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HISTORY

THE WAR

VOL. VI.

PRINTING HOUSE SQUARE.

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY "THE TIMES,"
PRINTING HOUSE SQUARE, LONDON.

Sole Agents for South Africa ; The Central News Agency, Ltd.

19 1 6.

£.V.

CONTENTS OF VOL. VI.

CHAPTER XCVI.
The French Offensive-Defensive, Novembeb, 1914, to AraiL, 1915 ... 1

CHAPTER XCVII.
Science and the Health of the Armies ... ... ... ... ... ... 41

CHAPTER XCVTII.
The Dardanelles Campaign (III.) : Two Months' Land Fighting in Gallipoli 81

CHAPTER XCIX.
The Spirit of Anzac ... 121

CHAPTER C.
Railways and the War ... 161

CHAPTER CI.
Operations on the Western Front, April to September, 1915 ... ... 201

CHAPTER CII.
Prisoners of War ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 241

CHAPTER cm.
The King's New Armies and The Derby Recruiting Scheme ... ... 281

CHAPTER CIV.
The French Offensive in Champagne 321

CHAPTER CV.
The Battle of Loos ... ... 361

CHAPTER CVT.
The Fighting Round Loos, September 28 to October 13, 1915 401

CHAPTER evil.
The Execution of Miss Cavell 429

Wak Atlas, Statistics, List of Place Names.

CHAPTER XCVI.
THE

FRENCH OFFENSIVE-DEFENSIVE,
NOVEMBER, 19 14, TO APRIL, 191 5.

Scope or the Chapter — PiEasons fok the Reticence or the French as to theie Operations —
French Review of the Fcsitton on February 1, 1915 — iStrateoicax Problem of General
Joffre on Xovember 11, 1914 — Fighting from La Bassee to Belfort between November 11,
1914, axd February 1, 1915 — Actions round Arras, Battle of Soissons, Bombardment of
Reims Cathedral, Engagements in Champagne, the Argonne, and on the Heights of the
Meqse, and in the Vosges — Events from February 1, 1915, to March 31 — Actions at Les
Eparges and Vauqltois — Battle of Perthes — The French take the Ridge of Xotre Dame
de lorette.

IX Vo]. I. (Chapters XX III., XXVI. and
XXVIT.) we dealt with the fir-st offen-
sive of tlie French in Alsace, their offen-
sive in Lorraine and the Ai-dennes, the
series of liattles on the Meuse and Sambre and
the glorious retreat of the Allies to the banks
of the -Alarne ; while in Vol. II. (Chapters
XXXII., XXXIV., XLV. and XLVI.) the
Battles of the Marne and Aisne, the condition
of Paris imder the rule of General Gallieni
diu-ing those terrible days when the fortunes of
the Parisians, of France, and the civihzed world
hung in the balance, together with the extension
accompanied by the Battles of Roye-Peronne
and Arras of the western wings of the opposing
armies - from Compiegne to the N^orth Sea at
Xieuport Bains, were described and their
strategical significanoe discussed. The Battle of
Flanders, comprising the numerous struggles
known as the Battle of the Yser, the first
Battle of Ypres, and the Battle of Armen-
tieres-La Bassee, was the culmination of
that extension. In Vol. III. (Chapters
Vol. VI.— Part 66.

XLVIIL, LIV., LXIL. LXIII.) and in Vol. IV.
(Chapter LXV.) the desperate and successful
resistance opposed by the Belgian Army, which
had escaped from Antwerp, and by General
d'Urbal's and Sir John French's armies to the
last attempt of the Kaiser to tiu-n or pierce the
left wing of the Allies in the western theatre of
war was narrated, and in Vol. III. (Chapter
LXI.) and in Vol. IV. (Chapter LXX.) some
particulars were given of the autumn and
winter campaign in Central and Eastern France.
The present chapter is designed to provide
a sketch of the main operations conducted by
the French from the end of the battle of
Flanders to the moves preliminary to the
Battle of Artois, which began on May 9, 1915.
, Between those dates, north of La Bassee,
had occurred the bloody Battle of X'euve
Chapelle, the combats of St. Eloi and Hill 60
and the Second Battle of Ypres, at which the
Canadians first met the Germans and the
Germans first began the use of poisonous gas.
The fighting of the British, French and Belgian

THE TWES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

THE FRENCH COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF AT THE FRONT.
General JoiFre and members of his Staff have luncheon by the roadside.

troops north of La Bassee from November II
to May 9, the Battle of the Aubers Bidge
(May 9-10) and that of Festubert (May 15-18),
both of which were contemporaneous with the
beginning of the Battle of Artois and were
intended to divert German reinforcements from
it, have also been depicted.

