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aHenrg W. Sage 


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The original of tliis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

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the United States on the use of the text. 92408521 1 138 










— ^M 

'^.ZUa Sc 


In the footnotes a number without any prefix 
refers to the inscriptions in the second volume 
of the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum and its 
supplement, both edited by Htibner ; /. H. C. 
denotes the Inscriptioncs Hispanice Christians, by 
the same editor ; B.A.H., the Boletin de la Real 
Academia de la Historia, a monthly archceo- 
logical magazine published at Madrid. 

I wish to thank Mr. W. G. Kendrew, M.A., for 
kindly preparing the map. 






QUEST - - - 41 











INDEX - - 198 




' Pueblo siempre uno y multiple, como su estructura geografica, 
y cuya particular organizacion hace sobremanera complicada su 
historia y no parecida a la de otra nacion alguna.' — Lafuente. 

The natural divisions of the Iberian peninsula are more 
marked than in almost any country of Europe, and 
their effect was to encourage local differences, to hamper 
efforts towards national unity, and to render the coast 
districts a ready prey to foreign invaders. The Pyre- 
nees, besides isolating Spain from the rest of the con- 
tinent, continue far to the west under other names, 
leaving a strip of coast on the north watered by several 
short rivers. This is a rainy district with rich pastures, 
backed by mountain-slopes which supply much timber, 
and being difficult of access is well suited to be the last 
refuge of national mdependence. 

From this range an irregular line of mountains ex- 
tends south-eastwards to the Mediterranean, throwing 
off towards the west three principal ranges, which 
divide the basins of the chief rivers of the west — the 

2 Geography of Spain — Early Settlements 

Douro (Durius), Guadiana (Anas, with the Arabic prefix 
Wady), and the Guadalquivir (Bsetis). 

The southern portion is of a sub-tropical character, 
with little rain, except in the winter, and is cut off from 
the rocky and arid tableland of Castile, which rises in 
places to 3,000 feet, by the lofty range of the Sierra 
Morena (Mons Marianus). The western seaboard has 
a plentiful rainfall and luxuriant vegetation, but the soil 
of the south-west corner, though rich in metals, is poor 
and stony. Almost everywhere the coast district is 
bordered by lines of mountains falling away in short 
slopes, and, except for the plateau in the interior, the 
landscape is diversified by valleys and isolated moun- 
tains rising above narrow plains. 

The uncivilized character of most of the early in- 
habitants, who have left few monumental records, and 
the comparatively late period at which Spain became 
known to the Greeks and Romans, makes the history 
before the Roman conquest obscure. 

Several prehistoric settlements have been excavated 
in various parts, and a number of dolmens exist, 
perhaps the work of the early race known as the Cro- 
Magnon peoples, whose descendants are believed to 
survive in some peasant famihes in the neighbourhood 
of Pdrigord in France, and who were perhaps identical 
with the now extinct Guanches of the Canary Islands. 
These megalithic monuments, locally called antas, occur 
most frequently in Portugal, and were clearly sepulchral. 
They consist usually of six or seven upright stones 
shghtly inclined inwards, with one or more flat stones 
laid across, and occasionally a row of stones or 
^ avenue ' leading up to them. Stone implements, or 

Prehistoric Cave-Dwellings 3 

rudely-carved animals, are occasionally found within. 
The cave-dwellings which have been excavated of recent 
years, especially in northern Spain, may have been 
occupied by people of the same race. One of these, 
near Cabeza del Griego (Segobriga), was examined 
about twenty years ago, and contained the bones of two 
different races, one of a primitive prognathous type, 
and one much more civilized. It is conjectured that in 
the time of some great flood the latter had taken refuge 
in the home of their remote ancestors, and after erect- 
ing various barriers of stone and clay, perished by 
drowning. A great variety of the bones of oxen, deer, 
and other animals were found; bone and flint imple- 
ments, with a few of copper ; and several pieces of pot- 
tery, mostly of black earth, with a red or grey coating.^ 
Another famous example is the cave of Altamira, near 
Santander, which has not only worked flints and bones 
but a remarkable series of animal paintings in red and 
black, shown out by white bands, chiefly on the roof of 
the galleries. It does not appear that the animals were 
yet domesticated; all are such as would be hunted, 
including the aurochs, or European bison ; and the 
pictures may have been intended to act as talismans 
and make those species multiply.^ There are also 
human figures, some with animal masks, a disguise not 
unfamiliar in savage religious festivals, and one still 
resorted to in Spain far into the Christian era. Trog- 
lodytes are mentioned as still known in the time of 

1 B.A.H. 23,247. 

2 Cf. Cartailhac et BreuH, La Caverne d'Aliamirc. Other famous 
paintings occur at Cogul in Cataluiia, on a rock in the open air, 
representing a variety of animals and a group of women dancing ; 
and at Cueva de la Vieja (Albacete). Cf. Bull. Hisp., XIII., i ; xv. 14. 

4 Native Peoples — the Tartessians 

Sertorius, who, taking advantage of the light dusty soil 
in which their caves lay, overcame them by a curious 

At the time of the Roman occupation, in the course 
of the second Punic War, Spain was in possession of a 
number of different races, native or foreign, the first 
split up into small groups or tribes under a government 
nominally monarchical, but really controlled by the 
general assembly of clan elders or nobles. The south 
and south-east parts were occupied by the Tartessians, 
or, as they were coming to be called, Turdetes or Tur- 
detani, with some kindred peoples. They were highly 
civilized, with historical records and a literature, a wide 
commerce, and, as recent finds prove, expert in sculp- 
ture and metal work. It has been suggested that these 
were the Atlantids of Greek fable, the last remnants of 
Mycenaean civilization, who had found their way along 
the North African coast in the Bronze Age, settled first 
in Africa, then in Spain, and at last, losing all warlike 
spirit, offered a ready prey to foreign invaders.^ How- 
ever this may be, the view that they were merely a 
branch of the Iberians, who through favouring cir- 
cumstances and Punic influence outstripped their 
countrymen, scarcely seems tenable. Earher Greek 
authorities carefully distinguish Tartessians and Ibe- 
rians. The language of the former, as seen from place- 
names, belonged to the labializing class ; the Iberians, 
in similar words, introduced a. k ox qu sound. The 

1 Plut. Sert. 17. 

2 Cf. Plat. Timccus and Diod. III. 54-9, where the Atlanta! are 
described as living in a rich country with large towns on the 
shore of the Ocean, very civilized, and worshipping the mother 
of the gods. This view is put forward by Philipon, Les Iberes 

Celtiberians and Basques 5 

Tartessians practised inhumation, the Iberians crema- 
tion. The former were intrepid mariners ; the latter are 
described as imprudentes maris?- 

The east and north of Spain were inhabited by 
Iberian tribes, more civihzed towards the coast, but in 
the north and north-west territory still almost barbarous, 
and living by hunting or brigandage. A large part of 
the centre, including most of the Castiles, with part of 
Murcia and Aragon, was held by a group of Celtiberian 
tribes, which had resulted from the fusion of a number 
of invaders from Gaul, probably about 500 B.C., with 
Iberians previously settled there. In the extreme north- 
west, near Cape Nerium (Finisterre), and along the 
upper reaches of the Anas, were some Celtic com- 
munities believed to be less intermixed with other races 
than in Celtiberia. The position of the ancestors of 
the present-day Euskarian-speaking peoples (who were 
certainly not the Vascones, though their name gave 
rise to the modern misnomer Basques) is disputed. 
They seem to have been a portion of the population of 
Cantabria, playing no part in history, but using a lan- 
guage so alien to anything with which the geographers 
were familiar, that on reaching this part they refrain 
from chronicling their place-names. Lastly, in the 
south, were some Phcenician settlements ; on the north- 
east, a few small Greek colonies from Massilia. 

It would be alien to the present subject to do more 
than indicate some of the numerous problems which 
have been raised with regard to these various peoples. 
The Basques, since Humboldt's identification of them 
with the early inhabitants not only of Spain but of 
I Liv. 34, 9. 

6 Theories as to Origin of Iberians 

much of Gaul and Italy, have given rise to endless 
speculation. Their language is agglutinative, of a very 
primitive type, lacking in literature till comparatively 
recent times, and deficient in abstract ideas ; they differ 
widely in appearance from surrounding races, and clingy 
obstinately to customs of remote antiquity. Theories 
based on language, on craniology, or on mere fancies, 
describe them as Africans, as Picts, as Medes ; as the 
sole survivors of the submerged Atlantis, as identical 
with the Finns or the American Indians. There can 
be little doubt that they are the remains of a very 
ancient Mongoloid race, and the question of real interest 
is whether they are an isolated, and, as it were, spe- 
cialized tribe of the old Iberians, or preceded the latter 
in Spain, and were driven up into the mountains on 
their arrival. Ethnologists are here almost equally 
divided ; craniology proves an uncertain guide, and till 
the inscriptions in the ancient Iberian language have 
been deciphered, the resemblance between it and modern 
Basque is hard to judge of. The Iberians may accord- 
ingly be an Indo-European tribe, who perhaps migrated 
from the neighbourhood of the eastern Iberians, with 
whom they have some points of contact, and may have 
passed through central Europe, where some place- 
names seem to recall their journey, and divided into 
two groups, one occupying southern Italy and Sicily, 
the other southern Gaul and Spain. Or they may be 
the pre-Aryan inhabitants of the latter. In either case, 
as the ancients recognized, the Iberians extended as far 
into Gaul as the mouth of the Rhone,^ were related to 
the Sicani of Sicily,^ and to the Silures of South Wales.^ 
1 Scylax, inii. « Thuc. VI. 2 ; Diod. V. 6. 3 Tac. Agr. XI. 

Invasion of the Celts 7 

The modern Spanish population, remarkably homoge- 
neous as it is, belongs to the dolichocephalic or Medi- 
terranean race, marked by long heads and faces, dark 
brown hair, somewhat broad nose, and low stature. 
These qualities are not inconsistent with the descrip- 
tions given of the Iberians by Roman writers,^ and 
correspond closely to those of the peoples still inhabit- 
ing South Italy, Sicily, Liguria, Provence, and some 
parts of North Africa, besides underlying much of the 
so-called Celtic population of western Europe. 

The invasion of the Celts probably dates from about 
500 B.C. They are not known in Spain to the Punic 
geographer of a slightly earlier date from whom Avienus, 
directly or indirectly, derived his materials, but are 
already referred to by Herodotus as established in the 
far west by his time. The Celtic empire was then at 
its height, extending not only over most of Gaul, but 
a large part of Germany and northern Italy. The 
Celts no doubt arrived from Gaul ; but as the land on 
both sides of the Pyrenees was occupied by tribes of 
Iberian race, they more probably came by sea, and 
began by occupying the north-western districts and the 
coast down to the mouth of the Douro. They then 
marched south-eastwards, occupying part of Lusitania 
and of the Anas valley, and, after a long series of wars, 
amalgamated with the Iberian tribes of the centre.- 
The Celts were chiefly a pastoral people, preferring 
villages to large towns, and were too much scattered 
to preserve many of their national traits. The Iberian 

^ Cf. Tac, \oc. cit., ' Colorati vultus torti plerumque crines,' 
and Mart. X. 65, ' Hispanis ego contumax capillis." 
» Diod. V. 33. 

8 Early PhcEnician Settlements 

element gradually reasserted itself; the Lusitanians 
and Gallsecians pressed the Celts westwards, the 
Iberian Cynetes were iirmly established in the extreme 
south-west. By the Roman Age traces of Celtic in- 
fluence, except for a few place-names, especially those 
ending in -briga and -dunum, some worships, particu- 
larly that of the infernal goddess Adsegina of Turo- 
briga, and some slight differences of language, had 

Even before their first settlements the Phoenicians had 
familiarized themselves to the inhabitants of southern 
Spain as purchasers of the precious metals, and the 
difficulty of identifying most of their colonies seems 
to result from the fact that they usually estabhshed 
themselves as a trading guild in pre-existing Tartessian 
or Iberian townships. The first purely Tyrian settle- 
ment was Gades, probably before iioo B.C. ; further 
east were Abdera and Malaca. Other towns, sometimes 
described as Punic, as Belus, Lascuta, Iptuci, Vesci 
and Oba, and other places in the fertile alluvial plain 
round the two great rivers, the Anas and the Bsetis, 
were more probably Tartessian, but the frequent resort 
of Punic merchants, through whom the Phcenician 
alphabet, and, later, the coin types, extended among the 
natives.^ From the period of the subjection of Phoenicia, 
first to the Babylonian, then to the Persian monarchies, 

1 The two chief passages, Strab. III. 2, 13, 'Most of the 
towns of Turdetania and neighbourhood are still inhabited by 
Phoenicians,' and Pliny's quotation from Agrippa that most of 
the coast between the Anas and Murgi had belonged to the 
Phoenicians, are very vague, and hardly justify Berlanga's theory 
of repeated streams of Asiatic settlers in both the west and 

Spain Occupied by Carthaginians 9 

the fortunes of the settlers in Spain declined ; the Greeks 
planted themselves firmly on the east coast, and even 
set up some small stations in the south ; the Celts 
were pressing them on the west, and neighbouring 
princes combined against Gades, the head of the loose 
confederation in which the Phoenicians were united 
(circa 500 B.C.). The Gaditans resorted to the desperate 
expedient of calling in their powerful kinsmen from 
Africa.^ The admixture of Lib3'an blood had modified 
the racial characteristics of the Tyrians of Carthage. 
A fierce and warlike people were put in possession 
of southern Spain ; the fortifications of Gades were 
destroyed, the other Punic settlements, and even for 
a time those of the Greeks, were subjected. Even 
before the first Punic war the Carthaginians are said^ 
to have been in possession of a large part of Spain. 
Natives were drafted into their armies, and the mines 
systematically exploited. This policy was most clearly 
marked in the period between the first and second 
Punic wars, when the loss of Sicily compelled Carthage 
to depend more than ever on the resources of Spain. 
The whole of central Spain, almost to the Douro, was 
subjected ; the eastern ports were closed to foreign 
commerce, imports being onl}' admitted from Carthage, 
which drew from Spain soldiers, horses, and money .^ 
The great arsenal of New Carthage was founded on 
the south-east, and stations also planted on the Balearic 
islands and the Album Promontorium.* The result of 
the HannibaJic war wgf that by 206 B.C. all Carthaginian 
garrisons had been dispossessed, and the Punic towns, 

' Just. 44, 5. Cf. Vitruv. 272-3. " Polyb. I. lo, 5. 

3 Cf. Nepos, Haiiiil. 4. * Diod. 25, 10. 

lo Arrival of the Greeks in Spain 

often readily enough, accepted the overlordship of 
Rome, which guaranteed protection against the natives, 
and left them to manage their internal affairs. 

Coins with Punic religious types are not uncommon, 
but architectural or epigraphic monuments are few, and 
the actual number of settlers, as apart from travelling 
merchants, has probably been much exaggerated. 

The first Spanish port which became known to the 
Greeks was the capital of the Tartessians, situated, it 
appears, on the mainland not far from Gades, and at the 
time of the visit of the Phocasans under the rule of King 
Arganthonius {circa 700 B.C.). This friendly chief, though 
unable to persuade the Greeks to settle in his domain, 
supplied them with money to help in fortifying Phocaea 
against the Medes. A later visit was that of a Samian 
ship commanded by Colseus, which was carried out of 
its course to Egypt, and touched at Tartessus, where 
a rich cargo was taken on board from a district as 
yet untouched by Greek trade.^ As the power of the 
Phoenicians and Etruscans began to fail before the 
growing strength of the naval forces of Magna Grsecia, 
intercourse between the Greeks and Tartessians became 
frequent, extending not only to trade but to the arts, 
for later Tartessian works of art are strongly influenced 
by Greek models. The Phocasans of Massilia also 
found it safe to expand in the same direction, and 
perhaps about the end of the sixth century planted, 
close to the east end of the Pyrenees, the colony of 
Emporiae (Ampurias), at first on an island, but the 
settlement later extended to the mainland. This town 
included both a native and a Greek quarter, separated 

» Hdt 1. 163, IV. 152. 

Extent of Greek Colonization 1 1 

by a wall, each using their own language and laws 
until the races fused about the time of Augustus. The 
chief industry was the production of linen, and some 
fertile tracts reaching to the slopes of the Pyrenees 
were occupied by the citizens. Like other offshoots 
of Massilia, Emporise was a centre of Artemis worship. 
Another body of settlers established themselves in the 
Iberian town of Rhode, which, owing to the similarity 
of name, was often regarded as of Rhodian foundation 
(now Rosas), ^ and the Massiliots also planted a few small 
trading stations down the east coast, as Hemeroscopeum, 
near which stood the famous Temple of Artemis, called 
by the Romans Dianium, Chersonesus, near Saguntum, 
Alonas, and far to the south in the vicinity of the Bastican 
mines the little ports of Masnaca (Almufieca), near 
Malaga, and Portus Menestheos, near Gades. These 
towns were mainly commercial, and all included a con- 
siderable Iberian element, which finally amalgamated 
with the Greeks, who had really cast in their lot with 
their adopted country and lived under very similar 
institutions. No special artistic or literary activity is 
recorded of them ; their coins are late and not of the 
finest type, and they are principally of interest as 
having civilized part of the eastern seaboard and pro- 
vided the Romans with a starting-point from which to 
proceed to the expulsion of the Punic power. 

After the Carthaginian occupation the Greek settle- 
ments were for a time overrun ; the two Bsetican colonies 
disappear altogether, and even at Massilia Suffetes were 

^ Cf. Strab. XIV. 210 : rifv 'Pd8ov exTia-av fjv varepov MacraaKiSn-ai 
Koria-xov. Recent archaeological discoveries at Emporias are 
described by P. Pais in Bull. Hisp., XV., 129, including some fine 
specimens of statuary. 

12 Possible Settlements on West Coast 

temporarily set up. The Ebro convention with Rome 
in the third century secured the independence of the 
greater number, and the attempt of Carthage to subject 
the sturdy Iberians of Saguntum, which, like Rhode, may 
have included a small Greek element in the population, 
though certainly not a colony from Zacynthus, was the 
immediate cause of the war which ended the Cartha- 
ginian Empire in Spain. 

Another district very generally believed by the 
ancients to have been the seat of Greek settlements, 
was the strip of Gallsecian coast extending to the north 
of the river Durius. This was the view of Asclepiades, 
a Greek schoolmaster, who lived in Spain in the time 
of Cffisar ; ^ and the same idea appears in Trogus,^ 
Pomponius Mela, and Silius Italicus.^ Though the 
heroes whom these writers mention, such as Tydeus 
and Teucer, have no claims to an historical character, 
and the name of the tribe Gravii or Grovii is probably 
not identical with Graii, there seems no sufficient 
reason for rejecting the testimony of a number of 
writers because the Greeks of the Roman Age gave 
fanciful explanations of a few names. It is not un- 
likely that a small Greek settlement occupied the coast 
below the Celts of Gallascia, and carried on some 
coasting trade, in particular exporting the tin from 
the mountains of the interior. There was a Greek 
colony, Corbilo, at the mouth of the Loire, and this 
district must have been passed by the Massiliot ex- 
plorer Pytheas in his voyage to Britain, and could 
also be reached from the north-east coast by the 
Ebro for a large part of the way. Greek names and 
1 Strab. III. 4, 3. 2 ju^j, ^_ ^^ 3 ^^^ ^^ ^g 

Geographical Knowledge among the Greeks 1 3 

inflections are not uncommon in inscriptions found 
in the neighbourhood of Valenfa da Minho and Tuy.^ 

The spread among the Greeks of knowledge concern- 
ing Spain is a matter of some importance. Hecatseus, 
the sixth-century historian, mentions several names on 
the south and east, doubtless derived from Massiliot 
sources; but little, except the Mediterranean coast, 
seems to have been known before the voyage of Pytheas 
{circa 320). Eratosthenes, a writer of the third cen- 
tury B.C., has an accurate knowledge of the south and 
east ; and though his information about the west was 
due chiefly to Pytheas, he seems to have been superior 
to any geographer before the time of Strabo. Polybius 
himself visited Spain in the train of his patron Scipio, 
and while his object was not primarily geographical, he 
has left many valuable details, such as the account of 
the topography of Carthago. The fragments of Bk. 34 
also contain references to the civilized character of the 
Turdetani and adjoining Celtic peoples, to the curiosities 
of Gades, and the productiveness of Lusitania, where 
flowers bloom through nine months of the year, a bushel 
of wheat costs nine obols, a sheep two drachmae, and 
a plough-ox ten. From his time onwards travellers 
were numerous. Artemidorus and Posidonius are much 
quoted by later writers. Artemidorus of Ephesus, an 
author of the early part of the first century B.C., cor- 
rected some of the errors of Eratosthenes, and paid 
attention to the customs of the peoples, as well as to 
geography. Posidonius also had a wider scope than 
his predecessors, and something of the scientific spirit, 

* Cf. Fita, Viaje a Santiago, p. 23, and B. A. H. 40, 539, a view 
also upheld by the Belgian explorer Siict. 

14 Strabo Myths Ascribed to Spain 

himself residing for some time at Gades and other 
places in Spain (ob. circa 50 B.C.). The Bsetica de- 
scribed by Strabo has been thought to be much more 
that of Posidonius than that of the early empire. 
Strabo, though his account of ancient Spain is the 
fullest that has been preserved, is a mere compiler, 
who never travelled farther west than Italy, and only 
knows thoroughly Bsetica and the east coast. Dio- 
dorus Siculus, a contemporary of Strabo, is also a 
compiler, but he seems to represent indirectly some 
Punic authorities, as well as Posidonius, and gives 
many curious details, especially about mining works, 
and the best account of the Balearic Islands to be 
found in any ancient writer. 

In addition to geographical details, Greek authors 
provide a number of legends which were not un- 
naturally attributed to the farthest limit of the known 
world. Besides the myths of Archelaus, the son of 
Phoenix, who founded Gades, as mentioned by Chrysip- 
pus, and of Heracles and Geryon, which were, perhaps, 
due to Punic sources, we read of the conquest of Spain 
by Bacchus, when Pan guarded his flocks there, and 
gave his name to the country.^ Lycurgus,^ Homer,^ 
and Jason all visited it ; Teucer, Diomede, and the 
Athenian Menestheus, when their toils were over on 
the Trojan plain, took up their abode on its shores. 
Ulysses founded the future capital Olisipo,* a citizen 
of which in historical times bore the name of Tele- 
machus.^ The tendency to attribute fabulous events 
to Spain continues to a late date. The Alexandrine 

1 [Plut.] Deflum. 16. 2 Plut. Vii. Lycurg. ^ Hdt. Vit. 7. 
* Solin. 23, 6 ; Isid. EL 15, i. 6 b. A. H. 38, 238. 

State of Spain at Roman Conquest 15 

Lycophron relieves the gloom of his obscure poem by 
a fanciful account of the life of Balearic peasants;^ 
even Philostratus, writing early in the third century a.d., 
after carrying his hero over most of the known world, 
brings him to Gades and Hispalis to examine the 
alleged marvels of the district.^ - 

On the withdrawal of the Carthaginians in 206 B.C., 
the Romans found themselves masters of southern and 
eastern Spain, on good terms with the Greek and 
Phoenician colonies, and in alliance with several native 
kings and peoples of the interior. The south had long 
possessed a high civilization and a wide commerce, 
both within and without the Mediterranean ; agriculture 
was well developed ; corn, flax, vines, and the esparto 
grass were widely cultivated, and the gold and silver 
mines still productive. Coins — Punic, Greek, or native 
— circulated ; writing was generally known ; and some- 
thing of a municipal system had replaced the loose 
confederations under weak monarchies which prevailed 
in other parts. The Iberians of the east also had 
considerable maritime commerce. The interior, though 
mines had here and there been opened by the Car- 
thaginians, was still but little civilized, and being on 
the whole unfertile, was long neglected by the Romans, 
who contented themselves with occasional inroads and 
the nominal submission of the chief Celtiberian tribes. 
The north and west were wholly barbarous ; except for 
a few coast districts, the working of metals was un- 
known, and agriculture little studied, the inhabitants 
subsisting on their flocks and herds, by hunting, or by 
pillaging their more settled neighbours. 

» Alex. 633 d seq. ^ yit. Afoll. V. 

1 6 Roman Rule in Second Century b.c. 

What was the condition of the country after ten 
years of Republican rule ? All Spain north of the 
Ebro lost, serious risings in the centre, even the helpless 
Tartessians hiring thousands of Celtiberian mercenaries 
to fight against their new oppressors. There is no 
space here to follow out the wearisome catalogue of 
Celtiberian revolts, of the defeats of huge Roman armies 
by light-armed guerrillas, of perfidious or extortionate 
generals, and brave but disunited Spaniards. The 
task which lay before the Republic was to complete the 
conquest of the peninsula : in the south to add the idea 
of a state to that of a number of isolated towns by 
providing common magistrates, an official religion, 
priesthood, language, and code of laws ; in the centre 
to develop the natural resources of a not very productive 
district ; in the north to bring down the fierce highland 
clans to the plains, to overawe them with military 
colonies, and encourage them to pursue the peaceful 
occupations of mining and agriculture, or else to take 
service as legionaries or auxiliaries. This task the 
Republic failed to carry out with any thoroughness ; 
but some of the wiser governors, like Tiberius Gracchus 
(179-8 B.C.), realized that a rule of force could seldom 
succeed for long. The natives, proud and vindictive, 
like their descendants, were yet peculiarly accessible to 
kindness. The laying-out of roads, the opening of new 
sources of wealth in mines, the union of Spaniards and 
Italians in agricultural colonies, were found to be the 
most successful methods. Local affairs were thus left 
to the discretion of the provincials more than under the 
empire. Native communities collected their quota of 
the tribute as they thought fit, and handed it over to 

Wars of Republican Period — Sertorius 17 

the quaestors, being exempt from the odious tithe 
system. Italian colonies were few, and a local coinage, 
with Iberian legends, hitherto checked by the jealousy 
of the Carthaginians, became abundant. 

A permanent garrison of about 40,000 men was kept 
up, chiefly at Tarraco, Gades, and Valentia, and 
certain settlements were planted under official sanc- 
tion — Italica and Corduba for Romans, Carteia for 
half-caste children of Roman soldiers, Valentia for 
defeated Lusitanians whom it was desirable to keep 
under observation by transplanting them to the east 

The fall of Viriathus involved the conquest of this 
latter tribe (140 B.C.), one of the most formidable enemies 
that the Romans ever met, and some attempt was 
subsequently made by Junius Brutus to deal with the 
uncivilized peoples of the north-west, a district which 
was finally reduced by Caesar and Augustus. The 
capture of Numantia (133) by Scipio the younger 
completed the subjugation of Celtiberia, and from this 
time, though some tribesmen remained active as 
banditti, resistance to the Roman advance sensibly 
weakens. So far indeed did Spain adopt Roman 
manners that it came to play a leading part in the 
civil conflicts of the next century. Thus the exiled 
Marian leader Sertorius aimed at setting up a new 
Roman empire resting on the support of the warlike 
Lusitanians and Celtiberians, officered by Romans. 
His two provinces, and their capitals Ebora and Osca, 
the senate, the university for teaching Latin and 
Greek, the mines, arsenals, and fleet, all provided a 
striking object-lesson for the Spaniards of the interior. 

1 8 Csesar's Conquests and Settlements 

Latin was rapidly adopted, and the familiarity with 
Roman methods of government induced the two 
peoples, after the fall of their brilliant leader, to enter 
without much reluctance into the ordinary provincial 
system. His conciliatory policy was maintained both 
by Caesar and Augustus, but owing to the constant 
outbreaks of civil war it was not till the latter had been 
several years on the throne that Spain could be 
thoroughly pacified and organized. 

Cassar fought in four Spanish campaigns, two indeed 
against his own countrymen ; yet he had done much 
to reduce the Celts and Gallascians of the north-west, 
and to open up these remote districts to access both by 
sea and land. He also made serious attempts to 
develop the colonial system by planting veteran and 
citizen settlements. This was done principally in 
Bsetica where much expropriation of territory had 
followed on the close of the civil war, in which the 
Baeticans had inclined to the senatorial side. Wide 
grants of citizenship in one of its various degrees were 
made to the more settled and loyal communities, and 
his arrangements where not yet completed were 
ratified under the influence of Antony after his death. 
Hispalis (Seville), destined later to be the chief 
city of Spain, was refounded as Colonia JuUa Romula 
Csesariana, but the chief document bearing on Caesar's 
municipal organization is the charter of Urso (Osuna), 
a small towu in the same neighbourhood, which is 
preserved in an inscription.^ It had probably sided 
with the Pompeian faction in the Munda campaign, 

^ S439 (' Colonia Julia Genetiva Urbanorum '), Bruns, Font.Jur. 
Rom., 123. 

Laws of Urso — Provincial Divisions 19 

and about 44 B.C. its territory was confiscated and 
a body of Roman civilians sent to occupy it. Elabor- 
ate regulations are laid down as to the duties of the 
duoviri or chief magistrates, the legislative powers of 
the Curia, the electoral rights of the comitia or general 
meeting of the citizens, and the whole body of officials, 
down to heralds, flute-players, and soothsayers. One 
provision points to the fact that Spain was not yet 
considered a thoroughly safe province. A bare majority 
of the local senate could empower the magistrates to 
arm all citizens or resident aliens to resist an attack. 
This would naturally be done only with the sanction of 
the governor, and when under Augustus Bsetica was 
placed under an unarmed senatorial proconsul the 
provision would cease to be of importance. It, how- 
ever, doubtless found a place in the regulations of 
more northerly colonies where sudden attacks were not 

The formation of the Spanish provinces dates from 
197 B.C., before which extraordinary magistrates, two 
proconsuls annually, were sent out. Spain was then 
divided into the Hither and Further provinces, each 
under a praetor, with the seats of government at 
Carthago and Corduba respectively. The boundaries 
varied at different times, but the Hither province had 
a tendency to increase, and by Caesar's time included 
everything but Baetica and Lusitania. Though these 
last were only formally separated by Augustus their 
inherent difference was recognized by Pompey in his 
division of Spain among his three legates, Varro, 
Afranius, and Petreius.^ 

1 Cks. B. C. I. 38. 

20 Some Authorities for Early Spain 

Ripley : Races of Europe (origin of Basques and Spaniards from 
the anthropological standpoint). 

Garofalo : Iberi nella Gallia (B. A. H. 33, 298), and Sui Celii 
nella penisola Iberica {B. A. H. 34). 

FiTA : Viaje a Santiago (Celts and Greeks in Galicia). 

Berlanga : Hispanice anteromana Syniagma (a long Spanish 
work, the first part chiefly on Iberian and Phoenician settle- 
ments, largely conjectural ; the second on Iberian letters and 
coins, with some important early Roman inscriptions). 

SiRET : Tyriens et Celtes en Espagne {B. A. H. 54). 

Feliciani : L'Espagne a la fin du troisieme siecle av. J.-C 
(B. A. H. 46), and Lefonti per la secunda guerra Punica nella 
Spagna (B. A. H. 54). 

O Archeologo Portugues (periodical, with several articles on mega- 
lithic remains of Portugal). 



' Nec prius iugum Hispani accipere potuerunt quam Cassar 
Augustus perdomito orbi victricia ad eos arrna transtulit, popu- 
lumque barbarum ac ferum legibus ad cultiorem vitee usuin 
traductum in formam provincire redegit.' — Justinus. 

The western peoples having been reduced by Caesar, 
the only Spaniards still independent were the tribes of 
the remote north-west, the Cantabrians and Asturians, 
and those who bordered on the southern slopes of the 
Pyrenees and who had recently fought side by side with 
the southern Gauls against Caesar.^ Between 36 B.C. 
and 26 B.C. six Roman generals claimed triumphs for 
victories in the latter district, and during the same 
period the Iberian Aquitani beyond the mountains were 
compelled to submit. A succession of severe campaigns, 
partly under the direction of Augustus, later under that 
of Agrippa, was needed before the spirit of the last 
tribes of mountaineers could be crushed. Numbers 
of the Cantabri and Astures were massacred or en- 
slaved, others were removed to level districts in which 
they could be readily supervised by Roman garrisons 
or colonies, and a ring of veteran settlements was 
planted, often indeed on the site of some small Iberian 
township, to act as a permanent garrison and aid in the 

• B. G. III. 23 and 27. 

22 Foundation of Augustan Colonies 

exploitation and civilization of the country. In the 
extreme north-west arose Lucus Augusti (Lugo), 
Asturica Augusta (Astorga), and Juliobriga (Reynosa). 
In a wild country not far from the Atlantic and the 
mouth of the Douro was built Bracara Augusta (Braga), 
which was soon surrounded by country seats and became 
a centre for the extension of Roman manners, and later 
in the empire, one of the chief towns of Spain. On the 
upper waters of the Anas was Emerita Augusta (Merida), 
and in the neighbourhood of the same river Pax Augusta 
(Badajoz) and Pax Julia (Beja). In the north-east a 
little native town — Salduba on the Ebro — became, as 
Csesaraugusta, a judicial centre, and later the famous 
Aragonese capital Zaragoza, excelling, as Isidore says, 
in the charm of its surroundings.^ In Bsetica, Astigi 
became Colonia Augusta Firma (Ecija), which is men- 
tioned by a geographer of Claudius' reign as the next 
in importance to Corduba and Hispalis. 

Even if the independence of allied towns were form- 
ally respected, the Romans inclined to plant in the 
neighbourhood small military stations, which drew off 
both the population and trade. Thus, on the west 
coast near Calem (Castello de Gaya), was planted the 
nucleus of the famous Oporto, to which many of the 
richer inhabitants removed. From the conjoined names 
of Portus and Cale sprang the name of the present re- 
public of Portugal. Many other towns, such as Sal- 
mantica, decayed from being left off the main roads, 
which were now so widely extended. Colonies were 
now nearly all military, citizen settlements like Urso 
ceasing under the empire. 

' Isid. Ei. IS, I. 

Provincial System of the Empire 23 

A new system of division into provinces originates 
with Augustus. The republican Further province was 
divided, after the Cantabrian War, into Bsetica and 
Lusitania, the former senatorial and retaining Corduba 
as its capital, the latter imperial with Emerita as the 
seat of government. Both had a wider area than later 
in the empire, Bsetica extending almost to Carthago, 
and Lusitania reaching the Bay of Biscay. The 
northern district, Gallsecia, was however cut off, prob- 
ably before the death of Augustus, and restored to the 
Hither province, for the sake of uniting the chief 
military posts under the control of the legate of that 
province. Even in the early empire, however, there 
was a prefect of Asturia and another of Gallsecia, and 
this points to some kind of separate military organiza- 
tion, which was fully carried out in the third century 
by the union of these two parts as an independent 

The proconsul of Baetica was assisted by a quaestor 
in the collection of money due to the cBvarium, and by 
a legatus who resided at Hispalis, the second capital 
of the province. The praetorian legate of Lusitania 
had one legate, probably stationed at Olisipo (Lisbon), 
but few, if any, regular troops. The consular legate 
of the immense imperial Hither province henceforth 
fixed his headquarters at Tarraco, from which the title 
Tarraconensis came to be applied to the whole province. 
He still occasionally wintered at the original capital, 
Carthago, but this, though suitable when Spain was 

' Probably between a.d. 212-216 (C. /. L. II. 2661, XIV. 2613). 
It was called at first Hispaiiia nova cHcrior, later Gall.T2cia, with 
the capital Brigantium. 

24 Military Organization 

ruled from Africa, was farther from Rome and less 
well placed for resisting inroads from the north and 
west. He was assisted by three legates, and had 
three legions under his command. One of the former, 
with two cohorts, kept the north-western region 
beyond the Douro ; another, with one legion, the 
mountainous district south of the Pyrenees ; the third 
administered the interior, towards the Ebro and 

From early in the empire the legions stationed here 
were recruited almost entirely in Spain, chiefly in the 
garrison districts, Baetica, like contemporary Italy, pro- 
viding few soldiers. Numbers of auxiliary cohorts were 
also raised among the more warlike tribes. Some were 
used in other parts, especially in the Illyrian and Ger- 
man armies, and at a later date still more in Britain, 
where both cavalry and infantry detachments are often 
mentioned in inscriptions. In Spain a body of local 
militia [tirones) protected the east coast against the 
attacks of African pirates, their prefect residing at 
Tarraco. The cohortes colonicce employed by Caesar at 
Corduba may have been of a similar kind, and others 
existed at Castulo in the south-east. For some time 
also Augustus used Spanish troops to form part of his 
bodyguard at Rome.^ 

In general, military service was accepted as an 
equivalent for tribute in the case of poorer and more 
remote tribes, from whom it was difficult to levy regular 
taxes, and the Romans made it their aim to crush out 
opposition and enlist the flower of the population on 
their own side. So long as the empire was able to 
' Suet. Aug. 49. 

Names and Stations of the Legions 25 

protect its boundaries this policy proved successful. 
The warlike Spaniards of the north were drafted off 
to other countries, and when leaving the service were 
usually allotted lands at a distance. Those who en- 
listed in the home legions became subject to the strong 
esprit de corps which long restrained from revolt legions 
of almost entirely non-Italian origin. The fidelity of 
Spain was secured for centuries, but when the empire 
fell there were no means of organizing any national 
defence, and the provinces yielded to the barbarous 
hordes with little resistance. 

Of the three legions stationed in Spain in the time of 
Augustus (IV. Macedonica, VI. Victrix, X. Gemina), 
two occupied Asturia and one Cantabria, with a few 
detachments in other parts, Tarraconensis being thus 
the only province not having a foreign frontier which 
needed the defence of regular troops. One of the three 
was transferred to the Rhine by Claudius ; the others, 
with a fresh legion, I. Adiutrix, were still in Spain in 
the time of Vespasian. In the Flavian age the garrison 
was reduced, first to two legions, then to one, the 
VII. Gemina, with some auxiliaries, which lasted till 
the time of Diocletian. The headquarters of the 
Asturian troops were between Lancia and Asturica, 
not far from the later camp which eventually grew 
into the city of Leon. The Cantabrian legion was 
stationed at Pisoraca (Herrera, near Santander). 

