(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "A history of England and the British Empire .."

CORNELL 

UNIVERSITY 

LIBRARY 




BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME 
OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT 
FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY 

HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE 



CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 




3 1924 088 002 302 




Cornell University 
Library 



The original of tliis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 



http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924088002302 



A HISTORY OF 

ENGLAND AND THE 
BRITISH EMPIRE 



IN FOUR VOLUMES 



BY 

ARTHUR D. INNES 

SOMETIME SCHOLAR OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD 
AUTHOR OF 'England's industrial development' 

A SKETCH OF GENERAL POLITICAL HISTORY FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES ' 

' AN OUTLINE OF BRITISH HISTORY,' ' ENGLAND UNDER THE TUDORS' 

'school history of ENGLAND* 



VOLUME II 

1485-1688 



NEW YORK 
THE MAGMILLAN COMPANY 

1913 



COPYRIGHT 



SYNOPSIS AND CONTENTS 

1485-1688 

CHAPTER I. FROM MEDIEVAL TO MODERN 



I. The Western World 

Mediaeval and modern 

Limits of the Old World : material and intellectual 

Character of the contrast .... 

Political and social structure 

National consolidation 

Complexity of foreign relations 

The house of Hapsburg .... 

Balance of Power . 

Political meaning of the New World and of the Reformation 

Feudalism : how far it survived 



PAGE 
I 

3 
4 
5 
6 
6 
7 



II. The Expansion 

The known world 

The Portuguese explorers of the fifteenth century 

Columbus and the Cabots . 

Progress of Portugal and Spain 

Mexico and Peru ... 

The Spanish Empire 



II 

12 
12 

13 
14 
15 



III. The Reformation 



The movement in the fifteenth century 
Decay of zeal and increase of criticism 
Motives and characteristics 



16 
17 
18 



iv England and the British Empire 

1517. Luther and Indulgences 
1521. The Diet of Worms . 

Zwirigli ■ . 

1524. The peasant revolt 

Charles v. and the Papacy . 

Speier, Augsburg, and the League of Schmalkalde 

The kings of England and France . 
1542. The Council of Trent . 

Calvin and the Lutherans 

Ignatius Loyola .... 



PAGE 

19 
21 
21 
21 

22 
22 
23 
23 
24 

25 



CHAPTER II. HENRY VII.,/i485-i509 

1485-1509. I. Establishment of the Dynasty 

1485. Diverse titles to the crown 
Centres of disaffection 
Henry's use of parliament 
Jan. i486. Henry marries Ehzabeth of York 
„ Simnel's insurrection . 

1488. France, Brittany, and Maximilian 
Maximilian, Ferdinand, and Henry 

1489. Treaty of Medina del Campo 
1489-1491. The French war 
1491-1492. Henry's diplomacy 

1492. Peace of Etaples 

1491-1495. Perkin Warbeck 

1494-1495. Charles VIII. in Italy 

England and the Netherlands 

1494. Poynings in Ireland ; Poynings' Law 

1495-1496. Movements of Perkin Warbeck 

1496. The Cornish rising 

1497. Capture of Warbeck ; end of his career 
1503. Marriage of James iv. and Margaret Tudor 
1501. Marriage of Prince Arthur and Katharine of Aragon 

Edmund de la Pole, earl of Suffolk . 



26 
27 
28 
28 

2& 

29 

yj- 

30- 

31-- 

32- 

32- 

33- 

33 

34 

IT 

35 

35- 

36 

37 

11 

IT 



Synopsis and Contents 



Foreign crowns 
Last years of Henry 



V 

PAGE 
38 

39 



II. The Crown and the People 

The Tudor absolutism and its limitations 

Policy of Henry vn. 

The king's revenues . 

The Crown and the nobles 

The Star Chamber 

Henry's commercial policy 

The Merchant Adventurers . 

Commercial treaties and wars 

Navigation Acts 

The mercantile theory 

Development of capitalism 

State of agriculture 

Displacement of labour by enclosures 

Meaning of enclosure 



40 
42 
43 
44' 
45 
45 
46 
47 
47 
48 
49 
5° 
SI- 
5^ 



/ 



CHAPTER III. HENRY VIII. (i) 1509-1529 
1509-1527. I. Wolsey's Ascendency 



1509. 
^1512. 

^ C '513. 

Aug.a 

Sept./" 
Sept. 9 „ 

1 5 14. 
Jan. 1515. 
1516-1518. 



New prominence of ministers 

The old king and the new 

The crowned heads of Europe 

Thomas Wolsey 

War with France ; the Guienne expedition 

Battle of Brest and siege of Terouanne 

The Flodden campaign 

Battle of Flodden 

Capture of Terouanne and Tournay . 
Marriage of Louis xil. and Mary Tudor 
Accession of Francis I. ; Mary marries Suffolk 
Intricacies of Wolsey's diplomacy 



54 
55 
55 
56 
57 

/ 

57 

58 

60 
do 
61 
61 
62 



VI 



England and the British Empire 



1519. Charles v. emperor 

1520. Field of the Cloth of Gold 

1521. The imperial alliance . 
— — 1522. Adrian VI. elected pope 

„ The French war 

1523. Clement vii. elected pope 

„ Parliament and the cardinal 

1525. Battle of Pavia 

„ The Amicable Loan . 

1525-1527. Rapprochement yi\ih. France 

15 1 5. The affair of Richard Hunne 

The affair of Dr. Standish 

1521. The fall of Buckingham 



63 

63 

64 

64 

64 

65 

65 

65 

65' 

66 

67- 

67- 

68 



1 527-1 529. II. The King's Matter 

The coming revolution and its stages . . 69 

1527. The king's conscience; pleas for his release from 

Katharine ...... 7° 

The pope, the emperor, and the cardinal . . 7' 

Points in the question of the 'Divorce' . . 72 

Various devices attempted . . . 73^ 

1528. The legatine commission of Campeggio and Wolsey 73 
July 1529. The commission fails ..... 74 
Oct. „ Fall of the cardinal . . 74 

1530. His end ; appreciation . • • 75 



1513-1528. III. Scotland 

1 5 13. Leading figures in Scotland 
1515-1524. Regency of Albany 

Douglases and Hamiltons 
1525. Erection of James V. . 
1528. Fall of the Douglases . 



76 

7/ 
78 
79 



1 



Synopsis and Contents vii 

CHAPTER IV. HENRY VIII. 
(2) THE REFORMATION, 1529-1547 

I. The Royal Supremacy 

PAGE 

1529. Henry resolves to defy the Papacy ... 80 
Unanticipated consequences . . . . 81 
The Reformation movement in England . 82 
Thomas Cromwell ..... 82 
Thomas Cranmer . . 83 

„ The Reformation parliament meets . 84 

1530. The appeal to the universities ... 84 
I 1531. The 'Supreme Head' ... 85 
-> „ Tlie campaign in parliament ; Annates Act . 85 

^ „ The Supplication against the Ordinaries . 86 

" „ ' Submission of the Clergy ' ; resignation of More . 86 

Nov. 1532. Henry secretly marries Anne Boleyn . . 87 

April 1533. Act in Restraint of Appeals .... 87 

May „ The marriage with Katharine pronounced void . 87 
Sept. „ [Birth of EUzabeth] 

Mar. 1534. Clement declares the marriage with Katharine valid 87 

Grouping of ecclesiastical parties . . 88 

The Nun of Kent . 88 

The Act of Succession . 89 

Imprisonment of More and Fisher 90 

Supplementary Acts . . ' . 90 

New Treasons Act ... 91 

Attitude of the Commons . 91 

1535-1540. n. The Vicar-General 

1535. Domination of Thomas Cromwell . . 91 
„ Deaths of More, Fisher, and the Carthusians . 92 
„ The country and the monasteries ... 93 
„ Cromwell's visitation ..... 94 

1 536. The Black Book ; dissolution of smaller monasteries 94 



VIU 



England and the British Empire 



Jan. 1536. 

1533- 
1536. 



Sept. „ 
Oct. „ 

1537- 



Oct. 



1538- 



1539- 



1540. 

1536. 
i523-'533- 

1533- 
1535-1546. 

1541. 
1528-1533. 

1533-1539- 



Death of Katharine . . . • 

Execution of Anne ; Henry marries Jane Seymour 

Martyrdom of Frith . . . • 

A new parliament . . . ■ 

Doctrinal uncertainties ; the Ten Articles 

The Bible in English .... 

The Lincolnshire rising 

The Pilgrimage of Grace 

The punishment of the north . 

The Council of the North organised . 

The Bishops' Book .... 

Birth of Prince Edward ; death of Jane Seymour 

Treaty of Amity between Charles and Francis 

The Poles and Courtenays 

Execution of Montague and Exeter . 

Final dissolution of monasteries 

The Six Articles 

Cromwell negotiates the Cleves marriage 

The Cleves marriage and its dissolution 

Fall of Cromwell 

Wales incorporated with England 

Irish affairs .... 

The rebellion of Silken Thomas 

The deputyships of Grey and St. Leger 

Henry takes the title of king of Ireland 

Scottish affairs ; the Crown, the Church, and the 

nobles .... 

Relations between Henry vill. and James v, 



1 540-1 547. III. After Cromwell 

A stationary period 
The spoils of the Church 
The king's wives 
1544. The succession laid down 
Henry's foreign relations 
Dec. 1542. Solway Moss ; death of James v. 



Synopsis and Contents 



IX 



1 543. Henry and the Scots . 

„ Alliance with the emperor ; a French war 

1544. Invasion of Picardy and Scotland 

„ Capture of Boulogne and peace of Crepy 

1545. The French armada . 

1 546. A general peace 

Jan. 1547. Death of Henry ; appreciations 



114 
114 
"5 
"5 
"5 
115 
116 



CHAPTER V. THE STRUGGLE OF THE 
REFORMATION, 1547-1558 

1547-1553. I. Edward VI. 

Feb. 1547. The Council of Executors . . . . iig 

Protector Somerset . . . . .120 

„ Somerset in Scotland ; battle of Pinkie . . 121 

„ Effects in Scotland . . . .121 

„ Religious policy . . . . .122 

Nov. „ Parliament meets ; its progressive attitude . . 122 

1548. Image-breaking; the Protector's popular sympathies 123 

1549. The First Prayer-Book .... 123 
„ The fall of the admiral . . . 124 
„ The western rising . . . . 1 24 
„ Ket's insurrection ..... 125 
„ England and the foreign Protestants . . 125 

Fall of Somerset ; ascendency of Warwick . . 126 

Treaty with France . . . 127 

Protestant zeal of Warwick . . . . 127 

Reversal of Somerset's policy . . . 127 

Warwick becomes duke of Northumberland . 128 

Execution of Somerset . . . .128 

„ The Second Prayer-Book . . .128 

„ Act of Uniformity . . . . .129 

„ Treasons Act . . . . . .129 

„ Debasement of coinage and general misrule . 130 

May 1553. Lady Jane Grey ; Northumberland's scheme . 130 



Nov. 


J» 


Mar. 


1550. 




» 




1551. 




» 


Feb. 


1552. 



X England and the British Empire 

June 1553. The will of Edward VI. 
July 6 „ Death of Edward ; proclamation of Queen Jane 



PAGE 

132 



IS53 


-1558 


II. Mary 






July 


1553- 


Collapse of Northumberland's plot 




•>•> 


Release of papists ..... 




IJ 


Projected Spanish marriage 


Jan. 


1554- 


Wyatt's rebellion 


April 


•>1 


Parliament ; its moderate tone 


July 


*) 


Marriage of Mary and Philip, crown prince of Spain 


Nov. 


JJ 


Third parliament ; reconciliation with Rome 




)1 


Persecution sanctioned 
Character of the persecution 






Stephen Gardiner . 




Jan. 


1555- 

"it 


The first martyrs 
Philip of Spain 






Oct. 


») 


Ridley and Latimer . 






» 


1SS6. 


The fourth parliament 

Pope Paul IV. ; war with France . 






Jan. 


1558- 


Loss of Calais 






Nov. 


)) 


Death of Mary 







132 
133 
133 
134 
135 

•35 
135 
136 
136 
137 
137 
138 
138 
139 

139 
139 

140 



CHAPTER VI. ELIZABETH 
(i) RECONSTRUCTION, 1558-1578 

1558-1560. I. The New Queen 

1558. Latent strength of Elizabeth's position 
„ Elizabeth and William Cecil 
„ Immediate necessities ; the marriage question 
April 1559. Treaty of Cateau Cambre'sis with France 
„ Elizabeth and Philip 11. 
„ Finance .... 

„ Religion ; the problem and its settlement 
„ The vacant bishoprics 
1548-1558. Scotland; Mary of Lorraine 



141 

142 
142 

'43 
144 
144 
145 
146 
147 



Synopsis and Contents 



Queen Mary in France 

1558. The situation in Scotland 

1559. Elizabeth and the Scottish crisis , 
„ The matrimonial bait 

Jan. 1560. The English intervention. 
July „ Treaty of Leith 

„ Lord Robert Dudley and Amy Robsart 
1561. Return of Queen Mary to Scotland 



XI 

PAGE 

148 
148 
149 

ISO 
150 
151 
151 



1 560- 1 568. 
1561-1568. 





1567. 


May 


iS6a 




1562. 




1561. 


1562- 


1565. 


) 


) 


July 


1565. 


Feb. 


1566. 


3. 10, 


1567. 




)) 


June 


») 


May 


1568. 



II. France, Spain, and Scotland 

The European powers . . 151 

Attitude of England . . .152 

France; Catholics, Huguenots, and Politiques 153 

Spain and the Netherlands . . . 154 

Alva in the Netherlands . . . 155 

The revolt ; Heiligerlee ; Egmont and Horn . 155 

Elizabeth and Conde . . . 155 

Scotland ; the return of Mary Stuart . 1 56 

Suitors for Queen Mary . . 157 

Knox and Moray . . . -157 

Mary marries Darnley ... 157 

Murder of Rizzio . . . 158 

Murder of Darnley .... 159 

The question of Mary's guilt . . . 159 

Carberry Hill . . . . .160 

Langside ; Mary's flight to England . . 160 



1568-1578. III. The Art OF Balancing 

1568. Elizabeth's policy towards Mary . 
„ The commission of inquiry 

„ A Marian party in England 

Dec. „ Seizure of the Genoese treasure . 

1569. The rebellion of the northern earls 

1570. The papal Bull of Deposition 

„ ■ Huguenots and Catholics in France 



161 
161 

162 
162 

163 
164 
164 



Xll 



England and the British Empire 



1571. The Ridolfi plot . . • • 
„ Aggressive Protestantism of parliament . 

„ Anjou marriage project 

1572. The position of Mary 
1571. First Alengon marriage project 

Oct. „ Don John defeats the Turks at Lepanto . 

March 1 572. New revolt in the Netherlands 

Aug. „ Massacre of St. Bartholomew 

„ Rupture with France and rapprochement with 
Spain . . . . ■ 

1573. Requesens in the Netherlands 
„ Relations with Spain 

1574. Alengon ; accession of Henry m. in France 

1576. The 'Spanish Fury' and the Pacification of 

Ghent . 

1577. Don John . 
1578. , Orange and Alengon 
1 580. Philip of Spain appropriates the Portuguese crown 



164, 165 
165 
165 
166 
166 
166 
167 
167 

168 
168 
169 
170 

170 
171 
171 
172 



1547-1578. IV. Ireland 

Relations with Ireland under the previous Tudors 
1550-1566. The O'Neills of Tyrone ; Shan O'Neill . 
1566. Henry Sidney ; the end of Shan . 

Religion and land .... 
1568. The Devon colonists 
1573. Walter Devereux, earl of Essex, in Ulster 
1 576-1 578. Sidney's second deputyship 



172 
174 
175 
17s 
176 
177 
177 



CHAPTER VIII. ELIZABETH (2) 'DUX FEMINA FACTI' 

1578-1585. I. The Struggle APPROACHES 

1578. Elizabeth's policy ; Alengon . . .178 
The papalist plan of campaign . . . 175 

1579. The Desmond rebellion in Ireland . _ 170 

1580. The suppression of the rebellion ; Smerwick . 180 



Synopsis and Contents xiii 



PAGE 



1579-1582. Esme Stuart in Scotland . . 180 

1580. Parsons, Campian, and Walsingham 18 1 

1581. The Protestantism of parliament . 182 
„ The queen's diplomacy . . . .183 

1584. The end of Alengon . . . 184— 

1582. Scotland and France . 184 

1583. Throgmorton's plot . . 185 
July 1584. Assassination ofWilliam of Orange . 1 85 

„ The association .... 1 85 

1585. The Holy League . . 187 
Aug. „ Open war . 187 

1585-1588. II. The Crisis 

The English and Spanish sea -power 187 

The Royal Navy ... 189 

The seamen . . i8g 

1585. Drake's Cartagena expedition 190 

1585. Leicester in the Low Countries ". . 190 

Oct. 17 „ Zutphen ...... igi 

„ Mary Stuart ; her removal to Chartley Manor . 191 

„ Babington's plot ..... 192 

Feb. 1587. The tragedy of Fotheringay 193 

„ Philip prepares an armada . 194 

April „ Di-ake at Cadiz .... 194 

„ Elizabeth's negotiations with Parma . 195 

1588. The arrangements for the Armada campaign . 195 
„ State of the fleets . . . . .197 

'July 19-27 „ The engagements in the Channel . . 197 

July 29 „ Destruction of the Armada . . . 198 

1589-1603. III. After the Armada 

Continuation of the maritime war 198 

1589. Philip, Henry IV., and Elizabeth . 199 
„ Drake's Lisbon expedition . . 200 
„ The politicians of the new generation 201 

1 595. Drake's last voyage .... 202 

1598. Death of Philip and Burghley . . . 202 



XIV 



England and the British Empire 



1 580-1 592. Ireland . • • ■ 

1592-1598. Hugh O'Neill, earl of Tyrone 

1598. The problem of the succession 

1 599. Essex in Ireland 
1 60 1. The end of the Essex tragedy 

1600. Montjoy in Ireland . 
1570-1583. Progress and divisions of Nonconformity . 

1583. Archbishop Whitgift's Court of High Commission 
1588. Martin Marprelate . . • • 

Repressive ecclesiastical legislation 
March 1603. Death of Elizabeth . 



TAGE 
203 
203 
205 
206 
207 
207 
208 
209 
209 
209 
210 



1 567-1603. IV. James vi. in Scotland 

1 567-1584. The minority of King James 

The preachers 

The ' tulchan ' bishops 

The king's boyhood 
1581. The First Covenant 
1584. The 'Black Acts' . 
1592. Establishment of Presbyterianism 

Presbyterianism and monarchy 

Recovery of power by the Crown 





210 


■ 


211 


. 


212 


• 


212 


. 


212 


. 


213 


; the system 


213 


. 


214 


. 


215 



CHAPTER VIII. ASPECTS OF THE TUDOR PERIOD 



I. Crown and Parliament 

Constitutional struggles of the past and the future 
The new monarchy ..... 
1485-1529. The uses of parliament 

Henry VIII. and his parliaments 

The parliaments of Edward VI. and Mary 

The parliaments of Elizabeth 

The claims of the Commons 

The position at the end of Elizabeth's reign 



216 
217 
217 
218 
219 
220 
220 
222 



Synopsis and Contents 



XV 



II. The Expansion of England 

The State's share .... 
Pre-Elizabethan piracy 
1553. Willoughby and Chancellor . 

Demand for the 'open door' in the New World 
1567. Hawkins and Drake at San Juan d'UUoa . 
1572. Drake on the Spanish Main . 
1 577-1 580. Drake's voyage round the world 

Frobisher, Davis, and Raleigh's Guiana voyage 
1583. Newbery and Fitch . 
„ Colonising schemes of Humphrey Gilbert . 
Walter Raleigh and Virginia 



III. Economics 

Economic depression under the first four Tudors 

Prosperous aspects 

Borrowing at interest 

Expansion of foreign trade . 

The Hansa . . . . 

1558. The economic problems of Elizabeth's reign 
1 563. The Statute of Apprentices . 

Wages and the justices of the peace 

Commerce : chartered companies 

Imported industries . 

Monopolies . 

The Elizabethan Poor Law 



IV. Literature 

Before the Tudors in England and Scotland 
Under the early Tudors 
Surrey and Wyatt 
1579. Euphues 
„ The Shepherd^ s Calendar 
Precursors of Shakespeare . 
Revival of the drama 
The ' Elizabethan ' writers 



XVI 



England and the British Empire 



CHAPTER IX. EUROPE, 1603-1660 





PA( 


The contrast of 1603 and i65o . 


24 


Summary of the period 


24 


1598-1620. France and Spain 


24 


1603. The constitution of the Empire . 


24 


„ The position of the rehgious parties in the 


; Empire 24 


Development of hostile groups . 


24 


Ferdinand of Carinthia . 


24 


1617. Bohemia . 


24 


1619. Frederick of the Palatinate 


251 


„ The Thirty Years' War begins 


25. 


1624. English and French intervention 


25: 


Christian of Denmark 


25: 


Wallenstein 


25: 


1629. The Edict of Restitution . 


25; 


English policy 


25; 


Policy of Richelieu 


25^ 


1630. Policy of Ferdinand 


254 


1 63 1. Magdeburg 


255 


„ Gustavus Adolphus 


255 


1632. Death of Gustavus 


256 


1634. Death of Wallenstein 


256 


Progress of the war 


257 


Cardinal Richelieu 


257 


Cardinal Mazarin 


258 


1648. Peace of Westphalia 


258 


1653-1659. France and Spain and Cromwell 


259 


1659. The Peace of the Pyrenees 


260 



CHAPTER X. JAMES I. AND VI., 1603-1625 
I. The King and the Kingdoms 
The Union of the Crowns . jg. 

Contrasts between the kingdoms . 262 

The coming constitutional struggle . 261 

264 



The religious groups in England 



Synopsis and Contents 



1603-1612. 
1603. 

» 
1604. 



1605. 

1606-1611. 
1606. 
1608. 
1610. 

1612. 
1613-1625, 



1613. 
1614. 



1616, 
1617-1618, 
1618-1620. 

1621. 



Innes's Eng. Hist, 



Puritanism 

The Romanists . 

Summary . 

II. Robert Cecil 

The Bye and Main Plots 

Walter Raleigh 

Repression of Romanists 

Hampton Court Conference 

Goodwin's case . 

The defence of the Commons 

Convocation 

Peace with Spain 

Beginnings of Gunpowder Plot . 

Progress and failure of the plot ; 

the consequences 
Parliament. 
Bate's case 
The book of rates 
Grievances ; the Impositions and the Great 

Contract 
Death of Salisbury 

III. GONDOMAR AND BUCKINGHAM 
England and Spain under Elizabeth 
Salisbury's attitude 
James's attitude . 
Marriage schemes 
The Palatine marriage . 
The Addled Parliament 
The judges 

Robert Carr, earl of Somerset . 
Rise of Buckingham 
. The end of Walter Raleigh 
James, Spain, and the Palatinate 
Third parliament of James 
The attack on monopolies 
The disgrace of Francis Bacon . 

-Vol. II. 



XVll 

PAGE 
265 
267 
267 



xviii England and the British Empire 



PAGE 



1621. Disagreements between Crown and Parliament 286 

1622-1623. The wooing of the Infanta . . 287 

1624. The fourth parhament . . 288 
„ Buckingham and Cranfield . . 288 

March 1625. The Mansfeld expedition . . 288 

„ „ Death of James . . . 288 

IV. Ireland, Scotland, and the First Colonies 

Sir Arthur Chichester in Ireland . 289 

1608. The Ulster forfeitures . . . 290 

The new order of baronets . . 290 

The Scots parliament , . . 290 

The Scots Kirk and barons . . .291 

The Border and the Highlands . . .291 

James's ecclesiastical policy . . . 292 

1604-1610. Depression of the General Assembly . 292 

1610-1618. Progress of episcopacy . . 293 

1618, The Articles of Perth .... 294 

The expansion overseas in East and West . 294 

Colonisation in America ; Raleigh's schemes . 295 

The new colonial idea . . . .295 

1606. The Virginia Company . . . 296 

1609-1625. Development of Virginia . . . 296 

Commercial imperialism . . . 297 

The ' plantation ' type of colony . 297 

The ' New England ' type . . 298 

1620. The Pilgrim Fathers . . .298 

Massachusetts and Maryland . . .299 

CHAPTER XL THE RULE OF CHARLES L, 1625-1642 
1625-1629. I. Buckingham 

1625. Marriage of Charles to Henrietta Maria . 300 
The relations between Charles and the first 

parliarnent .... ^00 

The New Anglican school of Churchmen . 301 

Arminianism . . _ „2 



Synopsis and Contents 



1625. Parliament and the clergy 

„ Friction with parliament ; its dissolution 
Oct. „ Buckingham sends an expedition to Cadiz 
The Huguenot complication 

1626. The second parliament meets ; Sir John Eliot 
„ The Lords alienated 

June „ Parliament dissolved 

„ The forced loan and the dismissal of Chief 
Justice Crewe 

1627. Breach with France 
„ Buckingham's expedition to the Isle of Rhd 

March 1628. The third parliament ; grievances 
„ Sir Thomas Wentworth . 
The Petition of Right . 
Attack on the Arminians 
Prorogation of parliament 
Wentworth joins the king ; his motives 
Assassination of Buckingham 
„ Continued levying of tonnage and poundage 
Jan. 1629. Parliament reassembles ; Rolle's case . 
March 2 „ Eliot's resolutions ; parliament dissolved 



June 



July 
Aug. 



1629-1640. II. Rule without Parliament 

The king's arbitrary measures . 

An era of peace and commercial prosperity 

Distraint of knighthood . 

The royal forests 

New monopolies .... 
1634. First levy of ship money : on the ports 

Extension of ship money 
1637. The test case of John Hampden 

Ecclesiastical affairs ; William Laud 

Puritan emigration 
1 629- 1 633. Laud bishop of London . 

1633. Laud archbishop of Canterbury . 

John Prynne and others . 



XX 



England and the British Empire 



1629-1640. III. Wentworthand the Scots 

Thomas Wentworth 
1629-1633. Wentworth and the Council of the North 
1633-1639. Wentworth in Ireland 

Wentworth raises an army and a revenue 
The Connaught plantation scheme 
Scotland ; alienation of the barons by the Act 
of Revocation 
1633. Charles and Laud in Scotland . 

1636. The king's ecclesiastical measures in Scotland 

1637. The new service-book 
„ The Tables 

1638. The National Covenant . 

„ The Glasgow Assembly . " . 

1639. The first 'Bishops' war' . 
Wentworth comes to the king's aid 

1640. An English parliament summoned 



1640- 


1642. 


April 


[640. 




1) 


Aug. 


» 


Nov. 3 


j> 


Nov. 10 


» 




») 


March 


1 641. 


April 10 


J) 


April 


}) 




•ft 


May 


» 




1640. 




[641. 




J) 


Aug. 


1) 




)) 


Oct. 


n 



IV. The Storm Gathers 

The Short Parliament 

Preparations for a Scots war 

The Scots army enters England 

The Long Parliament meets 

Arrest of Strafford 

Impeachment of Strafford 

Trial of Strafford 

Attainder of Strafford 

The Army Plot 

The bill and the king 

Charles surrenders ; death of Strafford 

Proceedings in parliament 

The statutes overthrowing absolutism . 

Parliament divided by the ecclesiastical question 

Charles goes to Scotland 

The 'Incident' .... 

The Irish insurrection ; panic in England 



Synopsis and Contents 



Nov. 1641. The Grand Remonstrance 
Nov. 22 „ The Remonstrance carried 
Nov. 25 „ The king's return 

„ His tactical blunders 
Jan. 4, 1642. Attempted arrest of the five members 
Jan. II „ Departure of Charles from London 

„ The approach of Civil War 
June 2 „ The Nineteen Propositions 
Aug. 22 „ Charles unfurls his standard at Nottingham 



XXI 

PAGE 
342 

343 
344 
344 
345 
345 
345 



CHAPTER XII. THE GREAT REBELLION, 1642-1649 



1642-1646. 
1642. 

Oct. 23 „ 





1643. 


June 17 


15 


July 13 


)J 




J> 


Sept. 5 


»» 


Sept. 20 


J) 


1642 


1643. 




1643. 


Sept. 


»» 




)J 


Oct. II 


») 


Jan. 


1644- 




>» 


July 2, 


•>■> 




JJ 


Oct. 27 


J) 




T> 


Jan. 


1645. 



I. The First Civil War 

Distribution of Cavaliers and Roundheads 

Character of the opposing forces 

The Battle of Edgehill . 

The north and the south-west 

The campaigns from January to July 

Death of Hampden at Chalgrove Field . 

Roundway Down . 

Rupert's plan of campaign and its abandonment 

Relief of Gloucester 

First battle of Newbury . 

Ireland ..... 

Attitude of Scotland 

The Solemn League and Covenant 

'King Pym'; his death (Dec.) . 

Winceby fight .... 

The Scots army crosses the Tweed 

The Marston Moor campaign 

Battle of Marston Moor . 

Cropredy Bridge (June), Lostwithiel (Aug.) 

Second battle of Newbury 

Dissatisfaction with the parliament's army 

Laud beheaded .... 

Organisation of the New Model Army . 



346 
347 
347 
348 
349 
349 
349 
35° 
350 
350 
351 
351 
352 
352 
353 
353 
354 
355 
356 
356 
357 
358 
358 



xxii England and the British Empire 

The Self-denjang Ordinance 

The Clubmen 

The Scots in the north . 

1644. Montrose raises the Highland clans 
1644-1645. Campaigns of Montrose in the Highlands 

June 14, 1645. Naseby . . • • ■ 

Aug. 15 „ Victory of Montrose at Kilsyth . 
Sept 13 „ Montrose's disaster at Philiphaugh 

1646-1649. II. King, Parliament, and Army 

1646. The problem for the victors 
„ The king ... 
„ The Newcastle propositions 
Feb. 1647. The Scots give up the king to parliament 
„ Dissatisfaction of the army 
June 3 „ Comet Joyce at Holmby House 
June 15 „ Declaration of the Army . 
„ The Heads of Proposals . 
Nov. „ Flight of Charles to Carisbrooke 
Dec. 26 „ The Engagement 

1645. Insurrections in Wales and Kent 
Aug. „ The Scots invasion ; Preston 

„ The army resolves on regicide . 
Dec. 6 „ Pride's Purge .... 
Jan. I, 1649. The High Court of Justice constituted . 
„ 30 „ King Charles beheaded . 



rACE 

358 

359 
359 
359 
360 

361 
361 

362 



362 

363 
364 
364 
365 
365 
366 
366 
367 
367 
368 
368 
369 
369 
370 
371 



CHAPTER XIII. THE COMMONWEALTH, 1649-1660 

1649-1653. I. The Republic 

1649. Abolition of the monarchy by act of the army . 372 
„ The Rump as the parliament of the Common- 
wealth ..... 373 
1643-1649. Ireland after the 'cessation' . . . 374 
1649. Position of the Irish Royalists . . . 375 



Syno/isis and Contents 

Aug. 1649. Cromwell dispatched to Ireland . 

„ Drogheda and Wexford ; Cromwell's ruthless- 
ness ...... 

Ireton deputy in Ireland . 

The navy ; Vane and Blake and Prince Rupert 
Attitude of Scotland 
Failure and death of Montrose . 
Charles II. accepts the Covenant 
Fairfax retires, and Cromwell becomes Lord 
General . . . . 

The Dunbar campaign . 
Charles and the Scots invade England . 
The 'crowning mercy' of Worcester 
Scotland incorporated with England 
Foreign relations of the Commonwealth 
The Navigation Act ; breach with Holland 
Beginning of the Dutch War 
Unexpected strength of the government 
Its defects ..... 

The Rump jealous of the army 

April 1653. Cromwell ejects the Rump 





1650. 


1648- 


1650. 




1649. 




1650. 


June 


1) 




1) 


July-Sept. „ 




1651. 


Sept. 3 


)j 




1652. 


1649 


-1651. 


Oct. 


1651. 


May 1652. 



XXlll 

PAGE 

r376 

376 
377 
377 
378 
379 
379 

379 
380 

381 
381 
381 
382 
383 
384 
384 
385 
38s 
386 



1653-1658. II. Oliver Cromwell 

1653. The Assembly of Nominees 
Dec. 16 „ The Instrument of Government . 

Dec. „ Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector ; his policy 
1652-1656. The settlement of Ireland 

1654. Monk in Scotland ; Glencairn's insurrection 
April „ End of the Dutch \\'ar . 

„ Cromwell's theorj' of foreign policy 
„ Cromwell decides against Spain . 
Sept. „ The first parliament of the Protectorate meets 
Jan. 22, 1655. The parliament dissolved . 

„ Groups antagonistic to the government . 
March „ Penruddock's rebellion 

Oct. „ The country placed under the major-generals 



387 
388 

389 
390 

391 
392 
392 

393 
394 
395 
395 
395 
396 



xxiv England and the British Empire 





1655 


April 


)J 


May 


H 


Sept. 


1656. 




)» 


March 


1657 




)> 


April 


)> 


March 


)» 


Jan. 


1658. 


Feb. 


•fi 


June 4 


5) 


Sept. 3 


J) 



The Vaudois 

Blake in the Mediterranean 

Capture of Jamaica from Spain 

Second Protectorate parliament 

Proposals to make Oliver king . 

The Humble Petition and Advice 

A new constitution 

Blake at Teneriffe 

Alliance with France against Spain 

Reassembling of the Houses 

The second parliament dissolved 

The battle of the Dunes 

Death of Oliver . 



1658-1660. ni. End of the Commonwealth 

1658. Richard Cromwell Protector . 
Jan.-April 1659. Richard's parliament .... 
May „ Retirement of Richard . 
„ „ Restoration of the Rump by the army officers 
„ „ An insurrection suppressed at Winnington 

Bridge .... 

Oct „ A new committee of government 
Nov. „ George Monk moves ... 
Feb. 1660. Monk enters London 
„ „ He restores the Long Parliament, which dis- 
solves itself . 
April „ Having arranged for a new 'free' parliament 
„ „ Which recalls Charles 11. ; Declaration of 
Breda .... 

May 29 „ The Restoration 



PAGE 
396 

397 
397 
397 
398 
399 
399 
399 
400 
400 
400 
401 
401 



402 
402 
403 
403 

403 
404 
404 
405 

405 
406 

406 
407 



CHAPTER XIV. CHARLES IL, 1660-1685 

1660-1667. L The Restoration in England 

Modem verdict on Charles II. . 
May 1660. The new king ..... 



408 
409 



i66o. 



April i65i. 



Dec. 



1662. 

1663. 
1665, 
1661. 



1665- 


1667 




1 66s 




1666. 




» 


June 


1667. 


July 


)» 



Synopsis and Contents xxv 

PAGE 

Edward Hyde . . . . 409 

Charles and Louis xiv. . . . 410 

The Convention Parliament and the settlement . 411 

Treatment of the regicides . . . . 412 

Taxation, revenue, and the common law . 412 

The new Privy Council .... 413 

The question of religion and toleration . 413 

Its settlement postponed . . . . 414 

Meeting of the ' Cavalier ' Parliament . . 414 
Its reversion to the position before the Grand 

Remonstrance . ... 414 

Its Anglicanism ; the Corporation Act . . 415 
Act of Uniformity ; ejection of Nonconformist 

clergy ...... 415 

Conventicle Act . . .416 

The Five Mile Act . . 416 

The Portuguese marriage . . . . 417 

Acqmisition of Tangier and Bombay . 417 

Sale of Dunkirk to France . . . 417 

Nucleus of a standing army . . 418 

The projects of Louis XIV. . . 418 
France and the Netherlands . .418 

The position of Clarendon . . . . 419 

The Dutch War and its causes , 419 

The Plague in London .... 420 

The Fire of London . . .421 

Parliament ; appropriation of supply . . 42 1 

The Dutch in the Med way . . . 421 

Treaty of Breda ... . 422 

Fall of Clarendon . . . 422 



1660-1667. II. The Restoration in Ireland 
AND Scotland 

1660. Dissolution of the union . . . 423 

„ Ireland ; the religious divisions and the land 

problem ..... 424 



xxvi England and the British Empire 



1662. Ormond's Act of (land) Settlement 

1665. The revised settlement 
„ Church legislation . 

1660. Scotland ; Lauderdale 
„ Force of the Royalist reaction 

1661. Its expression in the Scots parliament 
„ Reappointment of bishops . 

1662. -The Scots doctrine of spiritual independence 

1663. Lauderdale supplants Middleton . 
Rothes and Archbishop Sharp 
The Galloway Whigamores 

1666. The Pentland Rising 
SepL 1667. Lauderdale supreme 



1 667- 1 674. 



Jan. 1668. 

May 1670. 
Jan. 1672. 
March ,, 



1673. 



Nov. „ 

1674. 
1667-1669. 

1670. 

1672. 

1674- 



in. The Cabal 

Formation and character of the Cabal 

King Charles and James, duke of York 

Charles, the Emperor, and Louis . 

The Triple AlUance of England, Holland, and 

Sweden . 
Secret Treaty of Dover 
The ' Stop of the Exchequer ' 
First Declaration of Indulgence 
Declaration of war with Holland 
Murder of the De Witts ; the Orange revolution 
Indignation of the reassembled parliament 
Victory of the Opposition ; the Declaration re 

voked 
The Test Act 

Rise of Danby .... 

Shaftesbury goes into Opposition 
Peace of Westminster 
Scotland ; Lauderdale's rule 
The Clanking Act against Conventicles . 
The Black Indulgence 
Development of persecution in Scotland . 



Synopsis and Contents 



xxvu 





1674. 


April 


1675. 




1676. 




1677 


Nov. 


5) 




1678 


Aug. 


)J 


Sept. 


)) 


Oct. 


»i 



1674-1681. IV. Shaftesbury in Opposition 

Policy of Charles 11. 

Development of parties in parliament 

Secret treaties with Louis . 

Progress of Louis's power . 

Defeat of the Opposition in the Lords 

Marriage of Princess Mary to William of Orange 

A tangle of intrigues 

Treaty of Nimeguen 

The revelations of Titus Oates 

Murder of Sir Edmund Berry Godfrey 

Protestant panic 

Shaftesbury demands the ' exclusion ' of James 

Fall of Danby 

Dissolution of the Cavalier parliament ; meeting 

of the second parliament 
Temple's new Privy Council 
The Exclusion Bill . 
Habeas Corpus Act 
Dissolution of pariiament 
Monmouth .... 
Illness and recovery of Charles 
Third parliament elected and prorogued . 
Petitioners and Abhorrers, Whigs and Tories 
Meeting of parliament ; a new Exclusion Bill 
Third parliament dissolved 
Meeting and dissolution of the Oxford parlia 

ment ..... 
The king absolute . 

Scotland ; Lauderdale and the Covenanters 
The Highland Host 
Murder of Sharp 
' Drumclog and Bothwell Brig 
The Declaration of Sanquhar 
James, duke of York, in Scotland . 



March 1679. 

March „ 
May „ 

July „ 



Aug. 


» 


Oct. 


» 




1680. 


Oct. 


)5 


Jan. 


1681. 


March 


» 




)» 




1677. 




1678. 


May 


1679. 


June 


» 


June 


1680. 



PAGE 

443 
444 
445 
445 
446 
446 
447 
448 
448 

449 
450 
450 
451 

451 
452 
452 
452 
453 
453 
453 
454 
454 
455 
456 

456 

457 

458 

458 

459 

459- 

460 

460 



xxviii England and the British Empire 



1681-1685. V. The King Reigns 

1681. A problem in dissimulation 
„ Charles and the foreign powers 
„ Tory reaction in England . 

Nov. „ Shaftesbury acquitted by London Grand Jury 
Dec. „ Attack on the town charters opened 
1682-1684. The conversion of the corporations 

1682. Victory of the reaction in London . 
Jan. 1683. Shaftesbury dies at Amsterdam 

April „ The Rye House Plot 

„ Marriage of Princess Anne to George of Denmark 

March 1684. Tangier abandoned 

„ Obscurity of the king's intentions . 

Feb. 1685. Death of Charles 11. 



CHAPTER XV. JAMES II. AND VII., 1685-1688 

1685. Accession of James 
„ Scotland ; the ' Killing-time ' 

May „ Loyalty of the first parliament in England 

„ „ Argyll's insurrection in Scotland . 

June „ Monmouth's rebellion in England 

July 6 „ Sedgemoor .... 

„ Monmouth's death a danger to James 

Nov. „ James's aggressive policy 

„ Prorogation of parliament 

1686. The powers . 
„ James attacks the Church 
„ Hales's case . 
„ Promotion of Romanists 

April 1687. Declaration of Indulgence 
Attitude of the dissenters , 
April 1688. Second Declaration of Indulgence 

May „ Petition of the seven bishops 
June 8 „ The bishops arrested 

„ 10 „ Birth of a Prince of Wales . 



Synopsis and Contents xxix 



PAGE 



June 29, 1688. Acquittal of the bishops . . 478 

„ 30 „ A message to WiUiam of Orange . 479 

„ Attitude of Wilham of Orange 478 

,, Attitude of Louis xiv. . 479 

July-Nov. „ The blunders of King James . 480 

Nov. 5 „ William lands at Tor Bay 481 

„ The alternatives before James 481 

„ Desertion of James's supporters 482 

Dec. 10 „ First flight of James . . 483 

„ The peers and the Prince of Orange . 483 

„ IS „ Reappearance of James . . 484 

„ 22 „ Exit . 484 



CHAPTER XVI. UNDER STUART KINGS, 1603-1688 

I. Expansion 

Contrast of the opening and close . . 485 

The relative shares of the State and of private 

enterprise . 4S6 

CoJiiniercial expansion ; need for regulation . 486 

Regulated and joint-stock companies 487 

The East India Company 488 

Dutch rivalry . . 489 

The Navigation Acts . . 489 

The 7iavy ; under James I. and Charles I. . 490 

Need of naval reorganisation . 490 

The Commonwealth navy 490 
The soldier-admirals . . .491 

The navy under the Restoration . . 492 

The colonies in America ; French and Dutch 

rivals . 492 

New England . . 493 

The West Indies . . . . 493 

Multiplication of colonies under the Restoration 494 

The colonial theory .... 494 



XXX England and ike British Empire 

PAGE 

The Navigation Acts and the colonies . . • 495 

The ' Council of Trade and Plantations ' . . -495 

Rural conditions before the Civil War . . • 496 

Effects of the Civil War ..... 497 

The Restoration Law of Settlement . . 497 

The Hugfuenot immigration ..... 498 

II. Literature 

The poetic impulse . ... 498 

Pagan and Pmitan . 499 

Puritanism and the drama 499 

Milton . . . . 500 

Minor verse ... .501 

Poetry under the Restoration . . 501 

Prose : Bacon and others . . 502 

Domination of political interests . . 503 

Bunyan . . . . . 503 

'Hudibras' . . .504 

Dryden .... . 504 

Compilation of memoirs and histories . . 505 

Science : natural and political . . 505 

Thomas Hobbes . . . .506 

Locke .... ... 506 



Synopsis and Contents xxxi 



GENEALOGICAL TABLES 



PAGE 

I. The Descent from Edward in., . . 508 

II. The Descendants of Richard of York . . 509 

III. The Descendants of Henry VII. . . . 510 

IV. The Blood Royal of Scotland . .511 
V. The Descendants of James I. and VI. . 512 

VI. The Austrian and Spanish Houses to 1620 . 513 

VII. Hapsburg and Bourbon Intermarriages 

(Seventeenth Century) . .514 

VIII. The Howards : showing the connection with the Blood 

Royal . . . -515 

NOTES 

I. Trials of Peers . .516 

II. Composition of the House of Commons . 516 

III. The Army . . . 517 

MAPS AND PLANS 

In Text 

I. Flodden : showing the Scottish position on Flodden 

Edge, and Surrey's march . . 59 

II. Marston Moor, July 2, 1644 354 

At end of Volume 

England and the Scottish Lowlands : Tudor and Stuart Periods. 

Ireland in Tudor and Stuart Times. 

Central Europe, 1558-1658. 

The West Indies and Central America. 



CHAPTER I. FROM MEDIEVAL TO MODERN 

I. The Western World 

No precise moment can ever be fixed upon as marlcing the begin- 
ning and end of an era, a period marked by definite character- 
istics which distinguish it as a whole from that „ .. , 
° Mediaeval 

which preceded and that which followed. There is and 
always a stage of transition, during which the special 
features of the old period are decaying and the special features 
of the new are developing. We are accustomed to recognise a 
broad distinction between the mediaeval and modern, but a 
dividing line between the two can only be drawn arbitrarily in 
connection with some particular event presumed to be of excep- 
tional importance. Our point of view, may lead us to choose 
for our date the invention of the printing-press about 1440, the 
capture of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453, the great voyage 
of Columbus in 1492, the invasion of Italy by Charles viii. in 
1494, or the Diet of Worms in 1521. Each of those events has 
a great significance in the world's history. In England there is 
an obvious convenience in fixing upon a date of very minor 
significance, the accession of the Tudor dynasty, which falls 
very nearly midway between the invention of printing and the 
Diet of Worms. It is a date not in itself connected with any 
world movement ; but it was while the Tudors were reigning 
that the impulse of the whole group of world movements made 
itself decisively felt in England, and the Tudor period forms a 
chronologically definable stage of the national development. 

Picturesquely, most of us probably distinguish the mediseval 
from the modem as the age of armoured knights in opposition 
to the age of gunpowder ; a distinction of the tub note of 
smallest vital importance, but one which appeals distinction, 
to the pictorial imagination. But if we should endeavour to 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. A 



2 From jMediceval to Modern 

sum up in any one phrase the fundamental difference between 

the world \\hich came under our purview in the first volume of 

this history and the modem world, we shall perhaps find it in the 

enlargement of horizons. 

The mediffival world, the world known to Christendom, was 

geographically an exceedingly restricted world, corresponding 

almost with precision to the empire over which Rome 
Limits of the ^ i i •• x ^u ■ 

old world : had once held sway, \Mth the addition of the regions 

material between the Baltic and the Danube. AU that lay 

eastward beyond the Euphrates was a land of mj'ths and marvels 
no less than in the days of Herodotus. Westward was the ocean 
of the world's end ; southward none had passed beyond the 
Mediterranean httoral or turned the western shoulder of Africa. 
The Moslem barrier, and the deserts or mountains behind the 
Moslem barrier, were practically impenetrable. The known 
world was only a comer of the globe, hardly more than one- 
eighth of the surface of one hemisphere of the globe, though 
daring travellers brought from the East wonderful tales of 
remote Cathay and India. The whole Western Hemisphere, the 
whole Southern Hemisphere, were beyond the realms even of 
conjecture, ^^'e are in what is essentially the modem world 
when it has become recognised as a navigable globe — a globe 
which has actually been circumnavigated, after the voyage of 
Magelhaes in 1520. The whole world instead of a mere frac- 
tion of it has been brought wdthin the range of investigation ; 
the exploration of its entire surface has become merely a 
question of time. 

Equally emphatic is the expansion of the intellectual horizon. 
For ten centuries the Church set Hmits to inquiry. Its dogmas 
and in- were not to be challenged, and no speculations 

teiiectuai. might be indulged in which did not start from the 
acceptance of its pronounced dogmas as axiomatic truths; 
speculation was dangerous if it traversed even such popular per- 
versions of those dogmas as ecclesiastical authorit}- found it 
convenient to endorse. The investigation of Nature, the attempt 
to acquire control over her energies, was %-irtually prohibited! 
by the conviction that such a control could be obtained only 



The Western World 3 

by traffic with the Prince of Darkness. Nature could be con- 
trolled only by the supernatural. The constant intervention of 
supernatural powers was a part of the orthodox theological 
creed. If Nature could be controlled without such intervention, 
the whole conception of supernaturalism would be called in 
question ; it might not be called in question, therefore the pos- 
session of abnormal powers must be attributed not to scientific 
knowledge but to supernatural aid. The search after know- 
ledge was in effect prohibited when the attainment of it involved 
punishment for practising magic. 

But to the modern mind the mastery over Nature, the power 
of appropriating her energies to the use of man, the persistent 
exemplification by experiment of the unfaihng ^he modem 
operation of law, the progressive formulation of "'"^t^'S'St- 
laws, are objects of human endeavour not only permissible but, 
in fact, imperative. Under mediaeval conditions, if facts came 
into collision with the current interpretation of theology, it was 
so much the worse for the facts. In the modern view the facts 
stand immutable, and it is the current theology which must be 
modified — that is to say, the intellectual horizon of the Middle 
Ages was bounded by the current theology ; the modern intel- 
lect recognises no limit, unless it be that of the material universe. 

Most emphatically this enlargement of horizons differentiates 
modern from mediaeval religion. To the mediaeval world at 
large, rehgion meant the due discharge of enjoined The right 
observances, faith the acceptance of enjoined tenets of <=iio"!e- 
— the limitation in both cases being to what was enjoined by 
the one infalhble authority, which might not be questioned. It 
would be too much to say that modern conceptions recognise no 
infalhble authority ; but modern conceptions throw upon the 
individual the responsibility for choosing which authority he 
will accept, if any — ^whether it be the CathoUc Church of the 
Romanist or the Anglican, or the inspired word of the Scripture. 
The individual must make his own horizon. The right to make 
that choice, to make any choice, was vetoed by the mediaeval 
system ; whereas it is the root principle at the bottom of every 
revolt against ecclesiastical authority, even where the rebel is 



4 From Medicsval to Modern 

prepared to impose the horizon of his own choosing upon man- 
kind at large. In the Middle Ages the one common Church of 
Western Christendom fixed the intellectual and reUgious horizon ; 
in modem times reason has displaced the ecclesiastical authority. 
Erasmus and Luther were the outcome of the demand for in- 
tellectual release ; the battle was won at the Diet of Worms, 
where Luther's stand was only in part the victory of the Pro- 
testant Reformation. Though Luther himself did not think of it 
in that light, it was also the victory of the Scientific Reformation, 
which may in some sort be described as having begun with 
Copernicus. 

The two most fundamental changes, then, were the geographical 
__and the intellectual revolutions, bringing new and vast regions 
into the sphere of the physical and mental energies of the peoples 
of Europe. Somewhat different were the changes in the social 
Th I'f 1 ^^^ political structure, which were rather develop-' 
and social ments of method. The mediaeval order was based 

theoretically upon the three conceptions of the_ 
^hurcli,-±he_ Empire, and Feudalism^ England, outlying, cut off 
by the sea — ^which had always been a barrier between it and the 
Continent, though now for four centuries it has been a highway to 
other portions of the globe — was less touched by any one of these 
three ideas than any other part of Europe. She was always out- 
side the boundaries of the Empire, she was always comparatively 
independent of the Papacy, and her Feudalism had a modified 
character peculiar to itself. Consequently she was able to-r 
advance, politically, ecclesiastically, and socially, upon national 
lines much more rapidly than the states of Europe. In fact, three 
modem states — England, Scotland, and France — were the only^ 
ones which had attained anything hke an organic unity when 
the Turksj:aptured Constantinople and put an end to the Greek 
Empire. \ The imperial idea and the nationalist idea are incom- 
/ patible until the achievement of unity is sought through union 
and not through uniformity J The Holy Roman Empire had 
never attempted to shape itself upon nationalist hues; the 
rivalry of the Papacy and the disintegrating force of Feudalism 
had prevented it from becoming more than an aggregate of atoms. 



The Western World 5 

But although the full force of nationalism was not going to 

make itself felt till more than three hundred years had passed, 

the movement to consolidation was in active pro- 

^ National 

gress. England and Scotland had led the way. consoiida- 

The consohdation of France needed for its com- *^°°' 
pletion only the absorption of the semi-independent Brittany, 
after Louis xi. had brought Provence and the duchy of Burgundy 
within his own dominion. (_ In 1450 the Spanish peninsula was 
made up of five kingdoms, Navarre, Castile, Aragon, Portugal, 
and the Moorish Granada. ' In the year 1500 all except Portugal 
were under one crown ; and Spain was a consolidated power. 
The Emperor Maximilian was making renewed efforts for the 
union of Germany. By 1520 Maximihan's grandson, Charles v., 
was king of a united Spain, lord of a great part of Italy, and of 
the whole Burgundian inheritance, including the Netherlands, 
and had just been elected emperor. Within the next decade 
Ferdinand, the brother of Charles, already in possession of the 
German territories of the Hapsburgs summed up under the name 
of Austria, had acquired the crowns of the Magyar kingdom of 
Hungary and Slavonic Bohemia. In the middle of the century, 
with the abdication of Charles v., the imperial crown passed per- 
manently from the Spanish branch to this junior branch of the 
house of Hapsburg. Later still, the Netherlands broke out against 
the dominion of the Hapsburg who had identified himself with 
Spain — Charles himself had always been a Burgundian much 
more than a Spaniard — and entered upon the long struggle which 
estabUshed the independence of Holland. 

That is to say, between 1485 and 1603 these changes had taken 
effect in the structure of Europe : France had become a com- 
plete consolidated state ; Spain had become a complete consoh- 
dated state, and was still in possession of a substantial portion 
of the Burgundian inheritance, which for some time bears the 
name of the Spanish Netherlands ; another portion of the Bur- 
gundian inheritance had raised itself to the position of a great 
maritime state, though its independence was not yet quite 
completely established ; the Austrian cousins of the Spanish 
Hapsburg ruled over the Austrian territories of Germany and 



6 From MedicBval to Modern 

the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary, corresponding approxi- 
mately to the modem Austrian Empire ; and the succession to 
the imperial crowTi, the headship of the German Empire, had in 
effect become hereditary -with them. 

Here again we find our formula regarding the expansion of 

horizons coming into play. J\^ the Middle Ages, England was 

very much concerned with France and Scotlemd jj 

tion of France was very much concerned with England. 

foreign g^^ neither England, nor France after the tenth 

relations. ° 

century, was greatly concerned with any other 

powers except the spiritual power of the Papacy, until Burgundy 
began to plaj' an independent part in the fifteenth century ; 
then Burgundy became a comphcating factor in the foreign re- 
lations of both countries. But with the consohdation of Spain 
arose rivalries between France and Spain, owing primarily to the 
claims to territories in Italy asserted by each of those powers : 
by the French Cro^^^l as representing the old claims of the house 
of Anjou, and by the Spanish Crown as representing the claims 
of a branch of the house of Aragon. The rivalry of France and 
Spain could not be a matter of indifference to England, and Spain 
was drawn into the English as well as into the French horizon. 
Still more was this the case when Burgundy itself became united 
to Spain through the marriage of the grandson of Charles the 
Rash to the daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, whereby their 
son Charles became lord both of Spain and of Burgundy. When 
a potentate already so powerful became also German Emperor, 
the Empire, too, was inevitably brought within the horizon. 
As yet the Austrian branch of the house of Hapsburg remained 
practically outside the horizon, belonging to Eastern Europe rather 
than to Western Christendom. For the Austrian dominion had 
become, upon land, the buffer between \^'^estem Europe and the 
Turk. 

The reference to the Hapsburgs perhaps requires some ex- 
planation. The Hapsburg Frederick ill. was German Emperor 
The house of from 1440 to 1493. His son and successor ilaxi- 
HapsDurg. milian married :\Iary, the daughter and heiress of 
Charles the Rash of Burgundy. This gave Burgundy not to 



The Western World 7 

Maximilian himself but to the son of this marriage, PhiUp the 
Handsome. This Hapsburg Philip the Handsome married 
Joanna, the daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of 
Castile, whose marriage united the crowns of those two kingdoms. 
Their conquest of Granada made Joanna the heiress of the whole 
of Spain. The marriage of Philip and Joanna produced two 
sons, Charles and Ferdinand, who between them were the heirs 
of the Spanish monarchy, of their grandmother Mary of Bur- 
gundy, and of their grandfather Maximilian of Austria. The 
Burgundian and Spanish dominions went to Charles, the Austrian 
to Ferdinand ; the imperial crown went to Charles, but on his 
death passed not to his son, Philip of Spain and Burgundy, but to 
his brother, Ferdinand of Austria. Thus Charles and Ferdinand 
were the progenitors of the kindred Hapsburg houses of Spain 
and Austria. 

The inclusion, then, within the Anglo-French horizon of Bur- 
gundy, Spain, and the Empire, and, for England to a less extent, 
of Italy, introduced Europe to a new international ^jig Balance 
formula, the Balance of Power. It had become at of Po'^er. 
once an object of English poUcy to preserve an equipoise between 
the great powers. There is no longer any question of England 
conquering France and remaining indifferent to what goes on in 
Europe outside of France. She cannot afford to let France grow 
too powerful ; she must hold the scales between France and 
Spain ; and when the Hapsburg dynasty is estabhshed in 
Spain she cannot afford to view the Hapsburg ascendency with 
equanimity. Gradually the Hapsburg power becomes strong, 
and for a very long time remains more menacing than the 
French. 

Into this poHtical prospect there enter two other factors besides 
the consolidation of European states, the Reformation and the 
appropriation of the New World by Spain, with which is presently 
included the absorption by Spain of the Portuguese maritime 
empire in the East. The sphere of English activity is no longer 
confined to the British Isles and France ; it extends immediately 
to Western Europe in general, and before a century has passed 
is expanding over the entire globe. 



8 From MedicBval to Modern 

The discovery of the New World entered into European 
politics, and influenced international policy because it not only 
opened up new sources of wealth but created new 
meMi^of causes of rivalry and new conflicts of interest, as 
the New ^Iso did the simultaneous discovery- of the ocean 

highway to the East. Maritime supremacy acquired 
a new character. Hitherto it had meant ascendency in the 
Mediterranean or ascendency in the Channel ; in the latter case 
for military more than for commercial reasons. Now it became 
to the nations with an Atlantic seaboard the decisive factor in 
the acquisition of territory and the appropriation of trade in the 
hitherto unknown Far East and Far West. Till the end of the 
fifteenth century the suggestion of a British Empire would have 
provided no food even for the imagination. Expansion was 
impossible, conquest not feasible. A French or even a Spanish 
empire in Europe might not have seemed incredible, but the 
idea of a Portuguese or a JQutch^empire would have appeared 

.erdy^absurd.^ Yet each of these nations actually created an 
empire overseas ; and their imperial rivalries influenced Euro- 
pean wars and European alliances not less than the interests, 
which had their origin in Europe itself. 

The Reformation, too, was not merely a decisive moment in 
an intellectual and religious movement, nor was it only the 
negation of the mediaevally conceived Church Universal. ( It_was 
and of tbe ^ political factor of the first importance, because 
Reformation, nations ranged themselves under the Papal or the 
Protestant banner^ The victory of orthodoxy or of ' the religion ' 
became primary objects of statesmen ; and when statesmen were 
prone to indifferentism their hands were forced by the peoples. 
England, Scotland, and the Scandinavian kingdoms became 
decisively Protestant, Spain decisively Papalist. France alone 
endeavoured to push French interests in her international poUcy, 
irrespective of Protestantism or Papalism. I The king of Spain 
had hardly become German Emperor when Germany was cloven 
in twain, the bulk of the northern states adhering to the new 
rehgion while the bulk of the southern states stood by the 
PapacyTAand then the papalist king of Spain, as lord of the 



The Western World 9 

Low Countries, found himself plunged in a deadly struggle with 
one half of the Netherlands, which was ready to fight to the death 
for its Protestantism. -The Reformation was directly responsible 
for the creation of an independent Holland, and shared with the 
discoveries of Columbus the responsibility for the deadly struggle 
between Spain and England. And in the next century it was 
still the Reformation that was responsible for the Thirty Years' 
War, which deluged Germany with blood. 

The old ideal of the Empire of Christendom gave way before 
the consolidation of great states, and ideals of empire more trans- 
oceanic than European. The idea of the Universal Church, a 
spiritual Empire of Christendom, with the Pope at its head, was 
shattered by the Reformation. The third basis of the mediaeval 

structure was Feudalism. ' PoUtically Feudalism 

• T-. 1 1 1 1 ^ Feudalism : 

broke down, except m Poland, because the Crown ng political 

acquired effective control. In England that battle <iefeatin 
^ ° England 

had been won even in mediaeval times ; the country 

had gone further, had p assed through its brief stage of absolutism, 
and had established the principle that the power of the central 
government must rest upon the assent of the people at large. 
It had not yet established the supremacy of parhament ; the 
Tudor monarchs conducted their government with more than 
sufficient freedom from fear of parliamentary opposition. But 
they did so always with the livelyj;onsciousness that popular 
jacqiiiescence was a necessity, and that popular acquiescence 
would cease unless frictron at tender points, especially the pocket, 
■were avoided. An illusion was created that the monarchy had 
become absolute, because under the Tudors the people were 
acquiescent ; that illusion brought about the struggle with the 
Stuarts and the definite establishment of parhamentary supre- 
macy. The Tudor government was not constitutional, in the 
sense that it was not controlled by the later Whig conceptions 
■of the authority of parliament ; but it was not a real absolutism, 
because it never ignored popular sentiment, and could never have 
ventured safely to do so. 

' But elsewhere the Crown was only just acquiring that mastery 
■over the feudal nobihty which was the condition of national 



lo ' From Mediavai to Modern 

consolidation. The struggle was long before Feudalism was 
completely beaten, and practically every European state, except 
and in Britain and Holland and Switzerland, was ruled by 

Europe. ^jj absolute monarchy. Outside of the countries 

named the creation of absolutism was a necessary progressive 
movement, which in England had taken place centuries before. 
In England the absolutist movement was retrogressive except_ 
in so far as, under the Tudors, it was the necessary counter- 
move to a recrudescent^Feudalism. When continental abso- 
lutism was reaching its zenith under Louis xiv., Britain was 
setting its seal upon-constitutionahsm by the ejection of the 
Stuarts. 

Politically FeudaUsm was going under throughout the sixteenth 
century, and finally perished in the first half of the seventeenth, 
Its social though it was yielding to an absolutism which in 
survivax^ England belonged to the past. Socially it held its 
own. The term in its full significance only applies where there 
is a hereditary noblesse at the top of the social scale and hereditary 
serfs at the bottomTIa noblesse whose ranks can only be entered 
from below with extreme difficulty, serfs who can only emerge 
from serfdom with extreme difficulty. In England and Scotland ' 
there was never a true feudal noblesse, because there was no hard 
and fast line between classes ; the preservation of rank by in- 
heritance applied only to a single individual in each generation ; 
the brother or the son of a living baron was not, as such, a noble 
but, a commoner enio3nng no legal privileges whatever. In a 
genuine feudal society the legitimate children of a noble were all 
noble themselves and transmitted their nobility to their off- 
spring ; and with nobiUty went legal privileges. In England 
there had been a servile class, the villeins; but we have seen that 
villeinage disappeared, and only here and there are survivals of 
serfdom to be found after the fifteenth century. The law, in 
theory at least, recognised no distinction of classes. But on 
the Continent the serf remained a serf, bearing legal burdens,^ 
subject to legal liabihties, suffering from legal disabihties, because* 
he was a serf. In England sentimental class distinctions sur- 
vived, and practical distinctions ordained by sentiment and 



The Expansion 1 1 

custom, but without sanction of law. On the Continent the dis- 
tinctions were recognised and enforced by law as well as by senti- 
ment and custom. The feudal structure of society lasted on the 
Continent all but unchanged for another three hundred years, 
until the French Revolution. That structure had always been 
very much less solid in England ; after the fifteenth century it 
was little more than a shadow, a dim, unsubstantial reflection of 
the feudal society of Europe. 

II. The Expansion 

Until the close of the fifteenth century the Western Hemisphere 
might have been nonexistent so far as the Old World was con- 
cerned. Only adventurous Norsemen about the The known 
beginning of the eleventh century had found their '''orid. 
way thither, reaching Greenland and probably Labrador. 
Nothing further had come of those voyages ; they had not even 
produced a definite impression that great unexplored realms lay 
beyond the Atlantic. (Iceland was supposed to be thej^emotest 
outpost, the end of the woiId7irf"fath7ef"pf land. Eastward the 
Europeans in the days of Alexander the Great had penetrated into 
Central Asia, crossed the Suleiman mountains, marched through 
the Punjab, and explored the coasts between the Indus and the 
Red Sea. Of the crossing of the Equator there was no record save 
for an ancient tale of the Phoenicians, duly registered by Hero- 
dotus, but generally discredited for precisely the reason which 
convinces us that it was true. The Phoenicians said they got 
to a region where the midday sun was to the north of them. 
But the European overflow into Asia was pressed back behind 
the Euphrates.") A new Persian dominion arose, and^ from be- 
hind the Persians Mongol hordes surged westward, Huns and 
Avars, Bulgars and Magyars, till their advance was finally 
stemmed about the tenth century. <;^eanwhile IsbmJiadanSfilL^ 



^abs orbing th e WestgnijLsiaiic..p£OBles, and„ establishing a barrij;r_ 
throjigh^ which- the .w£Stern_s. cpjiM jiot-pass,; ^subjugating also 
the Mediterranean region of North Africa and overflowing into 
Spain. The conquering Turk had swept in from the East to be 



12 From MedicBval to Modern 

the champion of Islam and to threaten Christendom itself. All^ 
the truth that was known of the Far East, Europe owed to the_ 
great Venetian, M arco P olo ; and Europe believed much more 
readily in such fables as those of Sir John Mandeville than in 
Marco Polo's facts. And Marco Polo's facts were themselves 
misapprehended, so that intelligent inquirers formed the con- 
viction that Asia extended across the other side of the globe and 
might perhaps be reached by westward voyagers. There were 
traditions too, vague and fabulous, of Utopias existent somewhere, 
and mariner's tales, perhaps with an element of truth, of islands 
which had been sighted but not explored. 

■The work of serious exploration did not begin until the fifteenth 
century, and for_a very long time it was undertaken only by the__ 
,j,jjg Portuguese. The primarj' moving spirit was the^. 

Portuguese Port uguese prince, Henry the Navigator, one of the 

sons of King John i. and of John of Gaunt's daughter^. 
Until his death in 1460 Henry devoted himself to the organi- 
sation of maritime expeditions, which gradually worked their way 
round the western coast of Africa to the Gold Coast. Further and 
further the Portuguese crept, unt il in i486 Bartholomew Diaz 
reag hed-and, doubled the Cape of Good Hope. Twelve years 
la^er Vascq_da,,Gama had again passed the .Cape, struck across- 
J:he Indian Ocean, and landed on the Malabar coast of the Indian^ 
peninsula at Cahcut. 

In those twelve years the gates of the New World were opened, 
and the barrier which parted the ancient East from Christendom 
Coiumiius. was turned. The spirit of exploration was fer- 
menting. The Genoese Christopher Columbus was fired with 
the idea of reaching the Indies not by the route which the Portu- 
guese we^e apparently working out, but by voyaging straight 
across the western ocean. The thing could not be attempted 
by any man on the strength of his private resources. Columbus 
appHed to the court of Spain, but Ferdinand and Isabella were 
at first too much occupied with Granada to give attention to 
visionary schemes. He sent his brother Bartholomew to Eng- 
land ; but Bartholomew was captured by pirates, and it was not 
till I488_th at he was able to bring his projects before Henry vil.,' 



The Expansion 1 3 

who was not unwilling to listen. But there were delays, and 
before anything was finally^ecided in Erigland the Spanish 
monarchs completed their conquest of Granada and came to 
terms with Christopher. In 1492 the epoch-making expedition 
sailed, and Columbus discovered the islands which were chris- 
tened the West Indies. In the next year Pope Alexander^ vi. 
_drew ajine down the _map _ of the world from north to 
south, and pronounced that whatsoever had been or should 
be discovered on the hither or eastern side of that line should 
belong to Portugal, and whatever lay beyond it to Spain ; on 
the hypothesis that all heathen lands were in the gift of Holy 
Church. 

It is not probable that the papal fiat would have been very 
much heeded if the European states had been moved with a zeal 
for expansion. The English, in fact, paid no atten- The caijots. 
tion. The Bristol merchants, the most enterprising group in 
the country, had already sent ships on long voyages westward, 
though hitherto they had not struck land. But Spain had a right 
if not to the whole New World at least to that portion in which 
she had been the first to plant her flag. In 1497 an expedition 
sailed from Bristol under the auspices of Henry vii. and the cap- 
taincy of Johii_Cabot, a Venetian _Qr Genoese mariner who Jiad 
planted himself in England. with his son Sebastian.- -The Cabots 
did not aim at the same part of the New World as their com- 
patriot ; they tried further north, and discovered Labrador and 
Newfoundland. But this country seemed infinitely less promis- 
ing than the fertile lands which had fallen to Spain. To Henry, 
bent on amassing wealth, it seemed a rash speculation to invest 
more in exploration. He let the matter drop, taking no further 
part in it. 

For more than half a century the Spaniards had the West 
and the Portuguese the East to themselves. English enterprise 
did little beyond tapping the Portuguese sphere of Progress of 
northern East Africa. ' Portugal struck the Brazils, P<"^tieai 
the shoulder of South America, which happened to lie east of the 
line drawn by Pope Alexander ; so she acquired a footing in the 
New World ; in the East she established a maritime empire in 



14 From Mediceval to Modern 

the Indian Ocean and a monopoly of the Eastern trade, while 
the Portuguese were also the first to accomplish the circum- 
navigation of the globe. .The empire of Portugal_ was n0it _des-_ 
tined to last ; her resources were not equal to the strain of 
effective'colonisation. Bul_il was otherwise with Spain. Spain 
and Spain. got possession of the richest portion of tHe~New~" 
World^„and uTtimately absorbed the heritage of the Portuguese 
in theJEast, though she was to lose most of it to the Dutch and - 
Enghsh. Spain treated her new dominions as estates of the 
Crown ; estates from which the coffers of the Crown were to be 
filled. Her rule expanded over the West Indian islands. The 
terms Indies and Indians were thoroughly estabhshed, while 
it was still beheved that America was an outlying portion of 
India, a fiction fostered by the fact that the natives were dark- 
skinned hke the natives of India. Ethnology had not yet learnt 
to distinguish between races so essentially divergent. In 1500 
the northern coast of South America was traced by Amerigo 
Vespucci, and two years later Columbus on his last voyage struck 
the mainland of Central America. Cthe Continent, the Tierra_ 
Firme of the Spaniards, became known later to English mariners_ 
as the Spanish Main, 

^ The Spanish expansion continued. It was found that there 
was an organised empire in existence on the west of the Gulf 
Mexico of Mexico. Hitherto the product of the discovered 

and Peru. lands had not been altogether satisfactory to the 
authorities. Gold and precious stones had been found, but not 
in great quantities. ^Jhe-xeports of theJrib^_onJthe_CQa5L.tkat- 
_a^_g|eat_ and apparently civilised empire existed in the interior 
resulted in the dispatch of a small force to Mexico under the 
command of Fernando Cortez in 1519. We need not enter into 
the details of the conquest. The empire of Montezuma was 
overthrown, and Mexico was added to the Spanish dominion, 
(^^ourteen years later a daring expedition to the south, led by_ 
Pizarro, overthrew another empire stranger and wealthier thaii_ 
the Mexican, the empire of the Incas of Peru ; and now the 
American possessions of Spain became a mine of treasure for the 
Spanish government, from which silver and gold and jewels were 



The Expansion 15 

poured into Europe through the Spanish treasury, with striking 
economic effect on the value of the precious rnetals apart from 
other pohtical results. 

Balboa's discovery in 1515 of an ocean on the other side of the 
Isthmus of Darien, followed by the great voyage of Magelhaes 
in 1520 and the conquest of Peru, opened up the The Spanish 
Pacific to the Spaniards, who occupied the north- Empire, 
east coast of South America as far as the Orinoco, as well as 
Central America and Mexico. On the west they occupied ports 
from Valparaiso northward ; but the great depots of their 
plate fleets were at Cartagena and Nombre de Dios. For a long 
time they had the field to themselves ; no one else directed ex- 
ploring expeditions, much less attempted settlements, south of 
the fortieth parallel, north latitude. Sebastian Cabot and other 
explorers made vain search for a north-west passage to the 
Indies ; the F renchman Jacques Cartier in a series of voyages 
discovered and explored the St. Lawrence, and gave France her 
_firat claim to Canada. The codbanks of Newfoundland began 
to attract fishing fleets, which became a great training school 
for mariners. (Butjthe Spaniards alone made conquests, brought 
the native races into subjection, and created an empire for the 
Catholic kingT} The Catholic king chose to develop the empire 
as a private estate, from which the foreigner was jealously ex- 
cluded. But the foreigner, and especially the Enghshman, 
objected to exclusion, and persisted in carrying on a trade with 
the Spanish settlements. It was difficult enough to impose any 
semblance of effective law upon seamen even in European 
waters; tiiere iYas^plenty^fif what- may be called interriational 
piracy in home waters, fighting between ships of various states,^ 
which always declared that the other side were the pirates. 
Beyond the hue — Pope Alexander's Une, not the Equator — the 
only law was the law of the Spaniards, which in the eyes of other 
folk was not law at all. Elizabeth was hardly seated on the 
throne before English mariners were perpetually emphasising 
at the sword's point their theory that they had a right to trade 
where they liked, while the Spaniards were either treating them 
as pirates or delivering them over, when captured, to the tender 



1 6 From Mediceval to Modern 

mercies of the Inquisition as heretics. Beyond this it is unneces- 
sary to go in a preUminary sketch. 

III. The Reformation 

The Great Schism, the division of the Church under rival popes, 
one of whom was recognised by half Europe and the other by the 
other half, forced upon men's minds the necessity 
mentintue ^or a Reformation. At its outset John Wiclif- 
fifteenth gave the last years of his life to propounding the 

unorthodox doctrines which became known as \^— 
-lardy. The General Council of Constance, which met in order 
. to end-the Schism, was distinguished ior bumingjolui jluss_and_ 
Jerome of Prague^ who had in the main adopted Widif's views,. 
In England the policy of Archbishop Arundel and the zeal of 
Henry v. introduced and utihsed burning as the cure for heresy, 
with the result that the open profession of LoUardy disappeared, 
though not its secret dissemination. In the eastern regions of 
Central Europe the fire which WicUf had kindled was not so easily 
suppressed. \ h. su ccession, however, of popes of high character 
effected something towards the reform of abuses and the re- 
establishment of the repute of the Papacy/] Still, the opportunity 
of superseding the authority of the Papacy by General Councils 
was lost when the Cormcil of Constance postponed the handling 
of refonns to the election of Martin v. Inevitably the popes 
directed a large share of their energies to the establishment of 
their own position ; not renewing the claim of Gregory, Innocent, 
and Boniface to a supremacy over emperors and kings, but to 
securing for the Papacy a temporal principaUty in Italy. But 
the work of worthy popes was destroyed as the century neared 
its end by men whose personal character was a scandal to all 
Christendom, ruinous to the moral prestige of the Church. The 
climax was reached when a Borgia ascended the papal throne as 
Alexander viT) And Alexander was followed by the miUtant and 
wholly unspiritual JuHus ii., who was followed in his turn by 
the intellectual pagan Leo x. 

A Church which is possessed of moral enthusiasm is a tremen- 



The Reformation 17 

dous power whatever its dogmatic tenets may be. The great 
popes and the founders of the religious orders had been moral 
enthusiasts. When moral enthusiasm dies out Decay 
among Churchmen the influence of the Church dies °^ ^'^^■ 
with it. There had been no superfluity of it in the fourteenth 
century ; in the fifteenth it was all but nonexistent. The Church 
clung to her own authority, but the thing that she sought to 
instil by way of rehgion was at best a mere formal piety with no 
fervour of faith behind it ; the fervour of faith and the moral 
enthusiasm had to be sought among heretics hke the Hussites 
and unecclesiastical mystics hke Joan of Arc. Among the lower 
clergy the standard of intelligence as well as of morals had 
fallen very low. The intellectual movement which received so 
strong an impulse from the dispersion of Greek scholarship after 
the fall of Constantinople was for the most part, though not 
wholly, divorced from rehgion and morals. Qt produced a large 
amount of scepticism, cloaked by a formal orthodoxy, which 
deUberately encouraged superstition in the masses to keep them 
subservient to ecclesiastical authority 

The Church, the ecclesiastical organisation, could not escape 
the necessity for reform. The world saw a clergy not less de- 
voted to worldly ambitions, and not more im- increase 
pervious to fleshly temptations than the laity. But of criticiBm. 
the world demands a higher standard than its own from those 
who pretend to be its authoritative teachers ; it is peculiarly 
intolerant of clerical scandals and exceedingly ready to beheve 
in them. The Church was degrading itself in the eyes of the 
world, and deluding itself with the behef that its faiUng authority 
was to be preserved not by its own reformation but by silencing 
criticism and fostering creduhty. But the result was that 
criticism became too convincing to be silenced, and credulity 
proved a broken reed. The spirit of inquiry which produced 
a pohte scepticism in the upper classes, who preserved a strict 
regard for social conventions, produced among more sincere but 
less orderly minds a vehement antagonism to aU behefs which 
appeared to have been imposed by human authority. 

We may, then, attempt to summarise the motives which were 

Innes's Eng. Hist. — Vol. ii. B 



1 8 From Mediceval to Modern 

at work not only in England but all over Europe in producing 
that extremely complex movement which is called the Reforma- 
Motives to a tion. In the first place, there was t he eternal 
reformation, rivalr}^ between the supreme spiritual power of the 
Papacy and the secular power of princes. (In the second jglace, 
there was the anticlerical sentiment, the sentiment whi ch always 
makes mankind at large jealous of pecuHar privileges, enjoyed, 
by a particular group. .\ In the third place, tliere was tlie wealth. 
of the ecclesiastical body^jwhich- was very commonly regardei 
as having been acquired on false pretences, while there had never 
been wanting those who declared that the possession of wealth 
by the Church was in itself unjustifiable. All these were griev- 
ances of long standing,_but they were intensified by the fact that 
clerical worldliness, clerical iniquit}' in high places, and clerical 
immoralities were more prominently present to men's eyes than 
they had been in the past. The demand, however, for a moral 
reformation in the Church was a recurrent one. There was 
nothing so far in the situation which seemed to call for a revo- 
lutionary movement, a reconstruction of bases ; nothing which 
threatened a cleavage of Christendom. 

— _The act ual revolutionary movement came with the conviction^ 
that ,ia1q<=r doftrinp yag at the root of the evil, that doctrind_ 

j^formation was the condition without which no other refer--. 
mation could be effective and permanent. The demand for^ 
doctrinal reformation was the direct outcome of the general in- 
tellectual movement appUed specifically to theology. The new | 
criticism cut at the roots of popular behefs sanctioned by the 
Some charac- common teaching of authority. Broadly speaking, 
teri3tics. there was one school which would have proceeded 

to the general repudiation of that authority and of its teaching ; 
another school would have maintained the authority and ad- 
mitted only a modification of its teaching, to be introduced only 
with extreme caution. The poUticians cared very little about 
questions of doctrine in themselves ; they were actuated 
primarily either by the desire to weaken ecclesiastical authority, 
as opposed to that of the State, or by the fear that all authority 
was at stake. But on one point they were agreed, that what- 



The Reformation 19 

ever the Church might be deprived of, whether authority or pos- 
sessions, was not to be destroyed or dissipated but appropriated 
by the secular power. There was no idea of toleration, of per- 
mitting the individual to take his own course ; the guestion was 

_only^ which- authority was to lay down his course for him, the 
State o r the_ Chur£l]u„ In the sixteenth century any other view 
would have been regarded as anarchical. (AH that was meant 
by toleration was conveyed in a distinction between funda- 
mentals and accidentals, which granted a degree of freedom in 
accidentals, adiaphora, but in fundamentals none whatever.. 
The emancipation of the individual, the recognition of his right 
to worship in accordance with the dictates of his own conscience, 
was still in a remote future. Nevertheless, the freedom of the 
individual conscience was the only logical alternative to the 
recognition of an infallible authority. We can turn now from 
our brief exposition of the forces at work to the story itself. 

The new criticism did not in the first instance, or even neces- 
sarily in the long run, call for any violent departure from accepted 
doctrines. The torpor of the fifteenth century was Awakenings, 
giving way before its close to an awakening moral consciousness. 
The finest spirits of the time were earnest reformers, whose desire 
was to remedy the evils of the day and the evils of the Church 
by education. Cj he new s cholarship found its way to England, 
where it applied itself with avidity to the interpretation of^ 
Scripture in the light of the new knowledge. If its votaries had 
had their way the Church would have reformed itself from within ; 
partly, as it had done before, by moral enthusiasm ; partly by the 
rejection of doctrines and practices which were manifest excres- 
cences, distortions of true doctrine, bom of ignorance, and im- 
possible of inteUigent acceptance, which would be inevitably 
shed by an inteUigent clergy alive to moral ideals. It was not 

J;ill yi2_Jh^t_the_ReyolBtipn, was ijiitiated by the Wittenberg- 
professor, Martin Luther. 

The occasion was the need for money under which Pope Leo x. 
found himself. The ordinary resources of the Papacy were in- 
sufficient, and Leo had recourse to the not infrequent practice of 
selling Indulgences. The Indulgence was a pardon for sin, carry- 



20 From MeduBval to JModern 

ing with it remission of the penalties in purgatory which were 
the sinner's due. In theory, no doubt, the efficacy of all pardon 
The and absolution was conditional upon the sinner's re- 

indoigeiices. pentance; in practice the populace believed, and 
were encouraged to believe, that their sins were remitted in 
consideration of the fees paid for the Indulgence. The sale of 
pardons was a practice of immemorial antiquity, w-hich like 
many other pagan practices had been adapted to its own needs 
by the Mediaeval Church.— The only unusual characteristics of 
Leo's proposals were the low price of the Indulgences and the 
immense scde on which the transaction was to be carried out. 
Commissioners were to travel all over Europe for the purpose. 
Princes_ajQd j)otentates generally would have objected to this 
method of carrying money out of the country in exchange for 

such unsubstantial wares, but \yhen t hey received a commission 

on the sales their objections were apt to disappear. 

On this occasion, however, Luther, who was a professor at the 
university of Wittenberg in Saxony, entered a pubhc protest, 
Martin a^id induced the ' Good Elector ' Frederick to refuse 

Latber, 1517. igaye for the Indulgences Commission to enter his 
territory. Luther denounced the theory and practice of Indul- 
gences in a series of theses, which were affixed to the door of the 
cathedralx- The vital points of his propositions were that it does 
not he %rith any man to forgive sins, and that to traffic in pardQn§__ 
was blasphemous. The position that Luther had thus taken up 
was embarrassing to a pope in want of money ; but there were 
too many pohtical problems engaging pubhc attention for Leo 
to give his mind to the stem repression of the professor, who, on 
the other hand, was conscious that he had thrown down a chal- 
lenge and was resolved to make his position good. He issued 
further militant declarations, and he appealed to the princes of ■ 
Germany by urging them to refuse to continue the tributes which 
every state in Christendom paid to the papal treasury. Also 
he fortified himself by appealing to a General Coimcil to judge 
whether he were right or \vrong. 

— Tn j[5i9_ one ^f^the pohtical problemsotthe day was settiei_ 
by the election of Charles v. as emperor, he being then a youth 



The Reformation 21 

of nine teen^ Before the end of next year Leo launched his 
thunderbolt, a bull pronouncing Luther a heretic ; Luther burnt 
the bull publicly amid acclamations on loth Decem- The Diet of 
ber. In January there was to be a Diet of the Em- worms, 1B21. 
pire at Worms, a gathering of the assemblies of electors, princes, 
and clergy, under the presidency of the emperor, which was a kind 
of parliament of the Empire. To the Diet of Worms Luther was 
summoned under a safe-conduct to answer for himself. He re- 
solutely maintained the propositions he had laid down. Popular 
sentiment was strongly on his side ; the clergy were hot against 
him ; the princes were divided. Lest Luther should suffer the 
fate of John Huss, his own friends kidnapped him and hid him 
away in the Wartburg. He was put to the ' ban of the Empire,' 
condemned by the Diet but not by public opinion, and from that 
moment Germany was divided between Lutherans and Papalists. 

The condemnation proved practically a dead letter. The 
emperor had other matters jm his hands ; he was plunging into 
_ajwar with France, and was not at all incUned to face a civil 
war on account of a religious question. The management of 
imperial affairs was vested in a council, wherein the member 
ffhQ_earrifid most_weight jwas Frederick of Saxony, a prince held 
in universal esteem, who might have worn the imperial crown 
himself if he had not declined to be a candidate. Frederick was 
injeffect a supporter of Luther. 

The doctrines propounded by Luther were akin to those which 
Wiclif had propounded in the last years of his hfe and to those 
which other thinkers were already setting forth at Zwingii. 
Zurich in Switzerland, although there were extreme divergences 
between Luther's own views and those of the Swiss leader, Zwingii. 
The position in Germany was complicated by a great peasant 
revolt, on a much larger scale than that which had The peasant 
taken place in Richard 11. 's reign in England ; but as '^^voit. 
in England, and very much more than in England, the lead in the 
rising was taken by men who were actuated by religious zeal ; 
and in public judgment Luther was associated with the move- 
ment, as Lollardy had been associated with it in England, 
although Luther himself condemned it in the strongest terms. 



22 From Medieval to Modern 

The social or political demands of the peasantry seem moderate 
enough in modem eyes, but in the sixteenth century they would 
have involved a complete subversion of the existing social order, 
and they appeared to be simply anarchical. Some of the re- 
hgious \iews propounded were indubitably anarchical, and the 
effect was to convince the majority of respectable and ordinary 
persons that the new doctrines were dangerous as well as heretical. 
The fear of revolution consequently drove many reformers into 
the reactionary camp — a familiar feature of all periods of re- 
volution. 

In Germany, Luther and Lutheranism succeeded in separating"" 
themselves from the popular movement ; there, a year after the 
suppression of the revolt, it seemed Ukely that no effort would be 
made to check the Lutheran movement ofl&dally. At the Diet 
of Speier the emperor ^^ithd^ew from the position which he had 
tnianees in assumed at Worms, and in ^ffect the position was 

the attitude adopted that each prince should be allowed to 
of Charles. — I ^, ,- ■ ■ , ■ , • - - ,. — - 

control rehgion within his own temtones accoraing_ 

to his o%\-n judgment. ( In fact , in 1521 the interests of the em- 
peror and the Pope drew them into aUiancejbecause the ex- 
pansion of the power of the king of France was a menace to the 
hberty of the Papacy^ In 1526 fortune had flowed favourably 
for the emperor, and it was now his power in Italj- which threat- <, 
ened the Papacy.^ He had no inchnation to allow the peace of 
Germany to be threatened in order to please the Pope ; he was 
more inclined to coerce the Pope b}- encouraging the rebels 
against the papal authority. The breach was so serious that in 
1527 Rome was captured and ruthlessly sacked by imperialist 
j£90P-?'^^'^'i Pope Clement himself became in effect the ^^iSot's „ 
prisoner. 

But when it ceased to be necessary to terrorise the Pope, the 
emperor inchned to revert to his natural disposition and to main- 
Protestant- tain orthodox}-. \r ^ 1429 the Lutherans at another — ■ 
^™" ^DiejLat Speier protested against the revival of the 

.dd decree of the Diet at Worms ; wherefrom they acquired the__ 
name of Protestant, which became associated with the ' Pro- 
testant ' profession of faith which was drawTi up next year at^- 



The Reformation 23 

Augsburg. The Confession of Augsburg was followed up by the 
formation of the Protestant League of Schmalkalde. It appears 
as though civil war was only averted by the danger threatening 
from the East, where the power of the Ottoman Turks was still an 
ever-growing menace. 

It was just at this time that the quarrel between the king of 
England and the Papacy was approaching its climax. Some at 
least of the Protestant princes of Germany were England 
actuated by genuine rehgious conviction ; Henry's ^''^^ France. 
quarrel wa s entirely pohtical. He regarded himself as a cham- 
pion of orthodoxy ; his controversial enthusiasm had even led 
him to plunge into the theological fray with an anti-Lutheran 
pamphlet, which had won for him the title of Defender of the 
Faith, bestowed upon him by Leo x. JBut when the Defender of 
the Faith found Msjmshes opposed by another pope, whom a 
hard fate had forced to make choice between gratifying the 
German emperor and the English king, Henry, without surrender- 
ing his orthodoxy, was^quite, ready to repudiate his allegiance 
to the Papacy, unconscious that the country which repudiated 
the papal allegiance would inevitably fall away from ' orthodox ' 
doctrine. For the coercion of the Pope and the Pope's master 
the emperor, Henry had no objection to making common cause 
with the Protestants of other countries ; and the formation of 
the League of Schmalkalde provided an instrument which might, 
if occasion arose, be utilised against the emperor. In France the 
position was in some respects not unUke that in England. The 
king and the court were orthodox — Francis i. rejoiced in the 
singularly inappropriate title of the Most Christian King — but 
while French heretics were suppressed the government had no 
qualms about associating itself with the heretics of other countries 
for political ends of its own. 

For a time, then, the equilibrium was preserved. There was no 
actual war of religion until after the death of Luther in 1546. 
Rather there was a common desire for the reunion i-^^ General 
of Christendom, an end which could only be achieved Council. 
by means of a General Council. Unfortunately each party de- 
sired that the General Council should take place under conditions 



2 4 From Mediceval to Modern 

which would ensure triumph to that party, and refused to share 
in it except under such conditions. The result was that when 
the Council of Trent wasaHast^convoked in^i542, it was in effecL., 
not a general bat a p_ap_alist assembly, whose authority was re- 
cognised bynone but papalists ; and instead of unifying Chris- 
tendom it ended, twenty years after it had first been called, by 
defining the Cathohc sheepfold in terms which excluded all those 
who still claimed to be members of the Cathohc Church without 
acknowledging the papal supremacy. Hence in popular parlance 
the terms Cathohc and Protestant were used as equivalent to 
Papalist and non-Papahst, although the Protestant Confession 
of Augsburg was accepted by only a section of the Protestants, 
and another large section claimed to be as much CathoUcs as any 
papaUst. 

Some while before the Council of Trent was summoned two 
new rehgious forces had come into being, one papalist, the 
Calvinism. other in the highest degree antipapahst. The 
latter, the first in time, was Calvinism, of which the headquarters 
were estabhshed at Geneva under the theological and even 
political dictatorship of John Calvin, a Frenchman from Picardy. 
The Swiss school of reformers, under the guidance of Zwingli, was 
more broad-minded and tolerant than any of the other parties ; 
Zwingli held his own views with uncompromising vigour, but 
he did not hold that uniformity was necessary to unity. Zwingli 
himself was killed in 1531 ; but after his death there grew up in 
Switzerland beside the comparatively charitable school of Zurich 
the new and intensely rigid school of Geneva. Zurich was 
separated from the Lutherans almost exclusively on account of 
the difference of views regarding the Sacrament. Like Wiclif, 
both rejected the Roman doctrine of Transubstantiation, .but__ 
Luther, holding fast by the words ' This is my Body,' maintained_ 
Luther and the Real j'resencejjf the Body andBlood of Christ 
the Swiss. in the consecrated elements ; the ZwingHans regarded 
the words as symbolical and the service as purely commemo::— 
rative. Calvin rejected the Lutheran doctrine of Consub,:_ 
stantiation but admitted a more mystical element than the 
Z\nnglians., The Swiss teachers were united in a much more 



The Reformation 25 

sweeping rejection of ceremonial observances than the Lutherans. 
But th e distinct ive chara cteris tic of Calvinism was the extreme 
emphasis which it laid upon predestination, the view that ever}- 
person bom into the world was ordained before birth to sal- 
vation or jreprobation^ And of hardly less importance was 
Calvin's development of the system of Church government and 
discipline, which has for us its most famihar presentment in the 
Presb}i;erianism of Scotland. [The antagonism between Cal\'in- 
ism and Lutheranism was destined on the Continent to prove 
the most serious obstacle to Protestant unitj- and the most 
valuable ally of the Papahst reactioiT) The Calvinistic doctrines 
formulated in Calvin's Institutes, pubhshed in 1536, were gener- 
ally adopted b\' the reformers of France, Scotland, and the 
Netherlands, and by a minority among the German Protestant 
princes ; but Lutheranism prevailed generally among German 
Protestants ,"<3ngland pursued a course of its own, differing from 
that of the Lutherans though approximating more nearly to it, 
_}vith ZwingUan rather than Cal\dnistic modifications. 

The second movement took place within the papahst ranks, 
and was initiated b}' the Spanish knight Inigo Lopes de Recalde, 
commonly known as Ignatius Loyola, ^^^lile re- Ignatius 
covering in _i52ij_when he was thirty j-ears of age, Loyola, 
from a wound received in battle, his spirit was drawn to rehgion ; 
a soldier by birth and training, he formed the conception of a 
Christian soldierhood, a companj' of spiritual warriors not fight- 
ing with fleshly arms but trained after the military model. He 
gathered round him a small group of seven equally ardent en- 
thusiasts, all men of birth, breeding, and culture. In 1534 the 
seven solemnly vowed themselves to the task they had chosen. 
They gathered disciples, and in_i543 the Order of Jesus was 
formally recognised by the Pope. TTtter iinq uestinning^nbedieTice 
was_the rule of the order ;_ its first principle was to give its 
members the highest possible intellectual training in its o^^"n 
schools ; and in a few j^ears the Jesuits became one of the most 
influential organisations known in the world's history. 



CHAPTER II. HENRY VII., 1485-1509 

I. Establishment of the Dynasty 

Henry vii. was acclaimed king on Bosworth field, but his actu^ 
title ' to t he crow n was weaker than that possessed by any kin£_ 
The Yorkist before him, with the sole exception of the usurper. 
titles- whom he had. defeated and slain. There was no ques- 

tion at all that, so far as descent from Edward iii. was concerned, . 
the house of York was entitled to the throne. fO n the p rincipla. 
that the crown could descend through the female hne to a female^ 
Elizabeth, the eldest daughter of Edward iv., was the legitimate^ 
queen. Jf the crown could descend through a female but not to_ 
a female — the theory on which Edward ill. had claimed the. 
French throne — Elizabeth's cousin Edward, earl of Warwic]£_ 
the son of George of Clarence and nephew of Edward iv., was the 
legitimate king ; both Ehzabeth and Warwick were descendei. 
from Lionel of Clarence, the second son of Edward nL_ If 
descent was through and to males only, Warwick again was the 
heir, having unbroken male descent from Edmund of Cambridge, 
the fourth son of Edward iii. ; there was no man who could claim 
unbroken male descent from any other of Edward iii.'s sons. 
While the direct hne of Henry iv. was still represented, his 
descendants could at least claim that their dynasty was estab- 
hshed by parliamentary title ; but there were no descendants 
of Henry iv. hving. Henry vii. stood as the representative of 
The Beaufort the house of Lancaster, but there was no conceivable 
""^- plea on which descent from John of Gaunt, the 

third son, stood above descent from Lionel of Clarence, the second 
son, if descent through the female held good. If descent through 
the female did not hold good, Henry's own claim vanished, because 

' See Genealogies, I. and ii. 
2S 



Establishment of the Dynasty 27 

it lay through his mother, Margaret Beaufort. To this it has 
to be added that any claim through a Beaufort was at best 
dubious, because the Beauforts had only been legitimated by a 
decree of Richard 11. ; and even if all these difficulties were 
evaded, and descent from John of Gaunt ranked before descent 
from Lionel of Clarence, the offspring of the unquestionably 
legitimate daughters of John of Gaunt might claim precedence 
over the questionably legitimate Beauforts. On this basis, 
Ralph Neville, earl of Westmorland, was the real representative 
of the house of Lancaster. Finally, it may be observed that 
Henry was obliged tacitly to ignore the claim of his own mother, 
Margaret Beaufort, who was now the wife of Lord Stanley. 
There was, however, no definite precedent recognising the suc- 
cession of a queen-regnant. The one parallel case was that of 
the succession of Henry 11. in the lifetime of his mother, the 
Empress Maud. 

The solution of the djmastic problem was practical, not logical. 
Quite definitely, it was Henry who had freed the country from 
the usurper, Richard iii. Quite definitely, he was jjie title of 
also, as a matter of fact, accepted by the whole Henry vii. 
Lancastrian faction. Lancastrian precedent and the precedents 
down to the thirteenth century recognised an elective element 
in the monarchy ; and the validity of a parliamentary title, as 
against the rule ofpriniogeiuim:e, would be difficult though not 
impossible to challenge. /A^laige_jgropqrtion of the Yorkists 



would be satisfied if EUzabeth of York became queen by rnarry^ 



ing Henry ; and if the right of a woman to succeed in person were 



challenged, yet the right of succession in her sons would be 
difficult to question. The Lancastrian title, the title by con- 
quest, the parUamentary title, and the title by marriage with 
Elizabeth, provided all together a cumulative title which could 
only be questioned on behalf either of Edward, earl of Warwick, 
or of a resuscitated son of Edward iv. 

Still, the mere fact that Henry's accession was a vic tory for 
t he Lancastrians made it certain that a section of centres of 
the Yorkists would endeavour to subvert the new ^saffeotion. 
Tudor dynasty upon any colourable pretext. Yorkist disaffection 



2 8 Henry VII. 

was certain to be fostered by Margaret, the dowager-duchess of 
Burgundy, youngest sister of Edward iv., and in England was 
likely to centre in the De la Poles, the sons of the duchess of 
Suffolk, another of the late king's sisters. 

T>ip p'itf iblishment of the dynasty wp'' npr.ps;s3ri1y Hpnnjf'g 
first object, and the first step in that direction was to procure the 
Useofpariia- confirmation of his title by parliament. Parlia- 
ment, 1485. ment, with a judicious avoidance of details, pro- 
nounced him legitimate king of England, and declared Richard's 
supporters to have been guilty of rebellion against their lawful 
monarch. But there was to be no repetition of the partisan 
slaughters of the Wars of the Roses, The shedding of blood 
was impolitic in the eyes of Henry Tudor ; it would not have 
suited him to appear as a tyrant. He made it his unfailing rule 
to spare the lives of his enemies unless they were really too 
dangerous to live ; but he systematically drew their claws by 
despoihng them of their estates, whereby he at the same time 
amassed wealth for the Crown. . The country was made partaker 
in the condemnation of his foes because they were attainted in 
parliament and condemned by Act of parliament. It was the 
king's part to modify the sentence at once mercifully and ad- 
vantageously. 

Being established by the Lancastrian title, hy titlp nf r.nngiipst. 
and by parliam entary title, Henry could proceed to confirm his 
Marriage, position by marrying the Princess Elizabeth in 
^**^- January i486. The wedding could no longer com- 

promise his ow^n title, while it muzzled legitimate partisans of 
the house of York. An attempted insurrection on the part of 
Lord Lovel, one of the partisans of Richard iii., was easily sup- 
pressed. Warwick was safe in the Tower, and before the year 
was out the queen had borne a son .;Arthur. who now represented ;! 
both the rival houses . "'¥ 

Perhaps it was the birth of the heir which incited the extreme 
Yorkists to make an attempt upon the throne almost immedi- 
Lambert ately afterwards. It was suddenly announced that 

simnei, 1487. ^he rightful king, Edward of Warwick, was not in 
the Tower but in Ireland. Ireland had always supported the 



Ustablishment of the Dynasty 29 

Yorkists, and the pretender was unhesitatingly accepted by half 
the Irish nobles. The real Warwick was paraded through the 
streets of London, but the extreme Yorkists professed behef in 
the sham Warwick, a baker's boy named Lambert Simnel, who 
had been carefully coached in the part. Margaret of Burgundy 
sent a troop of German mercenaries to Ireland under the com- 
mand of Martin Schwartz to support his claim. John de la Pole, 
earl of Lincoln, whom Richard had designated his heir-presump- 
tive, declared for the pretender. Presumably the idea was that 
Henry was to be overthrown in the name of the pseudo-Warwick. 
Whether it was Lincoln's intention to recognise the real' earl 
when the victory was won, or to assert his own claim on the old 
plea that the attainder of George of Clarence barred his son from 
the succession, is an unanswerable question. Simnel landed in 
England with the German mercenaries and a large Irish con- 
tingent ; he was joined by Lincoln, and was defeated and taken 
prisoner by Henry at Stoke. Lincoln was killed, the Germans 
were cut to pieces, and the prisoners were treated in accordance 
with Henry's principle of leniency. Simnel was appropriately 
assigned to a post in the royal kitchens. Gerald Fitzgerald, 
earl of Kildare, the deputy or acting governor of Ireland, was not 
even removed from his office, though his comphcity in the re- 
bellion was beyond question. After the summer of 1487 it did 
not at first appear probable that the Yorkists would find any 
instrument for attacking the Tudor dynasty. For some years 
foreign affairs occupied Henry's attention. 

-. Louis XI. had carried the consolidation of France so far that 
Brittany alone among the great fiefs was still in any degree in- 
dependent of the Crown. His daughter, Anne of ,, pranoe and 
Beauj eu, as regent for her young brother, Charles viii . , Brittany, 
was anxious to bring the duchy under control. The Austrian 
Maximilian, ' king of the Romans,' heir of the Emperor Frederick 
and father of the child duke, Phihp of Burgundy, did not wel- 
come any increase in the power of France, and intended to have 
for his second wife the young heiress of Brittany, Anne. In 
Spain, Ferdinand and Isabella likewise objected to an increase 
in the power of France, and wanted to get back into their own 



30 Henry VII. 

hands the border districts of Roussillon and Cerdagne, which 
were held in pledge by France. Henry in his exile had been 
under great obligations both to Brittany and France, and might 
have preferred to preserve neutrality ; but from an EngUsh point 
of view the absorption of the duchy by France was undesirable. 
Frieadly- relations with Maximilian were desirable on account 
of the Burgundian connection, and it appeared probable that 
an alliance with Spain might be extremely useful as a check on 

I France. In the course of 1488 Henry was still ostensibly neutral 
so far as concerned France and Brittany, but was actually con- 

I certing alliance with Spain and with Maximihan. 

The relations of these monarchs provide a curious study. 

In craft and skill Maximilian was by no means a match for the 

„ „ other two, but in the ingenuity of his ambitions and 
Henry, Fer- ° •' 

dinand, and in the shiftiness of his methods he was their equal. 

Maximilian. tt j- ^i 1 ■ 1 1 ■ 

He was perfectly unscrupulous m breakmg away 

from a bargain. Ferdinand and Henry, however, were equally 
matched. Each knew that he needed the other, their interests 
were closely bound up together, but each made it his primary 
object to throw upon the other the real burden of achieving the 
ends in view ; each wished to preserve a plausible appearance 
of honesty in cheating the other ; neither had the slightest ob- 
jection to the other's attempts to cheat him — cheating was quite ■ 
in accordance with the rules of the game as they played it. They 
were quite shameless in the matter. Ferdinand felt himself 
actually insulted when he was accused of having ' once ' cheated 
an antagonist ; he denied the allegation with scorn, because he 
had cheated the adversary not once but twice. 

In Henry's early years, however, Ferdinand held the stronger 
hand ; the need of the English king was the greater. Although 
A Spanish throughout 1488 he had persisted in expressions of 
treaty, 1489. benevolence to France, and had repudiated all re- 
sponsibihty for an Enghsh expedition under Edward Woodville 
which went over to help the duke of Brittany against the French 
Crown, he found himself compelled, in order to satisfy the 
Spaniards, to promise active hostihty to France. By the Treaty 
of Medina del Campo the infant Prince of Wales was to be 



Establishment of the Dynasty 3 1 

betrothed to Katharine of Aragon, a younger daughter of the 
Spanish monarchs. If either country should be drawn into war 
with France the other was to support her ; Spain might retire if 
she recovered Roussillon and Cerdagne, or England in the much 
less probable event of her recovering Guienne. Spain, with the 
Moorish war on her hands, was not at all likely to take effective 
part in operations in France ; England would not find so simple 
jan excuse. 

Before this the duke of Brittany had died and the little duchess 
was in the hands of a guardian ; Henry had made a defensive 
alUance with Maximilian and another with Brittany. The policy 
of a French war was approved by English sentiment, and parlia- 
ment, after due consideration, granted a substantial piaying at 
subsidy, though only a small portion of it was '"^^^' i^^s-gi. 
ever collected. Henry never intended serious fighting ; he 
wanted to embarrass France, to make an ostentatious display 
of loyalty to his Spanish allies, to beguile his own subjects into 
a belief that great things were to be wrought against the ancient 
enemy, and finally to get as much money and spend as little as 
he could. 

By the treaty with Brittany, Henry was in occupation of certain 
Breton towns which he had no intention of evacuating without 
receiving satisfactory indemnity ; otherwise it was his cue to 
say much and do little. By July 1489 MaximiHan had made a 
treaty of his own with France, in spite of his treaty with Henry. 
But no progress was made on either side ; and after another year 
Maximilian had reverted to the Enghsh alUance. At the end of 
1490 he married the young duchess by proxy, never having even 
seen her ; but he did nothing to help the Breton cause in Brit- 
tany. The Spaniards continued to do nothing, having Granada 
as their excuse. But while Henry was apparently being left in 
the lurch with heavy obhgations on his hands, he turned the 
position to account by procuring fresh subsidies from his sub- 
jects, and appealing to them for benevolences ; still, however, 
there was very little expenditure of either blood or treasure. 
The French arms progressed in Brittany, and in 1491 t he young . 
king of_jranceJound^_solution ofjhe Breton problem for him- 



3 2 Henry VII. 

self by marrying the Duchess Anne after procuring the necessary, 
dispensations from the Pope. Brittany became an appanage of 
the French Crown .• 

The situation demanded artistic manipulation ; but Henry 

was equal to it. For the benefit of his English subjects he main- 

, tained the theory of the right of England to the 

diplomacy, crown of France, and made a great show of warlike 

1491-2 

preparations on a large scale ; but he merely wished 
to be bought out of Brittany on his own terms. The absorption 
of the duchy was, in fact, a fait accompli, but Henry had never 
really wished to do more than use his position there as a diplo- 
matic asset. It was a valuable asset, because the young king 
pf Franc e, who had now assumed the reins of authority himself, 
w^eager tj)^asserthis claim to Naples_as the representative of the^ 
__house^f_Aniouj and in order to get a free hand in Italy he was 
wiUing to pay a considerable price for peace with his Spanish and 
English neighbours. It was Henry's part to work up his own 
price to the highest possible point, to demonstrate, to threaten, 
to worry Charles into buying him out. He even went so far as to 
lay siege to Boulogne in person, undeterred by the countenance 
which the French court was lending to a new pretender to the 
English throne. ^efgre_ the gid^of . 1492 Charles had a ccepted, 
Henry 's_term_s. The English king^was to, evacuate the tow ns he _ 
held in Brittany and to withdraw his troops from French soil ;_ 
Charles was to pay up all the indemnities claimed and the 
'tribute' with which his father had bought off Edward iv. 
Also he was to dismiss the Yorkist pretender from France. The 
The peace of peace of ,6taples (December 1492) relieved Henry 
Staples, 1492. fj.Qjjj a,ny fear of French support for English in- 
triguers ; heJwdJflsLjMhin,g.jmjwhislvhe_set any value :, he^ 
had filled his treasury instead of emptying it; he had,,aat_ 
emulated the example of Henry v., but had considerably im- 
proved upon that of his Yorkist predecessors ; and he had 
thoroughly "Sfablished at the Spanish court a character for 
diplomatic astuteness which ensured him the sincere respect of 
Ferdinand and Isabella, who made their own terms with the 
French king. Maximilian, indeed, was extremely indignant at 



Establishment of the Dynasty 33 

being deserted, but from the impecunious King of the Romans 
there was nothing more serious to fear than his hostile influence 
with the court of Burgundy. 

The new pretender, whose earlier appearance on the scene might 
have caused much trouble, was Perkin Warbeck. According to 
his own subsequent confession he was the son of a perkinwax- 
boatman of Toumay. In 1491 he went to Cork J>eok, 1491-B. 
in the service of a Breton merchant. He was of personable 
appearance, and bore a strong resemblance to the Plantagenets. 
The people at Cork insisted that he must be a Plantagenet, 
whereupon he owned that he was Richard of York, the younger 
of the two princes who were supposed to have been murdered in 
the Tower by Richard iii. The story was accepted with avidity. 
A Yorkist impostor was safe enough in Ireland where Henry 

seems to have paid little attention to his proceedings. [ In 1 492 

the young man was intriguing with the Scots and with Margaret 
of Burgundy, a.nd was received by Charles viii. in FranceTl Thence 
he was expelled by the Treaty of Etaples, whereupon he betook 
himself to Burgundy, to the separate independent court of the 
dowager-duchess, over which young duke Philip professed that he 
had no control. There he was thoroughly educated to act up to 
the role in which he had appeared — unless we are to accept the 
just conceivable but exceedingly improbable hjrpothesis that he 
was the real Richard of York. This hypothesis would involve 
that a substitutefor the boy had been smuggled into the Tower 
and murdered in his place, while the boy himself had been 
smuggled out and kept in concealment for eight years even while 
Yorkist partisans were trying to put his cousin of Warwick on 
the throne. The real Richard, of course, if alive, would have been 
beyond any possible question the legitimate king of England. 
(While Perkin_ was being educated InB urgundy, C harles jyin., 
in 149 3, made his peace both with the Spaniards and with Maxi- 
milian ; in 1494 he invaded Italy, obtained passage (.jj^rigg yuj 
through the northern states, and with great ease in Italy, 
captured Naples, where he was crowned in February 
1495, the Aragonese occupants of the throne taking flight before 
him. Ferdinand and Maximihan, who now called himself 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. C 



34 Henry VII. 

emperor, had not anticipated such easy success ; they took 
alarm and became anxious to form a powerful league against 
French aggression, (^ximilian had not forgiven Henry for the 
peace of Staples, and was giving his countenance to the pretender 
in Burgundy ; but the Spanish monarchs were extremely desirous 
of drawing Henry into the anti-French leagueT) Henry in the 
interval had been quietly strengthening his own position. Kept 
thoroughly informed of the intrigues which were being woven at 
the court of Margaret of Burgundy, he had given no sign till the 
moment was ripe for striking, when the unsuspecting conspirators 
Henry's man- i^^ England were arrested and put to death. The 
agement. most notable among them was Sir WiUiam Stanley, 
who had played a double game at Bosworth, and was supposed 
to be one' of Henry's most influential and trusted supporters. 
Meantime Burgundy was being taught the unwisdom of foster- 
ing the king's enemies by a commercial war which deprived^her of 
the Enghsh wool on which the manufacturing activities of the 
Netherlands were dependent. England suffered, but the Nether- 
lands suffered far more severely, and the cause of Perkin War- 
beck became unpopular in those regions. In Ireland Henry 
pursued his policy of concihation, dehberately overlooking the 
support which the pretender had received from the Irish mag- 
nates ; though he found it necessary to suspend Kildare from 
Poyningsin the deputyship. Qjo__that^ office he ap pointed a 
Ireland. capable Englishman,. 5i]^ Edward Ppynings, whose ^ 

brief tenure of the deputyship was signalised by the passing of 
Pojmings' LaWj_ which embodied the principles- ol the, govern-^ 
ment of Ireland for three centuries to come. \. The powers of the 
Irish legislature were restricted to the passing, without change, 
of laws submitted to it in a shape sanctioned by the Privy Council 
in England. The statute was passed in the last month of 1494. 
A Uttle more than a year later, Kildare was restored to the 
deputyship, and showed no further incHnation to disloyalty. 

In 1495, then, Ireland was under control, Perkin's supporters 
in England had received a sharp lesson, and Perkin's own position 
in the Netherlands was becoming untenable. In the summer the 
pretender sailed for England, but when his expedition landed in 



Establishment of the Dynasty 35 

Kent it was soundly beaten by the local levies, and a severity un- 
usual for Henry was displayed to the rebels who were captured. 

Perkin himself had not come ashore. He made for „ , . , 

Perkin's 

Ireland, where Desmond rose on his behalf in the movements, 
south, but the insurrection was promptly suppressed 
by Poynings, and the pretender betook himself to Scotland. There 
the young king, James iv., chose to believe in him, and to bestow 
on him a kinswoman of his own in marriage. But the complete- 
ness of Warbeck's failure hitherto enabled Henry to enter the anti- 
French league on his own terms. He would not attack France 
except at his own convenience, and Maximilian was definitely 
to repudiate Warbeck. The embargo upon the Netherlands 
trade had already been removed by the treaty known as the 
Inter cur BUS Magnus. The breach in commercial intercourse had 
been serviceable to England only as a means to a political end. 