It will be seen that a continuous narrative
has been fiu-nished of the doings of the Allied
and German forces north of La Bassee to the
date when Sir John French, after his gains at
Festubert, was consolidating his position at the
edge of the Aubers Ridge. Along the line,
approximately fifty miles long, of the Allies
from the sea to the western environs of La
Bassee no decisive victory had been gained by
either side. On the remainder of tlie Allied
front, which measvired, as the crow flies, about
six times, and, if the ^vindings of the trenches
is taken into consideration, perhaps eight times
that length, some 2,500,000 French troops were
either engaged or were held in readiness to be
thrown into tlie various battles or combats
constantly going on along the far-flung line.

We must, therefore, never forget that severe as
were the struggles in which we and the Belgians
had been concerned, our gallant Ally had been
and was still engaged in a long series of fights,
none of them possibly of the first magnitude,
but all of importance for maintaining the dam
which kept back the German hordes from the
centre of France.

During the momentous months in which the
new British Armies were in training the strain
endured by the French troops was tremendous.
Week after week, by day and night, they were
subject to continued assaults, against which
they had to deliver repeated counter-attacks,
frequently' involvmg hand-to-hand struggles
with the bayonet and bombs, to which an
almost unending cannonade was the terrible
accom])animent. The victories of the Battles
of the Marne and of Flanders had saved France,
but they had not broken up the gigantic
machine constructed by Moltke and Roon,
and remodelled and enlarged under the super-
vision of the Kaiser by the pupils of those
formidable theorists and practitioners in the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

art of war. Joffre by every means in his
power had to conceal his plans from the most
vigilant and cunning Staff in the world, from
inen who, however deficient they might be in
some of the higher qualities that distinguish
great from mediocre captains, examined by
themselves or their subordinates every sprap
of information with the patience and care of
scientists. The result was that the French
communiqiiis and the official and semi-official
reports, the best material available in 1915 for
a narrative of the exploits of the French Army,
were bald in comparison even with Sir John
French's dispatches. As for the German
accounts of the engagements, they cannot be
trusted. The German authorities had to
explain to the German and Austro -Hungarian
peoples and to neutrals why it was that Paris
remained untaken, why the French, Belgian
and " contemptible " British Army had not
been destroyed. To distort the facts was a
necessity, and " necessity knows no law."

Before entering into the details of the
fighting it wiU be as well to regard the situation
on February 1, 1915. " The German offensive,"
said a French semi-official report, " is broken.
The German defensive will be broken in its

turn."* How few of the Allied soldiers who
were marching southward at the end of August,
1914, ever imagined that such words would be
soberly penned by a Frenchman five months
later !

The changes brought about in the com-
position of the French Army during the interval
had been mainly these. Elderly generals and
officers had, for the most part, been eliminated.
Their places — and the places of others of proved
incompetence — had been taken by younger or
abler men. " Ability proved on the field of
battle," it is observed, " is now immediately
recognized and utilized. . . . The Army is led
by young, well-trained, and daring chiefs, and
the lower commissioned ranlcs have acquired
the art of war by experience." As for the
strength of the French Army, it was at this
time, including all ranks, over 2,500,000 — in
round numbers the population of Paris.
Imagine the capital of France entirely peopled
by soldiers and one has then some idea of the
huge force which with the British and the
Belgians on February 1, 1915, barred the road

* The quotations are from a series of articles issued by
Renter's Agency and published by Messrs. Constable in
book form.