There are few references to any services performed by 
these troops, and they were sometimes temporarily 
removed elsewhere. They succeeded, however, in sup- 
pressing brigandage, and while at the beginning of the 
Augustan age Varro dwells on the dangers of farming 

26 Growth of an Urban System 

in Lusitania.i a historian of fifty years later remarks 
that the provinces which had never been free from vi?ar 
were untroubled now even by bandits.^ The govern- 
ment, however, found it desirable to enlist the sympa- 
thies of the more settled communities, and an inscription 
of A.D. 37 preserves a solemn oath of the citizens of 
Lusitanian Aritium to hold Csesar' s enemies as their 

In spite of the example set by Csesar in the Gal- 
Isecian campaign, no war fleet was maintained, and the 
want of it was felt in the second century, when the 
shores of Baetica began to be assailed by predatory 

The abstract of the census taken under Agrippa's 
direction and contained in Pliny's Natural History 
is of great value, as showing the rapidity with which 
the urban system spread throughout Spain in the 
early empire, superseding the loose federations, whose 
nominal kings pass out of existence with hardly a 
mention.* Of the 293 communities attributed to the 
Hither province, 179 had some definite urban consti- 
tution, being colonies, municipia, Latin or federate 
towns, or merely tributary. The rest, though lacking 
an urban centre, had a definite territory and some kind 
of local autonomy. Their names often coincide with 
those of old tribes, and they seem to represent an 
attempt to reorganize the original units more on the 
plan of a Roman pagus or vicus, which, when sufficiently 
civilized, might be promoted to full municipal rights. 

1 R. R. I. 16. 2 Veil. II. 90. 3 J72. 

* One of the last, Indo, was killed in the Munda campaign 
while fighting on the side of Cresar {Bell. Hisp. X.). 

Spread of Civilization 27 

In the more advanced Bsetica, though a fourth of the 
size of Tarraconensis, were 175 towns, including nine 
colonies, and twenty-seven with Latin rights. Lusi- 
tania had forty-five communities, five being colonies, 
and three Latin towns. 

There were naturally many remote peoples who had 
to be omitted from the system altogether ; others were 
so much scattered in villages as to be attached to some 
central town for their local government, taxation, and 
jurisdiction. Others were placed under transitional 
forms of administration, as that of a Consul, Decem- 
viri,-' Magister or headman,^ or even, as it appears in 
the case of a very uncivilized district, of Italian freed- 
men.^ Remnants of old leagues still subsisted in 
places, such as corporations of landed proprietors 
called Hundreds.* Yet the presence of scattered 
communities, with varying degrees of citizen rights, 
and frequently an Italian element in the population, 
soon accustomed the provincials to the use of Roman 
law, and the municipal instincts which characterized 
the more settled Iberian tribes were skilfully developed. 
Not only were the tribes split up into a number of dis- 
tinct societies, but the Conveutus or judicial districts 
which grew up in the later Republic,^ and were re- 
organized by Augustus, were also used to override 
racial divisions, and group smaller towns round some 
centre from which individual citizens took their title." 

1 1953, 5068. 2 2633. 

^ 2958-2960 (Pompaelo, an inference from the aristocratic names 
borne by the local magistrates). 

* Hj'g. Agr., p. 122. Cf. 1064 and Hijbncr's note. 

» Suet./u/. 7 ; Cass. B. C. II. 19. 

' E.g., 4233 : ' Amocensis Cluniensis ex gente Cantabrorum.' 

28 Spanish Municipalities — Benefactions 

Seven of these existed in Hither Spain under Augustus, 
four in Baetica, and three in Lusitania. 
t^ The periods at which grants of citizenship or Latinity 
were made are not always clear, but it is certain that 
Augustus resumed the work left unfinished by Sertorius 
of civilizing the central and northern districts and 
raising them to the level of Baetica and the east coast. 

Municipal arrangements corresponded closely to 
those of Italy, with locally elected duoviri, a senate, 
popular assembly, and some substitute for the censors 
to fix the quota of taxation to be paid by each citizen. 
Local taxation was not heavy, but the magistracies were 
invested with such dignity that their holders were will- 
ing to go to considerable expense for the benefit or 
amusement of their fellow citizens ; and even the 
freedmen who, owing to the dislike often felt by freeborn 
Romans for trade, concentrated much of the wealth 
in their own hands were encouraged by the creation 
of the important order of Augustales, with all its privi- 
leges and duties, to contribute to the public needs of 
their municipality. Inscriptions are full of the gener- 
osity of individual citizens in the earlier period, and 
never does wealth seem to have involved such responsi- 
bilities. Thus at Dianium a citizen is commemorated 
who had introduced a water supply to the town through 
most difficult country, and organized a corn distribution 
when prices were very high.^ A centurion of Barcino 
left 7,500 denarii to be invested at 6 per cent., to provide 
an annual boxing-match, as well as oil for the public 
baths, on condition that his freedmen should be exempt 
from municipal burdens ; failing this the legacy was to 

^ 3586. 

The Provincial Councils 29 

lapse to Tarraco.^ Another benefactor of Barcino left 
100,000 sesterces to be invested at 5 per cent., the 
interest to be distributed among the citizens according 
to their dignity on the testator's birthdaj'.^ Another at 
Hispalis left an annual dole for the alimentarii or poor 
children who were being reared at the public expense.^ 
An institution which might, if fostered with more 
care, have developed into a regular federal system was 
the provincial assembly, meeting annually to celebrate 
the imperial cult in the chief town, under the presi- 
dency of the Sacerdos provincias. In Spain there is no 
reference, as in the east of the empire, to any earlier 
religious gathering, and these assemblies probably re- 
sulted from a direct official invitation. The earliest 
was that which met at Tarraco in a.d. 15 at the shrine 
of the deified Augustus, and this was followed in the 
course of the century by others at Corduba and 
Emerita. Colonies, Roman municipia, and Latin 
towns could all send deputies chosen from and by the 
local senate, their expenses being paid out of the 
municipal funds. These persons, presided over by the 
priest of the imperial worships whom they elected, 
chose the provincial patron, sent deputations to the 
Emperor, thanked or arranged for the prosecution of 
retiring governors, and celebrated festivals ; but their 
powers were not very clearly defined, and they formed 
technically a private body meeting under official sanc- 
tion. In Spain they had no rights of coinage, but 
could set up statues or strike medallions. They could 
receive advice as a body from the emperor, as we see 
from a letter addressed to the Bastic council by Hadrian 
1 4514. 2 451 1. ^ 1 174. 

30 Councils of Later Empire — Taxation 

relative to the punishment of cattle-stealers. Proceed- 
ings against oppressive governors originated with in- 
structions from individual cities to their deputies in the 
council, which might empower delegates to undertake 
the prosecution and choose a patronus at Rome. The 
trial usually took place before the senate in the earlier 
period, occasionally before the imperial council, the 
usual course in the Antonine age as the senate de- 
clined. During the period of anarchy which covers 
most of the second half of the third century provincial 
assemblies disappear, but they revive after Constantine 
as entirely secular bodies, the Sacerdos having only 
civil duties, such as the celebration of festivals, to per- 
form, and being occasionally, though rarely, a Christian. 
There are also references to other assemblies for the 
Spanish provinces of later formation, and to a council 
for the whole diocese, the functions of which appear to 
have been very slight.^ 

The irregular exactions which had characterized the 
republican administration gave way under Augustus to 
a financial system differing little from that of other 
provinces, which, when equitably administered, seems 
to have caused no great discontent. The majority of 
the towns were stipendiary, paying a fixed tribute raised 
by local officials according to the property of each 
citizen as assessed by official censors,^ and paid over to 
the qusestor of Bffitica or the imperial procurators of the 
other provinces. Among the dues were the land tax, 
the tax on auctions, that on inheritances payable only 
by Roman citizens, as well as the custom dues of 2 per 

' Cf. 1729 and Cod. Theod. XII. 12, g. 
* Marquardt, II. 209. 

Development of a Road System 31 

cent, raised at the frontiers on goods entering or leaving. 
All Spain formed one district for this purpose, and as 
the rate was lower than in other provinces commerce 
was encouraged. Much was done in this direction also 
by the extension of the road system under Augustus. 
An important state road, the only one of its kind in 
a province, already existed in the time of Polybius, 
probably Iberian or Punic in part, but measured and 
marked with milestones by the Romans.^ It led from 
the passage of the Rhone past Tarraco to Carthago 
Nova. Augustus had this improved, diverting one 
portion to pass nearer the sea,'* and continued it, by 
a branch diverging near the mouth of the Sucro, to 
Corduba and Gades, incorporating some portions laid 
down near the Bsetis by Caesar. Another very impor- 
tant route started from Tarraco and extended to the 
north-western districts, where Bracara and Asturica 
becajne important centres. An alternative entry to 
Spain was provided across the western Pyrenees, 
joining Burdigala (Bordeaux) and Pompaslo (Pampe- 
luna), and both Emerita, which communicated with 
all the principal towns of Lusitania, and Castulo^ 
in the south-east in the middle of a rich mining district, 
were the meeting points of numerous routes. Main 
roads were thus laid out by the government, both for 
military and commercial purposes, secondary by the 
municipalities, sometimes by several in conjunction. 
Neighbouring communities were bound to keep both 
classes in repair, and to supply the imperial posts. 
Many villages sprang up along the course of the 
principal thoroughfares through grants of public land, 
1 Polyb. III. 39. * Strab. III. 4, 10. ^ q/. 4936 ct seq. 

32 Results of Augustus' Reforms 

designed to enhance the safety and frequency of internal 

Throughout the first century of the empire a slow- 
but steady change was taking place in the relative 
importance of Spanish towns and districts. Popula- 
tion tended to gather in a few larger centres, mostly 
in the south and west. Old towns, especially those 
in the Ebro valley like Numantia, Ilerda, Cala- 
gurris, Osca, Saguntum, dwindle, a process perhaps 
furthered by the grant of Latin rights under Vespasian, 
which raised the position of the South, already rich in 

The effect of Augustus' policy was a universal peace, 
and a certain uniformity in local organization ; but no 
attempt was made, as under the cast-iron system of the 
later empire, to obliterate all local peculiarities. The 
use of the city state as the basis of administration was 
in harmony with the natural sentiments of the Iberiansj 
with whom the tribe or canton was of far less im- 
portance than the individual township. Then as now 
the pueblo, with its elected alcalde and council, its village 
granary and communal tillage ground, was the natural 
unit. The narrow patriotism of the Iberians and their 
carelessness of national unity harmonized with the 
dividing regime which the Romans practised in the 
subject communities. In Gaul, where the tribal spirit 
was much stronger, the Romans were forced to defer to 
it, and the chief towns were in name and fact the head- 
quarters of some canton or people. 

Latin came to be spoken over the south and centre 
of Spain, the toga was widely adopted in Celtiberia 
even by non-citizens, a common mark of loyalty among 

Persistence of National Characteristics 33 

barbarous peoples ; ^ the ruder worships and customs in 
many parts gave place to a high civilization. Yet the 
pairius sermo,^ as Tacitus calls it, was not forgotten ; 
disused for public business and inscriptions, it lasted 
among the common people for many generations, and 
supplied a considerable element to the three chief 
languages — Castilian, Portuguese, and Catalan — now 
spoken in the peninsula. In other respects also the 
native element asserted itself. The literary tendencies 
evolved in Spain were strong enough to spread to the 
capital and inaugurate a new era ; hardy Spanish 
soldiers, armed with weapons superior to any previously 
known to the Romans, could be found on every 
frontier ; Spaniards filled places of trust at court. 
Within fifty years from the death of Augustus one acted 
as regent of the empire, within a hundred another 
proved himself the most worthy of Augustus's successors. 
As Italy became more degraded, and filled with parasites 
of the court or Oriental slaves and freedmen, Spain 
became more and more the mainstay of the imperial 
authority; and it was only the gross misgovernment 
which wrecked the splendid municipal system and filled 
the provinces with slaves, outlaws, and paupers, that 
at last caused the provincials to welcome barbarian 
peoples as deliverers. 

The national character remained throughout sub- 
stantially unchanged. Primitive tribes, as better 
acclimatized and having a larger proportion of women 
than invaders, tend to reassert themselves in a few 
generations ; nor could it be expected that some 
hundreds of thousands of speculators, merchants, and 
» Strab. III. 4, 20. Cf. Tac. Agr 21. " Ann. IV. 45. 


34 Spain Under Tiberius 

veterans from Italy should have a very lasting effect on 
a nation which was thought to excel the Romans in 
numbers,^ which, too, was destined to absorb utterly 
powerful German tribes, and to assimilate or cast out an 
extensive African and Asiatic population. 

The external history of the eighty years between the 
Augustan settlement and the accession of Vespasian 
offers little of interest. The citizenship was not widely 
extended, owing to the difficulty of recruiting for the 
legions and the few opportunities of doing this in 
citizen communities. 

The list of extortionate governors receives additions 
in the reign of Tiberius. Vibius Serenus, who had ex- 
cited a revolt by his cruelties in Bsetica, was banished 
by the senate to Amorgos, and in his place was sent 
Julius Bessus from Africa, who succeeded in appeasing 
the provincials. L. Piso, the imperial legate of Hither 
Spain, was also guilty^of great oppression ; but Tiberius 
would give no redress, and Piso was at last murdered 
by a labourer, one of the numerous examples of 
political assassination which occur in Spanish history.* 
Possibly in revenge for these outbreaks a charge was 
trumped up against Sext. Marius, a rich Spaniard 
domiciled at Rome; he was flung from the Tarpeian 
rock, and his gold mines >;passed to the fiscus.^ Others 
also were persecuted,^ as Junius Gallic of Corduba, 
who was imprisoned on the charge of wishing to attach 

1 E.g., Veget. Mil. I.ii.' The figures given in Plin., III. 28, 
have led modern authorities to estimate the population of Spain 
under Augustus at about six millions. 

2 Tac. Ann. IV. 45. 3 76,d._ vi, lo. 
* Suet. Tib. 49. 

Caligula, Claudius and Nero 35 

the praetorian guards rather to the state than the 
emperor's person.^ 

Under Caligula, a native of Corduba, jEmilius 
Regulus, conspired against the emperor, but was de- 
tected and put to death." A concession, valued by the 
provincials, was made by Claudius,^ in whose honour 
many statues were set up in Spain. A year's interval 
was to elapse between the tenure of two governorships 
by the same person, that any complaints made against 
him might be investigated. Owing, however, to cor- 
ruption and personal influence, the effect seems to 
have been slight. A main road was opened in Lusitania 
about this time. 

In this reign the active study of Latin letters in 
southern Spain was having its effect, and several of 
the chief Roman writers and orators, as the Senecas, 
Turanius Gracilis, Sextilius Hena, and Porcius Latro, 
belonged here. One of the chief historians of the 
age, Cluvius Rufus, was a governor in Spain under 

The reign of Nero was attended by more extortion 
on the part of imperial procurators, and by the revolt 
of the Asturians, who had been cowed into submission 
under Augustus rather than really incorporated. A 
special officer, prcsfectits pro legato, is now found among 
the Baleares, who may also have been disaffected. 

Galba's governorship of Tarraconensis had been char- 
acterized by stern justice; he refused to countenance 
extortionate procurators, and checked dishonesty both 
on the part of officials and of guardians or accountants. 

1 Tac. Ann. VI. 3 ; Dion C. 58, 18. 

3 Cf. Jos. Aid. 19, I. ^ Dion C. 60, 25. 

36 Changes in the Flavian Age 

It was at Clunia (Coruna del Conde) that he was in- 
formed of Nero's death, and after convening a senate 
of local notables, the first example of such a gathering, 
resolved to march on Italy and assume the crown, 
which the great military force at the disposal of the 
Tarraconensian legate enabled him to do. Yet his 
short reign was attended by the exaction of heavy 
imposts and by numerous death sentences in Spain,^ 

Otho, once the legate of Lusitania, conferred several 
benefits, granting the citizenship freely, enlarging the 
communities of Hispalis and Emerita, and annexing 
to the Bsetic province the revenues of a number of 
Moorish towns on the opposite coast.^ This last 
measure does not seem to have been permanent, but 
it shows the recognition of a principle fully applied in 
the reorganization of the third century, that western 
Mauritania had more in common with Spain than with 
Caesariensis or Numidia. 

The Flavian age saw a general extension of Latin 
rights, but the newly enfranchised communities seem 
to have remained inferior to the old, receiving only 
the Latium minus, which gave fewer opportunities of 
advancing to full citizenship. A number of towns were 
thus definitely organized on municipal lines, and took 
the surname Flavia ; and non-urban communities prob- 
ably received similar rights in a modified form. Many 
roads, especially in the Emerita and Asturica districts, 
were constructed, as well as bridges and other buildings, 
perhaps including the famous aqueduct of Segovia, one 
of the finest relics of Roman occupation, which some 
attribute to Trajan's reign. Two well-known ofiicials 
1 Suet. Galb. 20. = Tac. H. I. 78. 

Inscriptions of Sabora, Salpensa and Malaca 37 

of the period were Pliny the Elder, an Imperial pro- 
curator^ who was on terms of friendly correspondence 
with several distinguished Spaniards, and Herennius 
Senecio, a Baetican orator of some eminence, who was 
conjoined with the younger Pliny in the prosecution 
under Domitian of the extortionate governor, Bsebius 

Three valuable inscriptions date from the Flavian 
period. One found near Malaga in the sixteenth cen- 
tury relates to the Bsetic town of Sabora^ (Canete la 
real), and is a rescript from Vespasian to the magis- 
trates, allowing them to rebuild the town on a new site 
in the plain, with the title Flavia, and to continue 
receiving the dues payable in the time of Augustus. 
For other dues which they might claim they were to 
apply to the proconsul. This proves that certain 
minor places had to pay commercial imposts to a 
central town, but that no fresh dues could be imposed 
without objections being heard. 

The two others are the leges datce,^ published by 
Domitian to fix the constitution of the towns Salpensa 
(Facialcazar) and Malaca, of which the former had 
been a stipendiary community, the latter an allied 
town. Both had received the minor Latin right from 
Vespasian. Members of the local senate were not 
necessarily admitted to the full franchise ; but this was 
open to all duoviri, quaestors, and asdiles, if not already 
citizens. Latins from elsewhere, as well as resident 
Romans, could vote in the assembly, the latter enjo3dng 
no special local privileges. 

Pliny the younger, who was on friendly terms with 

1 Plin. Ep. III. 5, 17. 2 1423 (now lost). ' 1963-4. 

38 Prosecution of Classicus — Trajan's Reign 

many Spaniards, including the poet Martial, besides 
prosecuting Basbius Massa, at a later date took part 
in the proceedings against Cascilius Classicus, also a 
governor of Bastica, and his corrupt provincial subor- 
dinates. Classicus was manifestly guilty, and only 
escaped punishment by death, vi'hether natural or 
voluntary was uncertain, while two of his accomplices 
were banished for five years. The prosecution was 
not, however, scrupulous as to the evidence produced, 
for one of the documents was a letter from Classicus to 
his mistress at Rome, boasting of having gained four 
million sesterces and sold many Baeticans into slavery.' 
It was noted at the time that another extortionate 
governor, Marius Prisons, proconsul of Africa, was a 
native of Bsetica, whereas Classicus was an African ; 
and the jest was bandied about in Spain, ' illud malum 
et dedi et accepi.' Both these provinces were senatorial, 
and in general those which were left to the feeble rule 
of the senate were worse treated than those where 
the emperor had a personal interest in securing just 

The reign of Trajan of Italica, the first native to 
occupy the throne, probably marks the climax in the 
prosperity of Roman Spain. The population, it is 
estimated, doubled between the age of Caesar and the 
middle of the second century.^ Mines, though less 
productive, were still worked at a profit. Spanish 
products were exported throughout the Mediterranean, 
and the municipal system was now in its most efficient 
state, local honours being eagerly sought for, and their 
conferment rewarded by the erection of fine public 
* Plin. Ep. III. 4 and 9. * Jung Rom. Landsch. 42. 

Signs of Decline under Hadrian 39 

buildings, by largesses, or permanent charities. It was 
the age when the most magnificent monuments were 
raised, whether due to imperial liberality or to the 
contributions of individuals or communities ; and the 
foundations of one of the most famous cities of mediaeval 
Spain were laid, as a result of the transference of the 
Asturian legion from their original settlement to the 
city called after it, Legio, or Leon. 

In Hadrian's reign there is a slight foreshadowing of 
decline. The brilliant school of Spanish writers which 
had lasted over a century ended with Martial and 
Quintilian, and the literary primacy of the west was 
allowed to cross the Straits to Africa. Hadrian was 
probably born at Italica,^ his mother being a native of 
Gades. He not only beautified and enriched Italica,'^ 
but showed great solicitude for the welfare of all Spain, 
being called on coins Restitutor HispanicB.^ He had 
several roads constructed, and rebuilt the temple of 
Augustus at Tarraco ; and the adulator}' inhabitants 
of that city, who had always taken the lead in emperor 
worship, erected so many statues in his honour that 
the province had to appoint a special official to look 
after them.* What, however, is ominous of coming 
decadence was the need for remitting large sums due 
for the last sixteen years from the Spanish and other 
imperial provinces to the fiscus (a.d. 118), and the 
beginnings of a national spirit displayed at a conven- 
tion of the notables of the three provinces held at 
Tarraco in 120. From the proceedings of this assembly, 

* Gell. 16, 13 ; Eutr. 8, 6. There is probably a gap in Spar- 
tianus here. 

» Dion C. 69, 10. 3 Eckhel, VI. 495. ' 4230. 

40 Provincial Gathering at Tarraco 

to which Hadrian proposed to fill up the militia by- 
conscription instead of voluntary service, we can see 
to what an extent the most warlike province was being 
drained of the flower of its inhabitants to fill the legions 
in place of the luxurious and effeminate Italians.-^ Nor 
was there any corresponding immigration ; the legions 
stationed in Spain were almost entirely local levies, and 
colonies ceased to be sent out after the Flavian age. 
Two great causes which led to the break up of the 
Roman dominion, impoverishment and depopulation, 
are already discernible. 

HtJBNER : Introduction to Supplement of C. I. L. II. 

REm : Municipal System of the Roman Empire. 

Arnold : Studies in Roman Imperialism. 

Lafuente : Hist. General de Espana, I. and II. 

Burke : History of Spain, I. 

Masdeu : Hist. Critica de Espana, VII. and VIII, 

Hume : History of the Spanish People. 

Hardy : Three Spanish Charters (translation, with commentary, 

of the laws of Urso, Salpensa, and Malaca) . 
GuiRAUD : Les assemblies provinciates dans I'emp. remain. 
Jung : Die ronianischen Landschaften. 
Detlefsen, in Philologus, 30 and 32 (on Plinys geographica 

account of Spain). 

1 Cf. also Herodian, II. 11, 5. 



' Fundat ab extremo flavos Aquilone Suevos 
Albis, et indomitum Rheni caput.' 


Like two of his predecessors, M. Aurelius, though not 
himself born in the province, came of a Bsetican family. 
In his reign the growing weakness of the empire on the 
frontiers was displayed in the first invasion of Spain by 
the barbarians. About A.D. 170 a large body of pre- 
datory Africans crossed the Straits, eluding the vigilance 
of the African legion and fleet, and invaded Bsetica. 
They did much damage at Malaca, destroying the 
citadel, and laid siege to Singilis (Antequera la Vieja). 
The siege was raised by Maximinus, governor of Lusi- 
tania, who is celebrated in an inscription as haying 
restored peace to Baetica ; and another officer, V^fus 
Clemens, collecting a fleet, sailed as far as Tingitana, 
so that the Moors, fearing lest their retreat should be 
cut off, were compelled to retire.' Probably as a result 
of this Bsetica became temporarily imperial, and a 
detachment of the seventh legion was stationed at 
Italica. Disturbances also took place in Lusitania. 
The growing impoverishment and the burdens to 

1 1 120. C/. 2015 ; B. A. H. 46, 427. 

42 End of the Antonine Age 

which the richer citizens were subjected, are strikingly 
exhibited by the inscription found near Seville in 1888, 
containing a senatorial decree passed, probably at the 
initiative of Aurelius himself, reducing the sums payable 
to gladiators and the amount which private citizens 
could be called on to contribute for such shows. It 
also abolished the disgraceful partnership with the 
state, according to which the trainers had been obliged 
to pay to the fiscus a third or fourth of the sums re- 
ceived by them. This decree applied to the whole 
empire, but only this copy has survived.^ 

The reign of Commodus produced an incident which 
indicates the paralysis creeping over the central 
authority, already weakened by constant wars in the 
north and by a devastating plague. In 187 Maternus, 
a common Italian soldier, had sufficient influence to 
collect in Italy an army of freebooters, who marched 
plundering through Gaul into Spain, and remained 
there for some time, besieging cities, burning, and 
pillaging, undisturbed by the governors.^ 

The end of the Antonine dynasty was the signal for 
the appearance of the first of a long series of usurpers, 
or tyranni, who sprang up at intervals through the next 
two centuries, detaching one or more provinces for the 
time. The effect of these usurpations was less than 
might be expected. The imperial system of govern- 
ment was so deeply ingrained in the more settled pro- 
vinces that new and transitory rulers adopted it as a 
matter of course. The same governors acted, the same 
taxes were paid, the old municipal organization con- 

' Eph. Epigr. VII. 385 (originally at Italica). 
* Herodian, I. 10. 

Appearance of Usurpers in the West 43 

tinued. The tyrants themselves, however small their 
actual territory, always professed themselves Roman 
emperors, and while in no sense champions of national 
independence, often showed much ability in repelling 
barbarian attacks. Few originated in Spain, which 
proved itself one of the most loyal provinces, though 
sometimes obliged to admit the claims of usurpers who 
had established themselves in Gaul. Such were Clodius 
Albinus (the support of whom was punished with severe 
confiscations under Severus), Postumus, and Victorinus. 
These temporary western empires were closely modelled 
on that of Rome ; for example, both Albinus and Pos- 
tumus held senates, with some Spanish deputies added 
to the main body from Gaul. 

In the time of Caracalla the north-western districts 
received a separate provincial organization, and later in 
the century the western part of Mauritania was annexed 
under the title of Nova Hispania ulterior Tingitana} 
The celebrated edict of Caracalla, which abolished 
separate grades of privileges, and declared all free in- 
habitants of the empire to be full citizens, is usually 
explained as intended to subject all provincials to the 
taxes hitherto confined to citizens. It was perhaps 
also felt that a more united front might be offered to 
barbarian attacks if the inhabitants of the whole civilized 
world possessed equal rights. 

The period of chaos known as the reign of Gallienus 
(260-68) witnessed the most formidable omen of coming 
dissolution in the invasion of the Suevi and Franks, 
who succeeded in capturing the capital of the eastern 
province, Tarraco, and inflicted damage which was still 

» Eph. Epigr. VIII. 807. 

44 Reforms of Diocletian and Constantine 

visible in the fifth century. The old Greek colony of 
Dianium also fell into ruins about this period, and 
was perhaps similarly devastated. The barbarians' 
advance was checked by the able Gallic emperor 
Postumus, and they were altogether expelled by Claudius, 
after continuing their depredations for nearly twelve 

The revolutionizing of the imperial system by Dio- 
cletian, and its transformation into an Oriental despot- 
ism ruling through a carefully graded hierarchy of 
officials, great though its ultimate effects proved, did 
not involve many regulations specially applicable to 
Spain. Since the addition of Tingitana it already 
included five provinces, and though much subdivision 
took place in other parts, the only change due to Dio- 
cletian seems to have been the partition of the still 
unwieldy Tarraconensian province, the southern half 
being now known as Carthaginiensis, from its new 
capital. Late in the fourth century the Baleares were 
erected into a separate province, the totaJ reaching 
seven, which number was never exceeded. They were 
all now imperial, the last trace of the senate's authority 
having been abrogated, and their rulers all had the 
title of praeses except in Bastica, where sometimes a 
proconsul, sometimes a consularis, appear. All were 
under the authority of a vicar who ruled the Spanish 
diocese from Hispalis, now the greatest and most 
populous city, ' before which,' as Ausonius sang, ' all 
Spain lowers the fasces.' The diocese was in turn 
placed under one of the four praetorian prefects, that of 
Gaul, who represented the emperor in these parts. The 

> Oros. VII. 2 ; Eutr. IX. 8. 

Decay in Municipal Life and Commerce 45 

full introduction of the official hierarchy dates from the 
time of Constantine. 

Besides the expense involved in the immense army 
of new officials, the constant interference with local 
magistrates and privileges led to the crushing out of 
municipal life and the production of a blank uniformity 
of grasping officials, persecuted taxpayers, and slaves. 
In Spain the centre of gravity was now shifting from 
the Mediterranean districts to the south and west, which 
were less exposed to barbarian attack, and retained 
more commercial prosperity ; but even here municipal 
life decayed. The members of local senates {decuriones) 
were the worst used class. Burdened with the respon- 
sibility of advancing the tribute which it was impossible 
to recover from their fellow-townsmen, they were fre- 
quently reduced to beggary, and fled the country. All 
semblance of the popular election of magistrates 
vanished ; instead of being chosen freely by the citizens 
they were nominated from the decurio class by the 
senate, and such offices were far from being sought for. 
Even a petty post under the imperial government 
afforded greater opportunities for advancement. Their 
powers, too, were lessened by the appointment of a 
mayor or burgomaster {curator or defensor), practically 
an imperial official. 

As trade decayed towns became depopulated, but 
yet were taxed as units, the amount due from the re- 
maining inhabitants rising as the number of payers 
decreased. The once flourishing trade corporations 
were seized on by the state, and made instruments of 
further exactions. The members were imprisoned in 
their guilds, and could never change their trade, which 

46 Distresses in the Fourth Century 

became hereditary for their descendants ; while the 
guild property, which was liable for the satisfaction 
of official exactions, could only be shared in by one 
actually exercising the trade. Even if he succeeded in 
breaking away, he forfeited all rights to it. Similarly 
free tenant farmers sank to a corporation of serfs, on 
whom the principal burden of taxation fell. Thus in 
towns free craftsmen disappear, either voluntarily 
enslaving themselves, or taking refuge among the 
barbarians. Agricultural land, so far as it was worked 
at all, was owned chiefly by officials and cultivated by 
slaves. The natural source of recruits was dried up. 
Spain, always jealous of foreign garrisons, was left 
practically unguarded in the fourth century. The 
governors were exclusively civil officials, and no 
military dux was thought necessary. 

The one great name, apart from theologians in this 
depressing period, is Theodosius, the last great emperor 
of the west. He was a native of Cauca in Gallascia, 
but came of a family which originated in Italica, and 
was said to be connected with that of Trajan. 

In the reign of his son Honorius, a series of events 
happened which finally led to the separation of Spain 
from the empire. The first movements began in two 
other provinces. Bands of Vandals, Alans, and Sueves 
defeated the Frankish allies of Rome, and occupied the 
centre of Gaul, plundering, but not making any regular 
settlement ; and a tyrant, of a type now familiar, named 
Constantine, appeared in Britain. Unwilling to await 
attack, the latter crossed to Gaul, and gained pos- 
session of a wide strip of territory from the Channel 
to the Alps, defeating the Roman generals, and prob- 

Invasion of the Vandals and Sueves 47 

ably having some understanding with the three 
barbarian tribes. He advanced into Spain, which 
momentarily submitted ; but certain members of the 
Theodosian house who had much influence in Lusitania 
raised forces on behalf of the empire. Constantine, 
who had returned to Gaul, sent his son Constans to 
suppress the revolt, supported by a British lieutenant, 
Gerontius, and a body of barbarian auxiliaries, the 
Honoriani. The Theodosians were crushed, and Con- 
stans, after establishing his court at Cassaraugusta, 
went back to Gaul, leaving Gerontius in charge. The 
latter revolted, and proclaimed his son, or adherent, 
Maximus, as emperor. Either Gerontius or his sup- 
porters invited the three German tribes to cross into 
Spain to aid them, and Gerontius himself marched 
into Gaul against Constantine. The imperial authori- 
ties at last bestirred themselves. Gaul was recovered, 
Gerontius's army deserted him, and the various pre- 
tenders were banished or executed ; but the harm had 
now been done. The Vandals, Alans, and Sueves were 
securely established in Spain, and only the north- 
eastern portion was left to the empire (409). A time of 
fearful distress ensued. The barbarians marched about 
plundering and levying blackmail ; few towns were in a 
position to resist long, and many garrisons were starved 
out or reduced to cannibalism.^ Widespread pillage 
and slaughter prevailed, not only at the hands of the 
Germans, but of the native Bagaudae, or ruined 
peasants, who gathered together as brigands. Some 
of the old Iberian tribes reasserted their indepen- 

» Cf. Oh-mpiod. in Fr. Hist. Gr. IV. 30; Isid. Hist. Vand. 
(M. H. G. XI. 295). 

48 Division of Spain among the Barbarians 

dence, as the Astures and Vascones in the north, the 
Orospedani in the south. The last, secure in the fast- 
nesses of the Sierra Morena, were only subdued a 
century and a half later by the Gothic king Leovigild.^ 
Even the richer landowners, unprotected by the govern- 
ment, turned their villas into castles, and gathered 
troops of armed slaves, after the fashion of mediaeval 
barons. At last the invaders, still largely heathen, 
came to some kind of understanding with the helpless 
imperial authorities, and settled down in Spain. The 
Sueves, with one division of the Vandals, the Asdingi, 
occupied the north - western districts ; the Alans, a 
people of Scythian origin, Lusitania and central Spain ; 
the SiHngian Vandals settled in Bsetica, which from them 
derived its modern name of Andalusia. Agriculture 
was already beginning to revive somewhat, when a 
fresh series of troubles ensued from the extension into 
Spain of the Visigothic power. 

Though several chroniclers, including the contem- 
porary Zosimus and Orosius, relate the events of the 
early part of the fifth century, they are none of them 
historians, and as inscriptions have by this time 
become scarce, it is difficult to disentangle the real 
condition of Spain from long lists of marches, battles, 
pillagings, and constant changes of lordship. Christian 
writers denounce the profligacy and luxury of the. age, 
which they contrast with the purity of life among the 
barbarians^ ; they even admit that many provincials, 
though not actually joining the enemy, had abjured 
the name of Romans.^ Yet the terrors of the German 

1 Joh. Bid. (M. H. G. XI. 215). 

2 Salv, Gub. D. VI. 8. 3 lbid.,Y. 5. 

Character of Fifth Century Society 49 

invasions were compensated for by the conversion of 
large bodies of heathen.^ 

The charge of profligacy is hardly consistent with 
the lurid description of the miseries of the time. A 
society in the last stages of dissolution, with the free- 
men sinking into slavery, the magistrates fleeing from 
the crushing burdens of their office, and qtksrentes apud 
barbaros Romanam human it atem, as Salvian says, is not 
the one to indulge in any extravagance of luxury. 
Moreover, Spain was essentially a country of small 
towns ; there was no great centre of idleness and 
corruption like Carthage, Antioch, or Alexandria. 
When we come to examine the vague denunciations of 
the moralists, the chief charges seem to be that some 
towns kept up the games in the circus and theatrical 
exhibitions, which were often of a demoralizing 
character, until they were suppressed by the bar- 
barians,^ and that certain heathen practices lasted on. 
Such were the Cervula festivities on New Year's eve, 
when people, dressed up in the skins of stags or other 
animals, pursued each other about the streets — the sub- 
ject of a lost treatise by Pacianus, bishop of Barcino.' 
It cannot, however, be denied that the changes of 
masters were looked on with indiiference by the 
Spaniards, and that many, in the words of a native 
chronicler, preferred ' inter barbaros pauperem liber- 
tatem quam inter Romanes tributoriam soUicitudinem.' 
The history of the foundation and growth of the 
Visigothic monarchy in Spain is imperfectly known. 
From the first invasion of Ataulf in 415 to the final 

1 Oros. VII. 41. =" Salv. VI. 8. 

3 Cf. Migne, Patr. Lat. IV. ii6. 


50 Establishment of the Gothic Kingdom 

renunciation of all allegiance to the empire by Euric, 
there is a space of sixty years, during most of which 
the Goths were on more or less friendly terms with 
Rome, fighting on its behalf against the barbarian 
tribes previously established in Spain, in consideration 
of being left in possession of the rich Gallic kingdom 
of Tolosa. In the earlier period the Vandals were the 
leading tribe in Spain, and their ravages extended over 
all the south and central districts. After their departure 
for Africa in 429, accompanied by the remains of the 
Alans, who had been heavily defeated by the Goths, 
the Sueves, now firmly established in the north-west, 
with their capital at Bracara, overran a great part of 
the country, defeating the Roman armies, but making 
no permanent settlements. Throughout this period a 
few important stations remained in the hands of the 
Goths, but with the exception of the Suevic kingdom, 
the rest of Spain was still nominally an imperial pos- 
session, which meant in practice that, except for the 
occasional despatch of a mercenary army, the towns 
were left to manage their own affairs. The Gothic 
king Theodoric II. at last captured Bracara and sub- 
jected the Sueves, who however remained as a separate 
kingdom for over a century more; and his brother 
Euric (466-484) drove out the remaining Roman gar- 
risons, and, after crushing the local levies raised to 
oppose him in the Tarraconensian province, added the 
whole of Spain, except the Suevic kingdom and the 
Balearic islands, an appanage of the African Vandals, 
to his French dominions. Thirty years later the 
Goths, in a great battle near Poitiers, lost almost 
the whole of the latter to the Franks, and the seat 

Results of the Roman Dominion 51 

of government was now moved from Toulouse to 
Toledo (508). 