In .the autumn of 14.96 the king of Scots raided the. _nQrtli..oL- 
England on Perkin's behalf,^but_hejnerely provided Henry with 
aii^ elective excuse for abstaining from._active.iDeasures against 
France, and for levying a tax for.thedefejnc_e of, the country. The 
tax annoyed the Comishmen, who did not feel them- 
selves in need of protection against Scottish invaders. Cornish 
They rose in insurrection and marched up towards 
London with the time-honoured demand for ' the removal of the 
king's evil counsellors.' They got as far as Blackheath, but the 
Kent men did not join them as they had anticipated. On the 
other hand the king's forces surrounded them at Blackheath, 
pounded them with cannon, and broke them up completely. 
Only three ringleaders were put to death ; the rest were par- 
doned and allowed to go home. Under the mistaken impression 
that Henry's leniency was due to weakness, they determined 
upon a fresh revolt. 

Warbeck had withdrawn to Ireland from Scotland, where the 
impulsive James was losing his first enthusiasm. Even in Ireland 
the atmosphere had turned chilly, and Perkin readily accepted 
an invitation to raise his standard in Cornwall. Failure as usual 
dogged his steps. He reached Cornwall, but the numbers that 
joined him were small. He marched upon Exeter, where neither 



36 Henry VII. 

persuasion nor force procured him admittance. He went on to 
Taunton and then threw up the game, deserting his followers, 
Perkin and taking sanctuary at Beaulieu. At Beaulieu 

captured. ]^g surrendered himself to the king's mercy. James 
had, after all, made a diversion in the north, but without accom- 
plishing anything, and when Perkin was captured, a treaty of 
peace was entered upon between England and Scotland. 

As -usual Henry was not vindictive, but punished Perkin's 
supporters by confiscations. The pretender was compelled 
publicly to read a confession which may have been genuine, or 
may have been dictated to him. This was done first at Exeter, 
and then at Westminster, after which he was for some time 
placed in a by no means close confinement. In the course of 
the next year, 1498, the young man was foolish enough to try 
to make his escape ; whereupon he was set in the stocks, again 
compelled to read his confession at London and Westminster, 
and was then relegated to the Tower, where the unlucky War- 
wick was also confined. In 1499 these two possible pretenders 
were induced to concoct a plot of some sort, which resulted in 
their both being sent to the block. It appeared 

1499 ExC- 

cutionof that Henry's nerve had been shaken by the pro- 

Warwiokand Auction of yet another pretender masquerading as 
Warbeck. . 

Warwick, by name Ralph Wilford, and Warwick 

_ suffered for being his father's son. NBefore the last year p f the 

century opened there were no pretenders left in England, the 

relations with Scotland were as friendly as could ever be ex- 

■■♦- 

jDected, and Charles of France had not only evacuated Naples, 
-^but had died. His successor on the throne was his "cousin 
Louis XII., who had been most active among the nobility in his 
resistance to the centralising force of the Crown. 

Henry was now secure upon his throne, though the security 
had been finally achieved by the deliberate destruction of the 
Henry's posi- personally harmless Warwick ; the plot for which 
tion secure, j^g had suffered had without much doubt been ar- 
ranged precisely with that object. ("ApartjEro m the accumulatioiL 
of money, the great objects with the king were now the marriage 
of his son to Katharine of Aragon and th~marriage ofhisdaughter 



Establishment of the Dynasty 37 

__to_the king^of S.cat&~. Negotiations for the settlement of border 
disputes gave the king of England his opening in 1499 for moot- 
ing the Scottish marriage. (Atreaty was made, and 

jwas finally concluded in 1502, under which James, marriage, 
who was about thirty, was to marry Margaret, 
Henry's eldest daughter, who was in her twelfth year. Henry 
had no qualms as to the possibility that some day a Scottish 
king might be heir to the English throne. A union was iii itself 
desirable, and there was no fear of England taking a place subor- 
dinate to the smaller and poorer northern kingdom. The mar- 
riage took place in 1503, precisely one hundred years before 
Margaret's great-grandson ascended the throne of England. 

Among the innumerable marriage projects with which the 
closing years of the reign were crowded, the most important were 
those concerned with Katharine of Aragon. Her „,. „ 

° The Spamsh 

betrothal to Prince Arthur was more than once marriage, 
ratified, the ceremony of marriage by proxy was 
more than once gone through, and there had been long and 
troublesome hagglings over the princess's marriage portion, 
before the actual nuptials took place in 1501. Six months later 
Katharine was a widow. Then came fresh hagglings about the 
dowry. Henry wanted the balance paid up, Ferdinand wanted 
what had been paid to be restored. (~^ solution was found in the 
proposal that the widow should in course of time marry the 
English prince Henry, who by his brother's death had become 
heir-apparent. The Church forbade marriage with a brother's 
widow, but a papal dispensation was obtainable, especially as 
it was asserted that the marriage had been one in name only. 
The dispensation was gtanted in 1504 by Pope Julius 11., who 
had just succeeded Alexander vi. The marriage, however, was 
deferred for five years. 

During several years there was a slight troubling of the waters 
by Edmund de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, the brother of John, earl 
of Lincoln, who had been killed at Stoke. Such Suffolk, 
claims as Lincoln had possessed had devolved upon Suffolk, 
who intrigued at home and tried to obtain support from foreign 
princes, especially Maximihan, though without any material 



38 Henry VII. 

success. Various changes in continental affairs were produced 
by successive deaths. /The accession ol Louia xii. pi Erance was^ 
Louis XII. foUowed^b y his assertion of a claim to the duchy 
_of Milan» not in his character as king of Eraace or represent ative 
of^theJxQuseof Anjou, hke his late cousin Charles, but in virtue of 
his descent in legitimate line from the Visconti. Then in 1504 
Spain. Isabella of Spain died. The crowns of Aragon and 

Castile had been united because the queen of Castile was married 
to the king of Aragon ; but when the queen died the crown of 
Castile went not to her husband but to her daughter Joanna, the 
wife of Philip of Burgundy. As a matter of course, it became 
a primary object with Ferdinand to keep the effective control of 
Castile in his own hands, a view not accepted by Philip or Philip's 
father, Maximilian. ^Vg years later Phihp himself died, leaving 
his.indubitably crazy widow Ipanna as formal queen of Castile, 
_ar}d-J3ia_six;;2ear-old son CImiles _as_ act duke of Burgundy 
and prospective king both of Castile and of Aragon. ' The chUd's. 
two grandfathers were constantly engaged in a rivalry for ascend- 
ency in the grandson's dominions, since the unhappy mother did 
not count ; the acuteness of the rivalry was only modified by 
the obvious gravitation of Burgundy to Maximilian and of Cas- 
tile to Ferdinand. It must be remarked further that there was_ 
another development of the antagonism between Aragon ^and. 
France, since Ferdinand, who claimed to take the place of the 
illegitimate branch of his house, which had occupied the throne 
of Naples, succeeded in ejecting the French and attaching Naples 
as well as Sicily to the crown of Aragon. 

The diplomacy of all these years was singularly sordid and 
barren. One stroke of luck came in the way of Henry vii. Philip of 
Philip of Burgundy in the last year of his hfe was sailing from 

Burgundy, the Netherlands to attend to his interests in Castile 
when stress of weather drove him ashore in England?- 
Henry received him with every display of hospitality ; but in 
effect the duke was in the king's power, and the king extracted 
from him a treaty very much to his own advantage. C^i e trouble^ 
^som^ Suffolk was in. PhiHp's hands, and Philip wa.s obli ged to 
surrender him and also, to enter upon .a league .of mutual defence. 



Establishment of the Dynasty 39 

But, beyond this, he was forced to accept a commercial treaty 
so entirely in the interests of England and so ruinous to Flanders 
that it became known as the Intercursus Malus, by way of con- 
trast with the Intercursus Magnus of 1496. 

Successive projects of marriage for Henry vii. himself, who 
had lost his wife a few months after the death of Prince Arthur 
in 1502, are a prominent and unpleasant feature of „ , 
Henry's latter days. None of the projects material- marriage 
■ iss<i- Amojig the bri des w hom he j;onternplated 
were the mad Joanna of Castile ; his own daughter-in-law, Katha- 
jrine of Aragon ; and Margaret of Savoy, the sister of Phihp. oL. 
Burgundy, who was at the head of the Burgundian council of 
regency after Philip's death. For fifteen years of his reign 
Henry had displayed keen pohtical foresight and much diplo- 
matic skill, not always of the most scrupulous order, but at its 
worst excusable in view of the unscrupulousness of those with 
whom he had to deal, ^he had died in i4qq his reputation 
would have hved as that of an exceptionally shrewd rule r, who 
in an extremely difficult position restored t he international 
prestige of Engl and and rp-p.';tph1ishcd Hmnp^t u-nrdpr by a 
judicious combination of vigour and clemency. 

But_jiter j;499j the year in which he broke through his con- 
scientious scruples and wrought the death of Warwick, he de- 
generated morally and intellectually. The influences . 
which had best helped him were removed by the Henry vii., 
deaths of his ministers , Reginald Bray and Cardinal 
Morton ; of his eldest son, to whom he was devoted ; and of his 
wife. His later yea rs >Y^re sordit^ ^.nc^ "Iff " • ^^ home be became 
extortionate, and abroad his craft did not suffice to preserve his 
influence. Qn_ i5£8_Louis of France, Feniinand of_ Aragon, _ 
Maximilian, and Pope Julius 11. entered upon the unholy League 
of^Cambrai for the dismemberment of Venice, without a thought^ 
of the king of England. Yet when he died in 1509 Henry had 
accomplished for England a work of no small value. 



40 Henry VII. 



II. The Crown akd the People 

The accession of Henry w\. introduced no formal change in the 
constitution under which England was governed. Xo new rights 
The Tudor ^'^re. recognised as belonging to any person or group 
absolutism, ^f persons in the State ; no recognised rights were 
abohshed. Nevertheless, the first Tudor^ estabhshed for his 
d^T iasty an abso lutism such as no previous monarchy seemed 
to have exercised since the da3"s of Henry ii., except for a few 
months under Richard ii. fThe Crown, in oth er word s, did in far^- 
jihough n ot in form a, y fl ] ari; ^ nnprecedented powers . Hemy's son 
and granddaughter appeared to exercise an arbitrary authority, 
which bhnded their Stuart successors to the conditions upon 
which that authority rested and confirmed them in their theory 
that it was inherent in the crown of England. The present volume 
will set forth the history of the Tudor monarchy and of the pro- 
longed contest under the Stuarts between Crown and ParUament 
which ended in the decisive establishment of parUament as wield- 
ing the supreme power. It ■ivill be well, therefore, at this early 
stage to examine the state of the constitution as the first king of 
the Tudor dynasty found it and left it. 

• Quite definitely the government of the countn,' was not in any 
accurate sense of the term an absolute monarchy. The powers 
1485 . T.imi - °^ *^® Cro\vn were limited. It could mak e no laws , 

tations :.as it coul d repe al no statutes, it could impose no taxes 

to taxation, / — ~"~"*T 

(except by consent of parUament, ) save customary 

duties at the ports to which it was entitled, but which it had no 

power to modify without parliamentary authority. C^vA. at the _ 

beginning of each reign throughout the_Tudor period ^adiamettL 

authonied the king to exact for fife the dues called ^tonnageand 

^undage, a pro rata tax upon every ton and every pound oif_ 

^oods imported. This had been previously conferred upon 

Henry v., upon Henry Yi. at a late period of his reign, and upon 

the Yorkist kings. Even benevolences, the exaction of gifts 

by way of goodwill, not only had no sanction of law, but were 

formally and expressly condemned as contrary to the law by a 



The Crown and the People 41 

statute of Richard in. Further, a series of statutes had laid it 
down that no one m ight be impri soned or otherwise punished 
w ithout undergoing trial b^due process ofjaw, and rigM of fair 
the peers in case of charges of felony or treason had *"^^' 
the right of trial by their peers, members of their own order. 
The ordinary law could be set aside only in two ways : by at- 
tainder for treason in parliament, and by the customary juris- 
diction of the Privy Council, which had no statutory sanction, 
but was recognised in practice as necessary for dealing with 
special cases, in which bribery or terrorism was likely to deflect 
the course of justice in the ordinary courts. 

Parliament, however, had no control over policy except in so far 
as the power of the purse gave it such control. The king's per- 
sonal revenues, derived from the j^statfs nf thf supply. 
CrowD, f rom feudal du es, from legahsed customs, and from estab- 
lished fees and_Jiies^did jiQ^suffice for the necessary national 
expenditure. Unless additional sources of revenue were dis- 
covered the Crown was under the constant necessity of obtaining 
supplies from parliament ; and so long as this was the case par- 
liament could append conditions to the granting of suppUes. 

The ultimate sanction of any government is its control over a 
force, material or moral, sufficient to coerce disobedience or 
defiance. Disobedience or defiance, when backed and control 
by public opinion, had always proved too strong "f force, 
for the Crown, which was no less assured of victory when public 
opinion was behind it. But public opinion was a fluctuating 
term, apt to mean the opinion of the bulk of the magnates acting 
in concert. The baronage, when tolerably united, had been able 
to apply coercive force, and latterly the accumulation of vast 
estates in the hands of a few famihes had threatened to displace 
the power of the Crown by that of an oligarchy ; a danger which 
had been greatly reduced by the decimation of the great families 
in the Wars of the Roses, which had at the same time weakened 
what had been the most effective counterpoise to the develop- 
ment of the power of the Crown, apart from the Commons' power 
of withholding supphes. 

Now the long misgovernment for fifty years had made it essen- 



42 Henry VII. 

tial that a strong central government should be able to re- 
establish order, to restore a sense of security, and to compel 
obedience. This was possible only by concentrating 
centration po wer in the hands of the king , and by doing so 

powers. ^vith out any sho w of tyrannical usurpation, which 
would in itself have been an incitement to revolt against the 
new dynasty. For attaining this end two conditions were 
necessary : t he treasury mn gt T^p f'^^i^'j' and the power of self- 
assertion against th e Crown by the baronage , individually and 
collectively, m ust be still further reduced tiU it ceased to be an ' 
en ectrve'dange'r^ A full treasury meant independence of parlia- 
ment, and a depressed bcironage meant freedom from fear of 
revolt. But the final security would still he in the preservation , 
of general loyalty by a watchful attention to popular sentiment 

Whatever divinity may hedge a Idng, two only among the five 
Tudors ruled in virtue of an unquestionable legitimist title. At 
ParUament. least after Warwick's death there was no sort of 
possibihty of disputing the rights of the son of EUzabeth of York, 
nor was there any sort of question that Edward vi. was the legi- 
timate heir of Henry viii. Neither the father nor the daughters 
of Henry viii. could claim such a title by birth. It was certainly 
impossible to regard both JIary and Elizabeth as legitimate, and 
the legal tribunals of the country pronounced both of them to be 
illegitimate. And if they could not dwell upon theories of Divine 
right, Henry vii. was in the same position. His title, at its very 
best, rested upon the legitimation by royal decree of the illegiti- 
mate children of John of Gaunt. It was impossible for the first 
Tudor to escape from the theory that the succession to the crown 
lay within the control of parhament. As much as the Lancas- 
trians, he was bound to show deference to parhament, at least 
until his treasury had become completely independent of parlia- 
mentary grants. 
■^ Edward iv. for twelve years of his reign had managed very 
nearly to dispense with parhaments altogether. He had shown. 
Henry fiUed Henry the way, which the cautious Tudor was not at 
his treasury, i^^^^ ready to follow. Henry began with a somewhal| 
ostentatious reliance on parhaments, from which he obtained 



The Crown and the People 43 

grants, while he successfully avoided spending them. The~ 
parliament followed precedent in passing sweeping acts of at- 
tainder ; Henry made political capital out of his own mitigation 
of the penalties, but gathered wealth for the Crown by the attend- 
ant confiscations. He made war upon France.w ith great flourish 
of ti^mpets, which pleased his bellicose subjects ; but he pocketed 
the money they provided, and then procured from the adversary 
solid indemnities as conditions of peace. He even procured 
from parliament a formal condonation of his exaction of bene- 
volences for war purposes in despite of the statute of Richard ill. 
Parliament pronounced that the money promised was recoverable 
at law. All grants which the law warranted him in resuming 
he resumed ; every fine which the law warrant ed hipxilL imposing 
he imposed — with the greater avidity when he could thereby 
impoverish a wealthy noble. For all these methods of raising 
money precedent could be found in the reign of Edward iv. ; but 
Henry carried them out with an unparalleled thoroughness. 
Not least effective was the rigour with which he applied the 
statutes concerning maintenance and livery. Maintenance was 
the custom by which for more than a century mag- Maintenance 
nates had ' maintained ' the causes of their clients ^'^^ uvery. 
in the law courts, by bringing numbers of retainers, in effect, to 
overawe juries and judges. Livery was the custom by which 
the magnates kept large numbers of retainers wearing their 
livery, who were readily convertible into troops whenever occasion 
arose, and who in time of peace enforced their lord's will and their 
own upon their neighbours in despite of the law. fin the name 
_of the law Henry exacted immense fines from the magnates who 
pCT asted in these practices. ^ Thus in thirteen years Henry had 
brought into his own hands such wide estates by resumptions and 
confiscations, and had so filled his treasury by economies in ex- 
penditure, by fines, and by French indemnities, that in the last 
ten years of his reign he called only one parliament, and yet left 
his son snch an arrnmnlatinn of treasure a s even his extravagance 
required many years to dissipate. And all this was done __with 
ver y little taxing of the commons of England^ 
But it was done at the expense of the nobility, to which the 



44 Henry VII. 

commons of England had no objection. The standard munber 

of the lay peers of parliament during the last half century had 

^ . been something under fif tv ; even that number had 

Depression " 

of the been maintained only by the creation of new peer- 

ages, and on Henrj- vii.'s accession there were only 
some five-and-thirty la}- peers, including minors. The number had 
been reduced thus low partiy by such accumulations in a few hands, 
through marriages, as had made the house of Xe^^lIe so mighty. 
Then the scions of the great houses had been MUed off and the 
accumulated estates broken up ; there remained hardly a name 
which had been prominent among the baronage before the days 
of Richard ii. The old aristocracy had been shattered, and the 
new aristocracy were men of smaller estate, whose numbers were 
easilj- enlarged by royal favour, while every increase increased 
at the sanie time the subserviency of the body of the peers to the 
Crown. In these circumstances it was all the easier for the king 
to deprive the great la}" magnates of their old dominance in the 
council and their old claims to hold the high offices of state. 
Xearty aU Henry's great ministers, Morton, Fox, and Warham, 
were ecclesiastics ; none were great nobles. \Mien Heniy vn. 
died, the premier noble in the country was the duke of Buddng- 
ham,i son of the man who had raised Richard ill. to the throne 
and had paid for doing so with his head. But the only one who 
had achieved any real distinction was Thomas Howard, earl of 
Surrey, son of the newly created duke of Norfolk, who had falloi 
by Richard's side at Bosworth ; and Surre\" was a soldier with 
much of the old chivalrous quahty, but not of the type which 
would head an opposition to the Cro^^n. 

Two specific measures were passed by parliament really, if not 
ostensibly, intended to strengthen the Crown. After Heniy had 
Supporting already exacted the fuU measure of such vengeance 
the Mng de as he thought it pohtic to take upon the supporteJS : 
of Richard, and just at the time when it seemed 
possible that Perkin Warbeck might prove dangerous, it was 
enacted that to obey and to support the ie facto monarch, even 
if he were not monarch dejure, was not treason, and could not be 

'See Genealogical Tables I. and viii. 



The Crown and the People 45 

treated as treason if that monarch or his heirs were displaced by 
another. The intent ion was clearly to give a legal security to 
every one who supported Henry vii., in, case by any untoward 
accident a pretender should succeed in dethroning him. It has 
been suggested that the proposal to make Cromwell king a 
century and a half afterwards was inspired by the wish to 
give legal security to his supporters in the event of a Stuart 
restoration. 

The second measure was the Act constituting the court which 
became subsequently known as the Star Chamber. The intention 
was to give statutory form to powers customarily st^j. \ 

exercised without statutory authority by the Privy chamber. 
Council. In effect, it gave a group of specified officers of the 
Crown, with a limited number of discretionary coadjutors, 
power to tryaiid to punish certain specified offences, of a kind 
with which the ordinarycourtrTound it difiicult or dangerous tg 
deal. It was a court which could neither be bribed nor intimi- 
dated, the purpose of which was to prevent the perversion of 
justice by bribery or intimidation, the means whereby the mag- 
nates had frequently in the past been able to ride rough-shod 
over the law. Two exceptional features have to be noted : it 
was allowe d to employ torture , or did employ torture, contrary 
to the practice of all the regular courts L and it coul d not,,.or did^. 
not, apply the death pen alj;^. During the Tudor period the court 
was never denounced as unconstitutional, and its operation 
tended to strengthen the administration ^ fJastics- A different 
view was taken of its development in the time of the Stuarts. 

Qjtie_rg.gression of thebaronage tended still further to .diminisii_ 
the distinction, never very strongly marked, between nobility 
j,iid ge ntry" But Henry also saw his own and the ^^^ 
Crown's advantage in developing the wealth of commercial 
another class of commoners, who had no aristocratic 
proclivities and whose interests were emphatically bound up 
with the preservation of peace and order. Herein lay one of 
his strongest motives for making commercial development a 
leading feature of his poHcy, a prominent characteristic of his 
reign, and ultimately the keynote of British expansion. 



46 Henry VII. 

The maritime expansion of England may be said to have begun 
in the fifteenth century wdth the charter granted to the Merchant 
Adventurers by Henry iv. The formation of this 
Merchant great trading association marked the changed spirit 
of commercial enterprise. The Enghsh merchant, 
instead of being content to permit the foreigner to come to 
England to buy English goods and to bring his goods to England 
for sale, was endeavouring to push his way into continental 
markets. The individual was not strong enough to achieve an 
entry ; the only method possible was by the formation of a com- 
pany with a charter — that is, a legalised monopoly and legalised 
powers of self-government. Membership of the association was 
open on payment of reasonable fees ; all members had to obey 
the regulations, and only to members was the protection of the 
law extended. The Merchant Adventurers sent their ships to 
the Baltic, and gradually effected an entry even into the Mediter- 
ranean. But throughout the Middle Ages the admission of the 
foreigner to trade was always looked upon as a privilege, for which 
he must pay a substantial price, not as a desirable method of 
expanding markets and developing wealth. The right of entry 
could only be acquired by treaties and agreements, difficult to 
obtain and difi&cult to enforce when obtained. Henry vii. made 
it a definite pohtical object to procure and protect the entry of 
English traders into foreign markets by means of commercial 
Commercial treaties, because the wealth of the mercantile com- 
treaUes. munity would be thereby increased. The king 

reahsed, perhaps more completely than any of his predecessors, 
that the development of the material wealth of the country was 
an end worth striving for, even apart from the direct contri- 
butions to the royal treasury derivable therefrom. Thus the 
treaty of i4Q6 ^ca lled Intercur sus Magnus, gave a great impulse 
to the trade in the Low Countries ; another treaty with Den- 
mark and another with the Hanseatic port of Riga extended the 
trade in the Baltic ; and the Venetians were forced to submit 
to the transference of a portion of their carrying trade to the 
English. 

The idea of Free Trade, of unfettered competition, was not yet 



The Crown and the People 47 

born, The characteristic of Henry's commercial policy was his 
emplojrment of the method of retaliation. Retaliation is essen- 
tially the application to commerce of the principles of war. It 
is a trial of strength. Precisely like war, it is in itself extremely 
inj urious to both parties concerned ; both must suffer immediately. 
But if one party suffers very much more than the other, the 
weaker must in the end concede the terms of the stronger to save 
itself from extinction. The notable fact is that England had 
become commercially strong enough to take the risks of com- 
mercial wars. The most notable instance is that commercial 
which preceded the Inter cur sus Magnus.. It was ■"■^'^^• 
undertaken not for commercial but for political purposes, because 
of the countenance given by Burgundy to Perkin Warbeck. (_It 
was a war by which English trade suffered very materially for 
the time ; but the Flemings suffered so much more, from being 
unable to procure their raw material, than the EngUsh suffered 
from the curtailment of their wool market, that in the end a 
treaty highly favourable to English commerce was obtained in 
addition to the achievement of the pohtical object'. J In hke 
manner with Venice, the English merchants cut into the Venetian 
carrying trade by offering lower rates. The Venetians responded 
by imposing an export duty on wines, the principal article con- 
cerned, \{ embarked in foreign bottoms. The English retaliated 
by imposing a corresponding duty on wines imported by the 
Venetians, as well as by a treaty with Florence constituting that 
city the authorised mart for English goods. The resulting loss 
of trade was more injurious to the Venetians than to the English, 
and Venice was obliged to give way. This affords also an example 
of the renewal of the Navigation Acts, which had Navigation 
been in effect a dead letter until the English marine *''*^- 
had reached an adequate stage of development. It was still the 
case that a rigorous application of the principle that only English 
ships and the ships of the exporting country were to bring goods 
to England would have gone near to killing the foreign trade of 
England altogether ; but England was just becoming strong 
enough to practise the principle within hmits ; and within hmits 
it was adopted, not so much for the sake of capturing the carrying 



48 Henry VII. 

trade itself, as in order to foster English shipping and to create a 
fleet of greater military efficiency. 

r_rn_this pp.rintj also were emerging^^the. econoniiQ_idea§_ffillicIl 
arp^nnwn ag thp Tnerr.aT]| ti1f; thpnry Thp fundamental Con- 
ception was that it was the business of the State to 
mereantiie regulate trade ^^ith a view to the increase of national 
power. The modem Free Trade doctrine, dating 
from the publication of A ^am Smith's Wealth of Nations towards 
the end of the eighteenth century, bases national power upon 
national wealth ; it claims thai th.e.ma^imurn of wealth is to be, 
obtained by unfettered individual competition, and that con- 
sequentiy the fettering of individual competitio n by State _ 
restriction J.S in itself injurious. But the mercantihsts were not 
satisfied with the indirect production of power as the necessary 
result of wealth ; they wanted trade to be guided to the direct 
production of power. The country must itself produce enough 
for its o\\Ti requirements \nthout depending on exchange. It 
must artificially foster the employments which tended to produce 
a vigorous fighting stock. [_It must artificially foster maritime 
expansion in order to control the seas in time of war. And, 
above all, it must artificially secure the accumulation of treasureT] 
The precious metals were not merely a medimn of exchange, nor 
was it recognised that their inflow would be automatically 
accommodated to their outflow. The country which accumu- 
lated gold and silver was ^stronger than the country "whTch was ^ 
short of gold and-siLver, however muclt wealth of other MndsJt- 

jni^itj)05S_ess^j therefore a trade which, carried gold an(jLsilver_ 
out of the country in exchange for goods wasj^ad, and ajtrade^ 
which took goods out of the coimtry in exchange for goldand 
silver was good. Therefore commercial intercomrse was only to 
be encouraged with those countries which wanted to buy from 
England more than they could sell to England ; and it became 
a direct object of policy to secure what was called the ' b^MCfi. 

^ftradfij the trade wlfich brought in more treasure and less goods,, 
than it exported. These remained the governing principles of 
the commercial policy of the State until the days of the younger 
Pitt. Early medisevalism had assumed the principle that our 



The Crown and the People 49 

neighbour's prosperity is our own undoing, with such' complete- 
ness that every locality was jealous of the prosperity of every 
other locality. This form of particularism had passed away 
within the country since Edward i. had taught it that the pro- 
sperity of the parts was best attained by the prosperity of the 
whole ; but England did not, any more than any other country, 
proceed to the conclusion that the country benefits by the pro- 
sperity of its neighbours. 

While Henry made it his business to foster commerce, he 
dropped the active encouragement of exploration when he had 
come to the conclusion that the northern regions. Exploration, 
to which Enghsh voyages were perforce directed, did not promise 
to prove profitable. Still, it is interesting to note that a Spanish 
map of the time recognises the northern region of America, dis- 
covered by the Cabots, as Enghsh, although no further effort 
was made at effective occupation. On the other hand, the en- 
couragement of trade with Europe was by no means merely a 
bid for the support of the wealthy trading companies. An at- 
tempt of the Merchant Adventurers to make themselves a close 
body by the imposition of excessive fees as a condition of entry 
was repressed ; and the association received practical warning 
that the State would sanction no regulations which were con- 
trary to public pohcy. JHenry and his parliament had no in- 
tention of creating a hmited mercantile plutocracy, which might 
make itself as troublesome as the old aristocracy of birth. 

Apart from the activities of the State, the period is marked by 
economic developments in two directions. The fifteenth cen- 
ti^y_hadwitnessed a constant growth of capitalism. Capitalism. 
in th e industrial wpxld J— 3- growing distinction, that is to say, 
between an employing capitaUst class and an employed wage- 
earning class. It was increasingly difficult for any man to set 
up in business on his own account. At an earlier stage a man 
had required httle more than his tools and enough savings to 
pay his fees for admission into the gild merchant ; he kept no 
stock, and made up goods to order from materials provided by 
the customer. But byjhe fijte-enth century it had become neces- 
sary for him to provide his own materials and to keep a stock of 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. D 



50 Henry VII. 

goods for sale in order to obtain custom. (The fee required Jto 
admit a man a freeman of the gild merchant or of a craft gild had 
not been prohibitive ; but in the fifteenth century every gild 
was trying to make itself a close body, with heavy fees for the 
admission of new members who did_ not belong, to the establishfii 
famiUes. _Thus it was increasingly difficult to pass from the 
ranks of the journeymen into the ranks of the masters. A 
counter-movement against the exclusiveness and the strict regu- 
Jations~or the craft _gMs. carried tiie expanding cloth-making 
industries out_^f jreach of t heir con trol into the unchartered, 
towns ; which, again, would have been impossible in the earlier 
daySj when the strict supervision by the gilds was necessary to 
the security both of producer and consumer. But in the new 
industries also it was not an easy matter to set up business 
without capital because of the necessary large expenditure in 
providing stock, the need of locking up money ; and the average 
journeyman had to look forward to spending his days as a journey- 
man wthout achieving the position of a master. 

The second field of development was that of agriculture, where 
the appropriateness of the term development may perhaps be 
Agriculture, challenged. For a hundred years before the ac- 
cession of Henry vii. landowners had been turning their atten- 
tion to wool-growing. This had been due in the first instance 
_to_the^hortage of labom: for tillage, and the diminution in the 
actual amount of food-stuffs required for consumption, conse- 
^ent upon theJBlack Death. A considerable amount of land 
was necessarily thro^\^l out of crdtivation, and the landowners 
began to turn it to account as grazing land. Sim ultaneously 
there arose an increasing demand for wool, as EngUshmen more 
and more took up the wooUen manufacture. The landowners 
found pasturage highly profitable, and began to appropriate for 
pasture not only the land which had been thro-wTi out of culti- 
vation but the land which was under the plough, since the relative 
profits of tillage were small ; a fact illustrated by the victory of 
agricultural protection in the reign of Edward iv. Hitherto 
the inclination of the State had been rather to recognise the 
interests of the consumer ; Edward's prohibition of the admis- 



The Crown and the People 51 

sion of foreign corn when the home price at the port of debarkation 
was less than six shillings and eightpence, or half a mark, was 
probably intended not so much to guarantee the landowner a 
' reasonable ' profit as to ensure him a profit sufficient to keep 
his land under the plough instead of under grass, to check the 
conversion of tillage into pasture. 

For by the accession of Henry vii. that conversion had become 
an immediately pressing evil, with which for three-quarters of a 
century legislation was to make vain efforts to deal. Enclosure. 
A high standard of public_ spirit was needed _to dissuade _the_ 
landowner from seeking the large profits of wool-growing, on the 
ground that corn-growing was more advantageous to the com- 
munity. The first great period of enclosures had set in ; in the 
eyes of moralists an iniquity, in the eyes of statesmen a danger, 
but in the eyes of the economist the inevitable outcome of 
economic law no less than the economic upheaval which had 
X culminated in Wat Tyler's revolt. It was not till the reign of 
Elizabeth was well advanced that the population had adapted 
itself to the new conditions, and the amount of the rural popu- 
lation and the rural emplojrment were mutually adjusted. The 
mere proc ess of the conversion of_arable intQ.pasture-lEmjlKed. 
'^ ^'^irfi'fi di splacement of labour , because the number of hands 
employed was very much less in proportioiijto the acreage. In 
modem times even large displacements of labour, in an in- 
dustrial community such as England now is, are usually remedied 
within a short time by the fluidity; of labour, its capacity for 
being absorbed into new industries. But the old England was 
not an industrial community ; the mass of agricultural labour 
thrown out of emplo3Tiient, a mass perpetually in- 
creasing, could find nothing else to which to turn mentof 
its hand ; the urban industries persistently en- 
deavoured to preserve a ring fence, to exclude new competitors 
from the field, and the labourer was further hampered by the 
difficulty of migration. TJie supply of agricultural labour alto- 
gether outran the demand, and wages sank very low ; and still 
there were left large numbers who, though ready to work for a 
living wage, could find no work to do, and were driven either to 



5 2 Henry VII. 

starve or to live by robbery. They were supplemented b y the 
disbanded retainers whom the great houses had kept in their 
pay, but who were now scattered by the enforcement of the la>y& 
against maintenance and hvery^ The social effects are vividly 

~^cribed by Sir Thomas More, in theintroductoi^s^ti^ of Ms 
t/io^^ w herein the traveller, Raphael H5d;hloday, recalls a dis- 
cussion in which he had taken part at the house of Cardinal 
Morton in the last decade of the fifteenth century. The miser- 
able wages of the agricultural labourer and the swarms of sturdy 
vagabonds who infested the country provided an ever-present 
problem, which had hardly ceased to vex the souls of moralists 
and statesmen until many years after Ehzabeth had ascended 
the throne. 

The enclosures by which the process of conversion was carried 
out require some further explanation ; for the term has two 
.,_ . clearly distinguishable meanings. Throughout the 

enclosure country the land was stiQ cultivated after the same 
fashion as in the days of King Alfred. It was 
divided not into farms ^ut on the open-field system — that is to 
say, the tenants on each manorial estate did not have a farm 
apiece, but a holding made up of a number of acre strips, very 
few if any of which were contiguous ; and a considerable part 
of the demesne of the lord of the manor himself consisted also in 
strips distributed among the others. These strips. were culti- 
vated by common work, not by the plough team of each in- . 
dividual tenant but by teams to which each tenant contributed 
a share, according to the size of his holdin^^_ The meadow land 
was occupied in common ; and beyond the cultivated area lay 
the common waste, wherein all had common rights, and where 
the labourer could plant himself and appropriate a small croft 
to his own use. [Enclosure, then, meant either the app ropriati on^ 
and enclosure of a portion of the common land by the lord_of_ 

_thejiianor, or the enclosure of several acre strips into a -single- 
;field4_a thing which could only be done when the landowner 
acquired all the strips within that area as part of his private 
demesne. This, again, might be effected by the fair exchange of 
his own dispersed strips for the strips of the tenants which lay 



The Crown and the People 53 

within the desired area. Enclosure in this second sense was 
entirely desirable for purposes of tillage, as bringing complete 
spaces under single control ; it was absolutely necessary if the 
land was to be turned into pasture. Enclosure in the other sense, 
the enclosure of common land, was Uttle better than robbery, 
though it was permissIBle provided that a; ' sufficiency ' of the 
common land was left to the tenants. This limitation, laid down 
by the Statute of Merton in 1256, was obviously elastic, and could 
usually be strained by the agents of a grasping landlord very 
much in his favour, with very httle chance of effective resistance 
on the part of the tenants. .It was remarked with disgust by SIl. 
.JThomas More that monastic landlords shared with the greediest _ 
of the l aity thej'egroa^h^of^laiid^^grabbing and of j)referring_to__ 
enrich themselves by making sheep-runs, to the detriment of the 
community at large and of the rural population in particular. 
There is reason, however, to suppose that the contemporary criti- 
cisms apphed chiefly to the quarter of England which hes east 
of a line drawn from the Wash to the Isle of Wight, a slight 
extension of the regions affected by the peasant revolt in the reign 
of Richard 11. In the north and the west the monasteries were 
always popular landlords ; in the south-eastern area they appear 
to have been every whit as grasping, as eager to wrest the letter 
of the law to their own pecuniary advantage, as any layman. 

Of the intellectual and educational movement which was 
actively at work during the reign of Henry vii. we shall defer 
speaking till we come to the account of the birth of the Refor- 
mation in England itself. 



U 



CHAPTER III. HENRY VIII. (i) 1509-1529 



I. Wolsey's Ascendency, 1509-1527 

The reign of Henry viii. falls into two weH-marked periods. 
The first is that of the rise, ascendency, decline, and fall of Thomas 
„ ^ Wolsev. e nding in October 1^20. The second is that 

mlnenceof of the rise, a-q cendency , and fall nf Thomas Crom - 
52dlj_the period of revolution, followed by those 
years iB wliich no minister enjoyed the dangerous privilege of 
the king's confidence, when there was neither definite advance nor 
definite reaction, when the Reformation in England was merely 
marking time. ^It is a matter of some significance that this is 
the first reign in which the royal policy is definitely associated 
^vith particular ministers .y Throughout the ^Middle Ages the 
outstanding pohtical figures, except during minorities, were those 
of the kings or of men in opposition -±o the Crown — ^Anselm, 
Becket, Stephen Langton, ^lontfort. We need not continue the 
list through the reigns of the laterPl antagenets. The men who 
5er\-ed the Crown were so much less prominent that the average 
Englishman would probabh' find it extremely difficult to name 
half a dozen between Lanfranc and Wolsey, even if he included 
in his list Hubert Walter, who was justiciar for an absent king, 
and Hubert de Burgh, who wels justiciar during a minority. 
It is also significant that from Lanfranc to Wolsej- almost all the 
notable ministers were ecclesiastics ; but after Henr^-'s Refor- 
mation, which in the main meant the reconstruction of the 
relations between Church and State, even the most prominent 
of ecclesiastics is invariably overshadowed by la5mien, except 
in the reign of Queen Mary. 

The accession of Henry viii. was hailed vnth delight throughout 

5i 



Wohey's Ascendency 55 

England as heralding the dawn of a new era. The old king, after 
a prolonged struggle, had restored order, security, and pubhc 
confidence, and had established a strong system of government 
upon a firm basis. But he had done his work after an unattrac- 
tive fashion, like the Roman emperor Vespasian . His The old iiing. 
methods had been those of the keen man of business, ready to 
snatch at every advantage which the letter of the law allowed 
him, cold-blooded, mean, and sordid, at least in his later years. 
Without cruelty or vindictiveness, he had been equally lacking 
in magnanimity or generosity ; even his leniency had been dic- 
tated by policy. From the first his financial expedients had 
savoured of trickery; and, latterly at least, he had permitted 
if not encouraged a flagrant system of extortion, under cover of 
law, on the part of his agents, Richard Empson and Edmund 
Dudley. But all men spoke well of the lad of eighteen who 
succeeded him on the throne. Every princely The new / 
endowment of person and intellect was his. He J^ng, 1509./ 
excelled in every manly sport and in every kind of accomphsh- 
ment ;^ he was master of several languages, a scholar, a musician, 
a. theologian, unmatched in the tilt yard or at the archery butts, 
of a frank and genial bearing, and a free-handed hberality.. . The 
first measures of his reign confirmed the popular satisfaction ; 
for he arrested the hated Empson and Dudley, and no one was 
greatly troubled because the technical charge of treason, on 
which they were condemned and executed, could scarcely bear 
investigation. He proceeded at once to marry Katharine of 
Aragon with great and popular pomp and display. Evidently 
the dreary days of Henry vii. were ended. 

Not less, though for very different reasons, was the satisfaction 
of the European monarchs. MaximiUan and Ferdinand had 
learnt by experience that they could not circum- ^^^ 
vent the old king in the past ; but better things European 
might be hoped from the tender innocence of a 
young king full of martial ardour and unversed in diplomatic 
guile. The unholy League of Cambrai had brought them dis- 
appointment, for Louis of France, instead of waiting for their co- 
operation, had taken prompt action, and made himself practiccJly 



56 Henry VIII. 

master of North Italy before either of them had moved ; and 
Ferdinand was akeady devising a fresh league against France, 
in which he intended to make his son-in-law the cat's-paw. 
Henry was to be tempted by the offer of Guienne as his share 
of the spoils ; but it was a matt-er of course that when Ferdinand 
and Maximihan had used England to get what they wanted out 
of France, they would leave him to get what he wanted for him- 
self by himself. But the game was foiled, because Henry had in 
his service a consimimate organiser, \^ith all, and more than all, 
the pohtical insight and diplomatic astuteness of the young 
king's predecessor. 

It is owing chiefly to the investigations of Dr. Brewer that 
Wolsey's position among great EngHsh statesmen has come to 
Henry's be recognised, and not onh* recognised but over- 

minister, estimated. Wolsey was a great diplomatist^who 
gave to England what may fairly be called an unprecedented_ 
weight in the counsels of Europe ; but it must be remarked that 
the counsels of Europe had never, in-^ct, offered a field for 
Enghsh diplomacy until the fifteenth century-, and even in the 
fifteenth century the field had been Umit^d to France and Bur- 
gundy until the accession of Henry wi/ England, under Wol^ 
sey's guidance, took an active part in influencing the three g reat 
territorial princes of Franc e. Sgain, and the Empire, but the 
statement that the cardinal raised her from the position of a third 
or fourth-class power viU not bear examination, ^^^olsey was 
one of the few rulers of England who have taken the line of active 
intervention on the Continent ; few, for the simple reason that 
most rulers of England have regarded the poUcy of noninter- 
vention as the wiser ; just as most continental rulers, in carrying 
out their own pohcy, have been apt to take English neutrality 
for granted — not because England as a power stood in the third 
or fourth rank, but because the causes of quarrel between the 
continental powers did not affect her. Certain!}' after the 
middle of Henry vii.'s reign there was no power whose alliance 
or antagonism was of such importance to France, to Spain, or 
to the Empire as England. It may perhaps be legitimately 
claimed that Wolsey promoted her from the second to the first 



Wolsey's Ascendency 57 

rank, but he did not raise her from the third rank or to a definite 
ascendency. 

At the moment of Henry viii.'s accession the leaders in the 
royal council were the experienced minister, Fox, bishop of Win- 
chester, and the soldier, Thomas Howard, earl of Surrey ; Wolsey 

I !■ mil I I 

was introduced to it by Fox himself as a man who 1512. wax 
had shown a marked capacity when employed on ''"*^ France, 
diplomatic missions, and as a good man of business who en- 
joyed hard work. When Ferdinand, joined after some delay 
by Maximilian, invited young Henry to make war upon France 
on their behalf, Henry was easily seduced, in spite of the pacific 
counsels of Fox, who had less influence than Surrey. War with 
France was always attractive to the militarist element in the 
country. The Pope had joined the league, since Louis had 
isolated himself and challenged the papal authority by calling 
a General Council at Pisa. Henry was beguiled into opening 
the attack by dispatching an expedition for the conquest of 
Guienne in the summer of 15 12. 

The expedition was a failure. The men wanted eightpence 
a day and beer, whereas they could only get sixpence a day, and 

wine which was not to their liking. They became ^iie Guienne 

completely out of hand, and insisted on returning fl3,sco. 
home, to the chagrin of their captain. Lord Dorset. For the 
moment the English became the laughing-stock of Europe ; but 
Henry and the war party were not deterred from their desire 
to redeem the national character. Wolsey, not yet a director 
of policy, was employed in a vigorous reorganisation of the war 
department ; and an expedition was prepared, to be launched 
not against remote Guienne but against Artois and Picardy. In 
the spring of 15 13 English confidence and Enghsh prestige were 
restored by a naval engagement off the harbour of Brest, where 
the admiral. Sir Edward Howard, attacked a greatly 
superior French force, boarded the French admiral, fight at 
and was killed fighting with desperate valour almost 
single-handed. The English ships were beaten off ; but the moral 
effect was to revive the ancient conviction of their fighting 
superiority, and to make the Enghsh effective masters of the 



58 Henry VIII. 

Channel. The expedition landed at Calais about midsummer. 
A month later Henry opened the siege of Terouanne in person, 
with Wolsey in attendance. 

Scotland and France had been allies for two himdred years. 

There was peace between England and Scotland, but James rv. 

had grievances against both the Henries. The 

invade English were pleased to consider that Scotland could 

England, ^^^ attack England without a gross breach of faith ; 

August. ° 

the Scots were of opinion that Enghsh breaches of 

faith had given them a quite suf&cient warrant for breaking the 

peace. The historians of either country are apt to view the case 

as it presented itself to their own countrymen. Henry ignored 

James's warning that he would invade England, but he left his 

queen and the earl of Surr ey to organise the d ef en ceS;_ Three 

weeks after the siege of Terouanne began, James was over the 

border with a mighty army, proceeded to the capture of Ford 

and Xorham castles, and at the end of the month took up an 

entrenched position on Flodden Edge. His position was strong, 

his suppHes were ample, and his communications secure. Surrey, 

who hastened to bar his advance, had a smaller force, not too 

well supphed. If James refused battle it was doubtful whether 

Surrey would be able to hold his force together ; almost certainly 

the Enghsh would either break up or would be forced to attack 

a superior force in an entrenched position and with a powerful 

artillery. Surrey invited James to come down and fight on the 

level ; James declined. Thereupon Surrey resolved upon a 

move of extreme audacity. Flodden Edge lay on the west of the 

river TiU,. a tributary of the Tweed'. Surrey lay some five miles 

0^,.,.=^.= off at Wooler, on the south-west of the TiU. On the 

Surrey s - ' 

march, other side of the stream lay rising ground, through 

8th Septemlrer. , . , , , . _ ^ . , , ., 

which passed the mam road to Berwick, twenty miles 

away due north ; troops moving towards Berwick were concealed 

from the army at Flodden. On the evening of 8th September 

Surrey was apparently on the march for Berwick. But at Bar 

iloor, half way, he changed his plan by the advice of his son 

Thomas, who had succeeded to the ofiice of Lord Admiral. The 

movements were completely masked by the hills, and instead of 



Wolseys Ascendency 59 

marching on to Berwick the army turned to the left upon the 
Scots king's line of communication. On the gth it recrossed 
the Till in two divisions at TtozcI Mill and Sand5^ord. 

When the English array was seen approaching from the north 



^^ 


f^ , 


Scale of Miles 


^ if 

w 


Nornam 
^Castle 





« 



^ E * N 



\. 



^^^ Battlefield ^ 

Bf^nxton ^?: 

;_ ''"pin IIP fi/y. 



SCOTS CAMP 




^^^v, ^j'ii\W""""£^-\ Lowick 



f' K liiPtsif'" P 



^/flw'i 



X.'^/ 



J?_-e/ft 






''",'/"/// 



,|li/&,lft^il//A 



iiii';^-! 



11 



Wiobler „ 



EmeryWilker sc. 

FLODDEN 
Showing the Scottish position on Flodden Edge, and Surrey's march 



it was the business of the Scots to remain in their impregnable 
position on Flodden Edge, as they had done when Surrey lay 
to the south ; but James was seized with an insane determina- 
tion to fight the battle out with no advantage of position and 



6o Henry VIII. 

no use of his artillery. He marched down from the ridge to 
meet the English. The old tale was repeated. The Scottish 
ranks were broken by the EngUsh archers, the undis- 
Fiodden, cipUned Highland levies on the Scottish left ^^•e^e scat- 

' tered, the right was rolled up, and the Scottish centre, 
fighting desperately, was cut to pieces. James himself fell, and- 
with him the flower of the Scottish nobilit}- ; every Scottish 
family of name made its woeful contribution to the slaughter. 

Although the Scottish army was completely shattered Surrey 
could make no effective use of the ^'ictory for retaliation ; re- 
taliation indeed was superfluous. All that was best and all 
that was trustiest lay dead on Flodden field ; and Scotland was 
once more given over to the internal feuds and disorders of a 
weakly organised government ^■^^th an infant for its king. To 
England remained the simple task of fostering tlie Scottish 
anarch3\ Surrey's reward was the dukedom of Norfolk, which 
his father had enjoyed ; henceforth when we meet with an earl 
of Surrey he is the heir-apparent of the duke of Norfolk. 

Meanwhile the French campaign had prospered. A small 
troop of Frenchmen carried rehef into Terouanne by a brilliant 
,j,j^g dash through the Enghsh Unes ; then a considerable 

campaign in French force was put to the rout in ignominious 
panic by a small body of Enghshmen at the ' battle 
of the Spurs.' On the day when James crossed the border 
Terouanne surrendered ; a fortnight after Flodden, Toumay 
was captured. The memory of the Guienne fiasco was wiped 
out, and the reputation of the EngHsh soldier had been com- 
pletely restored. When Henry withdrew to England for the 
winter he had already placed the management of his poHcyinthe 
hands of one of the very few men who have achieved a reputation 
for English diplomacy. Jrom this time Thomas Wolsev was in. 
the ,eyes of .the world the real master of Englan d. There were 
times perhaps when Wolsey himself suffered from that illusion. 

Ferdinand had not intended Henry to be successful ; successes 
in Picardy were of no use to him, though they might suit Maxi- 
milian. He began at once to negotiate a peace privately for 
himself and to set about detaching the emperor from Henry. 



Wolsey's Ascendency 6i 

In the spring of 15 14 he had succeeded in both his objects ; he 

and Maximilian both made their peace with Louis, Henry was 

left in the lurch, and his two late allies were both engaged in 

trying to evade the carrying out of a long-standing treaty for 

the marriage of their gran dson. Charles of Burgund vjjidXastile. 

to Henry's younger sister Mary. But they had reckoned without 

Wolsey, who was untroubled by any sentiment of 

antagonism to France as the ' ancient enemy ' when woisey'a 

he could see any practical advantage to be obtained diplomatic 

siiroKC 
by a French alliance, and who was, moreover, 

thoroughly awake to their duplicity. Louis xii. had married 
■^jH^i?LSBttiS^RLifer §r.'W^ i?a'iy..'^Li£kl?'terryii^,T;- when he succeeded 
,llj^"il^'"? "^-.. Jj^.?l-tlJ!!9J]f J- fa^'^' ^'''^ T%l]H£l3£y..i5,i.4.?AQ4i6d. and Louis . 
was again ^a^jgid^jSiSU While Ferdinand and MaximiUan were 
pluming themselves on their successful craft, Wolsey was negoti- 
ating the marriage of the elderly widower on the French throne 
to the beautiful young EngHsh princess. It was ^ iiddfiPly Wr .. 
nounced that the alhes^wCTe^ respon^ble^ for breaking off the__ 
proposed marriage between Mary and Charles, and in October 
she was married to Louis. The emperor and._t]ie...JaBS-uaL 
Aragonfound_ themselves faced by an Anglo-French alliance 
which might prove actually aggressive. „ 

Yet this e xceedingly clever stroke was foiled by an.ijijexgectgd,, 
event. King Louis died on ist January, and the crown passed^^ 
ioJHicpusin, Franci5.i^ Unfortunately for Wolsey's 1515. Breach 
policy the young king of France and the young king '^'•^ France, 
of England were each of them extremely jealous of the other ; 
and Henry, with all his lavishness, had all the Tudor keenness 
over financial bargains. Trouble immediately arose over the 
dowry of the widowed Mary. Henry had just raised his intimate 
friend, Charles Brandon, to the dukedom of Suffolk, having 
found occasion to execute the earl, Edmund de la Pole, who had 
been held in captivity for six years. Suffolk was sent to France 
to negotiate, and there he and the young princess were secretly 
jnarried, with the conniyancg„jif.,...Frrinr.is . Henry made the 
rash pair pay heavily for their pardon, and extracted from them 
compensation for the necessary failure of his claims against 



6 2 Henry VJII. 

Francis for restitution of Mary's dowry ; but the affair helped 
to establish a complete though not an open breach. 

The jealous}' was increased when Francis threw himself into 
Italy to establish his claims on Milan, and covered himself with 
martial glory by his ^'icto^y at Marignano over the Swiss mer- 
cenaries, who were now counted the best troops in Europe. The 
monarchs and Pope Leo x., who had succeeded JuUus ii., took 
1B1C 10 fresh alarm, and incidentally Wolsey's support was 

Wolsey's paid for by his elevation to the cardinalate. The 

cardinal's next step, however, was not crowned mth 
success. Having no mind to involve England in a war with 
France, he expended instead a large sum in providing Maxi- 
mihan with forces to sweep the French out of North Italy ; but 
since the money did not find its way into Maximilian's own 
pocket, the emperor suddenly threw up the plan in the spring of 
1516. Ferdinand of Aragon died, and yoimg Charles became 
king of all Spain as well as lord of the Netherlands. Charles was 
MaximUian's grandson, and a good deal more of a Burgundian 
than a Spaniard.; the present interests of Burgundy lay in the 
French alliance ; and by the autumn Francis, Maximilian, apd 
^harles were all leagued together. The threatening advance of 
the Ottoman power in the East had some effect in impressing on 
the West the necessity for concord. Wolsey turned his mind 
to arriving at a secret understanding with France. He had 
utihsed Pope Leo's desire to procure funds nominally for a 
crusade, to get himself appointed, by Henry's own wish, papal 
legate in England, in spite of the law prohibiting any such 
appointment. But it was not till 1518 that the cardinal's diplo- 
macy achieved its triumph in a treaty of universal peace. Inci- 
dentally Henry's two-year-old daughter Mary was betrothed to 
the dauphin, who was eight months old, and England gave back 
Touma}^ in exchange for hard cash. Wolsey also had the credit 
for effecting the general pacification. 

The sudden death of Maximilian at the beginning^ of the next, 
; year, 1519, pressed, to the front the question_of_the imESJsi- 
succession, for which the serious candidates were Charles of 
^ain and Francis of France. Europe was now virtuSly under 



Wolsey's Ascendency 63 

the control of the three princes, of whom the eldest, Henry, was 
eight-and- twenty, while the youngest, Charles, was nineteen. 
For twenty-seven years this same trio dominated 
Europe. The contest between Charles and Francis Charles v. 
was opened when both became candidates for the 
Empire. Frederick of Saxony declined the honour, and for a 
short time, much to the perturbation of Wolsey himself, Henry 
at least nibbled at the idea of entering for the stakes. The cardinal 
saw much more promise in the prospect of perpetually holding 
the balance between Francis and Charles. The election was 
won by the Hapsburg, whatever there was of English influence 
having been ultimately thrown into that scale. The king and 
the new emperor both became in effect suitors for the cardinal's 
favour. Wolsey's personal inclination would seem to have been 
rather in favour of France than the Empire ; but in view of the 
policy which he was presently to follow, it should be remarked 
that every other influence in England was adverse to France. 
The English king was jealous of the French king ; his wife, with 
whom he wa s as yet on good terms, was_ th£-aiiat_of t he emperor ; 
Jrance was the traditional enemy, and war with 
France always appealed to popular sentiment ; and A prowem 
the upper classes were athirst for martial renown. 
But in favour of the cardinal's desire to keep the peace, to pre- 
serve friendly relations with France, and to rely not upon war 
but upon diplomacy, there remained the permanent fact that 
some trouble on the Scottish border was the almost inevitable 
accompaniment of a French war. 

The crisis, the possible necessity of taking one side or the 
other, was deferred. Neither of the two great potentates was 
willing to attack the other without the certainty of English 
support for himself, or at least of English neutrality. In 1520 
the kings of England and France^met in all the pomp and circum- 
stance and gorgeous extravagance of the Field of the Cloth of 
Gold. But only a few days earlier Henry had received a private 
visit from the emperor in England. TSffithpr th*^ Hirff ""'"^^'' 
emperor could feel in the least_confident tha t Eng land preferred 
him to his rival. 



64 Henry VIII. 

During the next twelve months aggression was impracticable 
for Charies, who had troubles in Spain, troubles with the German 
princes, and troubles over Luther and the Diet of Worms. But 
the danger of civil war in Germany subsided ; the Spanish 
troubles were overcome, and the pacific influence of Charles's 
Burgundian minister, Chievres, was removed by his death. 
Francis, on the other hand, was evidently contemplating a re- 
liewal of the poHcy of aggression in Italy. Wolsey ostensibly 
assumed the r61e of mediator ; but he was thoroughly 
imperial aware, whatever his own wishes may have been, 

H.II JH.Tl C 6 

that the peace would not long be preserved between 
Charles and Francis, and that he would be forced to side with the 
emperor. Even while the process of mediation was going on, 
a secret treaty arranged the terms upon which England was to 
take part in the approaching war. Before the year was out 
Charles and Francis had begun fighting. Before the smnmpf 
_ of I'^za F .n gland also had dp.darerl .war iipnn France., Wolsey's 
poHcy, if indeed it was his and not imposed on him by his master, 
wasjiofaifected by the emperor's failure to procure His election 
_to the Papacy on the death of Leo x. ^ .It may be doubted whether 
he had ever beheved in the imperial promises of support. 
Wolsey as pope would have assuredly played into the hands of 
the king of England ; the emperor necessarily wanted a pope 
whom he could manage himself. There w as no doubt at all 
that his influence was exerted to procure the election of his own 
cou ntryman and sometime tutorf-Adrian. vi. , ., 

The circumstances decidedly suggest that Wolsey dishked the 
war, that he saw Httle to be made out of it by England, and that 
1522-3. The he entered upon it in the hope of an early peace, 
French war. ^nd without any attempt to organise a vigorous 
campaign. In 1522 there was Httle but aimless raiding. In 
fact, England was not in a position to conquer France, Charles 
did not mean to help her in doing so, and the Enghsh captains 
had no idea of setting about their business after the systematic 
fashion adopted by Henry v. The war demanded money; 
Wolsey had to find it ; and though the House of Commons, 
summoned for the purpose, duly made the grant, it was not till 



Wolsey's Ascendency 65 

they had also taken a very significant stand against any attempt 
to overawe them or to allow their HberaUty to be regarded as 
anything but an act of voluntary goodwill to the Crown and of 
no goodwill to the cardinal. Xhe w ar was.unp.roductivej_,_and_ 
forjhe second time the ally of England gave Wolsey a rebuff 
when Pope Adrian vi. died, and the imperial influence was 
exerted, in despite of promises, to secure the papal throne not 
for Wolsey but for Giulio de Medici, who became , Clement vil,." 
Wolsey at best was no ardent adherent of the imperial alliance, 
and a natural resentment must have strengthened his disposition 
to revert to his own policy of a theoretical amity with both 
of the two great continental rivals, abstention from actual 
hostilities and practical control by means of diplomacy. In 
the eyes of his enemies, of course, every approach to France 
was attributed to the cardinal's disappointment at not being 
made pope. 

In any case it was not practicable to carry on vigorous cam- 
paigning without additional funds, and the temper of the parlia- 
ment of 1523 was emphatically discouraging. Still 
more so was the temper displayed by the people Financial 
when the taxes were being collected. The cardinal's 
policy was tending more and more unmistakably towards an un- 
derstanding with France ; ^t_in^i525 the French aniis_suffered- 
a tremendous overthrow at the battle of Pavia,. Pavia. 
wlTere Francis himself was taken prisoner. Pavia seemed to 
Henry to offer him an excellent chance of reviving the English 
claim to the French crown, and Wolsey found himself compelled 
to make a desperate effort to carry out his master's demand for 
the vigorous prosecution of the war. Wolsey did not venture 
to face parliament. He resorted to the expedient of a forced 
loan, called the Amicable Loan. So hot a resentment was aroused 
that the cardinal substituted the proposal of a benevolence in 
place of the amicable loan ; yet this fared no better. London 
boldly declared that benevolences were illegal, and appealed to 
the statute of Richard in. A similar tone was adopted elsewhere. 
Henry, with an unfailing instinct, reahsed that he must with- 
draw. He renounced the demand which had been made in his 

Innes's Eng. Hist. — Vol. ll. E 



66 Henry VIII. 

name, and left the minister to bear the whole of the odium which 

had been excited. 

But Henry saw that Wolsey had proved the utter impossibility 

of carr5dng out the royal programme. The cardinal was allowed 

to take his own course, and the result was that by 

Reversion the end of the year he had made a treaty with 

to Woisey'B France involving the payment by France to Eng- 
polioy. 

land of two million crowns. Charles was obliged 

to follow suit at the beginning of 1526 ; but his prisoner, Francis, 

while accepting the terms on which he was to be set free, made 

it perfectly clear that he had no intention of abiding by them 

when he should be at large. Throughout 1526 Wolsey was 

drawing closer to Francis and away from Charl es, In 1527 he 

was negotiating a treaty very disturbing to popular sentiment 

j^g27 in England. The Princess Mary , the only Uving 

Arrench child of Henry and his wif e, jivas^to be married to 

the second sori qf^the_Frenchking, Henry of Orleans. 



(As the young prince was eight and Mary ten, English antagonism 
would, be mollified by the knowledge' that aii actual marriage 
would not take place for some time.) France was also to pay an 
exceeSinpy substantial subsidy, pension, or tribute to England; 
The price was heavy, but not more than it was worth while for 
Francis to concede, as matters stood, for an unqualified English 
alliance — Ch arles had already come to temis with, the Lutheran. 
PEB£S!-?i-l^?-^lt Piet of Speier,^ and,.ia,,Ma^ftgJPppe was^ 

prisoner_in iMaJiaQda, This year, however, marks the real close 

of the cardinal's ascendency. cH ^ry h a d al ready made up his 
mind that aU cQnside^iaftg.i)f jta|e vrer^J^^^suHoL^ 
Jiis determination to be released from his mamage t_o _Katharine 
,^f_Aragon, and to make , her maid- oi. honQjoj:^ Ann e Boley n, 

Before passing on to the next phase, the affair of the so-called 
' Divorce,' which was th e occas ion o f the Reformation in England, 
Dropped we must gather up some ot ttie threads wiuch have 

threads. t^^^^ dropped for the sake of preserving a continu- 

ous narrative of English foreign policy under Wolsey's direction. 
Two events had taught Henry his own strength, the one as 



Wolsey's Ascendency 67 

against the Church, the other as against the nobiUty, though we 
have already seen how he had been taught another lesson, which 
he had very promptly and skilfully assimilated, the necessity of 
keeping the commons in a good temper. In the winter of 1515 
a prominent London citizen, named Richard Hunne, 
hanged himself, or was hanged, while in the custody Eichard 
of the bishop of London. He had been a vigorous 
opponent of illegal or dubious clerical exactions, and had been 
in prison to answer for LoUardy. Popular opinion was con- 
vinced that the man had been foully done to death, which was 
significant enough of the popular attitude towards the clergy, 
though no adequate evidence was forthcoming to disprove the 
of&cial statement that Hunne had committed suicide. Precisely 
at this moment parhament met to debate hotly and to pass in 
the Commons a biU restricting ' benefit of clergy,' the right of any 
one who could ' plead his clergy ' to be tried by the ecclesiastical 
courts, and to suffer only the mild penalties which those courts 
imposed. Any one w ho could read rn i g ht plead his clergy ; the 
proposal now was to deprive persons charged with murder and 
robbery of the privilege,. The abbot of Winchcombe denounced 
the proposal in a sermon, insisting upon the im- a victory for 
munity of clerks from punishment by secular *^® Crown. 
authority. The question was debated before the king between 
the abbot and Dr. Standish, the warden of the London Grey 
Friars. All the honours of the debate went to Standish. The 
question was adjourned in parliament till November ; Jiut.the. 
clerical leaders resolved to strike at the audacious friar who had 
s^ported the secular authority. Standish was summoned 
before Convocation to defend his position or to recant. Standish 
appealed to the king; the lay lords, urged by the Commons, 
prayed the king to maintain the royal authority. The king pre- 
sided over a court to hear the argument, and the court pronounced 
with emphasis not only that clerks might be summoned before 
temporal judges, but that the action of Convocation had been in 
contravention of the Statute of Praemunire. The clergy found 
themselves compelled to offer, through Wolsey himself, a humble 
apology, and a prayer that the question might be submitted to 



68 Henry VIII. 

the Pope. Henry absolutely refused. Parliament was actually 
dissolved without passing the bill, but Henry had learnt, and 
the clergy had leamt, that in a serious collision between Church 
and Crown it was not the Crown that was likely to suffer. 

A few years later came the other demonstration of the Mng's 
power. Apart from the daughter and grandchildren of Edward iv. 
1521. and his brother George of Clarence, none of whom 

Bucimgham. s^-qq^j -^ ^^ fjj-s^ rank of the nobility, the greatest of 
the magnates and the nearest to the royal family was the duke 
of Buckingham, who traced his pedigree back to the youngest 
son of Edward iii., while his grandmother had been one of the 
Beauforts. In 1521 Buckingham was suddenly arrested for 
treason, on no better grotmds than that he had consulted sooth- 
sayers and had used rash language about the cardinal. Popular 
report, as a matter of course, attributed the proceedings against 
him to the cardinal's vindictiveness. The duke was tried before 
a court 1 of his peers, presided over by the duke of Norfolk. Al- 
though there was no evidence that he had any treasonable design 
or was guilty of anything worse than the incautious expressions 
which a man who intended to embark upon treason would have 
most carefully avoided, he was unanimously condemned and sent 
to the block, simply because the king chose to desire his death. 
The king leamt very clearly that wherever else opposition might 
be offered to his will, none would be forthcoming from the 
temporal peers of the realm. 

II. The King's Matter, 1527-1529 

If at the beginning of the year 1527 any one had ventured to 
prophesy that within a few years England would have disavowed 
The coming t he Roman a llegiance, that the old relations betwe en 
revolution. Ch urch and~St^ ^'ouId be entirely alteredT^at 
the monast eries wo uld be dissolved, and that doctrines connected 
with then^eof John Wichf would become the accepted teach- 



ingjif^the Church m EiigUlld, Hie piupllticy wudld have been 
received with scomtul mcreduHty. The English, unlike their 

"X. 

^ See Note i., Trial of Peers, and Genealogies, i. and Vlir, 



The Kings Matter 69 

neighbours beyond the Tweed, are not naturally prone to philo- 
sophical or theological speculation. The normal Enghshman is 
disposed to accept with very little question the conventions 
among which he has been brought up ; and it may very well be 
doubted whether the English people if left entirely to themselves, 
without any coercion or persecution, would ever have broken 
away from the Church of Rome, not because of any excessive 
loyalty to her but out of natural conservatism. 

But it was ordained that a self-willed monarch should want 
something which he could not, as an obedient son of the Church, 
obtain without the Pope's sanction ; and since 
the Pope's sanction was refused, the monarch's consecutive 
alternative was to repudiate his authority. Even 
the clergy in England were a long way from being loyal to a 
system wKictTSnbTS'CtSd" them to a foreign bishop ; not a few of 
them supported the king so long as nothing seemed to be in- 
volvecl except the direct authoritj' of the Pope. Some of them, 
like Stephen Gardiner, only reahsed too late that there was much 
more at stake — that the repudiation of the papal authority 
carried much else in its train. The laity at large had no objec- 
tion ; they had always been jealous of papal interference. The 
king, who had committed himself to defiance of the Pope, lent a 
ready ear to the adviser who hinted that the temporalities of the 
Church might with propriety be appropriated by the Crown or 
otherwise dealt with to the Crown's profit. Again, there was no 
difficulty in carr3dng the laity with him, because even if they 
did not have a direct share in the spoils, as a great many did, 
there would at least be the less reason for inviting them to pay 
taxes. The average layman was easily persuaded that a wealthy 
Churchman was an anomaly, and that the Church's wealth had 
been filched. The Commons had more than once expressed that 
view in parliament towards the beginning of the fifteenth century, 
though the Crown had at that time supported the Church. But 
popular respect for clerical authority could hardly survive the 
successful assertion of the secular supremacy ; the pronounce- 
ments of the Churchmen on doctrinal questions lost their credit 
for infaUibiUty. A challenging of accepted doctrines, especially 



yo Henry VIII. 

such as implied that the clergy were divinely endowed with a 
peculiar authority, was an inevitable corollary, although the 
originator of the whole movement professed himself to his last 
hour a champion of the strictest orthodoxy. 

King Henry had married a wife somewhat older than himself, 
but for several years he had been satisfied with her. Neverthe- 
less, in course of time he was smitten with qualms 
i£ing's of conscience. The children she had borne to him 

scarcely survived birth, save one girl, the future 
Queen Mary. His wife^as his brother's widow. _ It was true 
that he had married her under a dispensation from the Pope; 
still, it had been suggested that the relationship was too clo se 
for a papal dispensation to be valid. Admittedly there were 
marriages forbidden not only by the regulations of the Church, 
for which a papal dispensation would be valid, but also by the 
moral law itself, for which no dispensation could be vaUd. Was 
not this a case in point ? There was no conclusive precedent. 
Besides this problem of conscience, there was the undoubted fact 
that for reasons of state it was most undesirable that Henry's 
Reasons heir should be a girl. There was no precedent for 

of state. g^ queen-regnant in this country; besides, it was 

one thing to find a suitable husband for a princess in ordinary 
circumstances, and quite another to find one who could be mated 
with the future queen of England without obvious risks of a 
serious character. There was no chance of annthpr pnn beinfr 



bom, consequently there was good polrtiearreason why Henry 
should desire to dissolve his marriage and contract a new one, 
since there was no reason to anticipate release by Katharine's 
early death. To a certain class of mind this was a sufiiciently 
cogent reason for setting aside the marriage. .But in addition 
A private to these reasons Henry had a private one of his 
reason. q^,^ jjg ^^^ fascinated by a young maid of 

honour. Mistress Ann^^ole-wi. and the ladv vyas virtuqns enough, 
'2L.2£li^L.S2SSSJ^,^='*ft-Xesi§l her royal lover's illicit advMiceSj__ 
though she had no objection to becoming queen':''~TEepoHtical 
argument weighed vsdth statesmen, but none could regard the 
prospective bride with equanimity. So Henry urged the point 



The Kings Matter 71 

of conscience. At first all he professed to desire was to have 
the prickings of his conscience quieted — to have an authoritative 
pronouncement which would really satisfy him that Katharine 
was his lawful wife. Nevertheless, it was very soon obvious that 
no conceivable authority would satisfy him on that point ; 
conscience would not be quieted until authority confirmed his 
view that the marriage was void. In 1527 Wolsey had his 
orders, in effect to extract from the Pope by hook or by crook 
a pronouncement against the validity of the dispensation granted 
by his predecessor. 

The predicament was awkward for the cardinal and awkward 
for the Pope. It could in no case be agreeable to a pope to 
admit that an authoritative act of a predecessor had woisey's 
been ultra vires ; besides which, in 1527 the Pope "liiemmas. 
was in the grip of the emperor,, and .the emperor was _the J.oyaL 
nephew of the queen from whom Hen ry wish ed to be parted. . 
Clement dared not offend the emperorb^yielding to Henry 's 
wishes. As for Wolsey, he would have been glad to see the 
king married again, which was offensive to the partisans of 
Katharine ; but not^ marrigdJo_ Anne^ Bolg ynj which was j iatur- _ 
ally offensive to Anne, as w .ell_aS-d;s.pleasing to the king. Again , 
the cardinal was not at all wiUing to see the papal authority 
diminished, or a quarrel between England and the Papacy, but 
he was perfectly aware that if he himself lost Henry's favour 
his own ruin would inevitably follow. The story of the next 
two years is consequently a story of struggles and shifts, the 
cardinal seeking desperately to discover some tolerable way 
out of the deadlock, Clement doing everything he could to shift 
the responsibiUty on to some one else's shoulders, the king deter- 
mined to have his way, to void the marriage, and to marry Anne 
Bole5m, with the formal authority of the Pope if possible, but 
if not without it. 

As a matter of fact, the mere question of conscience was a very 
easy one to settle. Nothing more was necessary than for Henry 
to treat Katharine as his official consort but not as Tie king's 
his wife. The political question was more serious ; Posi*i°"i- 
but if in reality it weighed with Henry it cannot have counted 



7 2 Henry VIII. 

for much, since on political grounds marriage with Anne would in 
any case have been indefensible, ^s far as Hpniy i^ r.np,(;.grrie(il , 
the whole pohtical case for what is called the ' Divorce ' goes to 
pieces upbn'tEe rocK of Els" determinafionTo'inany a poUticalty" 
unsmta ble wife. And yet the perverted^mgenmty of our most 
briUiant historian of the period has discovered that the person 
whose conduct must be apologised for and pardoned by a chival- 
rous judge is the queen, who insisted on believing that she was 
the lawful wife of the man to whom she had been married, and 
objected to being cast off, either for real reasons of state or to 
satisfy the scruples of Henry's conscience at the expense of her 
own. 

Lliie whole affair is by common consent, but incorrectly, re- 
ferred to as the ' Divorce/j There was actually no question of 
Subsidiary ^ divorce, which is the cancellation of a marriage 
points. validly contracted. What Henry wanted, and what 

lie ultimatelyLoblaijned. from the Englis h e cclesiastical court, was 
a decree of nullity, a pronouncement that the marriage itself 
had never been validj.t jlL„ Two points are to'be' obsefv^ in 
connection with the French treaty negotiated at the beginning 
of 1527. There could be no doubt that even at that moment 
Henry had resolved upon the divorce ; yeHtwould make Mary 
illegitimate It must, therefore, be supposed that it was intended 
to p£ocurgJ^[ ay's legitinia tion_bv_ Act of parliament^___2iLj3ig_ 
^gro3yid_-thaJL,thg_imion_ of her .parents hadjieen^^'rontr^^ 
iSQdJ^ithj or else that it was intended to provide later a 
means of escape from the proposed marriage itself, which was 
certainly unpopular in the country. The second point is that 
Wolsey, in correspondence with Warham, archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and Fisher, bishop of Rochester, declared that the French 
negotiator, the bishop of Tarbes, had himself thrown doubts 
upon the validity of the papal dispensation. This may have 
been a mere invention, brought forward to induce the Enghsh 
bishops to see how necessary it was that there should be a formal 
and decisive investigation and settlement of the question. But, 
if true, it provided excellent cover for Wolsey, who would be 
able to claim that the French had entered upon the treaty with 



The Kings Matter 75 

their eyes open to the possibihty that Mary's legitimacy might be 
effectively disputed. 

The first. plan put forward by Wolsey, just about the time 
when the imperial troops were sacking Rome, was that he him- 
self as papal legate should take the initiative and various 
should summon the king before the Legatine Court ^s^^es. 
for living as the husband of his brother's widow. But this plan 
was dropped. The next suggestion was to procure a papal com- 
mission with direct authority to decide ; the first plan had made 
no provision against the possibility of an appeal by Katharine 
from the Legatine Court to Rome. It was Wolsey's business to 
emphasise the theory that what the king really wanted was to 
have the vaUdity of the marriage confirmed. But Henry was 
already distrustful, and tried behind Wolsey's back to engineer 
a plan of his own — to induce the Pope to authorise a second 
marriage, on the ground of public necessity. Naturally nothing 
came of this preposterous proposal. Wolsey again took the 
matter in hand, and sent Stephen Gardiner to Rome to procure 
a commission with full powers — either Wolsey with another 
legate, or a legate of Wolsey's choice without Wolsey himself, 
or in the last resort Wolsey and the archbishop of Canterbury. 

Gardiner made it quite plain that if the Pope would not do 
what was wanted of him it was more than probable that he 
would find his authority ignored; but all he sue- ,.„„ _. 
ceeded in obtaining was a commission, to consist legatine 
of Wolsey himself and Cardinal Campeggio, whose 
decision would have to be referred to Rome for confirmation. 
Campeggio did not reach England until the autumn ; Clement's 
grand desire was for delay. He had actually escaped from im- 
perialist custody, but he evidently hoped against hope that some 
happy accident might relieve him from the necessity of making 
himself responsible for a decision which mast draw down upon 
him the wrath either of the emperor or of the king of England. 
Wolsey, on the other hand, was by this time very well aware that 
his own position was critical. Katharine chose to regard him 
as the instigator of the whole proceeding ; the Boleyn coterie 
were working against him because they knew that he had striven 



74 Henry VIII. 

his hardest to dissuade the king from his intention of marrying 
Anne ; the whole of the nobility were thirsting for his down- 
1529. Woi- ^3^11 ; ^iid the commons believed him to have been 
Bey's danger, responsible for the taxation which the king had 
graciously remitted.. If he failed to obtain t he„divQiceJlia^ruin 
was ineyij iable . He brought to bear upon Campeggio all the 
pressure he could ; Campeggio fell back upon declarations that 
he must await further instructions from Rome*— The cardinals 
went together to persuade Katharine to withdraw her opposition. 
The case turned on the question whether the marriage with 
Prince Arthur had been only formal, since it could be argued 
that the papal dispensation had been intended to apply only on 
the hypothesis that the first marriage had not been consummated. 
But Katharine held to her position. She was Henry's lawful 
wife, and nothing short of the papal pronouncement would ever 
induce her to admit that she was no wife. 

Campeggio warned Clement that the papal authority in Eng- 
land was at stake ; but the anger of Charles was a more im- 
Faiiure of minent danger than the anger of the king of England. 

the commis- The Pope tried to persuade Henry to act on his own 
sion, July. 

responsibility ; Henry, knowing that the divorce 

was unpopular, was determined on making the Pope responsible. 
By June 1529 the resources of procrastination were exhausted, 
and the Legatine Court was opened. Katharine through the 
bishop of Rochester appealed against the jurisdiction of the court 
to the Pope ; Campeggio insisted on proroguing the proceedings. 
Clement, unable any longer to resist the imperial pressure, re- 
voked the case to Rome. Already Wolsey was tottering to his 
fall. The guidance even of foreign pohcy was taken out of his 
hands, and, without intervention on Henry's part, Charles and 
Francis were allowed to compose their quarrel on terms which 
made it vam to hope that pressure from France might be brought 
to bear upon the Pope to counteract the pressure from the em- 
Woisey's peror. In October Campeggio took his departure 
fau, October, fj-^j^ England ; the day after he sailed a writ of 
prcemunire was issued against Wolsey for acting as legate. On 
i6th October he was deprived of the chancellor's seals, removed 



The King's Matter 'j^ 

from all his benefices, and allowed to retire to his private house 
at Esher. Henry had no more use for him ; the course which 
the king had laid down for himself was one which demanded 
services of another kind than the great cardinal could give. 

The brief remainder of Wolsey's career was without political 
influence. The king was graciously pleased to restore to him 
some of his confiscated property and to reinstate Woisey'aend, 
him as archbishop of York ; the bishopric of Winchester, which 
he had also held, was bestowed upon Stephen Gardiner. Wolsey 
retired to his northern diocese, and there devoted himself to his 
episcopal duties in a manner which won him the enthusias- 
tic affection of his flock. - He who throughout his life had been 
the tjrpical worldly prelate, the magnificent politician, utterly 
untouched by the things of the spirit, revealed in his fall possi- 
bilities of a spiritual elevation of which in the days of his great- 
, ness no premonition could be found. Yet he had not altogether 
flung aside the trammels of the world. He was unwise enough 
to enter into correspondence with the king of France in order to 
entreat his good offices with the king of England. The vin- 
dictiveness of his countless enemies in England had not been 
satisfied : he received a summons to London to stand his trial on 
the charge of treason. On his way south he was overtaken by 
mortal sickness, and died at Leicester Abbey. 

Wolsey was perhaps the ablest diplomatist that England has 
produced, though if we are to beheve the best of him we must 
^assume that his own policy was seriously thwarted by the self- 
willof the king and the popular antagonism to France. But 
his absorption in diplomacy prevented him from taking a lead 
in what was really the first question of the day — the reconstruc- 
tion of relations between Church and State, the reformation of 
the Church in England upon lines which would have avoided 
revolution. England had need of a great spiritual leader, and 
none was forthcoming ; there is no sign that Wolsey had even 
a suspicion of the nature of the religious crisis or of its bearing 
upon politics. I His work perished with him, because it was 
jssraitial]^ of an evanescent character, having no concern with 
the vital movement of the time.! 



76 Henry VIII. 

III. Scotland, 1513-1528 

The period of the cardinal's ascendency in England coincides 
almost precisely \nth the minority of James v. of Scotland. The 
The Scottish death of J ames iv. on the fatal field of Flodden made 
magnates. a two-year-old" child king ; the regency, in accord- 
ance with the slain monarch's wiU, devolved upon the queen- 
mother, Margaret Tudor, with a council consisting of the earls 
of Huntly, Angus (head of the Douglases), and Arran^ (James 
Hamilton, whose mother was Mary, daughter of James 11.). Of 
Uttle less importance in the council than the three earls was 
James Beaton, archbishop of Glasgow. Outside of Scotland, 
however, there was a nearer kinsman of the crown than Arran, 
John, duke of Albany, the son of that Albany who had played 
so troublesome a part during the reign of his brother, James ill. 

_As matters stood, Albany was heir-presumptive tD„th.ethTOiie^ 
,;OfJ;he infant king ; and, as a matter of course, a substantial 
portion of the nobles, and perhaps the popular voice, demanded 
his recall to Scotland. The regency of the Jong. of-England's 
sister, who, it must be remembered, was no more jthaa ^ye-and- 
twenty, could scarcely command general approval. Surrey had 
not followed up Flodden by a serious invasion, but Lord Dacre, 
the warden of the marches, was raiding on the border, although 
it appears that the Scots themselves were still capable of making 
quite effective counter-raids. (Matters, however, became worse 
when the queen-mother, after ^giym^ J3irth_to^^posthumous_so^ 
proceeded to marry young Angus7who had just succeeded his 
grandfather, old Archibald BeU-the-'Cat. Arran and Beaton with 
sundry of the other lords were at once ranged as very definite 
supporters of Albany, and got possession of the persons of the 
regent and her children. 

^ 1515. when Scotland was included in the pacification 
between England and France, Albamy_came_gver,_and._a£_an_ 
_assembly of the Estates was^jgrodaimed r egent. His presence 
made enemies ol some of those who had been chiefly responsible 

' See Genealogies, iv. 



Scotland 



77 



for his recall, including his cousin Arran ; but before the close 
of the year liis principal opponents, including Margaret, Angus, 
and Arran, had been driven over the border, and 

1516-17. The 

the two infant princes were in his hands. Almost Regent 
immediately afterwards the younger died. The 
regent would probably have made good his position but for his 
own headstrong temper, his inability to speak any language 
but French, and the policy of the English court, which care- 
fully fostered dissensions among the Scottish nobiUty. How 
thoroughly the Scots were warranted in distrust of the English 
king is proved by Henry's intrigues for getting young James 
into his own hands while Margaret was still at the head of the 
government. 

Nevertheless, in 1517 Albany chose to withdraw to France, 
where he succeeded indeed in renewing the old alhance, but 
left Scotland itself to drift once more into a chaos 1517.21. 
of factions. Margaret herself returned to Scotland, ^^otio^s. 
and quarrelled violently with her young husband. As the 
struggle for supremacy now lay chiefly between Angus and Arran, 
who for the time being had attached himself to the Albany party,. 
Angus was the representative of the Anglicising party. The 
strife of the Douglases and the Hamiltons issued not precisely 
in civil war but in repeated and violent brawls. [At the end of 
1521 Albany reappeared in Scotland, where he was supported by 
the Arran faction^Huntly, Beaton, and. the qaeen-jnQther__(on _ 
jLCcount of her hostility to her husband), in taking 1521-4. 
an aggressively hostile attitude towards England ; Ai^^'^y- 
Jfor it was at this .time that Henry was definitely ranging himseH _ 
on the side of the emperor against the king qI France. 

The preparations for a French war made it impossible for 
Henry to respond to the appeal of the Douglases and intervene 
forcibly in Scotland. Angus himself was dispatched to France ; 
when Henry sent to demand the expulsion of Albany, the Estates 
received his message with very scant courtesy. Late in the 
year, when the English were actually engaged on a French cam- 
paign, Albany collected a force and threatened an invasion. 
The nobles, however, not forgetful of Flodden, were not at all 



yg Henry VIII. 

inclined to cross the border ; the energetic Dacre, who, as a 
matter of fact, was in no position to offer resistance, succeeded 
in beguiling Albany into a truce. The regent broke up his army, 
and found it advisable to retire to France for diplomatic pur- 
poses ; Huntly, Arran, and Argyll were associated with a 
French agent as a council of regency. During the next year, 1523, 
a series of border raids was organised against the Scots under 
the direction of Surrey. Albany reappeared, and again col- 
lected an army, which again refused to cross the Tweed. The 
Scots, as commonly happened when French troops were in the 
country for any length of time, were out of temper with their 
allies ; the army was disbanded ignominiously, the French were 
sent home, and in the spring of 1524 Albany threw up his Scottish_ 
ambitions and departed from the country never to return. He 
had achieved nothing memorable, but on the whole Scotland 
probably owed it to him that an Enghsh ascendency was not 
estabhshed during the ten years after Flodden. 

For the skilful conduct of the continued resistance to England 
the main credit belongs to Archbishop Beaton. The high sense 
of honour of Henry viii. and the unworthy suspici- 
Erection of ousness of the Scots, as depicted by some historians, 
are curiously illustrated by the indubitable fact 
that Wolsey and Henry endeavoured to entrap the Scottish 
archbishop into a conference on the border, where he was to be 
kidnapped and carried off into safe custody in England. But the 
archbishop was too wary. 

Now, however, there came another turn of the wheel. With 
the disappearance of Albany, Arran's ambitions revived. Instead 
of combining with Beaton, he thought it poUtic to seek the favour 
of the king of England and the alliance of the queen-mother. 
The pair brought the boy James up to Edinburgh and proclaimed 
his ' erection' — that is, that he was now the actual responsible 
ruler of the country, though he was only thirteen years old. 
The archbishop was decoyed to Edinburgh Castle, and there 
made a prisoner. 

Again the wheel turned. Angus came back from France, and 
succeeded in getting the young king into his own hands. The 



Scotland 79 

unstable Arran came over to his side. By 1527 the Douglases 
were completely supreme in Scotland, and young James, 
bitterly though he resented the position, was wholly 
unable to escape from that tutelage. Angus, how- Douglas 
ever, was not a man of any real ability. It was an 
unfailing rule in every period of a Scottish royal minority that 
power depended upon the possession of the king's person. 
Douglas had to deal with a lad who, young as he was, was 
courageous, resourceful, and burning with resentment. About 



midsummer in 1528 James escaped out of the hands of his guar- 
dians to Stirling, where he was surrounded by partisans of the 
anti-Douglas faction. Then he issued a proclamation of banish- 
ment against the house of Douglas. Hitherto the supporters of 
Angus had been able to claim technically that the „„. , . 

1528. JSijUCS 

king was with them ; now there was no escape from grasps the 
the fact that to support the great house was to be 
in rebellion. Before the end of the year forfeitures had been 
passed by the Estates upon all the Douglas Idn, and Angus was 
a fugitive in England. James could claim that he was at last 
in very deed king of Scotland. 



CHAPTER IV. HENRY VHI. 
(2) THE REFORMATION, 1529-1547 

I. The Royal Supremacy, 1529-1534 

The avocation to Rome of the question which was commonly 
known as the ' King's Matter ' was a decisive moment for 
The king's Henry VIII. Persuasion had failed, and war was 
resolve. ^o be threatened all along the line ; the Pope must 

either 3deld or pay the penalty. At all costs Aime Bolejm was 
to be queen ; but the discarding of Queen Katharine was in itself 
unpopular, and impopularity did not suit Henry. Jt_was neceSi- 
sary, therefore, to import into the discarding process elemenls- 
strongly attractive of popular favour. In what he was about to 
do the king must have parliament at his back. Since 1515 only 
one parliament had been summoned, that of 1523, which had 
shown a very distinct spirit of independence in relation to taxa- 
tion for the French war. The earlier parhament^oweverj_had 
displayed a vigorous anticlerical spirit, a spirit with which the 
great city of London at least was thoroughly permeated. Also 
at all times parliament had been ready to support_the_Crown in- 
resisting papal claims. Henry could reckon with certainty 
that the Houses would welcome an anticlerical and antipapal 
policy. To make assurance doubly sure, a process of pac king ' 
could be apphed to the Commons, which would at any rate 
guarantee a preponderance of members favourable to the royal 
policy, though it might not, and as a matter of fact did not, pro- 
cure a merely subservient assembly. The Commons might be 
trusted to deal as untenderly wth the Church and wth the Pope 
as the king might desire, in respect of the reformation of notorious 

^ See Note li,, Composition of the Tudor House of Commons. 
80 



The Royal Supremacy 8i 

abuses, papal claims to jurisdiction in England, and the wealth 
of the ecclesiastical body. This was the field of reformation 
which Henry proposed to himself. 

_In_ the hands of the mighty niinister, Thomas Cromwell, the 
reformation became a revolution in which every vestige of papal 
authority was repudiated, the Church was de- what lay 
spoiled, the jigsas^ c_svstem was wiped out, and the ''^yond. 
complete supremacy of the State overl:he Churc h was asserted, 
^But beyond^ this the campaign against the Church was made 
part of a larger campaign for increasing thewealth_of_t he Crow n- 
and establishing des potic power. And beyond this again, and 
not by any design of the king s, Henry's reformation necessitated 
also the _sanction by the State pf_ a doctrinal ^reformation^ the 
adoption by the Church, under the aegis of the State, of doctrines 
and practices which Rome had condemned as heretical ; whereby 
in the view of most Englishmen, though not of all, and of all 
adherents of the Papacy, the Church of England was com- 
pletely severed from the Church of Rome in rehgion as well as 
politically. 

. Hitherto the movement towards a reformation in doctrine had 
neither penetrated very deeply nor been very widespread. Ever 
since the days of WicUf there had been an under- 
current of Lollardy, a prevalence in secret and in reformation 
quite Umited circles of adherence to heretical views, 
which Wiclif had enunciated and for which some few Tollards 
had died. An inclination to unorthodoxy, though not its open 
profession, was an inevitable concomitant of hostihty to the 
clerical body ; doctrines which magnified the clerical office and 
fostered clerical privileges were necessarily open to suspicion .;_ 
in spite of heresy laws, copies of Wiclif's translation of the Scrip- 
tures escaped destruction and were privily studied. ,But the 
leaders in the movement for the reform of abuses in religion were 
not Lollards but scholars and educationists — men who refused to 
associate themselves with the Lutheran movement, to many of 
whom that movement was anathema ; just as some centuries 
later the French Revolution was to be anathema to Liberals of 
the school of Edmund Burke. The critical study of the New 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. n. F 



82 Henry VIII. 

Testament, based upon the new Greek scholarship, was warmly 
encouraged by the dignitaries of the Church ; the edition of the 
New Testament, the Greek text, accompanied by a new Latin 
The scholars, translation, issued by Erasmus in 1516, made the 
reactionaries shudder, but was welcomed by such men as Fox 
of Winchester among the bishops and Thomas More among 
laymen. The colleges founded at Oxford by Fox and Wolsey, 
and at Cambridge under the direction of the saintly Fisher 
who became bishop of Rochester, were staffed with disciples 
of the New Learning ; thou gh both More and F isher were to die 
for their loyalty to the authority of the Church, and More, half 
Jn jest, called himself a 'Hammer of Heretics.' Yet More in. 
his Utopia, and his friend. Dean Colet in the pulpit, were unspar^ 
ing in their denunciations of the corruptions in the Church^the 
falsification of doctrine, the neglect of moral teaching, and the 
devotion of the clergy to the pursuit of worldly prosperity instead 
of to their apostolic functions. The educational and critical 
movement, in short, emanated from essentially orthodox souites, 
though it issued in the general rejection of doctrines to which 
its originators remained faithful unto death. The time had 
come when a reformation more drastic than they dreamed of 
had become necessary, and was to be carried out by other hands 
than theirs. 

The ' reformation parliament ' met in the first week in November. 
Among its members was Thomas Cromwell, who had been seCTfc- 
Thomas ^^^ ^^ ^^ fallen cardinal and a member of the 

•Cromwell's parGament ofTbzSj; On "Wolsey's fall, the astute 
man of business had made haste to seek the favour 
of the ascendent party, and was elected for Taunton by the 
interest of the duke of Norfolk. He showed, however, no dis- 
loyalty to his old master, offering a bold opposition in parlia- 
ment to the bitter attacks which were made upon Wolsey. 
Whether his conduct is to be attributed to an honest fidelity or 
to an acute perception of the course most in his own interests, 
his advocacy of the cardinal did him no harm. He was appar- 
ently received almost at once into the royal confidence. How 
far he suggested or directed the Icing's policy during the next 



The Royal Supremacy 83 

three years is chiefly a matter of inference. By 1533 men were 
beginning to recognise in him the kind's most influential adviser, 
and from that year till 1539 his hand and brain are ever}rwhere 
discernible. But from-1529 to 1533 we can only suspect that it 
was Cromwell, not Henry, who devised the steps by which Henry 
attained his ends. 

Cromwell is reputed to have won the king's confidenccLby 
promising to make him richer than any of his predecessors, the 
proposed source of wealth being, by inference, the Church. His 
combination of perfectly unscru pulous statecraft with unswerv- 
ing loyalty made him precisely the instrument wanted by the 
king to bear down opposition. Another instrument, equally 
useful though in a different way, was found ready to the king's 
hand in the person of a Cambridge scholar,.,Thomas Thomas 
CranmeTj^ who made the ingenious suggestion that Cranmer. 
the king should invite the universities of Europe to pro- 
nounce upon the lawfulness of the marriage with Katharine 
and the validity of the papal dispensation. Cranmer made the 
suggestion in the course of an accidental conversation with 
Stephen Gardiner, the king's secretary, who was just about to 
receive Wolsey's bishopric of Winchester. Gardiner communi- 
cated the idea to Henry, who jumped at it, sent for Cranmer, 
found in him an agreeable combination of academic ingenuity, 
scholarship, and impressionableness, with the quite exceptional 
merit that, in spite of his Orders, he looked upon the Church as 
entirely subordinate to the State — a view common among lay- 
men but' scarcely consistent with a behef in Divine authority 
conveyed by ordination. Henry appro priated Cranmer, wi,th„ 
the comfortable conviction that he could make the learned man 
seejnost things precisely as he wished them to be seen ; and.iis 
expectation was rarely disappointed, though there were occasions 
whenXraiuher's intelligence failed to bring his conscience into 
accord with his master's and he stood manfully by his con- 
victions. Tot the time being Cranmer was attached to an em- 
bassy to the emperor headed by the earl of Wiltshire, the title 
which had just been bestowed upon Anne Boleyn's father. The 
appeal to the universities was at once taken in hand, on the 



8^ Henry VIII. 

hypothesis that a decisive pronouncement of the learned bodies 
would give the king sufficient warrant for declining to submit 
the case to the Pope, and for dealing with it instead in the national 
courts. 

The first business of parUament was to deal with clerical 
abuses ; not, in form, an attack on the Church, but only upon 
1529 customs and practices recognised as indefensible 

ParUament. gygjj ^^y j^ost Churchmen ; of a kind which Con- 
vocation usually found itself quite anxious to reform without 
lay intervention, as soon as lay intervention had become inevit- 
able. A series of Acts were passed, for the aboHtion or reduc- 
tion of fees claimed by clerical courts, forbidding pluralities, 
and requiring the clergy to reside in their benefices. Bishop 
Fisher realised that this legislation was aimed at ' the goods, 
not the good ' of the Church ; but the justification for it was 
obvious, and the argument that it should have been left not to 
parUament but to Convocation was unconvincing, since the re- 
forming zeal of Convocation never seemed to become active 
except under the threat of secular legislation. For two years 
parliament was not called upon to take further action. 

In the meanwhile, however, the imiversities disappointed the 
Defender of the Faith. They voted according to their political" 

predilections, not because they were dishonest, but 
universities because where arguments are nicely balanced the 
scale is apt to be turned and conviction to be pro- 
duced by something irrelevant. France wanted the friendship 
of the king of England, so the French universities adopted his 
view. Italy was virtually under the control of the emperor ; 
Itahans and Spaniards favoured Katharine's cause. The 
Lutherans of Germany were not well disposed towards Henry, 
who had posed as the champion of Rome against Luther ; also 
Luther was himself committed to the less rigid views regarding 
the marriage bond and the relationships which sprang from it ; 
therefore they were disinchned to pronounce that marriage with 
a brother's widow was forbidden by the law of God. Nobody 
could pretend that the voice of European learning had pronounced 
decisively one way or the other. Henry, of course, claimed what 



The Royal Supremacy 85 

we should in modern times call a moral victory, but moral 
victories of that kind cannot be acted upon as if the adversary 
had been overwhelmingly defeated ; in point of fact, if he had 
lost nothing he had certainly gained nothing. 

It was not yet clear, however, that English Churchmen saw 
eye to eye with the king. Henry's conscience — or Thomas 
Cromwell — suggested that the Guardian of the law 
had overlooked the duty of penahsing the clergy supreme 
for their breach of the Statute of Praemunire in sub- 
mitting to the legatine jurisdiction of the cardinal. To say that 
they had done so with the imphcit, if not the explicit, approval 
of the king was no defence ; there was nothing for it but to pur- 
chase pardon at a price of £100,000 — equivalent to about twenty 
times that amount to-day. The helpless Convocation submitted, 
whereupon they were required to adopt a clause describing the 
king as ' Prot ector and only Supreme Head of the Church and 
Clergy in England.' Archbishop Warham found a loophole of 
escape by adding the qualifying phrase, ' so far as the law of 
Christ permits.' The king could hardly object ; but the value 
of the phrase was diminished by the consideration that the king 
would certainly claim to be the judge, if any question arose as to 
the meaning of the hmitation. But the clause was not intended 
for immediate application ; it was only for future use in case of 
necessity. 

Next year, 1532, the Commons were at work again. There 
was a further pruning of clerical privileges through the Acts 
deaMng, not drastically, with Mortmain and 
Benefit of Clergy. Much more ominous for the paignin 
Papacy was the Annates_Act, giving power to forbid ' > 

the further payment to Rome of the impost called Annates, the 
first year's income, which had to be surrendered to Rome on 
appointment or translation to any of the higher ecclesiastical 
benefices, \The burden was a heavy one, and until recently it 
has been generally believed that the clergy themselves petitioned 
for its abohtionT] It is now recognised as practically certain 
that the document from which this impression was derived had 
a parhamentary source and did not emanate from Convocation. 



86 Henry VIII. 

The bishops themselves opposed the bill, though this might be 
explained merely on the ground that they regarded the question 
as one for Convocation, not for parhament. 

Of no le^ importance was the petition known as the Suppli- 
catio n again st the Ordinaries, which was at this time presented 

bv the' House of Commons, inspired, we may 
Supplication -' n t _i- -j. 

against the presume, by Thomas Cromwell, in part it was a 

ordinaries. pj-Q^gg^ against the procedure and the charges of 
the ecclesiastical courts or ' ordinaries,' in part against the legis- 
lation by Convocation, which was held to encroach upon the 
secular law. The reply of Convocation was that the accusations 
against the courts should be made specific instead of general 
before they could be inquired into, and that the canons, having 
Scriptural authority, could not contravene the law. ^They_a2;^ 
pealed to the arguments set forth by the king himself in his anti- 
Lutheran pamphlet, and they offered that in future no canons, 
except such as dealt with matters of faith,_shQuld^be_ pubUsheS^ 
witho ut the r oyal assent. But the k ins f in plain terms had 
re solved to p ut an end to the separate legislative fimctions of the 
ecclesiastical body, functions which Chufchmenhad from time 
immemorial claimed as an indefeasible n^it. WTiether they 
did now in actual fact make what was in effect a complete sur- 
render is a matter of dispute. It is clear that in the surrender 
or compromise called the Submission of the Clergy 
mission of they did agree that no new canons should be issued 

til 6 ClfiTfiTT 

without the royal assent, and that such existing 
canons as were specifically called in question should be sub- 
mitted to a commission ; possibly that the whole of the canon 
law should be so submitted. The king, however, wels undoubtedly 
satisfied that the surrender was unconditioned, that the Church- 
men had left to them no way of escape fr om the complete supre- 
piacy of the secular authority. Sir Thomas ^ lore, who had 
accepted the chancellordiip^on Wqlsey'sdismissal, felt it so much^ 
that he_reagned the seals ; the_C)ld Archbishop Warham felt it 
so much that it killed him, and room was made for the elevation 
of Cranmer to the primacy. Possibly at one time Henry had 
inten3ed"that~6fl5ce for Gardiner, but he or CromweU had learnt 



The Royal Supremacy 87 

by this time that Gardiner might prove a second Becket, and 
Cranmer was chosen. 

Bdore the end of iS ljJfniy wa^; 5;atisfip'jl_t1iat there would 
be no overt resistance to his will from the body of the Enghsh 



clergy,~and that^EF was sufficiently assured of the TheBoieyn 
support of the King of France. He felt warranted marriage. 
"uTassuming that the marriage with Katharine was void, and he 
was privately wedded to Anne Boleyn ; whether in November 
or in January is uncertain. It is not credible that Aime should 
at the last moment, after years of obduracy, have taken the risk 
of allowing him to anticipate marriage — a consideration which 
seems reaUv decisive in favour of the earlier date. Clement was 



still trying to temporise. and^djiotj^fusejthe_gaUium_oF 
archbishop ric to Cranmer, who took the oath of allegiance to the 
Pap ac}" with a r es er\^ation. But the Pope was stiU dominated 
b}- the emperor ; it became known that he contemplated excom- 
municating Henry unless Katharine were restored to her position 
as his wife. The warmth of Francis was_cofiled b\- concessions,^ 
in Italy from Charles. The critical moment had arrived. _Henr^ 
crossed the Ru bicon . 

In April 1533 parhament passed the Act in Restraint of Ap- 
pccJs, which was, in fact, the final repudiation of papal jurisdic- 
tion — final because it was at last intended to be acted 1533. xiie 
upon decisively. In May the new primate held a ^^ '^ °^^*- 
court to decide upon the ' King's Matter ' ; Katharine denied 
the jurisdiction and refused to plead ]_ and thexgunLprongUJiged^ 

_the marri age void ab initio, thereby declaring the secret marriage, 
with Anne valid, and the birth of the Princess !Man,- illegitu nate. 
A majority in Convocation had cdready been induced to declare 
in favour of this theory ; but this was a mere expression of 
opinion, not a judicial decision. The Pope pronoimced the 
judgment of the Enghsh court void ; the king retorted by con- 
firming the Act in Restraint of Appeals and the Armates Act. 
Clement rang do\\Ti tlie cxirtairi^inllarch 1534 bj-_offidaIly:declar- 

_ ing the papal judg ment tha t jvatharine was Henry's la^^•f ul \\ife. 
From this time we find tliree ecclesiastical groups becoming 
differentiated. In the first are those, of whom not a few became 



88 Henry l^III. 

martyrs for t heir faith, t he_champions of the s piritual au t hority 
of the Papacy, such as Fisher of Rochester and Sir Thomas More. 
Ecciesias- The second and most remote group from these^arg the 
tioai groups. Erastians, the declared adherents of the supremacy of 
the secular authority — all men with a leaning to the adoption^ 
Protestant doctrines — ^headed by the primate.^ The third~g^oup' 
comprised the bulk of the clergy, now awakened to the full 
danger which threatened the authority of their order — men like 
Gardiner, and Stokesley, bishop of London, who had thoroughly 
committed themselves to antipapal views, but would yield no 
scrap of clerical authority or privilege for which they could dare 
to make a stand, and who were at the same time utterly opposed 
to any innovations in doctrine. On the latter point the king was 
very much of their way of thinking. Cromwell, who had no 
theological predilections such as influenced his master, was alive 
to the political advantages of encouraging alliance wth the new 
teaching. But while Henry lived, only one decisive victory was 
won bj' the new school, the transfatron of the Scriptures into tiie, 
vernacular with the royal authority. The point was vital, be- 
cause it was impossible that the people should read the Scrip- 
tures for themselves and should stiU abstain from an active 
The Bible. exercise of private judgment in their interpretation 
of them, and it was certain that the private judgment of large 
numbers would extract from the Bible warrant for doctrines 
hitherto accounted heretical. In other words, the application 
of private judgment to the Scriptures tended to Protestantism, 
and, apart from positive Protestantism, to emphasise the number 
of questions which must be regarded as open. 

But in 1534 there was no question of admitting irmovations 
in doctrine. The Crown had two objects in view : the first to 
1534. The drive home the prin ciple of the supreni as y of the 
Nun of Kent. St ate, the s econdto exploit a new source of revenue^ 
The latter of these objects was nofyeF revealed, for the imme- 
diate and more pressing one required the pubhc conversion, or 
the suppression of adverse opinion. For some years past a 
young woman named Ehzabeth Barton, commonly called the 
Nun of Kent, had been greatly resorted to on account of her pious 



The Royal Supremacy 89 

prophetic trances. Latterly her prophecies had been much 
■concerned with denunciations of the ' Divorce.' The woman 
herself was probably the victim of delusions ; the persons who 
exploited her can scarcely have been equally innocent. As matters 
stood, there was a real danger that popular resentment over the 
' king's matter,' worked upon by superstitious excitement, might 
produce serious trouble. The nun and her accomplices were 
arrested, and early in 1534 were tried and put to death. The 
king would have used the opportunity for incriminating More 
and Fisher, both of whom held, as a matter of conscientious per- 
sonal opinion, that Katharine's marriage to Henry was, in fact, 
valid. The king wished to proceed against both by bill of at- 
tainder ; but it was quite obvious that More, neither believed in 
the nun nor encouraged her, though the simplicity of the bishop 
of Rochester had been to some extent imposed upon. The point 
of interest, however, is that Henry found himself obliged to 
remove More's name from the bill of attainder, because he learnt 
that parliament would certainly throw out the bill unless he did 
so. Very distinctly there was a limit to the so-called subservience 
'of the Reformation ParUament. The king had to be content with 
imposing only a mild penalty on Fisher. 

The proceedings in parhament had hitherto been concerned 
with confirming the antipapal and anticlerical statutes, winding 
up the financial relations with Rome by abolishing all contri- 
butions, and giving the Submission of the Clergy a statutory 
shape, which definitely submitted the whole of the canons to the 
proposed committee, thereby in effect suspending their legal 
validity until the inquiry should take place. But now it was time 
to regulate the succession to the throne, siricejQueen THe Act of 
■Anne_h ad bo rne a daughter in the previous Sep- succession, 
tember. An Act was passed, which rehearsed the grounds on 
which the marriage with Katharine had been pronounced void, 
and vested the succession in Anne's offspring. But to the Act 
was appended an instruction, under which all the king's subjects 
might be required to take an oath accepting the Act ; and a 
commission was issued to receive the oath. Precisely at this 
moment the news was received that Clement had pronounced 



90 Henry VIII. 

the marriage with Katharine to be valid and that with Anne 

Boleyn to be void. 

When the oath was submitted to Mor e and Fish er both of 

them refused to take it in the form presented, whichpfofeSSat~ 

acceptance of every word in the Act. They would undertake to~~ 

obey the law ;, Mpre.laid it down that it was within the power 

of parliament to fix the course of the succession, and thedu^^T" 

ainoyalilSjictilto. obey, butjio ajbject _was, bound to.a2grove"~ 

or to profess approval of the reasons on account of which the law 

"had been mad e. Neither More nor Fisher would profess to believe 

that the marriage had been void from the beginning. Cranmer, 

who never fathomed the king's purposes, hoped that Henry 

would be satisfied with this modified form of the oath — which 

was of no use to the monarch and Cromwell. What they^wantedL 

was to force the two Enghshmen with a European reputation to 

commit themselves to his side. Cromwell wanted them to yield ; 

but the only alternative to their yielding was their 
More and -' jo 

Fisher im- destruction. More^^nd Fisher were sent jt o th e 
Tower. The heads of certain monastic houses who 
threatened to foUow these illustrious examples were temporarily 
terrorised into submission. 

Meanwhile Convocation had responded to the papal fuhnina- 
tion by declaring that ' the bishop of Rome had in England no 
greater jurisdiction than any other foreign bishop.' Thus did the 
Church of England pronounce its own separation from the 
Church of Rome, already pronounced with emphasis by the State. 
The parUament had other matters to concern itself with ; for 
Cromwell was preparing a despotic reign of terror, and parlia- 
ment itself was to forge the weapons. In an autumn session it 
supplemented the Annates Act, not by aboHshing annates alto- 
Confirmatory gether, but by conveying them to the king instead 
acts. Qf ^Q ^jjg Pope. It passed the Act of the Supreme 

Head, which declared, without any saving clause, that the king 
was Protector and only Supreme Head of the Church and Clergy 
in England. It expressly sanctioned the form of oath which 
had been submitted to More and Fisher, but which had not been 
expressly laid down in the Act of Succession. 



The Vicar-General 91 

Then the programme was completed byjhe new Txfiasons Act,, 
which brought within the category of -treason- not merely the 
overt acts specified by the authoritative statute of 
Edward in., but also verbal treasons, expressions Treasons 
"which might be interpreted as irapljdng a treasonable 
intention, and — more fatal still — by inference, treasonous silence, 
the refusal to answer questions of an incriminating character. With 
such a weapon in his hands Cromwell could count with_absglute 
certainty upon securing the doom of any person at whom, he 
chose to strike, ^ Thecleirgy as a body had already learnt that 
they lay at the king's mercy ; the nobles as a bodj' had always 
been thoroughly subservient. In face of the Treasons Act, no 
individual could dare to offer opposition to the king without the 
consciousness that he was deliberately staking his Hfe. There 
remained only the Commons, and the Commons would make 
no stand against the king unless he demanded their money. If 
their pockets were touched they could be obdurate ; they had 
shown as much in 1532, when they flatly refused to pass the Bill 
of Wards, which was intended to put a stop to established prac- 
tices, whereby the gentry were wont to make provision for their 
younger sons, to the detriment of the feudal overlord, and more 
particularly of the Royal Exchequer. But no attack was in- 
tended upon the pockets of the Commons — Cromwell had other 
prey in view ; rather they were to be secured, by their own 
interests, as the loyal supporters of the Crown ; and if the Crown 
was to be despotic, the way by which it should achieve despotism 
was to be cleared by parliamentary action. 

II. The Vicar-General, 1535-1540 

The defiiiite supremacy of Thomas Cromwell begins with his 
appointment as vicar-general — in other words, as the deputy of 
the Church's Supreme Head — in January 1535 ; ^g^g 
though the guiding inteUigence in the king's pohcy Cromweu 
had probably been his for a long time past, and his 
ascendency in the royal councils had recently been becoming more 
and more apparent. For the five ensuing years we may say that 



92 Henry VIII. 

everything that was done was done by Cromwell, except in the 
rare cases where Henry chose to thwart him for purposes of his 
own. Henry's will was unmistakably supreme ; he knew, and 
Cromwell knew, that he had but to move his finger to fling the 
minister into the abyss, and that he would make that movement 
without the smallest compunction if the minister crossed him in 
the slightest degree, ^ut inxompleting-the-workof the last years 
Cromwell was allowed to follow his own methods with very little 
interference, though, unhke Wolsey, he was not allowed- to do 
so \vithout keeping his master informed of every detail. 

The finishing touch was still required for the Act of Supre- 
macy. In April 1535 four priors, three being Carthusians, and 
The one a Brigittine, were indicted for refusing to 

Carthusians, ^^^^p^ ^^^ q^^j^ ^^ Supremacy. They stood by 

their principles with resolute dignity, and duly died as traitors, 
being drawn, hanged, and quartered ; to the pubhc disgust, for 
all were men of eminent virtue. Then came the turn of More 
and Fisher. Neither of them could be induced to accept the Act 
m«v ^ A of Supremacy. Fisher's, fate was sealed_byan in- 
Fisher judicious act of the new pope, Paul iii., who was 

apparently under the impression that Henry would^ 
be mollified by the elevation of the saintliest of English bishops 
to the cardinalate, which, in fact, only enraged the English king^_ 
Fisher was tried by a London jury, and with him were associated 
three more Carthusian monks. All were condemned ; the bishop 
was beheaded, and the monks suffered in the usual barbarous 
fashion. Nine days later More was charged before a special 
commission. He also was duly condemned, and beheaded on 
6th July. 

