  of  the  enemy.  They  fell  on  the  evil-disposed  crowd,  and 
dyed  the  earth  everywhere  with  their  blood.  When  they  were 
satiated  with  that  victory,  they  returned  in  triumph.  On  their 
arrival,  they  placed  their  heads  on  the  ground  in  token  of  respect, 
and  proclaimed  the  first  victory  of  the  king,  who  rewarded  them  with 
gifts  beyond  calculation.  **  •*  Jn  the  depth  of  night  that  stony-hearted 
rebel,  oppressed  with  grief,  fled  towards  the  hills,  leaving  his  camp 
on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  took  the  road  of  Jubala.  The  com- 
mander remained  two  days  plundering  the  camp,  and  then,  hastening 
in  pursuit,  came  up  to  them  while  retreating  in  confusion."  **  *•  ** 

"  In  the  centre  of  the  line  was  the  great  Arkali  Khan,  whose  stan- 
dards were  united  with  victory."  Mir  Mubarak  Barbak  commanded 
the  right  wing,  and  Malik  Mahmud  the  left.  On  the  left  near  the 
prince,  was  Malik  Fakhr  Dawwal,  and  Mu'azzam  Ahmad  on  his  right. 

In  the  front  of  the  array  were  two  champions,  the  nephews  of 
the  king :  one  Malik  Katlagh-tigin,  "  who  could  split  a  spear  with 
an  arrow ; " '  the  other  'Alau-d  din.  Another  attendant  was  his  son 
Kaji ;  another,  Eiki  Malik,  the  governor  of  Kol ;  another  was  Malik 
Nusrat  Mu'azzam,  the  chief  ddwat-ddr.  The  contending  parties 
fought  the  whole  day,  "  during  which  the  sword  found  no  rest,"  and 
at  night  the  Khan  of  Karra,  hearing  that  the  king  himself  was  on 
the  point  of  joining  the  prince's  army,  fled  with  a  few  attendants  to 
Inji,  concealing  his  departure  by  the  beating  of  drums,  as  if  he  was 
preparing  to  renew  the  combat  on  the  morrow. 

His  army,  thus  deserted  by  its  leader,  came  over  to  the  king  and 
begged  forgiveness.  Some  were  bound  as  prisoners,  and  some  kept 
under  surveillance,  but  the  rest  were  admitted  into  the  favour  of 
the  king. 

Victory  over  Alp  GMzi.^ 

The  Sultan,  on  leaving  the  city,  went  towards  the  Ganges,  and 
remained  some  time  encamped  at  Baglana.    After  that  he  departed 

'  The  same  expression  occurs  in  the  Bostdn, 

^  In  the  Wastu-l-haydt  KhusriS  calls  him  Maliku-s  shark,  King  of  the  East,  and 
the  son  of  Azhdar  KhEin. 


APPENDIX.  539 

towards  Bhojpur,'  and  his  light  illumined  the  banks  of  the  Ganges. 
By  his  hands  a  work  was  completed,  which  had  been  difficult  of 
accomplishment  to  former  kings ;  for  when  he  arrived  at  the  Jumna 
and  Ganges,  by  the  power  of  his  art  he  constructed  a  bridge  over 
both  those  rivers.  He  collected  gold  from  the  rdis  of  the  Ganges,  for 
he  had  the  power  of  crossing  the  river  at  his  pleasure.  Like  Dara, 
he  went  on  full  of  hope,  and  his  faithful  sipdMs  accompanied  him 
as  far  as  Kabar."  When  the  Shah  arrived  at  the  land  of  Kabar,  a 
contest  ensued,  and  the  "  Musulmans  made  their  swords  rusty  with 
the  blood  of  the  Hindus."  The  king  was  here  joined  by  his  son, 
"  who  gave  the  first  congratulation  after  the  victory,  and  was  then 
appointed  to  the  government  of  the  Province  of  Multan,  and  his 
father  gave  him  power  from  the  river  to  the  hill  of  Jud." 

"Whatever  live  Hindu  fell  into  the  king's  hands  was  pounded 
into  bits  under  the  feet  of  elephants.  The  Musulmans,  who  were 
Hindis  (country-born),  had  their  lives  spared,"  and  were  distributed 
amongst  the  chiefs  as  slaves ;  and  he  made  many  over  to  the  son  of 
the  Tcotwdl,  that  he  might  parade  them  through  the  cities.  "No 
one  of  these  slaves  was  slain  by  the  sword,  except  Alp  Gh^zi,  who 
suffered  on  account  of  his  misdeeds ;  for  he  had,  without  just  cause, 
killed  Chahaltan,'  and  the  wretch  received  this  retribution  from 
fate."  »  « 

When  the  Shah  had  made  the  country  over  to  his  own  friends, 
he  determined  to  proceed  towards  Hindustan,  and  open  a  way 
through  the  forest  to  Lakhnauti.  He  cut  the.  jungle  that  in- 
tercepted his  passage,  and  cleared  the  road  of  the  robbers  who 
infested  it,  and  suspended  them  from  boughs,  so  that  they  looked 
like  the  trees  of  Wakwak.*  "  When  the  Shah  had  cut  down  this 
jungle  of  Taraya,  he  created  an  earthquake  in  the  walls  of  life, 
that  is,  slaughtered  many  of  the  inhabitants,  and  as  he  was  about 
to  lay  his  axe  upon  Eupal,  that  chief  protected  himself  by  an 
advance  of  gold.   His  heaven-like  umbrella  then  advanced  to  Kashun, 

'  This  is  not  the  Bhojpiir  of  Beh&r,  but  a  place  near  rarrukha.bS.d,  in  the  central 
DoS.b. 

2  K&.bar  is  in  Eohilkhand. 

3  [Qy.,  chihal-tan,  forty  persons  ?] 

*  See  extract  from  Kazwini  in  Gildemeister,  De  rehmlndicis,  p.  196,  respecting  the 
island  of  W^kw^k,  and  the  trees  which  produced  that  sound. 


540  APPENDIX. 

for  the  purpose  of  plunder  and  punishment,  and  he  collected  such 
wealth  from  the  rdis,  rdos,  and  rdnas,  that  his  treasury  was  over- 
flowing.'' 

"  Thence  he  went  towards  Balaghatrak,  as  it  was  necessary  to  dis- 
charge his  arrows  against  the  Mughals.  Hail  glorious  morn  of 
prosperity,  for  that  sun  rose  on  high !  His  standards  ascended 
rapidly,  stage  by  stage,  for  a  period  of  one  month,  and  the  road 
was  illumined  by  the  light  of  his  army." 

"  On  Monday,  the  last  day  of  Muharram,  690  h.,  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  city  was  blessed  by  the  king's  arrival.  He  did  not 
delay  and  plant  his  flags  in  the  city,  because  another  victory  was 
urging  him  on ;  but  during  the  month  of  Safar  he  gave  himself  up 
to  enjoyment  at  Siri,  near  the  city."  «  »  « 

Advance  upon  Ranthamhor} 

On  Thursday,  the  18th  of  Eabi'u-1-awwal,  the  Shah  held  a  darhdr, 
distributed  robes  of  honour,  and  gave  red  umbrellas,  dMrhdshes,  and 
standards  to  two  of  his  confidential  servants,  and  selected  also 
Euknu-d  din  Ibrahim  for  marks  of  special  favour.  "The  rmdiks 
of  the  kingdom,  according  to  their  respective  ability,  showered  gold 
upon  the  head  of  the  king." 

The  king  then  marched  from  Siri  towards  Kanthambor.  The 
first  march  was  to  Sohrait,  thence  to  Chandawal,  "where  he 
encamped  for  some  time."  *  «  <*  Thence  to  Eewari  in  two 
marches.  Thence  to  the  country  of  Narnaul.  "  Thence  the  march 
was  to  Beohan,  where  the  peojde  had  their  mouths  shut  through 
thirst.  The  earth  was  dry,  and  in  it  not  a  blade  of  grass  had 
sprung  up  anywhere,  through  drought.  The  sipdMs,  whom  a 
river  would  not  have  satisfied,  how  could  they  procure  enough 
water  from  two  or  three  wells  ?  "  A  hundred  camels,  however, 
were  here  laden  with  water,  to  satisfy  the  necessities  of  the 
army.  The  king  killed  several  tigers  on  this  expedition.  Hills 
were  o;n  each  side  covered  with  peacocks.  "Two  weeks  he  was 
employed  in  passing  this  hilly  tract,  when  the  Shah  arrived  on  the 
borders  of  Eanthambor."     The  Turks  began  to  plunder  on  every 

'  The  original  says  "conquest  of  Eanthambor,"  but  this  heading  is  not  suited  to 
the  text. 


APPENDIX.  541 

side,  "and  the  king  sent  out  horsemen  to  collect  information."  The 
Hindus  were  killed  or  enslaved,  as  far  as  within  four  parasangs  of 
Jhain. 

From  this  place,  Karri  Bahadur  was  sent  on  with  a  few  archers 
to  reconnoitre  as  far  as  the  hiUs  of  Jhain,  from  which  place  500 
Hindus  made  a  sally.  "They  were  wounded  with  the  poisoned 
arrows  of  the  Turks,  and  exclaimed  in  Hindi,  '  Strike,  strike.' 
Seventy  were  killed  and  forty  wounded,  and,  though  they  were 
Teiuforced,  they  retreated  to  the  hills,  and  the  royal  troops  returned 
to  camp,  and  reported  to  the  king  what  had  occurred.  Next  day, 
the  king  despatched  1,000  men  under  Malik  Khurram  'A'riz  Malik, 
the  chief  Karfbak,  Malik  Katlagh-tigin,  'itzam  Mubarak,  the  amir  of 
of  Narnaul,  Ahmad  Sarjandar,  Mahmud  Sarjandar,  the  chief  hunts- 
man Ahmad,  and  Anku  and  Abaji  Akhurbak.  They  advanced  at 
full  speed  to  within  two  parasangs  of  Jhain,  when  they  entered  a 
narrow  pass  ia  the  hills,  and  alarm  spread  in  Jhain." 

The  rdi  was  in  affright,  and  sent  for  Gurdan  Saini,  who  was  the 
most  experienced  warrior  amongst  the  40,000  rdwats  under  the 
rdi,  and  "  had  seen  many  fights  among  the  Hindus.  Sometimes  he 
had  gone  with  the  advance  to  Malwa;  sometimes  he  had  gone 
plundering  in  Gujarat."  The  Saini  took  10,000  rdwats  with  him  from 
Jhain,  and  advanced  against  the  Turks,  and,  after  a  severe  action, 
he  was  slain.  Upon  which  the  Hindus  fled,  and  in  the  pursuit 
many  were  slain  and  many  taken  prisoners,  but  only  one  man  was 
wounded  among  the  royal  troops. 

Great  consternation  spread  in  Jhain,  and  at  night  the  rdi,  and  all 
the  Hindus  with  him,  fled  to  the  hills  of  Eanthambor,  and  the 
victorious  troops  returned  to  the  king,  and  presented  the  plunder 
they  had  obtained,  the  heads  which  they  had  cut  off,  armour,  horses, 
swords,  and  "  a  string  of  rdwats  with  their  hands  bound."  The 
king  allowed  them  to  retain  their  booty,  and  distributed  gold  to 
them  besides,  and  robes  of  honour. 

The  Capture  of  Jhdin. 

Three  days  after  this,  the  king  entered  Jhain  at  mid-day,  and 
occupied  the  private  apartments  of  the  rdi,  where  he  admired  the  ex- 
quisite colours  and  carving  on  the  stone,  "on  which  the  figures  were 


542  APPENDIX. 

so  beautifully  cut,  that  they  could  not  be  exceeded  in  wax.  The 
plaister  was  so  beautifully  made,  that  it  reflected  the  image  of  one 
looking  at  it,  and  the  mortar  was  mixed  with  sandal.  The  wood- 
work was  all  of  'ud  (aloe-wood)." 

He  then  visited  the  temples,  which  were  ornamented  with  elabo- 
rate work  in  gold  and  silver.  Next  day  he  went  again  to  the 
temples,  and  ordered  their  destruction,  as  well  as  that  of  the  fort, 
and  set  fire  to  the  palace,  and  "thus  made  a  hell  of  paradise."  The 
foundations  of  Jhain  were  so  destroyed,  that  the  army  of  the  Shah 
was  enriched  by  the  discovery  of  burnt  treasures,  and  ''  so  much 
gold  was  laden  upon  elephants,  that  who  could  teU  its  amount  ?  This 
enormous  wealth  made  rich  men  of  beggars,  for  in  every  ruin  a 
treasure  had  been  found.  While  the  soldiers  sought  every  oppor- 
tunity of  plundering,  the  Shah  was  engaged  in  burning  the  temples, 
and  destroying  the  idols.  There  were  two  bronze  images  of  Brahma, 
each  of  which  weighed  more  than  a  thousand  mans.  These  were 
broken  into  pieces,  and  the  fragments  distributed  amongst  the 
officers,  with  orders  to  throw  them  down  at  the  gates  of  the  Masjid 
on  their  return." 

Malik  Khurram  then  departed  in  pursuit  of  the  infidels  to  their 
retreat  in  the  hills,  and  took  countless  prisoners.  Another  party 
was  detached  under  Sarjdnddr,  "  across  the  Ohambal  and  Kuwari, 
to  plunder  Malwa,  and  shed  the  blood  of  the  false  religionists.  When 
he  was  two  parasangs  beyond  the  Kuw&ri,  he  came  upon  an  open 
plain  to  which  a  narrow  pass  led.  Here  he  found  a  crowd  collected 
who  had  escaped  the  sword  of  the  malik,  and  he  plundered  them  to 
such  an  extent,  that  it  is  beyond  my  power  to  describe."  The  party 
returned,  and  met  the  king  on  the  banks  of  the  Chambal,  to. which 
river  he  had  moved  his  camp.  Thence  Mubarak  Barbak  was 
detached  in  another  direction  towards  the  Bands,  where  he  plun- 
dered according  to  the  fashion  of  the  time.  Malik  Jandarbak  Ahmad 
was  detached  in  another  direction.  He  also  plundered  and  massacred 
"  from  the  hill  of  Lara  to  the  borders  of  Mara." 

The  King's  return  to  Dehli. 

The  king  returned  towards  Dehli,  with  "  an  army  so  encumbered 
by  booty,  that  it  could  not  proceed  more  than  a  mil  a  day."     He 


APPENDIX.  543 

first  yisited  on  Ms  route  the  Mils  of  Bayand,  and  as  the  road  was 
"  difficult  on  account  of  rivers  and  hills,"  he  allowed  his  officers  to 
march  in  any  direction  they  chose.  The  Sultan  proceeded  more 
leisurely  in  the  rear. 

On  the  king's  return  to  Dehli,  he  held  the  second  anniversary  of 
his  accession,  on  the  3rd  of  Jumada-1  akhir,  in  the  palace  of  Siri. 
Description  of  the  festival.  "  Each  bride  who  witnessed  the  pro- 
cession from  the  housetop,  when  she  gazed  at  the  countenance  of  the 
king,  tore  up  her  marriage  settlements,"  in  love  and  despair. — Con- 
cluding praises  of  the  king,  "  who  achieved  two  victories  in  different 
quarters  of  the  country  in  one  year."  The  author  speaks  of  his 
work.  "When  I  commenced  this  history,  I  thought  of  writing 
falsehoods,  but  truth  seized  my  hand  and  restrained  me."  The  poem 
was  finished  on  the  20th  of  Jumada-1  akhir,  690  h. 

Conquests  of  SuUdn  'Aldu-d  din  Khiljl. 
<»  O  «»  O  «  0  o 

"  'Alau-d  din,  that  king  whose  court  is  like  Jamshid's,  who  has 
conquered  the  east  and  protects  the  west,  whose  fortune  is  lofty, 
whose  commands  are  obeyed."  «»•»**"  He  who  has  been  honoured 
by  the  chief  of  the  'Abbas  is,  who  has  destroyed  the  country  of  the 
sun-worshippers.  When  the  arm  of  his  fortune  was  raised,  he 
became  the  ruler  of  Hindustan.  When  he  advanced  from  the 
capital  of  Karra,  the  Hindus,  in  alarm,  descended  into  the  earth 
like  ants.  He  departed  towards  the  garden  of  Behar,  to  dye  that 
soil  with  blood  as  red  as  a  tulip.  He  cleared  the  road  to  Ujjain  of 
vile  wretches,  and  created  consternation  in  Bhilsan.  When  he 
effected  his  conquests  in  that  country,  he  drew  out  of  the  river  the 
idols  which  had  been  concealed  in  it. 

As  this  was  but  a  small  adventure  in  his  sight,  he  determined  to 
proceed  towards  Deogir,  "where  he  overcame  Earn  Deo."  "But  see 
the  mercy  with  which  he  regarded  the  broken-hearted,  for,  after 
seizing  that  rdi,  he  set  him  free  again.  He  destroyed  the  temples 
of  the  idolaters,  and  erected  pulpits  and  arches  for  mosques.  He 
captured  two-and-twenty  elephants,  in  battles  raging  like  the  stream 
of  the  Nile.  He  captured  also  Bengal  elephants  from  Lakhnauti, 
but  those  of  Deogir  were  of  a  different  stamp, — not  such  as  knew 


544  APPENDIX. 

only  how  to  eat  their  full,  but  such  as  could  discharge  arrows  and 
brandish  swords.'  Were  I  to  attempt  to  recount  the  plunder  of 
jewels  and  gold,  no  measure  or  balance  would  sufSce,  for  the 
treasure  had  been  accumulated  by  the  rdia  from  of  old.  Camels 
and  mules  were  laden  with  rubies  and  diamonds,  and  every  kind  of 
precious  stone,  and  the  most  experienced  jewellers  were  unable 
even  to  guess  at  their  value,  and  who  can  tell  of  the  heaps  of  amber, 
and  the  costly  silks?  He  returned  victorious  with  this  booty,  in 
order  to  accomplish  new  conquests." 

He  advanced  again  from  Karra,  with  iron  in  one  hand  and  gold 
in  the  other;  he  gave  a  crown  to  one  chief,  while  he  took  off  the 
head  of  another.  He  marched  to  Dehli  and  set  up  his  kingly  throne, 
while  all  the  world  were  in  astonishment  at  the  marvel  that  Dehli 
should  be  taken  by  Karra.  The  whole  city  declared  that  no  one 
bad  ever  been  blessed  with  such  good  fortune.  When  he  had  es- 
tablished himself  upon  the  throne,  he  began  to  think  of  the  neigh- 
bouring countries.  All  the  independent  chiefs  bowed  down  their 
heads,  except  the  ill-fortuned  Mir  of  MultSn.  That  wretch  was  not 
of  such  importance  that  the  Shah  should  himself  undertake  any 
expedition  against  him."  So  Ulugh  Khan  was  despatched  with 
orders  to  conclude  the  business  speedily,  and,  on  its  accomplishment, 
he  returned  to  Court ;  and  "all,  both  young  and  old,  were  astonished 
at  the  success  of  the  universe-conquering  Sultan." 


3.  'ASHIKA  OF  AMIE  KHIISEU'. 
["  L'Innamorata."  This,  like  the  Eirdnu-s  Sa'dain,  is  a  kind  of 
epic  or  historical  poem,  having  for  its  main  subject  the  loves  of 
Dewal  Eani,  daughter  of  the  Eai  of  Gujarat,  and  Khizr  Khan, 
eldest  son  of  Sultan  'Aldu-d  din.  Khizr  Khan,  as  told  by  Barni, 
fell  under  his  father's  displeasure  and  was  put  in  confinement. 
Upon  the  death  of  'Alau-d  din,  the  traitor  and  would-be-usurper, 
Malik  Naib  Kafur,  caused  the  eyes  of  the  prince  to  be  put  out 
When  Kutbu-d  din  Mabarak  Shah  had  ascended  the  throne,  to 
secure  his   own  position,  he  had  Khizr  Khan  and   other  of  his 

1  That  elephants  were  once  taught  these  useful  exercises  is  evident  from  a  similar 
passage  in  the  Sikandar-ndma,  of  Niztoi. 


APPENDIX.  545 

brothers  murdered.  The  fate  of  Dewal  Eani  is  doubtful.  Khusru 
{infra  p.  555)  says  that  her  hands  were  out  off  while  she  was 
clinging  to  her  husband's  body,  and  implies  that  she  was  left  among 
the  slain,  though  he  says  not  so  distinctly.  Tirishta  asserts  that  she 
was  taken  into  Kutbu-d  din's  harem,  and  that  she  was  also  taken 
after  his  death  by  the  villain,  Khusru  Khan.  Barni,  who  was 
intimately  acquainted  with  the  facts,  is  silent  upon  the  subject,  so 
that  it  may  be  hoped  that  the  high-bom  damsel  escaped  that  union 
with  "the  foul  Parwari,"  which  would  have  been  worse  than  death.] 

ABSTKA.CT. 

Praise  of  G-od  and  the  Prophet. — Panegyric  on  the  author's 
spiritual  teacher,  Nizam-d  din  Aulya  and  on  the  Emperor  'Alau-d 
din  Khilji. 

The  author  a  captive  in  the  hands  of  the  Mughah. 

"  At  the  time  that  this  learner  of  evil,  the  author,  was  a  captive  in 
the  hands  of  the  Mughals,'  may  such  days  never  return  !  travelling 
in  a  sandy  desert,  where  the  heat  made  my  head  boil  like  a  cauldron, 
I  and  the  man  who  was  with  me  on  horseback  arrived  thirsty  at  a 
stream  on  the  roadside.  Although  the  naphtha  of  my  life  was 
heated,  I  would  not  inflame  it  with  oil  by  drinking  a  draught 
of  water.  I  merely  wetted  my  lips,  and  obtained  a  little  relief  after 
my  exhaustion.  But  my  thirsty  guard  dismounted  from  his  horse, 
and  both  he  and  his  horse  drank  their  fill  of  water  and  expired 
immediately." 

The  Author  relates  t}i^  cause  of  writing  this  Poem. 
He  states  that  he  went  one  day  to  visit  Khizr  Khan,  who  asked 
him  to  write  a  poem  upon  that  prince's  love  for  Dewal  Eani ;  and 
Khizr  Khan  causing  the  account  which  he  had  himself  written 
descriptive  of  his  own  passion  to  be  produced,  he  consigned  it  to 
the  author,  who  agreed  to  versify  it. 

■Mteomium  on  Sindiistan. 
"  Happy  Hindustan,  the  splendour  of  Eeligion,  where  the  Law 

1  He  gives  a  brief  notice  of  this  captivity  and  of  the  hardships  which  he  endured 
ftom  exposure,  boils  upon  his  feet,  fatigue,  and  thirst,  in  his  second  Diwdn,  called 
Wastu-l-haydt.  He  was  taken  prisoner  on  the  borders  of  Multin,  in  the  34th  year 
of  his  age,  or  684  H.  (1285  a.d.).     See  supra,  p.  122. 

VOL.  III.  35 


546  APPENDIX. 

finds  perfect  honour  and  security.  In  learning  Detli  can  now 
compete  with  Bokhara,  for  Islam  has  been  made  manifest  by  its 
kings.  The  whole  country,  by  means  of  the  sword  of  our  holy 
warriors,  has  become  like  a  forest  denuded  of  its  thorns  by  fire. 
The  land  has  been  saturated  with  the  water  of  the  sword,  and 
the  vapours  of  infidelity  have  been  dispersed.  The  strong  men 
of  Hind  have  been  trodden  under  foot,  and  all  are  ready  to  pay 
tribute.  Islam  is  triumphant,  idolatry  is  subdued.  Had  not  the 
law  granted  exemption  from  death  by  the  payment  of  poll-tax,  the 
very  name  of  Hind,  root  and  branch,  would  have  been  extinguished. 
From  Grhazni  to  the  shore  of  the  ocean  you  see  all  under  the 
dominion  of  Islam.  Cawing  crows '  see  no  arrows  pointed  at  them  ; 
nor  is  the  Tarsd  (Christian)  there,  who  does  not  fear  (taras)  to 
render  the  servant  equal  with  God  ;  nor  the  Jew  who  dares  to  exalt 
the  Pentateuch  to  a  level  with  the  Kuran;  nor  the  Magli  who  is 
delighted  with  the  worship  of  fije,  but  of  whom  the  fire  complains 
with  its  hundred  tongues.  The  four  sects  of  Musulmans  are  at 
amity,  and  the  very  fish  are  Sunnis."^ 

The  Ohorian  Emperors  of  Behli. 
Mu'izzu-d  din  Muhammad  bin  Sam,  Kutbu-d  din  Aibak ;  "  That 
flaming  wave  drove  the  Eai  of  Kanauj  into  the  Ganges,  where  he 
was  drowned,  and  took  from  him  fourteen  hundred  elephants." 
Shamsu-d  din  Altamsh, — Euknu-d  din  Firdz. — Sultan  Eaziya. — 
Mu'izzu-d  din  Bahram. — 'Alau-d  din  Mas'ud. — ^Nasiru-d  din  Mah- 
mud ;  "  It  was  a  wonderful  time,  one  career  of  victory ;  in  every 
house  was  joy  and  gladness.  The  Musulmans  were  powerful,  the 
Hindus  peaceful,  and  no  one  knew  even  the  name  of  Mughal." 
Ghiyasu-d  din  Balban ;  "  He  was  a  king  bounteous  and  powerful, 
an  elephant  in  his  time  would  avoid  treading  on  an  ant.  During 
his  reign  the  Mughals  found  entrance  to  these  parts,  sometimes  they 
ravaged  the  country,  sometimes  they  professed  allegiance.     In  anger 

1  Hindus.    Badr  Ghi-cb.  tas  the  same  expression  to  signify  Hindus ;  and  Hasan 
Niz&mf,  in  the  preface  to  the  Toy«-/: -Ma-aitV,  speaks  of  the  1.;:^^^    cU    ^^X-Sb 

"  crow-like  Hindus ; "  and  again  in  the  chapter  on  the  conquest  of  Ajmir  "  Hindus 
crow-faced,"  ij^,~^c,  \j  ^],i\x&  . 

2  A  play  upon  the  word  signifying  scaly. 


APPENDIX.  547 

CEime  they  on  with  inflamed  visage  and  obtained  gifts  from  the  king. 
Whether  this  invasion  was  a  loss  or  a  benefit,  it  passed  away,  and 
what  was  destined  came  to  pass." — Mu'izziu-d  din  Kai-kubad. — 
Shamsu-d  din  Kai-kubad. 

Jaldlu-d  din  Firdz  KhiljL 

"  He  made  the  blood  of  the-  infidels  to  flow  in  streams,  and  formed 
bridges  with  their  heads.  He  went  from  Multan  to  Ghazni,  and 
thence  invaded  the  Tatars,  dyeing  the  country  with  their  blood  and 
covering  the  whole  land  with  their  heads.  He  made  Turkistan  so 
entirely  Hindi,  that  he  took  the  life  from  the  Turks  by  means  of  his 
Hindus.  When  he  again  turned  his  face  this  way  from  that  country, 
he  stretched  his  arm  to  slaughter  the  Khokhars,'  and  shed  blood  on 
all  the  five  rivers  of  the  Panjab."  "By  his  wise  measures  he 
forged  for  the  Mughals  chains  both  of  iron  and  gold." 

'AMu-d  din  Khi^i. 
"He  was  the  first  who,  while  yet  only  an  Amir,  placed  an 
'amdri  upon  his  elephants."^  On  his  advance  to  Dehli  he  lavished 
money  profusely  on  the  way.  "  The  fort  of  Dehli  fell  before  the 
mangonel  of  his  gold.  His  largesses  offered  him  the  aid  of  catapults, 
and  presents  of  jewels  yielded  him  as  much  victory  as  balistas." 
Shortly  after  his  accession,  he  despatched  troops  to  Multan  and 
Sind,  where  he  was  victorious. 

The  Mughal  Invasions. 

"Shortly  after,  the  Sultan  of  religion  determined  to  wreak  the 
vengeance  of  a  hundred  years  upon  the  Mughals.  They  were 
coming  on  to  be  destroyed  by  his  beheading  sword,  like  moths  in 
the  flame  of  a  candle.     First  they  came  to  the  borders  of  Manjur 

1  The  Gakkhurs  most  protably  are  meant. 

2  It  is  usual  in  India  to  say  that  'Al&,u-d  din  was  the  first  who  used  an  'amdri, 
or  canopied  seat  upon  an  elephant,  but,  as  here  stated,  he  was  the  first  to  use  one 
while  yet  only  a  Prince.  In  the  preceding  reign  we  read  in  the  Miftdhu-l  Putuh  of 
golden  'amdris. 


548  APPENDIX. 

and  CMran,  and  Ulngli  Khan^  attacked  them  like  Karan,  and  by  tlie 
force  of  his  sword  made  them  food  for  jackals. 

"After  that,  the  audacious  iafidel  Katlak  Khwaja,'*  one  of  the 
strongest  branches  of  that  accursed  tree,^  advanced  that  year  to 
Kaili,  and  the  Shah  regarded  that  boldness  as  a  happy  omen.  The 
king  moved  on  for  two  parasangs,  in  order  that  he  might  come  to 
action  wSthin  the  borders  of  Kaili.  The  vile  Katlak  Khwaja  was 
confident  and  bold,  but  it  was  as  if  an  owl  were  contending  with 
a  falcon.  The  king  ordered  Ulugh  Khan  and  Zafar  Khan  to  advance 
with  determiaation  to  the  fight,  and  those  two  rapid  dragons  made 
the  hills  and  forests  quake.  Ulugh  Khan  pursued  the  Mughals  like 
a  panther  after  its  prey,  and  those  who  escaped  the  sword  fell  victims 
to  the  arrows.  The  hill  of  Kaili*  was  drowned  in  a  torrent  of  blood 
and  the  heads  of  the  gabrs  rolled  down  like  a  weighing  pan  (hail)." 
"After  that,  Targhi,  the  headstrong,  bit  the  dust  when  he  was 
struck  with  a  hatchet,  and  for  a  time  religion  was  freed  from  the 
troubles  caused  by  the  infidels." 

"  Afterwards  the  sand  of  the  desert  was  saturated  with  the  blood 
of  the  armies  of  Turtak  and  'Ali  Beg.^  The  army  of  religion  came 
rushing  on  like  a  river,  overwhelming  the  Mughals  in  its  waves. 
The  two  Turk  Khans  were  suddenly  captured  by  a  Hindu  servant  of 
the  Court." 

"  Subsequently,  three  other  active  warriors,  who  outstripped  the 
wind  in  their  fleetness,  came  rapidly  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Multan, 
and  lit  up  the  flame  of  insurrection  on  the  banks  of  the  Eavi.  One 
was  Tihii,  another  Ikbal  the  stubborn,  the  third  Kabak  determined 
both  in  fight  and  hatred.  Their  soldiers  were  countless  as  the  sand, 
and  infuriated  by  the  fate  of  Turtak  and  'All  Beg.  His  majesty 
despatched  his  principal  minister,  Kafur  (camphor),  the  splendour 
of  IsMm,  against  them,  in  order  that  by  his  fragrance  he  might 

^  [I  have  no  complete  copy  of  this  poem,  tut  only  some  extracts  and  abstracts. 
In  some  tlie  name  is  written  Alaf  KhS.n,  in  others  Ulugh  KhSu ;  the  latter  is  certainly 
right.     See  stiprd  pp.  43  and  162.] 

^  [This  is  here  the  spelling ;  not  "  Katlagh."] 

'  He  was  son  of  Amir  DS.tid  [or  Baw&]  Rh&n,  ruler  of  Turkistan,  and  M&war&u-n 
nahr. 

^  [This  name  has  hitherto  been  given  as  "  Kill,"  bat  this  shows  what  Khusrti's 
pronunciation  was.     See  stjprd  p.  166,  and  Beng.  Jour.,  1869,  p.  199.] 

'  See  stiprd  p.  198. 


APPENDIX,  549 

dispel  the  offensive  smell  arising  from  their  dead  bodies.  He  went 
so  expeditiously  that,  in  ten  nights,  he  performed  the  journey  of  a 
whole  month.  The  blood  of  the  Tatars  flowed  in  such  torrents  that 
it  reached  to  the  girths  of  the  horses.  Ikbal  and  Tihu  fled  together 
towards  the  rivers,  and  were  glad  to  save  their  lives  by  abandoning 
the  plunder  which  they  were  carrying  off.  But  Eabak  was  taken 
like  a  partridge  (kabalc),^  and  that  learned  dog  was  sent  with  a 
collar  round  his  neck  to  the  king  of  the  world.  The  victory  was 
obtained  by  the  aid  of  God,  and  the  Mughal  had  enough  of  his 
attempts  at  revenge. 

"  Prom  that  day  the  torrent  of  the  Jihiin  had  no  power  to  carry 
away  even  an  ant  from  Hindustan.  Behold  a  great  marvel  which 
marked  the  good  fortune  of  'Alau-d  din,  may  he  always  remain 
king !  A  deadly  blast  from  hell  blew  over  that  country,  and  dis- 
solved by  its  fire  even  iron  into  wax.  They  all  died,  and  though 
Biiyahia  escaped,  as  he  had  the  life  of  a  dog,  yet  his  power  was 
ignominiously  destroyed;  and  so  entirely  had  all  their  turbulence 
subsided  in  this  country,  that  no  one  heard  anything  more  about 
them." 