The western empire had fallen and drawn down Spain 
in its fall. It remains to see what were the effect of its 
six hundred years' dominion. A fully developed mu- 
nicipal system was left, weakened and impoverished 
by recent misgovernment but capable of revival, and 
in thorough harmony with the national spirit. Latin 
was spoken throughout the peninsula except in the 
Basque province ; the arts and architecture had been 
brought to a high degree of perfection, but were now 
declining ; an admirable legal system was in existence. 
Lastly, the one hope of any real national unity, the 
Christian religion, had been strongly organized under 
bishops, who for some generations had practically 
superseded the civil magistrates as true leaders of the 
people. The value of this legacy is displayed by the 
history of the following years. Under Gothic rule 
municipal government revived, even though the agri- 
cultural element in the population was now more im- 
portant than the urban. The deairiones were relieved 
of their unendurable burdens, and the collection of taxes 
was entrusted to special officials appointed by the Gothic 
counts. The local senates were strengthened by being 
made criminal courts of first instance, and Roman law, 
with certain Gothic modifications, was maintained, to 
become a model for mediaeval legislators. 

A feudal aristocracy under a weak elective king found 
itself faced with a vast federation of townships and an 
ecclesiastical hierarchy strongly supported by the mass 
of the people; and everywhere the Roman ideals 
triumphed. The Goths lost their language and ab- 

52 Gothic Influences Obliterated 

jured their Arian errors. Their king gained in power 
at the expense of the landowners, only to come more 
and more under the influence of ecclesiastical councils. 
The municipalities lasted on unchanged. Finally, the 
Goths, having lost their identity, disappeared before 
the inrush of Berbers and Moors, and it was left to the 
Spaniards and the Catholic Church to unite the country 
in a crusade which lasted for centuries, to drive out the 
unbelievers, and to raise Spain to the position of the 
most powerful country in Europe, 

Seeck : GescliicMe des Untergangs der antiken Welt. 

OzANAM : La Civilisation au Cinquihne Steele. 

Lembke : Geschichte von Spa7iien, I. 

Dahn : Urgeschichte der germanischen und romanischen Volker 

(for Suevic and Visigothic kingdoms). 
Freeman, in English Historical Review, I. (the usurpation of 

Constantine and its results). 
Salvian : De Gubernaiione Dei, V.-VII. 



' Comenciolus patricius sic haec fieri iussit, missus a Mauricio 
Augusto contra hostes barbaros, magaus virtute, magister militia 
SpaniK.' — Inscription at Cartagena of a.d. 590. 

The most striking of the successive revivals which 
manifested themselves in the slowly decaying Roman 
power in the middle ages begins with the reign of 
Leo I., and reaches its highest level with Justinian. A 
large part of Italy was reconquered from the Goths, 
and the Vandal dominion in Africa utterly destroyed. 
Though Mauritania as a whole was never recovered, but 
remained in the possession of native tribes, a few out- 
lying posts were garrisoned for the empire, among 
others the Tomb of the Seven Brethren near Ceuta ; 
and the Romans successfully repelled the army sent 
from Spain by the Gothic king Teudu to recover it.^ 
Impelled partly by the desire of regaining something 
of their old position in the Mediterranean, partly by that 
of safeguarding their African possessions, from which a 
considerable revenue was still derived, the Romans 
again undertook the work of the elder Scipio, and after 
nearly eight centuries addressed themselves to the con- 
quest of Spain and its delivery from an alien yoke. 
Nor was the enterprise altogether hopeless. The Goths 

» Isid. Hist. Goth. (M. H. G. XI. 284). 

54 Byzantine Troops Occupy Southern Spain 

were still heretics, the Spaniards impassioned devotees 
of the Catholic faith ; the bishops were enthusiastic for 
the imperial cause, and the cities of Andalusia felt more 
likely to preserve independence under the sway of a 
distant prince like Justinian than when ruled directly 
by the court of Toledo. 

The proud city of patrician Cordova supplied the 
occasion for interference. The Arian king Agila had 
earned the hatred of the citizens by profaning the 
shrine of their revered martyr Acisclus,^ and a popular 
revolt forced him to retire to Merida. A Gothic 
noble, Athanagild, who secretly aspired to the crown, 
put himself at the head of the rising of Catholics, 
and made overtures to the Romans, which were readily 
accepted. He offered to cede Andalusia and much of 
Murcia in return for military assistance. An army 
under the patrician Liberius crossed the Straits, and 
co-operating with the rebels defeated at Seville the 
royal troops sent against them. Agila was murdered 
by some of his own followers, who feared that the civil 
discords would enable the Romans to recover all 
Spain (554) ; and Athanagild, who succeeded, dismissed 
his own troops, and sought to restore harmony, leaving 
the Romans in possession of the towns already ceded. 
Presuming on their friendship they tried to occupy 
other places. Seville they were soon obliged to aban- 
don, but Cordova held out successfully,'^ and they were 
able, in the confusion which followed Athanagild's death, 
to extend their territory, which eventually reached from 

1 Isid. Hist. Goth. {M. H. G. XI. 285). 

^ Chron. Cccsaraug. (ibid., 223). Cf. Isid., loc. cit. : ' Milites 
submovere a finibus regni molitus non potuit.' 

Organization of the Province 55 

Cape St. Vincent on the west, to beyond Cartagena on 
the east. It also included the Balearic islands, formerly 
an appanage of the Vandal kingdom, which reverted to 
the empire about 533. The island sees had, during 
Vandal rule, been subject to the metropolitan of Carales 
in Sardinia, and this arrangement subsisted during the 
Roman occupation, only ending when Christianity in 
the islands disappeared before the Moors. 

Cordova, Cartagena, Malaga, an important emporium 
for trade with Italy, and the place anciently known as 
Asido,^ were the chief Roman towns. The old municipal 
constitution seems to have been preserved, and the 
effects of the re-incorporation in the empire were not 
very marked. Garrisons were established in the princi- 
pal places under a magister militice Spaniel stationed at 
Cordova, or later at Cartagena, having various dicces, 
such as the dux of Malaga, under his command. 

Soon after 590 a new province, Mauritania Secunda, 
was formed, embracing the fragments of Mauritania 
still in possession of the empire, the Spanish depen- 
dencies, and the Balearic islands, of which the two 
chief were now beginning to be called Majorica and 
Minorica. Spain was probably annexed to Africa for 
both military and civil affairs, the Spanish duces acting 
under the general direction of the prefect of African 

Out of jealousy of the Goths the Suevic kingdom in 
Galicia, which lasted till 585, and the Franks, both 
Catholic powers, were usually on good terms with the 
Romans, but yet the dominions of the latter never 

^ This is variously identified as Medina Sidonia and Jerez de la 

56 Success of the Goths under Leovigild 

extended far inland. The memory of past oppressive 
taxation would discourage the Spaniards from sub- 
mitting willingly, and the medley of Asiatics and 
Thracians, known to the chroniclers of the period 
simply as milites, who were employed for garrison duty, 
had little in common with Andalusian citizens or 

The accession of the powerful king Leovigild resulted 
in a diminution of territory. In 569 the imperial forces 
were defeated, and several towns recaptured in Murcia, 
but the Goths apparently failed before the fortifications 
of Malaga.^ In 571 Asido was betrayed to them, and 
the next year the Roman capital of Cordova was 
besieged. In spite of the efforts of the Andalusian 
peasants to relieve it, the city was surprised by night, 
the garrison put to the sword, and smaller places 
garrisoned by local levies were also recovered by the 
king. The seat of the imperial government was now 
removed to Cartagena. 

Further discord among the enemy postponed the 
inevitable fall of the Roman power. Leovigild's son 
Hermenigild, who was married to a Prankish princess, 
and was himself a Catholic, revolted against his father, 
and set up as an independent sovereign in southern 
Spain in alliance both with the Sueves and the empire. 
Seville, Cordova, and other places seceded to him. 
The new king's court was established at the first,* 

' Cf. Joh. Bid., ad ami. : ' Loca Bastetaniae et Malacitanse urbis. 
repulsis militibus vastat, et victor solio reddit.' 

' Cf. I. H. C. 76 : ' Anno secundo regni domini nostri Ermini- 
gildi regis, quern persequetur genetor sus dom. Liuvigildus rex in 
cibitate Hispa.' 

He Suppresses Hermenigild's Revolt 57 

Cordova invited and received an imperialist garrison. 
The emperor, however, was unable to send any adequate 
support. Hermenigild was blockaded by the Gothic 
troops in Seville, and the Suevic army which came to 
its relief under king Miro was defeated (583). The city 
was reduced to the utmost distress by famine, and by 
the blocking of the course of the Guadalquivir as well 
as by the fortification of the neighbouring ruins of 
Italica. The prince succeeded in escaping to Cordova 
before Seville surrendered, but there he was betrayed 
with the city to his father, and was banished to Valentia. 
Leander, the Catholic bishop of Seville and a writer of 
some note, was banished from Spain, and appealed 
to the emperor Maurice to interfere on behalf of the 
unfortunate Hermenigild, a near kinsman of Leander's. 
Before the imperial representative, the patrician 
Comenciolus, who had previously been employed against 
the Slavs, could interfere on his behalf, or, as others 
say, owing to his remissness or corruption, the young 
prince had been murdered at Tarragona (585). Centuries 
later Hermenigild received the honours of canonization 
as a Catholic martyr. 

Leovigild had now effectually severed the Roman 
possessions into two groups — south-eastern and south- 
western. Seville and Cordova, besides some neigh- 
bouring towns, such as S. Juande Alfarache (Ossetum), 
were permanently in the hands of the Goths; the 
Suevic kingdom of Galicia, after the usurper Audeca 
had been deposed and relegated to a monastery (585), 
was also incorporated, and the insurgent tribe of Iberian 
Orospedani reduced to obedience. As an external sign 
of his wide authority, Leovigild discarded the emperor's 

58 Roman Losses in the South-East 

name on his coins, some of which bear the curious 
legend : Cum D. oUinuit Spli (Hispalim). 

The next king, Reccared, in whose reign the Goths 
definitely renounced their Arian errors, was of a pacific 
disposition, and tried to regularize the state of affairs 
by a formal treaty with the empire, but Pope Gregory 
refused to intervene. To this period belong the 
buildings and works undertaken by the patrician 
Comenciolus at Cartagena. He is accused by Church 
historians of having deposed one bishop in his province 
and instigated the removal of others, on a charge of 
appropriating Church property and acting independently 
of the government. On the other hand, a laudatory 
inscription at Cartagena prays that ' Spain may rejoice 
in such a ruler while the heavens revolve and the sun 
goes round the world.' Probably, as the Goths in- 
clined to Catholicism, the bishops of the Roman parts 
faltered in their allegiance to the empire, and were 
unwilling to separate themselves longer from the 
national councils. 

King Witterich (603-10), after several campaigns, 
recovered from the Romans only the fortified town of 
Sigonza on the Straits, but the end was not now far 
distant. The active king Sisebut came to the throne 
in 612, when the empire was already hard pressed by 
Avars and Persians. All cities to the east of the Straits 
were captured and their fortifications destroyed,^ the 
Romans everywhere being reduced to great distress, as 
revealed in an interesting correspondence between the 

* Cf. Fredegarius {Script. Merov. II. 133) : ' Plures civitates ab 
imperio Romano litore maris abstulit et usque fundamentum 

End of the Roman Empire in Spain 59 

king and the patrician Csesarius, first published by 
Florez.^ The emperor Heraclius, feehng the cause 
hopeless, agreed to cede all his Spanish dominions, 
except a few outposts in Algarve, the chief being Lagos 
(Lacobriga) and Faro (Ossonoba). A curious con- 
dition is referred to by certain chroniclers. The super- 
stitious Roman had received a prophecy of the ruin of 
the empire at the hands of a circumcized people, an 
utterance destined to be terribly fulfilled within a few 
years. Applying this to the Jews, he is said to have 
called on the Gothic king to banish from Spain all Jews 
who would not submit to baptism. The Gothic govern- 
ment, whether for this or other reasons, being now 
wholly under the influence of the Catholic priesthood, 
initiated a persecution. Ninety thousand Hebrews 
were baptized, and yet these formed the minority. 
Others, sacrificing their property, fled to France or 
Africa, where their descendants did much to provoke 
the Moslem invasion of a century later. 

Sisebut also expelled the Franks from Cantabria, 
and was thus lord of all Spain except the fragment still 
in possession of Heraclius. The conquest was com- 
pleted by King Suinthila in 624, when one patrician 
was won over to his cause, another defeated in battle, 
and the remnant of the Roman garrisons set sail for 
Constantinople. The Romans were long in forgetting 
their lost possessions in the west. As late as the reign 
of Justinian II. {circa a.d. 700), when Syria, Egypt, and 
Africa were gone for ever, two naval expeditions were 
sent against the Goths of Spain, but were repelled bj' 
their general, Theudimer.^ Yet the kingdom of the 

• Esp. Sagr. VII. 320. ' Isid. Pac. 301. 

6o Authorities for the Period 

Visigoths was then decaying, and a few years later a 
more formidable antagonist destroyed all traces of it. 

Thus excluded from the imperial realms, Spain was 
destined to re-enter them only for the space of a single 
reign. The election of Charles, King of Castile and 
Aragon, to the imperial throne (1519) revived the ancient 
connection, but the association with the principalities 
of central Europe, and the consequent entanglement in 
wars from which Spain derived no benefit, was un- 
popular. In the war of the Spanish Succession the 
majority of the people declared strongly against the 
imperialist candidate, and the ultimate victory of 
Philip V. removed any chance of a reunion with that 
shadow of a long past age, the Holy Roman Empire. 

Bury, in Eng. Hist. Review, 1894. 

Gelzer : Prcef. ad Georg. Cyprium (Teubner). 

Damn : Urgeschichte, I. 

IsiD. Hisp. : Hist. Gothorum and Chronica. 

Greg. Turon. : Hist. Francorum (revolt of Hermenigild). 

Johannes Biclarensis, and Fredegarius. 



' Venere et Celtas sociati nomen Iberis ; 
His pugna cecidisse decus, corpusque cremari 
Tale nefas. Casio credunt superisque referri 
Impastus carpat si membra iacentia vultur.' 

SiLius Italicus. 

Information regarding the Spanish peoples while still 
free from Roman influence is somewhat meagre and 
untrustworthy. Strabo and Diodorus, in his fifth book, 
are the principal authorities, but both are mere com- 
pilers, embodying the experiences of Greek travellers, 
or reports current in Greek colonies a century or more 
earlier. Another author, who gives many picturesque 
details from sources now unknown, is Silius Italicus, 
who is compelled by Homeric precedent to include 
a gathering of the tribes in his epic poem on the Punic 
war ; and accordingly runs through a catalogue of the 
principal Spanish peoples, with a few appropriate 
remarks on each, representing quite unlikely com- 
munities as contributing men to Hannibal's army. 

A modern French writer, Ozanam, points out that 
the qualities which impressed both Greeks and Romans 
have curiously reproduced themselves in the Spaniards 
of more recent times. The Iberians were a grave race, 


62 Fearlessness and Devotion of Natives 

sober, but obstinate ; they seldom walked, except to a 
battle or for hunting ; they fought in isolated groups ; 
their women wore black mantillas. Even then they 
possessed a vivid imagination, a gift for florid and 
rhetorical language, a wealth of imagery, and a ten- 
dency to subtlety and over-refinement. Other qualities 
referred to by the Romans are the natives' restlessness 
and desire for novelty,^ their disregard of death, and 
their devotion to their leaders. The Celtiberians, we 
are told, rejoice in the prospect of falling in battle; to 
die of old age or disease is disgraceful, and often avoided 
by suicide.^ ' The gods,' says the greatest of ancient 
Spanish poets,^ who himself carried out his own precept, 
' conceal from such as are destined to live that death 
is the happier lot ' — an attitude strongly reflected in 
the widespread cult of the Christian martyrs, and the 
insistence of many Spanish victims on defying the 
authorities, and so provoking their own destruction. 
The remark of St. Laurence in the hymn of Prudentius : 
' Libenter mortem oppetam, votiva mors est martyris,' 
is a characteristic one. Duels were prevalent.* Like 
the Gauls who invaded Italy, the Celtiberians would 
challenge the general of the enemy to single combat,^ 
and even at a very early date provided volunteer 
gladiators.^ Some of the primitive tribes would supply a 
body of picked men, closely attached to their chief, and 
bound under oath not to survive him.'' In Gaul such 

1 Liv. 22, 21. 

2 Strab. III. 4, i8 ; Val. Max. II. i ; Sil. I. 225, III. 326 ; 
Just. 44, 2. 

3 Luc. IV. 519. * Flor. I. 33 ; Sil. 16, 537. 
^ Polyb. 35, 5. " Liv. 28, 21. 

' Plut. Sert. 14. Cf. Dion C. 53, 20. 

Strong Individualism a Characteristic 63 

persons were called Ambacti, and the name Ambatus, 
probably of similar origin, occurs in the inscriptions of 
northern Spain.-^ 

Throughout there is revealed a feeling of exaltation 
at the sacrifice of self, a desire for individual distinction 
by means of devotion to some person or abstraction, a 
spirit like that afterwards displayed both by the In- 
quisition and its victims, according as it led to perse- 
cuting zeal or to a ready endurance of persecution. 
Stoicism, which exalted the importance of the in- 
dividual, and enabled him to retain his personal dignity 
and self-esteem under a despotism or in the face of any 
external misfortune or oppression, was adopted by the 
greatest intellects. Similarly Arianism, the views of 
which on predestination diminished the importance 
of the individual, was emphatically rejected, in spite 
of the strong inducements held out by the Gothic 
aristocracy, in favour of Catholicism and free-will. The 
mystical and devotional religion of mediaeval chivalry 
was even then influencing the believers of Spain. 

In the more civilized parts of pre-Roman Spain 
aristocratic governments were established, deciding 
questions of peace and war through a senate or con- 
silium.- Some had a president (praetor), as Saguntum. 
Elsewhere there was a chief or king ruling according to 
a modified hereditary system, under which the power 
passed in turn to the sons of a deceased ruler.^ He 
had a council of nobles attached, or the people under 
the king's presidency might decide grave matters.* He 

1 B.A.H. 26,47; 47. 304- 

' Liv. 21, 12 and 19. 

3 hi., 28, 21. * Id., 29,3. 

64 Early Governments — Local Patriotism 

usually ruled over a group of cities,^ and seems to have 
been little more than a leader in v/a.T. 

In the east of Spain the names of peoples were often 
borrowed from towns, which were rich and powerful, 
and had certain minor towns attached, called by the 
Romans oppida or castra. They were defended by thick 
walls with towers, and usually had a citadel, a forum, 
and an open space between the houses and ramparts.^ 
Even the Celts, naturally a pastoral or agricultural 
people, in Spain mostly adopted town life, as is in- 
ferred from the lists of towns, often of Iberian origin, 
mentioned by Ptolemy and other geographers as occu- 
pied by Celtici. 

Patriotism was a real force ; but it related less to the 
nation, or, as in Gaul, to the tribe, than to the individual 
township. There was no religious hierarchy and no 
efficient military organization ; no one community pre- 
dominated sufficiently to weld the rest into a single 
whole, and conversely there was no definite centre at 
which to strike in order to compel submission. National 
unity was thus long in coming, and is even now very 
imperfectly attained. This tendency to split up into 
small groups, indifferent or hostile to one another, was 
strikingly displayed in the gradual break up of the 
powerful western caliphate, when once the Arabs or 
Moors who sustained it had become influenced by the 
geographical conditions of Spain, and mingled with its 
old inhabitants. 

Yet while seldom able to combine against an invader, 
and liable to be conquered in detail, when they had been 

1 Liv. 28, 13 ; Polyb. III. 76, 7. 
^ Liv. 21, 12 ; 28, 22 ; 21, 8. 

Warlike Spirit of the Iberians 65 

cut off in their native stronghold, the Spaniards were 
capable of extraordinary heroism and perseverance. 
The examples of Saguntum, Numantia, Astapa,^ or 
Mons Medullus^ were constantly repeated in their 
history, down even to the defence of Zaragoza in 1808. 
Spanish warfare is referred to by a Greek historian as 
■7rvpivo<; 7roXe/A09, ever liable to burst out fresh like a 
prairie fire.^ The wilder peoples would have recourse 
to cannibalism when their supplies were exhausted, and 
be ready to burn themselves and their belongings in a 
general holocaust rather than fall into the enemies' 
hands. Captives were known to maintain their defiant 
attitude to the end, singing paeans of triumph in the 
midst of the sufferings of crucifixion.^ Yet in war they 
were less cruel than the Gauls. Defeated armies were 
often released unharmed, and the chief cruelties of the 
long wars of the later republic were, even according to 
their own account, committed by the Romans. 

Hardy and athletic, good horsemen, and capable of 
enduring great hardships, the Iberians were well quali- 
fied for guerrilla warfare. The women shared in the 
same qualities. They often fought by their husbands' 
side in battle;^ they and their children joined in the 
defence of towns ; ^ and in some parts they carried on 
most of the agriculture. Polygamy seems to have been 
unknown. The women instructed the children, and 
when the young men went out to war, their mothers 
recited to them the exploits of their ancestors.^ They 

' App. lb. ^5. » Flor. II. 33. 

3 Polyb. -,5, I. • Strab. III. 4, 18. 

« Flor. IlY. 8 ; App. lb. 74. " Liv. 28, 19. 
7 Sail. Hist., Bk. VI. 

66 Native Habits and Costumes 

had been known to kill their own children rather than 
let them fall into the hands of the enemy.^ There are 
slight traces of an original matriarchal system. Among 
some north-western tribes men gave their brides a 
dowry, daughters were left as heirs, and brothers re- 
ceived marriage portions from their sisters.^ There are 
also allusions to the curious custom of the Couvade, 
which, whatever its origin, held its ground in the re- 
moter parts of Europe within living memory. In some 
parts more feminine accomplishments were encouraged, 
as by the tribes who annually elected judges to examine 
each woman's output of woven work for the year, and 
reward the most industrious.^ Slaves were few in pre- 
Roman times, except in the large towns, even at 
Carthago only numbering a sixth of the free population. 
The characteristic dress was a thick, shaggy woollen 
cloak (sagum), fastened with buckles. It was usually 
dark or black, and sometimes had a hood attached. 
The central tribes wore caps with feathers or crest, a 
neck-chain, and a kind of narrow trousers, but by the 
Augustan age had mostly adopted Roman dress. Chiefs 
were distinguished by bracelets and gold or silver collars 
{torques or virice, whence the name Viriathus).* Some 
of the latter, adorned with embossed work or shaped 
like twisted ropes, are occasionally found in western 
Spain and Portugal.^ Women in many districts wore 
bright robes with" /black hanging veils, sometimes iron 

1 Strab. III. 4, i6. 

2 Ibid. III. 3, 7. The modern Basques also in places give 
women equal rights, and the eldest daughter takes precedence 
over the sons in inheritance. 

3 Nic. Dam. (f . H. G. III. 456). 

* Liv. 24, 42 ; Plin. 33, 13. « B. A. H. XII. 237. 

Arms and Military Methods 67 

necklets, and curious head-dresses surmounted by 
curved rods like a crow's head. According to Nicolaus 
of Damascus they prided themselves on the tightness of 
their waist-belts. Skins were worn by the remoter 
tribes, as by the Baleares, whose usual costume was a 
cloak of skin with the hair on. Elsewhere Appian 
mentions a wolf-skin as part of the herald's insignia.^ 

All the tribes except the commercial Turdetani were 
acknowledged to excel in war, especially in guerrilla 
fighting, both on horse and foot. Aided by the natural 
strength of the country such irregulars have repeatedly 
defied trained troops, from the days of Viriathus and 
Don Pelayo to the persecuted Moriscoes of the 
Alpujarra or the Carlist insurgents of the last century. 
Both their tactics and their weapons were readily 
imitated by the Romans. In pitched battle the 
Celtiberi, with their triangular or wedge-shaped forma- 
tion, were the most dreaded. They bore long lances 
with iron points, such lancers being a common emblem 
on native coins ; and even the word lancea was said to 
be of Spanish origin.^ They were also armed with 
short two-edged swords with a sharp point (adopted by 
the Romans in the Hannibalic war), and with a great 
Celtic buckler. Another variety of sword (gladius 
falcatus) had a curved blade, narrowing rapidly to the 
point, and cutting only on the inner curve. This is 
probably the machcera Hispana mentioned by Seneca." 
The powerfully built Cantabri^ wielded battle-axes, 
but these northerly tribes were seldom armed for 
regular fighting, and carried basket-work shields often 

» App. lb. 48. '^ Van-, ap. GeU. XV. 30. 

3 Benef. V. 24. * Sil. 16, 48. 

68 Excellence of Spanish Cavalry- 

covered with hide, javelins, slings, or bows and arrows ; 
whence perhaps the epithet ' quiver-bearing Iberians ' 
applied to them by the SibylHne Oracles.^ Coarsely 
worked earthenware figures of Gallsecian auxiliaries, 
wearing a torque round their necks, and small round 
shields, are occasionally discovered; the annexed 
names are Roman, and they clearly belong to the 
early imperial age.^ 

Cavalry was best among the Lusitani, Cantabri, 
Gallseci, and Astures, all of whose countries produced 
excellent breeds of horses. The small jennets from 
Asturia (Asturcones) were in use at Rome for riding 
purposes as early as the time of Cicero.^ The charge 
of the Cantabrian cavalry was especially famous, and 
Arrian* describes at length one manoeuvre adopted by 
the Romans, in which the horsemen wheeled rapidly 
past the opposing ranks, each man singling out an 
antagonist, and endeavouring to transfix his shield 
with a light spear as he passed. A cavalry standard, 
cantahrum, was perhaps adopted from the same people.^ 
Horsemen often fought mixed with foot, or two men 
might ride on horseback to battle, one then dis- 
mounting to fight. Horses were carefully trained, and 
taught to climb steep slopes, or to drop on their knees 
when required.® The Lusitani would rush furiously on 
the enemy waving their long hair, but would retire 
equally readily, and could seldom be induced to keep 
their ranks for long together. Experts in ambushes 

1 14, 175. Cf. 12, 151. 

2 Archceol. Zeit., 1861, p. 185. 

3 [Cic] Herenn. IV. 50 ; Sen. Ep. 87. * Tad. 40. 

s Min Fel. 29 ; Tert. ApoL 16. <! Strab. III. 4, 14. 

High Civilization of the Tartessians 69 

and stratagems, they were swift and active both in 
flight and pursuit, but had less power of endurance 
than the Celtiberi. They wore small shields 2 feet 
across, hollow in front and hanging from thongs, 
greaves and helmets of sinew, besides breastplates of 
chainwork, or more usually of linen ; and their offensive 
weapons were barbed javelins, iron spears, or slings. 
At times they would advance rhythmically, singing 
pseans ; and in peace practised a dance which involved 
much suppleness of limb. Purple-edged tunics of 
linen were sometimes worn on a campaign by Iberian 
soldiers, and the richer had bronze helmets with a 
triple crest, also of purple.^ 

Turning to the individual peoples we find a general 
agreement that the Tartessians, later called Turdetani 
and Turduli, were by far the most civilized. In 
Strabo's time most of their communities had Latin 
rights ; they spoke Latin, and had almost forgotten 
their native language. They were the most unwarlike 
of the Spaniards,^ but possessed a literature, including 
historical records, poems, and metrical laws, pro- 
fessedly 6,000 years old. As among some early peoples 
a year is only three months long, this date of about 
1400 B.C. would coincide curiously with the " My- 
cenaean " character of much of their art. Younger 
men among them were forbidden to bear testimony 
against an older.^ Sun and moon worship were greatly 
developed among them, two of the chief religious 
centres being the shrine of the solar god Neton at 
Acci, and of the Dawn at Ebura on the Baetis. Their 

1 Strab. III. 3, 6 ; Diod. V. 33 ; Polyb. 3, 114. 

2 Liv. 34, 17. 3 Nic. Dam. {F. H. G. III. 457). 

70 Characteristics of Celts and Lusitani 

art and extensive commerce are referred to elsewhere, 
and they provide one of the numerous examples of 
a rich commercial people of ancient civilization unable 
to offer resistance to active invaders. There were 
native kings here as in other parts of Spain,'^ in the 
earlier period. 

The region of Bastica round the upper Anas was 
occupied by Celts, immigrants from Lusitania, still in 
Pliny's time distinguishable from neighbouring tribes 
by their religion (in which, as we learn from inscrip- 
tions, the worship of the infernal goddess of Turobriga 
predominated), by their language, and place-names. 
They were less civilized than the Turdetani, and lived 
chiefly in villages.^ North-west of these came the 
Lusitani, a people of unknown origin, but apparently 
the representatives of the Kempsi, who are mentioned 
by Avienus as occupying much of western Spain before 
the Celtic invasion. They are referred to as among 
the most warlike of the Spaniards, who, despite the 
fertility and mineral wealth of the west, preferred to 
live mainly by brigandage. The Romans only sup- 
pressed this by settling them in the plains and breaking 
up their towns into villages, or by drafting in alien 
settlers to help in the preservation of order. They 
were liable to invade the settled districts to the south 
of the Tagus, and even the agricultural peoples, weary 
of continual inroads, often turned to warfare like the 
mountaineers. The mountain fastnesses in which these 
robbers took refuge were inaccessible to the legionaries, 
and the government was obliged to transport some 

1 Hdt. I. 163 ; Liv. 28, 15. 

2 Plin. III. 2 ; Strab. III. 2, 15.- 

Peoples of the North- West 71 

more restive communities to the south of the Tagus.^ 
In many parts the Lusitanians practised a Spartan 
regimen, with simple diet and cold baths. A kind of 
vapour bath produced with red-hot stones is also referred 
to by Strabo. 

The north-westerly tribes were still in a very primi- 
tive condition at the time to which our notices refer, 
though in a few parts they were induced by the Romans 
to take to mining. The Gallseci were noted for their 
skill in augury, and practised an armed dance, beating 
bucklers at the same time. The Vascones, though 
serving with distinction in the Roman ranks, had been 
looked on as among the most savage of the ancient 
inhabitants of Spain. Examples of cannibalism are 
mentioned,^ and Prudentius,^ who calls them ' Bruta 
quondam Vasconum gentilitas,' implies that human 
sacrifices had been common among them. They were 
warlike, but ignorant of the arts, being designated by 
Silius imueti galecs, as incapable of forging metal. 

Many other characteristics of the western and 
northern tribes are recorded, often without any special 
period or district being mentioned. Eustathius pre- 
serves the statement that the Iberians took only one 
meal a day, and were water-drinkers, in spite of the 
richness of their costumes. Beer and cider were, how- 
ever, much used, as well as distillations from various 
herbs. Acorns were pounded to make flour, and butter 
was substituted for oil, as both olives and vines were 
seldom met with far from the Mediterranean coasts. 
Many Iberians slept in their saga on the ground, or 

1 Strab. III. 3, 5. 2 juv. 15, 93 ; Val. Max. VII. 6, ext. 3. 

3 Perisieph. I. 94. 

72 Habits of the Celtiberians 

used beds of straw. At meals the guests were seated 
round the walls in order of age or dignity, the food 
being carried round to them. Gymnastic competitions, 
boxing, racing, and equestrian sports, were popular. 
At carousals the natives would dance to the flute and 
trumpet, or leap into the air, bending the knees to give 
force to the spring. 

Where coinage was unknown, either barter prevailed 
or pieces of silver plate were cut up and used as money. 
Condemned criminals were hurled from rocks, parri- 
cides stoned outside the boundaries of the township. 
Sick persons are said to have been put out into the 
road to ask the advice of some passer-by who might 
have been similarly afflicted — probably an example of 
the Greek traveller's habit of generalizing from one or 
two instances. Along the estuaries and marshes of the 
west coast coracles of hide or rough canoes cut from 
a single trunk might be met with.^ 

The Celtiberi of central Spain are described as 
among the most self-confident and isolated of all the 
tribes. Brave, active, and sober, they were hospitable 
to strangers, but fierce to malefactors and enemies. 
They had some dealings with foreign merchants, buy- 
ing from them the wine from which their national drink 
of mead was compounded. Their special industry was 
the forging of arms, an art in which they were un- 
surpassed in the ancient world, the chief seats being 
Bilbilis and Toletum. As among the Celts, it was 
thought honourable to have a large following of ad- 
herents. In war the Celtiberi used a wedge-shaped 
formation to break the enemy's line at a single point, 

^ Avien. Or. Mar. 103 ; Strab. III. 3, 7 ; Dion. Perieg. 744. 

Redistribution of Land — The Baleares 73 

and their onset was almost irresistible, unless met by 
a cavalry charge.^ Akin, according to Appian, to the 
Celtiberians were the Vaccasi, a tribe living on the 
upper Douro. These had the custom, which is not 
uncommon among Celts and other half - civilized 
peoples, who acknowledge property only in movables,^ 
of redistributing land yearly. Diodorus is probably 
wrong in adding that the crops were also equally 
divided, with death as the penalty for misappropriation, 
as this would obviously penalize the industrious worker; 
but some portions may have been set aside as common 
property, the rest falling to the holder of the field for 
the time being.^ 

The Baleares appear to have been an Iberian people, 
but from prehistoric remains found in the islands, an 
earlier civilization must have preceded. These are 
especially numerous in Menorca, and consist princi- 
pally of towers over 40 feet high, with a lofty door 
or window reached by steps, huts of large rough blocks 
of stone, and tombs of upright monoliths or flat stones 
one upon another. 

The Greeks made some slight settlements in the 
islands, but, as elsewhere in Spain, they were largely 
mingled with the natives. Ebusus, where the habits of 
the people differed from those of the other islanders, seems 
to have had a Greek element in the population. Though 
not suitable for corn-growing, it was free from noxious 
animals and rich in timber,* whence the name Ebusus 
(Ibiza), a corruption of the Punic Ibusm, or ' island of 

1 Liv. 40, 40. ' Polyb. II. 17. ^ Djod. V. 34. 

* Mela. II. 7. C/. Fita, Antigiiedades Ebusitanas {B. A. H. 51, 

74 Greek and Punic Settlements 

pines.' This the Greeks, including the neighbouring 
Formentera, translated as Pityusae. Pantaleu in Mal- 
lorca is thought to be a corruption of the name of some 
little Greek pentapolis {irivTe Xeai). 

The islands were conquered by the Carthaginians, 
who first occupied Ebusus, and then planted two 
colonies in Menorca named from generals of their own, 
lamno (Ciudadela) and Portus Magonis (Mahon), be- 
sides settlements in the Pityuss. The Punic popula- 
tion, at least on the coast, seem to have been 
considerable, with most of the trade in their hands. 
The coinage has Punic inscriptions, with the obverse 
design of a god, probably one of the Cabiri, holding 
a knobbed stick and serpent. In the early empire this 
design is relegated to the reverse, the obverse having 
the emperor's head with a Latin legend. 

A number of miscellaneous facts are recorded by 
Strabo, Diodorus, and Florus about the natives. The 
islands were fertile, with good harbours, but difficult to 
approach, and had a population of about 30,000. Many 
domestic animals were indigenous, especially strong 
mules. In the Roman period agriculture was much 
injured by a plague of rabbits, all sprung from one 
pair, which grew to such dimensions that the islanders, 
finding trees and houses overthrown, were obliged to 
petition Augustus for auxilium militare. The rabbit, 
which is often represented on Spanish coins, and 
according to some gave its name to the whole country 
(Phoen. pahan), was numerous everywhere, and African 
ferrets were kept to drive them out of their holes.^ 

No wine was produced, and but little olive oil, for 
1 Plin VIII. 55 ; Strab. III. 5, 2 ; Cat. 37, 18. 

Habits of the Islanders y^ 

which was substituted oil made from mastich and 
mixed with lard for anointing. The islanders showed 
great devotion to women, ramsoming one woman from 
pirates by the surrender of three or four men. Some 
dwelt in hollow rocks or made pits by the side of crags, 
and preferred underground dwellings. The possession 
of gold and silver was said to be forbidden to avoid 
encouraging attacks, an explanation which was probably 
due to the imagination of some philosophic Greek. 
Some of their habits, such as the licentious rites at 
weddings which Diodorus mentions, or their custom 
of cutting up the dead and placing them in tubs under 
stones, were altogether barbarous. They went to 
battle ungirded, with a shield and small javeHn 
sharpened in the fire and having a small iron tip. 
Three slings were ordinarily carried, round the body, 
the neck, and in the hands, made of plaited rushes, 
hair, or sinews. With these they could sling stones 
as accurately as from a catapult, shooting down 
defenders on the walls of a city, or crushing shields 
and helmets in battle. A corps of Balearic slingsmen 
was constantly employed both in Punic and Roman 
armies, and boys were carefully trained in the art. 
The Greeks had somehow gained the idea that Balearic 
mothers would refuse their children their daily bread 
until they had succeeded in hitting the appointed mark. 
Several allusions to this story occur, and Lycophron^ 
with grim humour imagines the wheaten cake, at which 
the young Mallorquines are slinging their stones, 
balanced on a stake stuck in the ground. 
The islanders accepted the Roman alliance even 
' Alex. 640. 

76 Romans Conquer the Baleares 

before the second Punic war, but for many years 
remained independent, and were accused of attacking 
passing voyagers in their rude piratical galleys. 
Accordingly in 121 B.C. Q. Ca;cilius Metellus under- 
took their reduction. The rostra of the Roman vessels 
easily dispersed their fleet, nor did the slings prove a 
match for the legionaries' pila. Scattering among the 
hills they were subdued in detail, and 3,000 settlers 
were brought over from Spain to help in the process of 
civilizing the islanders. Two towns, Palma and 
Pollentia, were founded on the Roman model in the 
largest island. These were municipia in Pliny's list, 
which also includes two Latin communities and a 
federate town Bocchori, evidently of Punic origin. 
Probably all Balearic communities, which had shown 
some signs of disaffection under Nero, received Latin 
rights from Vespasian. Under Roman rule the 
islanders adopted the laticlave tunic in place of their 
rough skin cloaks, developed a considerable trade, and 
soon became as civilized as the Spaniards of the opposite 

E. Philipon : Les Iberes (Paris, 1909). 

D'Arbois de Jubainville : Les Celtes en Espagne (Rev. Celt., 

Leite de Vasconcellos : Les Celtes de la Lusitanie {Rev. Celt., 

AviENUS : Ora Marithna. 
Strabo III. ; DiOD. Sic. V. ; SiL. Ital. III. ; Florus, I. 34 and 43. 