THE SMOKE OF BATTLE.
A big French gun pouring shells into the enemy's position.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

to the Kaiser. No less than 1.250,000 men
were at the depots ready to replace losses.
" The quality of the troops," continues the
rcsport, " lias unproved perceptibly since the
beginning of the war. ... In Avigiist it neither
hked nor had the habit of u.sing the spade.
To-day those who see our trenches are
astounded." During the preceding six months
tlie French infantry had acquired an ascendancy
o\ cr the Germans. From the outset its cavalry
had possessed the superiority. It "showed
itself perfectly adapted to the necessities of
fighting on foot." The artillerymen had un-
questionably handled the " 7o " gun with a
skill that had won the admiration of tlie
Germans thenaselves. That precious weapon,
which had contributed so largely to the French
successes, had perfectly stood unprecedented
wear and tear.

The heavy artillery "in process of reorganiza-
tion when the war broke out " had been one of

Inset : A German gun aestroyed Dy French
artillery.

the weak spots in the French ,^riiiy. By
February 1 tliis branch had been transformed
beyond recognition. The 155 cm. «as an
accurate gun, firing a shell comparabk'' in many
ways with our own 60-pounder ; the 1((5 cm. a
new and powerful heavy field gun. In addition
to tlicse weapons, still larger guns and huge
liowitzers had taken the field. The munljcr of
machine guns had been very largely increased,
and, with regard to all the minor devices for
life-taking which the trench warfare at short
distance had brought into use, the position A\as
very favourable.

Enormous quantities of ammunition had
been accumulated. The blue and red uniform
had been or was being replaced by a uniform
of an inconspicuous coloiir. The transport
services had worked witli a smoothness and
celerity beyond all expectation, and the
commissariat department, which had so signally
broken down in 1870, had kept the troops
regularly supplied with wholesome food. " The
Germans," confidently concluded this report,
" can no longer oppose us with forces superior
to ours. They will, therefore, not be able to
do in the future what they could not do in
the past, when they were one-third more
numerous than om'selves. Consequentlv our
final victory miist follow by the imperious
necessity of the concordant force of facts and
figures."

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

THE SOUND OF THE FRENCH GUNS.

Soldiers stopping their ears during a bombardment.
Inset : A French 75 destroyed by a German shell.

Events alone could prove whether these
calculations were correct, but that the hopes of
the French of ultimate triumph were very
reasonable the occurrences south of La Bassee
between November 11, 1914, and February 1.
1915, establish.

The prodigious expenditure of ammunition
during the first three months of the war had
depleted the French arsenals, and for the greater
part of the period under review Joftre could
only, in his own word, " nibble " at the German
line. Luckily for the Allies, the need the
Kaiser was imder to restore the prestige of
Germany and Austria-Hungary, badly shaken
by the victories of the Grand Duke Nicholas
over Hindenburg and the Austro-Hmigarians
in the Eastern theatre of war, prevented the
Germans taking advantage of the unfavourable
situation. Otherwise it is conceivable that
something similar to what happened the next
year in Galicia, when Mackensen drove back
Dmitrieff and Ivanoff, might have occiured in
France.

We shall divide the vast battle or elongated
siege into several sections : from La Bass(5e south-
wards to Compiegne, from Compiegne eastwards
to Berry-au-Bac on the Aisne, from Berry-au-
Bac south-eastwards to Reims, from Reims
eastwards across the Argonne to Verdun, from
Verdim south-eastwards round St. IMihiel to

Pont-a-Mousson, on the iloselle, thence again
south-eastwards, to the crest of the Vosges.
The fighting in the Vosges and the Gap of
Belfort will be the last or seventh action.

Despite their defeats at the Marne and in
Flanders, the Germans were still on an ex-
tremely strong line for taking the offensive.
Dixmvide was theirs, so was the eastern edge
of the ridge of the Mont-des-Cats — the key to
the position north of the Lys. The heights at
La Bassee and those from Notre Dame de
Lorette, north-west of Lens, to the region of
Arras, other heights from the soutli of Ai-ras,
east of Albert to the Somme, and both banks
of the up)>er course of that river were held by
them. De Castelnau had not advanced any
considerable distance up the gap between the
Somme and the Oise. From Compiegne along
the Aisne to Berry-au-Bac the French since the
Battle of the Aisne had made little progress on
the north bank. The environs of Berry-au-Bac,

66-2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

where the road from Reims to Laon crosses the
river, the whole line of the Aisne eastward
almost up to the latitude of Verdun, and, south
of the Aisne, most of that portion of Champagne
which lies north of the Reims-St. Men6hould-
Verdiln railway were retained by the enemy.