Conquest  of  Gujarat,  Chitor,  Mdlwa,  SiwAna. 

The  poet  passes  to  the  conquests  of  'Alau-d  din,  in  Hindustan. 
Ulugh  Khan  sent  against  the  Eai  of  Gujarat,  "  where  the  shores  of 
the  sea  were  filled  to  the  brim  with  the  blood  of  the  gabrs."  The 
conquest  of  Somnat,  Jhain,  and  Eanthambor,  whose  ruler  was  "Pithu 
Eai,  descended  from  Pithaura,  but  an  hundred  hundred  thousand  times 
more  proud  than  he.  Ten  thousand  swift  Arabian  horses  were  his, 
and  elephants  with  'amdris  on  their  backs.  Soldiers  and  rdwats  and 
rdmas  were  beyond  number.  This  fort  was  two  weeks'  journey  dis- 
tant from  Dehli,  and  its  walls  extended  for  three  parasangs.  Terrible 
stones  were  sent  against  them  with  such  force  that  the  battlements 
were  levelled  with  the  dust.  So  many  stones  were  thrown,  pile 
upon  pile,  that  it  would  have  required  thirty  years  to  clear  the  road 
to  one  of  the  gates."  The  king  took  the  fort  in  one  month,  and 
made  it  over  to  Ulugh  Khan. 

1  [The  name 'is  given  as  "Kank"  (or  Kanak)  in  Bamf  (suprd  p.  199),  'but  this 
proTes  it  to  be  Kabak.    See  also  p.  73.] 


550  APPENDIX. 

The  conquest  of  Chitor,  wMch  was  named  KUzrabad,  after  Kliizr 
Khan,  who  was  here  honoured  with  being  allowed  to  bear  a  red 
canopy  over  his  head. 

"  After  that,  the  king's  attention  was  directed  towards  the  south, 
in  order  that  he  might  seize  the  country  of  the  Southern  rdis. 
Koka,  the  wazir,  commanded  the  army,  and  he  was  stronger  in  the 
country  of  Malwa  than  the  rdi  He  had  more  than  40,000  cavalry, 
and  his  infantry  were  without  number.  10,000  men  were  sent 
against  him  by  his  majesty,  and  they  destroyed  his  entire  force. 
The  Hindus  were  captured  and  slaughtered  in  heaps,  and  only  the 
rdi,  Malhak^  Deo,  escaped  to  the  hills."  This  conquest  was  effected  by 
'Ainu-1  mulk.  Mandu  taken,  "a  wonderful  fortress  io\tr parasangs 
in  circumference." 

Siwana  is  next  proceeded  against  by  his  majesty  in  person.  "The 
strong-armed  rdi  of  that  place  was  Satal  ^  Deo.  Many  iron-hearted 
gabrs  were  in  his  service.  The  army  sat  down  before  it  for  five  or 
six  years,  and  did  not,  during  that  time,  succeed  in  destroying  half 
a  bastion,  but  after  one  attack  made  upon  that  hill  by  the  king,  it 
was  moved  from  its  foundations  by  the  troops  like  a  flowing  river." 

The  conquest  of  Telingdna,  McHlar,  Fatan. 

The  conquest  of  Tilangi,  where  the  rdi  is  made  to  send  "a  golden 
idol  and  an  hundred  elephants,  and  treasure  beyond  all  calculation." 

The  army  proceeded  to  Ma'bar,  that  it  might  "  take  the  shores  of 
the  sea  as  far  as  Lanka,  and  spread  the  odour  of  the  amber-seented 
faith,"  and  thence  returned  to  Deegir,  from  which  place  the  rdi  fled 
at  their  approach,  and,  after  plundering  the  country,  they  proceeded 
towards  the  sea-coast. 

"There  was  another  rdi  in  those  parts,  whose  rule  extended  over 
sea  and  land,  a  Brahmin,  named  Pandya  G-urii.  He  had  many 
cities  in  his  possession,  and  his  capital  was  Patan,^  where  there  was 
a  temple  with  an  idol  in  it  laden  with  jewels.  He  had  many  troops 
and  ships;  and  Musulmans,  as  well  as  Hindus,  were  in  his  service. 
He  had  a  thousand  elephants  of  Ma'bar  and  innumerable  horses. 
The  rdi,  when  the  army  of  the  Sultan  arrived  at  Fatan,  fled  away, 

1  [Or  "  Mahlak."     See  suprd  p.  76.]  '  [Or  "  Sutal."    See  siiprd  p.  78.] 

'  [See  sii^rd  p.  32.] 


APPENDIX.  551 

and  wliat  can  an  army  do  without  its  leader  ?  The  Musulmans  in 
his  service  sought  protection  from  the  king's  army,  and  they  were 
made  happy  with  the  kind  reception  they  met  with.  600  elephants 
also  were  taken.  They  then  struck  the  idol  with  an  iron  hatchet, 
and  opened  its  head.  Although  it  was  the  very  Kibla  of  the  ac- 
cursed gahrs,  it  kissed  the  earth  and  filled  the  holy  treasury. 
Wealth  and  jewels  were  taken  from  it  in  such  quantities  that  they 
would  have  outweighed  a  mountain.  After  the  business  of  the 
rdi  of  Ma'bar  was  completed,  the  army  returned  victorious,  and 
received  due  rewards  from  the  fortunate  king.  May  God  grant  him 
.success,  that  he  may  take  a  whole  world  without  moving  from  his 
throne !  May  he,  sitting  at  Dehli,  be  able  to  plunder  the  country 
of  Ma'bar  and  the  seas,  with  a  mere  movement  of  his  eyebrow!" 

The  Capture  of  Bewal  RanL 

The  author  proceeds  to  the  more  immediate  subject  of  his  poem. 
Shortly  after  'Alau-d  din's  accession  to  the  throne,  he  sent  his  brother, 
Ulugh  Khan,  with  a  large  army  towards  Gujarat  and  Somnat.  The 
ruler  of  those  countries  was  .Eai  Karan.  In  an  action  between  him 
and  the  Khan  he  sustained  a  defeat  and  fled,  and  his  treasures,  wives 
and  concubines  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands.  On  his  return  from 
Gujarat,  the  Khan  presented  aU  the  booty  he  had  taken  to  the  king, 
and  amongst  other  captives  was  the  wife  of  Eai  Karan,  Kanwala  Di, 
celebrated  for  her  beauty,  who  was  taken  into  the  king's  Seraglio. 

The  Eani  had  two  daughters  by  Eai  Karan ;  both  had  been  carried 
off  by  their  father  in  his  flight.  The  eldest  died,  but  the  youngest, 
Dewal  Di,  survived. 

Kanwala  Di  solicited  of  the  king  that  this  daughter  might  be  sent 
for  and  made  over  to  her,  and  as  the  king  was  well  disposed  to  meet 
her  wishes,  he  demanded  her  from  Eai  Karan,  who  was  preparing 
to  send  her,  accompanied  with  many  presents,  to  the  king,  when  he 
took  alarm  at  the  large  army  which  had  marched  under  Ulugh  Khan 
and  Panchami  for  the  conquest  of  the  whole  of  Gujarat,  and  fled  with 
his  daughter  and  private  attendants  to  seek  the  protection  of  the 
r&i  of  Deogir,  by  name  Sankh  Deo,  the  son  of  the  Eai-Eayan,  Earn 
Deo. 

When  the  chief  of  Deogir  learnt  the   approach  of  Eai   Karan, 


552  APPENDIX. 

he  sent  his  brother,  Bhelam  Deo,  to  demand  Dewal  Di  in  marriage. 
Eai  Karan  felt  himself  compelled  to  accede  to  the  proposal,  and  he 
was  preparing  to  send  his  daughter  when  he  was  attacked  by  the 
king's  army,  and  Panchami,  who  commanded  the  advance-guard, 
seized  Dewal  Di,  whose  horse  had  been  wounded  and  lamed  by  an 
arrow.  She  was  taken  to  Ulugh  Khan,  and  Eai  Karan  fled.  Accord- 
ing to  the  king's  order,  Dlagh  Khan  sent  Dewal  Di  to  Dehli,  where 
she  was  made  over  to  her  mother  in  the  palace.  She  was  then  eight 
years  of  age. 

Loves  of  Khhr  Khan  and  Dewal  SdnL 
The  Sultan  wished  to  betroth  Dewal  Eani  to  his  son  Khizr  Khan, 
who  was  then  ten  years  old,  and  Kanwala  Di  agreed  to  the  marriage, 
as  she  had  an  affection  for  Khizr  Khan  in  consequence  of  his 
resemblance  to  her  brother.  The  children  were  accordingly  admitted 
to  each  other's  presence,  and  indulged  in  youthful  gambols,  and 
became  attached  to  each  other. 

The  mother  of  Khizr  Khan  objected  to  this  match,  and  was 
desirous  of  betrothing  him  to  the  daughter  of  her  brother  Alp 
Khan,  who  was  himself  anxious  to  speed  the  preparations  for  the 
ceremony.  Upon  which  it  was  represented  to  the  mother,  that  as 
Khizr  Khan  had  conceived  an.  affection  for  Dewal  Di,  he  ought  to  be 
separated  from  her.  This  was  accordingly  done,  and  they  were 
placed  in  different  apartments,  but  as  they  were  able  to  have 
occasional  interviews,  their  growing  attachment  ripened,  and  four 
go-betweens  on  each  side  conveyed  affectionate  messages  from  one 
to  the  other. 

The  queen-mother,  apprehensive  of  these  interviews,  determined 
to  send  the  girl  to  the  Eed  Palace.  Khizr  Khan's  distress  iipon  the 
occasion,  when  he  tears  his  clothes  and  exhibits  other  signs  of  frantic 
grief.  The  queen  foregoes  her  intention,  when  Khizr  Khan  recovers 
his  serenity.  The  young  pair  contrive  a  secret  assignation,  when 
they  become  senseless  through  emotion.  The  queen  again  determines 
on  sending  Dewal  Di  to  the  Eed  Palace.  On  her  way  there  she 
has  an  interview  with  Khizr  Khan,  when  he  presents  her  with 
a  lock  of  his  hair  to  preserve  as  a  memento,  and  she  in  return  gives 
him  a  ring. 


APPENDIX.  553 

Marriage  of  Khizr  EMn  with  the  datcghter  of  Alp  Khan. 
This  mairiage  wa8  solemnized  in  Eamazan,  711  h.  (Jan.  1312  a.d.). 
The  decorations  of  the  city  upon  the  occasion.  Triumphal  arches, 
dancing,  singing,  music,  illuminations,  rope-dancing,  jugglery.  "The 
juggler  swallowed  a  sword  like  water,  drinking  it  as  a  thirsty  man 
would  sherbet.  He  also  thrust  a  knife  up  his  nostril.  He  mounted 
little  wooden  horses  and  rode  upon  the  air.  Large  bodies  were  made 
to  issue  out  of  small  ones ;  an  elephant  was  drawn  through  a  window, 
and  a  camel  through  the  eye  of  a  needle.'  Those  who  changed 
their  own  appearance  practised  all  kinds  of  deceit.  Sometimes  they 
transformed  themselves  into  angels,  sometimes  into  demons.  Balls 
were  made  to  be  sometimes  white  and  sometimes  black,  in  imitation 
of  the  fitful  vicissitudes  we  are  subject  to  upon  earth.  They  sang 
so  enchantingly  that  they  could  make  it  appear  as  if  a  man  was 
dying,  and  as  if  after  an  interval  he  was  again  made  alive." 

The  marriage  of  Khi%r  Khan  with  Dewal  JSdni. 
Dewal  Di,  on  learning  Khizr  Khan's  marriage,  writes  him  a  letter 
full  of  reproaches,  to  which  he  replies  by  excuses.  The  grief  of  the 
two  lovers  and  their  solicitations  to  heaven.  The  deep  distress 
of  Khizr  Khan  is  reported  to  the  queen-mother,  and  it  is  repre- 
sented to  her,  that  as  it  is  lawful  for  a  Musulman  to  marry  four 
wives,  he  might  be  allowed  to  marry  Dewal  Di  also.  She  relents, 
and  as  the  Sultan  has  from  the  beginning  given  his  consent  to 
Khizr  Khan's  marriage  with  Dewal  Di,  she  is  sent  for  from  the  Eed 
Palace  and  married  to  him. — The  complete  happiness  of  the  lovers 
at  their  union. — Khizr  Khan  becomes  one  of  the  disciples  of  the 
Saiat  Nizamu-d  din  Aulya. 

Bupture  between  'Aldu-d  din  and  Khi%r  Khan. 
The  poet  again  proceeds  to  some  historical  details. — Misunder- 
standing between  the  Sultan  and  Khizr  Khan,  and  the  imprisonment 
of  the  latter. — ^The  cause  was  this :  the  Sultan  being  Ul  of  fever, 
Khizr  Khan  made  a  vow  that,  in  the  event  of  his  recovery,  he  would 

'  This  is  in  the  original,  and  shows  that  those  who  object  to  the  common  reading  of 
the  Bihie  have  no  good  ground  for  any  alteration.  The  phrase  is  uniyersal  in  the 
East  to  express  any  difficulty. 


554  APPENDIX. 

proceed  bare-footed  on  a  pilgrimage  to  some  shrines.  When  the 
Sultan  recovered  in  some  degree,  KMzr  Khan  set  out  on  his  expedi- 
tion to  Hatanpiir,  but  in  consequence  of  his  feet  getting  blistered  he 
was  persuaded  by  his  attendants  to  mount  on  horseback.  Amir 
Khusru  here  observes  that  when  the  prince  had  such  a  spiritual 
teacher  as  Nizamu-d  din  Aulya,  he  should  have  performed  his 
pilgrimage  to  him,  and  not  have  sought  out  other  shrines;  that 
it  was  to  this  that  his  ill-fortune  is  to  be  ascribed.  Malik  Kafur, 
the  eunuch,  was  not  slow  to  take  advantage  of  this  indiscretion 
of  the  Khan,  and  represented  that  this  non-fulfilment  of  his  vow 
was  a  personal  insult  to  the  Sultan. 

The  Sultan  first  wreaked  his  vengeance  on  the  Khan's  maternal 
uncle  and  father-in-law,  Alp  Khan,  who  was  assassinated  in  Dehli 
by  his  orders.  He  then  caused  an  angry  letter  to  be  written  to  his 
son,  telling  him  not  to  return  to  his  presence  without  orders,  and 
assigning  Amroha  to  him  as  a  residence,  and  the  country  from 
the  Ganges  to  the  foot  of  the  hills  as  his  hunting-ground,  where 
game  was  so  plentiful  that  "he  might  kill  ten  antelopes  with  one 
arrow.''  He  was  directed  to  remain  there  for  two  months,  after 
which  he  would  be  summoned,  when  the  king  had  recovered  his 
composure.  Meanwhile,  he  was  to  send  back  the  royal  insignia  he 
had  received,  the  canopy,  durhdsJi,  standards,  and  elephants,  which 
would  be  retained  by  the  king  -until  he  had  again  restored  the 
Khan  to  his  good  graces. 

This  farmdn  was  sent  by  an  ugly  courier  called  'Ambar,  who 
brought  it  in  one  night  from  Dehli  to  beyond  Meerut,  where  the 
Prince  was  encamped.  The  Prince  was  deeply  afflicted  at  the 
contents,  but  returned  the  royal  insignia  under  the  charge  of  Malik 
Hisamu-d  din,  while  he  himself,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  crossed  the 
Ganges  and  went  to  Amroha. 

He  had  only  been  there  two  or  three  days,  when  his  agitation  was 
so  great  that,  without  a  summons,  he  determined  to  return  to  his 
father,  who,  being  on  the  point  of  death,  received  him  Idndly,  his 
aifection  for  him  having  revived  in  this  extremity.  MaHk  Kafur, 
agaia  successfully  practising  his  wiles,  persuaded  the  Sultan  that 
tUl  his  recovery  it  would  be  wise  to  confine  the  Khan  in  the  fort 
of  Gwalior.     The  Sultan  consented,  but  bound  Kafur  by  solemn 


APPENDIX.  555 

oaths  not  to  attempt  the  life  of  the  Prince,  who  -was  accordingly 
carried  off  from  Dehli  to  Gwalior  in  two  days.  There  his  faithful 
Dewal  Eani  became  the  companion  to  and  solace  of  his  miserable 
imprisonment. 

Death  of  'AMu-d  din  and  sulsequent  massacres. 

'Alau-d  din,  partly  through  bodily  infirmity  and  partly  through 
mental  distress,  died  on  the  7th  Shawwal,  715  h.  (Jan.,  1316  a.d.), 
when  Malik  Kafur  placed  the  king's  youngest  son,  Shahabu-d-din 
'Umar,  upon  the  throne,  and  despatched  Sumbul  to  Gwalior  to  blind 
Khizr  Khan.  "When  Sumbul  had  completed  his  inhuman  deed,  he 
was  promoted  to  the  ofBce  of  Ndih-Mjib. 

A  short  time  afterwards,  the  slaves  and  guards  of  the  late  king 
slew  Malik  Kafur,  and  conveyed  the  intelligence  to  Khizr  Khan,  to 
show  that  the  curse  that  he  had  pronounced  against  Kafur  had 
been  fulfilled. 

Kutbu-d  din  Mubarak  Shah  then  ascended  the  throne  in  the  begin- 
ning of  716  H.  (1316  A.D.).  After  displacing  his  brother,  'Umar,  he  sent 
to  demand  Dewal  Eani  from  his  brother  Khizr  Khan,  who  returned 
an  indignant  refusal.  Vexed  at  this  opposition,  and  determined  to 
rid  himself  of  all  rivals,  the  wretch  Mubarak  Shah  sent  a  ruffian 
named  ShadI  to  Gwalior,  to  murder  the  three  princes  Khizr  Khan, 
Shadi  Khan,  and  'Umar.  After  this  butchery  had  been  committed, 
the  garrison  violated  the  ladies  of  their  households.  The  devoted 
Dewal  Eani,  in  clinging  to  the  body  of  her  husband,  was  wounded 
in  the  face  and  had  her  hands  cut  off  by  the  assassins.  Not  long 
after  the  murder  of  the  princes,  the  villains  went  into  the  zendna 
and  murdered  all  the  females.  All  the  members  of  the  royal  family 
were  buried  in  the  Bijymandar  bastion  of  the  fort  of  Gwalior.  The 
conclusion. 

"  Prince  Khizr  Khan  then  ordered  a  confidential  servant  to  place 
me  near  the  narrative  of  his  love,  without  attracting  the  attention  of 
the  'bystanders.  When  my  eyes  fell  on  the  heart-exciting  tale, 
tears  fell  from  them  involuntarily.  I  immediately  assented  with  aU 
my  heart,  to  the  wish  of  the  prince,  the  apple  of  the  eye.  My  head 
was  exalted  by  the  honour  of  my  selection,  and  I  retired  with  the 
narrative  in  my  hand." 


556  APPENDIX. 

The  Hindi  Language. 

"  When  I  came  to  examine  it  from  beginning  to  end,  I  fonnd 
most  of  tlie  names  (words  ?)  in  it  were  Hindi.  I  pondered  a  long- 
time with,  myself  how  I  might  join  the  coarse  cloth  with  the  fine, 
but  as  some  kind  of  junction  was  requisite,  I  thought  that  no  wise 
man  would  regard  a  necessity  as  a  fault.  But  I  was  in  error,  for 
if  you  ponder  the  matter  well,  you  will  not  find  the  Hindi  words 
(language)  inferior  to  the  Parsi.  It  is  inferior  to  the  Arabic,  which 
is  the  chief  of  all  languages.  The  prevalent  languages  of  Eai  and 
Eam,  I  know,  from  reflecting  well  on  the  matter,  to  be  inferior  to 
the  Hindi.  Arabic,  in  speech,  has  a  separate  province,  and  no  other 
language  can  combine  with  it.  The  Parsi  is  deficient  in  its  vocabu- 
lary, and  cannot  be  tasted  without  Arabic  condiments ;  as  the  latter 
is  pure,  and  the  former  mixed,  you  might  say  that  one  was  the  soul, 
the  other  the  body.  With  the  former  nothing  can  enter  into  com- 
bination, but  with  the  latter,  every  kind  of  thing.  It  is  not  proper 
to  place  the  cornelian  of  Yemen  on  a  level  with  the  pearl  of  Dari. 

"  The  language  of  Hind  is  like  the  Arabic,  inasmuch  as  neither 
admits  of  combination.  If  there  is  grammar  and  syntax  in  Arabic, 
there  is  not  one  letter  less  of  them  in  the  Hindi.  If  you  ask 
whether  there  are  the  sciences  of  exposition  and  rhetoric,  I  answer 
that  the  Hindi  is  in  no  way  deficient  in  those  respects.  Whoever 
possesses  these  three  languages  in  his  store,  will  know  that  I 
speak  without  error  or  exaggeration. 

"  If  I  were  with  reason  and  justice  to  speak  to  you  of  the  merits 
of  Hindi,  you  would  object  to  what  I  advance ;  and  if  I  were  to 
swear  to  the  truth  of  my  assertions,  who  knows  whether  you  would 
credit  me  or  not  ?  It  is  true,  I  know  so  little,  that  my  acquaintance 
with  it  is  but  as  a  drop  in  the  ocean ;  yet  from  tasting  it,  I  am  well 
aware  that  the  fowl  of  the  desert  is  deprived  of  the  waters  of  the 
Tigris.  He  who  is  far  from  the  Ganges  and  Hindustan  can  boast 
himself  of  the  Nile  and  Tigris.  When  a  man  sees  only  the  night- 
ingale of  China  in  a  garden,  how  does  he  know  what  the  parrot  of 
Hindustan  is  ?  *•  '*  *  He  who  ha;s  placed  only  guavas  and  quinces 
in  his  throat,  and  has  never  eaten  a  plantain,  wiU  say  it  is  like  so 
much  jujube.  The  Khurasani  who  considers  every  Hindi  a  fool 
will  think  even  a  pdn  leaf  of  no  more  value  than  grass.    A  wise  and 


APPEKDIX.  557 

just  man,  and  he  who  has  travelled  through  several  countries  ob- 
servantly, will  believe  these  assertions  of  Khusru ;  for  if  the  con- 
versation should  turn  on  Hind  or  Earn,  he  will  speak  fairly,  and 
not  without  ground  asseverate  his  own  opinion,  like  the  man  who 
said  that  Basra  was  superior  to  Syria.  And  if  any  one  chooses  to 
speak  with  partiality,  no  doubt  he  will  be  ready  to  class  my  (Indian) 
mangoes  below  (foreign)  figs.  They  call  Hind  black,  and  that  is 
true  enough,  yet  it  is  the  largest  country'  in  the  world.  You  should 
look  on  Hindustan  as  Paradise,  with  which  it  is  in  fact  connected, 
for,  if  not,  why  did  Adam  and  the  peacock  come  to  adorn  it  from 
that  blissful  spot  ? 


4.  NUH  SIPIHE  OF  AMfE  KHUSEU'. 

["  The  Nine  Heavens  (or  Spheres)."  This  is  one  of  the  separate 
poems  of  Amir  Khusru,  written,  as  he  tells  us,  in  his  old  age.  Its 
historical  notices  relate  to  the  reign  of  Kutbu-d  din  Mubarak  Shah, 
in  whose  time  it  was  written."^ 

ABSTEAOT. 

The  First  Sphere. 

Praise  of  God  and  the  Prophet,  and  of  the  author's  spiritual  teacher, 
Nizamu-d  din  Aulya.  Panegyric  on  the  reigning  monarch,  Mubarak 
Shah.  The  author  tells  us  that  he  was  more  than  sixty  years  old 
when  he  wrote  this  poem,  and  had  already  written  poems  on  the  three 
preceding  monarchs  :  Kai-kubad,  respecting  whom  he  had  written 
the  Kirdnu-s  Sa'dain;  Jalalu-d  din  Firoz,  on  whom  he  had  written 
Kasidas  and  Masnavis ;  'Alau-d  din  Khilji,  to  whom  he  had  dedi- 
cated his  Khamsa,  and  addressed  panegyrical  poems. 

The  accession  of  Kutbu-d  din  Mubarak  Shah  on  Sunday,  the  24th* 
of  Muharram,  716  h.'  (April  18th,  1316  a.d.).  After  remaining  in 
Dehli  for  a  year,  he  proceeded  to  the  Dekhin  for  the  conquest  of 
Deogir,  at  the  head  of  a  large  army.  His  first  march  was  to  Tilpat, 
about  seven  Tcos  from  Dehli,  and,  after  a  march  of  two  months,  he 

1  A  play  upon  smodd,  meaning  botli  "black"  and  "country." 
3  Ferislita  says,  the  7tli. 

3  This  is  the  date  given  in  the  MS.  used,  but  in  some  loose  extracts  the  date  is  717 
(April  9th,  1317  a.d.).     See  suprd  pp.  211  and  555. 


558  APPENDIX. 

arrived  on  the  borders  of  Deogir,  where  he  received  the  submission 
of  all  the  rdis  and  rdnas  of  those  parts,  except  Eaghu,  the  deputy 
and  minister  of  the  late  Eai  Earn  Deo.  Eaghu,  on  learning  the 
approach  of  the  king,  fled  to  the  hills  in  open  rebellion. 

Khusru  Khan  was  detached  with  a  powerful  army  to  repel  him, 
and  a  royal  tent  accompanied,  in  order  to  do  honour  to  the  expedi- 
tion. One  of  his  of&oers,  named  Katlagh,  the  chief  huntsman,  seized 
some  of  E%hu's  adherents,  from  whom  it  was  ascertained  that  he 
had  nearly  10,000  Hindu  cavalry  under  him.  Khusru  Khan  attacked 
him  in  a  defile,  and  completely  routed  him.  "The  Hindus,  who 
had  pretended  to  independence,  were  either  slain,  captured,  or  put 
to  flight.  Eaghu  himself  was  most  severely  wounded ;  his  body 
was  covered  with  blood ;  his  lips  emitted  no  breath.  He  entered 
some  cave  in  a  ravine,  which  even  a  snake  could  scarcely  penetrate. 
Khusru  Khan,  with  thanks  to  God  after  his  glorious  victory,  looked 
towards  the  royal  tent  and  kissed  the  earth.  He  made  over  the 
charge  of  the  army  to  the  'Ariz,  and  returned  expeditiously  to  the 
seat  of  the  throne,  for  his  majesty  had  urgently  summoned  him. 
The  king  received  him  with  a  hundred  flattering  distinctions,  and 
raised  him  to  the  highest  honours.  May  his  good  fortune  always 
so  prevail,  that  he  may  bestow  benefactions  upon  his  slaves  !" 

The  Second  Sphere. 

Khusru  Khan  is  despatched  for  the  conquest  of  Arangal  (Warangal), 
in  TUang,^  with  an  army  consisting  partly  of  Hindus.  "  The  king  said, 
'  Turn  your  face  to  Tilang  to  demand  jizya.' "  "  The  royal  pavilion 
was  pitched  at  the  end  of  the  street,  and  on  each  side  were  ranged 
the  other  tent«."  The  army  advanced  march  by  march,  and  the 
Hindus  committed  as  many  ravages  as  the  Turks.  Wherever  the 
army  marched,  every  inhabited  spot  was  desolated.  "  Arangal  had 
two  walls,  the  centre  of  mud,  the  inner  of  stone."  "When  the 
army  arrived  there  the  Hindu  inhabitants  concealed  themselves  in 
the  hiUs  and  jungles."  "  The  Hindu  horsemen  of  the  rdi  vaunted 
themselves  in  every  direction  that  they  were  as  bold  as  lions,  and 
the  heralds,  whom  they  call  har&s,^  surrounded  them,  singing  their 

1  There  is  no  account  of  this  expedition  in  Ferishta. 


APPENDIX.  559 

praises.  The  singers  kept  on  resounding  the  pseans  whioli  they  use 
in  the  wars  of  their  rdis.  The  Brahmans,  after  their  own  fashion, 
offered  up  their  prayers,  accompanied  by  the  voices  of  the  minstrels." 
"  The  chiefs,  in  appearance,  were  valiant,  but  trembling  in  their 
hearts.  Hindus  made  an  attack  upon  Hindus,  to  try  their  respective 
strength.  If  the  Turks  had  charged,  they  would  have  annihilated 
the  enemy,  for,  from  time  immemorial,  the  Hindus  have  always  been 
the  prey  of  the  Turks." 

The  army  encamped  three  bow-shots  from  Arangal,  and  the  Khan 
ascended  an  eminence  from  which  he  might  examine  the  fort.  "On 
all  sides  of  it,  for  the  distance  of  two  mils,  there  were  fountains  and 
gardens,  calculated  to  gratify  those  who  are  in  search  of  pleasure. 
All  its  fruits  were  mangoes,  plantains,  and  jacks ;  not  cold  apples 
or  icy  quinces.  All  the  flowers  which  he  saw  were  Hindu;  the 
champa,  Tceora,  and  jasmine.  When  the  great  Khan  witnessed  all 
this,  he  prayed  Almighty  God  for  assistance,  and  then  returned  to 
his  camp." 

A  skirmish  described.  "The  Hindu  horsemen  were  more  than 
10,000;  the  foot  soldiers  were  beyond  all  calculation.  The  horse- 
men on  our  side  were  altogether  only  300,  or  even  less."  Notwith- 
standing these  disproportionate  numbers,  the  Hindus  were  completely 
routed,  when  great  booty  in  jewels  and  gold  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  victors.  "  They  pursued  the  enemy  to  the  gate,  and  set  every- 
thing on  fire.  They  burnt  down  all  those  gardens  and  groves.  That 
paradise  of  idol- worshippers  became  like  hell.  The  fire-worshippers 
of  Bvd  were  in  alarm,  and  flocked  round  their  idol." 

In  the  morning  Khusru  Khan  attacked  the  outer  wall,  and  obtained 
possession  of  part  of  it,  when  the  Hindus  sallied  from  the  inner 
fortress  in  order  to  repel  the  Musulmans.  The  Khan  ordered  many 
of  his  horsemen  to  dismount,  and  made  such  a  vigorous  onset  that 
he  seized  the  principal  bastion  of  the  outer  fortress,  which  was 
crowded  with  Hindus,  many  of  whom  were  slain,  and  many  taken 
prisoners ;  among  the  latter  was  Antil  Mahta,  the  commander  of  the 
Eai's  forces. 

Next  morning,  the  Khan  advanced  to  the  ditch  and  besieged  the 
inner  fortress.  He  ordered  Khwaja  Haji,  the  'A'riz,  "to  distribute 
the  army  to  the  proper  posts,  to  dig  the  trenches,  and  spring  a  mine, 


560  APPENDIX. 

tlie  length  of  which  was  equal  to  150  yards  at  that  time."  When 
the  rdi  witnessed  these  bold  advances,  he  became  alarmed,  and  "  sent 
wise  messengers  with  expressions  of  his  submission  and  duty  to 
the  powerful  one,  sapng,  'If  I  have  wealth,  or  elephants,  or  country, 
it  is  mine  only  through  the  protection  of  the  king.  I  will  give  all 
my  wealth,  my  gold,  my  elephants,  if  I  am  allowed  to  escape  with 
my  life.'  When  the  great  Khan  heard  that  message,  he  thanked 
Almighty  God  for  his  victory."  The  Khan  replied :  "  The  Khalffa 
who  sent  me  to  this  country  ordered  me  to  demand  three  conditions 
from  the  Hindus :  First,  that  they  should  make  profession  of  our 
faith,  in  order  that  its  saving  tidings  may  be  proclaimed  throughout 
the  world;  second,  that,  in  the  event  of  refusal,  a  capitation  tax 
should  be  levied ;  the  third  is,  if  compliance  with  these  demands 
be  refused,  to  place  their  heads  under  the  sword.  It  is  my  recom- 
mendation that  the  rdi  come  forth  and  place  his  face  upon  the 
ground,  in  front  of  the  royal  pavilion." 

The  rdi,  in  apprehension  of  his  life,  refused  to  leave  the  fort,  but 
sent  jewels,  clothes,  sandal,  gold,  horses,  elephants,  and  other 
valuables  to  the  Khan,  by  way  of  jizya.  There  were  one"  hundred 
elephants  and  twelve  thousand  horses.  The  rapacious  Khan,  how- 
ever, was  not  satisfied  with  all  this,  but  sent  a  message  to  intimate 
that  what  had  been  sent  was  but  "  a  leaf  in  the  garden  of  the  rdi's 
wealth;"  he  therefore  enjoined  him  to  send  everything  in  his  pos- 
session, or  to  prepare  for  war.  The  rdi  solemnly  afSrmed  that 
he  had  nothing  left  of  all  his  former  wealth,  "  As  I  am  rdi  and  have 
a  regard  for  my  own  fair  name,  I  would  not  tell  a  lie,  which  would 
not  obtain  credence." 