The king, with the support of the episcopal bench and the 
willing or unwilUng acquiescence of the clergy at large, was im- 
Againstthe pregnating the country with the doctrine of the 
monasteries.' Royal Supremacy, inculcated from the pulpits, while 
the discussion of the subject in any other form was forbidden. 
But the time had now come for developing the great raid upon 
ecclesiastical property. The warrant was to be found partly in 
excessive endowments, partly in a sweeping condemnation of 



The Vicar-General 93 

monastic establishments which should warrant their suppression. 
The wealth of the Church was enormous, and was greatly exag- 
gerated in the popular imagination. Ever since the days of 
Wiclif , and especially in the first quarter of the fifteenth century, 
the gentry represented in the House of Commons had shown a 
disposition to urge the substitution of a very heavy taxation 
or confiscation of ecclesiastical property for demands upon the 
pockets of the laity. The greed of monastic landlords had 
more^jecently been denounced in unmeasured terms, which 
_certainly bore very little relation to the facts ; but in the south- 
eastern quarter of England they would seem to have 
been as tenacious in enforcing technical rights, as popularity in _ 
unscrupulous in wresting the law to their own ad- *''® soutii- 
yantagcy-^s commercial in extending enclosures, as 
the laity. In those counties they were stiU, as they had been a 
hundred ^jLnd fifty years before, unpopular with the peasantry, 
though evidently this was not the case in the north and the west. 
But the government was much less amenable to influences from 
those remoter regions. In the district which counted most, 
more than aU the rest put together, the spoliation of monasteries 
would not arouse resentment among the peasantry ; and it would 
save the pockets of the gentry, whose support would be assured 
at least if they received a share of the spoils. To the charge of 
greed were added general charges of laxity and immorality in 
the monastic establishments. In the reign of Henry vii., Car- 
dinal Morton found^agrant imm ortality prpvalpnf in certaia of 
the greater houses, yet could not venture upon Their 
stringent measures for the enforcement of discipline. iii<iisoipime. 
In the numerous small establishments it was obvious that, if 
corruption once entered the gates, they might easily become 
centres of moral disease. Many of the houses were exempt, 
that is, were not liable to episcopal visitation, and were subject 
to the control only of Superiors of their own order. Cardinal 
Wolsey, in search of funds for his educational foundations, had 
suppressed a few small houses, and exempt monasteries had 
already been placed under the royal control by an act of parHa- 
ment in 1532. 



94 Henry VIII. 

It w as upon this basis that the vica.r-general in 1535 instituted 
his great visitation of the monasteries, over-riding episcopal visi- 
The tations. He appointed commissioners to inquire 

-rtsitation. jjj^-q ^j^g conditions of the religious houses, and to 
impose upon them disciplinary injunctions so strict that they 
were probably intended to be found intolerable, in order that 
the inmates might be driven to a voluntary surrender or dis- 
solution. The agents chosen, however — ;Layton and Leigh-^ere 
not men of distinguished _piety. They set about their task of 
inquiry with the obvious intention of accumulating all the hostile 
evidence available and ignoring what was favourable. They 
had neither time nor incHnation to think of sifting and weighing 
it, and they displayed a most unholy glee in^the c ellection of 
uns avoury scandals. In six months they completed their work of 
visitation, accompanied by illuminating memoranda to Cromwell, 
the whole of the results being recorded in a report called the 
-Riar.k ] Ro( j^' - Unfortunately the Black Book disappeared at a 
later date. Each side accused the other of having destroyed it ; 
the one because the evidence damned itself, the other because it 
damned the monasteries. We do not know whether the evidence 
was actually laid before parliament; we do not 

1636. 

The smaUer know what passed in the debate. But the outcome 
monasteries ^^asJhat,..aD^Actjwas_ passed for the^aip: 



dissolved. 

^aU monasteries of kss than £200 a year, on the 

general principle that the small house system was rotten. When 
the instruction was carried out exemption was granted in a few 
cases. The numbers are variously stated, but approximately 
some three hundred communities were suppressed. It may be 
remarked that, on the showing of the commissioners, there was 
a vast amount of unspeakable corruption. How much precisely 
that showing ought to be discoimted is another question, which 
we have no means of deciding ; but it is not possible to escape 
the conviction that among the smaller monasteries most were 
in very evil case, and that even if the predilections of the com- 
missioners had been as favourable as they were hostile, the case 
for the suppression of the system would have been more than 
adequate. Nevertheless, however damning the evidence might 



The Vicar-General 95 

be, confiscation could be justified only by the appropriation of 
the funds to public purposes, to which, in fact, a mere fraction 
was devoted. The spoils were absorbed in the gratification of 
private individuals. 

For a moment our attention must turn again to the king and 
his wives. In Ja nuary i536^_Katharine died. Four months 
afterwards Queen Anne had been beheaded, and_ The end of 
HenryiJiad married Jane Seymour. Marriage had Anne Boieyn. 
_coo]£d_the king'spassion for his second wife, who had not de- 
livere d him from his old predicament. He \yas still without a 
male heir, though he had one illegitimate son. . Cooling affections 
developed into strong aversion ; moreover, the king had fallen 
in love with a young lady of unassailable virtue. Opportune ly 
hewas_' inform ed ' tha t the queen was guilty of grave misconduct. 
She was tried for treason on the basis of a series of detestable 
charges before a court on whose verdict Henry could rely with 
confidence, though ostensibly it might have been expected to 
favour Anne. Vlt_condemned her to death ; though Archbishop 
Cranmer could not understand why, and pleaded the unhappy 
woman's cause with his masterTj Yet the archbishop himself 
presided over another court which pronounced the marriage with 
Anne void from the beginning, avowedly on the ground that she 
had been precoatracted. It is probable that the real reason, not 
fit for publication, lay in Henry's earlier relations with Anne's 
mother and sister, though here again there is a hiatus in the 
evidence. But both Katharine and Anne were dead a third wife, 
before Henry married Jane Seymour, and there could at least be 
no question that if the new queen should bear him a son that 
son would be beyond all dispute legitimate. 
^_The pronouncement of Archbishoj) Cranmer's court had, of 
course, relegated the little Princess Elizabeth to the same cate- 
gory as her elder half-sister Mary. The law had declared both 
of them to be illegitimate. ( Un til another child should be 
born the only legitimate heir-presumptive to the throne was 
Henry's nephew. King James of ScotlandTj The question of the 
future succession was still painfully problematical, but in one 
direction the political atmosphere had been cleared. Katharine's 



9 6 Henry VIII. 

death had removed the hitherto insurmountable obstacle to a 
rapprochement between Henry and the emperor. 

The parliament which had given its sanction to the ecclesi- 
astical revolution was dissolved in April ; a new assembly was 
Anew summoned for June, \\ith due attention to the 

parliament, packing of it. Its business was to settle the suc- 
cession on the offspring of the new marriage, and to pass an Act 
authorising the king to lay down the course of the succession in 
case of the failure of heirs of his body. Power was also conveyed 
to the hypothetical heir to abrogate, when he came of age, any 
Acts of parhament passed after his accession but during his 
minority. 

The attack on the monasteries had intensified the feeling of 
unrest. There was a general sense that orthodoxy required 
Doctrinal clearer definition. WicUfite, Lutheran, and Zwing- 
uncertainty. j^g^,^ doctrines were being propounded, while no one 
knew what was and what was not heretical. There were other 
martyrs besides the Carthusians ; ( ^Anaba ptist was the term^. 
usually_ ap;^ed to those who were by common consent hereticsTl 
John Frith had died three j'ears before for maintaining the 
Zwinghan doctrine of the Lord's Supper, and at the same time 
declaring that a sound opinion upon an abstruse point of theo- 
logy could not be necessary to salvation ; but the pubHc at large 
were stiU in the stage of demanding to be told what it was la^vful 
for them to beheve, and of being quite ready to suppress by the 
most drastic methods the profession of any beliefs which were 
pronounced unlawful. Even the individual did not go beyond 
claiming freedom of conscience for himself and for those who 
were in precise agreement with him. But there was a conser- 
vative dread of innovations which required to be allayed, and the 
mere vehemence of controversy had its dangers. 

So in 1536 an eire nicon was produced which was fathered by 
the Supreme Head himself. It was called the ' Ten Articles 
Tie Ten for StabHshing Christian Quietness,' and it was 

Articles. accepted without demur both by parhament and 

by Convocation. Broadly speaking, it recognised no innovating 
doctrines and affirmed the recognised view on sundry disputable 



The Vica r-General 



97 



points. But it definitely marked a distinction between matters 
on which diversity of opinion was permissible and those on which 
it was not, and between practices which were essential and those 
which were ordained only because they were ' convenient.' But 
what gave the new departure its special character was that it 
emanated from the royal authority, not from any clerical source, 
though it received the approval of Convocation. 

The vicar-general took another step in the direction of Pro- 
testantism. Order was made that every church should have an 
, English Bible, although as yet there was no author- ^jig Bjjjjg i^ 
ised-ATersion, and for the teaching of the Creed, English. 
Ihe Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer in EngUsh. 
Although Coverdale's Bible, a translation based upon the Latin 
version or Vulgate and Luther's German edition, appeared at 
this time, it was not till the next year that the definitely author- 
ised version calkdSfettlieVs_ Bible was_ approved,, based, upon 
j;yiidalfi!s_verswn, which was taken not for the most part from . 
^e Vulgate but from the Greek of the New Testament and the 
jlebrew of the Old- The point of these new renderings was that 
a more accurate terminology was adopted, free from the stereo- 
typed association of the old terminology. 

The Articles did not immediately ' establish Christian quiet- 
ness.' The north was less amenable to the new influences than 

the south, and the north much more than the south „_ , . 

The Lincoln- 
resented the attack on the monasteries, which were shire rising', 

popular there. A sixth of the suppressed com- *^ ^™ ^^' 
munities belonged to Yorkshire, and the rest of the northern, 
houses were seriously alarmed, not only by the precedent, but. 
also by the rigorous disciphnary injunctions which had been 
issued to them. The gentry of the north were at the same time 
perturbed by one of the last Acts of the Reformation Parhament, 
the Statute of Uses, which had interfered with their powers of 
bequest. About Michaelmas an indefinite insurrection broke out 
in Lincolnshire. It was not intended as a defiance of the law, 
it was not an organised rebellion, it was merely a popular pro- 
test against the methods of Cromwell's commissioners. It col- 
lapsed as soon as Suffolk appeared on the scene with some royalist 

Innes's Eng, Hist. — Vol. u. G 



9 8 Henry VIII. 

troops ; a royal proclamation rated the ' base and brutish ' 

county in very uncompHmentary terms, and a few examples 

were made. But the Lincolnshire rising was only the prelude 

to the very much more serious insurrection called the Pilgrimage 

of Grace. 

The northern counties rose almost m masse, not againstthe 

king, but against the policy which was supposed to be incar^ 

nated in Cromwell, Cranmer, and the reforming 
^jjg ^-^ „ _ ■ — — sl. 

PUgrimage bishops. Robert Aske, a successful London lawyer, 

of Grace, -^y^o was also a member of a good Yorkshire family, 
October. ■' 

and who happened to be in Yorkshire at the time, 

found himself called upon, not of his own initiative, to take a 
leading part in the organisation of the movement, and at once 
became its brain and its moving spirit. Before the end of October 
Aske had an efficient army of thirty thousand men at his back, 
including half the lords and the gentry of the north ; the great 
towns, such as York and Hull, had submitted, recruits were 
coming in every day, and the force had advanced almost as far 
south as Doncaster, where by this time a much smaller army of 
royalists had been collected by Norfolk. Norfolk had no in- 
clination to risk a battle; Aske was no rebel, and was zealous 
to avoid bloodshed. Norfolk parleyed, the demands of the insur- 
gents were formulated ; Norfolk hinted at approbation, and 
sent the Articles south to be laid before the king, (xhe king him- 
self sent his answer, dealing with the Articles point by point in a 
very skilful document, j Delegates of the insurgent body met at 
York, discussed the answer, and formulated their demands afresh, 
with precise details instead of generaUties. They carried their 
proposals to Norfolk. Norfolk could not see his way to break 
them up either by force or by intrigue. He promised that a 
parhament should be held in the north and a free pardon granted. 
Army and leaders took his word, and dispersed with J05^ul ac- 
clamations of loyalty. 

Even Henry's adaptable conscience could not simply repudiate 
Norfolk's promise the moment the rebels had dispersed. He 
sent for Aske himself , dealt with him benignly and confidentially, 
and sent him back to the north with a happy behef that the king 



The Vicar-General 99 

intended to keep his word. The king was only waiting for an 
excuse to break it, and that excuse was provided by a few 
hot-heads, whose suspicions could not be lulled. 
In defiance of Aske and the other leaders they End of the 
attempted unsuccessfully to seize Scarborough. ^ ' 

A word from Aske would have made the insurrection general, 
but he exerted himself instead to prevent anything of the kind 
from happening. He and those who stood with him were re- 
warded by being arrested, carried off to London, and executed. 
There was no more power of resistance. Obyipusly the clergy 
had had a large share in stirring up the Pilgrimage ; they paid 
the penalty. Some dozen abbots and priors were attainted, 
and the houses over which they had presided were dissolved. 
Martial law was proclaimed, and there was a long series of 
executions. RebelUon was crushed, the power of Cromwell and 

_the influence of the advanced bishops were confirmed ; the doom 
of the remaining monasteries had been brought nearer. But 
the Pilgrimage of Grace had another result of lasting import- 
ance. From time immemorial the northern counties had been 
a danger zone for the central government, partly because of their 
remoteness, partly because the neighbourhood of Scotland gave 
them a permanently military character. A special government, 
the Council of the North, was now organised ; a The CouncU 
council consisting not of nobles but of commoners, °^ *^® North, 
with the bishop of Durham for their TTrtiT pfesident ; a council 
appointed and maintained by the king, and responsible directly 
to him, which conducted practically the whole of the adminis- 
tration of the north. 

' The suppression of a revolt in which reUgion had been the 
primary motive was followed up by the publication of what 
was called the Bishops' Book, or officially the In- The Bishops' 
stitution of a Christian Man, which might be re- ^°°^- 
garded as supplementary to the Ten Articles. It did not depart 
from the earher formulary, but covered more ground ; it was 
the work of the ecclesiastics, and it was issued with the king's 
permission. 

Almost immediately afterwards there came a double event. 



lOO Henry VIII. 

which somewhat affected the European as well as the domestic 
situation. The queen gave birth to ajon, the_unc[ues^ioned heir 
Birth of an jtothe English throne, and having thus done her 
heir, October, principal duty died, leaving Henry free to marry 
again, and to make a political rnarriage ; for the baby, Edward, 
was scarcely a suf&cient guarantee for an untroubled succession. 
Hitherto Henry had had enough on his hands to make him desire 
nothing more than the discouragement of any threatenings of 
friendship between the king of France and the emperor. There- 
fore he had not fallen in either with Cranmer's desire for a closer 
religious union with the German Lutherans or with Cromwell's 
pohtical desire for a league with the Lutheran princes — the 
Foreign statesman's chief motive for favouring the more 

affairs. advanced party in the Church. But now questions 

of foreign aUiances were to become more prominent, and in 
those questions matrimonial proposals played their part — disas- 
trously, as it proved in the long run, to Henry's minister. For 
the present, however, Cromwell's projects were in the back- 
ground. Henry had no Wolsey to conduct his diplomacy, and 
his own efforts in that field were not crowned with success. He 
coquetted with proposals which were to draw closer the bonds 
between himself and one or other of the two great continental 
monarchs. The result was that he lost his chances with both, 
and was deeply chagrined when they concluded a treaty of 
amity in 1538 without consulting him in the matter or paying 
any regard to his interests. 

Overt resistance to the Crown had received its death-blow with 
the Pilgrimage of Grace. The country as a whole was on the 
king's side, and the great majority of the clergy at least pro- 
fessed to be so. As a rule, there was no love lost between 
' regulars ' and ' seculars,' and the secular clergy viewed the sup- 
pression and spoliation of monasteries with comparative equa- 
Eiementa of nimity. Nevertheless, there existed an element 
disaffection, ^^g^jg ^^ ^j^^ ^^^^^^ of the king's policy, and. a very 
large element which was extremely hostile to'Cromwell, J)esidfiS_- 
the not inconsiderable element which" dr^dedT and detested_the_ 
2^^SSJ-^^rnjng3-a term appl5ang specifi^yjojhe new rel igious 



The Vicar- General i o i 

^gachi ng, not to the new learning which had been exemplified 
by such men as More and Colet. Outside the country, the de- 
nunciatory attitude had been vigorously taken up by Reginald 
PoleJ.^...grandson.of George oi Clarence, the brother of Edward iv. 
Cromwell resolved on another blow, which should finally terrorise 
all opposition. The country was sown with his spies, who never 
had any difficulty in producing evidence of that verbal treason 
which had been introduced into Enghsh law by the recent 
statute. 

As matters now stood, Henry had one legitimate son and heir. 
After the boy stood the children of Henry's sisters : Margaret's 
son, James v. of Scotland, her daughter by her marriage with 
Angus, and the' two daughters of the second sister, Mary, by 
Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk. There was no possibility 
that disaffection would make a figurehead of Henry's nephew or 
of any of his three nieces. But there were other families which 
stood near the throne, _tte_Courtenays and the 
Poles. _ The Courtenays descended from Edward iv. courtenays 

-- ■ " ' 3.11(1 PoIbs 

himself, the Poles from his brother, George of 
Clarence. These latter must be carefully distinguished from 
the de la Poles, who were now extinct. The head of the Cour- 
tenays was the marquis of Exeter, the most powerful noble of 
the west country, whose father had married Katharine, the second 
daughter of Edward iv. ^^e head of the Poles, Lord Montague, 
the elder brother of Reginald and Geoffrey Pole, was the son of 
the now aged Margaret, countess of Salisbury, daughter of George 
of Clarence and sister of that earl of Warwick whom Henry vii. 
had put to deattiTl She had been married to a certain Sir Richard 
Pole, who was m no way connected with the de la Poles. Jtjwas. 
_conceivable that a combination of Courtenay;s and Poles might 
be dangerous to the Tudor monarchy, if that monarchy became 
sufficiently unpopular. It is even conceivable that the marquis 
of Exeter contemplated the possibihty of his own succession to 
the throne. 

Nevertheless, Cromwell's discovery of a plot between Exeter 
and Montague can only be looked upon as a device for inspiring 
^ See Genealooies, ii. 



I02 Henry VIII. 

terror and an excuse for smiting the kinsmen of the troublesome 
Reginald, who stood so high in the favour of the Pope that he 
1538 crom- received the cardinal's hat. There was sufficient 
weu strikes, evidence of hasty expressions and discontent on the 
part of the accused lords to pass for proofs of verbal treason. 
At the end of 1538 both were executed, and the old countess of 
Salisbury was shut up in the Tower, to suffer a Hke vindictive 
doom some two years later. The conspiracy and its suppression 
prepared the way for Cromwell to complete his work in the 
parliament of 1539, the most obedient to the Crown that had 
been summoned. Some of the greater monasteries spared by 

the Act of 1536 had perished as being impUcated— 
solution of in the Pilgrirnage of Grace. Others were doomed 

tue greater ^ being implicated in the treason of the Courtenays— 

monasteries. ~ - -- . 

and the Poles. Others were surrendermg volun- 
tarily, as a lesser evil than actual suppression, or overburdened by 
the rigour with which Cromwell's discipHnary injunctions were 
enforced. Cromwell waited no longer, and an Act was passed 
suppressing the monasteries altogether. Then the Royal Pro- 
clamations Act gave the royal power its last extension. Roykl 
proclamations were henceforth to have the force of law. But 
there was still a Hmit to absolutism. Except in the case of 
heresy, proclamations should not take effect against life, liberty, 
or property. 

But on another side CromweU and the advanced reformers 
met with a rebuff. Recent successes had inspired a hope of the 
The Six admission of the new doctrines favoured by the 

Articles. advanced bishops — Cranmer, Latimer, Shaxton, 

and others. There had been conferences with Lutheran divines 
from Germany. Cra nmer was zealous for some unification j vith_ 
the othe r an ti papal church es ; CromweU wanted at least such 
an understanding with the Lutheran princes as might counteract 
.pen dencie s t o union betw een .£h arles and Francis^ But Henry 
was not to be shaken from his orthodoxy. Six Articles were 
submitted by the king, for discussion by the bishops in the House 
of Lords. In the debate the bishops expressed the courage of 
their convictions, but the advanced party were completely 



The Vicar- General 1 03 

defeated when Henry himself contributed the last word to the 
discussion. -X he Ac t of the_ Six Articles was passed, affirming 
the truth of Transubs.taiitiation, the duty of observing vows of 
chastity, the u nlawfulness of the marriage of priests, and_com:_ 

manding_auriciJai^^onf ession,_prayers for the _dea-d, and„Com^ 

munion i n one kind only for the laity, under merciless penalties. 
The archbishop himself, who was a married man, was obliged to 
part from his wife. Latimer and Shaxton refused to conform, 
and were deprived of their sees ; Cranmer was ready to conform 
without surrendering his personal opinion, which on various 
points was opposed to the Articles, though with regard to Tran- 
substantiation there was no diversity. The Act was never 
rigidly enforced, but the mere fact that it stood upon the statute- 
book was a great triumph for the Reaction. 

The Act of the Six Articles was a warning to_Crom\yeUthat his 
influence was Iimited7 but he still held what might have proved 

to be a winning card. The signs were ominous of „. „, 

t> o The Cloves, 

a dangerously close alliance between the emperor, marriage. 
France, and the Papacy. In the spring of 1539 
the air was full of rumours of an intended invasion of England 
by the two great powers. The actual sohdarity of the country, 
in spite of plots, discontents, and sporadic disaffection, was 
demonstrated by the energy which was thrown into preparations 
for defence against any attack ; the hostile armadas melted 
away when the powers saw that they could hope for nothing 
from domestic dissensions in England. Still, the circumstances 
gave the more colour to Cromwell's favourite project of a Pro- 
testant League. .The^duke^ of^Cleves was, like Henry himself, 
at once orthodox and antipapalist ; he had not joined the 
Schmalkaldic League of Lutheran princes, but his political 
interests were forcing him into close association with them. 
Cromwell impressed upon his master the pohtical advantage of 
dropping his other matrimonial projects and marrying the duke's 
sister. But the minister forgot to give due weight to the neces- 
sity for satisfying the king's^ expert critical tastg.^ 1 The lady, 
J^me of XleJzes, was past thirty, a stout, -sim-ple=rainded,-plaiu,_ 
half-educated hausrfyau. ■' He imagined that if Henry could be 



1 04 Henry VIII. 

persuaded into the match these drawbacks could be ignored 
after the marriage was accomplished. Misleading reports and 
a much flattered portrait of Anne by Holbein procured a 
somewhat reluctant royal assent to an alliance which seemed 
pohtically promising. In the autumn the marriage treaty was 
signed, and at the turn of the year the bride was forwarded to 
England. Henry's esthetic susceptibihties received a painful 
shock ; still, the thing had to be gone through with. _H e married 
Anne.butjiis wrath was- kindled against Crgmwell. -s—- — • 
' To make matters worse, the hollowness of the amity between 
Charles and Francis was disclosed, showing that the marriage 
itself was superfluous from a political point of view. 
The fau of The hopes of the minister's innumerable enemies 
romwe . ^^^^ high, yet for a moment they were terribly 
dashed. Cromwell's tottering favour seemed to be restored. 
He was made earl of Essex. He was entrusted with the packing 
and management of a new parliament. The king wanted one 
more service of him, the extraction of supphes. Probably no 
one but Cromwell would have succeeded in getting them. But 
the moment they were obtained the blow fell ; Cromwell was 
arrested for treason at the council board, attainted under the 
treason law which he himself had forged, condemned, and 
executed. It is a curious comment on that time-serving cowar- 
dice with which Cranmer is commonly credited that the arch- 
bishop was the only man in the country who dared to plead for 
CromweU, as once before he had been the only man who dared 
to plead with the king for Anne Boleyn. ^^et, strangely enough, 
^anmer was the one man with whom Henry was never angry.- 
His protest, however, availed nothing. To one minister Henry 
owed it that England, in spite of a hopelessly defective military 
system, stood on an equal footing with France and the Empire ; 
that minister had been thrown to the wolves for failing to pro- 
j;ure for Henry the wife he wanted. Another minister had 
helped to rid the Crown of the papal allegiance, to ruin the 
pohtical power of the Church, to destroy the last possibiUties of 
aristocratic resistance, to estabhsh a royal despotism through 
constitutional forms; that minister was remorselessly crushed 



The Vicar-General 105 

for providing the king with an unattractive spouse^ Pity and 
sympathy are wasted upon Cromwell ; \vith what measure he 
meted, it was measured to him again. ""^ut no king ever had 
more loyal servants than Wolsey and Cromwell, no king ever^ 
repaid such services more basely, more cynically than bluff 
King Hal. 

Before we proceed to the account of Henry's last years, during 
which he reigned without a minister, we must turn from England 
itself to the other component portions of what is now the United 
Kingdom. 

Wales had always stood outside the administrative system of 
England. Before the conquest by Edward i. it had played a 
troublesome part in English politics, because of the Wales, 
support which its princes had given now to one side and now to 
another during the discords between the Crown and the baronage. 
The marcher lordships had not wholly lost their character even 
after a portion of Wales had been annexed to the Crown as a 
principality, and the idea of Welsh nationalism had survived 
sufficiently to make Owen Glendower formidable in the reign of 
Henry iv. Welsh loyalty had become assured when a scion of „ 

J:he W elsh family of Tudor ascended the throne of England ; but 

_still Wales was not absorbed into the general system, and. its ._ . 
government was exceedingly defective. It was under the general 
supervision of the Council of the Marches when Bishop Lee was 
appointed president in 1534. Endowed with special powers, he 
brought to a sudden and terrifying close the long period during 
which criminals had enjoyed a practical immunity. Owing to 
his. representations the powers of the Council of the Marches 
were enlarged, the officers were made responsible 
to it, and the independent jurisdictions of the mag- porition of 
nates were abolished. . An^Act was passed for the in- 
corporation of Wales jwith_EnglanJ^^_the general establishment _ 

,of the shire system, the abolition of such local customs as were 
not specially exempted by the king in council, and the represen- 

, tation of the Welsh counties and boroughs in the English parlia- 
ment. English became the language of the law courts — lawyer's 



io6 Henry VIII. 

English, that is — and the rule was initiated of appointing English- 
men to the Welsh dioceses. Thedate of J:he Actj)f Union was 
1536, though it took seven years to carry the new system to 
completion. The Council of Wales, however, like the Council 
of the North, remained in possession of exceptional powers under 
the control of the Crown. 

In Ireland the fluctuations of Tudor policy were not equally 
successful. Henry vii. had arrived at the definite conclusion, 
Ireland. after the passing of Pojmings' Law and the dis- 

appearance of Perkin Warbeck, that the best and cheapest way 
of governing Ireland was to secure the goodwill of the great 
earl of Kildare, and then to leave him something like a free hand. 
Kildare himself repaid the royal confidence, and did not greatly 
abuse his powers. Henry had been right in saying that he was 
' the man to rule all Ireland.' But Kildare's son, who succeeded 
him not long after Henry viii.'s accession, lacked the old earl's 
very remarkable abilities. The concihatory tone of the govern- 
ment had not been unsuccessful in pacifying the chiefs in general ; 
but when the strong hand had been removed the private antagon- 
isms of the great chiefs revived the old anarchical conditions. 
Ormond, the head of the Butlers, the family who divided with 
the two great branches of Geraldines, Kildare and Desmond, the 
ascendency in the south of Ireland, and were by tradition the 
leading loyalists, was very well pleased to be able to denounce 
the younger Kildare's inefficient administration ; and in 1520 
Surrey was sent over to assume the deputyship. 

Surrey expressed his emphatic opinion that if Ireland was 
to be brought to order he must have an efficient force of six thou- 
1520 33 ^■AXiA men. Neither Wolsey nor Henry was inclined 

Various to superfluous expenditure on the other side of 

St. George's Channel, especially when there was a 
prospect of military operations on the other side of the English 
Channel. Surrey was recalled, a Butler was tried unsuccessfully 
as deputy, and then Kildare was reinstated. (Kildare encouraged 
instead of checking the common tendency of the English in 
Ireland to assimilate themselves to the Irish. I In 1526 the 
deputy was brought over to England and lodged in the Tower. 



The Vicar-General 107 

Irish vice-deputies proved vain, and in 1529 Kildare was allowed 
to return to Ireland to help a new English deputy, Skeffington. 
In three years' time Skeffington had found the place too much for 
him, and Kildare was again deputy. It appeared that he con- 
cerned himself not so much with the restoration of order as with 
harrying the Butlers ; so in 1533 he was again summoned to 
England, leaving his son, popularly known as_Silken Thpma_Sj to 
jrtin- his^laee. 

Reports came that Kildare had been sent to the block ; where- 
upon Thomas proclaimed himself the enemy of the king of Eng- 
land, arid_opened correspondence with the Pope and 
ttie_emperor. His father's death in the Tower, suken 
not by the axe of the executioner, made Thomas 
himself earl of Kildare. He tried to strike a bargain with the 
Butlers, which was rejected ; he attacked Dubhn unsuccessfully. 
Skeffington returned to Ireland with reinforcements, as deputy. 
In the spring of the next year, 1535, the deputy captured the 
Geraldine fortress of Maynooth, and hanged most of the garrison 
— a proceeding commonly known as the ' pardon of Maynooth.' 
Thomas surrendered, under a vague promise of pardon, to Lord 
Leonard Grey, Kildare's kinsman by marriage, who had been 
sent to take Skeffington's place, not as deputy, but in the field. 
Soon afterwards Grey himself was made deputy. The unfortun- 
ate Thomas, whose life had been spared, according to promise, 
for the time, was not allowed to escape ; after order had been 
restored he was executed, together with several of his uncles, at 
the beginning of 1536. 

Grey suppressed by force the resistance which O'Neill tried to 
maintain in the north and Desmond in the south-west. But 
he was hostile to the pronouncedly English party ^^ggg.^g 
in the Pale, who wanted to rule simply by the Grey and 
strong hand. The deputy preferred the theory 
of conciliating the turbulent chiefs, \vith scant regard to the in- 
terests of the loyahsts. Disloyalty was aroused by the intro- 
duction in Ireland of Henry's ecclesiastical reformation ; Grey's 
Geraldine connection proved fatal to him, since, in appearance 
if not in fact, he displayed undue leniency and favour to the 



io8 Henry VIII. 

Fitzgeralds ; and in 1540 he was summoned to England, to be 
attainted and executed. We may here anticipate matters by 
saying that for a brief spell after Grey's recall Ireland enjoyed 
the government of a deputy who understood the difficult art of 
combining firmness with conciliationj_Anthony St. Leger. Under 
his judicious rule there was no more disturbance in Ireland, in 
spite of the dissolution of the monasteries, until the last year of 
King Henry's reign, when St. Leger gave place to Sir Edward 
Belhngham. In Ireland, as in England, the magnates were 
reconciled to Henry's ecclesiastical policy, largely by the exten- 
sive spoils which fell to their share. It was perhaps mainly to 
emphasise once more the repudiation of all papal authority, that 
, Henry in 1541 assumed the title of ' king ' instead of ' lord ' of 
Ireland ; for the latter title, hitherto in use, had been bestowed 
upon Henry 11. by the Pope, on the hypothesis that Ireland was 
an estate in the gift of the Holy See. 

Our chronicle of affairs in Scotland was brought down to 1528, 
when the young king, James v., succeeded in oyerthixisdlig-ilie- 
^528.33 jgower of-the Douglases. The king was determined 

Scotland : to establish his authority, and the friendly relations 
James V. 

then subsisting between England and France forbade 

any open rupture between England and Scotland. He devotei 

himself to the suppression of the uncontrolled nobles and gentry_ 

of the border and of the highlands and islands, (^it the general 

^egect produced was that when James had reached the age~oF 
one-and-twenty most of the lay magnates were ill disposedl?;^ 
wards him, though he was personally popular with the co mmons ; 
and he was driven into the closest alhance with the clergy, headed_ 

_by Archbishop James Beaton. The old leaders of the nobUity— 
Arran, Angus, and others — were dead or out of the way. Arran's 
successor, the heir-presumptive to the throne, had not become 
personally prominent. The general hostility of the magnates^ 
to the king inclined them to friendly relations with Henry, since 
James and the churchmen leaned, as always, to the French 

_^alliance. 

—-^'^ 1533 the relations between Henry and Francis were growing 
cool. Henry wanted James to follow his own example in his 



The Vicar-General 109 

treatment of the Papacy and of the Church ; the Scottish clergy 
Jiad none of_ the antipapal tendencies of their English brethren, 
and the last thing that James could have desired 
would be a breach with them. For the time being Henry, James, 
the kings both of France and England were in some 
degree suitors for the goodwill of the king of Scotland. _But as 
time went on James fell increasingly under the influence of the 
clergy, who in their turn were increasingly hostile to England.. 
Henry tried to draw James into a conference in 1536 ; James 
had a painful suspicion that his uncle intended to kidnap him, 
evaded the proposal, and next year went to France, where a 
marriage was arranged with the French princess, Madeleine. 
The marriage was carried out ; but a few months afterwards the 
queen died, and James very much annoyed Henry by marrjdng 
Mary of Lorraine, one of the ablest of the able and powerful 
house of Guise, whom Henry was thinking of marrying himself. 
The marriage drew closer the aUiance between Scotland and 
France, while the hostility of the Scottish government to Eng- 
land was intensified rather than weakened by the cardinal 
death of James Beaton and the succession of his ^^aton. 
nephew David, who had already been made a cardinal, to the 
archbishopric of St. Andrews and the leadership of the clerical 
party. It is to be observed that Cardinal Beaton was a bitter 
persecutor of ^heresy, as well as a relentless opponent of Enghsh 
jHiience. The most effective Scottish historians of the period 
were all vehement reformers, consequently they have no good 
word to say for the clerical party, its leaders, or its policy. Hence 
it is not altogether easy to disentangle the facts of Scottish his- 
tory at this time, because none of its formal recorders made the 
slightest pretence of being anything but a virulent partisan ; all 
were on the same side, and, as a matter of course, their views ran 
on the same hnes as those of the English chroniclers, and with a 
not less decided bias. 



1 1 o Henry VIII. 



III. After Cromwell, 1540-1547 

After Cromwell's fall 'it remained for Henry only to round 

off his ecclesiastical policy. He had gone as far as he meant to 

go in the direction of reform. There was still a 

1540-6. ° 

Marking little to be done in the way of appropriating endow- 
ments and in sanctioning the introduction of church 
services in the EngUsh tongue. The irreverence and violence of 
the spoHations, the destruction of abused images, the contempt 
thrown upon things hitherto held sacred, even if that sanctity 
had been due to palpable fraud and trickery, as happened often 
enough, had been deplorable ; but the mischief was done, and 
its evil effects could hardly be increased. Henry moved no further 
either against the clerical party, which was headed by the astute 
bishop of Winchester, or against the reformers, still led by the 
primate. In 1543 the last formulary of the reign. The Kin£ s 
_Book_,3.TX?iW.y laid down the rules of orthodoxy as understood by 
Henry, only somewhat more in detail than before. Cranmer 
retained the king's personal favour, and more than one attempt 
to ruin him recoiled upon the heads of his enemies. He was dis- 
appointed in his hope that what had been taken from the Church 
would be devoted to education, or other rehgious purposes. 

_Eerhaps- the rnost striking fact__abo.ut_ the sgoliationis_the_ 
^melting away of the spoils. Some schools were endowed ; the 
Distribution number of episcopal sees was increased by_six, not_ 
of the spoUs. T^y twenty, as at one time proposed ; some of the_ 
money was appropriated for the navy and for coa st defence, 
objects in which Henry took a keen personal interest. That was 
all that the State had to show. It is easy, to exaggerate in de- 
nouncing the extent to which the monastic lands were appro- 
priated merely to the private advantage of individuals. Great 
estates were undoubtedly given away, but the bulk of the abbey 
lands were sold, and sold at a respectable price ; it is difficult to 
see why purchasers should be held to blame even if they dis- 
approved of the spoHation. It was another matter for those who 
received monastic lands as a free gift or at a merely nominal 



After Cromwell 1 1 1 

price. But it is not easy to see why so little was done with the 
purchase money until we realise that expenditure had enormously 
outrun the national revenue! for, by purchase money and from 
the lands which, were not granted away, large sums came into 
the trea sury. We must also perhaps modify our reproaches, in 
respect of the amount which actually was given away, by the 
consideration that both the nobility and the gentry would prob- 
ably have been much less inchned to bestow their support on 
the Crown if they had not been mollified by a substantial share 
of the booty. That is an excuse not, of course, for the spoliation 
itself, but for the very small benefit derived from it by the public 
at large. And yet it may fairly be held that in the long run the 
State did benefit through the creation of a new body of landed 
gentry, who in the second and third generations became to no 
small extent repositories of the hberties of parliament. 

The further tale of Henry's matrimonial adventures, which 
formed so prominent a feature of his life, may be briefly reviewed. 
With the he1^2."f the bishops Henrv found no dif&-_ 
€ulty in setting aside the marriage with Anne of The king's 

- - 'WlVGS 

Cleves on the ground of a precontract.^ The lady 

acquiesced cheerfully, and passed the remainder of her days 

in England, comfortably pensioned. Her brother, the duke, 

jivas extremely angry, and the fiasco put an end to all prospect of 
allian ce with the Protestant League ; but for this Henry cared 
little so long as there was no fear of the emperor's closer friend- 
ship with France. Still, in England it appeared unsatisfactory 
that there should be no direct legitimate heirs of the king's body 
except one delicate httle boy. The Norfolk connection, backed 
by Gardiner and the clericals, took the risk of providing the king 
with a new wife in the person of the duke's pretty young niece, 
Kathari ne Howard ^ It was an unfortunate selection, for the"" 
Howards had taken no care of the girl's upbringing ; scandalous 
liaisons were brought to hght, and the unhappy girl was beheaded. 
The Howards never quite recovered from the false move. A 
little later Henry took to himself from the other party his last 

,.wi|e,_JKatharine_Earr, a blameless widow, somewhat addicted 
to the New Learning, tactful and even-tempered, who succeeded 



I i 2 Henry VIII. 

in preserving the royal goodwill in spite of more than one anxious 
moment, and in surviving her husband. 

But Henry had no more children.^ The power which had 
been conferred upon him of laying down the course of the suc- 
cession at his will was duly exercised, but he iudi- 
The 
succession ciously referred his ruhng to parhament for the 

laid down. approval which it, of course, obtained in 1544. The 
young Prince Edward and the heirs of his body necessarily stood 
first. The two illegitimate daughters whom Henry had be gotten 
under the impression that he was a properly married man wereto 
stand next, first Mary and then EUzabeth, though there was no 
formal legitimation of either. Then came the offspring of Henry's 
younger sister Mary, duchess of Sufolk, who was given pre- 
cedence over the elder sister Margaret, presumably on grounds 
of pubHc pohcy. For Margaret's Stewart son was the king of 
Scots, and her Douglas daughter was the wife of a Scottish 
nobleman, Matthew, earl of Lennox, who in the line of Scottish 
succession stood next to the Hamiltons of Arran — since his 
grandmother was the sister of the first earl of Arran, whom we 
saw playing a prominent part in Scottish politics during the min- 
ority of James v. From these comphcations much trouble was to 
arise later. Pure jggjtiimsts^ j.f they were also Romanist, wguld^ 
necessarily recognise Henry's own daughter Mary as next in suc- 
cession to Edward ; but, after Mary Tudor, the Scottisli xopL. 



family stood first and the Lennox Stewarts second. On no legiti- 
mist theory, Protestant or Romanist, was it by any means possible 
to give precedence over the Stewarts of either family, either to the 
children of Mary Brandon or to Elizabeth, unless the judgment 
of the law courts, which had pronounced the marriage with Anne 
Boleyn void, should be reversed ; and in the eyes of a Romanist 
even such a reversal would be invalid. But again, if the Stewarts 
were barred as ahens, it would be possible to assert the Brandon 
claim -as against either qf^ the two princesses whom the English 
law courts had branded as illegitimate ; and we shall find this_ 
line_ actually being _taken by one _ faction on the. demise of 
Edward vi. 

' See Genealogies, III. and IV. 



After Cromwell 113 

We may now turn to the Scottish and the European policy, 
which most prominently occupy the closing years of Henry's Ufe. 
Wh en Cromwe ll fell Charles wasjpre paring to modif y Foreign 
the Protestant League by an attitude of toleration poi'^y. 
towards Lutheranism. Cromwell's plan of coercing him by the 
union of England with the Protestant princes was dead, but, so 
long as the emperor was not strenuously papalist, friendly re- 
lations were possible between England and the Empire. On the 
other hand, the policy both of the Scottish and of the French 
government was tightening the alliance between those tw& 
countries. Henry wished to disengage Scotland, but James 
and Beaton both had too good ground for suspecting Henry's 
honesty to listen to the voice of the charmer. James would not 
meet Henry at a conference, where there would be a risk of his 
being "kidnapped ; while Henry was disposed to encourage the 
scheme of the English warden of the marches for entrapping his 
nephew even without a conference. There was much miscel- 
laneous raiding on the borders ; in the summer of 1542 a band 
of English raiders was roughly dealt with at Haddon Rigg- 
In the autumn the EngUsh took their revenge in a week's in- 
vasion. In December James had got together a ueoemijer 1642'. 
large force for a counter-invasion. Ten thousand ^"''"^y ™°^^- 
men, without organisation and without a general in command, 
marched down to the border. At the last moment an incom- 
petent favourite of the king's, Oliver Sinclair, was named 
general-in-chief ; none of the nobles had any inchnation to obey 
him. Wharton, the EngUsh warden of the marches, had notice 
in time to collect a well-organised body of about three thousand 
men. The Scots became entangled i n Solway Mos s, and met 
with utter disaster. The ignominious character of the conflict 
may be gauged by the fact that while half a dozen Englishmen 
and a score of Scots were killed on the field, twelve hundred Scots, 
including a number of the nobles, were taken prisoners, and the 
Scottish army was completely dispersed. The dis- jyi^ry Queen 
.gace killed James, but not tillhis wife hadborne of scots. 
^0 hini" the "daugEter destined to be the most dramatic^ figure in 
the dramatic line of the house of _Stuart (the form of Jhe name 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ll. H 



114 Henry VIII. 

of Stewart introduced from France by Mary), jMary Queen of 
^cots. 

Mary's birth gave Henry his cue. [He had been audacious 
enough to reassert the ancient claim of English kings to the 
suzerainty of ScotlandT' But the union of the countries might 
be accomplished by a less troublesome method than conquest, 
the marriage of the baby queen to his own little son. The 
prisoners from Solway Moss were amenable as long as they were 
in captivity, and were ready to promise that the scheme should 
be carried out. When they were allowed to return to Scotland 
their promises proved entirely valueless. The Scots Estates 
did not dechne the proposed marriage altogether, but they en- 
tirely rejected the accompanying conditions, which would have 
placed Scotland under English control until the children were old 
enough to be married, and still more so afterwards. However 
much the Scots might quarrel among themselves, however 
deeply individuals might pledge themselves to Henry, it was 
certain now, as always, that the moment subjection to England 
became in imminent danger, the spirit of Scottish nationalism 
would win the day. 

Moreover, Henry was drawn away from a direct attack on 
Scotland by the treaty which he now made with the emperor 

against Francis, _ffihose. active encouragement of_. 
AUiancewitn the Scots had been to a great extent responsible for 

e emperor. ^^ recent troubles. Charles and Henry bound 
themselves to declare war upon Francis if he attacked either of 
them, and to continue the war till terms satisfactory to both 
should be obtained. Francis, having failed to buy Henry off, 
attacked Flanders ; English troops invaded Picardy, and a cam- 
paign was arranged for 1544, when Charles and Henry were each 
to invade France and to converge upon Paris, ^he enormous 
outlay upon this last of Henry's wars exhausted the supplies 
which had poured into the Treasury from the dissolution of 
the monasteries, and planged the kingdom iiito the 3esperate 
^financial straits from wllich""tt "only emerged under the rigi(L.„ 
^ Elizabethan policy of peace, retrenchment, and reform. 

Before the opening of the combined attack upon France, Henry 



After ' Cromwell 1 1 5 

gave Scotland another turn. An English force was dispatched 
by sea, and landed at Leith. Its commander was Edward 
Seymour, earl of Hertford, the uncle of the Prince of . 

Wales. Hertford sacked Leith, pillaged Edinburgh, ford in 
ravaged the neighbouring country, and retired to 
England, leaving devastation behind him. Henry preferred 
leaving anarchy to attempting the establishment of an English 
government. It is remarkable that his great nineteenth-century 
apologist even goes so far as to defend him for encouraging, 
without positively sanctioning, a plot which failed for the 
assassination of Cardinal Beaton. 

In the summer and autumn of 1544 the French war was active. 
But Henry's views for the conduct of the campaign did not coin- 
cide with those of Charles. He would not march on -v/ar witii 
Paris until he had taken Boulogne and Montreuil. France. 
.Cha rles found i t convenient for himself to make terms on his 
own account with Francis at Crepy, five days after Henry had 
taken Boulogne. Henry had reproaches for Charles which were 
not unjustified ; but though he was left alone he insisted on the 
retention of Boulogne as a condition of peace. 

Thus in 1545 England was engaged in a war single-handed 
with the French ; and the Scots were able to rally sufficiently 
to inflict a severe defeat upon an EngUsh force at ^^^^ 
Ancrum Moor. The emperor was becoming de- England 
finitely hostile, and Francis took the offensive. He 
.gjepared a great armada for an invasion ; but the Enghsh navy 
was the favourite object of the English king's fostering care. 
Neither French nor Enghsh could bring the enemy to an engage- 
ment under favourable conditions, and the French fleet was 
finally broken up by a plague epidemic. Hertford paid another 
devastating visit to Scotland ; it was evident that England was 
not on the verge of collapse, and in 1546 a treaty i546. Peace, 
of peace was signed between Francis and Henry. Boulogne was 
to remain in English hands for eight years, the period allowed 
for France to pay up the EngUsh financial claims, which had been 
among the professed causes of the war. And at the same time 
Henry's cause appeared to have triumphed in Scotland, when 



1 1 6 Henry VIII. 

Cardinal Beaton was assassinated without any actual implication 
of the king of England. 

But Henry's career was almost ended. Around him intrigues 
were active on every side for capturing the government of the 
country when Henry himself should be dead ; for 
Henry, Jan. all men knew save perhaps himself that his life 
was a matter of months. Henry made his own 
dispositions by wiU in accordance with the Act of parhament, 
appointing a Council of Executors in which the parties were fairly 
evenly balanced, which was to carry on the government during 
Edward's minority. Yet even now there was one disturbing, 
episode. The earl of Surrey, the son of the duke of Norfolk, was 
also the grandson of that duke of Buckingham whom Henry had 
executed. The blood of Edward iii. ran in his veins. He had 
developed the idea that his father had a right to the regency ; 
perhaps he had still more ambitious intentions. At any rate the 
charge of treason was brought against him and his father. The 
Howards and their strongest ally, Gardiner, who would perhaps 
have dominated the Council of Executors, disappeared from the 
chosen hst. Surrey was beheaded, and sentence of death was 
already pronounced upon Norfolk when' Henry died on 28th 
January 1547. 

Estimates of the character of Henry viii. are more violently 
divergent than those concerned with any other of our rulers. In 
Estimates *^^ popular view, his unique matrimonial record 
of his occupies the most prominent position. He is 

thought of as a tjnrant with a sort of geniahty which, 
nevertheless, made him popular ; a tyrant who left the work of 
government to ministers upon whom he trampled as soon as they 
crossed some private inchnation of his own. Yet one of our 
most brilUant historians does not stand alone in elevating him 
to an extraordinarily high rank among great rulers and great 
reformers. JThe man who set England free from the shackles 
of Rome would seem in the eyes of this school to be a hero who 
could do no wrong, whose opponents must be condemned -with 
righteous indignation, or at best with contempt shghtly tinged 
with pity. jTo a third school he was merely the hateful tyrant 



After Cromwell 117 

whose reign was one long sacrilege. To a fourth he was a feeble, 
obstinate, and vain prince, always managed by one or another 
of the astute and capable men who surrounded him, strong only 
with the strength which was the fabrication of his ministers, 
vicious and shortsighted. 

Something different from all these must have been the char- 
acter of the real Henry. No mere courtly flatteries would account 
for the extraordinarily high estimate of his Intel- some cnarao- 
lectual and physical brilliancy, and his high moral teristics. 
promise, formed at the outset of his reign. The brilUant prince 
was determined to be a great and famous king, the leader of a 
great and famous nation. But his qualities were marred by an 
ingrained selfishness and vanity, and he was cursed with a most 
dangerous kind of conscience- ^the consci ence which can in- 
variably prove that its owner will fail to do his duty unless he 
does the thing which he would like to do. Henry was not a far- 
sighted statesman ; he did not see whither his course of action 
would lead him. But twice at least he displayed a remarkable 
skill in choosing his servants, and wisdom in the latitude of 
action which he gave them. Except when he was allowing 
Wolsey or Cromwell to act according to their own judgment, 
Henry's government never displayed remarkable intelhgence or 
capacity ; yet it was always directed to the magnification of the 
power of the State, though always on the theory formulated later 
by the Grand Monarque — L'etat c'est mot. No mere tyrant has. . 
ever riiled wth^ unchallenged supremacy for eight-and-thirty 
^ears. . No hero-king has directed a political revolution in order 
to gratify a private passion. Henry was neither a fool nor a 
hero, but he was an exceptionally powerful personality, served 
by ministers who were exceptionally able and exceptionally 
loyal. He made England a Protestant nation, not His 
because he intended to do so but because the Pope aciiievenient. 
would not do as he wished, and because the spohation of the 
Church diminished the necessity for taxing the people at large. 
He made the country Protestant, inasmuch as the old system of 
religion could not survive the revolt from Rome and the depres- 
sion of the clerical body. In this he was in the main sup- 



ii8 Henry VIII. 

ported by popular opinion ; the unpopularity which sometimes 
assumed a threatening aspect sprang from sympathy with 
Katharine and dislike of Anne Boleyn much more than from 
affection for Ihe Papacy or sympathy with^ the clergy. The 
spirit of Protestantism, though not as yet its dogmatic beliefs, 
was predominant in the country ; and Henry's policy assured 
its triumph, though without any such intention on Henry's part. 
It is a curious paradox that the most powerful agent in bringing 
about the Reformation in England was the man who prided him- 
self on his theological orthodoxy, and that the most despotic of 
English monarchs prepared the way for making pubhc opinion 
the controlling factor in national pohcy. 



CHAPTER V. THE STRUGGLE 
OF THE REFORMATION, 1547-1558 

I. Edward vi., 1547-1553 

The death of Henry viii. left the country with a boy of nine for 
its king, an empty treasury , the great problem of the national 
religion unsettled, and with -jiQ-lparling fstatpsTng n 
of sufficient, authority to direct the settlement. The 
To complicate matters, discontent and depression 
in the rural districts, already grievous, had been intensified by 
the aboHtiQn of the monasteries and the activity of the new land- 
lords. Moreover, the succession to the throne was fixed upoa 
the two daughters of the late king in succession, both of whom 
were, in the eyes of the law, illegitimate ; while even if one or 
both of the decisions of the courts were reversed,^the legitimacy 
jjfjh^jme^daujghter yra^ with the legitimacy 

of the other, since the mother of the first was still Hving when 
ihg^second was bom^ 

The actual government of the country was by the late king's 
will, authorised by Act of parhament, vested in what was officially 
called a Council of Executors , though the genuineness of the 
actual document produced was open to some doubt. Whatever 
Henry's original intentions may have been, the strength of the 
council lay entirely with the men who were more or The council. 
less declared partisans of the New Learning, as were the tutors 
in charge of the youthful king. Bishop Gardiner, the Howards, 
and their personal connection were all excluded ; Norfolk him- 
self remained in prison, though Henry's death had saved his life. 
The gentle Bishop Tunstall, who was no fighter, represented 
ecclesiastical conservatism ; the lajnnen on the same side were 
far from being zealots. The young king's uncle, the earl of 

119 



] 20 The Struggle of the Reformation 

Hertford, the most distinguished soldier of the time, was sup- 
ported by John Dudley, Lord Lisle, as well as by Archbishop 
Cranmer. The council at once proceeded to distribute honours 
among themselves: Hertford became duke of Somerset; Lisle 
was made earl of Warwick, though he is best known by the 
title of Duke of Northumberland, which he appropriated some 
years afterwards ; and Somerset was proclaimed Protector. For 
two years and a half the Protector regarded himself almost as 
a dictator ; for the rest of the reign, Warwick or Northumber- 
land was supreme. 

Until comparatively recent times it has perhaps been cus- 
tomary to treat the six and a half years of Edward VI. as a 
Character of halcyon time of Protestant progress or an orgy of 
the reign. Calvinistic iconoclasm, according to the historian's 
predilections ; but as a matter of fact the two periods into which 
it is divided by the fall of Somerset have points of contrast much 
more marked than their points of resemblance. Somerset was a 
dreamer, an idealist with visions far in advance of his time ; a 
Somerset. man of culture and ability, who had also won some 
distinction as a leader of armies. Unfortunately he was also 
greedy, inordinately vain, and thoroughly unpractical ; one who 
beheved that difficulties would vanish at his fiat, and that every 
one must recognise his wisdom and justice. Consequently his 
rule was a disastrous failure, whereas if he had understood the 
business of adapting the means at his disposal to the ends he had 
in view, he might have figured in history as one of the great 
English rulers. F ot more t han any j3JJiec.sta.t£sman of his time .. 
he had grasped that idea of an incorporating union with Scot- 
land^which was not realised until the eighteenth century ;_he 
sought to do away with the methods of tyranny ; he sought to 
grapple with the rural problem ; and he stood alone in actually 
advocating toleration. If ^Som erset had had his way therewould 
have been no persecution on account of religion.. 

But in every field the Protector's methods frustrated his ends. 
Thefiret jgroblem was that of Scotland ; the means to union lay 
in the marriage of King Edward to his cousin Queen Mary, who 
was now four years old. That end might have been compassed 



Edward VI. 1 2 1 

by a skilful diplomacy or by a whole-hearted association with 
the Scottish reformers, a party of whom had just murdered 
Cardinal Beaton. But Somerset delayed ; France ^^ 

sent supports to the queen-mother ; the castle of tector and 
St. Andrews, where the assassins were holding out, 
was captured, and the moment was lost. Somerset, instead 
■of reverting to diplomacy, spoilt his advocacy of an equal 
union by talking of the sovereignty of England, and threatening 
to compel the Scots by force to carry out the marriage treaty. 
The English party in Scotland disappeared, according to the in- 
variable rule. 

Somerset endeavoured to carry out his threat, marched into 
Scotland, and inflicted upon the Scottish army a bloody defeat 
at_Pinkie_Cleugh,_near Edinburgh. But to rout pintie and 
the Scottish army was not to conquer Scotland. ^*^ results. 
The queen and the queen-mother were out of reach. Somerset 
marched back to England crowned with glory, but with no other 
reward than his laurels. A year later the Scots shipped off their _ 
^little quee n_to_the_ court pl_France,_ where Henry 11. had suc- 
ceeded Francis i. almost_immediately after the death of the 
English king Henry .^^The-child—w as betrot hed to— th£ jnfant_^ 
•dauphin instead of to the king of England, and the Franco- 
'Scottish alhancTbecanie more decisively anti^^ngtSTtKafreverT 
For Yeverat years to come there was a French ascendency in 
Scotland. Jt \yas a happy thing fo r th e ultimate union of the 
■countries that th e presence of the Frenchmen taught the Scots 
to resent _FYen^JxiieDi£iilian_ia,theic. affairs almost as. much,, 
as English. The Reformation rooted itself deeply among the 
Scottish commons, while the French influence was wholly on 
the side of a persecuting papahsm. Thus in the long run the 
•disastrous effects of Somerset's invasion were so far counteracted 
that popular sentiment came to rely upon the English connec- 
tion, bat always with an intense suspicion of English designs, 
which was not eradicated till more than two centuries had 
passed by. 

Meanwhile the government on its own responsibility had ceased 
to give effect to that side of the reUgious legislation of the last 



1 2 2 The Struggle of the Reformation 

reign which had reached its climax with the Six Articles. A book 
of homilies.lcompiled by Cranmer, and the authorised issuing of 
The council the paraphrase of Erasmus," d irected e cclesiastiral 
and reunion, teaching upon the lines of the New Learnin g. F urther 
injunctions were issued for the destruction of ' abused images,' 
a term which received an exceedingly inclusive interpretation. 
No one was punished for the expression of advanced opinions 
which the law had denounced. Gardiner remonstrated, on the 
ground that there was no authority for introducing religious in- 
novations during the king's minority ; Bonner, the bishop of 
London, supported him, and both were put in prison. 

The first parliament of the reign met in November. It pro- 
ceeded to legislate in accordance with Somerset's ideas. JThe 
Protector was a humane man^ and parliament began by remov- 

„ . ing from the Statute Book Cromwell's Treasons Act, 
November. -^ 2-— — .=- ,^~ — .-„^, „ ..,_ ^ 

A uenevoient the Act of the Six Articles, and the old Act Be 
Heretico Comburendo. The repesd of the two latter 
Acts was a very loiig step in the direction of general toleration. 
Less commendable, or at least more aggressive, was the sup- 
pression of the chantries, authorised but not carried out in the 
last reign. The progress of advanced opinions was illustrated 
by the petition of Convocation for the administration of the 
Communion in both kinds to the laity , and for permission for the 
tojnarry ; both condemned by the Six Articles Act, and 
now sanctioned by parhament. The Protect or's humani- 
taria nism took a paradoxical shaje^ in a law against vagrancy. 
The penalties of flogging and hanging had entirely failed to check 
the multiplication of sturdy vagabonds ; the new law empowered 
the magistrates to arrest such persons and hand them over to 
some ' honest person ' as slaves for a couple of years ; if they 
misbehaved or ran away they were to be made slaves for life. 
This odd experiment came to nothing, and the Act was repealed 
two years afterwards. The benignity of the government was 
more effectively displayed by a general pardon except for graver 
crimes, which set the recalcitrant bishops at hberty. 

During 1548 the council continued to push forward rehgious 
innovations by a" still more extensive campaign against images. 



Edward VI. 123 

and by giving the advanced party a practical monopoly of the 
pulpits by means of the system of confining the work of preach- 
ing to Ucensed persons, and granting licences only ^548 image- 
to votaries of the New Learning ; and again, breaking-. 
Gardiner's protests led to his imprisonment. But the cause 
itself and Somerset's own reputation and influence were seriously 
injured by his greedy appropriation of ecclesiastical property to 
his own private uses. 

These things would not perhaps have seriously weakened 
Somerset, since the rest of the council found them rather in their 
own interest than otherwise. But when the Pro- The friend of 
tector interve ned as the champion of the humbler *^® people. 
classes, set up a court of his own to hear appeals against the in- 
terested administration of the law by magistrates who were 
always on the side of the landlord, and appointed a commission- 
to inquire into the rural depression, he roused the antagoriism__ 
of his colleagues and of the whole. governing class, for which he 
presently paid thepgnalty. Parliament met again in November 
and would have nothing to say to the Enclosures Bill, which the 
Protector's commissioners recommended for the defence of the 
peasantry. Still, on the religious question there was no reaction. 
Cranmer had been for some time engaged in the preparation of 
a Church service book, which was to be generally 1549, The 
adopted in place of the various forms of service Prayer-Book. 
which were in use. It was written in English. This new service 
book, commonly caUed the Prayer-Book of 1549, ^^'as authorised 
by parliament, and its use was enjoined by the First Act of Uni- 
formity in the beginning of that year. \Tts g reatjeature, apart 
from its being in the vernacular, was the very wide latitude of 
interpretation which it permitted, so that it was possible not only 
for Lutherans but for rigidly orthodox Catholics on one side and 
for advanced Calvinists on the other to use it without straining 
their consciencesTl It is a disputed question whether the book 
was ever actually submitted to Convocation for acceptance. 

An unhappy business which came before parliament at this 
time was the affair of the Lord Admiral, Lord Seymour of 
Sudeley, the Protector's brother. The admiral was an ambitious 



1 24 The Struggle of the Reformation 

intriguer. He had married the widowed Katharine Parr ; she 
had died within the year, and he then designed to obtain the 

hand of the Lady Elizabeth, who stood next but 
Protector's one in the succession to the throne. This plan was 

stopped, but he continued to harbour ambitious 
and treasonable designs. At last he was arrested. If he had 
been given a fair trial there is no doubt that his treason would 
have been manifest, and his death inevitable and thoroughly 
well deserved. Unfortunately the Protector was induced to 
proceed by BiU of Attainder. The admiral had no adequate 
opportunity for defending himself. He was beheaded, and his 
execution was used to justify charges of tyranny against his 
brother. 

The new Church service was introduced at Whitsuntide, and 
was the signal for an i nsurrect iofl, in the west, directed partly 
The western against the rehgious innovations, but, in fact, 
risms. largely agrarian in origin. The monastic lands had 

been distributed among the most self-seeking of the great land- 
holders, or purchased, to a great extent as a commercial specu- 
lation, by men who were eager to estabUsh themselves among 
the landed gentry. The new landlords were apt to take every 
advantage of the law, and there had been a great access of en- 
closing, often in defiance of the law^TThe administration of law 
was in the hands of justices who, being landowilers, played into 
the hand of the landowning class. The d i sappear an ce of the_ 
m onasteri es removed the one body which, however inadequately^ 
had discharged the ta sk "of relievin£ destitution. All the evils 
by which the rural population was beset in the reign of Henry vii., 
and which legislation had failed to check, were intensified. In 
the west country it was easy enough to associate the agrarian 
troubles with reUgious innovation ; and the insurgents of the 
west clamoured for the restoration of their monastic landlords 
and the abolition of the new service book. 

The west had hardly risen when the eastern counties followed 
suit, under the leadership of the tanner Ro bert Ket. But in the 
eastern counties anticlericalism was strong; reUgious conser- 
vatism did not enter into the motives of the insurgents ; the 



Edward VI. 125 

rising t here was purely agrarian, and the demand was not for a 
change in the law but for its administration in accordance with the 
statutes instead of in the interests of the landlords, gg^jg 
The Protector's personal sympathies were on the insurrection, 
popular side on the agrarian question ; but he was ready enough 
to put down the revolt against his rehgious policy. Hired 
foreign troops were dispatched to the west, and the revolt there 
was suppressed early in August. Ket's insurrection, conducted 
in orderly and disciplined fashion, involved the government in 
more serious difficulties ; the insurgents were strong in their 
theory that they were not defying or breaking the law, but 
merely taking measures to compel its observance. Norwich 
was captured, and government troops were routed ; it was not 
till the end of August that Warwick was able to inflict a decisive 
defeat upon Ket's followers, and to capture and hang Ket himself. 

Warwick had by this time made up his mind that Somerset's 
rule must be ended, wherein most of the council agreed with 
him. These insurrections had been the direct out- Alarming 
come of the Protector's pernicious encouragement prospects, 
of popular demands for the enforcement of laws which forbade 
the landlords to rob the peasantry. Besides, while the Protector 
was posing as a reformer at home, foreign affairs were going 
badly. The battle of Pinkie had only served to turn Scotland 
into something hke a French protectorate. The French were 
bent on the recovery of Boulogne, and there were neither troops 
nor money forthcoming to defend it against a serious attack. 
The navy was going to pieces, and the French were more masters 
of the Channel than the English. 

There was no prospect of an alliance with Charles, who had 
destroyed the League of Schmalkalde at the battle of Miihlberg, _ 
and had irnposedTlipoiiTlrOTnahy a reh^ous compromise known__ 
as the Interim of Augsburg. German Protestantism was anta- 
gonistic to Charles, being thoroughly dissatisfied with the In- 
terim ; and on the other hand England was flooded with German 
Protestants who were hand in glove with Cranmer, or with the 
still more advanced adherents of the Reformation which Somerset 
was forwarding in England. But all this did not tend to the 



126 The Struggle of the Reformation 

alliance of Charles ^\■ith the English government against France, 

and France declared war a month after the suppression of Ket's 

insurrection. 

Somerset's fall was sudden. He discovered that the council 

was leagued against him, whereupon he endeavoured to rouse 

popular sentiment in his own support against them. 

Somerset But it was he, not they, who was ostensibly the 

displaced by ageressor. There was no movement in his favour : 
Warwick 

the troops which had suppressed the insurrections 

were under the council's control, and the Protector had no 

choice but to surrender. For the present Warwick and his 

supporters were content to depose him from the protectorship, 

confine him in the Tower, and deprive him of a portion of his 

estates. So really powerless did he seem, that after a few months' 

interval he was set at hberty, and was even admitted again to the 

council. 

The ascendency of Warwick dates from November i^ 

nearly two years before he took the title of duke of Northumber- 

John Dudley, land. In no respect was his rule an improvement 

upon that of his predecessor. Unhke Somerset, he had neither 

ideals nor convictions. He was absolutely unprincipled, and_ 

clever with the cleverness which very often overreaches itself. „ 

He was committed to the Reformation, because a reversion to 

the conservative policy would involve the liberation of Norfolk, 

the revival of the Howard ascendency, and the passing of the 

leadership into the hands of Bishop Gardiner. Moreover, young 

King Edward was an extremely precocious boy, who had already 

been taught to regard himself as a sort of Josiah. If the boy 

hved, there was a future for Protestant statesmen, but not for 

reactionaries. WarwickjtherfifQre conceived Aat policy required . 

him, to throw in his lot with the ad ya n r ed ..Pj^gtestg-ntg^ with 

the corollary that the succession of the resolutely orthodox 

Mary should be prevented in the case of Edward's demise without 

children. To advance the Reformation vigorously on extreme 

lines, to establish his own influence over the young king, and, 

as the chances of Edward's early death became increasingly 

probable, to secure a successor with whom his own influence 



Edward VI 127 

would still be supreme — these were the objects which John 
Dudle^Jcept before his eyes. As to his methods, he was un-" 
troubled by Somerset's abstract enthusiasm for liberty and justice. 
He was ready to seize whatever means might come to hand. 

The first and most pressing necessity was to deal with France. 
Negotiations were entrusted to the most skilful diplomatist on 
the council, Paget. Boulogne was bound to go, ^550. Treaty 
and the only thing to be done was to procure a peace '^'**' France, 
which might save the face of the government. Even that was 
hardly accomplished. By the treaty which was signed in March 
1550, such English troops as were still in occupation of Scottish 
fortresses were to be withdrawn, most of the outstanding claims 
in respect of the treaty of 1546 were to be cancelled, and Boulogne 
was to be given up, though something which might pass for a 
ransom was to be paid for it. 

Somerset had imprisoned no one except Gardiner and Bonner, 
and that for open resistance to the acts of the council. War- 
wick found excuse for depriving and imprisoning 
three more bishops of the old school and filling their ecclesiastical 
places with advanced reformers. Followers of the 
Swiss school threatened to predominate over the men of Cranmer's 
type, the moderates who were disincHned to make a clean sweep 
of the old system. JThe Princess Marywas ordered Jto_^ve up 
the Ma ss, though she "refu sed to" obey. [^ It ^vas_tr^e- that jthe 
emperor in .gffgcLthxeaieBed- war .on behalf of his cousin, but he 
had too much on his hands in Gennany, and the English govern- 
ment elected to set hi§ threats at naught. 

In other respects Warwick reversed Somerset's poHcy. The 

treason laws were again reinforced, so that to attack members 

of the Privy Council became treason. Gatherings „ 

■' ° Somersets 

calculated to disturb the king's peace were made plans 
felonious or treasonable. The laws against enclosing 
were amended in favour of the enclosers. The liberated Somerset, 
quite consistently with his former career, endeavoured to form 
an opposition, and fell a victim to the new treasons law. Suffi- 
cient evidence was obtained of his attempting to gather ' felonious ' 
assemblages ; he was also charged with compassing the deaths 



12 8 The Struggle of the Reformation 

of several members of the council. Northumberland, who had 
just taken his new title, withdrew the charges so far as they 
affected himself ; he could afford to do so, because on the other 
charges the death sentence was assured. The unfortunate 
Somerset was beheaded in February 1552, amid the lamentations 
of the commons, who knew at least that he had honestly, if not 
over wisely, sought their welfare. 

With _i552_came the crowning act of the Reformation under 
Edward vi., the Second Prayer-Book. During the reign of 
Henry viii. no deviations in doctrine had been 
The Second permitted ; neither Cranmer nor any other of the 
rayer- 00 . ^jgj^ppg j^g^^j rejected the crucial dogma of Transub- 
stantiation, the transformation of the substance of the bread and 
wine int^ the substance of the Body and Blood of Christ effected 
by the act of Consecration. Cranmer and several of the bishops, 
as well as many 0^ t he cler gy, desired that the l aity as weU a s the 
clergy should partake of the Cup, and had claimed that marriage^ 
was lawfuHor the clergy, but both practices had been forbidden 
by statute. The one material advance had been the substitution 
of Enghsh for Latin in an authorised version of the Scriptures 
and in a Titany. Since Henry's death statutory orthodoxy 
had been made more comprehensive. Communion in both kinds 
and the marriage of the clergy had been legaHsed, a complete 
hturgy in Enghsh was enjoined under Somerset, and the forms 
of that hturgy could be so interpreted that behevers in Tran- 
substantiation and behevers in the purely commemorative char- 
acter of the Holy Communion could both accept it. But the 
bishops had since travelled further along the path of the Refor- 
mation. Cranmer and his close st allie s had arrivedjtj. do ctrine _ 
of the Eiirhari.st which affl.S-Jid.ther .the Transubstantiation of 



Rome, the Consubstantiation of Luther, nor the Zwinghan doc- 
jtrine , of £ommemoratiDn_j)ure and simple, nor even the Calvin^ 
istic doctrine which admitted a certain mystical elemerit. But 
Advanced further, a much more advanced group, deriving from 
influences. ^^^ q,- other of the Swiss schools, had found its way 
to the episcopal bench, and was loud of voice among both clergy 
and laity ; a school which protested against many immemorial 



Edward VL 1 2 9 

ceremonial practices as ' rags of Rome ' and as savouring of 
' idolatry.' The pressure of this party compelled a revision of 
the First Prayer-Book in a sense definitely rejecting Transub- 
_stantiation, and generally more in accordance with Swiss tenets ; 
while Cranmer and Ridley had difificulty in preserving forms and 
phrases which sufficiently expressed their own view of the Sacra- 
ment. Such was the "Prayer-Book issued by the authority of 
parliament in 1552, supplemented in the following year by 
Forty- two Articles of Religion ; the Prayer-Book which, with 
somt modification, became the prayer-book of Elizabeth. 

The First Prayer-Book had been accompanied by an Act of 
Uniformity imposing its use upon the clergy under various pains 
and penalties. The new Act of Uniformity of 1552 
went further, and required the conformity of lay- Act of 
men. No one, except perhaps Somerset, as yet had 
a doubt that conformity to the estabhshed religion should be 
enforced by the law. The only question was as to the extent 
of the divergencies of private opinion which the law should 
sanction. Cranmer and Latimer themselves had approved the 
burning of Anabaptists in the past ; and after Somerset's fall 
there was no one who protested when a Hke doom was inflicted 
upon one Joan Bocher for rejecting the accepted doctrine of the 
Incarnation. The Calvinists themselves conformed in outward 
observance, though they claimed the right to hold to their own 
opinions and to seek to procure their recognition by the law. 
This was the attitude to which for more than a century the name 
of ' Nonco nformity .' was appropriated- ^onconformitv of op inion 
but n ot of o bservance, 

Northumberland attempted in this same parliament to 
strengthen the hands of the government by an Act reviving 
verbal treason. But the Commons were not alto- a Treasons 
gether amenable. They made a point of introduc- ^'^^■ 
ing a clause requiring the evidence of two witnesses to warrant 
condemnation ; a warning that the late proceediiigs against 
Somerset, against whom a single witness had been held suffi- 
cient, had not commanded popular approval. 

In spite of the enthusiasm of the advanced reformers, who 

Innes's Eng. Hist. — Vol. ii. I 



130 The Struggle of the Reformation 

were ready to believe that Northumberland was as honestly 
zealous as themselves, the duke was conscious in the summer 
Nortnumber- of 1552 that his position was precarious. The Refor- 
land's fears, mation was proceeding too far and too fast for the 
masses of the population, who were less articulate than the 
advanced men. The national finances were in evil plight. 
Henry viii. in his closing years had wrought infinite harm by a 
flagrant debasement of the coinage. Northumberland's govern- 
ment reverted to that bad practice and outdid Henry himself. 
The whole country was suffering from intense depression. The" 
government's foreign pohcy had been saved from being disastrous 
only because the emperor was for the time being paralysed by 
the failure of his own pohcy in Germany. If the sickly king died 
and the ardent Romanist Mary came to the throne, Northumber- 
land's political doom would be sealed. He had not even a strong 
personal following. His closest ally was the duke of Suffolk, 
Henry Grey, formerly marquis of Dorset, the husband of Francis, 
elder daughter of Mary Tudor and Charles Brandon, late duke 
of Suffolk. Herbert and RusseU, the recently created earls of 
Pembroke and Bedford, he could in some degree count upon, and 
the same might be said of the reforming bishops. 

But the time had come when he must stake everything upon 
securing the succession to the throne for some one whom he could 
Hia sue- dominate completely. Mary must be set aside ; 

cession plot, the Lady Ehzabeth would be a Protestant, but had 
already shown that she was never hkely to be a puppet. The 
only legal title for either of them, was that conveyed by the will 
of Henry viii. The legitimist heir was the little queen of Scots, 
who was out of the question ; so was her half-aunt the Countess , 
of Lennox, Margaret. Tudor's daughter by her second m arriage ,, 
The next in the succession therefore was the duchess of Suffolk, 
and after her her daughters, the ladies Jane and Katharine Grey.^ 
By a very curious fatality there was no possible male claimant 
1553. Lady to the succession. Northumberland's choice fell 
Jane Grey. uponLady Jane Grey, a youn£ girl who had been_ 
^tegught^up in the strict paths of Puritan piety and obedience. 
If she were married to one of his own sons, he imagined thafTir" 



Edward VI. 131 

could reckon on her pliability ; while Suffolk was apparently 
content that the crown should go to his daughter instead of to his 
wife. Lady Tane w asdulv.ma.rripdiii illLtaGuildford Dudley. 
Pembroke's support was presumed to be secured by the marriage 
of his son to Lady Jane's younger sister Katharine, which was 
afterwards annulled. 

Though the marriage took place in May 1553, it would be no 
easy matter to secure the throne for Northumberland's daughter- 
in-law. Every one knew that Edward's days were almost num- 
bered. There had never been any inclination to dispute the 
settlement made by the late king's will with the sanction of 
parliament. Public sympathy had been drawn to Mary by_the_ 
harsh treatment to which she had been subjected, and by her 
courageous bearing.^ _The_commons had no love for the man who 
^ad destroyed Somerset ; in the country he could rely only upon 
the advanced Protestants, who feared a set-back for the Refor- 
mation if Mary should come to the throne. Northumberland 
concocted a plan to legalise his scheme. If Henry_viii^ The will of 
could devise the crown by wiU, it might be argued Edward vi. 
that Edward could do the same.. Northumberland played upon_ 
Jhejdymjg^ boy's fervent. Rrotestantisjn.. Opposition within the 
council was overborne by covert threats and other forms of per- 
suasion. Most of the members, as well as the judges who were 
called in, were of opinion that it was unconstitutional, if not 
treasonable, to support the king, who was himself a minor, in 
setting aside by his own authority the course of succession laid 
down by Act of parhament. But the judges gave way when they 
received the order under the Great Seal to draw up the necessary 
letters patent, accompanied by a pardon for their action in case 
it should subsequently be held that they had broken the law. 
A number of members of the council appended their Tie council 
signatures, afterwards declaring that they did so in coerced, 
fear for their hves. Cranmer only signed when he had been 
tricked into beheving that the judges had pronounced the 
proceeding to be legal ; the shrewd secretary, William Cecil, 
professed that his signature was only that of a witness. But 
the deed was done on 21st June. Northumberland was still 



132 The Struggle of the Reformation 

organising the distribution of the available government forces so 
as to prevent resistance, when the king died on 6th July. For 
two days his death was kept secret. . On the loth Lady^anajj'as. 
proclaimed queen in London. The general silence with which 
"the proclamation was received by the crowd was broken only 
by the voice of a 'prentice remarking, ' The Lady Mary hath the 
better title.' 

II. Mary, i553-i558 

For nine days Lady Jane, the innocent victim of Northumber- 
land's ambitions, was queen ; nine days sufSced to s hatter the 
The plot whole plot to atoms, although at the first moment^its . 

coUapses. success seemed to observers ia London to be assured. 
For Northumberland had failed to capture Mary. Just in time 
she learnt that the king was dead and that'troops were on the 
march to secure her, and by hard riding she escaped out of reach. 
At once she dispatched a letter claiming the allegiance of the 
council, but not before the duke had received a sharp rebuff from 
Queen Jane, who flatly rejected his proposal that her husband 
should be crowned king. Her conscience had not allowed her tQ 
refuse the crown for herself, earnestly as she had desired to do 
so, when every one round her declared that it was her duty to 
accept it. But there could be no duty to adopt this new proposal, 
and the girl's resolution could not be shaken. On the heels of 
this came the news that the eastern counties were up for Queen 
Ma^^^ and thenjthat Northumberland's own sons were in^Jight 
from the troops which were to have captured Mary, but promptly , 
went over to her side. The duke dared not send any member 
of the council forth, lest he too shoidd desert the moment he was 
out of reach. He marched out himself, and then it became 
known that the men in the fleet had also compelled their officers 
to declare for Queen ]\Iarj'. Half the council in London hastened 
to do likewise, Pembroke setting the example. As Mary and her 
levies approached, Northumberland's troops deserted him. AH 
the miserable traitor could do was to grovel for pardon. Queen 
Mary's triumph was complete. 



Mary 133 

She used her victory with unparalleled moderation. She re- 
quired some persuasion to consent to the execution even of 
Northumberland. Lady ,J ane._-and.. liei:...kaahand -Mary's 
were confin ed in the Tower; Ridley, bishop of leniency. 
"London, who had preached an inflammatory sermon, was also 
sent to prison. For the rest there was a general pardon ; even 
Suffolk went free. Cruelty and vindictiveness were altogether 
alien to Mary's nature. 1 

English loyalty and love of the law, sympathy with the.,i>PavS' 
woman who for twenty years had been the victim of perpetiial 
injustice, hatred of Northumberland, had carried Mary to the 
throne, not any sweeping reaction against the Reformation. A 
reaction there was against the extravagances of the Protestant 
zealots ; but what the country looked for was not the sup- 
pression of Protestantism, but a liberal and comprehensive 
treatment of the reUgious question, though it was only to be 
expected that the influence of the Old Learning, the Gardiners 
and Tunstalls, would preponderate. Nor was there any present 
sign that persecution would be revi\ ed. Gardiner, Bonner, and 
the rest were at once set free, but the most aggressive reformers 
were given ample opportunity to retreat. Some withdrew ; others, 
like Cranmer and Latimer, stood firm and made no submission. 
No complaint could be made if they were treated as Gardiner had 
been treated, with their concurrence. 

The zealous Protestants were anxious ; but there was more 
general anxiety concerning proposals for the queen's marriage. 
Philip, the crown-prince of Spain, was the candi- Aprospective 
date for her hand favoured by Mary and desired by nusDand. 
his father, the emperor, since the marriage would unite England 
with the Empire against France. Neither the p eople nor the 
statesmen of England approved ; there was too great a risk that 
England would simply be dragged whithersoever Spain wished 
to lead her. But the queen's heart was set on it, and all that 
her ministers could do was to fence the marriage treaty about 
with every conceivable safeguard. The popular desire was that 
she should marry the young earl of Devon, Edward Courtenay, 
son of that marquis of Exeter whom Cromwell had done to death ; 



134 '^^^ Struggle of the Reformation 

for Courtenay was of the blood royal, the grandson of Katharine, 
daughter of Edward iv. and sister of the queen's own grand- 
mother. 

Mary's first parliament was summoned in October. It de- 
clared Mary legitimate, and repealed all the ecclesicistical legis- 
lation since the death of Henry viii., on the ground that it was 
really invahd, because the late king had never attained his major- 
ity. Before it was dissolved, the Commons petitioned against the 
Spanish marriage. Hardly was the treaty signed in January 
(1554) when an insurrection broke out, headed b y Sir Thomas 

Wyatt.__ Protestantism was the probable motive 
WyaWs of the leaders, resentment against the Spanish mar- 

rebellion, riaere was their avowed pretext and the exciting 
January. o jt 

motive of most of their followers ; the unavowed 

intention was to depose Mary and set EUzabeth on the throne, 
with Courtenay for her husband. Suffolk, in spite of his pardon, 
was mixed up in it ; there was never adequate proof of Ehzabeth's 
compUcitj', though it is practically certain that she knew neither 
more nor less about it than she herself chose. There was a pre- 
mature movement in Devon ; Gardiner extracted some sort of 
intelligence from Courtenay, but not in time to prevent the out- 
break in Kent on the 26th. The real soul of the rebellion was 
there. Sir Thomas Wyatt. The old duke of Norfolk, liberated 
along with Gardiner, went down with the government troops 
to crush the rising ; his men deserted to Wyatt, and the duke 
had to seek safety in flight. Wyatt with his following marched 
upon London. There Mary's personal vigour and resolution 
checked the almost universal panic. The insurgents, stopped 
at London Bridge, marched up the river, crossed at Kingston, 
and advanced upon London in a long stragghng column, which 
was cut in two by a loyalist force attacking its flank. The van 
struggled on, and actualh' reached Ludgate; but when the 
loyahsts had once rallied, its fate was already sealed. Wyatt 
Its and many of his followers were taken prisoners, 

suppression. Mary could not repeat the leniency shown over 
Northumberland's plot, nor longer spare such a possible figure- 
head for rebeUion as the nine-days' queen. Jane Grey, Guildford 



iviary 135 

Dudley, Suffolk, and Wyatt were beheaded ; some hundred oi 

the rebels were hanged. Elizabeth and C ourtenav were both 

sent to t he Tow er. Both after a couple of months were set free, 

but for the rest of the reign the queen's sister was kept under a 

surveillance hardly distinguishable from a mild imprisonment. 

She cannot have felt at any time that her head was over safe on 

her shoulders ; but she was far too clever to give any handle to the 

enemies who sought her destruction, of whom Mary was not one, 

though she must have distrusted her sister profoundly. 

A new parliament met in April which ratified the marriage 

treaty ; but reaction had not yet triumphed. The emperor 

himself wished Mary to conciliate rather than to „ 

^ The second 

persecute her Protestant subjects as a matter of parliament, 
policy. Parhament refused to revive the Six 
Articles Act or the statute D& Heretico or to exclude Elizabeth 
from the succession. The same sentiment which ha dniade-the 
nation joyal to Mary made it also loval to Elizab^h. _ 

In July Philip arrived and married Mary ; he remained in the 
country Httle more than a year. The Spanish marriage was 
completed, but the country was not reconciled to _j^ 
it. Within the Hmits of the law, Mary began to marriage,, 
move more actively towards a religious restoration. 
Gardiner and his party had already learnt to reahse that sever- 
ance from the Papacy was incompatible with the recovery of the 
old ecclesiastical authority. From this time the party opposed^ 
to Protestant ism in England^were papalists, though hitherto 
t hey had no t been so. Still, Mary herself had always been bent 
upon a reunion with Rome ; by her own desire her cousin. 
Cardinal Pole, had been appointed papal legate to complete the 
reconcihation, though hitherto he had been carefully detained 
abroad for political reasons, lest his coming should add to the 
ferment attending the Spanish marriage. 

In November Mary's third parliament met, having for its first 
duty the reversal of the ancient attainder against negongmation 

Cardinal Pole. At the end of the month the legate with Kome, 
, . , . i . , ,1 November, 

arnved, was received m state, and m answer to the 

supplication of parhament gave absolution for the national 



136 The Struggle of the Reformation 

deflection from the Roman allegiance. A penitent people was 
welcomed back to the bosom of the Church, and was allowed to 
retain possession of the spoils taken from the Church. Without 
that condition it would have remained impenitent. 

At last Mary had a parhament which was ready to concede 
the powers she required to carry out her longing for the salvation 
Persecution o^ the souls of her people. It revived all the. penal 
sanctioned. ^^^^ against heresy, and abolished all th e ecclesiastical 
legislation after 1529, save in respect of the restitution of Church 
property. Not to the council nor to Spanish influence, nor even 
in the main to the papaUst bishops, must we attribate the one 
fiery persecution in our annals, but to the passionate conviction 
of the queen that only so the people whom she loved could be 
saved from eternal death. Yet the whole nation must share 
the responsibility. The Commons and the Lords acquiesced, 
the Lords with rather less readiness than the Commons. The 
majority of the council and the majority of the bishops did 
more than acquiesce ; they were wilhng agents in carrying out 
the queen's purpose. ^ But the effect of the p ersecution was not 
to stamp ou t heresy butjo make the most vigorous part of the , 
nation fervidl y Prot^tajit_ 

Persecution for heresy was no new thing. The law had always 

imposed orthodoxy, and for a century and a half open refusal 

Character *° ^^onform to the doctrines recognised as orthodox 

oftne had been punishable— and had been punished — ^by 

persecution. ^ ■" 

death at the stake. But for eight years past the 

old definitions of orthodoxy had been set aside, and doctrines 

hitherto condemned as heretical had been permitted and even 

enjomed by the law. Now, opinions which had been taught with 

the sanction of the law were brought back into the category of 

heresies. It was quite a different thing to punish innovators in 

religion, as had been done in the past, from ordering men to 

reUnquish beliefs which had become firmly established under the 

aegis of the law. This is the feature which primarily distinguishes 

the Marian persecution from the persecution o f Lollards and 

Anabaptists. It is distinguished, 6irthe"'offier'hand, from all 

later persecutions in England and the British Isles, whether of 



Mary 137 

papalists or of Protestant dissenters .^ bec ause its_rnotiy£_was_ 
exclusively religious.^^ All the later persecutions were instituted 
avowedly on political grounds, however deeply religious ani- 
mosities may have entered into them. The practice of the old 
religion was punished on the ground not that the opinions held 
were erroneous, but that the persons who held them were pre- 
sumably hostile to the estabhshed government. And it may 
further be remarked that the later persecutions discarded the 
stake. The fires of Smith^eld appealed to the popular imagina- 
tion far more vividly than the gallows, the rack, and the thumb- 
screw. /Tlary's three hundred victims, martyred during four 
years, made an infinitely deeper impression than the more 
numerous victims who suffered for conscience' sake under 



Elizabeth and the Stuarts. 

During the first period of the persecution, while Gardiner was 
still aUve, it is to be noted that it was directed chiefly against 
persons who were well known, eminent for their Gardiner. 
virtue and piety, or distinguished as leaders, just, as Cromwell 
had chosen More and Fisher and the Carthusians for destruction. 
There were indeed no distinguished laymen among their number, 
because distinguished laymen preferred conformity to martyr- 
dom ; but Gardiner, not unreasonably, judged that the plague 
would be stayed by the deaths of a few such men as Rogers, 
Bradford, and Rowland Taylor, conspicuous for their virtues; 
bishops Ridley, Latimer, Hooper, Ferrar, and Archbishop Cran- 
mer. It was not till after his death that a crowd of otherwise 
quite insignificant persons glorified their cause and inspired 
courage instead of terror — old men and boys and tender women 
— ^by the steadfast faith and unflinching endurance with which 
they bore their cruel doom. 

Rogers, rep uted tobgjire-author of_Matthew's Bible^was the 
first of the martyrs ; he suffered just after the dissolution of the 
parliament which had restored the persecuting Act. 1655. January. 
There were signs enough that the country was taking alarm, 
and_Philip_ffias_carefiil_tQ_r£i££t all responsibihty for the perse- 
'tutionjthough Englishmen generally have tried to solace them- 
selves with the belief that he inspired it. As the spring advanced. 



138 The Struggle of the Reformation 

his hopes of an heir were disappointed. It became generally known, 
though the queen herself remained incredulous, that no heir ever 
Philip and would be bom. The great object of French policy 
Elizabeth. -^yj^g ^q secure the succession of the queen of Scots, 
now resident at the French court and betrothed to the French 
dauphin. 'y Cons equently it now became necessary for Philip^ 
that Elizabeth, not Mary Stuart, should succeed^r sister, and 
that she should be won to friendliness towards Spain.") The 
necessary antagonism of Spain to the succession of Mary Stuart, 
the necessity of its preserving, the friendship_of^Ehzabeth, is the 
Jcey to the policy both of Philip and of EHzabeth herselTfor many 
years to come. 

VEarly in September Philip left the country. Only once again,^ — 
in 1557, did he return to pay a brief visit to his unhappy wife, 
Philip and who persisted in a devotion to him which he was 
the Empire. .^,gj.y f^,- from retumingTj Charles v. was now on 
the point of abdicating in Philip's favour so far as Burgundy 
and Spain were concerned. Germany did not intend to remain 
tied to Spain, ajodChailescouldjnot contr ol the succession to 
the Empire, which presently passed to the Austrian archdukeJiiSi..^ 
brother Ferdinand, with whose house it remained thenceforth. 
Philip's time was fuUy taken up with entering upon EisTiewpos- 
sessions, though a temporary peace was patched up with France. 
Meanwhile, in October, Ridley and Lat imer were martyred at 
Oxford, when Latimer sounded his famous trumpet-call to the 
The Oxford reformers : ' Be of good cheer, brother Ridley; play 
martyrs. |-]^g j^^^ . ^jjjg ^^^ ^^,^ ^^ \\^t a candle which 

shall not be put out.' A few days later Gardiner died. Within 
six months the primate of England had followed Ridley and 
Latimer, but he had long been assured that nothing but his- 
recantation would save him. In the hope that he would recant 
his doom was deferred ; with difficulty a recantation was, in fact, 
extracted. t^Had he been set at liberty, the Old Learning would 
have achieved a triumph, and Cranmer would have gone down 
to a dishonoured grave. But the recantation did not save him ; 
he summoned up courage to repudiate it, and his name was added 
to the muster-roll of the Protestant martyrs?) 



Mary 139 

Financial necessities compelled the summoning of Mary's 
fourth parliament, just before Gardiner's death. It granted a 
subsidy, but its temper was shown by its flat re- 
fusal to revive the papal annates and the reluctance parUament, 
with which it conceded its sanction to the disposal 
by 'the queen of the ' tenths,' which were actually in her hands. 
With an empty treasury parUament could scarcely endure that 
the queen should voluntarily give away anything at all. There 
was a new pope, Paul iv., an austere and energetic reformer on his 
own Unes, and a vigorous upholder of papal claims ; and papal 
claims were not popular in England, even in the quarters where 
the New Learning was detested. Paul was very ill satisfied 
with the extent of the English submission ; ill ibss. 
pleased with Mary, though it was none of her fault ; and worse 
pleased with Pole, who was now archbishop of Canterbury in 
Cranmer's room. Papal claims clashed also with imperial claims, 
and were in consequence warmly supported by the French court, 
where papalist influences were entirely predominant ; though 
there was a strong Calvinistic or Huguenot group among the 
nobles, which had no small amount of popular support in some 
parts of the country. But from these conditions it resulted 
that Spain and the Empire were shortly again at war with France 
in her character of papal champion, and into that war England 
was soon dragged. 

Engla nd wa s__ restive, dis contented, gloomy. It was being 
sickened by the persecution ; trade and agriculture were in a state 
of the lowest depression ; national finance had gone 1557. 
from bad to worse. Bad harvests were making matters worse ; 
the vigorous navy which Henry viii. had brought into being had 
been allowed to decay for want of funds ; even the garrison and 
defences of Calais had been seriously weakened. Suddenly the 
blow, which ought to have been expected, fell. At the end of 
December 1557 the duke of Guise appeared before Calais. On 
6th January the prize which Edward iii. had won issg. Calais 
and England had held for two hundred and ten ^°^'- 
years was at last won back by the French. England's gate- 
way to the Continent was closed. Sick and sore as England was, 



140 The Striiggle of the Reformation 

English pride refused to own that the country was beaten, and 

the war dragged on. Mary persuaded herself that the hand of 

Heaven was upon her for her slackness in dealing with heresy; 

the persecution was intensified, but there were no signs that the 

Divine Wrath was relenting. Death was drawing near, and the 

queen knew that all she had been doing would be reversed by 

her successor ; yet all her husband had to say was to warn her 

to set no difficulties in the way of Elizabeth's accession. He saw 

his own release at hand, and was considering the advisability of 

retaining his position as consort of the queen of England, since 

when Mary was dead a papal dispensation would allow him to 

Mary's rnarry his deceased wife's sister ; and there would 

death, be no fear of that marriage being invalidated. His 

November. 

release did not come tUl November, when Mary died 

of the disease which had long been killing her ; and with Eliza- 
beth's accession the new era dawned. 



CHAPTER VI. ELIZABETH 

(i) RECONSTRUCTION, 1558-1578 

I. The New Queen, 1558-1560 

When Mary died, Elizabeth's accession was accepted by the 
nation without demur. It did not concern itself with arguments 
about legitimacy; it had chosen once for all that ,_.. 
the will of Henry viii. in the matter should be Eiizaueth's 
accepted as a final decision ; by its choice it was 
resolved to abide in 1558 as in 1553. The question was not to 
be regarded as an open one. Mary Stuart, queen of Scots, and 
now dauphiness of France, might have commanded the suffrages 
of legitimists and papahsts ; but the nation, which had so nearly 
broken into rebeUion over the Spanish marriage, would certainly 
not have remained at peace under the prospect of being ruled by 
a Franco-Scottish monarchy. No one even considered the claims 
of the countess of Lennox and her son, or of Katharine Grey. 
Still, there was a permanent danger that Mary might attempt to 
assert her claim, with France and Scotland behind her and aU the 
forces of papahsm. On the other hand, Philip of Spain could 
not afford to let England become a province of an empire which 
would include France and all the British Isles. That empire 
would completely sever the king of Spain from the Burgundian 
provinces, which he could only reach by sea. 

Elizabeth at five-and-twenty was a shrewd, hard-headed 
young woman, with powers of dissimulation which had been 
thoroughly trained in the school of adversity. She The queen, 
had long been obliged to trust to her own wits to keep on her 
own shoulders the head which many people would gladly have 
seen severed from them. She had learnt to be a very keen judge 
of character ; quietly and silently, she had already chosen the 



142 Elizabeth 

man who was to be the mainstay of her rule, Sir William Cec il, 
Cecil in Edward vi.'s time had been secretaryTo the coimcj^j 
Cecil. He was thorough^ versed in the inner worjdngs 

of political life; he was endowed with unlimited patience and 
capacity for hard work ; he never lost sight of larger issues, while 
no detail was too small to secure its due share of attention. He 
could not be cajoled or bribed or frightened, though he was quite 
capable of cajoling or bribing or frightening others if occasion 
arose. His sympathies were entirely Protestant, but he had 
no scruples about conforming when miUtant Protestantism was 
dangerous. Through Mary's reign he had been content to watch 
and wait ; his ambition was deep-seated, but was not of the kind 
which overleaps itself. And now his day had come. In con- 
junction ^nth his 5^oung mistress it was to be his business to 
restore order and system where all had become disorganised ; to 
set the national finances on a sound footing ; to establish the 
Church upon a basis acceptable not to this or that section but 
to the nation at large ; and besides this, he was to pilot the State 
through the intricacies of foreign relations, which were eternally 
threatening war, without breaking the peace which was so 
necessary to the national recuperation, and without surrender- 
ing oneEngHsh interest ; until the England which in 1558 seemed 
almost helpless and powerless had achieved such strength that 
she could fearlessly and triumphantly bid defiance to the power 
which overshadowed all Europe and dreeimed that it was mistress 
of the seas. 

There were three matters with which it was imperatively 
necessary to deal as soon as it was clear that the queen's title 
Needs of tue was not about to be disputed ©finance and the re- 
moment, storation of national credit^the religious settle- 
ment, arra the war with France. There was a fourth question, 
urgent in the view of the country, as to which EUzabeth had her 
^j^g own distinct ideas.^'This was her marriage ; but 

marriage the queen herself, instead of regarding it as in the 

question. ^" ~ - ■' '. 

least urgent, treated it for five-and-twenty years as, 

an invaluable diplomatic asset. The fact that she was unwedded, 

and that all England craved that there should be an heir of her 



The New Queen 143 

body who should put an end to all doubt as to the succession, 
made her hand a prize worth bargaining for, a prize worth 
dangling, never quite within reach, before innumerable suitors. 
Dangerous though it was to keep the succession open, terrible 
as might have been the chaos wrought by Elizabeth's death at 
any time during those five-and-twenty years, Elizabeth chose 
to take the risk, (^is possible that she herself knew of reasons, 
not to be published, which would have made her marriage use- 
less ; there are hints of contemporary suspicions that such was 
the case ; but, even if it were not so, the queen's attitude 
is intelligible. The prevailing keynote of her pohcy was a 
hatred of taking any irrevocable step ; she always struggled to 
keep a way of retreat open, and from a marriage there could have 
been no retreat. But she also had an unfailing confidence in 
her luck, a gambler's confidence, which was repeatedly justified. 
Marriage would have been a sort of insurance against her death 
for the benefit of the nation ; and she elected to speculate instead 
of to insure her hfe, which was quite consistent with the rest of 
her character. By keeping her hand free she was repeatedly able 
to gain what she always wanted — time. To the prudence of her 
advisers her gambling was an endless torment ; but time after 
time her luck and her wits together brought her triumphantly 
through apparently overwhelming risks, and she won her stakes. 
And so it was with the matrimonial juggle. 

Within six months the French war was ended. PhiHp and 
Henry, as well as Ehzabeth, wanted peace ; the one obstacle 
was the Enghsh determination to recover Calais, 
and that was a determination with which pride with France, 
rather than expediency was concerned. It was more ^ 
than doubtful whether the cost of Calais did not outweigh the 
advantage of possessing it. Philip was not prepared to go on 
fighting, with its recovery for England as the one end in view. 
England could not continue the war alone with any tolerable 
prospect of recovering the lost fortress. In April the peace of 
Cateau Cambresis was signed. France was to restore Calais after 
eight years, or else was to pay half a million crowns in default. 
France did not venture to press Mary Stuart's title to the Enghsh 



1 44 Elizabeth 

throne, and Elizabeth refused to pronounce officially that Mary 
was her heir-presumptive. To do so would have been an invi- 
tation for some assassin to clear the way for Mary's immediate 
accession ; besides which, Ehzabeth was queen in virtue of the 
will of Henry viii., and according to that will the heir-presump- 
tive was not Mary Stuart but Katharine Grey. 

The Spanish ambassador and the Spanish court took for granted 
that the young queen would regard herself as entirely dependent 
Eiizateth upon Spanish favour and support, and would take 
and PhUip II. f^g,- orders from Spain. The last two reigns had 
displayed a dearth of statesmen in England, which gave no 
warning that Elizabeth would be able to form a strong and inde- 
pendent government. Phihp at a very early stage proffered 
his own solution of the marriage problem by proposing^ himself 
as her consort, on condition of her returning to the Roman faith ; 
for her first steps had shown that she was only awaiting parlia- 
mentary authority to reverse her sister's ecclesiastical policy. 
Ehzabeth pohtely dechned. Her reason__was__unajiswgrat!le- 
There must be a papal dispensation to permit her marriage with 
her sister's widower. \ To acknowledge such a dispensation as 
vaUd would be to acknowledge also that Katharine of Aragon 
had been her father's wife and that she herself was a bastardTl 
Phihp found poUtical consolation, when the treaty wth France 
was sealed, by his own marriage to the French king's daughter 
Isabella ; but he had had an unpleasant demonstration of the 
English queen's independence. Both she and Cecil were thor- 
oughly ahve to the dominant fact that Spain could not afford 
to desert Ehzabeth, whatever she might do, because it was only 
the fear of Spain which deterred France from actively espousing 
the cause of Mary Stuart. 

Financial reconstruction was at once taken in hand. The 
crowd of corrupt or inefficient officials was displaced by men of 
Finance. integrity. Skilled financiers of known probity were 

called to the aid of the government. The mere fact that the 
reign of corruption was at an end counted for much. The 
immediate introduction of a rigorous economy in expenditure 
counted for much also. And of hardly less importance for the 



The New Queen 145 

restoration of national credit was the reversal of that fatal 
policy of debasing the coinage which had prevailed for twenty 
years. The current coins were worth only a fraction of their 
face value, their purchasing power was proportionately dimin- 
ished, all the better coins had either gone out of the country or 
were being hoarded, wages were worth less than half their pro- 
fessed value, and the exchange with foreign countries was in a 
state of chaos. The debased coins were now called in, and all 
the new coins issued contained silver and gold to their full face 
value. No English govern ment ev er.again-resQEted-to-aaiebase- 
ment_of the coinage. Lastly, the new finance held fast to the 
principle of the punctual repayment of all loans ; consequently 
before long government was able to borrow upon reasonable 
terms, instead of paying the usurious interest demanded during 
the long period of depression. 

The third question was that of the religious settlement. For 
Elizabeth the repudiation of papal authority was a poUtical 
necessity, on account of her birth if for no other Religion, 
reason. The last two reigns had made it clear that the attempt 
to combine that repudiation with the rejection of Protestant 
doctrines was impracticable. The settlement must be on Pro- 
-testant lines and must recognise the supremacy of the State. 
But the lines must be such as would reconcile the largest possible 
number of the queen's subjects to it, and especially such as would 
give the best security against a papaHst movement in favour of 
a papalist candidate for the crown. Reactionaries were out of 
range, but conservatives must be conciliated. At the same time 
the advanced school must not be allowed to think that they were 
no better off than they would be under a reactionary rule. In 
point of doctrine Ehzabeth's personal preference would un- 
doubtedly have been for a return to the position as it was during 
her father's last years ; some of the reformers in high places 
would have liked to go further along the Calvinistic path than 
even Northumberland's last parliament had ventured ; but 
statesmanship, taking a purely political view of the situation, 
retreated slightly from that position in favour of conservatism. 
The "pr""^c r.f p^,-c-^^,it;^r) j^^nf^f v-° suspended ; a decent unifor- 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. K 



1 46 Elizabeth 

mity of outward observance was all that the State need concern 
itself with. 

On these lines the settlement was carried out. Until parlia- 
ment met in January no changes were enjoined, and the official 
Tiie services remained unaltered. But when the Houses 

Bettiement. j^jg^ ^jjgy proceeded to repeal Mary's legislation. 
A new Act of Supremacy was passed, which pronounced the 
Crown to be ' supreme in all causes ecclesiastical as weU as civil ' ; 
aboUshed the recently revived heresy Acts, forbade prosecutions 
on the ground of false opinions, except such as were manifestly 
contrary to the plain words of Scripture or to the pronouncements 
of the first four universally acknowledged General Councils of 
the Church ; and made the refusal of the Oath of Supremacy a bar 
to holding office. It also authorised the formation of a court 
with a special authority to deal with ecclesiastical questions. 
This was followed by the third Act of Uniformity, requiring the 
use of a revised prayer-book shghtly modified from the Second 
Prayer-Book of Edward vi. The married clergy who had been 
deprived by Mary were reinstated. The conducting of illegal 
forms of service, and in a less degree attendance, was made a 
punishable offence ; but the authorities were allowed an ample 
latitude in the rigour with which such penalties were enforced. 

Convocation, of course, protested against the Act of Supre- 
macy. An unusually large number of bishoprics had recently 
THe clergy, been vacated by death, including that of Arch bishop 
^ole ; of the few bishops remaining nearly all refused to take 
the oath, and were deprived. Of the rest of the clergy only 
some two hundred seem to have lost their livings for refusing 
to accept the prayer-book. The vacant sees were filled up almost 
entirely with moderates of the school of Cranmer and Ridley ; 
and Canterbury was given to Matthew Parker, a leading member 
of the group. The Apostohc Succession is held by Romanists 
but not by Anglicans to have been broken by the circumstances 
of the ordination in which Bishop Barlow took part, because the 
validity of Barlow's own ordination was called in question, 
though not until he had been dead for nearly fifty years. It may 
be remarked in passing that there is precisely the same lack of 



The New Queen 147 

absolutely conclusive evidence that Bishop Gardiner was ever 
consecrated, as in Barlow's case ; the same absence of any official 
record of its having taken place. 

Elizabeth's settlement was made with the common consent 
of the Crown, Lords, Commons, and the bulk of the clergy. But 
Scotland was in a different plight. Since the de- Scotland, 
parture of the child queen to France a year after 1548-58. 
Pinkie, the real head of the government had been the queen- 
mother, Mary of Lorraine, maintained by the papahst clerics, 
the anti-Enghsh irreconcilables, and the French. The actual 
regency was for a time in the hands of Arran. But he was bribed 
by the French duchy of Chatelherault to let the formal office of 
the regency as well as the strongest personal influence pass to 
Mary of Lorraine in 1554, just after the accession of Mary Tudor 
in England. During the intervening years the Reformation had 
been making considerable progress in Scotland both among the 
people at large and among the nobles, to whom the English 
example of confiscating church property seemed a very excellent 
one. Once she was regent, Mary devoted herself to the object 
of turning Scotland into a French province. By so doing she 
aroused precisely the same kind of resentment and opposition 
as was always called into being when the country suspected its 
government of Anglicising tendencies. When, early in 1558, 
the queen of Scots was married to the French dauphin, the 
Scottish commissioners in charge of the accompanying treaty 
took the utmost care that Scottish independence should be 
thoroughly guarded ; nevertheless, they returned to Scotland 
in the full conviction that it was the aim of French policy to de- 
stroy that independence. They did not know, however, that the 
queen had been persuaded to sign a private compact of her own, 
conve3dng the kingdom of Scotland to France in the event of 
her own death without heirs — an act on her part which can be 
condoned only by the consideration that she was barely sixteen 
and that the only influences she had known, the only theories 
of her own powers and her own duties with which she was 
acquainted, were those which she had imbibed amidst French 
surroundings. 



1 48 Elizabeth 

In 1558, then, when Elizabeth's accession in England was 

close at hand, Scotland was approaching a double crisis. She 

had to make up her mind between the risks of a 
The Scottisa 
situation in French and of an English dommation, and between 

^°°*' the religions of Rome and of Geneva ; since in Scot- 

land as in France the preachers of the Reformation, of whom the 
mightiest was John Knox, were all of Calvin's school, and the 
Protestantism both of the populace and of the nobility was of 
a far more grim, intense, and imcompromising character than 
was ever the case in England. As matters stood, to be on the 
side of the Reformation was to be on the side of alhance with 
England ; and already the leaders of the double movement, the 
rehgious reformation and the opposition to the regent's French 
government, were openly banded together in a covenant to make 
their religion the national religion, and were coming to be known 
by the significant name of Lords of the Congregation. That title 
in itself marks a vital distinction between England and Scotland. 
In the one country it was the Crown which severed the nation 
from Rome, in the other it was the people themselves. 

The moment of the crisis in Scotland coincided with the political 
triumph of Protestantism in England. It was also the moment 
1559. 'The when the accession to the throne of England of the 
crisis. actual queen of Scots and prospective queen of 

France might any day become a question of practical politics. 
The regent made an attempt to conciliate Scottish sentiment By 
promising ecclesiastical reforms. But she accompanied it by 
an attempt to restrict the freedom of the preachers. The 
preachers paid no attention, and the regent found that the threat 
to employ force was certain to be met by force. A sermon 
preached by John Knox at Perth was followed by a riot, in which 
ever5d:hing in the nature of an image in the church was destroyed, 
and in two days the people of the town had devastated every 
building in the place that belonged to monks and friars. Force 
could now be the only arbiter. 

Manifestly it was to the interest of Elizabeth that the regent 
should be defeated in the coming struggle. The Lords of the 
Congregation, headed by Lord James Stuart, the illegitimate 



The New Queen 149 

brother of the Scots queen, best known by his later title of earl 
of Moray, intended to extract from England all the help they 
could. That France was threatening was implied, EUzabeth's 
when Mary and the dauphin quartered the royal arms attitude, 
of England with those of Scotland and France on their blazon. 
But if England openly supported the Lords of the Congregation, 
Elizabeth would be palpably aiding rebels against their sovereign, 
and by so doing would give France an excuse for attack. Cecil 
and Cecil's adherents were, nevertheless, in favour of this course, 
reckoning that if France intervened Spain would have no choice 
but to intervene on the other side. Elizabeth gave the first 
example of her peculiar but successful methods when the crisis 
reached a still more acute stage, through the accidental death of 
IIenjyja;_at_a^toiirnaaieaL.^^ of Francis 11. and_ 

Maryto the Frencli_ throne. She doled out secret pecuniary aid 
to the Lords of the Congregation, while publicly refusing them 
support. She cajoled them by dallying with the piaying with 
proposal that she should marry the young earl of suitors. 
Arran, who had borne that title since his father became duke of 
Chatelherault. The covert suggestion was that it might become 
practicable for the Scots to depose Mary and to proclaim Arran 
king as being next prince of the blood royal. Thus the crowns 
of England and Scotland would be united by the action of the 
Scots themselves. While she daUied with Arran she also cajoled 
Philip of Spain by giving ear to his proposal that she should 
marry his cousin, the Archduke Charles, one of the sons of Philip's 
uncle, Ferdinand, who was now emperor. Elizabeth never had 
the least intention of marrying either the archduke or Arran, or 
indeed any of her other suitors. Even while she played with 
Arran and the archduke she tormented her council by unseemly 
flirtations with Lord Robert Dudley, a younger son of the traitor 
Northumberland, although he was a married man. But she 
would commit herself to nothing and to no one, though all avail- 
able funds were expended on the equipment of the fleet. 

In the winter it was certain that French reinforcements for Scot- 
land were on the point of saiUng, but in January 1560 the English 
admiral, Wynter, appeared with a squadron in the Forth. The 



I50 



Elizabeth 



French expedition was shattered by a storm ; and Wynter's 
squadron gave complete security to the Scottish coast, although 
he was professedly acting on his own responsi- 
Engiishheip, bility without orders from his government. Philip 
anuary. ^.^ ^^^ want England to intervene in Scotland ; 
he was afraid of being forced into a war with France. (Philip 
threatened ; Elizabeth knew that the threats were empty, but 
they had their invariable effect upon her — they made her defiant H 
and EngHsh troops were sent across the border under the com- 
mand of the duke of Norfolk, grandson of the old duke, who had 
died soon after Wyatt's rebellion. She defended her action by 
arguing that she was not supporting rebels against their lawful 
sovereign ; that, on the contrary, the Lords of the Congregation 
were faithful subjects defending their own constitutional rights 
and the honour of the Crown, which was being jeopardised by 
the unconstitutional proceedings of the regent. From week to 
week her council and her officers never knew whether she meant 
to go on or to draw back ; but she did go on. 

The EngUsh troops settled down to the siege of Leith, which 
held out stubbornly. But the death of the regent herself in June 
The Treaty ^^^ decisive. The Treaty of Leith or Edinburgh 
of Leith, was negotiated and signed on 6th July between the 

English and the French in Scotland. Pthe terms . 
were: a_coDiplfij£ withdrawal of the French, the acknowledgment . 
that Elizabeth was queen of England, and the promise of the 
toleration demanded by the Lords of the Congregation,^ Ilafy" 
'5'tuart' s ref usalJo_ra-tiivJJieJxeajlyjas of mino r consequence ; 
jthe_ex2ulsion_of^the French had secured absolutely the ascend-- 
ency of the party of the R ef ormation inScotland^ The tension 
was further relaxed when, later in the year, Francis ii. died an d, 
was__sucse.ede(l.by his youthful brother, Charles ix. The n ew 
French king, was under the domination of his moth er, Katharine 
de Medici, vv^ho became thexeal ruler of Francg, The ascendency 
of the Guises, the uncles of Mary Stuart, was broken ; they were 
the representatives of the extr'eme Cathohc and anti-EngUsh 
party in France, and it was Katharine's policy to preserve a. 
bai lee betweenj QaJJlQlics and Huguenots. Mary was no longer. 



Frayice, Spain, and Scotland 151 

queen of France, and France had npjonger the same interest in 
seating h er on tlie throne^f England, cilthough as far as Philip 
of Spain was concerned her accession was still too dangerous to 
be permitted. In 1561 Mary, being then in her nineteenth year, 
returned to the land of her birth, which for the next seven years 
became a tragic stage. 

^^^lat was in some sense a private episode demands here a brief 
notice. Lord Robert Dudley's \\'ife, Amy Robsart, died in 1560. 
The e\'idence points to murder, but not, on the whole, to Dudley's 
comphcity. Dudley, who was presently made earl of Leicester, 
remained as conspicuously as before the favourite of the queen, 
who kept the possibility of her marriage to him in reserve as a 
means to her favourite amusement of tormenting her ministers 
and exasperating foreign ambassadors. It was long before the 
favourite himself finally realised that, however fascinating she 
might find him, she was far too seine to marn,' him. Still, that 
possible complication repeatedly enters into the diplomatic in- 
triguing of the decade. So seriously were politicians perturbed 
by it that Cecil himself was suspected of conni\-ing at a secret 
marriage which took place between Katharine Grey and Edward. 
Sejinour, earl of Hertford, with the possible intention of assert- 
ing Katharine Grey's claim to the throne in the event of Eliza- 
beth's marriage to Dudley. 