In this area behiad the Gorman hnes ran from
Bazancourt, a station on the Reims-Rethel rail-
road, a railway which crossed the Upper Aisne
and the Argonne and terminated a Uttle to the
north of Varennes, so celebrated in the liistory
of the unfortunate Louis XVI.

A glance at the map reveals that here no
great natiual obstacle barred the advance of
the Germans southward to the Marne above
Chalons-sur-Marne. The trenches of the army
of Langle de Gary, connected with those of
Sarrail defending Verdun and its environs, alone
bridged this important gap.

The Southern Argonne and Verdun itself
were, indeed, in little danger. General Sarrail
had not wasted his time, and the glades and
wooded hills of the Argonne, and the neighbour-
hood of Verdun, through which went the railway
from Metz to Paris, had been so entrenched and
fortified that they were probably by now
impregnable. But between Verdun and Toul
the Germans under Von Strantz had at the end
of September broken the fortified line and
obtained a crossing over the Meuse at St.
Mihiel. If he could debouch in force from St.
Mihiel, Von Strantz would either threaten
Sarrail from the south or advance on Ohalons-
sur-Mame and the rear of Langle de Gary, or
descend against he communications of the
army of Lorraine defending the formerly
unfortified but now strongly entrenched interval
between Toul and Epinal.

At St. Mihiel, it is true, Joffre's main
difficulties ended. From Pont-i-Mousson on
the Moselle the French line extended east
of St. Di6, along the western slopes of
the Vosges to the Schlucht. From that pass
it followed the eastern crest of the wooded
mountains near Steinbach, Aspaoh and Upper
Bumhaupt to the gap of Belfort. The
fortresses of Toul, Epinal and Belfort, the
entrenchments of the Grand Courorme of Nancy,
and the forts between Epinal and Belfort were
now well behind the southern part of the Alhed
right wing, the direction of which, since the
departure of de Castelnau to the Somme-Oise
region, had been given to General Dubail, one
of the most competent and enterprising of the
French commanders.

Born at Belfort in 1851, Dubail was sixty-
tliree years old. He had been through the
War of 1870-71. Appointed captain after the
conclusion of peace, he had lectm'ed on geo-
graphy, strategy and tactics at the Ecole
Speciale Mililaire, and had entered the Ecole de
Guerre in 1876. Later, hke Joffre, ha ha<f
served in the East and in Algiers, where for
ten years he was Chief of the Staff. On
returning to France he had commanded the
Alpine brigade at Grenoble and there famihar-
ized himself with the problems of moimtain.
warfare. Twice he had been Chef du Cabinet
of the Minister of War. He had then filled the
post of Commandant of the Military School of
St. Cyr, the Sandhurst, of France. At the
expu-ation of his term of office he was placed
at the head of the 14th Division, whose head«
quarters were his native town, Belfort. He
had thus become thoroughly acquainted with
the country in which he was now manoeuvring.
Finally, first as Cliief of the Staff of the French
Army, then successively Commander of the
9th Corps and member of the Superior Council
of War, he had completed his education for
one of the most responsible taslcs set by Jofire
to any of his Heutenants. When Pan's offea-
sive in Alsace was abandoned, the command of
the 1st Army and the defence of Alsace and the
line of the Meurthe and Mortagne had been
entrusted to Dubail, and he and de Castelnau
on his left by their vigorous defensive-offensive
measures had enabled Joffre to concentrate the
bulk of his forces between Verdun and Paris
and win the Battle of the Marne. Ultimately
DubaU was given the direction of all the armies
from Compiegne to Belfort, as Foch had been
given that of the armies disposed between
Compiegne and the sea.