To  this  the  Khan  replied  that  if  the  rdi  were  speaking  truth,  he 
could  have  no  objection  to  submit  to  an  ordeal.  "  He  should  thrust 
his  hand  into  hot  oil,  and  if  he  sustain  no  injury  from  the  heat,  no 
suspicion  wiU  exist  against  him."  To  this  the  rdi  would  not 
consent,  but  on  the  demand  of  the  Khan,  made  over  some  of  his 
relations  as  hostages,  and  wrote  a  letter,  saying,  "  If  any  concealed 
treasure  should  hereafter  be  discovered,  the  fault  will  be  with  me, 
and  I  am  responsible.  This  written  promise  soon  arrived  from 
Arangal,  and  it  was  stamped  with  the  seal  of  Mahadeo." 

The  Khan  then  received  from  the  rdi,  five  districts  {mauza')  of  his 


APPENDIX.  561 

country  {ahtd'),  an  annual  tribute  of  "  more  than  a  hundred  strong 
elephants,  as  large  as  demons,  12,000  horses,  and  gold  and  jewels  and 
gems  beyond  compute.  The  rdi  assented  to  the  whole,  with  heart  and 
soul,  and  wrote  an  engagement  to  this  effect  and  confirmed  it."  He 
then  made  a  long  speech,  entreating  the  consideration  of  the  king,  in 
the  course  of  which  he  observes,  that  "  the  relation  between  Turk 
and  Hindu  is  that  of  a  lion  and  antelope,  and  the  Turks,  when- 
ever they  please,  can  seize,  buy,  or  sell  any  Hindu."  The  Khan 
relinquished  all  the  ceded  and  conquered  territory,  except  "  Badr- 
kot,  a  fort  as  high  as  heaven,  which  the  Khan  had  an  object  in 
demanding." 

The  rdi  then  ascended  the  rampart  of  the  fort  of  Arangal,  and 
turning  his  face  towards  the  royal  pavilion,  he  bowed  to  the  earth. 
"  Thus  did  he  for  three  days,  out  of  respect  to  the  pale  of  religion  ; 
he  turned  towards  the  pavilion,  and  kissed  the  earth.  He  then 
again,  tremblingly,  addressed  the  commander  in  these  words :  '  I 
hold  from  the  late  Sultan  several  emblems  of  military  pomp  and 
dignity.  What  order  is  there  respecting  them  ?  shall  I  continue  to 
use  them,  or  return  them  to  you  ? '  The  Khan  replied,  '  As  these 
were  bestowed  on  you  by  the  late  Sultan,  why  should  the  reigning 
one  wish  to  take  them  back  from  you  ?  But  it  is  right  to  pay  due 
respect  to  his  majesty,  by  sending  the  canopy  {durhdsh)  and  standard 
to  the  royal  pavilion,  in  order  that  the  former  may  be  replaced  by  a 
new  one,  as  the  beams  of  the  former  sun  no  longer  shine.'  "  The  rdi 
accordingly  returned  the  insignia,  which  were  lowered  before  the 
empty  pavilion  of  the  king,  and  were  then  returned  to  the  rdi,  with 
the  standard  unfurled,  and  a  new  canopy. 

Khusrii  Khan,  after  this  ceremony,  returned  in  triumph  to  the 
king,  by  whom  he  had  been  summoned  in  haste.  But  before 
his  arrival,  Mubarak  Shah  had  departed  from  Deogir,  towards 
Dehli,  in  the  month  of  Jumada-1  akhir,  718  h.  (August  5th, 
1318  A.D.). 

"When  Mubarak  Shah  arrived  at  Dehli,  he  gave  orders  for  the 
building  of  a  Jdmi'  Masjid,  by  the  most  skilful  architects,  and  when 
that  was  completed,  he  gave  orders  for  completing  the  city  and  fort 
of  Dehli,  which  his  father,  'Alau-d  din,  had  left  in  an  unfinished 
state. 

VOL.  III.  36 


562  APPENDIX. 

The  Third  Sphere. 

Praises  of  Hindustan. — Its  Climate. — ^Animals. — Learning  and 
Languages. 

"This  is  a  well-known  fact,  that  the  language  spoken  by  con- 
querors who  have  established  themselves,  when  it  has  been  dissem- 
inated amongst  people,  great  and  small,  has  become  the  common 
language  of  the  country.  Just  as  in  Baghdad,  where  originally  but 
little  Persian  was  spoken,  when  the  Khalifa's  dynasty  was  over- 
thrown, the  Parsis  established  themselves  in  it.  Thenceforward, 
everything  that  was  Arab,  became  subject  to  Parsi  rules,  and  the 
herd  acquired  respect  for  the  language  of  the  shepherds.  The  city, 
which  was  called  Baghdad  in  Arabic,  became  converted  in  its  first 
sj'Uable  into  Baghchadad.  Turki  became  just  as  prevalent,  when 
the  Turks  conquered  the  country,  and  the  language  of  the  chiefs 
bore  fruit  in  a  new  soil." 

"  Hind  has  observed  the  same  rule  in  respect  to  language.  In 
olden  time  it  was  Hindui.  When  the  tribes,  great  and  small,  became 
intermixed,  every  one,  bad  and  good,  learnt  Parsi,  and  all  the  other 
languages  which  existed  never  moved  from  their  bounds.  As  God 
had  taught  them  all,  it  is  not  proper  to  call  them  all  bad.  With  the 
exception  of  Arabic,  which,  in  consequence  of  the  Kuran  being 
written  in  it,  is  the  most  excellent  and  eloquent  of  languages,  aU  the 
tongues  differ  from  one  another,  and  each  one  has  some  peculiar 
merit  of  its  own.  This  one  exclaims,  '  My  wine  is  better  than  all 
others.'  Every  one  loses  himself  in  his  own  cup,  and  no  one  admits 
that  his  own  wine  is  vinegar.  In  short,  it  would  be  useless  to  enter 
into  further  discussion  respecting  Parsi,  Turki,  and  Ara,bic." 

"As  I  was  born  in  Hind,  I  may  be  allowed  to  say  a  word 
respecting  its  languages.  There  is  at  this  time  in  every  pro- 
vince a  language  peculiar  to  itself,  and  not  borrowed  from  any 
other — Sindi,  Lahori,  Kashmiri,  the  language  of  Dugar,"  Dhur 
Samundar,  Tilang,  Grujarat,  Ma'bar,  Gaur,  Bengal,  Oudh,  Dehli 
and  its  environs.  These  are  all  languages  of  Hind,  which  from 
ancient  times  have  been  applied  in  every  way  to  the  common  pur- 
poses of  life. 

'  This  may  be  considered  the  country  hetween  Lahore  and  Kashmir.  Though 
now  used  by  us  in  a  more  restricted  sense,  the  natives  assign  to  it  wider  limits. 


APPENDIX.  56-3 

"But  tliere  is  aaatter  language  more  select  than  the  others,  which 
all  the  Brahmans  use.  Its  name  from  of  old  is  Sahaskrit,  and  the 
common  people  know  nothing  of  it.  A  Brahman  knows  it,  but 
Brahmani  women  do  not  understand  a  word  of  it.  It  bears  a  re- 
semblance to  Arabic  in  some  respects,  in  its  permutations  of  letters, 
its  grammar,  its  conjugations,  and  polish.  They  have  four  books  in 
that  language,  which  they  are  constantly  in  the  habit  of  repeating. 
Their  name  is  Bed.  They  contain  stories  of  their  gods,  but  little 
advantage  can  be  derived  from  their  perusal.  Whatever  other 
stories  and  fables  they  have,  is  contained  in  habits,  parwAnas,  and 
ndmaJis.  The  language  possesses  rules  for  composition  and  eloquence. 
The  language  is  very  precious,  inferior  to  Arabic,  but  superior  to 
Dari ;  and  though  the  latter  is  certainly  sweet  and  melodious,  yet 
even  in  that  respect  this  language  does  not  yield  to  it." 

Mention  of  some  of  the  powers  of  sorcery  and  enchantment 
possessed  by  the  inhabitants  of  India.  "  First  of  all,  they  can 
bring  a  dead  man  to  life.  If  a  man  has  been  bitten  by  a  snake  and  is 
rendered  speechless,  they  can  resuscitate  him  after  even  six  months. 
They  put  him  on  a  river  which  flows  towards  the  East,  and  he 
speeds  on  his  voyage  as  swift  as  lightning.  When  he  arrives  on  the 
borders  of  Kamru,  an  experienced  witch  instils  life  into  him." 

"  Another  mode  is  this,  and  the  power  is  possessed  by  the  Brah- 
mans as  a  secret ;  namely,  that  they  can  bring  a  man  to  life  after  his 
head  has  been  cut  off.  I  will  tell  you  another  story,  if  you  will  not 
be  alarmed  at  it,  that  a  demon  gets  into  one's  head  and  drinks  as 
much  wine  as  satisfies  him,  and  whatever  he  utters  in  this  state, 
is  sure  to  become  true.  Another  is,  that  through  their  art  they  can 
procure  longevity  by  diminishing  the  daily  number  of  their  ex- 
pirations of  breath.  A  Jogi  who  could  restrain  his  breath  in  this 
way  lived  in  an  idol  to  an  age  of  more  than  three  hundred  and 
fifty  years." 

"Another  process  is,  that  they  can  tell  future  events  by  the 
breath  of  their  nostrils,  according  as  the  right  or  left  orifice  is  more 
or  less  open.  They  can  also  inflate  another's  body  by  their  own 
breath.  In  the  hills  on  the  borders  of  Kashmir  there  are  many  such 
people.  Another  is,  that  they  know  how  to  convert  themselves 
into  wolves,  dogs,  and  cats.     They  can  also  extract  by  their  power 


564  APPENDIX. 

the  blood  from  one's  body  and  infuse  it  again.  They  can  also,  even 
while  moving,  affect  a  man,  whether  old  or  young,  with  bodily 
disease.  They  can  also  make  a  body  float  from  shore  to  shore. 
They  can  also  fly  like  fowls  in  the  aiar,  however  improbable  it  may 
seem.  They  can  also,  by  putting  antimony  on  their  eyes,  make 
themselves  invisible  at  pleasure.  Those  only  can  believe  all  this 
who  have  seen  it  with  their  own  eyes." 

"  Though  this  be  all  sorcery  and  incantation,  yet  there  is  one  marvel 
which  you  must  acknowledge  to  be  fact,  that  is,  that  a  woman  in 
her  senses  will  burn  herself  on  the  funeral  pile  of  her  husband, 
and  that  a  man  wUl  burn  himself  for  his  idol  or  for  his  master. 
Though  this  be  not  legitimate  in  Islam,  yet  see  what  a  great  achieve- 
ment it  is  !  If  this  practice  were  lawful  amongst  us,  pious  devotees 
might  surrender  their  lives  to  the  air." 

When  Khusru  Khan  was  returning  to  the  king  after  the  defeat  of 
Eaghi,  he  received  intelligence  on  the  road  that  Eana  Harpal  had 
rebelled,  and  taken  up  a  position  in  the  hUls  at  the  head  of  a  power- 
ful army.  The  Khan  went  in  pursuit  of  him,  and  was  vigorously 
attacked  two  or  three  times  by  the  rebel,  who,  in  the  end  being 
desperately  wounded,  was  taken  captive,  and  his  army  put  to  flight. 
He  was  brought,  bound  hand  and  foot,  before  the  king,  who  gave 
orders  that  he  should  be  put  to  death ;  after  which  his  body  was 
delivered  to  his  attendants  to  be  burnt.  "  When  his  way  had  been 
taken  towards  hell  by  the  sword,  the  king  gave  his  body  to  the  other 
hellites,  that  this  great  infidel  and  little  Satan  might  become  one  of 
its  chief  ornaments  of  their  kingdom.  The  heUites  who  had  accom- 
panied him  out  of  regard  and  had  fought  by  his  side,  also  afforded 
food  to  the  flames  of  the  infernal  regions.  Those  hellites  did  not 
desire  that  he  should  be  burnt  by  himself  alone,  so  they  accompanied 
him  into  the  flames,  and  hell  was  gratified  by  that  sacrifice." 

In  the  beginning  of  the  month  of  Eajab,  718  H.,  the  king,  on  his 
return  towards  Dehli  from  Deogir,  crossed  the  Nerbadda  in  a  boat. 
"  Nerbadda  is  a  river  which  flows  very  rapidly,  and  is  so  deep 
that  it  cannot  be  fathomed.  Swifter  than  an  arrow,  and  about  two 
bow-shots  broad  from  shore  to  shore,  even  an  expert  swimmer  dare 
not  attempt  to  cross  it."  On  the  day  of  the  passage  of  the  river,  the 
captured  elephants  arrived  in  the  royal  camp  from  Telingana. 


APPENDIX.  565 

The  Fov/rth  Sphere. 

Admonitions  and  precepts  for  kings,  chiefs,  soldiers,  fflad'  the 
common  people. 

"I  have  heard  a  story  that,  in  Dehli,  about  five  or  six  hundred 
years  ago,  there  was  a  great  rdi,  called  Anangpal.  At  the  entrance 
of  his  palace  he  had  placed  two  Kons,  sculptured  in  stone.  He 
fixed  a  bell  by  the  side  of  the  two  lions,  in-  order  that  those  who 
sought  justice  might  strike  it,  upon  which  the  rdi  would  order  them 
to  be  summoned,  would  listen  to  their  complaints,  and  render  justice. 
One  day,  a  crow  came  and  sat  on  the  bell  and  struck  it ;  when  the 
rdi  asked  who  the  complainant  was.  It  is  a  fact,  not  unknown,  that 
bold  crows  will  pick  meat  from  between  the  the  teeth  of  lions.  As 
stone  lions  cannot  hiint  for  their  prey,  where  could  the  crow  obtain 
its  usual  sustenance  ?  As  the  rdi  was  satisfied  that  the  crow  justly- 
complained  of  hunger,  having  come  to  sit  by  bis  stone  lions,  he  gave 
orders  that  some  goats  and  sheep  should  be  killed,  on  which  the  crow 
might  feed  himself  for  some  days." 

The  Fifth. Sphere. 
The  king's  fondness  of  hunting. — His  preserves. — Praise  of  the 
seasons  of  Hindustan. — ^Dialogue  between-  the  king's  bow  and  arrow. 

The  Sixth  Sphere. 
Birth  of  Prince  Sultan  Muhammad  on  the  23rd  of  Eabi'u-1  awwal, 
718  H.  (June  25th,  1318  a.d.). — The  king  distributes  gold  and  jewels 
among  the  nobles  after  seeing  the  child. — Its  education. 

The  Seventh  Sphere. 
Encomium  upon  spring  and  new  year's   day ;    on  flowers  and 
birds. — The  king's  public  audience,  and  the  honours  and  robes  be- 
stowed by  him  upon  the  nobles,  especially  upon  Khusru  Khan. 

The  Eighth  Sphere. 
The  king's  skill  in  the  game  of  chaugdn. — Dialogue  between  the 
bat  and  the  ball. 

The  Ninth  Sphere: 
The  poet  exalts  his  own  merits,  and  boastingly  says  that  though 
at  that  time,  in  all  'Ajam  and  Tran,  the  two  poets  of  chief  celebrity 


566  APPENDIX. 

were  Shaikh  Sa'di  Shirazf  and  Hakim  Hum£m  Tabrizi,  yet  he  ex- 
celled them  both ;  because,  whatever  might  be  the  merit  of  their 
verses,  they  possessed  not  the  same  multifarious  accomplishments 
as  himself. 

He  tells  us  that  he  was  sixty-five  years  of  age,  and  becoming 
infirm,  when  he  concluded  this  poem  on  the  30th  of  Jumada-s  sani, 
718  H.  (August  24th,  1318  a.d.),  and  that  it  contains  4,509  lines. 


5.  I'JA'Z-I  KHUSEUWr. 
[This  work,  sometimes  called  Inshd-i  Amir  Khusru,  is  a  collection 
oi  farmdns,  despatches,  and  letters  by  Amir  Khusru.  It  is  rather 
an  extensive  work.  A  MS.  belonging  to  Nawab  Ziau-d  din,  of 
Dehli,  consists  of  382  pages  of  small  writing,  nineteen  lines  in  the 
page.  The  documents  it  contains  are,  as  usual,  written  in  the  most 
grandiloquent  style,  a  very  small  amount  of  information  being 
wrapped  up  in  a  bewildering  maze  of  words.  The  following 
abstract,  made  by  a  munsM,  of  a  portion  of  one  despatch,  relates  to 
a  matter  upon  which  the  historians  are  silent.  Barni  says  nothing 
of  'Alau-d  din's  ascendancy  at  Ghazni,  and  Firishta  (I.  364)  speaks 
only  of  plundering  expeditions  into  that  and  the  neighbouring 
countries.] 

BXTKACT. 

Abstract  (Book  IV.,  Sec.  iii..  Letter  3)  of  part  of  an  Arz-ddsht 
of  Hajib  Badr  to  the  address  of  Prince  Khizr  Khan,  the  eldest  son 
•of  Sultto  'Alau-d  din  Khilji.     The  letter  has  no  date. 

This  servant,  Badr,  begs  to  state,  for  the  information  of  his  high- 
ness Prince  Khizr  Khan,  son  of  Iskandar-i  sani  ('Alau-d  din),  that, 
according  to  the  royal  orders,  he  marched  with  an  army,  and,  after 
travelling  through  the  various  stages,  he  reached  the  banks  of  the 
Indus.  He  crossed  the  river  in  boats,  and,  proceeding  onwards, 
arrived  at  Ghaznin  in  winter.  The  season  was  exceedingly  cold. 
The  Mughals  of  the  place  were  in  great  alarm,  from  fear  of  the 
Musulmto.  army.  But  when  the  purport  of  the  royal  farmdn  was 
read  to  them,  they  became  comforted,  expressed  their  obedience,  and 
were  happy.  As  the  king  had  ordered  that  the  hhutba  of  his  name 
should  be  read  in  Ghaznin,  all  the  Muhammadans,  who  had  con- 


APPENDIX.  567 

oealed  ttemselves  in  mountains  and  ravines,  as  well  as  all  the  elders 
and  principal  Musulmans  of  Ghaznln,  who  were  looking  with  the 
eye  of  expectation  towards  Dehli,  assembled  in  the  'J6mV  Masjid 
of  the  city,  and  on  Friday  the  Miutba  was  read  in  the  name  of 
Sultan  'Alau-d  din.  The  noise  of  the  acclamations  of  joy  and 
congratulations  rose  high  from  all  quarters.  The  vest  of  honour, 
which  was  sent  by  the  king  for  the  reader  of  the  Ichutba,  was  put 
on  his  shoulders.  One  of  the  walls  of  the  mosque,  which  was 
decayed  and  had  fallen  down,  was  newly  raised. 

On  the  same  Friday,  before  the  assembly  of  the  Muhammadans, 
when  the  name  of  the  king  was  pronounced  in  the  kJiutba,  he  (Badr) 
offered,  near  the  pulpit,  the  jewels  which  he  had  brought  with  him, 
and  also  one  plate  full  of  gold.  He  threw  them  down  on  the  earth, 
and  people  fell  on  them  and  picked  them  up.  The  Mughals  saw 
this  from  the  top  of  the  walls  of  the  Masjid,  and  spoke  something 
in  their  own  tongue.  In  these  days  some  of  the  infidels  have 
embraced  the  Muhammadan  faith. 


B.— KASAID  OF  BADE  CHA'CH. 
[The  author  of  these  Odes,  whose  real  name  was  Badru-d  din, 
"the  full  moon  of  religion,"  was  more  familiarly  known  as  Badr-i 
Ohach,  from  his  native  country  of  Chach,  or  Tashkand.  He  came  to 
India  and  attracted  some  notice  at  the  Court  of  Muhammad  Tughlik, 
as  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  extracts  of  his  poems. 
His  Kasdid,  or  Odes,  were  lithographed  at  Luoknow  in  184-5,  and 
there  is  a  short  notice  of  them  in  Stewart's  Catalogue  of  Tippoo's 
Library,  and  in  Sprenger's  Catalogue  of  the  Oude  Libraries,  p.  367. 
Beyond  this,  nothing  is  known  of  him.  The  following  extracts  and 
notes  are  entirely  the  work  of  Sir  H.  Elliot.] 

Congratulations  on  the  Arrival  of  a  KMldt  from  the  'Ahbdsi  Khalifa. 
Gabriel,  from  the  firmament  of  Heaven,  has  proclaimed  the  glad 
tidings,  that  a  robe  of  honour  and  Patent  have  reached  the  Sultan 
from  the  Khalifa,  just  as  the  verses  of  the  Kuran  honoured  Mu- 
hammad by  their  arrival  from  the  Court  of  the  immortal  God. 
»  »  IS  The  Imam  has  given  the  Shah  absolute  power  over  all  the 
world,  and  this  intelligence  has  reached  all  other  Shahs  throughout 


668  APPENDIX. 

the  seven  climates.  The  Patent  of  the  other  sovereignB  of  the 
world  has  been  revoted,  for  an  autograph  grant  has  been  despatched 
from  the  eternal  Capital.  The  wells  of  the  envious  have  become 
as  dry  as  that  of  Joseph,  now  that  the  Egyptian  robe  has  been 
received  in  Hindustan  from  Canaan.  <»«*«>  A  veritable  'I'd  has 
arrived  to  the  Faithful,  now  that  twice  in  one  year  a  Tehila't  has 
reached  the  Sultan  from  the  Amiru-l  Muminin.  <»«»*»  Eajab  arrived 
here  on  his  return  in  the  month  of  Muharram,  746  h.'  (May,  1345  a.d.). 
*  «  «  The  king  now  never  mentions  his  desire  of  sitting  on  an  ivory 
throne,  since  his  enemies  sit  on  the  point  of  elephants'  tusks.^  «  »  e 
Be  happy,  oh  Badr,  for  by  the  grace  of  Grod,  and  liberality  of  the 
king,  your  difficulties  have  ceased,  and  the  period  of  benefactions 
has  arrived. 

Decorations  of  Dehli  upon  the  same  occasion. 

Yesternight,  at  the  time  that  the  sun,  the  king  with  the  golden 
garments,  invested  itself  with  a  black  mantle,  and  the  king  of  the 
host  of  darkness,''  whose  name  is  the  moon,  filled  the  emerald  vault 
with  sparks  of  gold,  a  robe  of  honour  and  a  patent  of  sovereignty 
arrived,  for  the  king  of  sea  and  land,  from  the  lord  Khahfa,  the 
saint  of  his  time,  Ahmad  'Abbas,  the  Imam  of  God,  the  heir  of  the 
prophet  of  mankind.     An  order  went  forth  that  the  embroiderers  of 

'  This  is  a  yery  difficult  passage,  and  variously  interpreted.  I  have  made  as  muoh 
sense  of  it  as  it  seems  capable  of  bearing.  The  literal  translation  is  :  "  On  the  very 
date  on  which  one  month  was  in  excess  of  the  year  700  from  this  journey,  in  the 
month  of  Muharram,  the  before  Sha'b^n  arrived."  The  chronogrammatic  value 
of  "  one  month "  is  forty-six ;  some  copies,  by  the  omission  of  the  cUif,  make  it 
"forty-five,"  and  some  only  "  nine,"  which  latter  is  out  of  the  question.  Eajab  is 
the  month  before  Sha'bin,  and  that  is  also  the  name  of  the  ambassador  who  had 
been  sent  by  Muhammad  Tughlik  to  the  Khalifa.  Firishta  says  one  khila't  arrived 
in  744  H.,  and  another  in  747  h.  Here  a  contemporary  says  the  second  arrived  in 
746  H.,  or  it  maybe  745  h.,  and  that  both  khila'ts  arrived  within  one  year.  The 
introduction  of  the  Khalifa's  name  upon  Muhammad  Tughlik's  coins  begins  as  early 
as  741  H. ;  but  this  must  have  occurred  before  the  arrival  of  an  ambassador,  and 
sufficiently  accounts  for  the  errors  in  the  name  of  the  reigning  Khalifa,  which  do  not 
occur  at  a  period  subsequent  to  this  embassy.  See  E.  Thomas,  Goms  of  the  JPatcm 
Sultans,  New  Edition,  pp.  254,  259,  and  Praehn,  Eecensio,  p.  177. 

^  That  is,  your  enemies  are  placed  before  elephants,  to  be  gored  or  trampled  to 
death  by  elephants. 

'  There  is  a  double  meaning  here— the  "  host  of  darkness"  being,  in  the  original, 
"the  army  of  Hind;"  and  the  "black  mantle,"  "the  hhila't  of  the  'Abb&sls;" 
which  image  also  occurs  in  the  preceding  ode. 


APPENDIX.  669 

curtains  should  prepare  a  beautiful  and  costly  pavilion  in  the  centre 
of  four  triumphal  arches,  which  were  so  lofty  that  the  vault  of 
heaven  appeared  in  compariBon  like  a  green  fly.  Each  arch  was 
adorned  with  golden  vestments,  like  a  bride.  The  floors  were 
spread  with  beautiful  oarpetSj  and  there  were  ponds  of  water  to 
excite  the  envy  of  Kansaf^  the  tivulet  of  paradise.  In  the  chambers 
poets  recited  verses ;  songsters,  like  Venus,  sang  in  each  balcony. 
The  chamberlains  were  in  attendance,  with  their  embroidered 
sleeves  ;  the  judges,  with  theil'  turbans  ;  the  princes,  with  their 
waistbands.  All  classes  of  the  people  assembled  round  the  buildings 
to  witness  the  scene.  This  gay  assemblage  had  collected  because 
a  hhila't  and  Patent  had  iseen  sent  by  the  lord  Imam.  The  con- 
tents of  it  were  :  "  May  etery thing  on  the  face  of  the  earth,  in  the 
firO  and  in  the  water,  relSiain  under  the  protection  of  the  king — 
Turk,  Bum,  Khurasan,  Chin,  and  Sham — ^both  that  which  is  good, 
and  that  which  is  bad  I  If  an  azure  canopy  be  granted,  the  heaven 
is  at  his  command ;  if  a  red  Crown  be  desired,  the  sun  will  provide 
it.  Let  his  titles  be  procMmed  from  every  pulpit — the  Sultan  of 
East  and  West,  the  King  of  Kings  by  sea  and  land,  the  Defender 
of  the  Faith,  Muhammad  TUghlik,  the  Just,  in  dignity  like  Saturn, 
in  splendour  like  the  Messiah  1 "  The  Imam  has  sent  a  TcMla't 
black  as  the  apple  of  the  eyfl)  calculated  to  spread  the  light  of  the 
law  through  the  hearts  of  men.  For  fear  of  the  justice  of  thy 
government,  the  hart  and  the  lion  consort  in  the  forest.  May  the 
eyes  of  thy  enemies  shed  tears  of  blood.  May  he  who  raises  his 
head  against  thy  authority,  have  his  face  blackened,  and  his  tongue 
slit,  like  a  pen-iteed ;  and  so  long  as  the  moon  is  sometimes  round 
as  a  shield,  and  sometimes  bent  like  a  bow,  may  arrows  pierce  the 
heart  of  thy  ruthless  enemies.  May  every  success  attend  Badr 
through  thy  good  fortune,  and  may  he  never  be  visited  by  any 
calamities  of  the  time  1 

In  CelebraUon  of  a  Festwal. 

Doubtless,  this  festival  appears  as  if  it  were  held  in  Paradise,  in 
which  armies  of  angels  stand  on  the  right  and  left.  A  thousand 
crowned  heads  are  bowed  in  reverence ;  a  thousand  throned  warriors 
stand  awaiting  orders;  a  thousand  stars    (armies)  are  there,  and 


570  APPENDIX. 

under  each,  star  are  arranged  a  thousand  banners.  In  each  course 
behind  the  screens  are  a  thousand  songsters,  melodious  as  night- 
ingales. If  the  palace  of  a  thousand  pillars  were  not  like  Paradise, 
why  should  rewards  and  punishments  be  distributed  there  like  as 
on  the  day  of  judgment?  Certainly  this  abode  of  happiness,  Khur- 
ramabad,  is  chosen  as  a  royal  residence,  because  there  the  king,  by 
his  execution  of  the  laws,  acknowledges  his  subservience  to  the 
Khalffa  of  the  world,  Abu-1  Eabi'  Sulaiman,  the  celebrated  Imam, 
to  whom  the  Khusru  Of  Hind  is  a  servant  and  slave  in  body,  heart, 
and  soul.  This  Khusru  is  a  holy  warrior,  Muhammad  Tughlik,  at 
whose  gate  the  King  of  Chin  and  Khita  is  in  waiting,  like  a  Hindu 
porter.  *  ®  '»  The  blade  of  thy  sword  smites  the  necks  of  thy 
enemies,  and  virith  equal  power  does  thy  hand  wield  the  pen,  clothed 
in  a  yellow  tunic,  like  a  Hindu. , 

On  the  Capture  of  Nagarhot. 
When  the  sun  was  in  Cancer,  the  king  of  the  time  took  the  stone 
fort  of  Nagarkot,  in  the  year  738  h.  (1337  a.d.).  «  »  «»  It  is  placed 
between  rivers,  like  the  pupU  of  an  eye,  and  the  fortress  has  so  pre- 
served its  honour,  and  is  so  impregnable,  that  neither  Sikandar  nor 
Dara  were  able  to  take  it.  Within  are  the  masters  of  the  mangonels ; 
within  also  are  beauties  resplendent  as  the  sun.  Its  chiefs  are  aU 
strong  as  buffalos,  with  necks  like  a  rhinoceros.  Its  inhabitants  are 
all  travelling  on  the  high  road  to  hell  and  perdition,  and  are  gMls, 
resembling  dragons.  The  exalted  king  of  the  kings  of  the  earth 
arrived  at  night  at  this  fortress,  with  100,000  champions.  His 
army  contained  1,000  stars,  and  under  each  star  1,000  banners  were 
displayed.  *  •■"'  *  Muhammad  Tughlik  is  obedient  to  the  laws  of 
Muhammad,  the  apostle,  and  the  orders  of  his  vicegerent,  Abu-1 
Kabi'  Sulaiman  Mustakfi,  the  essence  of  the  religion  of  the  prophet, 
the  light  of  the  family  of  Khalifas,  the  Imam  of  God,  to  whom  the 
king  is  a  servant  and  slave  in  body,  heart,  and  soul. 

t»  «  «  o  tt  c»  « 

The  Author  is  despatched  to  Deogir. 
On  the  1st  of  Sha'ban,  in  the  year  745,  represented  by  the  letters 
in  "  The  power  of  the  king,"  orders  were  issued  that  I  should  go  to 


APPENDIX.  571 

the  country  of  Deogfr,  and  I  was  thus  addressed  :  "  Oh,  Badr, 
accompanied  by  Jamal  Malik,  the  poet,  and  Nekroz,  the  slave,  take 
thy  departure  with  a  pomp  worthy  of  Eustam.  May  he  who  accom- 
plishes all  designs  aid  thee;  may  the  God  of  both  worlds  protect 
thee;  but  speak  not  of  Deogir,  for  it  is  Daulatabad  to  which  I 
allude,  a  fort  exalted  to  the  heavens  !  Although  it  is  but  a  point  in 
my  kingdom,  it  comprises  what  is  equal  to  1,000  kingdoms  of  Jam- 
shid.  *  *•*  **  Go  to  the  court  of  the  governor  of  the  -country, 
Katlagh  Khan,  and  acquire  honour  by  this  presentation,  and  having 
thy  mouth  in  honey,  say  thus  from  me  :  '  Oh  thou,  from  whose  lips 
sugar  distils,  in  whose  fortunate '  breast  the  light  of  the  flame  of  the 
knowledge  of  God  is  reflected ;  thou,  that  art  the  best  of  those  pos- 
sessed of  gold  ;  thou,  that  art  the  essence  of  those  who  are  excellent 
among  men ;  thou,  whose  bounteous  hand  is  so  munificent  that  the 
fathomless  ocean  is  but  a  drop  compared  with  it ;  come,  and  gratify 
me  by  your  arrival,  as  water  does  the  thirsty.  If  thou  hast  any 
desire  to  reach  the  summit  of  thy  exaltation,  proceed  towards  the 
north.'  Come  and  feast  thy  eyes  upon  the  black  khila't,  so  pro- 
pitiously sent  by  the  Imam  of  the  time,  and  look  with  due  reverence 
on  the  Patent  which  has  issued  from  the  Khalifa  Abu-1  'Abbas 
Ahmad,  the  sun  of  the  earth,  and  the  shadow  of  God.  It  is  through 
his  justice  that  an  antelope  is  able  to  seize  the  tail  of  a  wolf. 
Use  every  exertion  to  come  to  the  royal  court,  for  henceforward  you 
and  I  have  obtained  everlasting  salvation.' 

"When  thou,  oh  Badr,  hast  delivered  this  address  to  the  Khdn, 
kiss  his  hands  and  bow  down,  like  a  pen  dipping  into  an  inkstand. 
Obey  every  order  that  he  gives,  and  deem  yourself  honoured  with 
every  gift  that  he  presents.  **  *  **  When  the  equipage  of  Jalalat 
Khan  proceeds  in  state  to  the  throne  of  the  Sultan,  the  king  of  earth 
and  sea,  proclaim  to  the  world  that  the  Khwaja  is  coming,  like  the 
resplendent  sun,  with  100,000  footmen,  100,000  horsemen,  100,000 
spears,  and  100,000  bows,  sitting  in  his  silver  ambdri,  like  the  moon 
in  the  milky  way." 