II. FR.\^"CE, Spain, .\xd Scotl.\xd, 1560-1568 

In i'^68 Mary Stuart became Elizabeth ' s captive, an d re mained 
for the res t_jf JiCT^life a^_Brisoner_in the^ hands of the English 
queen. That fact was for more than eighteen years isei-s. 
a dominant, if not the predomineint, feature in the -^^road, 
situation. ^Abou t^the _same da te ^tffgirR ir France, had ^_gL.de- 
vdoped that that countrj- was.diyidgiiet5:een_tlieiiostne camp s 
of Cathohcs and Huguenots, who f or thirty vears to come were 
alwajfs either actually fighting or in a state of very^precarious 
truce.^ By that date also the relations between Philip of Spain 
and his subjects in the Netherlands had become so strained that 
a war was on the verge of breaking out which was onty brought 



152 Elizabeth 

to a close after forty years by the virtual, though not even then 
formal, recognition of the independence of the northern Nether- 
lands — ^known officially as the United Provinces, and unofficially 
._by the name of one_state, Holland. Also the year j[563_saw 
the end of t he Council of Trent, which had been sitting at inter- 
vals from 1545 onwards. That council finally laid down the 
definitions which cut off from what Rome called the Catholic 
Church all the other Churches, which Rome called heretical 
sects ; with the consequence that in popular parlance the name 
of CathoUcs was appropriated to those within the pale and the 
name of Protestants to those outside it, although large numbers 
among the latter bodies were not in the technical sense Pro- 
testants, and were in their own view no less members of the 
Catholic Church than the Romanists. 

During these years, from the Treaty of Leith to Queen Mary's 
flight into England, England was engaged in endeavouringJ;o__ 
and in. avoid foreign entanglements, in confirming at, home 

England. ^^ j^g^ Settlement of religion, and in carrying^ 

through the economic reforms which were an essentfal condition,, _. 
o f Ker s tabihty! ButEnghshmen were also developing the sea- 
manship which was presently to make them decisively victorious 
in_ thegreat struggle with Spain ; and the year 1567 witnessed 
the incident which may be regarded as specifically opening, thougli„ 
unofficially, the duel for supremacy on the seas — the adventure 
of Hawkins and Drake at San Juan D'Ulloa. England during 
these years advanced from a condition of apparently extreme 
instabihty to one of complete stabihty, by sound administra- 
tion along the lines already laid down. Her Protestantism be- 
came steadily more marked ; for the queen's ministers were 
more Protestant than the queen herself, the House of Commons 
was more Protestant than the ministers, while the mariners, if 
not the country at large, were more Protestant than the. House 
of Commons. The reformed administration of the national 
finances restored national credit and commercial confidence. 
Industrial__conditions were improved.b y the Statute of Appren- 
4i£fis^of__i56^ _the rural depression was passing away- with the,^ 
cessation of enclosures, due to th e arrival of an equilibrium 



France, Spain, and Scotland 153 

between the profits of tillage and of pasture and the adjustment 



Betwe en the demand and the sugpl^ of rural labour. But of this 
progress there is no story. The stories which were fraught with 
so much importance for the future of England were being worked 
out in other countries — in France, in the Netherlands, and most 
dramatically of all, in Scotland. How they were also being worked 
out on the Spanish Main and in Ireland we shall see hereafter. 

Jll_Fran£e the government liacl„. always, until, the death of ,. 
_Francis il.,, been opposed, -to „the„spread ,of reformed doctrines,, 
within th.e^ country, but .Jiad.,been. politically quite ^^ ^ 
ready to make, common cause with -Protestants in Catholics and 
other countries if French interests were expected 
to profit thereby. Nevertheless, within the country Calvinism 
had gripped large sections of the population as it had done in 
Scotland, and many of the nobility, whether from conviction or 
from political motives, had taken their stand on the same side. 
Thg Huguenot .lea,ders were the princes of the house of Bourbon^, 
Anthony, king of Navarre^ and his brother Cond^, on whom the 
succession to the crown would devolve if none of the four sons of 
Heiiry 11. left a male heir of his body. The recognised leaders of 
the fanatical Catholics were the Guises„th,e nncles^of Mary Stuart^ 
Guise influence was supreme until the death of Francis 11. and the 
accession, o.f. Charles ix., when th^e queen-mother, Katharine de_..^ 
Medici, acquired the ascendency. «,_-',- 

This, however, did not mean a Huguenot domination, since 
Katharine was the central figure of the party who became known 
as the Politiques, who took an entirely political ^he 
view of the religious question whether in domestic Poi'tilies. 
or in foreign affairs, and sought to balance the Catholic against 
the Huguenot leaders without being dominated by either. 
T oleration was Katharine's^cue ; but an edict in. favour of. ^the_ 
ffiUaJfrCtS-in ISS^. roused _Cathdic fanaticism.. Both parties 
took up arms, Anthony of Navarre was .killed, leaving , .ash is heir 
the boy who afterwards became Henry iv. ; the leadership of the 
Huguenots was vested in Conde and Admiral Coligny ; there was 
an indecisive battle at Dreux ; and then the assassination of the 
duke of Guise enabled Katharine to recover her ascendency by the 



154 Elizabeth 

Treatj' of Amboisein 1563 , and to c oniirm the edict of toleration. 
The regent, however, was distrusted by the Huguenots, and was 
suspected of intending to act in collusion with the Spanish govern- 
ment for the general suppression of heresy by force. Hence 
there was a fresh Huguenot revolt in 1567. It was brought to 
an end by another peace, confirming the Treaty of Amboise, 
but also confirming Katharine in her secret conviction that the 
Huguenots were more dangerous to her than the Cathohcs. 

The Spanish dominion in Europe at this time comprised in the 
Mediterranean the Balearic Isles, Sardinia, and Sicily ; in Italy 
Spain and the the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of Milan ; and 
Netherlands. ^^ Burgundian inheritance of the Netherlands, 

besides the county of Burgundy or Franche Comte. The Spanish 

Une of com munication with the Netherland s was by sea, Spain's 
provin ces ontne east ofTrance not being contiguous. .Now the 
northern 5aS"onEe Neth erlands had for the most part adopted 
2. Calvini sticjbypjS ofJii£.reformed reUgion, jn spite of occasioneJIvi.- 
_severe_gressure frorn rharlgs^v The southern provinces had 
in the main held by the old faith. Philip developed a convic- 
tion that he was the appointed champion of the true faith, the 
destroyer of heresy, though that view of himself did not preclude 
him from quarreUing with the Pope on occasion. He was deter- 
mined to suppress heresy at large, and more particularly within 
his own dominion. But he weis also bent on establishing his 
own autocracy, on making the Netherlands a province of the 
Spanish kingdom in defiance of the estabhshed rights of self- 
government, Buiyrimdy having_pnlv ^beco me accident alljL-asso-^ 
Ciated_with S pain through th^jnarriage of CharlesJL^t^Mei^r 
, Theh Kid of the Netherlands, Phihp's regent or viceroy, was^, 
his half-sister Margaret, duchess of Parma. TTaft'^hilip' been 
Philip's content to insist on the siipprSsion of heresy in 

repressive the northern provinces, the rest of the Netherlands 
would have raised no objection ; but his suppression 
of the constitutional rights of the nobles forced south as well as 
north into antagonism. They objected to being dominated by 
Spanish governors and officials and Spanish garrisons. Incident- 
ally the rehgious persecution drove considerable numbers of the 



France, Spain, and Scotland 155 

Protestant Flemings to seek safer quarters in England and else- 
where. Suspicions of an International Catholic League for the 
general suppression of heretics, and hatred of the methods of the 
Inquisition, which for many years past had been established both 
in Spain and in the Netherlands, brought about the formation in 
the Netherlands of a counter-league for the defence of Protes- 
tantism, complicated by the spirit of resistance to the uncon- 
stitutional Spanish domination. 

Philip was thereby only stiffened in his designs, and the tem- 
perate Margaret of Parma was superseded in 1567 by the duke 
of Alva, with a Spanish army under his command Alva. 
to enforce his authority. The constitutional character of the 
struggle was emphasised by the arrest of the constitutional chiefs. 
Counts Egmont and Horn, both Catholics ; a third, William the_^ 
Sile nt, prin ce of Nassau and Orange (which lies in Provence), 
escaped to his dominions, which lay outside the Burgundian 
territory, and soon became the heart and soul and brain of the 
northern Protestant defiance. Meanwhile Alva instituted a reign 
of blood and iron, which excited the protests even of ^ Philip !s 
cousin Maximilian, who had now succeeded his father Ferdina^ ^d^"^ 
as German emperor. At the moment when Alva imagined that 
he had completely terrorised the Netherlanders into obedience, 
they broke out into rebelUon, and the long war of Dutch inde- 
pendence was opened by the battle of Heiligerlee in May 1568. 
Immediately afterwards Egmont and Horn were executed. 

In these proceedings England took no part ; but for a short 

time she did attempt intervention in France, by no means to her 

own ultimate advantage. In the first Huguenot jij^abetn 

war of 1562 Conde intrigued for English help, and and the 

Huguenots, 
went so far as to admit an English garnson to Havre, 

and to promise the restitution of Calais as the reward of English 
help. By doing so he damaged his own cause with the French. 
It would have been sound pohcy for Ehzabeth to avoid pressing 
the claim to Calais, of which the restitution had been part of the 
bargain at Cateau Cambresis ; but, by insisting on it, she em- 
phasised the unpatriotic character of a section of the Huguenots, 
lost the confidence of the rest, and gained nothing. For at the 



156 Elizabeth 

Treaty of Amboise her allies could not venture to insist on the ful- 
filment of their pledges to her among the conditions of peace, 
and Elizabeth, who had certainly done nothing conspicuously 
deserving of reward, had to retire empty-handed. EngUsh inter- 
vention had, in fact, amounted to httle more than the unauthor- 
ised accession of a body of Enghsh volunteers to the Huguenot 
forces. 

The return of Queen Mary to Scotland was desired by both 
parties in that country. The Catholics expected her to further 

„ ,, ^ their cause ; the victorious party reckoned that 

Scotland : ^ -' 

Mary's without French aid she could not resist their domi- 

nation, and the chances of French aid, sufficiently 
damaged by the Treaty of Leith, were destroyed by the death 
of Francis 11. and the disfavour with which the regent, Katharine, 
viewed the whole Guise connection, and her daughter-in-law in 
particular. Mary could hardly help leaning upon her very 
capable and influential half-brother. Lord James Stuart, who was 
at the head of the Lords of the Congregation, was in close aUiance 
\rith John Knox and the preachers, and was at the same time 
supported by the acutest intellect in the country, Maitland of 
Lethington. The pressing need of the reformers for support 
from England had disappeared ; and the politicians were now 
rather turning their minds to securing the queen's ultimate suc- 
cession to the throne of England than to schemes involving her 
deposition, ^hejivalry between, the t\xo-cousiiis_became^iaite — 
from the moment of Mary's landing, and the most prominent 
object of manoeuvring on both sides was the question of a hus- 
band for the queen of Scots, even as the corresponding question 
in England was a perpetual source of anxiety to EUzabeth's 
ministers. 

To Elizabeth it was of first-rate importance that Mary's 
marriage — ^for that she should not marry at all was almost un- 
thinkable — should neither loosen her bond with 
Prospective 

husbands for France nor substitute for it a bond \vith Spain. 

The best husband for her, from Elizabeth's point 

of view, would be either some one poUtically insignificant or 

some one over whom Elizabeth herself could exercise a para- 



France, Spain, and Scotland 157 

mount influence. Fortunately for her, Philip was not over-eager 
that Mary should marry either of the two possible Hapsburg 
candidates for her hand, his son Don Carlos or his cousin, the 
Archduke Charles — ^whom Elizabeth wished, not indeed to marry, 
but to keep in the list of her own suitors. Katharine of France 
was not inclined to favour another alternative, the marriage of 
Mary to her young brother-in-law, Charles ix. Other possible 
candidates were her two cousins, Arran and Darnley, the son 
of Lennox, who stood respectively first and second for the suc- 
cession to the Scottish throne as both descending from Mary, 
the daughter of James 11. ; while in some circumstances Darnley 
himself might be put forward as Elizabeth's successor, 

A woman less daring and less self-reliant than the young 
queen of Scots might well have placed herself entirely in the 
hands of her brother. Lord James Stuart, but she Mary, Knox, 
was no less resolved than Elizabeth herself to play ^"^ Moray, 
her own game in her own way. She revolted against Moray's 
sombreness, and she loathed John Knox and the preachers, who 
bullied and lectured their queen with an assumption of authority 
modelled on the attitude of Samuel and EUjah to the monarchs 
of Israel — ^with the grim conviction that, if Mary once got the 
upper hand, she would in return treat them as Jezebel treated 
the prophets. To get the upper hand was what Mary wanted, 
and for a considerable time she tried to attain her end by a 
deference to her brother — ^who was raised to the earldoms of Mar 
and Moray — and even to some extent to the preachers. But 
neither Moray nor Knox believed in her deference or trusted her 
ultimate intentions. 

Now when Mary at last felt certain that she would be unable 
to secure either Don Carlos or the Archduke Charles ; when 
Elizabeth had shown conclusively that she was not ,,,„,, 

•^ 1565. 

going to commit herself by publicly acknowledging The Darnley 
Mary as her heir-presumptive, and had further in- 
sulted her cousin by offering her the hand of Leicester ; the Scots 
queen made up her mind that she could best achieve her object 
by marrying Darnley. Had Darnley been a young man of or- 
dinary capacitj^ even with sense enough to know when it was 



158 Elizabeth 

syise to efface himself, there would have been much to say for 
the plan from Mary's point of view. JHe, like herself, was-a=. 
grandchild of Henrv viii.'s elder sister . Bom and bred in Eng- 
land, he could not be barred from the EngUsh succession on the 
score that he was an alien ; thejoint^claun would Jbe di< fo:ult to 
set aside in favour of ^"'^I^.HV"" '^''.^'^"lir. t^""S^ she stil) jtpod . 
first under the will of Henry viii. He was a Catholic, and would 
command the support of Enghsh Cathohcs and of the king of 
Spain. The idea presented itself in a different hght to -Eliza- 
beth. Jfie Damley marriage would intensify_Pxotestant anta- 
gonism to a Stuart succession in England,„and would at once 
excite the alarm of the Lords of the Congregation^ As for 
Phihp, his approval was not at all Ukely to take the form of active 
intervention ; and Marj' could have lighted upon no man with 
defects of character quite so ruinous. Ehzabeth would not have 
been herself if, in the circumstances, she had openly encouraged 
the match ; on the contrary, she discouraged it, and placed 
impediments in the way. But she allowed Damley to go to Scot- 
land, and within six months Mary married him, in July 1565. 

Moray and the Hamiltons, the Arran connection, were already 
in arms to oppose the marriage ; but though Elizabeth privately 
fostered disaffection in her cousin's kingdom, she 
of Eizzio, would not give open assistance to open rebels. By 
' October Moray had beaten a retreat to England. 
There was indeed no reason to foment mischief ; no help was 
wanted. Pamley was a vicious, brainless boy ; Mary was a 
fascinating, self-willed, clever young woman, dependent on her 
own wits and wiles, since there was never a one among the Scots 
lords on whom she could bestow confidence. That confidence 
was given to her clever ItaUan secretary, David Rizzio, to the rage 
and disgust of the lords and the frantic jealousy of Damley. 
Lawless violence was a customary feature in Scottish politics. 
Simdry of the nobles entered into a ' band ' with Damley for the 
secretary's destruction. In February 1566 the conspirators 
broke into the queen's apartments in Holyrood Palace, laid 
violent hands upon Rizzio, and stabbed him to death almost 
under Mary's eyes. 



France, Spain, and Scotland 159 

Mary never forgot a friend nor forgave a foe. If she hadjot- 
hated Darnley before , sheiialed him now. But her one weapon 
was dissimulation ; there was no one she could u^ry 
count on to fight for her unless it was perhaps the dissimulates, 
ruffianly James Hepburn, earl of Bothwell. The most obvious 
of the conspirators were banished. Moray's absence made it 
possible to pretend to beUeve that he was entirely free from 
guilt in the matter. He was taken into favour, and Mary was 
formally reconciled with others of the nobles whose compUcity 
was less doubtful even than Moray's. She professed recon- 
ciliation with Darnley himself. A child was born, afterwards 
James vi. of Scotland and i._pf England. But Darnley was 
intolerable, to the nobles as well as to Mary ; in addition to his 
other unbearable faults, he would not keep his incapable fingers 
out of politics. Lethington and others made tentative sugges- 
tions to Mary for his removal. Darnley fell ill, there was 
another display of reconciliation, and the queen brought him back 
to the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, where they were lodged 
together in a house chosen by Bothwell, called Kirk o' Field. 
There, one evening, Mary left him to attend the 
nuptial festivities of one of her maids of honour. Murder of ^ 
That night Kirk o' Field was blown up, and in the 
morning Damley's dead body was found hard by, bearing no 
actual marks of violence. 

That Bothwell was the prime agent in the plot, and that 
Maitland and Morton were privy to it, is scarcely open to question. 
As concerns Mary herself, the circumstances point was Mary 
to her complicity, yet they are actually compatible &i^*y' 
with her entire innocence. The only conclusive direct evidence 
is in the documents subsequently produced in the famous casket, 
and their value depends entirely upon the question whether it 
was possible for them to have been in part forged. As they 
stand, if no forger had a hand in them, Mary's complete guilt is 
established. The whole thing turns upon a single letter. Apart 
from that letter, the rest of the documents, of which the authen- 
ticity is not in effect open to question, prove conclusively Mary's 
hatred for Darnley and her passion for Bothwell. They do 



1 60 Elizabeth 

not prove that she was actively engaged in any plot for Damley's 
murder. As to the one letter, it is not credible that it was forged 
from beginning to end ; no one but a Shakespeare could have 
invented it. But it is conceivable that forged passages were 
interpolated, though we are again confronted with almost in- 
superable difficulties in the way of interpolation ; while, on the 
other hand, there is evidence that the document, as we have it, 
differed in important particulars from the genuine document 
which fell into the hands of Mary's enemies. There the matter 
must rest, an insoluble riddle, to which every possible answer 
seems equally incredible. 

But the evidence which convinced the world was not that of 
the casket. The trial and acquittal of the indubitable murderer. 
The BotuweU Bothwell, were a mere farce ; and almost immedi- 
marriage. ^1y "ff.cr^IJi^, ^"t^^fdJ^ ViimgAlf ahf^npfpcl tj"* 

queen and married her, though with a show of force to_jcov^ 
appearances. The lords at once took arms ; BothweU, accom- 
panied by the queen, took the field against them. The forces met 
at Carberry hiU ; BothweU fled, and escaped from the country, 
and Mary fell into the hands of the victorious lords (June). 
They kept the infant prince in their own hands, and shut Mary 
up in Lochleven Castle, where she was compelled to sign a deed 
of abdication in favour of her son, appointing Moray regent. 
In ]May next year (1568) she escaped from her prison. A few 
followers rallied to her standard, but they were routed by the 
Langside, government troops at Langside on 13th May. 
May 1668. Three days later the fugitive queen had crossed 
the Solway and thrown herself upon the generosity of her cousin 
Elizabeth, who had been clamouring for her release and denounc- *- 
ing the rebellion of subjects against their lawful sovereign. 

III. The Art of Balancing, 1568-1578 

Elizabeth's solution of the problem presented to her was en- 
tirely characteristic. She cotdd not simply send Mary back to 
take her chance among her rebellious subjects. She did not wish 
to restore her by the force of English arms, because that would 



The Art of Balancing i6i 

revive in its full force the old antagonism of Scotland to Eng- 
land. She could not afford to give Mary free passage to France, 
which the Scots queen demanded as an alternative, Elizabeth 
because she could not with equanimity see a renewal ^'°^ T'is.'^- 
of Mary of Lorraine's attempt to set up in Scotland a French 
government, or a government entirely committed to the old 
French alliance. ( But s o long as she had Mary in England she 
could bridle the queen's friends by the threat of surrendering her 
to the Scots lords, and she could bridle the Scots lords by threats 
of her restoration. Also there would be always a possibility of 
finding an adequate reason for putting her to death should such 
an extreme course seem advisable. Mary would, of course, be 
a danger, as a figurehead for the forces of disaffection and of 
hostile foreign intrigues, on account of her claim to the EngMsh 
crown ; but the risk was worth taking for the sake of the 
diplomatic use which might be made of the prisoner. At the 
same time Mary was clever and fascinating ; therefore the danger 
must be reduced as far as possible by carefully fostering the dis- 
credit which her crimes, or her errors, or her ill-fortune, or a com- 
bination of all three, had brought upon her ; but the discredit 
must not reach the point of an actual demonstration of her guilt, 
if she was guilty ; it was advisable only to encourage the general 
belief in her iniquity. To this line Elizabeth held for eighteen 
years ; then she at last allowed herself to be persuaded that the 
moment had come when the utility of the living captive no 
longer outweighed the advantages of her death. 

To this end, Elizabeth almost immediately demanded that the 
Scots lords should exonerate themselves for their rebellious con- 
duct, while Mary was conducted from the border isgg. a 
to safer quarters at Bolton. There was too much commission^ 
CathoUc sentiment in the north, and the lords and the gentry 
there were too much inclined to sjmipathise with Mary, for 
security. The Scots lords were quite ready to defend themselves. 
A commission of investigation was appointed, consisting of 
Norfolk, Sussex, and Sadler, who had an intimate knowledge of 
Scotland. Moray and Maitland desired Mary's condemnation 
no more than Elizabeth ; moreover, there was no jurisdiction in 

Innes's Eng. Hist. — Vol. ii. L 



1 62 Elizabeth 

the matter. In theory the inquiry was not a trial at law ; bat 
by it Elizabeth got precisely what she wanted, the production ol 
sufi&cient evidence against ilary to satisfy public opinion of her 
guUt. Neither at York, where the commission at first sat, nor at 
Westminster, where it sat again after being reconstituted, was 
Mary given any opportunity of rebutting the evidence. Still, 
whUe the pubhc at large took it that Mary had no answer to give, 
those who were already her partisans, or felt strong inducements 
to become so, could find their warrant in the injustice which had 
virtually prevented her from clearing herself. Meanwhile she 
remained a prisoner. 

Now there was a section of the country, strongest in the north, 
which had an intense dislike to Elizabeth's Protestant govem- 
A Marian ment and to CecU as its mainspring. That section 
party. ^^,g^g eager for the succession at least, if not the 

immediate accession, of the CathoUc queen of Scots. There was 
another section among the older families, which detested Cecil as 
an upstart and desired the restoration of aristocratic influence. 
That section also favoured the succession of Mary Stuart, which 
was the bug-bear of CecU and the vigorous Protesteints. Between 
these two groups was generated the idea of annulling Mary's 
marriage with BothweU and marr3dng her to Norfolk, the premier 
noble and the only duke in England, and having the succession 
■definitely fixed upon their offspring to the exclusion of the Sey- 
mours, the favourites of the Protestant party. 

As a matter of course, this Marian party leaned to Philip of 
Spain and to the Guise party in France, while Cecil and the 
Protestants leaned to the Huguenots and the Protestants and 
Constitutionalists of the Netherlands. [Elizabeth, whatever her 
personal sjonpathies might be, knew that her own interests were 
^ ., . ^. bound up ^\ith those of CecU and of Protestantism ; 

\/6Cll S61Z6S bu6 

treasure fleet, but it was exceedingly doubtful whether his party 
would maintain its ascendency. CecU played an 
exceedinglj' bold stroke, which was warranted by its success. 
After the initial success at HeUigerlee the revolt in the Nether- 
lands seemed doomed to failure. StUl, Alva was in want of 
money ; money was coming to him from Spain in Genoese ships. 



The Art of Balancing 163 

Those ships were forcibly brought into English harbours, and 
Elizabeth ' borrowed ' the money. The strength of Cecil's 
position was demonstrated when Philip failed to make this sur- 
prisingly high-handed proceeding a casus belli. But it had a 
further ruinous effect upon Spanish policy in the Netherlands. 
Alva seized all English goods within his jurisdiction ; Elizabeth 
responded in kind, and the Spaniards lost a great deal more than 
the English. Then Alva, in desperation, imposed'an intolerable 
tax upon the Netherlanders, which trebled the intensity of their 
hatred towards the Spanish dominion. 

The English lords were very unequally matched with the as- 
tuteness of Cecil, and bj' July 1569 his ascendency in the council 
was once more established. The outcome of the 
contest was the rebellion of the north, headed by Northern 
the earls of Westmorland and Northumberland. If 
the original designs of the not too intelligent conspirators had 
taken effect, Norfolk would have been -with them, and possibly 
help from Alva ; they would have released Mary, married her to 
the duke, and compelled Elizabeth to submit to their domination. 
But their plans had been outmanoeuvred, Norfolk was in effect 
under arrest, and the earls rebelled, because they thought that 
their only hope of safety lay in striking first. In November they 
rose for the Catholic religion ; but Mary was hurried away out 
of their reach ; and six weeks after the first out- Feudalism's 
breaV the earls' forces had dissolved and the earls ^^^* ®'^'"^- 
themselves were refugees. Moray in Scotland had taken care 
that they should get no help from the turbulent borderers. Yet 
Lord Dacre, who before had held aloof, from personal hostility to 
Norfolk, attempted to renew the revolt in January, with disas- 
trous results for himself. The government dealt heavily with 
the rebels ; tke executions numbered not far short of a thousand. 
A stern lesson was needed ; for the assassination of the Regent 
Moray at the moment of Dacre's rising made Elizabeth's rela- 
tions with Scotland exceedingly precarious for the time being. She 
had given Moray little enough help, but she was very well aware 
that his services to her had been invaluable. (jQius, ended—tlie-- 
last attempt of the remnant^of the feudal aristocracy to assert 



1 64 Elizabeth 

themselves against the Crown. The future lay with the new 
families, ^le men who achieved the glories of Ehzabeth's reign 
were all of houses unassociated with the old aristocracy^ 

This was the moment chosen by Pope Pius v. for an irresist- 
ible invitation to the English government to regard adherence 
to Romanist doctrines as ■prima facie evidence of 

1570. The ' ■' 

BuU of treason. At the beginning of 1570 he issued a bull 

epo ion. excommunicating Elizabeth and deposing her. It 
followed inevitably that recognition of the papal authority in- 
volved repudiation of allegicince to EHzabeth. One effect was 
that many of those who had been secretly disposed in favour of 
the Papacy, now driven to choose between loyalty to the Pope 
and loyalty to the Crown, became definitely Protestants in the 
pohtical sense. The other effect w&s, that every one who was 
under suspicion of papalism was also under suspicion of dis- 
loyalty ; and the-figour of the laws against popish practices was 
intensified. English C atholics had no reason to be gratefulJo. 
JiheJPope f or his ill-tiined pronounoraigntj while the Protestants 
v^oiced^ because it compelled the government to be more em- 
phaticaUy Protestant than before. 

Meanwhile France, too, was providing Protestants with encour- 
agement. The truce between Catholics and Huguenots had not 
i^ ' lasted long. The arms of the Huguenots met with 

Huguenots reverses, yet they were not to be crushed. In 1570 

- — '- a~tRiceLwas^ again called, and it appeared that the 

Huguenot leader, Colignj', was likely to acquire a predominant 
influence for himself and his party. A Huguenot ascendency in 
the French government pointed to a prospect of a French cdliance 
antagonistic to Spain ; and proposals were mooted for a mar- 
riage between Elizabeth and Henry of Anjou, brother and heir- 
presimiptive of the French king, with a view to the reconciliation 
of both religions to the government of both countries, which, 
united, could frustrate Philip's aggressive designs. 

Such a prospect was by no means to the liking either of Philip 
or of the Cathohc irreconcilables among Elizabeth's subjects. 
A new plot, known as Ridolfi's, from the name of an Italian banker 
who was a prime mover in it, was started for the marriage of 



The Art of Balancing 165 

Mary and Norfolk, and the deposition at least of Queen Eliza- 
beth, by Spanish aid. On the other hand, Ehzabeth was 
obliged to call a parliament in 1571 in order to ask for 
supplies, and the Commons proved to be aggressively aggressive 
loyal and somewhat inconveniently Protestant from 
the queen's personal point of view. Parliamentary sanction, 
hitherto refused, was given to the Thirty-Nine Articles of the 
Prayer-Book, and an Act was passed by waj' of a retort to the 
papal Bull of Deposition. If the Commons had had their way, 
they would have disqualified from the succession any one who 
had asserted a title to the crown of England, so definitely barring 
Mary ; but this was modified so as to apply only to any one who 
should assert such a title in the future. It was made high treason 
to question Elizabeth's title or to call her a heretic. 

Meanwhile Ehzabeth was upsetting her ministers and her 
envoys in Paris by her calculated vacillations on the subject of 
the Anjou marriage. They, desiring the marriage, . 

were tormented by contradictory instructions, vary- marriage 
ing from week to week ; because Elizabeth's own 
intention was to back out of it, but to fix the responsibility for 
the failure of the plan on the French. Her ingenuity was suc- 
cessful, and Anjou himself discovered reasons for breaking off 
the negotiations without producing any breach between the two 
courts. 

In September the Ridolfi plot was exposed. Cecil, recently 
created Baron Burghley, who had long been watching it through 
his spies, procured enough information to warrant •^^^ Ridoifl 
the seizure of some of the agents, and the whole P^°*- 
plot was revealed. Norfolk, who had been set at liberty after 
the northern rising, was proved to be impUcated, and was sent 
to the block. The complicity of the Spanish ambassador, Don 
Guerau de Spes, was proved, and he was dismissed from the 
country. A Spanish invasion and the assassination of Elizabeth 
had formed a part of the scheme. Elizabeth, however, refused 
to take any steps against Mary ; no incriminating evidence was 
produced, though the pubhc, of course, assumed that she was at 
the bottom of the conspiracy. 



1 66 Elizabeth 

The result was that when a new parliament met in May 1572 
it demanded the Scots queen's attainder. She was not an Eng- 
Ush subject and could not be. attainted, but the thing 
queen and had got beyond the possibihty of technically legal 
^^^' treatment. There was no government in Europe 

which in the existing conditions would have hesitated to put 
Mary to death. EHzabeth, in spite of her ministers and in spite 
of pubhc opinion, entirely refused. Her action cannot be attri- 
buted to a magnanimity which she never displayed ; but the 
sanctity of crowned heads was one of her very strongest con- 
victions. Mar^^'s execution would be an irrevocable step, and 
she loathed irrevocable steps ; and she still thought that, in the 
balance of risks, more might be made out of a hve Mary than 
would be gained by kiUing her. As to Mary herself, it must be 
observed that she had every right to attempt to escape from her 
captivity by any possible means short of assassination ; and no 
pohtician of the day outside of England had any qualms about 
assassination if the assassin could be relied upon to dissociate 
himself from any connection with princes and ministers. Mary 
knew that the Ridolfi plot was on foot, she always claimed her 
right to appeal to foreign princes to aid her ; but there was never 
any direct evidence until 1586 that she cormtenanced her cousin's 
assassination ; and in 1586 it is possible, and not altogether im- 
probable, that the decisive evidence against her was forged. 

Henrj^ of Anjou'5 wthdrawal had allowed a fresh negotiation 
to be started, equally insincere on Elizabeth's part, whereby the 
^ third of the surviving French brothers, Francis of 

Lepaito, and Alenfon, was to take Henry's place. It mattered 
Uttle that both the French princes were nearly 
twenty years younger than the queen. But events on the Con- 
tinent were about to produce a sudden overturning of the whole 
pohtical situation. First, in October 1571 the combined Spanish 
and Venetian fleet inflicted a great defeat upon the Turks at 
Lepanto, a triumph attributed to Phihp's illegitimate half- 
brother, Don John of Austria. This check to the Moslem ad- 
vance relaxed the strain upon PhiUp and added prestige to the 
Spanish arms. Within six months there came a reverse for 



The Art of Balancing 167 

Spain. Many of the Netherlanders had betaken themselves 
to the sea and to more or less open piracy to escape the grip 
of Alva. They waged a miscellaneous war with the Spaniards, 
and received much help of a kind that was hardly even surrepti- 
tious from the Enghsh ports. Pubhcly Ehzabeth ordered their 
removal from Enghsh harbours, privately she connived at the 
assistance given to them. In March 1572 the Hollanders, under 
de la Marck, cleared out of Dover ; but within a few days they 
had sailed into the Meuse and captured the town of BriUe. This 
was beyond reasonable doubt the concerted signal for a general 
conflagration ; and Alva discovered that the whole country, which 
he supposed to be under his heel, was in a flame of revolt. 

Burghley and his not less able colleague, Francis Walsingham, 
a rigorous Protestant, who was now serving as Elizabeth's envoy 
at Paris, imagined that the queen was this time in st. Bar- 
earnest over the Alen9on project, anticipated a de-^^£i°™®^-_^ 
finite Huguenot ascendency in France, and looked for a vigorous- 
intervention in the Netherlands as the result. The reconcihation. 



of the_ parties in France:aasjabQut_to be completedby thejnar;:;_ 
jiage^of the Haguenot head of the Bourbons, Henry of N avarre,, 
to th _ e Fren ch p rincess, Margaret. Shrewd as they were, they 
had not reckoned on Guise fanaticism, or on the length Katharine 
was prepared to go to preserve her own ascendency. The French 
queen-mother saw the great Huguenot leader, Admiral CoUgny, 
acquiring over the mind of the still youthful Charles ix. an 
influence which filled her with alarm. The Huguenots were 
gathering in their thousands to Paris to join in the celebration 
of the royal marriage, which took place on i8th August. On the 
sixth morning thereafter the streets of Paris were running red 
with the blood of the massacre of St. Bartholomew. On a low 
estimate, not less than twenty thousand Huguenots were slaugh- 
tered by the Paris mob, which broke loose from all control, and 
the appalling example was promptly followed in a rupture 
other towns and districts where Huguenots were '^'*'^ France, 
in the minority. All chance of a Protestant aUiance which should 
include France was destroyed. But the Paris massacre aroused 
a passion of indignant wrath, which gave a new fire to the zeal 



1 68 Elizabeth 

of fendd Protestants, and aroused zeal in the Cause where here- 
tofore there had been a somewhat careless indifference. From 
this time at least the mass of Englishmen thirsted for the countn,- 
to take the lead in bidding defiance to Rome and to every champion 
of Rome. 

But Elizabeth was not moved b}' that passion. Probably she 
had realised that sooner or later England would have to trj' 
conclusions ^vith Spain, but she did not mean that day to come 
so long as ^^it and luck gave her the power to put it ofE. It 
ver}' soon became evident that the massacre had not been the 
outcome of a deep-laid plot between the Cathohc powers, as had 
at first been suspected. Katharine had only wanted to secure 
her own supremacy, to strike a blow at the Huguenot leaders, not 
to destroy- the Protestantism which she cotild utilise as a counter- 
poise to Guise influence. She did not want the French govern- 
ment to take service imder Philip, which would have been the 
inevitable result of its alliance with the king of Spain. She , 
had blundered, and was only anxious to retrieve her error and to 
recover the goodwill of England. 

On the other hand, Spain was mainly anxious not to open an 

attack upon England but to prevent em Anglo-French alliance. 

Rapprocne- ^^^ made use of the rupture, the MTath of England 

ment with against the French government, to renew amicable 
Spain. 

relations, and b}" so doing to leave the Xetherlanders 

without hope of effective assistance. So when ^lons, which was 
held by the insurgents, was forced to surrender, the garrison were 
treated with ostentatious magnanimity, by way of contrast 
to the Paris outrage. Outward amity with Spain was entirel}' 
to the taste of Elizabeth, who very much disliked the r61e of a 
patroness of rebels. In 1573 an actual alliance with Spain was 
achieved. Commerce -s^as reopened \nth the Low Countries, the 
Enghsh were forbidden to fight for the rebels in the Nether- 
lands, and Spain withdrew her protection from the English exiles, 
the irreconcilables who were endeavouring from abroad to under- 
mine the estabhshed government in England. 

During the 5'ear Alva was recalled at his owtx request, and his 
place was taken b}- Requesens, whose pohcy it was to defeat the 



The Art of Balancing 169 

revolt not by military rigour but by detaching the southern 
from the northern Netherlands. If the Catholic south were con- 
ciliated, the process of crushing the Protestant north 1573. 
would presumably be made so much the easier. '^°°'i'''''ii- 
England also must be conciUated, and Elizabeth must be per- 
suaded to restrain the hostility of her mariners to Spain ; for so 
long as they were allowed to go their own way, the communi- 
cations between Spain and the Netherlands were perpetually 
menaced. 

So France was left to arrange her own internal struggles, and 
Orange was left to fight his own battles ; while England and 
Spain officially proclaimed their mutual goodwill and their earnest 
desire to remove those grounds of dispute which still unfor- 
tunately stood in the way of a perfect harmony. Philip ejected 
from Douai the seminary where WiUiam AUen educated young 
English Catholics to spread the papalist propaganda in England ; 
and Elizabeth put some Anabaptists to death. 

But neither Elizabeth nor Philip had the slightest intention 
of giving way upon two absolutely fundamental points. Phihp 
would not surrender the right claimed by the In- Rifts in the 
quisition of seizing heretics of whatever nationality ^™*^- 
in Spanish ports or on Spanish soil. Ehzabeth would not ac- 
knowledge that English sailors who set the laws of Spain at 
defiance were punishable either as pirates or as heretics. And 
meanwhile in France poUtical considerations seemed to be 
gradually overriding religious animosities. From a national 
point of view, it was to the interest of France to champion the 
cause of the obstinate Netherlanders, who were grimly deter- 
mined never to submit to any terms of a kind which Philip would 
sanction. And William of Orange was well aware that the best 
way of gaining English support was to frighten Elizabeth with 
the prospect of a French protectorate of the Netherlands as the 
undesirable but necessary alternative to English aid. 

While the governments were making mild diplomatic conces- 
sions, each with mutual professions of goodwill and expressions 
of anxiety lest the amicable relations should be overstrained by 
the other's obstinacy on a point with regard to which it was 



1 70 Elizabeth 

manifestly wrong, popular sentiment in England and in Spain 

was becoming more and more hostile. The English, in fact, were 

more than ready to try the arbitrament of war. 

1574. ■' ■' T-1- T- 

Re-enter Peace was preserved because neither Elizabeth nor 

encon. Philip considered that the time had come. The only 

thing which could definitely force Ehzabeth's hand would be 
French intervention on behalf of William of Orange ; and that 
menace she endeavoured to avoid, or at least to defer, by re- 
viving the idea of the Alen9on marriage. Intervention in 
conjunction with France was a tolerable alternative to noninter- 
vention. What was not to be thought of was the intervention 
of France alone or of England alone. A long experience had 
taught Ehzabeth that she had no surer way of gaining time than 
by starting negotiations for a marriage. Henry of Anjou had 
succeeded Charles ix. on the throne of France in 1574, and 
Alen9on had succeeded at the same time to the title of Anjou. 
But it may be found less confusing to refer to him still by the 
earher title. He had associated himself with the Huguenot 
party ; and it was this which gave plausibility to the matrimonial 
scheme. 

The government of Requesens, by its comparative mildness, 
had provided some excuse for refusing active countenance to 
the persistent Hollanders. Requesens had succeeded in his aim 
of separating the south from the north. But in 1576 the governor 
died. Before a new governor arrived to take his place the 
Spanish troops, whose pay was in arrear, suddenly broke loose 
from restraint, and in what was called the ' Spanish Fury ' pil- 
laged and wrought havoc wherever they were quartered, in the 
south as well as in the north, and especially at Antwerp. The- 
1576 TUe work of Requesens was undone ; the whole of the- 
Pacification provinces were reunited by the Pacification of Ghent, 
and combined to demand the withdrawal of Spanish 
troops and the concession of toleration to the Protestants of the 
north. The provinces refused to admit the new governor, Don 
John of Austria, until the concession should be granted. 

Don John had acquired a brilliant reputation, higher perhaps- 
than his abilities warranted. He was popular and ambitious ; 



The Art of Balancing 171 

to Philip he was, as a matter of course, an object of extreme 
jealousy. Elizabeth counted on that jealousy to curb the most 
dangerous designs of which Don John was suspected. j^g_. 
While the governor negotiated with the states-general Divided 

CO tins sis 

of the provinces, Elizabeth pressed them to with- 
draw the demand for reUgious toleration — a hopeless proposal 
— and on the basis of this proof of goodwill negotiated with 
Philip. Early in 1577 it appeared that both the pohtical de- 
mands of the United Provinces and England's demands with 
regard to English sailors in Spanish ports were to be conceded. 
Then the Netherlanders found that Don John's pacific programme 
was only meant to enable him to establish a footing in the pro- 
vinces. They became defiant again ; but in the meanwhile they 
had become disunited. The southern provinces proposed to 
bring in the Archduke Matthias of Austria, a Catholic, who was 
allowed to try his chances, which were shattered by Don John 
at the battle of Gemblours in January 1578. French interven- 
tion had been turned aside through a recovery of power by the 
Guise faction, to which the unstable Alen^on had attached him- 
self. On the whole it appeared to Elizabeth that she could 
afford to leave matters alone in the Netherlands. The- forces 
were sufficiently balanced to make it tolerably certain that the 
Netherlanders would not be able to eject Don John, and that 
Don John would not be able to crush them, for some time to 
come. 

The relations with Philip became so friendly that a Spanish 
ambassador was once more accredited to the English court, 
Bernardino de Mendoza. Orange played the same ^g^g 
card as before. The northern provinces would not orange and 
give way on the question of religious freedom ; for 
that they would fight to the last gasp, and if Elizabeth would 
not support them they would offer the leadership to Alengon. 
Elizabeth's response was as before ; she renewed the proposal 
of her marriage to Alengon, the initial condition being his rejec- 
tion of Orange's offer. But once again her astonishing good 
fortune came to her aid. Her great fear had been lest Don John 
should succeed in a project for marrying the queen of Scots ; but 



172 Elizabeth 

Don John died suddenly. His successor was the greatest soldier 
of the age, Alexander of Parma, PhiUp's nephew ; and she could 
be tolerably sure that Parma would confine himself to the serious 
business of bringing the United Provinces into subjection. 

At the same time there occurred another event which must 
compel France to be anxious for the English alliance. King 
Portugal. Sebastian of Portugal was killed on an expedition 
to Algiers ; he was succeeded by a great-uncle, Henry, a cardinal, 
who could not possibly leave any heirs of his body ; and King 
Phihp claimed, through his mother, to stand next in succession 
to the crown of Portugal. When Portugal should be united to 
Spain, an alliance between the French government and Philip 
could only involve the complete subordination of France, and 
therefore French interests imperatively required the cultivation 
of EngUsh friendship. 

IV. Ireland, 1547-1578 

During the second half of EHzabeth's reign Irish affairs take 
a prominent place among current matters of state ; the con- 
Irish dition of Ireland is a constant factor in the relations 
relations. between England on the one side and Spain and the 
Papacy on the other. Until this time the sister island had only 
affected English poUcy in an occasional and spasmodic fashion. 
Ireland had been an outlying province, left for the most part to 
its own devices, not making itself felt, and not being treated, as 
an integral portion of the Enghsh State. The story of the reigns 
of Edward vi., of Mary, and of EUzabeth down to the twentieth 
year from her accession, has been told without any reference to it 
at all. But while Irish affairs were having no direct effect upon 
affairs in England, events were there taking place during these 
years which soon forced her upon the reluctant attention of 
English statesmen, and of Englishmen who were not statesmen, 
and were preparing her to be for , centuries a perpetual thorn in 
the side of her greater neighbour. 

The process had indeed begun when Ireland was an asylum 
for Yorkists, and still more for pretenders to the throne of 



Ireland 1 7 3 

Henry vii. Consequently the first Tudors, more than their pre- 
decessors, had seriously attempted to estabhsh something more 
hke an Irish government than had been known in under Henry 
the past. Poynings' Law had formulated some sort ^'^- andviii. 
of constitution, and for administrative purposes Henry vii. had 
found it best to entrust the ablest and most powerful noble- 
man in Ireland, Kildare, with an effective control. When Kil- 
dare died leaving no one to take his place, when there was no 
Irishman who could be trusted to ' rale all Ireland,' Henry viii. 
had vacillated between the pohcies of repressing and of conciliat- 
ing the Irish magnates ; but both pohcies were worked on a scale 
too parsimonious to be effective until the exceptional skill of 
Anthony St. Leger combined them successfully for a time in the 
latter years of the reign. 

St. Lager's successor, BeUingham, during his brief rule had 
entirely dropped the pohcy of conciliation for that of repression, 
since the magnates had begun to revert to their 
natural preference for disregarding EngUsh law. Edward vi. 
BelHngham had been successful enough, but his ''' 

rule was brief, and after his departure in 1549 the Irish govern- 
ment paid the penalty for the incompetence of the successive 
governments in England. Government by the strong hand, 
government which could make itself felt, required to have dis- 
ciplined troops and a reasonable amount of money at its disposal. 
In Ireland both those requisites were wanting. English law ran 
within the Pale, which had been extended so as to include the 
greater part of the province of Leinster ; outside the Pale the 
great chiefs, who were all equally Irish, whether they were 
Norman Fitzgeralds, Burkes and Butlers, or Celtic O'Neills, 
O'Donnells and O'Briens, followed their own devices as of yore. 

In the north the two greatest magnates were O'Neill of Tyrone 
and O'DonneU of Tyrconnel, while there was a colony of Scottish 
M'ConneUs and others in Antrim, who owned some allegiance to 
the Scottish earl of Argyll. Tyrconnel and Tyrone were natur- 
ally rivals, as Butlers and Fitzgeralds were rivals in the south. 

Now Con O'Neill, who had joined in most of the attacks 
on the English government from 1520 onward, got his reward. 



1 74 Elizabeth 

the title of earl of Tyrone, in the conciUatory days of St. Leger. 
Under the Celtic rules of heredity, illegitimacy was not a bar 
snan o'Neui. to succession ; and Tyrone wanted his favourite 
illegitimate son Matthew to succeed him. The English govern- 
ment agreed, but his eldest legitimate son, Shan O'Neill, did not. 
While Mary was still reigning in England, Shan succeeded in 
virtually deposing his father, and got himself recognised by 
the clan as ' the O'Neill.' He ruled the greater part of Ulster 
with a strong hand, keeping much better order than the English 
government in the Pale, though his methods were unconven- 
tional. Then he turned on Tyrconnel, raided his lands, and 
made himself in effect master of the whole of Ulster. Sussex, 
who from 1556 to 1564 was deputy in Ireland, was already 
alarmed at the development of Shan O'Neill's power. In 1561 
he marched against the Irishman, who defeated and very nearly 
Shan under annihilated his force. Elizabeth, having in her 
Eiizabetu. mind the precedent of Henry vii. and Kildare, 
■sent for Shan to England, granting him an amnesty for his 
transgressions, a safe-conduct, and his expenses. Shan came 
and studied Enghsh ways, which he did not regard as adapted to 
his native country. In his absence Ulster rapidly returned to 
a state of lawlessness, and Elizabeth was obliged to recognise 
that the one chance of keeping order was to let Shan go back 
with very full powers over the north. 

But as soon as he was back in Ulster he began intriguing right 
and left with possible enemies of the Enghsh government. 
Sussex again tried to bring him to order, and again failed. It is 
■curious to observe that Englishmen in Ireland throughout the 
reign of the Tudors could never free themselves from the idea 
that assassination and treachery of the most flagrant kind were 
quite permissible in deaHng with Irishmen, and were crimes only 
when committed by Irishmen. The second failure to suppress 
5han master Shan suggested the experiment of placing the three 
of Ulster. provinces which were outside the Pale under the 
presidency respectively of O'Neill and perhaps Clanricarde and 
Desmond. Shan kept his province in order, and that not 
•out of love for the English government but because he was a 



Ireland 1 7 5 

born ruler of a barbaric type. It was tolerably obvious that his 
ultimate intention was to attempt the overthrow of the English 
power. 

So a more vigorous deputj^ was sent to Ireland, in the person 
of Henry Sidney, in the beginning of 1566. Sidney found the 
Butlers and Fitzgeralds cutting each other's throats ^ggg Henry 
in the south, the Pale itself in a state of chaos, and Sidney. 
O'Neill estabUshed almost as independent sovereign of the north. 
Shan dechned to venture within the deputy's reach, and the deputy 
wrote for men and money to crush him as a necessary condition of 
restoring the supremacy of the EngHsh government. Elizabeth 
did not Uke wasting men and money in Ireland, and Sidney got 
onlj?- half what he wanted. On the other hand, Shan failed to get 
the support either of the Antrim Scots or of Desmond in the 
south ; so Sidney was able to re-establish T5n:connel as a friend 
of the English in the north-west, and to place a strong garrison 
in his new fort of Derry. Shan was hemmed in by ^iie end of 
enemies, tried vainly, by posing as an enthusiastic s'^*'^- 
Catholic, to get help from the Guise faction in France, but 
soon found himself unable to maintain his resistance. He took 
refuge with the Antrim Scots, and there his career was ended in 
a brawl in 1567. 

Shan had failed, but he had put into the heads of the Irish 
chiefs the idea of seeking alliances or help in the character of 
staunch upholders of the old religion ; ,for the Religious 
EngUsh Act of Uniformity applied in Ireland, al- antagonism, 
though by far the greater part of the population clung to the old 
ways. Neither Philip nor the Guises took the shghtest interest 
in Ireland, except so far as she might be used as a means to 
the annoyance of Elizabeth. But religion became a standing 
battle-ground between the EngUsh government and the Irish 
population ; religious hostility was definitely added to what we 
must call racial antagonism, the antagonism not of the Celt but 
of the Irishman to the Englishman. And to these was now to 
be added a third factor. 

In order to establish the EngUsh ascendency the idea was 
conceived of instituting an English landed proprietary. It was 



176 Elizabeth 

discovered that a great number of estates were held in Ireland 
by some title, which was good according to Irish traditional 
1568. custom but was not valid in English law. A group of 

Colonisation. j^gyQ^ adventurers proposed that these lands should 
be forfeited and should be handed over to them. After that 
they would take care of themselves and the lands at their own 
cost and with their own swords. The plan wasjg.rried o ut. The 
jprincipal settlements were in the Desmond coiinjry. Of course, 
the Irish rose on all hands to resist what was in their eyes sheer 
robbery. In Munster in particular the new-comers were attacked 
and cut up, the leading part being played in 1569 by Desmond's 
kinsman, James Fitzmaurice. Ormond and the Butlers main- 
tained their traditional loyalty, in spite of the fact that Sir Peter 
Carew had taken possession of some of the Butler lands ; but 
they warned the government that if the colonising policy were 
carried further the strain would be too great. Sidney marched 
into Munster, dealt out condign punishment, and left Sir Hum- 
phrey Gilbert behind him to maintain order ; which he did by 
acting on the principle that the Irish were what an Englishman 
in the Pale had once called them, ' bears and bandogs,' without 
those human quahties which the same Englishmen would recog- 
nise, even with passion, in the Indian victims of Spanish tyranny. 
Out of Ireland, Gilbert was the most humane, the most cultured, 
the most kind-hearted of men. But he treated the Irish much 
as if they had been a pack of wolves. 

The idea of Irish presidencies under Irish chiefs had collapsed 
completely. The experiment was now tried of making Munster 
An era of 3- presidency under Sir John Perrot, who may have 
experiments, ^^gg^^ ^ g^^ ^f Henry VIII. ^ BuTsTr John proved too 
expensive for Ehzabeth, and was withdrawn. Then Desmond, 
who had for some time been detained a prisoner in England on 
suspicion of treason, was allowed to return to his own country, 
ostensibly reconciled, but actually full of resentment. 

It was the turn of the north to be made the subject of the next 
experiment. The earl of Essex, Walter Devereux, was in effect 
granted a large slice of Ulster as an estate on which he might 
try some ideal schemes of his own at his own expense. Ulster 



Ireland 177 

was not adapted to ideal schemes. The Irishmen professed the 
utmost loyalty to the queen, but declined entirely to recog- 
nise the earl's authority. The earl's volunteers, 1573.6. Essex 
instead of entering into his projects, deserted when ti^e elder. 
they found that there was nothing to be got out of the country. 
Essex was rapidly converted to the normal English view of the 
preternatural depravity of all Irishmen. Having failed to rule 
Ulster ideally by the help of volunteers, Essex was now made 
official governor, with government troops at his disposal. But 
he stayed only long enough to entrap one of the O'Neill chiefs 
by a piece of sheer treachery, and to massacre a number of old 
men, women, and children on the island of Rathlin — apparently 
to his own complete satisfaction and to that of the authorities 
in England. And yet he had originally gone to Ireland with 
the most admirable intentions and a behef that he could win the 
Irish by pure reason and amiability. His own preconceptions 
were rudely dashed, whereupon he committed himself to the pre- 
conceptions of other people. As for attempting to understand 
the Irish point of view, neither Essex nor any one else seems to 
have thought of it. They only thought of imposing their own 
point of view on the Irish. 

Sidney, in response to his own repeated entreaties, had been 
recalled before Perrot was sent to Munster. He was now per- 
suaded to return to Ireland, where in spite of his 

^ 1676-8. 

rigour he had won general respect and even some Sidney's 
liking. The Irish hailed his return as at least 
promising an improvement on the other experiment. He pre- 
served order, but inevitably he did so by the only methods 
which had even temporarily succeeded since the time of St. Leger. 
When he retired again in 1578 the Irish were as ready as ever they 
had been to break out in insurrection at the first convenient 
opportunity. The salvation of the English ascendency lay in 
the fact that the Irish chiefs and tribes were incapable of con- 
certed action. Even Shan O'NeiU had failed to combine them. 
A united Ireland might conceivably ha\e expelled the English, 
but Ireland was never united. 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. M 



CHAPTER VII. ELIZABETH 
(2) ' DUX FEMINA FACTI ' 

I. The Struggle approaches, 1578-1585 

It is possible but not probable that Elizabeth would have herself 
viewed with equanimity a settlement of the Spanish problem in 
The queen's the Netherlands on the lines which she advocated 
policy. publicly, the concession by PhiUp of the constitu- 

tional demands of the Netherlanders and the submission of the 
Netherlanders on the question of rehgion. That solution would 
have been bitterly resented by the majority of her own subjects, 
and it would have set Phihp free from a perpetual and serious 
embarrassment ; but it would have been in accordance with her 
theory that it lay with the Crown to direct and control the 
religion of its subjects. The fact, however, would rather seem 
to be that she was thoroughly alive to the intensity of the 
Hollanders' determination to fight for religious liberty to the 
last gasp. What she wanted was an excuse for refusing to give 
them open assistance so long as she could prevent their receiving 
that assistance from France, which she intended to effect by the 
new Alen9on intrigue. • The ministers in the country detested 
the whole business ; their sympathy was with William of Orange, 
and, with very good reasons, they entirely distrusted Alen9on. 
The proposed match was intensely unpopular ; but EUzabeth 
■did not mean to marry the French prince, she only wished to 
keep him danghng after her as long as she possibly could, and 
she could alwa3'-s delay any definite settlement on the plea that her 
subjects must be brought into a more reasonable frame of mind 
before the marriage could actually take place. ' 

So she entered upon the new intrigue with zest, while Parma in 
the Netherlands again devoted himself to detaching t^ie southern 

178 



The Struggle Approaches 1 79 

from the northern provinces, and then to a steady inch-by-inch 
subjugation of the north. To Mendoza and Philip she appeared 
to be playing their game quite satisfactorily, while Beneath the 
she herself derived an acute enjoyment from trick- surfacer 
ing them, tormenting her ministers, and fooling Alen9on to, the 
top of his bent. And while she and Philip were professing an 
amity in which neither of them believed, each was encouraging 
unofficial proceedings to the detriment of the other. Drake, 
with the queen's connivance, had started a year before on the 
great voyage round the world, in the course of which he was 
now robbing the Spaniards of some millions of treasure ; \ English 
volunteers could not be restrained from joining the forces of 
Wilham of Orange ; and when an opportunity offered, Philip's 
subjects were allowed a corresponding hcence. 

The opportunity came with the organisation of a papahst 
attack, with separate plans of campaign for Ireland, Scotland, 
and England. Open revolt in Ireland, court in- a nana list 
trigue in.Scotland, and j._Jesuitmissi£nin England, campaign. 

3ereJo,_briiig_^bo.utJ]i&jix^^ 

establishment of Mary on the English throne^ and^the_^return ,gf^ 
England and Scotland to the papal allegiance. 

The attack opened in Ireland in the summer of 1579 with 
the arrival of a small expedition on the west coast, accompanied 
by the Jesuit, Nicholas Sanders, and also by the 

1579 

determined rebel, Desmond's cousin Fitzmaurice. Ireland: 

Munster was soon in a blaze, some of the English ^^^ Desmond 

rehellion. 
colonists were murdered, and Desmond joined the 

rebellion. The English president of Connaught, Malby, collected 
such troops as he had, marched south, killed Fitzmaurice, scattered 
the insurgents, and drove them back into Smerwick, which had 
been fortified, while Desmond himself retired to Ashketyn. But 
Malby could not conduct a prolonged campaign ; he was obliged 
to withdraw to Connaught, and as soon as he was gone Desmond 
came out again and cut up the Enghsh colony at Youghal. It 
was not till March of the following year, 1580, 1680. March, 
that Elizabeth would sanction the provision of sufficient sup- 
plies to enable Ormond, and Pelham from the Pale, to take 



1 80 Elizabeth 

vigorous action against the rebels. They carried fire and sword 
into the heart of the Desmond country. Then the supplies were 
again stopped for a time. After an interval, during which the 
insurgents again made head, more supphes were allowed, and the 
loyalists again took the field with vigour. 

It seemed that the insurrection was on the verge of collapsing 
when it broke out in a new quarter, within the Pale itself. The 
new deputy. Lord Grey de Wilton, marched into Wicklow to 
crush the rebels, but his forces were drawn into an ambush and 
cut to pieces. And just at this time a company of adventurers, 
smerwiok. Spanish and Italian subjects of Philip, arrived at 
Smerwick to give fresh heart to the Munster insurgents. In the 
late autumn, however, a decisive campaign was opened. Lord 
Grey marched from Dublin to join the loyahsts in the south, 
and turned upon Smerwick, held in force by the new arrivals. 
But when Grey was joined by a squadron of English ships under 
the command of Admiral Wynter, the fate of Smerwick was sealed. 
On gth November the garrison surrendered at discretion, and six 
hundred of them were put to death on the spot, though most of 
the officers were held to ransom. The massacre achieved its 
object, the termination of any resistance which could be described 
as organised. The Irish were terrorised into submission, and 
the terror was maintained. 

In Scotland the intention was to estabHsh CathoUc influence 
over the young king, who was virtually in the hands of the Regent 

■'^o'^o'^ '^^^ th.^ reforming nobles and preachers. To 
Scotland: this end his cousin, Esme Stuart, lord of Aubigny, 

was sent over from France. He represented a 
junior branch of the house of Lennox. Damley's father, Matthew 
of Lennox, had been killed in a fight in 1571 ; Damley's brother 
died in 1576, leaving a daughter, Arabella Stuart, of whom more 
will be heard presently. The earldom of Lennox itself was now 
in abej^ance. Esm6 Stuart was a nephew of Matthew, and stood 
next to his infant cousin Arabella in the hne of the Scottish 
succession, but outside the line of the English succession. A 
degree of success attended his mission. He. managed to win 
the affections of the young James and to overthrow the powerful 



The Struggle Approaches i8i 

but unpopular Morton, who was executed in 1581 on the charge 
of comphcity in Damley's murder. In other circumstances 
French assistance might have secured the continued ascendency 
of Esme Stuart, on whom the title of duke of Lennox had been 
conferred ; but Alen9on was still hoping to secure the hand of 
the queen of England, and French help was not forthcoming. 
Moreover, the fall of Morton was only in a minor degree the work 
of the small papahst party ; the regent was a poUtical Protest- 
ant, but he was no friend of the preachers, and the rigour of his 
rule was by no means to the liking of the nobihty. Within a 
year of Morton's death a party of the nobles, in what was called 
the raid of Ruthven, captured the person of James, and Lennox 
had to leave the country. 

The third campaign was that of the Jesuits and Seminarists in 
England^ At the head of it were two men of extrerriely different 

types, Robert Parsons or Persons, and Edmund „ , 
— j-z. — L_ ^ — _, _ , _ -__ , -England: 

Campian^ Campian was moved by a pure religious Parsons and 
fervour for the conversion of his countrymen; he ^"'P^^'^- 
had no ulterior poUtical designs. But that fact in itself made 
him a tool all the more useful in the hands of his colleague, whose 
aim was to procure the overthrow of EUzabeth. Parsons was, 
in fact, the incarnation of everything that in Protestant eyes 
caused Romanism to be identified with treason against the nation 
and the Crown. He typified the militant Romanism bom of the 
Council of Trent, the Romanism which was bent upon stamping 
out heresy as the one object to which aU other considerations 
must give way. Campian awakened in other breasts his own 
fervent religious enthusiasm ; Parsons turned it to account by 
instructing converts that it was their duty to destroy EUzabeth. 
They were taught that it was legitimate to plot treason and to 
profess loyalty, but an imperative duty to take part in treason ; 
actively if possible, but at least to the extent of succouring and 
sheltering plotters. Parsons and Campian were not alone, but 
they were, so to speak, the headquarters of the Jesuit campaign. 
The counter-campaign was conducted by the secretary, Francis 
Walsingham, the ablest of Burghley's colleagues. Walsingham 
was the organiser of what may be called the political detective 



1 82 Elizabeth 

system which brought to ruin one after another the endless 
conspiracies of Ehzabeth's reign. Himself a fervent Protestant, 
Waisingham. he was always the most advanced of Elizabeth's 
counsellors in urging her to declare herself once for all the de- 
termined champion of Protestantism, and there was no man 
who spoke his mind so fearlessly and freely to the queen, or so 
vigorously condemned her tortuous methods. The queen knew 
his infinite value ; he was the only one of her ministers of whom 
she was actually afraid. But even Walsingham, as well as Cecil, 
protest as he might, could not guide the queen, but was obliged 
to obey her. In the matter of organisation, however, Walsing- 
ham had a free hand. Absolutely incorruptible himself, he had 
no hesitation in emplo3ang the most corrupt agents, and in 
allowing them to adopt methods as unscrupulous as those of the 
agents of Philip of Spain. He, perhaps more than any other 
man, must bear the responsibihty for the use in England of tor- 
ture as a means of extorting evidence, though for no other 
purpose. 

It was Walsingham's habit to bide his time ; but before the 
end of 1580 several of the emissaries had been captured and put 
Severities *° '^^ torture ; vainly enough, for the most part, 

against the since nearly all were imbued with the constant spirit 
Romanists. ^ , • , 1-. , 

of the triumphant martyr. But when parliament 

met in January 1581 it manifested a fierce spirit of hostihty to 
the Romanism which it could no longer distinguish from treason. 
To become a convert, or to convert others to the Church of Rome, 
was made treason : fines and imprisonment were imposed for 
celebrating Mass ; exemption from attending the services of the 
Anglican Church involved the payment of £20 a month, a terrific 
imposition even for the very wealthy. Enthusiasts Uke Campian 
believed that their cause was daily gaining adherents in the 
country, and it is probable enough that many ardent and gener- 
ous spirits were drawn over as a natural result of the severities 
to which captives were subjected. It was easy, too, to believe 
that for every open convert there were a score who dared not 
make overt profession. But if the temper of parliament was 
in any possible sense an indication of popular feeling, there can 



The Struggle Approaches 183 

be no doubt that the general sentiment was intensely hostile to 
the whole Jesuit propaganda,.„ Even the capture and martyr- 
dom of Campian himself, a man from whom only a purbhnd 
hostility could withhold respect and admiration, failed to turn 
the tide. It is quite possible that the larger half of England was 
quite as ready, so far as actual reUgious f eehng was concerned, to 
attend the Mass as to attend the Anglican Communion Service ; 
but the action of the Romanists resident abroad had convinced 
two-thirds of the people of England that no one could be a 
patriot who was not also a Protestant. 

{VoA relations with Spain had been very seriously strained in 
j:f;8o b v„the presence of the Spanish_Contingeiit in Ireland and 
by the spoil-laden, return of Drake from his great 1550-1. 
voyage, to receive knighthood instead of condign '^^'^ '''®' 
punishment for piracy. About the same time Alen9on was defin- 
itely offered the crown of the Netherlands, which, in despite of 
Elizabeth, he definitely accepted in January 1581. The queen's 
ingenuity was strained to the utmost to prevent the formal accept- 
ance from becoming a reality in fact. The marriage project 
was pressed to the front, coupled with a proposal for an Anglo- 
French league. To Walsingham was entrusted the desperate 
task of endeavouring to procure the league without a final com- 
mitment to the marriage, for the French looked upon the mar- 
riage as providing the only security for EUzabeth's good faith. 
Walsingham himself told her plainly that she was on the brink 
of a precipice, that her conduct would drive the French into 
breaking off friendly relations altogether, and then she would 
have France, Scotland, and Spain all falling upon her together, 
for at the moment the star of the duke of Lennox was in tlie 
ascendent. Yet she persisted in taking her own course— and 
she won. She summoned Alengon over to her side. The queen's 
cajoled him completely, and then discovered new s^coeas. 
and impossible conditions, without which she could not hope 
to persuade her people to consent to the marriage. She would 
try, but while she was trying Alen9on had better go away to the 
Netherlands. He went, in happy confidence that his mature 
mistress was quite devoted to him. There was no breach with 



184 Elizabeth 

France. There was no league with France. There was no 
effective intervention in the Netherlands by France. And 
Alen9on was given to understand that Dutch allegiance was 
given to him not on his own merits but because he was looked 
upon as a guarantee of Enghsh assistance. 

Alen9on did not return to England. So far as he was con- 
cerned the farce got itself played out in the winter of 1583-4, not 
without an element of tragedy. The wretched 
The end of prince was dismayed by the slow, resistless advance 
Aienoon. ^^ Parma. No efficient aid seemed forthcoming for 

Orange either from France or from England. Alenfon conceived 
the idea of playing the traitor, attaching himself to the winning 
cause, and handing over sundry of the towns to the Spaniardsr- 
His treachery was detected, his schemes were turned against him- 
self, and the troops which were to have captured and dehvered 
up Antwerp were themselves taken by surprise and cut up. 
Alen9on vanished, and a few months later died^ 

At the end of 1582, when Alen5on paid his last \asit to England, 
affairs had already taken a satisfactory turn for Elizabeth. The_ 
-^1582. raidjaf Ruthven and the capture of the young king 

Scotland. of Scots by the Protestant lords had put an end to 
the threatening power of Lennox. Scotland at least would not 
join an anti-EngUsh combination. In France, King Henry and 
his mother were too much afraid of the Guise domination to be 
ready to break with England as long as there was a tolerable 
pretext for anticipating an English treaty. The duke of Guise 
The Guises, and the whole Guise faction were as fanatical as 
Phihp himself in their zeal against heretics, and especiallj/ against 
the queen of England, who stood between their cousin Mary and 
the throne. The Guise family also were not in the full sense 
French, since they had come out of Lorraine only two generations 
ago ; therefore a purely French patriotism was in them com- 
paratively lacking. This in some degree accounts for their readi- 
ness to enter into pacts with Spain, even at the expense of French 
interests. Similarly, Catholic zealots in England were ready to 
make common cause with Philip and the Guises against EUza^ 
beth for the sake of religion at whatever cost to the power of 



The Struggle Approaches 185 

England as a nation ; but the majority of C atholics in England, 
as opposed to the Catholic exiles, were patriots first and zealots 
after wards . On the other hand, among the Protestants the two 
forces of patriptism and zealotry were united. The Religion and 
contest between loyalists and Marians was not a i°y^i*y- 
straight fight between the two reUgions, but between zealots on 
one side and on the other the whole strength of Protestantism, 
reinforced, or at least not opposed, by the mass of patriotic 
Catholics. This was the fact which the zealots never grasped ; 
consequently they persisted in the belief that half England was 
with them, and that with Spanish or French assistance they were 
certain of victory. The Spanish ambassador, Mendoza, in Eng- 
land, and the Guises in France, were less confident, but were 
inclined on the whole to accept the view of the zealots. 

In 1583 these ideas materiahsed in Throg morton 's. Plot, which 
had been maturing during 1582. The assassination of the queen, 
a CathoUc insurrection, and a Guise expedition TiiroE- 

were the essential elements of the plot ; for Phihp morton's 
still wished to finish with the Netherlands before he 
turned upon England. Philip's ponderousness was fatal to any 
conspiracy which required swift and sudden execution. It was 
a matter of course that agents of Burghley and Walsingham were 
in the secret, and that Walsingham struck precisely at the right 
moment. Francis Throgmorton, one of the conspirators, was 
seized, along with a sufficient supply of incriminating documents. 
These were supplemented by Throgmorton's own confessions 
when he was racked for the second time. The main features 
of the plot were revealed ; Mendoza, whose complicity was 
indubitable, was ordered to leave the country. Mary's partial 
knowledge at least was certain ; two of the suspected Catholic 
lords — Northumberland and Arundel, who would have been duke 
of Norfolk but for his father's attainder — ^were imprisoned. 
Numbers of Catholics, as a matter of course, fell under suspicion, 
and Catholics ever3rwhere were subjected to a stricter surveillance 
than ever. 

About midsummer of 1584 the cause of the Hollanders suffered 
what seemed at the moment an irreparable blow by the assas- 



1 86 Elizabeth 

sination of William of Orange. Before long his son, Maurice of 
Nassau, was to prove himself a worthy successor ; but his 
mihtary genius was as yet unrevealed. The sheer 
sination of dogged resolution of the Dutch people alone saved 
Orange. ^^ situation, and enabled Ehzabeth to postpone 

active intervention for yet another year. C4len90n's death a 
month before was of importance primarily because it made the 
Protestant Henry of Navarre the legal heir to the French crown.J 
France was thus more hcimpered than ever, because a war of 
France. Succession was made inevitable ; while for the reign- 

ing king it was almost equally impossible to side with the Guise 
faction, which he feared, or with the Huguenots, who regarded 
him as one of the persons mainly responsible for the massacre 
of St. Bartholomew. For the time he declared in favour of 
Navarre's succession ; but there was no security for the future. 
The Throgmorton Plot, followed by the assassination of WiUiam 
of Orange, roused to its highest point the English sense of the 
The asso- supreme danger to the State if any new plot should be 
ciation. successful. Hence at this time a voluntary associa- 

tion was formed for the defence of the queen. With practical 
unanimity the whole country hastened to sign a declaration, by 
which each individual signatory pledged himself to the destruc- 
tion of any persons concerned in a plot against the queen, or 
any person on whose behalf such a plot should be devised. It 
was Ehzabeth herself who, when parliament met in November, 
insisted on a modification, and refused to allow the assumption 
that Mary, against whom the declaration was obviously aimed, 
must necessarily be guilty of comphcity in any plot which was 
meant to place her on the throne. In February 1585 an Act was 
passed disqualifying absolutely from the succession any one on 
1585. whose behalf rebellion or assassination should be 

attempted, if such person should be proved to have been an 
accompUce. No provision was made nominating Ehzabeth's 
successor, but a commission was appointed to give effect to the 
Act in case of the queen's death. But a crisis was now close at 
hand. The United Provinces, as the irreconcilable Dutch pro- 
vinces had called themselves, since the formation of the union 



The Crisis 187 

of Utrecht in 1579, again offered the protectorate to the king of 
France. Henry dared not accept without assurance of Eliza- 
beth's support, and he could not trust the queen of England. 
The Guises were strong enough to proclaim a Holy The Holy 
League, for the exclusion of the Huguenot king of ^^'■S»e- 
Navarre from the succession. JEJejiry iii. had to make up his 
mind definitely between the Guises and the Huguenots. He 
chose the Guises, chiefly perhaps because Parma, who was be- 
sieging Antwerp, seemed to be on the verge of a success which 
would enable him to intervene decisively in France. Since the 
young king of Navarre was quite certain to fight for his rights 
with all the Huguenots behind him, it was also certain that 
France would not for some time to come be able to play an 
active part in European affairs outside her own borders. 

To PhiUp it seemed that Elizabeth, bereft of all chance of 
French help, could no longer dare to set him at defiance ; that 
he could afford to make England feel his power, phiiip ares 
and by so doing to bring her to her knees. He *iie"™e- 
seized all the English ships on the Spanish coast. He was arro- 
gantly unconscious that for a long time past half England and 
all the EngUsh mariners had been more than ready to fight him, 
with or without alKes, with a grim confidence of victory. The 
blow which was intended to force England to submission made it 
impossible for the queen any longer to hold her people in restraint. 
In August Ehzabeth was openly in league with the revolted 
provinces, and there was no more pretence of peace between 
England and Spain. 

n. The Crisis, 1585-1588 

The great struggle with Spain marks the opening of a new era. 
Hitherto war had presented itself as the business of soldiers fight- 
ing on land — as military operations, to which naval The navies 
operations were merely subsidiary. To England in- °*^ *^^ p^^*- 
deed, as an island power, a Channel fleet of some sort had com- 
monly presented itself as a necessity in order to prevent the 
foreigner from landing armies on English soil and to facilitate the 



1 88 Elizabeth 

dispatch of troops to France. Great soldiers like Edward iii. 
and Henry v., and King John, who in actual military insight 
was inferior to none, had developed naval forces as an adjunct 
to the land forces. But to no one had the sea appeared as the 
great battlefield of dominion, with the exception of the Venetians, 
the reason being that the prizes of battle were territories on the 
Continent. Even in the eyes of Englishmen, Sluys did not appeal 
to the imagination nearly as strongly as Crecy or Agincourt. 
But a vast change had been %vrought by the oceanic expansion 
of the sixteenth centurj'^ ; it was the English, the Mariners of 
England, who discovered the new meaning of sea-power ; and it 
was the Mariners of England who discovered the principles of 
maritime warfare, which had been forgotten since the days when 
Rome made herself not the greatest but the only naval power 
in the Mediterranean. 

It used to be the custom to speak as if there was a sort of 
miraculous element in the defeat of Spain, with all her vast re- 
Spain and sources, by a small island power. The victory was 
sea-power. ^^i^ nearly so miraculous as the resistance offered 
to the same mighty empire by the half-dozen Uttle provinces 
jsyhich won a glorious independenc£ _as the Dutch republic. In 
fact the explanation is quite simple and natural : Spain did 
not grasp the meaning of sea-power. To crush the United Pro- 
vinces she required fleets which could pass unchallenged from 
Cadiz to GraveUnes, because that was the one route by which 
she could send men and money ; fleets \rith which she could 
block the whole of the Dutch coast from Gravelines to Texd, and 
starve the commerce which provided the Hollanders with the 
sinews of war. \Miile Spain's enemies were masters of the 
Channel the difficulties of crushing rebellion were multiplied 
tenfold. To prevent such a mastery it was necessary completely 
to overwhelm the Enghsh and Dutch shipping, and to do that 
it was necessary not only to have more ships and bigger ships, 
but to know how to handle them for fighting purposes. And 
these things were aU the more necessary if she was to preserve 
a monopoly of the New \A'orld, the way to which lay across the 
ocean. 



The Crisis 189 

These were the facts grasped by English and Dutch mariners 
but not by Spain ; and long before 1585 the seamen were per- 
fectly confident that if only they were let loose upon xne English 
Spain the clay feet of the idol would at once be re- =s'='^«*- 
vealed. The_English]naa.n ha.d, learnt., and the^Spaniard had not 
learnt, how to .use his. ship as itself- an instrument of war, not 
inere ly as floating barracks. The military instinct which had 
taught EngUsh commanders in the field to paralyse and disin- 
tegrate huge masses of heavily armed troops by the employment 
of archery, taught English captains on the sea a corresponding 
employment of gunnery. And to this must be added that the 
Englishman had learnt to build and manoeuvre his sailing-ships 
so that in anything more than the Hghtest of breezes it was infin- 
itely more manageable than the oar-driven galley. 

Now from time immemorial English seamanship had enabled 
English sailors habitually to fight with success against odds. 
All through the sixteenth century, and especially in The Royal 
the reign of Henry viii., the State had endeavoured '^^'^■ 
to foster English shipping, and Henry viii. had created a quite 
considerable Royal Navy. It must always, however, be under- 
stood that the Royal Navy was never supposed to be the national 
fighting fleet, but only its backbone. The navy had been per- 
mitted to decay after Henry's death ; under Elizabeth it was 
gradually restored again to a high state of efficiency. The 
number of ships in it at the time of the Armada was still less 
than that of Henry's fleet, but the average tonnage was approxim- 
ately double,^ -The perfecting -of the fleet was entrusted to the 
consummate shipmaster and seaman, John Hawk ins^ 

But Enghsh seamanship had developed, quite apart from the 
Royal Navy, not only in the home fisheries and on the Newfound- 
land codbanks, but in sundry voyages of Arctic ex- seamanship, 
ploration and in visits to the Spanish Main. For five-and-twenty 
years past Enghsh sailors had openly ignored the Spanish king's 
commercial regulations for his American dominion. They had 
traded in defiance of the law, and compelled the Spaniards to 
trade with them at the sword's point. In effect, while the Spanish 
and English governments at home were professedly at peace. 



1 90 Elizabeth 

Spanish and English in the American waters and on the American 
continent treated each other very much as if the countries had 
been at open war ; Burghley was the only Englishman who 
conscientiously declined to offer any encouragement to, or take 
any part in, the lawless proceedings, which would have been 
piratical if the Spaniards themselves had not shown an equal 
disregard of law. It was on these expeditions that Hawkins 
and Drake learnt the incomparable superiority of their own sea- 
manship to that of the Spaniards, and the methods which, for 
fighting purposes, made an English ship worth three Spaniards 
of double the tonnage. 

We turn again to the story. With Philip's seizure of the 

English ships in the summer of 1585 came the moment for letting 

shp the Enghsh sea-dogs. Letters of reprisal were 

Drake's issued, and the great captain, Francis Drake, whose 

Cartagena wonderful voyage round the world had made him 
expedition. . „ 

the darUng of Enghsh and the terror of Spanish 

sailors, collected a fleet of privateers, which struck the first blow 

in the naval war. He sailed into the harbour of Vigo, seized some 

prizes, and made for the West Indies, where he attacked first 

San Domingo and then Cartagena, both of which were compelled 

to pay an enormous ransom, and came home again in 1586, 

having effectively demonstrated his complete contempt for the 

Spaniard and his abihty to go where he hked. 

Meanwhile Ehzabeth had openly espoused the cause of the 

United Provinces, which placed sundry towns in her hands ; and 

an Enghsh force was dispatched to their aid under 

Leicester in the command of Leicester. Still, however, the 

the Low queen had no intention of giving any more assist- 

Countries. ^ o o j 

ance than she could possibly help. Her instructions 

to Leicester kept him inactive, while she herself, after her unique 
fashion, intrigued with Parma. On the whole we must suppose 
that her dupUcity was only intended to gain time, and that she 
never intended Parma to accept her tentative terms ; for when- 
ever it seemed possible that some agreement might be arrived at 
she invented some variation or some unexpected interpretation, 
over which the negotiation was bound to break down. Her 



The Crisis 191 

double-dealing so disgusted her ministers that even Burghley 
threatened to resign, the Englishmen in the Netherlands were 
sickened, and the Hollanders were bitterly distrustful. To mol- 
lify them, or in the hope of forcing the queen's hand, Leicester, 
in defiance of orders, accepted for himself on her behalf the 
governorship of the Netherlands ; she flew into a royal rage, and 
very nearly recalled him. The money to pay the troops was 
not sent. The only results of the campaign, so far as England 
was concerned, were some striking displays of personal valour 
and a hot skirmish at Zutphen, as useless and meaningless from 
a military point of view as the charge at Balaclava, but dis- 
tinguished by a hke wonderful display of reckless valour. The 
fight is above all memorable for the fall of Philip Sidney, who lives 
for ever as the ideaUsed type of EHzabethan knighthood. 

Meanwhile the curtain was rising upon the last act in the 
traged\r of Mary Queen of Scots. Hitherto she had owed her 
life to the policy and to the monarchical sentiment Queen Mary, 
of Elizabeth ; by this time probably four-fifths of the people of 
England were convinced not only that her death would be an 
extremely desirable event, but that her sins and her treasons were 
more than sufficient warrant for her execution. But Elizabeth 
had taken very good care that she should be brought to trial 
neither for sins nor treasons. The plain truth is that conspirators 
never had any adequate reason for talcing Mary into their full 
counsels. There was nothing to be gained and everything to lose 
by attempting to let her know the details of plots, and a prisoner 
under strict supervision could not take an active part in their 
organisation. When Mary Tudor was on the throne of England, 
EUzabeth herself had been in a position by no means dissimilar 
to that of Mary Stuart now ; it is probable that as in her case so 
now, in the whole series of plots, nothing more could ever have 
been actually proved concerning Mary than that she knew of 
some attempt which was to be made to set her at UbertJ^ 

But the events of 1585 had made an important change in the 
situation. EUzabeth herself knew that she could no longer coerce 
the Scots by threatening Mary's release ; it was too palpable that 
she could not afford to release her. But now that England was 



192 Elizabeth 

at open wax \nth Spain the Scots queen was nrore dangerous 
than ever as a figurehead for plots. Her removal had long been 
one of Walsingham's most fervent desires, and he 
chartley now got his way with the queen in ein important 

particular. The thing he wanted was to procure 
damning evidence of her complicity in an assassination plot. 
That she would encourage such a plot if she had the chance he had 
not the smallest doubt ; but hitherto the strictness of her gaolers 
had practically given her no chance. Now she was removed from 
Tutbury to Chartley Manor, and the strictness of the supervision 
was relaxed— Ln appearance. 

Immediately a new conspiracy -was_afo.ot, kD.QW]i_as Babing- 
J;on's Plot. The conspirators found useful accomplices, who 
Babington's enabled them to correspond freely with the prisoner. 
^^°*- Neither they nor she were aware that every letter 

which passed in or out was opened and copied before it was 
allowed to pass on to its destination ; and the copies were in the 
hands of Secretary Walsingham. The ' useful accomplices' were 
his agents. It was the old story of a foreign invasion, a Catholic 
rising, and the assassination of Ehzabeth, which was to be effected 
by Anthony Babington and some other hot-headed enthusiastic 
boj's. The correspondents were decently cautious, and for a 
long time no mention was made of assassination ; but at last 
there fell into Walsingham's hands the one thoroughly incrimin- 
ating letter which he wanted. As to the details of the plot itself 
Walsingham had other information, but it was for this that he 
had waited. The conspirators were seized, with their papers and 
Clary's own ; under torture fuU confessions were made, and they 
were duly executed. 

It was no longer possible to resist the public demand for a 
commission to try Queen I^Iar}'. It was in vain that she denied 
the jurisdiction. The court was appointed, found her guilty, and 
referred her sentence to parUament and Queen Ehzabeth. Par- 
hament was summoned in November and demanded Clary's 
death. 

Ehzabeth had reached the stage of being willing that Mary 
should die. Until comparatively recently it had been possible that 



The Crisis 193 

her death would merely transfer her own claims and the allegiance 
of the Catholics to James, who might consider it worth his while 
to declare himself a Romanist. But now it was Mary and 
obviously to him much better worth his while to ^'"^'P- 
bide his time and succeed to the Enghsh throne as a Protestant. 
If Mary were removed there was no one in whose favour the 
CathoUc irreconcilables could unite except Philip of Spain, who 
through his mother traced his descent from John of Gaunt and 
Edward ill. Also Mary, angered by her son's disregard for her- 
self — which he might have excused on the ground that he was 
Damley's son as well as hers — ^had formally disinherited James 
and declared Philip her heir. But it was so impossible for any 
but the most extravagant zealots to support the claims of Philip 
of Spain, that Mary's death could hardly fail to bring into Une 
with the rest of the coimtry the bulk of those who maintained 
her claim while she was alive, since few could doubt that her 
death was warranted by the evidence. 

Yet EUzabeth still hankered to escape the responsibility for 
putting her cousin to death. She even went so far as to suggest 
to Mary's gaoler. Sir Amyas Paulet, that he might 
make away with her without waiting for the for- beheaded, 
mal death warrant. Paulet naturally refused with * '^^'^■ 
indignation. At last the queen yielded to the pressure of the 
council and the persuasions of Secretary Davison, and signed 
the warrant. Davison carried it to Burghley, Burghley sum- 
moned all the available members of the council, and on their joint 
responsibility they dispatched it to the earls of Kent and Shrews- 
bury, who were charged \vith its execution. On 7th February 
1587 they presented themselves at Fotheringay, whither the 
captive queen had been removed, and there on the following day 
she was beheaded. 

The irrevocable step had been taken at last. Elizabeth pro- 
tested, with much display of unconvincing indignation, that the 
thing had been done against her vsdll, and made the EUzabetn's 
unlucky Davison her scapegoat, since it was im- ^.ttitude. 
possible to fix the actual responsibiUty upon any individual 
member of the council. King James in Scotland, whose sense of 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. N 



1 94 Elisabeth 

humour was not affected by the tragedy, expressed his readiness 

to acknowledge her innocence if she would publicly disprove her 

complicity in the deed ; but he was satisfied with his gibe. The 

Guises might be angry, but they could do nothing. EUzabeth's 

position was undignified, even contemptible ; but she had played 

a winning card, though she had disUked doing it, and chose to 

console herself wth the pretence that it was not she who had 

played it. 

By playing it, however, she brought the slow-moving mind 

of PhiUp up to the point of determining that he would not wait 

_. ... till he had annihilated the Xetherlanders before 

Philip pre- 
pares an he crushed the queen of England. He would claim 

gjiyi Q /I Q 

the throne for himself or his daughter Isabella, as 
all other candidates for the succession were heretics ; there was 
no longer the drawback to intervention that, if he set Mary 
Stuart on the Enghsh throne, she might after all desert him for 
a French alUance. The ports of Spain were soon busy with 
preparations for a mighty armada. Philip was never in a 
hurry ; now, as always, he prepared imperturbably to deUver 
a quite overwhelming blow. The weak point of his pohcy was 
that his enemy generally succeeded in spoUing the effect by 
striking before the blow was ready. 

So it was now. Drake was ordered to repeat the scheme of 
eighteen months before. He was careful to get his squadron 

out of port before the appointed time, so that the 
strikes, inevitable counter-orders did not reach him. Still, 

Ehzabeth could profess that the counter-orders had 
been sent. He sailed into Cadiz, seized all the stores he could 
carrj^ off, burnt most of the shipping, cleared out again, continued 
his cruise long enough to paralyse all the concerted arrangements, 
and then sailed for the Azores in search of spoils, which he got 
by capturing a great treasure-laden ship from the East, the San 
Philip. The coming of the Armada was postponed for a year, 
and Drake could cheerfully boast how he had ' singed the king 
of Spain's beard.' 

Ehzabeth went on negotiating with Parma so persistently 
that even her own ministers beUeved she intended the treachery 



The Crisis 195 

which she professed. Still, she kept in reserve the inevitable 
impossible condition, to be produced only when negotiations, pro- 
tracted to the uttermost, seemed to leave no loophole Elizabeth 
of escape from an agreement. At the last moment ^'°-^ Parma, 
she explained that her promised surrender to Parma of the 
cautionary towns which she held was to be not the first but 
the last step in carrying out the compact. Then, and not till 
then, it became quite certain that there was not going to be any 
compact at all. 

Philip did not allow the negotiations to interfere with the 
process of armament, in spite of Drake's interruption. But his 
ships were not ready to sail till the late autumn. The Armada 
when his great admiral, Santa Cruz, reputed the ^^i^y*"!- 
ablest naval commander afloat, pronounced that it was im- 
possible to risk facing the winter storms of the Channel. The 
Armada would have sailed in January but that Santa Cruz him- 
self died, and in February the naval authorities in England had 
completed their preparations. Phihp was moved by some 
superstitious reason to insist on giving the command of his 
Armada to a perfectly incompetent landsman, the duke of 
Medina Sidonia. As a natural, consequence the armada was not 
ready to sail till the end of May ; when it did sail it was driven 
back by storms to Corunna, and it was not till 12th July that 
it made its actual start. 

In this long interval the English, if the seamen had had their 
way, would have repeated on a very much larger scale Drake's 
performance of 1587 ; and in all probabihty the 
Armada would have been completely annihilated English pre- 
in its own ports. But the landsmen clung to the 
conviction that the Channel was the proper place for the English 
fleet. Lord Howard of Ef&ngham was in supreme command, 
but the real director of it was Francis Drake, the vice-admiral, 
and John Hawkins, who was what we may call head of the 
Admiralty. A popular error has discovered in the appointment 
of Howard a proof of Catholic loyalty and of the queen's trust 
therein ; but, as a matter of fact, it is quite certain that Howard 
was an AngUcan of the normal type ; no Cathohcs, in the popular 



1 96 Elizabeth 

sense of the term, ■\\ere put in positions of trust. Through the 
long months Howard and others made many bitter complaints 
of the shortness of supplies ; but while it is true that it was always 
difficult to extract money from Elizabeth, there was no precedent 
for maintaining so large a fleet for so long a time in immediate 
readiness. If the authorities made inadequate provision, the\- 
are not altogether to be blamed ; and the same remark applies 
to the shortage of ammunition which, when the fight came, 
made itself felt, and prevented a prolonged pmrsuit. Xo one 
had calculated upon the enormous expenditure of ammunition, 
because all naval fighting heretofore had been in the main an 
affair of locking ships together and letting the soldiers fight it 
out ; whereas in the struggle with the Armada the English 
scarcely ever grappled as long as they could keep their artillery 
in play. 

The plan of the Spaniards was to sail up Channel, join hands 
with Parma, take on board his army of veteran troops, and 
Objectives of convoy them to the shores of Engleind. The plan 
the fleets. ^j ^^ EngHsh sailors was to engage the Spanish 
fleet and break it up before it got to Flushing. The Spaniards 
intended to preser\-e a strict defensive, the English meant to take 
the offensive. For the Spaniards their fleet was a means of 
conveying an army ; for the EngUsh then: fleet was an instrument 
of conquest. The Spanish ships carried a few sailors, a great 
many gaUey slaves, and masses of soldiers to do the fighting ; 
the English ships were manned almost entirely by mariners, 
who worked their ships as fighting machines and never intended 
to come to hand strokes until the enemy was crippled. The 
object of the Spaniards was not to crush the English fleet but 
to preserve their awa. sohd formation, and force their way first to 
the Xetherlcinds and then to the shores of England ; the object 
of the Enghsh was to shatter the Spanish fleet itself. 

The main English fleet was coUected at the west of the Channel, 
whUe a squadron under WjTiter was left at the east end to 
The prevent any attempt on Parma's part to put to sea 

dispositions, f^ojjj ^ijg Flemish ports. Ashore, in case the 
Spaniards should manage to land, the raw Enghsh levies were 



The Crisis 197 

mustered at Tilbury, though how they might have fared in an 
encounter with Parma's veterans may be matter of doubt. 
Happily, they were not put to the test ; the fleet did all that was 
required of it. 

The whole Spanish force numbered a hundred and thirty sail ; 
nearly two hundred English vessels took part in the engagement, 
thirty-four belonging to the Royal Navy. But The odds. 
about half the Spaniards were over three hundred tons burden, 
while not more than a fourth of the English were over two 
hundred tons, and the tonnage of the whole Spanish fleet nearly 
doubled the English total. The enormous superiority of the 
English lay in seamanship and gunnery, as well as in the struc- 
ture of the ships, which were built to pour in broadsides, whereas 
the Spaniards were not. The practical result was that the 
EngMsh ships could sail round the Spanish ships, many more 
guns could be fired simultaneously, every gun discharged three 
shots to one of the Spaniard's, every English shot and scarcely 
any Spanish shot told, and the result was an overwhelming 
victory. 

On 19th July the Spaniards were sighted off the SciUies. That 

night the English worked out of Plymouth Sound and got to 

windward of the Spanish advance. Next day they 

contented themselves with pounding the rear ships The Armada 

of the Spaniards (who were massed Uke a half- '"^ '^^^ 

Channel. 

moon), ship following ship, and each ship pouring 
in broadsides as it passed ; but the Spaniards held together. 
Only one ship was actually captured and another blown almost 
to pieces. Breezes dropped, and it was not till the 23rd that the 
English were able to force an engagement off Portland. Again 
the English failed to break up the Spanish formation, though 
much damage was inflicted. On the 25th there was another 
engagement, when it seemed that the Spaniards had intended 
to make their way into Portsmouth, but were foiled in the at- 
tempt, and continued their voyage up Channel, till they anchored 
in Calais Roads on the night of the 27th. 

So far the Enghsh had lost no ships and less than a hundred 
men all told. The Spaniards had lost three ships, many more 



1 98 Elizabeth 

were almost crippled, and they had lost many men; yet the 
English had not accompUshed the object of breaking them up. 
But Drake and Howard were now in touch with 
a^a Wynter ; it was necessary to force a decisive engage- 

GraveUnes, ment. On the night of the 28th fireships were sent 

29th. ° 

down wind onto the Spanish fleet. There was a 
panic ; the Spaniards cut their cables and made for the open 
sea helter-skelter ; in the morning they were scattered far and 
wide, struggling to recover some sort of formation. Off Grave- 
hnes the English fell upon their rear, sailed round them, and 
pounded them to pieces, while half the Spaniards were never 
able to come into action. The Armada was hopelessly shattered, 
and the surviving ships had no hope either of making the 
Flemish ports or of collecting together. When the victory was 
won a gale rose, before which the Spaniards ran for the north, 
with the English in pursuit. The chase was given over on 
The end of 2nd August, and the Spaniards straggled away 
the Armada. ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^ Scotland, to make their way 
home as best they could. Many more of their ships were 
wrecked on the Scottish or Irish coast, and only a hopelessly 
crippled remnant of the mighty fleet at last struggled back to 
Spain. ' The Lord blew and they were scattered.' But English 
seamanship and EngUsh gunnery had utterly destroyed the 
Great Armada before the winds and waves intervened to com- 
plete the work. 

IIL After the Armada, 1589-1603 

The defeat of the Armada was a revelation to every one except 
the sailors of England. They had been perfectly confident of 
No peace. the result, and were, in fact, somewhat disappointed 
at the strength of the resistance which the Spaniards had offered. 
But they proved to the world once for aU that they, not the 
Spaniards, were lords of the ocean, that England had nothing to 
fear from Spain, that Spain had everything to fear from Eng- 
land. For nearly thirty years of her reign EUzabeth had success- 
fully staved off war ; but now nobody thought of making peace. 



After the Armada 199 

The only division of opinion was with regard to the objects 
and the methods with which tlie contest was to be continued. 
One school, that of Walsingham among statesmen Rival 
and of Drake among 'the seamen, would be content Po^i'^iss. 
with nothing less than the total destruction of the Spanish power. 
Her fleets were to be wiped off the seas, her colonies appropriated ; 
she was to be driven out of the Netherlands, while Englcind stood 
forth as the champion of the reformed religion, the mainstay of 
its adherents in whatever country. On the other side, Elizabeth^ 
and Burghley did not want Spain to be wiped out ; they wanted 
her preserved as a counterpoise to France, weakened and humili- 
ated but not destroyed. The great mass of the people took 
short views, but they saw that Spanish commerce lay a prey 
to the Enghsh, offering a short cut to wealth for the enter- 
prising ; the continuation of the war was to provide a rich har- 
vest for the adventurers. By encouraging this popular view 
and discrediting Drake and his school, Elizabeth and Burghley 
saw that the total destruction of Spain would be averted, and 
dreamed that she might be taught the wisdom of seeking English 
friendship on England's own terms. Philip, the most obstinate 
and self-confident of men, dechned to believe himself beaten^ 
continued to beheve that a new armada would Philip, 
crush England, that Parma would crush the Hollanders, that 
the Guises would triumph in France by Spanish assistance and 
turn that country into a province of Spain. In those views he 
was presently fortified when in 1588, just before Christmas, the 
duke of Guise was assassinated by Henry m/s contrivance ; and 
then, twelve months after the Armada, Henry was assassinated 
by the Guises. Henry of Navarre claimed to be king of France, 
^d the Guise brothers were ready, in, spite of the ' SaHc law,', to 
support the claim of the Infanta Isabella, the daughter of PhiMp 
and of Isabella, sister of the three last kings of France. 

For ten years, then, EUzabeth's foreign pohcy consisted in en- 
couraging a maritime war upon Spanish commerce, since in this 
direction it would have been dangerous to her to Eiizabetii. 
attempt to curb the energies of her people. The Netherlanders 
and the Huguenots in France were to have enough help doled 



200 Elizabeth 

out to them to keep them from being crushed, but not enough to 
give them the victory. Twice, however, her hand was forced, 
and she was obliged to sanction expeditions which were intended 
to deal deadlier blows at Spain ; the first because she could not 
afford to run counter to Drake in the height of his popularity, 
the second because Spain was showing a dangerous power of 
recuperation. 

In 1580 Philip had grasped the crown of Portugal, claiming it 
through his mother, the sister of the last king of the old house. 
Portugal and The stronger title of his own cousins of the house 
Don Antonio, gf Braganza was ignored, though it was to be 
successfuUjr revived some sixty years later. But there was 
another pretender, Don Antonio, prior of Crato, a bastard son 
of one of Phihp's Portuguese uncles, a person who could only be 
utilised against Philip in the same sort of way that Perkin War- 
beck had been utihsed against Henr\' vii. The Portuguese did 
not like the Spanish dominion, and there was some sort of chance 
for any pretender to gain popular support. Hence it was now 
proposed that England should espouse the cause of Don Antonio, 
set him on the throne of Portugal, and sever that country, with 
its possessions in the eastern seas, from the Spanish Empire. To 
this end Drake was to head an expedition which was to expel 
the Spaniards from Lisbon . 

The plan was Drake's, and therefore it was adopted. The 
expedition sailed in April 1589, and its failure discredited the 
1589 The g^eat admiral in the eyes of his countrymen. Other 
Lisbon great captains, Hawkins and Frobisher, were jealous 

of him, and stood second only to him in the popular 
admiration ; after the failure of the Lisbon expedition it was 
not difficult to set aside the maritime policy of Drake in favour 
of the maritime policy of Hawkins, the poHcy of commerce- 
raiding. It is difficult to escape the beUef that it was Eliza- 
beth's deliberate intention to discredit Drake and prevent the 
expedition from being a success ; for the conditions under 
which he sailed prevented him from carrying out his own plan of 
campaign, and tied him to co-operation with a land force, which 
was indeed commanded by the ablest and most experienced 



After the Armada 201 

English soldier of the day, Sir John Norris, but was not provided 
with the siege train necessary to the carrying out of the plan. 
Drake and Norris failed to capture Lisbon. Viewed merely as 
a raid, their operations were not wholly unsuccessful ; but a 
successful raid was something very much short of what was ex- 
pected, and Drake's prestige was at least sufficiently diminished 
for EUzabeth's purposes. 

Leicester, the queen's principal favourite for thirty years, 
though never her guide, died just after the Armada. Ultimately 
he had identified himself with the more aggressively The new 
Protestant of Elizabeth's counsellors, of whom the "'*"• 
greatest was Walsingham. That statesman was now practically 
in retirement, and died a poor man in the spring of 1590. Of all 
the men who had been the pillars of Elizabeth's throne during 
the first five-and-twenty years of her reign, Burghley alone was 
left, and he was now seventy. In the great queen's last years 
the prominent men were all of a younger generation : Robert 
Cecil, Lord Burghley's second son, a consummate politician, 
though hardly a great statesman ; ffilalter^ Raleigh,, brilliant,^ arraTi, 
gant, a dreamer of dreams, orator, poet, pamphleteer, courtier, 
soldier, sailor, the supreme embodiment of Elizabethan versa- 
tility, idealism, and recklessness ; Essex, the young aristocrat, 
on whom Elizabeth lavished the fondness of her old age. In 
the rivalries of these lies the principal personal interest of these 
latter years, or in the individual deeds of daring of sailors, also 
for the most part of the younger generation. But th e greatest 
glory of these times lies jn another field, aside from war and 
politics, the field of hterature, in which England won a supremacy 
which matched her triumph on the seas. 

Robert Cecil, the active agent of that pohcy which he inherited 
from his father, was by far the most dexterous manipulator 
of the political machine. After the failure of the „„„ „„ 

■^ 1589 -95. 

Lisbon expedition the attacks on Spain year by The mari- 
year took the same form of expeditions, successful 
or not, for the interception of Spanish treasure ships. The 
Spaniards had learnt something, and were steadily reorganising 
the navy, though they had not learnt enough to be able to make 



202 Elizabeth 

the best use of it. Of these expeditions the most famous is that 
in 1591, when Richard Grenville in the Revenge, Drake's flagship 
at the time of the Armada, fought for fifteen hours through a 
summer evening and night against three-and-fifty Spanish ships 
of war ; whereof Raleigh told the splendid story, which Tennyson 
has rendered again in his great ballad. This method of warfare 
did much to cripple Philip's resources. Parma's death in 1592 
deprived him of the aid of the greatest soldier of the day ; and 
next year Henry rv. practically assured his own idtimate victory 
by annoimcing his conversion to the Roman faith. The concoc- 
tion and detection of plots against Elizabeth went on, and every 
plot was used by Essex and the war party to inflame popular 
sentiment against Spain. 

__^By 1595 the insufficiency of the method adopted against 

Spain was becoming apparent, and Hawkins and Drake were 

allowed to make a direct attack upon the Spanish 

DraJie's last Main. But the Spaniards were on guard now, the 

vov3>firs 

prey captured was small, and both the great seamen 
died in the course of the expedition. The practical failure led 
to the striking of one more vigorous blow in 1598, when Howard 
1596. Cadiz, of Effingham, with Raleigh and Essex, descended 
upon Cadiz, sunk or burnt a vast quantity of shipping, stormed 
the town, and put it to ransom. But this was all. Later in the 
same year Phihp conceived that he had constructed once more 
an armada fit to send against England. It sailed, but it was 
shattered at sea without coming in striking distance of the 
Enghsh. An expedition to the Azores in thfe following year 
under the command of Raleigh and Essex, known as the Island 
Voyage, served chiefly to illustrate the irreconcilable hostility of 
its two commanders. 

In the next year, 1598, France was pacified by the Peace of 
^'ervins and the Edict of Nantes, by which Henry guaranteed 
1598. Philip's toleration to the Huguenots ; and before the end 
deatiL Qf ^jjg yg^j. ^Q^]j Philip of Spain and his tenacious 

adversary. Lord Burghley, were dead. Spanish hopes of recon- 
quering the Netherlands had been receding further and further 
ever since the death of Parma. Peace was not formally con- 



After the Armada 203 

eluded, but thenceforth the war was reduced to private raiding 
by adventurers. 

The Armada came and went without any sign of disturb- 
ance in Ireland, where the repressive system established after 
Desmond's rebellion kept the south in a state of 1580-92. 
subjection. In the north Tjrrconnel was loyal to i''®^^"''' 
the English government, seeing therein his best security against 
depression by the O'Neills ; and Tirlough O'NeiU, for some time 
recognised as the chief of the O'Neills, had learnt discretion. 
And Tirlough's ascendency was giving place to that of one of the 
few Irish leaders who have known how to watch and wait, never 
carried away by a hasty impulse. Hugh O'Neill, Hugh O'Neill, 
nephew of Shan and grandson of Con, was brought up in Eng- 
land, and was admitted to his grandfather's earldom of Tyrone 
in 1585. Whatever plans for the future he may have been con- 
templating from the first, he made it his policy to adopt a 
loyalist pose, to mediate between the government and the dis- 
contented chiefs, and to acquire the confidence of both. But 
Elizabeth had not set up in Ireland a strong government which 
enforced justice with a firm hand, but only an EngUsh ascendency, 
which maintained itself by the fear which it inspired, unsupported 
by such a military force as would be able to cope with an efficiently 
concerted insurrection. The Irish, people and chiefs, detested 
the English dominion ; it was preserved only because to some 
of the Irish it seemed the lesser of two evils, preferable to inter- 
necine strife among the septs, and because the rest were unable 
to act in unison. ' 

But by 1592 sundry chiefs in the remoter parts of the country 
were again openly setting the English government at naught. 
Tvrone was overtly exerting his influence to persuade 1592-5. 
them to a better frame of mind and offering his own ^^o'l^.- 
help to the government ; but the Enghsh officials, the deputy 
FitzwilUam, and others, were convinced that he was secretly 
encouraging treason, though they could bring forward no proofs 
that their suspicions were well founded. They would not trust 
him nor employ him; but they could find no occasion against him. 
They contented themselves with the punitory expeditions to 



204 Elizabeth 

the disturbed districts which only intensified the popular hate. 
Their suspicions, in fact, were entirel}' warranted, for Tyrone 
was in secret communication \vith Spain, which at the end of 
1593 was showing ominous signs of recuperation. Possibly 
Tyrone only intended to have two strings to his bow ; possibly 
what he really wanted was a supremacy hke that of the old earl 
of Kildare ; possibly if the Enghsh goverrunent had trusted him, 
and made him supreme as a servant of the Crown, he would have 
broken off relations with Elizabeth's enemies. 

This was the behef of the gallant soldier. Sir John Norris, who 
in 1595 was in command of the queen's forces in Ireland ; it was 
,^„„ not the behef of the successive deputies, FitzwiUiam 

1596. 

Spain a and Russell, who were convinced that Twone was 

broken reed. t.^ 1 1 t i " 

a traitor. But the earl at any rate did not mean 

to head a rebeUion without material aid from Spain ; and material 
aid could not be looked for when Drake and Hawkins started on 
their last voyage for the Spanish Main in 1595, or after the blow 
at Cadiz in 1596. The last hope vanished when late in that j^ear 
PhiUp's second armada set sail, presumabh' for Ireland, and went 
to pieces under stress of weather. Tyrone, against whom no con- 
clusive evidence had ever been forthcoming, made renewed efforts 
for a reconcOiation \^'ith the government, and was at last suc- 
cessful, so far as outward appearances went. 

And yet it became more and more apparent that his own 
supremacy in the north, not that of the official govenament, was 

g the end for which he was working, and which he 

Tyrone's was onlj^ too hkely to achieve. In 1598 his inde- 

pendent proceedings led to the dispatch of an inade- 
quate force to bring him to book. The total rout of that force 
on the Blackwater, in the neighbourhood of Armagh, paralysed 
the council in Dublin, which would probably have surrendered 
ignomiiuously to Tyrone if he had marched upon it. There was 
now hardly a pretence that the government could enforce the law 
even within the Pale. This situation in Ireland was the prelude 
to the tragedy of the earl of Essex. 

In the summer of 1598 Lord Burghley died. The queen was 
almost sixty-five, and still no one knew for certain who was to 



After the Armada 205 

succeed her on the throne. The three nearest heirs, legitimate 
descendants of Henry vii. and Elizabeth of York, were all Pro- 
testants; buttheCatholicswerenotwithouthopethat „„„ „^ 

' ^ 1598. Tlie 

any one of them might be persuaded that Catholic state of the 

suGCfission 

support would turn the scale in his or her favour, and 
that the crown of England was, in the phrase of Henry of France, 
' worth a Mass.' For Protestants as such there was no particular 
ground for preferring one of the candidates to another. Legit imism 
gawthe preference to the king of Scots. Legitimism, tempered 
bynationalism, wouldlavour his cousin, Arabella Stuart, Damley's 
niece. The will of Henry viii. gave the preference to Lord Beau- 
champ, the son of Katharine Grey and Lord Hertford. There 
were other conceivable candidates among the EngHsh nobiUty 
who might have been put forward by the Catholics on various 
pretexts — the earls of Derby, Huntingdon, Devonshire — but 
none of them had any inclination for the rdle of pretender. 

There remained, then, one other candidate, Isabella, the sister 
of the new king, Philip iii. of Spain. She was not impossible, 
because Philip 11. had arranged before his death Tiie infanta, 
that she was to marry the Austrian archduke, Albert, and under 
her the Burgundian inheritance was to form a sovereignty 
separate from that of Spain. Thus there was a certain plausi- 
bility in the theory that her accession in England would mean, 
not the subjection of England to Spain, but the establishment 
of a third Hapsburg dynasty beside those of Austria and Spain, 
ruling over England, and the Netherlands ; the old Burgundian 
alliance would in this way be converted into an actual union. 
Isabella was not without a title, as descending from John 1 of 
Gaunt's second daughter. Her accession to the throne of Eng- 
land could only be conditional upon a religious compromise 
applying both to England and the Netherlands, corresponding 
to the compromise just effected in France. A large proportion 
of Anglicans in England might have been satisfied with such an 
arrangement, just as the majority of Catholics would have been 
satisfied -with a Protestant monarchy which conceded full tolera- 
tion to their religion. 

' See Genealogies, vi. 



2o6 Elizabeth 

Thus when we sum up we find four possible candidates, none 
of them with an unexceptionable title, all with a title which had 
Summary. some degree of plausibility, none capable of exciting 
the enthusiasm of any group, but each possible of acceptance both 
by Romanists and by the majority of AngUcans, so that the 
possibilities of intrigue were almost unlimited. As a matter of 
fact, the two leading poUtical rivals, Cecil and Essex, probably 
both intended that James should become king of England, but 
each intended that he and nf;t the other or Raleigh should 
claim to be the man to whom James owed his throne. 

Now in the autumn of 1598 Cecil and Raleigh were leagued 
together ; but Essex was the queen's personal favourite, and 
1599. Essex Essex posed as the champion of Protestantism and 
In Ireland. ^^ deadly enemy of Spain. Unfortunately for 
himself, Essex elected to denounce the incapacity of the ministers 
who were responsible for Ireland ; his rivals seized their oppor- 
tunity and proposed that he should go there himself. Essex 
professed his readiness on conditions which would give him un- 
precedented powers and unprecedented forces. His conditions 
were accepted, and in 1599 he went to Ireland to suppress Tyrone. 
He did not suppress Tyrone ; he ignored the instructions which 
he received from the council and the queen, and when he did 
march against the earl he arranged terms with him instead of 
crushing him. His absence had the effect on Elizabeth which 
Cecil and Raleigh had desired ; his personal presence was neces- 
sary to his domination of her affections. She wrote him angry 
letters ; he was convinced that Cecil and Raleigh were working 
against him behind his back. It was quite superfluous for them 
to do anything of the sort ; they could safely leave him to work 
his own ruin. In a wild impulse of resentment, he suddenly threw 
up his of&ce, hurried to England, rode post-haste to Greenwich, 
and startled the queen by bursting into her chamber all travel- 
stained and mud-bespattered. The offence was unpardonable. 
That evening he was arrested, and for the next ten months, till 
August 1600, he was kept in custody. 

Within our very limited space it is impossible to unravel the 
intrigues by which Cecil was cajoUng even the ultra-Catholics, 



After the Armada 207 

and at the same time establishing himself in the confidence of 

the king of Scots, who was playing a similar game after his own 

fashion. When Essex was released he found the ,,„, „. 

1601. Tne 

impression prevalent that the government was com- ruin of 
jng to terms with Isabella. He clamoured against 
the traitors who were selling the country. Cecil let him clamour, 
then suddenly in February struck. Essex was summoned be- 
fore the council. Instead of answering the summons he tried 
to raise the city of London. Cecil's craft had succeeded beyond 
his hopes ; the attempt failed ignominiously. The earl was cap- 
tured, tried for treason, condemned, and executed, the queen 
assenting, though with bitter anguish. 

Meanwhile the place of Essex in Ireland had been taken by a 
capable soJdier, Montjoy. Having an adequate force at his dis- 
posal, he was able during 1600 to throw into Derry a 
garrison sufficient to paralyse any aggressive move- Montjoy in 
ment on the part of Tyrone in the north ; in the 
autumn of 1601 a Spanish fleet succeeded in reaching Kinsale. 
But Montjoy established a blockade. The pressure in the south 
enabled Tyrone to move, and he came down to attempt a relief ; 
but his forces were routed, and Kinsale with the Spaniards in it 
was obhged to surrender at the beginning of 1602. After that 
resistance was hopeless ; though some of the chiefs continued 
the desperate struggle for a short time, they very soon found that 
they had to choose between making their escape to Spain and 
suing for terms. T5n:one's singular abihties are remarkably 
exemplified by his success in procuring not only pardon but 
ostensible restoration to the confidence of the government. 