' Glaucis turn prima Minervae 
Nexa comam foliis, fulvaque intexta micantem 
Veste Tagum, tales profert Hispania voces.' 


' Los senores del mundo vieron en ella el granero del imperio, 
los soldados mas aguerridos de sus legiones, los ricos mineros que 
alimentaban su codicia, sus triunfos y espetaculos.' — Caveda. 

From the early days when the Phoenicians exported 
gold and silver to Tyre in return for manufactured 
goods, Spain had been looked on as the Peru of the 
ancients. Its precious metals helped to build up the 
Carthaginian empire, and to bring the Roman republic 
through the long struggles which established its do- 
minion over the Mediterranean world. 

' Now Judas,' says a Jewash historian, ' had heard 
of the fame of the Romans, that they were mighty and 
valiant men, and what they had done in Spain for the 
winning of the mines of silver and of gold that are 
there.' ^ 'First of all,' cries the Gallic orator in an 
apostrophe to Theodosius, ' thy mother is Spain, a land 
more blest than any, one which the mighty Creator has 
indulged more liberally than any other peoples, and 
enriched with equable climate, protected position, fine 
' I Mace. 8, I and 3. 

yS Fertility of the South — the Wool Trade 

cities, fruits, flocks, the wealth of auriferous streams, 
the mines of sparkhng gems.'^ These eulogies are 
borne out by the statements of more reliable authori- 
ties — Varro and Pliny, who both held official positions 
in Spain, Columella of Gades, Strabo, and Isidore^ in 
his glowing De laude Spanics. The southern and eastern 
districts could be made extremely fertile with careful 
agriculture, and provided excellent pasture for the flocks 
of sheep, whose wool was one of the most profitable 
exports. The coasts of the same parts were frequented 
by shoals of tunnies and congers, which were pickled 
and exported by regular companies. Even the less 
fertile interior produced esparto grass and flax, was in 
parts rich in timber, and, above all, in mines of gold, 
silver, copper, lead, and jewels or stones in great 

The best sheep were found in the Bsetic province and 
among the Vettones (Spanish Estremadura). As they 
were sheared twice a year, their wool was fine and 
plentiful. The best time for shearing was thought to 
be towards midday, that the wool might be soft from 
the heat and of a good colour. Many animals were 
kept covered in a kind of coat {oves tectcB) to improve 
the shade of their fleeces, to which the Spaniards 
attached extraordinary importance. Sometimes it had 
a natural yellow tinge,^ sometimes it was grey or black, 
and ewes might be dyed a particular colour in the hope 
that it would be transmitted. A ram of the finest sort 
would fetch a talent, and Columella gives a curious 
account of experiments made by his grandfather with 

1 Pacatus, Pan. Theod. IV. 2 j^g„_ jji^t. Germ. XI. 267. 

3 Cf. Mart. IX. 61. 

Fauna of Spain 79 

some fierce African rams, shaggy, but of excellent colour, 
which had been brought over for exhibition to Gades, 
and greatly improved the Andalusian breed. At first 
woollen garments were largely exported to Italy by the 
colleges of Centonarii ; later, unwrought wool. In some 
parts of Baetica, as in Corsica, mouflons existed, with 
coats of hair rather than wool ; and in southern Lusi- 
tania were herds of wild goats, whose hair was woven 
to make garments for soldiers and sailors.^ Troops 
of wild horses ranged over the central and western 
plains, the Lusitanian, like the steeds of Greek myth, 
being the offspring of the wind. These were found 
chiefly in the neighbourhood of Olisipo, and as became 
animals favoured with a divine parentage, died at the 
early age of three years. The Asturian were much 
sought after, and were used for the swift-going cars 
(esseda) which conveyed travellers from the coast towns 
to the interior.^ The forests of the north contained 
many deer and huge hogs, the hams from which 
brought in great profit to the Cerretani on the slope 
of the Pyrenees. The boar and boar-spears are com- 
mon symbols on the coins of the northern tribes, and 
both military ensigns aud religious monuments some- 
times bear the figure of this animal.^ Hare and venison 
were among the chief articles of diet among the natives 
of the interior, and we read of the health of a Roman 

1 Avien. Or. Mar. 218. 

2 Mart. X. 104. The poet's home at Bilbilis could be reached 
from Tarraco in five days. Cf. Sil. III. 335. 

^ For granite figures of pigs found at Cabanas de Baixo, 
cf. O Archcol. Port. I. 127. The base of the Endovellicus statue 
at Terena also has one in relief [ibid., 43) ; perhaps a survival of 
Celtic totemisra. 

7^8o Sea-Fisheries and Hunting 

ci' army being seriously affected by this carnivorous diet, 
t'' accustomed as it was principally to cereals.^ 

The Ebro and the Tagus supplied abundance of fish. 
The chief sea-fisheries were on the southern and eastern 
coasts, and fish symbols are frequent on the coins of 
this part ; such as the example from Ossonoba, in which 
a fisherman has a pot of bait beside him and a fish 
hanging from his line.^ The intrepid Gaditani went 
fishing expeditions down the shores of West Africa or 
/far out into the Atlantic.^ Purple fish was found in 
/ the Tagus and some other parts, but many roots were 
V considered to produce almost as good a dye. Mullets 
and oysters are mentioned by Martial as plentiful,* and 
at Carteia and still more at Carthago were huge tanks or 
reservoirs to preserve the tunnies and mackerel in- 
tended for pickling and export to Italy. In the rivers 
of Gallsecia were many beavers, from which a drug 
(castoreum) was obtained; the lake districts were fre- 
quented by swans and bustards. Lastly the ass, 
Columella says, needing as it did but little care, was 
used for draught, and where the soil was light, as in 
Bsetica, for ploughing. The pleasures of hunting are 
more than once held out by Martial as among the 
recommendations of the country districts, where hares, 
deer, or boars could be found ; while near Rome the 
' noisome fox ' has to be driven into the nets, biting 
the hounds in the process, and the hunter prides him- 
self on the capture of a marten.^ The goodness of the 
horses and the plentifulness of wood and uncultivated 

1 App. lb. 54. 2 Mionnet, I. 9. 

3 [Ai-ist.] De Mirab. Cf. Strab. II. 3, 4. 

* X. 37. 5 Mart. I. 49 ; X. 37. 

Corn-Trade with Italy 8i 

country evidently made this sport less of a battue than 
on the slave-worked estates of Italy. 

Of the vegetable products, corn was throughout far 
the most important, being cultivated widely not only 
in Bastica but on the great Celtiberian plain. One- 
twentieth of the crop was exacted by the Roman 
government by way of tribute, and much more was 
exported by merchants or companies, or procured by 
Roman officials for the Italian market. One of these 
officials resided at Hispalis, and an inscription on a 
monument set up to him by the company of Scapharii, 
or shippers, records that he was charged with super- 
intending the carriage of both corn and oil to Italy.^ 

In man}- parts corn was preserved in subterranean 
brick chambers, or merely in trenches dug in dry 
ground, while still in ear. Similar silos, where the 
grain is said to keep good for fifty years, still occur in 
Castile. Vessels laden with corn passed constantly 
between the chief export towns — Malaca, Gades or 
Carthago, and Puteoli or Ostia ; and the rich Spanish 
merchant who went up to the capital for pleasure or 
intrigue was familiar at Rome even in the time of 
Horace.^ From grain was made the favourite beverage 
CtsUa. It was parched, soaked, and dried, and then 
reduced to flour. This was mixed with a juice which 
gave it a bitterness combined with a certain warmth.^ 

Wine was not much used by the native peoples, and 
in the interesting tariff of Lusitanian produce preserved 

' 1 1 80, belonging to the Antonine age. 

2 Od. III. 6: 'Xa\-is Hispanic magister Dedecorum pretiosus 

3 Oros. V. 5. 

82 Vines, Olives, and Flax 

by Polybius it is comparatively dear.^ Vines grew low- 
on the ground without props, so as not to overshadow 
each other, and in great heat were covered with palm 
leaves. Over 2,000 clusters might grow on one plant, 
and the grapes or must were preserved in jars of clay 
covered with pitch. As Italian agriculture decayed, 
Columella^ points out, Spanish and Gallic wines were 
largely imported. The chief districts were Bastica and 
Tarraco, with other parts of north-eastern Spain, the 
produce of which last. Martial hints, was not always of 
the finest quality.^ 

Pliny highly praises the Baetic olives, and oil was an 
important article of export. It was prepared in iron 
vessels into which warm water was poured; and then 
skimmed, and flavoured with a bitter extract from olive 
leaves, whence perhaps Galen recommends Spanish oil 
for use in medicine. 

Both flax and esparto grass proved very profitable to 
the growers. Flax came from Tarraconensis, Asturia, 
and Gallaecia, the most famous centre for its manu- 
facture being Sastabis in the south-east, from which 
handkerchiefs and napkins of the finest quality took 
their name. It was used for linen veils, bolters, sieves, 
and nets, and, as Pliny says, sails of Spanish flax 
brought Spain within four days of Italy. The water of 
the river at Tarraco was thought to lend it a peculiar 

The esparto trade flourished, especially round Car- 

1 Polyb. 34, 8. M. I. 

^ I. 26, 9. Yet in XIII. 11 he says : ' Tarraco Campano tantuni 
cessura LyjEO.' Cf. Ov. A. A. 3, 645. 

* Plin. XIX. 2. Cf. Cat. XII. 14 ; Sil, III. 374. 

Esparto, Timber, and Purple Dyes 83 

thago, ever since the Punic occupation.^ The grass 
supplied the bedding, clothes, shoes, and torches of the 
peasants, and it was used all over the Mediterranean 
for ropes and rigging. It grew mostly on hill-sides, 
ripened by the end of May, and was laboriously gathered 
by workers protected by gaiters and thick gloves, using 
bone or wooden instruments. It was put into bundles, 
left two days, dried in the sun, macerated in salt water, 
and again dried, before the ropes could be satisfactorily 
wound. Many native tribes cultivated medicinal plants ; 
among the best known were betony (Vettonica from the 
\'ettones), used both as a drug and in cookery, and the 
Cantabrian convolvulus.^ 

The northern districts abounded in timber, as beech, 
oak, holly, laurel, and birch. Planes and junipers were 
plentiful, logs of the latter being sometimes laid across 
the roofs of houses instead of tiles ; and Ebusus (Ibiza) 
was famous for pines. In the south-east districts figs 
were dried and exported, but perhaps the most valued 
tree was the ilex, the parasitic growth on which pro- 
duced a brilliant red dye (coccus or kermes) which held 
its own till the introduction of cochineal from America. 
Dyers {purpurarii or infectores) are frequently referred 
to in inscriptions, especially among the Turduli north 
of Corduba.^ 

This immense export greatly enriched the country, 
despite the exactions of governors and procurators, and 
provided means for the numerous private liberalities of 
which we find mention in inscriptions, and for con- 
structing the splendid architectural monuments which 

1 Liv. 2::, 20. - PUn. XXV. 46. 

^ Cf. B. A. H. 37, 431, and references. 

84 Wide Expansion of Spanish Commerce 

were so common down to the Antonine age. The 
growth of luxury at Rome served to stimulate produc- 
tion, and all the chief towns of Bsetica had export 
conipanies, each possessing at Rome its ware- and 
counting-houses, and patrons among the more illus- 
trious citizens. Some trades were in the hands of Roman 
companies, which maintained correspondents in many 
parts of Spain. The Oriental merchants, ever on the 
look-out for openings, were not slow to establish them- 
selves in the same districts. Jews were numerous from 
early in the empire, Syrian traders are found settled 
at Malaca,^ and the sodalicium urbanum at Bracara^ was 
probably a similar association of foreign merchants. 
Pliny alludes to the constant passing of merchantmen 
in his own day, not only in the Mediterranean, -but 
along the west coasts of Spain, Gaul, and Mauritania. 
Important dockyards existed at Hispalis and Gades, and 
Spanish vessels were sometimes requisitioned by the 
government in war time. A decline begins in the 
Antonine age, partly owing to the exhaustion of 
the sources of supply, partly to the burden of taxation, 
and to the unsafe conditions of transit resulting from 
the revival of barbarian tribes. 

The extensive commerce of early Tartessian and 
Phoenician traders familiarized the Greeks with the 
mineral wealth of Spain. Even if the Homeric 
' Alybe, whence is the source of silver ' be not rightly 
placed here,^ the seventh-century poet Stesichorus 

1 C. /. L. IL, p. 251. 

2 2428. At Bracara there was also a college ' civium Romanorum 
qui negotiantur. ' 

=" //. II. 857. Cf. Reinach in Rev. Celt., 1894, p. 209. 

Gold and Silver Plentiful in Early Times 85 

describes the river Tartessus or Bsetis as issuing 
' from silver-lined roots ' in the mountains.^ Native 
princes were believed to use silver mangers and jars, 
and to possess palaces as splendid as that of Alcinous, 
with gold and silver cups full of the favourite barley- 
brew.^ Modern excavations help to confirm the belief 
in an abundance of precious metals at an early date. 
Gold and silver ornaments are found among the settle- 
ments of tribes which had hardly passed out of the 
Neolithic age, and must have been ignorant of the 
art of smelting. In several parts native deposits are 
known in an almost pure state, small nuggets, especially 
of silver, occurring on the surface, and admitting of 
being roughly worked with flint instruments. These 
seem to have been used as articles of commerce with 
early Phoenician traders. The cause assigned by the 
Greeks for this rare phenomenon was that a vast 
fire had consumed the forests of the Pyrenees, and 
fusing the ore in the mountains had carried it down 
in rivers and deposited it on the plains ; the fire, 
though not the result, being probably historical. 
Later the ore was obtained by digging galleries ; but it 
was perhaps not before the Phoenician settlement that 
the natives learned how to extract the precious metals 
from lead and quartz. Gold and silver ornaments 
occur chiefly in the parts once occupied by the wealthy 
Tartessians, but the immense spoils brought back 
by the rapacious Roman generals of the republic show 
that Celtiberian tribes must have had large stores in 
their possession, as might be inferred from the plenti- 
fulness of their coinage. 

« Strab. III. 2, II. 2 polyb. ap. Athen. I. 28. 

86 Control of Mines in Roman Period 

Nearly all the mines known to the Romans seem to 
have been at one time worked by or for the Cartha- 
ginians, and for some years after the conquest they 
were left in the hands of the natives. Cato the censor 
first levied a tribute on the produce, thus virtually 
declaring them state property.-^ They were, however, 
till the Augustan age, mostly leased by the censors to 
individuals or municipalities, which paid a fixed rent 
to the state ; or again companies might be formed 
for their exploitation under similar conditions. Only 
gold mines and any mines which were newly discovered 
were retained by the state. The early emperors con- 
trived to gain possession of a large proportion, whether 
by confiscation, cession, or inheritance, the chief 
exceptions being the silver mines, which were no 
longer very productive and were left to private owners, 
and the famous cinnabar mine of Sisapo, which was 
worked by a company paying rent to the cerarium. 
The proceeds of the imperial mines contributed largely 
to filling up the fiscus, and many were to be found even 
in senatorial Bastica. The emperor would ordinarily 
lease a mine to a conductor or to a company, employing 
a procurator to superintend the operations in a whole 

An interesting record of the system is contained in 
the lex^ dealing with the large lead mine, metallum 
Vipascense, now Aljustrel in South Portugal. Such 
fiscal mines were often in remote parts, and the town- 
ship adjoining, with its floating population of workers, 
tradesmen, and soldiers, was unable to supply the 
machinery for municipal government ; but was classed 
1 Liv. 34, 21. 2 Efh. Epigr. III. 167. 

Nature of the Excavations 87 

as a Vicus, having Latin rights, but no political organi- 
zation, and was attached for most purposes to some 
neighbouring centre. Few tradesmen would seek out 
these distant and often barren parts, and some of the 
chief businesses were sold by auction as monopolies by 
the procurator to the highest bidder. Barbers (whose 
shops were even then a kind of club or public lounge), 
tax-collectors, teachers, etc., were thus appointed; and 
the management of the baths was let to a contractor 
who was obliged to give free admission to imperial slaves 
and freedmen, as well as soldiers and children, a definite 
tariff being fixed for other persons. Miners would fall 
into three categories : poor freemen who voluntarily 
undertook the labour, slaves, and criminals. The two 
latter classes were kept in chains, and for fear of mutiny 
a body of soldiers usually resided near large mines. ^ 

Round shafts were opened in hill-sides, sometimes 
owing to the ignorance of blasting at an enormous ex- 
penditure of labour, and they might extend for several 
furlongs, straight, oblique, or winding. At times pillars 
of earth or stone were left as temporary props in a long 
gallery,- and then let to fall, that the side of the hill 
might collapse and leave the ore accessible. Shafts 
were occasionally vertical, as in modern times. Miners 
often met underground rivers, which had to be diverted, 
or drained by special engines said to have been invented 
by Archimedes. The walls of the galleries were coated 
with bitumen to prevent falls of earth. Diodorus dwells 
on the cruelty of the overseers, who allowed no remis- 
sion of labour, and there is no doubt that there was 
great sacrifice of life in days when sanitation was 
' Marquardt, II. 257. ^ Plin. 33, 4. 

88 Gold of Bastica and the North 

unknown and slave labour easily procurable. Con- 
demnation to the mines, as the Digests say, was next 
in severity to death, but some of the convicts, if they 
had any special skill, seem to have been allowed to 
manufacture and sell articles outside their working 
hours. Thus we may explain the discovery of amphora, 
small statues, or bas-reliefs in Roman mines. One 
relief found near Castulo represents a gallery through 
which eight miners are marching in pairs. One has an 
iron pick on his right shoulder, and behind comes the 
tall figure of a foreman holding pincers and a lantern. 
These men are not shackled, and wear only a short 
skirt. 1 

The chief sources of gold were the Asturian moun- 
tains of the north, and the low sandy districts of Bsetica^ 
in which wells were sunk or streams diverted over the 
sand in order to collect it. It occurred usually in grains 
or beads, occasionally in nuggets of several pounds 
weight. A number of methods are recorded of separat- 
ing the grains from the sand, such as drying and burning 
the ooze, and washing the ashes over turf for the metal 
to sink. Ashes of the herb Ulex were thought to have 
a like effect, or the sand might be merely shaken in a 
sieve. Twenty thousand pounds a year are said to have 
been at one time raised in Asturia, Gallaecia, and Lusi- 
tania, chiefly in the first ; but the mines, with the appli- 
ances then known, ceased to be very productive after 
the Flavian age, and later in the empire most of the gold 
came from Dacia. 

The accounts of the richness of silver mines under 
the republic are almost incredible. They were chiefly 

* Reproduced in Berlanga's Hispanics anieromance Syntagma. 

Silver and Copper Mines 89 

in the south, especially the Mons Argenteus in Baetica, 
and those near Carthago, which in the time of Polybius 
employed 40,000 workers, who were forced to bore the 
sides of the mountain with iron tools. Others were in 
the Pyrenees district, their first opening being attri- 
buted to Hannibal, whose name survives in the present 
designation Pozos de Anibal. One of them, Bsebelo, 
was in Pliny's time worked by Gallic slaves from Aqui- 
taine. Electrum occurred in several parts in the vicinity 
of the silver mines, the proportion of gold being often 
unusually large. Copper and bronze are known from 
excavations to have been familiar from a very early 
date. Thus in the copper mines of Mount Aramo, near 
Oviedo, stone hammers, horn picks, etc., have been 
come upon, as well as skeletons of two different races 
who worked the mine in succession. Neither could 
reduce the ore, merely selecting nodules of pure copper. 
In Roman times the chief districts were the Mons 
Marianus and the vicinity of Corduba. Under the 
empire copper was the most worked of all Spanish 
metals, and great quantities were exported to Italy. 
That dug near Corduba was shipped at Ilipa, where 
was an imperial agent, and conveyed to another agent 
at Ostia. Much of the ore produced one-fourth of 
pure copper, and this was united with cadmea from 
Gaul, and used to strike the bright yellow sesterces and 
two-as pieces, the as, Pliny says, remaining content 
with its copper alone.^ Lead came from the Asturian 
country, from southern Lusitania, and from near Cas- 

» N. H. 34, 2 : ' Hoc a Liviano cadmcam maxime sorbet et 
aurichalci boiiitatem iinitatur in sestertiis dupondiisque, cypro 
sue assibus cdntentis.' 

90 Lead, Tin, and Vermilion 

tulo (Linares), and was both of the black and white 
variety. Lands were sometimes granted to munici- 
palities on condition of their working lead mines for the 

Tin, used from early times to form bronze, was found 
in Lusitania and Gallaecia, and in the mysterious Cas- 
siterides, which the geographers place off the west coast 
of Spain, and modern authorities incline to identify 
with the Scilly islands (where tin is not found) or with 
Cornwall. Tin from this source is constantly connected 
with Tartessus, which the Greeks usually identified 
with Gades. A modern explorer, Siret, calls attention 
to the language of Scymnus,^ who, quoting from Epho- 
rus, says that Tartessus ' brings from the Celtic land tin 
washed down by the river,' meaning really the mixture 
of tin and river-sand, probably in Brittany, though 
wrongly thought to refer to the Bsetis. Such a descrip- 
tion would not apply to the Cornish mines, which were 
of the ordinary kind, and came to be worked later than 
Ephorus. This trade was no doubt in early times 
shared by the Tartessians and Phoenicians, and some 
may have been taken overland to Massilia, both from 
Gaul and north-western Spain. 

Cinnabar {minium) from which the highly-prized 
vermilion was obtained, was only found at Sisapo 
(Almaden, in the west of La Mancha). The company 
which leased the mine took elaborate precautions for 
the safeguarding of the colour, which was used both 
for painting and as a cosmetic. Two thousand pounds 
annually were exported, being despatched unworked in 

TTOTafloppVTOV KaaO'LTepoV i< TTjS KcXriK^ff, 

Iron and Other Mineral Products 91 

sealed packets to the central establishment near the 
temple of Flora at Rome. Though the legal price was 
not more than seventy sesterces a pound, the profits 
were increased by frequent adulteration. 

Iron was found chiefly in the north and north-central 
districts, and was the metal which the natives worked 
with the greatest success. The chief foundries were at 
Toletum and Bilbilis, the river Salo near the latter 
having a peculiar effect in tempering sword-blades, 
which were exported to all parts and could resist the 
most severe tests. Some of them were made from the 
natural steel, hierro harnizado, found in the mines of 
Mondragon. In other cases the workers buried iron 
plates, and left them till the softer parts had corroded 
away, the harder making excellent blades. Guilds of 
smiths are mentioned in the inscriptions of several 

Among other products were red ochre, found in the 
Baleares, and used for painted panels as well as in 
medicine ; alum, borax, the ' looking-glass stone ' or 
mica, rock-crystal, rock-salt (of a purple colour in its 
natural state), and lapis lazuli. Marble was quarried 
in the parts south of the Pyrenees, and red marble, 
afterwards used for the famous mosque, was dug at 
Cabra near Cordova. The hills north of Carthago 
produced jasper (often found in sepulchral or other 
inscribed tablets), agates, garnets, and cornelians, which 
were much engraved in ancient times. In Lusitania 
were found rubies, white sapphires, and jacinths- 
Pearls, used in profusion on Spanish statues, and some 
corals were obtained on the coast ; and on the banks of 
the Douro were found turquoises, especially at Ocelum 

92 Some Authorities on Spanish Products 

Duri, afterwards the famous town of Zamora, the scene 
of the treacherous murder of Don Sancho of Castile, 
which had so momentous an effect on the life of the 

RoMEY : Histoire d'Espagne. 

Berlanga : Hisp. anteromanx Syntagma (last part). 
Epliemeris Epigraphica, III. (Aljustrel inscription and com- 
SiRET : Le premier age de metal dans !e sud-est d'Espagne. 




' Tecta corusca super rutilant 
De laquearibus aiireolis, 
Saxaque cassa solum variant, 
Floribus ut rosulenta putes 
Prata rubescere multimodis/ 


Native architecture was of a rude but durable char- 
acter, which underwent few changes through the whole 
of the Roman age. Several prehistoric settlements 
have been excavated, some perhaps dating from the end 
of the Neolithic or beginning of the Bronze eras. A 
good example is that of Ifre in south-east Spain. The 
houses were clustered together on a hill defended by 
escarpments and a walled enclosure. Some traces of 
stairs remain ; the walls are constructed of small irregu- 
lar stones joined by mud or clay. Pavements are of 
mud, the roofs were flat, of reeds and branches held 
together with esparto grass, and supporting a layer 
of mud. Jagged flint instruments, millstones, and 
ovens are found ; and later bracelets and ivory orna- 
ments, which prove that the inhabitants had become 
comparatively civilized. Near by are tombs containing 
cinerary urns, as well as flint blades, arrow-heads, or 
axes. Another settlement at Citania in the north-west 


94 Early Hill Settlements 

shows foundations of forty round or square huts within 
concentric walls of massive Cyclopean architecture, on 
a hill reached by roads converging from all parts of the 
district. Inscriptions, tiles, earthenware, bronze, glass, 
and coins of the early empire prove that such acropoleis 
remained in use long after the Roman occupation. 

Fortified towns have been found in many parts of 
Andalusia, Portugal, Galicia, and other provinces, laid 
out in streets bordered by houses provided with several 
rooms, and often a well. Examples are Castellar de las 
Grajas, in the province of Albacete, which runs for nearly 
half a mile on the top of a ridge, or the recently identi- 
fied Arcobriga, between Madrid and Zaragoza.^ The 
latter lies on an undulating slope, and had a double, or 
in parts a triple, wall, with three gates, one protected 
by towers ; it occupies three different levels or terraces 
united by steps, and from the character of some of the 
houses is known to have been inhabited still under 
the empire. Another Iberian town recently explored 
is Numantia, where, in addition, clear traces of Scipio's 
circumvallation have been discovered.^ 

Even when built on the plain, native towns had some 
kind of fort or tower in which the inhabitants could 
take refuge from brigands, commanding a wide prospect, 
and capable of serving as a signal station by the kindhng 
Y ! of beacons.^ Occasionally these towers, some of which 
/\ were erected by the Carthaginians, were utilized as 

The walls of Spanish houses were chiefly of rubble 
and earth compressed between boards, and lined with 

1 Bull. Hisp. XIII. 23. 2 jhid,^ XV. 368, illustrated. 

^ [Caes.] Bell. Hisp. 8 ; Liv. 40, 47. 

Little Architectural Originality 95 

mud or brick, a construction which resisted sun and 
rain better than lime or stone. Even town walls were 
of stones, not strengthened with mortar, but ' smeared 
with mud in the ancient way.'^ Examples of such 
parictes formacci, still called ' hormazos,' remain in the 
Iberian wall retained by Greek settlers at Emporias, and 
they seem to have been in ordinary use even in the time 
of Isidore of Seville.* Roofs were covered with hard 
shingles of oak or juniper. 

The Spaniards do not seem to have possessed much 
architectural originality. In no province did the Romans 
succeed in establishing more thoroughly the style which 
they had formed from the union of the Italian and the 
Greek, and in none did it last so far into the middle 
ages. While circuses, temples, aqueducts, theatres, 
amphitheatres, colonnaded squares, town houses, and 
villas are numerous, and occasionally in fair preser^'a- 
tion, they cannot be called national monuments. The 
chief remains belong to the reigns of Trajan and his 
immediate successors, for we have few specimens of the 
work of the early empire. Besides stone, unbreakable 
cement was used for building, and some marble, 
chiefly African, for the white marble from the north 
of Spain lacked solidity. Smaller monuments, such 
as tombs, were sometimes of granite, porphyr}-, or 

The finest relic of Roman architecture is perhaps the 
viaduct over the Tagus, called b}- the Moors Alcantara, 
or the bridge. It was constructed in the reign of Trajan 

1 Liv. 21,9. 

3 Elym. 15, 9. Cf. Vitruv.. ed. Rose, p. 34 ; Plin. 16, 40 ; 

35. 14- 

96 Buildings of Roman Age — Early Sculpture 

by the combined efforts of eleven municipalities. Six 
arches of cut stones, all of equal size, with square 
pilasters, having a circumference of 38 feet, carry a road 
wide enough for four carriages to go abreast. An elegiac 
inscription, set up by the architect, Lacer, in the temple 
which stands on an adjoining rock, contains the proud 
couplet, not yet disproved by time : 

' Pontem perpetui mansurum in ssecula mundi 
Fecit divina nobilis arte Lacer.' ^ 

Important remains exist of the Circus of Italica, the 
Theatre of Saguntum, the Naumachia of Emerita, and 
the aqueducts of Segovia and Tarraco. There are also 
smaller monuments and arches, as the Torre d'en Barra 
in Catalufia, of Trajan's time, with Corinthian decora- 
tions ; a monument with arches and columns dedicated 
to Trajan at Zalamea (Estremadura), and the Torres 
de Este (Turres Augusti) near Padron in Galicia. The 
construction of such public buildings would usually fall 
to the share of the local sediles, but some of the smaller 
monuments were due to private munificence. Several 
churches in Spain date from Roman times, being either 
heathen temples consecrated, or built after the conver- 
sion of the empire. 

Discoveries of very ancient statuary of late years in 
southern and south-eastern Spain have given rise to 
much discussion. The art has certain Greek and Punic 
features, but seems to belong to a genuine native school 
which flourished about the fifth century B.C., and can 
hardly be separated from the accounts we receive of the 
high civilization of the Tartessians. The art is not as 

1 761. 

Examples of Early Spanish Art 97 

fine as the best Greek ; it is too much absorbed with 
external trappings, pearl necklaces, amulets, veils, and 
other head-dresses ; but it is often surprisingly modern, 
and at times approximates to the grotesqueness of some 
mediaeval figure-work. The largest find was at Cerro 
de los Santos in Murcia, where among others a number 
of female figures were discovered, either of priestesses 
or of women who wished to be consecrated in effigy in 
the solar temple, which seems to have adorned that 
lofty plateau.^ Some of them hold chalices, in reference 
to the drink-offering which often preceded ancient 
sacrifices. The best example is, however, the famous 
Lady of Elche,^ a sandstone bust of about life-size, 
found near the ancient Ilici (Valencia) about 1897, and 
now in the Louvre. It is polychrome, wears mitra, 
veil, and the representation of a metal diadem adorned 
with pellets. Over each side of the face projects a large 
pierced disc, resembling a wheel, from which depend 
tassels with acorn-shaped pendants. The rich triple 
pearl collar also has pendants in the form of urns, and 
probably intended as amulets. 

A diadem of gold, probably of about the same period, 
found at Caceres in Estremadura, is also in the Paris 
museum. It is covered with embossed work represent- 
ing horse and foot soldiers holding shields, short swords, 
or long arrows. Behind them stand servants with 
large metal vases, a tortoise, and grotesque human 

1 C/. Rada y Delgado in Mus. Esp. de Antig. VI. 249, Heuzey in 
Bull. Corr. Helle'n. XV. 608, Albertini in Bull. Hisp. XIV., where 
some recently added heads are illustrated. 

=* Cf. P. Paris in Mon. et MM. Plot. IV. (illustrated), and 
Melida, B. A. H. 31, 428. 


98 Statues of Gods and Warriors 

figures with birds' heads.^ Of somewhat similar form 
is the gold collar found in an earthenware pot at Estel- 
lar near Varzin,^ covered with small bosses, and having 
at intervals hollow cones, from which hang small 

Early statues of warriors are come upon, both in 
Portugal and eastern Spain, wearing large armlets and 
necklets. One mutilated example wears a short tunic 
covered with a network of lozenges, a triple cincture, 
short sabre, and large round buckler with interlaced 
lines.^ Native statues, though occasionally of bronze, 
are most frequently of rather soft sandstone, easily cut, 
but producing rough and irregular outlines ; and idols of 
the earlier period are often nearly shapeless, with stumps 
for arms, some indeed being merely made of clay. 
Figures of deities do not, however, seem to have been 
common among the native tribes before they came 
under Greek or Roman influence. A few mentioned by 
Hubner, some of which are androgynous, are clearly of 
comparatively late date. One is a seated figure, its 
smooth hair fastened up by a fillet, a torque round the 
neck, and fruit in the right hand. Another specimen 
is an earthenware relief of a local god found near Braga, 
wearing a toga and grasping a cornucopia.* 

Statues of Grasco-Roman workmanship are plentiful, 
in stone, silver, or bronze, representing gods, emperors, 
or local worthies, but they present few peculiarities. 
Some of the best belong to Emporiae, the chief centre 

1 Illustrated in Cartailhac, Ages PrMsi. 330. Cf. ibid., 300, for 
bronze grotesques from Portugal. 

« Bull. Hisp. XIII. 126. 3 Ibid., XV. 

* Hubner, Die antik. Bildwerke in Madrid, 216, 331. 

Stone Relief- Carving 99 

of Greek civilization ; such as the figures of ^sculapius 
and Aphrodite, or the bronze relief of Castor standing 
by his horse.^ Statues were dedicated with feasts and 
offerings, and were often gorgeously adorned. An in- 
scription^ of Acci (Guadix) records the presentation by 
a woman, in memory of her granddaughter, of gold, 
silver, and precious stones for an image of Isis. On its 
head was a cylindrical crown with varieties of jewels ; 
emeralds and pearls were in its ears, and it wore jewelled 
rings, necklace, bracelets, anklets, etc. A woman of 
Baetica left money for a statue of herself adorned with 
similar barbaric splendour, loaded with pearls, and 
having silver bracelets full of gems.^ 

The bodies of the rich were buried equally richly 
attired, in tombs of the costliest stones, sometimes in 
sarcophagi adorned with bas-reliefs. One of these at 
Barcelona has a hunting scene, with riders and dogs 
pursuing a wild boar. The custom was continued in 
the Christian period, when we find such subjects on 
tombstones as the captivity of St. Peter, a figure of the 
deceased between two saints, Abraham and Isaac, the 
Good Shepherd, or Daniel and the Lions.* 

Some stone reliefs are of native art, though already 
influenced by Greek and Roman models, such as those 
at Clunia, representing Iberian cavalrj' armed with 
inverted shields. Another interesting group^ in marble 
shows a number of horsemen fighting, the Romans 
wearing helmets and shields, the Iberians recognizable 
by their short bristly hair. 

1 P. Paris in Bull. Hisp. X\'. 129 e{ seq, ' 1,^86. 

3 2060. * Cf. I. H. C. 370. 

^ B.A.H. 50, 433 (Madrid). 

100 Oriental Influence in Sculpture 

Oriental art seems to have met with much apprecia- 
tion in Roman Spain. It is true that little is left of the 
Phoenicians but some inscribed stelae and a few divine 
busts, such as those of Baal and Melcarth found at 
Cartagena, of ' Grseco-Assyrian ' workmanship ;^ but 
the steady influx of Orientalism throughout the first 
three centuries of the empire had a considerable effect. 
The collection of Egyptian curiosities at Cerro de los 
Santos is now thought to contain several modern 
forgeries ; but certainly ancient Egyptian figures, espe- 
cially scarabs or statues of slaves designed to assist the 
dead when needing help in the labours imposed by 
Osiris, and other figures in mummy form, have been 
found at Tarragona, Cadiz, and in the province of 
Jaen.^ At Denia is a sculpture of Ammon in the form 
of a ram, surmounting a sepulchral monument ; at 
Oleso (Cataluna) the pedestal of a statue with a curious 
relief carving of the head of Isis in the form of a 
crescent, exhibiting two extra eyes on the cheeks ; on 
the reverse is a head with horns and ears, the symbol 
of Apis. Mithraic and Gnostic plaques and reliefs are 
not uncommon ; one of the former class from Ampurias 
is covered with curious symbols, such as a wood-cutteir, 
tree, sheep's head, and various human and divine 

Mosaics, though the subjects are less varied than in 
Africa, are numerous and interesting. They are chiefly 
allegorical or mythological, but a few deal with con- 
temporary life. One found at Italica a century ago' 
represents the Circus, in which a chariot race and 

1 B. A. H., 42, 296-97. 2 Ibid., 54, 170 ; 57, 45. 

3 Bull. Hisp. XV. 144. 

Mosaic- Work and Painting loi 


wrestling match are in progress. The surrounding cir- 
cular compartments present the nine muses, animal 
and other figures, a centaur, and the four seasons 
clothed in the colours of the factiones. At Pampeluna 
is a gladiatorial scene, a mirmillo fighting a retiarius. 
Of mythological groups may be mentioned a fine picture 
of the sacrifice of Iphigenia from Ampurias ; the mosaic 
of La Baneza representing Hylas being drawn into the 
water by the nymphs, a subject rarely treated in art ;^ 
and at Murviedro (Saguntum) Bacchus, ivy-crowned, 
holding the thyrsus and riding a tiger, the border of the 
mosaic being filled with genii and vignettes. A simpler 
representation of this last scene belonged to a floor in 
a villa at Miacum, the humble predecessor of the 
present Spanish capital. 

Early in the fourth century, sculpture and mosaic 
work declined. The former was limited to mechani- 
cally designed bas-reliefs on tombstones, and instead of 
mosaics of coloured stones an artificial glass-like con- 
cretion, often brilliantly coloured, was put together into 
geometrical patterns.^ 

Wall-painting, however, reached its height in this 
centur}', with figures mostly of an allegorical kind, 
both scriptural and mythological. Thus the Phoenix, 
the Dolphin, or Orpheus, representing the Good 
Shepherd, are of constant occurrence, and the walls 
of churches were crowded with pictures of saints and 

The ceramic art was practised from prehistoric times. 
In the early settlements of the south have been found 
earthenware cups with black surface, displaying shining 
' B.A. H. 36, 423. " Ibid., 20, 95. 