1  Mubdralc  is  the  Persian  translation  of  Katlagh. 

*  The  annotator  says,  "  Proceed  on  a  mission  to  the  Khalifa ;"  hut  this  is  a  very 
imperfect  interpretation. 


572  APPENDIX. 

In  Commemoration  of  the  Building  of  Khwramdldd. 

!»  <»  O  «»  ««  «t  «» 

The  inscriptions  over  its  gateway  record,  in  verse,  the  praise  of 
the  Khalifa  repeatedly ;  may  his  throne  he  established  to  eternity, 
as  well  as  that  of  the  King  of  the  World,  who  has  declared  that  it  is 
his  pleasure  to  serve  the  Imam  of  God.  The  Shah  has  given  it  the 
name  of  Khurramabad,  and  Zahiru-1  Jaiush  was  its  architect,  the 
slave  of  the  lord  of  the  universe,  the  prelate  of  religion,  the  most 
select  among  the  pious^  This  fortunate  building  was  completed  in 
Muharram,  in  the  year  744  h.  (June,  1343  A.D.).  Badr  has  strung 
the  pearl  of  this  ode  in  one  night,  and  made  it  worthy  of  ornament- 
ing the  ears  of  the  nobles  of  the  land. 

On  the  same  subject. 
%i  M  «»  >»  »  <a  m 

Without,  though  the  courts,  full  of  armies,  are  raising  a  tumult 
and  uproar,  yet  within  it  is  so  quiet,  that  prayers  for  pardon  can 
be  offered  up.^  *  *  *  All  is  so  still  and  clear  that  the  ear  of  man 
might  hear  the  humming  of  a  fly's  wing  reverberate  like  music. 
*  «  »  Speak  not  of  a  fort,  speak  not  of  a  sarai,  for  in  appearance 
and  stability  it  is  like  the  Ka'bah  of  Paradise.  Zahiru-d  din  erected 
this  blessed  structure  by  the  propitious  order  of  the  Khusru  of  the 
time,  the  director  of  the  architects,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Khalifa. 
May  his  life  be  prolonged  for  the  confirmation  of  the  religion  of 
Muhammad,  the  Apostle  of  God.  It  was  completed  on  the  date, 
"  Enter  thou  into  Paradise,"  or,  that  I  may  explain  more  openly, 
744  H.  I  have  been  entitled  by  the  king,  Fakhru-z  zaman ;  call  me 
not  by  that  name,  but  rather  the  sweet-noted  parrot. 

In  Celelration  of  the  Completion  of  the  Shah-ndmm. 
In  the  year  of  Arabia,  represented  by  "the  power  of  the  king" 
(745  H.,  1344  A.D.),  heaven  completed  the  verses  which  I  had  strung 
together.  Every  line  was  like  a  pearl,  which  dazzled  the  eye  in 
the  dead  of  night.  '*  '*  *  The  whole  of  the  poem  is  filled  with 
praises  of  the  king,   Shah  Muhammad,  the  defender  of  the  law 

^  In  aUusiou  to  the  mode  in  which  these  mnlti-columned  buildings  are  constructed, 
so  as  to  render  the  centre  compartments  private,  while  externally  all  appears  exposed. 


APPENDIX.  573 

of  the  Prophet,  and  by  right  the  ruler  of  the  earth,  by  order  of  the 
Imam.  Everywhere  crowned  heads  swear  fealty  to  him,  every- 
where celebrated  men  are  the  slaves  of  his  behests. 

«*  «  »  «s  »  «  « 


C— MASAXIKU-L  ABSAR  IT  MAMALIKU-L  AMSAR 

OP 

SHAHA'BU-D  DIN  ABlf-L  'ABBA'S  AHMAD. 

["  Travels  of  the  Eyes  into  the  Kingdoms  of  Different  Countries." 
This  is  the  work  of  Shahabu-d  din  'Abu-1  'Abbas  Ahmad,  also  called 
'Umari  and  Dimashki,  or  native  of  Damascus.  He  was  born  in  the 
year  697  h.  (1297  a.d.),  and  died  at  Damascus  in  749  (1348  a.d.). 
Shahabu-d  din  says  Kttle  about  himself  and  his  family,  but  he 
mentions  that  his  ancestors  were,  like  himself,  employed  in  the 
service  of  the  Sultan  of  Egypt.  His  father,  Kazi  Mohiu-d  din,  was 
secretary  of  secret  despatches  at  Damascus,  and  after  being  dis- 
missed from  that  office,  and  remaining  some  time  without  employ, 
became  chief  of  the  department  of  secret  correspondence  in  Egypt. 
Shahabu-d  din  assisted  his  father  in  both  his  offices,  but  he  incurred 
disgrace,  and  retired  into  private  life  at  Damascus,  and  so  lived 
until  his  death. 

Shahabu-d  din  was  a  man  of  very  considerable  learning  and 
ability.  He  studied  different  sciences  under  men  of  celebrity,  and 
his  extensive  works  testify  to  his  learning,  research,  and  literary 
activity.  He  is  known  to  have  written  seven  different  works 
inclusive  of  the  one  now  under  notice.  Most  of  his  writings  have 
perished,  or  are  at  least  unknown,  but  the  Masdlih,  which  is  the  most 
important  of  them  in  its  extent  and  research,  has  come  down  to  us 
in  an  imperfect  state.  The  complete  work  consisted  of  twenty 
volumes,  but  of  these  only  five  are  known  to  be  extant.  They  are 
in  the  Biblioth^que  Imperiale  at  Paris,  and  in  1838  M.  Quatremere 
published  in  Tome  XHI.  of  the  Notices  et  Extraits  des  MSS.  his 
description  and  specimens  of  the  work,  from  which  the  present 
notice  and  the  following  extracts  have  been  taken  by  the  Editor. 
So  early  as  1758  Deguignes  gave  a  short  notice  of  the  MS.  in  the 


674  APPENDIX. 

Journal  des  Savants,  and  he  frequently  refers  to  the  author  under 
the  surname  of  MarahasM  in  his  Eistoire  des  Ewns  ;  but  M.  Quatre- 
mere  shows  this  title  of  MarahasM,  or  "  native  of  Morocco,"  to  be 
a  mistake. 

The  MS.  is  a  small  folio  of  231  leaves,  and  consists  of  six  chapters. 
1.  Description  of  Hind  and  Sind.  2.  The  Empire  and  family  of 
Changiz  Khan.  3.  The  Kingdom  of  Ji'lan.  4.  The  Kurds,  Lurs,  and 
other  mountain  tribes.  5.  Turk  states  in  Asia  Minor,  with  notices 
of  the  empires  of  Trebizond  and  Constantinople.  6.  Egypt,  Syria, 
and  Hijjaz. 

At  the  close  of  his  notices  of  India,  he  mentions  the  name  of 
Muhammad  Tughlik  as  the  reigning  sovereign,  and  the  general 
tenor  of  his  observations  points  unmistakably  to  that  able  but 
perverse  ruler.  The  author  quotes  occasionally  the  works  of  other 
authors  on  geography  and  history,  and  among  them  Abu-1  Fida  and 
Juwaini ;  but  he  depends  principally  on  the  oral  information  sup- 
plied by  intelligent  and  learned  travellers  with  whom  he  had  come 
in  contact.  His  method  of  gathering  and  using  information  is 
apparent  in  the  following  extracts.  The  work  stood  high  in  Oriental 
estimation,  and  was  often  quoted  by  later  writers — among  others 
by  the  author  of  the  Nuzhatu-l  Kulub.J 

BXTKAOTS. 

India  is  a  most  important  country,  with  which  no  other  country 
in  the  world  can  be  compared  in  respect  of  extent,  riches,  the 
numbers  of  its  armies,  the  pomp  and  splendour  displayed  by  the 
sovereign  in  his  progresses  and  habitations,  and  the  power  of  the 
empire.  *  *  *  The  inhabitants  are  remarkable  for  their  wisdom 
and  great  intelligence ;  no  people  are  better  able  to  restrain  their 
passions,  nor  more  willing  to  sacrifice  their  lives,  for  what  they 
consider  agreeable  in  the  sight  of  God. 

According  to  the  information  of  Siraju-d  din  Abu-1  Fath  'Umax,  a 
lawyer,  and  a  native  of  the  province  of  Oudh,  who  had  lived  long  at 
the  court  of  the  Sultan  of  Dehli,  the  dominions  of  that  monarch 
consisted  of  twenty -three  principal  provinces.  1.  DehU.  2.  Dawakir 
(Deogir).  3.  Multan.  4.  Kahran  (Kuhram).  5.  Samana.  6. 
Siwistan.   7.  Uch.   8.  Has!  (Hansi).   9.  Sarsuti  (Slrsah).   10.  Ma'bar. 


APPENDIX.  575 

11.  Tilank  (Telingana).  12.  Gujarat.  13.  Badaun.  14.  Oudh. 
15.  Kanauj.  16.  Lakhnautf.  17.  Bihar.  18.  Karra.  19.  Malwa. 
20.  Labor.  21.  Kalanor  (Gwalior?).  22.  Jajnagar.  23.  Tilanj 
Darusamand  (Telingana  (?)  and  Dwara-samudra). 

According  to  the  account  of  Shaikh  Mubarak,  the  city  of  Dehli  is 
the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  India.  Next  comes  Bawdkir  (Deogfr), 
which  was  founded  by  the  Sultan  of  that  empire,  and  named  by  him 
"  Kalibatu-l  Isldm,  or  the  Metropolis  of  Islam."  This  place,  said  the 
Shaikh,  is  situated  in  the  third  climate.  When  I  left  it  six  years 
ago  the  buildings  were  not  completed,  and  I  doubt  if  they  are  yet 
finished,  the  extent  it  covers  being  so  great,  and  the  number  of  its 
intended  edifices  so  vast.  The  king  divided  it  into  quarters,  each  of 
them  intended  for  men  of  the  same  profession.  Thus  there  was  the 
quarter  of  the  troops,  that  of  the  ministers  and  clerks,  that  of  the 
Tcdzis  and  learned  men,  that  of  the  shaikhs  and  fakirs,  and  that  of 
the  merchants  and  those  who  carry  on  trades.  Each  quarter  was 
to  contain  within  it  everything  necessary  for  its  wants,  mosques, 
minarets,  markets,  baths,  mills,  ovens,  and  workmen  of  every  trade, 
including  even  blacksmiths,  dyers,  and  curriers,  so  that  the  inhabi- 
tants should  have  no  necessity  to  resort  elsewhere  for  buying  or 
selling,  or  the  other  requirements  of  life.  Each  quarter  was  to  form 
a  separate  town,  entirely  independent  of  those  surrounding  it. 
«:$  0  Hi  a  %  a  <» 

I  questioned  the  Shaikh  Mubarak  about  the  city  of  Dehli  and  the 
court  of  its  sovereign,  and  I  obtained  from  him  the  following  details. 
"  Dehli  consists  of  several  cities  which  have  become  united,  and  each 
of  which  has  a  name  of  its  own.  Dehli,  which  was  one  among  them, 
has  given  its  name  to  all  the  rest.  It  is  both  long  and  broad,  and 
covers  a  space  of  about  forty  miles  in  circumference.  The  houses 
are  built  of  stone  and  brick,  and  the  roofs  of  wood.  The  floors  are 
paved  with  a  white  stone,  like  marble.  None  of  the  houses  are 
more  than  two  stories  high,  and  some  only  one.  It  is  only  in  the 
palace  of  the  Sultan  that  marble  is  used  for  pavement.  But  if  I 
can  believe  the  Shaikh  Abu  Bakr  bin  Ehallal,  this  description 
applies  only  to  the  old  houses  of  Dehli,  for  the  new  ones  are  built 
dififerently.  According  to  the  same  informant,  Dehli  comprises  an 
aggregate  of  twenty-one  cities.    Gardens  extend  on  three  sides  of 


576  APPENDIX. 

it,  in  a  straight  line  for  twelve  thousand  paces.  The  western  side 
is  not  so  furnished,  because  it  borders  on  a  mountain.  Dehli  con- 
tains a  thousand  colleges,  one  of  which  belongs  to  the  SM/a'is,  the 
rest  to  the  Hanafis.  In  it  there  are  about  seventy  hospitals,  called 
Ddru-sh  SMfd,  or  houses  of  cure.  In  the  city,  and  those  dependent 
upon  it,  the  chapels  and  hermitages  amount  to  2,000.  There,  are 
great  monasteries,  large  open  spaces,  and  numerous  baths.  The 
water  used  by  the  people  is  drawn  from  wells  of  little  depth, 
seldom  exceeding  seven  cubits.  Hydraulic  wheels  are  placed  at 
their  tops.  The  people  drink  rain-water,  which  is  collected  in 
large  reservoirs  constructed  for  that  purpose,  the  distance  across 
each  of  them  being  a  bowshot,  or  even  more.  The  chief  mosque 
is  celebrated  for  its  minaret,  which,  in  point  of  altitude,  is  said  to 
have  no  equal  in  the  world.  If  the  statement  of  Shaikh  BurhSnu-d 
din  Bursi  can  be  believed,  the  height  of  this  part  of  the  edifice  is 
600  cubits. 

According  to  Shaikh  Mubarak,  the  palaces  of  the  Sultan  of  Dehli 
are  exclusively  occupied  by  the  Sultan,  his  wives,  concubines,  eunuchs, 
male  and  female  slaves,  and  mamluks.  None  of  the  Khwns  and  amirs 
are  permitted  to  dwell  there.  They  make  their  appearance  there 
only  when  they  come  to  wait  upon  the  Sultan,  which  they  do  twice 
a  day,  morning  and  afternoon.  Afterwards,  each  one  of  them  retires 
to  his  own  house. 

As  regards  the  great  officers  of  State,  those  of  the  highest  rank 
are  called  hhdns,  then^the  maliks,^  then  the  amirs,  then  the  isfdh- 
sdldrs  (generals),  and,  lastly,  the  officers  {jand).  The  court  of  the 
sovereign  comprises  eighty  khdns,  or  even  more.  The  army  con- 
sists of  900,000  horsemen,  some  of  whom  are  stationed  near  the 
prince,  and  the  rest  are  distributed  in  the  various  provinces  of  the 
empire.  All  are  inscribed  in  the  registers  of  the  State,  and  partake 
of  the  liberality  of  their  sovereign.  These  troops  consist  of  Turks, 
inhabitants  of  Khata,  Persians,  and  Indians.  Among  them  are  to 
be  found  aihleta  (pahlawdn),  runners,  (shattdr),  and  men  of  every 
kind.  They  have  excellent  horses,  magnificent  armour,  and  a  fine 
costume.  *'  '*  '*  The  Sultan  has  3,000  elephants,  which,  when  ao- 

1  The  French  translation  says  "rois,"  but  I  have  no  hesitation  in  substituting 
"  mali/e,"  which  is  no  doubt  the  original  word. 


APPENDIX.  577 

coutred  for  battle,  wear  a  covering  of  iron  gilded.  *'  *•  **  He  has 
20,000  Turk  mamUks.  «  «  «  It  is  not  the  same  in  India  as  in 
Egypt  and  Syria,  where  the  malihs,  amirs,  and  generals  have  in 
their  service  men  whom  they  maintain  out  of  their  own  resources. 
In  India  the  officer  has  only  to  care  for  himself.  As  to  the  soldiers, 
the  Sultdn  summons  them  for  service,  and  they  are  paid  from  the 
public  treasury.  The  sums  granted  to  a  hMn,  a  malih,  an  amir, 
or  a  general,  are  given  exclusively  for  his  own  personal  main- 
tenance. The  chamberlains  and  other  dignitaries  ;  the  military  men, 
such  as  the  kJidns,  the  maKlcs,  and  the  amirs,  all  have  a  rank  in 
proportion  to  the  importance  of  their  employ.  The  isfah-sdldrs 
(generals)  have  no  right  to  approach  the  Sultan.  It  is  from  this 
class  that  governors  and  other  similar  functionaries  are  chosen. 
The  khdn  has  10,000  horse  under  his  command,  the  malih,  1,000 ; 
the  amir,  100;  and  the  isfah-sdldr  a  smaller  number.  The  Mans, 
maUhs,  amirs,  and  isfaJi-sdldrs  receive  the  revenues  of  places  as- 
signed to  them  by  the  treasury,  and  if  these  do  not  increase,  they 
never  diminish.  Generally  speaking,  they  bring  in  much  more 
than  their  estimated  value.  The  hhdn  receives  a  grant  of  two  lacs 
of  tankas,  each  tanka  being  worth  eight  dirhams.  This  sum  belongs 
to  him  personally,  and  he  is  not  expected  to  disburse  any  part  of  it 
to  the  soldiers  who  fight  under  his  orders.  The  malik  receives  an 
amount  varying  from  60,000  to  50,000  tankas,  the  amir  from  40,000 
to  30,000,  and  the  isfah-sdldr  20,000,  or  thereabouts.  The  pay  of 
the  officer  varies  from  10,000  to  1,000  tankas.  A  mamluk  receives 
500  tankas,  and  all  receive,  in  addition,  food  and  raiment,  and  forage 
for  their  horses.  Soldiers  and  mamluks  do  not  receive  grants  of 
land-revenue,  but  draw  their  pay  in  money  from  the  public  treasury. 
The  officers  have  villages  of  which  they  receive  the  revenues.  As 
this  same  traveller  observed  to  me,  the  revenues  of  these  lands,  if 
they  do  not  increase,  certainly  do  not  decrease.  Some  of  the  officers 
receive  double,  and  even  more  than  that,  in  excess  of  the  estimated 
value  of  their  grants. 

The  slaves  of  the  Sultan  each  receive  a  monthly  allowance  for  their 

maintenance  of  two  mans  of  wheat  and  rice,  and  a  daily  allowance  of 

three  sirs  of  meat,  with  all  the  necessary  accompaniments.    Besides, 

he  receives  ten  tankas  per  month,  and  four  suits  of  clothes  every  year. 

VOL.  III.  37 


578  APPENDIX. 

The  Sultan  has  a  manufactory,  in  which  400  silk-weavers  are  em- 
ployed, and  where  they  make  stuffs  of  all  kinds  for  the  dresses  of 
persons  attached  to  the  Court,  for  robes  of  honour  and  presents,  in 
addition  to  the  stuffs  which  are  brought  every  year  from  China, 
'Irak,  and  Alexandria.  Every  year  the  Sultan  distributes  200,000 
complete  dresses;  100,000  in  spring,  and  100,000  in  autumn.  The 
spring  dresses  consist  principally  of  the  goods  manufactured  at 
Alexandria.  Those  of  the  autumn  are  almost  exclusively  of  silk 
manufactured  at  Dehli  or  imported  from  China  and  'Irak.  Dresses 
are  also  distributed  to  the  monasteries  and  hermitages. 

The  Sultan  keeps  in  his  service  500  manufacturers  of  golden 
tissues,  who  weave  the  gold  brocades  worn  by  the  wives  of  the 
Sultan,  and  given  away  as  presents  to  the  amirs  and  their  wives. 
Every  year  he  gives  away  10,000  Arab  horses,  of  excellent  breed, 
sometimes  with  saddle  and  bridle,  sometimes  without.  «*  '*  **  As 
to  the  hacks  which  the  Sultan  distributes  every  year,  their  number 
is  incalculable.  He  gives  them  in  lots  or  by  hundreds.  Notwith- 
standing the  number  of  horses  in  India,  and  notwithstanding  the 
numbers  annually  imported,  the  Sultdn  has  horses  brought  from  all 
countries,  and  buys  them  at  high  prices  for  presents.  These  animals 
are  consequently  always  dear,  and  yield  a  good  profit  to  the  horse- 
dealers. 

The  Sultan  has  under  him  a  ndib,  chosen  from  among  the  Mans, 
who  bears  the  title  of  Amriya,  and  enjoys,  as  his  official  appanage, 
a  considerable  province,  as  large  as  'Irak.  He  also  has  a  wazir,  who 
has  a  similar  large  appanage.  This  officer  has  four  deputies  called 
shah,  who  receive  20,000  to  40,000  tankas  per  annum.  He  has  four 
dabirs,  or  secretaries,  each  of  whom  receives  the  revenue  of  a  large 
maritime  town.  Each  of  them  has  under  his  orders  about  300  clerks, 
the  lowest  and  worst  paid  of  whom  receives  10,000  tankas  a  year. 
Some  of  the  highest  rank  have  towns  and  villages,  and  some  have 
both  (pay  and  lands)  to  the  value  of  fifty  (thousand). 

The  Sadr-i  Jahdn,  or  Kdziu-l  huzdt,  which  office  is  held,  at  the 
time  I  am  writing,  by  Kamalu-d  din,  son  of  Burhdnu-d  din,  has  ten 
towns,  producing  a  revenue  of  about  60,000  tankas.  This  dignitary 
is  also  called  Sadru-l  Isldm,  and  is  the  chief  officer  of  justice.  The 
Shaikhu-l  Isldm,  who  corresponds  to  our  Shaikhu-sh  sJim/ukh,  has 


APPENDIX.  579 

the  same  revenue.    The  Muhtasih,  or  chief  of  the  police,  has  a  village 
which  brings  him  in  about  800  tarikas. 

At  the  Court  of  this  prince  there  are  1,200  physicians,  10,000 
falconers,  who  ride  on  horseback,  and  cai-ry  the  birds  trained  for 
hawking,  300  beaters  to  go  in  front  and  put  up  the  game,  3,000 
dealers,  who  sell  the  articles  required  for  hawking,  500  table  com- 
panions, 1,200  musicians,  not  including  the  mamluk  musicians  to  the 
number  of  1 ,000,  who  are  more  especially  charged  with  the  teaching 
of  music,  and  1,000  poets  skilled  in  one  of  three  languages,  Arabic, 
Persian,  or  Indian.  All  these  are  men  of  fine  taste,  who  are  included 
in  the  establishment  of  the  Court,  and  receive  magnificent  presents. 
If  the  Sultan  hears  that  one  of  his  musicians  has  sung  before  any 
other  person,  he  has  him  put  to  death.  I  asked  my  informant  what 
pay  these  various  officers  received,  but  he  did  not  know ;  he  could 
only  inform  me  that  the  table  companions  of  the  prince  held  some 
of  them  one,  and  some  of  them  two  towns  ;  and  that  each  of  them, 
according  to  his  rank,  received  40,000,  30,000,  or  20,000  tonkas, 
without  taking  into  account  dresses,  robes  of  honour,  and  other 
presents. 

Accordiug  to  Shaikh  Mubarak,  the  Sultan  gives  two  audiences 
daily,  in  the  morning  and  in  the  evening,  and  a  repast  is  then  served, 
at  which  20,000  men  are  present,  TcMns,  maliks,  amirs,  isfah-sdldrs, 
and  the  principal  officers.  At  his  private  meals,  that  is,  at  his 
dinner  and  supper,  the  Sultan  receives  learned  lawyers  to  the  number 
of  200,  who  eat  with  him  and  converse  upon  learned  matters. 
Shaikh  Abu  Bakr  bin  Khallal  Bazzi  told  me  that  he  asked  the 
Sultan's  cook  how  many  animals  were  killed  daily  to  supply  the 
royal  table,  and  the  reply  was  2,600  oxen,  2,000  sheep,  without 
taking  into  account  fatted  horses  and  birds  of  all  descriptions.  *  *  •■' 

The  amriya  has  under  his  charge  the  army  and  the  people  at 
large.  Lawyers  and  learned  men,  whether  inhabitants  of  the 
country»or  foreigners,  are  under  the  inspection  of  the  Sadr-i  Jahdn. 
The  fakirs,  whether  natives  or  strangers,  are  under  the  Shaikhu-l 
Isldm.  Lastly,  all  travellers,  ambassadors,  or  others,  men  of  letters, 
poets,  both  native  and  foreign,  are  all  under  the  dahirs,  or  secre- 
taries. **  *  * 

When  the  Sultan  goes  hunting  his  suite  is  less  numerous.    He 


580  APPENDIX. 

only  takes  with  him  100,000  horsemen  and  200  elephants.  Four 
wooden  houses  of  two  stories  are  carried  in  his  train  by  200  camels. 
Tents  and  pavilions  of  all  kinds  follow.  When  he  travels  from  one 
place  to  another,  for  pleasure  or  for  other  motives,  he  takes  with 
him  30,000  horsemen,  200  elephants,  and  1,000  led  horses,  with 
saddles  and  bridles  worked  with  gold,  and  with  other  trappings  of 
gold,  set  with  pearls  and  jewels. 

The  Sultan  is  generous  and  liberal,  and  at  the  same  time  full  of 
humility.  Abu-s  Safa  'TJmar  bin  Is'hak  Shabali  informed  me  that 
he  saw  this  monarch  at  the  funeral  of  a  faMr  of  great  sanctity,  and 
that  he  bore  the  coffin  on  his  shoulders.  He  is  noted  for  knowing 
the  Holy  Book  by  heart,  as  also  the  law  book  called  Siddya,  which 
expounds  the  principles  of  the  school  of  Abu  Hanifa.  He  excels 
in  all  intellectual  accomplishments.  He  possesses  in  the  very 
highest  degree  a  talent  for  caligraphy.  He  is  given  to  religious 
exercises,  and  is  careful  to  regulate  his  passions.  To  these  advantages 
he  adds  literary  acquirements.  He  is  fond  of  reciting  verses,  com- 
posing them,  and  hearing  them  read,  when  he  readily  seizes  their 
most  hidden  allusions.  He  likes  to  consult  with  learned  men,  and 
to  converse  with  men  of  merit.  He  is  also  particularly  fond  of 
contending  with  poets  in  Persian,  a  language  which  he  knows 
perfectly,  and  understands  all  its  niceties  of  expression.  ***** 

The  stories  I  have  been  told  of  the  benevolence  and  generosity  of 
this  Sultan  towards  strangers,  and  to  all  who  have  recourse  to  him, 
pass  all  belief.  **  "  '•* 

The  Sultan  never  ceases  to  show  the  greatest  zeal  in  making  war 
upon  the  infidels,  both  by  sea  and  land.  **  **  **  Every  day  thou- 
sands of  slaves  are  sold  at  a  very  low  price,  so  great  is  the  number 
of  prisoners.  According  to  the  unanimous  statements  of  the  travel- 
lers I  have  cited,  the  value,  at  Dehli,  of  a  young  slave  girl,  for 
domestic  service,  does  not  exceed  eight  tanlcas.  Those  who  are 
deemed  fit  to  fill  the  parts  of  domestic  and  concubine  sell  fqr  about 
fifteen  tanlcas.  In  other  cities  the  prices  are  still  lower.  Abu-s 
Safa  'Umar  bin  Is'hak  Shabali  assured  me  that  he  bought  a  young 
slave  in  the  flower  of  his  youth  for  four  dirhams.  The  rest  may  be 
understood  from  this.  But  stiU,  in  spite  of  the  low  price  of  slaves, 
200,00  tanhas,  and  even  more,  are  paid  for  young  Indian  girls.     I 


APPENDIX.  581 

inquired  the  reason,  «*«*«'  and  was  told  that  these  young  girls  are 
remarkable  for  their  beauty,  and  the  grace  of  their  manners.  '*  **  * 

According  to  what  I  heard  from  Shabali,  the  smallest  quantity  of 
wine  is  not  to  be  found  either  in  shops  or  in  private  houses :  so 
great  is  the  Sultan's  aversion  to  it  and  so  severe  the  punishments 
with  which  he  visits  its  votaries,  Besides,  the  inhabitants  of  India 
have  little  taste  for  wine  and  intoxicating  drinks,  but  content 
themselves  with  betel,  an  agreeable  drug,  the  use  of  which  is  per- 
mitted without  the  slightest  objection.  *  **  •* 

From  the  information  of  the  learned  Siraju-d  din  Abu-s  Safa 
'Umar  Shabali,  it  appears  that  the  Sultan  is  very  anxious  to  know 
all  that  passes  in  his  territories,  and  to  understand  the  position  of 
all  those  who  surround  him,  whether  civilians  or  soldiers.  He  has 
emissaries,  called  intelligencers,  who  are  divided  into  a  great  number 
of  classes.  One  goes  among  the  soldiers  and  people.  When  any 
fact  comes  under  his  notice  which  ought  to  be  communicated  to  the 
Sultan,  he  reports  it  to  the  oiHcer  above  him ;  this  one,  in  like 
manner,  communicates  it  to  his  superior ;  and  so  in  due  course  the 
fact  comes  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Sultan.  For  communicating 
the  events  which  happen  in  distant  provinces,  there  are  established, 
between  the  capital  and  the  chief  cities  of  the  different  countries, 
posts,  placed  at  certain  distances  from  each  other,  which  are  like 
the  post-relays  in  Egypt  and  Syria;  but  they  are  less  wide  apart, 
because  the  distance  between  them  is  not  more  than  four  bow-shots, 
or  even  less.  At  each  of  these  posts  ten  swift  rimners  are  stationed, 
whose  duty  it  is  to  convey  letters  to  the  next  station  without  the 
least  delay.  As  soon  as  one  of  these  men  receives  a  letter,  he  runs 
off  as  rapidly  as  possible,  and  delivers  it  to  the  next  runner,  who 
starts  immediately  with  similar  speed,  while  the  former  returns 
quietly  to  his  own  post.  Thus  a  letter  from  a  very  distant  place 
is  conveyed  in  a  very  short  time  with  greater  celerity  than  if  it  had 
been  transmitted  by  post,  or  by  camel  express.  At  each  of  these 
post-stations  there  are  mosques,  where  prayers  are  said,  and  where 
travellers  can  find  shelter,  reservoirs  full  of  good  water,  and  markets 
where  all  things  necessary  for  the  food  of  man  and  beast  can  be 
purchased,  so  that  there  is  very  little  necessity  for  carrying  water, 
or  food,  or  tents. 


582  APPENDIX. 

All  through  the  country  which  separates  the  two  capitals  of  the 
empire,  Dehli  and  Deoglr,  the  Sultan  has  had  drums  placed  at  every 
post-station.  When  any  event  occurs  in  a  city,  or  when  the  gate 
of  one  is  opened  or  closed,  the  drum  is  instantly  heaten.  The  next 
nearest  drum  is  then  beaten,  and  in  this  manner  the  Sultan  is  daily 
and  exactly  informed  at  what  time  the  gates  of  the  most  distant 
cities  are  opened  or  closed.  **  **  ^ 

I  will  now  speak  about  the  money,  and  afterwards  about  the  price 
of  provisions,  seeing  that  these  are  regulated  and  calculated  upon 
the  value  of  money.  Shaikh  Mubarak  informed  me  that  the  red 
lac  consists  of  100,000  tanhas  (of  gold),  and  the  white  lae  of  100,000 
tmikas  (of  silver).  The  gold  tanka,  called  the  red  tanka,  is  equal  to 
three  mislcdh  and  the  silver  tanka  comprises  eight  dirhams  hashtkdni.^ 
^he  dirham  hashtkdni  has  the  same  weight  as  the  silver  dirham, 
current  in  Egypt  and  Syria.  The  value  of  both  is  the  same,  with 
scarcely  the  slightest  difference.  The  dirham  hasMkdni  answers  to 
four  dirhams  sultdnis,  otherwise  called  dukdnis.  A  dirham  sultdni  is 
worth  the  third  of  a  dirham  shashkdni,  which  is  a  third  kind  of  silver 
coin  current  in  India,  and  which  is  worth  three-fourths  of  the  dirham 
hashtkdni.  A  piece,  which  is  the  half  of  the  dirham  sultdni,  is  called 
yakdni  (piece  of  one),  and  is  worth  cixBJital.  Another  dirham,  called 
dwd%dahkdni  (piece  of  twelve),  passes  for  a  hashtkdni  and  a  half. 
Another  coin,  called  shdnzdahkdni,  corresponds  to  two  dirhams.  So 
the  silver  coins  current  ia  India  are  six,  i.e.  the  dirham  shdnzdahkdni, 
the  dwdzdahkdni,  the  hashtkdni,  the  shashkdni,  the  sultdni,  and  the 
yakdni.  The  least  of  these  pieces  is  the  dirham  sultdni.  These 
three  kinds  of  dirhams  are  employed  in  commerce,  and  are  taken 
universally,  but  there  is  no  one  of  more  general  use  than  the  dirham 
sultdni,  which  is  worth  a  quarter  of  the  dirham  of  Egypt  and  of 
Syria.  The  dirham  sultdni  is  equal  to  eight  fals  [or/wZii*]  ;  the  jital 
to  four  fals ;  and  the  dirham  hashtkdni,  which  corresponds  exactly  to 
the  silver  dirham  of  Egypt  and  Syria,  is  worth  thirty-two  fals. 

The  ritl  of  India,  which  is  called  sir,  weighs  seventy  miskdls, 
which,  estimated  in  dirhams  of  Egypt,  is  worth  102f.    Forty  sirs 

'  I  retain  the  original  spelling,  as  Mr.  Thomas  contends  that  Jcdni,  and  not  gdni,  is 
the  true  reading.  As,  however,  the  Arabic  has  no  g,  but  uses  k  for  it,  this  passage 
decides  nothing.    See  mprd,  p.  357. 