Since describing the EHzabethan settlement of the ecclesiastical 
question in the early years of the reign, we have referred to the 
subject of religion in England only so far as it was fiie question 
a factor in the various designs for the dethronement "f religion, 
of Elizabeth or in the hostiHty to the succession of Mary Queen 
of Scots. VWe have seen how the papal bull of i5.2oand the Jesuit 
mission of 1580 exposed all adherents of the old religion, however 
loyal, to suspicion of treason, and how in consequence they were 
subjected to a much severer supervision and a more rigid exaction 



2o8 Elizabeth 

of sterner penalties for what was known as recusancy from 1570 
onwards. But before we part wth Queen Elizabeth we have 
also to describe the development of Nonconformity ^4he anta- _ 
gonism withia the pale of the Church to everything \yhich-the— 
extreme reformers regarded as savouring of Roman superstition — 
and also the corresponding development of an attitude of repres- 
sion towards Xonconformity on the part of the episcopate and of 
the government. 

TheXonconformist movement_had_t\vo_aspects : in the one 
it was concerned mainly with matters of ceremonial observance 
^with what is called the Vestiarian Controversy ; 
Noncon- in the other it is concerned with the methods of 

ormity. church goverrmient. As regards the first, the Act 

of Uniformity retained and enjoined the use of sundry symbols^ 
vestments, the ring in the marriage service, the sign of the Cross 
in baptism, estabhshed by the usage of many centuries but 
having no direct Scriptural authorit}'. To such observances the 
Xonconformists objected, and they were apt to be evaded where 
the authorities chose not to be vigilant. The queen's ministers, 
at least after Cecil's final triumph in 1569, were not at all dis- 
posed to a rigorous enforcement of the law against their ' brethren 
in Christ,' and this was also the attitude of Grindal, Parker's 
successor at Canterbury. [The Xonconformists increased and 
multipHed, and to their ceremonial nonconfonnityjthey:-added__. 
Presby- ^,_SE9^^S tendency to advocate the, introduction 

terians. ^ ^g Presbyterian system of church government,^ 

which had its origin in Geneva — a democratic S5rstem which will " 
be described in the next section in coimection with its develop- 
ment in Scotland, where it ultimately displaced episcopacy. A 
Presbyterian organisation was at this time even established 
within the orgarusation of the Church. But there was a section 
of the advanced Protestants who went still further in their theory 
of democratic individualism. In their \iew each sepeirate con- 
Brownists. gregation ought to be left free to foUow its owti line. 
This group, known at first as Brownists, took at a later stage the 
title of Independents, and ultimately that of CongregationalistS;-;- 
Xeither Presb}i;erianism nor Independency was compatible \vith 



After the Armada 209 

the system of church government in which the highest authority 
lay with the bishops and the bishops were dependent on the 
Crown. 

In 1583 Archbishop Whitgift succeeded Archbishop Grindal, 
and Whitgift, with EUzabeth's concurrence, resolved to restore the 
uniformity which Grindal had been at no pains to 
enforce. Under his auspices the Court of High AroMisiiop 
Commission was established, in accordance with the 
authority given by the Act of Uniformity ; a court for dealing 
with ecclesiastical questions, and having an analogy to that of the 
Star Chamber, inasmuch as its methods were arbitrary and inde- 
pendent of the common law. English Protestantism, as repre- 
sented in the House of Commons^ grew continually fiercer, more 
passionately anti-Romanistj^frprn the tirne of the Jesuit mission ; 
and the hatred of Spain generated Pu^tanism. Whitgift's in- 
quisitorial activities intensified controversial bitterness, and in 
1588 appeared the first of the Martin Marprelate pamphlets, 
scurrilous attacks upon ecclesiastical dignitaries, which were met 
by hardly less scurrilous rephes ; in spite of an isgs. Martin 
ordinance of 1586, which penalised the printing of Marprelate. 
any matter which had not received the imfinmatuv of the arch- 
bishop or of the bishop of London. The violence of these attacks 
created some reaction, but the sympathies of the Cecils and of 
not a few other leading men were not on the side of Whitgift. 

Nevertheless, while the controversy raged severe measures 
were taken against Nonconformists, and EUzabeth even ven- 
tured to repress liberty of speech in the House of 
Commons in 1593. An Act was practically forced Kepressive 
through by the Crown which penahsed nonattend- 
ance at the services of the Church of England and attendance at 
unlawful conventicles, and expelled persistent recalcitrants from 
the country. yWhitgif t had attained his object of reducing^ 
moderate Puritans jto outward conformity and driving irrecon- 
cilables away from the country to find an asylum generally in 
HoUand^^^But the attack upon Puritan nonconformity did not 
imply any relaxation in the hostile attitude of the government 
and the Church to Romanists. The Act was supplemented by 

Innes's Eng. Hist — Vol. iii O 



2IO Elizabeth 

severe restrictions on those who were able to purchase a degree 
of immunity by the pajnnent of heavy fines, while those who were 
not able to pay were expelled. Uke the Puritans. The excuse was 
found for maintaining these rigorous laws in the persistent 
activity of the Jesuit, Parsons, who was domiciled in Spain, and 
in the various futile plots which were brought to Ught from time 
to time. It is to be noted, however, that the majority of the 
Catholics in England, including the priests, were angrily opposed 
to the whole policy of Parsons and to direction by the Jesuits ; 
which accounts for their failure to combine on the selection of one 
generally accepted candidate for the succession to the crown of 
England. 

Through 1602 CecU and James, who understood each other, 
were waiting for the death of the old queen. CecD. had succeeded 
The end of in keeping the Cathohcs undecided in the choice 
EiizaDeth. gf ^ candidate upon whom to concentrate their 
efforts, while he made play with the candidature of Isabella. 
But he was careful to permit her partisans to press clcdms of a 
kind which made acceptance impossible ; it was, in fact, possible 
only on condition of the Spanish Netherlands being attached 
to England, a prospect which receded as the negotiations went 
on — ^precisely as CecU intended. In March 1603, in her seven- 
tieth year, Ehzabeth was struck down with mortal iUness. 
Cecil's skill had ensured that none were about her person in 
whom he could not trust. His allies were in control of the fleet 
and of the available troops ; no counter coup d'etat was possible. 
Before dawn on 24th March the great queen had passed away, 
and Cecil's messenger was racing north to hail the king of Scots 
James i. of England. 

IV. James vi. in Scotland 

In July 1567 Mary's infant son, being then thirteen months 
old, became technically long of Scots by her abdication, though 
1567-83. she and her supporters never recognised the deed 

Summary. ^s vaUd. The one man who could rule the country 
was Moray ; and, hard as the task was, his government was deserv- 



James VI. in Scotland 211 

ing of high praise. But it was brought to a premature end by 
his murder in January 1570. Two brief regencies followed — 
that of Lennox and that of Mar — each of them lasting a httle 
over a year, before James Douglas, earl of Morton, assumed the 
supreme office at the end of 1572. During this time, and until 
Morton had been regent for nearly six months, the government 
had been more than hampered by a sort of civil war, in which 
a party headed by Lethington and Kirkaldy of Grange had 
stood for the restoration of Queen Mary. This was brought to 
an end by the capture of Edinburgh Castle, the death of Lething- 
ton, perhaps by his own hand, and the execution of Kirkaldy 
in March 1573, three months after John Knox had breathed 
his last. Morton was supreme from this time with only a brief 
interval, until he was overthrown, as we have seen, in 1580 by 
Esme Stuart, duke of Lennox, and James Stewart, a member of 
a quite different family, not of the royal line, who was made earl 
of Arran just before Morton's execution in June 1581. Then the 
raid of Ruthven again placed the young king in the hands of the 
Protestant lords until his escape from them in 1583, when he 
joined Arran, who for a time became supreme. The Hamilton 
earl of Arran whom we have seen as a suitor for the hand of 
Elizabeth had become hopelessly insane. In 1583 James com- 
pleted his seventeenth year. 

■ The successive regents had had before them apart from the 
normal business of government — the preservation of order and 
the maintenance of justice — the double poHcy of completely 
establishing the reformed religion and preserving friendly rela- 
tions with England. 

Knox and the preachers of the Reformation in Scotland had 
learnt their doctrine at Geneva. Their theology was Calvinistic, 
and of an extreme type ; their views of the relations The 
between Church and State were theocratic — that is, Preachers, 
they beUeved fervently in their own authority in things spiritual, 
while they reckoned that that authority gave them something 
like a supreme control over things secular as well. (They con- 
^Oeivfid that theJdngs and minor secular powers .owed to them 
the same sort &f submission which the prophets of Israel claimed 



2 12 Elizabeth 

from the Hebrew kings. Their theory of church government 
was democratic ; the Church Wcis self-governing, not to be con- 
trolled by the State, although at the first there was no attempt 
to overthrow the episcopal system. Only the prelates were early 
deprived of their disciplinary powers, which were vested in the 
General Assembly of the Kirk, an elective body consisting of lay- 
men as well as of ministers. 

To Morton and men of his type these were claims to be sharply 
repressed. Morton cared nothing for religion ; Protestantism 
Thetniciian ^^^ '^'^ ^^^ ^'^^'^' ^ political necessity, chiefly as a 
bishops. means to subordinating the Church to the State 

after Henry viii.'s fashion, and appropriating its revenues to 
secular purposes. \Vhile ^lar was regent and Knox was still 
hving, Morton estabhshed the s^.'stem of what were called the 
' tulchan ' bishops, a term derived from the dummy calves or 
tiilchans used by farmers to encourage their milch cows. The 
Church was Morton's milch cow. The bishops were bishops, 
but their revenues were absorbed by others. 

James passed his boyhood under the control of the preachers; 
his tutor was George Buchanan, one of the foremost scholars of 
The boyhood the time and a rancorous enemy of Queen Mary, 
of James. So the 3'oung king imbibed much learning, and ^^ith 
it an intense abhorrence for the arrogant domination of Andrew 
MelvUle, Knox's successor in the ecclesiastical leadership, and 
others of his kind. Thus early he became thoroughly convinced 
that monarchy was bound up with an episcopal system in which, 
as in England, the clergy would inevitabty be bound to the Crown, 
and the bishops would be not the king's schoolmasters but \"ir- 
tually his dependents. \Mien Morton fell, Lennox was not in a 
position to avow openly an intention of recovering Scotland for 
Rome. He had indeed won the king's regard partiy by his 
professions that the extraordinary dialectical acTmien of the boy 
of fourteen had con\'inced him of the truths of Protestantism. 
The party of the preachers, dehvered from the curb- 
The First ing power of ilorton, moved forward in 1581 with 
their o^vn programme. They introduced the First 
Covenant, which denounced Romish doctrines and practices, and 



James VI. in Scotland 2 1 3 

which both the king and Lennox thought it well to sign ; and the 
Second Book of Discipline, which was to be the text-book for the 
organisation of the Church on the Presbyterian system, abolishing 
the episcopate altogether. But Lennox was strong enough to 
procure its rejection by the Estates. Nevertheless, the Church 
did, in fact, proceed to organise itself on the Presbyterian lines. 

But in 1584 theGowrie party, the men of the raid of Ruthven, 
were down ; Arran and the young king were dominant. Scottish 
parliaments were the instruments of whatever party happened 
to have captured the administrative control of the State, and 
the Scottish parhament of 1584 registered the wiU of the rulers 
in the reactionary ' Black Acts,' which asserted the 1534. me 
supremacy of the Crown, forbade the meeting of any '^'^ck Acts. 
General Assembly without the royal permission, and restored a 
real control to bishops appointed by the Crown. 

Unlike Lennox, Arran was a Protestant and professed friend- 
ship for England ; but Elizabeth preferred the__Gowrie_^oup 
to Arran, and procured their restoration to Scotland in 1585. 
Arran's political activity came to an end. There was a pro- 
longed luU in the turmoil of parties, and a moderate and pacific 
government was established — so moderate and . pacific that it 
offered no serious protest when Mary was beheaded at Fotherin- 
gay. It waited till 1592 to reverse Arran's achievement of 1584. 
In that year parliament repealed the Black Acts and established 
the Second Book of Discipline ; in other words, the 
State, though only for a time, confirmed the Presby- Presbyterian 
terian system, which it is as weU to understand, since 
Presbyterianism became a very important factor in England as well 
as in Scotland in aU the domestic struggles of the next century. 

Presbyterianism, then, is a system not of theological doctrine 
but of Church government, democratic in its structure. > It places 
ecclesiastical control in the hands of bodies largely elective, form- 
ing in Scotland an ascending series of four. At the bottom is 
the Kirk Session, the governing body of the parish, consisting 
of the minister and the ' elders,' lajnnen appointed to that office 
by the congregation. Next comes the Presbjd;ery, the governing 
body of a group of parishes, consisting of the ministers of those 



2 1 4 Elizabeth 

paiishes with representative elders. The third is the S^Tiod or 
group of presbjd;eries ; and the fourth is the General Assembly, 
still consisting of the ministers and representative lay elders. The 
system dispenses ^^ith bishops altogether, and can be accom- 
panied only by a form of episcopacy in which the bishops have 
a merely subordinate authority. 

It is usually held by Anghcans that the discarding of bishops 
involves the disappearance of the Apostolic Succession conveyed- 

^ ^ bv the laying on of hands at Ordination and Conse- 
Tne contrast - -' ° 

with cration, though Presbj^terians maintain that the 

apostohc laying on of hands does not require an 
episcopate. Insistence on the theory of Apostohc Succession is 
consistent with, though not involved by, Presbyterianism. 
__There is nothing to prevent a Presbyterian and an Episcopalian 
church from teaching identical doctrines. But Episcopacy 
stands for the continuity of tradition and practice ; it appeals 
to conservatism. Presbyterianism set aside the continuous tra- 
dition and practice of the Church. It originated among those 
reformers who were most strenuous in casting aside tradition, 
in appeahng from the authority of custom to the authority of 
Scripture as the only authentic expression of the Divine sanction. 
Association The system of govenunent was devised by Calvin, 
witu Calvin. ^^^ jj. followed that in practice it was associated 
with the Calvinistic theology — a theology not in itself incom- 
patible with Episcopacy or with the formularies of the Anglican 
Church, or at least ^^'ith a possible interpretation of those for- 
mularies. Clt was quite possible to be a doctrinal Cal\'inist and 
yet to prefer the Episcopalian to the Presb^rterian systern ; but 
the advocates of a Presb5d;erian system were habitually advanced 
Calvinists, and Calvinists tended to advocate the introduction of 
Presbyterianism because of the essentially conservative character 
of an episcopal system. 

But Presb5rterianism vested all spiritual authority in the as- 
sembhes, rejecting all secular authority. It asserted the spiri- 
Antagonistic tual independence of the Church as vigorously as a 
to monarchy. HUdebrand or a Becket. It offered a democratic 
opposition to the supremacy of the Crown, instead of the merely 



James VI, in Scotland 215 

clerical opposition which an episcopate could offer. Since it was 
in its nature hostile to episcopacy, an episcopate threatened by 
it could only be powerful when in alliance with the Crown ; 
while the Crown saw in an episcopacy dependent upon itself its 
own safeguard against a democratic church and its political 
corollary, the self-assertion of a democracy iri affairs of state. 
James was wont to sum up the position in a favourite phrase : 
' No bishop, no king.' And in Scotland the magnates, who were 
no friends to democracy or to the self-assertion of the preachers, 
inclined to support the Crown's view, but only so long as the 
Crown did not attempt to override their interests. 

The one protection of the Crown set up in the Act of 1592 
was the presence of the king himself, or of a commissioner ap- 
pointed by him as his representative, in the General 
Assembly. The triumph of Presbj'terianism set james 
the king intriguing with the Cathohc magnates, recovers 
though without openly leaguing himself with them. 
The exposure in 1593 of a Catholic plot for procuring Spanish- 
intervention, known as the Affair of the Spanish Blanks, com- 
pelled the king publicly to take action against the Catholic 
leaders, of whom the chief was Huntly. But he had the general 
support of the lay magnates in treating them with extreme 
leniency. The apparent victory of the ministers had been by 
no means complete. The General Assembly had no legislative 
authority, and desired representation in the Estates. Successive 
meetings of parliament in 1597 and 1598 provided first that any 
bishops, abbots, or prelates whom the king should appoint 
should have a vote in parhament, and that the Church should 
have fifty-one representatives, nominated partly by the Crown, 
and responsible to the General Assembly. In 1600 the nomina- 
tion of all the representatives was placed in the hands of the 
king, and in the same year the king appointed three new bishops, 
who with the old bishops had the right of sitting in parliament, 
though without having episcopal powers of control over the 
Church. It appeared, in fact, that James was in a fair way to 
restore episcopacy and to win the ecclesiastical supremacy of the 
Crown. 



CHAPTER VIII. ASPECTS OF THE TUDOR 
PERIOD 

I. CRO^^'N AXD Paeli.\^iext 

The seventeenth century, the century after the Tudors, is the 
period of EngUsh histors ' in which most conspicuously the consti- 
tuti o nal struge;le overshadQs?^gd,^, QtijgLQuestiflns,. 
fntnrecon- Crowp and Padiament are in constant rn llkinn 

stitutionai because each regards itself as the constitutional 
stTuggles. 

seat of sovereignty. There had been constitutional 

struggles in the past, but the question where sovereignty resides 
had never presented itself in that shape. Magna Carta had 
embodied a definite principle as between the king and his sub- 
jects generally, that the king maj- not override the law. Under 
Edward i. another principle had become established, that the 
consent of the freeholders and lando\^Tiers of the coimtry, ac- 
corded by themselves or their representatives, must be obtained 
for the levying of taxes, and should be obtained for legislation 
intended to be of a permanent character. 'After another cen tury" 
thfiJdngJitas dethroned, and the usurper obtained a parli amentary " 
sanction for bi s accession^ The new d}Tiasty ipso facto recog- 
nised an authority in parhament much greater than had hitherto 
been exercised, but parliament lacked effective controlling power, 
and its newly acquired authority went to pieces in the Wars 
of the Roses, not because its validity was directly challenged, 
but because practically it was not asserted when armies began to 
take the field. After Edward rv. had crushed armed resistance 
The new at Bamet and Tewkesburj' the Cro^vn was \-irtuaUy 

monarciiy. ^^^e to dispense vnXh parliaments. Magna Carta, 
the Confirmatio Cartarutn, the Model Parliament of Edward I., and 
parliamentarj- control of taxation, remained fundamental features 

216 



Crown and Parliament 2 1 7 

of the constitution. But only during the Lancastrian period 
could any one have been found to assert that sovereignty was 
vested not in the Crown but in Parliament. The Crown was not 
absolute, its powers were definitely hmited in certain directions, 
but it was sovereign for practical purposes. Nor was there any 
popular desire to increase the popular or parliamentary share in 
the government of the country, provided always that the govern- 
ment itself was firm and stable, in reasonable accord with popular 
sentiment, and that justice was administered satisfactorily. 
' Now these were precisely the conditions which, broadly speak- 
ing, were satisfied by the Tudor government. The entire admin- 
istrative control was centralised in the Crown. The The Crown, 
ministers were more completely the king's servants than they 
had been at any time since the days of Henry 11. ; none was 
ever appointed or dismissed under pressure from parhament 
or from a baronial or a clerical party. Even the jurisdiction 
which the Crown had exercised outside the common law through 
the Privy Council was extended by the Court of Star Chamber 
and afterwards by the Court of fiigh Xommission. Under 
Cromwell's regime parliaments, instead of claiming to exercise 
an increasing authority, themselves conferred upon the Crown 
specific additional powers, indirectly by the Treasons Act, directly 
by the Act of Supremacy and the Royal Proclamations Act. 
Henry viii. came nearer to being an absolute ruler than any of his 
jrede cessors. And yet it was Henry viii. who taught parliament 
to believe in its own authority, and to assert it as soon as the 
Crown attempted to set pubUc opinion at naught. _ After the 
death of Henry vm . parhament nevej:, hesitated io assert itself _, 
.even in oppQaitiiHi.tQ„the expressed willof the Ci:own_. 

Thus w;e have the |;)ara4Qx,that parliament wa.s taught its own 
powers by the king, on whom.it bestowed po„wersjv;hich^wgra„ 
almost despo tic. Between 1471 and 1529 parlia- ,^^ 
ments were rare, except during the years following revival of 
the accession of Henry vii., since during that brief 
period the first Tudor could not afford to give colour to the 
charge that he was a tyrant — after the end of Perkin Warbeck 
he summoned only one more parliament. Henry viii. had con- 



2 1 8 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

tinual parliaments between 1509 and 1515 ; in the next fourteen 
years there was only one parliament ; nor is there any sign that 
the country was displeased by the suspension of parhamentarj'- 
functions. Constituencies were not anxious to be represented, 
because of the expense ; members, with only occasional excep- 
tions, were not anxious to serve, because of the trouble, though 
when the Commons did meet they were quite determined to insist 
on their o\vn privileges. 51ie_country_ apparently only wanted^ 
parliaments when the king wanted money. But from 1529 till 
the king's death there were only three years in which parhament 
did not meet. 

Those parUaments were in general accord wth the Crown ; but 
it must also be recognised that they were in general accord with 

„ „„, , the will of the nation at large, otherwise they would 
Henry Vni.'s ° ■' 

use for not have served the king's purpose. He meant 

parliaments. , . - 1 j- i_ 

to go upon his own course precisely so far as ne 

could do so \vithout ahenating his subjects ; and his parhaments, 
wer e to serve, the double purpose of stamping ys,actions_wj^ 
national approval and of indicating, thje. state of public, Jeding- 
The House of Lords had almost ceased to count ; the peers, if 
they needed the lesson, had been taught by the fate of Bucking- 
ham how completely they lay at the king's mercy. Opposition 
to the Cro\vn in the Commons did not carry ^^■ith it the same 
danger ; the commoner who took up the cudgels was protected 
by the law for his action inside the House, and could not, like 
the great magnates, be penalised by the process of demonstrating 
that he was engaged outside the House in plotting against the 
Crown. Terrorism could not apply to the Commons as it did to 
the Lords. 

To a certain extent the House could be packed so that the 

Cro\vn could generally command its majorities ; many of the 

members were simply the nominees of magnates upon 

Hon of whom the Crown could rely, and in a very few con- 

T> flj? Itt ti y 

stituencies they were the nominees of the Crown 
itself. But too much packing would have destroyed the value 
of the House as a barometer of pubhc opinion. Consequenily 
we find that the Commons showed a very appreciable amount of 



Crown and Parliament 219 

independence. They did not merely register the king's decrees ; 
especially if their pockets were touched, they offered a stubborn 
resistance. It was only when Cromwell's work was already 
almost completed that a parliament was much more thoroughly 
packed in 1539 in order to finish the work. Even then it did 
not follow that the electors adopted the candidate nominated 
for them by Cromwell. The theory that the House of Commons 
was fOled up with members who either dared not oppose the 
royal will or were nominated only on condition of obeying jt is 
quite unsupported by evidence. And the theorj'' that the king 
created new boroughs in order to provide himself with additional 
supporters collapses in face of the fact that there were not half 
a dozen new boroughs created in his reign altogether. 

Finally, in relation to Henry viii. we observe : first, that no — 
member of the House of Commons was punished for free speak- 
ing in the House, though language was used there g „ „ 
which outside the House would have been treason- under 

Henry VIII, 

able ; secondly, that the king enacted nothing 
except by Act of parhament ; and thirdly, that he went out of 
his way to obtain parhamentary sanction for his settlement of 
the succession, although he had received express authority to 
settle the question himself. Evidently such treatment accus- 
tomed parliament to a conviction that it was entitled to have all 
measures of reform submitted to it, to discuss them freely, and 
to reject them if it thought fit to do so. 

So in the two next reigns parliament was not in the least sub- 
servient either to Somerset or to Northumberland. It would 
have nothing to say to the Protector's social reform. 
In 1-553, when Northumberland was preparing to Edward vi. 
make his desperate bid to retain power in his own 
hands, he did make a very great effort to pack a subservient 
parliament ; but even then that parliament insisted on modify- 
ing hi s Treasons Bi ll. Mary's parliaments flatly rejected he r \ 
p roposals for restor ing ecclesiasticaL.]3rggerty, and until her 
fourth parliament they declined to revive the penal statutes I 
against heretics. The subserviency of Tudor parliaments, as far 
as the evidence is concerned, appears to be merely a fiction 



2 20 Aspects of ike Tudor Period 

imagined by those who have already convinced themselves that 
the country at large was strongly opposed to the poUcy of Henrj', 
and therefore find themselves obliged to explain away the support 
which that policy received from parliament. 

In the whole of Ehzabeth's reign of five-and-forty years there 
were fewer sessions of parUament than in the last eighteen years 
Elizabeth's of Henry viii. Ehzabeth's parliaments werealwag_ 
parliaments. Jfy^and neyf^t^sjihser\'-ient. No one suggests that, 
under her, parhament was drsigged along by the Crown ; on the 
contrary, it was the Commons, not the Cro%vn, which persistently 
endeavoured to force the pace. She knew that in effecting the 
ecclesiastical settlement uponJProtestantJiiies, in going to any 
length she chose in defying Spain and supporting_Protestaiita_ 
abroad , in stringent treatment of ^laryjQueen of Scots^ in anti- 
Roma nist legislati on, she would have the support of parUament ; 
on ever^- one of these questions parhament was only eager to urge 
her forward. The almost incredible flatteries of her courtiers 
were merely an exaggeration of the popular loyalty to the person 
of the queen. On the main Unes of her policy she had no need 
of a barometer to test how far she could go \\ith safetj'. What 
she required her faithful Commons for was to vote supplies 
when necessary, and to demonstrate to the world at large that 
there was a substantial pubhc opinion pressing her on. 

But in Ehzabeth's reign troubles to come were foreshadowed. 
The Commons had already attained to the conviction that there 
„ . were no matters of state too high to fall within 

claims of the their province as ad\'isers of the Crown. EUzabeth 
wanted their g oodwill and their support, but she 
did not want their advice, which thev persisted in tendering 
upon tw"0 subjects, which in her opinion were outside their 
province altogether. One was her marriage, and, associated 
therewith, the recognition of a successor ; the other was the con- 
trol of rehgion — ^the former a pureh' personal affair, the latter 
a prerogative of the Cro\\'n. On that head, of course, precedent 
went back no further than her father. But the agreement be- 
tween the Cro-s^Ti and the Commons rested upon a basis so sub- 
stantial, at least up to the time of the Armada, that there was 



Crown and Parliament 221 

no opening for serious quarrelling. On more than one occasion 
the queen rated her parliaments soundly for their impertinent 
interference ifi matters with which they had no concern, but she 
did not succeed in stopping them from tendering advice or from 
discussing anything they thought fit to discuss. They were 
satisfied to go on expressing their opinions in patriotic and loyal 
language, while she atoned for her scoldings by maldng such 
minor concessions as appeared to her to be politic. There was 
no open collision because there was no violent divergence of in- 
terests. The queen held to her theory, and the Commons held 
to theirs, but the difference in theory could be endured so long 
as both Crown and Commons wanted very much the same thing 
in practice. 

Most notable among the audacious champions of parUamentary 
liberties, especially with respect to the question of the succession 
and to ecclesiastical affairs, was Paul Wentworth, Freedom of 
who like his brother Peter was for several years debate, 
member for a Comish borough — a curious comment on the 
common impression that Cornwall was selected by Mary and 
Elizabeth as a suitable region for the creation of boroughs under 
control of the Crown. The duchy was, in fact, somewhat con- 
spicuous both then and afterwards for returning leaders of 
parliamentary opposition to the Crown. Paul Wentworth was 
so outspoken that in 1576 he was sent to the Tower for a time ; 
yet he was so little influenced thereby that in 1393 he again pro- 
voked the queen so seriously that he was again imprisoned in the 
Tower, and was kept there till his death three years afterwards. 

In fact, during the last ten years of Elizabeth's life, when the 

supreme national questions had already been settled, it was 

becoming more and more obvious that a real con- . ... 
° A conflict 

fiict of authority between Crown and Parhament fore- 
would result after the queen's death from any 
serious divergence between them. The Commons were not 
willing to push forward such a contest so long as the old 
queen Uved. The nation owed her too much to be disposed to 
embark on a quarrel during the few years which were all that 
could remain to her. When she was gone it would be time 



222 Aspects of tke Tudor Period 

enough to bring matters to an issue, should that prove necessanv 
But the point of supreme significance is that parhament had 
learnt not to await the royal initiative. Hitherto bills had xtxs 
rarely been vetoed by the Crown, for the simple reeison that very 
few had been introduced except at the instance of the Crown ; 
but in 1598 ninet}^ biUs passed the Houses, of which more than 
half were vetoed by the queen. Doubtless the bUls were un- 
important, and no one was perturbed when the queen rejected 
them. But the fact remains that all those bUls and presumably 
some of the others had not emanated from the queen or her 
ministers. 

The uneasiness of the situation found expression in the last 
parhament of the reign, that of 1601 ; when the House of 
Elizabeth's Commons was on the verge of insisting upon a bill 

last for the aboUtion of Monopolies, against which a 

parliament. , . , . , , , 1 • , 

petition had been presented, %ntnout practical 

results, three j^ears before. The right to grant monopolies, ex- 
clusive rights of production and sale of particular commodities, 
was accounted a royal prerogative, and to that prerogative the 
bUl would have been a direct challenge. EHzabeth saved the 
situation by promising a general cancellation of the monopolies 
which constituted a grievance. The prerogative, therefore, was 
not formally challenged ; and the battle over that question was 
deferred tUl another reign. 



II. The Exp.\xsion of Exgland 

The two outstanding_fea.tuiss^ the Tudor period for England, 
the features which give its supreme glory to the reign of Queen 
What the EUzabeth, are the creation o f the EngUsh sea;__ 
state did. power and the creation of Englishjiterature. Witfi\ 
one of these the State was not concerned at all, and %vith the other 
only to a limited extent. Mainljr by gi'wngjindividiiaLfint^^Jse- 
a free hand, by intervening only to enoDurage and protect but 
not to direc t or control individual activities, the State fostered 
the maritime expansion which was developed by private energies. 
After the first voyage of John Cabot the State gave no help to 



The Expansion of England 223 

explorers ; all that it did was to apply the principles of protection 
to the shipping industry by the Navigation Acts, to foster the 
home production of shipping materials and equipments in order 
that the country might not be dependent upon foreign supplies, 
and, after the Reformation, to ordain the continuation of the 
Lenten Fast, no longer as a rehgious duty, but in order to en- 
courage the fisheries as nurseries of maritime efficiency. 

For half a century after Columbus's voyage English sailors 
accomplished little that was remarkable, though WiUiam Hawkins 
set the example, which was to be followed by his 
more famous son, of voyaging to the Guinea Coast before 
and to the Brazils ; not to the entire satisfaction of 
the Portuguese. Spaniards and Portuguese were in possession 
of the whole tropical belt, where there was little room for the 
intervention of any other nations. EngUsh activities were largely 
of a piratical order, in the nature of quite lawless robbery. For 
the preservation of law on the high seas was nobody's business ; 
in the narrow seas and in European waters generally it was 
difficult enough for merchantmen to protect themselves from 
pirates ; on the broad ocean it was almost impossible, and some 
time before Henry viii. was dead th^ depredations of English 
sailors were the subject of diplomatic complaints from Spain. 
In the reign of Mary this pirac}' became aggravated ; turbulency. 
Protestantism, and the Spanish marriage combined to draw 
considerable numbers of gentlemen to give lawless expression to 
their pohtical and religious views by raiding Spanish commerce. 
A good deal was learnt in this school of pure piracjf which was 
turned to account by the adventurers of Elizabeth's reign, who, 
however, professed and generally managed to believe that their 
own practices were quite legitimate. 

But while the EngUshmen could hardly operate in the tropical 
regions otherwise than as pirates, except by leave of the Spanish 
and Portuguese authorities, another if a less attrac- Northern 
tive sphere was open to them, the discovery of an '^°'3^S^^- 
Arctic route to the Indies, either on the north of America or 
on the north of Europe, a north-west passage or a north-east 
passage. In search of a north-east passage, Willoughby and 



2 24 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

Chancellor sailed from the Thames in the last da3's of Edward vi. 
Willoughby was lost ; Chancellor made his way to the White Sea, 
1553_ Eind tlience overland to Moscow, the capital of Ivan 

Muscovy. the Terrible, the Russian Tsar. As 3'et Russia was 
outside the European area, the area in touch wth Western 
civilisation ; and this ' Discovery of ;Musco\'y ' was the first 
opening of communication between England and the remote 
barbarian power. Before seven years had passed Chancellor's 
voyage was followed up by the journey of Anthony Jenkinson, 
who travelled to Moscow ma the \Mute Sea hke his predecessor, 
and thence penetrated across the Caspian Sea into Central Asia 
as far as Bokhara, returning to England in 1560. 

From the moment when Elizabeth had estabhshed herself 
firmh' on the English throne, when she and Cedl had proved 
to themselves that they could afford to ignore all dictation from 
Spsdn, when public confidence in the strength and stability of 
the government had been completelj- restored, the national 
energies burst forth in full vigour, and they found their principal 
Eiizabetii: fi^l^. of action On the seas. Mar\- had done what 
privateering, gj^g could to hold in check the privateering which 
was in itself a protest against her rule. Elizabeth denounced 
it, but her demmciations were merely a cloak for secret en- 
couragement. 

Modem European states are apt to consider themselves en- 
titled to apply force to semi-ci\'ilised or unci\aLised powers which 
THe open do not recognise the demand for the open door, 
door. jjj |.]^g sixteenth century it appeared to Englishmen 

unreasonable that the door of the New ^^'orld should not be 
open. They did not dispute the Spanish claim to the vast 
regions which they had annexed ; they did dispute the Spaniard's 
right to exclude them from traffic with those regions. And they 
raked up a kind of legal warrant for their attitude in the old 
treaties with Burgundy, never cancelled, which guaranteed 
free trading intercom^e. They claimed the right to trade, and 
the right to practise their own reUgion \\ithout interference. 
In the ej'es of Philip both claims were preposterous. He for- 
bade the EngUsh trade on pain of death, and if English sailors 



The Expansion of England 225 

were captured they were liable to be handed over as heretics 
to the Inquisition. The result was that an attitude of mind 
was produced on both sides which was most perfectly English 
typified in an incident with which not the English I'eretics. 
but French Huguenots were concerned. A French colony was 
planted in Florida. The Spaniards wiped it out, announcing 
that they had destroyed the French "' not as Frenchmen but 
as heretics,' and occupied the colony themselves. A French 
expedition retaliated by wiping out the Spanish settlers ' not as 
Spaniards but as murderers.' Each, in fact, claimed that inter- 
national law was on their own side, and endeavoured to impose 
their own views on the other side, at the sword's point, if other 
forms of persuasion failed. From the English point of view, the 
seizure of Spanish ships and treasure was merely fair reprisal 
for the iniquitous methods of the Spaniards. And EUzabeth 
declined to interfere so long as Philip maintained his claim to 
penalise the heresy of her subjects. The chances of fighting and 
loot provided more stirring attractions for the enterprising youth 
of England than any merely legitimate trading, and English 
adventurers swarmed over the seas. 

The lead was taken by John Hawkins, who shipped negroes 
from the Guinea coast, kidnapping them or buying them from 
death or slavery at the hands of the African chiefs. 
Thence he carried them to the West Indies, where san Juan 
negro slaves were wanted, as being much hardier 
labourers than the natives. The negro trade was a lucrative 
monopoly of the Spanish Crown ; the Spaniards were by no- 
means averse from benefiting by the English competition, but 
they could only venture to do so if they could plead compulsion, 
a plea which Hawkins had no objection to providing. On his 
third voyage he took with him Francis Drake. After doing a 
successful trade he started for home, but had to put back to refit 
at San Juan D'UUoa, the port of Santa Cruz. There he was at- 
tacked with flagrant treachery by an official Spanish squadron. 
Two of his three ships escaped by hard fighting, but with the 
loss of many men ; Hawkins and Drake came home, the sworn 
enemies of Spain and all her works. This business provided one 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. li. P 



226 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

of the excuses for CecQ's seizure of the Genoese treasure on its 
way to Alva in 1569, and it was, in fact, the event which inau- 
gurated what was practical!}' open war between EngHsh and 
Spaniards ' beyond the line.' 

In this war Drake soon became the protagonist. In 1572 he 
sailed for the Spanish ilain wth three small ships and a hundred 
1572. Drake, and eleven men all told. He surprised Nombre de 
Dios, the principal port on the Isthmus of Darien ; penetrated into 
the isthmus till he came in sight of the Pacific, and vowed that 
he would one day sail upon that ocean ; captured two great mule- 
trains carrying gold and silver across the isthmus ; and finally 
succeeded in making his way home. In 1576 John Oxenham 
emulated this daring deed, and did actually launch pinnaces 
upon the Pacific, though he was caught and put to death by the 
Spaniards. 

Then in December 1577 Drake started on his most famous 
voyage. Hitherto no man had succeeded in foUowin.g the course 

which Magelhags had taken fifty years before 
The great through the dangerous strait which bears his name. 

It was generally beUeved that Tierra del Fuego, 
on the south of that strait, was the extremity of an Antarctic 
continent. The only recognised route to the Pacific was round 
the Cape of Good Hope, but Drake chose the Strait of Magellan 
for his gateway. It was not used by the Spaniards, who carried 
the mineral wealth of Peru up to Darien, and transported it over- 
land to the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea. Twelve months 
after he started, Drake and his famous ship the Pelican, othenrise 
called the Golden Hind, sailed into the Peruvian port of Val- 
paraiso, and thereafter spent several weeks in clearing ports 
and treasure ships till the Pelican was as full as she could 
hold of gold and silver and precious stones. His appearance 
was totally unexpected, and his ship could outsail and out- 
manceu\Te anything the Spaniard had in those waters. The 
rest of his ships had foundered or gone home from the Strait of 
Magellan, but before he made his wa}- up the Pacific he appears 
to have satisfied himself that the sea was open on the south of 
Cape Horn. 



The Expansion of England 227 

After securing as much booty as he could carry, Drake con- 
tinued his voyage northward, touching on CaUfornia ; but after 
going a good deal further north than any of his pre- Round tue 
decessors in the Pacific, presumably with the idea ^""^i**- 
of finding a northern passage home, he returned to CaUfornia, 
and having there refitted, started to cross the ocean by way of 
the Spice Islands, and so round the Cape of Good Hope back 
to England. In the sixth month, January 1580, the Pelican 
grounded on a reef and was all but lost. In June the Cape was 
rounded, and in September the Pelican was back in Plymouth 
Sound. 

The year before Drake sailed Martin Frobisher began a series 
of voyages for the Arctic regions in search of a north-west passage, 
a scheme enthusiastically advocated by Sir Hum- probisiier 
phrey Gilbert. In the course of his three voyages ^""^ Davis. 
Frobisher explored much of Frobisher's Sound, which he sup- 
posed to be a strait. A few years later, from 1585 to 1587, 
John Davis carried Arctic explorations still further ; and in 
1586-8 the world was for the second time circumnavigated by 
an Englishman, Thomas Cavendish. 

It would be superfluous to enumerate the voyages of Enghsh- 
men after the defeat of the Armada ; but one of these deserves 
special mention, the Guiana voyage of Sir Walter The Orinoco. 
Raleigh, who explored the Orinoco in 1595, mainly with 
intent to discover the fabled Manoa, the city of Eldorado, the 
Golden Man, which was rumoured to exist somewhere in the 
heart of South America. Raleigh did not discover Eldorado, 
but he did bring home very valuable geographical information 
as to what he had seen, as well as marvellous reports of what 
he had only heard. 

For two reasons the year 1583 is particularly notable in the 
story of English expansion ; for that year witnessed the depart- 
ure of Newbery and Fitch on an eastern journey Fitch, 
through Syria, and also the first attempt to give effect to the 
idea of colonisation conceived in the brain of Humphrey Gilbert. 
Newbery and Fitch travelled by land to the head of the Persian 
Gulf, and thence were conveyed by sea to Goa, the principal 



2 28 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

Portuguese station on the west coast of India. In India Fitch 
remained for some years, traveUing over the vast dominions of 
Akbar, the third and the greatest of the line of the great Moguls, 
\'isiting even further India and Ceylon, and returning in 1591 to 
sow the seed which germinated with the formation of the East 
India Company in the last year of the century. 

Humphrey Gilbert, the half-brother of ^^'alte^ Raleigh, who 
was a chUd of their mother's second marriage, was a dreamer who 
Gilbert. dreamed not only of a north-west passage, but 

of planting across the seas an Enghsh colony, a new home for 
— Englishmen — altogether different in conception from the Spanish 
colonial idea, which bore a nearer analogy to that of the later 
British dominion in India. For the carrying out of such a plan 
he obtained a charter as early as 1578, and Raleigh had shares in 
an expedition \vhich started with intent to give it effect in 1579 
but turned aside to attack the ^^'est Indies, to no great purpose. 
In 1583, however, Gilbert led an expedition to Newfoimdland, 
to which England had laid a vague sort of claim ever since its 
discovery by John Cabot. An order from the queen herself 
alone prevented Raleigh from accompanying his brother. The 
attempt was a failure ; three of Gilbert's five ships deserted or 
foundered, and when the last two were sailing home the little 
Squirrel, having Gilbert himself on board, went down in a storm 
with all hands. Elizabeth's seamen may have been lawless and 
untractable, their Puritanism may excite the contemptuous in- 
credulity of the modem cynic, but they were men who had a 
hving faith in a li\'ing God, to whom in all honesty they gave the 
glory when thej" smote the Amalekites and spoiled the Egyptians. 
' We are as near God by sea as by land,' were the last words 
uttered by Humphrey Gilbert while the Squirrel was still within 
hail of her consort. 

Gilbert failed, his mantle descended upon Raleigh, and 
Raleigh failed. In 1584 he took up his half-brother's task, and 
Baieigb. dispatched an expedition, not so far to the north as 

Gilbert's, to find a suitable spot for carrjing out the scheme of 
a colom-. The site chosen was Roanoke, and there next year 
Raleigh planted the colony to which he gave the name of Va- 



Economics 229 

ginia in honour of the Virgin Queen. The expedition was led 
by Sir Richard Grenville, the hero of the Revenge ; the colony 
of one hundred men was left under the governorship of Ralph 
Lane. But when succours were sent to them next year, it was 
found that the colonists had thrown up the attempt, and had 
been withdrawn aboard of Drake's squadron fresh from the raid 
on Cartagena. Thrice again Raleigh attempted to plant his 
settlers ; thrice they were wiped out. But the great idea sur- 
vived, to be given efiect by other men when Raleigh was eating 
out his heart as a prisoner in the Tower, and Elizabeth was in 
her grave. 

III. Economics 

Bro adly sp e^ng, the Tudor period in its economic as in its 

^ othe r aspects falls into two divisions, the era of revolution and the 

era of reconstruction : the accession of EHzabeth ^ 

; ____ — _„„i. .. - -Depression 

forming the line of division. The first is marked nndertne 
most conspicuously by grave, persistent, and in- 
creasing agricultural depression, and latterly by financial chaos, 
in which the debasement of the currency was a prominent factor, 
affecting the commercial as well as the agricultural community. 
And beside these we find grievous complaints from the old 
boroughs of commercial depression and the decay of their old 
prosperity. Henry vii., when taxes were imposed, found it 
necessary to concede to many of the large towns substantial 
deductions from the amount payable under the standing assess- 
ments ; and in the later years of Henry viii. the citizens of many 
places formerly conspicuous for wealth were lamenting bitterly 
that houses cind whole streets were falling to pieces ; among which 
towns were numbered York, HuU, and Lincoln in the north, 
Rochester and Portsmouth, Winchester, Sahsbury and Exeter. 

On the other hand, it is obvious that the depression was by no 
means imiversal. If the rur a l populatio n we£e reduced_tojmisery^ 
by enclosures and the substitution of pasture for tillage, the 
landow ners "were making very handsome profits from their wool- 
growing. If the old boroughs were deca\dng, it was largely 



230 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

because trade was passing from them to the unchartered towns 
which were unhampered by gild regulation. Number s of the 
jnercan tile dass were growing rich, rich enough to 
vaUing become eager purchasers of the monastic lands_ 

prosperity. ^^^^ — ^^ ^^^^ .^^^ ^^ market; there were 

wealthy classes which emulated to the best of their ability the 
huge sumptuary extravagances of Henry Viii. and Cardinal 
Wolsey. The decay of the boroughs meant not a decay of 
trade but the rise of new commercial centres which displaced 
them. That process had been at work through a great part of 
the fifteenth century, and with a tolerably obvious reason. 
The various trade-gilds in the boroughs had become close 
bodies, which sought to prevent competition by the exclusion 
of new members ; consequently their would-be competitors 
established themselves outside the jurisdiction of the gilds. 

In doing so they were helped by the passing away of the time- 
honoured theory that to lend money at interest was contrary to 
Lending and Christian ethics. The enterprising trader was able 
borrowing. ^^ borrow money to start and expand his business, 
which until the latter part of the fifteenth century it had hardly 
been possible for him to do. The objection to usury had not 
been a mere clerical device ; it had been supported by the 
popular conscience. If a man entered into partnership with 
another, well and good ; he took his share of the risks, and his 
share of the profits. If he chose to lend his money on security 
without taking interest for it, that was also well. But it was 
immoral to take security for recovery of the loan and, besides 
security, to demand interest. Obviously, on those principles, 
money could be lent not as a matter of business, but merely as 
a personal favour. But when in the fifteenth century men began 
to accumulate wealth, they wanted their accumulations to be 
productive. They could be made productive if they were, so to 
speak, let out on hire ; it was worth a man's while to lend his 
money for a consideration to a person for whom it was worth 
while to give consideration for the loan ; and the moral objection 
to taking security, as well as consideration, ceased to appeal to 
men's consciences. Thus the trader who was in need of money 



Economics " 231 

was enabled to obtain it as a matter of business if the security 
he could offer appeared to be sufficient. 

The decay of the boroughs, then, does not, in fact, contradict 
the other evidence that commerce flourished. England in the 
reign of Henry vii. definitely pushed her way into j, , 
the world's markets, assisted by the king's com- of foreign 
mercial treaties, and by commercial wars in the only 
sense in which wars can conduce to prosperity. (,Acommercial 
war which ends in a drawn battle can benefit neither of the 
parties concerned in it ; a war which ends in a decisive victory 
may in its consequence compensate the victor for the losses 
incurred in the struggle itself. , 

In the earlier conditions of English commerce it was necessary 
to attract the foreign trader to England by the reluctant con- 
cession of privileges, though counteracted by restrictions, because 
the English trader did not seek foreign centres. Henry vii. was 
not yet strong enough to withdraw the privileges granted to the 
Gemjan Hansa, and the Hansa was still strong enough to pre- 
serve barriers against English competitors in the foreign trade. 
The intensity of the English jealousy of foreigners was illustrated 
in the London riot called Evil May Day in 1517. But as English 
commerce expanded, and EngUsh merchants forced The Hansa. 
their way into the preserves of the Hansa, the power of the 
league broke down. The Hansa was a loose confederation of 
great commercial cities whose rivalries were now counting for 
more than their community of interest. The cities of the league 
did not, in fact, hold together, and at last in the reign of 
Edward vi. it was possible for the English government, in 1551, 
to cancel the Hansard privileges. Thenceforth no foreign 
merchants enjoyed in England legal rights which gave them an 
advantage over English competitors. 

Enclosures, pasture, and rural depression entered so largely 
upon the pohtical area that they have already received their due 
share of attention in the political narrative, down to the acces- 
sion of Queen Elizabeth. We_tum_now. tothe era of economic_ 
reconstruction in the reign of Elizabeth. 

When Cecil took up the work of first minister to Queen Eliza- 



232 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

beth, he found facing him a series of economic problems, the 
solution of which he knew to be necessary to the estabhshment 
1568 p b °^ ^ broad-based prosperity ; for even the restricted 
lema for prosperity of Henry viii.'s reign seemed to have 

been undermined by the last eighteen years of 
financial mismanagement. The rural depression was at its 
worst, exaggerated by bad harvests and pestilence. The excess of 
the supply of labour over the demand kept wages at a minimum, 
and while the currency was perhaps worth one-third of its face 
value there had been no corresponding rise in the nominal wages of 
labour. There were large numbers of efficient workmen for whom 
there was no emplojnnent ; numbers who had learnt to prefer 
vagrancy to work at such wages as were available. {^The sup- 
pression of the monasteries had destroyed the only institution 
in thft. country which had hitherto recognised some responsi^ 
bihty for the maintenance of the destitute, and the country was 
swarming with people who were destitute and without r eliefTj 
The boroughs were bewaiUng their own decay. Foreign trade 
was suffering from the chaos in the exchange caused by the 
depreciated coinage; the royal navy had gone to pieces, and 
the expansion of the mercantile marine was falling off. The 
immediate return to honesty and economy in the public depart- 
nients, and the restoration of a standard currency, were the 
necessary preliminaries to the re-establishment of public con- 
fidence, which is a condition of prosperity. These were at once 
taken in hand and set in order in an astonishingly short time, 
with entire success. 

The next move was to reorganise the regulation of trade upon 
sound lines. That the regulation of trade was the business of 
state the State was an axiom which no one had hitherto 

regulation. thought of caUing in question ; but the State had 
operated mainly, as concerned internal trading, by legalising 
the authority of the craft-gilds in chartered boroughs, and as 
concerned foreign commerce by giving authority and monopoly __ 
to chartered companies of merchants, such as the Merchants 
of the Staple and the Merchant Adventurers. 

Cecil dealt with the internal regulation of trade by the Statute 



Economics 233 

of Apprentices of 1563, which subordinated the method of local 

control by craft-gilds to the principle of national uniformity. 

The question was one of machinery ; and the EUza- Th st t t 

bethans worked by their regular method of modify- of Appren- 

ing and adapting the machinery which they found in 

existence so as to produce a general uniformity, and at the same 

time to permit a degree of elasticity — very much as was the 

case with the ecclesiastical settlement. Taking the custom of 

London as its model, the Act scheduled the exist- , „ .. 

Apprentice- 

ing trades which were under the regulation of craft- sMp 
gilds, and required that no one should set up as. a_ 
master in any of those trades until he was at least twenty-four 
3'ears of age and had served a seven years' apprenticeship. 
Custom, however, at the same time would seem to have per- 
mitted that the ex-apprentice should not be actually restricted 
to the particular trade in which he had served his apprenticeship. 
The presumption that he would stick to the trade which he had 
learnt, or to one in which what he had learnt would be of material 
service, was strong enough to prevent the haphazard adoption 
by incompetent persons of trades to which they had not been 
trained. Qlie theory of all such rules was that they were in- 
tended to secure the efficiency and competence of the master 
and adequacy in the work turned out. 

With the same theoretical object of keeping up the trade 
standard, the gUds had fixed qualifications without which no 
apprentices were accepted. .So the Act forbade the 
leading trades to receive apprentices who were not for appren- 
the sons of at least sixty-shilling freeholders ; while 
the lamentations of the chartered towns were answered by con- 
ceding to them a somewhat larger latitude : they might appren- ■ 
tice the sons of forty-shilling freeholders. To the minor trades 
no such restrictions were applied, and a smith or a carpenter 
might take the son of an agricultural labourer for an apprentice. 
The progress of the minor trades thus e nabled them to absorb 
£ part _of_th5^_,Slu:pluS-]niralJabouringjpopulation ; and as new_ 
trades grew up during this^reign., trades^ which were not scheduled, 
and for whichaggrenticeship was therefore unnecessary, they also _ 



2 34 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

helped to reduce the surplus and to bring about the readjust- 
ment of labour demand and supply. 

The Act applied everj-where, not only within the area of juris- 
diction of the craft-gilds. The authority was largeh" vested in the 
jj . , justices of the peace as the agents of the central 
jnstices of authority ; and craft-gilds or new combined com- 
panies which were taking their place, supplied both 
information and machinery for carrying out the statute, in which 
the general principle of national uniformity displaced the prin- 
ciple of local autonomy, '^n particular, the regulation of wages, 
which in the borough had rested ^vith the craft-gUds, was now 
transferred to the justices of the peace. Variations of local con- 
ditions, of course, made it impossible'to apply tmiform rates all 
over the country. It was imderstood that the function of the 
magistrates was to fix rates which were fair. They could pro- 
bably always be counted upon not to set them extravagantly 
high, and pubhc opinion would prevent them from adopting an 
unreasonably low standard. The standing variations between 
summer and winter rates point to a general recognition that the 
minimum should not fall below a subsistence rate, and that 
when more work was being done in summer than earned a sub- 
sistence rate in winter, the wages ought to be proportionately 
increased. 

Commercial development took the form of an extension of 
chartered companies, always as yet on the old principle that 
Commerce- ^^ company had a monopoly, and the members 
chartered of the Company traded indi\'idually. The Joint 
Stock Company, in which the members were share- 
holders and the trading was done by the company's servants, 
controlled by a board of directors who distributed the profits, 
was a later development. The_maritime expansion and the new 
fields which were gradually opened to commerce, tended to the 
multipHcation of companies. Chancellor's ' discovery of Mus- 
covy ' was followed by the formation and the chartering of the 
Musco^' ^' Company toopen up trade with Russia and ■with Aaa_ 
through Russia, in connection with which business Jenkinson 
made his journey to Bokhara. Then came the Eastland or 



Economics 235 

Prussian Company for the Baltic trade ; Prussia really meant 
Prussia, the province on the south-eastern shore of the Baltic, 
not the German state of Brandenburg, which ultimately annexed 
both the province and its name. In 1581 the Venetian monopoly 
of the eastern Mediterranean was attacked by the Levant Com- 
pany, in whose interests Newbery and Fitch made their journey. 
LflsL aiLd_|p:eatest _of_all was Jhe East India Company incor-. 
porated on 31st December 1600, the last day of the sixteenth 
century, a company which some hundred and fifty years later 
was suddenly, a good deal to its own astonishment, to find 
itself transformed into an imperial power. The same principle 
of chartered companies with governing powers was The 
called in for the colonising schemes of Gilbert and Pi^-ntationB. 
Raleigh ; but as yet those schemes were not taken up as com- 
mercial enterprises. _\X was not till they appealed to the com- 
mercial mind, and- colonisation was pursued as a matter of 
business, in the reign of James i., that actual colonial expansion 

became p ossible..<" 

The trading companies were the product of personal enter- 
prise ; the development of new industries at home was directly 
fostered by the State, mainly in two ways — by the imported 
granting of monopolies and bounties, and by plant- ""iistri^s. 
ing foreign industrial colonies in England. The latter was princi- 
pally consequent upon the exodus of Protestants from the Low 
Countries seeking an asylum, an escape from the rule of Spain. 
These newcomers were received with less hostility than would 
otherwise have been the case, out of sympathy with the cause 
which had driven them to England. As competitors the emi- 
grants were unpopular ; but they were less so when they brought 
in industries not hitherto practised, which provided fresh open- 
ings for employment for the English themselves. , It is proba ble 
that_Jhe_£ecu]iaT_indu^ which pushed that 

town to the front in the course of the next century, were intro- 
duced by refugees .from- -the Jliethedands..; and the cotton 
industry, although it did not acquire prominence till long after- 
wards, we probably owe to fugitives from Antwerp where the 
cotton trade was established, and to the opening made for it 



236 Aspects of the Ttidor Period 

elsewhere by the trade depression due to the vicissitudes under- 
gone by that great city during the Dutch stuggle for independence. 
New industries were wanted by statesmen, not so much on 
economic as on national grounds. The unmitigated economist 
Monopolies, would have left them to develop themselves, but the 
politician wanted things to be made in England even at an 
enhanced cost, when otherwise England was dependent upon 
the foreigner fbr the supply. For munitions of war, iron and 
copper, sulphur and saltpetre were wanted ; as an inducement 
to their production, bounties and monopolies were granted. 
For the training^of JEnglishmenin the Ga&ting.xif guns, foreigners, 
wereexpressly imported ; and under EUzabethan conditions it is 
doubtful whether the guns and the gunnery which ruined the 
Spanish Armada would have attained their necessary superiority 
without such artificial aid. Unhappily the monopolies were 
not confined to such products as these ; they were also granted 
by the Crown without economic or national justification as a 
species of pension to royal favourites. There were cases where 
there was at least plausible ground for arguing that, without 
security against competition, the risks of embarking upon a new 
trade, a new kind of production, were too great to be under- 
taken, and that compulsory powers of the kind which in modern 
times are bestowed upon railway companies were a necessity. 
But in many instances this was not the case. In granting 
monopolies the Crown exercised a right which had never been 
disputed, but when it was employed to excess it was inevitable 
that sooner or later the right itself would be challenged. Jfl 

^6oi_the challenge was only postponed, because the Queoi^s, 
Grace promised no more to exercise the right to the detriment 

, of Her Majesty's subjects. 

In one other field the active intervention of the State had 
become necessary, the problems of destitution and of unemploy- 
^j^g ment. How was work to be found for those who 

EUzatethaD were willing to do it ? How were those who were 
unwilling to be forced to work ? How were the 
destitute who were unable to work to be provided for ? The 
Elizabethan Poor Law of 1601 wa,s the finaLanswecoLite 



Economics 237 

Elizabethan statesmen ; it was the outcome of patient experi- 
ment throughout the reign, and it served its purpose with little 
modification, not unsuccessfully, for nearly two hundred years, 
when the Industrial Revolution at the end of the eighteenth 
century altered all the conditions of the problem. For the 
rehef of the destitute, to discharge the functions which had 
formerly belonged mainly to the monasteries, it was at first 
attempted to rely upon voluntary contributions procured by 
exhortations from the pulpit. Such voluntary methods proving 
inadequate, the magistrates were authorised to apply to the 
charitable for weekly contributions. Then came more open 
compulsion, when they were empowered to assess the sum which 
each householder must pay ; then came the appointment of 
overseers, and the order to provide locedly a stock of materials 
upon which the indigent unemployed might be set to work for 
wages. The government had before it the example of London 
which had established the House of Correction at Bridewell, 
where compulsory work was given to the offenders, another of 
the numerous instances in which the government applied to 
national institutions methods which London had already tested 
on its own responsibihty. In its final shape th.e Poor.Law^f 
1601 established in each parish a ' workhouse ' in which the 
authorities were obliged to provide work temporarily for those 
who couidTin(I hohe for themselves, and to maintain those who 
werejncapable of doing work. Thus it was possible to draw at 
least a rough and ready hue between the wilfully idle who were 
proper subjects for punishment, and those who were willing to 
work if they could get work to do. The new Poor Law did not 
err on the side of tenderness ; it could not, like the monasteries, 
be charged with encouraging idleness ; but it did provide relief 
for genuine destitution, and sturdy vagabonds ceased to infest 
the countryside. 

IV. Literature 

The actual dawning of an English literature, a literature 
written in what is to modem eyes recognisable as the English 



238 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

Janguage, dates from Langland, Wiclif , and Chaucer in th e second 
half of the fourteenth century, though we may reckon that their 
Before tue coming was heralded by the ballads of Laurence 
Tudors. Minot and by Sir John Mandeville's EngHsh version 

of his travels. But after the glorious promise of Chaucer, there 
was Uttle sign that England was destined to high rank among 
the Hterary nations. The only classic of the fifteenth century 
was Sir Tho mas Mallory's Mori! ^-^Mlfc™. In Scotland the light 
which Chaucer had kindled was kept aglow ; for a century and 
a half Scottish poets completely outshone their prosaic English 
contemporaries. The poet-king, James i., had a worthy suc- 
Scotiand. cessor in Robert Henryson towards the end of the 
fifteenth century ; at the beginning of the sixteenth Bishop 
Gawain Douglas was the first poetical translator of Virgil, besides 
producing commendable original poetry, and after him the 
Chaucerian tradition was maintained by Sir David Lindsay. 
More notable than anj' of these, as being originators not followers, 
were the anonymous author o f Christ 's Kirk on the Green and _ 
'^ P^^bles to the Play, jmd WiUiam Dunbar, the remote literary 
ancestor of Robert Bums in his rollicking and bacchanalian 
moods. But after the grip of Calvinism fell upon Scotland her 
published literature was for the most part absorbed by contro- 
versial theology ; her ' makers ' continued to pour forth songs 
and ballads instinct with poetry, but they were preserved only 
by oral tradition. 

In England there was no more poetry worthy the name until 
the later years of Henry viii. The revival of literary culture 
Under the signahsed by the estabKshment of Caxton's print- 
early Tudors. ing-press and by the introduction of the study of 
Greek in the reign of Henry vii., produced no creative impulse 
except in Thomas More, who_se Utopia was one of the most 
original works ever penned by an Englishman. Yet \\iP. IJtapia. . 
did not become an English classic until it was translated out of 
More's Latin into Enghsh by Ralph Robynson in 1551. More's 
real contribution to an Enghsh literature was his admirably 
dramati c History of R ichard III. For the most part, English- 
men who wrote at all did so because they had something to say 



Literature 239 

of a practical character, and the arrival of the printing-press 
had given them the opportunity of making themselves heard ; 
they wrote without cultivating literature as an art. The real 
literary impulse is to be found rather in translators such as 
Lord Bemers, who rendered Froissart's Chronicle into vivid 
EngUsh, and in the English chronicler Richard Hall, or in the 
biographical sketches of Sir Thomas More by his son-in-law 
William Roper, and of Cardinal Wolsey by his usher George 
Cavendish. The Reformation was not a good school for hterary 
artistry ; and yet the finest arti stry of language is to be found_^ 
in the English Liturgy, for jv^chj,ve are_ indebted to Thomas 

Yet by the end of the reign of Henry viii. the new culture was 
beginning to bear fruit. Thomas Wyatt and that Earl of Surrey 
who was beheaded just before the king's death, Surrey and 
studied to purpose the only modem literature ^y^"- 
which had established itself, the ItaUan. They introduced new 
forms of versification, notably the sonnet and blank verse, and 
from this time the fashioning of dainty verse became a pleasing 
amusement in cultured circles. Nevertheless, Elizabeth had 
been on the throne for fuU twenty years before a single one of 
the works had been written which share with the deeds of her 
sailors the most brilliant glories of her reign. 

In 1579 -vrere published the 5'/««;!>/?eri's. Ca^m^a?- of Edmun.d„ 
Spenser and the Euphues of John Lyly. From one point of view 
Euphues is a groteque and intolerable absurdity, 1579. 
wearisome, filled with far-fetched conceits and ^'^P'^^es. 
fantastic distortions of language, not to be redeemed from con- 
demnation by its admirable moral sentiments. On the other 
hand, although it was certainly not a book of permanent value, 
at the moment of its publication and in the history of Enghsh 
literature it was of a very marked significance. It was the first 
work in Enghsh prose in which the author set himself consciously 
to a decorative use of language, deUberately treating the rnedium 
of expression as demanding no less attention than the matter 
expressed. Lyly did not, in fact, invent Euphuism ; it was in the 
air. It was the protest of a fastidious culture against barbaric 



240 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

crudeness, of idealism against the commonplace ; not the less 
genuine because it ran to the wildest contrary extremes of 
pedantry and fantasticalness. As an attempt to create a model 
prose style it was a ridiculous failure, but its vices were mani- 
fested by their excesses, and it emphasised the intellectual 
demand for an adequate appreciation of the value of words. 
The vice of Xuphuism permeated elegant society, captured by a 
delight in sheer ingenuity ; no one sinned more flagrantly than 
Shakespeare himself when the fit took him, though no one ridi- 
culed it more effectively than he in other moods, and no one 
knew so weU as he how to turn what was good in it to the best 
account. The extravagances of Euphuism passed away into the 
hmbo of Uterary absurdities, but Lyly had set the example of 
consciously pursuing verbal artistry in prose composition. 

The Shepherd's Calendar is notable as the first work by one 
of those whom we know as the great EHzabethans. In itself 
The ^^ would not give Spenser rank as anything more 

Shepherd's than a particularly charming minor poet. But it 
revealed, as no one except Chaucer had revealed 
before, the capacities of the English language for metrical ex- 
pression. The name of Spenser is the first in the great muster- 
roU, though he had had one predecessor, Thomas SackviUe, after- 
wards Lord Buckhurst, who deserted the muses for politics, but 
not till he had left evidence, in his contributions to a volume 
called A Mirrour for Magistrates, of quahties akin to Spenser's 
own. 

Between 1579 and 1586 ,Philip_Sidney was writing but not 
publishing the Astrophel and Stella sonnets and the Defence of 
1579-1590. Poesy, as well as the Arcadia, which may in some 
sense be regarded as the precursor of the novel ; and the drama 
was beginning to take shape in the hands of Peele and Lod ge, 
and Greesne. Probably in. isS^^appe.axed jZ^M&iaiasiiie^lhe Jirst^ 
terrific melodrama of young Christopher Marlowe, who was killed 
in a tavern brawl before he was thirty in 1593, the earliest year 
to which we can with any confidence attribute any known work 
by his contemporary William Shakespeare, whose birth year was 
the same as Marlowe's. The _great tragedies Fflwste and 



Literature 241 

Edward II. did not appear till after the Armada. In 1590 
Spenser wonj or ever his place in the first rank of the Immortals 
by the pubUcation of the first three books of the Faerie Queene. 
As we look back we can see that_i^22J^^s the year which marked 
the arrival of the great era of Enghsh hterature ; but almost 
the whole of that literature, aU that was greatest in it, was not 
produced until the tremendous crisis of the Armada was over. 

As the glory of the Athenian drama followed upon the rout 
of Persia at Marathon and Salamis, so the glory of the Enghsh 
drama followed upon the rout of Spain . Throughout THe stage in 
the Middle Ages the Church had appropriated the *^® P^^*- 
Stage ; it had utihsed for its own purposes the irrepressible 
popular instinct for dramatic representation. The churchmen 
had encouraged the miracle plays or mysteries, dealing with 
episodes in biblical history or the Uves of the saints. The term 
' mystery,' by the way, has nothing to do with the ordinary 
meaning which we derive from the Greek word, but, hke the 
name of ' mistery ' applied to a craft, is a corruption of the Latin 
ministerium. Out of these were developed the Moralities, in 
which the persons of the drama were virtues and vices. The love 
of display, characteristic of the earlier Tudor period as well as 
of Elizabethan times, led to the multiphcation of ' masques ' or 
pantomimic pageants ; but no further advance was made for a 
time. 

The revival, however, of classic studies was already producing 
in Italy imitations of the Latin drama ; and before the accession 
of Queen Mary an English schoolmaster, Nicholas Revival of 
Udall, had given his boys an Enghsh farce to per- Piay-acting-. 
form, Ralph Roister Doister, adapted from their classical studies. 
For tragedy no better model was known than the Latin of 
Seneca, and^^ackyiUe collaborated in the production of the first 
Enghsh tragedy in blank verse, Gorboduc or Ferrex and Porrex. 
The dramatic form seized the popular fancy, and during the next 
twenty years dramatic representation became highly popular, 
though no work of any hterary merit has survived. Companies 
of strolling players were famiUar, but they still were accounted 
as vagabonds, unless they were under the protection of some 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. u. Q 



242 Aspects of the Tudor Period 

nobleman. They performed in the courtyards of inns or in a 
nobleman's hall, and they proved so attractive that the City of 
London banished them from its precincts because the erring 
youth were drawn away by them from due attendance at the 
church services. This was probably^ the reason why the first rgi 
theatres were set up on the Surrey side of the Thames. Then 
in the eighties came the improvements in the literary form of the 
drama at the hands of the university playwrights, Lodge, Peele, 
Greene and Marlowe^men of education if their habits were 
Bohemian. 

Of all the great writers whom we are accustomed to call 
EHzabethans not one was bom as early as 1550, not one had 
_. ,_,. reached manhood when the Parisians were mas- 

7116 £llZ£l* 

betiian' sacring the Huguenots on the eve of St. Bartholo- 

mew. Spenser, Marlowe, and_Sidney^_if_wejnclud£_ 
him on the list, alone had died before the queen. Sidney would 
not have been fifty, Marlowe would not have been forty, had 
they been alive when she died. In actual point of time, all the 
great dramatists belong as much, or more, to the reign of James i. 
as to that of EHzabeth. Excepting some of the essays, none of 
the great works of Francis Bacoti actually belong to the earlier 
reignT] But all the great writers — Shakespeare, Ben Jonson,_ 
Middleton, Dray ton7 "George Chapman, Bacon, Raleigh, and^ 
Richard Hooker, even those whose work belonged wholly to 
James's reign, such as Beaumont and Fletcher, were bred in the, 
Ehzabethan atmosphere and imbued with the Ehzabethan spirit. 
In the second half of the great queen's reign, and cKiefly in its 
fourth quarter, the superabundant energy and vitaUty which 
had been aroused in the nation, discovered and 

Tli6lr 

common exploited this new field. This is not the place for 

charae- criticism in detail of the work which was produced, 

teristios. ,.. . . . 

We must, however, remark that the charactenstics 

which belong most essentially to this literary epoch are precisely 

the characteristics which especially distinguish the Ehzabethan' 

era — the combination of a tremendous energy, a supreme audacity 

and self-confidence, with a balanced judgment and a singular 

sanity. The power which makes the last scene of Faustus 



Literature 243 

terrific instead of grotesque, the power which transformed 
Hamlei from a melodrama into a majestic tragedy, was essen- 
tially sane, but nothing less than Ehzabethan audacity could 
have dared to attempt either, unless, indeed, it had been the 
arrogance of incompetence. It was precisely the same audacity 
which taught Drake and Hawkins to defy the might of Spain, 
the same sanity which ensured them the victory. So it was with 
the statesmen, so it was with Bacon, the man who dared to 
' take all knowledge to be his province,' the acutest counsellor 
ever ignored by a fatuous monarch. 

And these are not the characteristics only of the Elizabethan 
men of action and men of letters whom we name and know by 
their deeds and' their writings. They are the „. , 
characteristics of the everyday men and women speare's 
of the time, the people of England, which only 
received their highest expression in the more notable person- 
alities. We know it because the master of all masters has shown 
us what English men and women were. We can assert with 
entire confidence that the world which Shakespeare painted was 
the world he knew, the live men and women he saw around him, 
even when he caUed them by the names of Roman senators or of 
long-dead Englishmen, or made them play their parts in Venice 
or Milan or Verona. 



CHAPTER IX. EUROPE, 1603-1660 

The period of the reign of Elizabeth in England, and the period 
of the reign of Philip 11. of Spain in Spain very nearly coincided. 
1603. The ^'^^ forty years Spain overshadowed the rest of 
situation. Europe, and even to the hour of his death Philip 
remained unconscious that her supremacy was broken. His 
subjects in one comer of his vast dominions were obstinately 
and successfully persisting in revolt ; he had failed to overthrow- 
England ; he had failed to prevent the accession of Henry iv. 
in France. But Spain was still ostensibly the greatest of the 
powers, except for the single fact that on the seas her fighting 
fleets were completely outclassed by the fighting fleets of the 
English. It was only at the moment of his death that Henry iv. 
in France had at last succeeded in estabUshing his own sway 
and in ending the internecine character of the religious struggle., 
Elizabeth had evaded carrying out the pohcy of advanced 
Enghsh imperiahsm advocated by Raleigh. The United 
Provinces had not yet achieved their independence. The 
German Empire was not a homogeneous power, nor had any of 
the states of which it was composed achieved a decisive hegemony, 
or leadership, although the Imperial crown had always been 
worn by a Hapsburg for a hundred and fifty years. 

R eligion and najJOTi ahsm _ were the two controlling motives 
of poUtics. Philip's double aim had been to absorb the nations 
EeUgion and under the sway of Hapsburg rulers and to stamp 
nationalism, q^^ heresy. The spirit of nationaUsm in the English 
CathoUcs had forced them to submit to the penalising of their^ 
faith as the price of freedom from foreign rule ; tiie same spirit 
in French Catholics had forced them to accept the toleration of 
Protestantism. Phihp's was the only power in Europe which 

244 



Europe, 1603- 1660 245 

stood out as the uncompromising champion of Tridentine 
orthodoxy, commonly called Catholicism. His German cousins 
had not followed his example, and the states of the Empire 
lived upon the compromise which left to each prince the control 
of religion within his own dominions. 

But in 1660, the year when Louis xiv. assumed autocratic" 
control in France and Charles 11. was restored to the throne of 
England and Scotland, all was changed. Spain 
had lost her pride of place ; France was definitely changed 
the first mihtary power on the Continent ; maritime ' | 

supremacy was disputed between England and Holland ; Austria, '\ 
with the hegemony of the German states, had superseded Spain | 
as the continental rival of French ambitions ; Portugal had all ! 
but completed its severance from Spain. Protestantism and j 
Cathohcism ceased to be the decisive factors in the combination I 
of European alliances. Aggressive Catholicism was concen- 
trated in the autocratic ruler of France ; but it was the ' 
Catholicism of the Jesuits, not of the Papacy ; we cannot call it | 
papalism or Romanism, because the Papacy itself as well as | 
Catholic Austria did not hesitate to ally itself with Protestant \ 
powers in antagonism to France. ' 

At the beginning of the seventeenth century there was no 
general perception that the power of Spain was already in decay. 
For more than half a century the majority of 1603. The 
Englishmen continued to look upon her as the Hapshurgs. 
natural enemy of England and of Protestantism. JBut jhat 
shrewdest of European statesmen, Henry iv., realised that 
while the real danger of the future sprang from the Hapsburgs, 
the Austrian branch of the house was to be a more serious 
menace than the Spanish. The Huguenot prince who had 



^regarded the crown of France as ' worth a Mass ' had no lervent 
religious convictions ; but he was bound by every conceivable 
tie to champion the cause at least of toleration for Protestantism. 
More important' than the question of religion itself to him was 
the prospect of the European supremacy of the allied Hapsburg 
dynasties, and, as matters stood, he perceived that the effective 
championship of Catholicism was about to be assumed by the 



246 Europe 

Austrian branch. At the moment when he had completed his 
preparations for throttling that development in its infancy by 
means of a great Protestant combination, he was assassinated. 
There was no one capable of taking his place, and before ten 
years were past the devastation of Germany by the Thirty 
Years' War had begun. 

That war developed into the battle of German Protestantism 
for life. It en ded with jhe demarcation of Germany into 
leioiQ definitely Protestant states in the north and 

, TUB THirty definitely Catholic states in the southj. but that 
conclusion also made an end of reHgious differences 
as a motive to political differences within the Empire. The 
war, however, had not been merely a struggle of religions among 
the Germans. Spain had taken a share ; Gustavus Adolphus of 
Sweden had intervened; France, under the direction both of 
Richelieu_and Mazarin, struck in, actuated by purely political 
motives ; when Wallenstein led the imperial forces, reUgion was 
in the background. 

During five of the thirty years, England meddled very ineffec- 
tively in the war, and managed to embroil herself simultaneously 
England '^'^ French as well as Spanish. After the German 

and the war was ended a Franco-Spanish duel continued. 

Continent. 

and the Lord Protector struck in, by no means 

ineffectively, on the side of France. Besides spasmodic inter- 
vention in the Thirty Years' War and in the Franco-Spanish war, 
we shaU find England in the early days of the Commonwealth 
engaged in a fierce private contest with the United Provinces. 
The foreig n comphcations were to a great extent responsiblejor 
pushing forward the constitutional crisis in England, though 
irTthe main the influence of foreign upon Enghsh affairs was 
indirect ; therefore we shall perhaps find it the simplest course 
to outhne continental events down to the year 1660, as a pre- 
hminary to the account of the progress of events in England. 

— «Jn 1598 PhiHp II. just before his death made peace with France. 
In 1604 a treaty was signed between England and Spain, and in 
1609 a twelve years' truce was made between Spain and the 



Europe, 1603-1660 247 

United Provinces, which were from that time virtually indepen- 
dent, though after the twelve years they had again to resist a 
renewed attempt upon their liberties. The three treaties — of 
1598 with France, of 1604 with England, and of 1609 -^^^^^.^^.^Xi 
with the Hollanders — ^marked the check upon the Spain and 
actively aggressive policy of Spain. This was the 
moment when Henry iv. of France was preparing the blow which 
was intended to destroy the threatening development of a 
Hapsburg combination. The blow was foiled by the dagger of 
the assassin Ravaillac ; the crown of France passed to a child, 
and the regency to the queen-mother, Mary de Medici, who 
reversed her husband's policy, so that for several years to come 
the French government was a friend instead of the antagonist of 
Spain. But Spanish aggression was in suspense. The collision 
between the hostile forces was to take place within the borders 
of the Empire, not of the Spanish dominion. 

The German Empire consisted of a large number of states, 
small and great, some of them being lay lordships and some 
ecclesiastical, whose rulers bore a variety of titles, The Empire., 
and in theory held their dominions of the emperor. The princes 
of the first importance were the seven electors — the archbishops 
of Mainz, Trier, and Cologne, the electors of Saxony and Branden- 
burg, the Elector Palatine, and the king of Bohemia ; the last, 
however, counted only in the actual election of the emperor. 
The electors formed one house in the Imperial Diet, which was 
the nearest equivalent to a parliament of the Empire. The 
Second Chamber consisted of all the territorial magnates, lay or 
ecclesiastical, who held of the emperor ; their subjects were un- 
represented. The Third, and quite inferior, Chamber represented 
the free cities, which had no overlord but the emperor. In the 
Electoral Chamber the three lay electors were Protestant and 
the three archbishops Catholic. In the Second Chamber the 
ecclesiastics outnumbered the la37men by two to one. A clear 
half of the princes were Cathohc bishops and abbots, and not all 
of the lay princes were Protestant. Thus there was a strong 
Cathohc preponderance in the Diet, although if there had existed 
a chamber representative of the people at large, like the English 



248 Europe 

House of Commons, there would have been in it a substantial 
Protestant majority. 

ThePadficatixmijf^Augsburgm 1555 had secured the authority 
and the property of lay Protestant princes ; ecclesiastical estates 
The which they had secularised remained secularised. 

Augsburg But three questions were left, which provided an 
paci oa on. ^pg^^jj^^ j^^ future trouble. The first was as to 
the right of the Protestant princes to continue the secularisation 
of ecclesiastical land within their own dominion, a right which 
they asserted and were practically able to enforce. The second 
was the question of the ' Ecclesiastical Reservation.' The treaty 
provided that any bishop or abbot turning Protestant ipso facto 
vacated his position. According to the Cathohc interpretation 
of the terms, those ecclesiastical territories were bound to remain 
Catholic for all time. But according to the Protestant inter- 
pretation, when a bishopric fell vacant it was open to the 
chapter to elect a Protestant, who was then entitled to hold the 
position. Acting on this principle, a few of the bishoprics had 
been brought over to the Protestant side, legally according to 
the Protestant view, illegally according to that of the Catholics. 
The third point was that at the time of the pacification all the 
Protestant princes were Lutherans, and provision was made only 
for Catholicism and Lutheranism ; but as time went on the 
Protestant princes in the south, upon whom the pressure of their 
Cathohc neighbours was stronger than in the north, tended to 
adopt Calvinism, the type of Protestantism most irreconcilable 
with Romanism. And very unfortunately for the Protestant 
cause, Lutherans and Calvinists were little less antagonistic to 
each other than to Catholics. 

Throughout the reign of PhiHp 11. in Spain, Germany remained 
quiescent ; for the time the modus vivendi served its purpose, 
1600 9 ^'^^ *^^ Austrian Hapsburgs generally, though none 

Omens of of them embraced Protestantism, were not ill dis- 
posed towards it. Nevertheless, an aggressive party 
was gradually developing on both sides. The two great elector- 
ates of Saxony and Brandenburg were satisfied with the exist- 
ing conditions ; they were conscious of no menace. But the 



Europe, 1603- 1660 249 

Protestant territories west and south of Saxony, including the 
two divisions of the Palatinate, lay in the midst of the great 
ecclesiastical principalities girdled by Catholic states. On the 
west of them were the three archbishop electors, and behind these 
were the Spanish provinces ; on the south lay Catholic Bavaria, 
and behind Bavaria the family dominions of the Hapsburgs, 
though these included on the east the kingdom of Bohemia, 
where as yet the population was mainly Protestant. At the 
turn of the century it appeared to the southern Protestant 
princes that there was every prospect that the Hapsburgs would 
depart from the attitude of toleration within their own dominions ; 
while Maximilian of Bavaria, the ablest of the ruling princes, held 
ultra-Catholic views on the disputable questions of Secularisa- 
tion and the Ecclesiastical Reservation. Ferdinand of Carinthia, 
the ablest of the Hapsburg archdukes, had already in effect sup- 
pressed Protestantism within his own dominions. Without 
going into details, it will be sufficient here to say that in 1608 a 
Protestant union, nominally for defence against aggression, was 
formed under the guidance of Christian of Anh alt,, and a counter- 
Catholic league was immediately formed, also professedly for 
self-defence, in which the ruling spirit was Maxirnilian of Ba:£aria.- 

In 1612 the childless Archduke Matthias succeeded his brother, 
Rudolf II., as emperor. He had already obtained from Rudolf 
the kingdom of Bohemia, the archduchy of Austria j^rottj,,.. -j 
itself, and the crown of Hungary, though one-third Ferdinand of 
of that country was in possession of the Turks, and 
another third, Transylvania, was virtually independent. But 
more important than the accession of Matthias himself was his 
recognition of his cousin, Ferdinand of Carinthia, as his heir with 
the assent of the other Hapsburg archdukes, the brothers of 
Matthias ; for Ferdinand was an aggressive Catholic. 

The Protestant aristocracy of Bohemia had been able to 
secure a large degree of religious hberty from Rudolf and 
Matthias ; whether the Bohemian charter known Bohemia. 
as the ' Letter of Majesty ' would be maintained under Ferdinand 
was another matter. The Bohemians made it known that they 
intended when Matthias died to act upon their constitutional 



250 Europe 

right of electing their own king. But in 1617 the Bohemian 
estates were summoned while they were as yet unprepared to 
offer resistance, and were in effect forced to acknowledge 
Ferdinand as the heir of Matthias. In the early summer of the 
next year the Bohemians revolted, murdered the two adminis- 
trators whom Ferdinand had left at Prague, and set up a pro- 
visional government. They soon found that they had nothing 
to hope from the elector of Saxony, to whom they appealed for 
support ; and they resolved to offer the Bohemian crown to the 
young Elector Palatine, Frederick, who was the husband of the 
king of England's daughter Elizabeth. Frederick was rash 
enough to accept the offer. In August 1619 Ferdinand was 
formally deposed, and Frederick was elected, the former having 
just acquired the Imperial crown upon the death of Matthias. 

Hitherto no one had been in haste to come forward actively 
in aid either of the Bohemians or of the authority of Ferdinand. 

But Frederick's acceptance of the Bohemian crown 
The Elector at once attached Bavaria and the Catholic League 

to Ferdinand. The CathoUcs would not face the 
prospect of doubling the electoral vote of the Calvinist Elector 
Palatine and giving an electoral majority to the Protestants. 
By joining Ferdinand, Maximilian expected to get for himself 
the Upper Palatinate, which bordered on Bavaria, and the 
substitution of himself for Frederick as an elector of the 
Empire. 

The northern princes did not care that even a Protestant 
should have a double electoral vote, or that Bohemia should be 
united to the Palatinate. Ferdinand secured the neutrality of 
Lutheran Saxony by minor concessions ; King James in England 
was not zealous to take up arms on behalf of his son-in-law, who 
had rejected his advice, and who had obviously put himself in 
the wrong. Before the end of 1620 Frederick was expelled from 
Bohemia by a crushing defeat at the White Mountain. No help 
•i<!on came from the Protestant Union, which was soon 

Loss of the afterwards dissolved. The CathoUcs made full use 

of their victory. Ferdinand's government com- 
pletely suppressed Protestantism in Austria and in Bohemia, as 



Europe, 1 603- 1 660 251 

it had done years before in Carinthia and St\Tia. Maximilian 
conquered the Upper Palatinate, while the Lower Palatinate, on 
the Rhine, weis ovemin b}- troops from the Spanish Netherlands. 
The Hapsburgs had virtually drawTi an almost complete girdle 
round the west, the south, and the east of Germany ; and besides 
this, the Spaniards could now send troops from their dominions 
in Xorthem Italy through the Valteline into T}to1, and so by 
land through Hapsburg territories, or territories dominated by 
the Hapsburgs, up to the Spanish Netherlands, with which 
hitherto their only communication had been by sea. The active 
union of the whole Spanish and Austrian Hapsburg power for 
the purposes of \'igorous Cathohc aggression threatened to imperil 
the existence of German Protestantism. 

This was the situation in 1624 when both France and England 
intervened. Hitherto King James had indulged in emptv hopes 
of persuading Spain to ally itself ^^ith England and to 

. , , . . . , , , , 1624-5. 

umte with him m composmg the quarrel between the English 

Elector Palatine and the emperor, and procurin? aii<ii^eucii 

interrentioii. 
the reinstatement of his son-in-law Frederick in the 

Palatinate. But at this juncture there was a rupture with 
Spain, which, in fact, never had anj- intention of adopting the 
policy laid down for it by James. And at the same moment the 
disastrous regency of Mary de Medici in France had been set 
aside b}- the young king, Louis xin., who had taken for his chief 
minister the great cardinal, Richeheu, the heir of Henr\- r'.'s 
political conceptions. The heir to the EngHsh throne was 
betrothed to the French king's sister, Henrietta Maria. England 
was ready enough for another war with Spain ; but her interven- 
tion was so iU managed that the only practical purpose it served 
was to develop domestic discord. Richelieu, on the other hand, 
not out of affection for Protestantism but in order to check the 
Hapsburg ascendency, drove the Spaniards out of the Valtehne 
and severed their route of commimication ■nith the Tyrol. His 
activities were stopped by the development of a Huguenot 
insurrection in France, of which the motive was not really religi- 
ous but pohtical, and some j'ears passed before he could again 
intervene effectively against the Hapsburgs. 



252 Europe 

There were two Protestant powers in the north, apart from 
the United Provinces (now engaged once more in a struggle with 
Demnaxk Spain), which viewed with anxiety the prospect of 
and Sweden. |-j^g supremacy in Germany of Ferdinand and the 
Cathohc League. The king of Denmark, Christian iv., was a 
prince of the Empire in virtue of his duchy of Holstein ; and 
he had a family interest in sundry Protestant bishoprics which, 
sooner or later, were bound to be claimed for Catholics in 
accordance with the Catholic interpretation of the Ecclesiastical 
Reservation. Christian was, in fact, the first of the Lutheran 
princes to awaken thoroughly to the fact that Protestantism 
throughout Germany was being threatened. Gustavus Adolphus, 
king of Sweden, was moved by a more heart-felt rehgion than 
most of his neighbours, but to him the Hapsburg progress meant 
also a Hapsburg ascendency in the Baltic, which would cripple 
Sweden. Unfortunately antagonism between Danes and Swedes 
made direct co-operation impossible. Gustavus, finding that 
Denmark was preferred for the Protestant leadership, postponed 
intervention, having matters of his own to settle with Poland. 

But at this time there appeared on the scene a new personaUty 
on the imperial side. This was Albert of Waldstein, best known 
Waiienstein. as Wallenstein, a member of an old but impoverished 
Bohemian family, who had acquired vast wealth and estates by 
a fortunate marriage. The imperial victories had been won by 
Tilly, the general of the Cathohc League ; and Ferdinand was 
bound to the ecclesiastical pohcy of Maximihan of Bavaria. 
When Christian of Denmark took the field, as well as the 
adventurers, Count Mansfeld and Christian of Brunswick, who 
had hitherto maintained the struggle against Ferdinand, Wallen- 
stein came forward with an offer to raise a new imperial army, 
to be maintained not by pillage but by compulsory contri- 
butions from the pubUc authorities in the districts where it 
was quartered. Ferdinand's need of money, without which it 
appeared probable that the tide of his success must turn, com- 
pelled him to accept Wallenstein's offer, though the levying 
of such contributions was strictly iUegal. WaUenstein cared 
nothing for religion ; his army was not Cathohc but imperiahst. 



Europe, 1603- 1660 253 

By the end of 1629 Denmark had been forced to make peace on 
Wallenstein's terms, and the Catholic League had reaUsed with 
extreme alarm that the Bohemian upstart's intention was not 
to achieve a triumph for Catholicism but to establish the personal 
supremacy of the emperor — not as the figurehead but as the 
master of the German Empire. 

All the efforts of the League were concentrated upon forcing 
Ferdinand to dismiss Wallenstein, an object which Richelieu 
sedulously fostered by his diplomacy, while he was 
also encouraging Gustavus Adolphus to take the Tiie Edict of _ 
place vacated by the retirement of Christian of 
Denmark. Ferdinand gave way, since he could not hope to 
procure the election of his son as king of the Romans and heir 
of the Empire except by concihating the four Cathohc electors, 
Maximihan and the three archbishops. Wallenstein went into 
retirement, and Ferdinand issued the Edict of Restitution, 
restoring to the Cathohc Church all ecclesiastical lands which 
had been secularised since the Pacification of Augsburg. 

The Edict of Restitution in the spring of 1629, the landing of 
Gustavus Adolphus in the summer of 1630, and the dismissal of 
Wallenstein a few weeks afterwards, mark a new France and 
phase. Before entering on it we have to note '^'^&^'^^- 
certain points with regard to France and England. Down to 
1628 RicheUeu's hands had been tied by the Huguenot rebelhon 
and the resistance offered to the French government by the great 
sea fortress of La Rochelle ; and matters had been complicated 
because the duke of Buckingham, instead of either giving 
vigorous support to Christian of Denmark or organising a deter- 
mined attack upon Spain, elected to quarrel with France and 
espouse the cause of the Huguenots. But in 1628 Buckingham 
was assassinated ; a few months later Charles had begun his 
attempt to rule without the assistance of parliament at all, and 
as a necessary consequence his lack of revenue virtually pro- 
hibited active intervention of any sort in continental affairs. 
From 1628 till 165 1 England was a neghgible factor in continental 
politics, whereas hitherto she had been ineffective and uncertain 
but not negligible. The death of Buckingham was immediately 



2 54 Europe 

followed by the fall of Rochelle ; Richelieu, however, used his 
victory not for the suppression of the Huguenot rehgion but to 
confirm the principle of toleration, while depriving the Huguenots 
of the peculiar poUtical privileges whjch had been conceded for 
their protection but had been used by them for the embarrass- 
ment of the central government. 

But this was the moment when Wallenstein had assured the 
victory of the emperor in Germany. Direct intervention in 
Kicheiieu's Germany itself was not part of Richeheu's pra- 
poiioy. gramme. There what he aimed at was the removal 

of the dangerous Wallenstein through the instrumentality of the 
Catholic League ; while Sweden was to be called in to do the 
work of German Protestantism. -EQrJjajiceifirself-th£,busin^ 
on hand was,Jxi-sev-eF-t-he-Austrian fromjyie_Spajiish_Ha2sb]ir.g,_-^ 
power, by breaking up the continuity^OjLHap&b urg terri tory, 
on the Rhine and in North Italy, and establishing French-i:^fi-- 
ence and French ascendency in both those quarters.,^ 

Now in 1630 there were three policies open to the emperor. 
The aggressive pohcy of the Calvinists had been beaten out of 
1630. the field, chiefly because the electors of Saxony and 

Ferdinand. Brandenburg had refused to endorse it. Its defeat 
made possible a pohcy of toleration on the basis of recognising 
the existent Protestant bishoprics and secularisations. But this 
was satisfactory neither to the Catholic League nor to Ferdinand. 
The second of the alternative pohcies was expressed by the Edict 
of Restitution, but this was a policy not of pacification but of 
aggression, a policy which deprived the northern Protestants of 
what they had enjoyed for three-quarters of a century. It was 
a pohcy which could not be enforced without a decisive military 
superiority on the side of the CathoUc League. It was not, 
however, Tilly and the League who had given Ferdinand the 
victory, but Wallenstein. Without Wallenstein, Ferdinand was 
not strong enough to coerce the north ; and now the north was _ 
reinforced by the appearance on the scene of the Swedish king, 
the greatest soldier of the age. The third alternative was for 
the emperor to place himself in the hands of Wallenstein, who 
stood for toleration, and in whose army CathoUcs, Lutherans, and 



Europe, 1603- 1660 255 

Calvinists had fought side by side. But Wallenstein's policy 
meant an effective imperial supremacy over the princes of the 
Empire, with the imperial power substantially wielded by 
'Wallenstein himself ; and however much this might have been 
to the taste of the German population, it was not at all to the 
taste of the princes of the Empire. The Cathohcs themselves 
were not prepared to submit even to any emperor as a real 
master, much less to Wallenstein. Ferd inand chose to adopt 
the League poli cy, to mamtain the Edict of Restitution, and to. 
dis pense with Wal lenstein^ 

Ferdinand made peace with France by surrendering to the 
French candidate the succession to the duchy of Mantua, which 
was the immediate bone of contention in North lesi. 
Italy. Spain had proved itself a broken reed, from Magdeburg, 
which the Austrian Hapsburg could get no effective help in his 
own difficulties. The Protestants of the north held back from 
joining Gustavus Adolphus ; they were afraid of creating a 
foreign ascendency in Germany and of a Swedish ascendency on 
the Baltic, which would inevitably result from the triumph of his 
arms ; and they still believed that the pressure upon the emperor 
would be strong enough to procure the revocation of the Edict 
of Restitution. Gustavus was unwilHng to advance without the 
support of Brandenburg and Saxony. But Protestant Magdeburg 
had revolted against the Edict, which converted it back into a 
Catholic bishopric. The imperialists besieged it, captured it 
after a stubborn resistance, and gave the city to the flames after 
a ghastly saturnaUa of outrage and bloodshed. 

'IiiiQxicatedwith_ their success, the League assumed an attitude 
so aggressive as .t,o_. drive Saxony into the arms of the king of 
Sw;eden, who had already coerced the elector of 
Brandenburg into an unwilling alliance. Gustavus Gustavusana 
advanced, and inflicted an overwhelming defeat 
upon Tilly at Breitenfeld. _The_Swede swept through Germany, 
carrjdng all before him,- and in 1632 turned upon Bavaria. 
Ferdinand was obhged to call Wahenstein to the rescue. In 
April 1632 Tilly was mortally wounded in battle, and Wallenstein 
was estabhshed in command of the imperial armies upon his 



256 Europe 

own terms — ^tenns which meant in effect that he was to be him- 
self an independent prince and also the mihtary dictator of the 
Empire. Before, whatever his personal ambitions were, his 
primary aim had been to build up the supremacy of the emperor, 
resting it upon the power of \\^allenstein's army. Now he 
intended no longer to be the ser\-ant of the emperor, no longer to 
be dependent upon him, but to be himself master, and to enforce 
his own pohcy upon the German princes — -apolicy of religioi^ 
compromise and the exclusion from German affairs of any foreifn 
influence other than his o\\ti, whether French or Swedish ; for 
it must be remembered that Wallenstein was not a Teuton but 
a Slavonian from Bohemia. The great Swede was at last 
matched against another great commander ; but it was some 
time before the two met in a pitched battle at Liitzen. 

The Swedes were \ictorious, but at a disastrous cost, for 
Gustavus himself was killed. Wallenstein fell back to Bohemia. 

„ ^. - But the death of Gustavus had not only removed 
Deaths of •' 

Gustavusand a great soldier. He had brought into the weir an 

TP'aligjic'fipiTi 

element at least of moral elevation, which dis- 
appeared -with his fall. He himself might have reorganised 
German Protestantism and reconstructed the German Empire, 
but there was no one to take his place ; the separate interests 
of all the heterogeneous groups that he was beginning to weld 
together again dominated the situation ; Swedes, French, and 
German princes had diverse and incompatible aims. On the 
other side, the personal power of Wallenstein was intolerable to 
the Cathohc princes and alarming to Ferdinand, as well as to the 
Spaniards, who no longer saw in it a means to the aggrandise- 
ment of the house of Hapsburg. ^n 1634 Wallenstein himself 
was murdered. Nevertheless, at tEe~end of that yeaF the 
imperialists won a great victory at XordUngen, which undid 
the work of GustaMis so far as South Germany was concerned, 
although in North Germany he had made the pohcy of the Edict 
of Restitution permanently impossible. 

. In 1635 an attempt to bring the welt to an end was made by 
the partial Peace of Prague, but that instrument only proffered 
terms which some of the Protestant princes were able to accept 



Europe, 1603- 1660 257 

without enthusiasm, while they were wholly unsatisfactory to 
the rest. They did not in effect offer sufficient inducement to 
combine Germany against the Swedes and the 1635-42. 
French, who were each of them bent on making their ^'^^ ^*'^- 
own profit out of the war. And at the moment \vhen the Peace 
of Prague was signed France declared war against Spain. From 
Richelieu's point of view it had become more necessary than 
ever to secure the Upper Rhine away from the Hapsburgs, and 
to destroy the continuity of the belt of Hapsburg territory on 
the eastern frontier of France. 

It is superfluous here to follow the course of the continued 
struggle in detail and the varying fortunes of the war. In 1637 
Ferdinand 11. was succeeded by_ Ferdinand in., who had httle of 
his father's abihty and less of that religious enthusiasm which 
had most strongly actuated the emperor's pohcy. But a cam- 
paign in 1638 robbed the Hapsburgs of their position in Alsace ; 
and although the victorious general, Bernard of Saxeweimar, 
had intended to hold the region as a German principality, it, 
in fact, passed into the possession of France with his death in 
the following year. 

Richelieu himself died in 1642. By war and by diplomacy 
he had carried out the policy of Henry iv. ; he had played his 
part in preventing Europe from faUing under the The great 
domination of the alhed houses of Hapsburg ; and <=ardinai. 
hehadUiereby materially helped in securing the coraplete inde- 
pendence of the United Provinces of the Netherlands. Moreover, 
he had turned the eyes of Frenchmen to the Rhine and the 
Rhine provinces ; and the fruit of his operations in Alsace was 
to be that conception of France's ' natural boundaries ' which 
was to have portentous developments at future epochs. But 
besides this he had maintained within France the principle of 
religious toleration, which had been threatened by the action of 
the Huguenots more than of the Catholics. . Sjtilljnore important 
was his organisation of the power of the Crown, the central 
authority, as against the disintegrating power of the aristo- 
cracy. That work was to be completed under his successor, 
Cardinal Mazarin, with the effect of making Louis xiv. the most 

Innes's Eng. Hist. — Vol. ll. R 



258 Europe 

absolute sovereign who had ever reigned over a great European 
country. — — " 

Richelieu's death did not practically affect the war. He. was 
succeeded by a pupil whose methods were different but whose 
1642-60. ends were the same, Cardinal Mazarin. In the 

Mazarin. ri.&jit year Louisjgni died, leaving the four-year-old 
Louis XIV. as Idng. The queen-mother, Anne of Austria, became 
regent ; and, to the general surprise, she retained Mazarin as 
chief minister, and held to Richeheu's policy, though she herself 
had been a Spanish Infanta, who might have been expected to 
desire friendly relations with Spain. There was no rapproche- 
ment between France and that power. The exhaustion of the 
combatants in the Thirty Years' War ended that struggle irl 

1648 by the series of treaties known as^ the Peace 
Peace of of Westphalia. ReUgious peace was established in 

Germany oh the lines of the Pacification of Augsburg ; 
but 1624 was taken as the date regulating the distribution of 
bishoprics and secularised lands — that is to say, the bishoprics 
which were Protestant at that date, and the lands which had been 
secularised down to that date, were recognised permanently as 
Protestant ; and Calvinism was secured the same liberties which^ 
had^been -accorded to Lutherans in 1555. Among the German 
princes the Lower Palatinate was restored to the eldest son of 
the Elector Frederick, Charles Lewis, whose brothers Rupert 
and Maurice had devoted themselves to the cause of their uncle, 
Charles i., in England. The Upper Palatinate remained with 
Bavaria, which also retained its electoral dignity. Brandenburg 
received a considerable extension of territory, Switzerland was 
formally separated from the Empire, and Holland was recognised 
.__as-a.n independent state. Sweden by obtaining a large share of 
Pomerania secured her supremacy on the Baltic ; to France was 
ceded the Austrian territory in Alsace as well as Metz and 
Verdunr] The war had consohdated the whole of the direct 
dominions of the Austrian Hapsburg under the rule of the head 
of that house ; Teutonic Austria, Slavonic Bohemia, and Magyar 
Hungary, so much of it as was not under Turkish rule, were 
swayed by a single ruler, who not only wore the Imperial crown 



Europe, 1603- 1660 259 

but was individually the greatest potentate among the princes of 
the Empire. But the war had destroyed all possibiUty of the 
unification of the Empire itself. 

_The Peace of Westphalia, however, completed a few months 
before the king of England was beheaded and the Commonwealth 



established, did not terminate the prolonged struggle 



1648-63. 



between France and Spain. _ Spain had lost Holland France 
for ever, and Portugal was already breaking away 
from her, endeavouring — with ultimate success — to establish 
on its throne the house of Braganza, which Philip 11. had been 
able to sweep aside in 1580 in spite of its superior legal claim. 
France had greatly strengthened her position in Europe, and 
possessed two briUiant commanders of very different types in 
Turenne and Conde. But France lost her opportunity for the 
time by falling into that series of civil wars known as theFr onde. 
pursued entirely out of personal ambitions and for the sake 
of personal interests. The result was that Spain drove the 
French out of Catalonia, where they had obtained a footing, 
while Conde and Turenne were fighting against each other or 
uniting against the government. But the temporary triumph 
of Cond6 collapsed in 1652, and by 1653 Mazarin had completely 
recovered the ascendency. The faction of anti-monarchical 
nobles was broken up, and the Crown at last was supreme with- 
out dispute. 

Mazarin again turned to the war with Spain, which now 
enjoyed the advantage of having Conde to lead her armies in the 
Spanish Netherlands, the main seat of the war. 1663-9. End 
Both Spain and France, however, were too much °^ ^^^ '^^'^• 
exhausted to carry on the struggle with real vigour, and each 
was mo re jthaiL_wll]ing_to_ obtain the aid of Cromwell and-the ^ 
rggiciderepublic. Cromwell came to the conclusion that, though 
the Huguenot Conde was in alliance with the Spaniards, Spain 
was still the enemy of Protestantism, and that the cause which 
he had most at heart would be furthered by the French alUance. 
An EngUsh contingent joined Turenne in the Netherlands, and 
decisively turned the scale in favour of France, England being 
placed in possession of Dunkirk. The death of the Protector in 



26o Europe 

1658 left Mazarin free to negotiate the peace of which both France 
and Spain were in need, with scant attention to English interests. 
The Peace of the P3n:enees in 1659 was a decisive triumph for 
France. Spain ceded to her several fortresses in the Spanish 
,..„ »,„ Netherlands and all her claims in Alsace. In the 

1659. Tlie 

Peace of tne south the Pyrenees became definitely the boundary 
yrenees. between the two countries. Lorraine was restored 
to its duke upon terms which gave France military security in 
that quarter. France undertook to give no further aid to the 
Portuguese and the house of Braganza in their struggle to shake 
off the Spanish yoke ; but the empty promise was all that Spain 
gained. Finally, a marriage was negotiated, pregnant with large 
results forty years afterwards, between KingLouis and the elder 
Spanish princess, Maria Teresa, who renounced her claims to the 
succession on condition of the payment by Spain of a dowry, 
which in actual fact never was paid. Her younger sister, it 
may be remarked, was married to Leopold of Austria, who had 
succeeded Ferdinand in. as emperor in 1657. Early in 1661 
Mazarin died, and the real Ag£ of Louis^xry^ began, at t hg_ 
moment when his cousin, Charles 11., was securely established on 
the throne of England. 



CHAPTER X. JAMES I. AND VI., 1603-1625 

I. The King and the Kingdoms 

No voice was raised to dispute the succession of the king of Scots 
to the throne of England. Within a fortnight of Ehzabeth'^ 
death he had started on his progress from the north Accession 
through the two kingdoms, now at last united °^ James i. 
under one crown. In fact, the only other candidate with a 
plausible title as against that of James was Lord Beauchamp, the 
son of Katharine Grey and Lord Hertford, who stood first under 
the will of Henry viii., the instrument which had decided the 
succession first of Mary and then of Ehzabeth. There was no 
party which had definitely taken up his candidature, or that of 
the next in succession after James, Arabella Stuart, the repre- 
sentative of the Lennox descendants of ilargaret Tudor ; in 
whose favour there was nothing, except the fact that she was an 
English subject, whereas James was an alien. 

The L'nion of the Crowns was not a union of the kingdoms, but 
it made hostOities between them impossible, except on the 
hypothesis that one or other was in rebeUion against Tiie union of 
the lawful sovereign of both. No war could be **^® crowns, 
declared and no treaty signed with a foreign power which 
separated the two countries. It was no longer possible for 
Scotlan d to _lie_in aUiance with France against England. But 
the government j the laws, the institutions — ^political, ecclesiastical, 
and social — of each remained unaltered ; the only legal change 
created, as declared by the Enghsh judges, was that a Scot born 
after the Union was ipso facto a natural Enghsh subject when on 
Enghsh soil, possessing the same legal rights as an Enghshman. 

But another change had been wrought which was of grave 
importance. It was the plain fact that the Union placed an 

261 



262 James I. and VI. 

alien djmasty on the English throne ; a dynasty which had its 

own tradition of the relations between the Crown and the people, 

The new o^E the rights and privileges of royalty ; a dynasty 

dynasty. which had no experience of a parliament possessed of 

such constitutional powers as that of England. For four hundred 

years every king or queen-regnant of England had been bred 

in England ; the political institutions familiar to them, one and 

all, had been those of England. The poUtical institutions known 

to James i. were those of Scotland. And, as it happened, 

James i. was in the somewhat unusual position for an English 

monarch of being absolutely without question the legitimate 

representative of the oldest royal family in Europe, the Wessex 

kings of aU England. It was possible for him to assert a theory 

of Divine Right, which had not been possible for any monarch 

whose title rested in any degree upon parliamentary sanction. 

During two hundred years past the same could have been said 

of only four kings, Edward iv., Edward v., Henry viii., and 

Edward vi. It was something of a paradox that the abstract 

theory of Divine Right was first obtruded into English politics 

by a Scottish king, whose great-grandmother was an English 

princess, herself the daughter of a king whose hereditary title 

to the English throne was almost worthless. 

James had been a king the whole of his life except for the first 

few months. Half his reign in Scotland he had passed under 

constitu- ^^ exceedingly galling tutelage, and the other half 

tionai lie had spent in manoeuvring, with a very large 

contrast 

between the measure of success, to acquire for the Crown a prepon- 

king: oms. (jerant power in the State, a power which in 1603 was 
actually greater than that of any of his predecessors since Robert 
Bruce. The ' kingcraft ' on which he prided himself had enabled 
him to throw off the shackles which the theocratic preachers had 
endeavoured to impose upon ' God's silly vassal ' by ranging the 
magnates against them ; Jie had made considerable progre^jtt — 
establishing a royal control over the Church ; and he had got 
rid of the most dangerous elements among the magnates them- 
selves. But there was this essential difference between his two 
kingdoms, that in Scotland the government had always been 



The King and the Kingdoms 263 

arbitrary, whatever the faction that had controlled it. The 
parliament was not an assembly even approximately represent- 
ing popular feeling or capable of giving effect to popular feeling 
by control of supplies ; the one representative body was the 
General Assembly of the Church, which had no actually pohtical 
authority. Every magnate was possessed of a hereditary juris- 
diction upon his own domains, which carried with it extensive 
arbitrary powers. In England, on the other hand, the conception 
of the supremacy of the law had been predominant for centuries ; 
the principle had been laid down in Magna Carta, and maintained 
ever since, that all, from the highest to the lowest, must act in 
accordance with law ; and no monarch had ever ventured to 
claim for himself an authority overriding the law. Even the 
most absolute of the Tudors had claimed no arbitrary powers 
without being able at least to plead that they were such as had 
been explicitly or implicitly sanctioned by parliament and 
recognised by the law of the land. In othe£ words, the Tudors 
had always worked under constitutional forms, quite incom- 
patible with the Stuart doctrine that the king occupied the 
throne by Divine Right and governed as God's vicegerent, all 
.subordinate powers in the kingdom drawing their authority 
from the king's grace. 

Thus the Stuarts claimed for the Crown a theoretical authority 
which had not been asserted by the Tudors. On the other hand, 
the Tudors had been allowed or had exercised a ne Tudor 
degree of practical power by assent, which Enghsh- authority, 
men in general were not disposed to concede to the new dynasty. 
The urgent need for national soHdarity down to the rout of the 
Armada, popular enthusiasm for a triumphantly successful — 
policy, the sentiment of personal loyalty to the queen in her 
latte£^years,Jiadjrestrained,.the people froro acting upon tlie_ 
growing feeling that it was time to assert the rights of parHament. 
Prolonged accord between Crown and Parliament had allowed 
the question of their relative powers to become one of theory 
rather than of practice. The accord was already breaking down 
before the death of EUzabeth, and the question was assuming 
a practical character. The grounds on which a constitutional 



264 James I. and VJ. 

contest had been postponed lost their validity with the death 
of the old queen and the accession of a new dynasty imported 
from a country where parhamentary institutions were unde- 
veloped ; and accordingly the whole period from the accession 

„^ ^ .of Tames i. to the flight of Tames 11. presents us with 
The struggle ■* o j x- 

underthe various phases of the struggle to decide whether 

the supreme power should repose in the Crown or in 

Parliament. The controversy appears to turn upon what is 

denounced as the ' sordid ' question of taxation, for the simple 

reason that the possession of ttie power of the purse was the 

decisive factor. If the Crown could raise money sufficient for 

its needs without consent of parliament, it could go its own way 

and enforce its own will in defiance of the popular will. If it 

depended for necessary supplies upon the vote of parliament, 

parliament could always make those supphes conditional upon 

the removal of grievances and upon the spending of the money 

upon objects of which it approved. 

Two significant events occurred during the new king's progress 

through the north. iHe ordered a pickpocket caught in the act 

to be hanged incontinently without trial, and was much surprised 

by the objections raised, At another stage of the journey he 

was presented with what is known as the Millenary Petition 

because it was supposed to have been signed by a 
Expectations ■, , ■, \ ..... . 

of the thousand of the clergy, a petition for the relaxation 

religious Qf ^j^g ecclesiastical laws in favour of Nonconformist 
groups. 

views. Its presentation emphasised the wide pre- 
valence of Nonconformity within the Church, and the expectation 
of the Nonconformists that the accession of the Scots king would 
be followed by measures favourable to the rehgious school which 
was in harmony with the rehgion of the Scots. The general 
acquiescence in the accession of James was the outcome of 
the belief of every rehgious party that its own interests would 
be thereby advanced. Romanists knew that King James in 
Scotland had coquetted with the Papacy, and hoped at least 
that the penal laws would be relaxed. Nonconformists knew 
that he had been brought up among Presbyterian Calvinists, 
and anticipated that he would be favourable to their ideas. 



The King and the Kingdoms 265 

Orthodox Anglicans had noted his reintroduction of bishops 
in the northern country. Catholics and Nonconformists alike 
were to be grievously disappointed, for even Henry viii. had 
not been prouder of his own theological abilities than James. 
As a theologian Tames was cominittgd to Protestantism, while, 
_as_aj)olitician he abominated Presbyterianism, _ and as a ppli- 
jtician he would have nothing to sa.y_ to the recognitiori ojL 
papal authority within his dominions^. 

Puritanism is a term which is used \rith varying connotations. 
Sometimes it is meant to imply little more than the adoption of a 
rigid moral standard, especially in respect of ' carnal ' Puritanism. 
enjo5mients. Sometimes it is directly associated mth the rejec- 
tion of Episcopacy. Both are normal manifestations of the 
Puritan spirit, but it is the spirit not the manifestations to 
which the term ought properly to be appropriated. It is, in 
fact, the essential spirit of Protestantism in its most undiluted 
form. At bottom. Protestantism is the sense of personal re- 
sponsibiUty, and the personal demand for hberty in matters of 
religion, arising from the consciousness of a direct personal 
relation between the individual and his Maker. Rejecting the 
intervention of any human mediation, whether of saints in heaven 
or of priests on earth, it provides the indivi dual with no other 
authority than that of his reason, his conscience, and the Scrip- _ 
tures, which it recognises, as the inspired Word of God. . All 
other authority, being accoimted fallible, may lawfully be re- 
jected. But while Protestantism may also lawfully submit 
itself to the guidance of such other authorities, though recognis- 
ing them as fallible, Puritanism, the more intense form of Pro- 
testantism, looks askance upon all such authorities, regarding 
them ^\ith suspicion, and dweUing constantly upon the personal 
relation and the personal interpretation of Scripture. Logically, 
Purita nism should carry with it_ the_ recognition of the right of 
^;each individual to obey the inward monitor and his own in- 
terpretation of Scripture ; actually, it was exceedingly apt to 
establish in the individual a conviction of his o\vn infallibihty, . 
and of the errors of all those who differed from him, \^hereby 
the religion which ought to have been completely tolerant was 



266 James I. and VI. 

rendered co mpletel^L-iatolerant : still the broad fact remains 

that it was a government based upon Puritanism which first 

insisted in principle upon the toleration of all forms of religion 

which were not politically obnoxious. 