With his right wing so placed and manoeuvred
by a man of Dubail's experience and ability,
with Verdun defended by the indefatigable and
initiative-loving Sarrail, Joffre could devote
most of his attention to the many dangerous
points on the line from Verdun to the North
Sea. Large as his effectives were, the length
and the shape of his front, the left wing of which
was fighting with its back to the sea, rendered
it liable, to be pierced. Except for the flooded
district between Nieuport and Dixmude, there
was nowhere an obstacle which could be fairly
described as almost impassable, and a frost
might at any moment neutralize the effect of
the inundations on the Yser. The AlHed troops
were disposed along or in the vicinity of t«o

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

GENERAL DLBAIL.

sides of the triangular figure Verduii-Compiegne-
Nieuport, nearly all the third side of which,
that of Verdiin-Nieuport and parts of the
remaining two sides Verdun-Compiegne and
Compiegne-Nieuport were in the possession of
tiie enemy. Aji enormous artillery, an enor-
mous store of munitions, a vast expenditure of
life, and of lahour and money on entrenchments
«ere needed to render the new and temporary
frontier of France secure.

The north-western section of the Franco-
German front — that from La Bassee to Com-
piegne — may be divided into three parts :
from La Bassee to Arras, from Arras to the
Somme, and from the Somme to the junction of
the Oise and Aisne at Compiegne. In the first
of these the immediate objective of the French
was to drive the Germans from the hills and
ridges on the edge of the plain of the Scheldt,
recover Lens, and, with the assistance of the
British Army attacking from the north, cut off
the La Bassee salient and retake Lille.

The enemy had established himself on the
chalky and ravined plateau west of the Lens-
Arras railway, between the Lys and the Scarpe,
which is a tributary of the Scheldt flowing
through Arras. The northern edge of the
plateau is dominated by the ridge of Notre Dame
de Lorette, running west and east. South of the
ridge are the townlets of Ablain St. Nazaire
and Souchez, still farther south that of Carency,
then the Bois de Berthonval, and the hill called
Mont St. Eloi, north of the Scarpe. The high
road from B^thune to Arras crosses the ridge
of Notre Dame de Lorette and descends to
Arras through Souchez and La Targette. From
Carency to La Targette the Germans had con-
structed the entrenchments known as the
" White Works," continued eastwards to the
townlet of Neuville St. Vaast and then south-
ward to " The LabjTinth," a veritable fortress
of the new type, created to bar any direct
advance up the Arras-Lens road. Between " The
Labyrinth " and Arras the enemy were in or
round the villages of Ecurif and Roclincourt,
and south of Roclincourt, close to Arras, those
of St. Laiu'ent and Blangy. This region was
destined dviring 1915 to be the field of some of
the bloodiest fighting in the war.

The Notre Dame de Lorette-Labyrinth plateau
could be turned from the north, if the French
could penetrate between it and the La Bassee
ridges. Accordingly General de Maud'huy,
who was subsequently sent to serve im.der
Dubail and was replaced by General d'Urbal—
the local commander of the French in the
Battle of Flanders — not only attacked the
plateau from the south, west and north, but
also endeavoured to approach Lens through
Vermelles, Le Rutoire, and Loos. On Decem-
ber 1-2 three companies of infantry and two
squadrons of dismounted Spahis carried the
Chateau of Vermelles, and on the 7th Vermelles
and Le Rutoire were taken. Later in the month
'lu-ther progress towards Loos was made.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Meanwliile the German positions on. the
plateau were being vigoroiisly attacked. On
December 7 some trenches south of Carency
were captured, and the next day there was
fighting close to " The Labyrinth." The weather
was very bad and impeded the movements of
Germans and French alike ; the mud often
choked the barrels of the rifles and the fighting
relapsed into that of primitive ages. The troops
in the flooded trenches suffered terribly from the
cold and the wet. On December 17-20 trenches
of the Germans defending the ridge of Notre
Dame de Lorette were carried, while from
Arras the French attacked the enemy in
St. Laurent and Blangy. On January 15 the
Germans counter-attacked, and recovered some
of the trenches near Notre Dame de Lorette
and at Carency, and on the 16th they bom-
barded and assaulted the French in Blangy.
The German " 77," " 105," " 150," and " 210 "
guns and minenwerfer wrecked the foimdrj^ and
malthouse of the village and destroyed the
barricade in the main street, killing a lieutenant
worldng a mitrailleuse. Soon after noon the
fire of the German artillery was directed on the
French reserves and at 2.30 p.m. the village
was assaulted The French in it were lolled,
wounded or taken prisoners. An hour or so
later, however, the reserves at this point
counter-attacked and the Germans were driven
back to their former position. By February 1,
1915, in the section La Bassee-Arras, the
balance of advantage lay with the French.