APPENDIX.  583 

make  one  man.  They  do  not  know  the  way  of  measuring  grain  in 
India. 

As  to  th.e  price  of  provisions,  wheat,  which  is  the  dearest  article, 
sells  for  a  dirham  hasMMni  and  a  half  the  man.  Barley  costs  one 
dirham  the  man.  Eice,  one  dirham  three-quarters  the  man;  but  some 
sorts  of  this  grain  are  higher  in  price.  Two  mans  of  peas  cost  a  dirham 
hasMMni.  Beef  and  goats'  flesh  are  of  the  same  price,  and  are  sold 
at  the  rate  of  six  sirs  for  a  dirham  suUdni,  which  is  the  quarter  of  a 
dirham  hasMMni.  Mutton  sells  at  four  sirs  the  dirham  saUdni.  A 
goose  costs  two  dirhams  hashtkdnis,  and  four  fowls  can  be  bought  for 
one  hashthdni.  Sugar  sells  at  five  sirs  the  hashtkdni,  and  sugar-candy 
at  four  sirs  the  dirham.  A  well-fatted  sheep  of  the  first  quality  sells 
for  a  tanka,  which  represents  eight  dirhams  hashtkdnis.  A  good  ox 
sells  for  two  tankas,  and  sometimes  for  less.  Buffaloes  at  the  same 
price.  The  general  food  of  the  Indians  is  beef  and  goats'  flesh.  I 
asked  Shaikh  Mubarak  if  this  usage  arose  from  the.  scarcity  of  sheep, 
and  he  replied  that  it  was  a  mere  matter  of  habit,  for  in  all  the 
villages  of  India  there  are  sheep  in  thousands.  For  a  dirham  of 
the  money  of  Egypt  four  fowls  can  be  bought  of  the  best  quality. 
Pigeons,  sparrows,  and  other  birds  are  sold  very  cheap.  All  kinds 
of  game,  birds,  and  quadrupeds,  are  extremely  plentiful.  There 
are  elephants  and  rhinoceroses,  but  the  elephants  of  the  country  of 
the  Zinjes  are  the  most  remarkable.  **  '*  ** 

Our  shaikh,  the  marvel  of  the  age,  Shamsu-d  din  Isfahan!,  gave 
me  the  following  details.  Klitbu-d  din  Shirazi  maintained  that 
alchemy  was  a  positive  science.  One  day  I  argued  with  him,  and 
endeavoured  to  prove  the  falsity  of  the  art.  He  replied,  "You 
know  very  well  the  quantity  of  gold  that  is  annually  consumed  in 
the  fabrication  of  various  articles  and  objects  of  many  kinds.  The 
mines  are  far  from  producing  a  quantity  equal  to  that  which  is  thus 
withdrawn.  As  regards  India,  I  have  calculated  that  for  the  last 
three  thousand  years  that  country  has  not  exported  gold  into  other 
countries,  and  whatever  has  entered  it  has  never  come  out  again. 
Merchants  'of  all  countries  never  cease  to  carry  pure  gold  into  India, 
and  to  bring  back  in  exchange  commodities  of  herbs  and  gums.  If 
gold  were  not  produced  in  an  artificial  way,  it  would  altogether  have 
disappeared."    Our  shaikh,  Shahabu-d  din,  observed  upon  this  that 


584  APPENDIX. 

what  this  author  asserted  of  gold  going  into  India,  and  never  coming 
out  again,  was  perfectly  true;  but  the  conclusion  which  he  drew 
from  this  fact,  as  to  alchemy  being  a  real  science,  was  false  and 
illusory. 

He  adds  the  following  statement:  "I  have  heard  say  that  one  of 
the  predecessors  of  the  Sultan,  after  making  great  conquests,  carried 
off  from  the  countries  he  had  subdued  as  much  gold  as  required 
13,000  oxen  to  carry." 

I  must  add,  that  the  inhabitants  of  India  have  the  character  of 
liking  to  make  money  and  hoard  it.  If  one  of  them  is  asked  how 
much  property  he  has,  he  replies,  ''  I  don't  know,  but  I  am  the  second 
or  third  of  my  family  who  has  laboured  to  increase  the  treasure 
which  an  ancestor  deposited  in  a  certain  cavern,  or  in  certain  holes, 
and  I  do  not  know  how  much  it  amounts  to."  The  Indians  are  ac- 
customed to  dig  pits  for  the  reception  of  their  hoards.  Some  form 
an  excavation  in  their  houses  like  a  cistern,  which  they  close  with 
care,  leaving  only  the  opening  necessary  for  introducing  the  gold 
pieces.  Thus  they  accumulate  their  riches.  They  will  not  take 
worked  gold,  either  broken  or  in  ingots,  but  in  their  fear  of  fraud 
refuse  all  but  coined  money. 

The  following  information  I  derived  from  the  Shaikh  Burhanu-d 
dfn  Abu  Bakr  bin  Khallah  Muhammad  Bazzi,  the  Sufi.  The  Sultan 
[Muhammad  Tughlik]  sent  an  army  against  a  country  bordering 
upon  Deogir,  at  the  extremity  of  that  province.  It  is  inhabited  by 
infidels,  and  all  its  priaces  bear  the  title  of  rd  [rdi\.  The  reigning 
prince,  finding  himself  pressed  by  the  troops  of  the  Sultan,  made 
this  communication :  "Tell  your  master  that  if  he  wiU  leave  us  at 
peace,  I  am  ready  to  send  him  all  the  riches  he  can  desire ;  all  he 
has  to  do  is  to  send  me  sufficient  beasts  to  carry  the  sum  he  requires." 
The  general  sent  this  proposition  to  his  master,  and  was  ordered  to 
cease  hostilities,  and  to  give  the  rdi  a  safe  conduct.  When  the  rdl 
appeared  before  the  Sultan,  the  latter  heaped  honours  upon  him,  and 
said:  "I  have  never  heard  the  like  of  what  you  have  proposed. 
What  is  the  amount,  then,  of  those  treasures  that  you  undertake  to 
load  with  gold  as  many  beasts  of  burden  as  we  like  to  send  ?  "  The 
rdi  replied :  "Seven  princes  have  preceded  me  in  the  government  of 
my  kingdom.   Each  of  them  amassed  a  treasure  amounting  to  seventy 


APPENDIX.  585 

halins,  and  all  these  treasures  are  still  at  my  disposal."  The  -word 
baUn^  signifies  a  very  large  cistern,  into  which  there  is  a  descent 
by  a  ladder  on  each  of  the  four  sides.  The  Sultan,  delighted  by 
this  statement,  ordered  his  seal  to  be  put  on  these  treasures,  which 
was  done.  Then  he  ordered  the  rdi  to  appoint  viceroys  in  his 
dominions,  and  to  reside  at  Dehli,  He  also  invited  him  to  turn 
Musulman,  but  on  his  refusal  he  allowed  him  to  adhere  to  his  own 
religion.  The  rdi  dwelt  at  the  court  of  the  Sultan,  and  appointed 
viceroys  to  govern  his  territories.  The  Sultan  assigned  him  a  suit- 
able income,  and  sent  considerable  sums  into  his  territories  to  be 
distributed  as  alms  among  the  iuhabitants,  seeing  they  were  now 
subjects  of  the  empire.  Lastly,  he  did  not  touch  the  babins,  but  left 
them  as  they  were,  under  seal. 


D.— TEAVELS  OF  IBN  BATITTA. 

Ibn  Batuta  was  a  native  of  Tangiers,  who  travelled  over  the 
greater  part  of  Asia,  and  visited  India  in  the  reign  of  Muhammad 
Tughlik.  Elphinstone's  summary  of  the  character  and  value  of 
this  traveller's  writings  is  so  brief  and  so  much  to  the  point  that 
it  can  hardly  be  improved.  He  says  Ibn  Batiita  "  could  have  had 
no  interest  in  misrepresentation,  as  he  wrote  after  his  return  to 
Africa.  He  confirms,  to  the  full  extent,  the  native  accounts,  both 
of  the  king's  talents  and  of  his  crimes,  and  gives  exactly  such  a 
picture  of  mixed  magnificence  and  desolation  as  one  would  expect 
under  such  a  sovereign.  He  found  an  admirably  regulated  horse 
and  foot  post  from  the  frontiers  to  the  capital,  while  the  country  was 
so  disturbed  as  to  make  travelling  unsafe.  He  describes  Dehli  as  a 
most  magnificent  city,  its  mosque  and  walls  without  an  equal  on 
earth ;  but  although  the  kiag  was  then  repeopling  it,  it  was  almost 
a  desert.  'The  greatest  city  in  the  world,  he  said,  had  the  fewest 
inhabitants.' " 

The  extracts  which  foUow  have  been  selected  as  containing  the  most 
important  and  interesting  events  and  facts  which  he  has  recorded 
about  India.    His  details  do  not  always  precisely  agree  with  those 

1  Bdtni  in  Hindi  signifies  a  snake's  hole,  and  in  Hindu  belief  snakes  keep  guard 
over  hidden  treasure. 


586  APPENDIX. 

of  the  regular  historians.  He  recounted,  and  no  doubt  honestly,  the 
iaformation  he  received  from  the  respectable  and  well-informed  in^ 
dividuals  with  whom  he  was  brought  in  contact ;  and  there  is  an 
air  of  yeracity  about  his  statements  which  favourably  impresses  the 
reader.  In  his  African  home  he  carefully  wrote  down  that  which  he 
had  gathered  in  the  free  course  of  conversation.  But,  while  on  the  one 
hand  he  doubtless  heard  many  facts  and  opinions  which  the  speakers 
would  not  have  dared  to  commit  to  writing  and  publish,  some  de- 
duction must  be  made  on  the  other  side  for  the  loose  statements 
and  bold  assertions  which  pass  current  when  there  is  no  probability 
of  bringing  them  to  the  test  of  public  judgment.  Thus  he  distinctly 
relates  that  Muhammad  Tughlik  compassed  the  death  of  his  father 
by  an  apparent  accident,  and  he  is  probably  right  in  his  statement, 
but  Bami  records  the  catastrophe  as  a  simple  accident,  and  Firishta 
only  notices  the  charge  of  foul  play  to  reject  and  condemn  it. 

Ibn  Batuta  was  received  with  much  respect  at  the  court  of  Mu- 
hammad Tughlik,  and  experienced  in  his  own  person  much  of  the 
boundless  liberality  and  some  little  of  the  severity  of  that  lavish 
and  savage  sovereign.  When  the  traveller  arrived  in  Dehli  the  king 
was  absent,  but  the  queen-mother  received  him.  He  was  presented 
with  splendid  robes,  2,000  dindrs  in  money,  and  a  house  to  live  in. 
On  the  return  of  the  Sultan,  he  was  treated  yet  more  splendidly.  He 
received  a  grant  of  villages  worth  5,000  dindrs  per  annum,  a  present 
of  ten  female  captives,  a  fully  caparisoned  horse  from  the  royal 
stables,  and  a  further  sum  of  5,000  dindrs.  Besides  this,  he  was 
made  a  judge  of  Delhi  at  a  salary  of  12,000  dindrs  a  year,  and  was 
allowed  to  draw  the  first  year  in  advance.  After  this  he  received 
another  present  of  12,000  dindrs,  but  he  records  the  fact  that  a 
deduction  of  ten  per  cent,  was  always  made  from  these  presents. 
He  afterwards  got  into  debt  to  the  amount  of  45,000  dindrs,  but  he 
presented  an  Arabic  poem  to  the  Sultan  iu  which  he  recounted  his 
difficulties,  and  the  Sultan  undertook  to  satisfy  his  creditors.  When 
the  sovereign  left  Dehli  he  received  further  marks  of  his  favour  and 
liberality,  but  subsequently  he  fell  into  disgrace  for  having  visited 
an  obnoxious  sTiaihh.  His  account  of  his  terrors  is  rather  amusing. 
"  The  Sultan  ordered  four  of  his  slaves  never  to  lose  sight  of  me  in 
the  audience  chamber,  and  when  such  an  order  is  given,  it  is  very 


APPENDIX.  587 

rarely  that  the  person  escapes.  The  first  day  the  slaves  kept  watch 
over  me  was  a  Triday,  and  the  Almighty  inspired  me  to  repeat  these 
words  of  the  Kuran :  '  God  is  sufficient  for  us,  and  what  an  excellent 
Protector ! '  On  that  day  I  repeated  this  sentence  33,000  times,  and 
I  passed  the  night  in  the  audience  chamber.  I  fasted  five  days  in 
succession.  Every  day  I  read  the  whole  of  the  Kuran,  and  I  broke 
my  fast  only  by  drinking  a  little  water.  The  sixth  day  I  took  some 
food,  then  I  fasted  four  days  more  in  sucossion,  and  I  was  released 
after  the  death  of  the  shaikh.  Thanks  be  to  the  Almighty  1 "  His 
danger  had  such  an  effect  upon  him,  that  he  gave  up  his  offices  and 
went  into  religious  retirement,  but  the  Sultan  sent  to  recall  him, 
and  appointed  him  his  ambassador  to  the  King  of  China.  His  ac- 
count of  his  journey  through  India  to  Malabar  where  he  embarked, 
is  full  of  interesting  matter.  Dr.  Lee  made  a  translation  of  Ibn 
Batuta  for  the  Oriental  Translation  Fund  in  1829,  but  the  complete 
Arabic  text  with  a  French  translation  has  since  been  published  by 
M.  M.  Defremery  and  Sanguinetti.  It  is  from  this  version  that  the 
following  Extracts  have  been  taken  by  the  Editor. 

EXTKAOTS. 

The  Shaikh  Abu  'Abdu-llah  Muhammad,  son  of  'Abdu-llah,  son  of 
Muhammad,  son  of  Ibrahim  Al  Lawati,  at  Tanji,  commonly  known 
as  Ibn  Batuta,  thus  declares : — On  the  1st  of  the  sacred  month  of 
Muharram,  734  h.  (12th  Sept  1333),  we  arrived  at  the  river  Sind, 
the  same  as  is  called  Panj-ab,  a  name  signifying  "  Five  Eivers." 
This  river  is  one  of  the  largest  known.  It  overflows  in  the  hot 
season,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  sow  their  lands  after  the 
inundation,  as  the  people  of  Egypt  do  after  the  overflow  of  the  Nile. 
From  this  river  begin  the  territories  of  the  great  Sultan  Muhammad 
Shah,  king  of  Hind  and  of  Sind.  *  **  * 

The  barid  or  post  in  India  is  of  two  kinds.  The  horse-post  is 
called  uldh,  and  is  carried  on  by  means  of  horses  belonging  to  the 
Sultan  stationed  at  every  four  miles.  The  foot-post  is  thus  arranged. 
Each  mile  is  divided  into  three  equal  parts,  called  ddwah,  which 
signifies  one-third  of  a  mile.  Among  the  Indians  the  mile  is  called 
hos.  At  each  third  of  a  mile  there  is  a  village  well  populated ; 
outside  of  which  are  three  tents,  in  which  are  men  ready  to  depart. 


588  APPENDIX. 

These  men  gird  up  their  loins,  and  take  in  their  hands  a  whip  about 
two  cubits  long,  tipped  with  brass  bells.  When  the  runner  leaves 
the  village,  he  holds  the  letter  in  one  hand,  and  in  the  other  the 
whip  with  the  bells.  He  runs  with  all  his  strength,  and  when  the 
men  in  the  tents  hear  the  sound  of  the  bells  they  prepare  to  receive 
him.  When  he  arrives,  one  of  them  takes  the  letter  and  sets  off 
with  all  speed.  He  keeps  on  cracking  his  whip  until  he  reaches  the 
next  ddwah.  Thus,  these  couriers  proceed  until  the  letter  reaches 
its  destination. 

This  kind  of  post  is  quicker  than  the  horse-post;  and  the  fruits  of 
Khurasan,  which  are  much  sought  after  in  India,  are  often  conveyed 
by  this  means.  «  »  »  It  is  by  this  channel  also  that  great  prisoners 
are  transported.  They  are  each  placed  upon  a  seat,  which  the  run- 
ners take  upon  their  heads  and  run  with.  «  •»  » 

When  the  intelligencers  inform  the  Sultan  of  the  arrival  of  a 
stranger  in  his  dominions,  he  takes  full  notice  of  the  information. 
The  writers  do  their  best  to  communicate  full  particulars.  They 
announce  the  arrival  of  a  stranger,  and  describe  him  and  his  dress. 
They  note  the  number  of  his  companions,  slaves,  servants,  and  beasts. 
They  describe  his  style  of  travelling  and  lodging,  and  give  an  account 
of  his  expenditure.  Not  one  of  these  details  is  passed  over.  When 
a  traveller  arrives  at  Multan,  which  is  the  capital  of  Sind,  he  remains 
there  until  an  order  is  received  from  the  Sultan  for  his  proceeding  to 
Court  and  prescribing  the  kind  of  treatment  he  is  to  receive.  *  *  * 

It  is  the  custom  of  the  Sultan  of  India,  Abu-1  Mujahid  Muhammad 
Shah,  to  honour  strangers,  to  favour  them,  and  to  distinguish  them 
in  a  manner  quite  peculiar,  by  appointing  them  to  governments  or 
to  places  of  importance.  Most  of  his  courtiers,  chamberlains,  wazirs, 
magistrates,  and  brothers-in-law  are  foreigners.  **    «  * 

No  stranger  admitted  to  Court  can  avoid  offering  a  present  as 
a  kind  of  introduction,  which  the  Sultan  repays  by  one  of  much 
greater  value.  **  **  When  I  arrived  in  Sind,  I  observed  this  practice, 
and  bought  some  horses,  camels,  and  slaves  from  the  dealers.  **  •*  * 
Two  days'  march,  after  crossing  the  river  Sind,  we  arrived  at  Janani, 
a  fine  large  town  on  the  banks  of  the  Sind.  It  possesses  some  fine 
markets,  and  its  population  belongs  to  a  race  called  Samirah  [Sumra], 
who  have  inhabited  the  place  for  a  long  time,  their  ancestors  having 


APPENDIX.  589 

established  themselves  there  since  the  time  of  its  conquest  in  the 
time  of  Hajjaj,  son  of  Yiisuf,  as  is  related  by  historians  in  the  ac- 
counts of  the  conquest  of  Sind.  **  **  **  The  people  known  by  the 
name  of  Samirah  do  not  eat  with  any  one,  and  no  one  must  look  at 
them  when  they  eat.  They  do  not  connect  themselves  in  marriage 
with  any  other  tribe,  nor  will  others  ally  themselves  with  them. 
They  had  at  that  time  a  chief  named  TJnar,  whose  history  I  shall 
relate.  *  * 

We  arrived  at  the  imperial  residence  of  Dehli,  capital  of  India, 
which  is  a  famous  and  large  city  uniting  beauty  and  strength.  It  is 
surrounded  by  a  wall,  the  like  of  which  is  unknown  in  the  universe. 
It  is  the  largest  city  of  India,  and,  in  fact,  of  all  the  countries  subject 
to  Islam  in  the  East. 

Description  of  Dehli. 

Delhi  is  a  city  of  great  extent,  and  possesses  a  numerous  popu- 
lation. It  consists  at  present  of  four  neighbouring  and  contiguous 
cities. 

1.  Dehli,  properly  so  called,  is  the  old  city  built  by  the  idolaters, 
which  was  conquered  in  the  year  584  h.  (1188  a.d.). 

2.  Siri,  also  called  Daru-1-Khilafat  or  Seat  of  the  Khalifat.  The 
Sultan  gave  it  to  Ghiyasu-d  din,  grandson  of  the  Khalif  'Abbaside 
Al  Mustansir,  when  he  came  to  visit  him.  Sultan  'Alau-d  din  and 
his  son  Kutbu-d  din,  of  whom  we  shall  have  to  speak  hereafter, 
dwelt  there. 

3.  Tughlikabad,  so  called  from  the  name  of  its  founder  the  Sultan 
Tughlik,  father  of  the  Sultan  of  India  whose  Court  we  are  now 
visiting.  *    * 

4.  Jahan-panah,  Eefuge  of  the  World,  specially  designed  for  the 
residence  of  the  reigning  Sultan  of  India,  Muhammad  Shah,  He 
built  it,  and  it  was  his  intention  to  connect  all  these  four  cities 
together  by  one  and  the  same  wall.  He  raised  a  portion  of  it,  but 
abandoned  its  completion  in  consequence  of  the  enormous  expense 
its  erection  would  have  entailed. 

The  wall  which  surrounds  Dehli  has  no  equal.  It  is  eleven  cubits 
thick.  Chambers  are  constructed  in  it  which  are  occupied  by  the 
night  watch  and  the  persons  charged  with  the  care  of  the  gates.    In 


590  APPENDIX. 

these  chambers  also  there  are  stores  of  provisions  called  amhdr, 
magazines  of  the  munitions  of  war,  and  others  in  which  are  kept 
mangonels  and  ra'ddas  ("thunderer  " — a  machine  employed  in  sieges). 
Grain  keeps  in  these  chambers  without  change  or  the  least  deteriora' 
tion.  I  saw  some  rice  taken  out  of  one  of  these  magazines ;  it  was 
black  in  colour,  but  good  to  the  taste.  I  also  saw  some  millet  taken 
out.  All  these  provisions  had  been  stored  by  Sultan  Balban  ninety 
years  before.  Horse  and  foot  can  pass  inside  this  wall  from  one  end 
of  the  city  to  the  other.  Windows  to  give  light  have  been  opened 
in  it  on  the  inside  towards  the  city.  The  lower  part  of  the  wall  is 
built  of  stone,  the  upper  part  of  brick.  The  bastions  are  numerous 
and  closely  placed.  The  city  of  Dehli  has  twenty-eight  gates.  First, 
that  of  Badaun,  which  is  the  principal.  *  **  ** 

The  chief  Kdzi  of  Hind  and  Sind,  Kamalu-d  din  Muhammad,  son 
of  Burhanu-d  din  of  Ghazni,  Sadr-i  Jahdm,  informed  me  how  the  city 
of  Dehli  was  conquered  from  the  infidels  in  584  (1188  a.d.).  1  read 
the  same  date  inscribed  upon  the  tnihrab  of  the  great  mosque  of  the 
city.  The  same  person  also  informed  me  that  Dehli  was  taken  by 
the  amir  Kutbu-d  din  Aibak,  who  was  entitled  Sipdh-sdM/i',  meaning 
General  of  the  armies.  He  was  one  of  the  slaves  of  the  venerated 
Shahabu-d  din  Muhammad,  son  of  Sam  the  Ghorian,  king  of  Ghazni 
and  Khurasan,  who  had  seized  upon  the  kingdom  of  Ibrahim,  son 
(grandson)  of  the  warlike  Mahmud  bin  Subuktigin,  who  began  the 
conquest  of  India. 

The  aforesaid  Shahabu-d  din  had  sent  out  the  amir  Kutbu-d  din 
with  a  considerable  army.  God  opened  for  him  the  gates  of  Lahore, 
where  he  fixed  his  residence.  His  power  became  considerable.  He 
was  calumniated  to  the  Sultan,  and  the  associates  of  the  monarch 
strove  to  inspire  him  with  the  idea  that  Kutbu-d  din  aimed  at 
becoming  king  of  India,  and  that  he  was  already  in  open  revolt. 
Intelligence  of  this  reached  Kutbu-d  din.  He  set  of  with  all  speed, 
arrived  at  Ghazni  by  night,  and  presented  himself  to  the  Sultan, 
without  the  knowledge  of  those  who  had  denounced  him.  Next  day 
Shahabu-d  din  took  his  seat  upon  the  throne,  and  placed  Aibak  below, 
where  he  was  not  visible.  The  courtiers  and  associates  who  had 
maligned  Aibak  arrived,  and  when  they  had  all  taken  their  places, 
the  king  questioned  them  about  Aibak.     They  reiterated  their  state- 


APPENDIX.  591 

ment  that  Aibak  was  in  revolt,  and  said,  "  "We  know  for  certain  that 
he  aims  at  royalty."  Then  the  Sultan  kicked  the  foot  of  the  throne, 
and  clapping  his  hands,  cried  out  "  Aibak  !  "  "  Here  am  I,"  replied 
he,  and  came  forth  before  his  accusers.  They  were  confounded, 
and  in  their  terror  they  hastened  to  kiss  the  ground.  The  Sultan 
said  to  them,  "  I  pardon  you  this  time,  but  beware  how  you  speak 
against  Aibak  again."  He  ordered  Aibak  to  return  to  India,  and  he 
obeyed.     He  took  the  city  of  Dehli,  and  other  cities  besides. 

Shamsu-d  din  AUamsh. 
Shamsu-d  din  Altamsh  was  the  first  who  reigned  in  Dehli  with 
independent  power.  Before  his  accession  to  the  throne  he  had  been 
a  slave  of  the  amir  Kutbu-d  din  Aibak,  the  general  of  his  army  and 
his  lieutenant.  When  Kutbu-d  din  died  he  assumed  the  sovereign 
power,  and  assembled  the  population  to  take  from  them  the  oath  of 
allegiance.  The  lawyers  waited  upon  him,  headed  by  the  Kaziu-1 
Kuzat  Wajihu-d  din  al  Kasani.  They  entered  into  his  presence 
and  sat  down,  the  Kdziu-l  Kuzdt  sitting  down  by  his  side,  accord- 
ing to  custom.  The  Sultan  knew  what  they  wanted  to  speak  about. 
He  raised  the  comer  of  the  carpet  on  which  he  was  reclining,  and 
presented  to  them  the  deed  of  his  manumission.  The  Kdzi  and 
the  lawyers  read  it,  and  then  took  the  oath  of  allegiance. 
Altamsh  became  undisputed  sovereign,  and  reigned  for  twenty-eight 
years.  He  was  just,  pious,  and  virtuous.  Among  his  noteworthy 
characteristics  was  the  zeal  with  which  he  endeavoured  to  redress 
wrongs,  and  to  render  justice  to  the  oppressed.  He  made  an  order 
that  any  man  who  suffered  from  injustice  should  wear  a  coloured 
dress.  Now  all  the  inhabitants  of  India  wear  white  clothes ;  so 
whenever  he  gave  audience,  or  rode  abroad,  and  saw  any  one  in  a 
coloured  dress  he  inquired  into  his  grievance,  and  took  means  to 
render  him  justice  against  his  oppressor.  But  he  was  not  satisfied 
with  this  plan,  and  said :  "  Some  men  suffer  injustice  in  the  night, 
and  I  wish  to  give  them  redress."  So  he  placed  at  the  door  of  his 
palace  two  marble  lions,  upon  two  pedestals  which  were  there. 
These  lions  had  an  iron  chain  round  their  necks,  from  which  hung 
a  great  bell.  The  victim  of  injustice  came  at  night  and  rung  the 
beU,  and  when  the  Sultan  heard  it,  he  immediately  inquired  into 
the  case  and  gave  satisfaction  to  the  complainant. 


592  APPENDIX. 

Ruhnu-d  din. 
At  his  death  Snltan  Shamsu-d  din  left  three  sons :  Euknu-d  din, 
who  succeeded  him;  Mu'izzu-d  din,  and  Nasiru-d  din,  and  one 
daughter  named  Eaziya,  full  sister  of  Mu'izzu-d  din.  When 
Euknu-d  din  was  recognized  as  Sultan,  after  the  death  of  his 
father,  he  began  his  reign  by  unjust  treatment  of  his  brother, 
Mu'izzu-d  din,  whom  he  caused  to  be  put  to  death.  Eaziya  was 
full  sister  of  this  unfortunate  prince,  and  she  reproached  Euknu-d 
din  with  his  death,  which  made  him  meditate  her  assassination. 
One  Friday  he  left  the  palace  to  go  to  prayers.  Eaaiya  then  as- 
cended to  the  terrace  of  the  Old  Palace,  called  Daulat-Tchdna,  close 
by  the  chief  mosque.  She  was  clothed  in  the  garments  of  the 
wronged,  and,  presenting  herself  to  the  people,  she  addressed  them 
from  the  terrace,  saying,  "My  brother  has  killed  his  brother,  and 
wishes  to  kill  me  also."  She  then  reminded  them  of  the  reign  of 
her  father,  and  of  the  many  benefits  he  had  bestowed  upon  them. 
Thereupon  the  auditors  rushed  tumultuously  towards  Euknu-d  din, 
who  was  in  the  mosque,  seized  him,  and  brought  him  to  Eaziya. 
She  said,  "  The  slayer  must  be  slain."  So  they  massacred  him  in 
retaliation  for  his  murder  of  his  brother.  The  brother  of  these  two 
princes,  Nasiru-d  din,  was  yet  in  his  infancy,  so  the  people  agreed 
to  recognize  Eaziya  as  Sovereign. 

The  impress  Ea%iya. 

When  Euknu-d  din  had  been  killed,  the  soldiers  agreed  to  place 
his  sister,  Eaziya,  on  the  throne.  They  proclaimed  her  Sovereign, 
and  she  reigned  with  absolute  authority  for  four  years.  She  rode 
on  horseback  as  men  ride,  armed  with  a  bow  and  quiver,  and  sur- 
rounded with  courtiers.  She  did  not  veil  her  face.  She  was  even- 
tually suspected  of  an  intimacy  with  one  of  her  slaves,  an  Abyssin- 
ian by  birth,  and  the  people  resolved  upon  deposing  her  and  giving 
her  a  husband.  So  she  was  deposed  and  married  to  one  of  her 
relations,  and  her  brother,  Nasiru-d  din,  obtained  the  supreme  power. 

Ndsiru-d  din,  son  of  Shamsu-d  din  Altamsh. 
After  the  deposition  of  Eaziya,  her  younger  brother,  Nasiru-d  din, 
ascended  the  throne,  and  for  some  time  exercised  royal  authority. 


APPENDIX.  593 

But  Eaziya  arid  her  husband  revolted  against  him,  mounted  their 
horses,  and,  gathering  round  them  their  slaves  and  such  disaffected 
persons  as  were  willing  to  join  them,  they  prepared  to  give  battle. 
Nasiru-d  din  came  out  of  Dehli  with  his  slave  and  lieutenant 
Ghiyasu-d  din  Balban,  who  became  ruler  of  the  kingdom  after  him. 
The  opposing  forces  met,  and  Eaziya  was  defeated  and  obliged  to 
fly.  Pressed  by  hunger  and  overcome  with  fatigue,  she  addressed 
herself  to  a  man  engaged  in  cultivating  the  ground  and  begged  for 
food.  He  gave  her  a  bit  of  bread,  which  she  devoured,  and  then 
she  was  overpowered  by  sleep.  She  was  dressed  in  the  garments  of 
a  man ;  but  when  the  peasant  looked  at  her  as  she  slept,  he  perceived 
under  her  upper  garment  a  tunic  trimmed  with  gold  and  pearls.  See- 
ing she  was  a  woman  he  killed  her,  stripped  her  of  her  valuables,  drove 
away  her  horse,  and  buried  her  corpse  in  his  field.  He  then  carried 
some  of  her  garments  to  the  market  for  sale.  The  dealers  suspected 
him,  and  took  him  before  the  magistrate,  who  caused  him  to  be 
beaten.  The  wretch  then  confessed  that  he  had  killed  Eaziya,  and 
told  his  guards  where  he  had  buried  her.  They  exhumed  her  body, 
,  washed  it,  and,  wrapping  it  in  a  shroud,  buried  it  again  in  the  same 
place.  A  small  shrine  was  erected  over  her  grave,  which  is  visited 
by  pilgrims,  and  is  considered  a  place  of  sanctity.  It  is  situated  on 
the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  about  a  parasang  from  Dehli. 

After  the  death  of  his  sister,  Nasiru-d  din  remained  undisputed 
master  of  the  State,  and  reigned  in  peace  for  twenty  years.  He  was 
a  religious  king.  He  made  copies  .of  the  Holy  Book  and  sold  them, 
supporting  himself  on  the  money  thus  obtained.  Kazi  Kamalu-d 
din  showed  me  a  copy  of  the  Kuran,  written  by  this  sovereign,  with 
great  taste  and  elegance.  At  length  his  lieutenant,  Grhiyasu-d  din 
Balban  killed  him,  and  succeeded  to  his  throne. 

Sultan  GMydsu-d  din  Balban. 

After  Balban  had  killed  his  master  Nasiru-di'n,  he  reigned  with 
absolute  power  for  twenty  years.  He  had  previously  been  lieutenant 
of  his  predecessor  for  a  similar  period.  He  was  one  of  the  best  of 
sovereigns — just,  clement  {halim),  and  good.  One  of  his  acts  of 
generosity  was  this : — He  built  a  house  to  which  he  gave  the  name, 
"  Abode  of  security."     All  debtors  who  entered  it  had  their  debts 

VOL.  HI.  38 


594  APPENDIX. 

discharged,  and  whoever  in  fear  fled  there  for  refuge  found  safety. 
If  a  man  who  had  killed  another  took  refuge  there,  the  Sultan 
bought  off  the  friends  of  the  deceased ;  and  if  any  delinquent  fled 
there  he  satisfied  those  who  pursued  him.  The  Sultan  was  buried 
in  this  building,  and  I  have  visited  his  tomb. 