I02 Earthenware — Early Weapons 

spangles of mica. The long subterranean passages of 
the Iberian cemetery of La Hoya de los Muertos are 
full of cinerary urns covered with reliefs of twisted 
bands arranged in wreaths. In the Tarragona district, 
as well as southern Spain, are vases with floral or 
animal decorations, somewhat resembling Mycensean 
work ; and earthenware figures of cattle, similar to 
some of the finds at Hissarlik, have been met with. 
At Arcobriga vases of grey earthenware have ivy sprays, 
palms under an arch, and figures of cocks of a somewhat 
Punic type.^ 

In Roman times the earthenware mainly followed 
Italian or Samian models. Saguntine vases, being solid 
and durable, were largely exported to Rome, and are 
grey, cream-coloured, yellow, or glazed red, with relief 
ornamentation. The last is the most distinctive variety, 
and is referred to by a Roman poet as ' Hispanse luteum 
rotse toreuma.' Many potters' marks occur on these 
vases, such as rabbits, butterflies, or bees. 

Though the Spaniards excelled in ironwork, little 
remains of an ornamental character. Some very fine 
arms found near Cordova in 1867 seem from the 
similarity to Mycensean designs to belong to the early 
Tartessian civilization. The sword blades are adorned 
with a network pattern, the handles with foliage and 
palm-leaves, and the end of the pommel bears a horse's 
head or a winged dragon. An example of pre-Roman 
metal work is the bronze object, whether candelabrum 
or religious symbol, found at Ferreres,* consisting of a 
disc pierced with six round holes with a bronze horse 

1 Bull. Hisp. XIII. 25. 

^ Ibid., p. 14 (now in the Louvre). 

Embossed Metal-Work 103 

at the centre. This supports a twisted column sur- 
mounted by a similar disc. 

Of the metal work of the Roman age two examples 
may be taken. In a hoard found in the province of 
Lower Beira in Portugal was included a silver bowl, 
probably of the early empire, adorned with pieces of 
gold leaf, and fine reliefs. Perseus, wearing a Phrygian 
bonnet and chlamys and brandishing a short sword 
attacks two gorgons, aided by Hermes holding the 
caduceus, while on his right stands Athena under an 
olive tree in which an owl is perched.-^ Somewhat 
later, perhaps about the age of Hadrian, is the silver 
bowl, with embossed work in gold, found in a quarry 
at Otanez near Santander.^ From its subject it seems 
to have been an ex-voto offering to the presiding deity 
of a curative fountain, of which there were several in 
north-western Spain. A nymph is pouring water from 
an urn over the rocks, a young man gathers it in a 
vessel, a third figure gives a cup to a sick man, a fourth 
fills a barrel placed on a mule-car. On each side are 
altars for sacrifice, and a Latin inscription is added. 
' ~ The numismatic output of ancient Spain was con- 
siderable, and fell into four classes, Greek, Punic, 
Iberian, and Roman, the first three on the whole con- 

Massiliot coins circulated along the east coast, and 
there were besides two Greek mints in Spain, which 
apparently began their issues late in the third 
century B.C. These are Rhode and Emporiae. The 
former coins have the head of Demeter with the 
punning reverse emblem of the open rose. The 

1 Bull. Hisp. XIII. 124. 2 111. in B. A. H. 52, 553 

I04 Greek and Punic Coinage 

Emporitan issues have the head either of Demeter or 
Artemis, and on the reverse a horse or winged Pegasus. 
In spite of its traditionally Greek origin, the type of the 
Saguntine coins is Iberian, and they appear to date 
from about 226 B.C., being renewed after the rebuilding 
of the town in 206. They mostly have a head to the 
right, and on the reverse a horseman or seal ; the 
legend is Iberian, and they seem to be in imitation of 
the Roman Victoriati rather than of the drachmae of 
the Greek colonies. 

The Punic issues, apart from coins imported from 
Carthage or struck by Hamilcar and his family at 
Carthago Nova, belong principally to the period follow- 
ing the Hannibalic war. Some of the coinage of Gades, 
which is the finest, may date back to the fourth century, 
and it includes some silver ; the copper issues of other 
towns, Iberian or Tartessian in the main, but with a 
Punic element in the population, such as Sexs, Varna, 
Lascuta, and Malaca, last through the Republican era, 
and in some cases as late as the reign of Caligula. The 
types are mostly religious or astronomical. Thus on 
the coins of Malaca is the head of Phthah, the first 
of the Cabiri, who had also a temple at Carthago, and 
was identified with Hephaestus. He wears a conical 
cap with pearls, having behind the symbol of tongs ; 
on the reverse is a star with rays, a crescent denoting 
Astarte, or a bull. Others have the head of Hercules- 
Melcarth, sun or moon emblems, or for coast towns 
a galley or dolphin. 

Iberian and Celtiberian coins circulated widely over 
the east and centre ; the standard and type were 
borrowed from the Greeks or Romans, but the legends 

Native and Roman Issues 105 

are in the native dialect, expressed by Punic symbols, 
usually, however, owing to Greek and Latin influence, to 
be read from left to right. The town of Obulco in Baetica 
uses a Punic alphabet much less modified than other 
Iberian towns, where the quasi-vowels aleph, he, vau,yod, 
ain, are given a regular vowel sound ; and the lettering 
here reads from the right. Native coins bear the name 
of a town or tribe, sometimes of two towns united by a 
monetary convention ; but each tribe seems to have had 
its coins struck in the chief town of the district. As 
silver issues have only Iberian legends, copper in some 
cases both Iberian and Latin, it is supposed that 
silver was only permitted by the Romans in the earlier 
period. The commonest types are a bearded head (in 
some cases probably that of a native chief or king), on 
the obverse, a horseman holding a palm, a galloping 
horse, or in the coast towns a galley or dolphin, on the 

Though Latin lettering gradually came in, Roman 
issues before the establishment of the empire were 
chiefly confined to the few colonies. Colonial coins, 
which are all of copper, frequently have some allusion 
to the origin of the town, as the design of the priest 
guiding the plough which marked out its original area, 
or the legionary standards of the soldiers who peopled 
it. After about 39 B.C., the emperor's head with Latin 
legends was generally adopted, the mints being under 
the supervision of the local aediles. A few towns of 
native origin retained for some years the Iberian 
symbol of the horse, combined with a Latin or bi- 
lingual legend. 

Coins of Spain cease under Caligula, who wished 

io6 Coins of the Later Empire 

to add to the fiscus the profit derived from minting for 
the provinces at Rome, or in imperial mints elsewhere, 
and suppressed local issues. It thus becomes im- 
possible during two centuries to identify coins of 
Spanish origin. Large centres like Tarraco no doubt 
had mints, and trouvailles of coins of later emperors 
have been found in their neighbourhood. Spanish 
emblems or allusions occur on many Roman coins, 
such as the reverse design of Hispania with ears of 
corn, or Spanish buckler and javelins. Some speci- 
mens of Hadrian have a figure of Hercules of Gades, 
holding a club and an apple ; at his feet are the 
river Bsetis and the prow of a vessel. Another 
represents Hadrian raising the kneeling figure of 
Spain, with the national emblem of the rabbit be- 
tween them. As late as the reign of Postumus we 
have a bronze coin, with the reverse design of Hercules 
killing Geryon, and the legend Herculi Gaditano. Of 
the successors of Postumus several issues have been 
identified by De Salis and others as of Spanish origin, 
probably struck at Tarraco, the type differing from 
contemporary Roman issues. Those of Claudius are 
of good design, especially on the reverse, where the 
two figures are farther apart than elsewhere ; while 
here only have copper coins with the legend Providentia 
deorum the conjoined figures of Concord and the Sun. 
Issues of Aurelian illustrate the Spanish manner of 
marking standards with bosses, and other examples 
are known of Tacitus, Florianus, Probus, Carus, and 
Carinus. Under Diocletian and his successors there 
were more issues from Tarraco in all three metals, but 
the mint was probably suppressed in favour of Aries 

Some Authorities on Spanish Art 107 

about the middle of the fourth century, and there are 
no more Spanish coins till the establishment of the 
Germanic monarchies. 


Bulletin Hispaiiique. (Bordeaux, from 1906.) 

Caveda : Eiisayii sobre la Arquiiectura Espanola, cap. ii. 

RiANO : Spanish Industrial Art. 

HiJBNER : Die aniiken BUdwerke in Madrid. 

Cartailhac : Lcs Ages Prt'historiques dc TEsp. et du Port. 

Musco Esp. de Antiguedades. 

Heiss : Description Genirale des Monnaies Anciennes de 

Hands, Rev. A. W., in Xumisniatic Circular, VII., 1889. 



' Jupiter Capitolino vino a alternar con la Diana Helenica y con 
el Hercules Tirio en las fiestas religiosas de los espanoles.' — 

A COMPREHENSIVE treatment of the native religions of 
Spain offers peculiar difficulty, due not only to the 
uncertainty about the origin and connection of the 
tribes, but to the great extent of political subdivision 
which prevailed, and reacted on the religious worships. 

The names of nearly one hundred divinities have been 
preserved, and fresh are being discovered almost yearly; 
but most of them were of purely local importance, often 
indeed mere variations of some town, mountain or river 
name in the district ; and only in three or four cases does 
their worship seem to have extended over more than a 
few miles of territory. The widespread cult of local 
martyrs, in which the bones of some believer who was 
supposed to have perished in the persecutions of Decius 
or Diocletian were laid up beneath the altar of the 
village shrine, is a revival of the same spirit. 

It is usually assumed that Roman worships were 
readily and completely adopted, but like most generaliza- 
tions about Spain, this applies mainly to Bastica and the 
east coast. One of the features of Spanish religion under 
the empire is the scarcity of dedications to Roman 


Evidence as to Native Worships 109 

deities outside Colonies, or townships where Italian 
soldiers or officials were settled, and where such wor- 
ships were looked on as marks of religious loyalism. 
Municipalities where Spaniards predominated preferred 
to retain their old protectors under some neutral title, 
as 'the genius of the town,'-"- the 'guardian god' 
{deics tutela),^ local lares or nymphs ; or again, under 
some hybrid Romano-Spanish designation, as Proserpina 
Atsecina, Mars Cariocecus, Jupiter Ladicus. They 
would, however, throw themselves heartily into emperor 
worship, looking on Csesar,as an incarnation of the 
power of the empire ; while their distance from the court 
threw a veil over the less exalted qualities which made 
such a cult in and round Rome somewhat perfunctory. 

Lastly, the south and east of Spain, where Roman 
religion was best established, gave the readiest welcome 
to the Oriental rites which from about the time of 
Trajan drew away many of the more earnest spirits. 
Isiac worship in particular surpassed all others in im- 
portance throughout the districts of Valencia and 

Evidence as to native worships is of three kinds : 
stray allusions in the geographers, mostly relating to 
about 100 B.C., when Greek travellers were active ; a 
great number of dedications, chiefly of the early empire, 
but seldom containing much besides the name of the 
god and the worshipper, with a formal expression of 
gratitude ; and some statues or other votive offerings, 
nearly all of a date when Roman influence was strong. 
It is the custom to refer most of the native worships of 
which mention is made to Celtic influence, and this 


,408. ' 4092- 

1 1 o Celtic Influences — Neton 

seems true of two or three of the most important, as 
Endovellicus, Ataecina, and the water-powers. There 
are, however, few analogies with the religions of Gaul 
and Britain ; the various moon goddesses who were so 
popular in Spain, and under the Romans appear as 
Luna Augusta, seem to have no analogies in Celtic 
mythology. It also should be remembered that Druid- 
ism, which gave to Celtic beliefs their characteristic 
form, was unknown in Gaul at the time of the advance 
of the Celtic tribes into Spain, about 500 B.C. 

It may be convenient to review the literary evidence 
first. Sidereal worship is described as strongly preva- 
lent among the Tartessians. At Acci, a Roman veteran 
colony on a tributary of the Bsetis, the sun-god Neton,^ 
identified with Mars, was worshipped in the form of an 
idol with radiated head. The authority for this fact is 
late, and it is possible that the externals of the cult had 
been influenced by one of the Oriental sun-worships 
which came in under the empire ; especially as, if we 
accept the probable restoration of Hiibner, Neton is 
associated with Isis in a second-century inscription of 
Acci.^ Dedications to Netus occur in the north-west, 
as at Conimbriga,^ and others to Neton not far from 
Emerita.* Both are usually identified with the Goidelic 
war-god, known to the ancient Irish as N6t or Neit ; 
but as it is doubtful if this comparatively late cult ever 
reached Spain, and still more doubtful if the Celts ever 
extended as far south-east as Acci, it is perhaps best 
to regard the Spanish divinity as indigenous. Saturn 
is also referred to as revered in the south of Spain, no 
1 Macrob. I. 19. 2 3386. 

' 365- * 5278- 

Rites of Celtiberi and Gallasci 1 1 1 

doubt, as in Roman Africa, representing some earlier 
solar god.^ In the west of Bsetica, at Ebura, was an 
important temple dedicated to the goddess of the dawn. 
Lux dubia.^ Mercury was also prominent in the south, 
representing some native or Punic divinity. A hill near 
Carthago was consecrated to him.^ He was the patron 
of fishermen,* and occurs on the coins of Carmona 
wearing 3.petastis, or represented by a herald's staff. 

Among the Celtiberi sacrifices were offered to a name- 
less deity before the gates of the town, the natives per- 
forming religious dances by households in the light of 
the full moon; the deity probably again being a solar or 
lunar power .^ Dances of men armed and clashing their 
bucklers are referred to among the Gallasci;® and the 
ecstatic feeling which impels the worshipper to rapid 
movement combined with loud, continuous sounds has 
throughout been characteristic of the Spanish tempera- 
ment. Modern travellers may recall the dance of the 
ten Castanet players before the high-altar of Seville on 
certain great festivals, when the hymn addressed to the 
' Candor de la \nz eterna ' is chanted. 

The Gallseci are styled atheists by Strabo, which 
probably means that the Greek traveller from whom 
he derived his facts had not identified their god with 
any in his own mythology. They were noted for wail- 
ing incantations, and were skilled in divination, both 
by examining the viscera of animals and by watching 
the flight of birds and the burning of fires.'' 

The Lusitanians were much given to sacrifices, and 

* Avien. Or. Mar. 215-6; Diod. III. 59; Strab. III. i, 4. 

2 Strab. III. I, 9. ^ Liv. 26, 44. * 5925. 

5 Strab. III. 4, i6. » Sil. III. 347. ' sil., he. cit. 

112 Lusitanian and Other Western Tribes 

would consult the entrails or the veins of the lungs 
without removing them, bodies of captives being so 
used; or again the right hands of captives might be 
offered to their gods. The war -god ^ was honoured by 
the sacriiice of horses, goats, or human beings, cere- 
monially arrayed in saga. When their great leader 
Viriathus was dead, the natives placed the body on a. 
lofty pyre and offered sacrifice. Next both horse 
and foot ran round it in a circle celebrating his 
praises. They sat about the pyre till the flames died 
out, and ended the obsequies with a gladiatorial con- 
flict.^ This or another Spanish tribe would erect round 
the tombs of warriors as many obelisks as they had 
slain enemies.^ The fact is no doubt correct, and such 
rows of stones have been found in Sardinia; but the 
explanation is more hkely that the upright stones were 
sacred symbols, like the Punic stelae. A cairn of stones, 
supposed to be under the protection of the sun-god, on 
the Sacred Point (Cape St. Vincent), was particularly 
holy, and might not be approached at night, when it 
was haunted by divine visitants.'* The reverence for 
stones may have been inherited both by Celts and 
Iberians from their dolmen-building predecessors. 

Such scattered and obscure allusions suggest that the 
tribes had an impressionable and mystical nature which 
would be readily influenced by claims to superior know- 
ledge and power. Sertorius, the cunning Roman demo- 
cratic leader, found it worth while to keep a pet deer, 
through which he professed to receive direct intima- 

1 Strab. III. 3, 7. 2 App. lb. 72. 

3 Arist. Pol. 13246. C/., however, Schulten in Bull. Hisp. XIV. 196. 

1 Strab. III. I, 4. 

Superstitious Beliefs and Usages 113 

tions of the divine will. The Celtic chief Olyndicus 
possessed a silver spear supposed to have fallen straight 
from heaven, and therefore substantiating his claims.^ 
Centuries later a youth 'by many signs' won a con- 
siderable following as an incarnation of the Messiah.* 

Diviners, soothsayers, and charlatans of all kinds 
abounded. The Vascones were specially skilled in 
augury from birds.^ Scipio was obliged to clear his 
camp before Numantia of the wizards who only served 
to demoralize his men.* Caesar,^ Galba,* and Otho^ 
all found prophets to encourage their designs. At 
Tarraco an altar, restored under Caracalla, was dedi- 
cated to the enchantress Circe, here entitled Sanc- 
tissima.^ These tendencies to magic encouraged the 
spread of the mystical Gnostic faith, and the Christian 
Church had to struggle to repress such practices as 
magical rites or sacrifices to expiate the first-fruits, 
offerings to sun and moon, or veneration of beasts and 
serpents. All these were rites which would be naturally 
alleged against a heretic ; but they are indignantly 
repudiated by the ascetic and visionary Priscillian." 

Turning next to epigraphic and archaeological evi- 
dence of the imperial age, we find signs of a great 
advance on the rude rites mentioned by the geographers. 
Native deities still subsist, but they have temples and 
statues, and are closely assimilated to members of the 
Grseco-Roman pantheon. There is only space here for 
a few examples. 

» Flor. I. 33. " Sulp. Sev. Vil. Mart. 24. 

s Lamprid. Alex. Sfv. 27. * App. lb. 27. 

« SuLt. yul. 7. " Id., Galb. 5. ^ Tac. H. I. 22 

« CT. Florez, 24, 146. * Ed. Schepss, pp. 23-4. 


114 Endovellicus Shrines in Lusitania 

The chief deity of the Lusitani was Endovellicus, 
two of the principal seats of whose worship were at 
Villa Vifosa and Terena, in the modern province of 
Alemtejo in southern Portugal. Though the Lusi- 
tanians were a non-Celtic people, they seem in this 
part to have had a certain Celtic admixture,^ and the 
name Endovellicus is best explained as meaning ' by 
far the best,' from two Celtic roots ; while the name of 
one of his worshippers, Mogolius, has a common Celtic 
prefix.^ The most interesting of the five dedications 
at Terena, now in the National Library of Lisbon, 
is on a marble pedestal once supporting a statue, and 
showing on three of its sides the carving of a wreath, 
a palm, and a boar, the last a common Celtic religious 
emblem. Various slight indications suggest that the 
god was an earth power and was able to confer health ; 
and in this case St. Michael, the tutelary saint of the 
healing art, was chosen to succeed him, his church 
being partly built out of the ruins of the temple. Villa 
Vigosa, to the south-west of Badajoz, had a temple 
of which the remains have recently been excavated, 
and it seems to have retained its importance far into 
the imperial age. Inscriptions are fairly numerous, all 
in Latin, and some statues and other fragments remain. 
One figure, perhaps that of the god himself, represents 
a boy holding a bird ; another is a bust only, clothed 
in a toga, with a dedicatory inscription on the plinth. 

Even more important was the Celtic Persephone, to 
whom dedications are found in south-east Lusitania, 
west Bastica, and the neighbouring parts of Celtiberia. 

1 Strab. III. I, 6. 

^ C/. Leite de Vasconcellos in Rev. Celt. 21, 308. 

Atscina, Queen of the Lower World 1 1 5 

Her original name was Atzecina or Adsegina, perhaps 
from the common Indo-European root Atta, 'mother'; 
but this name is often conjoined to Persephone, and 
sometimes the latter only is given, though in the case 
of dedications in this district, doubtless referring to the 
same power. Turobriga, mentioned by Pliny as a 
town of Celtic Bseturia, was the chief seat of the 
worship ; and her full title seems to have been ' dea 
Ataecina Turobrigensis invicta.'^ Connected with this 
cult is one of the few examples of totemism remaining 
in Roman Spain. Bronze figures of goats have been 
found with their feet drawn together to make a solid 
plate, on which are dedications to the goddess ;^ they 
may have been designed merely as ex-voto offerings or to 
be attached to a spear, as the goat is known from 
Strabo to have been sacred to the Lusitanian war-god. 
The pig was a sacred animal over much of western 
Spain ; figures of it in granite of about life-size are 
found, like the group of six at Cabanas de Baixo, and 
sometimes they were put over graves.^ ^^'hen the 
legionaries celebrated the festival of their eagle, the 
Gallsecian auxiliaries offered dedications In honour 
of the boar which adorned their standards.* So a 
bull seems from the coins to have been the emblem of 
Segobriga. Atsecina was a goddess of the lower world, 
and had the power of punishing sinners. An example 
of this is the inscription now at Merida,^ in which the 

I B. A. H. 40, 541. 

» 5298-9. Cf. Archeol. Port. I. 296-7 (illustrated). 

' Cf. examples in B. ^4. H. 54, 26-7. One is a bronze half -boar, 
with native inscription ; perhaps a tessera of friendship between 
two Iberian towns. 

* Cf. 2552 d scq. = 462. 

ii6 Other Native Deities 

Queen of Turobriga is asked and entreated by her 
sacred majesty to avenge the thefts and wrongs com- 
mitted to the detriment of her female devotee, accord- 
ing to the schedule annexed, which includes six tunics, 
two linen wrappers, and an indusium or woman's under- 

The Lugoves, Lougii, or Lucoves, seem to be a 
pluralized form of the Celtic god Lugus or Mercury, 
a root which appears in Gallic and Irish personal 
names, and several dedications to them occur both 
in Gallascia and Celtiberia. One altar near Lugo has 
three triangular depressions for incense, suggesting 
three gods ; and they were perhaps woodland deities, 
their name being formed from the same root as the 
Latin lucus} 

Other native deities were Aernus,^ probably assimi- 
lated to the victorious Mars, since his altars are 
adorned with palms; and Trebaruna, a duplication 
of Victoria, as the two goddesses have altars side by 
side dedicated by the same person. The Celtic 
goddess of horses and mangers, Epona or Ebona, who 
was also known at Rome, has a few ex-votos, both 
in southern Spain and near Csesaraugusta, the altar 
in one case being adorned with the figure of a 

Another important group of powers were the fairies 
and water-nymphs, as well as other personifications of 
rivers and healing fountains. The fairies or ' mothers ' 
were popular throughout the Celtic world ; they are the 
banshees of Ireland, and in Spain were revered in 

1 Cf. article in B. ^. H. 56, 349, with references. 2 5651. 

3 5788 ; B. A. H. 4, II ; Juv. VIII. 187 ; Apul. Met. III. 27. 

The Fairies — Oneiromancy 1 1 7 

Galljecia and the north of Celtiberia, sometimes with 
some local epithet.^ Closely connected with them were 
the nymphs, who presided over countless streams in 
north-western Spain, and appeared to worshippers in 
dreams, commanding the setting up of some simple 
monument.^ They are the modern Xanas of the 
Asturian mountains, beings of small stature, living in 
crystal palaces under solitary fountains, who wash their 
white robes at midnight, and reward honest village 
maidens who fall in with them, carrying off the bad 
beneath the waves' ; or, again, they are the enchanted 
Moorish women who haunt remote streams or ancient 
ruins in Portugal. Often their worship has been trans- 
ferred directly to the Virgin or one of the saints, and a 
chapel set up beside the sacred fount. 

Not only did divine beings appear in dreams, bidding 
some offering to be set up to themselves or to another 
deity, but the souls of deceased persons appeared to 
their relatives asking for similar honours — a request 
duly recorded on the monument.'* These interviews 
with dead friends were much valued, and we find 
dedications to the two gates of dreams which Virgil 
mentions in the sixth ^neid; while another monu- 
ment, with the emblem of the serpent and well-head 
(Avernus), suggests a similar origin.^ Often, too, an 
altar was set up to a god in honour of some deceased 

Great varieties of sepulchral monuments occur, from 
the rude trench in which the body was huddled up 

* 2764 (Dureton), 2766 (Clunia), ' Matribus Galaicis.' 

* E.g., B. A. H. ^, 393 ex visii Nymphis. 

3 Ibid., 36, 423. * Ibid., 19, 528. « Ibid., 52, 375 and 453. 

1 1 8 Sepulchral Accessories — Amulets 

under a pile of rough stones^ to the elaborate and 
purely Roman Tower of the Scipios. The Iberians 
usually burned the dead, but the people of Celtic 
extraction as well as the Tartessians of the south 
resorted to inhumation, or, even among the wilder 
tribes, left the body to be devoured by birds and beasts. 

Great numbers of sacred symbols are found carved 
on native monuments, frequently with some relation 
to sidereal worship, especially the disc and crescent, 
sometimes with doves added. Others are the 'Aryan' 
swastika in its plain or flamboyant form, the six- 
rayed star, trident, anchor, or a bridge on arches, 
representing the passage of the soul to the stars. 
Tombs were filled with useful or ornamental objects, 
from the stone axes and flint knives of primitive tribes 
to the gold and silver ornaments, the red or white vases, 
and two-handled glass cups of the Roman age. Prayers 
for the repose of the dead are almost universal. One of 
the fullest runs : ' May the infernal gods grudge thee not 
thy place, thy inscription^ nor a light covering of earth.'^ 

Amulets are frequently come upon, such as the 
bronze radiated head of a sun-god, perhaps Neton, 
found near Iptuci,^ and statues are represented as wear- 
ing this combined with the lunar crescent. Off the 
Lusitanian coast was found the ceraunium, a kind of 
onyx, considered serviceable against lightning.'* Round 
Garray (Numantia, which was perhaps a leading re- 
ligious centre in pre -Roman Celtiberia) are found 

1 B. A. H. 22, io6 (Piles near Tarragona). 

2 Ibid., 27, 504. Cf. Bull. Hisp. XIII. 10, for Iberian tomb- 
stations, some having an altar and benches for funeral banquets, 
with cavities in the walls to hold cinerary urns. 

3 B. A. H. 30, 285. * Solinus, 37, 97. 

Dedications to Roman Deities 1 1 9 

many pieces of earthenware with the swastika or 
fylfote, and animal emblems, probably designed as 
talismans; and such articles as inscribed rings and 
stones, with emblems connected with the medley of 
beliefs called Gnosis, occur frequently in Spain. The 
Cross thus naturally came to be looked on as a specific 
against demons and ghosts.^ 

Of purely Roman worship there is little to say. 
Capitoline temples existed at Hispalis and Urso,* but 
the Roman triad was worshipped chiefly by Roman 
officials and soldiers. Jupiter has many dedications, 
sometimes with local titles, as Candienus or Can- 
damius ; and even when these are lacking the Iberian 
names of the dedicators suggest some assimilation to 
a native god. Other unfamiliar epithets applied to 
Jupiter are depulsor (also found in Africa), and solu- 
torius, the deliverer. Mars similarly has local surnames 
— Tillenus, Cariocecus, Cososus — while the dedicators 
often bear only one or two names, suggesting a native 
origin. Minerva has several dedications from artisans 
and handicraftsmen. A college of these was under her 
patronage at Barcino^; Syntrophus, a marble-worker 
of Gades, adorned her chapel with marble plaques,* 
and at Tarraco a painter restored the fa9ade of her 
temple. The worshippers of Asclepius and \'enus were 
frequently Greeks,^ and in one case some curious 
words — parergon (the adornment of the statue), and 
phiala (for patera) — occur in the dedication. 

While the official Roman religion made no great 
headway, emperor worship was popular in all the large 

1 /. H. C. 10. » 1 194, 5439. 3 4998. 

* 1724. ' 1951--. ^123. 2326, 3580, 4500. 

1 20 Emperor-Worship — Temple of Dianium 

centres. Augustus had lived among the Spaniards for 
two years, and did more than any other Roman towards 
pacifying and settling the country. Accordingly an 
altar was set up to him in his lifetime at Tarraco, and 
immediately after his death the provincials were fore- 
most in claiming the right of constructing a temple 
adjoining, — an example followed by the two other 
provinces. The Augustan temples of Corduba and 
Emerita thus became the natural seats of the pro- 
vincial councils belonging to those provinces. Other 
emperors were successively added, and in time most 
towns had flamens of the divi, or consecrated emperors, 
sometimes conjoined with Rome and the living emperor. 
These worships were spontaneous, but were favoured 
by the government as enhancing the dignity of the 
imperial acts, and recalling to remote peoples the 
majesty of the central power. 

The Greek and Punic worships under the Romans 
became practically limited to one important shrine 
each. On the headland adjoining the Massiliot colony 
of Hemeroscopeum was the great temple of Ephesian 
Artemis, called by the Romans Dianium. This god- 
dess, as the patroness of Massilia, was extensively 
worshipped throughout the Greek settlements and 
adjoining Iberian tribes.^ The temple was used as an 
arsenal by the rebels in the time of Sertorius, and re- 
mained of importance for some centuries; but the whole 
neighbourhood is referred to by Avienus as deserted. 

Some Juno shrines, as that on Junonis Promon- 
torium (Trafalgar), appear to have been continuations 
of Punic centres of Astarte worship, and the same 
^ Cf. the college of Cultores Dianas at Saguntum, 3821. 

Punic and Other Oriental Cults 121 

goddess under the title of Cselestis was reintroduced 
from Africa about the second century a.d., as at 
Tarraco and Lucus Augusti. The Gaditan shrine of 
Hercules-Melcarth long remained a great religious 
centre, revered by Romans and natives ahke. Vows 
were made here by distinguished Romans, and costly 
sacrifices continued to be offered in the Phoenician 
fashion, even in the Antonine age.^ As late as the 
time of Caracalla, a Roman governor was put to death 
for consulting the oracle maintained in the temple.* 
The worship of Hercules Gaditanus also prevailed in 
other Spanish towns, as Carthago and Valentia. 

The finest temples were built in the Antonine age, 
but several belonging to earlier reigns are represented 
on the local coinage, as those of Tarraco, Csesaraugusta, 
Emerita, and Gades. Among the more famous ex- 
amples were the shrines of Diana, built by an Apuleius 
at Clunia, of the Sun and Moon at Mons Lunse (Cintra), 
and of Concord at Olisipo. Remains have also been 
found of humbler rustic shrines, such as one at 
Segobriga, probably dedicated to Diana, and having 
on its walls bas-reliefs of hunting scenes. This may be 
earlier than the Augustan age. 

The Oriental cults, which spread from the Hellenized 
Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, over all the Mediterranean 
countries in the course of the first two centuries of the 
empire, left some marks in Spain ; but with the excep- 
tion of the Isiac rites they do not seem to have extended 
widely among the natives. 

Cybele, the Asiatic earth goddess, whose worship had 
been established at Rome long before the end of the 
1 App. lb. 2. ' Dion C. 77, 20. 

122 Cybele and Isis 

republic, has some dedications. A college of Dendro- 
phori, a corporation charged with certain secular func- 
tions, but united in the worship of Cybele and Attis, 
existed at Valentia. At Olisipo a Greek woman, Flavia 
Tyche, a Cernephorus, or bearer of the sacred dish in 
certain Corybantic rites, makes an offering to the 
Idsean mother of the gods.^ There are three allusions 
to altars set up to commemorate a iaurobolium, or 
solemn sacrifice of a bull to Cybele, when the worshipper 
was sprinkled with the blood. A lady of Emerita thus 
celebrated her birthday under the direction of the archi- 
gallus, or chief priest of the cult. Another bull was 
offered at Corduba for the safety of the emperor 
Maximinus, who had conferred several benefits on the 
city and neighbourhood, the Isiac priestess providing 
the ram which was at the same time offered to Attis.^ 
Cybele and Isis were closely associated; they some- 
times had shrines in the same temple, and in one 
Spanish inscription Isis receives the title of ' mother of 
the gods.' 

The Egyptian worship of Isis, with whom were 
associated Serapis, Horus, Ammon, and others, was 
popular in all large towns, especially with women. Its 
splendid ritual, purificatory rites, and solemn morning 
and evening prayer, appealed strongly to an imaginative 
people. Jupiter is identified with Ammon or Serapis, 
the worship of Isis even associated with that of Rome 
and Augustus.^ The spread of these rites was, perhaps, 

1 179. 

2 Cf. Fita in Mus. Esp. Ant. IV. 635, and C. /. L. II. 601 for 
another iaurobolium at Galisteo in Estremadura. 

^ 2416, Bracara, 

The Syrian Moon-Goddess 123 

furthered by the close connection between Spain and 
Africa, exemplified by the Isiac symbols on the Spanish 
coins of Juba of Mauritania, the husband of an Egyptian 
princess. Such symbols are common in art, as the 
figures of Isis, Osiris, and Anubis on a lamp of 
Emerita,^ or the sculpture of Ammon in the form of a 
ram surmounting a sepulchral monument at Dianium. 
At Tarraco and Valentia Isis was the patroness of a 
college of slaves, at Acci she is puellaris, or the protector 
of maidens, and a splendid statue of her, bedecked with 
jewels, is set up by Fabia Fabiana, in honour of her 
dead granddaughter Avita.^ 

Of the degrading worship of the Syrian moon goddess, 
identified with the Babylonian Astarte and the Roman 
Venus, there are few traces, popular though it was 
in Italy in the third century. One of her surnames, we 
are told by Lampridius, was Salambo ; and this deity is 
said to have been greatly revered in the Spanish city 
of Hispalis, which was likely as a commercial centre to 
attract settlers from the east, as we know that Malaca 
did.' About a.d. 287 two Christian sisters, Justa and 
Rufina, who gained their living by making earthenware 
vessels, offended the worshippers of Salambo by refusing 
to sell some of their wares for her service. At the 
festival late in the summer the idol was carried on 
the shoulders of women of high rank through the streets. 
As in the days of Ezekiel, wailing for Tammuz still 
sounded. When the procession passed the sisters, their 
goods were trampled on and broken by the crowd, and 
at the same time the image fell and broke. Being 
probably suspected of magical practices they were 
1 B. A. H. 25, 160. =" 3386. 3 c. I. L. II., p. 251. 

124 Mithraism in Spain 

arrested and imprisoned. Justa died in captivity, 
Rufina was strangled ; but their bones were rescued by 
Sabinus, bishop of the city, and they were thought 
worthy of ranking among the martyrs.^ The supposed 
reference to the Syrian fish goddess Derceto near Clunia 
is very doubtful.^ 

Mithraism, the worship of the Persian principle of 
virtue and light, was essentially a soldier's religion, and 
was not widespread in Spain, as few legionaries from 
elsewhere were stationed here. Dedications to Mithras 
under one of his titles, such as deus or dominus invidus, 
occur at Emerita, Malaca, Tarraco, Italica, and a few 
other places, chiefly emanating from soldiers. Emerita 
seems to have had a regular Mithrseum, or cave for 
celebrating his mysteries, to the east of the town ; a 
pater patrum, or Mithraist chief priest, existed here about 
A.D. 155, and one of the dedications is by the purveyor 
(Jrumentarius) to the seventh legion, who set up an altar 
to celebrate the birthday of the invincible god.^ Trajan's 
eastern campaigns had probably helped to spread 

The last of the Asiatic mystery religions to make 
itself felt in Spain was the Basilidean form of Gnosticism, 
the germ of which came from Babylonia before the 
Christian era. Passing through Syria and Egypt, it 
received various additions — Oriental, Greek, or Chris- 
tian — and spread to Spain, where it was powerful in the 
west and north in the third and fourth centuries; as 
Jerome says, ' laying waste the whole province between 

' Act. Mart. BoUand, July 19; Florez, IX. 99. Cf. Lamprid. 
Vit. Elag. 7. 
" Cf. B. A. H. 50 39. 3 Ibid., 43, 242-s. 

Gnostic Beliefs and Talismans 125 

the Pyrenees and the ocean.' The mysteries of the 
universe were revealed by intuition to the true philos- 
opher, who was a master of the magic formulas which 
expressed this knowledge. Present existence is essen- 
tially evil, matter is nothing but a deterioration of 
spirit, and our end is to return to the parent spirit, who 
sends forth a series of emanations, and at times a god- 
sent Saviour. There are few literary allusions to the 
effect of these fantastic doctrines in Spain, but Gnostic 
amulets and other works of art are occasionally found, 
especially in the Asturica district. A ring from here 
has the phrase, ' Zeus, Serapis, and lao (one of the 
Gnostic divine powers) are one ' ; another octagonal ring 
has Greek letters equivalent to avOpcoiro'i, the father of 
Wisdom. One Gnostic stone has a carving of a cande- 
labrum with the sun, moon, and five planets, the sacred 
hebdomad of the Chaldeans.^ From this sect sprang 
the Priscillianist heresy, which is referred to in another 

TouTAiN : Culit's Pai'ens dans VEmpire Roniain. 
Leite de Vasconcellos : Lcs Religions de la Lusitanie. 
D'Arbois de Jobaixville, in Rei\ Celt., 1893-4. 

^ B.A.H.10,11; 34,1::; 42,144; 44.278. C/. also C.W.King, 
The Gnostics and their Remains, 1887, who points out that such 
talismans were really the stock-in-trade of the numerous magicians 
of the later empire, many of whom professed one of the forms of 
theosophy known as Gnosticism, 


the chief cities of roman spain 

Carthago Nova 

' Urbs colitur Teucro quondam fundata vetusto 
Nomine Carthago ; Tyrius tenet incola muros. 
Ut Libyas sua, sic terris memorabile Iberis 
Haec caput est.' 

SiLius Italicus. 