Puritanism, then, being primarily a personal revolt against 

any external authority in matters of religion, accounted the 

„ ., Roman Church as the enemy tiar excellence, because 

Puritanism -' "^ 

and the Rome claimed an infallible authority. It followed 

that Puritanism was hostile to anything which 
savoured of Roman doctrine, all dogmas, all ceremonial observ- 
ances, for which no direct and manifest warrant could be found 
in Scripture. Commonly, though no tjjprpssarilv, the Piiritaa- 
jmind regarded the^_episcopal_ organisation of the Churc h as a 
jproduct of Rome .;. not primitive, and therefore objectionable ; 
but not anti-scriptural and therefore permissible. It took a 
similar view of many of the forms and ceremonies retained 
by the Anglican Church. Hence Nonconformity involved not 
Separatism, but a demand, at least, for the admission of an ample 
latitude in setting aside such practices :_and it commonly carried . 
with it a^trong_preference for the^Presbvterian_oye r_the Episco - 
palianform of Church government. In short, it was in the nature 
of the case that Puritanism tended to the adoption of Calvinism 
in every one of its aspects — ^its system of theology, its views of 
ceremonial, its insistence on moral censorship, and its methods of 
organisation. But in this last aspect it was absolutely antagon- 
istic to a monarchical Erastianism and to all episcopal tradition. 
And although the most prominent of the dogmas of Calvinism, 
its doctrine of Predestination, was at this date accepted by the 
great majority of clergy and bishops, the reverence for tradition 
which was bound up with the episcopal system necessarily in- 
clined the higher clergy and the Crown to oppose its demand for 
the rejection of traditional observances. 

Puritanism, not as yet developed into the Presbyterianism 
which was the special aversion of the king and the bishops, had 
taken a strong hold not only in the towns, but also among many 
of the gentry, especially in the south and east. How much of 
actual Romanism survived it is extremely difficult to say, but the 



The King and the Kingdoms 267 

strongholds of the old faith were in the rural districts of the north, 
and the western midlands. Undoubtedly there were large num- 
bers of ' crypto-CathoHcs,' men who would have tub 
welcomed a return to the position of the Church Romanists, 
under Henry viii., but preferred conformity to the inconveniences 
to which they would have been subjected, under the penal laws, by 
an open adherence to Romanism. The rigour with which the 
penal laws were enforced and the fines for recusancy exacted 
depended very much upon local feeling ; but the laws were on the 
Statute Book, and the pressure of circumstances might at any 
moment cause them to be applied in their fuU severity. But 
while Romanists were anxious enough to be relieved from this 
burden, there was only a remnant which would have sought 
release at the price of the political subjection of the nation to 
any foreign power. The secular clergy of the Church of Rome 
in England, and the great bulk of the laity, would have been 
satisfied with toleration ; but Jesuit zeal, misapprehending the 
situation, aimed at nothing short of a complete Romanist re- 
storation ; consequently there was sharp discord between the 
two schools, while the popular Protestantism tarred aU the 
Catholics with the Jesuit brush, and set its face against any 
relaxation of the penal laws. 

Thus we may summarise the situation on the accession of 
James i. James came to England determined to exercise a 
benevolent despotism on hnes directed by his own 
superlative wisdom ; whereas English parliaments situation 
were resolved to reassert the authority which had ' ' 

been apparently dormant under the Tudors, only because the 
Tudors had taken care to preserve a sufftcient accord with | 
popular feeUng. The king was particularly determined to main- 
tain the royal control over matters ecclesiastical, and the 
episcopal system with which that royal control was bound up. 
The Protestantism of the country was growing increasingly 
Puritan and insistent upon the recognition of Puritan ideas, 
with some leanings towards Presbyterianism ; _aiidProt£S±aQtism 
was in complete possession of the House of Commons. Puritan- 
ism was intolerant of Romanism, which in the eyes of James was 



268 James I. and VI. 

less dangerous to the monarchical authority than Puritanism 
itself. Finally, the great mass of the Catholics were ready to be 
whole-hearted loyaUsts if they could obtain religious toleration 
for themselves ; but among Protestants at least there was a 
rooted conviction that toleration would be employed by them as 
a means to renewed aggression and the recovery of ascendency. 
And at the moment of the Scots king's arrival in England both 
Puritans and Catholics were in high hope of the approaching 
victory of their own cause. 



II. Robert Cecil, 1603-1612 

Before James had been in England a year the hopes both of 
Puritans and Catholics were thoroughly dashed. The new king 
1603. had used expressions before his arrival which 

The Bye Plot, certainly warranted the Romanists in the expecta- 
tion that the penal laws would be relaxed. But though from the 
very outset James had demonstrated the novelty of his con- 
ceptions of the royal authority, he had no intention of con- 
sciously introducing sudden changes. Robert Cecil ha d-Sgcured 
his ear, and Cecil was conservative. The fines for recusancy were 
exacted with a considerable laxity, and did not contribute very 
largely to the revenue, still the treasury could not readily afford 
to dispense Mith them. They were not suspended ; and a futile 
plot was in consequence concocted to seize the person of the king 
and extract from him satisfactory concessions. It was the 
invention of a secular priest named Watson ; it came to the 
knowledge of the Jesuits, who perceived its futility and saw an 
opportunity of gaining the ear of the king at the expense of their 
secular rivals. The plot was disclosed to the Privy Council, 
and its very miscellaneous ringleaders, among whom there were 
Puritans as weU as Catholics, were arrested. 

Almost simultaneous with the discovery of the Bye Plot, as 
Watson's conspiracy was called, was the discovery of the Main 
Plot, an equally futile affair, which had for its object the deposi- 
tion of James and the elevation of his cousin Arabella Stuart to 
the throne. This was the work of Lord Cobham, brother of 



Robert Cecil 269 

one of the conspirators of the Bye Plot. Its importance lay 
entirely in the fact that Cobham charged Sir Walter Raleigh 
with being his accompHce. Raleigh was the one man j> , ■ j, 
whose abihties Cecil had feared since the destruc- and the 
tion of Essex. He was intensely unpopular, except 
with the Enghsh seamen ; he was the most vehement advocate, 
not merely of war with Spain, but of the total destruction of her 
power. He had never been in any sense a champion of the 
Stuart succession. These were all reasons which made it com- 
paratively easy to procure his downfall, since James was an 
advocate not of war but of peace. Raleigh was deprived of one 
after another of the of&ces and privileges which he enjoyed at the 
end of Elizabeth's reign, and there was reason enough to suspect 
him of hostility to the new regime. But the charge now brought 
against him involved the theory that he was trafficking with 
Spain for the deposition of James. If Raleigh had had any 
inclination towards treason he was still the last man to seek, 
or to obtain the alliance of the Spaniard ; apart from all other 
considerations, he was too thoroughly alive to the truth of the 
maxim, that a traitor is never trusted by those who have profited 
by his treachery. The only evidence against him was that of 
Cobham, who contradicted himself. (The conduct of Raleigh's 
trial was so infamous that his condemnation completely turned 
the tide of public feeling in his favour, and he became a popular 
hero?} James, however, was content to spare his hfe and shut 
him up in the Tower for twelve years, at the end of which he 
was released, only to be offered as a sacrifice to the Spanish 
ambassador. 

For a moment it seemed as if the Jesuits had turned the Bye 
Plot to more effective purpose than its unfortunate projector. 
Their revelation of the conspiracy was rewarded 
by a suspension of the fines for recusancy. The Repression 
Cathohcs took advantage of the apparently changed 
position with injudicious haste. Catholic services were openly 
held, and Catholics who had been in the habit of attending the 
Anglican services ceased to do so. Catholic priests returned to 
England, and rumour declared that conversions to Rome were 



270 Janies I. aiid VI. 

proceeding apace. The Protestants and James hims e lf took 
alarm ; he had no desire to multiply the number of his Romanist 
subjects. In the spring of 1604 he proclaimed the expulsion of 
all Catholic priests from the country. By midsummer he had 
gratified the Commons bv procuring an act which rather in- 
creased the stringency of the penal laws. 

Meanwhile Puritanism fared ver\' little better. James re- 
sponded to the MUlenarj' Petition by calling the Hampton Court 

,^ „ ^ Conference in Tanuar\" 1604. But it was not a 
The Hampton j . t 

Court conference between equals. The petitioners were 

allowed four representatives to state their case 
before what was practically a court consisting of the arch- 
bishop, eight bishops, and seven others of the clerg5% presided 
over by the king in person. The royal president joined in the 
discussions, and gave point Eifter point against the Puritans. 
Finally, the Puritan leader. Dean Reynolds, brought in the 
words ■ synod ' and ' presbyter,' painfully familiar to James in 
connection with Scottish Presb5^erianism ; whereupon he lost 
his temper, declared that a Scottish presbjrteiA- ' agreeth as well 
%vith monarchy as God with the devU,' and announced that if this 
was all Re5Tiolds and his party had to saj' he would ' make them 
conform themselves or would hany^ them out of the land.' One 
thing only of all that the Puritans had asked was conceded. The 
preparation of what has ever since been known as th e Authorised . 
\'^ersion of the Scriptures was sanctioned. James had destroyed 
with a word all hopes of expanding the comprehensiveness of the 
estabhshed Church. 

Parliament had its turn as well as CathoUcs and Puritans, but 
with a different result. Sir Francis Goodwin was returned as 
Goodwin's member for Buckinghamshire. Good^vin was an 
•^^^^ outlaw ; the election was pronounced void b^" the 

Court of Chancer^', and another member was elected. The 
House of Commons refused to admit the jurisdiction of the court, 
claimed to be itself flie sole judge of election questions, and 
declared that Good\vin was duly elected. The king averred 
that the pri\'ilege3 of the House were enjoyed by the king's 
grace, and should not be used against the Crown. The House 



Robert Cecil 271 

replied that the king had been misinformed on that head, and 
refused to yield, though it readily passed a bill making outlaws 
ineligible for the future. As a practical compromise on the 
immediate question, Goodwin and his rival both retired, and a 
fresh election was held ; but the principle was definitely estab- 
lished that the House of Commons alone could deal with election 
petitions. 

Other questions were also agitated, questions of the commu- 
tation of feudal dues for a fixed annual revenue, and questions 
connected with the Millenary Petition in which the 
House showed its sympathy for Puritan conventions ; Parliament 
the question also of a closer union with Scotland in 
accordance with the king's own desire. At the time there was 
no practical outcome. But the most remarkable product of 
the session of 1604 was the setting forth of an apology or defence 
of their conduct by the Commons, in which they claimed that 
the privileges of the House were theirs not of grace but of right, 
denied that the Crown had any power to alter rehgion or to 
legislate concerning religion except by consent of parhament, 
and defended their right to petition against the usages which 
were felt as grievances. The apology was not actually presented 
to the king, but remains as a record of the ground on which they 
intended to take their stand. 

Parliament was prorogued soon after midsummer. Whitgift 
was dead, and the leader of the High Ecclesiastical party was 
Bancroft, Bishop of London, who was about to convocation. 
succeed Whitgift at Canterbury. Convocation paid no atten- 
tion to the views expressed in parhament, and passed canons 
in confirmation of the position taken up at the Hampton Court 
Conference. The clergy were required to declare formally 
that there was nothing in the prayer-book or in the ceremonies 
which it enjoined, or in the episcopal form of Church government, 
contrary to Scripture. The result was that several of the more 
zealous Puritans among the clergy, numbering probably about 
three hundred, refused subscription and resigned their Hvings. 
Dissent was bom in an atmosphere of martjTrdom. 

The year was marked by one other event of significance. The 



■"IT? 



272 James I. and VI. 

war %\ith Spain was still lingering on in the form of English 

privateering expeditions directed upon the Spanish trade routes. 

Peace The United Provinces, under the leadership of 

with Spain. Mamice of Nassau, were proving more and more 

conclusively that they could not be subdued, and that they 

had passed Spaniards and Portuguese in the race for maritime 

power. But even Raleigh had failed to carry the country with 

him in his designs for a concentrated attack upon the Spanish 

Empire ; the ordinary EngUshman had failed to rise above the 

conception of capturing Spanish gaUeons and looting treasure 

ships. The minister now dominant ^\ith Philip ill., Lerma, was 

not a slave to PhUip 11. 's idea of irreconcUable hostUity to all 

heretics. Spsdn was ready for peace ; James h ated war and 

regarded himself as the apostle of reason. He could see in 

reUgious differences nothing to prevent a reconciliation. His 

whole reign was a demonstration of his conviction that the lion 

and the lamb could he down comfortably together. In 1604 

Engkiid^ and Spain made_geace. The Spaniards agreed that 

Enghsh sailors should not be molested in their ports on account 

of their rehgion unless they flaunted it aggressively. England 

agreed to give no ofiicial support to the Dutch, but refused to 

prohibit volunteers from joining their cirmies. Xo agreement 

was arrived at with regard to Enghsh trading to the East and 

West Indies ; Spain held to her theory that all such trading was 

unla\\'ful, England held to hers that it was la^wful, and the 

traders were left to fight their own battles. Diplomatic relations 

between the two courts were resiuned, and the first negotiations 

were soon set on foot for a marriage between the royal families. 

James was always unable to reaUse the fundamental rigidity 

of the attitude of Spain on the rehgious question, while the 

Kecusancy Spaniards never got rid of their fixed behef that 

Laws nothing more was necessary for the suppression of 

intensified. , . _ , , , „ 

heresy m England than a Cathohc ascendency at 

court. James was much annoj-ed by the impossible Spanish 

proposal, which Spaniards regarded as a matter of course, that 

as a condition of the projected marriage between Henry, Prince 

of Wales, and the Infanta Anne, who at this moment was actually 



Robert Cecil 273 

heir-presumptive to the Spanish throne, the prince should be 
educated in Spain as a Cathohc. The king looked upon the 
penal laws only as an instrument to be used against CathoUcs 
iri case of necessity, and the authorities were generally inclined 
to apply them with much more severity than the king himself. 
But his hand was forced by the aggressive character of the 
Spanish proposals, and in 1605 the persecution became more 
severe. 

The first blow to the hopes of the Catholi cs in 1604 had already 
suificed to inspire some half-dozen extreme zealots with the 
desperate resolve to effect a revolution by an alto- , . 
gether unprecedented method — the Gunpowder Plot Gunpowder 
for blowing up the king and the Prince of Wales, 
the Lords and the representatives of the commons of England, 
in one terrific holocaust^ In the utter administrative chaos 
that would necessarily ensue, the Catholics were to seize the 
government and restore the true faith. The condition of success 
was that the plot should be carried out at the reopening of the 
parliament which was prorogued in the summer of 1604. The 
plot was formulated as early as May 1604. The conspirators 
were to occupy a building adjoining the Houses of Parliament, 
to run a mine under the Houses from its cellars, fill the mine with 
gunpowder, and explode it when king, Lords, and Commons 
were all assembled for the opening ceremony. The meeting of 
parliament was to have taken place in February 1605, but was 
adjourned till October. The secret was kept month after month, 
though the number of the conspirators was gradually increased ; 
the actual execution of the plot was entrusted to a soldier of 
tried courage, Guido Fawkes. 

One of the conspirators, Sir Everard Digby, the owner of 
great estates in Warwickshire, was to hold a great hunting on 
the fatal day, inviting to it as many as possible of the 
Catholic gentry, who were numerous in the western The plot 
shires. The hunting was to be transformed into a 
call to arms, the success of which would be ensured by the news 
of the explosion at Westminster. The desired house was secured, 
and, by a stroke of fortune, the cellars of another house which 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. n. S 



274 James I. and VI. 

actually extended under the Houses of Parliament. There is 
no evidence that Jesuits were in the full sense of the term con- 
spirators, but a Jesuit, Father Gerard, the same who had betrayed 
Watson's plot to the Privy Council, was cognisant of the exist- 
ence of a plot and many of the persons involved in it ; and 
Garnet, the ' provincial ' of the Jesuits, the head of the Order in 
England, when also cognisant of the plot, was informed of the 
details under the seal of confession — as it appears,- by his own 
desire. 

But again when the time drew near, the opening of parliament 
was postponed to 5th November. Unfortunately for the con- 
November, spiracy, one of the conspirators, Francis Tresham, 
Discovery. lacked the necessary nerve. He determined to 
save his kinsman. Lord Monteagle, from the general destruction, 
and wrote him a letter warning him to be absent from the open- 
ing of parliament, ' which shall receive a terrible blow, and yet 
they shall not see who hurts them.' Monteagle carried the 
letter to Cecil, who had recently been created Earl of Salisbury ; 
but he must have known more of the matter than was conveyed 
in the letter, which gave no hint of the identity of the ^vriter, 
for the conspirators at the same time received warning, not from 
Tresham, that the plot was discovered. There was time for them 
to escape, but they remained incredulous and held to their 
project. SaUsbury and the king smelt gunpowder. On the 
night of 4th November, the eve of the assembhng of parliament, 
the cellars were searched ; Guy Fawkes was found at his post 
among the barrels of gunpowder, and Wcis dragged away to 
prison after a desperate resistance. Before dawn the rest of 
the conspirators in London were in full flight. On the third 
night they were hunted down and were all taken or slain. When 
all concealment had become useless, a foil confession was ex- 
tracted by torture from Guy Fawkes, and the survivors were 
duly executed. Father Gerard escaped ; Garnet, who had fled 
into hiding, was subsequently captured and put to death. 

The importance of the Gunpowder Plot Ues in the effect which 
it produced upon the public mind. It must be taken as proved 
that it was a genuine plot concocted from first to last by honest 



Robert Cecil 275 

zealots who persuaded themselves that they were the instru- 
ments of a holy cause. There is no sufficient ground for sup- 
posing that Salisbury played in it a part hke that Effect of 
of Walsingham in Babington's plot ; he was not **" ^'''*- 
friendly to the Catholics, but he had no fierce animus against 
them, and no political end to serve by making them objects of 
an exaggerated popular detestation. But the effect of the whole 
affair on the popular mind was to create an undiscriminating 
passion of resentment against Catholics, which for a century to 
come was easily roused into panic, and sniouldered on for even 
another century. It forced the government to an immediate 
severity which was not in the least warranted by the general 
attitude of the Catholics, and gave an undeservedly sinister 
aspect to the tolerant inclinations of James, and still more of 
Charles i. Jn_the._reign of Elizabeth, Papalism was a serious 
political danger ; under the Stuarts, Popery was a portentous 
and irrational bugbear ; and it was the Gunpowder Plot which 
gave it that character. The manifest imaginative extravagance of 
the popular feeling even tends, with a later generation, to obscure 
the substantial fact that it was a true instinct which looked upon 
Romanism in the seventeenth century as a force emphatically 
hostile to political freedom. 

Naturally enough a vindictive alarm was displayed by the 
legislators who had been the destined victims of the conspiracy. 
The fines for recusancy were increased, proselytism 1606-7. 
was penalised as high treason ; recusants were Parliament, 
banished from the court and from London, excluded from the 
learned professions, and forbidden to hold commissions as 
of&cers. Having for the time being no quarrel with James, the 
Commons made a quite liberal though wholly inadequate grant 
to meet the yearly increasing excess of expenditure over income. 
Nevertheless, they declined to meet the king's desire to advance 
unification with Scotland. The Southron looked with unfavour- 
able eyes on the large number of Scots who had swarmed into 
the richer country, and were ' spoiling the Egyptians ' after a 
fashion of their own. Practically nothing had been done when 
the Houses were prorogued in 1607, although in that year a 



2/6 James I. and VI. 

decision of the judges established the principle that aU Scots 
bom after James's accession were natural EngUsh subjects. 

Meanwhile, however, another question of grave import had 
come before the king's judges. There was no doubt about the 
general principle that the king could not \\ithout the consent 
of parUament lay new taxes upon his subjects, and levy from 
them contributions to the revenue other than those established 
by ancient custom. Still the Tudor queens had been permitted 
without protest to make some additions to the ' book of rates,' 
the customs charges upon imported goods. Jeimes also made 
some further impositions. No protest was offered in parUa- 
Bate's case, ment ; but a merchant named Bate refused to pay 
the new duties, the question was brought before the Court of 
Exchequer in 1606, and the court decided against him. The 
judgment attracted no great attention at the moment, although 
the grounds upon which it was rested imphed, first, that the king 
had absolute control of the ports, and could make what charges 
he liked for the passage through them of persons or of goods; 
and, secondly, that the king could impose at his discretion charges 
which were for the good of the realm. In effect the judges 
claimed as belonging to the royal prerogative the right of lev5dng 
any charges he chose, on the plea that those particular charges 
were for the pubHc good. The judgment stood xmchallenged 
when parliament was prorogued. 

The Houses were not summoned again in the following year, 
but Salisbury, who at this stage became Treasurer, issued a new 
icns TT, book of rates estimated to increase the revenue by 
nevbook some £70,000 per aimimi. A rigorous economy 
reduced the existing deficit ; but the term of the 
recent parliamentary grant was running out, and it was obvious 
that mthout fresh grants in 1610 expenditure would again 
exceed revenue. ParUament was again assembled in February 
1610. 

Meanwhile grievances had been accumulating. The Ecclesi- 
astical Courts and the Court of the Council of Wales had been 
seeking to extend their jurisdiction so as to encroach upon that 
of the common law courts. The new book of rates had at- 



Robert Cecil 277 

tracted the attention which the judgment in Bate's case had at 
first escaped. The king, not without precedent in Tudor times, 
had been by proclamation adding to the num- 
ber of offences punishable at law. The Commons Grievances 
wanted grievances dealt with as a preliminary to 
supply. Salisbury wanted a grant for immediate necessities, 
and the permanent provision of an additional revenue of £200,000. 
The Commons began by proposing a commutation of the irri- 
tating feudal dues as the first step. The king wanted to make 
the commutation conditional upon the grant of the extra revenue 
for which Salisbury was asking. The Commons dechned the 
bargain. 

The question of the impositions was then raised in the House. 
Bacon and others maintained the technical rights of the Crown. 
A compromise was attempted in the form of a biU The 
ratifjdng the impositions, but forbidding their impositlonB. 
further extension. The bill was thrown out by the Lords, and 
the whole question was left unsettled. But it is to be observed 
that until the judgment in Bate's case should be reversed either 
in the courts, or by an actual statute, the Crown was technically 
entitled to claim that the law was on its side, not on that of the 
Commons. 

Neither king nor parliament wanted an open quarrel, and 
before the prorogation it seemed probable that a compromise 
would be reached on the question of the feudal The Great 
dues by their c ommutation for double the sum Contract. 
previously proposed. Unfortunately, when the Houses reas- 
sembled three months later both sides were beginning to repent 
of the bargain. The king raised his price, the Commons refused 
his terms, the GreaLContract, as the negotiation was called, was 
blocked, and the settlement of the question of the feudal dues 
was postponed for fifty years, much to Sahsbury's annoyance. 
The king offered some redress of grievances in return for a grant, 
the Commons rejected his offer as insufficient, and the first 
parliament of the reign was dissolved in February 161 1. 

A month before the dissolution Bancroft was succeeded at 
Canterbury by Abbot, a prelate who in matters of doctrine and 



278 James I. and VI. 

ritual was disposed to sympathise with the Puritans. While 

his influence remained dominant, the latitude allowed to that 

party within the Church prevented the religious 

Death of question from becoming acute. VThe death of Salis- 



bury a year later left James entirely to the control 
of favourites wholly devoid of statesmanship, although some 
years elapsed before it could be said tliat any one but James 
himself was responsible for the direction of poHcy. The gravest 
of James's disquahfications as a king were his incapacity for 
judging men, and that confidence in his own supreme wisdom 
which made him particularly unsusceptible to the advice of a far 
shrewder statesman than Salisbury, Francis Bacon 



III. GONDOMAR AND BUCKINGHAM, 1613-1625 

During the years when Robert Cecil stood beside the king and 
unostentatiously managed his master, England had followed in 
England and ^°''^*S^ affairs a line which Elizabeth and Burghley 

Spain under might not have disapproved. Neither the queen 
Elizabeth. , . 

nor her great mimster had ever wished to destroy 

the Spanish power : neither had wished France to attain the 
first place among the European powers, a consequence which 
would have followed upon the excessive humihation of Spain, 
coupled with the reUgious pacification of her neighbour. Eliza- 
beth at least had only given to the United Pro\inces that mmi- 
mum of support which she thought necessary to avert such a 
decisive Spanish victory as would have set that power free to 
concentrate all its energies on her own overthrow. At the same 
time, Elizabeth and Burghley had never jielded a fraction to 
Spanish threats, and had made it their unvarying aim to foil 
Philip's aggressive ambitions. The need for such active, if 
occasionally veiled, hostihty to Spain had passed before Philip 
and Burghley were actually in their graves ; the official hostility 
had survived chiefly because Philip iii. had for a time attempted 
to maintain his father's poHcy, and also because a relaxation 
of ofiicial hostihty would have defeated its own purpose by 



Gondomar and Buckingham 279 

leaving the field clear for the school of extreme aggression headed 
by Raleigh. 

By 1604, however, Robert Cecil could support the king's 
advocacy of peace without any such danger ; the war fever in 
the nation had died down, and no one was seri- sausuury's 
ously afraid of conspiracies in England with the at'it"<ie. 
Spanish power behind them. No one suspected Spanish machina- 
tions at the bottom of the Gunpowder Plot. On the other hand, 
the government showed no subserviency to Spain ; there was 
nothing bordering on the ignominious about the treaty of 1604 ; 
if Sahsbury decUned to be seduced into attaching himself too 
closely to Henry iv., Enghsh influences and Enghsh diplomacy 
told in favour of the Dutch in the treaty which ended the War of 
Independence, and counted in the scale against Catholic and 
Spanish aggression in Germany. It may fairly be claimed for 
Sahsbury that under his guidance the foreign policy of England, 
King James, and the foreign policy of Queen EHzabeth herself 
displayed a reasonable continuity. 

King James was much better informed on continental affairs 
than most of his subjects; but he laboured under certain delusions 
which gave a singular futility to his activities TUe illusions 
during the second half of his reign. _He_persisteiitly °^ James, 
hgl if vpH that Spain cou ld be persuad ed to lay a side herj^hgious 
prejudices and to unite with England in bringing diplomatic 
„gressure to bear upon Austrian Hapsburgs and others for what ^ 
he himself looked upon as the rational adjustment of differences. 
Also he beheved that diplomatic pressure was capable of produc- 
ing adequate results, even when there was a palpable absence of 
readiness to back it up by force of arms. And he overrated the 
effective power of Spain and the necessity of securing her favour. 
Hitherto no harm had come from these ideas. 

Henry, Prince of Wales, a youth of brilliant promise, who had 
developed an intense admiration for the imprisoned Raleigh, 
entirely dechned to fall in with the paternal designs Marriage 
for producing European concord by marrying him Projects, 
to a Roman Cathohc. Unhappily Henry died of typhoid fever 
in 1612, and his brother Charles, who was then eleven, became 



28o J antes I. and VI. 

heir-apparent. James was able to revert to his idea of marrying 
the future king to a CathoUc princess and bestowing the hand 
of his sister the Princess EUzabeth upon a Protestant prince. 
For the example of the House of Hapsburg appeared to show 
that matrimonial aUiances were of the highest pohtical import- 
ance, and that dynasties united by ties of blood would find in 
their kinship a sufficient inducement to harmonise differences. 
The idea of a Spanish marriage for Charles was soon being 
mooted ; and in the meantime Elizabeth was married in 1613 
to the youthful Elector Palatine, Frederick. Shortly after 
the marriage Spain sent to England as her ambassador the 
nobleman who is best known by the title Count of Gondomar, 
which was bestowed on him some years later ; and Gon- 
domar acquired an ascendency over the mind of James which 
the popular imagination exaggerated into a complete domina- 
tion. 
~=;;As the marriage of a daughter of Henry vii. in 1503 provided 
England with a new dynasty precisely a himdred years later, 
so the marriage of the daughter of James i. provided Great 
Britain with a new dynasty after precisely the same interval. 
But apart from that one event, nothing occurred for some time 
which materially affected the course of Enghsh history. Fin- 
1614 ancial necessities again drove the king to summon a 

The Addled parUament in 1614. Had James taken the advice 
of Bacon and- some others he would have frankly 
laid aside the claim to impositions, refused to haggle, and 
invited parHament to meet him in the same spirit of generous 
confidence. A Tudor would have found a way to do so \vithout 
loss of dignity, and the Commons would have responded with 
hberality. James rejected the advice ; and the Commons 
assembled with a determination to drive a hard bargain. The 
result was that no bargain was driven, no suppUes were granted, 
and parhament was dissolved with nothing accompUshed beyond 
some exacerbation of resentment on both sides. James was only 
able to raise a small sum by inviting a benevolence which the 
judges declared to be purely voluntary, and not capable of 
exaction at aU. This assembly which sat for only a couple of 



Gondomar and Buckingham 281 

months was known as the Addled ParHament on account of its 
unproductiveness. 

Of a more positive importance was the dismissal from office 
of the Lord Chief- Justice Coke, in consequence of his resolute 
insistence upon the duty of the judges to maintain The Judges, 
the law even in derogation of the authority of the Crown. The 
occurrence illustrated one of the most serious grievances of the 
whole Stuart regime. The judges were the judges of the law, 
but the Crown was the judge of the judges, and they were liable 
to deprivation for giving a decision in opposition to the wishes 
of the Crown. Obviously it required a very singular degree of 
integrity and courage on their part to give an unbiased decision 
when the interests of the Crown were involved. 

A painful incident in the annals of court scandal requires a 
brief notice, though it was of importance only as exemplifying 
the tone of the court. James was not subject to Somerset, 
female influences, and his private morals appear to have been 
exemplary. But he had a grotesque susceptibility to masculine 
good looks which procured a preposterous influence for a young 
Scot named Robert Carr, who was made Viscount Rochester. 
Rochester and the young wife of the Earl of Essex, the son of 
Elizabeth's favourite, fell in love with each other. A case was 
concocted for procuring a divorce ; Rochester married the lady, 
and was made Earl of Somerset. Sir Thomas Overbury, a friend 
of Somerset, dissuaded him from the marriage. He died oppor- 
tunely, and the marriage took place. Presently, however, it 
was discovered that Overbury had died of poisoning, and the 
poisoning was the work of Lady Essex, Somerset himself being 
implicated. It is on the whole to James's credit that he made 
no attempt to shield the favourite and his wife, who were obliged 
to face pubhc trial, and were imprisoned for several years, though 
their lives were spared. 

With the setting of Somerset's star there arose another far more 
portentous. George Vilhers, the younger son of a knight, 
youthful, handsome, and penniless, was introduced Buokingham. 
to the royal notice by Somerset's enemies just before Somerset's 
fall. He rose rapidly in the king's favour ; by 1617 he had become 



282 James I. and VI. 

Earl of Buckingham, the chief dispenser of court favour, and 
ominously intimate with the Prince of Wales, on whose career 
he was destined to have a disastrous influence. 

The Somerset episode was discreditable to the times ; the 
Raleigh episode by which it was almost immediately followed 
Raleigh. is a still more serious blot upon the memory of the 

king himself. In 1615 the recently renewed negotiations for 
a Spanish marriage were taking a turn not very satisfactory to 
the king. Counsellors Mke the Archbishop of Canterbury and 
Secretary Winwood, who retained the anti-Spanish sentunents 
of the earUer generation to which they belonged, were temporarily 
in the ascendent ; and they procured the release from the 
Tower of the old adventurer who was the Uving incarnation of 
enmity to the Spanish power. He was to be allowed to head an 
expedition to Guiana in order to discover and take possession 
of a wonderful gold mine of which he had heard on his earlier 
voyage to the Orinoco. That an expedition captained by a man 
with Raleigh's traditions could possibly go to the Orinoco with- 
out coUiding with Spaniards was incredible. It would have 
been a matter of course under Elizabeth that such an enterprise, 
undertaken with official permission, should receive its sanction 
on the express condition that there was to be no quarrelling with 
Spaniards ; it would have been equally certain that the collision 
would take place, but that if the expedition itself proved un- 
successful the blame for the coUision would be resolutely fixed 
upon the other party ; while if it succeeded its leader would 
have no cause for regret. Raleigh took for granted 

Raleigh's that the old convention survived, that his caution- 
fate 

ary instructions were a mere matter of form, and 

that he was intended to play the part of Drake in the previous 

reign. Other men knew that James was incapable of emulating 

the methods of his predecessor. Raleigh could only scrape 

together a very ill-conditioned company to go with him. By 

the time that he was on the high seas, if not before, James had 

reverted to the policy of the Spanish marriage. Gondomar 

was fully informed, and the Spaniards in America were duly 

prepared. The expedition was a complete failure ; the collision 



Gondomar and Buckingham 283 

took place, disastrously ; Raleigh realised that he had been 
betrayed, and returned to England to meet his doom. Gondo- 
mar demanded his head and got it ; technical difficulties in the 
way were circumvented by carrying out the sentence of execution 
which had been passed upon him in 1604, that sentence never 
having been reversed, nor a formal pardon granted. 

Raleigh had set sail in the autumn of 1617. He landed in 
England in 1618. In the interval Ferdinand had been first 
accepted by the Bohemian Estates, and then the 

^ 1618-20. 

revolt had been opened by the murder of his adminis- james, Spain 
trators at Prague. The position in Germany was ^^ *?® 
obviously critical ; and hence the extreme anxiety 
of James on the one hand to secure the support of Spain, and of 
Spain on the other to convince him that her support would be 
forthcoming on terms. So the Spaniards encouraged the idea 
of the marriage without committing themselves to anything, 
hoping to neutralise England, while their own support was to 
be given to Ferdinand ; James flattered himself that he would 
carry Spain with him, and would himself assume in the counsels 
of Europe the position of the wise arbitrator whose pronounce- 
ments would be accepted on all hands as the voice of supreme 
wisdom. Unfortunately, although the would-be pacificator 
gave excellent advice to everybody, nobody paid any attention. 
Frederick, urged forward by his wife, accepted the crown of 
Bohemia, and defied Ferdinand. England sympathised, but the 
elector was obviously acting in defiance of international pro- 
prieties. In 1620 the Spaniards themselves were overrunning 
the Lower Palatinate from the Netherlands, and before the end 
of the year Frederick had met with his great disaster at the 
White Mountain, and the Upper Palatinate lay at the mercy of 
Bavaria. 

James, like most of the Protestant princes in Germany, refused 
to help his son-in-law in grasping at the crown of Bohemia ; but 
he was extremely anxious to save him from the loss 1621. Third 
of the Palatinate. Nothing, however, could be done Parliament, 
without money ; and to get money he summoned a parUa- 
ment, his third, which met in January 1621. A Council of 



284 James I. and VI. 

War had already been appointed to discuss the needs of the 
situation. 

Parliament sympathised with the cause of Protestantism, but 
it felt very much in the dark. The Palatinate and Bohemia 
At cross were a long way off ; it did not want to vote supplies 

purposes. ^\^thout seeing where it was going. If Protestantism 
was in danger, Spain must be the real enemy — -and the king 
was negotiating a Spanish marriage and relaxing the adminis- 
tration of the recusancy laws in obedience to Gondomar. The 
Commons began by demands for the enforcement of the law 
and discussions of past infringements on the hberty of speech. 
The king asked for half a miUion, the Council of War having come 
to the conclusion that rather more than a miUion was wanted to 
make intervention in the Palatinate effective. The House 
voted two subsidies, a subsidy being something over £70,000. 
Then it went back to grievances, and the particular grievance 
upon which it fastened was that of monopoUes. 

The monopoly grievance had become acute in the last years 
of EUzabeth, when legislation on the subject had been evaded 
Attack on only by the queen's tact. Thus the royal pre- 
monopoiies. rogative had been saved, and James continued to 
use the power freely. The bestowal upon individuals of an 
exclusive right of producing and seUing particular goods was 
extremely irritating, even where a plausible case could be made 
out for the particular grant. But the \\'hole question was gravely 
prejudiced by the fact that the grants were in almost every case 
obtained by court favour and bestowed upon court proteges, 
the ViUiers family deriving large profits from them, while the 
rights of the grantees were frequentlj^ enforced in a highly 
t5T:annical manner. Investigation into the administration of 
the patents led to the impeachment of Sir Francis Mitchell and 
Sir Giles Mompesson — a form of procedure which had been in 
abeyance for a century and a half. FeeUng ran so high that 
Buckingham himself, soon to be a duke, advised the cancellation 
of the patents. An Act was passed forbidding the granting of 
monopohes to individuals, inventors excepted. 

Bacon as chancellor had enforced the monopolies with severity. 



Gondomar and BiickingJiam 285 

The inquiry led to a further inquiry into the alleged corruption 
of the courts, by a committee of the Commons. Before that 
committee a heavy indictment was brought against Bacon 
the chancellor himself, and the committee laid disgraced, 
its report before the House of Lords. Further evidence was 
brought before the Lords. Bacon admitted the charges, was 
sentenced to permanent exclusion from all public offices, and was 
fined ;f40,ooo. In the technical sense there was no formal 
impeachment of the chancellor — that is to say, the Commons 
did not appear before the Lords as the accusers ; but for practical 
purposes the proceedings revived the earlier practice, initiated 
at the end of the reign of Edward in., of parliament taking direct 
action against the ministers of the Crown. Impeachment 
became for a century the standing method of attacking minis- 
terial abuses of power and abuses of the royal authority through 
ministers. As to the particular case of Francis Bacon, the 
attack appears to have been fully justified. It is hardly imputed 
to the chancellor that he actually permitted his decisions to be 
influenced by the presents which he received, nor is it denied 
that the practice of accepting presents from Utigants was almost 
universal. But it is equally undeniable that, so long as the 
practice existed, it cannot but have been accompanied by a vast 
amount of corruption — that it had reached a stage at which it 
was imperatively incumbent upon the head of the legal pro- 
fession to set his face rigorously against it. Bacon could only 
throw himself upon the mercy of his judges, and admitted the 
justice of his sentence without qualification. And a final justi- 
fication of that sentence is to be found in the fact that no judge 
since Bacon's day has been charged with receiving bribes. 

These grave matters absorbed the attention of parliament. 
On its assembling, the king had announced it to be his intention 
to negotiate a satisfactory peace, while preparing , 

for war in case of failure. Before spring was over views on 
James was urging the imperative need of largely 
increased supplies if his diplomacy was to have any chance of 
effect. Before the summer adjournment the Commons passed 
an enthusiastic resolution declaring their readiness to adventure 



2 86 James I. and VI. 

their lives and estates for the Protestant cause. But they would 
vote no supplies for the present. Undoubtedly the Commons 
were very httle inclined to the policy of sending armies to fight 
in Germany, but were ready to take vigorous action against 
Spain. Nor was it unreasonable to argue that the best service 
they could render to the Protestant cause in Germany was to 
paralyse the power whose troops were overrunning the Lower 
Palatinate. This, however, hardly accorded with the king's 
notion of winning over Spain to support him in recommending 
the restoration of the Palatinate to the elector. , 

When the Commons met for the winter session the difference 
of attitude became apparent. Thomas Wentworth, who was 
Disagree- presently to become a very important figure, urged 
ments. ^g immediate necessity of direct intervention in the 

Palatinate; but the dominant party could see no enemy but Spain. 
It would only make a small and very inadequate grant ; but it pre- 
pared a petition explicitly demanding the suppression of recusancy 
and the breaking off of negotiations for the Spanish marriage. 
James, being informed of this, administered a sharp rebuke to 
the House for meddling in matters which were too high for it. 
The Commons retorted with a petition emphatically asserting 
the right of free discussion. The king repUed that the right was 
conceded by grace of the Crown, and would be preserved so long 
as they restricted themselves within proper bounds. The 
Commons repeated their protest, which was entered in their 
Journals. The House was adjourned, the king sent for the 
Journals, tore out the page recording the protestation, sent three 
of the members to the Tower, and dissolved the parUament in 
January 1622. 

The practical result was that James could not possibly raise 

enough money to back his diplomacy by force of arms. The 

powers ignored him ; the Spaniards continued to 

1622-3. . , - 

The Spanish play with the mamage treaty, not without hopes 
marriage ^jj^^ ^^^y could extort from the king concessions 
to the Cathohcs which might even make the marriage 
worth while. Philip ill. was just dead, the incompetent Philip iv. 
was king, and OUvarez was his minister. A year after the dis- 



Gondomar and Buckingham 287 

solution of parliament there came from Spain a modified offer, 
which required that the Infanta should have the education of 
the royal children in her own hands till they were nine years old, 
and that the English Catholics should be allowed the free exer- 
cise of their rites. These were terms to which the king and the 
Prince of Wales were willing to accede. 

But at this stage Buckingham and Charles devised and carried 
out an amazing scheme. The prince, accompanied by the 
favourite, was to assume the character of a chival- TUg yigit 
rous lover, ride in disguise to the land where his *" Madrid, 
princess dwelt, and romantically woo and win her, and with her 
the Palatinate as a wedding present. The wandering knights 
duly made their way through France, arrived at Madrid, and 
were received with becoming gravity. The Spaniards for the 
moment suffered from the illusion that the devout lover could be 
easily persuaded himself to adopt the religion of his bride. But 
Charles never in his Ufe wavered from his absolute loyalty to 
his creed. He was not to be persuaded. As a wooer he was 
a melancholy failure. Buckingham's arrogance and insolence 
enraged the Spanish grandees and the priests. Nevertheless, 
the Spaniards pressed for ever-increasing concessions, and still 
point after point was yielded by the prince. Matters went so 
far that, before leaving Spain, Charles had actually for himself 
accepted the Spanish demands. But he had got no promise 
with regard to the Palatinate, and he returned to England in a 
state of profound disgust, feeUng that he had been tricked, and 
only wishing to be released from his bond. He persuaded the 
old king to refuse his assent without a definite promise for the 
restoration of the Palatinate. Phihp was not unwilling to be pro- 
vided with an excuse for breaking off the whole affair, and the 
entire scheme of the Spanish match melted into thin air. With 
it vanished all James's hopes of Spanish co-operation in his 
mediatorial schemes. 

There was nothing for it but to prepare for war if the Palatinate 
was to be saved for James's son-in-law and for Protestantism. 
Once more parliament was summoned, in February 1624. The 
Commons met, ready, even eager, for war with Spain, but still 



2 88 James I. and VI. 

dubious about a war in the Palatinate. James, foiled in Spain, 
was anxious to seek alliance mth France, where Richelieu and 
the pohcy of Henry iv. were superseding the queen- 
The fourth mother and the pohcy of papahsm. The Prince of 
pax men ^^-^^gg should marry the sister of the French king 
instead of the sister of Philip iv. The Commons did not like the 
idea ; they wanted the prince to marry a Protestant bride, while 
the king was comfortably convinced that France would make 
no inconvenient demands in favour of the EngUsh Catholics. 
Very Umited suppUes were %'oted. King and prince pledged 
themselves to make no promises in the sense feared. Both 
Charles and the favourite achieved unwonted popularity by their 
obvious animosity to Spain, and by taking the lead in attacking 
Buckmeham the treasurer, Cranfield — who had been made earl 
popular. Qf Middlesex — because he sought to influence the 

king against war with Spain. Charges of corruption were brought 
against him ; he was impeached and disgraced, not without a 
prophetic warning from the king to Charles and Buckingham 
that they had better lea\'e impeaclmients alone. The Houses 
were adjourned, on the hypothesis that they should meet in 
winter, and should then grant additional supplies if the diplo- 
matic developments so required. 

The programme was not carried out. Louis too, it appeared, 
would not permit his sister's marriage unless concessions were 
Disaster. made to the EngHsh CathoUcs. In their desire 
for the alliance the king and Buckingham broke their word to 
the House of Commons, and conceded the French demands. 
They dared not face parhament. Nevertheless, in order to secure 
alhes, Buckingham promised money right and left, and not only 
money, but an Enghsh force, which was to be commanded by 
Mansfeld in the Low Countries. Somehow a force of twelve 
thousand men was raked together. By the time the men had 
been carried over to Holland the money was exhausted. A bitter 
winter had set in, there was no commissariat, and no pay in the 
soldiers' pockets. In a few weeks three-fourths of them were 
dead or dying of disease and starvation. And even at that 
ominous hour the old king died (27th March 1625). 



Ireland and Scotland, and the First Colonies 289 



IV. Ireland and Scotland, and the First Colonies 

The long Elizabethan struggle in Ireland was brought to a 
close by Tyrone's submission to Mont joy, almost at the moment 
of the old queen's death. Tyrone's last effort had Ireland, 
proved that the English government, with all its shortcomings, 
was too strong to be overthrown. Montjoy was appointed 
lieutenant, but himself left Ireland, where his place was taken 
by Sir Arthur Chichester as deputy. A general cMciiester 
amnesty was proclaimed, and Tyrone and Tyr- ™ Iceland, 
connel were both received at the court of King James. The 
government used its victory to aboUsh the old Celtic customs 
and laws outside the Pale as weU as within it. The chiefs were 
induced to surrender their lands and receive them back under the 
English laws of tenure ; and Chichester proposed to extend the 
Elizabethan system of plantations only by setthng Enghshmen 
and Scots upon the ecclesiastical lands which had been forfeited 
to the Crown. Although in the course of the last fifty years the 
great bulk of the population had not only remained attached to 
the Roman Church but had learnt a devotion to it unknown 
before the Reformation, priests were banished from Ireland as 
from England; and in Ireland, as in England, every one was 
ordered to attend Enghsh Church services, although the attempt 
to enforce the law was presently abandoned. The king's 
justices went on circuit in regions where they had never before 
been seen, with beneficial effect ; but at the same time the con- 
sciousness of the Irish people that an aUen law was being imposed 
upon them by an alien power, in complete disregard of their 
own traditions and sentiments, was intensified. 

Whether or not the Ulster chiefs had intended to remain loyal, 
they found their powers under the new regime greatly curtailed. 
In 1607 they fell under suspicion of treasonable Tiie uister 
designs, and before any blow was struck Tyrone forfeitures, 
took flight to the Continent, accompanied by Tyrconnel and by 
another of the Ulster 'magnates, Maguire of Fermanagh. Actual 
insurrection or open insubordination on the part of some other 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. T 



290 James I. and VI. 

chiefs led to their forcible suppression, and thus in 1608 estates 
covering some six counties in the north of Ireland were forfeited 
to the Crown. This opened the way for the great plantation 
of Ulster. In theory the land was to be granted out partly to 
Irishmen, partlj- to English and Scottish settlers ; but, in fact, 
1608. The the best of it went to the two latter classes. It 
plantation. ^^^ intended entirely to separate the Irishrj- from 
the new settlers and to compel the residence of the latter, who 
were meant to form a sort of garrison. But, in fact, a good many 
of them were absentees, and large numbers of the Irish peasantry, 
instead of being removed into the Irish districts, remained on 
the SOU as tenants under the new owners. Their complete 
separation from the new settlers was not effected, although 
Ulster acquired many of its distinctive characteristics from the 
new settlement, the immigrants being of a more progressive type 
than the natives. Thirty years later there were some sixty 
thousand Scots there. It was in connection with the Ulster 
The order plantation that James devised the new order of 
of baronets. > baronets,' bearing a hereditaiy title which gave 
them precedence over knights ^\^thout raising them to the ranks 
of the peerage. The titles, at first limited in number, were con- 
ferred on persons, chiefly large landed proprietors in England, 
who paid a substantial sum nominally for the maintenance of 
troops for the defence of the plantation. Subsequently occasion 
was found, often with great injustice, for the forfeiture of estates 
in other parts of Ireland, which again intensified the feeling of the 
natives that they had been robbed for the benefit of aUen masters. 
In Scotland the power of the Cro\vn, already in 1603 
greater than it had ever been before, was increased by the 
Scotland. union mth England. After the English analogy, 
the Scottish Pri\'y Council, consisting of ministers chosen by the 
king, became the channel of administration. James's bishops 
had provided him with a bridle for the Generad Assembly of the 
Kirk, and every extension of the episcopate increased his control. 
The Soots The parHament or Estates had never been a powerful 
parliament, ^^y . commonly they had been able to do little 
more than register the decrees of the government ; and the 



Ireland and Scotland, and the First Colonies 291 

regular practice was for parliaments to open proceedings by 
delegating their functions to an elected committee known as the 
Lords of the Articles. To this body, at this period, the spiritual 
estate elected the representatives of the barons, with whom were 
included the tenants-in-chief ; the barons elected those of the 
spiritualty, and the burgesses elected their own representatives. 
The party dominant for the moment had always been able to 
control the selection of the Lords of the Articles ; and now, as the 
spiritualty in parhament were practically all king's men, there 
was no difficulty in ensuring that the Lords of the Articles should 
be practically all king's men also. James was able to boast in 
1607 : ' I write and it is done ; and by a clerk of the Council I 
govern Scotland now, which others could not do by the sword.' 

In the old days the kings had been able to count upon the 
support of the ecclesiastical body in their differences with the 
great feudatories and with England. Now the jarjc and 
ecclesiastical body, the Kirk, was antagonistic to ''^■rons. 
the royal supremacy, but its power of making that antagonism 
effective was checked by the bishops, who were the king's 
creatures ; and James had broken up the temporary alliance of 
the Reformation period between the Kirk and the barons to a 
great extent by the distribution of church lands among the 
latter, who, moreover, were not at all favourable to the sweeping 
claims of moral censorship set up by the ministers. The actual 
power of the feudatories also had been very greatly diminished, 
not only in the direct conflicts with the Crown, but by the straggles 
of factions against each other ; and the union with England 
finally put an end to the old conditions, under which rebellious 
barons had been wont to look to intrigues with England as a 
means of strengthening their own hands. 

The essential features of the reign of James vi. in Scotland, 
after he became James i. in England, were the further extension 
of the royal authority in the Highlands, the pacifi- _ . 

cation of the Border, and the steady encroachment and the 
of episcopacy upon the Presbyterian system. The 
pacification of the Border was the direct outcome of the Union. 
The state of war between English and Scottish borderers which 



292 James I. ana- VI. 

had encouraged the central governments to leave the Border 
chiefs a very large latitude of action, theoretically for self- 
defence, had necessitated a degree of iadependence, correspond- 
ing to that on the Welsh Marches before the conquest of Wales 
by Edward i. But this freedom from control could no longer 
be tolerated when one king reigned both in Scotland and in 
England. The suppression of the Highlands, on the other hand, 
was not intimately connected ^^^th the Union, except in so far 
cis the Highland chiefs were thereby deprived of the chance 
of seeking Enghsh support. The most notable incidents therein 
were the destruction and dispersion of the clan Macgregor, and an 
anticipation of the plantation of Ulster by an attempt to plant 
Lowlanders in the island of Lewis, from which the M'Leods 
were expelled. 

The extension of the episcopacy demands some ftnther 
attention. The success of James's ecclesiastical poUcyin 
The Church • Scotland, as compared with the failure of his son, 
the Ung's is to be accounted for by the fact that James cared 
only about the poUtical aspect of the question. 
His object was to bring the organisation under his own control, 
not to impose upon his Scottish subjects doctrines and practices 
which they resented. Hejmade war upon the pretensions^Jhe, 
Presbyterian ministry, not upon Calvinistic doctrines which 
were in general taught by his bishops ; and thus he avoided 
arousing angry popular resentment. He was an episcopalian 
not because he regarded episcopacy as a Di\'ine institution, bat 
because it seemed to him necessary to the completeness of 
monarchical authority. He resolutely strove to acquire complete 
control over the General Assembly, but he attached no imp)ortance 
to the wearing of a surphce instead of a Geneva gown. 

The first point was to insist that the General Assembly should 
meet only when called by the Crown. An Assembly was to 
1604-10 meet at Aberdeen in 1604. The king postponed it 

DepresBlon In 1605 a small band of the ministers met at Aber- 

of the 

General deen in defiance of the royal prohibition. Some of 

AsBembiy. those who had assembled were summoned before 
the Privy Council. They denied the jurisdiction, whereupon 



Irelana and Scotland, and the First Colonies 293 

they were tried and condemned for treason, and some of them 
were imprisoned in 1606. In that year Andrew Melville and 
other leaders of the ministers were summoned to London, and 
were not permitted to return to Scotland. The Scots parliament 
passed an Act restoring to the Church, but specifically for the 
support of bishops, church lands which had been appropriated 
to the Crown. At the end of the year James propounded to a 
convention of ministers at Linlithgow a scheme which was to 
strengthen the Church against popery. The oifice of president 
or moderator of each presbytery was to be made permanent, 
the moderator being ex officio a representative of his presbytery 
at the synod ; in their own presbyteries the bishops were to be 
ex officio moderators. A year later the same principle was 
applied to the synods ; they were to have permanent or constant 
moderators, and every bishop was the ' constant moderator ' of 
his own synod and its representative in the General Assembly. 

In 1610 a General Assembly at Glasgow accepted these prin- 
ciples, acknowledged that no General Assembly should meet 
without the king's summons, and recognised the „,„ ,. 
bishops as constant moderators of the sjmods — Progresa of 
proceedings which were confirmed by parliament 
in 1612. Further, in 1610 the king brought three of the bishops 
up to London to receive consecration at the hands of Enghsh 
bishops, thereby conferringj ipon themJli£_^jostolic Successionj__ 
which they were in like manner able to confer upon their brother 
bishops. 

Between 1616 and 1618 matters were carried further. There 
was a General Assembly, at which the presidency was assumed 
by the archbishop of St. Andrews. It was there ^ 
made quite obvious that the Assembly was to be The limit 
converted into a body merely for confirming the 
king's will. Many of the members withdrew. A new Catechism 
and Liturgy were adopted. Next year James paid his one visit 
to Scotland after the Union, when he scandalised pubUc senti- 
ment by redecorations of the chapel at Holyrood which were 
regarded as idolatrous, and by Anglican innovations in the 
form of service, the introduction of surpHces, choristers, and 



294 James I. and VI. 

kneeling to receive the Communion. Articles were promulgated 
requiring the adoption of this last practice, the observation of 
Christmas, Easter, Ascension Day, and Whitsmitide, and the 
admission under certain circumstances of private Communion 
and private Baptism. A General Assembly at St. Andrews 
protested against the Articles ; but another Assembly, held at 
Perth in 1618, adopted them— not without reluctance on the part 
of the bishops, who, nevertheless, yielded to the king's wishes. 
James had reached in the Articles of Perth the limits of acqui- 
escence, but he abstained from actually transgressing those limits. 

The death of Queen EUzabeth made James king of England, 
Scotland, and Ireland ; but on the day of his accession the three 
Expansion kingdoms did not possess among them a foot of soil 
overaeas. outside the British Islands. Before the end of the 
reign Enghsh merchants had established in the Far East not 
indeed a territorial' dominion but trading stations held by grace 
of native princes, and had planted on the North American 
continent the two colonies which formed the nucleus for the great 
expansion of the British race in the Far West. 

Seven weeks after the East India Company received its charter, 

James Lancaster had already started on the first great voyage to 

the Spice Islands. Six months after King James's 
Dutch and ^ ° •' 

EngiisH in accession Lancaster's ships returned laden with rich 

the Spice cargoes, having obtained from the local sultans 
Islands. ° ° 

permission to trade with Sumatra and Java. The 

next voyagers, in 1604-5, found the Dutch already entering the 
field as their rivals. The Dutch, especially after they made 
their truce with Spain in i6og, sent to the islands fleets larger 
and more powerfid than those of the English ; and in 1623 the 
judicial murder of the English at Amboyna by the Dutch, and the 
complaisance of King James, gave the republic a practically 
complete mastery in the Archipelago. They did not, however, 
India. turn their attention with equal energy to the Indian 

Peninsula, the greater part of which acknowledged the sove- 
reignty of the great Mughal, Jehan Gir. The Portuguese, once 
supreme in those waters, had lost their old power ; the Mughal, 



Ireland and Scotland, and the First Colonies 295 

having no love for them, was not unwilling to encourage a 
European riva l, and in 1612 t he East India Company was allowed 
to set up what was called a ' factory ' at Surat, on the west cocist, 
the term factory meaning a trading emporium. A short time 
afterwards Jehan Gir received Sir Thomas Roe as an envoy from 
King James. Though there were no other immediate results, 
the embassy tended to establish in the mind of the Mughal a 
disposition favourable to the Enghsh, while Sir Thomas returned 
to England impressed with the splendour and wealth of the 
Mughal Empire, but also with its incoherent character. The 
conception, however, of a territorial dominion in India was as 
yet altogether remote and outside the sphere of speculation of 
the East India Company. 

Raleigh, before he became a prisoner in the Tower, had striven 
vainly to realise his own and Humphrey Gilbert's dream of 
planting a colony in North America which should American 
be the starting point for building up a new England colonisation : 
beyond the ocean. But Englishmen in Ehzabeth's 
latter years were too eagerly bent on seeking short cuts to enor- 
mous wealth by annexing gold mines or looting treasure ships 
to be willing to settle themselves down in far-off lands, where 
there were no gold mines and wealth could only be acquired 
at the cost of much drudgery and continuous hard work. 
Raleigh's Virginian colonies failed ; but the peace with Spain 
cleared the way for the commercial spirit to enter where adven- 
turers had not chosen to tread. 

In 1606 a group of merchants, nobles, and men of substance, 

formed a company, and obtained a charter to work out Raleigh's 

dream of a Virginian colony, outside the sphere of ,^^^ ^^^ 

collision with the Spaniard. There was no guiding colonial 

idea, 
precedent for such an attempt. More than two 

thousand years ago the Greeks had indeed done something of the 

kind. But the Roman had not planted colonies in unexplored 

regions. What he called a colony was a military settlement, in 

the nature of a garrison, estabhshed in conquered territory. The 

Spaniards in recent years had occupied the New World as a 

conquering race ruling over an enslaved population, exploiting 



296 James I. and VI. 

the mineral wealth of the land, not creating a new Spain. But, 
essentially_±he.£n|3i§hjdeawas the expansion of En^aiidj_ the 
appropriation as a new England of land where Enghsh institu- 
tions would be reproduced among EngUsh folk; where there 
were no civilised states to be destroyed, as in Mexico and Peru, no 
savages to be enslaved, but only nomadic tribes, which might be 
pushed aside ; where the conquest was to be effected not over 
man but over nature, and the fruits of the earth were to be 
wrested from it as in England itself, with only such variations 
as the conditions of soil and climate necessitated. The interests 
of the colonists were to be subservient to the interests of the 
Crown, but the colony was not to be, as with the Spaniards, 
merely a Crown estate. And it was to be created as a com- 
mercial speculation for the benefit of the partners who financed 
it ; it was to take care of itself, to be the business of private 
enterprise, conducted with the minimum of interference on the 
part of the State. 

The region granted to the Virginia Company by the charter 
of 1606 was in effect the North American continent from Nova 
,.., Scotia on the north to what is now Carolina on the 

The Virginia south, to which England had for some time asserted 

a vague claim. The actual site selected by the first 
colonists, who arrived in April 1607, not far from the mouth of 
the Chesapeake, was given the name of Jamestown, whUe the 
colony at large received Raleigh's old name of Virginia. The 
government was vested in a supreme council in London, which 
was the ultimate authority, subject to the king in council, and 
in a resident councU, elected from among the colonists, which was 
to manage matters on the spot. 

The first years were troublous enough. The first settlers were 
undisciphned, the complex machinery of government very soon 
proved itself impossibly cumbrous, and nothing but the daimt- 
less energy and resourcefulness of the leader. Captain Thomas 
1609-25 Smith, saved the colony from destruction. In 

The modified 1609 a new charter gave the directors in London the 

ultimate control ; but a governor nominated by 
them was given very nearly a free heind in the administration 



Ireland and Scotland, and the First Colonies 297 

on the spot. In 1619 matters had progressed far enough to per- 
mit the creation of a constitution. An Assembly of Burgesses, 
elected by the votes of the free settlers, was established ; and the 
system of self-government having been thus initiated was again 
developed into a new constitution in ~ifi25j- immediately after 
t^e_death of King James. A council in London, being practically 
a committee of the Privy Council, was still the ultimate authority ; 
but the executive government on the spot was entrusted to a 
nominated governor and twelve assistant officials, while the 
House of Burgesses was soon recognised as possessing powers 
analogous to those of parliament in England, and including the 
control of internal taxation. 

Commercialism produced the great East India Company, which 
was only the most remarkable and the most successful of a 
growing group of companies having as their single commercial 
object the extension of trade in hitherto unavailable ""Perialism. 
markets. Colonisation and territorial expansion did not fall 
within their purview. Colonisation had failed when the attempt 
had been inspired in Raleigh by imperialism, the desire for 
territorial expansion. _Successful_colonisation_ began when_conj:^_ 
mercialism and imperialism weie-combinfid-in the project of_thg__ 
Virginia C ""^r''"y The new colony was a commercial under- 
taking, with the ideal of imperiahsm to aid it ; to some of the 
promoters it was an imperial undertaking, with the commercial 
inducement superadded. It was not merely to be self-supporting ; 
it was to develop especially such products of the country as were 
suitable for export, whereby it would also become a market for 
English merchandise. At the same time it provided a new field 
for a surplus population, attractive not so much to the industrial 
classes as to the impecunious gentry, younger sons The ' pian- 
for whom it was difficult to make provision at home ***'<"'' *yP*- 
or to find employments consonant with their ideas of their own 
dignity. It was a matter of course that they carried with them 
to the new lands the prevalent conceptions of their own class. 
Conditions of soil and cUmate were adapted to the cultivation 
of great estates by means of slave labour ; the importation of 
negro slaves began in 1620, and Virginia soon became a country 



298 James I. and VI. 

of great English landholders, Church of England men with the 
characteristics of a landed aristocracy, while the hard work of 
cultivation was mainly carried on by negro slaves. 

Of a very different type was the second great venture in colon- 
isation. In the end of Ehzabeth's reign a number of advanced 
Puritan New Puritans, chiefly Independents, had preferred emi- 
Engiand. gration to Holland, where they enjoyed freedom of 
worship, to residence in England, where they were compelled 
to conform to the established Church. The Hampton Court 
Conference and its consequences drove forth a new body of emi- 
grants. But they were not happy in Holland, and they presently 
turned their eyes to the New World. The Virginia Company in 
England having fixed its own point of settlement in the south of 
the region granted to it by charter, another company took over 
its rights in the territory between Nova Scotia and the lower 
Hudson, the point where the Dutch were beginning to plant 
themselves. The new company made no attempt to establish 
a colony themselves ; and the refugees in Holland, in conjunction 
with friends in England, had no difficulty in procuring a conces- 
sion from them. 

The English government, while it insisted upon a degree of 

uniformity at home, had no objection to sanctioning the settle- 

1620 ment in America of a colony free from those restric- 

The PUgrim tions ; and in i62Q_the small group of Pilgrim 

Fathers ' — ^ i- V 

Fathers sailed from Plymouth in the Mayflower, and 

foimded the first of the New England colonies at Plymouth, 
named after the port from which they had sailed. Neither 
commerce nor imperialism was their motive ; they were in search 
only of a new land where they could worship undisturbed after 
their o%vn Puritan fashion. The country had little enough of 
natural wealth to exploit ; the settlers had hard fights with the 
Redskins and a hard fight with nature. Slave labour would 
have been of no use to them ; their ideas of self-govern- 
ment were democratic, and their democracy was rooted in 
Calvinism. 
-—The two types of colony, both of which were bom in the reign 
of James i., continued to be developed during the next reign in 



Ireland and Scotland, and the First Colonies 299 

the plantation colonies of the south and the New England 
Puritan settlements of the north. The community at Ply- 
mouth received small reinforcements ; but it was ^^^ ^ 
not till 1629 that the Massachusetts Company estab- types 
lished the second great Puritan colony at Boston — 
a colony primarily consisting of Puritans who had not separated 
themselves from the Anglican Church but found the growing 
ascendency of the High Church in England intolerable. JThree \l. 
years later carne the second plantation . colony of Maryland, 
created for the relief of Enghsh Roman CathoUcs — a colony 
wjierethe old religion was guaranteed that toleration which was 
not allowed to it either by Anghcan Virginia or by Puritan 
New England. In the coming struggle at home it followed that 
the sympathies of the southern colonies were Royalist, while 
tliose of the northern colonies were with the. parliament. 



CHAPTER XI. THE RULE OF CHARLES L, 
1625-1642 

I. Buckingham, 1625-1629 

The death ofJCing James made no alteration in foreign policy ; 
in this sense, that at the close of his reign he was allowing ChS^ 

and Buckingham to go their own way, and they 
The Frencii continued to go their own way after he was dead. 

Senility and inabUity to say ' No ' to his beloved 
' Baby Charles ' and ' Stenie ' — ^his pet names for the Prince of 
Wales and the favourite — deprived him of control ; left to him- 
self, the old man would not have committed the particular 
blimders of dispatching Mansfeld's expedition and pledging him- 
self to a heavy war expenditure. When Charles became king 
he foimd himself saddled with the disaster to the troops, with 
pecuni ary pledg es jy^iiA. it was entirely impossible to meet, 
witiiout parliamentary grants, and with pledges to_the_Fren^ 
regarding toleration for Romanists which were in flat contradic- 
tion_tp,the pledges that had been given to parhament. That 
parliament was automatically dissolved by the death of James ; 
it was imperative, if friendship \vith France was to be preserved, 
that the French marriage should be an accomplished fact before 
a new parhament should meet. Charles married Henrietta by 
proxy in May, in June the young queen had joined her consort, 
and at midsummer the first parhament of Charles was assembled. 
Charles met it ^\^th a request for supphes to carry on the war. 

The ^JjidnXS had worked in harmony with their parliaments, 
because they had always treated them with confidence, on the 
Crown and assumption that the interests of the Crown andjhe- 
Pariiament. nation were identical, that they were working 
together for the same ends, and that the best brains in the 

300 



Buckingham 301 

country were loyally devoted to the public service — ^whereof the 
proof lay in the efficiency with which the pubUc service was 
conducted. J^ing James Jiad fallen away from that attitude 

_jn disregard of th_e cnnnssis nf FrancisJRgmn^ and had persisted 
in treating the Commons as a body with whom he was driving a 
bargain. The Commons had assumed a corresponding attitude, 
and the old tone of mutual confidence had become a thing of the 
past. Moreover, ever since the death of SaUsbury confidence 
in the king's ministers had vanished, and their incompetence had 
reached an ugly climax in the last disaster of the reign. Still 
there had been no open rupture ; the king had scolded, but he 
had not attempted to coerce. Although he had been upon , 
dangerous ground he had not in practice pushed his absolutist _i 
theories so far as to force an open conflict. 

But the position had been made still more critical by the 
events since the last session of the two Houses. Charles and 
Buckingham had committed themselves to a policy The situation 
widely divergent from or actually antagonistic to aeeravated. 
the will of parliament ; and when the new assembly met it was 
evident that the opposition would be not less but more intense. 
All the old leaders were there, and there were no reinforcements 
for the government. Parliament was suspicious and angry ; 
Charles looked upon it as a body not even to be bargained with, 
but rather as an aggressively hostile force to which it would be 
dangerous to yield ; and parliament was quite ready to suspect 
the Crown of aggressive hostility — a view fully warranted by the 
arrogance of Buckingham. There was no diplomatist on either 
side to pour oil on the troubled waters, to seek for grounds of 
agreement instead of emphasising the discordant elements of the 
situation. 

The laxity of the Crown in the punish ment of recusancy was^ 
ajgerpetual irritant to thg Puritanisrn of the Commons, which 
was further alarmed by the recent developments Tj^ug.^ 
in the anti-Puritan, Anglo-Catholic, or High Church Anglican 

_section of the clergy — ^t he grou p which regarded the 
episcopal system not merely as the best form of ecclesiastical 
organisation but as the only form permissible in the Church 



302 The Rule of Charles I. 

Catholic, the only form compatible with the continuity of the 
ApostoUc Succession and with the claims of the priesthood to a 
divinely constituted authority. That claim itself was repudiated 
by Puritanism, which would have nothing to say to a priesthood, 
and recognised only a ' ministry ' deriving its authority not from 
ordination but from the right discharge of its functions. The 
High Church _yiew rea£ny_a^ociated itself M'jthcorrespondingly 
highjnonarchical doctrines,, just as Puritanism naturally assopi- 
ated itself with popular or democratic theories oLgoveroaient; 
and the tendency of its advocates was to develop the doctrines 
of non-resistance and passive obedience, which were to become 
so prominent at a somewhat later stage. 

But at this time the followers of this school were advocating 
the theory known as Arminianism. from the Dutch theologian 
Arminianism. whose name was Latinised as Arminius — doctrines 
which traversed the Calvinistic dogmas of Grace and Predestina- 
tion, which were then generally regarded as orthodox by the bulk 
of the clergy and the laity. To the strict Puritans, therefore, 
these men were at once innovators in religion and papists in all 
but name. Jamgs^ jvhoseJJT^glogy^was Calvjoigtic, iiad treated- 
,theni.\vithjno great favour ; but Charles iound himself in c om-_ 
plete accord with them, and had already been instrumental, .aS- 
Prince of Wales, in obtaining proniotion for some of their numbfav- 
notably William Laud, whp was destined to be one of the most 
celebrated of English primates. 

Ever since Henry viii. quarrelled with the Pope, the Crown 

had asserted its O'W'n ecclesiastical supremacy, acknowledging 

„ ,. ^ no right of parliament to exercise control except in 
Parliament or r 

and the its strictly legislative capacity. In the latter years 

c ergy . ^^ Elizabeth , Paul Wentworth and others had suffered 

for their obstinate opposition to this view. In the reign of 
James the Commons had insisted on their right of discussion and 
of condemning unacceptable doctrines. The last parhament 
of the reign had censured a clergyman, Richard Montague, for 
an Arminian pamphlet, a censure which was not endorsed by the 
old king, much less by his son. 
Thus there was ample store of inflammable material when 



Buckingham 303 

Charles met his first parhament and called for supphes without 
disclosing the manner in which those supplies were to be spent. 
The administration had nothing to show for the „„ 

° 1625. 

last supphes which had been granted. The Com- The first _ 
mons received the demand coldly, voted only two 
subsidies, and proceeded to grant tonnage and poundage for one 
year only — tonnage and poundage being port duties levied at a 
fixed rate on every ton or pound of imported goods. Since the 
time of Hen ry vi. it had been the custo m for t he first parhament 
of each reign to grant the king tonnage and poundage for the. 
term of the reign ; the vote therefore ignored precedent, although 
it co uld be argued that the grant had always been an act not of 
ri^tj_but of grace. The Commons, however, did not choose to 
place more money at the disposal of the treasury until they were 
satisfied as to the manner in which it was to be spent ; and even 
this vote was preceded by a petition for the stringent enforce- 
ment of the recusancy laws, and by another attack upon the 
unrepentant Montague, to which the king responded by making 
him a royal chaplain. 

Buckingham sought to remedy a tactical error by laying 
before the House the estimated requirements for the fleet, for 
the financial support promised to Denmark as the 
recognised champion of the Protestant cause, and parliament 
for Mansfeld. But the Commons after a few weeks' 
adjournment, instead of voting supphes, returned to the reUgious 
question and opened an attack upon Buckingham ; whereupon 
the king dissolved parhament without even waiting for the final 
stages of the Tonnage and Poundage Bill. He had at least his 
two subsidies. 

On this meagre basis the king and Buckingham furnished 
forth an expedition which was to revive the great days of Drake 
and Raleigh by striking at Cadiz. But though the THe Cadiz 
armament sent forth ought to have been extremely Expedition, 
formidable, the ships were not manned by Ehzabethan crews 
or commanded by Ehzabethan captains. The crews were 
pressed men with no stomach for. fighting, and the captains were 
ignorant of their business. The attack on Cadiz failed, and the 



304 The Rule of Charles I. 

men got drunk. They put to sea to waylay an expected treasure 
fleet, and the treasure fleet eluded them without difiiculty. The 
fleet came home again with no laurels and no spoils to convert 
the popular distrust into enthusiasm. 

Matters were comphcated by the exceedingly strained relations 
wth France. Before the end of 1624 the Huguenots in that 
_^ „ country had taken up arms against the government, 

not com- To save the French alliance at that critical stage, 
Enghsh ships had been promised, to be used against 
La Rochelle. Enghshmen were no t^t all incli ned to hd p in the 
suppression of Huguenots, being quite ignorant of the circum- 
stances. Charles, anxious to concUiate the Protestant senti- 
ment of his own subjects, withheld the promised ships until it 
was reported that Louis and the Huguenots had come to terms. 
Then he let them go, and Louis, who had not in fact come to 
terms wth the Huguenots, retained them. 

Meanwhile, Louis was annoyed by the news, from his sister's 
entourage, of renewed persecution of Enghsh Romanists, and 
Enghsh Protestants were annoyed by suspicions of the sinister 
influence of the king's French yAi&. Buckingham proposed to 
offer mediation between the French king and the Huguenots; 
but he was personally in bad odour at the French court, and 
Louis declined to receive him imtil effect shoidd be given to the 
old promises for the rehef of the English Romanists. Richelieu 
had no intention whatever of persecuting the Huguenots, but the 
suppression of rebelhon was not a matter in which any foreign 
intervention could be admitted. 

The first parhament had been dissolved, but the king's need 

of money was only the more insistent. A second parliament 

was summoned to meet in February 1626 ; the king 

1626. 

The second hoped to make it more amenable by nominating 
par amen . g^j^^g qJ ^j^g Opposition leaders. Coke, Wentworth, 
PheUps, and others as sheriffs — an office which disqualified them 
from sitting in parhament. The result was that the leadership 
fell to Sir John EUot, the most effective orator and the sincerest 
patriot in the House. Originally friendly to Buckingham, and 
not disposed to join with Wentworth and others in concentrat- 



Buckingham 305 

ing upon an attack on the duke, he had abstained from taking a 
foremost place in the last parhament. By this time, however, 
he had learnt to recognise in Buckingham the king's evil genius. 
He now led the demand for an inquiry into the Cadiz fiasco and 
the breach in the relations mth France. The king pressed his 
demand for supply ; the Commons would only denounce 
Buckingham. Charles threatened those who attacked the 
favourite with punishment ; the House asserted its right to 
discuss whomsoever or whatsoever it chose with sjj. joj^ 
absolute freedom. Under Eliot's guidance a resolu- ^^°''- 
tion was passed promising aU necessary suppHes, but postponing 
discussion thereon till grievances should be remedied. After 
a brief adjournment the Commons prepared to impeach Bucking- 
ham formaUy. The indictment contained in the main charges 
which were true and could be substantiated ; but as concerns 
those which were most serious, the duke's acts had been directly 
approved and sanctioned by the king himself. The form of the 
indictment imphed the recognition of a new principle, a principle 
which had never before been asserted, that the_,ldng's_grders_ 
didjiot relieve a minister of his personal respons ibiUt-s' ; a \-ital 
principle which was not finally estabhshed tm another half 
century had passed. 

And in the meanwhile the comparatively amenable temper 
of the House of Peers had been undergoing a change. For 
at the end of the last reign the Earl of Bristol had The Peers 
been disgraced at Buckingham's instigation, because ^Uenated. 
he had been ambassador in Spain at the time of the prince's 
visit to Madrid, and his attitude with regard to that unfortunate 
episode had not been to the duke's liking. Now Bristol, for- 
bidden to take his seat in the House of Lords, appealed to the 
Peers and demanded to be heard. The king urged the House 
to refuse him a hearing, and preferred an indictment against 
Bristol in response to Bristol's indictment against Buckingham. 
The Peers were roused in defence of their Order, and it was in 
these circumstances that the Commons laid before them Bucking- 
ham's impeachment, ^^'hen preferring the charges, Sir John 
EUot and Sir Dudley Digges used, or were reported to have used, 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. II. U 



3o6 The Rule of Charles I. 

language which caused the deepest offence to the king. Both 
were sent to the Tower, and were only very grudg- 
pariiament ingly released. The Commons declined to vote 
dissolved, supphes until Buckingham was removed. The 
progress of the impeachment was stayed hy the 
dissolution of parUament in June. 

For twenty-one months Charles and Buckingham made shift 
to do TOthout parUament, in other words, to live upon such 
The forced suppHes as could be raised by any means which the 
loan. judges could be induced to pronounce la^vful. The 

judgment in Bate's case twenty j^ears before warranted the 
levying of toimage and poundage and impositions. The counties 
made no response to an invitation to bestow a free gift. Then 
the king demanded a forced loan, the equivalent of five sub- 
sidies. Chief Justice Crewe, backed by the whole bench, pro- 
nounced that the demand could not be legally enforced ; even 
the dismissal of Crewe did not persuade the rest of the judges 
to change their opinion. Nevertheless, the king penalised those 
who refused the loan ; men of position were sent to prison ; 
minor recalcitrants were pressed for rmhtary service, or had 
soldiers billeted upon them. By these means Charles extorted 
two-thirds of the sum he had demanded, itself less than a third 
of what his ambitious programme imperatively needed. He 
could not send his imcle of Denmark the promised supplies; 
Christian could not pay his troops, and was disastrously defeated 
by TiUy at Lutter. WaUenstein ajjd^-his new armj-^ had. taken 
the field for the imperiahsts, whose complete triumph_ seoned 
_to_be^ imminent. 

If anjiihing were reaUy to be done in German}^ it was of 
supreme importance that both England and France should 
act with energy and in loyal co-operation ;-» Eni^A. 
Breach could not act tiU King and Commons reconciled their _ 

.differences. France co uld not^t until the Hugue- 
not faction submitted to Richeheu's government. In England 
affairs were at a deadlock because the king would not give up 
Buckingham, whose dismissal the countrj* demanded. To make 
matters worse, the king and the duke were drifting into war 



Buckingham 307 

with France instead of recognising the primary necessity for 
co-operation. By way of championing Protestantism tliey 
embarked upon the policy of encouraging tire Huguenots, and 
inciting them to a more active resistance to tlie government. 
In 1627, Buckingham as Lord Admiral led a great expedition 
to the Isle of Rhe, which commanded the entrance to La Rochelle 
— that is, if the English held the island with their fleet it would 
be a sheer impossibility to blockade the place, and the Rochelle 
fleets would be able to scour the seas. 

The expedition failed disastrously, hke Buckingham's two 
previous enterprises. A vigorous French garrison was in occu- 
pation of St. Martin, the principal fortress on the The isie 
island. Buckingham effected a landing with diffi- °f^^6. 
culty, and set about the siege of St. Martin, getting practically 
no help from the Rochellois, while the French government's 
preparations for besieging La Rochelle itself were pressed for- 
ward. After a two months' blockade of St. Martin, when the 
garrison was on the point of being reduced by starvation, a French 
flotilla slipped through the English fleet carrying abundant 
supplies to the beleagured fortress. Buckingham called for 
reinforcements, but when they were collected in England with 
much difficulty, storms drove the ships off the seas. Bucking- 
ham's personaLbravery was unimpeachable, but his generalship 
was beneath contempt : his soldiers were pressed men, mostly 
riffraff, with no heart in the business and no faith in their 
officers. At the end of the third month an attempt was made 
to seize St. Martin by escalade ; it failed ignominiously because 
the ladders were too short. Sickness was rife, necessaries of 
every kind were lacking. The prospect had become hopeless ; 
Buckingham re-embarked his troops and retired, but even while 
they were being withdrawn the French from St. Martin attacked 
them and cut them up. Of the six thousand men who had sailed, 
only three thousand got back to England. The 

failure only increased Buckingham's determination. THe tuird 
T-. - parliament. 

But all the royal expedients for raismg money 

still left the revenue far in arrear of the expenditure. There 

was nothing for it but to summon the third parhament, which 



3o8 The Rule of Charles I. 

met in March 1628, in a mood even more suspicious and hostile 
than any of its predecessors. 

AH the old grievances had become intensified since the dis- 
solution in 1626. The Cro\\Ti had ignored the views of the 
Commons upon tonnage and pomidage and the impositions 
which, in accordance with the law as expounded by the judges, 
it had continued to levy by royal prerogative. A forced loan 
had been raised which the judges themselves had declined to 
Grievances. recognise as legal. For refusing to pay, men had 
been vindictively penahsed and even thro\\'n into prison. Five 
knights who had been thus incarcerated claimed their habeas 
corptis, their right of trial, which involved a statement of the 
specific offence wth which they were charged. The Crown 
claimed the right of committal and detention at its pleasure 
without specifying an}- charge, as a necessity of state. Though 
the knights had been presentlj' released, it was not till after the 
judges had refused baU and confirmed the king's prerogative 
of committal and detention ' for a reasonable time.' Further, 
the troops had been billeted upon the people in a highly tyrannical 
fashion, and the Cro^\'n had issued a commission for dealing 
with offences under martial law to which civihans as well as the 
soldiery had been subjected. And still there was the supreme 
grievance that the administration remained in the hands of 
Buckingham, and continued to be attended \rith disaster. 

As before, the Commons were determined to deal with griev- 
ances before discussing supply. They passed a resolution in 
Wentwortii. favour of voting five subsidies, the amount which 
Charles had endeavoured to raise by the forced loan ; but they 
postponed the vote itself. Wentworth urged a bOl, prohibiting 
taxation wthout consent of parUament, arbitrary imprison- 
ment, martial law in time of peace, and billeting. Charles tried 
hard to prevent the introduction of the bill by inducing the 
House to accept instead his owa promise to ' preserve the just 
hberties of his subjects.' Wentworth answered that while the 
House would take the king's word as concerned himself, a legal 
enactment was necessary for the restraint of his ministers. The 
king rephed in effect that his own prerogative of discretion must 



Buckingham 309 

not be impaired. The Commons dropped the bill, but resolved 
to proceed by way of petition. 

The Petition of Right was prepared by 8th May, and a confer- 
ence was held with the Lords. The Lords inchned to think that 
the petition encroached too far on the royal preroga- me petition 
tive. Wentworth favoured a joint committee to of^igut. 
consider the addition of some clause safeguarding prerogative, 
but Eliot and the majority in the Commons declined. The Lords 
did not press the point, but adopted the petition. The king 
and his council devised a reply in general terms which practi- 
cally promised nothing at all. Thereupon the fiery EUot poured 
forth to the displeased Commons a sweeping indictment of all 
the misdoings and mismanagement during the king's reign, and 
moved a remonstrance. The Idng tried to stop the discussion, 
but the Commons stood firm ; and on 7th June Charles accepted 
the Petition of Right with the usual formula of assent to an Act 
of parUament. 

The Commons conceived that they had won a decisive victory. 
Two of the four sections of the petition abolished billeting and 
martial law, a third forbade imprisonment without Terms of 
the bringing of a specific charge, and the remaining *''® Petition. 
section forbade the king to levy ' any gift, loan, benevolence, 
tax, or such hke charge without common consent by Act of 
parhament.' It remained to be seen, however, that differences 
of interpretation of this section left at least the whole question 
of tonnage and poundage still unresolved. The phrase ' tax or 
such Hke charge ' might be held to cover or not to cover the 
particular imposts according to the bias of the interpreter. As it 
very shortly appeared, the Icing and his advisers took one view 
and the Commons took the other. It was possible for the Crown 
to maintain that the word ' tax ' applied only to direct taxation, 
that the Commons had expressly declared that they did not 
wish to trench on the prerogatives of the Crown, that the Crown 
explicitly claimed, and the law declared, that indirect taxation 
was a royal prerogative, and consequently that the right of levy- 
ing those imposts was not infringed by the Petition. The 
Commons, on the other hand, could declare that the king on 



3IO The Rule of Charles I. 

accepting the Petition was thoroughlj- aware that the intention 
was to cover tonnage and poundage, and that to put any other 
interpretation upon it was dishonest. 

The Petition, however, left untouched two other grievances, 
the position of Buckingham and the clergy question. For some 
The time past the High Churchmen had been allowed in 

^™'^'^^"^- their pulpits to proclaim the most extreme theories 
of the royal authority-. Archbishop Abbot had braved the king's 
disfavour by refusing in spite of the king's orders to license the 
pubhcation of certain of these sermons, whose preachers Charles 
nevertheless rewarded with ecclesiastical promotion. One of 
them, Roger Manwaring, impeached by the Commons, was fined 
and otherwise penalised by the Lords. Charles responded by 
translating Laud, the most active of the Arminians, to the 
bishopric of London, promoting Jlontague, the former object of 
parliamentary \\Tath, to the bishopric of Chichester, and bestow- 
ing upon ]\Ianwaring a pardon and the rectory \-acated by 
Montague's promotion. 

jMeanwhile the Commons had proceeded with the Subsidies 

Bill, and simultaneously with the Remonstrance which Eliot 

„ ,. ^ had introduced. This was directed partly against 
Parliament r j o 

prorogued, the Arminian clergy, but mainly against Bucking- 
ham, denouncing him in unmeasured terms, and 
demanding his dismissal ; and again they passed the Tonnage 
and Poundage BiU for one year only, instead of for the term of 
the reign. When Charles rejected the proposal thej' went on to 
a second remonstrance, declaring that the levying of tonnage 
and poundage without consent of pariiament was barred by the 
Petition of Right. The king flatly rejected their interpretation 
of that instrument on the ground that they themselves had 
declared that the Petition was not intended to trench upon 
prerogatives recognised by law and by prescription, refused 
emphatically to surrender his right, and prorogued the parlia- 
ment on 26th Jime. 

Three weeks after the prorogation the parhamentary leaders 
leamt with alarm and indignation that Thomas \'\*entworth had 
accepted a peerage, and had deserted the parliamentary for 



Buckingham 3 1 1 

the royal cause. The apostasy of Wentworth is one of the 
insoluble riddles of history. Down to the moment when the king 
accepted the Petition of Right, none had exceeded ,„ ^ 
him in his fearless insistence upon the demands of Joins the 
parUament and his hostihty to the Buckingham ' 

regime. Within six weeks he broke with his old colleagues 
suddenly and completely, to become the most dangerous 
champion of absolutism since the time of Thomas Cromwell. 
More than one plausible explanation of the change could be 
offered if it had occurred after instead of before the death of 
Buckingham. Such a man as Wentworth might well have seen 
in a parUaraentary Opposition headed by himself the only hope 
of breaking the power of the duke, a power which portended 
nothing but disaster to the country. Yet it seems incredible, 
if antagonism to Buckingham, either on patriotic or on personal 
grounds, had been the motive of his political action hitherto, 
that he should have joined the Idng at the moment when 
Buckingham's personal influence was most completely demon- 
strated. He can have hoped neither to displace him in the king's 
favour nor to work with him as a colleague. It is equally 
incredible that he was simply bribed by a peerage. It is not easy 
to suppose that he had merely calculated upon winning the royal 
favour on his own terms by proving that his support was worth 
buying. 

Perhaps the best solution is to be found in the view that he 
had an intense belief in himself, and not much belief in any one 
else. Utterly condemning the reckless Buckingham ^ possible 
regime, he had hoped to make himself so formidable explanation, 
as parliamentary leader, and to achieve such an ascendency in 
parliament itself, as to force himself into the supreme control. 
But the experience of the second quarter of the year 1628 taught 
him that Eliot already commanded the ear of the House more 
thoroughly than he, and that Pym would prove a not less danger- 
ous rival. He never shared the sentiments of the majority of 
the House on the religious question ; he had looked to rest his 
own personal power upon the support of the House, not to make 
that House the practical sovereign. He fought for the cause 



312 The Rule of Charles I. 

which he had advocated up to the limit which he laid down, 
as expressed in the Petition of Right ; but even then he had 
found himself opposing EUot on questions of method and had 
shown a greater readiness to conciUate the Lords, and to safe- 
guard the royal prerogative. If he had intended not that the 
Commons should rule, but that he should rule as king of the 
Commons, that hope had faded. The alternative was, to rule 
as the king's man. He joined the court. 

What would have happened if Buckingham had lived might 
be made the subject of much ingenious speculation ; but Bucking- 
„j^ ham did not Uve, and Wentworth as king's man 

champion of strove to achieve upon the lines of absolutism that 
absolutism. 

concentration of power m his own capable hands 

which would have been out of his reach as one among the parlia- 
mentary leaders, but was in his view necessary to the salvation 
of the State. As we interpret his conduct, he was not converted 
from a behef in parliament to a belief in monarchy, nor had he 
from the beginning contemplated a change of front when the 
right moment should come ; but he changed sides when the 
conviction was forced upon him that his own ascendency, his 
own pohcy, would not be attained by remainiag where he was ; 
that the victory of parhament would not be the victory of 
Thomas Wentworth. 

At the moment, however, Bucldnghain was supreme. An 
Enghsh squadron had returned to La Rochelle in May, only to 
. . find that during the last six months a mole across the 
Buddngiiajn, mouth of the harbour had been all but completed by 
the besiegers, which would make it impossible for 
reUefs to reach the city by water. The duke was resolved on 
one more desperate effort to achieve a brilliant stroke, to his 
o^vn glory, which should compel Richelieu to agree to an accom- 
modation acceptable to England. To this end a new expedition 
was being fitted out at Portsmouth, whither Buckingham re- 
paired to take up the command in August. Thither also repaired 
John Felton, who had served as a heutenant in the Rhe expedi- 
tion. Sharing in the common anger at the ignominy of its 
faUure, nourishing a bitter grudge against Buckingham, who 



Buckingham 3 1 3 

had refused "him promotion, mastered by a sort of religious 
mania whicla convinced him that he was destined to be God's 
instrument for the destruction of England's worst enemy, 
Felton made his way to Portsmouth to Buckingham's lodgings 
and stabbed him to the heart. The murder was hailed with a 
sickening outburst of popular glee which the king never forgot 
nor forgave. 

The expedition sailed under the earl of Lindsay, who found 
Rochelle reduced almost to the last extremities. A messenger 
sent to Richelieu to negotiate was pohtely shown RooneUe 
over the works, instructed in the sheer impossibility B"''™its. 
of effecting a rehef, and informed that when Rochelle had fallen 
there would be no subsequent persecution of the Huguenots. 
Lindsay retired, Rochelle surrendered, and Richelieu kept his 
promise. 

Meanwhile Charles levied tonnage and poundage and the 
im positions by his o_wn. authority. ^Stubborn supporters of the 
parUarnent refused to pay the duties ; some of them were thrown 
into prison, others had their goods sequestrated. The meeting 
of parliament was prorogued tiU January ; a royal proclamation 
forbade religious disputations, while the Arminians were allowed 
to preach their unacceptable doctrines as if there were nothing 
disputatious about them. 

When the Houses met, the Commons at once raised the 
question of the levjdng of customs duties without their sanction. 
The king offered not to press his legal claims if the parliament, 
House would proceed to grant the customs in the January 1629. 
usual manner. But the House was not in a compromising 
temper. The goods of one of the members, John RoUe, had 
been seized on his refusal to pay the duties upon them. In its 
irritated temper the House chose to regard this as a breach of 
privilege. Pym urged it to take up the broad ground of defend- 
ing the rights of the community ; under Ehot's guidance it 
elected instead to join issue on the much narrower question of 
the privileges of the House. The Commons summoned to the 
bar the custom-house officers who were responsible ; the king 
warned them that the officers had acted by his express command, 



314 The Rule of Charles I. 

which added a new gravity to the situation. Meanwhile, too, 
the members had taken up the other urgent question, that of the 
Arminian clergy, drafted resolutions complaining of the prefer- 
ments bestowed upon them, of the increase of popery, of the 
suppression of true teaching and of ceremonial innovations ; 
and ordered the innovators to answer for themselves at the bar 
of the House. 

An adjournment and a second adjournment deferred the next 
meeting of the House tiU 2nd ilarch, when the Speaker, Sir John 
The scene on Finch, announced that it was the king's pleasure 
2nd March. ^hat there should be a further adjournment till the 
loth, attempts to effect an understanding \^ith the leaders having 
failed during the recent interval. The House refused to adjourn, 
and EUot rose to speak. Finch rose to leave the chair, announcing 
that such were the king's instructions ; two of the members, 
Holies and \'alentine, held him down in his seat, while Eliot 
addressed the assembljr and tendered a protestation to the 
Speaker. Finch refused to put it to the vote. There ensued a 
scene of wild excitement ; one of the members locked the doors, 
Finch remained obdurate, and EHot threw his resolution into 
the fire. A party of the king's guard dispatched by the king 
himself was hammering at the door ■\\hen HoUes stepped fonvard 
and put to the vote the three resolutions which the leaders had 
drafted. 

— ' I. Wliosoever shall bring in innovation in rehgion, or by 
favour seek to extend or introduce popery or Arminianism, or 
The three other opinions disagreeing from the true and ortho- 
reaoiutions. ^q^ Church, shall be reputed a capital enemy to 
this kingdom and the commonwealth. 

' 2. Whosoever shall counsel or advise the taking and levying 
of the subsidies of tonnage and poundage, not being granted by 
parliament, or shall be an actor or an instrument therein, shall be 
Hkewise reputed an innovator in the government, and a capital 
enemy to this kingdom and commonwealth. 

' 3. If any merchant or other person whatsoever shall volun- 
tarily yield or pay the said subsidies of tonnage or poundage, 
not being granted by parhament, he shall likewise be reputed 



Rule without Parliament 315 

a betrayer of the liberty of England and an enemy to the 
same.' 

The resolutions were carried by acclamation ; the doors were 
flung open, and the members streamed out. Eleven years were 
to pass before another parliament assembled. 



II. Rule without Parliament, 1629-1640 

In June 1628 the Commons were under the impression that 
the Petition of Right had put it out of the king's power to raise 
a sufficient revenue for the government of the Diaiiiusion- 
country without obtaining parliamentary sanction, ™8"t- 
and also that it had prohibited arbitrary imprisonment. On the 
first head they were disillusioned within a few weeks, and on 
the second within a few months. The king beUeved, and acted 
at once on the beUef , that in assenting to the Petition he had not 
surrendered what he and the law courts held to be the royal 
prerogative of levying duties at the ports. The Houses were 
no sooner dissolved in March 1629 than the king showed how 
little the Petition encroached upon his powers of arbitrary 
imprisonment. As for Eliot's resolutions, they were merely 
the expressions of opinion of one House of Parliament, having 
no validity in law. A merchant named Chambers, who had 
refused to pay duties and expressed his sentiments on the 
subject with audacity, was fined and imprisoned jiie star 
by the Star Chamber. Nine members of the House Chamber, 
of Commons were brought before the Court of King's Bench and 
charged with riot and sedition. They denied the jurisdiction, 
claiming that for proceedings in parliament members were re- 
sponsible to parliament itself and to no other court. Neverthe- 
less three of them— Eliot^ ^alentine, and Strode — were thrown 
_^into prison, where Eliot died two years afterwards, and the other 
two remained until 1640. J^f that judgment held good, freedom 
of speech in parliament was dead ; but the king had made up 
his mind not to summon another parliament until his opponents 
had seen the error of their ways. 

During the eleven years of government without parliament. 



31 6 The Rule of Charles I. 

from 1629 to 1640, no one took Buckingham's place. At the 
end of 1629 Wentworth took up his duties as president of the 
The Mng Council of the North, and in 1633 his abihties found 
rules. ^ ng^y sphere of operation in Ireland. For many 

years the personal influence by which the king was overruled 
was that of the ^^•ife who no longer suffered from the neglect 
which she had resented in the days of Buckingham's ascendency. 
But the king himself governed through two men, the treasurer, 
Weston, and WiUiam Laud, now bishop of London, and from 
1633 archbishop of Canterbury. 

One thing was obvious. Merely in order that the king's govern- 
ment might be carried on, every device sanctioned by the law 
aji era must be apphed to raising money. Wlien every 

of peace. available penny had been raised, the strictest 

economy must still be exercised. There was no room for gran- 
diose schemes of military intervention in the affairs of Europe. 
Peace was readily made with France in 1629, and with Spain in 
1630. As for the war in Germany, the leadership of the Protest- 
ant cause passed in 1630 to Gustavus Adolphus, and English 
Protestants soon ceased to be seriously afraid of the destruction 
of German Protestantism. Charles, never keenly interested in 
German Protestantism, cared only to procure the restoration of 
his brother-in-law, and subsequently of his nephew, in the 
Palatinate, a question of very little interest to any one else. 
Charles might, and did, direct diplomatic efforts to procuring 
alliances with this end in view ; but since he had no adequate 
inducements to offer, none of his efforts had any practical issue. 
All the circumstances combined to keep England at peace with 
her neighbours, since none of them, as things stood, were afraid 
of her active hostility. VBecause the years of arbitrary govern- 
ment were years of peace, commerce expanded and the country 
prosp ered? / The merchants, who began by resisting toimage and 
poundage on principle, very soon preferred paying under protest to 
cutting themselves off from the expanding trade. There was little 
sign of a coming storm while there was no parliament to clamour 
of grievances, and the ecclesiastical censorship of printing gagged, 
if it did not silence, the press as a mouthpiece of discontent. 



Rule tvithout Parliament 317 

The visible prosgerityian the positive side, and the comparative 
-Silence of hostility on the negative side, prevented Charles from 
realising the intensity of the antagonism aroused a poucy of 
by the course he \'\as pursuing. There was no exasperation, 
technical overriding of the law ; the king plumed himself on the 
strict legality of his proceedings. But he was only able to do 
so because the judges strained their interpretation of the law 
to the uttermost in favour of the prerogative. _^''hat is felt as 
injustice inflicted under colour of law is more exasperating than 
confessed OlegaUtj^ ; ,and Charles's policy was endlessly exasperat- 
ing. The exaction of tonnage and poundage, and a substantial 
increase in the impositions, were matters of course, but Weston's 
ingenuity discovered obsolete sources from which revenue could 
be legally extracted. Edward i. had applied Distraint of 
distraint of knighthood to £20 freeholders, re- ^igntiood. 
quiring them to take up their knighthood or to compound for 
it. The £40 freeholder under Charles was a person of con- 
siderably less substance than the £20 freeholder under Edward. 
He had no sort of wish to be a knight ; but Weston apphed 
distraint of knighthood to the ^^40 freeholder. A considerable 
sum was raised, but at the cost of extreme irritation to the 
smaU landed gentry, and to landholders who were on the verge 
of gentility. 

A little later in 1634 came a piece of still more antiquarian 
exaction. In the reign of Edward i. the Confirmation of the 
Charters had been foUowed by a Perambulation of 1634. The 
the Forests by which the royal forests had been royal forests, 
delimited ; and the boundaries then fixed had been recognised 
ever since. Within the ' forests,' which for centuries had been 
forests only in name, the Crown exercised a peculiar jurisdiction. 
The accepted boundaries were now caUed in question, and a 
title was made out for the inclusion within them of a considerably 
increased area. It was also found that there had been gradual 
encroachments upon the forest area defined hy the perambulation. 
The holders of such lands were fined, while the holders of the lands 
newly included were required to compound for freedom from the 
forest laws and the forest court. For a trivial sum, which after 



3i8 The Rule of Charles I. 

sundry claims had been remitted amounted to less than £25,000, 
an immense amount of irritation was set up, permeating the whole 
class of which the actual victims were members. 

The trading community in its turn was irritated by the revival 
of the monopolies which, as it was supposed, had been abolished 
New at the close of the old king's reign. The traders 

monopolies, g^g g^^]^ were not hurt by the lev3niig of customs 
duties ; they were duties which had been paid from time im- 
memorial, to which the sole objection was that they were now 
being levied without consent of parliament. But monopolies 
were a direct and irregular interference with trade. In 1624 
the idea had been that they should thenceforth be granted only 
to inventors, whose right to the exclusive enjo5Tiient of the 
profits arising from their inventions was generally recognised. 
But now Charles and his advisers, admitting that they- were, 
barred from granting monopohes to individuals, found th at the. 
terms of the prohibition did not preclude granting them to com- 
panies. Under colour of companies, court favourites purchased 
to their own profit, and to the advantage of the treasury, exclu- 
sive rights of producing and selling aU manner of goods, to the 
extreme annoyance of legitimate traders, and to the inconveni- 
ence of the public, whom they, being free from competition, 
compelled to pay increased prices. 

Weston, who was made earl of Portland in 1633, had always 
been opposed to war expenditure, and checked in his master 
1634. the misguided bellicosity which he had learnt from 

SMp money. Bucldngham. But^jn 1634 Charles took alarm at 
the attitude of France and Holland. The Dutch had been so 
successful in the struggle with the Spaniards that they were 
threatening to drive them out of the Low Countries altogether, 
and were in treaty with Richelieu for a partition of the Spanish 
Netherlands. English ascendency in the Channel, already weak 
enough from naval maladministration, would then be still more 
seriously endangered, and Charles was laudably anxious to 
strengthen the fleet. Without reorganisation the mere multi- 
plication of ships would be of httle avail ; but Charles, like 
Buckingham, measured strength byexpenditurej and in order 



Rule without Parliament 319 

to strengthen the fleet, a warrant was issued demanding ship 
money from the ports. There was ample precedent for calling 
upon the ports to furnish ships in time of war, or to provide 
a money equivalent, without parliamentary sanction ; there 
was no precedent in time of peace. The money was furnished 
without resistance, though not without murmurs ; in 1635 a 
fleet took the seas which, in appearance at any rate, was impos- 
ing. The scheme devised by the attorney-general, 1635. The 
Noy, was extended, and a fresh writ of ship money s^<=°°^ ■^"*- 
in August demanded contributions not from the ports only, but 
from the whole country, the tax being assessed upon moveables 
as well as upon real property. The murmurs grew loud ; there 
was no precedent for demanding ship money from the inland 
shires. Charles took the opinion of the judges ; ten of them 
pronounced that when the kingdom was in danger the charges 
for its defence should be borne by the whole nation, and the king 
was to judge whether a crisis had arisen. Again the money was 
collected, and there was another naval demonstra- igse. me 
tionin_ig36,lo assert the English sovereignty of the ^^'^^ ^"*' 
seas, and in October there was a third writ of ship money. 

Now if the king were free to pronounce that the country was 
in danger whenever he thought fit, and were entitled on the 
strength of that pronouncement to enforce the pa5mient of 
demands ostensibly for defence, it was obvious that he could raise 
whatever he liked whenever he liked with national defence as a 
pretext. The money was indeed honestly spent on the navy, 
but the pretence that there was a grave emergency was futile ; 
still more obviously it could not be pleaded that urgency 
demanded the levy without giving time to appeal to parhament. 
Since parliament was not summoned, the only course possible 
was to bring test cases before the courts. John 
Hampden refused to pay the small sum of twenty Hampden's 
shilhngs, at which he was assessed. The case was 
brought into court. Of the twelve judges seven declared in favour 
of the Crown, five in favour of Hampden. In the face of such a 
decision it should have been sufficiently obvious that to press such 
dubious rights on behalf of the Crown was more than impolitic ; 



320 The Rule of Charles I. 

yet the king acted upon the judgment of the bare majority and 
persisted in enforcing the payment of ship money. Weston, it 
may be remarked, died soon after the first writ was issued, and 
the treasury was now in commission, Archbishop Laud being 
one of the members. 

If the king's financial devices, buttressed by judges chosen 
by himself and removable at his pleasure, caused exasperation 
Ecclesiastical and alarm, so also did the ecclesiastical measures 
measures. ^f j^jg government, in the light of which his attitude 
and that of his confidants was interpreted or misinterpreted. 

The Commons before the dissolution had claimed to dictate 
the rehgion of the nation as emphatically as the Crown had 
ever done. They had got past the stage of pressing for a wide 
comprehension, and were not only zealous for the persecution 
of Romanism, but would obviously have shown no mercy to the 
High Churchmen whom they were coming to regard as barely 
disguised papists. Charles on the other hand, though a fervent 
AngUcan, was more tolerant of Romanism outside the pale of„ 
the AngHcan Church than of Puritanism either outside or inside. 
Romanists were sure of favour from his queen, and the queen 
ruled the court. Weston and others of the king's entourage 
were suspected of being Romanists in secret ; the belief among 
Laud. Romanists as well as Puritans that Laud leaned in 

the same direction was exempUfied by the fact that when he 
succeeded Abbot at . Canterbury he was offered the cardinal's 
hat,. Being by no means a papist, he declined it ; but the world 
gave much more weight to the offer than to the rejection. Puri- 
tanism viewed with indignation the virtual suspension of the 
laws against recusancy, accompanied by the rigorous applica- 
tion of the law under which they themselves suffered. Laud 
himself was in favour of more stringent deaUngs with the 
Romanists, but his influence was outweighed by that of Henri- 
etta Maria, and the public did not discriminate between them. 
What the Puritans saw was that the men whom they regarded as 
orthodox were repressed, and the men whom they regarded as 
papistical innovators were sure of preferment ; that preachers 
who taught extreme views on Divine right were rewarded, while 



Rule without Parliament 3 2 1 

those who upheld parliamentarian doctrines in the pulpit were 
punished. 

When pa rliament was dissolved in i629,_the despondency of 
Puritanism was expressed in the establishment of the colony 
^oi Massachusetts, whither several Puritans of Puritan 
considerable estate betook themselves — men who emigration, 
had not yet resolved to sever themselves from the English 
Church, but were finding the growing pressure intolerable. For 
a while, however, Laud's episcopal activities were limited to his 
own diocese of London ; otherwise his influence was felt chiefly 
in the directing of patronage, through the censorship of publi- 
cations which he practically controlled, and by his , ,„„ ,, 

lo29-33. 

prominence in the Court of Star Chamber. Laud Laud in 
suffered from the favourite conviction of pedantic 
disciplinarians, that violence of language should be silenced 
by disproportionately merciless penalties. So a Scottish zealot 
named Alexander Leighton was penaHsed for a wild tirade 
against the episcopacy not only by a fine of £10,000 — the equival- 
ent of a far larger sum at the present day — but also by flogging, 
the cropping of an ear, exposure in the pillory, and imprisonment 
from which he was not released for ten years. An Englishman, 
Henry Sherfield, who smashed with his stick a church window 
which offended more susceptibihties than those of Puritans, 
was fined ;£500 because the bishop of the diocese had refused to 
allow the window to be removed. The blunder lay not in 
inflicting punishment, but in the magnification of Sherfield's 
offence into a Star Chamber matter, and in elevating an honest 
if scurrilous pamphleteer into a martyred victim of vindictive 
vengeance. 

After Laud became archbishop in 1633 he was able greatly 
to extend the area of his disciplinary zeal, which covered not 
only his own diocese but the whole province of 1633. Laud 
Canterbury. Throughout the whole province he archbishop, 
instituted a visitation, everywhere enforcing every detail of 
ceremonial ; and particularly offending the Puritans by insist- 
ing that the Communion table should stand at the east end of 
every church. 

Innes's Eng. Hist. — Vol. ll. X 



32 2 The Rule of Charles I. 

If Laud was precise and exacting in all that concerned cere- 
monial and subordination to episcopal authority, the Puritans 
Sunday. were precise in their view of morals. They would 

have repressed the festal gatherings and junketings wherein 
the carnally minded rejoiced ; most especially were such doings 
abhorrent to them upon the Sabbath. But the Puritan concep- 
tion of the Sabbath was not the traditional English idea of Sun- 
day, and James i. had put forth a Declaration of Sports which 
encouraged the treatment of Sunday as a holiday. The declara- 
tion was now reissued and ordered to be read in every pulpit. 
The stricter Puritans among the clergy refused to obey the order, 
and for so doing were either suspended or deprived. Public 
opinion probably did not endorse the views of the Puritans, but 
Laud's action was condemned by all moderate men. 

The Puritans looked upon stage plays as a snare of the devil ; 
a lawyer named John Prjmne denounced them in an extra va- 
John Prynne ga-^t pamphlet entitled Histriomastix. Stage plays 
and others, .^^gj-g popular at the court ; some of Pr5Tine's re- 
marks were taken as insulting to the queen. He was brought 
before the Star Chamber, which fined him ^^5000, exposed him 
in the pillory, cropped his ears, and sent him to prison like 
Leighton. The attitude of the average man to people like 
Prynne was very much that of Sir Toby Belch to MalvoUo, and 
the brutaUty of the sentence on this occasion seems to have 
excited little attention ; as the severities multipUed, however, 
the mere sense of fair play generated popular resentment. In 
1637 Prynne, who had continued his diatribes from prison, was 
again condemned to be fined and pilloried along with a clergy- 
man named Burton and a doctor named Bastwick, for attacking 
ceremonies and bishops ; and on this occasion, when the three 
victims were pilloried, they received a popular ovation-^Perse- 
cution is successful when it keeps strictly to the limits approved 
by pubUc feeling, or when it inspires sheer terror. Persecution 
which outstrips pubUc feehng but fails to inspire terror, creates 
or intensifies the very sentiments which it seeks to eradicate. 
Convinced Puritans became zealots, and crowds of natural 
opponents of Puritanism were transformed into sympathisers. 



Wentworth and the Scots 323 

In England the king and the archbishop, firmly convinced that 
the course they were following was morally and legally com- 
mendable, were blind and deaf to the omens which should at 
least have suggested its inexpediency. In fact for their purposes 
its fatal defect lay in the failure of their methods to produce 
any impression of real strength. The country felt itself checked 
and controlled by ecclesiastical pedantry and legal chicanery 
which inspired no respect and very little fear. The king, the 
archbishop, and the judges were putting together the machinery 
of absolutism ; but unless something were added to it which 
they could not provide, it was certain sooner or later to crumble 
to pieces, unable to resist the shock of the hostility which it was 
arousing. It wanted a master mind and a master wiU. The 
parliament men in England knew that some day the shifts 
would be exhausted, that parliament would have to be 
summoned, and that when that time came it would prove itself 
stronger than Charles and Laud. 

But outside of England there were two forces to be reckoned 
with — Scotland and Wentworth. 



III. Wentworth and the Scots 

From the moment when Wentworth apostatised, he set him- 
sel f to t he task of making the Crown uncompromisingly absolute. 
We have suggested that hitherto he had kept two Thomas 
alternatives before him, the absolutism of the 'Wentworth. 
Crown through Wentworth as its supreme minister, or the 
dictatorship of Wentworth through an assenting parliament 
dominated by his personahty. Buckingham's antagonism pre- 
cluded the first alternative, dissatisfied though he was with the 
second. But the way was open to him when the duke offered the 
presidency of the Council of the North which had previously been 
refused to him ; and even when Buckingham was dead Wentworth 
chose the vice-royalty of the North and the vice-royalty of Ireland, 
where he would have a free hand, as a better field for organising 
autocracy than Whitehall, where he would be in eternal collision 
with the intrigues of the queen and the courtiers. 



324 The Rule of Charles I. 

The Council of the North had been created by Henry viii. 

shortly after the i ^lgrimage of _Grace, when the turbulence of the 

northern counties and their remoteness from the 

1629-33. 

The conncii central administration had provided more than 
sufficient warrant for subjecting them to a govern- 
ment with comparatively arbitrary powers. Those powers 
had been somewhat enlarged by royal authority, without arous- 
ing opposition, on the principle which in the nineteenth century 
created non-regulation provinces in India. But latterly the 
administration had notoriously been lax; and the commission 
received by the new president, and again enlarged in 1632, gave 
him such powers as had never been wielded by any predecessor. 
From the end of 1629 till 1633 Wentworth was teaching the 
gentlemen of the North obedience, and impressing upon them 
his own masterful supremacy ; but always on the double prin- 
ciple that while the law made no distinction whatever between 
subjects, and was to be administered without fear or favour, 
yet as between subjects and the Crown the law existed to 
enforce the arbitrary will of the government. The master mind 
and the master will were there, and made the president master 
in fact. 

In 1633 Wentworth, still retaining his presidency, went to 
Ireland as deputy. In the next six years he estabUshed there 
such an authority as no previous deputy had ever 
The Irish wielded. He created such an army as no previous 
deputy had ever commanded. In recent years the 
control of the seas had been so inefficient thatAlgerine pirates 
terrorised every Irish port ; he gave the ports an unprecedented 
security, jlepractically created the hneri^ trade, the _only Irish ^ 
industry which was permitted by English jealousy to -flourish^ 
during the next century and a half. He appHed in Ireland the 
same principle as in the northern counties of England — among 
subjects, justice between man and man withoutfearorfavgiir^ 
between subjects and the Crown precisely so much justice as 
suited the interests of the Crown. The supremacy and the 
interests of the Crown outweighed all other considerations, but 
when these were satisfied the weak were to recognise the 



Wentworth and the Scots 325 

government as their protector against all tyranny other than 
its own. 

The most fatal vice of tyranny is not cruelty but caprice ; 
Wentworth was a tyrant relentless but not capricious ; the 
country groaned under him, but its material prosperity advanced 
with rapid strides, and the countless minor tyrannies under 
which it had groaned before were sternly repressed. When 
the deputy was merciless or unjust it was only when he got value 
for injustice and mercilessness. And he established in Ireland 
that irresistible personal supremacy which he wished to see 
established in England, looking upon his victory in Ireland as 
a means to that greater end. 