«  «*  ft  The  Sultan  Shamsu-di'n  Altamsh  sent  a  merchant  to  buy 
slaves  for  him  at  Samarkand,  Bokhara,  and  Turmuz.  '  This  man 
purchased  a  hundred  slaves,  among  whom  was  Balban.  When  they 
were  presented  to  the  Sultan,  they  all  pleased  him  except  Balban, 
who  was  short  in  stature  and  of  mean  appearance.  The  Sultan 
exclaimed,  "  I  wiU  not  take  this  one,"  but  the  slave  cried,  "  Master 
of  the  World,  for  whom  have  you  bought  these  servants  ?  "  The 
Sultan  laughed  and  said,  "I  have  bought  them  for  myself." 
Balban  replied,  "  Then  buy  me,  for  the  love  of  God."  "  Good," 
exclaimed  the  Sultan.  So  he  purchased  him  and  placed  him  with 
his  other  slaves. 

Balban  was  treated  with  contempt,  and  placed  among  the  water- 
carriers.  Men  versed  in  astrology  told  the  Sultan  that  one  of  his 
slaves  would  take  the  kingdom  from  his  son  and  appropriate  it  to 
himself.  They  continually  reiterated  this  prediction,  but  the  Sultan 
in  his  rectitude  and  justice  paid  no  heed  to  it.  At  length  they 
repeated  this  prediction  to  the  chief  queen,  mother  of  the  king's  sons, 
and  she  told  the  Sultan  of  it.  The  words  now  made  an  impression 
upon  him,  and  he  sent  for  the  astrologers  and  said,  "  Can  you  recog- 
nize, if  you  see  him,  the  slave  who  shall  deprive  my  son  of  the 
kingdom?"  They  replied  that  they  had  a  means  by  which  they 
could  pick  him  out.  The  Sultan  ordered  all  his  slaves  to  be  brought 
out,  and  sat  down  to  review  them.  They  came  before  him,  class 
after  class,  and  the  astrologers  looked  at  them  and  said,  "  We  have 
not  yet  seen  him."  It  was  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  the 
water-carriers  being  hungry,  resolved  upon  collecting  a  little  money 
and  sending  some  one  to  the  market  to  purchase  food.  So  they 
clubbed  their  dirhams,  and  sent  Balban  with  them,  because  there 
was  no  one  among  them  who  was  more  despised  than  he.  In  the 
market  he  could  not  find  what  his  companions  wanted,  and  so  he 
went  to  another  market.  This  delayed  him,  and  when  it  came  to 
the  turn  of  the  water-carriers  to  be  passed  in  review,  he  had  not 


APPENDIX.  595 

come  back.  His  companions  took  Ms  water-bottle  and  pot,  and 
putting  tbem  on  tbe  back  of  another  youth,  presented  him  as  Balban. 
When  the  name  of  Balban  was  called,  this  youth  passed  before  the 
astrologers,  and  so  the  review  passed  over  without  their  finding  the 
person  they  sought.  When  the  review  was  over,  Balban  returned, 
for  it  was  the  will  of  God  that  his  destiny  should  be  accomplished. 

Eventually  the  noble  qualities  of  the  slave  were  discovered,  and 
he  was  made  chief  of  the  water-carriers.  Then  he  entered  the  army, 
and  became  in  course  of  time  an  amir.  Sultan  Nasiru-d  dm,  before 
he  came  to  the  throne,  married  his  daughter,  and  when  he  became 
master  of  the  kingdom  he  made  him  his  lieutenant.  Balban  dis- 
charged the  duties  of  this  office  for  twenty  years,  after  which  he 
knied  his  sovereign,  and  remained  master  of  the  empire  for  twenty 
years  longer,  as  we  have  already  stated.  He  had  two  sons,  one  of 
them  was  "  the  Martyr  Khan,"  his  successor  designate,  and  his 
viceroy  in  Sind,  where  he  resided  in  the  city  of  Multan.  He  was 
kUled  in  a  war  which  he  carried  on  against  the  Tatars  and  Turks 
(Mughals).  He  left  two  sons  Eai-kubdd  and  Kai-khusru.  The 
younger  son  of  Balban  was  called  Nasiru-d  din,  and  ruled  as  viceroy 
for  his  father  at  Lakhnauti. 

Upon  the  death  of  "the  Martyr  Khan,"  Balban  named  Kai- 
khusru,  son  of  the  deceased,  as  heir  to  the  throne,  preferring  him  to 
his  own  son  Nasiru-d  din.  The  latter  had  a  son  named  Mu'izzu-d 
din,  who  lived  at  Dehli  with  his  grandfather.  This  young  man,  upon 
the  death  of  his  grandfather,  and  while  his  father  was  living,  became 
successor  to  the  throne  under  the  extraordinary  circumstances  we 
will  now  mention. 

Sultdn  Mu'izzu-d  din,  son  of  Ndsiru-d  din,  son  of  Sultdn  Oliiydsu-d 
din  Balban. 

Sultan  Grhiyasu-d  din  died  in  the  night  while  his  son  Nasiru-din 
was  at  Lakhnauti,  after  naming  as  his  successor  his  grandson  Kai- 
khusru,  as  we  have  above  stated.  Now  the  chief  of  the  amirs  and 
deputy  of  Sultan  Ghiyasu-d  din  was  the  enemy  of  this  young  prince, 
and  he  formed  a  plot  against  him  which  succeeded.  He  drew  up  a 
document,  in  which  he  forged  the  hands  of  the  chief  amirs,  attesting 
that  they  had  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Mu'izzu-d  din,  grand- 


596  APPENDIX. 

son  of  the  deceased  Balban.  Then  he  presented  himself  before 
Kai-khusru,  feigning  the  greatest  interest  in  him,  and  said:  "The 
amirs  have  sworn  allegiance  to  your  cousin,  and  I  fear  their  designs 
against  you."  Kai-khusru  inquired  what  was  best  to  be  done, 
and  the  chief  of  the  amirs  advised  him  to  fly  to  Sind  and  save  his 
life.  The  prince  asked  how  he  was  to  get  out  of  the  city,  as  all  the 
gates  were  shut ;  and  the  chief  amir  answered  that  he  had  got  the  keys 
and  would  let  him  out.  Kai-khusru  thanked  him  for  his  offer  and 
kissed  his  hand.  The  amir  advised  him  to  take  horse  immediately, 
and  so  he  mounted  his  horse  and  was  followed  by  his  connexions 
and  slaves.  The  amir  opened  the  gate  and  let  him  out,  and  closed 
it  immediately  he  had  quitted  Dehli. 

The  amir  then  sought  an  audience  of  Mu'izzu-d  d{n,  and  took  the 
oath  of  submission.  The  young  prince  inquired  how  he  could  be 
Sultan,  when  the  title  of  heir  presumptive  belonged  to  his  cousin. 
The  chief  of  the  amirs  then  informed  him  of  the  ruse  he  had  used 
against  his  cousin,  and  how  he  had  got  him  to  leave  the  city. 
Mu'izzu-d  din  thanked  him  for  his  exertions,  and  accompanied  him 
to  the  palace  of  the  king,  where  he  called  together  the  amirs  and 
courtiers  who  swore  allegiance  to  him  in  the  course  of  the  night. 
When  morning  came,  the  population  followed  the  same  course,  and 
the  authority  Of  Mu'izzu-d  din  was  firmly  established.  His  father 
was  still  alive,  and  was  in  Bengal  at  Lakhnauti.  When  he  heard  of 
what  had  taken  place,  he  said,  "  I  am  the  heir  of  the  kingdom  ; 
how,  then,  can  my  son  have  become  master,  and  have  gained  absolute 
power,  while  I  am  alive?"  He  set  off  for  Dehli  with  his  troops. 
His  son  also  took  the  field  at  the  head  of  his  army,  with  the  design 
of  repulsing  him  from  Dehli.  They  met  near  the  town  of  Karra, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  a  place  to  which  Hindus  resort  in 
pilgrimage.  Nasiru-d  din  encamped  upon  the  Karra  side  of  the 
river,  and  his  son,  Sultan  Mu'izzu-d  din,  upon  the  other,  so  that  the 
river  ran  between  them.  They  were  resolved  upon  fighting  each 
other ;  but  God  wished  to  spare  the  blood  of  Musulmans,  and  imbued 
the  heart  of  Nasim-d  din  with  feelings  of  pity  for  his  son.  So  he 
said  to  himself,  "  If  my  son  reigns,  it  will  be  an  honour  to  me ;  it 
is  only  right,  then,  that  I  should  desire  that."  At  the  same  time  God 
filled  the  heart  of  Mu'izzu-d  din  with  sentiments  of  submission  to 


APPENDIX.  697 

his  father.  Each  of  these  two  princes  entered  a  boat,  and,  -without 
any  escort  of  troops,  they  met  in  the  middle  of  the  river.  The 
Sultan  kissed  the  foot  of  his  father  and  made  his  excuses ;  and  the 
latter  replied,  "I  give  thee  my  kingdom,  and  confide  the  govern- 
ment of  it  to  thee."  Thereupon  he  took  the  oath  of  fidelity,  and 
was  about  to  return  to  the  provinces  he  possessed,  when  his  son 
said,  "You  must  certainly  come  into  my  kingdom."  The  father 
and  son  proceeded  together  towards  Dehli,  and  entered  the  palace. 
The  father  placed  Mu'izzu-d  din  upon  the  throne,  and  stood  before 
him.  The  interview  which  they  had  upon  the  river  was  called  "The 
Conjunction  of  the  Two  Auspicious  Stars,"  because  of  its  happy 
results,  in  sparing  the  blood  of  the  people,  and  in  causing  the  father 
and  son  to  offer  to  each  other  the  kingdom,  and  to  abstain  from 
fighting.     Many  poets  have  celebrated  this  incident. 

Nasiru-d  xli'n  returned  to  his  territories,  and  some  years  after  died 
there,  leaving  several  children,  among  whom  was  Ghiyasu-d  dm 
Bahadur,  whom  Sultan  Tnghlik  made  prisoner,  and  whom  his  son, 
Muhammad,  released  after  his  death.  So  the  kingdom  remained 
in  the  peaceable  possession  of  Mu'izzu-d  din  for  four  years,  which 
were  like  festival  days.  I  have  heard  a  person  who  lived  at 
this  period  describe  the  happiness,  the  cheapness  of  provisions 
at  this  time,  and  the  liberality  and  munificence  of  Mu'izzu-d  din. 
It  was  this  prince  who  built  the  minaret  of  the  northern  court 
of  the  great  mosque  at  Dehli,  which  has  no  equal  in  the  universe. 
An  inhabitant  of  India  informed  me  that  Mu'izzu-d  din  was  much 
given  to  the  society  of  women  and  to  drinking ;  that  he  was  attacked 
by  a  malady  which  defied  all  the  efibrts  of  his  physicians  to  cure, 
and  that  one  side  of  him  was  dried  up  (paralysis).  Then  his 
lieutenant,  Jalalu-d  din  Firoz  Shah  Khilji,  rose  up  against  him. 

Sultan  Jalalu-d  din. 

When,  as  we  have  just  described,  Sultan  Mu'izzu-d  din  was  at- 
tacked with  hemiplegia,  his  lieutenant,  Jalalu-d  din,  revolted  against 
him,  and,  going  out  of  the  city,  he  encamped  upon  a  hill  in  the 
neighbourhood,  beside  a  mortuary  chapel  called  Jaishani.  Mu'izzu-d 
din  sent  out  amirs  to  attack  him,  but  all  whom  he  sent  with  this 
object  swore  fidelity  to  Jalalu-d  din,  and  enrolled  themselves  in  his 


598  APPENDIX. 

army.  The  chief  rebel  afterwards  entered  the  city  and  besieged  the 
Sultan  in  his  palace  for  three  days.  An  eye-witness  of  the  fact  in- 
formed me  that  Sultan  Mu'izzu-d  dfn  suffered  from  hunger,  and  could 
get  nothing  to  eat.  One  of  his  neighbours  sent  him  some  food  to 
appease  his  hunger,  but  the  rebellious  amir  forced  his  way  into  the 
palace  and  Mu'izzu-d  din  was  killed. 

Jalalu-d  din  succeeded.  He  was  an  amiable  and  good  man,  and 
his  gentleness  made  him  the  victim  of  an  assassin,  as  we  shall 
presently  relate.  He  continued  in  peaceable  possession  of  the  throne 
for  several  years,  and  built  the  palace  which  bears  his  name.  It 
■was  this  building  which  Sultan  Muhammad  gave  to  his  brother-in- 
law,  the  amir  Ghadi,  son  of  Muhanna,  when  he  married  him  to  his 
sister,  an  event  which  will  be  spoken  of  hereafter. 

Sultan  Jalalu-d  din  had  a  son  named  Euknu-d  din,  and  a  nephew 
called  'Alau-d  din,  whom  he  married  to  his  daughter,  and  to  whom 
he  gave  the  government  of  the  towns  of  Karra  and  Manikpiir,  with 
the  dependent  territories.  The  wife  of  'Alau-d  din  tormented  him, 
and  he  was  continually  complaining  of  her  to  his  uncle  (and  father- 
in-law),  Sultan  Jalalu-d  din,  until  dissension  arose  between  them 
on  the  subject.  'Aliu-d  din  was  a  sharp  and  brave  man,  who  had 
often  been  victorious,  and  the  ambition  of  sovereignty  took  possession 
of  his  mind,  but  he  had  no  wealth  but  what  he  won  by  the  point  of 
his  sword  by  despoiling  the  infidels.  He  set  out  to  carry  the  holy 
war  into  the  country  of  Deogir  (or  Daulatabad),  which  is  also  called 
the  country  of  Kataka,  of  which  mention  will  be  made  hereafter. 
Deogir  is  the  capital  of  Malwa  and  of  Marhata  (the  country  of  the 
Mahrattas),  and  its  ruler  was  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  infidel 
kings.  In  the  course  of  this  expedition,  the  horse  of  'Alau-d  din 
stumbled  against  a  stone  and  threw  his  rider.  'Alau-d  din  heard 
a  sort  of  jingling  noise  made  by  the  stone.  He  ordered  the  place 
to  be  dug  up,  and  a  considerable  treasure  was  found  under  the  stone, 
which  he  divided  among  his  companions.  When  he  arrived  at 
Deogir,  the  ruler  submitted  and  surrendered  the  city  without  fight- 
ing, making  valuable  presents  to  his  conqueror.  'Alau-d  din  re- 
turned to  Karra,  but  did  not  send  any  portion  of  the  spoil  to  his 
uncle.  Certain  persons  stirred  up  the  feelings  of  his  uncle  against 
him,  and  the  Sultan  summoned  him.     He  refused  to  go  to  Court, 


APPENDIX. 

and  the  Sultan  then  said,  "  I  will  go  and  bring  him,  for  he  is  to  me 
as  a  son."  Accordingly  he  set  out  with  his  army,  and  marched  until 
he  reached  the  bank  of  the  river  opposite  to  Karra,  at  the  same  place 
where  Sultan  Mu'izzu-d  din  had  encamped  when  he  went  to  meet  his 
father,  Nasiru-d  din.  He  embarked  on  the  river  to  go  and  meet  his 
nephew.  The  latter  also  took  boat  with  the  intention  of  making 
an  end  of  the  Sultan,  and  he  said  to  his  companions,  "When  I 
embrace  him,  kill  him."  When  the  two  princes  met  in  the  middle 
of  the  river,  the  nephew  embraced  his  uncle,  and  his  companions 
despatched  the  Sultan  as  he  had  instructed  them.  The  murderer 
seized  upon  the  kingdom,  and  took  command  of  the  troops  of  his 
victim. 

SuUdn  'Aldu-d  din  Muhammad  Shdh  Khilji. 

When  he  had  killed  his  uncle  he  became  master  of  the  kingdom, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  troops  of  Jalalu-d  din  passed  over  to  his 
side.  The  rest  returned  to  Dehli  and  gathered  round  Euknu-d  din. 
The  latter  marched  out  to  attack  the  murderer,  but  all  his  soldiers 
deserted  to  'Alau-d  din,  and  he  fled  to  Sind.  'Alau-d  din  took  pos- 
session of  the  palace  and  reigned  peaceably  for  twenty  years.  He 
was  one  of  the  best  of  Sultans,  and  the  people  of  India  eulogize 
him  highly.  He  personally  examined  the  affairs  of  his  people,  and 
inquired  into  the  price  of  provisions.  Every  day  the  muhtasih,  or 
inspector  of  the  markets,  whom  the  Indians  called  rdis  or  chief,  had 
to  attend  before  him.  It  is  said  that  one  day  he  questioned  the 
inspector  about  the  dearness  of  meat,  and  he  was  told  that  it  arose 
from  the  high  tax  upon  bullocks.  He  ordered  the  tax  to  be  abolished 
and  the  dealers  to  be  brought  before  him.  He  gave  them  money, 
and  said,  "  With  this  buy  bullocks  and  sheep,  and  sell  them ;  the 
price  that  they  fetch  must  be  paid  to  the  treasury,  and  you  shall 
receive  an  allowance  for  selling  them."  This  (order)  was  carried 
into  execution.  And  the  Sultan  acted  in  a  similar  way  in  respect  of 
the  fabrics  brought  from  Daulatabad.  When  com  reached  a  high 
price  he  opened  the  granaries  of  the  State,  and  sold  their  stores, 
until  the  price  came  down.  It  is  said  that  on  one  occasion  the  price 
of  corn  rose,  and  he  ordered  the  dealers  to  sell  it  at  a  price  which 
he  fixed.    They  refused  to  sell  it  at  the  price  named.    He  then 


600  APPENDIX. 

ordered  that  nobody  should  purchase  grain  except  at  the  govern- 
ment stores,  and  he  sold  it  to  the  people  for  six  months.  The 
monopolists  were  afraid  that  their  stocks  would  be  devoured  by 
weevils,  and  they  begged  permission  to  sell.  The  Sultan  gave  them 
leave,  but  upon  condition  that  they  sold  at  a  price  lower  than  they 
had  before  refused. 

'Alau-d  dm  never  rode  on  horseback,  either  to  go  to  public  prayer 
on  rridays,  or  on  festivals,  or  on  any  occasion  whatever.  The  reason 
of  this  was  that  he  had  a  nephew,  named  Sulaiman  Shah,  whom  he 
loved  and  favoured.  One  day  he  mounted  his  horse  to  go  a-hunting 
with  this  nephew,  and  this  one  conceived  the  idea  of  dealing  with 
his  uncle  as  he,  'Alau-d  din,  had  dealt  with  his  uncle  Jalalu-d  din, 
that  is,  of  assassinating  him.  So  when  the  Sultan  alighted  to  take 
breakfast,  he  discharged  an  arrow  at  him  and  brought  him  down, 
but  a  slave  covered  him  with  a  shield.  The  nephew  came  up  to 
finish  him,  but  the  slaves  told  him  that  he  was  dead.  He,  be- 
lieving them,  rode  off  and  entered  the  women's  apartments  in  the 
palace.  The  Sultan  recovered  from  his  fainting  fit,  mounted  his 
his  horse,  and  gathered  together  his  troops.  His  nephew  fled,  but 
he  was  captured  and  brought  before  the  Sultan.  He  slew  him,  and 
after  that  ceased  to  ride  on  horseback. 

'Alau-d  din  had  several  sons,  whose  names  were — 1.  Khizr  Khan, 
2.  Shadi  Khan,  3.  Abu  Bakr  Khan,  4.  Mub^ak  Khan,  also  called 
Kutbu-d  din,  who  became  king,  5.  Shahabu-d  din.  Kutbu-d  din 
was  treated  unkindly  by  his  father,  and  received  very  little  notice. 
The  Sultan  bestowed  honours  on  all  his  brothers — that  is,  he  granted 
them  banners  and  drums ;  but  on  him  he  conferred  nothing.  But 
one  day  the  Sultan  said  to  him,  "  I  really  must  give  you  what  I 
have  given  your  brothers."  Kutbu-d  din  replied,  "It  is  Grod  who 
will  give  it  me."  This  answer  alarmed  his  father,  who  became 
afraid  of  him.  The  Sultan  was  then  attacked  by  the  malady  of 
which  he  died.  The  wife  by  whom  he  had  his  son  Khizr  Kbas, 
and  who  was  called  Mah-hakk,  had  a  brother  namerlrSanjar,  with 
whom  she  conspired  to  raise  Khizr  Khan  to  the  throne.  Malik 
Naib,  the  chief  of  the  Sultan's  amirs,  who  was  called  Al  Alfi,'  be- 
cause his  master  had  bought  him  for  1,000  (alf)   tanhas,  that  is, 

'  Sazdr  dindri. 


APPENDIX.  601' 

2,500  African  dinars.  This  Malik  Naib  got  knowledge  of  the 
plot  and  informed  the  SuMn.  Thereupon  he  gave  his  attendants 
this  order:  "When  Sanjar  enters  the  room  where  I  am,  I  will  give 
him  a  robe.  As  he  is  putting  it  on,  seize  him  by  the  sleeves,  throw 
him  down,  and  despatch  him."    This  order  was  exactly  executed. 

Khizr  Khan  was  then  absent  at  a  place  called  Sandabat  (Sonpat), 
one  day's  journey  from  Dehli,  whither  he  had  gone  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  tombs  of  certain  martyrs  buried  there.  He  had  made  a  vow 
to  walk  thither  on  foot,  and  pray  for  the  health  of  his  father.  But 
when  Khizr  Khan  heard  that  his  father  had  killed  his  maternal  uncle, 
he  was  greatly  concerned,  and  tore  the  collar  of  his  garment,  as 
the  Indians  are  in  the  habit  of  doing  when  any  one  dies  who  is  dear 
to  them.  His  father,  on  hearing  this,  was  much  annoyed,  and  when 
Khizr  Khan  appeared  before  him,  he  reprimanded  and  censured  him. 
Then  he  ordered  irons  to  be  put  upon  his  hands  and  feet,  and  gave 
him  into  the  charge  of  Malik  Naib  above  mentioned,  with  orders  to 
convey  him  to  the  fortress  of  Gwalior.  This  is  an  isolated  fort,  in 
the  midst  of  idolatrous  Hindus,  at  ten  days'  journey  from  Dehli, 
and  it  is  impregnable.  I  resided  there  some  time.  When  Malik 
Naib  took  the  prince  to  this  strong  fort,  he  gave  him  into  the  charge 
of  the  Tcotwdl,  or  the  commandant,  and  of  the  mufrids  or  zamdnis 
(regularly  enrolled  soldiers),  and  told  them  not  to  say  that  their 
prisoner  was  the  son  of  the  Sultan,  but  to  treat  him  honourably. 
He  was  the  Sultan's  most  bitter  enemy,  so  they  were  to  guard  him 
as  an  enemy. 

Finally,  the  Sultan's  malady  growing  worse,  he  told  Malik  Naib 
to  send  some  one  to  fetch  Khizr  Khan,  that  he  might  proclaim  him 
his  successor.  Malik  Naib  acquiesced,  but  he  delayed  from  day  to 
day  to  execute  the  order,  and  whenever  his  master  inquired  about 
the  matter,  he  replied  that  his  son  would  soon  arrive.  He  continued 
to  act  thus  until  the  Sultan  died. 

Sultan  Shahahu-d  din,  son  of  lAldu-d  din. 

When  the  Sultan  'Alau-d  din  was  dead,  Malik  Naib  raised  Ms 
younger  son,  Shahabu-d  din,  to  the  throne.  The  people  took  the 
oath  of  obedience  to  him,  but  Malik.  Naib  kept  him  under  his  own 
direction,  and  after  depriving  Abii  Bakr  Khan  and  Shadi  Khan  of 


602  APPENDIX. 

sight,  he  sent  them  to  Gwalior.  He  also  ordered  their  brother  Khizr 
Khan,  who  was  imprisoned  in  the  same  place,  to  be  blinded.  They 
were  imprisoned,  as  well  as  Kutbu-d  dfn,  but  the  minister  spared  the 
sight  of  the  latter.  Sultan  'Alau-d  din  had  two  slaves,  who  were 
his  personal  attendants;  one  was  called  Bashfr  and  the  other  Mu- 
bashir.  The  chief  princess,  widow  of  'Alau-d  din,  and  daughter  of 
Sultan  Mu'izzu-d  din,  sent  for  them,  recounted  the  benefits 
which  they  had  received  from  their  late  master,  and  said,  "This 
eunuch,  Malik  N&ib,  has  treated  my  children  in  the  way  you  know 
of,  and  now  he  wants  to  kill  Kutbu-d  din."  They  replied,  "  You 
shall  see  what  we  will  do."  It  was  usual  for  them  to  pass  the  night 
near  Malik  Naib,  and  to  enter  armed  into  his  presence.  They  went 
to  wait  upon  him  the  following  night  in  his  Khurram-gdh,  as  the 
Indians  call  a  kind  of  room  constructed  of  planks  and  hung  with 
cloth.  Here  the  wazir  slept ; — on  the  terrace  of  the  palace  during 
the  rainy  season.  It  so  happened  that  he  took  the  sword  worn  by 
one  of  these  conspirators,  brandished  it,  and  returned  it.  The  slave 
then  struck  him  with  it,  and  his  companion  gave  him  another  blow. 
Then  they  cut  off  his  head,  and,  carrying  it  to  the  prison  of  Kutbu-d 
din,  and  throwing  it  down  at  his  feet,  delivered  him  from  captivity. 
The  prince  went  and  joined  his  brother,  Shahabu-d  din,  and  stayed 
with  him  several  days,  as  if  he  had  been  his  lieutenant,  but  at  length 
he  resolved  to  depose  him,  and  carried  out  his  design. 

Sultan  Kuthu-d  din,  son  of  SuUdn  Idlau-d  din. 

This  prince  deposed  his  brother  Shahabu-d  din,  cut  off  one  of  his 
fingers,  and  sent  him  to  G-walior,  where  he  was  imprisoned  with  his 
brothers.  The  kingdom  came  peaceably  into  the  hands  of  Kutbu-d 
din,  who  left  Dehli,  his  capital,  to  proceed  to  Daulatabad,  forty  days' 
journey  distant.  The  road  between  these  two  places  is  bordered  with 
trees,  such  as  the  willow  and  others,  so  that  the  traveller  might  think 
himself  in  a  garden.  In  the  space  of  every  mile  there  are  three  ddwas, 
or  posting-houses,  of  which  the  arrangements  have  been  already  de- 
scribed. At  each  of  these  stations  the  traveller  finds  all  that  he 
needs,  as  if  his  forty  days'  journey  lay  through  a  market  Thus 
the  road  goes  on  for  six  months'  journey,  till  it  reaches  the  country 
of  Tilang  and  Ma'bar.    At  every  station  there  is  a  palace  for  the 


APPENDIX.  603 

Sultan  and  a  comer  for  the  traveller,  and  poor  people  have  no  need 
to  carry  with  them  provisions  for  their  journey. 

After  Sultan  Kutbu-d  din  had  set  off  on  this  expedition,  certain 
amirs  determined  among  themselves  to  revolt  against  him,  and  to 
place  a  son  of  his  imprisoned  brother  Ehizr  Khan  upon  the  throne. 
This  child  was  about  ten  years  old,  and  was  near  the  Sultan.  When 
the  latter  heard  of  this  plot  of  the  amirs,  he  took  his  nephew,  seized 
him  by  the  feet,  and  dashed  his  head  against  the  stones  till  his 
brains  were  scattered.  He  then  sent  an  amir,  named  Malik  Shah,  to 
Gwalior,  where  the  father  and  uncles  of  the  child  were  confined, 
with  orders  to  kill  them  all.  Kazf  Zainu-d  din  Mubarak,  Mzi  of 
this  stronghold,  gave  me  the  following  account: — "Malik  Shah 
reached  us  one  morning,  whilst  I  was  with  Khizr  Khan  in  his 
prison.  When  the  captive  heard  of  his  arrival,  he  was  frightened, 
and  changed  colour.  The  amir  came  in,  and  he  said  to  him,  '  Why 
have  you  come?'  and  he  answered,  'Upon  a  matter  which  concerns 
the  Lord  of  the  World.'  The  prince  asked  if  his  life  was  safe,  and 
he  answered  'Yes.'  Thereupon  the  amir  went  out  and  called  for 
the  hotiodl,  or  commandant,  and  his  mufrids,  or  soldiers,  to  the 
number  of  300;  he  sent  for  me,  as  well  as  the  notaries,  and  pro- 
duced the  order  of  the  Sultan.  The  men  of  the  garrison  read  it, 
then  went  to  Shahabu-d  din,  the  deposed  Sultan,  and  cut  off  his 
head.  He  was  very  collected,  and  showed  no  sign  of  fear.  Then 
they  beheaded  Abu  Bakr  and  Shadi  Khan.  When  they  went  to 
decapitate  Khizr  Khan,  he  was  overcome  with  fear  and  stupor.  His 
mother  was  with  him,  but  the  executioners  shut  the  door  against  her 
and  kUled  him.  Then  they  dragged  the  four  bodies  to  a  ditch,  with- 
out either  wrapping  them  in  shrouds  or  washing  them.  They  were 
exhumed  after  some  years  and  were  interred  ia  the  tombs  of  their 
ancestors."  The  mother  of  Khizr  Khan  survived  some  time.  I 
saw  her  at  Mecca  in  the  year  728  h.  (a.d.  1327). 

The  fort  of  Gwalior  here  spoken  of  is  situated  on  the  top  of  a 
high  mountain,  and  appears,  so  to  speak,  to  be  cut  out  of  the  rock 
itself.  There  is  no  other  mountain  in  face  of  it.  There  are  sub- 
terranean cisterns  in  it,  and  it  contains  also  about  twenty  bricked 
wells.  Manjanihs  and  'arrddas  are  mounted  on  the  walls.  The 
passage  to  the  fortress  is  up  a  spacious  road,  which  elephants  and 


604  APPENDIX. 

horses  can  ascend.  Near  tlie  gate  of  the  fort  there  is  the  figure  of 
an  elephant,  sculptured  in  stone,  carrying  its  driver.  When  seen 
from  a  distance,  it  seems  to  be  a  real  elephant.  At  the  base  of  the 
fortress  there  is  a  fine  town,  built  entirely  of  white  hewn  stone, 
mosques  and  houses  alike.  No  wood  is  seen  except  in  the  doors. 
It  is  the  same  with  the  palace  of  the  king,  the  domes  and  halls. 
Most  of  the  business  men  of  this  town  are  idolaters,  and  there  are 
about  600  horsemen  of  the  royal  army  there,  who  never  cease  to  fight 
with  the  infidels  by  whom  the  place  is  surrounded. 

When  Kutbu-d  din  had  killed  his  brothers,  and  he  had  become 
sole  master,  without  any  one  left  to  fight  with  him  or  revolt  against 
him,  Grod  raised  up  against  him  his  favourite  servant,  the  most 
powerful  of  his  amirs  and  the  highest  in  dignity,  Nasiru-d  din 
Khusru  Khan.  This  man  attacked  him  unawares,  killed  him,  and 
remained  absolute  master  of  the  kingdom.  But  this  did  not  last 
long.  God  raised  also  against  him  one  who  dethroned  and  then 
kUled  him.  This  was  the  Sultan  Tughlik,  as  wLU  hereafter  be  fully 
recorded,  God  willing ! 

Khusr'k  Khdn  N'dsiru-d  din. 

Khusru  Khan  was  one  of  the  principal  amirs  of  Kutbu-d  din. 
He  was  brave  and  handsome.  He  had  conquered  the  country  of 
Chanderi,  and  also  that  of  Ma'bar,  which  are  among  the  most  fertile 
regions  of  India,  and  are  at  a  distance  of  six  months'  journey  from 
Dehli.  Kutbu-d  din  liked  this  man  very  much,  and  showed  great 
fondness  for  him; — this  was  the  cause  of  the  Sultan's  meeting  death 
at  his  hands.  **  '*  **  One  day  Khusru  Khan  told  the  Sultan  that 
several  Hindus  desired  to  become  Musulmans.  It  is  one  of  the 
customs  in  this  country  that,  when  a  person  wishes  to  become  a 
convert  to  Islam,  he  is  brought  before  the  king,  who  gives  him 
a  fine  robe  and  a  necklace  and  bracelets  of  gold,  proportionate  in 
value  to  his  rank.  The  Sultau  told  Khusru  to  bring  the  Hindus 
before  him,  but  the  amir  replied  that  they  were  ashamed  to  come 
by  day  on  account  of  their  relations  and  co-religionists.  So  the 
Sultan  told  him  to  bring  them  at  night. 