New Carthage, one of the latest Punic foundations 
in Spain, dated from the governorship of Hasdrubal, 
son-in-law of Hamilcar Barca. It lay in a strong 
position on a hill, separated by a narrow plain from the 
head of a gulf which formed a fine harbour, protected 
by an island. To the north were fertile valleys, the 
territory of the Iberian Contestani, but the south and 
west sides were hemmed in by high mountains. Its 
object was mainly military; the strength of the site 
made it a suitable arsenal, and lying as it did in the 
part nearest to Carthage it was the usual landing-place 
of reinforcements from Africa, and the point of 
departure for the vegetable and mineral exports bound 
for the Punic J capital. After the occupation of the 
town by Scipio the elder it became the seat of Roman 
government in the Hither province ; and, though later 
superseded by Tarraco, it was a frequent winter 
residence of the governor, and the head of one of the 


Commerce, Mines, and Industries 127 

judicial conventus, to which sixty-five towns resorted 
for legal business. Already in the republic the terminus 
of a state highway extending to Gaul and Italy, it had 
the best harbour on the Mediterranean coast, and lay 
in the vicinity of valuable state silver mines, which in 
the time of Polybius produced twenty-five thousand 
drachmas daily. Carthago is the only Spanish town 
which has yielded any number of republican inscriptions, 
and even in the early empire, when the silver mines 
were exhausted, it continued an important centre for the 
exchange of sea-borne and internal trade. 

Colonial rights were only formally conferred by 
Cassar, when Carthago was renamed Colonia Victrix 
Julia, but it seems to have had a large body of Italian 
residents from the era of the second Punic war. A 
small Punic element still continued ; dedications to 
Hercules Gaditanus occur,^ and some Punic names are 
found among the inscriptions.^ 

The neighbouring hills were covered with esparto 
grass, which had been extensively cultivated from the 
time of the Punic occupation, and gave to the city the 
Roman title Spartaria, and the Arabic Cartadjanah-el- 
Half. The other chief industry was the catching and 
pickling of fish, especially scombri which were found in 
such abundance near the harbour as to give the name 
Scombraria to the adjacent island. As at Ostia the 
fishers and dealers were united into a college.^ 

In Polybius we read of a Punic temple of iEsculapius 

* E.g. 3410. 

* E.g. Ostorianus, the root of which is connected with Astarte 
(B. A. H. 30, 190). 

' 5929- 

128 Buildings and Coinage of Carthago 

(Eschmoun) on a high promontory, and on another hill 
was the palace or governor's residence built by 
Hasdrubal. Under the Romans there were strong 
walls, a lake, and a number of fine public buildings, of 
which the round amphitheatre with its three tiers of 
seats and frescoed walls has been explored in recent 
times. A few years ago much of the forum was 
excavated at a depth of about three yards, when a 
flagged pavement of marble blocks uncemented was 
found, and several bas-reliefs, statues, and bases of 
columns.^ One of the chief monuments of the earlier 
period is the pyramidal tower (called by the inhabitants 
torre ciega from the absence of doors and windows) 
erected by T. Didius in honour of the younger Scipio. 
It consists of black and white stones in checks, and is 
over 40 feet high, standing on a large pedestal. 

The local coinage begins under Augustus, but was of 
short duration. There are some twenty-seven varieties, 
usually with the head of Augustus, and on the reverse 
a simpulum, an olive-branch, or a tetrastyle temple 
referring to the municipal cult of the emperor. Some 
specimens bear the names of Juba the Moorish king 
and of his son Ptolemy, who were honorary duoviri of 
the town.^ 

Oriental worships seem to have been readily accepted. 
An inscription refers to a festival of Cybele, with dances, 
celebrated by the local magistrates. Statues of Apis 
and other Egyptian deities are found in the neighbour- 
hood, and on the local coins there occur Isiac symbols, 
such as the globe between two feathers, and ears of 
corn between cow's horns. 

1 B. A. H. 52, 490. ^ Cf. 3417 ; Head, Hist. Num., p. 889. 

Position and Settlement of Corduba 129 

Under the empire Carthago dedined ; it was not an 
important link in the road system, and few inscriptions 
are found of the second or third centuries. After 
Diocletian's reorganization it again became the head 
of a province, but suffered greatly from the Vandals in 
425. Largely rebuilt during the Byzantine occupation, 
it was destroyed by the Goths in 625, and only revived 
after the Arab conquest.^ 


' In Tai'tessiacis domus est notissima terris 

Qua dives placidum Corduba Bretin amat. 
Vellera nativo pallent ibi fla\'a metello, 
Et linit Hesperium bractea \-iva pecus ' 


Corduba, the capital of the Further province, and 
after Augustus of the subdivision of it called Bastica, 
had been a town of the Iberian Turduli. It stood on 
a hill on the right bank of the Baetis where this river 
first became navigable, at a short distance from the 
Mons Marianus. One of the first cities to be thoroughly 
Romanized, it was settled in 152 B.C., when a number 
of veterans were established there by M. Claudius 
Marcellus. It withstood a siege from the Lusitanian 
chief Viriathus.^ The title Colonia Patricia, by which 
it is designed in Pliny and on coins of Augustus' reign, 
does not occur in the memoirs of Caesar's age, when it 
was still an Oppidum. Nor can colonial rights have 

^ Cf. Isid. Et. XV. I : ' Nunc a Gothis subversa atque in desola- 
tionem redacta est.' 

' Cf. Sen. Epigr. IX. : ' Lusitanus quateret cum moenia latro 
Figeret et portas lancea torta tuas.' 


130 History of Corduba — Literary Activity 

been conferred by Caesar or Augustus, or the title Julia 
or Augusta would have been added. It is therefore 
conjectured that in the earlier period Corduba was a 
Vicus civium Romanorum, raised to colonial rank by 
Pompey about 55 B.C. 

Its sympathies were aristocratic ; it was the scene of 
the absurd rejoicings of the vain Metellus after a trifling 
success over Sertorius, when a figure of Victory worked 
by a pulley placed a laurel crown upon his head.^ It 
sided against Caesar in the civil war, was placed under 
the oppressive rule of Cassius Longinus, and after the 
expulsion of Sext. Pompeius underwent a massacre at 
the hands of the Caesarean faction. 

During the first century B.C. it had become the chief 
centre of learning and cultivation in Spain. Metellus 
had brought from here in his train certain poets, who 
are mentioned not very eulogistically by Cicero,^ and 
schools of poetry and rhetoric were fully formed by the 
Augustan age. Distinguished natives, the two Senecas, 
Lucan, Sextilius Hena and Antonius Julianus, orators, 
Junius Gallio and his adopted son, the Gallio of the Acts, 
form a remarkable assemblage for a provincial town 
within a short period ; foreshadowing the time when 
Moorish Cordova was to pass on the torch of learning 
through the gloomiest period of the Dark Ages, the 
most learned, almost the only learned city in Europe. 
The citizens were proud and had a strong local 
patriotism, which lasted on through the whole period 
of the decline, and was exemplified in the heroic 
resistance offered by Cordova, when left almost alone, 
to the whole forces of the Gothic tyrant Leovigild. 

1 Plut. Seri. 24 ; Macrob. 3, 13. ^ Pro. Arch. X. 26. 

Buildings of the Roman Age — Coinage 131 

Wealthy Romans considered it fashionable to own a 
country house in one of its fine suburbs and spend part 
of the year there. The most splendid buildings were 
in the southern district, Corduba Secunda, under the 
Arabs the home of the priests. Several temples were 
built of red marble, one of the finest being that of 
Janus, the site of which was used for the famous Mez- 
quita of the Moors. 

Existing remains of the Roman period are not numer- 
ous. The town suffered greatly from the Goths, and the 
extensive rebuilding of the middle ages resulted in the 
demolition of most remaining architectural monuments. 
The great mosque incorporated many of the columns of 
coloured marble. There is a bridge over the Guadalquivir 
with Roman foundations and buttresses, and a Roman 
aqueduct communicates with the hills eight miles away. 
Parts of the enclosing walls, formed of squared stones 
of great size, and of the foss, remain. Portions of the 
Palatium, too, once used for legal business, with stairs of 
rich red and yellow marble, have been excavated. The 
site of the market-place, which adjoined the river, is now 
the Campo Santo. Mere traces of the amphitheatre exist, 
but numbers of architectural fragments have been found 
from time to time, fluted columns, festoons, a puteal of 
black marble, and Egyptian bronze figures. 

The coins are almost confined to the reign of 
Augustus, but are of fine workmanship, equal to many 
Greek issues. The usual type is, on the obverse, the 
head of Venus ; on the reverse, Cupid, with a torch and 
cornucopia. Some specimens have a legionary standard 
or priestly emblems, and most bear the legend permissu 
Ccesaris A ugusii. 

132 Decay under the Later Empire 

Corduba was a considerable trading centre, ready of 
access both by land and water, and in a fertile country. 
A triple route connected it with Italy ; by the river to 
Gades, overland to Malaca, or by Acci to Carthago 
Nova. Several mines lay in the neighbourhood, and 
much trade was done in Bastic wool and in olive oil, 
which was reckoned as equal to the best Italian.^ 

References to Corduba between the time of Martial 
and A.D. 300 are few. Hispalis, always the secondary 
capital of the province, grew at its expense, perhaps 
because the mines near Corduba were exhausted, and 
Hispalis was better situated for sea-borne trade. No 
bishop is recorded before Hosius, a contemporary of 
Constantine, but the church seems to have been an 
important one. Traditionally founded next after that 
of Acci, it supplied more martyrs than any Spanish 
town, except Ccesaraugusta, in the persecution of Dio- 
cletian ; and its bishop signed next to that of Acci at 
the Council of Illiberis. 


' Nunc locus Emerita est tumulo 
Clara colonia Vettoniae, 
Quam memorabilis amnis Ana 
Prasterit, et viridante rapax 
Gurgite moenia pulchra lavit.' 


The military colony of Emerita Augusta, in the 
modern province of Estremadura, was planted by order 
of Augustus, probably, as coins suggest, under the 

1 Mart. XII. 63, where the poet has reason to complain of 
plagiarism from his epigrams by a brother-craftsman of Corduba. 

Inhabitants and Trade of Emerita 133 

supervision of P. Carisius, in 25 b.c. The site chosen 
for the Lusitanian capital was a slight hill on the north 
bank of the Anas or Guadiana, which was united by a 
vast bridge with Baetica, beyond the river, while the 
border of the Hither province was not many leagues 
distant. Veterans of the fifth and tenth legions joined 
in the settlement ; but the object seems to have been 
more to extend Roman customs and develop the re- 
sources of a sparsely populated district than to provide 
a strongly garrisoned fortress, like some of the north- 
western colonies. 

Like other military settlements, Emerita had not at 
first a very active municipal spirit, and the imperial 
officials tended to overshadow the local ; but in time it 
became one of the leading commercial centres of Spain. 
The descendants of the veterans took readily to trade. 
Greeks, Italians, and Africans, all came to settle, and 
the architectural monuments are a proof of the great 
wealth of the citizens. The inscriptions have records 
of a dealer in pearls (margaritarius), Saturninus, a 
fellow-townsman of Apuleius of Madaura; a Greek 
physician, Symphorus ; a lady doctor, described by her 
husband as tnedica optima, her tomb being ornamented 
with the carving of a swaddled infant ; besides references 
to worships of every kind, native, Roman, and Oriental. 
Pliny praises the oHves of the district, and mentions 
the red dye from the oaks as highly esteemed ; and it 
still produces oil, wine, honey, vegetables, and flocks in 

A liberal grant of land was made to each settler, far 
more than in Italian settlements, and parts on both 
sides of the river were left unoccupied or immune, to 

134 Emerita under the Empire 

be filled up later. Even after a second and third assign- 
ment vacant land still remained. Later, the river 
district, being unprofitable, as probably liable to floods, 
was excluded from the settlement — that is, landowners 
whose property had extended in this direction were not 
called on to pay anything to the state for it.^ 

There is no record of previous inhabitants, but as 
Strabo refers to the complete Romanizing of this colony 
and Caesaraugusta, and Julius Paulus, a third century 
jurist, says that the inhabitants possessed the jus italicum, 
it is likely that there was an Iberian element in the popu- 
lation. Otho, who had been stationed here as governor 
of Lusitania, enlarged the settlement, which grew in 
importance as a commercial and judicial centre. An 
inscription mentions the completion under Domitian of 
a road ordered by Vespasian, but neglected nequitia 
publicanorum. The richer citizens and the governor 
would often pass the summer at Olisipo or Felicitas 
Julia (Lisbon), the second town of the province, the 
neighbourhood of which was filled with villas and estates. 
When the Arab Muza came to besiege Emerita, he 
exclaimed: * One would think that from the whole 
world men gathered together to found this town ' ; 
and the insignificant position held by it in mediaeval 
and modern times has resulted in the preservation of 
many more Roman monuments than in populous places 
requiring larger areas for modern buildings, thus render- 
ing Merida a rival to the African Timgad.^ Two Roman 
bridges remain, one over a small river, carried by four 

1 Florez, XIII., quoting Hyginus, Frontinus, and Aggenus 
^ The most recent excavations are described in B. A. H. 58, 63. 

Fine Architectural Remains 135 

arches and joining the road to Salamanca; the other, 
the great viaduct of Trajan's time across the Guadiana, 
with a fortress at the city end, and protected by a 
breakwater of earth with a stone parapet. Parts of 
two aqueducts of the same period exist, one with three 
tiers of arches. The theatre outside the city, built in 
16 B.C. by direction of Agrippa,^ after being destroyed 
by fire, was restored by Hadrian's orders about 135. 
The orchestra is of coloured marble, reached by a 
passage built of granite. Behind the stage was a 
Corinthian colonnade with monolith shafts of grey 
marble 20 feet high, with bases and capitals of white 
marble. Marble cornices and marble statues adorned 
the stage, the walls of which had a white stucco pattern 
on a blue ground as at Pompeii. From the orchestra a 
cloaca carries off rain water to the river. The seats 
and vomitories for entering and leaving are likewise 
well preserved. 

The Circus Maximus, also outside the city, 450 yards 
long by no yards wide, is in ruins ; but the Naumachia, 
where mimic naval battles took place, is one of the 
best examples remaining. There are sixteen rows 
of seats in three groups ; and the basin in which the 
boats were floated, itself nearly 500 yards in length, 
was supplied by pipes carried under the seats and 
fed by a special aqueduct. There are slighter re- 
mains of thermae, the fortress, and the city walls. 
Temples are numerous. One is peripteral, with fluted 
Corinthian columns ; another, in the same style, dedi- 
cated to Diana, is partly built into a private mansion. 
Many relief carvings exist, in particular those once in 

' 474- 

136 Relief Carvings — Coinage 

the temple of Mars, whose cult was prominent in 
military colonies. Such are figures of captives tied to 
a tree from which hang barbarian arms, cuirasses 
engraved with Victories or Sirens, a winged horse, and 
the boar which killed Adonis. Another group, from a 
column which stood before a basilica, has an interesting 
series of sacrificial instruments — the axe, a case of 
knives, jug, bowl, sprinkler, and various priestly head- 

The coinage belongs to the reigns of Augustus and 
Tiberius, bearing the heads of those emperors or of 
Livia ; and a variety of interesting reverses, such as the 
priest and plough (in token of the colonial origin), the 
fortified city gate, a shield and lance, trophy, captive, 
legionary eagle, or Victory. Others have the cross- 
handled and two-edged Spanish sword ; or the bipennis, 
also a Spanish weapon, consisting of two steel crescents 
set on a long handle, which together form a single 
blade. It was used chiefly by infantry in meeting 
cavalry attacks. Another device is the imperial altar and 
temple, the centre of the Lusitanian imperial worship, 
the flamen and flaminica of which are commemorated in 

Emerita was a bishopric by the middle of the third 
century, and had a church dedicated to St. Cyprian, 
who acted as adviser to several Spanish congregations ; 
and in a letter, still extant, warned the faithful of this 
and other churches against communion with certain 
Christians who had relapsed into heathen practices* 
these unfortunately including Martialis, the first bishop 
of Emerita. 

Later it was a great resort of pilgrims, owing to the 

St. Eulalia — Legendary History of Gades 1 37 

fame of the virgin martyr Eulalia, who perished under 
Diocletian, and was honoured in Spain only less than 
Vincent of CcEsaraugusta. Before her shrine stood 
three trees which burst into leaf in certain years on 
the anniversary of the martyrdom in December, this 
being a sign that a prosperous season was to follow. 
The flowers took the form of a dove, recalling the shape 
in which the martyr's soul had ascended, and in which 
she appeared to Masona, the banished archbishop 
under the Goths, and foretold his speedy return.^ 
Eulalia thus seems to have taken over some of the 
attributes of the heathen Venus, as her fellow-martyr, 
Liberata of Ebora, offers analogies to the Graeco- 
Phoenician Venus Barbata.^ One real service Eulalia 
rendered to the city in that the superstitious Visigoths 
were induced by her sanctity to spare the buildings 
after conquering it from the Sueves. 


^)(i T€ Kai p^aXxfiot is ovpavov eBpafie Kiav 
rfXi^aros TrvKLVoi<j-L KaXvTTTO^cvos vf<^ee<ro"i. 

DioNYSius Periegetes. 

In far remote times a number of Tyrians were bidden 
by an oracle to go and settle by the pillars of Hercules. 
The scouts who were despatched at first landed at 
Sexi, east of the Straits, but their sacrifices were not 
propitious. A second attempt, on an island outside 

* Greg. Turon. Dc glor. Mart. I. 91. Cf. Florez, XIII. 137, 
quoting Paul. Diac. The dove, sometimes between stars, appears 
often on Christian tombs (/. H. C. 102 and 366). 

2 Cf. Florez, XIV. 129 ; Serv. .,'En. II. 632 ; Macrob. III. 8. 

138 Gades as a Federate Town 

the Straits, was also a failure, probably because the 
natives were too strong. Another expedition was des- 
patched, and advancing farther westwards, occupied 
the long, narrow island (Isla de Leon) not far to the 
south of the now dry eastern arm of the Bastis, in the 
territory of the Tartessians. This was a few years 
before the foundation of Utica, itself a much earlier 
settlement than Carthage.^ An attempt of the Etrus- 
cans to settle in the district was repelled,^ and the 
Gaditans developed a large export trade. 

After the Carthaginian conquest, Gades declined for a 
time, but perhaps attained its greatest prosperity in the 
earlier days of the Roman occupation. In 212 the centurio 
primipilus L. Marcius, who took the place of the dead 
generals the Scipios, made a treaty of friendship with 
Gades ; and at the close of the war the citizens claimed 
their freedom as never having been conquered by Rome, 
a claim admitted by the Senate. In 78 B.C. a formal 
fcedus was made, and confirmed by the Senate, requiring, 
among other things, that no member of either com- 
munity should be admitted to the citizenship of the 
other without the sanction of the public assembly of 
the original state. About this time Gades became the 
head of a conventus. 

Cassar had many associations with the place. As 
quaestor he had here a mysterious dream, which was 
interpreted as promising the chief power at home; 
as praetor he gave to the city, which had hitherto 
been ruled by suffetes, and observed, as Cicero says, 
Poenorum iura, something of a Roman organization. In 

1 Strab. III. s, 5 ; [Arist.] De Mirab. 134 ; Veil. I. 2. 
* Diod. V. 20. 

Wide Expansion of its Commerce 139 

the civil war it suffered much from the Pompeian legate 
Varro, who removed the temple treasures. Caesar had 
these restored after his success in the Ilerda campaign, 
and procured the grant of municipal rights;^ the first 
example of such a concession to a town outside Italy in 
which no Italian settlers had been incorporated. It 
belonged to the Galerian tribe, and received the title of 
Urbs Julia Gaditana, and under Augustus that of 
Municipium Augustum. 

Gades had absorbed much of the trade of Carthage 
after the destruction of the latter in 146 B.C. Many 
Greeks came to settle, and even early in the empire 
it retained almost the whole Atlantic trade of both 
continents. The richer merchants sent out large 
vessels, the poorer small, which were called from 
the Phoenician emblem on the prow, ' Horses.' These 
went down the African coast as far as Guinea on 
fishing and trading expeditions, and on the north 
their voyages extended to Gaul and Britain. There 
was much trade with Rome, especially in corn, fish, 
and the produce of the African coast, and rich 
Gaditans were to be found travelling in all parts 
of the Mediterranean. The story in Pliny of the 
citizen who came cill the way to Italy in order to 
see Livy is familiar ; and silver vessels inscribed with 
the names of Gaditans, probably as thank-offerings 
after a cure, have been found at the famous spa of 
Thermae Aurelia; (Vicarello) in Etruria. 

The city was looked on as a home of Oriental luxury, 
and not exempt from the demoralizing influences which 
often sheltered under the protection of Semitic religions. 
' Dion C. 41, 24. 

140 Luxury of the Inhabitants 

Spanish dancing girls and castanet-players came from 
here in numbers to Italy,^ and it was famed for music, 
especially of a festive or amatory character. Thus the 
gallant in Martial^ is one Cantica qui Nili qui Gaditana 
susurrat, and Eudoxus in his adventurous journey along 
the African coast took on board at Gades not only 
physicians but fiovcriica TraiBia-Kapia.^ The modern 
Andalusian title, ' Cadiz la joyosa,' is only anticipated 
in Martial's Gades iocoscs. 

The original town was small and came to serve 
rather as a political and business centre than a place of 
residence. Many of the inhabitants spent much of 
their time at sea, or on the opposite mainland where 
there were large municipal and private estates, and 
pastures of remarkable richness. At the time of the 
Augustan census Gades included one of the largest 
collections of rich men in the empire, with as many as 
500 of the equestrian order, more than any Italian 
town except Rome and Patavium. Juba, King of 
Mauritania, thought himself honoured, as Avienus 
says, by holding the duovirate here as at Carthago. 

The buildings most often mentioned are the arsenal 
(now Puerto Real), constructed on the opposite shore 
at the expense of the younger Balbus to facilitate 
the construction and equipment of merchant vessels, 
the temple of Baal Saturn adjoining the town, and that 
of Melcarth-Hercules at the south-east end of the 
island. Of the last, as indeed of the whole of this 

1 Plin. Ep. I. IS ; Mart. I. 41 : ' De Gadibus improbus 

2 III. 63. Cf. VI. 71 ; Juv. XI. 162. 

3 Strab. II. 3, 4. 

Legends about the Hercules Temple 141 

mysterious city, many wonders were told.' The god, 
or rather gods, for altars existed to both the Punic 
and Greek aspects of Hercules, was not worshipped 
with statues, but there were in the temple two bronze 
pillars eight cubits high, which shared with the 
mountains of Calpe and Abile the honour of being 
the real pillars of Hercules. There were one or more 
ebbing and flowing wells, which acted contrary to the 
tides, and a tree with branches sloping to the ground 
and sword-like leaves a cubit long. When a branch 
was broken milk came out ; when the root was cut, 
juice of vermilion colour, believed to be the blood 
of Geryon who had been buried at its foot. Splendid 
sacrifices were offered in the temple, the wood of which 
had lasted from its first foundation. Women were 
excluded from its walls, and the worshippers wore 
white linen robes and offered incense ungirt, with 
bare feet and hair closely cropped. On the hearth 
a fire always burned. 

Nor was the favour of Melcarth to be despised. When 
Gades had been attacked by a native king, Theron, and 
a naval engagement was taking place, fire broke out 
among the Tartessian fleet, and the few survivors de- 
clared that lions had appeared to them standing on the 
prows of the Phoenician ships, and their own vessels 
had suddenly been consumed by rays of light such as are 
represented round the head of figures of the sun-god.* 

Altars were set up to old age, to poverty, art, the 
year and month, representing long and short periods. 

1 Strab. III. 5, 7 ; Sil. III. 20 ; Philostr. Vil. Apoll. IV. 4 ; 
Polyb. 34, 5 ; Diod. V. 20. 
* Macrob. I. 20. 

142 Decay of Gades — Existing Remains 

The citizens were in tiie habit of singing hymns to 
Death ; sick persons could not die when the tide 
was full, needing the submarine winds which control 
the sea for their spirit to be released. Night and day 
were thought to arrive with remarkable suddenness ; 
and many other fables were told by imaginative Greek 
travellers, who often visited Gades to inspect the 
curiosities, and especially the tides, over which in- 
habitants of the Mediterranean coasts never ceased to 

Under the empire its prosperity declined. New 
harbours grew up on the east coast, more accessible 
from Italy ; the west of Spain, Gaul and Mauritania, 
could now more readily be approached by land. It 
was never the see of a bishop, but was subject to 
Asido, and before the Gothic conquest had almost 

Owing to this decay and the size and activity of 
mediaeval and modern Cadiz, Roman remains are slight, 
and part of the ancient site is now submerged. The 
bridge connecting it with the mainland, over four 
hundred yards broad and resting on forty-five arches, is 
ancient in part, but much altered. Part of the road 
from here to Corduba exists, and of the aqueduct which 
brought water from eleven leagues away. At excep- 
tionally low tides the foundations of the Hercules 
temple have been discerned, and many subterranean 
monuments are discovered from time to time, with gold 
ornaments, rings, or necklaces ; occasionally, too, sarco- 

1 Avien. Or. Mar. 273 : ' Nunc egena nunc brevis Nunc destituta 
nunc ruinarum agger est. Nos hoc locorum prjeter Herculaneam 
Solennitatem vidimus miri nihil.' 

Coinage — Distinguished Natives 143 

phagi in human form, according to the Phoenician 

The earlier coinage has on the obverse the head 
of Hercules, on the reverse an astronomical symbol or 
fish. Roman issues retain the head, but add the names 
of Augustus or Agrippa, and have as the usual symbol the 
naval Aplustre, and sometimes the four columns of the 
Hercules temple. 

Among the natives of Gades were Moderatus, a 
Pythagorean philosopher, whose works were still studied 
at a late date ; Canius Rufus, credited by Martial with 
extraordinary dexterity in every kind of poetry, whether 
traged}', fable, or burlesque, and a neighbour of Pliny 
the Younger, who describes his fine villa at Comum ; 
Columella the agriculturalist ; and the two Balbi, uncle 
and nephew. The elder of these, who had the honour 
of having Cicero as an advocate, was, like a fellow- 
townsman, Hasdrubal, enfranchised by Pompey, on the 
recommendation of Caesar and Lentulus, in considera- 
tion of his services to the republic by land and sea. 
Gades was then on very friendly terms, had sent corn 
to Rome at a time of dearth, and procured many benefits 
through Balbus. As, however, he had received no 
formal sanction at home of his acceptance of Roman 
citizenship, the validity of the latter might be disputed. 
In 56 certain Gaditans were suborned by enemies of 
Pompey to accuse Balbus, but Cicero's eloquence ap- 
parently procured an acquittal. He held the position of 
prcsfectus fabrum in Caesar's army, possessed a Tusculan 
estate, and was a man of wealth and learning. The 
first consul of provincial origin (40 B.C.), Balbus wrote 
on Caesar's life, and contributed some to the collection 

144 The Younger Balbus — Italica Founded 

of letters preserved under Cicero's name. At Rome he 
erected a fine theatre, opened with pubHc spectacles in 
the presence of Augustus, and having adjoining baths 
adorned with alabaster ; and he bequeathed a general 
distribution of money to the citizens. 

The younger Balbus, enfranchised with his uncle, was 
the first and (except for emperors) the last provincial to 
celebrate a triumph. After his successful expedition 
against the Garamantes (19 B.C.) he was proconsul of 
Africa, and conferred several benefits on Gades, not 
only adding the arsenal, but constructing a second and 
adjoining town. Like his uncle, he produced some 
literary works, including a historical play drawn from 
events in his own life, which was exhibited at Gades in 
the course of public entertainments provided by him as 


' Donde nacio aquel rayo de la guerra 
Gran padre de la patria, honor de Espafia, 
Pio, Felice, Triunfador Trajano, 
Ante quien muda se postro la tierra. 
Donde de Elio Adriano, 
De Teodosio divino 
De Silio Peregrine 
Rodaron de marfil y oro las cunas.' 


Italica, the oldest Roman settlement in Spain, was 
founded in 206 B.C. with veterans from Scipio's army 
about two leagues from the native town of Hispalis, and 
on the farther or western bank of the Bsetis. The 
district was still called Talca in the eighteenth century, 

* Cic. Fam. 10, 32. 

History and Distinguished Natives 145 

but the city which had long decayed disappeared under 
Moorish rule, and is now represented by the insignifi- 
cant village of Santiponce. This is often called by the 
country people Sevilla la vieja, similar titles being 
elsewhere applied to ancient ruins in the vicinity of 
large towns, though in this case Seville is much the 
older foundation of the two. 

In its earlier years Italica had no definite political 
organization, and was only a Viciis civium Romanorum. 
By the age of Cassar, in which period more veterans were 
settled, it was a niunicipiuni, and became the occasional 
residence of the governor of Baetica. Gellius ^ refers to a 
petition from the citizens to the senate that colonial rights 
might be conferred on Italica. This was opposed by 
Hadrian, who, as a student of antiquity, considered a 
municipality the more honourable community. Inscrip- 
tions, however, refer to a Colonia Italiccnsis in provincia 
BcBtica, and the town is sometimes called ^lia Augusta, 
which suggests that Hadrian, who greatly honoured and 
enriched his birthplace, eventually granted the request. 
He traced his descent from one of the original veterans, 
a native of Hadria in Picenum, and was almost certainly 
a native of Italica, like his predecessor. 

Another Italicensian of the period was Csecilius 
Tatianus, chosen by Trajan to be his controller of the 
fiscus. The family of Theodosiiis also belonged here, and 
Spaniards have been eager to claim the epic poet Silius 
Italicus as a native. His cognomen would not of itself 
be a strong argument, as the usual adjectival form is 
Italicensis. The name Italicus occurs frequentlyin Spain, 
as in other provinces, but would hardly be applicable to a 

1 16, 13. 

146 Silius Italicus — Roman Remains 

citizen of Roman descent residing in Italy. The style 
of Latin adopted by Spanish writers of the early empire 
differs so slightly from the classical standard of the age, 
that the language of Silius affords no assistance in 
determining his origin. The minute care, however, 
with which he describes the habits of remote Iberian 
and Celtiberian tribes, and his diligence in quoting any 
legends connected with the foundation of Spanish cities, 
suggest that, if not a native, he had travelled widely in 
Spain, and studied many authorities on its history. 

The date of the introduction of Christianity is un- 
certain, but the neighbouring Hispalis long resisted the 
faith, only receiving a bishop towards the end of the 
third century. The basilica of a bishop Gerontius was 
visited by a pious traveller Fructuosus in the seventh 
century, but the legend describing the persecution of 
Gerontius does not necessitate any earlier date for his 
tenure of the see than the reigns of Decius or Valerian. 
Late in the empire Italica fell into complete ruin, but 
was temporarily restored by Leovigild (584) during the 
rebellion of Hermenigild, in order to harass the Roman 
garrison of Seville.^ Much of the site is occupied by 
an olive ground, from which cornices, capitals, bases, 
and statues (including a fine figure of Diana) have been 
excavated. Foundations of temples and thermae have 
also been found ; but the most perfect building is the 
Amphitheatre,^ probably erected, in part at least, at 
Hadrian's expense, an elliptical building of stone and 

* Joh. Bid. (M. H. G. XI. 216) : ' Muros Italicag antiquae civitatis 
restaurat quse res maximum impedimentum Hispalensi populo 

^ Florez, X. 228, gives several illustrations. 

Coinage — Site of Tarraco 147 

strong cement, a short distance to the north. There 
are fifteen tiers of seats, each 2 feet high, without any 
division to separate the classes of spectators. The 
building rests on arches, and is reached by a covered 

Coins exist with the heads of Augustus, Livia, 
Tiberius, Germanicus, and Drusus, and most have the 
legend permissu August i. Reverse designs include the 
legionan,' eagle, the standard, and the empress Livia 
seated. Some examples have the names of Italica and 
Bilbilis on opposite sides, suggesting some commercial 
league between these towns. 


' Capite insigni despectat Tarraco pontum.' 


Tarraco, the usual landing-place of governors and 
troops arriving from Italy, and in the earlier period 
the chief city of Roman Spain, stands on a rocky hill 
over 500 feet high, overlooking the sea, and com- 
manding the whole country between the Ebro and 
Pyrenees. It lay in the territory of the Cessitani — a 
tribe whose capital, Cissa or Cissis, is mentioned by 
the historians ; and a number of Iberian coins from it 
are preser\ed. Though Pliny and Isidore say that 
Tarraco was founded by the Scipios, a native town 
had already existed on the site. Walls of huge un- 
shaped monoliths have been found belonging to the 
earlier settlement, as well as a second wall of the 
Roman age, with Iberian inscriptions on squared 

148 Tarraco as a Colony — Its Inhabitants 

Tarraco was first occupied in 218 B.C. by Cn. 
Scipio, who had defeated the Punic general Hanno in 
the neighbourhood, and through the war it was the 
usual starting-place for expeditions into southern Spain. 
The Romans extended the early hill fortress to the sea 
a mile distant, and it became henceforth an important 
military station, giving ready access to the north- 
western districts, and by the coast to Gaul. In spite 
of the want of natural anchorage, it was the Spanish 
port most easily reached from Italy. Either Csesar or 
Augustus, more likely the former, granted colonial 
rights, with the title ' Colonia Julia Victrix Trium- 
phalis.' An artificial harbour was constructed, and it 
became not only the head of a judicial conventus of 
forty-three towns, but from the time of Augustus the 
official capital of the Hither province. Latin inscrip- 
tions are nearly five hundred in number, far in excess 
of those of any other town. 

Tarraco had a mild climate, serving as a winter 
resort for those who disliked the cold of the moun- 
tainous interior.^ Romans, who for various reasons 
found it desirable to leave Italy, sometimes settled 
here, as C. Cato, grandson of the censor, after his 
conviction for extortion in Macedonia. Rich people 
readily welcomed guests, as the owner of the house to 
which was attached a marble tablet inviting all comers 
to take advantage of his hospitality.^ 

The population was of a very mixed character, but 
native Iberian names become rare after the Augustan 

1 Mart. I. 49, 21. 

^ 4284. ' Si nitidus vivas, eccum domus exornata est ; 
Si sordes, patior, sed pudet hospitium.' 

History under the Empire 149 

age. A Greek grammarian is mentioned in the in- 
scriptions, several Italians and Gauls, and some 
Africans. The African historian, Florus, was at one 
time a resident, and has left an enthusiastic descrip- 
tion of the city, omnium earum qua ad quieteui eliguninr 
gratissinia? Here Augustus rested after the fatigues 
of the Cantabrian war, and received embassies from 
far eastern peoples. In the Flavian age a detachment 
of the Legio Septima Gemina was stationed at Tarraco 
— a legion raised in Spain by Galba — and a special 
official, pmfedus murorum, was charged with the care 
of the fortifications. Hadrian wintered here, convening 
an assembly of provincial notables, and here he was 
attacked by a madman while walking in his host's park. 
He restored the Augustus temple, which was again 
almost ruinous by the end of the century. 

The chief article of export from ' Tarraco vitifera ' * 
was wine, as at the present day, as well as flax, and 
the various products of the potter's art ; but the 
country was not as rich as Bsetica, and lacked mineral 

Tarraco never recovered from the harrying which it 
received from German tribes in the third century, and 
much of its commercial importance passed to Barcino 
(Barcelona), which stood in closer proximity to the 
main entry into Spain ; while the seat of government 
was transferred, at least for a time, to Csesaraugusta. 

The architectural monuments seem to have been very 

fine, especially the palace and the altar dedicated to 

Augustus and Rome, to which a temple was added 

under Tiberius. The altar appears on the local 

^ Flor. Vcrg. orat. an poda. " Sil. III. 369. 

150 Temple of Augustus and other Buildings 

coinage, and to it was ascribed the miracle of the 
palm-tree springing out from it, which gave Augustus 
the occasion for a humorous reply to the gross adula- 
tion of the citizens.^ It is represented on coins as a 
large square building adorned with bucrania and festoons 
of oak-leaves. On the front were shield and spear, re- 
calling the Cantabrian campaign. The palm sometimes 
appears as well. The temple stood on high ground, 
probably on the site of the present cathedral, and had 
eight pillars in front, with a terrace reached by an 
open staircase of great width. Within stood a statue 
of Augustus wearing crown and sceptre, and on his 
right hand a Victory.^ Of this temple are preserved 
the dedication stone, a marble altar, some friezes with 
good reliefs, and the great bell which was rung by the 
sacristan (nuntius senior) to convene the body of slaves 
charged with performing the rites of the temple. 
Cacabulus, with which it is inscribed, seems to be a 
provincialism for ' bell,' pointing to the origin of the 
modern Castilian cascabel.^ 

In addition to the ordinary Roman deities, such as 
Venus and Minerva, we read of shrines of Isis, the 
Provincial Genius, Circe, and the African Cselestis. To 
the east of the city are traces of the Circus Maximus, 
500 yards by 100, with rows of seats in three divisions, 
and beneath arches leading to offices and stores. Two 
enthusiastic epitaphs on the charioteers who performed 
here are preserved.* In one case there is a carving of 
the deceased Eutyches, standing and holding the palm 
of victory. At the end of the long Latin panegyric on 

1 Quint. VI. 3. 2 cf. Hermes, I. no. 

^ B.A.H. 25, 41 « 4314-S. 

Circus, Amphitheatre, and Aqueduct 1 5 1 

the other, Fuscus, the Greek artificers have added one 
line in their own language, prophesying that future ages 
shall speak of the exploits of that hero of the Blue 
faction ; a prophecy that has been fulfilled by the inclusion 
of the epitaph in both the Greek and the Latin Corpus. 