From Arras to the Somme there had also in
the same period (November 11 to February 1)

been numerous combats. North of the Somme,
between Albert on the Ancre and Coinbles to its
east, there were, in the second fortnight of De-
cember, severe actions at Ovillers-la-Boissellc,
Mametz, Carney and Maricoiu't. A German
counter-attack on December 21 near Carney
failed. On January 17-18 there was renewed
fighting at La Boisselle. There again the
French, on the whole, had had the upper hand.

General de Castebiau, too, in the plain between
the Somme and the Oise, since his victory at
Quesnoy-en-Santerre at the end of October, had
not been idle. On liim and General Maunoury
devolved the most important duty of protecting
the hinge, as it were, of the Allied left wing. On
November 29 he had advanced a little in the
region between the Somme and Chaulnes.
During December there were various encounters
south of Chaulnes and north of Roye, and also
in the region of Lihons, a mile or so to the north-
west of Chaulnes. Columns of the Germans
counter-attacking on December 19 were, liter-
ally, scythed down by the French artillery and
macliine guns. Every day the possibility of the
Germans recovering Amiens or marching on the
Seine below Paris down the western bank of the
Oise, became more remote.

In the second section of the front — that from
Compicgne to Berry-au-Bac — affairs had not
been so satisfactory for the French. The army
of Maunoury had, indeed, seemed the Foret de
I'Aigle in the northern angle formed by the Oise
and Aisne. On November 13 he took Tracy-le-
Val at its eastern edge, and liis Algerian troops,
on the 19th, brilliantly repulsed the German

BY MOTOR-RAIL TO THE FIRING-LINE.
Motor-car used on a railway to convey troops and provisions to the trenches.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

counter-attack. Twelve days or so later (Decem-
ber 1) the enemy near Berry-au-Bac also failed
to carry French trenches. From December 6
to 16 there was an artillery duel along
the whole front. The French seem to have
scored more than their enemy, and a German
attack at Tracy-le-Val on the night of the
7th-8th niet with no success. On the 21st, too,
some German trenches in the region of Nampoel-
Puisaleine were carried and retained, hut in
the first fortnight of January the centre of tlie
army of Maunoury in the region of Soissons
suffered a serious reverse. This engagement,

GENERAL MAUNOURY.

called by the Germans " The Battle of Soissons,"
deserves to be treated in some little detail. *

Since September llaimoury and Franchet
d'Fsperey had been vainly striving to dislodge
Ivluck from his formidable position, which has
been already described in Vol. II., Chapter
XXXIV., on the north bank of the Aisne, we.st
of Beri'y-au-Bac. Generally speaking, the
French remained at the foot ot the heights occu-
pied by Kluck with the river behind them.

* A brief account of this battle has been already given
with Vol. IV., Ch. LXX. with a map (page 229) of the
Soi^^sons district.

Bridges through, above and below Soissons were
in their possession, and on January 8, 1915,
Maunoury, of his own initiative or by the orders
of Joffre, made another determined effort to
reach the plateau. From a bam, on a spot to
the south of the river, affording a magnificent
view, Maunoury himself, through numerous tele-
phones, directed the attack. Owing to the tor-
rential rain, he could, however, have seen with
liis own eyes very little of what went on.

A long line of closely set poplars on the horizon
indicated the distant goal ot the French. In the
valley below a couple of chimney-stacks and
sonae houses beyond Soissons in the loop of the
flooded river marked the village of St. Paul.
Between St. Paul and the poplars rises, to the
right of the village of Cuffies, on the Soissons-La
Fere road, the spur called " Hill 132." Nearer
and to the right of " Hill 132," but divided from
it by the village of Crouy on the Soissons-Laon
road, is " Hill 151." The villages of Cuffies and
Crouy are half way up the slope. The French
wore in CufBes and Crouy and on a line from
Crouy round " Hill 151 " eastward through
Bucy and Missy, higher up the Aisne than
Soissons. At Missy was a wooden bridge, and
between Missy £ind Soissons another at Venizel,
opposite Bucy.