Khusru  Khan  gathered  a  troop  of  Indians,  chosen  from  among 
the  bravest   and   greatest;   his   brother,  the  Khdm-i  Khdndn,  was 


APPENDIX.  605 

among  them.  It  was  the  hot  season,  and  the  Sult£a  slept  on  the 
roof  of  the  palace,  having  only  a  few  eunuchs  around  him.  When 
the  Indians  bearing  their  weapons  had  passed  four  gates  of  the 
palace  and  arrived  at  the  fifth,  Kazi  Khan,  the  keeper  of  the  keys, 
was  startled  by  their  proceedirigs,  and  suspected  that  they  had  some 
evil  design  in  view.  So  he  prevented  their  entrance,  and  said  he 
would  not  let  them  pass  without  a  distinct  order  from  the  mouth  of 
the  king  himself.  Finding  themselves  thus  stopped,  they  fell  upon 
him  and  killed  him.  The  noise  arising  from  this  contention  grew 
loud  and  reached  the  Sultan,  who  asked  what  it  was,  and  Khusru 
Khan  told  him  that  it  was  made  by  the  Indians,  who  were  goming 
to  make  their  profession.  Kazi  Khan  had  opposed  their  entrance, 
and  hence  a  tumult  had  arisen.  The  Sultan  was  alarmed  and  rose 
to  go  iato  the  inner  part  of  the  palace,  but  the  door  was  closed  and 
the  eunuchs  stood  near  it.  The  Sultan  knocked  at  the  door.  Khusru 
Khan  then  seized  him  in  his  arms  from  behind,  but  the  king  was 
the  stronger  and  threw  him  down.  The  Indians  entered,  and 
Khusru  Khan  called  out  to  them,  "  Here  he  is  upon  me,  kill  him ! " 
So  they  murdered  him  and  cut  off  his  head,  which  they  threw  from 
the  roof  of  the  palace  iato  the  court-yard. 

Khusru  Khan  sent  immediately  for  the  amirs  and  malihs  who 
were  not  yet  aware  of  what  had  happened.  Each  party  that  entered 
found  him  seated  on  the  throne.  They  took  the  oath  (of  allegiance) 
to  him,  and  when  morning  came  he  proclaimed  his  accession,  de- 
spatched his  orders  into  all  the  provinces,  and  sent  a  robe  of  honour 
to  each  amir.  They  all  submitted  to  him  with  the  exception  of 
Tughlik  Shah,  father  of  Sultan  Muhammad  Shah,  who  was  then 
governor  of  Dibalpur,  in  Sind.  When  he  received  the  robe  of 
honour  which  Khusru  had  allotted  to  him,  he  threw  it  on  the  ground 
and  sat  upon  it.  Khusru  Khan  sent  his  brother,  the  Khdn-i  Khdndm, 
against  him,  but  Tughlik  defeated  him  and  afterwards  killed  him, 
as  will  be  narrated  in  the  account  of  the  reign  of  Tughlik. 

Khusru  Khan,  upon  becoming  king,  showed  great  favour  to  the 
Hindus,  and  issued  objectionable  orders,  such  as  an  order  prohibiting 
the  slaughter  of  bullocks,  in  deference  to  the  practice  of  the  idolatrous 
Indians,  who  do  not  allow  these  animals  to  be  killed.  *  «  « 
Such  conduct  was  one  of  the  causes  which  made  Khusru  Khan  hate- 


APPENDIX. 

ful  to  the  Musulmans,  and  made  them  incline  in  favour  of  TugUik. 
Khusru's  reign  did  not  last  long,  and  the  days  of  his  power  were  not 
numerous,  as  we  shall  relate. 

Sultan  6hiydsu-d  din  Tughlik  Shdh. 

The  shaikh  and  pious  imdm  Euknu-d  din  *  **  *  gave  me  the 
following  account  in  his  hermitage  at  Multan.  Sultan  Tughlik  be- 
longed to  the  race  of  Turks  called  Karauna,^  who  inhabit  the  moun- 
tains between  Siad  and  the  country  of  the  Turks.  He  was  in  a  very 
humble  condition,  and  went  to  Sind  as  servant  of  a  certain  merchant, 
as  his  £olwM,  or  groom.  This  took  place  in  the  reign  of  'Alau-d 
dn,  whose  brother,  TTlu  Khan,'  was  governor  of  Sind.  Tughlik 
entered  his  service  and  was  attached  to  his  person,  being  enrolled 
among  his  piddas  or  footmen.  Afterwards  he  distinguished  himself 
by  his  bravery,  and  was  entered  among  the  horsemen ;  then  he  be- 
came a  subordinate  amir,  and  Ulu  Khan  made  him  his  master  of  the 
horse.  Finally,  he  became  one  of  the  great  amirs,  and  received  the 
title  of  al  malih  al  ghdzi,  "warlike  prince."  I  have  seen  the  follow- 
ing inscription,  which  is  placed  over  the  sacrarium  of  the  mosque 
which  he  built  at  Multan  :  "I  have  fought  with  the  Tatars  twenty- 
nine  times,  and  have  defeated  them.  It  is  for  this  that  I  have  been 
called  '  the  warlike  prince.'  " 

When  Kutbu-d  din  became  king,  he  made  Tughlik  governor  of 
the  town  and  district  of  Dibalpur ;  and  he  made  his  son  (the  present 
Sultan  of  India)  superintendent  of  the  imperial  stables.  He  was 
called  Jaund,  the  Sun ;  when  he  became  king  he  called  himself 
Muhammad  Shah.  Kutbu-d  din  being  dead,  and  Khusni  Khan 
having  succeeded,  he  confirmed  Jauna  in  his  office  as  master  of  the 
horse.  When  Tughlik  wanted  to  rebel,  he  had  300  comrades  in 
whom  he  put  confidence  in  the  day  of  battle.  He  wrote  to  Kishlu 
Khan,  who  was  then  at  Multan,  three  days  journey  from  Dibalpur, 
calling  upon  him  for  assistance,  reminding  him  of  the  favours  of 
Kutbu-d  din,  and  urging  him  to  exact  vengeance  for  the  murder  of 
that  king.  The  son  of  Kishlu  Khan  resided  at  Dehli,  and,  con- 
sequently, he  replied  to  Tughlik  that  if  his  son  were  with  him  he 

'  See  Jour.  Asiatique,  Tome  II.,  1844,  pp.  516,  517.  D'Ohsson  Hist,  des  Mongols, 
IV.,  p.  46.  2  mugh  Khkn. 


APPEKBIX.  607 

would  certainly  help  his  design.  Tughlik  wrote  to  his  son,  Mu- 
hammad Shah,  to  inform  him  of  his  resolve,  and  desiring  him  to 
fly  from  Dehli  to  meet  him,  bringing  with  him  the  son  of  Kishlu 
Khan.  The  young  nobleman  contrived  a  stratagem  against  Khusrii 
Khan,  which  was  successful.  He  told  him  that  the  horses  had 
grown  fat  and  heavy,  and  that  they  required  exercise.  Khusru 
Khan  accordingly  gave  permission  for  taking  them  out.  So  the 
master  of  the  horse  mounted  on  horseback  every  day,  and,  followed 
by  his  subordinates,  he  rode  about  from  one  to  three  hours ;  he 
even  extended  his  absence  to  four  hours,  so  that  one  day  he  was  out 
till  noon  had  passed,  which  is  the  time  when  the  Indians  dine. 
The  Sultan  sent  out  to  look  after  him,  but  nothing  could  be  heard 
of  him,  and  he  joiaed  his  father,  together  with  the  son  of  Kishlu 
Khan. 

Tughlik  then  openly  rebelled  and  collected  his  forces.  Kishlu 
Khan  also  joined  him  with  his  soldiers.  The  Sultan  sent  out  his 
brother,  the  Khdm-i  Khdndn,  to  give  them  battle,  but  they  totally  de- 
feated him,  and  his  army  passed  over  to  their  side.  The  Khdn-i  Khdmdn 
returned  to  his  brother;  his  officers  were  slain  and  his  treasure 
captured.  Tughlik  then  proceeded  towards  Dehli.  Khusru  Khan 
went  out  to  meet  him  with  his  army,  and  encamped  near  the  city 
at  a  place  called  Asya-bad,  that  is  to  say,  the  windmill.  He  ordered 
the  treasures  to  be  opened,  and  he  gave  away  the  money  by  bags, 
not  by  weight  or  definite  sums.  The  battle  began  between  him  and 
Tughlik,  and  the  Indians  fought  with  the  greatest  fury.  Tughlik's 
troops  were  defeated,  his  camp  was  pillaged,  and  he  remained  sur- 
rounded by  his  300  old  companions.  He  cried,  ""Whither  can  we 
fly?  We  shall  be  taken  everywhere  and  killed."  The  soldiers 
of  Khusru  were  busy  plundering,  and  were  scattered,  so  that  there 
remained  only  a  few  near  him.  Tughlik  and  his  companions  went 
against  him.  In  this  country  the  presence  of  the  sovereign  is  al- 
ways indicated  by  the  umbrella  carried  over  his  head.  **  *  * 

When  Tughlik  and  his  companions  advanced  against  Khusru, 
the  fight  began  agaia  between  them  and  the  Hindus :  the  Sultan's 
troops  were  routed,  and  none  remained  near  him.  He  took  to  flight, 
dismounted  from  his  horse,  threw  away  his  garments  and  arms,  and 
keeping  only  his  shirt,  he  let  his  hair  fall  upon  his  shoulders  as  the 


608  APPENDIX. 

fdleirs  of  India  do.  Then  lie  went  into  a  garden  near  at  hand.  The 
people  gathered  round  Tughlik,  who  proceeded  towards  the  city.  The 
governor  brought  him  the  keys.  He  entered  the  palace  and  lodged 
in  one  of  its  wings;  then  he  said  to  Kishlu  Khan,  "Be  thou  Sultan!" 
The  Khan  replied,  "  Bather  you."  They  disputed  together,  but  at 
length  Kishlu  Khan  said  to  Tughlik,  "  If  you  refuse  to  be  Sultan, 
your  son  will  obtain  the  sovereign  power."  Tughlik  was  averse  to 
this,  so  he  accepted  the  government,  and  sat  upon  the  royal  throne. 
The  nobles  and  common  people  took  their  oaths  to  him. 

After  three  days  Khusru  Khan,  still  concealed  in  the  same  garden, 
was  hard  pressed  by  hunger.  He  came  out  of  his  hiding-place  and 
walked  about.  Then  he  met  the  keeper  of  the  garden,  and  asked 
him  for  some  food.  The  man  had  none  to  give  him,  so  Khusru 
gave  him  his  ring  and  told  him  to  go  and  pawn  it,  and  buy  food. 
When  this  person  went  into  the  market  with  the  ring,  the  people 
had  their  suspicions,  and  they  took  him  to  the  police  magistrate. 
The  latter  conducted  him  to  Tughlik,  to  whom  he  made  known  who 
had  given  him  the  ring.  Tughlik  sent  his  son  Muhammad  to  bring 
in  Khusru,  and  Muhammad  seized  him,  placed  him  on  a  tdtu,  or 
baggage-horse,  and  brought  him  to  his  father.  When  Khusru  went 
into  the  presence  of  Tughlik,  he  said :  "  I  am  hungry,  give  me 
something  to  eat."  The  new  sovereign  ordered  him  to  be  served 
with  sharbat,  food,  beer,  and  lastly  betel.  When  he  had  eaten  he 
rose  and  said,  "  0  Tughlik,  deal  with  me  after  the  manner  of  kings, 
and  do  not  dishonour  me."  Tughlik  complied  with  his  request ;  he 
ordered  him  to  be  beheaded,  and  he  was  executed  on  the  very  spot 
where  he  had  killed  Kutbu-d  din.  His  head  and  his  body  were 
thrown  from  the  roof  of  the  palace,  as  he  had  done  with  the  head 
of  his  predecessor.  Afterwards,  Tughlik  ordered  his  corpse  to  be 
washed,  wrapped  in  a  shroud,  and  buried  in  a  tomb  which  he  him- 
self had  built.  Tughlik  was  a  just  and  excellent  prince,  and  he 
enjoyed  the  sovereign  power  in  peace  for  four  years. 

When  Tughlik  was  firmly  established  in  his  capital,  he  sent  his 
son,  Muhammad,  to  make  the  conquest  of  Tilang,  three  months' 
march  from  Dehli.  He  sent  with  him  a  considerable  army,  attached 
to  which  were  the  principal  amirs,  such  as  Malik  Timur,  Malik 
Tigin,    Malik  Kafur  the   seal-bearer,   Malik  Bairam,  and   others. 


APPENDIX.  609 

"When  Muhammad  arrived  in  Tilang,  he  was  desirous  of  revolting. 
He  had  for  a  companion  a  man  called  'Ubaid,  who  was  a  poet  and 
lawyer.  He  ordered  him  to  spread  a  report  of  the  Sultan  Tughlik 
being  dead,  for  he  supposed  that  all  men,  on  hearing  this  intelligence, 
would  in  hot  haste  tender  him  their  oath  of  fidelity.  This  news 
spread  among  the  soldiers,  but  the  amirs  did  not  believe  it.  Every 
one  of  them  beat  his  drums  and  revolted.  No  one  remained  near 
Muhammad,  and  the  chiefs  wished  to  kill  him.  Malik  Timur  pre- 
vented them,  and  protected  him.  He  fled  to  his  father  with  ten 
horsemen,  whom  he  called  his  "  faithful  friends."  His  father  gave 
him  money  and  troops,  and  commanded  him  to  return  to  Tilang,  and 
he  obeyed.  But  the  Sultan  was  acquainted  with  his  design;  he 
killed  the  lawyer  'Ubaid,  and  he  ordered  Malik  Kafur,  the  seal- 
bearer,  to  be  put  to  deatL  A  tent  peg  was  driven  into  the  ground, 
and  the  upper  end  of  it  was  sharpened.  This  was  driven  into  the 
throat  of  Kafur,  who  was  placed  thereon,  face  downwards,  and  it 
came  out  by  one  of  his  ribs.  Thus  he  was  left.  The  other 
amirs  fled  to  Sultan  Shamsu-d  din,  son  of  Sultan  Nasiru-d  din,  son 
of  Sultan  Grhiyasu-d  din  Balban,  and  established  themselves  at  his 
Court  (at  Lakhnauti). 

The  fugitive  amirs  dwelt  with  Sultan  Shamsu-d  din.  Soon  after- 
wards he  died,  leaving  his  throne  to  his  son,  Shahabu-d  din.  Tliis 
prince  succeeded  his  father,  but  his  younger  brother,  Grhiyasu-d  din 
Bahadur  Burah  (this  last  word  signifies  in  the  Indian  language 
blade),  overpowered  him,  seized  upon  the  kingdom,  and  killed  his 
brother  Katlu  Khan,  and  most  of  his  other  brothers.  Two  of  them. 
Sultan  Shahabu-d  din  and  Nasiru-d  din,  fled  to  Tughlik,  who  marched 
forth  with  them  to  fight  with  the  fratricide.  He  left  his  son  Mu- 
hammad in  his  kingdom  as  viceroy,  and  advanced  in  haste  to  the 
country  of  Lakhnauti.  He  subdued  it,  made  the  Sultan  Ghiyasu-d 
din  prisoner,  and  set  off  on  the  march  to  his  capital,  carrying  his 
prisoner  with  him. 

There  was  then  at  Dehli  a  saint,  Mzamu-d  din  Badauni.  Mu- 
hammad, the  Sultan's  son,  often  visited  him,  to  pay  him  respect  in 
the  eyes  of  his  followers  and  to  implore  his  prayers.  The  shaikh 
was  subject  to  ecstatic  fits,  in  which  he  lost  all  control  of  himself. 
The  Sultan's  son  directed  his  servants  to  let  him  know  when  the 


610  APPENDIX. 

shaihh  was  in  one  of  these  fits.  When  lie  was  seized  with  a  fit  the 
prince  was  iaformed,  and  he  went  to  him.  As  soon  as  the  shaikh 
saw  Mm  he  exclaimed,  "  We  give  him  the  throne."  Afterwards  he 
died  while  the  Sultan  was  absent,  and  the  Sultan's  son,  Muhammad, 
bore  his  bier  upon  his  shoulder.  The  father  heard  of  this ;  he  sus- 
pected his  son  and  threatened  him.  Other  actions  had  already 
aroused  suspicions  in  Tughlik  against  his  son.  He  was  annoyed  to 
see  him  buy  a  great  number  of  slaves,  and  make  magnificent  presents 
to  secure  friends.  Now  his  anger  against  him  increased.  The  Sultan 
was  informed  that  the  astrologers  liad  predicted  that  he  would  never 
enter  again  the  city  of  Dehli  on  returning  from  his  expedition.  He 
replied  by  threats  against  them. 

When  he  came  near  to  his  capital,  on  his  return  from  the  expedi- 
tion, he  ordered  his  son  to  build  for  him  a  palace,  or,  as  these  people 
call  it,  a  hushh,  near  a  river,  which  runs  by  a  place  called  Afghanpur. 
Muhammad  built  it  in  the  course  of  three  days,  making  it  chiefly  of 
wood.  It  was  elevated  above  the  ground,  and  rested  on  pUlars  of 
wood.  Muhammad  planned  it  scientifically,  and  Malik  Zada  was 
charged  to  see  the  plans  carried  out.  This  man  was  afterwards 
known  by  the  title  of  Khwaja-i  Jahan.  His  real  name  was  Ahmad, 
son  of  Ayas.  He  was  then  inspector  of  buildings,  but  he  afterwards 
became  chief  waxir  of  Sultan  Muhammad.  The  object  which  these 
two  persons  kept  in  view  in  building  the  hushh  was  this, — that  it 
should  fall  down  with  a  crash  when  the  elephants  touched  it  in  a 
certaiu  part.  The  Sultan  stopped  at  this  building  and  feasted  the 
people,  who  afterwards  dispersed.  His  son  asked  permission  to 
parade  the  elephants  before  him,  fully  accoutred.  The  Sultan  con- 
sented. 

Shaikh  Euknu-d  din  told  me  that  he  was  then  near  the  Sultan, 
and  that  the  Sultan's  favourite  son,  Mahmud,  was  with  them.  There- 
upon Muhammad  came  and  said  to  the  shaihh,  "  Master,  it  is  now 
the  time  for  afternoon  prayer,  go  down  and  pray."  I  went  down, 
said  the  shaihh,  and  they  brought  the  elephants  up  on  one  side,  as 
the  prince  and  his  confidant  had  arranged.  When  the  animals  passed 
along  that  side,  the  building  fell  down  upon  the  Sultan  and  his  son 
Mahmud.  I  heard  the  noise,  continued  the  shaihh,  and  I  returned 
without  having  said  my  prayer.    I  saw  that  the  building  had  fallen. 


APPENDIX.  611 

The  Sultan's  son,  Muhammad,  ordered  pickaxes  and  shovels  to  be 
brought  to  dig  and  seek  for  his  father,  but  he  made  signs  for  them 
not  to  hurry,  and  the  tools  were  not  brought  till  after  sunset.  Then 
they  began  to  dig,  and  they  found  the  Sult&i,  who  had  bent  over  his 
son  to  save  him  from  death.  Some  assert  that  Tughlik  was  taken 
out  dead ;  others,  on  the  contrary,  maintain  that  he  was  alive,  and 
that  an  end  was  made  of  him.  He  was  carried  away  at  night  to 
the  tomb  which  he  had  himself  built  near  the  city  called  after  him 
Tughlikdbad,  and  there  he  was  interred.  **  *  * 

It  was  to  the  skilful  management  of  the  wazir,  Ehwaja-i  Jahan, 
in  constructing  the  edifice  which  fell  upon  Tughlik,  that  he  owed  the 
position  he  held  with  Sultan  Muhammad,  and  the  partiality  which 
the  latter  had  for  him.  No  one,  whether  wazir  or  otherwise,  enjoyed 
anythittg  like  the  consideration  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  Sultan, 
and  never  attained  the  high  position  which  he  possessed  near  him. 

Sultan  Al'ti-l  Mujahid  Muhammad  Shah. 

When  the  Sultan  Tughlik  was  dead,  his  son  Muhammad  took  pos- 
session of  the  kingdom,  without  encountering  either  adversary  or 
rebel.  As  we  have  said  above,  his  name  was  Jauna ;  but  when  he 
became  king  he  called  himself  Muhammad,  and  received  the  sur- 
name of  Abu-1  Mujahid.  All  that  I  have  recounted  about  the  history 
of  the  Sultans  of  India,  I  heard  and  learned,  or,  at  least,  the  greater 
part,  from  the  mouth  of  Shaikh  Kamahi-d  din,  son  of  Burhanu-d 
din,  of  Ghazni,  chief  Mzl.  As  to  the  adventures  of  this  king,  the 
greater  part  came  under  my  own  observation  while  living  in  his 
territories. 

Muhammad  is  a  man  who,  above  all  others,,  is  fond  of  making 
presents  and  shedding  blood.  There  may  always  be  seen  at  his  gate 
some  poor  person  becoming  rich,  or  some  living  one  condemned  to 
death.  His  generous  and  brave  actions,  and  his  cruel  and  violent 
deeds,  have  obtained  notoriety  among  the  people.  In  spite  of  this, 
he  is  the  most  humble  of  men,  and  the  one  who  exhibits  the  greatest 
equity.  The  ceremonies  of  religion  are  dear  to  his  heart,  and  he  is 
very  severe  in  respect  of  prayer  and  the  punishment  which  follows 
its  neglect.  He  is  one  of  those  kings  whose  good  fortune  is  great, 
and  whose  happy  success  exceeds  the  ordinary  limit;  but  his  dis- 


612  APPENDIX. 

tinguisMng  characteristic  is  generosity.  I  shall  mention  among  the 
instances  of  his  liberality,  some  marvels  of  which  the  like  has  never 
been  reported  of  any  of  the  princes  who  have  preceded  him.  I  call 
God,  his  angels  and  prophets,  to  witness  that  all  I  say  about  his 
boundless  munificence  is  the  plain  truth.  *•  '*  ** 

The  palace  of  the  Sultan  at  Dehli  is  called  Dar-sara,  and  it  has 
a  great  number  of  gates.  At  the  first  there  is  a  troop  of  men  posted 
on  guard.  **  *  *  Outside  the  first  gate  there  are  stages  on  which 
the  executioners  sit  who  have  to  kill  people.  It  is  the  custom  with 
this  people  that  whenever  the  Sultan  orders  the  execution  of  a  person, 
he  is  despatched  at  the  door  of  the  hall  of  audience,  and  his  body 
remains  there  three  days.  •*  *  **  The  third  door  abuts  upon  the 
hall  of  audience,  an  immense  chamber  called  Sazd/rsviun,  or  "the 
thousand  columns."  These  piUars  are  of  varnished  wood,  and  sup- 
port a  wooden  roof  painted  in  the  most  admirable  style.  Here 
people  seat  themselves,  and  in  this  hall  the  Sultan  holds  his  great 
public  audiences.  [^Miquette  of  the  Court. — Mdn^  instances  of  the 
Sultan's  liherality  and  generosity. "^ 

When  drought  prevailed  throughout  India  and  Sind,  and  the 
scarcity  was  so  great  that  the  man  of  wheat  was  worth  six  dvadrs, 
the  Sultan  gave  orders  that  provisions  for  six  months  should  be  sup- 
plied to  all  the  inhabitants  of  Dehli  from  the  royal  granaries.  **'*'* 
The  officers  of  justice  made  registers  of  the  people  of  the  different 
streets,  and  these  being  sent  up,  each  person  received  sufficient  pro- 
visions to  last  him  for  six  months. 

The  Sultan,  notwithstanding  all  I  have  said  about  his  humility, 
his  justice,  his  kindness  to  the  poor,  and  his  boundless  generosity, 
was  much  given  to  bloodshed.  It  rarely  happened  that  the  corpse 
of  some  one  who  had  been  killed  was  not  to  be  seen  at  the  gate  of 
his  palace.  I  have  often  seen  men  killed  and  their  bodies  left  there. 
One  day  I  went  to  his  palace  and  my  horse  shied.  I  looked  before 
me,  and  I  saw  a  white  heap  on  the  ground,  and  when  I  asked  what 
it  was,  one  of  my  companions  said  it  was  the  trunk  of  a  man  cut 
into  three  pieces.  This  sovereign  punished  little  faults  like  great 
ones,  and  spared  neither  the  learned,  the  religious,  nor  the  noble. 
Every  day  hundreds  of  individuals  were  brought  chained  into  his 
hall  of  audience;   their  hands  tied  to  their  necks  and  their  feet 


APPENDIX.  ,  613 

bound  together.  Some  were  killed,  and  others  were  tortured,  or 
well  beaten.  It  was  his  practice  to  have  all  persons  in  prison 
brought  before  him  every  day  except  Friday.  This  day  was  to 
them  a  day  of  respite,  and  they  passed  it  in  cleaning  themselves 
and  taking  rest.     God  preserve  us  from  evil  1' 

The  Sultan's  mv/rder  of  Ms  Irother, 

The  Sultan  had  a  brother  named  Mas'ud  Khan,  whose  mother  was 
a  daughter  of  Sultan  'AlSu-d  din.  This  Mas'ud  was  one  of  the 
handsomest  fellows  I  have  ever  seen.  The  king  suspected  him  of 
intending  to  rebel,  so  he  questioned  him,  and,  under  fear  of  the 
torture,  Mas'ud  confessed  the  charge.  Indeed,  every  one  who  denies 
charges  of  this  nature,  which  the  Sultan  brings  against  him,  is  put 
to  the  torture,  and  most  people  prefer  death  to  being  tortured.  The 
Sultan  had  his  brother's  head  cut  off  in  the  palace,  and  the  corpse, 
according  to  custom,  was  left  neglected  for  three  days  in  the  same 
place.  The  mother  of  Mas'ud  had  been  stoned  two  years  before  in 
the  same  place  on  a  charge  of  debauchery  or  adultery.  **  *  * 

On  one  occasion  the  Sultan  sent  a  part  of  his  army,  under  Malik 
Yusuf  Bughia,  to  fight  against  the  Hindus  in  the  mountains  near 
Dehli.  Yiisuf  started  with  nearly  all  his  men,  but  some  of  the 
soldiers  stayed  behind.  He  wrote  to  the  Sovereign  informing  him 
of  the  fact,  and  he  directed  search  to  be  made  throughout  the  city, 
and  every  man  who  had  remained  behind  to  be  apprehended.  Three 
hundred  of  them  were  taken.  The  Sultan  ordered  all  of  them  to  be 
killed,  and  he  was  obeyed. 

Destruetion  of  DehU. 

One  of  the  most  serious  charges  against  this  SuMn  is  that  he 
forced  all  the  inhabitants  of  DehU  to  leave  their  homes.  His  motive 
for  this  act  was  that  the  people  of  Dehli  wrote  letters  full  of  insults 
and  invectives  against  the  Sultan.  They  sealed  them  up,  and  writ- 
ing upon  them  these  words,  "  By  the  head  of  the  king  of  the  world, 
no  one  but  himself  must  read  this  writing,"  they  threw  them  at 
night  into  the  hall  of  audience.  When  the  Sultan  opened  them  he 
found  that  they  contained  insults  and  invectives  against  himself. 
He  decided  to  ruin  Dehli,  so  he  purchased  all  the  houses  and  inns 


614  APPENDIX. 

from  the  inliabitants,  paid  them  the  price,  and  then  ordered  them  to 
remove  to  Daulatabad.  At  first  they  were  unwilling  to  obey,  but 
the  crier  of  the  monarch  proclaimed  that  no  one  must  be  found  in 
Dehli  after  three  days. 

The  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  departed,  but  some  hid  them- 
selves in  the  houses.  The  Sultan  ordered  a  rigorous  search  to  be 
made  for  any  that  remained.  His  slaves  found  two  men  in  the 
streets :  one  was  paralyzed,  the  other  blind.  They  were  brought 
before  the  sovereign,  who  ordered  the  paralytic  to  be  shot  away 
from  a  manjanik,  and  the  blind  man  to  be  dragged  from  Dehli  to 
Daulatabad,  a  journey  of  forty  days'  distance.  The  poor  wretch 
fell  in  pieces  during  the  journey,  and  only  one  of  his  legs  reached 
Daulatabad.  All  the  inhabitants  of  Dehli  left;  they  abandoned 
their  baggage  and  their  merchandize,  and  the  city  remained  a  perfect 
desert. 

A  person  in  whom  I  felt  confidence  assured  me  that  the  Sultan 
mounted  one  evening  upon  the  roof  of  his  palace,  and,  casting  his 
eyes  over  the  city  of  Dehli,  in  which  there  was  neither  fire,  smoke, 
nor  light,  he  said,  "  Now  my  heart  is  satisfied,  and  my  feelings  are 
appeased."  Some  time  after  he  wrote  to  the  inhabitants  of  different 
provinces,  commanding  them  to  go  to  Dehli  and  repeople  it.  They 
ruined  their  own  countries,  but  they  did  not  populate  Dehli,  so  vast 
and  immense  is  that  city.  In  fact,  it  is  one  of  the  greatest  cities  in 
the  universe.  When  we  entered  this  capital  we  found  it  in  the  state 
which  has  been  described.  It  was  empty,  abandoned,  and  had  but 
a  small  population. 

Rehellion  of  BaMu-d  din. 

Sultan  Tughlik  had  a  nephew,  son  of  his  sister,  named  Bahau-d 
din  Gushtasp,  whom  he  made  governor  of  a  province.  This  man 
was  a  brave  warrior,  a  hero ;  and  when  his  uncle  was  dead  he  refused 
to  give  his  oath  to  the  late  Sultan's  son  and  successor.  The  Sultan 
sent  a  force  against  him ;  *  *  *  there  was  a  fierce  battle,  *  *  ** 
and  the  Sultan's  troops  gained  the  victory.  Bah£u-d  din  fled  to  one 
of  the  Hindu  princes,  called  the  Kai  of  Kambila.  **  **  *  This 
prince  had  territories  situated  among  inaccessible  mountains,  and 
was  one  of  the  chief  princes  of  the  infidels. 


APPENDIX.  615 

When  Bahau-d  din  made  his  escape  to  this  prince,  he  was  pursued 
by  the  soldiers  of  the  Sultan  of  India,  who  surrounded  the  r&i'a 
territories.  The  infidel  saw  his  danger,  for  his  stores  of  grain  were 
exhausted,  and  his  great  fear  was  that  the  enemy  would  carry  off; 
his  person  by  force;  so  he  said  to  Bahau-d'din,  "Thou  seest  how  we 
are  situated.  I  am  resolved  to  die  with  my  family,  and  with  all 
who  wiU  imitate  me.  Go  to  such  and  such  a  prince  (naming  a 
Hindu  prince),  and  stay  with  him ;  he  wiU  defend  thee."  He  sent 
some  one  to  conduct  him  thither.  Then  he  commanded  a  great  fire 
to  be  prepared  and  lighted.  Then  he  burned  his  furniture,  and  said 
to  his  wives  and  daughters,  "  I  am  going  to  die,  and  such  of  you  as 
prefer  it,  do  the  same."  Then  it  was  seen  that  each  one  of  these 
women  washed  herself,  rubbed  her  body  with  sandal-wood,  kissed 
the  ground  before  the  r&i  of  Kambila,  and  threw  herself  upon  the 
pile.  All  perished.  The  wives  of  his  nobles,  ministers,  and  chief 
men  imitated  them,  and  other  women  also  did  the  same. 

The  r6A,  in  his  turn,  washed,  rubbed  himself  with  sandal,  and 
took  his  arms,  but  did  not  put  on  his  breastplate.  Those  of  his 
men  who  resolved  to  die  with  him  followed  his  example.  They 
sallied  forth  to  meet  the  troops  of  the  Sultan,  and  fought  tUl  every 
one  of  them  fell  dead.  The  town  was  taken,  its  inhabitants  were 
made  prisoners,  and  eleven  sons  of  the  r&l  were  made  prisoners  and 
carried  to  the  Sultan,  who  made  them  all  Musulmans.  The  Sultan 
made  them  amirs,  and  treated  them  with  great  honour,  as  much  for 
their  illustrious  birth  as  in  admiration  of  the  conduct  of  their  father. 
Of  these  brothers,  I  saw  near  the  Sultan,  Nasr,  Bakhtiyar,  and  the 
keeper  of  the  seals,  who  carried  the  ring  with  which  the  Sultan's 
drinking-water  was  sealed.  His  name  was  Abu  Muslim,  and  we 
were  companions  and  friends. 

After  the  death  of  the  rdi  of  Kambila,  the  troops  of  the  Sultan 
proceeded  towards  the  country  of  the  infidel  with  whom  Bahau-d 
din  had  taken  refuge,  and  surrounded  it.  This  prince  said,  "I 
cannot  do  as  the  rdi  of  Kambila  did."  He  seized  Bahau-d  din,  and 
gave  him  up  to  the  army  of  the  Sultan.  They  bound  his  legs  and 
tied  his  arms  to  his  neck,  and  so  conducted  him  to  the  Sultan.  He 
ordered  the  prisoner  to  be  taken  to  the  women,  his  relations,  and 
these  insulted  him  and  spat  upon  him.     Then  he  ordered  him  to  bo 


616  APPENDIX. 

skinned  alive,  and  as  his  skin  was  torn  off,  Lis  flesli  was  cooked 
with  rice.  Some  was  sent  to  his  children  and  his  wife,  and  the  re- 
mainder was  put  into  a  great  dish  and  given  to  the  elephants  to  eat, 
but  they  would  not  touch  it.  The  Sultan  ordered  his  skin  to  be 
Stuffed  with  straw,  and  to  be  placed  along  with  the  remains  of 
Bahadur  Biira,^  and  to  be  exhibited  throughout  the  country.  When 
these  arrived  in  Sind,  of  which  country  Kishlu  Khan  was  then 
governor,  he  ordered  them  to  be  buried.  When  the  Sultan  heard 
this  he  was  offended,  and  determined  to  make  away  with  Kishlu 
Khan,  who  was  the  friend  of  Sultan  Tughlik,  and  bad  helped  him 
in  obtaining  the  supreme  power. 