On the south of the Circus was the amphitheatre, 
where Bishop Fructuosus suffered, built of cement 
so hard as to be unbreakable by picks. Outside, 
it had two tiers of arches, and within, fifteen tiers of 
seats, holding about 30,000 spectators. Traces of a 
theatre were found in 1SS5, but nearly destroyed at the 
time. It was semicircular in the Doric style, of hewn 
stone and rubble, and had thirteen tiers of seats cut in 
the side of a rocky hill.^ It doubtless witnessed the 
mimes of the local dramatist jEm. Severianus.^ 

Traces of fine houses, villas, and tombs, are often 
discovered, and many statues, altars, and reliefs. A bas- 
relief now in the cathedral represents the rape of Pro- 
serpine, and includes the figures of Ceres and Mercury. 
Part of the aqueduct exists (Puente de las ferreras) 
between two hills to the north, on two tiers of arches. 
In the district is the fine sepulchral monument known as 
Torre de los Scipiones, but probably not earlier than 
the Augustan age, in two stages, of large hewn stones.^ 

No Iberian coins of the town itself are known. Of 
Roman issues, some are autonomous colonial, some 
imperial with the heads of Augustus, Drusus or Tiberius. 
The reverse sometimes has the initials of the official 

* Cf. B. A. H. ^2, 169, where the only inscription found here is 

* 4092. 

3 Illustrated with the aqueduct in Florez, 24, 230-8. 

152 Coinage of Tarraco 

title of the town (Colonia Victrix Triumphalis Tarraco) 
within an oak wreath. Tarraco was the chief, perhaps 
the only, Spanish mint in the third and fourth centuries. 

Cean Bermudez : Stimario de las Antiguedades Romanas. 

Florez : Espaiia Sagrada. 

Ibanez de Segovia : Cadiz Phenicia. 

HiJBNER : Die rom. Herrschaft in Wesieuropa (articles on Tarraco 

Balearic islands, and prehistoric discoveries in Galicia). 
Boletin de la real Academia de la Historia (for contemporary 

archaeological discoveries). 
P. Paris : Promenade arcUologique en Espagne (on remains at 

Tarraco), Bull. Hisp. XII. 



' Duosque Senecas unicumque Lucanum 
Facunda loquitur Corduba ; 
Gaudent iocosre Canio suo Gades, 

Emerita Deciano meo. 
Te, Liciniane, gloriabitur nostra, 
Nee me tacebit Bilbilis.' 


There are few materials for tracing the course of the 
literary movement which developed in Baetica in the 
days of Caesar and Augustus, reached later to central 
and northern Spain, and expired early in the second 
century. More than once, history has shown that 
Spain receives the first impulse in this direction from 
abroad, from Rome, Provence, France, or Italy. Such 
a movement reaches rapid maturity, and decays almost 
as rapidly, from an exhaustion of ideas which the orators 
or poets vainly try to conceal by cleverness of language, 
or by over-refinement and subtlety of thought. The three 
generations of the Annsean family, the elder and younger 
Seneca, and Lucan, may serve to illustrate the beginning, 
maturity, and decay of such an age of literature. 

The number of Spanish authors of this period is 
large ; and as some, like Columella or Pomponius 


1 54 Characteristics of Spanish Literary Eras 

Mela, devoted themselves to technical subjects, others, 
as Quintilian, threw off any national characteristics and 
made themselves completely Roman, it may at first 
sight seem difficult to find any common qualities 
characteristic of their origin. 

The most striking feature of Spanish literature in 
later times is the strong tendency to dramatization. 
Even if the vs^ork were not in a dramatic form, the 
writer would strive to efface himself, and introduce 
frequent speeches or lively anecdotes. He would draw 
a character in a few rapid strokes, and call up a situa- 
tion or a scene in the most vivid manner. Nor are 
these qualities lacking in the writers of Roman Spain- 
In spite of the inflated rhetoric then taught in the schools, 
a rhetoric which, owing to the decay of public life, was 
becoming more and more unreal and trivial, they some- 
times express as much in one or two lines as an author 
even of greater genius would in a page. When Lucan 
says of Csesar that ' he deemed nought accomplished 
while anything yet remained to do,' when Prudentius 
styles the ill-fated apostate ' a leader mighty in arms, a 
traitor to his God, but faithful to the state,' we have speci- 
mens of this faculty for reaching the heart of things 
which is most fully displayed in the epigrams of Martial. 
Side by side there appear a love of minuteness in 
description, with the tendency to over-elaborate minor 
episodes, and an unreal pathos, which spoil the general 
effect of a work ; and this is the more noticeable when 
the subject is of a ghastly or repulsive character. This 
impulse leads Seneca to describe with unnecessary 
detail the self-blinding of CEdipus or the Thyestes feast, 
Lucan to give a minute account of the appearance of a 
battlefield the day after a fight. It is a Spanish poet 

Evidence for Educational System 155 

who sounds the depths of infamy to which Roman 
society had sunk in its most corrupt period, another 
who expatiates to such a degree on the physical tor- 
ments of the Christian martyrs, with all their acces- 
sories, as to withdraw attention from their mental firm- 
ness and the nobility of the cause for which they died. 

The earliest educational system to which there is 
reference is the college set up by Sertorius at Osca, but 
the presence of Greek colonies would introduce some 
knowledge of Greek literature and philosophy, and 
teachers of Greek seem to have been readily obtainable. 
The grammarian, Asclepiades, who followed Pompey 
to Spain, taught his art in Baetica; at the same time 
collecting materials for his work on the Spanish peoples, 
from which Strabo borrowed much. Nor was he 
isolated. One teacher of Greek, who died at the ad- 
vanced age of one hundred and one, is mentioned at 
Corduba,^ another rhetor grcBcus is recorded at Gades.^ 
Several private tutors or psedagogi, slaves or freedmen, 
and usually Greek, are referred to f most towns had 
grammatici or teachers of literature,^ and in the larger 
towns were rhetoricians, who would help to train 
pleaders, and to some extent philosophers also. Such 
teachers were usually supported by the fees of pupils, 
occasionally by the municipalities ; like the public teacher 
of Latin literature paid by the township of Tritium, 
who died at the age of twenty-five.^ The imperial 
government did little in this direction. At Italica was 
a Latin school, in the ruins of which is a tile with the 
first two verses of the jEiteid scraped on it, probably as 

• 2236 (Domitius Isquilinus). ' 1738 (Troilus). 
3 14S2 (Astigi), 1981 (Abdera). 

* E.g., 3872 (Saguntum), 5079 (Asturica). « 2892. 

156 Oratorical School of Corduba 

the model for a writing lesson.^ Education was, in 
fact, readily accepted by the Spaniards when it came 
in their way, and the Latin used in non-official inscrip- 
tions is fairly correct. 

Latin poets appear at Corduba in the time of Cicero ; 
and M. Porcius Latro, so often mentioned by the elder 
Seneca, may be considered one of the founders of 
scholastic rhetoric. He left Spain for Rome early in 
the Augustan age, and though his language was criticized 
by the purist Messala, he was greatly respected by his 
pupils, who included the poet Ovid. They were even 
content to sit silent and listen to him instead of de- 
claiming themselves, apparently an unusual event. Yet 
this same Latro, who could declaim before the emperor 
himself, when he had to plead in a real case on behalf 
of a kinsman in a Spanish provincial court, began with 
a solecism and broke down so completely that the judge, 
respecting his high reputation, consented to transfer him- 
self to the rhetorician's lecture room.^ 

With him was associated Junius Gallio of Corduba, 
also a leading orator at Rome, who opposed the growing 
tendency to inflation, and with two or three others formed 
a coterie which guided oratorical taste.^ Sextilius Hena, 
also of Corduba, is described as an orator of unequal style, 
and with a strange pronunciation, but of great abihty, 
who defended Cicero against the depreciation of PoUio's 
partisans.* A Spaniard of distinction residing at 

1 4967. 

2 Sen. Conir. IX. prasf. and II. 23. Livy is also thought to show 
signs of indebtedness to Latro {Bull. Hisp. XV., 408). 

» Quint. IX. 2. 

* Sen. Suas. VI. 27. Another rhetorical school seems to have 
existed at Tarraco, including Turrinus Clodius and Gavius Silo, 
who was heard with approval by Augustus (Sen. Conir. X. praef.) 

Life of Seneca the Elder 157 

Rome under Augustus was the freedman Hyginus,^ 
who was appointed by the emperor head of the Palatine 
library, and was the author of biographical, historical, 
and genealogical works. The treatises on mythology 
and astrology, which have come down under the name 
of Hyginus, are generally referred to the Antonine 

Orators, poets, and other literary men, abounded at 
this period, but the information about those whose works 
are lost is scanty, and only the seven of whom something 
important remains are here discussed, and very briefly. 

Seneca, the rhetorician, was born at Corduba of a 
wealthy family of equestrian rank, between 60 B.C. 
and 53 B.C. His early education was in his native 
town ; and he was for a time prevented by the civil wars 
from going to Rome to complete his rhetorical studies, 
and only arrived in the capital some time after the death 
of Cicero. His teacher here was Marullus, ' homo satis 
aridus,'^ and Porcius Latro was a fellow student. There 
is no proof that Seneca himself was ever a professed 
rhetorician ; he was a man of independent means, who, 
however, devoted himself to the study of rhetoric and 
to hearing the declamations of orators of every kind. 
He returned to Corduba for some years, and there 
married Helvia, a lady of high station, by whom he 
had three sons, all men of mark. These were Annseus 
Novatus, who was adopted by Seneca's friend, Junius 
Gallic, and was himself an orator credited by Jerome* 
with copious eloquence ; the philosopher, Lucius ; and 

1 Suet. Gramni. 20. 
* Cotitr. I. praef. 

s Prcef. ad les. 8. Tac. (Or. 26), however, refers to ' Calamistros 
Mzecenatis aut tinnitus Gallionis,' probably meaning Seneca's son. 

158 Subjects of his Rhetorical Treatises 

Annasus Mela, who, though of greater capacity than his 
brothers, preferred the quiet life of a civil servant. The 
father returned to Rome not later than a.d. 4, since he 
heard Asinius Pollio when the latter was already an 
old man ; and some years later addressed to his sons the 
extant reminiscences of the orators of his earlier years, 
besides composing a historical work now lost, which 
covered the period from the outbreak of the civil war. 
He was dead at the time of Lucius's banishment 
in 41. 

Seneca's own style and feeling are best displayed in 
the prefaces to the various declamations. The form is 
unaffected, and resembles more that of familiar letters 
than of silver -age oratory, betokening a republican 
gravity such as became an admirer of Cato. The cor- 
ruption of the times is sternly condemned, the degrada- 
tion of the female character, the decay of oratory, and 
the suppression of free thought and speech, exemplified 
by the official burning of literary works that happened 
to be obnoxious to the government. Even Greek rhe- 
toricians and Greek culture are not spared. The 
chief value of his works is in the information about 
rhetorical training, which was, in fact, synonymous 
with all higher education, in the age of Augustus and 
Tiberius. A man of good judgment, with an extra- 
ordinarily retentive memory, he aimed at giving an idea 
of the methods of argument adopted by professional 
orators during the previous sixty years. 

The SuasoricB refer to historical or mythological 
personages, and deal with some practical point, whether 
something should or should not be done, or which of two 
or more alternatives should be chosen. The Controversies 

Seneca's Controversies — his Style 159 

are devoted to difficult legal cases. After outlining the 
case they summarize the arguments used on either side. 
Most of the themes seem to have been hackneyed ones, 
unlikely to occur in real life, and often of an unpleasing 
character, but yet such as would not rouse the hostility 
of an autocratic government from too political a bearing. 
In several instances a mere outline is preserved, with- 
out any reference to particular orators. Though the 
reports are obviously not verbatim, there is sufficient 
difference of style to show that Seneca is not inventing 
throughout. Collections of declamations are known to 
have been in existence, and may have been utilized in 
places. Two collections, attributed to Calpurnius 
Flaccus amd Quintilian, and probably belonging to the 
century after Seneca, have points of contact with his 

The language of the quotations is of the epigrammatic 
and declamatory type characteristic of the age — the 
language which exercised a strong influence on Lucan 
and the tragedies of the younger Seneca; but inter- 
mixed are many digressions and personal judgments 
due to the author himself, which are of real value. 

Seneca the philosopher, though like his father born 
at Corduba, came to Rome at an early age, and never 
appears to have revisited Spain. His allusions to it are 
few, the two chief both belonging to the period of his 
exile in Corsica. In a treatise dedicated to his mother 
Helvia he alludes to the resemblance between the 
islanders and some Spanish tribes in respect to language 
and costume; and in the little group of epigrams 
attributed to this period there is one of some elegance, 
but too self-conscious for modern taste, in which 

i6o Philosophy of Seneca the Younger 

Corduba is bidden to mourn for her bard imprisoned 
on a desolate rock. 

Seneca's life belongs to the general history of Rome, 
nor is it possible to do more than allude briefly to the 
manifold directions in which his literary activity 
displayed itself. A moderate Stoic, free from the 
paradoxes and exaggerations which characterized the 
tenets of many of that school, free also from pedantry, 
and a master of striking epigrammatic language and 
piquant anecdote, he produced a number of popular 
philosophical treatises which have been a real power 
for good at all times. The absence of creative thought 
and deep penetration is compensated for by a genuine 
tone of religious fervour, such as is seldom found in 
ancient moralists. The lofty religious and ethical 
ideals which he sets before him have no relation to 
the ordinary Roman anthropomorphic system. They 
have far more in common with the New Testament, at 
least with the earnest religious attitude which Stoicism 
and other eastern beliefs were disseminating in Italy 
and the west. In youth Seneca had been attracted by 
the asceticism of the Pythagoreans ; and though later 
he was accused of excessive devotion to wealth, he 
seems to have turned with relief (always suffering as 
he did from delicate health) from the luxury of a 
corrupt age to study and philosophical meditation. 

The language, like that of most of his contemporaries, 
suffers from the general absorption in rhetoric. There 
is ever present a desire to make striking points, to use 
ordinary words in strange contexts, to enforce a single 
idea by constant repetitions in slightly different forms ; 
a tendency which Fronto compares to the feats of a 

Apocolocyntosis and Tragedies i6r 

juggler who plays a number of antics with the same 

Besides the ethical treatises and letters there are 
several books on physical science {Qumstion&s Naturales), 
drawn chiefly from Stoic sources, especially Posidonius, 
and popular in the middle ages ; and the pasquinade on 
the deification of Claudius. Like the Menippean satire, 
this is in mixed prose and verse, and is a masterpiece of 
bitter raillery on the emperor who had banished him, 
as keen as anything in Martial, with something in its 
farcical exaggeration which recalls the old Attic comedy. 

The declamatory tragedies extant under the name of 
Seneca, most of which are usually ascribed to the philo- 
sopher owing to coincidences of thought and language, 
add little to his reputation. The plots are derived 
entirely from the Attic tragedians ; the language owes 
much to Ovid; but the feelings of frenzy which the 
cruelties and recklessness of the Neronian age evoked 
are too visible throughout. The characters are hardly 
distinguished; all are at the boiling-point of passion. 
The Furies and Hecate are invoked on every page ; 
horror succeeds horror, and all the resources of language 
are exhausted to express unreal feelings. Yet the com- 
mand of epigram and the cleverness displayed through- 
out are those of a true artist if not a great poet, and 
the form and arrangement are so perfect as to have 
made Seneca the recognized model for the classical 
dramatists both of France and Italy. 

Lucan, the son of Annseus Mela and grandson of 
M. Seneca, but named after his maternal grandfather 
Acilius Lucanus, was also born at Corduba, but was 

^ P. 156, ed. Naber. 


1 62 Life of Lucan — Nature of his Works 

taken to Rome at a very early age, and spent the rest 
of his short life between Italy and Greece. Dying at 
twenty-five by his own hand, he left a large body of 
literature, of which nothing but the unfinished epic and 
fragments of other poems now remains. A native of 
the Patrician colony which had suffered severely at the 
hands of the Csesarean faction, like other members of 
the Annasan family Lucan gravitated towards the re- 
mains of the senatorial order, imbibing much of the 
old republican sentiment and a hatred of the new^er 
order of things. The Pharsalia is thus filled with 
regrets for the obsolete regime which had proved hope- 
less and brought endless misery on the provinces. 
Living principally at Rome, Lucan had before him the 
worst aspects of the new absolutism, to which was 
added the personal ill-will caused by the jealousy of 
Nero, who ultimately forbade the young and aspiring 
poet to declaim in public. Rich and honoured, re- 
posing in the beautiful gardens which Juvenal mentions, 
Lucan composed this fine series of declamations put 
into the form of an epic. Lacking in continuity of 
interest, in plot, hero, and conclusion, the Pharsalia 
is yet a wonderful performance, the outcome of true 
genius forced into premature exuberance by rhetorical 
training. More deserving, as Quintilian says, of imita- 
tion by orators than by poets, especially distinguished 
by his aphorisms and sententicB, Lucan can turn readily 
from pathos to indignation, from description to scientific 
disquisitions. For his age he has a wide knowledge of 
geography, astronomy, and natural history, gathered, 
no doubt, from handbooks, but utihzed with judgment. 
Yet so great was the exhaustion of poetical language. 

Style of the Pharsalia 163 

so necessary was it felt to give new turns to familiar 
ideas, that Lucan is obliged to resort to the far-fetched 
paraphrases, the exaggeration of language and senti- 
ment, which characterize the decline of literary move- 
ments in Spain. Descriptions are vigorous, and the 
picturesque points in a scene are skilfully seized, but 
too often wearisome catalogues or ill-timed enumera- 
tions of horrors take their place. In spite of his Stoic 
professions, his religion is little more than a vague 
fatalism, and the divine interventions of traditional 
epic are carefully avoided. Superstitions and omens 
are indeed dwelt on for the sake of their literary effect, 
and there are few more impressive scenes in Latin 
literature than the account of Appius at the Delphic 
Oracle,^ or of the necromancy of the witch Erichtho.^ 
In this latter scene the harmless Pluto and Hecate of 
the Greeks, under the influence of far-reaching Oriental 
mysticism, are transformed out of all recognition, so as 
to recall the ferocious Siva himself and the cannibal 
Kali with her necklace of skulls ; and the whole episode 
is worthy of comparison with that witnessed on the 
battlefield by the priest and the maiden in the Syrian 
romance of Heliodorus.^ 

The sententicB praised by Quintilian are the single 
weighty lines expressing some general truth, with which 
Lucan sums up the bearing of a long declamatory 
passage — e.g., ' Nescit plebes ieiuna timere — semper 
metuet quem sseva pudebunt — vincitur baud gratis 
iugulo qui provocat hostem.' These have felicity of 
expression and show an aptitude for clear and pointed 
language which, relieved of the load of rhetoric, finds a 

» V. 120 et seq. ^ VI. 507 to end. ^ jEthiop. VI. 14-15. 

1 64 Lucan's Versification — Pomponius Mela 

natural vehicle in the epigram. Lucan's versification 
is correct, but formal and monotonous. Vergil's variety 
of pauses and his skilful use of caesura and elision give 
place to the type which would win applause at a recita- 
tion, the declamatory hexameter with fixed pauses, 
made smooth by the avoidance of elision and irregu- 
larities; a type which reappears in Juvenal and the 
epics of the next generation. As a national poet 
Lucan is of small account. A fresh geographical 
setting is provided for almost every one of the ten 
books, and the scene of the fourth, which embodies 
Caesar's Ilerda campaign, is in the north of Spain. A 
flood is vividly depicted, and the plight of an army cut 
off from water while in full sight of it ; but the country 
would not be familiar to Lucan's Baetican relatives, and 
the whole episode is, no doubt, derived from historical 
authors, especially Caesar and Livy. 

Pomponius Mela produced his geographical treatise 
about A.D. 40. He calls himself a native of Tingentera, 
near Carteia, a place inhabited by Phoenicians from 
Africa, and usually identified with the Julia Traducta 
(Tarifa) of the coins, which was colonized from Tingi. 
His description of places is very summary, and almost 
limited to coast districts. The language is rhetorical, 
and constructions are distorted to form epigrammatic 
phrases in Seneca's manner, the style in places even 
recalling Sallust ; and the author regrets the few 
openings for eloquence which his theme provides. 
The work was utilized by later writers, as Pliny and 
Solinus, and for better known countries is fairly 
correct. Mediterranean lands are first dealt with, then 
those lying outside, so that Spain is twice introduced. 

His References to Spain — Life of Columella 1 6 5 

In some respects, as in the account of the north coast, 
an advance is shown on Strabo, and the true direction 
of the Pyrenees, extending in reality to the western 
ocean, not ending with the Bay, is now first pointed 
out. Spain abounds, he says, in men, horses, and 
many metals, and is so fertile that if anywhere from 
want of water it is exhausted or unhke itself, it grows 
flax or esparto grass. Remote tribes are mentioned, as 
the Artabri, ' still of Celtic race,' the shrine of 
Egyptian Hercules at Gades, ' famed for its founders, 
sanctity, age, and wealth,' the Cassiterides, and the 
lesser Baleares, about which some curious details are 
given. The work is a popular compendium more than 
a scientific treatise, ignoring measurements and dis- 
tances. The manners and customs of remote peoples 
are noticed, often from authorities long antiquated, 
and fabulous stories of Hyperboreans, Griffins, headless 
Blemmyes, and the antipodean source of the Nile are 

Columella was born in the reign of Augustus at 
Gades, and was reared by his grandfather, an expert 
agriculturist, who was well acquainted with the virtues 
of particular soils and the management of vineyards 
and herds. He served as military tribune in Syria, and 
after leaving the army settled in Italy, where he had a 
number of estates in the vicinity of Rome. He was 
acquainted with distinguished men, as Seneca, his 
brother Gallio, and Cornelius Celsus ; but the language 
of his treatise is free from contemporarj' affectation. 
He had read the chief agricultural writers, had some 
knowledge of philosophy and historj-, and introduces 
reminiscences of the language of Cicero and Vergil. 

1 66 The De Re Rustica — Quintilian's Life 

Though a provincial by birth, his tone is that of 
a Roman of the old school. He speaks bitterly of 
the dishonesty of present-day lawyers, the dependent 
position of the client, the general devotion to town life 
with its circuses and theatres, instead of to cornfields 
and vineyards. The work itself is written in a 
clear if somewhat diffuse style, and in a language 
which the very nature of the subject kept free from 
many innovations. It covers the field of agricultural 
activity in a very satisfactory manner, dealing with the 
choice of a farm, trees, flocks and herds, birds, parks 
for various kinds of animals, even the duties of the 
Vilica, or farmer's wife. One book on gardening 
is in verse, in imitation of the Georgics, but the writer 
makes no great claims for it, being satisfied if it 
does not disgrace his prose. It presents few striking 
features ; the ornaments introduced are of a familiar 
kind, and the point of view is that of the practical 
agriculturist rather than of the admirer of natural 

The five writers hitherto considered were natives 
of southern Spain ; the two who remain, the last 
that the nation produced in its short period of 
literary supremacy, belonged to the north of the 
Hither province, a token of the extension of Roman 
culture to the ruder districts. Quintilian was a native 
of Calagurris (Calahorra), a small Iberian town on the 
upper Ebro. It had been the last to surrender to the 
Roman troops after the suppression of the Sertorian 
revolt, resorting to desperate expedients in order to 
prolong its resistance ; and later received municipal 
rights. Born about A.D. 35, Quintilian was brought to 

His Wide Influence at Rome 167 

Rome at an early age by his father who was a teacher 
of rhetoric in the capital; and there he had the 
opportunity of hearing some of the most distinguished 
exponents of the art, such as Domitius Afer, Julius 
Africanus, and Remmius Palasmon. He returned for a 
few years to Calagurris, practising as a lawyer and 
teaching rhetoric, and attracted the notice of Galba, 
the legate of the Tarraconensian province. He accom- 
panied that emperor to Rome, and soon became a 
celebrated pleader, one of his speeches being on behalf 
of the Jewish queen Berenice. In 79 he obtained 
an endowment from Vespasian as the first official 
teacher of rhetoric, retiring about ten years later. 
From Domitian he received the consular insignia, and 
was appointed tutor to members of the imperial family, 
repaying the emperor with some ill-deserved flattery. 
His later years he devoted to the extant treatise on the 
training and equipment of an orator. 

For twenty years Quintilian was the leader of literary 
taste at Rome, and. an acknowledged authority on 
education ; nor is it fanciful to attribute to his influence 
the refinement and nobility of feeling which character- 
izes the next generation. Pliny and many of his corre- 
spondents, Tacitus, Trajan, and Hadrian, had all grown 
up under the influence of a character which induces 
even Juvenal to single out Quintilian as the example of 
a severe and honourable man in an age of utter degrada- 
tion.^ The expressed object of his work is to recall 
to higher standards the art of speaking, corrupted and 
warped by every kind of fault.'' Oratorical handbooks 
composed by men who had grown up in the school 
1 Sat VI. 175. 2 jnst. Or. XI. 125. 

1 68 Antonius Julianus — Fortune-Hunters 

of Seneca and exaggerated its defects, were unprac- 
tical, and full of pedantic subtleties. The orator must 
above all things be a good man, must not knowingly 
uphold the worse cause, must study all that is good in 
literature, both Greek and Latin, Cicero more than any. 
As with other Spanish writers of the day, Quintilian 
shows no traces of a provincial origin. His language, 
though not exempt from the faults of the Silver age, 
is remarkably pure. On one occasion when he quotes 
a provincialism, he is careful to add that he has merely 
been told that it belonged to Spain. ^ 

Quintilian's place as an arbiter of taste was to some 
extent taken by Antonius Julianus, who was also of 
Spanish birth, and is praised by Gellius for eloquence 
and familiarity with ancient literature. Another orator 
and poet was Voconius Romanus of Valentia, of whom 
Pliny says: ' He writes epistles such that one would 
think the Muses themselves were speaking Latin.' ^ 

The high position attained by such persons at Rome 
induced others of their countrymen to dream of great 
riches to be gained there, often to be bitterly disil- 
lusioned; such as the Spaniard Tuccius, who turned back, 
after coming as far as the Milvian bridge, on hearing how 
paltry a dole was all that clients could expect.^ The 
less successful would be liable thus to sink to the ignoble 
position of parasites of the richer citizens, and be com- 
pelled to live by their wits. 

Valerius Martialis, of Bilbilis, now Calatayud, near 
Cassaraugusta, is an example of how a brilliant wit, 

' I- 5> 57 : ' Gurdos ex Hispania originem duxisse audivi.' 

2 Ep. II. 13, 7. 

3 Mart. III. 14. 

Life and Style of Martial 169 

facility, and real poetical genius, were insufficient to 
raise a poor man above a mean and dependent position. 
He was a member of a poet's club at Rome, which 
included several Spaniards ; one of the most popular 
was Canius Rufus of Gades, a witty raconteur always 
full of high spirits, of whom Martial says that, though 
Ulysses may have deserted the Sirens, ' what would 
surprise me would be that he should leave Canius 
behind.' Decianus of Emerita was a poet, Greek 
scholar, and stoic; Maternus of Bilbilis a knight and 
orator, who neglected Martial when he became rich. 
Valerius Licinianus was a lawj'er of note ; and Lucius 
of Bilbilis, a poet, is invited to celebrate their native 
town, ' excelling,' Martial says, ' in cruel iron, engirt 
by the Salo that tempers the sword.' ^ 

Martial's epigrams cover a great variety of subjects. 
Many are deeply pathetic, with that dwelling on the 
idea of death which was characteristic of ancient Spain. 
Others are amusing vers de socidte, of but transitory' 
interest. Others display the satiric vein, the biting 
humour which marks many Spanish writers, such as 
Juan Ruiz, archpriest of Hita, in his satire on the proud 
and poverty-stricken nobles, the corrupt priests, and 
dishonest servants of the middle ages. Coarse and 
servile though Martial undoubtedly is, these qualities 
are partly redeemed by the recognition, never long con- 
cealed, of the hollowness and artificiality of city life, and 
the desire to refresh himself, if not in his native village, 
at least in a rural part of Italy. At last, after over 
thirty years of the enervating and embittering life of 
Rome, he returns to Bilbilis, and, through the generosity 

' IV. ss. 

170 His Later Years in Spain 

of a lady admirer, Marcella, receives a small estate which 
enables him to be independent for his few remaining 

However much disillusioned, the poet yet could not 
repress some vexation at the dulness of his fellow- 
townsmen, with whom ill-will took the place of criti- 
cism.^ His muse too was stifled by his absence from 
theatres, libraries, and places of public resort, and he 
came to realize that epigrams were in reality dictated 
by the audience rather than evolved by the poet. Yet 
he feels a certain pride in Bilbilis, ' famed for horses 
and iron,' and loves the dances and festivals of the 
villagers, the bowers of twining roses, the oak-groves 
where the country people worshipped. 

One toga would last four years, so seldom was it 
needed ; the neighbouring place-names are too harsh 
and barbarous to be well treated in Latin verse. The 
poet would sleep till past nine o'clock, and would then 
watch the bailiff serving out rations to the farm-hands, 
and his wife loading with pots the fire fed with oak-logs 
from the neighbouring grove. He enjoys the shadow of 
interlacing vines, green even in winter, the fountains, 
dovecote, and eel-pond on the estate given by Marcella.^ 
As with Theocritus and many writers of pastorals, 
Martial, the poet of a city life as corrupt as the world 
has ever known, shows the truest appreciation of rustic 
sights and sounds. 

What, then, was the intellectual condition of the 
Spanish people in the early empire ? Had the brigands, 
the troglodytes, the sacrificers of human beings, evolved 
into a nation of rhetoricians, philosophers, and poets, 

I XII. praf. 2 XII. 18 and 31. C/. I. 49, IV. 55. 

Education Limited to the Towns 171 

with their auditors and readers ? How, then, can we 
explain the outburst of ignorance and superstition which 
in the fourth and following centuries lowered the noblest 
religion to a level hardly above that of heathendom, the 
fierce intolerance which speedily turned the persecuted 
into persecutors ? What would QuintiHan have said of 
the miraculous passage of the body of Santiago from 
Palestine to Compostella ? What would have been the 
opinion of the author of the De dementia on the execu- 
tion of Priscillian and Euchrotia ? 

The answer may be that, as a result of misgovern- 
ment and loss of trade, learning had declined somewhat 
in the larger towns, while the vrave of Orientahsm in 
the Antonine age contributed to the subordination of 
reason to blind faith. Spain was not, however, a land 
of large towns ; the little pueblo, with a few hundred 
agricultural or mining inhabitants, was the typical 
community. It had no municipal organization ; the 
Romans ' attributed ' it to a larger centre, which would 
mean in practice that, except for the occasional visits 
of the tax-collector, it was left to manage its own affairs 
under a locally elected headman. No grammaticus or 
rhetor would think it worth while to set up his school 
here ; no inscriptions would remain to attest the purity 
of its Latin. While the cosmopolitan population of 
Tarraco applauded the Blues and Greens of the Circus, 
ajid the citizens of Emerita were studying the evolutions 
of Salamis or Actium in their splendid Naumachia, the 
villagers, like Martial's neighbours, would be content 
with rustic dances, hunting, or competitions in javelin- 
throwing. Roman dominion meant hardly more to 
them than English rule does to remote Indian villages. 

1/2 Country Parts Little Romanized 

When Nero won his Olympian victory, orders came to 
some Bsetican aldeanos that there should be public 
rejoicings. The command was duly performed, but the 
only impression left on the mind of the villagers was 
that the emperor had won a battle over some people 
called Olympians. 

As the towns decayed, this class, always the real 
strength of the population, came to the front. In- 
stead of the artificial product of an alien civilization, 
we have now the feelings and beliefs of the average 
provincial. While Seneca and Quintilian were unin- 
telligible to the great mass of their fellow-country- 
men, the mysterious legends, the miraculous lives of 
saints and martyrs, evolved among and for the people, 
satisfied their love of the marvellous, and formed what 
is in a manner a truer expression of national feeling 
than the literary output of the Silver age. 

Dill : Roman Society from Nero to Aurelius (chapter on L. Seneca). 
NiSARD : Poetes Latins de la Decadence. 

RiBBECK : Geschichte der Romischen Dichtung, III. (Stuttgart, 1892). 
SiMONDS : Themes treated by the Elder Seneca (Baltimore, 1896). 
Barbaret : De Columellce vita et Scriptis (Nantes, 1887). 
Genthe : De M. Lucani vita et Scriptis. 
Heitland : Introduction to Haskins's Lucan. 
Peterson : Introduction to edition of Quintilian X. 
BuNBURY : Ancient Geography, II. 23 (Pomponius Mela). 
BUDINSZKY : Die Ausbreiiung der lat. Sprache, pp. 61-77. 
La Ville de Mirmont : Les d/clamafeurs espagnols au temps 
d'Augusle et de Tibere {Bull. Hisp. XII.-XV.). 



E^paios KcXfTot fie nais, fiaKdp€(riTt.v dvao"0"ci)v, 
rdvSf dofAov TTpoXiTTcXv Koi *A(5off av6is iKctrBai, 

Oracle ofAf^oIIo at Delphi. 

' Idola protero sub pedibus 
Pectore et ore Deum fateor ; 
Isis, Apollo, Venus nihil est, 
Maximianus et ipse nihil.' 


There is little doubt that Christianity was introduced 
to Spain through Jewish communities established in 
the trading towns of the coast, but the origin of these 
communities is uncertain. The Jews of the middle 
ages invented a number of fantastic legends about 
prehistoric Hebrew settlements, partlj', it seems, to 
exonerate their own ancestors from any share in the 
guilt of the Crucifixion. Worthless as are such 
legends, it is not impossible that some Jews, speaking 
a ver}' similar language and inspired by a like spirit of 
commercial enterprise, joined in the Phcenician colonies 
of the south. From early in the empire — perhaps 
from the banishment of Jews from Rome by Claudius — 
they were well established, as St. Paul's intention of 
visiting Spain would suggest. Both \^espasian and 
Hadrian settled prisoners here. Jewish coins dis- 


174 Traditional Visit of St. Paul 

covered near Tarraco imply a colony in that city, and 
Spain is mentioned both in the Talmud and Midrashes. 
The earliest monument however, the grave of an infant 
Jewess at Abdera, is not earlier than the third century.^ 
At this period they increased so fast as to attract the 
attention of the Ecclesiastical Council of lUiberis 
(Granada), which was attended by the bishops of 
many towns, such as Corduba, Hispalis, Toletum, 
and Caesaraugusta, where Jewish communities existed. 
This forbade not only intermarriage between Christians 
and Jews, but living or even eating with the latter, or 
the blessing of the produce of their fields. Under 
Constantine the perversion of a Christian became a 
penal offence, but there was no organized persecution 
before the later Gothic age. 

Both Clement of Rome and the early Muratorian 
fragment state that St. Paul carried out his design of 
visiting Spain, but the places visited and the length of 
his stay are quite uncertain. Tradition suggests that 
he landed at Gades, and passed Hispalis and Astigi 
(now Ecija, where the Church still claims him as 
patron) on his way to the east coast. After his de- 
parture, the legend continues, seven bishops were 
consecrated by the apostles at Rome to fill the sees to 
be founded in the south of Spain. These set out on a 
missionary journey under the leadership of Torquatus, 
and various miracles attended their progress, such as 
the sudden fall of the great bridge over the river at Acci 
on their arrival during a heathen festival. This city, to 
which Torquatus was appointed — the sancta et apostolica 
ecclesia A ccitana — claimed to be the first episcopal see 

in all Spain. 

1 1982. 

Spanish Church in the Third Century 175 

There is no doubt that Christianity was firmly planted 
in Bsetica by early in the second century, even though 
stories relating to a persecution under Domitian are 
apocryphal. The churches of Iberia are mentioned by 
Irenseus, and Tertullian says ' all the boundaries of 
Spain know the name of Christ.'^ The next group of 
documents refers to the middle of the third century. 
First comes a famous letter of St. Cyprian^ to the 
faithful of Legio, Asturica, and Emerita, in reply to a 
request for advice. This proves that there were already 
bishops in northern and western Spain, not only at 
Caesaraugusta, but at Leon and Asturica, which appa- 
rently formed one see, and at Emerita. The two latter 
had lapsed in the persecution of Decius, the first to be 
felt with any severity in Spain. Secondly, come the 
earliest of the Acts of Spanish martyrs, those of 
Fructuosus, bishop of Tarraco, who in the persecu- 
tion of Valerian (258-9) was burned with two of his 
deacons in the amphitheatre of the city, for refusing to 
take part in the state religion.' Although Fructuosus 
was the only bishop martyred in Spain under Roman 
rule, his memory, like that of other early victims, was 
less elaborately celebrated than the martyrs of subse- 
quent persecutions, who lived at a time when saint- 
worship was spreading. 

No other bishop of Tarraco is mentioned till the reign 
of Theodosius, so that the see probably remained long 
vacant after the terrible Prankish inroad. Whether any 
had preceded Fructuosus is uncertain, but the size and 
importance of the place would make it probable. In the 

1 Adi: hid. VII. ' Ep. 67. 

^ Ruinart, p. 264 ; Prud. Peristeph. VI. ; Aug. Scrm. 273. 

176 Growth of Episcopal Sees 

same persecution perished Cyprian of Carthage, whom 
the Spaniards revered as much as if he had been a 
countryman/ and Laurence, a native of Osca, who 
suffered at Rome in 259, and is duly celebrated by 
Prudentius. Relief came from an unexpected quarter. 
The persecuting Valerian, a prisoner among the Persians, 
died amidst circumstances of the greatest ignominy. 
His feeble son Gallienus, threatened by a host of usurpers, 
withdrew his father's edict, and allowed the Christians 
to use their churches and cemeteries undisturbed. 

For a generation the Church enjoyed peace, and 
its internal organization rapidly developed. Nineteen 
bishops took part in a council at the beginning of the 
fourth century, chiefly from Bsetica, with three or four 
from the west and north ; and Arnobius {circa a.d. 300) 
refers to innumerable Christians as living in Spain and 
Gaul. The existence of a bishop is not of itself a proof 
of any large congregation. In early days the diocese 
and parish were almost synonymous ; the bishop was 
assisted by a body of deacons, usually seven, distin- 
guished by white stoles, and, like a parish priest, 
received the tithes. Even after the conversion of 
the empire, pagans were in a large majority, nor was 
the Church really strong or supported by Christian 
governors till the days of Valentinian and Theodosius. 