Wentworth sought to estabUsh precisely that which was lack- 
ing in the efforts of Charles and Laud to make the Crown absolute, 
an adequate force at the Crown!s_disposal^ The Need of 
intellectual and moral force were provided in his ^°' "™y- 
own person ; that was about to be made sufficiently manifest 
in the next shock of coUision, when the parliament men were 
prompt enough to see that his removal was the condition of their 
success. By that time he had created the nucleus, but only 
the nucleus, of the necessary physical force. There must be an 
army, and for an army there must be revenue ; therefore he 
hailed with joy the ship-money decisions which, skilfully and 
relentlessly apphed, would enable the king to organise and pay 
a body of troops which would render him irresistible. 

Meanwhile he had accomphshed the hitherto impossible task 
of making Ireland pay for her own troops, and making those 
troops an efficiently organised body ; and that he had not done 
so by taxing the country beyond its capacity was proved by its 
increasing prosperity. 

During Charles's first years efforts had been made to concihate 

the CathoHcs in Ireland, that body being still very largely 

represented among the nobles and the gentry as naiainga 

well as among the peasantry. In order to obtain revenue 

in Ireland, 
contributions sufficient for the mamtenance of 

some sort of army in the country, while England was at war with 

Spain or France or both, the Catholics were to be reheved from 



326 The Rule of Charles I. 

the oath of Supremacy ; and further, a promise was given, but 
not confirmed to a formal parliament, that possession for sixty 
years was to be treated as conveying a complete title to land. 
In return for this concession, known as the ' Graces,' an irregular 
assembly of magnates and county representatives promised to 
provide 1^40,000 for three years. Wentworth, on his appoint- 
ment to the deputyship, but before his arrival in Ireland, pro- 
cured another year's contribution by implying that the Catholics 
would thereby secure favourable treatment from him. On his 
arrival he procured yet another year's contribution by the 
promise of summoning parUament. In 1634 the parliament 
was duly summoned, and, in the expectation of having the Graces 
confirmed, voted subsidies amounting to £270,000. But when, 
after a prorogation, the assembly met again in August, Went- 
worth refused to confirm the Graces. He had in view a new 
Connaugiit. plantation in Connaught, where a vagt amount of 
land was held only by the sixty years' title. By repudiating 
the promise, which had never received actual statutory con- 
firmation, he was able to confiscate a quantity of land, not with- 
out coercing the courts which investigated the titles, and to 
mulct the actual possessors heavily. Incidentally the city of 
London was alienated by the demand of a very heavy fine for 
failure to fulfil the conditions upon which Londonderry and the 
county appertaining thereto had been granted to it in the previous 
reign. By such means Wentworth obtained the funds necessary 
for organising and equipping an effective army. 

But while Wentworth was so dealing with Ireland as to trans- 
form it into an instrument for the service of the Crown, Charles 
and Laud had been so deahng with Scotland as to 

Scotland : 

the new produce in that country a precisely contrary effect. 

Church ■yy'g j^g^^g observed that the old king, Tames, had 

policy. J. 

estabUshed an unprecedented ascendency for the 

Crown by carefully conciliating the magnates, and retaining their 

interest on the side of the Crown as against the ministers ; and 

at the same time he had estabhshed, through his extension of the 

episcopate, a control over an ecclesiastical system still mainly 

Presbyterian. In advancing the Anglican ritual he had gone 



Weniworth and the Scots 327 

as far as he dared, but had not transgressed the actual border- 
line of the popular endurance of innovations. Charles, however, 
had hardly ascended the throne when he alienated the magnates 
and the gentry, and drove them into the arms of the Presby- 
Terians, by the revocation to the Crown of all grants i^^ ^ct of 
of ecclesiastical land made since 1542. A portion ^eTocation. 
of the revenues was to be appropriated to the clergy, and the 
holders of the lands were to receive compensation. Now the 
' teinds,' the Scottish equivalent of English ' tithes,' had passed 
into the hands of ' Titulars of Teind,' laymen who had no other 
connection with the lands. The final result of the revocation was 
that the landowners were enabled to buy back a portion of the 
teinds at a low price ; but in effect. the Titulars of Teind got only 
about two years' purchase, and the landowners only ten years' 
purchase, to compensate them for the revocation ; while the 
clergy, though there was more money provided for them, got it 
only at the cost of an increase of the royal control. Therefore 
the clergy were not conciliated, and an immense body of land- 
owners were driven into hostility to the Crown and sympathy 
with the clergy. 

James, in his treatment of the Kirk, had been actuated entirely 
by politica l motives : Charles was actuated by religious con- 
victions which impelled him to force his o'wn Angli- 

■ - -■ 1633. 

canism upon his Scottish subjects. In 1633 he chariea and 

visited Scotland, taking with him Laud, who was i'^''^'?*" 

Scotlaud. 

not yet archbishop. The Scots had been alarmed 
by the ritual which James had adopted ; the ritual they now 
witnessed alarmed them still more. Tames, c oatent to have., 
bishops, had appointed Calyinists ; Charles had akeady beguiu 
to appoint bishops of Laud's school. A Scottish parhament was 
summoned ; bills were laid before it confirming the Acts of the 
last reign and the revocation, bills which it was required to 
pass or to reject all together. It was induced with difficulty 
to pass them. When Charles left Scotland, Lord Balmerino 
took the lead in preparing a protest ; for presenting the protest 
he was prosecuted for treason, though the punishment inflicted 
was a mild one. 



328 The Rule of Charles I. 

In 1636 a new Laudian Book of Canons was issued with the 

royal authority, and without reference to the Scottish parlia- 

insnt or General Assembly, or even to the bishops. 

1636-7. 

New canons The canons asserted the rdyal and episcopal 
iirgy. authority, ignored the Presbyterian system, and 
enjoined a new service-book drawn up by the Laudian bishops 
and revised in England. An extraordinary Court of High 
Commission was set up. Before the end of the year the Scottish 
council ordered the adoption of the service-book in every parish. 
In the spring of 1637 it was pubUshed ; in July it was read for 
the first, time in the Edinburgh cathedral church of St. Giles, 
several bishops and lords of the council attending. The reading 
of the new Hturgy was the signal for the outbreak of a wild riot 
in the church, when, according to tradition, a^wpman named 
Jeannie Geddes threw her stool at the bishop and hit the. 
dean. 

The bishops themselves were less than half-hearted ; it was 
immediately obvious that one-half of the clergy throughout the 
The Tables, country would ignore the order to use the Liturgy, 
and the other half would not be allowed to use it by their con- 
gregations. Petitions poured in ; a great body of commissioners 
was appointed, of ministers, representatives from every shire 
and borough, and a few noblemen. The commissioners appointed 
four committees called the Tables, one from each of the four 
^jgj bodies represented, nobles, ministers, gentry, and 

^ The National citizens. The draft of a National Covenant was 
drawn up, based on the precedent of the covenant 
of 1581 which James vi. had subscribed, binding the signatories 
to reject Romish doctrines and to defend the National Church. 
The Covenant professed the utmost loyalty to the Crown, but 
repudiated all innovations not sanctioned by free general 
assemblies and free parliaments. 3^b£= sieBing of th e_Coveriant 
_began^nj|dinburgh on 28th February 1638 ^before a couple of 
months had passed it had been signed by practically the whole 
nation. 

In the face of an opposition so unanimous, the king was per- 
suaded to negotiate with the Covenanters through the marquis 



Wentworth and the Scots 329 

of Hamilton. Hamilton, going to and fro, induced the king to 
promise a General Assembly and a parliament, even to declare 
his readiness to withdraw the Liturgy and the Book The Glasgow 
of Canons, and to abolish his receiitly appointed Assembly. 
Court of High Commission. The king meant the General 
Assembly to consist of clergy only, and to include the bishops. 
The Assembly elected included laymen and excluded bishops. 
In spite of threats the Assembly met at Glasgow in November ; 
Hamilton dissolved it, and retired with all the Privy Councillors 
except the earl of Argyll. The Assembly ignored the dissolu- 
tion, continued its sitting, abolished episcopacy, and condemned 
not only the Canons and the new Prayer Book but also the old 
Articles of Perth. 

The Scots had defied the Crown, and Charles resolved to coerce 
them. He could do so only by means of an English army. The 
treasury was empty, and only a very insufficient 

1639, 

sum could be raised by a fourth writ of ship-money. The first 
He Wcis reduced to the desperate expedient of calling ' Bishops' 
up the levies of the northern counties. The troops 
so assembled were undisciplined and wholly uninterested in the 
quarrel, and they had no commanders of experience. The Scots, 
sternly in earnest, armed at once ; among them were numbers 
of veterans who had served as mercenaries under Gustavus 
Adolphus in Germany ; they were led by an experienced captain, 
Alexander LesUe, himself a disciple of that great soldier. Leslie 
seized Edinburgh ; the young earl of Montrose captured Aber- 
deen, almost the only place in the north which was on the king's 
side. Leslie marched to Dunselaw, near Berwick. Charles 
realised that to attempt battle would be to court disaster ; the 
Scots had no wish to fight, being confident in their own strength. 
Charles's last effort to raise money by voluntary contributions 
had produced only ;£20,ooo. Commissions on both sides met, and 
on i8th June the first ' Bishops' war ' was terminated by the Treaty 
of Berwick. Charles agreed that a new free General Assembly 
was to have the settlement of ecclesiastical matters, and a new 
free parliament was to determine other questions as well as 
passing an Act of Indemnity and Oblivion. On the other side 



330 The Rule of Charles I. 

the ' Tables,' which, although they had no legal status whatever, 
had assumed the functions of a government, were to be dissolved, 
and both armies were to be disbanded. 

Neither side was at any great pains to carry out the agreement. 
The royal proclamation calling the General Assembly summoned 
The Dreach to it the bishops and archbishops. The Covenanters 
widens. protested. The Assembly met and confirmed the 

proceedings of the Glasgow Assembly. Charles announced that 
he would repeal none of the statutes by which episcopacy had 
been estabUshed. The parliament answered by demanding that 
the Scottish fortresses should be placed in the hands of com- 
manders approved by the Scots. Charles prorogued the parlia- 
ment. 

In the emergency Charles had turned to Wentworth, whom he 
summoned to his aid from Ireland. Wentworth came, but his 
Wentworth ^'^^^ absence had put him out of touch with feeling 
returns from in Great Britain. He misapprehended the temper 
both of Scots and English. He thought the Scottish 
resistance could be easily quelled, and that an English parlia- 
ment would grant the money needed by the king ; if it did not, 
its refusal would warrant the straining of the royal prerogative 
to the utmost. He recommended the calling of a parliament 
1640. and the forcible suppression of the Scots. The 

Council, led by him, offered a loan of £300,000, Wentworth head- 
ing the subscription with £20,000. His ambition was gratified 
by the title of earl of Strafford and the office of lord-lieutenant 
of Ireland, instead of the deputyship. In March he returned to 
that country in order to supply the king with an Irish force, and 
to procure money from an Irish parliament. 

IV. The Storm Gathers, 1640-1642 

Strafford's Irish parliament answered to his call, without 
even awaiting his arrival, in a manner which proved the com- 
1640. pleteness of the ascendency he had estabUshed. It 

Strafford. y^^g^j ^^ subsidy of £160,000 for which it was 
asked, expressed its readiness to give all that the king might 



The Storm Gathers 331 

require, and proclaimed the completeness of its confidence in 
Strafford ; but even thus it did not compensate the loss the king 
suffered by the earl's temporary departure from his side. Except 
Laud, none among the men who surrounded Charles was friendly 
to the imperious lord-lieutenant, and the king was swayed by 
the men who surrounded him. 

Parliament met in April ; three weeks later it was dissolved. 
Whether men of the old parHament or newcomers, the great 
majority of the members were of the Opposition ; Th sh rt 
that is, they were on the side of the Puritans in Parliament, 
matters ecclesiastical, and on the side of the 
Commons on the constitutional question. English Puritanism 
sympaOiiseji-witk. the, Scots^ As yet the Moderates, such as 
Hyde and Falkland, who were one day to join the king, stood 
shoulder to shoulder with Pym the implacable and imperturbable, 
John Hampden who had refused to pay ship-money, and such 

jincpmpromising Puritans ^as Oliver Cromwell, mernber for 

Cambridge. 

The king invited the Commons to grant tonnage and poundage 
as from the beginning of the reign, and subsidies for the Scots 
war, after which they might proceed to grievances. The 
Commons reversed the order, Pym at once stepping into the place 
of leader. They proposed a conference on grievances with the 
Lords. The king came down to the Lords, whom he persuaded 
to adopt a resolution that supplies should precede grievances, 
a vote which the Commons regarded as a breach of privilege. 
The king consented to a reversal by the Lords in their judicial 
capacity of the ship-money judgment ; the secretary, Sir Henry 
Vane, suggested that the Commons should respond by voting 
twelve subsidies ; Strafford, back from Ireland, advised that no 
definite sum should be asked. Hyde proposed that the House 
should vote on the general question of granting a supply. Vane 
announced that nothing less than twelve subsidies, ^^840,000, 
would be accepted. It became known to the king that the 
Commons intended to discuss the Scottish question before 
voting ; and against Strafford's advice he at once dissolved what 
is known as the Short Parliament. 



332 The Rule of Charles I. 

Very unsuccessful efforts were made to raise money. The 
clergy in convocation made grants, and committed themselves 
to pronouncements on the duty of non-resistance, 
for a Scots which only tended to increase anticlerical feeling»_i, 
^^'^' Miscellaneous troops were raked together ; the 

gentry could hardly be trusted to command them. In Scotland, 
on the other hand, the parhament, which disregarded the pro- 
rogation, reassembled, and confirmed the proceedings of the 
previous year. It placed the administration in the hands of a 
Committee of Estates, which dealt as sternly with disaffection 
wherever it showed itself as if it had been a government with 
every constitutional sanction, and with a Strafford to direct it. 
As before, the Scots brought into the field a force which had a 
strong nucleus of disciplined veterans and a mass of men who 
were grimly ready to submit themselves to discipline in a cause 
to which they were enthusiastically devoted. Leslie prepared 
to invade England, announcing that he was coming not to attack 
the EngUsh, but solely to claim the redress of grievances. Straf-^ 
ford was again recalled from Ireland to take command in the 
North, but his natural vigour was paralysed by sickness. 

On 20th August the Scots crossed the Tweed. On the 28th 
an English force attempted to hold a ford on the Tyne at New- 
burn, but was easily put to rout by the advancing 
England, Scots. Strafford's conviction that the country 
was reaUy ready to rally to the king was woefuUy 
dissipated. Charles in desperation summoned a council of the 
peers at York, vainly hoping thereby to escape the necessity of 
calling a parliament for which London was petitioning. A 
commission of peers was nominated to negotiate with the 
Scots, who demanded that they should remain in arms in the 
North, and should be paid £%<^o per diem until a definite treaty 
should be made. Their terms were accepted at Ripon, and 
in the meanwhile, by advice of the peers, the writs had been 
issued summoning the JxmgParliament^^ which met on 3rd 
November. Charles returned to London. 

It was certain that the parliament would concentrate on an 
attack upon Strafford. In the earl's own judgment, the right 



The Storm Gathers loZ 

place for him now, entirely apart from personal considerations, was 

Ireland, where he could complete that organisation of forces for 

the king which had been interrupted by the summons 

to take command at York. But Charles dared not iiament meets, 

part with him, and pledged his word that he would 

suffer no harm to befall his great servant. Worn and ill as he 

was, Strafford proceeded to London to urge the king to strike 

first, and forthwith to charge the parliamentary leaders with 

treasonable correspondence with the Scots. The king hesitated, 

Pym seized his opportunity, and the Commons, debating with 

locked doors, resolved to confer with the Lords as , . ^ 
' Arrest of 

to bringing a charge against Strafford himself ; Strafford, loth 

N ovfiTTi'h fir 

pending which they invited the peers to arrest 

the earl at once. Strafford, coming down to the House, was 

immediately placed in custody. 

The destruction of Strafford and the events bearing upon it 

must take precedence of all else in the story of the. Long Parl ia- 

_jnent,_as J|_oyershadowed all else at the time. The earl was 

arrested on nth November ; on the 25th he was sent to the 

Tower. On that day the preliminary charges of the House of 

Commons against him were laid before the Lords. Strafford 

was accused of a traitorous attempt ' to subvert the „.. . 

^ The im- 

fundamental laws and government of England and peachment ; 
Ireland,' and to compel the country by force of arms 
to submit to an arbitrary government against the law. This 
was the head and front of his offending. Fundamental laws had 
never been heard of before, but in fact Strafford's position was 
unprecedented. Obviously, in the ordinary usage of the terms, 
he had committed no treason against the Crown ; on the con- 
trary, all his efforts had been directed to strengthening the 
Crown. What men felt was that he had committed treason 
against the nation, and it was only by identifying the Crown 
not with the king but with the nation, that it was possible to 
translate into treason the attempt to establish arbitrary power. 
Two months passed before the formal articles of impeachment 
were laid before the peers, and still another two months elapsed 
before the trial actually opened on 22nd March. 



334 The Rule of Charles I. 

The attack was led by Pym. The case rested upon acts done 
in Ireland by Strafford by which the law was overridden, but it 
1641. The was no easy task to give either such individual acts 
trial, March. ^^ ^^ accumulation of them the character of 
treason. The prosecution relied upon the story that Strafford 
in the Privy Council told the king that ' he had an army in 
Ireland which he might employ to reduce this kingdom.' The 
secretary. Sir Henry Vane, had made notes of a meeting of the 
Privy Council, wherein he recorded the employment of those 
words by Strafford. Sir Henry was a king's man who bore 
bitter personal grudges against Strafford on more counts than 
one. His son, the younger Vane, a zealous Puritan and parlia- 
mentarian, had made a copy of the notes which had themselves 
been destroyed. Although the Commons had obtained from the 
peers an order enabling them to examine the Privy Councillors 
upon oath, Henry Vane was the only one who would testify 
Weakness *^^^ ^^ words ascribed to the earl had been spoken 
of the by him. Thus there was only one witness, not the 

two required by the law to support evidence of 
treason. Further, supposing the words to have been used, the 
presumption certainly was that ' this kingdom ' meant not 
England but Scotland, since the leading question of the time was 
how the Scots were to be brought to obedience. Scotland was 
a separate kingdom from England ; the coercion of the Scots 
by an army from Ireland could by no possibility be twisted into 
treason by an English parhament ; and finally, it was a serious 
problem for the lawyers to demonstrate that, even if the words 
were proved to have been used in the sense suggested, it could 
be construed as legal treason that he advised the king to coerce 
his own subjects. 

As the trial proceeded, it became more and more obvious that 
if the peers discharged their functions simply as interpreters of 
An acquittal the law, the impeachment would fail because the 
probable. charge of treason could not be made good. Strafford 
conducted his defence with extraordinary ability, and it was 
manifest that his destruction was aimed at, not because he had 
broken the law of treason, but because he had committed against 



The Stortn Gathers 335 

the nation an offence which no statutes recognised — ^the offence 
of attempting to set the king above the law. 

When on loth April the Lords adjourned the further hearing 
of the trial for an indefinite period, the stalwarts in the Commons 
came to a momentous resolution. They would not . „.„ , 

-' A BUI of 

risk the defeat of the impeachment, but would Attainder 
proceed against the earl by Bill of Attainder., In 
other words, Strafford was to be condemned to death by a 
^special Act of parUament. In plain terms, he was to be de- 
stroyed as a public enemy ; he could not be destroyed under 
the law as it stood, and therefore a special law must be made 
to deal with him. Both Pym and Hampden disapproved the 
procedure. But the feeling of the Commons was too strong. 
On the third reading the biU was carried almost by four to 
one ; and Pym, Hampden, and even Falkland voted with the 
majority. 

The fate of the biU in the House of Lords was doubtful ; it 
seemed that the majority were anxious to save Strafford's hfe. 
The second reading was passed, but it was not The Army- 
certain that the third reading would be. The scale ^^°^' Aprii- 
was turned by the revelation of what was caUed the Army Plot. 
Pym told the House of Commons that he and the other leaders 
had been warned of a plot to turn the army against pariiament. 
The troops in the north had not been disbanded, pending the 
definitive treaty with the Scots. Some of the officers had made 
a compact to bring the army to the king's aid if he were too hard 
pressed. A separate plot had been formed to set the earl of 
Newcastle and George Goring at the head of the army, and 
bring it up to London. When it was attempted to amalgamate 
the two plots, the officers refused the proposed change of the 
command, and Goring in dudgeon betrayed the scheme, though 
with the condition that his action should be kept secret. The 
story created a panic ; it became a popular belief that there 
was a huge conspiracy^jwith^the queen and the Catholicsat the 
back of it. The populace clamoured for Strafford's head. The 
king had made matters worse by trying to intervene and persuade 
the Houses to drop the Bill of Attainder, and then by an attempt 



2,2,6 The Rule of Charles I. 

to place in the Tower a body of troops upon whom he could 
himself rely. The Commons demanded an inquiry into the 
The peers Army Plot, and some of its ringleaders fled to 
pass the biu. pj-ance. The Lords, by a small majority, passed 
the third reading of the biU. 

For a hundred years after the outbreak of the Wars of the 
Roses Acts of attainder had been familiar ; ^preat mpn bad hppn 
jgnt to the scaffold without trial by Act of parhament. But in _ 
every case the initiative had lain with the Crown or the ministers 
Its novel _of the Crown, and the victim had suffered on the 
character. charge of plotting against or resisting the authority 
of the king de facto, an offence specifically recognised as treason 
by the law of the land. But the BiU of Attainder against 
Strafford charged him with plotting, not to resist or to overturn 
the king's authority, but to extend it. It created a new offence, 
which at the time that it had been committed had not been 
recognised by the law as an offence at all. The attainder im- 
plied that the supreme authority — not the king, nor the House of 
Commons, nor even the two Houses of Parliament, but the king 
in parliament — ^might override the law altogether when an 
emergency arose which the law had never contemplated. That 
was the constitutional justification of the biU. 

It placed Charles in a position for which there was no pre- 
cedent ; for the Crown was caUed upon to assent to the execution 
The king's of its own minister for seeking to enlarge its own 
dUemma. powers by methods to which the king himself had 
assented. Neither the power nor the credit_af_tbp Crown rnnlH _ 
survive such a sur render. The king's honour was pledged up ta.^ 
theJuLL-to-pFotect Strafford ; he had passed his word that not 
a hair of the great minister's head should be touched. Yet not 
a voice was raised to urge Charles to take the manful course and 
stand at all risks by the man who at aU risks had stood by him. 
The courtiers hated the arrogant strong man who had never 
The great concealed his contempt for them. The queen was 
hetrayaL intensely jealous of his influence, and the mob was 
clamouring that only Strafford's head should save the queen 
herself. Laud's voice was silenced, for he too was in the Tower ; 



The Storm Gathers 337 

the panic-stricken bisliops in the Council, with the exception of 

Juxon, urged on the sacrifice ; Strafford's own passionate loyalty 

made him write to the king advising his assent, though even 

then the earl could hardly believe in the possibility of the great 

betrayal. The tortured king humbled himself before his enemies ; 

Strafford should be dismissed, banished from the court, shut out 

of office of every kind ; in vain. jnie_royal_asseiit_vra£_gii!£ii^ 

J;he warrant was signed, and on 12th May Charles's doom was 

sealed jvrith the- hloo.d.xi£-StEaffQrd. 

In those six months the Commons had not concerned themselves 

only with Strafford. They had followed up the attack on the 

earl by assaihng the Secretary Windebank and the 

Lord Keeper Finch, who had been Speaker of the proceedings 

House of Commons when it was dissolved in 1629, of *^8 

. parliament, 

and as a judge had upheld the most extreme views 

of the royal prerogative. Both Windebank and Finch fled 
the country. The impeachment of Laud was resolved upon, 
and he was sent to the Tower. Prynne and his associates 
were liberated. Resolutions were passed condemning ship- 
money, and insisting upon the stringent application of the 
recusancy laws which for some years had been practically 
suspended. 

In the beginning of 1641 the king was forced to accept a 
Triennial Act which required that parliament should be sum- 
moned at least once in three years, and that when 1641. ^ 
it was summoned it should sit without being pro- Triennial Act. 
rogued or dissolved for at least fifty. days. If the king failed to 
issue the writs, the peers were to do it. If the peers failed, the 
sheriffs were to hold the elections as though the writs had been 
issued. If the sheriffs failed, the freeholders and burgesses were 
to carry through the elections on their own account. In May 
a supplementary bill was passed forbidding the dissolution of 
the present parliament except with its own consent. It received 
the royal assent on the same day as the bill of Strafford's 
attainder. 

In the months following Strafford's execution : on 12th May, 
bills were passed abolishing all the arbitrary courts — the Star 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. Y 



o 1 

00 



8 TAe Rule of Charles I. 

Chamber, and the Courts of the Council of the North, the 
Council of Wales, and High Commission. Other bills prohibited, 
The machin- 1^1^*°^^ methods of raising money which had been^ 
ery of absoi- called in question, impositions, tonnage a nd pound- 
ished, May- age, ship-money, distraint of knighthoodj^andjhe. 
September. ^.^^^^ ■sfiWA't tonnage and poundage was-.actually 
granted for the year. Before the end of August the Scots were 
paid off, a treaty was signed, and the Scottish army retired. 

In all this, the statutorj- abolition of the powers by which the 
Crown had sought to free itself from pariiamentary control, the 
Attack on Commons were practically unanimous. It was 
episcopacy. ^^^ g^ ^^-j^ ^j^g ecclesiastical question. Puritan 
petitions had been pouring into the House ever since the session 
began ; and these resulted in a comparatively moderate bill 
for removing the bishops from the House of Lords. The peers 
themselves threw out the bill, but before they had done so a 
new bill was brought into the Commons, called the Root and 
Branch Bill, to abohsh episcopacy altogether. The bill was 
passed in the Commons, but was never carried to the Upper 
Cleavage. House ; for it brought to light a cleavage between 
ecclesiastical parties, and created in both Houses a moderate 
party which subsequently became royalist. There was a large 
body of constitutionaUsts, headed by Falkland and Edward 
Hyde, who many years afterwards became Lord Clarendon, 
which was firmly attached to the Church of England and the 
AngUcan system ; whereas the advanced Puritans were already 
becoming divided between the advocates of Presbyterian uni- 
formity and the advocates of Independency, who rejected the 
compulsory uniformity of worship, but were hardly less intoler- 
ant of the prelacy in any shape than of unqualified papistry. 
Culture, ■ sweetness and Ught,' found their representatives 
chiefly among the moderates, though by no means all of them 
were characterised by such qualities. They stood to the Puritan 
movement somewhat as Thomas More and the Humanists stood 
to the Protestant movement ; as prelatists they became inevit- 
ably monarchists when all hope of compromise had vanished; 
but they had not yet reahsed that the forces which were about 



The Storm Gathers 339 

to grapple were too fiercely antagonistic to permit of compromise. 
And in the meanwhile their anxiety was increased, and the 
cleavage deepened, as they saw the Puritan majority of the 
Commons interfering directly with ceremonial, church obser- 
vances, images, and church ornaments. 

In September the Houses adjourned. In August, when the 
EngUsh and Scottish armies in the north were both on the point 

of disbanding, Charles started on a visit to his 

, . , -.,. , , . . . Charles visita 

northern kmgdom. With him went commissioners, Scotland, 

appointed by ' ordinance ' of parUament, the idea Aueuat-Nov- 

having prevailed that the effective ordinances of 

mediaeval times were not royal but parliamentary instruments, 

a hypothesis extremely convenient for adoption by the Long 

Parliament. The commissioners were intended to observe the 

king's proceedings with a jealous eye, and their presence was not 

calculated to soothe his resentment at the humiliations to which 

he was subjected. Nor was there much consolation to be found 

in the state of affairs in Scotland. Argyll, an unattractive 

personality, but a politician of some subtlety, had acquired an 

ascendency among the zealous Covenanters not at all to the 

liking of the less zealous magnates — and highly offensive, as it 

presently proved, to the numerous clans who were jealous of the 

Campbell influence. Montrose, whose chivalrous and romantic 

temperament was not at all at home among the grim iiie 

Presb3d;erians with whom he had at first cast in 'incident.' 

his lot, was eager to break Argyll's ascendency ; Hamilton, 

endeavouring to obtain favour with both parties, failed with 

both. Argyll got Montrose shut up as a plotter; Montrose, 

from his confinement, told the king that Argyll and Hamilton 

were both traitors. Charles had hardly got into Scotland when 

a plot was revealed, in which Montrose may, or may not, have 

been implicated, for kidnapping and possibly killing both Argyll 

and Hamilton. Instead of a thorough investigation into the 

affair, which is commonly referred to as ' the Incident,' an 

attempt was made at a formal reconciliation ; Montrose was 

released, but Hamilton was made a duke, while Argyll's earldom 

was raised to a marquisate, and Alexander LesHe, the general of 



340 The Rule of Charles I. 

the Covenant, was created earl of Leven. The practical result 
was the confirmation of Argyll's ascendency, and the appropria- 
tion of administrative offices to his nominees. In November 
Charles returned to England. 

Meanwhile, however, a sudden conflagration had burst forth 
in another quarter. In Ireland Wentworth's strong hand had 

„. , . . held down disorder ; so long as his return was 

Tne Irisn ^ 

insurrection, possible, the fear of him kept the country quiet. 
But Strafford's system needed Strafford. The 
CathoHc population nursed bitter wrath against the ahen 
Protestant colonists planted among them, for whose benefit 
they had been robbed. The Puritan settlers, thousands of 
whom were Scottish Presbyterians, resented the Anghcanism 
imposed on them by Wentworth, as weU as the monarchist 
principles upon which his government rested. The Protestant 
magnates, together with many of the Catholics, were loyahsts ; 
but insurrection was brewing among the resentful Cathohc mag- 
nates in the outlying regions. What they hoped to effect, unless 
it was a return to the pre-EIizabethan state of affairs, it is diffi- 
cult to say ; but at the end of October the existence of a con- 
spiracy became known. The authorities seized some of the 
chiefs. The spark had dropped, and an unorganised insurrec- 
tion blazed out. The peasantry rose and massacred large 
numbers of the alien interlopers, while numbers more who 
escaped immediate death were driven forth naked from their 
ruined homes. The army had already been disbanded at the 
instance of the English pariiament, and the Irish government 
was wholly unable to cope with the situation. 

The Houses had reassembled in England on 20th October. 
They were met by the report of the Incident in Scotland, which 
Panic in s-t once aroused suspicions that some coup de main 

England. ^a.s in contemplation for England — ^perhaps the 
king's journey to the north merely veiled a plot for collecting 
there troops with which parliament was to be coerced. On 
minds already prone to suspicion the news from Ireland burst 
like a thunderclap, news in which the actual facts, hideous 
enough, were portentously exaggerated. The thousands who 



The Storm Gather's 341 

had been murdered or done to death in a wild and uncontrolled 
uprising were multiphed into tens and hundreds of thousands. 
The Irish, according to Ehzabethan tradition, were bloodthirsty 
savages of the lowest type, capable of every atrocity. English 
Purita nism remembered the massacre of St. Bartholomew not 
as a ghastly outbreak of unbridled frenzy, but as typical of the 
metho ds of popery. There was a fierce immediate outcry for 
vengeance upon the wild Irish, and an insensate clamour that 
the whole thing was part and parcel of a plot for the restoration 
of popery with the queen at the bottom of it. „To J-h£jPuritan_ 
mo b, the queen, th e Cath olics, the king, the_ bishops, jxi.d.JiLe„ 
jnoderates, were all in_,oiae_, category. Even sober Puritans 
suspected the machinations of English papists at the back of the 
Irish rising, or connected it with some design of the king's for 
using Ireland, as Strafford had meant to use it, as a base of opera- 
tions for restoring the supremacy of the Crown. And English- 
men of all political shades called for the immediate suppression 
of the insurgents. 

But here a problem at once presented itself. An army, a 
strong army, was imperatively required to crush the Irish. If 
such an army were raised and placed in the king's The problem 
hands, what would he do with it when the Irish of an army, 
were crushed ? Clearly, from the point of view of the parliament 
men, the army must be raised, but must never be placed in the 
king's hands. So while the king was journeying from Scotland, 
Pym procured a resolution first for raising a force of 8000 men, 
and secondly for retaining the control of that force in its own 
hands, unless the king should consent to be guided by counsellors 
acceptable to parliament. A claim so unprecedented required 
public justification in the eyes of the world ; and to that end 

Pym, Hampden, and their supporters drew up the 

r- t -r-. . ■ . -11 "^^ Grand 

(jrand Remonstrance, which was virtually a Eemon- 

detailed indictment of the king's misgovernment ^^ranoe,^ — ■ 

° November, 

since the beginning of his reign, a statement of 

the reforms still needed after the work already accomphshed 

by the present parliament, and a demand for new advisers. 

In brief, the Remonstrance set forth the case of the Commons 



342 The Rule of Charles I. 

for distrasting the king in terms which virtually amounted to a 
demand for the complete abdication of the royal authority. 

The Grand Remonstrance completed the cleavage. The 
moderates had been stoutly opposed to arbitrary government ; 
Falkland and Hyde had supported the earUer measures of the 
Long Parhament, though they had resisted the attack upon 
episcopacy. They had taken an active part in the overthrow 
of Strafford. But they had never intended the royal authority 
to perish ; they had never intended to substitute the absolute 
control of parhament for the absolute control of the Crown, which 
was impUcit in the Grand Remonstrance. For Pym and Hampden 
no compromise was possible. The direct issue had been reached. 
Parliament must be absolutely supreme, because the king, so long 
as he had any power at all, would never rest tiU he was supreme. 
Falkland and Hyde still believed in a constitutional solution ; 
but failing the constitutional solution which was barred by the 
Grand Remonstrance, they would choose the royalist alternative. 

On 22nd November the Remonstrance was finally discussed. 
After long and passionate debate, it was carried by a majority 

of eleven. A motion that it should be printed and 
The Re- 

monstrance published was postponed, but the minority de- 
carried, 22nd nianded that their own protest against the Remon- 
November. 

strance should be recorded. There was a scene of 

wild tumult in which swords were drawn, and blood would have 

been spilt on the floor of the House but for the interposition of 

Hampden. When the House rose Cromwell declared that if 

the Remonstrance had not been carried he and those who 

thought with him would have left England for ever. 

On the third day after the stormy scene, Charles arrived in 

London. If during the past month pohtical passion had risen 

to an unprecedented height, and the Puritan 
Cbarles '^ ° 

returns to Opposition had been worked up to a pitch of irre- 

London, 26th concilable suspicion and indignation, the moderate 
November. ^ 

reaction had for many months been gaining ground, 

rendered aU the more active by the vehemence of the Opposition. 

If Charles had understood his fellow men, if he had known how 

to assume a conciliatory attitude, if he had been a man capable 



The Storm Gathers 343 

of Inspinng confidence, he might even now have snatched victory 
out of defeat. But in him the skill and tact, the insight in a 
complex situation, which were above all things necessary in the 
circumstances, were totally lacking. He may have been misled 
into the belief that the reaction in his favour was already 
triumphant outside the parliament house ; for in past parlia- 
ments the Opposition had never, as now, carried their adverse 
votes by merely fractional majorities. Perhaps if the phrase 
had been then invented he would have called the vote on the 
Grand Remonstrance a ' moral victory ' for the Crown. 

The Commons were pressing their numerical victory by 
carrying a bill for raising soldiers for Ireland, to which they 
appended a biU for the appointment of a lord nie king's 
general and a lord admiral in whom, and not in ™"takes. 
the king, the control of the force was to be vested. When the 
bill came before the Lords, the king interposed with a demand 
for its modification, an unconstitutional course which at once 
roused the resentment of the peers. When the first news of the 
Irish insurrection arrived, the Commons had procured a military 
guard to protect them against the violence which they feared. 
The king withdrew the guard, and at the same time gave the 
command of the Tower to the roystering soldier. Colonel Luns- 
ford. The Commons pressed forward the second of their army 
or militia bills. The city of London, strongly in favour of the 
parUament, was almost in a state of insurrection ; The 
there were fresh riots against the bishops. Charles iineaslness. 
was obliged to cancel Lunsford's appointment, and the Commons 
renewed their demand for a guard, to be commanded by the earl 
of Essex. The mob prevented the bishops from attending the 
House of Lords, and the bishops entered a protest against all 
proceedings in their absence. Charles attempted a show of 
conciUation by inviting Pym, Falkland, Hyde, and Culpepper 
to accept office. Falkland and Culpepper did so ; Pjmi refused ; 
Hyde did not take office, but joined the king as an adviser. 

These overtures were made on ist January 1642 ; but Charles 
was in fact preparing a coup d'etat. On the 3rd he laid before 
the peers articles of impeachment against Lord Kimbolton, who 



344 The Rule of Charles /. 

presently succeeded to the earldom of Manchester, and five mem- 
bers of the House of Commons, Vyra., Hampden, Holies, Hazel- 
1642. ^SS' ^"^^ Strode. The Lords declined to order their 

The five arrest. At the same time Charles refused the 

members im- 
peached, 3rd Commons a guard, while promising on the word of 

anuary. ^ ^"syg that he himself would protect them. Also by 

his order the rooms of the accused members were sealed. The 

alarmed House sent a message to the city urging the trsiined bands 

to be in readiness to defend them ; the Lords ordered the sealed 

rooms to be opened. The sergeant-at-arms came with an order 

to arrest the five members ; the Commons refused to permit the 

arrest as contrary to their privileges. 

On the 4th Lords and Commons condemned the articles of 

impeachment as a scandalous paper. In the afternoon the king 

came down in person to the House of Commons 
The 
attempted with some hundreds of armed followers, to arrest 

arrest, 4th ^j^g f^yg members ; but the House had received 
January. 

warning, and they had already been sent off by boat 

to safe quarters in the city. Charles entered the chamber, 
accompanied by his young nephew, Charles Lewis, the Elector 
Palatine ; through the open doors the members saw the troop 
of Cavahers in the lobby — the terms Cavaher and Roundhead 
had already come into vogue during the last few days. The 
king passed to the Speaker's chair, looked round, and saw that 
the five members were not present ; the Speaker, Lenthall, on 
being asked if any of them were there, fell on his knees and 
rephed that he had neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak any- 
thing save what the House should direct. With words which 
could only be construed as a threat, the king left the chamber 
with cries of ' Privilege ' ringing in his ears. 

Next day the king attempted to arrest the members at the 

city Guildhall, with no better success. The Commons adjourned 

for a week, after appointing a committee to sit not 

C!}i3.rl.G s 

leaves at Westminster, but at the GuUdhall. The city 

London, 11th trained bands came out to protect them On the 
January. 

iith the members returned to Westminster, and the 

king and his family left London, not to return till the great Civil 



The Storm. Gathers 345 

War was over. The display of force on the side of parliament 
had been so overwhelming during these days that Charles dared 
no longer remain. 

The Civil War was now inevitable. For some months negotia- 
tions continued to pass between king and parliament, but the 
distrust on both sides was too great for a compromise to be 
possible ; neither could afford to leave the other the least chance 
of snatching control. Both accompanied the negotiations by 
preparations for war. Charles sent the queen abroad to raise 
money upon the Crown jewels, and to seek foreign support from 
Denmark or Holland ; for the yeariaefQre_QLarlesJbad-raarrieii 
his daughter _Mary to J'oung Williarn_Qf__ Orange, Preparations, 
the son of the Stadtholder, who was all but king in the United 
Provinces. The Houses appointed new lord-lieutenants in the 
shires, instructed the sheriffs to call out the trained bands, and 
issued an ordinance giving the command of the troops to officers 
who were to be named later. Almost every one of the ports was 
in the hands of parHamentarians ; the king made an attempt 
to secure Hull, but the other party were beforehand with him. 
By April Charles had withdrawn to the north, where he hoped to 
find loyalism strong, and thither the RoyaHsts began to stream, 
as it became increasingly certain that no accommodation was 
possible. But Sir John Hotham refused to admit him into Hull. 
On 2nd June Charles received what was practically the parHa- 
mentary ultimatum, demands couched in the ' Nineteen Proposi- 
tions,' by assenting to which he would have surrendered every 
shred of royal power. 

Parliament had captured the normal machinery for calling 
out the shire levies ; the king issued commissions of array, 
appointing his own officers to the command of the civil War, 
militia. The Houses passed a vote to raise a force 22nd August, 
of ten thousand men under the command of the earl of Essex. 
On 22nd August Charles unfurled his standard at Nottingham. 



CHAPTER XII. THE GREAT REBELLION 

1642-1649 

I. The First Civil War, 1642-1646 

Neither geographically nor socially can a definite line of demar- 
cation be drawn between the areas and classes who sided with 
1642 the king or with the parliament. The Civil War 

Distribution ^fas no contest between rich and poor or between 
and north and south. There was no class in the com- 

Roundheads. ^^^^^y .^^y^.^^ jacked representatives on both 
sides. There was no town \vithout Royahst burgesses and no 
county without Roundhead landholders. There were Royalists 
who, until 1641, would even have been numbered among the 
Puritans, when Puritanism was still compatible with approval 
of episcopacy. But there were certain broad determining 
factors. The areas where Puritanism was strong supported 
the parliament, and the areas where Romanism survived, or 
where Puritanism had not taken deep root, supported the king. 
Everywhere the tendency was for large towns to favour Puritan- 
ism and parliament, and for the country gentry, whose traditions 
were not in accord \\'ith Puritan ideals of conduct, to favour the 
Crown. Hence a broad generalisation gives the north and the west 
of England, beyond the Humber and beyond the Severn, to the 
Royalists, and England east of a Une drawn from Hull to Ports- 
mouth to the Roundheads, leaving the rest of the country 
indefinite, broken up into patches according to the predilections 
of local magnates. The eastern counties had always been the 
most open to popular movements and to Puritan influences, from 
Wat Tyler to Robert Ket ; the north and west had clung longest 
to feudal traditions and to the old faith ; and after the first 
stage of the war Cornwall and Devon were for Church and king, 

346 



The First Civil War 347 

as well as Wales, the western midlands, and England north of 
the Humber. Yet even in the heart of the Cavalier country, 
towns like Manchester, Gloucester, and Taunton held by the 
parliament, as did very nearly every seaport and the mariners 
of the fleet. To this last fact much of the strength of parliament 
must be attributed. Parliament held the command command of 
of the sea, cut off the Royalists from the Continent, *'^* ^®^- 
prevented the blockade of the coast towns, and last but not 
least, secured for itself the revenue from customs. 

There was no trained army in existence to turn the scale on 
one side or the other. On both sides there were men who had 
seen service in the wars in the Low Countries or The forces, 
in Germany. Every gentleman was a trained horseman and 
swordsman. But there was no professional soldiery. The 
militia, the shire levies, were practically untrained ; the only 
trained bands in the country which had acquired some real 
discipline were those of London. Since the Cavaliers had a much 
larger proportion of gentlemen, and the Roundheads a much 
larger proportion of trained bands, it followed that the advantage 
at the outset lay with the CavaUers, who had at least the military 
tradition which in some sort served to take the place of discipline 
against an undiscipUned foe. That there was splendid fighting 
material on both sides was shown even in the first stages of the 
war ; in the course of it the material was shaped into some of 
the best regiments in Europe ; but until the reorganisation of 
the parliamentary army under Cromwell and Fairfax, the war is 
singularly lacking in interest to the military student. 

The troops assembled at Nottingham were much fewer than 
the parliamentary army which was gathering at Northampton. 
Charles could not at once open an attack ; he EdgehUi, 
moved to the west where reinforcements poured in, 23rdOctoDer. 
while Essex moved upon Worcester. From Shrewsbury Charles 
began a march upon London. Essex moved eastward to inter- 
cept him. At Edgehill the two armies met on 23rd October. 
They were drawn up in similar formation, with the infantry 
regiments in the centre and the cavalry on the wings. The 
king's young nephew, Rupert of the Palatinate, brother of the 



348 The Great Rebellion 

Elector Palatine, commanded, the Royalist right wing, Wilmot 
the left. On both \\ings their charge swept all before it in 
headlong flight, mth the Cavaher horse in headlong pursuit. 
But a few of the Roundhead horse on the right were not swept 
away. If Rupert and Wihnot had halted and turned they might 
have crashed upon the Roundhead infantry and destroyed it ; 
but they did not return till it was too late. The Roundhead 
infantry held their own against the RoyaUsts, the surviving body 
of horse dashed in, and victory on the whole lay wth the Round- 
heads — who should have been utterly crushed if Rupert had 
understood the whole of his business instead of only half of it. 

Nevertheless Essex, instead of pressing the attack, fell back 
towards Warwick ; Charles continued his march to Oxford, 
which from that time remained the Royalist headquarters. 
Thence he marched towards London, but Essex had passed him 
and reached the city first. The parUamentary forces were 
thrown forward to cover the approach, the advance guard 
Tumham occupying Brentford, where Rupert attacked them 
Green. a.nd drove them out. Tumham Green, however, 

was held in force, and the Royalists had to fall back to Oxford. 

In the north the earl of Newcastle raised troops for the king, 
while Lord Fairfax was chosen to the command for the parlia- 
The north. ment. Fairfax swept the Royalist gentry of York- 
shire into York, to which he laid siege, but Newcastle arriving 
drove him off, overran the greater part of the country, and con- 
fined the parliamentary forces to Hull, Bradford, and Leeds, and 
the neighbourhood. 

In the south-west the parliamentarians imagined themselves 
to be predominant, but the position was reversed by the skill 
The south- an*! vigour displayed by Sir Ralph Hopton, whose 
west. rapid movements at the head of a small force swept 

the Roundheads out of the open country into the towns before 
the end of December. 

During the first months of 1643 the futile negotiations known 
as the Treaty of Oxford were passing between the king and the 
1643. pariiament, which continued to sit at Westminster, 

though severd of its members were in the field, and the majority 



The First Civil War 349 

of the peers were in arms for the king. But each side was pre- 
pared to offer only terms which the other could by no possi- 
bility accept. Meanwhile Newcastle's grip on the campaigns, 
north was tightening, the fighting in the south-west January- July, 
went favourably for Hopton, and excursions from Oxford were 
clearing the western midlands. But OUver Cromwell, who had 
distinguished himself in the command of a troop of horse at 
Edgehill, had withdrawn to his own country in the eastern 
counties, and was organising the Eastern Counties Association, 
as Newcastle had organised the Royalist Association of the 
northern counties. Essex, with the main parliamentary army, 
remained on the defensive, covering London ; on 17th June 
the parliamentary party lost one of its wisest and most respected 

chiefs when John Hampden was killed in a skirmish „,. , 

■' ^ Chalgrove 

at Chalgrove Field, where he had sought to inter- Field, ivtii 
cept Rupert in a cavalry raid. In Yorkshire Fairfax, 
unaided by Hotham in Hull who was on the point of surrendering 
that stronghold to the Royalists, struggled vaUantly but vainly 
to hold back Newcastle, and was himself driven in upon Hull, 
which his arrival saved for the parliament. Hotham himself 
had been arrested just in time to prevent him from effecting the 
surrender, and Fairfax took his place in the command, but for 
the time being was paralysed for aggression. In Devon and 
Somerset Hopton continued to operate successfully for the 
king ; and Sir Wilham Waller, the skilful parhamentary com- 
mander who was sent to hold him in check, was unable to defeat 
him. Hopton, after a successful fight at Lansdown Hill, near 
Bath, marched to join the king at Oxford, with Waller hanging 

on his rear. Reinforced by some troops from „ 

■' "^ Roundway 

Oxford, Hopton inflicted a complete defeat upon Down, 

Waller at Roundway Down, near Devizes. The "^' 

success cleared the way for a new move. Rupert joined him 
with fresh troops from Oxford, and the force advanced upon 
Bristol, which was held for the parliament. That important 
city was very ill-defended, and when Rupert opened the attack 
on 26th July, a fortnight after Roundway Down, the com- 
mander, Nathaniel Fiennes, promptly surrendered. 



350 The Great Rebellion 

In every field of military operations the balance of success 
lay with the Royalists ; but neither side had ever formed any 
., design which could be dignified by the name of a 

abortive plan plan of campaign. About this time apparently 
of campaign, p^^^ Rupert did actuaUy conceive the idea of a 
triple converging movement upon London, Newcastle striking 
down from the north through the eastern counties, Hopton 
advancing through southern Wessex, and the main army striking 
from Oxford. The scheme was dropped, because Newcastle would 
not venture to leave Hull in his rear, and the men of Cornwall 
and Devon were equally unwilling to leave those counties while 
the Roundheads held Lyme Regis, Plymouth, and Falmouth. 

So the war went on as before, the advance on London was 

given up, and Charles turned westward to besiege Gloucester, 

which remained stubbornly parUamentarian in 
Gloucester ■' '^ 

relieved, 5tii the middle of a Cavcdier country. The fall of 
^^ * ■ Gloucester would complete the Royalist supremacy 
in the west, except for the ports on the south coast. The 
parliament resolved on a great effort to save it ; the London 
trained bands rose to the occasion and agreed to march with 
Essex to its relief. Gloucester, which had defended itself with 
vigour, had all but exhausted its stores of ammunition when the 
approach of Essex forced Charles to raise the siege on 5th Sep- 
tember. Waiting only till the supplies in Gloucester were 
renewed, Essex started on the return journey, for his troops 
had not been prepared for a prolonged campaign. Meanwhile 
Charles was concentrating his forces to cut Essex off. The 
parhamentary general struck for the great south road between 

Bath and London ; the king marched south-east 
First battle 
of Newbury, to intercept him, and blocked the way at Newbury. 

20tii Essex had no alternative but to cut his way through. 

September. 

There was a hotly contested battle, apparently 

indecisive ; but the king did not feel strong enough to maintain 

his position. He drew off his forces, and Essex continued his 

march to London, where the London trained bands returned to 

their ordinary avocations. Meanwhile Newcastle had laid siege 

to the Fairfaxes in Hull. 



The First Civil War 351 

The crisis in 1641 had been brought about by the insurrection 
in Ireland, the necessity for raising an English force to suppress 
it, and the contest as to who should control that 1542. 
force. The practical result was that the necessary ""^eiajid. 
force was not sent, but it had become abundantly clear to every 
Catholic in Ireland that if the parhament got its way the posi- 
tion of the Cathohcs would be made intolerable. The loyahst 
CathoUcs consequently united with the original party of the 
insurrection, which had hoped to throw off the EngUsh yoke. 
The poUcy of the confederate Cathohcs was expressed in an 
assembly called at Kilkenny in October 1642, which proclaimed 
complete freedom for the Catholic rehgion, and the restoration 
of the ecclesiastical lands to the Cathohc clergy. The party of 
Separatists saw that for the time being at least it would be best 
to take their stand with their co-rehgionists, and to content them- 
selves with supporting the Crown against the Enghsh parhament. 
What they might do when the Crown won was another matter. 
The combined Catholics were too strong for the government 
forces in the south or the Scots in the north to break them up. 
The king was ready enough to make promises, however small the 
chance might be of his being able to fulfil them. Thus in the 
summer of 1643 a provisional agreement was 
reached, the king's agent being Lord Ormond. cessation, 
There was to be a cessation of hostihties for a year ; 
it was to include the Scots in the north if they chose. A free 
Irish parhament was to be called, and troops from Ireland were 
to be sent over to help the king in England. The agreement was 
reached in September. 

While the king was seeking to enlist Ireland in his support, 
the parhament was making corresponding efforts in Scotland. 
The Scots had no direct concern in the issue be- 1543 
tween Charles and the Enghsh parhament, but Scotland, 
they saw that if the Crown won a complete victory in England, 
Presbyterianism in Scotland would be doomed. The Covenant 
government led by Argyll wanted not to take part in the war, 
but to mediate on the basis of a Presbyterian establishment in 
England. The suggestion was rejected by the king. The Scots 



352 The Great Rebellion 

government summoned a convention of the Estates in the 

summer of 1643 ; it was becoming seriously alarmed, and had 

obtained documentary evidence of a conspiracy on the part of the 

Royalist nobles for a rising supported by Irish troops. The 

documents were communicated to the English parliament at 

Westminster, and at once aroused the hope that the Scots might 

now be induced to give military co-operation. 

A commission was sent to Scotland to negotiate. Argyll and 

his followers sought to make the establishment of Presbyterian- 

1643 The ^^"^ ^^ England a condition, but the younger (Sir 

Solemn Harry) Vane, one of the English commissioners, 

League and 

Covenant, succeeded in procunng a modification in the form 

septemDer. ^^ ^^ agreement whereby the Enghsh bound them- 
selves to secure the Scottish Church, and to reform rehgion in 
the Church of England ' according to the example of the best 
reformed churches and according to the Word of God ' — a 
phrase which, while the abolition of episcopacy was assumed, 
left the Enghsh generally free to admit the Independent or 
Congregational system. The 'Solemn League and Covenant ' 
was accepted by the Scottish General Assembly and by the 
convention of Estates in August, and at Westminster on 25th 
September. In return the Scots undertook to provide an army 
for which they were -to be paid ;f30,ooo per month. 

Meanwhile the parUament, dissatisfied with the progress of its 
arms, had resolved to bring the forces of the Association of the 
The pariia- Eastern Counties into the field under the earl of 
ment's taxes. Manchester, and under Pym's direction made 
strenuous efforts to increase its war revenue. A direct property 
tax, the ' monthly assessment,' was followed up by an increase 
of the customs and by the first introduction of a measure of 
excise, the taxation of home products. The idea was borrowed 
from Holland, and was so unpopular that it was restricted to 
the production and sale of spirituous liquors ; but in 
pym, that form it became estabhshed as a permanent 

^"^"^ ■ source of revenue. But Pym's career was drawing 
to a close. He had been the pillar of parUament, the master 
organiser of the Opposition to the Crown, the supreme director 



The First Civil War 353 

of the government wherever the authority of parUament ex- 
tended, the one civilian capable of assuming a commanding 
leadership and imposing unity upon his followers. After his 
death the elements of disintegration became increasingly con- 
spicuous ; the opposition between the majority of orthodox 
Presbyterians and the minority of miscellaneous sectarians, for 
the most part Independents, became more marked. The actual 
administration, however, was vested in a ' committee of both 
kingdoms,' consisting of twenty-five members, including four 
Scottish commissioners. Several of the military chiefs were 
included, but owing to their absence in the field the practical 
work of the committee was in the hands of the civilians. 

In the military operations of the last month of 1643 the most 
notable event was the fight at Winceby in Lincolnshire, where 
Colonel Cromwell had his first opportunity of test- . 
ing the discipline of the new regiments which he flgM, 11th 
had raised, soon to become known to fame as the 
Ironsides, the men who were to prove more than a match for 
Rupert's cavaliers. At Winceby, on nth October, a Royalist 
incursion from Newark was routed, and at the same tiirie the 
Fairfaxes succeeded in forcing Newcastle to break up the siege 
of Hull. 

But the event that turned the balance of the war was the 
passage of the Tweed by the Scots army under Leven and David 
Leslie in January 1644. The Scots invasion 
immediately relieved the pressure upon the Fair- Scots in the 
faxes, since Newcastle had to move north with all 
the forces he could muster to hold the new enemy in check. 
Even so he could not risk a pitched battle, and about the middle 
of April he was driven into York. Meanwhile the Royalists, 
reinforced from Ireland, were struggling to master Cheshire ; 
and Rupert saved Newark, which blocked the route from the 
north to London, from falling into the hand of the Round- 
heads. But the prince's dashing cavalry raid enabled him to 
do nothing more, and he had to fall back to the west. That 
retreat left the Fairfaxes free to join the Scots in laying siege 
to York. 

Innes's Eng. Hist. — Vol. il. Z 



554 



The Great Rebellion 



In the south Hopton was checked by Waller at Cheriton. 
Essex and Waller were then instructed to conduct a joint move- 
ment against the king at Oxford, while Manchester with ten 
thousand men from the eastern counties, and with Cromwell 
as second in command and in charge of the cavah-y, was sent to 
join the Leslies and Fairfaxes before York. 



MARSTON MOOR 



July z, 1644 
Scale of I Mile 



y. 


'4 \ 


Royalists 

English Roundheads, 


FOOT HORSE 

1 ir^i 

^KJ 


Scots 


HfKiiiliil to*,. 1 



'■ Wilitrop.,./ ■* 

-J. . •' 




Emery Wilker sc 



The junction was effected on 3rd June. Meanwhile Rupert 
was clearing the countrj^ and collecting more followers in Lanca- 
Marston ^^^^- At the end of the month he crossed the hills 

Moor, into Yorkshire, evaded the parliamentary army, 

and threw himself into York on ist July. The 
Royahst forces being thus augmented, Manchester began to 
retreat southwards to secure the eastern coimties against inva- 
sion ; but finding that the movement involved too much danger 



The First Civil War 355 

for the rearguard, he drew up his forces at Marston Moor to 
challenge battle. Cromwell's troopers and part of the Scots 
horse under David Leslie were on the left, the rest of the cavalry 
on the right under Sir Thomas Fairfax. Rupert had at once 
pressed forward from York, and the Royalists formed with their 
infantry in the centre, Rupert's horse on the right, facing Crom- 
well, and Goring's on the left. It was already late in the after- 
noon of 2nd July. The Royahsts determined to defer the attack 
till the morrow, when to their surprise the Roundheads took the 
initiative. The horse on both wings charged. The battle. 
Cromwell broke the first hne facing him, and David LesHe 
coming to his support, they swept Rupert's cavalry off the field. 
On the RoyaUst left Goring defeated the younger Fairfax, and 
the Roundhead horse were scattered in flight, with most of 
Goring's troopers in pursuit, till the latter found occupation in 
looting the baggage. Of the Roundhead infantry, the eastern 
counties men on the left of the Une held their own, but the centre 
and right were broken after fierce fighting. Still, however, the 
second Une of Scots held their ground stubbornly against over- 
whelming odds. Meantime Cromwell and LesHe had halted 
their men on the left and now fell upon the flank and rear of the 
Royalist infantry. The Royahsts were overwhelmed ; the 
famous regiment called Newcastle's Whitecoats refused quarter, 
fighting on desperately till there were hardly more than a score 
of them left. 

The RoyaUst cause in the north was irreparably shattered.y 
Newcastle threw up the struggle and fled to the Continent ; 
Rupert drew his remnant together and retreated its effects, 
to Shrewsbury. The Roundhead army divided, the Scots 
moving north to complete the subjugation of the border counties, 
the Fairfaxes imdertaking the reduction of Yorkshire, while 
Manchester feU back to the eastern counties. The battle of 
Marston Moor secured the whole of the north to the parliament. 
It was notable as the fight in which a larger number of troops 
were engaged than in any other battle of the war. Manchester's 
force numbered 25,000 men, and the Royalists probably 18,000. 
It was especially significant, because it was the first occasion 



356 The Great Rebellion 

except \\lnceb5' on which Cromwell had been able to put to the 
proof the splendid qualities of the troopers he had trained, and 
his own supreme capacity as a cavalry leader. For he had 
mastered the secret which Rupert never learnt, of holding his 
men in hand in the moment of victory. When Rupert's cavaUers 
swept their opponents away, thej' kept up the pursuit and took 
no more part in the main battle ; when the Ironsides had routed 
the foe facing them, they turned and fell upon the enemy's 
centre ; whereby both Marston Moor and Naseby were converted 
into %dctories, when both, with a Rupert in Cromwell's place, 
would have ejided in disaster. 

The north was lost, but the disaster there was nearly com- 
pensated by Royalist successes in the south. The movement 

„ . of Essex and Waller upon Oxford had been a failure, 

Cropredy ^ ' 

Bridge, and the two commanders separated ; Essex marched 

29th June. 

do^\•n to the south-west, \\'here Lyme Regis was in 

danger of being captured, leaving Waller to deal \'\-ith the king, 

who routed him at Cropredy Bridge. Waller's force broke up, 

and Charles turned to pursue Essex, whom he overtook and 

Lostwithiei, penned in at Lost\\ithiel in Cornwall. The parlia- 

3ist August, mentary cavalry cut their way out of the trap, but 

the bulk of the army was doomed. Essex escaped to the sea, 

but the whole force surrendered, though the terms permitted 

them to go their way without their arms. 

The king began his return march. To hold him back Waller 

was sent forward to Shaftesbur5^ on the borders of Wilts and 

..». 4.4., Dorset, with the few forces available. Essex made 
Second battle 

of Newbury, his way back by sea to Portsmouth, where he set 
27tb October. , , ■•,11. ■«, , , 

about reorgamsmg his old troops. Manchester was 

ordered to move to their support from the east. The three 

generals eflfected a junction at Basingstoke, their united forces 

numbering less than twenty thousand. Charles had intended 

to relieve Basing House, which had long bidden a stubborn 

defiance to all Roundhead attacks ; but in the circumstances 

he was not sufficiently strong to make the attempt. None of 

the three parUamentary generals was official commander-in-chief, 

and the control of the operations was placed in the hands of a 



The First Civil War 357 

council of war. The force went in searcli of the king's army, 

which was not much more than half their number ; they found 

him near Newbury. Through mismanagement, for which 

Manchester was mainly responsible, they failed to crush him in 

the second battle of Newbury, and he made good his retreat to 

Oxford. 

The strategical blunders of Essex in the west, and the tactical 

blunders of Manchester at Newbury, had preserved the king from 

the overthrow which ought to have followed upon Demand for 

Marston Moor ; except beyond the Humber the military 

reorganisa- 
honours of the campaign had fallen, to him. But 'tion: 

the time had arrived when the control of the armies ^''*'*™"- 

of the parliament was to pass into other and efficient hands; 

and after that their victory was not long delayed. The civilians 

at Westminster, as well as the soldiers in the field, were beginning 

to realise that if the war was to be brought to- a satisfactory 

termination the troops must be led by men chosen for their 

soldiership, not because they were eminently respectable peers 

with Presbyterian predilections. Manchester in particular was 

avowedly half-hearted, unwilling to strike hard however excellent 

an opportunity might offer. But one fact was notorious. The 

generals and the soldiers who had achieved sudden distinction^ 

at MarstonMoor were zealous Puritans, but__they _were_not__ 

Presbyte rians, at least in the political sense ; not men who 

wished to impose the Presbyterian system upon the country, or 

who rated orthodoxy as an attribute more valuable in a military 

command than soldiership. If Cromwell had had his way, an 

Anabaptist would receive promotion as readily as the most 

orthodox Presbyterian provided that ' the root of the matter ' 

was in him, enthusiasm for the Cause. There could be no warm 

alliance between men of this type and the Scots, whose primary 

desire was the establishment of Presbyterian uniformity in both 

the kingdoms. 

After the second battle of Newbury hostiUties were practically 

suspended, neither side being in a position to pursue them with 

vigour. On the one hand there were discussions of possible or 

impossible terms upon which peace might be made. How im- 



358 The Great Rebellion 

passable was the gulf between king and parliament was proved 

by the latter taking occasion to execute the long harmless Arch- 

1645 La d ^^^hop Laud, under an ordinance of attainder after 

beheaded, the Strafford precedent. On the other hand there 
lOtli January. , . , . . ^ -tit 

was a direct attack m parhament, remforced by the 

soldiers who were members, upon the existing mihtary system. 
Cromwell took the lead in denouncing the principles which be- 
stowed the chief command on such men as Manchester, while a 
protest came in from the eastern counties that it was no longer 
possible for them to bear so disproportionate a share of the cost of 
providing troops. The res\jlt was a resolution of the committee 
The New of both kingdoms that a regularly paid striking force 

Model Army, q^ twenty-one thousand men should be raised at the 
general cost, hable to serve wherever they were required, while 
the business of local defence should stiU be left to local levies. 
This New Model Army, a regularly organised and unified body 
under a regular system of disciphne, whether its ranks were 
filled up by volimtary enhstment or by forced impiressment, 
became definitely the Army, and was soon developed into a 
first-rate instrument of war. 

The scheme of the Xew Model was soon followed up by a pro- 
posal for a Self-denying Ordinance whereby members of eitlier 

_^ _ ,. House should be excluded from mihtary commands. 

The Self- ■' 

denying The Lords rejected the Ordinance, but the Commons 

proceeded to nominate Sir Thomas Fairfax to the 
command-in-chief, with Skippon as major-general, and a heuten- 
ant-general not yet named, though it was imdoubtedly intended 
that the post should be reserved for Cromwell. The inevitable 
breakdown of the negotiations for peace at the beginning of 1645 
did something to allay dissensions. The Lords passed the 
ordinance for the New Model, and a new Self-den\-ing Ordinance 
was adopted by which all the officers who were members of 
either House were to resign their commands within forty days, 
though with no proviso to prevent their reappointment. 

The New Model could not be got into working order in a day. 
On the other hand it was not easy for Charles to raise fresh 
levies ; all over the west the country folk, who cared very httle, 



The First Civil War 359 

if at all, about the political question, were raging against the 
Royalist troops, which were apt to pillage and bully them ; 
they gathered in considerable bands, ready to The ciub- 
attack any soldiery, with no more definite intention ™*"' 
than the protection of their own property. The Clubmen, as 
they were called, gave a good deal of trouble, and did not assist 
recruiting. 

But Royalist hopes had been raised in another quarter. The 
Scots in the north were lukewarm over the English war. They 
felt that their military services had not been ade- The Scots, 
quately recognised, especially their share in the victory of 
Marston Moor. They were jealous of Cromwell and disgusted 
at the increasing influence of Independency, of which they were 
no less intolerant than of episcopacy. They had joined the war 
chiefly in the hope of making England Presbyterian, and it was 
now extremely doubtful whether Presbyterianism would win a 
complete ascendency. But besides this, they were turning 
anxious eyes to their own country, where a Royalist insurrection 
was now even threatening the existence of the Covenanting 
government. 

Since the days of the Incident, Montrose had been a whole- 
hearted Royalist ; but the Covenanting forces in Scotland were 
far too strong to make an effective Royalist move- 

° -^ 1644. Mon- 

ment possible when the Scots and the Enghsh trose raises 
parUament adopted the Solemn League and Cove- 
nant in 1643. In 1644 the pick of the Scottish troops and com- 
manders had come into England. After Marston Moor Montrose, 
who had been in England urging the king to strike a blow in 
Scotland, returned to Scotland with a marquisate and the king's 
appointment as lieutenant-general of the kingdom. In disguise 
he sUpped across the Lowlands into the Highlands, having con- 
ceived the plan of raising the clans for the king against a govern- 
ment whose recognised head was the chief of the Campbells, 
Argyll. Hatred of the Campbells and the prospect of pillage 
rallied many of the clansmen to his call ; he was joined by a 
mixed troop of Scots and Irish from Ireland led by Alastair 
Macdonald of Colkitto. 



360 The Great Rebellion 

On 1st September 1644 Montrose and his Highlanders com- 
pletely routed the government force of thrice their numbers at 
Montrose's Tippermuir, near Perth, the first of a series of 
campaigns, briUiant victories. From Perth he dashed upon 
1644- April Aberdeen, routed a Covenant force under Lord 
•^**^- Balfour of Burleigh, and sacked the city. Argyll 

in command of a third army was now marching in pursuit, but 
Montrose led him on a fruitless chase through the mountains ; 
Argyll in despair retired, sending his Campbells home again. 
In midwinter Montrose and the clansmen swooped on Argyll- 
shire itself and devastated the Campbell country. But his 
forces were too small to enable him to invade the Lowlands. The 
clans of the far north were too remote from the Campbells to 
share the intense hostility to that clan. Their chiefs were for 
the most part on the government side. Montrose moved north- 
wards ; Argyll, with the Campbells and two regiments of Low- 
landers, went in pursuit. Montrose with his fifteen hundred men 
turned and fell upon them at Inverlochy, where they were cut 
to pieces or scattered in wild flight. Then he again turned against 
Mackenzie of Seaforth on Loch Ness, but Seaforth did not stay 
to fight him. 

Montrose had not effected a Royalist conquest, but the govern- 
ment of the Covenant was seriously endangered, the Scots army 

in England was becoming anxious at least to be free 
vivai of the to return to Scotland, and Charles had hopes of 
war in achieving a signal success by turning his arms to 

the north and striking in co-operation with Mon- 
trose. The plan was spoilt in April by Cromwell, who was 
retained in his command while he swept the country round 
Oxford, clearing it of every horse, so that the royal army was 
paralysed for want of draft cattle. 

As soon as the New Model Army was ready it should have 
been directed to crushing the king's main army, always weakened 
by the false pohcy of distributing garrisons instead of concentrat- 
ing for decisive action. But Fairfax was ordered to march to 
the relief of Taunton, where Robert Blake, the afterwards 
famous admiral, was holding out for the parliament. Charles 



The First Civil l]\ir 361 

began to march for the north. Leven fell back to cover the 
border and prevent the possibility of an incursion by Montrose. 
Fairfax was ordered to turn upon Oxford. Charles captured 
Leicester, where he remained uncertain whether to march back 
to the i"eUef of Oxford, to march north, or to threaten the eastern 
counties ; and at last Fairfax got his orders to march against the 
king, and was joined hy Cromwell, who had now been appointed 
second-in-command at the express desire of Fairfax and the 
officers. 

On r4th June tlie decisive battle \vas fought at Naseby. The 
story of Marston Moor was repeated. Rupert and Langdale 
commanded the cavalry on the right and left naseby, 
wings of the Royalists, whose whole force wzs under ^**^ "''^''®- 
eight thousand men. Cromwell and his son-in-law, Ireton, com- 
manded on the right and left wings of the Roundhead armj^, which 
numbered less than fourteen thousand. Rupert routed Ireton, 
and swept on till his men fell upon the baggage train. Cromwell 
broke Langdale's horse and scattered them. The infantry on 
both sides fought stubbornly ; but Cromwell halted his men, 
turned, fell upon the Royalist flank and rear, and scattered the 
army completeh' before Rupert reappeared on the scene. The 
king himself escaped, but the whole of his stores and his corre- 
spondence fell into the hands of the \ictor. 

From this time Charles was little more than a fugitive without 
an arm^-. Fairfax marched for the west, where Goring stiU 
commanded for the king, and shattered him at Langport on_ 
loth July. The rest of the campaigning was occupied in the 
reduction of Royalist fortresses, and the crushing of such bands 
of Ca\-aliers as could collect together. But Montrose continued 
his career of successes, which culminated with the Kiisytii, 
\ictor3- of Kilsyth on 15th August, a \ictory so isth August, 
complete that it seemed to lay Scotland at Montrose's mercy. 
He descended into the Lowlands, but his triumph was built on 
hopelessly insecure foundations. The clansmen had no idea of 
the meaning of a campaign as opposed to a raid. His army 
dissolved. Da\'id Leslie hurried his Scots horse across the border, 
and when, with four tliousand men, he fell upon ilontrose at 



362 The Great Rebellion 

Philiphaugh, the 'Great Marquess' had no Highlanders, but 

only some hundreds of horse and five hundred of Colkitto's Irish 

troops. Those who did not escape by flight were 
Philiphaugh, ^ 

13th Septem- cut to pieces, and Montrose himself became a 

^"' fugitive (13th September). By x\pril 1646 every 

hope of resistance to the parliament army had vanished, Charles 

entered upon negotiations with the Scots, and on 5th May he 

placed himself in their hands at Newark. 



II. King, Parliament, and Army, 1646-1649 

Fighting was over, the whole country was in the control of 
the parUament and the army of the parUament ; and it re- 
1646. The mained for the king from his quarters with the 
problem. Scots army to negotiate the terms upon which the 

Crown was to be permitted to take part in the government of 
England. No party had hitherto associated itself with the 
idea of abohshing the monarchy ; Crown and parUament had 
quarrelled over the respective limits of royal and of parUament- 
ary authority — ^no one had claimed that either should have no 
authority at aU. Before the war broke out, parhament had 
succeeded in decisively asserting complete control over taxation 
and the supremacy of the common law. It had claimed, but it 
had not won, control over the Church ; and it had claimed, but 
not won, statutory control over the mihtia, the armed forces of 
the kingdom. Here, then, were the two great questions for settle- 
ment — the control of the Church and the control of the forces ; 
to which was added a third, resulting from the war itself, the 
treatment of those whom parhament called ' deUnquents,' the 
men who had taken arms for the king. At the back of these 
questions was the consciousness that the king would never 
hesitate to reassert any of the old claims abolished by statute 
if he imagined that he could enforce them. 

Only one thing could have stood in the way of a unanimous 
parliament dictating its own terms — the possibiUty that the 
king might \\in the Scots over to support his claims. What the 
Scots cared about was Presbyterianism, and their support might 



King, Parliament, and Army 



0^0 



be won at the price of establishing Presbyterianism in both 
countries ; especially if to that were added free trade between 
England and Scotland, for as concerned trade the Divergencies 
Scots were aliens in England, and Scottish trade oftiieviotors. 
would benefit enormously by the removal of barriers. But the 
English parliament was not united. The majority favoured terms 
which would have satisfied the Scots by establishing Presbyterian 
uniformity. The minority would have nothing to do with com- 
pulsory uniformity, were determined upon religious freedom at 
least for all Puritan sects, and might be prepared to extend 
toleration even to episcopacy. And that minority was solidly 
supported by the New Model Army and its officers. For the 
sake of convenience this whole group may be referred to as 
Independents, though that name was specifically appropriated 
by the particular sect otherwise known as CongregationaUsts. 

Now Charles himself was perfectly clear in his own mind that 
his Divine commission as king gave him an indefeasible right to 
control the miUtary and naval forces, and imposed The king, 
on him the duty of enforcing what he held to be the true religion 
upon the subjects committed to his charge ; while honour 
manifestly forbade him to desert the loyal followers who had 
stood by him. He was also unfortunately convinced that any 
pledges which he might make in contravention of any of those 
three propositions might be voided at his pleasure, on the ground 
that they were made under duress. And he conceived that 
while he had three parties to bargain with, the Scots, the parUa- 
mentary Presbyterians, and the army Independents, he might 
legitimately delude any or all of them with contradictory 
promises, and at the same time intrigue for any assistance in 
arms which might enable him once more to override all opposi- 
tion. He would not violate his own conscience ; probably the 
only occasion on which he ever did so was when he consented 
to the death of Strafford. But his conscience found nothing 
reprehensible in duplicity. That fact was made tolerably clear 
by the papers captured at Naseby, which disclosed sundry 
intrigues in the past. Hence the distrust which he inspired made 
all negotiations trebly intricate and difficult to carry through. 



364 The Great Rebellion 

But he was the less disturbed by this, because he was also con- 
vinced that all he required was time ; that time would open 
irreconcilable breaches between the sections of his opponents, 
that the dissensions between them would ensure his o^vn ultimate 
victory, and that the whole nation would reahse that he was in 
fact indispensable. Of all his illusions, the last was the most 
visionary and the most fatal. 

So from the Scots camp he discussed terms of alliance with 
the Scots and negotiated with the parUamentary leaders, who 
dreaded the Independents and the army, and even with the 
Independents, who were no more wiUing to resign their religious 
hberty at the dictation of parhament them of the Crown. 

The first outcome was the offer known as the Propositions of 
Newcastle. Parhament, with the assent of the Scots, required 

that he should take the Covenant, estabhsh Presby- 
Newoastie terianism, surrender control of the rtuhtia and the 

fleet for twenty j'ears, consent to the exclusion of 
a number of Royahsts from the general indemnity, and leave 
parhament free to deal with Ireland as it thought fit. Charles 
refused. The Scots, finding that the conditions on which they 
laid stress would not be accepted, came to terms with the EngUsh 
parhament. They would withdraw from England on receiving 
the arrears of pay due under the original agreement. Then Charles 
offered to surrender the militia for ten years, and to estabhsh Pres- 
bytericinism for three years, pending a settlement of the ecclesi- 
astical system — practically by a joint commission of divines 
chosen in equal numbers by himself, by the Presbyterians, and by 
the Independents, associated with a committee of both Houses. 
His proposal was in turn rejected by the Scots and the parhament. 
The Scots did not want the king in Scotland, where his presence 
might effect a Royalist rally. They did not want to set him 

at large. The only alternative was to transfer him 

1647. The 

Scots surren- to the Enghsh parhament. The bargain was con- 

der the king, eluded, and when half the Aoo.ooo due to them 
February. ^^ 

had been paid, they retired to Scotland, after 

handing him over to Enghsh commissioners, who carried him to 

Hohnby House in Northamptonshire. 



King, Parliament, and Army 365 

The parliament, having the king in their hands, thought the 
time had arrived to secure tliemselves against the domination 
of the army, which they had created to overcome 
the king. They proposed to dispatch half of it of army and 
to Ireland, disband half the remainder, and require 
all to take the Covenant. But the army had fought primarily 
for religious hberty — and its pay was in arrear. It objected 
entirely to being disbanded without security for its demands on 
both those heads, and it did not want to go to Ireland. The 
security was not forthcoming. The rank and file of almost 
every regiment elected two representatives, who came to be 
known as ' Agitators,' i.e. agents, who laid their grievances 
before the three generals — Fairfax, Cromwell, and Skippon. 
The Agitators were backed by the officers. Cromwell, with 
other officers who were members of parliament, went down from 
Westminster to the army headquarters with offers for the paying 
off of arrears, and a promise of indemnity for all acts done during 
the war, offers which parliament itself ratified. 

StiU the army did not disband and did not go to Ireland. The 
Presbyterian majority in parliament relying upon the Presby- 
terianism of London, gave the city the control of comet Joyce, 
its own miUtia, entered on fresh negotiation with the ^"^^ ''"'^^■ 
Scots, made proposals to the king not differing greatly from his 
own last offer, and prepared to disband the army regiment by 
regiment. But the generals, the officers, and the rank and file 
of the army, were at one. They saw that disbandment would 
leave the Independents at the mercy of the Presbyterians, and 
that if king and Presbyterians combined there would be no 
hope for that rehgious liberty which they would by no means 
surrender. On 3rd June Cornet Joyce, with a party of troopers, 
arrived at Holmby House, and invited the king to attend him 
back to the army. Joyce, asked for his commission, pointed 
to the troopers. Charles acknowledged its validity and accepted 
the situation. With the king in their hands, the soldiers held 
the mastery. 

Fairfax, an admirable gentleman, a skilful soldier, upright, 
conscientious, broad-minded, but conventional, was not the man 



366 The Great Rebellion 

to control an emergency. Cromwell and he worked loyally 

together, but Cromwell was the moving spirit. An Army 

Council was formed of representative officers and 

tion of "the Agitators. The House of Commons took alarm, 

Army, ^j^j requested that the army should not approach 

ism June. 

^^ithin thirty miles of London. The Army Council 

responded on 15th June with the ' Declaration of the Army.' 
It demanded the early dissolution of parhament, which had long 
outHved its authoritv, a Umitation on the duration of future 
parliaments, the trial of all offences under the common law — 
since the Houses had assumed an arbitrary jurisdiction of their 
own — and a general amnesty. This it followed up by denounc- 
ing eleven members for stirring up the parliament against the 
army, and by a demand for the suspension of those members, 
and the disbanding of other troops raised by the government. 

The king hoped to wring victory for himself out of the quarrel 
between army and parliament. The army meant to impose 
The Heads of reasonable terms upon both parliament and king. 
Proposals. -pj^g Army Council had formed a scheme of settle- 
ment known as the ' Heads of the Proposals.' The present 
parliament was to be dissolved TOthin the year. Future parlia- 
ments were to be limited to two years, and might not be adjourned, 
prorogued, or dissolved in less than one hundred and twenty 
days, except with their own consent. The place of the Privy 
Council was to be taken by a Council of State appointed by 
agreement for seven years. The Houses were to control the 
army and navy and the appointment of the officers of the State 
for ten years. No one was to be required to take the Covenant 
or was to be punished for not using the Prayer-Book. The 
Royalists, \\ith few exceptions, were to be dealt with generously, 
but as a defeated part}'. 

The Presb5d:erians wavered at first, many of them retiring. 

Then, backed by the Londoners and the hope of Scottish support, 

they began to resume an attitude of resistance. 
Tne army -' ° 

at Putney, The Independents, fifty-eight commoners and nine 

"^"* ■ peers, withdrew from Westminster and joined the 

army ; Fairfax marched upon London, restored the members 



King, Parliament and Army 367 

to Westminster, established his own headquarters at Putney, 
leaving a regiment at Westminster and another at the Tower, 
and placed the king at Hampton Court. 

Charles tried to temporise ; but meanwhile there had grown 
up within the army a new group of extremists, soon known as 
the Levellers, who in October drew up a declaration me Lerei- 
on their own account called the Case of the Army ^®"^^" ""toller. 
truly stated. Pariiament was to be purged of offending members, 
and was to be dissolved ^^^thin a year. Thereafter the sovereign — 
body was to be a House of Commons elected biennially by man- 
hood suffrage. It was the first expression of uncompromising 
democracy, and of the view that the king was to be left out of 
count. 

Charles compUcated matters by making his escape from 

Hampton Court to the Isle of Wight, whence he hoped to take 

ship to France. He was detained, however, by the 

governor of Carisbrooke Castle, whence he reopened Charles to 

negotiations with the Presbyterian leaders, tne arfny carisbrooke, 

November, 
oincers, and the Scots commissioners m London. 

The last, abhorring the army and dissatisfied with the parUament, 
made with him the treaty caUed the Engagement on 26th Decem- 
ber. He was to confirm the Covenant, establish Presbyterianism 
for three years, after which reHgion was to be settled by the 
Crown and the Houses, and aU heresies, which igis. The 
meant every kind of independency, were to be Engagement, 
suppressed. If on these terms the parUament refused to disband 
the armies and admit the Idng to a personal treaty, the Scots 
would take up arms on his behalf, for which they were to be 
rewarded by the concession of free trade. The Engagement, 
instead of completing the disintegration of army and parliament, 
closed up their ranks. The ' Committee of both Kingdoms ' 
was dissolved — the Scots, that is, were to have no more voice in 
the negotiations. The Commons resolved to make no more 
addresses to the king, and to receive no more messages from him. 
Scotland, however, was divided. The Estates met in March. 
The advanced Covenanters were ill enough pleased with the 
English, but saw that the Engagement, or a successful war on 



368 The Great Rebellion 

the lines of the Engagement, would give the king a dangerous 
ascendency in Scotland as well as in England. The thorough- 
going RoyaUsts, the enemies of Argyll, and a section of Presby- 
terians, favoured the Engagement, and the Engagers got the 
upper hand. Scots and English prepared for war. 

Meanwhile a Presb3^erian-Royalist insurrection broke out in 

Wales, half of which was in a flame before the end of April. In 

.... May Cromwell arrived there with five regiments, 

Eurrections, and was very thoroughly occupied for a couple of 

months before he could crush the revolt. He had 
hardly gone thither when the Royahsts of Kent revolted, 
and the crews of several ships of the navy whose pay was in 
arrear declared for the king. Fairfax dispersed the Kentish 
insurgents in June ; some hundreds of them made their way 
into Essex, where another insurrection was afoot, but only to be 
cooped up by the general in a close blockade at Colchester. 

The English risings took place before the Scots were ready. 
It was not till 8th July that the duke of Hamilton, the leader 
The Preston °^ *^® Engagers, crossed the Border with eleven 
campaign, thousand men. Five weeks later he had received 

reinforcements which brought his numbers up to 
twenty-four thousand, and he advanced into Lancashire. On 
15th August Cromwell, who advanced in hot haste from South 
Wales at the first moment that he was free to move, joined 
forces with Lambert, the parhamentary commandant in the 
north, who had been obUged to fall back to Knaresborough, 
and now met him near Wetherby. With nine thousand men 
Cromwell dashed upon the invaders, who were advancing in a 
long straggUng stream through Lancashire, fell upon their flank 
at Preston on 17th August, killed a thousand of them, took four 
thousand prisoners, cutting the force completely in two, and 
pressed south in pursuit of the van whose northward retreat 
was cut off. He caught the exliausted troops, who were almost 
without ammunition, at Winwick, and drove them headlong 
towards Warrington, where another four thousand surrendered. 
The remnant who had escaped were captured a few days later. 
On 27th August Colchester surrendered to Fairfax. Of the 



King, Parliament, and Army 369 

Scots prisoners, those who had been pressed were allowed to 
return home ; the rest were shipped off to virtual slavery in 
Barbadoes. The Colchester garrison suffered the same fate, 
while their officers were imprisoned and two of them executed. 
The battle of Preston restored Argyll's ascendency in Scotland, 
and the king had nothing more to hope from that quarter. 

The second Civil War relieved the parliament from the domin- 
ating presence of the soldiery. The Presbyterians regained their 
ascendency and reopened negotiations with Charles The army 
at Newport. But the army had made up its mind ™Piacabie. 
that no terms could be made with the king. Hither to men like 
Cromwell and Ireton had bent their efforts to the establishment 
of a hmited monarchy with guarantees for religious toleration. 
The events of the year had forced upon them the conclusion 
that Charles would never hesitate to plunge the country into a 
fresh war if he imagined that he could thereby recover pre- 
rogatives of which he had been curtailed. He had made himself 
impossible as a king, while on the other hand the parliament 
had shown its determination to constitute itself a permanent 
and indissoluble authority as rigidly opposed to rehgious free- 
dom as the king himself. Whatever the politicians might have 
intended, the army had fought and bled and conquered for free- 
dom ; neither king nor parhament should rob it of the fruits 
of its victory. Parhament therefore must be purged, and the 
king must never again have power to deluge the country with the 
blood of the saints. 

What that meant, Ireton expressed in the ' Remonstrance of 

the Army ' ; no terms could be made with the king, and justice 

warranted his execution as a traitor. The Remon- „ . . , 

Pnde's 

strance was adopted by the officers with Cromwell's Purge, etii 
concurrence, and by them was laid before the House 
of Commons. The Commons shrank from discussing so terrible 
a question. Cromwell was not back from the north ; Fairfax 
would not give a lead. On ist December the Army Council had 
the king removed to Hurst Castle. On 2nd December the army 
entered London. On 5th December the Commons resolved that 
the last proposals from the king provided a basis of settlement. 

Innes's Eng. Hist. — Vol. n. 2 A 



370 The Great Rebellion 

On 6th December Colonel Pride, with a band of soldiers, arrested 
or turned back from the doors of the House every member who 
was not of the army's way of thinking. The remnant, the 
famous Rump, assumed for themselves the character of the 
supreme authority of the realm, with the approval of Cromwell, 
who arrived in London on the day of Pride's Purge. 

The king was brought up from Hurst Castle to Windsor ; 
the Rump resolved that according to the fundamental laws 
of the kingdom it is treason for a king to levy 
Hig-h Court war against the parliament. On ist January it 
passed an ordinance creating a High Court of 
Justice to try the king. What was left of the House of Peers 
rejected both the resolution and the ordinance. The Rump 
modified the ordinance, nominating one hundred and thirty-five 
commissioners to try the king, and passed new resolutions declar- 
ing that whatsoever is resolved by the Commons in parliament 
assembled is law, with or without the assent of peers and king. 
Henceforth it gave to its ordinances the title of Acts. 

On 8th January the High Court assembled ; less than two- 
fifths of the nominated commissioners appeared, and some of 
them did not appear a second time, Fairfax among the number. 
The trial '^^^ procedure of the court was arranged, and the 
20th-27th opening of the trial fixed for 20th January. On 
that day the number of commissioners present rose 
to sixty-eight. The king was brought in. John Cook, who had 
been appointed SoUcitor for the Commonwealth, read the indict- 
ment impeaching Charles Stuart as a tyrant, a traitor, and a 
pubhc enemy of the Commonwealth of England ; as having levied 
war against the parhament and people of England with intent to 
create an unlimited power in the Crown. The president, Brad- 
shaw, summoned the king to answer the charge ' in the name of 
the people of England.' ' It is a he,' cried a woman's voice from . 

the gallery. ' Not a half nor a quarter of them ' The audacious 

speaker proved to have been Lady Fairfax. The king demanded 
by what authority he was called upon to answer. Here he 
recognised no lawful authority, and would answer to none that 
was not lawful. On the second and on the third day the court 



King, Parliament, and Army 371 

refused to allow its jurisdiction to be called in question, the 
jurisdiction which Charies repeated his refusal to recognise. 

Still the judges hesitated. The Scots had entered a formal 
protest against the trial of a king of Scots before an English 
tribunal. Public sjmipathy was drawn to the king by the 
dignity of his bearing, by the deep-rooted traditional reverence 
for kingship, by the palpably illegal character of the tribunal, 
by dread of a miUtary domination. If Fairfax should declare 
against the court, even the army would be divided against itself. 
But Fairfax remained silent. For two days the judges waited, 
listening to evidence in support of the charges. But there were 
some of them who had ceased to doubt, who had made up their 
minds to accept the terrific responsibility, who had convinced 
themselves that while Charles Stuart Hved there could be no 
security, that his crimes were warrant for his death. Their 
ruthless determination carried the day. On 27th January 
Charles was brought to the bar. He demanded to Regicide, 
be heard before the assembled Lords and Commons, soth January. 
The demand was refused. The president of the court dehvered 
judgment and bade the clerk read the sentence. Fifty-eight of 
the judges signed the death warrant. On 30th January 1649 
the head of the king of England was struck off by the execu- 
tioner's axe, the crowning tragedy of the tragic House of Stuart. 



CHAPTER XIII. THE COMMONWEALTH, 1649-1660 

I. The Republic, 1649-1653 

When the head of King Charles w§s cut off, the English polity 
lay palpably in ruins. Until the king of England was summoned 
Monarchy to answer for his life before a tribunal which pro- 
discarded, fessed to represent the people of England, there 
was a theoretical possibility of reconstructing the constitution, 
which had been in abeyance since 1642. The conditions, with- 
out which such a reconstruction was impossible, were, first, that 
the king should convince his adversaries of his own good faith, 
since men will not come to terms, except under compulsion, 
unless they expect the terms to be strictly observed ; secondly, 
that toleration, complete freedom for every Puritan form of 
reUgion, should be secured. For every man, so long as he 
possesses the power of effecti\-e resistance, will demand com- 
plete freedom of conscience for himself, and the sectaries mani- 
festly possessed that power of resistance. The sectaries, it may 
be remarked, had not been unwilling to extend the same tolera- 
tion to episcopacy, though they would allow it no privileges. 
Both those conditions, however, were wanting. The king had 
convinced every one that he would regard no promises he might 
make as binding if it should be in his power to set them at naught. 
The parUament therefore demanded such a control as should 
place that power out of his reach for ever ; and the sectaries 
knew that if the parhament acquired that control the toleration 
they demanded would not be conceded. 

So long as Cromwell and the army hoped to impose toleration 
upon a reconstituted parHamentary monarchy, they did not 
The act of ^vish to usurp the functions of government. Wlien 
the army. ^j^gy jpg^ ^|j j^^pg q£ ^^i^Lt consummation, they could 
see nothing for it but the abohtion of the monarchy and a purga- 

372 



The Republic 373 

tion of parliament which should bring that body into accord 
with their own views. They carried with them only a small 
minority of the people ; they_jm20sed_lhjeir_^will_£n a nation 
whichjwas^^ast at their proceedings ; but they had on their 
side two forces which made them irresistible, the power of the 
sword and intensity of moral conviction. Men will debate 
through all time whether the execution of the king was or was 
not a crime ; they will always condemn it as a blunder, because 
it manifestly failed of its purpose. _Being the act not of^thfi. 

jiation but of a. section,, and a.bhorrent to the people at large, it 
set the public conscience in antagonism to the forces responsible 

Jorit^^so_that the government of the Commonwealth was felt as 
ajnora]j)ffence — apart from the detestation in which EngUshmen 
held any control which rested not upon popular acquiescence, 
but upon the power of the sword. Whether as a matter of fact 
any other solution could have been found at the time which 
would have delivered the country from anarchy is another 
question not so easily answered. 

With the death of the king two facts emerged : the first that 
the army was master of the situation ; the second, that parlia- 
ment was the only body with any semblance of 

. . 1649. The 

legal authority for carrymg on the government ; common- 

the executive authority, the king in council, had ■"■^aitii 

parliament, 
disappeared. But the parliament itself had gone 

to pieces. The Lords and Commons assembled would not obey 
and could not defy the army. A dissolution and a free parlia- 
ment would not remove the deadlock. So that remnant of the 
House of Commons which was in general accord with the army 
took upon itself the functions of a full parliament, formally 
excluded from its deliberations all members who would not 
commit themselves to approval of the execution of the king, or 
at least the' abolition of the monarchy, abolished the House of 
Lords by its own authority, and created a Council of State to 
discharge the functions of the executive. Even in that Council 
it was found necessary to include men who, hke Fairfax, were 
ready to be loyal to the new government, but refused to approve 
the king's death. In May an Act of parliament proclaimed that 



374 ^-^^ Commonwealth 

England was a free Commonwealth. The whole of the Rump 
numbered only about sixty, and half of them, with ten other 
persons, were on the Council of State, which had the direction 
of foreign affairs and the control of the naval and military forces. 

The Rump and the Council of State then constituted the 
government. Provided that the men were efficient a powerful 
England government was ensured, so long as they were in 

secure. accord with each other and with the army, and the 

army was also in accord ^vith itself. There was a momentary 
danger that this last condition would fail ; that wthin its ranks 
democratic ideas would prevail fatal to disciphne. The vigour 
of Cromwell triumphed. Sporadic mutinies were promptly 
and sternly repressed, and the ringleaders shot. The troops 
returned to their discipline, and no more dangers arose from 
this source. England was completely in the grip of the new 
government ; the menace to its stability came from Ireland and 
from Scotland. 

We saw that in 1643 the Irish Catholics of all shades were 
working together, and were disposed, on terms, to support the 
1643-9. king against the parhament in England. In that 

Ireland. y^^^ ^^ agreement was arrived at between them 

and Ormond as the representative of the king for a twelve 
months' cessation of active hostihties. A year afterwards the 
earl of Glamorgan, sent over by Charles to negotiate, made a 
secret treaty granting to the Catholics much more far-reaching 
concessions than had been previously demanded. Ormond 
having no instructions refused to make Glamorgan's concessions. 
The existence of the secret treaty was made known, and Charles 
ineffectually sought to disavow it. The overthrow of Charles 
at Naseby made the loyalist CathoUcs disposed to accept Or- 
mond's terms. But the extreme papalists, encouraged by the 
successes of Owen Roe O'Neill against the Ulster Scots, who had 
not come in to the cessation of arms, denounced the peace alto- 
gether. Ormond, devoted to the Crown, but beUeving that the 
Enghsh supremacy must be maintained in Ireland, would not 
act himself as the servant of the English parliament, but sur- 
rendered his powers to their commissioners in February 1647. 



The Republic 2,1^ 

During that year the parhamentary troops, aided by the Irish 
president of Munster, Lord Inchiquin, turned the tide of war 
against the Cathohc confederates. But when in December the 
king and the Scots entered upon the Engagement, Inchiquin 
declared for the Crown. In the hope of reinstating an effective 
Royalist party in Ireland, Ormond was again nominated to the 
lord-lieutenancy by Henrietta Maria, the king himself being 
in captivity. Ormond was now warranted in going further to 
conciliate the Catholics than he had previously felt himself to 
be. The execution of the king roused to the utmost whatever 
sentiment of loyalty existed in Ireland, and at the same time 
converted most of the Ulster Scots into Royalists, since they 
shared the indignation of their countrymen in Scotland at the 
execution of the king of Scots by an Enghsh parliament in 
defiance of the Solemn League and Covenant 

Thus in the spring of 1649 the Commonwealth government 
in England found itself faced with the prospect of a complete 
recovery of the Royalist ascendency in Ireland, an _. 

ascendency moreover of Royalists closely leagued Royalist 
with the Catholics. The actual weakness of 
Ormond's position was not yet revealed, for in fact O'Neill and 
the extremists could hardly be reckoned with his following at 
all, and were more likely to quarrel than to co-operate with the 
Ulster Scots, Presbyterians who themselves could hardly be on 
very cordial terms with a form of royalism which threatened 
a Cathohc ascendency. 

For the moment, however, it seemed that the RoyaUsts were 
in possession of the whole country except Derry and DubUn, 
and the government in England pushed forward the arrange- 
ments for dispatching a large force to Ireland, with Cromwell in 
command as lord-lieutenant. Colonel Jones, the able command- 
ant in Dublin, routed Ormond at Rathmines on 2nd August ; 
and at the end of the month the English army was concentrated 
in Dublin under Cromwell's command. 

The Commonwealth's general arrived in Ireland thoroughly 
imbued with the EUzabethan conception of the barbarous char- 
acter of ,the Irish people — a conception enormously intensified by 



2,']^ The Commonwealth 

the credit generally given to the monstrous exaggerations of the 
sufficient!}' appalling horrors of the insurrection in 1641. He was 
cromweu no lover of bloodshed ; in England, from the moment 
m Ireland. ^j^^^. Fairfax and CromweU had risen to the head 
of the army, all wanton cruelty had been rigidly suppressed, 
and the hcence of the soldiery had been held sternly in check. 
Rigour had been appUed to the enemy only when it seemed that 
by the infliction of a sharp lesson much bloodshed would in the 
long run be saved. But in England, until the insurrections of 
1648, Cromwell had always striven to keep the door open for 
the reconciliation of the hostile elements in the country. He 
came to Ireland convinced that justice would warrant even the 
extirpation of the Irish for the crimes of which they had been 
guilty ; that the most merciful course to pursue was to inspire 
such terror that insurrection would not again dare to raise its 
head. He beUeved that popery, dangerous in England, was in 
Ireland a malignant disease, the source of incurable corruption 
in the body-poUtic. tSe beheved in smiting and not sparing all 
who stood in arms against the Lord's servant^ It never dawned 
on him that the Irish people had just grievances ; that they had 
been the victims of high-handed and often brutal oppression; 
that their hatred of the aUen Protestant ascendency was rooted 
in a passionate sense of intolerable ^^Tongs. His own feeling 
towards them, the feehng perhaps of most Enghshmen of his time, 
can hardly be paralleled except by the feelings of many English- 
men towards the Indian sepoy after the massacre of Cawnpore. 
Yet even in Ireland he never descended to the ghastly brutalities 
which had been the hideous commonplaces of the Thirty Years' 
War in Germany. Indiscriminate rapine and slaughter, lawless 
robbery and wanton devastation, were rigidly forbidden, and non- 
combatants were strictly protected with the significant exception 
of Cathohc priests. 

Cromwell launched his first thunderbolt northward against 

Drogheda. On loth September he opened his bat- 

iith ' teries upon it ; on the nth he stormed it, and praeti- 

septemter. ^^^ ^j^^ entire garrison was put to the sword. In the 

fury of the storming some even of the unarmed townsfolk shared 



The Republic '377 

the fate of the garrison. Leaving his lieutenants to complete the 

subjugation of the north, he turned southward and fell upon 

Wexford. The siege had hardly begun when treachery Wexford. 

from within opened the gates to the Puritan soldiery, who burst 

in and repeated the slaughter of Drogheda. Here the garrison 

were nearly all Irish Catholics, not as at Drogheda largely 

English Royalists. They were massacred, and with them every 

priest who could be found. The ghastly business had the effect 

which Cromwell intended. While Cromwell remained in Ireland 

it was but rarely that any fortress attempted to offer a prolonged 

resistance, at least after honour had been satisfied. When in 

May 1650 Cromwell returned to England, leaving Ireton behind 

as deputy, half the island was already subdued^—- 

Dissensions among the Irish did the rest ; though it was not 

till two years afterwards, when Ireton was in his grave, that 

Galway, the last Irish fortress, surrendered. The ,„,„ „ 

^ ' 1662. Corn- 

normal terms of capitulation had permitted the pietionof tbe 

garrisons and the priests to retire from the country, 
and more than thirty thousand Irishmen are reputed to have 
entered the armies of foreign princes rather than remain in sub- 
mission to a Puritan and regicide government. We shall return 
later to the Cromwellian settlement which followed. 
.^^While Cromwell and Ireton after him were bringing Ireland 
into subjection, the fleet of the Commonwealth was being shaped 
by Sir Harry Vane at Westminster, and by Robert 
Blake on the seas, into that mighty force which has monweaim 
made it the supreme instrument of empire. The 
material had always been there since the days of Ehzabeth's 
triumph, but mismanagement and corruption had deprived what 
should have been a very powerful navy of all real efficiency. 
Now, however, a great administrator took the organisation in 
hand ; and a valiant soldier, transformed into a seaman when 
he was nearly fifty years old, proved himself one of the very 
greatest in the Une of great British admirals. In ■^^i^^_^q 
1648 Rupert, dismissed from England not long Eupertand 
after Naseby, took to the seas, and, aided by the 
revolt of a portion of the fleet, for the first time threatened the 



378' The Commonwealth 

maritime ascendency of the parliament. Next year he brought ^ 
the RoyaUst fleet to Kinsale, but was there isolated by a squadror ' 
commanded by Robert Blake. Toward the end of the year he 
evaded the blockade and was pursued by Blake to Lisbon, where 
he was well received by the Portuguese. Blake could do no 
more than prevent him from coming out again, until he himself 
had to send some of his ships home. Since Portugal was now 
engaged in asserting her independence of Spain, the Portuguese 
support of Rupert made the Spaniards friendly to Blake, who 
carried his squadron to Cadiz. In October Rupert came out of 
Lisbon and entered the Mediterranean, where he intended to 
reorganise his force at Toulon. Up tojhisjti me no Europ ean^ 
state had axkaowl^ged:-4h^j-egidd£_jxpjiMic,_tliough Philip of 
Spain had just made up his mind to do so. All the governments, 
and France conspicuously, favoured the cause of monarchism. 
Blake, however, pursued Rupert, and destroyed or captured all 
but three ships of his squadron which escaped to Toulon. From 
this time dates the habitual presence of British fleets in the 
Mediterranean, a development of naval pohcy and strategy of 
the most profound and far-reaching significance. 

CromweU was recalled from Ireland in May 1650, because, the 
moment the ascendency of the government there was secured, 
1649. his presence was imperatively needed elsewhere. 

Scotland. jj^ ^^ months following the execution of Charles i. 
no immediate danger had threatened from Scotland. The Scots 
had no part nor lot in that tragedy ; they were in no sense bound 
by the actions of England. They had no wish to repudiate 
either monarchy in general or the House of Stuart in particular. 
But ^th ev meant JXLinakaJJie-y oimg Pri nce^ Charles acce pt their, 
own terms before they set him on his father'sjthrone. Their 
'terms involvedTnot only his acceptance of the Covenant for 
himself, but his promise to enforce it in England and in Ireland. 
To such terms Charles preferred the chance of success in Ireland, 
and the possibility that Montrose and the uncompromising 
Royalists might carry the day for him in Scotland. He rejected 
the offers of the Scottish government. 

Through the year, the great Marquess was struggUng to 



The Republic 379 

organise his forlorn hope. At the end of the year the Scots 

reopened negotiations, which were not broken off although it 

was known that Montrose was acting with Charles's 

commission. In April 1650 Montrose made his end of 

desperate attempt, entering the furthest north of 

Scotland with some hundreds of hired foreign soldiers. But 

there was no strength of royalism or of antagonism to Argyll 

among the clans of that remote region. None rose to join 

Montrose's standard. His little force was surprised and 

scattered ; he himself became a fugitive, and fell into the hands 

of the wife of one of the Ross-shire chiefs, M'Leod of Assynt. 

She delivered him to the government, which disgraced itself by 

condemning him to be hanged and quartered as a traitor, as 

Edward of England had hanged Wallace. So perished one 

of the most fascinating and romantic figures in Scottish 

history. 

The master in whose cause he sacrificed himself made no 

attempt to save him, but with characteristic cjmicism came to 

terms with the men who had done his heroic servant 

to death ; that is, when he found them inexorable, accepts the 

he submitted to all their demands. On 23rd June covenant, 
, 1 June, 

he landed in Scotland, pledged to the Covenant, 

pledged to dismiss his own friends, pledged to have no dealings 
with the Engagers, pledged to repudiate all promises made to 
the Irish. If ever he got back to the throne of England, his 
pledges to the Scots would be repudiated with equal facility. 

The Scots were absolutely entitled to recognise their own 
king. The English had no title whatever to interfere — except 
that the presence of King Charles in Scotland would inevitably 
be a menace to the stability of the Commonwealth in England. 
The Commonwealth government had no doubt whatever that 
the expulsion of Charles from Scotland was an imperative neces- 
sity. Scots and English prepared for war. Fairfax, nominated 
to the command, refused it ; being of opinion that Fairfax 
the Scots were acting within their rights. He was "tires, 
obdurate to the persuasions of Cromwell himself, on whom the 
supreme command was then conferred, Fairfax resigning. 



380 The Commonwealth 

On 22nd July Cromwell entered Scotland at the head of an 

army of sixteen thousand men. He did not want to fight, but 

he would certainly fight if persuasion failed. He 

campaign, tried persuasion unsuccessfully. The Scots had 

"'^y- collected a larger force under the Leshes ; but they 

September. ° 

were not of the quality of the men who had fought at 

Marston Moor. They followed the time-honoured plan of wasting 
the country before the invader, and assuming the defensive, cover- 
ing Edinburgh. Cromwell advanced, the fleet accompanying 
up the coast. But the Leslies were skilled commanders, and the 
English general found their position impregnable. His troops 
were falling sick, and he was compelled to retreat on Dunbar 
followed b}'' the Scots, who again secured an impregnable position 
cutting off his further retreat. Then the control was taken out 
of Da\ad Leslie's hands by the Committee of Estates, who accom- 
panied the forces. Under the conviction that the Lord had 
delivered the enem\' into their hands, they insisted that the 
Scots arm}' should descend from the hills and wipe out Cromwell 
and his sectaries. The result was that Cromwell fell upon them 
at a disadvantage and utterly shattered them at the battle of 
Dunbar. Three thousand of them were slain, and ten thousand 
taken prisoners, mth hardl}' any loss to the EngHsh. 

The rout of Dunbar laid Edinburgh open to Cromwell ; but 
the Scots, though thej' had failed to annihilate him, were them- 

„. , selves far fi"om being crushed. It was the extreme 

Charles ° 

profits by Covenanters who had been defeated, and on whom 
the whole responsibihty for the defeat lay. Every 
such failure wa& a \-ictory almost as much for Charles as for 
Cromwell, since it helped to break the control of that austere 
party and to push the unquahfied Royalists and the Engagers 
into a position of ascendency. Although by the New Year 
Cromwell \\'as in possession even of the castle of Edinburgh, and 
practically master of the south, there was far more prospect of 
a Royahst rising in England in co-operation with the Scots than 
there had been when the young king ^^•as apparently a mere 
puppet in the hands of the ultra-Presbyterians. Sickness held 
Cromwell inactive for many months. In June 1651 Leshe was 



The Republic 381 

too strongly posted in the neighbourhood of Stirling to be 

attacked, and Cromwell could not afford a stalemate. With the 

actual, or at least ostensible, object of intercepting 

Leslie's communications with the east from which The Soots in- 

his supplies were chiefly drawn, the Lord-General 

marched upon Perth ; Charles took the opportunity, which had 

possibly been given on purpose, and marched south unopposed 

to invade England. 

A week after the start from Stirling Cromwell had dispatched 
Lambert with a brigade of cavalry to pursue and harass the 
king's force, and leaving behind him another body 
of troops under Monk started south from Edinburgh Worcester 
with his main army. Charles took the route into 
England by way of Carlisle and Lancashire, and beat off Lambert 
at Warrington. But the Royahsts failed to gather to his stand- 
ard ; and when he reached Worcester he resolved to halt and 
fortify his position. Two days later Cromwell himself was at 
Warwick, and had been joined by troops which brought up the 
numbers of his army to nearly thirty thousand men, perhaps 
double that of the Scots. By 3rd September Cromwell had 

enveloped Charles at Worcester, and there crushed ,„ . 

^ ' Worcester, 

his force completely after a stubborn contest. 3rd 
Charles, with a few of his horse, broke his way out, 
but the band of fugitives had to disperse, most of them to fall into 
the hands of the enemy. The king himself, after various adven- 
tures, succeeded in making his way to the fishing village on the 
coastof Sussex, which we now call Brighton, and escaped to France. 
For the EngUsh republic the battle of Worcester was ' the crown- 
ing mercy ' ; Cromwell never again had to draw the sword in its 
defence. He returned to London more than ever the hero of 
the army, and manifestly the first man of the country. 

The invasion of England broke up the Scottish defence. Towns 
and castles one after another fell into Monk's hands. In the 
spring of 1652 the EngUsh were masters of the 
country, if it could ever be said that any one was Scotland iu- 
master of the Highlands. In April the English 
parliament passed an Act for the incorporation of Scotland with 



382 The Commonwealth 

England. But the incorporation was not effected by treaty. 
In England it was looked upon as an act of grace on the part 
of conquerors who generously granted free citizenship to the 
conquered ; a point of view which did not strictly coincide witb 
that of the Scots themselves. To them it appeared merely that 
they had been brought under the dominion of England ; of which 
the EngUsh garrisons were an exasperating proof. 

When the EngUsh killed their king all Europe shuddered, 
and no state would recognise the new Commonwealth. Jn the_ 
,..„ i=„ United Provinces the dominant figure was that oL 

1649-50. ^ 

Foreign the young stadtholder, William of O range, th e son- 

in-law of the"dead kingT an agent sent thither on 
behalf of the Commonwealth, Dr. Dorislaus, was assassinated, 
and the States-General, the controlUng body, scarcely apolo- 
gised. In France Mazarin wa s continuing th ej work oj Kichfilip.u, 
and concentrating the whole power of the State in the Crown. 
To Spain the Commonwealth was detestable, whether as regicide 
or as Puritan. But none of the powers had any inchnation to 
embroil themselves directly with English affairs ; and the dis- 
inclination increased as month by month and year by year the 
Enghsh government more and more proved its vigour and its 
capacity for crushing its assailants. The death of WiUiam oL 
Orange in 1650, some months before the birth of the child who 
was one day to become WiUiam in. of England, broke for the 
time the power of the Orange f anuIyT ahd~gave Lhe abLendeiiC5r 
to the unqualified repubUcans ; whereby a door~seeined To be 
opened for aUiance bjtween the Dutch and EngUsh repubUcs. 
1650-1651. For a time it seemed Ukely that friendly relations 
would be estabUshed. PhiUp of Spain, whose contest with 
France had not been ended by the Peace of WestphaUa in 1648, 
began to think that some friendship with England might be 
worth cultivating, especiaUy since the troublesome Portuguese 
were showing hospitaUty to EngUsh RoyaUsts ; and the im- 
pression was strengthened by the presence of an EngUsh fleet 
in the Mediterranean, where it might exert a predominating 
influence on the balance of sea-power. Spain was the first 
state to recognise the Commonwealth. Mazarin was the last 



The Repriblic 383 

person to permit sentiment to override expediency, and he too 
began to think it might be worth while to attach the English 
sea-power to France rather than to Spain. At the beginning 
of i6g2j^ however askance the powers might look upon Eng- 
land, the prestige of the regicide State seemed likely to stand 
higher than had been the case during the last thirty years of 
monarchy. 

The State was confident in itself, and was resolute to force its 
own complete recognition upon the world. As matters stood 
with its rulers the only motive which was Hkely 
to urge it to intervention in quarrels between its tions with 
continental neighbours would have been the religious 
one ; and a quarrel between France and Spain was in no sense 
a contest between the forces of the Reformation and the forces 
of Romanism. But the apparent rapprochement with Holland 
was soon converted into hostility upon grounds of an altogether 
different kind. Dutch and Engl i sh had long bee n rivals jnjhg-^ 
trade with the E ast Indies ; the English had by no means for- 
gotten the massacre of Amboyna in 1623. The Dutch had out- 
stripped the English as traders, had become the great carriers 
of the world, and paid httle heed to the English claim to 
sovereignty in the narrow seas. When the English government 
lost the hope of a close alliance with the other great Protestant 
and maritime State, its tone changed. 