Rebellion  of  Kishlii  Khan. 

As  soon  as  the  Sultan  was  informed  of  what  Kishlu  Khan  had 
done  in  the  matter  of  burying  the  two  skins,  he  sent  for  him. 
Kishlu  Khan  instantly  understood  that  the  Sultan  intended  to  pimish 
him,  so  he  did  not  attend  to  the  invitation.  He  revolted,  spread  his 
money  about,  raised  troops,  and  sent  emissaries  among  the  Turks, 
Afghans,  and  Khurasanians,  who  flocked  to  him  in  great  numbers. 
His  army  was  equal  to  that  of  the  Sultan,  or  even  superior  to  it  in 
numbers.  The  Sovereign  marched  in  person  to  fight  him,  and  they 
met  at  two  days'  journey  from  Multan,  in  the  desert  plain  of  Abuhar. 
In  this  battle  the  Sultan  showed  great  prudence.  He  placed  Shaikh 
'Imadu-d  din,  who  resembled  him  (in  person),  under  the  royal 
canopy,  whilst  he  himself  moved  off  during  the  heat  of  the  battle 
with  4,000  men.  The  enemy  endeavoured  to  take  the  canopy, 
thinking  it  was  the  Sovereign  who  was  under  it.  'Imadu-d  din 
was  killed,  and  they  thought  that  the  Sultan  had  perished.  The 
soldiers  of  Kishlu  Khan  were  intent  only  on  plunder,  and  separated 
from  their  chief,  who  was  left  with  only  a  few  men.  Then  the 
Sultan  fell  upon  him  and  cut  off  his  head.  When  Kishlu  Khan's 
troops  knew  this,  they  took  to  flight. 

The  Sultan  then  entered  Multan,  where  he  seized  the  Mzi,  Kari- 
mu-d  din,  and  ordered  him  to  be  flayed  alive.  He  brought  with 
him  the  head  of  Kishlu  Khan,  which  he  caused  to  be  suspended 
over  his  own  door.     I  saw  it  there  when  I  arrived  in  Multan. 

'  Ghiy^u-d  din  Bahidur  BiSra,  Eing  of  Bengal,  whom  he  restored  to  his  kingdom, 

and  afterwards  defeated  and  Mlled.    The  skin  of  this  victim  was  torn  off  and  stuffed. 


APPENDIX.  617 

Disaster  suffered  ly  the  army  in  the  mountain  of  KardcMl  {in  the 
Himalayas). 

This  is  a  vast  mountain,  three  months'  journey  in  length,  and  ten 
days'  journey  from  Dehli.  Its  king  was  one  of  the  most  powerful' 
of  the  Hindu  princes,  and  the  Sultan  of  India  sent  an  army  to  fight 
with  him,  commanded  by  Malik  Nakbia,  chief  of  the  inkstand 
bearers.  The  army  consisted  of  100,000  horse  and  a  large  number 
of  infantry.  They  took  the  town  of  Jidiya,  situated  at  the  foot  of 
the  mountain,  and  the  places  adjacent,  making  prisoners,  plundering, 
and  burning.  The  infidels  fled  to  the  heights  of  the  mountain, 
abandoning  their  country,  their  flocks,  and  the  treasures  of  their 
king.  The  mountain  has  only  one  road.  Below  lies  a  valley ;  above, 
the  mountain  itself ;  and  horsemen  can  only  pass  one  by  one.  The 
troops  of  the  Sultan  ascended  by  this  road,  and  took  possession  of 
the  town  of  Warangal,  in  the  upper  part  of  the  mountain.  They 
seized  upon  everything  it  contained,  and  wrote  to  their  Sovereign 
informing  him  of  their  victory.  He  sent  them  a  Tcdzi  and  a  preacher, 
and  ordered  them  to  remain  in  the  country. 

When  the  great  rains  came  on,  the  army  was  attacked  by  disease, 
which  considerably  weakened  it.  The  horses  died,  and  the  bows 
grew  slack,  so  the  amirs  sought  permission  from  the  Sultan  to  leave 
the  mountain  during  the  rainy  season,  to  descend  to  its  base,  and  to 
again  take  up  their  position  when  the  rains  had  ceased.  The  Sultan 
consented.  So  the  commander  Nakbia  took  all  the  property  he  had 
secured,  whether  provisions,  metals,  or  precious  stones,  and  dis- 
tributed them  among  the  troops,  to  carry  them  to  the  bottom  of  the 
mountain.  When  the  iafidels  found  that  the  Musulmans  were  re- 
tiring, they  waited  for  them  in  the  gorges  of  the  mountain,  and 
occupied  the  defiles  before  them.  They  cut  down  old  trees,  and 
cast  them  from  the  heights  of  the  mountain,  and  these  killed  all 
with  whom  they  came  in  contact.  The  greater  part  of  the  men 
perished,  the  rest  were  taken.  The  Hindus  seized  the  treasures, 
merchandize,  horses,  and  arms.  Of  all  the  Musulmans  only  three 
chiefs  escaped — ^the  commander  Nakbia,  Badru-d  din  Malik  Daulat 
Shah,  and  a  third  whose  name  I  have  forgotten. 

This  disaster  deeply  affected  the  army  of  India,  and  weakened  it 
in  a  marked  manner.     Soon  afterwards  the  Sultan  made  peace  with 


618  APPEiroix. 

the  inhabitants  of  iihe  mountain,  on  condition,  of  their  paying  him 
a  certain  tribute.  They  owned,  in  fact,  the  land  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain,  and  this  they  could  not  cultivate  without  the  permission 
of  the  Sultan. 

Eebellion  of  the  SJiarif  JaUht-d  dkn  in  the  Pr mince  of  Mdla/r,  etc. 

The  Sultan  had  appointed  the  shwrif,  Jalalu-d  din  Ahsan  Shah,  to 
be  governor  of  the  country  of  Ma'bar,  which  is  at  the  distance  of  six 
months'  journey  from  Dehli.  This  Jalalu-d  din  rebelled,  usurped 
the  ruling  power,  killed  the  lieutenants  and  agents  of  the  Sovereign,, 
and  struck  in  his  own  name  gold  and  silver  money.  On  one  side  of 
the  coins  there  was  impressed  the  following  (letters)  :  "  toe  and  lie, 
ye  and  sin,"  (these  letters,  which  form  the  titles  of  the  20th  and 
26th  chapters  of  the  Kuran,  are  among  the  epithets  bestowed  upon 
Muhammad,)  and  (the  words)  "father  oi  fakirs  and  of  the  indigent, 
the  glory  of  the  world  and  of  religion."  On  the  other  face  the 
following :  "  He  who  puts  his  trust  in  the  help  of  the  AU-merciful, 
Ahsan  Shah  Sultan."  The  Sultan,  when  he  was  informed  of  this 
revolt,  set  forth  to  suppress  it.  *  *'*  ** 

Uxecutiona  ly  means  of  Elephants. 

The  elephants  which  execute  men  have  their  tusks  covered  with 
sharp  irons,  resembling  the  coulter  of  the  plough  which  turns  up 
the  ground,  and  with  edges  like  those  of  knives.  The  driver 
mounts  the  elephant,  and,  when  a  person  is  thrown  in  front,  the 
animal  winds  his  trunk  round  him,  hurls  him  into  the  air,  and, 
catching  him  on  one  of  his  tusks,  dashes  him  to  the  ground,  when 
he  places  one  of  his  feet  on  the  breast  of  the  victim.  After  this 
he  does  as  he  is  directed  by  his  rider,  under  the  orders  of  the 
Sultan.  If  the  Sultan  desires  the  culprit  to  be  cut  in  pieces,  the 
elephant  executes  the  command  by  means  of  the  irons  above  de- 
scribed ;  if  the  Sultan  desires  the  victim  to  be  left  alone,  the 
elephant  leaves  him  on  the  ground,  and  (the  body)  is  then  stripped 
of  its  skin. 


The  Sultan  arrived  in  the  country  of  TUang,  and  proceeded  to- 


APPENDIX.  619 

wards  the  province  of  Ma'bar,,  to  repress  the  sharif  of  the  country, 
who  had  rebelled.  He  halted  at  Badrakot,  capital  of  TUang,  three 
months'  march  from  Ma'bar.  Pestilence  then  broke  out  in  his  army, 
and  the  greater  part  of  it  perished.  »  «  «  When  the  Sultan  saw 
this  calamity,  he  returned  to  Daulatdbad.  **  **  '*  On  his  journey  he 
was  taken  HI,  and  the  rumour  spread  that  he  was  dead^  *  *  **  Amir 
Hushanj,  when  he  heard  this  rumour,  fled  to  an  infidel  prince  named 
Burabrah,  who  dwelt  in  lofty  mountaias  between  Daulatabad  and 
KukanTanah  (TanaintheKonkan).  «  «  « 


Dearth  made  its  appearance  in  various  provinces,  and  the  Sultan 
proceeded  with  his  troops  to  encamp  on  the  Ganges  at  ten  days' 
journey  from  Dehli.  \BebeHion  of  'Ainu-l  Mulh']  The  wazir  con- 
ducted (the  prisoner)  'Ainu-l  Mulk  to  the  presence  of  the  Sovereign. 
The  rebel  was  mounted  on  a  bull  and  was  quite  naked,  saving  only 
a  scrap  of  stuff  tied  by  a  string  round  his  waist.  *  *  '*  The  sons 
of  the  amirs  surrounded  the  captive,  insulted  him,  spat  in  his  face, 
and  buffeted  his  companions.  **  **  **  The  Sultan  directed  that  the 
prisoner  should  be  dressed  in  clothes  like  those  of  conductors  of 
pack-horses,  that  he  should  have  four  chains  put  upon  his  legs,  that 
his  hands  should  be  fastened  to  his  neck,  and  that  he  should  be 
given  into  the  custody  of  the  wazir,  Khwaja-i  Jahan.  *  **  *  The 
Sultan  returned  to  his  capital  after  an  absence  of  two  years  and  a 
half.    He  pardoned  'Afnu-1  Mulk. 

During  the  trme  that  the  Sultan  was  absent  from  his  capital  in  his 
expedition  to  Ma'bar,  a  famine  arose  and  became  serious.  The  man 
of  wheat  rose  to  sixty  dirhams  and  more.  Distress  was  general, 
and  the  position  of  affairs  very  grave.  One  day  I  went  out  of  the 
city  to  meet  the  wazir,  and  I  saw  three  women,  who  were  cutting 
in  pieces  and  eating  the  skin  of  a  horse  which  had  been  dead  some 
months.  Skins  were  cooked  and  sold  in  the  markets.  When 
bullocks  were  slaughtered,  crowds  rushed  forward  to  catch  the 
blood,  and  consumed  it  for  their  sustenance.  ^  **  **  The  famine 
being  unendurable,  the  Sultan  ordered  provisions  for  six  months 
to  be  distributed  to  aU  the  population  of  Dehli.  The  judges,  secre- 
taries, and  officers  inspected  aU  the  streets  and  markets,  and  sup- 


620  APPENDIX. 

plied  to  every  person  proYisions  for  half  a  year,  at  the  rate  of  one 
pound  and  a  half,  Mughribi  weight,  each.  «»  *>  * 

Entry  of  the  Sultan  into  Behli. 
The  Sovereign  mounted  his  horse  to  enter  his  capital.  ******  Over 
his  head  was  carried  a  parasol,  and  before  him  was  carried  the 
gMshiya,  or  saddle-cloth,  trimmed  with  gold  and  diamonds.  Some 
small  balistas  were  placed  upon  elephants,  and  as  the  Sultan  ap- 
proached the  city,  gold  and  silver  pieces,  mixed,  were  discharged 
from  these  machines  among  the  people. 

Appointment  as  Ambassador. 
After  I  had  passed  forty  days  in  the  hermitage,  the  Sultan  sent  me 
some  saddled  horses,  slaves  of  both  sexes,  and  clothes,  and  money 
for  my  expenses.  I  dressed  myself,  and  went  to  wait  upon  the 
Sovereign.  **  *  **  When  I  arrived,  he  showed  me  greater  honour 
than  ever  he  had  done  before,  and  said,  "I  have  sent  for  you  to 
make  you  my  ambassador  to  the  King  of  China,  for  I  know  your 
love  for  voyages  and  travels."  He  furnished  me  with  all  that  was 
necessary,  and  named  the  persons  who  were  to  go  with  me. 


E.— NOTE    TO   THE   TEANSLATION   OE    THE    TA'ErKH-I 
FrKOZ  SHA'Hr  OP  ZrA'U-D  Dra  BAENr. 

A  full  translation  of  Bami's  history  of  the  reign  of  'Alau-d  din 
has  appeared  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal  siuce 
the  one  in  this  work  was  printed.  That  translation  was  made  by 
the  late  Major  Fuller,  Director  of  Public  Instruction  in  the  Panjab, 
and  has  been  revised  and  annotated  by  Mr.  Blochmann,  the  editor  of 
the  Journal.  Those  who  are  curioua  may  now  ascertain  the  value 
of  the  passages  omitted  from  this  work.  The  translation  has  enabled 
me  to  correct  one  or  two  slips  in  my  own  translation,  and  mine  may, 
I  hope,  render  a  similar  service  to  the  other.  I  proceed  to  notice 
some  of  Mr.  Blochmann's  notes. 

Kilu-ghari. — The  proper  spelling  is  said  to  be  Kilokhari.  The 
pages  of  this  work  afford  abundant  evidence  of  the  great  unoertaiaty 
in  the  spelling  of  names,  both  of  places  and  persons.    The  same  was 


APPENDIX.  621 

formerly  tlie  case  in  Europe,  and  although,  the  printing-press  has 
settled  the  orthography  of  most  names,  it  has  not  in  all  cases  decided 
the  mode  of  spelling.  Add  to  the  various  spellings  the  doubts 
arising  from  the  defects  of  the  Persian  alphabet,  where  h  is  nearly 
always  made  to  duty  for  itself  and  g  also,  and  where  a  single  dot 
changes  the  power  of  a  letter,  the  difQculty  and  hazard  of  dogma- 
tizing are  sufficiently  obvious.  The  name  may  be  KiloTchari,  and 
indeed  Sir  H.  Elliot  has  written  it  so  (p.  525  siepro).  Syud  Ahmad, 
in  the  A'sdrvrs  Sanddid,  also  writes  it  so.  But  on  the  other  hand, 
the  A'rddsh-i  Mahfil  calls  it  Kilugarhf,  and  this  is  the  spelling  of 
General  Cunningham,  in  his  Archaeological  Eeport  on  Dehli.  With- 
out pretending  to  say  which  is  right,  the  latter  pronunciation  is 
most  acceptable  to  my  ear. 

Kvihrdm  »\^. — Mr.  Blochmann  says  the  name  is  properly  Guhrdm, 
and  if  he  has  found  it  written  with  a  g,  it  is  good  evidence  of  what  his 
author  thought  it  to  be.  Mr.  Blochmann  condemns  me  for  spelling  it 
incorrectly,  Kohram ;  but  my  spelling  was  Kahrdm,  which  I  have 
since  modified  to  Kuhrdm,  upon  the  assurance  that  the  local  pro- 
nunciation is  Kohram.  These  Persian  writers  are  not  the  best 
authorities  upon  Hindu  names;  the  vulgar  pronunciation  is  a  far 
better  guide  to  the  true  etymology,  even  as  the  rustic  in  England 
is  more  correct  than  his  betters  when  he  says,  Peters'am  and 
Lewis'am,  instead  of  Peter-sham  and  Lewi-sham. 

P.  160.  Plain  ofJudh. — The  reading  in  the  Journal  is  "(crossed) 
at  the  fort  of  Baghpat,  after  which  he  encamped  in  the  plain  of 
Jud."  The  words  in  the  text  are  "  guzar  Mth  vhrah  hard,"  i.e. 
He  passed  over  the  ford  (guzar)  of  kdth.  This  reading  is  confirmed 
by  one  of  my  MSS.,  the  other  one  has  simply  guzar-gdh.  For  Mth 
the  Journal  reads  "Baghpat,"  though  no  authority  is  offered.  I 
followed  the  plain  reading  of  the  last-named  MS.,  thinking  that  hdth 
might  perhaps  be  ghdt,  a  Hindi  word  for  ferry  or  ford.  Mr.  Bloch- 
mann notices  a  "  Joondhpoor  "  on  the  Jumna,  opposite  to  Baghpat, 
which  he  thinks  may  be  Judh. 

P.  162.  Jdlandhar. — Some  variants  of  this  name  have  been  noted. 
To  these  may  now  be  added  Jarumanj{ir,  from  Major  FuUer's  MS. ; 
and  Jdran-manjMr,  from  Badauni. 


622  APPENDIX. 

P.  165-6.  "The  accwrsed  Zud."  Majjor  Fuller's  MS.  agr€es  as 
to  "  Zud,"  but  adds  al'ain,  like  tte  printed  text.  In  my  MSS.  it  is 
clearly  the  usual  epithet  "  al  Win,"  the  accursed.  The  real  name  is 
Dawa  or  Daud.     See  suprd,  p.  548. 

P.  172.    Jhdin Mr.  Blochmann  says,  "Jhayinlies  near  Ean- 

tambhur.  It  is  known  under  the  name  of  Naushahr  (new  city), 
Badanni,  i.  p.  190.  See  EUiot,  old  edition,  p.  193."  The  proximity 
of  Jhain  to  Eantambhor  is  clear,  for  it  is  said  to  be  within  a  day's 
march;  but  in  page  193  supra,  Bami  speaks  of  "New  City"  and 
Jhain  as  two  distinct  places  (see  also  Jour.  As.  Soc.  Beng.,  1870, 
p.  26). 

P.  172.  Akat  Khdn. — ^Mr.  Blochmann  writes :  "  I  have  written 
Ikit  Khdm  instead  of  Uhat,  which  Major  Fuller's  translation  has. 
Ikit  is  Turkish,  and  means  young,  and  would  thus  be  the  opposite  of 
JJlugh,  which  means  old,  senior." 

P.  172.  Bddih. — "  The  place  Badah  may  be  the  maitza'  of  Badah, 
south-west  of  the  town  of  Jharsah." 

P.  175.  "  The  Sultd/n  proceeded  to  Bantambhor." — ^To  this  the 
Journal  adds,  "  and  pitched  his  camp  at  Ban."  Mr.  Blochmann  adds, 
"  rather  on  the  Ban.  Major  Fuller's  MS.  has,  correctly,  dar  ran,  instead 
of  the  absurd  dar  dm  of  the  Ed.  Bibl.  Indioa."  One  of  my  MSS.  agrees 
in  this  "absurd"  reading,  and  the  other,  still  more  distinctly,  has 
"  darun."  The  exact  words  are  "  dar  Bantambhor  raft  wa  dar  dia 
(dariin)  lashhargah  sdhht,"  "  went  to  Eantambhor,  and  there  pitched 
his  camp."  A  few  lines  lower.  Major  Fuller's  translation  runs,  "  the 
soldiery  used  to  fill  the  bags  with  sand,  and  throw  them  into  the 
[raAdne]  of  the  Ean."  This  second  mention  of  "the  Ean"  is  not 
to  be  found  in  the  printed  text,  nor  in  either  of  my  MSS. ;  they  all 
agree  in  simply  saying,  "dar  ghdr  mi  anddhhfand,"  "and  threw  them 
into  the  holes."  Thus  neither  the  printed  text  nor  my  two  MSS. 
of  Barni  afford  any  countenance  to  the  word  Ean.  But  though 
Baml  is  thus  silent  about  the  Ean,  Mr.  Blochmann  has  ample 
authority  for  asserting  the  existence  of  such  a  place.  He  refers  to 
Badaiini  (ii.  207),  who  says  that  Akbar  attacked  Eantambhor  from 
"  the  top  of  the  hill  of  Ean,  which  commands  the  fort ; "  and  he 
quotes  the  following  from  the  T{izak-i  Jahdngiri :  "  On  Monday,  I 
inspected  the  fort  of  Eantambhor.    There  are  two  mountains  oppo- 


APPENDIX.  .623 

site  to  each  otlaer :  one  is  called  Ban,  and  the  other  Tamhhor.  Though 
the  fort  is  on  the  latter,  people  call  it  '  Eantambhor.'  It  is  very 
strong,  and  has  plenty  of  water.  The  Ean  also  is  a  strong  position ; 
in  fact,  the  only  one  from  which  the  fort  can  be  taken."  This 
explanation  of  the  na,me  is  rather  at  variance  with  Oolehrooke's 
etymology,  already  quoted  in  Vol.  11.  p.  324.  He  says  it  is  a 
corruption  of  Mana'Sthamharihramarcf,  "  bee  of  the  piUar  of  war." 

P.  182.  Khutas  cmd  BaUhars.- — The  general  meaning  of  these 
terms  is  sufficiently  obvious  from  the  context,  but  as  I  could  find 
no  authority  for  fixing  a  precise  meaning  upon  them,  I  left  the 
words  untranslated.  Major  Fuller  translated  them  as  "landlords 
and  tenants."  Mr.  Bloohmann  adds  in  a  note,  "Baldhar  may  be 
Hindustani,  and  signify  a  low-caste  servant.'^  EMt  is  a  rare  Arabic 
word,  signifying  a  Jim  strong  man.  From  the  passages  below  it  is 
quite  clear  that  these  terms  mean  the  strong  and  the  weak,  and  moat 
probably  lanMords  and  tenants,  as  translated."  Major  Fuller  says 
in  a  footnote  that  the  words  are  unintelligible  to  him;  and  Mt. 
Bloohmann  adds,  "If  I  did  not  know  that  Major  Fuller's.  MS.  had 
hhktah  with  a  kh,  I  would  say  that  khktah  was  a  blunder  for  fotah 
with  /.  I  have  never  seen  these  terms  used  in  any  other  book." 
The  spelling  is  confirmed  by  both  my  MSS. 

P.  182.  Mr.  Bloohmann  offers  an  amendment  of  Major  Fuller's 
translation  in  respect  of  the  principles  of  taxation.  My  translation 
differs  slightly  from  both.  The  author's  words  from  the  Print 
(p.  287),  with  variants  from  the  MSS.,  are — 

A:jl:u«J  sj^f>- '^i'.j^ ji^  ^J^  Jji«)jf  [Ij]  \  JL^^  -^  SS]  j»j^J 

jojUj  i_--Sii  [|.^^]  tg/  i.s-'Jj^  tUU-  ^  U*iJ^  3  '^  c;?*"  lPW"  J 

jJIaj  —lyi.  ^^jo-j  jJ  i^f  jJ^i  j  [(^^ji*c]    JijkC  .jjiUb  \i 

Both  Major  Fuller  and  Mr.  Bloohmann  translate  Gm-mesh  by  cow  in- 
stead of  bitffalo,  but  the  chief  difference  appears  in  the  subsequent  part 
of  the  sentence.    My  rendering  is,  "  The  second  related  to  buffaloes 

1  According  to  Wilson'sGlossary,  the  Baldhar  is  the  Tillage  watchman,  or  sweeper, 
but  Barni  speaks  of  him  as  a  tenant,  or  payer  of  reyenue. 


624  APPENDIX. 

and  sheep,'  and  otlier  animals  from  wliicli  milk  is  obtained.  A 
tax  for  pasturage,  at  a  fixed  rate,  was  to  be  levied,  and  was  to  be 
demanded  for  every  inhabited  house,  so  that  no  animal,  however 
wretched,  could  escape  the  tax."  The  last  clause  is  a  free  rendering 
of  the  original  words.^  Major  FuUer's  translation,  as  amended  by  Mr. 
Bloohmann,  runs,  "  They  should  levy  a  grazing  tax  on  every  animal 
that  gives  milk,  from  a  cow  to  a  she-goat.  And  this  grazing  tax 
was  established.  Also  for  every  house  they  should  demand  a  dwell- 
ing tax,  so  that  no  opportunity  might  be  left  for  evasion  or  sub- 
terfuge in  levying  the  tax."  The  passage  is  very  obscure,  and,  as 
Mr.  Blochmann  says,  the  difficult  words  are,  "as  pas  i  'hwr  khdnalt," 
etc.  I  have  read  the  words,  "  sahunat  gari,"  as  a  compound,  meaning 
"inhabited."  Mr.  Bloohmann  takes  the  word  garl  to  mean  house- 
tax.  This  rendering,  however,  seems  to  be  inadmissible  here.  The 
text  tells  us  that  two  regulations  were  made,  one  concerning  the 
land,  the  other  relating  to  milch  animals.  A  house-tax  would  make 
three  regulations  instead  of  two,  for  a  house-tax  could  not  be  classi- 
fied as  part  of  a  tax  on  milch  animals.  The  words  "  as  pas,"  "in  the 
rear"  of  every  house,  probably  mean  that  the  back  premises  were  to 
be  searched  for  the  animals.  Pasturage  in  Dehli  and  Sarhind  is 
scanty,  and  the  practice,  as  I  learn,  is  to  turn  the  animals  out 
to  the  common  pasturage  in  the  day  under  the  charge  of  herds- 
men and  boys,  and  to  allow  them  to  come  home  in  the  evening. 

'  The  word  gosfand  means  both  sheep  and  goat ;  it  wotdd  have  been  better  if  1 
had  adopted  the  latter  meaning. 
2  The  difficulty  rests  in  the  words  (jS^  and  <!ji  J^,  which,  from  the  way  they 

are  connected,  onght  to  hare  a  similarity  of  meaning.  For  ghaiai,  or  ghulhat,  I  can 
find  no  satisfactory  definition ;  it  means  a  young  eagle,  and  this  meaning  may  perhaps 
be  extended  to  mean  any  youmg  animal.  Shutur-garbak  is  a  phrase  used  to  express 
the  extremes  of  difference  or  incongruity,  as, — a  cat  and  a  camel !  or,  as  in  our  nursery 
language,  "  a  Cat  and  a  King  ! "  (See  Roebuck's  Proverbs,  I.  268).  The  general 
sense  of  the  passage,  according  to  this  view,  would  be — "  So  that  no  young  animal  (?) 
or  any  one  as  worthless  as  a  cat  compared  with  a  camel,  might  be  passed  over  in  the 
collection  of  the  tax."  Mr.  Blochmann  has  taken  it  difierently.  For  ghabat  he 
must  have  read  ghaibat,  concealment,  and  as  the  ordinary  meaning  of  shuiur-garbah 
is  not  in  accordance  with  this,  a  new  acceptation  had  to  be  sought ;  and  this  may  be, 
the  passing  off  a  bad  thing  for  a  good,  as  a  cat  for  a  camel.  The  construction  of  the 
sentence  favours  Mr.  Blochmann's  interpretation,  but  it  requires,  first,  an  amendment 
of  the  text ;  secondly,  a  probable,  but,  as  far  as  I  know,  an  unauthorized  rendering 
of  shutur-garbah. 


APPENDIX.  625 

Empty  stomacts  insure  a  speedy  and  certain  return,  thus  affording 
the  inspector  an  excellent  opportunity  to  coimt  them  in  the  folds  and 
sheds.  There  is  something,  however,  to  be  said  on  the  other  side. 
In  the  following  page  of  the  text  (288),  and  in  page  323  (Journal 
pp.  8  and  47),  along  with  the  land  measurement  and  pasture  tax, 
there  is  a  tax  mentioned  called  harhi  or  garU  (masdhat  o  harU  o 
chardi),  which  Mr.  Blochmann  fairly  renders  as  a  "house  tax." 
Such  may  he  the  meaning  of  the  word  garl  in  the  passage  before 
us,  though  I  think  the  context  is  against  it. 

P.- 182.  Sharaf  Kdk. — Mr.  Blochmann  says  that,  according  to 
Major  l\iller's  MS.,  the  correct  reading  is  Ea'in'i,  from  Kain,  the 
well-known  town  in  Persia.  This  is  probably  right.  I  followed 
the  printed  text;  for  my  best  MS.  presented  the  variants  of 
"Sharaf  !Ali  "  and  "  Sharaf  Ed%t"  and  the  other  had  "  Sliaraf  Mi." 

P.  192.  Major  Puller  and  Mr.  Blochmann  are  in  difficulties  about 
the  pay  which  'Alau-d  din  settled  for  his  horse-soldiers.  Their  trans- 
lation says,  "  I  will  give  234  tonkas  to  a  Murattab,  and  78  tankas  to 
a  do-aspah;  from  the  former  I  shall  require  two  horses,  with  their 
corresponding  equipments,  and  from  the  latter  one  with  its  usual 
gear."  So  the  do-aspah,  or  i«eo-horse  man,  is  made  to  have  only  one 
horse,  and  Mr.  Blochmann  admits  in  his  note  that,  "  to  call  a  man  a 
do-aspah  because  he  joins  the  army  only  with  one  horse  is  extraordi- 
nary." The  passage  is  not  without  its  difficulty,  and  I  do  not  insist 
upon  the  exact  accuracy  of  my  own  rendering ;  but  it  is  at  least  con- 
sistent with  the  terms  of  the  text  and  with  common  sense.  Murattab 
T  consider  to  be  the  general  term  for  the  fully-accoutred  horseman, 
who  was  to  receive  2347a«i«s  per  annum,  and  78  tankas  m  addition 
if  he  were  a  do-aspah,  with  a  second  horse.  So  the  passage 
reads,  "  I  would  pay  them  284  tankas  regularly,  and  I  would  allow 
78  tamkas  (in  addition)  to  those  who  keep  two  horses,  requiring,  in 
return,  the  two  horses  with  aU  the  necessary  appointments.  So  also 
as  regards  the  men  of  one  horse,  I  would  require  the  horse  and  his 
accoutrements."  In  confirmation  of  this  view,  a  passage,  which  I 
have  not  translated  (p.  319  of  the  text),  says,  "hashm  i  murattab 
ba  dumst  si  chahdr  tankah  iva  do  aspah  ba  haftdd  o  hasht  tankah 
Usydr  shud  wa  mustakim  gasht,"  which,  as  I  read  it,  says,  "the 
allowance  of  the  horseman  (murattab)  was  fixed  at  234  tankas,  and 
VOL.  III.  40 


626  APPENDIX. 

that  of  the  do-aspah,  or  two-horse  man,  at  78  more  (lisydr)."  Mr. 
Bloohmanii's  translation  runs,  "a  MwaUcib  could,  be  enlisted  for  234, 
and  a  do-aspah  for  78  tankoiS." 

P.  193.  In  line  9  of  "  Eegulation  III,,"  for  "  a  time  when,' 
read  "  a  quarter  where."  I  gratefully  acknowledge  this  correction, 
and  also  one  in  p.  183.  As  the  latter  required  a  sentence  to  be  re- 
cast, I  have,  for  the  benefit  of  the  reader,  cancelled  the  page. 

In  p.  97,  I  have  noticed  the  inaceuracies  of  the  edition  printed 
in  the  Bibliotheca  Indica.  Mr.  Blochmann  makes  many  corrections, 
and  points  out  numbcrles?  errors;  but  no  doubt,  taking  into  account 
the  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory  MSS.  froia  which  it  was  taken,  he 
says,  "  the  edition  is  on  the  whole  good." 


Since  the  printiag  of  p.  468,  a  friend  has  taken  exception  to 
my  suggested  rendering  of  the  word  jins  by  the  term  specie.  The 
citation  of  the  original  word  jim  indicates  its  employment  in  an 
unusual  sense,  for  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  word  is  things, 
articles,  goods,  species.  So  the  interpretation  suggested  in  the 
passage  in  question  caji  ©nly  be  justified  by  the  terms  of  the  context. 
The  passage  runs  thus  : — 

If  this  passage  is  tested  logically,  the  ptis  of  the  nahd  o  jins  of  the 
'  The  words  in  bractets  are  omitted  ia  one  MS. 


APPENDIX.  627 

first  clause  must  be  something  different  from  the  jins  which  was 
received  in  its  stead.  It  must  have  been  something  which  could  be 
concealed,  or  payment  could  not  have  been  evaded ;  and  so  it  could 
hardly  have  been  grain,  for  com  stacks  and  granaries  could  not  be 
hidden,  and  Timur's  soldiers  never  showed  any  scruple  in  helping 
themselves  to  all  that  was  wanted  in  that  way.  Lastly,  the  nakd  o 
jins  of  the  first  clause  is  covered  in  the  last  clause  by  the  word  zar 
(gold,  money)  as  an  equivalent.  In  the  writer's  mind  it  was 
evidently  associated  with  nakd  (cash),  and  zar  (gold).  The  loose 
term  "valuables"  may,  perhaps,  represent  it  more  nearly  than 
"  specie,"  but  it  is  clearly  something  allied  to  money. 


END  OF  VOL.  III. 


STEPHEN    AUSTIN    &  SDKS,  PKINTEBS,  HEBTPOKD.