In the earlier period services were held in private 
houses, but churches began to be common towards the 
end of the third century, as implied by the canons of 
the Council of Illiberis, which itself met in a church. 
A decree of Honorius a century later, transferring 

^ Cf. Prud. Peristeph. XIII. 3 : 'Est proprius patrias sed amore 
et ore noster.' 

Persecution of Diocletian I'jj 

heathen temples to the Church, has led to the pre- 
servation of some of these, much altered, to the present 

The last and greatest trial still awaited the faithful, 
the terrible persecution of Diocletian and Maximian. 
The first edict was directed against soldiers who re- 
fused certain heathen observances, and this led to the 
executions of two Christians of Legio, Chelidonius and 
Emeterius, natives of Calagurris, whose praises are 
celebrated by Prudentius. Of later edicts, one ordered 
the imprisonment of all clergy who continued in their 
faith ; another permitted them to be released if they 
consented to offer sacrifice ; the fourth prescribed the 
death penalty for all Christians who remained obdurate. 
To enforce this, Dacianus, governor of Tarraconensis, 
arrived from Gaul, and visited all the chief towns. All 
contributed their quota to the roll of martyrs, who 
perished amidst fearful tortures, defying their perse- 
cutors, and inspired by the stoical endurance which 
has seldom failed Spaniards in the face of death. 
Victims are recorded at Gerona, Barcino (where the 
African Cucufat suffered), Caesaraugusta, Complutum, 
Toletum, Valentia, Emerita, Astigi, and in the dis- 
trict though not the city of Gades. The activity of 
Dacianus was not limited to his own province, but the 
governors of Bastica and Lusitania are both referred to 
in the Acts as taking a part. The persecution lasted 
for only about a year (304-5), for the resignation of the 
emperors involved the departure of Dacianus ; and the 
only effect of their cruelties was to unite the Christians 
into a powerful political party, who were able, when 
a series of fatalities had brought their oppressors to 

178 Council of Illiberis 

miserable ends, to turn the scale in favour of the 
candidate for the throne who was prepared to grant 

The Church, having surmounted its greatest danger, 
had to provide regulations for the guidance of its 
members, especially in relation to their heathen fellow 
subjects. A council accordingly met at Illiberis in 
Bastica about a.d. 306 under the presidency of Felix, 
bishop of Acci. Too violent a break with the past was 
not desired. Unnecessary braving of martyrdom was 
condemned, and those who were executed for casting 
down idols were not to be esteemed martyrs. Christians 
who held the duovirate, an office involving some 
conformity with heathendom, were not to enter a church 
before their duties were ended. Christians were for- 
bidden to enter temples, to marry their daughters to 
heathens or Jews, to become flamens, to take part in 
sacrifices in the Capitoline temples, or to celebrate 
public games. Images and pictures were not to be 
used in churches, a token that idolatry was already 
creeping in again ; idols as far as possible were to be 
removed from private estates. Pantomimists and 
charioteers were to be excluded from the community 
unless definitely renouncing their calling ; bishops and 
priests were to abstain from commerce, and remain 
unmarried, a regulation which, though disapproved of 
by the Nicene congress (325), was reaffirmed by the 
council of Toletum in 400. 

The energetic Hosius of Corduba, who was probably 
the guiding spirit at the council, may have helped to 
organize the hierarchy which appears in the course 
of the fourth century, apparently in connection with 

Degeneration within the Church 179 

the new provincial organization. Before this time 
there was no metropolitan in Spain, no authority to 
whom the individual bishops could look for guidance, 
whence we may explain the appeal to Cyprian already 
referred to. Six Spanish bishops took pait in the 
council of Sardica (343), probably representing the new 
divisions of Spain, and before the end of the century 
archbishops are found at Hispalis, Tarraco, Asturica 
(for the Gallaecian province) and Emerita. For central 
and south-east Spain the metropolitan see was fixed 
eventually at Toletum, and a Balearic bishop first 
appears in 418. 

The history of the Church in this period is largely 
an account of the struggles first with Gnosticism which 
was strong in northern Spain, then with Arianism, 
both really forms of Christianized heathendom. These 
dangers were successfully surmounted, but within the 
Church there was going on a gradual revival of heathen 
practices and modes of thought. Ecclesiastical rites 
took on the form of mysteries, frescoes and images of 
saints were set up and worshipped, pilgrimages to 
martyrs' shrines were frequent. The authorities of the 
Church in many instances became worldly and self- 
seeking, a laxity which evoked the protests first of the 
solitary devotees or hermits, later of monachism. Two 
opposite tendencies thus manifested themselves, the 
admiration of the beautiful and mysterious in religion, 
the love of external splendour, the celebration or 
worship of great men of the past ; and again the self- 
sacrifice and asceticism which mark the Iberian 
character, the spirit which afterwards fired Dominic 
and Ignatius, that strongly felt individuality, which 

i8o Little Early Literature — Juvencus 

inculcates the moral independence and individual 
responsibility of every man, apart from all externals 
of wealth or station. The Roman centralizing tendency 
is now checked; marked differences appear between 
the separate provinces, not only in doctrine but even 
in such externals as the form of sepulchral inscriptions. 

Christian literature is scanty before the middle of the 
fourth century ; but Spain had been greatly influenced 
by the mystical and intolerant attitude of the African 
fathers, whose works might appear largely wasted on 
their own country, a constant prey to civil disturbance 
and barbarian inroads, but which were widely studied 
in Spain, as Pacianus studied Cyprian and Orosius 
devoted himself to Augustine. From about 330 to 
the Arab invasion, there is a steady stream of Christian 
writers — two, Prudentius and Isidore of Seville, men of 
real genius, and all showing that, while originality was 
not strongly represented, the general standard of 
education was good and the Latinity pure. 

Juvencus, a priest of the era of Constantine and the 
first Christian poet of any importance except the African 
Commodianus, has left a paraphrase of the Gospels in 
hexameter verses of some merit. He chiefly follows 
St. Matthew, showing some knowledge of the Greek, 
but is mainly indebted to the Vetus Itala, and for the 
language to Vergil, of whom he speaks with enthusiasm,* 
Lucretius, Horace, and Ovid. The original is closely 
followed, and little is to be learned of the poet's own 
views. He looks forward to a general conflagration ; 
yet those celebrated by the poets have a long life, and 
poets themselves are remembered while the world lasts. 
' Prcef. : ' lUos Minciadas celebrat dulcedo Maronis.' 

Pope Damasus — Life of Prudentius 1 8 1 

Juvencus's own work will be exempt from the fire, and 
may avail to save the writer at the coming of Christ. 
The metre is somewhat incorrect, the grammar has 
a few archaisms, side by side with loose popular con- 
structions. The style, except for some short florid 
digressions,* is plain and well suited for a religious 

The only Spanish pope before the era of the Borgias, 
Damasus (305-384), who gained his high position only 
through unexampled violence, produced some historical 
and philosophical works, and elegant little elegiac 
poems on biblical subjects, which are still extant. 

Prudentius, the greatest of ancient Christian poets, 
was born before the middle of the fourth century, 
probably at Caesaraugusta, with the history of which he 
appears familiar. After practising as a lawyer, he held 
official appointments under Theodosius, and was twice 
governor of important towns. Late in life, he seems to 
have entered some religious society, but his works are 
more those of a devout and well-read layman, practical 
rather than speculative, than of the professed theologian. 
The collection of his poems which has come down is a 
large one, and was extraordinarily popular in the 
middle ages. As the Church had now triumphed, less 
suspicion was felt of classical correctness in language 
and versification ; and Prudentius was not afraid to 
borrow from Vergil and Horace, with whom he is as 
familiar as with the earlier Latin fathers, apparently 
knowing little of Greek literature. 

» E.g., II. 1-3 : 

' lamque dies prono decedens lumine pontum 
Inciderat, furvamque super nox caerula pallam 
Sidereis pictam flammis per inane trahebat.' 

1 82 Chief Works of Prudentius 

Unlike many of the religious writers of his age, he 
shows a liberal spirit towards the empire and the 
higher qualities of heathen civilization. While strongly 
condemning the gladiatorial shows and mocking at the 
pagan philosophers, he has yet a real admiration for 
ancient works of art, condemning their indiscriminate 
destruction. There is also perceptible in several places 
the feeling that a revival of the Roman power united 
to the Church was to be hoped for and desired, while 
heathenism should be left to the barbarians. The true 
cause for the growth and unification of the empire had 
been that the Gospel might spread more easily, though 
attributed by pagans to the favour of their own deities. 

From the literary point of view, the finest works are 
the two hexameter books, Contra Symmachum, historical 
and polemical in the main, in a fluent and classical 
style, and the Cathemerinon. The latter is a collection 
of hymns, partly doctrinal, but often displaying much 
feeling and grace, especially the famous funeral hymn, 
Ad exequias defuncti, and that in honour of the Holy 
Innocents, translations of which have found their way 
into most hymnals. Other poems are directed against 
heretical views current in the West, such as those of 
Marcion, the Sabellians and Patripassians. The best 
known group, one which was widely known and 
admired, especially in Spain, where it helped to en- 
courage and exalt the cult of martyrs, is the Peristephanon, 
The literary merit here is slight ; the language is in- 
flated, the style tedious and exaggerated, the tortures 
of the martyrs are described with ghastly realism. 
Such qualities were not out of harmony with the 
national character, and the antiquarian information 

Romantic Features of the Poems 183 

conveyed is often valuable ; for example the minute 
account of the Taurobolium, or baptism of blood, often 
referred to in inscriptions as practised by the devotees 
of Cybele and Mithras, but of which little is recorded 
elsewhere.* Most of the martyrs were of Spanish 
origin, as Fructuosus of Tarraco, Vincent of Cassar- 
augusta, and Eulalia of Emerita. Much is said about 
the ornamentation of martyrs' shrines, and in the 
Dittochceon of the growing custom of adorning churches 
with pictures from biblical history. 

In spite of his classical training Prudentius has 
qualities which made him a forerunner of mediaevalism. 
He tries to invest religion with a romantic interest, 
consecrated by the real or supposed sufferings of the 
believers of old, and attested by the witness of external 
nature. The earth is invited to adorn with flowers the 
cradle of Christ. The martyr is at hand to hear the 
prayers of the faithful,- who return consoled after a 
pilgrimage to his shrine. The Psychomachia, with its 
pairs of abstract qualities matched against one another 
in argument, anticipates many morality plays, with a 
form of plot which lasted on in the Spanish autos sacra- 
vientales far into the seventeenth century. Lastly the 
exaggerated glorification, in separate poems, of the 
heroism and endurance of individuals springs from the 
same spirit as that which produced the Poeina del Cid 
and other records of chivalry. 

A contemporary of Prudentius of a very different 

stamp was the ascetic bishop of Abila (Avila between 

Salamanca cind Madrid), Priscillian, whose fate has a 

melancholy interest as presenting the first example of 

1 Pcrisicph. X. 1006. =■ Ibid., IX. 97. 

184 Priscillian's Career 

the execution by a Christian government of a Christian 
for heretical views. Appropriately it was at the in- 
stance of the countrymen of Torquemada that this 
was carried out. 

Priscillian was a Gallascian layman of great learning 
and eloquence, rich yet abstemious, and given to vigils 
and fasting. Influenced, it was asserted, by Gnostic 
teachers, who derived their tenets from Syria and 
Egypt, and were powerful in this part of Spain, he 
began to claim authority and to gather a following 
among both upper and lower classes, including many 
women. The ecclesiastical rulers took alarm. At a 
council held at Csesaraugusta the heretics were con- 
demned by default; but Priscillian was shortly after 
raised to the episcopacy by his adherents, and with 
them set out for Rome to appeal to Pope Damasus. 
In their journey through Gaul they made many con- 
verts, one the wealthy widow Euchrotia,^ a resident of 
the Burdigala district. At Rome nothing was done, 
Damasus refusing to see them; but at Mediolanum the 
heretics were more successful. Gratian, as a result, it 
was alleged, of bribes given to a court official, issued 
an edict ordering their readmission to their respective 

The malice of the persecutors still continued, and on 
the appearance of a tyrant in Gaul, Magnus Maximus, 
who was in revolt against the lawful emperor, Priscillian 
and his companions were condemned by a council at 
Burdigala ; and eventually some of the sect, including 

^ C/. Drepanus (Paneg. Lat., ed. Baehrens, p. 297) : ' Obiciebatur 
atque etiam probabatur mulieri viduas nitnia religio et diligentius 
culta divinitas.' 

His Death — Allegations of Gnosticism 185 

the bishop himself and Euchrotia, were decapitated at 
Treviri (385) ; others were banished or had their 
property confiscated. The last was the main object 
with the adventurer Maximus, who cared nothing for 
doctrinal matters, but wished both to enrich himself 
and to conciliate the powerful Spanish Church. He 
even proposed to send tribunes into Spain to hunt for 
heretics, who were to be known by their paleness and 
the sobriety of their costume ; and was with difficulty 
dissuaded by St. Martin of Tours, who strongly resented 
the interference of the civil power in ecclesiastical dis- 
putes. The heresy identified with the name of Pris- 
cillian, but really a form of the already existing 
Gnosticism, spread widely over the north of Spain and 
Aquitaine. The bishop was revered as a martyr, the 
other victims were solemnly buried in Spain, and an 
oath by Priscillian became the most binding of all. It 
was only at the council of Toletum in 400 that the 
heretics renounced their errors. 

While Gnostic and Manichaean views were freely 
alleged against him, Priscillian was executed on clearly 
fabricated charges of magic and immorality. As to the 
first, until the last thirty years it was necessary to rely 
on the interpretation of hostile chroniclers. Since the 
discovery of twelve of his treatises at Wiirzburg in 1SS5 
we are able to judge better of his real teaching. Magic 
and Manichseism are emphatically repudiated, nor is 
there any proof that Priscillian forbade the use of 
animal food and tried to discourage or dissolve 
marriages. He appears as an ascetic theosophist, much 
wrapped up in revelation and prophecy, struggling for 
light and peace of mind. Modern commentators have. 

1 86 Evidence of his Views — The Luciferiani 

indeed, found traces of Sabellian and Apollinarian 
views, probably due to confusion of thought in one 
who was no trained theologian. He suggests that the 
three persons of the Trinity are one in Christ, and that 
in the union of the Godhead and manhood in His nature 
the divine soul took the place of the human. These 
errors are combated in the Quicunque vult, which some 
critics attribute to the period following Priscillian's 
death. A similar treatise in the form of a creed, of 
clearly anti-Priscillianist tendency, has recently been 
restored to a Gallascian bishop Pastor {circa A.D. 450). 

These subtleties would, however, be unlikely to pro- 
voke such determined hostility. Like the Florentine 
friar 1,100 years later, he excited the jealousy of the 
ecclesiastical powers by a claim to superior enlighten- 
ment and holiness. Both were betrayed to self-seeking 
rulers on trumped-up charges : in the one case of magic, 
in the other of sedition ; and both met the fate which 
Machiavelli considers usual for unarmed prophets.^ 

A like harshness was shown by the Spanish bishops in 
dealing with the insignificant sect of Luciferiani, which 
originated in Sardinia, but under the guidance of Vin- 
centius of Illiberis gained some influence in Baetica 
towards the end of the fourth century. Lucifer of 
Carales had broken off from the Church on the question 
of readmitting to communion Arian bishops who had 
renounced their errors. The inflexibility of the Luci- 
feriani thus resembled that of the Novatian heretics of 
a century earlier. 

The universal history of Orosius {circa 417), though 

1 Principe, c. VI. : ' Di qui nacque che tutti i Profeti armati 
vinsero, e i disarmati rovinarono.' 

Characteristics of Orosius 187 

based on authors still extant, such as Suetonius, 
Justinus, and the Latin Eusebius for earlier history, 
and too rhetorical in places, is of value for the events 
of his ovi^n time. Orosius was a priest of Bracara 
in Gallaecia, who also resided in Africa and Palestine, 
being acquainted both with Augustine and Jerome. 
He represents the emergence of some kind of national 
feeling, and the recognition of the bonds in which 
his native country had so long been held by the 
empire. Unlike his heathen contemporary, Namatianus 
of Gaul, he has no pity for the fall of that mighty 
power, no admiration for the unifying policy which, 
with all its faults, it had kept steadily in view. 
' Careful research,' says Orosius, ' can show no real 
cause for the destruction of Carthage.' ' Let Spain 
declare what she felt when she was for two centuries 
moistening her fields with her own blood, her towns 
pillaged, their citizens reduced by hunger to mutual 
slaughter.' ' Why, Romans,' he asks again, ' do you 
undeservedly claim the titles of justice, honour, 
gallantry, or clemency ? More fitly would you learn 
such qualities from Numantia.' At the close he 
contrasts the freedom which the Spaniards now 
enjoyed under their German masters with the exac- 
tions and oppression of the empire. A main object of 
the book is to prove that greater calamities occurred 
before than after the conversion of Rome. 

Latin literature continued active under the Gothic 
monarchy, especially in the early years of the seventh 
century, when there lived Isidore, bishop of Seville, 
historian, theologian, and grammarian, the Gothic 
historian, Johannes Biclarensis, besides several other 

1 88 Authors of the Gothic Age 

theologians and a circle of court poets, who surrounded 
the enlightened king Sisebut. These did much to 
keep the spoken Latin comparatively pure, preventing 
the Germanic dialect of the upper classes from having 
any considerable influence on the Romance language 
which was to emerge in three or four centuries. 

Glover : Life and Letters in the Fourth Century. 

Brockhaus : A Prud. Clemens und seine Bedeutung fUr die Kirche 

seiner Zeit. 
Areval : Annotated edition of Prudentius. 
ScHEPss : Vortrag iiber Priscillian, and edition of new treatises. 
Gams : Kirchengeschichte von Spanien. 
SuLPicius Severus : Chron., Bk. II. 



' Le latin d'Espagne se distingue par la conservation, jusqu'a 
des epoques relativement recentes, de quelques formes casuelles 
qui generalement ont disparu aiUeurs, et mSme de reels archaismes.' 
— Carxoy. 

Knowledge of the Iberian language depends on 
between seventy and eighty inscriptions of the later 
Republican period, on the inscribed coins of neariy 
two hundred towns, divine, personal, and place-names, 
and isolated words occurring in Latin authors, glosses, 
or inscriptions. The alphabet used among the Iberian 
tribes was the Punic, but with certain differences 
suggesting rather a common origin than direct borrow- 
ing, and retrograde writing was usually abandoned 
for the western method. The language was rich 
in vowels, as shown by the proper names, and where 
they are omitted on the coins it is inferred that 
Phoenician influences were at work. The dialects 
of the north and west are known only from proper 
names, native inscriptions being almost entirely from 
the east of Spain, coins from the east and centre. 
The latter seldom have any legend except the names 
of one or more towns or tribes ; and no bilingual 
inscriptions containing identical phrases in Latin 
and Iberian have yet been discovered, so as to 


igo Language of Celtic Tribes 

facilitate the decipherment of other classes of monu- 

No inscriptions dating from a time before the 
introduction of Latin are preserved from the Celtic 
parts, and the character of the language can only 
be known from a number of personal and local names. 
The latter end chiefly in -briga and -dunum, but are 
often much Latinized ; and though thirty towns in 
-briga are known, besides six of later foundation with 
Latin prefixes, the Celtic origin of several is doubtful, 
as they lay quite outside the parts occupied by Celts. 
Tribal or gentile names from the Celtic districts 
usually end in -cum or -quum. Though Pliny suggests 
that a Celtic dialect was still spoken by some Lusi- 
tanian peoples in his day, it seems to have died out 
early in the empire, influencing the Portuguese and 
Galician languages to a slight extent, at least as 
regards the pronunciation, and leaving a few words 
to modern Spanish, chiefly relating to domestic 
objects.^ Inscriptions offer a few examples of Celtic 
declension, such as the nominatives of proper names in 
-os,^ an uncertainty between -i and -e forms in some 
proper names, a possible feminine patronymic in -is, as 
Placida Modestis, and the dropping of the final -m.^ 
This last phenomenon suggests the existence of the 
Celtic nasalized vowel, which has been retained in 
Portuguese as in French. 

1 Berro, water-cress ; penca, strap ; perol, kettle ; manteca, lard, 
are given as examples. 

^ Caisaros (5762), Secovesos (2871), Viscunos (2809). 

3 Annoru (B. A. H. 20, 107) ; also in gentile names in -com or 
-cum. Cf. Fita, Restos de la DecUnacion Celtica (1878). 

Punic and Greek Influences 191 

Punic is of no importance in the Latin of Spain. 
Except at Gades the Phcenician settlements included a 
strong native element, and the united races readily 
adopted Latin at an early date. A few local names 
remained, as Gades, Abdera, Carthago, Portus Magonis, 
and perhaps Asido ; and some personal names occur 
in the earlier inscriptions. Phoenician lettering was 
abandoned by all communities by the time of Augustus, 
and Punic legends cease on the coins. Only one modern 
word, naguela, is doubtfully attributed to a Punic ori- 
ginal, magaJia. 

In proportion to their small numbers the Greek 
colonies were influential ; and Greeks continued to settle 
in the commercial centres all through the empire as 
musicians, doctors, or votaries of one of the different 
arts enumerated by Juvenal. Their names, though 
wholly Greek inscriptions are rare before the Byzantine 
era, occur constantly on monuments, sometimes declined 
in a non-Latin manner ; and several Greek words not 
used in contemporary Italy passed into the Latin of 
Spain, such as basilium^ (a kind of head-dress), cama" 
(a pallet-bed), words connected with medicine as stactum, 
spodiacum, or with religion and statuary, as semntis,^ 
bomus ;* besides others that were ignorantlj- adapted to 
a Latin form, as horilegitim, tauribolium, crionis. A few 
Greek words were handed on to modern Spanish, as 6elo<; 
(tio), Kara in cada uno, etc. It was no doubt through such 
Greek settlers that the strongly hellenized Oriental wor- 
ships of Cybele and Isis were established in the province. 

There is no proof of the influence of any non- 

1 3386. ^ Isid. Et. 20, II. 

^ B.A.H. 13, o. * Ibid., 39, 43. 

192 Provincial Accent in Spanish Latin 

Latin Italian dialect. The remains of Tartessian art 
have some analogies to the Etruscan, and there was 
probably considerable commerce in early times between 
southern Spain and Etruria ;^ but the legend of the 
settlement at Saguntum of a colony from the Rutulian 
town of Ardea is merely due to the resemblance of 
Ardea and the name of a neighbouring Iberian tribe. 

References in literature to the fate of the native 
dialects are inconclusive. The south and east coasts 
are represented as mainly Latin-speaking by the Augus- 
tan age, and the plantation of colonies in the north and 
west must also have helped to disseminate a knowledge 
of Latin ; just as the grant of Latin rights by Vespasian 
would compel all organized communities to adopt the 
language for public acts. Some passages, however, 
suggest that a provincial accent was readily perceptible 
in the Latin of Spaniards. Cicero, referring to the 
Corduban poets patronized by Metellus, says that their 
language had a coarse and foreign sound.^ The elder 
Seneca affirms that Porcius Latro, a distinguished rhe- 
torician of the Augustan age, could not unlearn the 
emphatic and countrified mode of expression habitual 
with Spaniards f while he considers that the poetry of 
Sextilius Hena, a fellow-townsman of his own, deserved 
the same strictures as did the prot6g6s of Metellus.* 
Hadrian, also a Bsetican, at first roused laughter in 
the senate when he had to recite an oration on behalf 
of the emperor.^ Other passages point to the continu- 

1 The Etruscan names Lucumo, Sisanna, Tarquinius, occur in 
Spanish inscriptions. 
^ Pro. Arch. X. 26. ^ Controv. I. 16. 

* Suas. VI. 27. « Spart. Vit. Hadr. III. 

Influence of Iberian on Spanish Latin 193 

ance of native dialects in remoter parts. Cicero speaks 
of Carthaginians and Spaniards as equally unintelligible 
without an interpreter ;^ Seneca notices a resemblance 
between the Corsican and Cantabrian dialects f Tacitus 
mentions an Iberian of Termes on the upper Douro as 
still under Tiberius using the mother-tongue f Pliny 
suggests that the Celts of Lusitania were still distin- 
guishable by their language ; finally Silius, who prob- 
ably represents to some extent the conditions of his own 
age, recalls the wild chants with which the Gallasci 
went out to war.* Archaeological evidence is hardly 
more decisive ; coins with Iberian or bilingual legends 
cease with the Augustan age, and the few native inscrip- 
tions are certainly not later than the Christian era. 
Two sources of evidence remain for estimating the 
extent to which the old dialects lasted on and influenced 
spoken Latin : words quoted by Roman writers as being 
of Spanish origin, together with strange words in in- 
scriptions ; and words or inflections in modern Spanish 
and Portuguese, which cannot be explained from Latin 
or Arabic originals, or from the very small Germanic 
element introduced by the Suevic and Gothic invaders. 
Owing to the uncertainty as to the relations of Basque 
and Iberian, and the extent to which Basque and 
Spanish have reacted on each other in comparatively 
recent times, modern Basque is no safe guide in this 

Besides a few isolated words, such as gurdus, sarna* 
(a vulgar equivalent of impetigo), celia^ (a kind of beer), 

1 De Div. II. 64. " Cons. Hdv. VII. 

3 Ann. IV. 45. * III. 345, X. 230. 

» Quint. I. 5, 57. ^ Isid. Orig. IV. 8. ' Plin. XX. 164, 


194 Native Words Retained — Sound-Changes 

paramus^ (a plain, Sp. paramo), and disex (an Asturian 
word for some kind of weapon), the native element in 
the Latin of Spain seems limited to four classes of 
terms: (i) Military phrases and arms, as Thieldones, 
Asturcones, Veredi, kinds of horses, cetra and lancea. 
Arrian observes that several cavalry terms were borrowed 
by the Romans from Celts and Iberians. (2) Technical 
mining terms, which are numerous, and occur not only 
in Pliny, but in official documents, as the Lex Vipas- 
censis : such are palagra, minium, balux, urium, apitas- 
cus, scoria, talutatium. Several of these may be 
Phoenician, others may have been formed in Spain from 
Latin roots. (3) Some land measures, arepennis, acnua, 
porca. (4) A few household words, orca (pitcher, 
Sp. orza), camisia (kind of shirt, Sp. camisa), cuniculus 
(rabbit, Sp. conejo). 

Even in the literary language of modern Spain a con- 
siderable number of words appear to have a native origin, 
as, for example, galapago (tortoise), tormo (rocky peak), 
sima (cavern) ; and many changes in the forms of Latin 
words are probably due to Iberian influences. The native 
dialects confused mediae (d, g, b) with tenues {t, k, p) ; 
probably the first group were originally lacking alto- 
gether. Bilbilis fluctuates with Pilpilis on inscriptions ; 
Seqobrices and Segobriga, Purpecen and Burbecen, 
Duriasu and Turiaso, Osicendenses,^ Ossigendenses.* 
Latin words passing into Spanish underwent similar 
changes, as todo, dedo (totum, digitum), iglesia, igual 
(ecclesiam, asqualem), obra (operam), botiga (apothe- 
cam). A liquid sound was given to ^^and fi (as nn is 

^ 2660. ' 4241- 

3 Pliii. III. 4, 8. Cf. I. H. C. S5, floread. 

Evidence of Inscriptions 195 

now written under Arabic influence) . F seems to have 
been wanting, and in Latin or Germanic words was 
frequently weakened to a guttural or aspirate, and 
finally dropped in pronunciation altogether, as hablar 
(fabulari), hervir (fervere), Hernando (Ferdinand). H in 
writing begins to replace /about the ninth century, but 
/ might be retained in lofty language till 1500, or even 
later, as in the letter of the lovelorn Don Quijote, when 
doing penance in the wilds of the Sierra Morena.^ 

A vowel was sometimes inserted between a mute and 
/ or r in the provincial Latin, as expectara^ (spectra), 
Agathocules ;* so in modern Spanish calavera (calvaria) , 
Salamanca (Salmantica). A long-standing defect of 
pronunciation caused to gain something of a 11 
sound; as subule* (sobole), and medial is in Spanish 
very frequently corrupted into u — e.g., culebra, cumplir, 
or later tie, as rueda, fuego. 

Knowledge of the Latin of Spain has to be derived 
almost entirely from the inscriptions. Authors like 
Seneca, Lucan, and Quintilian, who had received an 
entirely Roman training, throw no light on the subject, 
nor is there anyone to do for Spain what Petronius did 
for Italy, and Commodian and other early Christians 
for Africa, and consciously adopt a popular style. The 
Silver Age writers are artificial. Christian Spanish 
authors appear at a late date, when a conventional 
vocabulary and style had been evolved for all the 
western provinces. Inscriptions, however, are not 
altogether satisfactory from this point of view. A large 
number were set up by Roman officials, while private 

1 I. 2^, fcrido, fermosura, etc. * /. H. C. lo. 

3 6107. * B.A.H. 30, 286. 

196 Peculiarities of Vocabulary 

monuments were often inscribed according to some 
formulae included in handbooks, and after the Antonine 
age they became fewer and more formal and inflated. 
It is generally assumed that the Latin of Spain was 
purer than that of any other province, and so far as 
inscriptions are capable of proving the point, this may 
be admitted. Latin came in early, before the wide 
divorce between the literary and the spoken language ; 
it was learned as a foreign tongue, and vulgarisms are 
late in appearing. Archaisms are frequent, partly from 
the natural tendency of legal and formal language to 
retain old forms, partly from the number of settlements 
made by Romans in the Republican period. Often 
they are mere mannerisms, giving no more evidence of 
the current speech than Norman-French epitaphs on 
old English tombstones. 

Vocabulary was little debased before the Gothic 
period, when we find common words strangely misused, 
as predo (enemy), queruli (mourners), natus (child), 
natales (ancestors) ; but even at an earlier date a few 
curious compounds occur, suggesting the work of people 
experimenting with a half-understood language. Such 
are altifrons, quadribacium (necklace with four jewels), 
trifinium (place where three properties meet). Tarn 
magnus is common for tantus, and remains in the modern 
tamano. Caballus is first used in Spain as the ordinary 
word for horse, without any notion of contempt, and 
parallel to equa,^ just as caballo and yegua still exist 
side by side. Iste and ipse (este, eje) are much more 
frequent than tile and hie, even Seneca and Lucan 
inclining to use iste in place of other demonstratives. 

1 S181. 

Fate of the Iberian Language 197 

Some confusions occur in the declensions of nouns, but 
on the whole the Latin of Spain was conservative ; 
traces of a neuter gender even now survive, as well as 
forms derived from the pluperfect of Latin, while syntax 
was little debased till the eighth or ninth centuries. 

In conclusion, Iberian seems to have lasted in country 
districts till the fall of the Empire, but Latin was 
generally understood from at least the Flavian age. 
Christianity helped to develop the latter, and again 
brought Spain into closer connection with Rome and 
Italy. Latin was needed for communication with the 
barbaxian conquerors, and Iberian probably died out 
during the Gothic monarchy, not without exercising 
some influence on the pronunciation and forms, though 
little on the vocabulary, of the new language which was 
in process of formation. 

Carxoy : Li Latin d'Espagne cPaprh les Inscriptions (three parts, 

words, vowels, and consonants). 
HuBNER : Monumenta Lingua: Iberiar and Inscriptiones Hispania 

Christian j:. 
SiTTL : Lokalen VerschicdciiJteilcn dcr lat. Spradie, pp. 64-67. 
Grober : Grundriss der Ronumischcn Philologic, I. 
Martix : Xotcs on the Synta.\- of the Latin Inscriptions found in 

Spain (Baltimore, 1909). 


Acci, no, 174, 178 
Agrippa, 21, 26, 135 
Alans, 46-8, 50 
Antonius Julianus, 168 
Architecture, 93-6 
Asclepiades, 155 
Assemblies, provincial, 29-30 
Astures, 68 
Atscina, 115-16 
Athanagild, 54 
Augustus, 21, 23, 32, 120 
Aurelius, M., 41-2 

Bffitica, 2, 4, 23, 70, 79, 81 

Balbi, 143-4 

Baleares, 9, 14, 35, 55, 73-6, 179 

Barcino, 28-9, gg, 119, I4g, i77 

Basques, 5-6, 66, 193 

Bilbilis, 91, 168-70 

Bracara, 22, 50, 187 

Caesar, 18, 164 

Csesaraugusta, 22, 149, 181, 184 

Calagurris, 166-7, ^77 

Cantabri, 21, 67-8 

Carthaginians, 9, 138 

Carthago Nova, 9, 19, 23, 65, 80, 

82, III, 126-9 
Cave-dwellers, 3-4, 75 
Celtiberi, 5, 62, 72, in 
Celts, 5, 7-9, 109-10, 114-16, 190 
Cinnabar, go-i 
Classicus, 38 
Claudius, 35, 161 
Coins, 58, 103-6, 128, 131, 136, 143, 

147. 151 
Columella, 78, 80, 82, 154, 165-6 

Comenciolus, 57-8 
Constantinus, 46-7 
Corduba, 19, 29, 31, 54-7, 91. 129- 

32, 156-7 
Corn, 81 
Costume, 66-7 
Cybele, 121-2 
Cyprian, 136, 175-6, 180 

Dacianus, 177 
Damasus, 181, 184 
Dianium, 11, 44, 120 
Dyes, 78, 80, 83 

Education, 155-6, 171 
Emerita, 22, 121, 132-7, 183 
Emperor-worship, 29. 119-: 

■20, 149- 

Emperor-worship, 29 


Emporiae, lo-ii, loi, 104 
Endovellicus, 114 
Eratosthenes, 13 
Esparto-grass, 82-3 
Eulalia, 137, 183 
Euric, 50 

Fisheries, 80 
Flax, 82 
Florus, 74, 149 
Fructuosus, 151, 175 

Cades, 8-9, 17, 137-44. i55i 165, 

Galba, 35-6, 113, 167 
Gallseci, 71, m. nS. 184 
Gallio, 34, 156-7, 165 
Gladiators, 42, 62 
Gnosticism, 119, 124-5, 185 



Gold, 85, 88, 97 
Greeks, 10-15, 120, igi 

Hadrian, 39-40, 145-6, 192 

Hecataeus, 13 

Heraclius, 59 

Hercules, 121, 140-1, 143 

Hermenigild, 56-7 

Hispalis, 23, 54, 567, 119, 123, 132 

Horses, 68, 79 

Hosius, 178 

Hyginus, 157 

Iberi, 5-6, 61 et siq. 

Iberian language, i8g, 193 et seq. 

Ilici, 97 

lUiberis, 176, 17S, 1S6 

Iron, 91, 102, 169 

Isidore, 180, 187 

Isis, 99-100, 122-3, 150, 191 

Italica, 38-9, 144-7, 156 

Jewels, 91, 99 
Jews, 59, S4, 173-4 
Juvencus, 180-1 

Latinitas, 26-7. 32, 36-7 

Latro, 156, 192 

Legions, 24-5 

Leovigild, 48, 56-S, 146 

Literature, 154 tt seq. 

Live stock, 7S-80 

Lucan, 155, 161-4 

Luciferiani, 186 

Lusitani, 68, 70-1, 112, 114, 190 

Lycophron, 15, 75 

Malaca, 37, 41 

Martial, 155, 168-70 

Martyrs, 62, loS, 137. I75. I77. 

Maternus. 42 
Metal-work. 97-8, 102-3 
Metellus, 76, 130, 192 
Mines, 85-91 
Mithraism, 124, 183 
Mosaics, loo-i 
Municipal system, 1S-19, 27-8, 37, 


Naumachia, 135, 171 
Neton, 69, no 

Olisipo, 79, 134 
Orosius, 48, 180, 1S6-7 
Otho, 36, 134 

Pacianus, 49, 180 

Persecutions, 175, 177 

Philostratus, 15 

Phoenicians, 8-10, 15, 74, 77, 121, 

Pliny, Elder, 37, 78, S2, 89, igo 
Pliny, Younger, 37-8, 143, 16S 
Pomponius Mela, 164-5 
Posidonius, 13-14, 161 
Pottery, 101-2 
Priscillian, 113, 125, 183-6 
Provincial divisions, 19, 23, 44, 55 
Prudentius, 71, 176-7, 1S0-3 

Quintilian, 162-3, 166-8 

Rhode, II, 104 
Roads, 31 

Saguntum, 12, 63, 65, 96, 104, 192 

Salambo, 123 

Salvian, 49 

Scipiones, 17, 126, 138, 144, 147 

Sculpture, 96-100 

Seneca, L., 67, 152-3. i59-6i 

Seneca, M., 130, 157-9, 192 

Sertorius, 4, 17, 120, 166 

Sextihus Hena, 130, 156, 192 

Silius Italicus, 61, 71, 145-6 

Silver, 88 9, 127 

Sisebut, 58-9, 188 

Spanish language, 33, 190, 194-7 

Strabo, 14, 61, 165 

Suevi, 43, 46-8, 50, 55-7 

Superstitions, 113, 11S-19, 179 

Syrians, 84, 123 

Tarraco, 17, 23, 29, 31, 39, 43. 57. 

82, 120, 147-52, 157. 175 
Tartessians, 4-5, 10, 16, 16-70, 96-7 



Taxation, 23-4, 30 

Temples, 114, 121, 135, 140-1, 150, 

Tin, 90 
Tingitana, 43 
Totemism, 115 
Trade, 81, 83-4 
Trajan, 33, 38, 124 
Tyrants, 42-3, 46 

Urso, 18-19, 119 

Vaccaei, 73 

Vandals, 46-8, 50, 53, 55 

Varro, 19, 25, 78 

Vascones, 71, 113 

Vespasian, 37, 134, 192 

Vines, 82 

Visigoths, 48-60 

War, 6s, 67-8, 72-3, 75 
Women, 62, 65-6, 122 
Wool, 78 9 







Scale a]j tnaKjIi Miles 




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