In October 1651, when Cromwell was returning to London 
after the victory at Worcester, parhament passed the_Navigation 
Act, of which the direct intentioiijwas^to deprive the-_DutclL-of-^ 
the carryings trade, and to transfer it to . England., jiie Navlga- 
The Act is commonly called Cromwell's, but probably **°° *''*• 
he had nothing to do with it. For more than two years past he 
had been entirely occupied with Ireland and Scotland, absent 
from London except for one brief interval, and exercising no 
control over the general direction of affairs. The Act forbade 
the importation of goods from America, Asia, or Africa, in any 
but English ships, and of goods from any European country 
except in English ships, or the ships of the country where the 
goods were produced. The English, too, maintained the right of 



384 The Commonwealth 

seizing an enemy's goods even when carried in neutral bottoms ; 
the Dutch as carriers resented such seizures ; the English refused 
to give up their doctrine of the right of search, or to repeal 
the Navigation Act ; and the Dutch admiral, Tromp, brought 
1652 The ^^ quarrel to a head in 1652 by refusing to salute 
Dutch war the British flag in the narrow seas. A squadron 

under his command carried this principle into action 
on meeting with a squadron under Blake in May. Blake, 
though with a smaller force, attacked him there and then ; and 
so began the first Dutch war. For two years it was stubbornly 
waged by admirals of the highest class on both sides, neither 
being able at any time to acliieve a decisive superiority, though 
on the whole the balance of success lay slightly in favour of the 
Enghsh, and more markedly so at the end of the war. It was 
during this war that Tromp hoisted to his masthead the broom 
which signified that he would sweep the Enghsh off the seas, 
and Blake responded by hoisting the whip which was the 
parent of the English naval pennant. 

The reorganisation of the navy, which had indeed begun as 
early as the year of Naseby, and was coloured by the same 
streneth of principles as those which had given birth to the 
the govern- New Model Army, was bearing fruit. It was 

perhaps the most striking exemplification of the 
vigour and capacity which characterised the administration, and 
of the national vitahty. Emerging from a great civil war which 
had strained its resources both of blood and treasure, England 
had nevertheless been able to bear the immense drain of the 
Irish and Scottish wars, and at the same time to launch and 
maintain a fleet which proved itself rather more than a match 
for the greatest of maritime powers. An essentially unpopular 
government had been able to impose an unprecedented weight 
of taxation, direct and indirect, on the whole country, and had 
built up the best army and the best navy to be found an3Avhere. 
And it had even raised its revenue without any flagrant injustice 
to the defeated party ; it was not till the summer of 1651 that 
it sequestrated a large number of Cavalier estates ; even a few 
months after the battle of Worcester it passed an Act of 



The Republic 385 

Oblivion for acts done before tliat date, though the lands which 
had been seized were not restored. 

Broadly speaking, though the Rump did not deal tenderly 
with its opponents, it was less harsh than might reasonably have 
been expected. It still interfered_with the liberty itsunpopu- 
of the Press, but with nothing like the severity of i^"ty- 
Laud and the Star Chamber. By a repealing Act in 1650, the 
Roman Mass was still prohibited, but otherwise freedom of 
worship was permitted ; though the Anglicans were expelled 
from the churches whose pulpits were handed over mainly to 
Presbyterians, Baptists, or Congregationalists. On the other 
hand, it did not add to its popularity by its austere enactments 
based on the theory that it is the business of the State to punish 
breaches of the moral laws, by penahsing Sabbath-breaking, 
^profane swearing, and the like. It endeavoured, in short, to 
enforce Puritan ethics by Act of parliament, a process the 
futility of which was demonstrated by the reaction after the 
Restoration. 

In view then of the great material difficulties of the situation, 
and of the moral difficulties with which any government must 
be faced when party passions run so high that the its defects, 
just appreciation of opponents is almost impossible, the Common- 
wealth government with all its defects may fairly claim to have 
■ deserved well of the republic' But it had other defects which 
we have not noted. Some of its members were not free from 
that corruption which had conspicuously characterised the 
governments of James i. and Charles i. Some of them regarded 
posts in the public service as perquisites of their own relations. 
Most of them had a fixed conviction that they were themselves 
the only fit and proper persons to rule the State whose security 
depended on their being confirmed as a permanent ohgarchy — 
a view not altogether unreasonable, since it was absolutely 
certain that a repubhc could only last while the minority ruled 
over the majority. 

The Rump also was emphatically jealous of the army ; and 
the army on behalf of its own leading officers was growing more 
and more jealous of the Rump, As the year 1652 advanced, 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ll. 2 B 



J 



86 The Commonwealth 



the officers began to press for more energy in legislative re- 
form, and for the election, under proper safeguards, of a new 

parliament to take the place of that which had been 
The army ^ ^ 

and tiie elected a dozen years before under quite different 

""'^' conditions. The army, in fact, was groping after an 

alternative to the oligarchy, embarrassed at the same time by 
the fact that it could not appeal to unhmited democracy, because 
the majority of Englishmen repudiated its own ideals. Crom- 
well himself had always been conscious that some sort of mon- 
archical element was needed to co-ordinate policy and to prevent 
a single-chamber government from becoming arbitrary and 
tyrannical. 

At the beginning of 1653, then, a crisis was approaching. The 
Rump was making a reluctant show of increased legislative 
1653. activity, and of coming to an agreement as to a 

The crisis. remote date for its own dissolution, which could 
be accomplished only by its own act, or by its forcible ejection. 
It gave consideration to a bill providing for a new election, with 
securities against the admission of disaffected persons. For a 
time Cromwell held in check the officers who, headed by Lambert, 
the most distinguished among them since Ireton's death, were 
pressing for a forcible dissolution. But it became known that 
the Rump was preparing a plan, not for a general election, but 
for the filhng up of vacant seats virtually by the co-option of the 
sitting members. On 19th April Cromwell conceived that he 
had obtained a promise from Vane and other leading members 
to defer proceeding with their bill until some solution satisfactory 
to the army had been reached. Next morning news was brought 

„,. „ to him that the House was proceeding with its 

The Rump '^ ° 

ejected, own bill. He hurried down with a detachment of 

soldiers, whom he left outside while he went in and 
took his seat. When the question whether the bill should be 
passed was about to be put, he saw that the moment had come 
for crossing the Rubicon and ejecting the parHament, or sub- 
mitting to the perpetuation of an oligarchy. He rose, denounced 
their proceedings in unmeasured terms, called in the soldiers, 
and cleared the House. On the same afternoon he dismissed 



Oliver 387 

the Council of State. There was no longer any body in England 
having any sort of legal authority to conduct the government. 
That responsibihty was simply assumed by the officers of the 
army. 

II. Oliver, 1653-1658 

Cromwell did not want to be a military dictator ; the army 
did not want to usurp the functions of government. What they 
wanted to find was a form of government not con- An era of 
ducted by themselves, but imbued with their own experiments, 
principles, representative of the nation, and zealous for the 
welfare of the nation. Unfortunately the second qualification 
was incompatible with the first. No body imbued with their 
principles could be representative of the nation ; and no body 
representative of the nation would be satisfied till it was free 
from mihtary domination ; in the absence of which no repre- 
sentative body would give effect to the principles the army 
loved. And the army would not be satisfied with any body which 
did not give effect to its principles. The practical effect was that 
for the next five years one experiment after another was tried, 
and each one failed, while the government was actually carried 
on by the power of the sword and the mastery of one man. 

The first experiment was the Nominated Assembly of 1653, 
sometimes called the Little Parliament, but most commonly 
the Barebones Parhament in derision — an appella- ,„,,„ „^ 

^'^ 1653. The 

tion derived from the name of one of the members, Barebones 
' Praise-God ' Barbone. The idea was that the 
Nominated Assembly should act until some method of procuring 
a safe representative assembly could be decided on. It was to 
consist of men who had in them the ' root of the matter.' Crom- 
well would have put into it men of all shades of opinion, such as 
Fairfax and Vane, provided they were unmistakable Puritans ; 
but Fairfax and Vane would have nothing to say to it. Finally, 
a list of suitable and godly persons was obtained from the con- 
gregational ministers throughout the country, from which with 
some additions one hundred and forty names were selected, 



^88 The Commonwealth 

including six to represent Ireland, and five to represent Scotland. 
One of them, Anthony Ashley Cooper, was to achieve celebrity 
a generation later. 

The experiment was a melancholy failure. The members 
were full of reforming zeal, but were totally devoid of adminis- 
itsooUapae. trative experience. They met together in high 
hopes that the rule of the saints had begun. The creation of 
this parUament had been the work of a new Council of State of 
ten members estabHshed by the army officers when the old 
Council of State was dissolved. This new council was now in 
turn dissolved, and a fresh council of thirty-one members ap- 
pointed. Then the pariiament gave vent to its reforming 
energies with more zeal than discretion. It attacked grievances, 
the Court of Chancery, the excise, the expenditure on the army, 
without considering whether it was practically possible to do 
without them. At the same time it failed to satisfy the aspira- 
tions of the Fifth Monarchy men, the zealots who believed that 
the Empire of Christ was now to take the place of the four 
empires of antiquity, the Assyrian, the Persian, the Macedonian, 
and the Roman. It was assailed on all sides by ridicule and 
abuse ; the more level-headed of the members realised the hope- 
less incompetence of the assembly, and at a carefully concerted 
gathering dissolved themselves on 12th December. 

Meanwhile Lambert and the officers had prepared their own 

scheme for a constitution. Four days after the dissolution of 

The instru- ^^ Nominated Assembly they issued what was 

mentof called the Instrument of Government. Authority 

Government, 

i6tii was to be vested in an elected Protector, a nomm- 

Deoember. ^^^^ Executive Council of fifteen increased by co- 
option to twenty-one, and a parliament of four hundred English 
members with thirty from Scotland and thirty from Ireland 
The franchise was restricted by a high property qualification, 
while every one who had been in arms against the parUament 
was disqualified, as also were Roman Catholics. The Protector, 
Oliver Cromwell, was to control the Executive. With him lay 
the direction of the mihtia and the navy, of war and peace, 
though he was to consult with parliament when in session, and 



Oliver 389 

at other times with the council. When parhament was not 

sitting, the Protector might issue ordinances with the consent 

of his council ; but, when parliament had met, the ordinances 

must be submitted to it for ratification. The Protector had no 

veto on the parliament's legislation unless it ran counter to the 

Instrument of Government ; and parliament alone controlled 

taxation and supply, apart from the provision of a permanent 

revenue for the maintenance of the ordinary civil administration 

and of an adequate army and fleet. Parhament was to be 

assembled not less than once in three years, and was to sit for 

not less than five months. The first parliament was to meet on 

3rd September 1654, the anniversary of Cromwell's victories at 

Dunbar and Worcester. In the interval all the functions of 

government were to be discharged by the Protector and the 

council. Freedom of worship, so long as it was consistent with 

pubhc order, was to be permitted to all professed Christians 

except Romanists and Prelatists. 

The Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell began on i6th December 

1653, the soldiers who controlled the situation in Scotland and 

Ireland accepting the constitution. For some nine Oliver Crom- 

months the Protector had a free hand, though his '^sii' ^<"^^ 

Protector, 
ordinances were to come before parhament for rati- leth 

fication when it assembled. For the settlement of *''*™ ^^' 
religion, the parish churches with their stipends were given to 
ministers, of whatever denomination, who were recommended 
satisfactorily to a commission of ' triers ' ; but persons who did 
not choose to attend parish churches were generally allowed 
liberty of conscience. Anglicans, though not Romanists, were 
allowed the private use of their own ritual, and were generally 
permitted to assemble in larger congregations than the law actu- 
ally authorised. Cromwell, in fact, was more tolerant than the 
law, because he could not venture to make the letter of the law 
so tolerant as he wished. Thus a practical protection was in 
effect extended even to Romanists on one side, and on the other 
to the then extremely eccentric sect of the Quakers which had 
recently been founded, and even to Jews who began in small 
numbers to find an asylum in a country from which they had 



390 The Commonwealth 

been practically excluded for three and a half centuries. In 
another field he endeavoured, not unsuccessfully, to reform the 
abuses of the Court of Chancery, and his appointments to the 
Bench were free from partisan bias and were directed to the 
selection of the most competent judges. 

The conquest of Ireland in the first years of the Common- 
wealth by Cromwell, Ireton, and Ireton's successor, Ludlow, left 

that country in a pitiable condition. Neither the 
1652-6. ^ , . , . , „ 

The settle- Rump which was supreme m 1052, nor Cromwell, 

mentof dreamt of appljdng to Ireland those principles of 

leniency towards the vanquished which they prided 
themselves on having adopted in England and Scotland. The 
estates of Catholics were confiscated on a larger scale than even 
the Tudor confiscations, by the Act of Settlement in the summer 
of 1652. By the same Act tens of thousands of persons were 
excluded from pardon as rebels, and were rendered liable to the 
death penalty, though as a matter of fact only some three hun- 
dred, who were convicted of participation in massacres, were 
actually put to death. The forfeitures, however, were rigidly 
carried out, largely for the benefit of the Puritan soldiery who 
were disbanded and settled in plantations. In the following 
year an attempt was made to sweep the whole Catholic popu- 
lation into Connaught, with the object of preventing a repetition 
of that fusion between the settlers and the natives which had 
hitherto from time immemorial tended to transform the colonists 
into Irishmen. The attempt failed because the peasants would 
not move unless they were driven by force, and the settlers also 
opposed a passive resistance to their expulsion, because their 
labour was needed. Practically, however, nearly all the Catho- 
The effects. lie gentry, and the comparatively wealthy Catholics 
in the towns east of the Shannon, were ejected, and as a class 
were hopelessly ruined. EngHsh and Scots, sprung chiefly from 
the yeoman or burgess classes, became possessed of most of the 
soil, and, almost exclusively, of the full rights of citizenship. 
The Ireland represented in the Protectorate parliament was the 
Puritan Ireland of Enghsh and Scots who, numerous as they 
were, could never be more than a garrison dominating a larger 



Oliver 391 

population intensely hostile to the Anglo-Scottish Protestant 
ascendency ; _and no efforts of the government j;ould prevent 
their intermixture with the native Irish. 

Scotland after Worcester yielded a sombre acquiescence to 
the English ascendency, and felt no gratitude for the generosity 
on which the English parhament plumed itself. ^63, 
Royahst hopes revived with the expectation that Scotland. 
the Dutch war, by absorbing the energies of the English fleet, 
would facilitate the introduction into Scotland of troops from 
the Continent. The expulsion of the Rump and the apparent 
insecurity of the government in England gave them further 
encouragement, and a rising in the north was planned under the 
earl of Glencairn and General Middleton. But it was not till 
the beginning of 1654 that the insurgents were able to assemble 
in arms, when the Protectorate had already begun in England. 
General Monk, whom Cromwell had left in Scotland 1654. Monit 
as his Heutenant, and who had subsequently been *" Scotland. 
withdrawn to act as one of the most capable of the English 
admirals against the Dutch, was sent back to Scotland to suppress 
the Royahst insurgents and estabUsh the Protectorate govern- 
ment in April. Middleton was no Montrose ; no sudden blaze 
of insurrection was to be feared ; the Protector was coming to 
terms with the Dutch, and Monk's first step was to pacify public 
sentiment by the proclamation of the new order. Scotland was 
to have thirty representatives in the parliament of the Common- 
wealth of which she formed a part. The Scots were to enjoy the 
same commercial privileges and rights as EngUshmen. The 
common folk were to be relieved from the feudal jurisdictions 
which still survived in full force, and were to have the protection 
of the common law in new popular courts. An indemnity was 
granted, though with substantial exceptions, for political offences 
down to 1652. Having issued his proclamations, Monk turned 
to the business of crushing Middleton, and before the end of the 
summer the insurrection was practically stamped out. Forts 
and garrisons were then estabhshed at strategic points, and the 
carr5dng of arms without a licence was forbidden, while danger- 
ous persons were required to give bonds for their good behaviour. 



392 The Commonwealth 

The Executive government of Scotland was placed in the hands 
of a separate Scottish Council, though in it EngUshmen were 
predominant, and the troops which made the government 
irresistible were English. 

As in England, in Scotland, and in Ireland, the government 
was the government of Cromwell, so also in foreign affairs the 

policy of England was henceforth the policy of the 
Foreign Protector. The two years' war with the Dutch 

was promptly brought to an end. It was a war 
which he dishked, because he was always desirous of aUiance 
between the Protestant powers; the jeligious motive always _ 
predominated in his mind, nor did he ever realise how secondary 
it had become with others. Peace was made the easier by the 
death of the greatest of the Dutch admirals, Tromp, and by 
the more decisive successes which latterly attended Blake and 

the English commanders. Equal as the fighting had 

war ended, been, Holland had suffered far more severely than 
April 

England from the destruction of the commerce on 

which the whole of her wealth depended ; whereas England could 
still for the most part produce actual necessities for herself. By the 
peace which was signed in April 1654, the Dutch acknowledged 
the English sovereignty of the seas, the Navigation Act continued 
in force, and the two countries concluded a defensive alhance. 

The formation of a Protestant league, and the assumption by 
England of the position of champion and protector of Protestant- 
cromweii'a ism, was the root conception of Cromwell's foreign 
motive. pohcy ; as it had been with the EHzabethan states- 

men of Walsingham's school, though not with Ehzabeth herself. 
EUzabethan in the same sense was Cromwell's imperialism, his 
ideal of colonial development, derived not from Elizabeth, but 
from Raleigh. He was apparently unconscious of the fact, 
tolerably obvious to a modem student, that rehgious differences 
were ceasing, or had ceased since the Thirty Years' War, to be 
the principal factors in international quarrels ; and he still held 
to the Ehzabethan doctrine that European powers might be 
fighting each other in America ' beyond the Hne,' and yet be on 
friendly terms in Europe. 



Oliver 393 

Misapprehension of foreign affairs had been a common char- 
acteristic of the EngHsh poUticians in every parliament at least 
since the death of Robert Cecil, and the Common- France and 
wealth statesmen were unable to make up their Spain, 
minds whether France or Spain was now the real enemy of 
Protestantism. They still looked upon Spain as the premier 
Hapsburg power ; but Spain was now allied with the Huguenot 
Conde against the French government. The actual fact was 
that the traditional chief of the Huguenots had been at the head 
of the faction opposed to Mazarin, as he had been the head of 
the faction opposed to Richelieu ; neither Mazarin's government 
nor Richelieu's had been hostile to Huguenots as such. But there 
was a prima facie appearance that Spain was backing Protestants 
against Catholic tyranny, and that a French government was 
oppressing Protestants. Also Philip had been hospitable to 
Blake in 1650, while France had for a long time been more than 
cold to the regicide republic. As a consequence, Lambert and 
others advocated alhance with Spain in her prolonged contest 
with France. 

Oliver, it would seem, did not see his own way clearly, but in 
the bottom of his mind there lurked the traditional hostility to 
Spain in the New World as the bar to expansion, 
and to Spain in Europe as the champion of Popery, against 
Both Spain and France wanted the Protector's 
alliance if they could get it on terms satisfactory to themselves. 
Still English and French had for some time past been making 
reprisals upon each other at sea, while Puritan New England 
and the French colony of Acadia to the north were threatening 
each other. On the other hand, Spain was as reluctant as ever 
to admit England to trade in the West Indies, or to permit 
English heretics to practise their own forms of worship on 
Spanish soil. On the whole, Croitiwell seems to have been not 
indisposed to war with one or other or both of the powers, but 
with a preference for alliance with France against Spain. So, 
following what he took to be the precedent of Elizabeth's govern- 
ment, he prepared an expedition, which put to sea under sealed 
orders with General Venables and Admiral Penn in command. 



394 ^'^^ Commonwealth 

and was intended to emulate the example of Drake in the West 
Indies. But there was this manifest difference, that the Eliza- 
bethan seamen were pla5ang for their own hand at their own risk 
with no ostensible authority from the government. 

The first Protectorate parliament had no sooner assembled 

than it showed a dangerous spirit by attacking the Instrument 

of Government itself. The limitation of the fran- 

parUament, chise had almost but not quite excluded Royalists ; 

September- jj^^ j^ provided no check upon the multipUcation 
January. '^ . . 

of Presb3rterians, who were apt to be antagonistic to 

toleration, or upon the admission of those who objected altogether 
to the Protectorate as expressing the domination of the army and 
of a single man. On the other hand, it had been the primary 
purpose of the Instrument to give security against a singlechamber 
wielding arbitrary power. Discussion was promptly stopped, 
and the members were ordered to subscribe to a declaration 
that they would be loyal to the Lord Protector and the Common- 
wealth, and would not attempt to alter in principle the system 
laid down by the Instrument. The members who refused to 
sign were thenceforth excluded. The purged House then pro- 
ceeded to give the Instrument of Government a statutory form, 
but in so doing it introduced a series of amendments restricting 
the Protector's powers and extending its own. It proposed at 
the same time to reduce the army to little more than half its 
present numbers. It was in fact obviously tending to seek means 
for securing to itself the same supremacy as that of the Rump. 

The army and the Protector, on the other hand, were thoroughly 
aware that Cromwell's supremacy was a necessity if their prin- 
ciples were to be maintained. Already there had 

1655. 

Oliver dis- been one plot to assassinate the Protector, and 

solves the Royalist conspirators would manifestly be encour- 
parliament. j r j ^ 

aged by anything that tended to diminish his 

authority ; the parliament was heading towards its destruction. 

The Instrument had not specified calendar months in giving 

parliament a minimum duration of five months ; soldiers and 

sailors received their pay by approximate lunar months of 

twenty-eight days. On the last day of the fifth month so 



Oliver 395 

reckoned, 22nd January 1655, Cromwell dissolved the parliament 
which, strong in its civilian and republican principles, had refused 
to recognise that only the sword could preserve the existence of 
the Commonwealth at all. 

Under the Instrument the Protector was absolute whenever 
parliament was not in session, and he was not required to call 
another parliament for a couple of years. But now Adversaries, 
there was no veiling the naked fact that he was a mihtary dic- 
tator, whether by his will or against it. Ahke to Levellers, 
RoyaUsts, hterary republicans, and Fifth Monarchists, such a 
consummation was altogether to be condemned. Though they 
would not combine together against the Protector, each was 
ready to assail and none to support him ; though his fall could 
only have produced sheer anarchy, as \\'as shown clearly enough 
when he laid down the burden of hfe. But the army was loyal 
to the chief who maintained his rule ; an arbitrary rule, because 
it could be nothing else, but a just rule, or at least a rule which 
strove its utmost to be just ; and a rule which while he lived 
•made the name of England feared as it had not been feared for 
half a century past — as it had hardly been feared even in the 
days of Drake. 

Disaffection then was widespread, but lacked the homogeneity 

necessary to make it really dangerous to an extremely efficient 

administration. One or two democratic conspir- „ j., , , 

^ FenrudaocK s 

acies were nipped in the very early bud. The rising, 
plotters who were organising a Royalist rising 
found their plans anticipated by the watchful vigour of the 
government. Nevertheless an abortive attempt was made, 
known as Penruddock's rising. A party of Cavahers, headed by 
John Penruddock, made a raid on Salisbury to seize the persons 
of the judges at the opening of the assizes. They got no support 
and had to take flight. On the countryside, if any one rose, it 
was against the insurgents. Some were captured, a dozen were 
executed, and some scores were dispatched to Barbadoes after 
the precedent of Preston and Colchester. In effect the whole 
affair only provided the government with justification for severe 
dealing with suspects. 



396 The Commonwealth 

In these circumstances the military character of the govern- 
ment was in effect avowed by the division of the country into 

ten districts, with a maior-general in each, who not 
The major- » j o 

generals, only had control of the militia, but was practically 
empowered to direct the whole of the local adminis- 
tration. Cromwell had attempted to allay popular discontent 
by a great reduction of the direct taxation, the monthly assess- 
ment. But with expenditure already exceeding revenue this 
produced a heavy deficit ; and the Protector was driven to the 
expedient, which he had condemned when resorted to by parlia- 
ment, of making the Cavaliers pay. They were subjected to a 
ten per cent, income-tax known as the Decimation. Puritans 
of the more bigoted type were also gratified by more stringent 
regulations against the ministration of episcopalian clergymen. 
Royalists who had taken part in plots against the Protector 
himself were made subject to very severe penalties. It is gener- 
ally admitted that the major-generals made no tyrannical use of 
their powers ; the regulations (except the decimation) directed 
against Royalists and episcopalian clergy were rarely enforced,, — 
but were held in reserve as a weapon to be called into use if 
necessary ; still the fact remained that Enghshmen had the 
strongest objection to mihtary rule, however just it might be, 
and also to their compulsory subjection to Puritan standards of 
conduct. 

The expedition of Penn and Venables sailed in December 1654, 
while the first Protectorate parliament was still sitting. Then, 
and for some months afterwards, Cromwell was negotiating 
with Spain as though no attack were being made on Spanish 
dominions, and in the early summer he was assuming an extremely 
The Vaudois. threatening attitude towards France for apparently 
countenancing the persecution of the Protestant Vaudois, the 

' Slaughtered saints whose bones 
Lie scattered in the alpine mountains cold,' 

by the regency of Savoy. Public feehng in England, expressed 

_ig_Milton_'s sonnet, was roused to a high pitch of intensity. 

Mazarin, anxious to secure the friendship of England, brought 



Oliver 397 

pressure to bear on the Savoy government, and the persecution 

was stopped. He was rewarded by a treaty of peace and amity 

between France and England, which was signed on 24th October. 

Meanwhile Blake had been raising still higher the prestige of 

the British Navy — British we may call it at this time, since 

under the Protectorate the British Isles were 

Blake in the 
incorporated as a single state. For years the seas Mediter- 

had swarmed with pirate fleets issuing from Moorish ranean, 

ports from Tunis to Tangier. Blake, in command of 

a Mediterranean squadron, originally intended to act against 

France, destroyed a Moorish squadron under the guns of the 

fort and batteries of Porto Farina, the first example of a fleet's 

successful attack upon land fortifications and batteries. 

By this time the fleet in the West Indies had failed disastrously 
in attacking Hispaniola ; incidentally, however, it captured the 
island of Jamaica, by which no one at that time set 
any store, though having taken it England held on captured, 
to it. Though Drake's raiding three-quarters of a 
century before had not been treated as a casus lelli, the per- 
formance of the official fleet of the Commonwealth involved 
the open declaration of war with Spain, and hastened the French 
treaty. 

Under the Instrument of Government the Protector, in the 
event of war with a foreign power, was required to summon 
parliament, irrespective of the Triennial law. To 
this course, accordingly, Cromwell made up his mind, THe second 

and the second Protectorate parliament was called, parliament, 

' September, 
and met in September 1656. It contained a power- 
ful opposition element. Cromwell, however, felt his personal 
position to be strong. Only a few days before, an English 
squadron under Captain Stayner had caught the Spanish Plate 
Fleet, utterly destroyed it, and was now on its way home with 
half the treasure aboard, the rest having gone down with the 
ships. Cromwell justified his Spanish war to the new parlia- 
ment, ordered it to attend to its real business of reforming unjust 
laws, such as the monstrous disproportion between petty crimes 
and the savage penalties they involved, and with his Council 



398 The Commonwealth 

turned out of it all the weighty members of the Opposition, 
practically ejecting some hundred and fifty members. The 
parliament thus purged was practically at his orders, and voted 
the supphes demanded. About the same time Cromwell with- 
drew the major-generals whose appointment had served its 
purpose, while the system was too unpopular for employment 
except in extreme emergency. 

No one could feel that the form of the existing constitution 
was satisfactory. Tha't the actual government was strong and 

resolute, that it protected life and property, that it 
If Oliver aimed at righteousness, that it had raised the 

national prestige, that the administration of the 
public services was efficient and clean, that it controlled the 
finest fighting fleet on the seas, were all undeniable facts. On 
the other hand, it was equally clear that its success depended 
upon the personahty of the Lord Protector, a man no longer 
young, and already becoming worn out by the tremendous 
burden borne upon his shoulders ; a man, too, whose life was 
always in some danger from assassination, as the public were 
reminded by the discovery of another murder plot. It was 
imperative that some system should be arrived at which should 
secure the state from being plunged into anarchy by his death. 
Among the officers there was no one who, like Oliver, could 
dominate the public imagination, no one whom the rest of the 
officers would willingly acknowledge as supreme. Another 
Lord Protector wielding the same powers could hardly fail to 
become a tyrant ; another less powerful Lord Protector would 
be a puppet in the hands either of the army or a single chamber, 
alternatives each of which was more than alarming. 

There were then definite reasons for suggestions that a heredi- 
tary monarchy should be revived in the house of Cromwell, and 

, , for the revival of a second chamber. A king was 
Proposals for ° 

making intelligible ; a monarchy looked more legitimate 

than a Protectorship. Lawyers also remarked that , 
whereas the law of treason would, in the conceivable event of 
a Stuart restoration, protect those who had supported a ie 
facto king, the Act of Henry vii. might not be held to cover the 



Oliver 399 

supporters of a usurper who was not a king. A second chamber 
would also provide guarantees against any attempt by the House 
of Commons to convert itself into a permanent oligarchy, or 
arbitrarily to overturn existing settlements. These considera- 
tions issued in the presentation by parliament of 

^ -^ ^ The Humble 

what was called the Humble Petition and Advice, petition and 

It proposed that OUver should be given the title Advice, 
of king.; that there should be a second House of 
Parliament, consisting primarily of Cromwell's nominees, but, 
once it should be constituted, no new members were to be added 
except with its own consent. Similarly, membership of the 
Executive Council was to be permanent, and its consent was to 
be necessary to the admission of new members, and to removals. 
A fixed annual revenue was to be provided for the public 
services, and additional supplies were to be obtainable only 
from parliament. There was to be toleration for all Christian 
sects except Papists and Prelatists. No one elected to parlia- 
ment was to be excluded except by the order of the House. 

There is no doubt that Cromwell would have preferred to 
accept the Petition and Advice as it stood. Many of the officers, 

headed by Lambert, the deviser of the Instrument „,, 

J ' Oliver de- 

of Government, were opposed to it altogether. The ciines tie 
full-blooded republicans objected to the mon- "' ^^' 

archical principle in toto. The Petition was presented on 31st 
March. Cromwell hesitated for long, but at last, on 8th May, 
he refused the title of king, but in other respects assented to the 
Petition. Parliament reluctantly acquiesced, and Oliver was 
formally installed, with almost the pomp of a coronation, as 
Protector for life with the power of nominating his successor. 

Meanwhile Blake had been achieving the greatest of his triumphs 
on the seas. The Spanish Plate Fleet on its way from the West 
Indies took refuge from him in the bay of Santa 
Cruz at Tenerilfe, a harbour with fortifications of Teneriffe, 

April 

immense strength. There in a seven hours' battle 
the forts were completely silenced, and the Spanish fleet was 
annihilated. It was Blake's last victory, for he died even while 
his ship was entering Plymouth Sound. 



400 The Commonwealth 

The offensive alliance with France against Spain was formed in 
March. In effect its immediate object was the establishment of 
France in the Spanish Netherlands, and the delivery 
in the to England of the ports of Dunkirk and Mardyke ; 

England was once more to hold a gateway into the 
Continent, an entry which she had lost by the capture of Calais 
one hundred years before. An EngUsh contingent of six thousand 
men under an Enghsh commander, but maintained by the French, 
was to co-operate with Turenne. The attack was to be made 
upon GraveUnes, Dunkirk, and Mardj^ke. When Turenne was 
joined by the English contingent and opened the campaign, he 
seemed to Cromwell to be much too intent upon conquering the 
interior ; but the Protector's remonstrances were effective, and 
in September Mardyke was taken. 

ParUament, which had adjourned after the carrying through 

of the Humble Petition and Advice, met again in January 1658. 

1658. The Meanwhile Cromwell had selected his new House 

impracticable of Lords, but not all his nominees chose to accept. 

parliament 

dissoivea, Manchester and other peers refused ; there were 

e ruary. actually only two peers among the forty-two who 
assembled. In their number were included some thirty of 
Cromwell's warmest adherents from the House of Commons, to 
which the Republicans, excluded on its first assembling, were 
readmitted. With the Cromwellian element thus seriously 
weakened, while the hostile party was immensely enlarged, the 
Commons proceeded to follow the example of the previous 
parhaments. They turned upon the new constitution and 
attacked the new House of Lords. Cromwell urged them to 
get to business ; they went on with their amendments of the 
constitution. RoyaUsts once more began to take heart ; the Pro- 
tector knew that Ormond was in London, preparing to organise 
insurrection. On 4th February he came down to the House 
and dissolved his last parhament. The government had infor- 
mation of such conspiracies as were on foot, and they were 
promptly suppressed by the arrest of the ringleaders, some of 
whom were executed. 

In March, the French alliance was renewed for another year. 



The End of the Commonwealth 401 

The numbers of the English troops in the Netherlands were made 
up by reinforcements. At the battle of the Dunes a decisive 
victory was won, chiefly owing to the brilliant 
valour of the English regiments, which in the course Dunes, 
of the fight almost annihilated the Cavalier regiments 
who were fighting for the Spaniards. For at this time the 
exiled Charles was residing at Bruges in the Spanish Netherlands, 
under the aegis of the Spanish king whose friendship he had 
sought, and to whom he had made many promises when the 
Commonwealth went to war with Spain. The immediate fruit 
of the victory was the capture of Dunkirk by the allies, whereby it 
became an English possession ; and it soon became apparent that 
the French, aided by English troops, would drive the Spaniards 
out of the Netherlands altogether, unless they made haste to 
seek peace. The deference shown to Cromwell by the French 
government demonstrated the height of power which the 
Commonwealth had achieved under his guidance. 

But the great Protector's days were already numbered. His 
health was shattered by the tremendous strain — physical, moral, 
and intellectual — which he had borne for ten years The passing 
past. He had entered on his sixtieth year some "f i''*'- 
weeks before the victory of the Dunes. The shock caused by the 
death of his favourite daughter, Lady Claypole, at the beginning 
of August broke him down. He was stricken with an ague. 
He found the strength was departing from him ; he was willing 
to live and work, willing also to die and be at rest. While he 
lay djdng a furious storm was raging, a fit accompaniment to 
the ending of a fife so full of turmoil. On 3rd September the 
anniversary of the battles of Dunbar and Worcester, the great 
lonely rugged spirit passed away. 

HI. The End of the Commonwealth, 1658-1660 

Oliver on his deathbed had named as his successor his eldest 
son Richard ; perhaps with the idea that this was the likeliest 
way of establishing a dynasty ; for he can hardly have sup- 
posed that the young man was fitted to take up the father's 

Inaes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. 2 C 



402 The Comniomvealth 

burden. Richard was endowed with estimable qualities, but with 
no great vigour— mental or moral. The father was recognised 
Kicharci ^^^ revered by the army as the greatest military 

Cromwell, chief of the day ; to that army the son was a mere 
Protector. cipher. Lambert had been dismissed from his 
command a year before ; the principal officers, Fleetwood and 
Desborough, were connected with the young Lord Protector 
by marriage, and were well disposed towards him ; but they felt 
that the army must have from the new regime some guarantee 
that it would not now be overridden by civiUans. A committee 
of officers proposed that Fleetwood should be made commander- 
in-chief, with full power to appoint officers. Richard rejected 
the petition, and called a parhament which met in January 
1659. 

The Republicans, Vane, Ludlow, and Lambert, with their 
following, found themselves in a minority when they attacked 

the new Protectorate and the House of Lords. It 
1669. Parlia- . , t , • , 

ment sum- was perhaps their association with Lambert which 

dissolved "^ made them turn to the army as a possible instru- 

January- ment. Ludlow, too, had held the chief command 

April. 

in Ireland until the first beginning of the Pro- 
tectorate ; but it was a strange thing to see the high repub- 
licans appealing to the army against the parliament. The 
officers presented a petition which the Protector passed on to 
the Commons, and which was by them ignored at first, and then 
answered by a resolution forbidding general meetings of the 
officers. Richard dissolved the council of officers ; whereupon 
they, feehng that a crisis had arrived, demanded that parha- 
ment should be dissolved, promising the Protector their pro- 
tection. Richard yielded, and the Houses were dissolved by 
proclamation. 

In consultation with the Republicans, the officers then con- 
sented that the old Rump should be recalled — ^it had never 

„ ^ ,^^ dissolved itself, and could therefore claim that it 
End of t&e 

Protectorate, had precisely the same legal authority as when 

Oliver turned it out of doors. On 7th May the 

Rump was reinstated and promptly reverted to its old position, 



The End of the Commonwealth 403 

announcing that it would maintain the Commonwealth without 
a House of Lords and without a Protector. Richard Cromwell 
accepted the situation and slipped away into an easy obscurity 
from which he never again emerged, though he lived far into the 
reign of Queen Anne.— Had he been prepared to fight for his 
position he would probably have been supported by his brother 
Henry in Ireland, Monk in Scotland, and not a few officers in 
England for his father's sake. But no one would stir for a man 
who would not move himself. 

Rather more than a hundred members might be assembled in 
this new-old parhament ; about twice as many, who had sat 
before the application of Pride's Purge, were still Thearmy 
excluded. But now that the Republicans had got and tie 
their Republican assembly, and had got it by the 
agency of the officers, they had still to reckon with an army 
which was not at all inclined to allow its own claims to be over- 
looked. The officers began at once to remember the ancient 
quarrel ; to ask for a second chamber, and for the appointment 
of Fleetwood as commander-in-chief, with optional powers in 
the selection of officers. The parhament appointed Fleetwood, 
but it placed the selection and rejection of officers in the hands 
of a commission which included the civihan Republicans, Vane 
and Hazelrigg. Again the hopes of the Royalists rose ; Charles's 
shrewdest councillor, Edward Hyde, had information which led 
him to expect that Monk in Scotland and Montague, who had 
been associated with Blake in the fleet, might declare for a 
Stuart restoration. 

But leading men in England were in no hurry to assume 
responsibiUty for forcing on another revolution. The army was 
still powerful, and its disintegration could not be msuri-ection 
counted upon. So, though a rising was concerted, suppressed, 
when the appointed day came, in August, there were 
merely sporadic outbreaks which everywhere came to nothing, 
except in Cheshire. There a comparatively large force was 
assembled. Lambert with half a dozen regiments was dispatched 
to suppress it ; the soldiers had not forgotten their business, 
and the insurgents were dispersed at Winnington Bridge. 



404 The Commonwealth 

The insurrection had not overturned the Commonwealth, but 

it stiifened the officers who agreed to demand that Fleetwood's 

office should be made permanent, and that Lambert, 

ejects^e Desborough, and Monk should be estabUshed as next 

Rump, in command. The matter reached the ears of parlia- 

October. 

ment, which passed resolutions againstthe existenceof 

general officers. As the strained relations continued the Republi- 
cans resolved to assert themselves once for all. They annulled 
all the ordinances of the Protectorate which had not been 
confirmed by parhament. They cancelled the commissions of 
Lambert and other officers, and placed the supreme command 
of the army itself in commission. Thereupon Lambert convened 
a gathering of officers, and, being sure of their support, he pro- 
ceeded with his regiment, on 12th October, to shut up the 
Parliament House. For the second time the Rump had tried 
a fall with the army ; with the same result on the second occa- 
sion as on the first. Once more the officers had to devise a form 
. of government. As a temporary solution they 

of govern- appointed a committee to take over the task and 
to carry on the government in the interim. The 
committee was joined by Vane and others, who recognised that, 
however strongly they might object to such arbitrary arrange- 
ments, the government must be carried on somehow. 

In Scotland, however, was George Monk, who had hitherto 
attended strictly and very effectively to his own business, the 
George Monk, business entrusted to him, whatever it might happen 
November. |-q \^^ Monk, watching events, was inclined to 
think that it might now be his business to judge for himself how 
the country must be governed, and to give his judgment effect. 
It had been one thing to serve Cromwell, it was quite another to 
leave a committee of soldiers, with apparently no clear ideas as 
to what they wanted, to override parhament. He prepared to 
march into England at the head of his troops as soon as he felt 
satisfied that it would not be dangerous to withdraw his army 
from Scotland. He dispatched three commissioners to England 
to negotiate with the new government, which in its turn dis- 
patched Lambert to the north with authority to treat, and with 



The End of the Commonwealth 405 

a force which could reason with Monk. For some weeks negotia- 
tions went on, neither of the generals crossing the border. Monk 
reckoned that time was in his favour ; Lambert had the stronger 
force on paper, but it was more likely to break up. Moreover, 
Monk opened communications with Fairfax, who hitherto had 
steadily refused to take upon himself any political responsibilities, 
but had not lost his hold on the affections of the army, or the 
respect of his countrymen. Monk knew that if he could secure 
the co-operation of Fairfax, Lambert would cease to count. 

In fact, the army officers did not know their own minds. The 
committee in London proclaimed that a new parliament was to 

be assembled in February, but another combina- ,„„. „ , 
■' ' 1660. Monk 

tion of officers and Republicans, with the city of comes to Eng- 
London at their backs, and the support of the fleet, 
effected another couj> d'etat, and once more installed the Rump 
on 26th December. By that time Monk and Fairfax were ready 
to act. On 2nd January 1660, the troops from Scotland crossed 
the Tweed ; Lambert's army melted away ; Monk marched 
southward amid constant demonstrations in favour of a full and 
free parliament — a description which did not apply to the Rump. 
He reached London in the first week of February. 

It was Monk's r61e — and there is no fair ground for denying his 
honesty — to stand as the champion of law ; it was not his policy 
to enforce this or that particukr theory of govern- 
ment, but to establish a government with public parliament 

opinion behind it. For the moment he and his "stored, 

February. 
troops were at the service of the acting government, 

but it did not take him long to learn that pubhc opinion de- 
manded as the first step the recall of the Long Parhament as 
a whole, not merely of the fragment which had usurped its 
functions. The members for the City of London were among 
those expelled, and the city was now refusing to pay taxes until 
they were reinstated. Within three weeks of the general's 
appearance in London, the excluded members were readmitted. 
At the end of another three weeks the Long Parliament, thus 
reinstated, had dissolved itself. But before doing so it had 
arranged for the calling of a free parliament to meet on 25th 



4d6 The ComntotiWealth 

April, a pariiament to which Royalists were ehgible, and in the 

elections to which RoyaUsts might vote, though with a formal 

,, ^. , limitation which was practically inoperative. Also 

It disaolvea ^ ■' x i_ o i 

itself, it had given order for the recognition of the Solemn 

League and Covenant, a significant step since that 
document professed loyal allegiance to the Crown. At the same 
time it had shown its Presbyterian prochvities by adopting the 
Westminster Confession, the formula of faith drawn up in 1650 
by the Assembly of Divines, chiefly Presbyterian. 

A Stuart restoration had not hitherto been openly mooted, 
but Monk was now all but satisfied that a Stuart restoration was 
_ „ the one solution which would be hailed with general 

tion of accord. As a result of his secret communications 

with Charles at Bruges, that very astute prince 
removed himself from Spanish territory — -hostihties in the 
Netherlands had been ended by the Treaty of the Pjrrenees the 
year before — took up his quarters at Breda in the Dutch repubhc, 
and sent over to Monk the proclamation known as the Declara- 
tion of Breda. Therein he promised to protect liberty of con- 
science, to grant complete indemnity for the past save to such 
persons as might be excepted by parliament, to leave parliament 
to decide as to the validity of the ownership of land which had 
changed hands in the course of the Revolution, and to pay in 
full the arrears due to the army before it should be disbanded. 
As yet the Declaration was kept secret, but Monk was confirmed 
in the conviction that it would satisfy public opinion by an 
address from the city of London proposing that Charles should 
be invited to return to England substantially on the conditions 
embodied in the Declaration. 

On 25th April parliament met. Nothing had been said about 
a House of Lords, except that the Peers who had sided with the 

parliament should reassemble. The limitation. 
The Con- '^ 

yention however, was ignored, and the Lords took their 

recaUs seats as in the ancient days. As soon as the 

Charles, Houses met, Grenville, who had been the agent 

April. 

between Monk and Charles, produced letters from 

the king written on the lines of the Declaration. The Houses 



The End of the Commonwealth 40 j> 

unanimously resolved that by the fundamental laws of the 
kingdom the government of the country is, and ought, to be 
vested in the King, Lords, and Commons. The Declaration of 
Breda was published, and, amidst overwhelming demonstra- 
tions of pubhc satisfaction, Charles was proclaimed king upon 
8th May. A fleet was dispatched under Montague, carrying 
commissioners to invite the king to return. On „^ „ 
25th May he landed at Dover ; on the 29th he en- storation, 
tered London in state amidst enthusiastic rejoicings. 
The Puritan ascendency was at an end, and the Restoration was 
an accomphshed fact. 



CHAPTER XIV. CHARLES II., 1660-1685 

I. The Restoration in England, 1660-1667 

Never was contrast more complete than that between the great 
Protector, of whom for generations after his death men spoke 
Eeversed ^s ^ usurper, a t5Tant, and a hypocrite, and the 
verdicts. prince who, for a like period, was regarded as a well- 

meaning, good-natured, careless person, wholly given up to 
amusing himself, too indolent to apply his respectable natural 
powers to pohtics ; a bad king perhaps, but only because it was 
too much trouble to be a good one ; a humorist at any rate, 
whose geniahty was almost a sufficient excuse for his moral 
laxity, and whose paganism provided an agreeable, if not alto- 
gether praiseworthy, relief from the Hebraic extravagances of 
his puritanical predecessor. These long accepted verdicts have 
broken down. The most ardent of churchmen and Royalists 
now recognise the essential sincerity of Cromwell's character, 
however strongly they condemn his acts. And Charles stands 
revealed to modem eyes as quite the cleverest, one of the most 
determined, and perhaps the most devoid of principle, of all 
the kings of England. Even to his boon companions he was the 

king 

' Who never said a foolish thing, 
And never did a wise one.' 

We know him for the man whose udt and external frivolity 
masked even from those boon companions his fixity of purpose, 
intellectual penetration, and consummate duplicity. 

Charles 11. entered London upon his thirtieth birthday. Since 
the year when he became sixteen he had passed in Scotland a 
httle more than a year, and in England only the weeks of the 
Worcester campaign and the escape to Brighton ; consequently 

408 



The Restoration in England 409 

he had little enough knowledge of England, though he was 
under no delusions as to the character of his Scottish subjects. 
The years of his exile had been passed chiefly in xhe king's 
France, partly in the Spanish Netherlands, and for training, 
a very small part in Holland. His first cousin was the young 
king, Louis xiv. of France, who was on the point of taking into 
his own hands the reins of government so long held by Cardinal 
Mazarin ; Mazarin, who had achieved for the French monarchy 
that absolute supremacy which Richelieu had prepared. In his 
exile Charles had watched England, had seen an absolute suprem- 
acy aimed at by one man and established by another. He had 
seen that the first man, his own father, had lacked the power of 
the sword, had lost repeated opportunities of gaining ground 
by want of tact, and had failed disastrously. He had seen the 
second man \\in by sheer force of character, combined with the 
power of the sword ; and he had developed his own programme 
accordingly. Not by rugged force, but by tact and manage- 
ment he would achieve the power of the sword, unhampered by 
those conscientious scruples which had so complicated the native 
tactlessness of his father. Whatever else might happen, the 
younger Charles did not mean to go on his travels again ; he 
would not hurry ; he would not take risks. The game he would 
play would be a game of pure skill. And for the playing of that 
game nothing could serve him better than a popular conviction 
that there was no seriousness in his composition ; to cultivate 
that conviction would be equally politic and agreeable to his 
own temperament. 

Beside Charles stood a counsellor who was precisely made for 
the situation at the moment of his return. Edward Hyde was 
thoroughly versed in public affairs. In the Short Clarendon. 
Parliament, and at the beginning of the Long Parliament, he 
had been intimately associated with Falkland, first as a promin- 
ent constitutionaUst who took an active part in the impeach- 
ment of Strafford, then as a leader of the moderates in opposition 
to the attack on the Church and to the Grand Remonstrance, 
and from the beginning of 1642 as the soundest of the king's 
political advisers. For the re-estabUshment of the monarchy. 



4IO Charles II. 

effected not by the Cavaliers, but mainly by the monarchist 
reaction among the Presbyterians, it was essential that the 
Restoration should not be \dndictive, that it should not revive 
the intensity of old passions, that it should rest upon constitu- 
tionalist foundations. It must be treated as the work not of a 
triumphant party, but of the nation at large ; it must be con- 
trasted with the Commonwealth government as an expression of 
the popular wU — ^though it soon became evident that this per- 
mitted of its treatment as a reaction against Puritanism. With 
Hyde as minister and Monk as supporter, the king could afford 
to leave government alone and avoid responsibihty for unpopular 
acts. 

Behind Hyde and Monk, behind Cavahers and constitutional 
Royalists, Presbyterians who hoped to share the Estabhshment 
The French with the Anghcans, to the complete discomfiture 
auianoe. ^f ^j^g sectaries whom they detested — ^behind all 

these was another reserve force, of a value not yet to be gauged, 
but presently to prove the most serviceable of all in the working 
out of the king's aims : Louis xiv. of France. The root principle 
of Ohver's foreign pohcy had been the alliance of the Protestant 
states ; in practice that had worked out into alUance with 
France, and a superficial amity with Denmark, Holland, Sweden, 
and Brandenburg, powers which by no means coalesced with 
each other. Moreover, apart from the commercial jealousy of 
England and Holland, the latter had learnt to regard France as 
a greater menace than Spain. It was easy to represent friend- 
ship with France and hostility to Holland as continuity of foreign 
poUcy, the foreign pohcy which had indubitably redounded to 
the fame of England. Protestantism, however, would no longer 
be at the bottom of it, but a personal bond of union between the 
two kings. The friendship of England might be worth a good 
deal to Louis. Yhe price Chajl^_want ed for t hat_ hiendship 
was money which would release him from bondage to parliament, 
and the assurance of mihtary support against rebelhon at home. 
The restoration of Roman Cathohcism in England was to enter 
into the bargain, a price which Charles was more than wiUing to 
pay if he could do it without risking his crown. But no such 



The Restoration in England 411 

bargain had been struck as j'et ; French pohcy was still in the 
hands of Mazarin, and it was too soon to feel sure what course 
Louis would take. But Charles would have no qualms whatever 
about subordinating the national interests of England to those 
of King Louis if his personal ends could be served thereby. 

The Convention Parliament, so called as not having been 
summoned by the royal authority, which had invited King 
Charles to return to England, was a parliament of . 

Royalists, but not of Cavaliers ; for it must be remem- Convention 
bered that the majority of the members of the Long 
Parliament itself and of the Presbyterians in the country had 
never been republicans ; they had not desired the deposition, 
much less the execution of Charles i. From beginning to end 
they had resented the rule of the regicides and sectaries. To 
the Convention the Restoration Settlement was entrusted by 
Charles and his advisers ; though they were at pains to postpone 
one very important question, that of rehgion, until a new parlia- 
ment should be summoned. The Cavaliers of the younger 
generation who looked to ride roughshod over all those against 
whom their fathers had fought, the Cavaliers of the older 
generation who looked for something less drastic, but hoped 
at least to recover all that they had lost, were doomed to dis- 
appointment. 

An Act of Indemnity and Oblivion was ill received by the 
Cavaliers, and condemned with bitterness as an Act of ' indemnity 
for the king's enemies and oblivion for his friends.' The 
The land question was settled by no means to their settlement, 
liking. Estates actually confiscated by the Commonwealth 
government were restored on the plea that there was no legal 
authority for the confiscation ; but the lands with which they 
had parted by sale were regarded as the legal property of the 
purchasers, though the sales had been consequent upon the dis- 
tress and financial pressure resulting from the war and the 
change of government. The army was disbanded, though 
occasion was found in an outbreak of the Fifth Monarchists for 
retaining in the interest of pubhc security the regiment which 
had accompanied Monk from Scotland, whereby Charles pre- 



412 Charles II. 

served the nucleus of a standing army — an innovation the 
importance of which escaped general attention. Only in one 
direction was there a display of vindictiveness. The Act of 
Indemnity did not cover the regicides, the judges who had 
condemned Charles i., and to this hst of exceptions were added 
a few other names including those of Lambert and Sir Harry 
Vane. Ten of them were executed ; some who escaped abroad 
were attainted ; some were set at liberty, others were detained 
as prisoners. The bodies of Cromwell and Ireton, and of Brad- 
shaw, the president of the High Court of Justice, were dragged 
from their graves and hanged at Tyburny/- The influence both of 
Hyde and the king was thrown on the side of lenity. Charles 
was too good-natured to be superfluously harsh, and was the 
last man to provoke antagonism wantonly for the sake of a 
sentiment. 

When the Convention turned its hand to financial and con- 
stitutional questions which had occupied so prominent a place 
Revenue. in the original quarrel, there was no attempt to 
reverse the Acts of the Long Parhament to which the king had 
assented. The main source of dispute was removed, on the Unes 
suggested by Cecil fifty years before, by the commutation of all 
the feudal dues and powers of indirect taxation for a fixed annual 
revenue, secured in great part upon the excise ; which, however 
unpopular, had proved far too useful a source of revenue to be 
discarded. No attempt was made to revive the arbitrary courts. 
It was recognised on all hands that two principles, the suprem- 
acy of the common law and taxation — in the widest sense of the 
term — ^by consent of parliament only, were not again to be called 
in question. So far at least the work of EHot and Pym and 
Hampden had become part and parcel of the constitution. 
Charles very soon found that the revenues he could command 
in England without special grants from parliament were very 
far from sufficient, even for the normal expenditure of adminiS' 
tration apart from the extravagance of a particularly extravagant 
court. 

The principle of compromising between the new Royalists 
and the Cavahers was carried into the reconstructed Privy 



The Restoration in England 413 

Council as well as into the enactments of the Convention. It 
was unsafe to fling aside the claims of prominent members of 
either group. With Hyde who became Lord Claren- jjie privy 
don, Ormond, and Southampton, were Monk, now council, 
duke of Albemarle, Anthony Ashley Cooper, now Lord Ashley, 
and Manchester. Admiral Montague became Lord Sandwich. 
Old members of the Privy Council were reinstated and balanced 
by new members. The general result was that the whole body 
became too unwieldy to be in any real sense a Privy Council, 
and its functions came gradually to be in part concentrated in an 
informal inner ring, cabal or cabinet, or to be delegated to special 
committees ; though many years were yet to pass before the 
Cabinet was to be habitually selected from one parHamentary 
group. As yet it was only the band of personal advisers in 
whom the king placed or professed to place particular confidence. 
The government succeeded in postponing the ecclesiastical 
question. There could be no doubt at all that in some form 
or other the Anglican system would be reinstated ; The religious 
the Presbyterians were confident that it must be in qiestion. 
a shape modified by Presbyterian ideas in its government, and 
adapted to Puritan views in its ritual. The king's personal 
inclinations favoured a wide toleration, because he perceived 
that toleration for Romanists, which he positively desired, 
could not be conceded without at the same time granting tolera- 
tion to Puritan sectaries ; but neither Anglicans nor Presby- 
terians were similarly inchned. Anghcans wanted Anglican 
uniformity, the repression of every one outside the pale — a not 
unnatural feehng in view of the treatment they had received, 
since the desire of retaliation is not easily quenched by Christian 
charity. The Presbyterians were ready for ' comprehension,' 
which meant a compromise between AngMcanism and Presby- 
terianism ; but Presbyterians and Anglicans alike were un- 
compromisingly hostile, both to Romanism and to the sectaries. 
^Charles, the son of an AngUcan father and a Romanist mother, 
with a personal preference for Romanism and a conviction that 
monarchy needed the Roman or the AngUcan system, long 
laboured under the delusion that the Anglicans could be recon- 



414 Charles II. 

ciled to Rome by degrees, and hoped for a Roman restoration. 
It was only towards the end of his reign that he reaUsed the truth 
and accepted the facts. 

But Charles was much too acute to press to the front a pro- 
gramme which he did not wsh to reveal until he was assured 
„ ,.^ that it would be safe. For the, moment, what was 

settlement palpably of importance was to prevent the Prgghy- 
pos pone . tgjjans from taking alarm. The king and Clarendon 
were careful to foster the impression that comprehension was 
to be the basis of the new settlement. Presb3rterian divines 
were included among the royal chaplains, and while the Con- 
vention was stiU sitting, a declaration was issued — though the 
episcopate had as a matter of course been restored — restricting 
the exercise of the bishops' authority pending a revision of the 
Liturgy by a conference of Anghcans and Presbyterians. The 
Presbjrterians were persuaded to abstain from insisting upon any 
positive pledge ; and thus it became possible to leave the actual 
settlement not to the Convention, but to a new parhament. 

The new parhament met in April 1661. It was elected upon 
the full flood-tide of the monarchist reaction, and consequently 
,oe, nn, it was what the Convention had not been, a Cavalier 

1661. ;ine 

Cavalier parhament ; a parhament which indeed had no 

inchnation to curtail its own rights, but was never- 
theless somewhat more monarchist than the constitutional 
Royahsts or Moderates of the Long Parhament, and more 
aggressively Anghcan. 

It immediately became apparent that the Presbyterians had 
made a fatal blunder in taking their own security for granted, 
Monarchist and refraining from the exaction of binding pledges, 
legislation. j j^g temper of the House of Commons was at once 
manifested. But for the king's own urgency it would have 
refused to confirm the Act of Indemnity ; a year later a safety 
valve was found for its vindictiveness, when Vane was at last 
tried for his life and executed. It caused the Solemn League 
and Covenant to be burnt by the common hangman. It de- 
nounced heavy penalties against any one who pretended that 
either or both of the Houses of Parhament could legislate without 



The Restoration in England 415 

the king. It declared that the Houses could not lawfully levy 
.war again st the king, and that the army and navy were in his 
control — ^it renounced, that is, the position asserted by the Long 
Parliament in connection with any Acts following after the 
Grand Remonstrance of 1641 ; similarly it repealed the Act of 
1642, which had excluded the clergy from the House of Lords, 
the Privy Council, and secular offices generally ; also it restored 
the jurisdiction of the ordinary ecclesiastical courts, though not 
of the Court of High Commission, which had been abohshed 
before the Grand Remonstrance. 

These measures cleared the way for ecclesiastical legislation 
which rejected both comprehension and toleration. In the 
course of a few years a whole series of Acts was The Corpora- 
passed popularly known as the Clarendon Code, *'°" *°*- 
Acts penalising nonconformity of every kind. First came the 
Corporation Act in December 1661. All holders of municipal 
offices were to repudiate the Solemn League and Covenant, to 
take the oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and an oath of 
Non-resistance (declaring all resistance to the king to be unlaw- 
ful) , and were to receive the Sacrament according to the Anglican 
rite within a year of entering upon office. The strength of 
Presbyterianism lay in the towns, but the Act practically excluded 
all zealous Puritans from taking part in municipal government. 

This was followed in May 1662 by the fourth Act of Uniformity. 
The promised conference of divines, known as the Savoy Con- 
ference, had actually been in session when the ,„„„ . ^ 

' ^ 1662. Act 

parliament was called ; but it had broken up with- of Unifor- 
out any result. The revision of the Liturgy was 
left to the bishops and the Anglican clergy, and such modifica- 
tions as they made were not in the direction of Puritanism. 
The Act of Uniformity required the Liturgy to be used in every 
church and chapel. It required every incumbent of a living 
who was not already in Anglican Orders to be ordained before 
St. Bartholomew's Day ; and all were required to declare un- 
qualified acceptance of the service book. _ All teac hers, university 
dons, schoolmasters, even private instructors, were to accept 
the Liturgy and the doctrine of non-resistance^) No one might 



4 1 6 Charles II. 

teach without a licence from the bishop. This was accompanied 
by a licensing act appl5dng to printers. No one might set up 
as a master printer without a Ucence from the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, and no book might be published without the 
imprimatur of the same authority. The strength of Puritanism 
more than of AngUcanism was demonstrated by the Act of 
Uniformity, since on St. Bartholomew's Day not less than 
twelve hundred incumbents resigned their livings rather than 
retain them under the conditions imposed by the Act, which 
compelled the sincere Nonconformist to separate himself from 
the Church. Hitherto conformity of conduct alone had been 
required, and so to conform in non-essentials did not involve any 
violation of conscience ; but the new Act required conformity 
of opinion, and thereby drove dissenters out of the Church 
altogether. 

For a time there was a lull. But intolerant Anglicanism was 
not to the mind of the king who, in 1663, encouraged the intro- 
duction of a JMeratioiiJBill^^j^hich would enable 

1663. 7 ~ ; 

-^Conventicle him to exercise a dispensing power relieving par- 
*'^*' ticular persons from the operation of the restrictive 

Acts. The bill was rejected by parUament, which in the following 
year passed a Conventicle Act, to be in force for three years, 
forbidding attendance at any form of worship other than that 
of the Church of England by gatherings of more than four persons 
in addition to the household. 

j^ In i665 _jQame the_Great^lagu e of London^ The dissenting 
ministers displayed a heroic self-sacrifice in discharging the 
I66B Five duties from which they had been debarred by law, 
Mile Ac t. ^ while the London incumbents did not exhibit a 
similar courage. The contrast threatened to give the Presby- 
terians a new popularity, and the parhament passed the Five 
Mile Act, which forbade any dissenting minister who refused to 
take the Oath of Non-Resistance to come within five miles of 
his former parish or parishes, or of any place where he had 
preached, or of any corporate town or borough. This was the 
last repressive Act before the downfall of Clarendon, the last 
included in the Clarendon Code. The final disabhng statute, the 



The Restoration in England 417 

Test Act, was directed primarily not against Protestant dis- 
senters, but against papists, six years after Clarendon had 
disappeared into exile. 

Charles at the moment of his return to England had not 
developed his later idea of freeing himself from parliamentary 
control by the help of his cousin in France. Philip of Spain had 
treated him with more consideration in his exile than Mazarin. 
The French aUiance was not popular, and the Spanish war, 
though it had enabled Blake to revive the glories of the Eliza- 
bethans, had been damaging to commerce and displeasing to 
the mercantile community. „_StilljWithin a year of his accession, 
hejjecided in favour of France, and h is decision was ,.., „. 

— - — — — ■ . 1ddX> 1X16 

clinched by his selecting for his queen Catherine of Portuguese 

marriage. 



_Bra,ganza, the sister of the king of Portugal, who was 
stiU insecurely seated on the throne from which Philip iv. of Spain _ 
had been ejected. The Portuguese alliance thus initiated was 
destined to play an important part in the relations between the 
British kingdoms and the Continent for the best part of two 
centuries, since it gave the British a permanent entry into the 
Spanish Peninsula. 

The marriage, moreover, was of permanent importance in 
another region of the globe. The House of Braganza was willing 
to pay a substantial price for the English alliance. Tangier and 
The ..dQffiEy_of_ the princess was supplemented not Bomuay. 
only b y_cominercial privileges and by the cession of Tangier, 
facing Gibraltar on the African coast, but also by the gift of 
^ombay which had long been a Portuguese possession, and now 
became the one portion of actual British territory in India. The 
other stations of the East India Company were held by grace of 
native potentates. The acquisition of Tangier had an unpopular 
but not disadvantageous consequence. As the Duke of Albe- 
marle and Sandwich, on behalf of the navy, remarked, the strain 
of maintaining both Tangier and Dunkirk simultaneously was 
out of proportion to their strategical value. Dunkirk was sold 
to France, and again England was without a foothold on the 
European continent. But Tangier warranted the raising of 
additional regiments for its protection. Monk's Coldstream 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. 2 D 



41 8 Charles II. 

Guards and the Royal Horse Guards were no longer the whole of 
the standing army at the disposal of the CrowTi. In accordance 
with the somewhat puzzling custom of the time, England engaged 
not to go to war with Spain, but to send troops as auxiliaries to 
the Portuguese in their struggle with that power. The auxili- 
aries served their purpose ; they helped to save Portugal from 
being ovenvhelmed, and her independence was recognised by 
Spain six years later in 1668. 

The Port uguese- alliaiice did not of itself involve active co-_ 
operation with Louis, but it virtually precluded friendly relatioo§._ 
designs of with Spain as the rival of France J and it encouraged 
Louis XIV. ^jjg young French king in his designs upon the 
Spanish Netherlands. Louis had married the eldest Spanish 
princess not without reluctance, but with_aj^iewjto_the Spanish 
successJQn in .spite of her: conditionaLxenunciation. The actual 
heir to the Spanish throne was a sickly boy not Hkely to live, and 
not likely, even if he Uved, to leave posterity. Sooner or later 
the succession was almost certain to be in dispute between his 
elder half-sister, the wife of Louis, and his younger fuU sister, 
wife of the Emperor Leopold of Austria. That question might 
be postponed ; but Louis had invented on his wife's behalf a 
claim to the succession in the Spanish Netherlands derived from 
^Joc^-eusteffl-whidugaKe taa daughter by the iirst wife piieii^ 
ovgr a son by .the secondwifej_ Outside of France no one dreamed 
of regarding the claim as vaUd, but it was pretext enough for 
Louis. But the opportunity for applying the doctrine of ' devolu- 
tion ' did not arrive tiU the death of Phihp iv. in 1665. 

With the object in view, nothing could be more agreeable to 
Louis than hostile relations between England and Holland. 
France and the Ostensibly he was on friendly terms with both, but 
Netherlands, ^he Dutch had information of his scheme in the 
Netherlands, and if they were otherwise unhampered would 
certainly oppose its execution to the utmost of their power. By 
this time Holland had nothing whatever to fear from Spain, but 
she might have very much to fear from France in possession of 
the Spanish Netherlands, France with her frontiers pushed up 
to the borders of Holland. For England also there was a similar 



The Restoration in England 419 

menace in the acquisition by France of what is now Belgium. 
If we could imagine England as the owner of Piedmont, while 
Spain was mistress of the seas and was on friendly terms with 
Italy, we can perceive that the presence of the EngHsh in Pied- 
mont would not be a serious menace to Italy ; but that if France 
deprived England of Piedmont, Italy would be seriously menaced 
by France, and France would be to Spain a more dangerous 
neighbour than before. That would have been equivalent to a 
reversal of the situation with regard to the Spanish Netherlands. 
Spain in the Netherlands could hurt neither England nor Holland, 
which between them had complete command of the sea ; France 
in the Netherlands could threaten both ; therefore it was in the 
interest of both to keep her out. If they could be set to fighting 
each other, France could play her own game undisturbed. 

And as a matter of fact England and Holland were so absorbed 
in their mutual rivalries that they were drifting into war. Claren- 
don perhaps would have sought to prevent it, but clarendon's 
Clarendon was not master. To Charles he was Posit'""- 
supremely useful, but at the same time extremely troublesome — 
a censor of the morals of the court, a political pedagogue. There 
was no party with which he was popular ; the Cavaliers held 
him responsible for the Act of Indemnity, the Presbyterians 
attributed to him their own discomfiture ; the courtiers detested 
his respectabihty, and were intensely aggrieved that his daughter 
Anne was the wife of the heir-presumptive, James, duke of York. 
It was no easy matter for Clarendon to continue in power amid 
such adverse influences, and though he remained at the helm 
his actual control was limited. 

Jng jand and Holland then drifted int o war on account of jtheir 
commercial antagonisms in the Eastern ocean, on the West 
African coast, "arid~mrconneciETon with the Naviga- Anglo-Dutch 
jtion Act, which had been renewed at the Restoration, iiostiuty. 
and at the same time modified so as to exclude Scotland, Ireland 
and the Colonies from sharing in its benefits, to which they had 
been admitted by the imperialism of the Commonwealth. They 
drifted into war, partly because each believed that the other 
would not fight, each expecting France to bring pressure to bear 



420 Charles II, 

on the other. Consequently, in 1664, England took possession 
of the Dutch colony at the mouth of the Hudson in America, 
asserting a claim to it in right of prior occupation, and at the 
same time occupied the Dutch stations on the coast of Guinea. 
The Dutch retahated by sending a squadron to reoccupy Guinea ; 
the EngUsh pariiament voted large suppUes for a popular war ; 
and in May 1665 war was declared. 

Louis did not intervene because his opportunity had arrived 
for putting forward his claim to the Spanish Netherlands. The 
1665-7. The ^^ar was fought after the old stubborn manner 
Dutch War. whenever the fleets came in colhsion. The first 
victory fell to the Duke of York, who held the supreme com- 
mand ; Prince Rupert now appears as one of the leading 
Enghsh admirals. A Httle later came a reverse to a fleet under 
the command of Sandwch. Again parliament voted handsome 
supplies, though not without disgust at the evident waste of the 
last provision. In the next year, 1666, there was a great four 
days' struggle off the Downs. This time Monk was in command 
again. Under a misapprehension, Rupert, with a large portion 
of the fleet, had been sent to meet an imaginary French squadron 
from the Mediterranean, and only returned in time to save Monk 
from a complete disaster. Though both sides professed to claim 
a \dctory, there was no doubt that the advantage lay entirely 
on the side of the Dutch ; nevertheless, precisely eight weeks 
later the Enghsh won a quite indubitable \'ictory off the North 
Foreland, and wrought much destruction on the Dutch 
coast. 

In the last year England, and especially London, suffered from 

a fearful visitation of the plague, which broke out in the capital 

. ., m,. with a virulence unparalleled since the Black 
1665. The ^ 

plague in Death, though there had been severe epidemics 
from time to time. The devastation wrought in 
London, the horrors of that terrible time, are not exaggerated in 
the familiar popular accounts which are aU mainly derived from 
the wonderful picture drawn by Daniel Defoe many years after- 
wards. That picture may be accepted as authentic, though the 
great reahst was probably at the time only a four or five years' 



The Restoration in England 421 

child. On 3rd September 1666, not six weeks after the victory 
off the North Foreland, cam e anot her calamity, the 

— ; ; ~~ " - ^ ' 1666. 

Great F ire which reduced half London Jo a heap of _Tiie fire, 
charred ruins. 



The financial loss was immense ; and when parUament, meet- 
ing a few days later, was faced with another heavy demand for 
supplies, its indignation was great. On every side 
it was felt that nothing but reckless squandering priation of 
and serious peculation could have already exhausted 
the unprecedented grants which had been made for the war. 
On the last occasion an innovation had been introduced in the 
Finance Act by a clause requiring that the suppUes voted should 
be appropriated to the purposes of the war. The intention then 
had been merely to facilitate borrowing on the security of the 
grant ; the custom being to raise the money immediately by 
loan, to be repaid as the taxes were collected. Clarendon had 
then opposed the clause, foreseeing in it the curtailment of the 
royal prerogative ; for it was still the theory that the parliament 
granted such supplies as it thought fit, while the Crown had the 
spending of them as it thought fit. Clarendon's foresight was 
shown by the apphcation of the clause in detail to the grants 
which were now reluctantly made. 

Nevertheless, owing to the difficulty of borrowing, in conse- 
quence of the losses of the London goldsmiths on whose advances 
the treasury was wont to rely, the Exchequer was ^^^ 

in difficulties. The expectation that Louis would Dutch in the 
interfere actively on behalf of Holland was dis- 
appearing, as the French king was eager to open the attack on 
the Spanish Netherlands. In despite of Clarendon, it was 
decided to economise by laying up a large portion of the fleet, 
while negotiations were opened for concluding a peace with the 
Dutch. The negotiations broke down ; and in June 1667 the 
Dutch took advantage of the naval situation to sail into the 
Medway and bombard Chatham. The stroke was effective, and 
England dropped the particular claim which had hitherto 
blocked the peace. At the same time the Dutch government 
was well aware that its last success had been in the nature of an 



42 2 Charles II. 

accident, and that it could by no means attempt to dictate terms 
to its antagonist. The Treaty of Breda (21st July 1667), gave 
Treaty of to each party what it had actually won from the 
Breda, July, other ; and the balance was heavily in favour of 
England, since it left in the hands of England the Dutch colony 
in America, giving her the \\hole of the seaboard from French 
Acadia on the north to Spanish Florida on the south. New 
Amsterdam was changed into New York, a title given to it in 
honour of the king's brother. 

Clarendon had served his turn. The king was tired of having 
a tutor ; the time had come when he meant to manage matters 
Fate of for himself. Without the royal favour. Clarendon 

Clarendon. y^^^ j^q support but that of liis sombre son-in-law, 
the duke of York. Each section of the community resented 
some part of his policy ^\ithout feeling any gratitude for his 
treatment of its opponents. The outside pubUc regarded him 
as personally responsible for every act of the government which 
it dishked. Now it resented the fact that the Dutch war had 
been ended without any revenge for the Dutch demonstration 
in the Medway. Charles was quite willing to make a scapegoat 
of Clarendon. He was invited to resign the chanceUorship. 
He refused, because resignation might have impKed that he 
admitted the justice of the popular clamour against him. At the 
end of August, therefore, he was dismissed. Parliament met 
again in October, and proceeded to impeach the fallen minister. 
The case for impeachment was absurd and self-contradictory, 
since he was charged at once with attempting to extend the 
prerogative and to curtail the royal power. Clarendon wanted 
nothing better than to face his accusers. Charles wanted 
nothing of the kind ; there might be revelations damaging to 
himself. He virtually ordered Clarendon to leave the country. 
Clarendon went with reluctance ; his departure was treated as a 
flight from justice. An Act was passed condemning him to 
perpetual banishment unless he returned to answer to the charges 
by ist February 1668. On that day he was lying at Calais, too 
ill to complete the journey home on which he had started. The 
remaining years of his life he passed in France, occupying himself 



The Restoration in Ireland and Scotland 423 

mainly with his monumental history of the Great Rebellion. 
With easy cynicism and c^ieerful relief Charles sacrificed the man 
who so loyally served both him and his father. That father 
sacrificed Strafford, but only at the cost of intense anguish ; the 
son sacrificed Clarendon without a qualm. 



II. The Restoration in Ireland and Scotland, 1660-1667 

The formal union of England, Scotland and Ireland as a state 
with a single legislature enjoying internal freedom of trade and 
equality of commercial rights had in it a large 
element of unreaUty. The conception was so far TUe union 
sound at least that it aimed at unification, the 
removal of barriers, the assumption of equality between the 
component parts of the British state. It was unsound, on the 
other hand, as concerned Scotland, because it was not a voluntary 
union ; as concerned Ireland, because it took count of only a 
section of the population ; and, as concerned both, because the 
theoretical equahty was not practically carried out. The 
administration of Ireland and Scotland was controlled not by 
Irishmen and Scots, but by Englishmen. Scotland had not 
had time or opportunity to feel the advantages of the com- 
mercial union. Consequently, when Charles 11. was restored to 
the throne of England, the Commonwealth Union was dissolved, 
and the automatic reversion to the pre-Common- with general 
wealth division was hailed with satisfaction both in approval- 
Scotland and in Ireland. In neither case was objection raised 
in England. The English mercantile community could not free 
itself from the idea that it suffered from Scottish or Irish com- 
petition. The union with Scotland was looked upon as a favour 
granted without any corresponding benefit. As for Ireland, 
neither union nor separation altered the fact of its subordination. 
If England, Scotland, and Ireland were all willing, the king was 
not less so ; it would be easier for him to manipulate the three 
kingdoms separately than as one whole. In his separate king- 
dom of Scotland, and in the island where Strafford had ruled, 
there were possibilities of building up standing armies in the 



424 Charles II. 

hands of the Crown which might be inconveniently interfered 
with by a parUament of the three peoples. 

In Ireland the re-estabUshment of the AngUcan clergy and the 
uniform Anghcan system presented no great dif&culties. The 
Ireland: loyalty of the Roman CathoUcs had after all been 

the Church ; pf gg dubious a character that they could claim 
no great amount of consideration. The Ulster Scots had been 
Royalist in much the same degree as their relations in Scotland. 
The Presbyterian and Independent soldiery, who were so large an 
element among the settlers, were only Royalist in the sense that 
they accepted the Restoration. But the consequent division of 
the country into the three reHgious groups — ^the Churchmen, to 
whom a hundred years later the name of Protestant was curi- 
ously enough specifically appropriated, the Cathohcs, and the 
Dissenters — was to be fraught in the future with graver troubles 
than the corresponding division in England. 

The great problem, however, was the land ; not the eternal 
agrarian question of the relation between landlords and tenants, 
the land. but the immediate question of possession. A vast 
amount of the land of the country had been confiscated, first in 
1642, when it had been distributed among the so-called ' ad- 
venturers ' who advanced money to the government for the sup- 
pression of the Irish Rebellion, and later among the soldiers who 
effected the conquest between 1649 and 1653. The confiscations 
had been made mainly at the expense of Catholics, who clamoured 
for restitution ; but the menin possession could not be dispossessed 
The Deciara- without danger. A compromise was at first formu- 
tion of 1660. ia,ted in the Declaration of 1660. The adventurers 
and the soldiers who had received lands as the equivalent for 
arrears of pay were to remain in possession, or to receive adequate 
compensation when justice demanded the restoration of the 
previous owners. Justice demanded fuU restitution of Church 
lands and of Ormond's lands ; for Ormond's loyalty had been 
of the most unblemished tj^e. Other Protestants whose lands 
had been forfeited were in the same category, so were the ' inno- 
cent papists ' who had not been in arms against the Crown. 
Papists who were not innocent included all those who had been 



The Restoration in Ireland and Scotland 425 

in arms against the government before the ' Cessation ' of 1643, 
or who had joined the Catholic Confederacy before that body was 
associated with the Royahst cause in 1648. Those of them who 
had surrendered their own lands in exchange for land in Con- 
naught were allowed no claim for restitution. Those who had 
ultimately served the king were to wait tiU adequate compensa- 
tion had been found for those who had taken their places. Only 
a small minority of the Catholics were included in the list of the 
' innocent.' 

When the Irish parliament was called in May 1661 the Upper 
House, which included the bishops and the heads of the old 
families, wanted modifications unfavourable to the ,..„ . 

1662. An 

soldiers and to the adventurers, who were largely Act of 
Presbyterians. The Declaration, however, was en- 
forced by the Act of Settlement which Ormond as lord-lieutenant 
induced the Dublin parliament to accept in 1662. The same 
parhament was also persuaded to grant excise and tonnage 
and poundage as permanent revenue to the Crown, together with 
the new hearth tax in the place of feudal dues. 

Soon, however, it became evident that the claims for restitu- 
tion and the claims to compensation between them were much 
larger than the available land could meet. The Irish House 
of Commons, which was mainly representative of the settlers, 
adventurers and soldiers, wanted to have the claims of the 
Catholics cancelled. The other side pointed out that the adven- 
turers had subsequently obtained from the Commonwealth a 
great deal more than the original concession to which Charles i. 
had assented in 1642, and that there was no obhgation to recog- 
nise these additional concessions. A compromise was at last 
arrived at m 1665, which secured to the adventurer The settie- 
liid the soldier not the whole, but two-thirds of mentofi665. 
the land he had received, or its equivalent, while the extended 
grants to the adventurers were in effect cancelled. At the same 
time papists were excluded from corporate towns, and all holders 
of municipal office were required, on the analogy of the English 
Corporation Act, to take the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance 
and of Non-Resistance. The Act of 1665 was kno\*i as the 



426 Charles II. 

Explanatory Act. It need hardly be remarked that it entirely 
failed to remove from the mind of the Catholic population the 
conviction that they had been robbed of the land, and that their 
exclusion from political equality was a monstrous wrong. 

In Scotland national feehng resented the appearance of English 
domination much more acutely than the national intelligence 
Scotland. appreciated the material advantage of incorpora- 
tion. Cromwell had succeeded where Edward I. had failed. 
He had not indeed conquered Scotland as Edward had sought to 
do in order to incorporate it, but he had routed one Scots army 
at Dunbar, crushed another at Worcester, imposed upon Scot- 
land a government maintained by Enghsh soldiery, and incor- 
poration had followed. The soldiers had happily not copied 
the Plantagenet precedent of stirring resentment into fury by 
tyrannical behaviour ; Scottish disgust had only smouldered. 
But Scotland was not reconciled to English domination ; and 
nothing probably could have done so much to evoke Scottish 
loyalty as the recovery of complete independence. 

John Maitland, earl and afterwards duke of Lauderdale, 
grandson of Mciitland of Thirlstane, the brother of Lethington, 
Lauderdale, is an exceedingly unattractive character whose 
ascendency for twenty years after the Restoration always seems 
somewhat surprising.-*- Whatever principles he possessed he was 
always ready to sacrifice upon the altar of expediency ; and 
expediency usually meant his personal interest. He had been 
a Covenanter ; he had been one of the Scottish commissioners 
on the ' Committee of both Kingdoms ' ; one of the commissioners 
who, in December 1647, entered upon the Engagement with 
Charles i. Scottish Presbyterianism in 1639 regarded him as 
an eminently promising young man ; but he had not acquired 
the confidence of Oliver, and he did acquire, though not at first 
completely, the confidence of Charles 11. But in one thing he 
was consistent, perhaps with no better motive than the desire for 
personal ascendency. He meant the government of Scotland 
to be independent of the government of England, and to be in 
the hands of John Maitland. And his pursuit of the first object 
did so much towards ensuring Scottish loyalty that in other 



The Restoration in Ireland and Scotland 427 

directions the government was able to proceed with at least a 
comparative disregard of Scottish popular sentiment. 

Scottish Presbyterianism had tried to restore Charles as a 
covenanted king, nine years before ; it could look upon the 
Restoration in 1660 as in the nature of a fulfilment jhe Royalist 
of its own policy which Cromwell had balked, reaction. 
Scotland had never been wiUingly Repubhcan, partly perhaps 
because its constitutional development had been so far behind 
that of England. The RoyaHst reaction was strong among the 
gentry, who were rapidly returning to that attitude of hostility 
to the domination of the ministers which had habitually char- 
acterised them, until the resumption of the church lands by 
Charles i. drove them into alliance with the Kirk. 

James vi. had succeeded in making himself far more the master 
of Scotland than any of his predecessors, by undermining the 
General Assembly of the Church, and by establish- iggo. The new 
ing the system of government through the Privy ffovemment. 
Council and the Lords of the Articles, elected on a system which 
ensured to him the support of practically the whole group. The 
Restoration reinstated that system. In Scotland as in England 
the principal offices were given partly to Royalists and partly 
to Covenanters, but not to the party of Argyll. Argyll himself 
was executed with even less colour of legal justification than 
Sir Harry Vane in England, but with more justice ; for most men 
felt at least that his death was no unfair retribution for his 
vindictive treatment of Montrose. In effect the rulers of Scot- 
land were the High Commissioner Middleton, an unquahfied 
Cavalier, his rival, the Secretary Lauderdale, the Earl of Rothes, 
and James Sharp, who deserted Presbyterianism for the arch- 
bishopric of St. Andrews. 

A Scots parhament was called at the beginning of 1661 ; its 
composition and character was still more significant of the 
reaction than that of even the Cavalier parliament 

^ 1661. The 

in England. After the old fashion it delegated its reaction in 

functions to a committee of the Articles. It declared t^^e Scots 

parliament. 

that the armed forces were in the absolute control 

of the king ; that the king could call or dismiss parliament at 



428 Charles II. 

his will ; that no legislation was valid without the assent of the 
king or the high commissioner. It voted the king a perpetual 
revenue which in fact enabled the Crown to estabUsh a standing 
army in Scotland. It annulled the Acts of the Conventions of 
1643 (which arranged the Solemn League and Covenant) and of 
1649. It then went on to what was called the Act Rescissory, 
which repealed all the Acts from 1640 to 1649, on the hypothesis 
that where those Acts had received the assent of Charles i. that 
assent had not been free. 

The next move was the reappointment of bishops. Sharp 
was given St. Andrews ; Leighton, a saint, not a politician. 
Bishops the son of the Presbyterian zealot who had suffered 

again. j^^. ^j^g hands of the Star Chamber nearly twenty 

years before, accepted the bishopric of Dunblane. They, with 
two others, received full ordination at the hands of English 
bishops, and six more bishops were consecrated in Scotland. 
When the parHament again met in 1662, the bishops were added 
to the Committee of the Articles. But so far at least the theory 
was that the system of James, not the system attempted by 
Charles and Laud, was to be restored. 

Acts were then passed requiring of&ce-holders to repudiate 
the National Covenant and the Solemn League and Covenant, 
and to affirm the principle of non-resistance. No 
Spiritual in- one was to be a teacher except with the sanction 
of the bishops. The right of lay patrons to present 
to incumbencies was restored, a measure far more serious from 
the point of view of the ministers than the estabhshment of 
Episcopacy. For it was a denied of the fundamental Scottish 
doctrine of spiritual independence, the Church's right of self- 
government ; the principle which led to another great disruption 
almost two hundred years afterwards. The ministers refused to 
receive their livings at the hands of lay patrons, and an immense 
number of the manses throughout the country were vacated 
in consequence, while congregations refused to recognise the 
new incumbents who ventured to enter upon the vacant 
Uvings. 

While all this was going on, Lauderdale, the secretary, had been 



The Restoration in Ireland and Scotland 429 

in London, not in Scotland, and his influence had been exerted 
to check the violence of the reaction. Middleton and his party 
attempted to effect the secretary's overthrow by a trick which 
was known as the ' Billeting Act,* which would ^ggs p^u 
have excluded him permanently from ofifice had the of Midoieton. 
king accepted it* The exposure of the trick turned the tables 
upon them, and Rothes, as Lauderdale's ally, took Middleton's 
place as high commissioner in the spring of 1663. Lauderdale 
himself went to Scotland, and reconstructed the selection of the 
Committee of the Articles upon hues which made that body 
even more than before a mere tool of the government. Parlia- 
ment was completely in the grip of the Crown. ' It could touch 
nothing save what came through the Articles ; and nothing 
could come through the Articles except what had been approved 
by the Crown.' It at once made haste to provide specially for a 
substantial standing army. In the autumn it was dissolved, but 
not till it had passed an Act compelling every one to attend his 
own parish church ; for Lauderdale did not mean to quarrel 
with the Episcopahans. The Presbyterians were consoled by 
an Act which would have established national synods if it had 
been put in force, which it never was. With the dissolution of 
the parMament, government passed exclusively into the hands of 
the Privy Council, which in effect meant Lauderdale, .... . "^ 

1663-6. 

Rothes and Archbishop Sharp. At the outset there Rothea and 
had been a Scottish Council in London, which in- 
cluded Clarendon, Monk and other Englishmen ; but they never 
shared actually in its proceedings, and now on Lauderdale's 
return to London it was virtually reduced to the king, the secre- 
tary, and Sir Robert Murray. For some time Lauderdale left 
the management of affairs to Rothes and Sharp. He saw that 
among persons of influence the reaction was so strong that he 
could not safely place himself in opposition to it ; he saw also 
that the reactionary programme as concerned church matters 
was unpopular with the masses, and in some districts more than 
unpopular ; therefore he did not wish to appear personally 
responsible for its enforcement. So he left Rothes and the arch- 
bishop to do the work in their own tyrannical fashion, and to 



430 Charles II. 

earn the discredit, while biding his time to reap such advantage 
as might accrue to himself. 

That work was the forcing of the population in general to attend 
the church ser\'ices and to abstain from other conventicles. 

Galloway and the south-west country was the region 
Gauoway in which covenanting fervour had always been 

strongest ; it was now the region where the largest 
proportion of ministers had resigned their li\'ings on the re\'ival 
of patronage. iJNo one wU deny that these whole-souled Cove- 
nanters had general!}' been, and were now, bigots who when in 
power would have rigoroush' compelled ever}^ one else to conform 
to their o^vn \iewsri Given the opportunit}' they would have 
been persecutors. As it was, they became the persecuted, and 
they faced persecution with a dogged defiance which carried not 
a few of them into the ranks of those who have suffered mart]^- 
dom for conscience' sake. Principles were at stake in which they 
beheved passionately. 

If the government had been content merely to establish the 
new order and to leave the Covenanters to their o\\'n devices, 
Persecution, some of them might perhaps have babbled treason, 
but they would ha^'e been harmless. The government, however, 
chose to harry them into conformitJ^ hunting out recusants, im- 
posing upon them arbitrary fines, and quartering soldiers on them 
till the fines were paid. The pressure transformed many of them 
into potential rebels. When England went to war with Holland, 
their sympathies were aU with the Dutch. At the same time the 
' outed ' ministers were able to assemble large congregations in the 
uplands and moorlands, since towns, villages and churches were 
closed to them. The government in growing alarm sent soldiers 
to disperse the meetings, and threatened the landholders with 
penalties unless they prevented their dependents from attending. 
At last, in 1666, a party of Covenanters in Galloway attacked 
and captured a party of soldiers, taking prisoner Sir James 
1666 The Turner, a soldier of fortune who was in command 
Pentiand of them. The papers seized with him showed that 

he had by no means exceeded his instructions in 
the brutalities of which he had been guilty. By their attack on 



The Cabal 43 1 

the soldiers the Covenanters had been technically guilty of 
rebelUon. The countryside was with them ; their numbers 
increased ; they found a former soldier of the parliament to take 
the command and give them a mihtary organisation of a rudi- 
mentary kind. \They put forth a manifesto, professing loyalty 
to the Crown, but demanding the restoration of the Covenant. J 
They marched towards Edinburgh, their forces numbering some 
two thousand men, anticipating a general rising in their support. 
But no rising took place, and their own numbers dwindled. They 
fell back by way of the Pentland Hills — wherefrom the insur- 
rection came to be known as the Pentland Rising — and were 
caught at Rullion Green by the brutal commander Rumon 
of the government troops. Sir Thomas Dalziel. *»''^^''' 
There they were overwhelmed. A hundred prisoners were 
taken. To some, torture was applied in a vain attempt to 
extract information, and some scores were hanged. Dalziel 
went down to the west, and so harried the unfortunate people 
that they were driven by sheer terrorism to renew their 
attendance at the parish churches. Nevertheless Rothes and 
Sharp, by their tyrannical methods, had so disgusted all reason- 
able men that Lauderdale had no difficulty in getting Rothes 
removed from the commissionership ; and henceforth (September 
1667) he was himself the unquahfied master of the government 
of Scotland. 

III. The Cabal, 1667-1674 

In the closing months of 1667 England was at peace with 
HoUand. Clarendon had fallen, and Lauderdale was master 
of Scotland. No one took Clarendon's place as 1667. 
actually or ostensibly the first minister of the Crown. Sir 
William Coventry, one of the leaders of the attack upon him, 
seemed perhaps to be his probable successor ; but The Cabal : 
Clarendon's fall had been brought about by many enemies who 
were not at all inchned to be subordinated to Coventry, for whom 
Charles himself had no liking, and he soon lost all prospect of 
taking a leading place in the king's private counsels. Besides 



432 Charles II. 

Lauderdale, who was now to be generally occupied in Scotland, 
there were four men whom Charles associated as his Inner Council, 
the Committee of Foreign Affairs. Henry Bennett, who had 
been made earl of ArUngton, and Sir Thomas Clifford, were both 
Roman Cathohcs at heart. Qeorge Villiers. duke of j Buckingham, 
was the brUliant, fascinating, and dissglute son of the favourite 
of James i. and Charles i., who by a curious freak had chosen 
to aUj' himself poUticaUy \dth the Puritans. Lord Ashley had 
come into the Privy Council with Monk, who was now practically 
in retirement ; his antecedents and his convictions made him 
also the pohtical ally of the Puritans, and the persistent advocate 
its of toleration. These five men, CMfford and Arling- 

character. ^^^^ Buckingham and Ashle}', and Lauderdale, the 
sometime Presbyterian, ha\-e alwa3?s been collectively known as 
' the Cabal ' par excellence, because their initials happened to 
spell that word. But they formed a ministry only in the 
sense that they were the king's chosen ministers ; that one or 
the other pair enjoyed his confidence when he thought fit to 
bestow it — for he very rarelj' bestowed it on the whole group. 
The one point in which thej' all reaUj' coincided was the 
desire to relax the intolerant Anglicanism identified with the 
name of Clarendon, but actually dear to the Cavalier House 
of Commons. — . 

Now Charles and his brother, the duke of York, though both 
at this time avowedly members of the Church of England, were 
Charles and both anxious to see Romanism restored, and to be 
James. themselves received into the Church of Rome. / The 

duke's con\ictions presently triumphed over the dictates of 
pohtical expediency, and his conversion to Rome was avowed;/ 
Charles was not prepared to risk his crown for a Mass. But it 
followed that the natural incHnation of both the brothers was 
to Chfford and Arhngton rather than to Buckingham and 
Ashley. For the present, however, there was no necessity to 
make a choice between them. Foreign affairs provided the 
most prominent question for the moment. 

France, if left to a simple duel with Spain, was sure of a very 
complete victory. The arms of King Louis in the Netherlands 



The Cabal 433 

had been continuously successful. The Emperor Leopold, how- 
ever, naturally viewed his progress with jealous alarm, fearing 
with very good reason that Louis intended to re- Attitude of 
pudiate his wife's renunciation of the Spanish ^o^s- 
succession. But Leopold was hampered by troubles in his 
own Eastern dominions. Louis had felt secure while England 
and Holland were engaged in fighting each other ; but now that 
they were at peace there was a danger that they would combine 
to check his advance in the Netherlands. Therefore it became 
an object with the French king to obtain the active alliance, or 
at least the benevolent neutrality of England. 

Charles wanted the French alliance, but he wanted it on his 
own terms, which were concerned not with national interests, 
but with personal objects — his own independence Attitude of 
of parliament, and the re-establishment of Roman- Charles, 
ism. These were objects unattainable except with French aid, 
but they could not be revealed to ministers, certainly not to 
Buckingham and Ashley. And the Enghsh public disUked the 
French aUiance ; Clarendon's supposed devotion to it had been 
one among the many grounds of his unpopularity ; therefore it 
was necessary to set a price upon the friendship of England 
which would reconcile his subjects. Judging that there was no 
need for haste, Charles reckoned it worth while to give Louis a 
demonstration of the importance of the EngHsh friendship. So 
when the extravagant demands he put forward as conditions of 
neutrality were rejected, he promptly sent an able and honest 
diplomatist, Sir William Temple, to negotiate an 

- f. . . 1668. TII6 

alhance with Holland and Sweden ; defensive in Triple 

the first instance, but also binding the parties to Alliance, 

■ January, 

insist upon a pacification between France and Spain 

upon terms which Louis had already offered with some parade, 

but only because he had been perfectly confident that they would 

be rejected. The Triple AUiance was signed in January 1668. 

In May France and Spain signed the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 

by which France retained her conquest in Flanders, but gave 

back Franche-Comte. Louis had in the meantime negotiated a 

secret agreement with the emperor for the ultimate partition 

Innes's Eng. Hist.— Vol. ii. 2 E 



434 Charles II. 

of the Spanish inheritance. In public it appeared that the 
Triple Alliance had forced his hand ; but m fact he had used the 
terms to get his wife's renunciation invaUdated so far as con- 
cerned his imperial rival. 

England was very well pleased with the Triple Alhance, and 
Charles made the most of it. But the Cavaher parliament was 
Paruament rendered extremely restive by laxity, encouraged by 
dissatisfied, ministers, in the administration of the laws against 
dissent. Its Anglicanism went deeper than its enthusiasm for 
royal prerogative. A Comprehension BUI intended to gain 
Presb5ii;erian support was promptly strangled, and the supplies 
the House voted fell far short of what had been asked for. In 
May parliament was prorogued ; Buckingham would have 
risked a dissolution, but Charles was afraid that in a new parlia- 
ment the Opposition would only be strengthened. 

Nearly two years passed before the House actually met again 
for business in February 1670 ; and then Charles found that 
A plans for toleration must be dropped. A grant of 
dubious money for eight years was counterbalanced by a 
renewal of the Conventicle Act in a more stringent 
form ; after which parhament was prorogued. And in the 
meantime the division in the Cabal had been becoming more 
pronounced. It was strongly suspected that the heir-presump- 
tive would soon openly turn Roman Catholic ; there was no 
probability that the king woidd have a son. The succession of 
the duke of York would be bad for Buckingham and Ashley, and 
the succession of a Romanist might endanger the public peace. 
Buckinghain began to press upon the king the acknowledgment 
of a marriage (which had never taken place) with Lucy Walters,^ 
the mother of the eldest of his illegitimate children, the hand- 
some boy whom he had made duke of Monmouth 

For Charles, then, the time had come to make a pact with Louis. 
The Triple Alhance represented a pohcy which he had no inten- 
THe king's tion of canying out. He had used it only as a 
dupes. method of bringing pressure to bear upon Louis for 

his own ends. For some time past he had been in communica- 
tion with the French king to procure his co-operation in the 



The Cabai 435 

restoration of Romanism in England. A Romanist monarchy 
in England would be absolutely dependent upon French aid and 
support, and would be the humble servant of France in carrying 
out her aggressive policy. The unconscious Buckingham was 
allowed to beheve that he himself was conducting the negotiations, 
with an entirely different object in view, while he was kept com- 
pletely ignorant of the secret correspondence, which was confided 
to no one but the Romanists, Arhngton, Qifford, and Arundel. 

The issue was the secret Treaty of Dover, signed in May 1670 
through the agency of Charles's favourite sister, Henrietta, the 
wife of the French king's brother, Philip of Orleans. 
By that treaty Charles undertook to declare himself of Dover, 
a Roman Catholic at the first favourable moment — 
as to which he was left to judge. If he should need men and 
money, Louis promised him the support of six thousand troops 
and two million livres. The two countries were to make war 
upon Holland, England contributing six thousand men and not 
less than fifty men-of-war. The allied armies were to be com- 
manded by the French, the allied fleet by the EngUsh. England 
was to back the French claim to the Spanish Succession, and she 
was to have three Netherlands ports as her share of the spoils. 
Arlington and Clifford signed the treaty. This being settled, a 
second treaty, for later publication, was arranged ; to which 
Buckingham and Ashley were privy. Buckingham, quite un- 
conscious that he was the king's dupe, imagined himself to be its 
negotiator. His assent and that of Ashley to the Dutch war was 
procured by promises of toleration for Nonconformists.^ This 
second treaty omitted the clauses dealing with Roman Cathoh- 
cism, and made the promises of monej'' and troops merely a part 
of the engagement for carrying on the joint war. This, too, was 
kept secret for the time being ; it was intended only as a bhnd, 
ultimately for the pubhc at large, and immediately for the 
Protestant members of the Cabal, all of whom signed it.— 

In spite of pressure from his brother, Charles had no intention 
of announcing his reUgious conversion before he thought it safe 
to do so ; and it was not safe to drive into opposition either the 
Protestant ministers in England or Lauderdale's army in Scot- 



436 Charles II. 

land. Louis could see that a violent domestic upheaval in his 

ally's dominions would be an undesirable preliminary to the Dutch 

war ; the war therefore was to have precedence, and 
The conspir- 
acy against the spring of 1672 was the date fixed on. Mean- 

HoUand. -^vhile both England and France devoted themselves 

to neutralising possible allies of HoUand on the Continent, and 
to manufacturing grounds of quarrel \vXti the Dutch ; while 
De Witt, the Grand Pensionary, the official head of the Dutch 
Republic, struggled vainly to avert a war which the Orange party 
in the State were likely to use to their o^\'n advantage. The 
Orange party were the adherents of the old family which had 
wrought so much for the hberation of HoUand, and which Wcis now 
represented by young William, the nephew of the king of England. 
Meanwhile it was necessary to dispense \\ith parUament, lest 
its assembly should lead to inconvenient discoveries. When 
Th the war had begun, the rmpopularity of the French 
' stop of the alliance might be counterbalanced by popular 
animosity to the Dutch, whose success in 1667 still 
rankled in the English mind. But in spite of the supplies 
granted two years before, the Treasury was short of money for 
war purposes. Hence, in spite of Ashley's opposition, the govern- 
ment adopted an expedient as dishonest as it was disastrous, 
which is known as the ' Stop of the Exchequer.' Large sums 
had been borrowed from the goldsmiths, to be repaid when the 
year's taxes were collected. It was suddenly annoimced that 
the repa5mient was to be postponed. The advances were to be 
treated merely as a public debt, on which interest at six per cent, 
was guaranteed ; and even the payment of the interest was 
suspended for a year. By this iniquitous proceeding a million 
and a half due to the goldsmiths was annexed by the Treasury. 
The goldsmiths were practically the bankers of the community, 
with whom their chents deposited large sums of money. The 
money advanced to the government was largely derived from 
these deposits, since it had been assumed that its due repayment 
by the government was secured. Consequently the goldsmiths 
and their chents found themselves ruined. The government 
credit was ruined also, but the government held the cash. 



The Cabal 437 

At the same time the tolerationists were gratified by a Declara- 
tion of Indulgence, without calling parliament. Charles by 
proclamation suspended the whole of the penal laws against 

Nonconformists and recusants of every kind. Such 

A Declara- 
a measure would have had no chance of being tionof 

accepted by the Commons, but it was probably ^duigence, 
expected that it would be approved by popular 
opinion outside. The declaration of war with Holland — ' a bolt 
from the blue,' according to Sir William Temple — followed two 
days after the Declaration of Indulgence, on 17th March. 

Had the new Dutch war covered the Enghsh arms with glory, 
the policy might have carried the nation along with it. There 
were others besides Ashley — who was now made ^^^ second 
earl of Shaftesbury — who believed that the destruc- Dutch war, 
tion of Holland was the necessary condition of the 
commercial and maritime supremacy of England ; also there 
was a blot on the national honour to be wiped out. But the 
war redounded to the credit of none but the Dutch. The first 
naval engagement in Southwold Bay or Sole Bay was a practical 
victory for the Hollanders ; the French ships which accompanied 
the English fleet took so little part in the battle that in England 
the belief prevailed that they had been instructed to leave the 
fighting to their aUies in order that the two maritime powers 
might break each other to pieces. By land the Frenchmen swept 
over the Dutch territories. The failure of the Dutch government 
to make adequate preparations for defence produced a revolu- 
tion, in which the De Witts were murdered, the Orange party 
triumphed, and William recovered the ancestral position of 
Stadtholder. The alhes had previously sought to tempt him by 
offering to raise him to the head of the State ; he had rejected 
their overtures ; now his patriotism and capacity were proved 
by the determination with which he faced the apparently over- 
whelming odds against him. The triumphant armies of France 
were swept back by the opening of the dykes. Charles himself 
was much less incHned to crush Holland when the head of the 
State was his own nephew, than he had been when the States- 
General was controlled by the anti-Orange repubhcans. Still 



438 Charles II. 

he could not wthdraw from the war, and it was no longer possible 
to defer the assembUng of parUament. 

When parUament met in February 1673 it finaUy brought home 
to him the lesson which he had been unwilling to learn. It 
taught him that the hostility to popery among 
Meeting of AngUcans was no less fierce than among the most 
parUament. j^jg^^^^ Puritansj^ It taught him that a Cavalier 
parliament which suspected the Crown of endeavouring to thwart 
its own views could be as jealous on behalf of constitutional 
principles as the Long Parliament itself. It taught him once 
for aU that the Umits beyond which he could not venture were 
narrower than he had believed. Charles never shut his eyes to 
inexorable facts. He no longer deluded himself with the belief 
that he could effect a CathoUc restoration, though that vain 
dream abode with his brother as an obsession. 

The parUament was angry. It had granted suppUes in its 

last session in 1670 under the impression that they were needed 

for resistance to French aggression ; they had been 

tionwith- used to help France in attacking HoUand. They 

drawn, ^izA been eranted because the Triple Alliance was 

March. ° '^ 

popular ; and the Triple Alliance had been thrown 

overboard. They had been granted because the king assented 
to the Conventicle Act ; the king had suspended all the penal 
laws on his own responsibility. Despite the absence of any 
direct evidence, there were suspicions, acute and widespread, of 
a plot for the restoration of popery. Every one knew that the 
duke of York was reaUy a papist. For a moment Charles 
imagined that if he stood firm he might win. He announced his 
intention of holding by the Declaration of Indulgence. Shaftes- 
bury defended it, defended the war, defended even the ' Stop of 
the Exchequer,' which he had always opposed as a blunder. 
But the parUament was not to be denied. It resolved to grant 
ample suppUes, but to insist first upon grievances. It fastened 
upon the Declaration of Indulgence as an unprecedented exten- 
sion of the prerogative of granting a special dispensation from 
the operation of penal laws in individual cases. The Cabal 
urged the king to stand firm. The Protestants in the group still 



The Cabal 439 

believed that in doing so they were supporting the cause of 
toleration. But Louis urged submission. What he wanted 
first and foremost was the continued support of England in the 
war. If Charles entered upon a battle with his parliament, 
that would become impossible. Charles knew perfectly well 
that he could never win his game if he alienated Louis. Also he 
realised the intensity of the Opposition. He revoked the Declara- 
tion of Indulgence. 

The Opposition had won a signal triumph. But if it was a 
victory for intolerance, the root of it this time lay not in the 
hatred of Puritanism but in the dread of popery, 
as well as in a well-founded fear of a grave constitu- of tiie 
tional danger. If the king could of his own will 
set aside a whole series of Acts of parliament, all legislation 
would soon He at the mercy of the Crown. Such an extension 
of the royal prerogative might once have found favour with the 
Cavaliers if it had been directed to the establishment of the 
Anglican supremacy ; when it was directed to the weakening 
of the AngUcan supremacy, not Pym nor Eliot could have been 
more alive than the Cavahers to the danger it involved; 

The victory was pressed home, and two bills were introduced — • 
one for the rehef of Protestant dissenters, who had shown openly 
that they preferred to suffer rather than to obtain ^he Relief 
relief by the Declaration. That bill was carried ^^^• 
through the Commons ; but episcopal amendments prevented 
it from becoming law before the pariiament was prorogued, and 
it was not again introduced. The second bill, which became 
known as the Test Act, imposed no further dis- TjieTest 
abilities upon Protestant dissenters ; but it specifi- ^'^'^■ 
cally required all officers of the State and of the royal household, 
civil and military, to take the Oath of Allegiance and the Oath 
of Supremacy, to receive the Sacrament according to the Anghcan 
rite, and to subscribe a declaration repudiating the doctrine of 
Transubstantiation. The manifest object was to exclude entirely 
from office every one who did not pubUcly disavow Roman 
doctrine. The Act passed through both Houses, and both the 
duke of York and Chfford obeyed their consciences and resigned. 



440 Charles II. 

Shaftesbury's eyes were opened. Possibty Arlington, who at 
this crisis was moved primarily by his jealousy of Clifford, con- 
snaftesbury. veyed to the chancellor information about the secret 
Treaty of Dover. Shaftesbury at any rate reaUsed that he had 
been duped, that the king cared nothing for toleration save as a 
means to the advancement of Romanism and Romanists. The 
time was at hand when he would appear in a new role, not as 
the king's minister but as the unscrupulous organiser of opposi- 
tion. The king, however, had grasped the situation. He struck 
Romanism out of his programme altogether. Absolutism re- 
mained, not because he wished to play the tyrant, but because 
he objected to control. Therefore it became his pohcy to win 
over the High Cavahers, the uncompromising Anglicans, although 
in order to do so it was necessary to recede from the French 
alhance. He made the Cavalier leader. Sir Thomas Osborne, 
Danby. Lord Treasurer, and earl of Danby — the title by 

which he is best known, though at subsequent stages of his career 
he was created marquis of Carmarthen and duke of Leeds. 

On the duke of York's retirement. Prince Rupert, an uncom- 
promising Protestant, and no friend to France, was given the 
Popular command of the fleet. In a series of hotly con- 

Buspiciona. tested engagements the Enghsh failed to get the 
better of the Dutch, and the French squadrons continued to 
render no efi&cient service. Popular anger against France grew, 
and the impression gained ground that the war was being used 
as a cover for the persistent increase of a standing army, which 
was intended for use not against the enemies of England, but for 
the coercion of England itself. More resentment was roused 
when the duke of York took for his second wife the papist, 
Mary of Modena. The two daughters of his first wife, Mary and 
Anne, were Protestants, but if the new wife should bear him a 
son, and that son should be brought up as a Romanist, how could 
the succession of a series of papists be prevented ? The idea 
Tiieldeaof th^-t James must be excluded from the succession 
exclusion. began to fasten itself in the minds of an ever-increas- 
ing section of the pubHc. WTien parhament met in October, 
Shaftesbury, who was still Chancellor, asked for suppUes ; not 



The Cabal 441 

for the prosecution of an unpopular war but to enable the 
government to procure a popular peace. Parliament was pro- 
rogued in November, and immediately afterwards Shaftesbury 
was dismissed from the Chancellorship, to take at once the place 
of Leader of the Opposition. 

Though Charles had broken for ever with Shaftesbury, he saw 
that he must yield to the demand for peace, though he did his 

best to persuade Louis that he did so only because 

1674. Pea.ce 
he had no choice in the matter. The Peace of ofwest- 

Westminster was signed in February, its main "I'^^ter, 

° ■' February, 

provisions being the acknowledgment by the Dutch 

of the English sovereignty of the seas, and their payment of a 
substantial sum of money. Charles was at least relieved from 
the necessity of asking parliament for further supplies, which it 
was very unHkely to grant, whereas it was extremely hkely to 
raise troublesome questions. Once more it was prorogued, a 
week after the signing of the treaty. 

During these years Lauderdale in Scotland had been complet- 
ing the establishment of the royal supremacy. When the 
ascendency finally passed into his hands in 1667, a ^^gg^.g 

more tolerant poUcy was expected from him than Lauderdale 

p in Scotland, 

from his predecessors. The expectation at first 

seemed Ukely to be fulfilled. Despite the rejection of a plan 
propounded by Leighton, which would have reduced the bishops 
to little more than permanent ' moderators,' as they had first 
been when James regrafted episcopacy upon presbyterianism, 
ejected ministers who had Uved peaceably were allowed by what 
was called the First Indulgence, issued by the king himself, to 
return to their Hvings if vacant. A few took advantage of the 
Indulgence. Alexander Burnet (not Gilbert), archbishop of 
Glasgow, entered a protest which greatly annoyed the king, 
against the action of the Crown. Lauderdale resolved to estab- 
lish the royal supremacy once for all over the Church, and over 
the State by means of a Militia Bill, which would place an irresist- 
ible standing army permanently at the disposal of the Crown. 
A Scots parliament was called in the autumn of 1669. Lauder- 
dale as High Commissioner practically nominated all the Lords 



442 Charles II. 

of the Articles, and his two bills were carried : one declaring 

that the whole ordering of Church government was a prerogative 

of the Crown, the other establishing the mihtia ; and Burnet was 

removed from his archbishopric. After that the parHament was 

adjourned. 

The Indulgence did not please the advanced Covenanters; 

the ministers who returned to their li\'ings were looked upon as 

^ backsliders, and those who did not return continued 
1670. The 
cianting to hold the Conventicles which had been revived 

Act 

since the removal of Rothes. Lauderdale, whose 
moderation had proceeded not from principle but from self- 
interest, now departed from that poUcy since it no longer offered 
to him personally the same advantages. In 1670 he passed 
through the parhament the ' Clanking Act against Conventicles,' 
which imposed fines upon preachers and all persons who attended 
them in any case, but doubled the fines and imposed the death 
penalty on preachers when they were held in the open air. Presum- 
ably it was not intended actually to proceed to this last extremity. 
The immediate effect was small. The CovenEinters had a 
theory, and a grim determination not to surrender it whatever 
^g^2 the cost. Parliament met again in 1672 ; further 

The Black penalties were imposed for accepting the ministra- 
tions of the ejected clergy. A second Indulgence 
brought a few more of them back. But Lauderdale was growing 
more dictatorial, and when he married his former mistress. Lady 
Dysart, she not only scandalised public sentiment by her o\™ 
intervention in pubHc affairs, but urged her husband forward in 
his new courses. Consequently many of his former aUies deserted 
him, and formed an opposition which threatened his supremacy 
over the parhament. Since it had ceased to be the phant instru- 
ment of his wiU, it was dissolved." This was at the moment when 
Charles in England broke decisively with Shaftesbury, and Danby 
was being estabhshed in the saddle. Lauderdale recognised that 
any measure of compromise with the Covenanters would bring 
him into antagonism with Danby, and would point to his associ- 
ation with Shaftesbury ; consequently from 1674 onwards he 
developed the pohcy of persecution. 



Shaftesbury in Opposition 443 

The Cabal was finally dissolved ; for Clifford had died by his 
own hand not long after his resignation ; Buckingham followed 
Shaftesbury into opposition, and Ariington had virtually been 
retired. 



IV. Shaftesbury in Opposition, 1674-1681 

The king's policy was changed in one important particular, 
because in that particular respect he recognised that it was 
impracticable — that the hostility of the nation at 
large, Anglicans as well as Puritans, to Roman king's 

130liCV 

Catholicism was too deep-rooted and too violent 
to allow of an attitude which was more than barely tolerant of 
that form of religion. But he was. as determined as ever to 
release himself from bondage to parliament. To that end it 
was as necessary as ever to retain the support of the French 
king, without whose assistance it would never be possible to 
procure the necessary soldiers and the necessary funds to free 
himself from parliamentary control. But even this would not 
suffice to make the Crown sit easily on his head unless he had the 
suffrages of a substantial portion of his subjects. He was shrewd 
enough to know that this could only be done by humouring the 
Cavaliers. But the Cavaliers thernselves, with Danby at their 
head, were hostile to Louis and to everything which they identi- 
fied as the policy of the government for the last seven years. 
Consequently he had to play a double game, openly The 
sanctioning measures hostile to the interests of P"^"*"!*™- 
Louis, while privately persuading Louis that those measures 
w