The attack was commenced by a heavy bom-
bardment of the two hills and by sappers cut-
ting the barbed-wire entanglements which had
not been destroyed by the shrapnel or common
BheU. At 8.45 a.m. the infantry assaulted " Hill
132 " at no less than ten different points. The
rain falling in sheets, though it impeded the
arrival of the supporting guns, probably assisted
the foot soldiers. In a few minutes all three
lines of trenches were captured, and guns were
dragged up to the summit of " Hill 132 " and of
"Hill 151." The German artillery at once
cannonaded the lost positions, and at 10.25 a.m.,
at 1 p.m., and 3 p.m., coiuiter-attacks were
dehvered against " Hill 132." The last was
beaten back by a bayonet charge of Chasseurs,
a hundred of whom, carried away by their
eagerness, were, however, surrounded and killed
to a man.

The next day (January 9) at 5 a.m. the Ger-
man attack on "HiU 132" was renewed, and a
part of the third-liiie trench was recovered.
Three and a half hours later the French artillery
dispersed a German battalion being sent up to
support the assailants. The bombardment con-
tinued, the French, dripping to the skin, con-
atantlv repairing trenches and entanglements.

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

During the night another cou iter-attack was re-
pulsed, and on the 10th the R ench attempted to
push eastwards. The Germans advanced to
meet them, but, assisted by a body of Moroc-
cans, the French flung them off, and at 5 p.m.
had occupied two more lines of trenches and part
of a wood to the north-east. They had lost in
wounded alone 548. Tliroughout the 11th the
struggle continued and the French progressed
still farther eastward.

Meantime the river, swelled by the never-
ceasing rain, went on rising, and during the
night of the 11th- 12th all the bridges of
Villeneuve and Soissons, with the exception of
one, were carried away, and those at Venizel
and Missy followed suit. On a small scale the
position of Maiuioury's force resembled that of
Napoleon's at Aspern, when it found itself
with the flooded Danube and broken bridges
behind it. Kluck, like the Archduke Charles

ABLAIN ST. NAZAIRE.
The surrender of a oarty of Germans to the French.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

in 1809, violently attacked. Two Corps, it is
believed, were hurled at the weak French troops,
magnified by the Germans in their reports into
the " 14th Infantry Division, the 55th Reserve
Division, a mixed brigade of Chasseurs, a regi-
ment of Territorial Infantry and " (imidenti-
fied) " Turcos, Zouaves and Moroccans."
Before 10 a.m. on tlie 12th the Germans,
as at Mens in soUd masses, were thrown by
Kluck at the French right above Crouy ;
at 11 a.m. a huge body was launched at
the trenches on "Hill 132." Gradually
Maunoury's men, inflicting terrible losses on
their foes, were pushed back towards the
river. Two pieces, rendered useless, were left
beliind.

To cover the retreat across the river, on the

13th a counter-attack at "Hill 132" was
delivered, and the Moroccans, covered with mud,
endeavoured, towards Crouy, again to scale the
heights. But the only bridge now remaining
was that at Venizel, and Ivluok was doing his
utmost to fling the French from Crouy to Missy
into the river. His artillery shelled Soissons.
The Venizel bridge, the road to which was
almost under water, might at any moment be
destroyed. Mavmoury, therefore, wisely de-
cided to withdraw most of his men to the south
of the river. They effected their retreat during
the night of the llth, but St. Paul, in the loop,
was retained. An attack on it (January 14)
was beaten off, and on the 15th the French
artillery from the left bank dispersed a body of
Germans mustering opposite it. The batteries
on " Hill 151," handled with extraordinary
skill, were saved, but at other points guns liad
to be left behind. Some 40,000 Germans had
defeated but, under the most favourable circimi-
stances, had been unable to destroy perhaps
12,000 French troops. The Germans are credibly
reported to have lost 10,000 killed and wounded,
the French 5,000.

This battle was absurdly compared by the
Germans with the Battle of Gravclotte. In
one of the German narratives occurred the
statement that Kluck had " anew justified
brilliantly his genius as a military chief. He
appears more and more," wrote the journalist,
" to be the Hindenburg of the West."

We here insert an account of The Times

THE WAR BY AIR.

A French airman about to start off. The bombs are attached to the side of the machine.

Inset : A captive balloon being hauled down after reconnoitring.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

CHARGE 1
French troops leaving their trench to storm a German position.

correspondent's visit of inquiry on January 28
to Soissons and his meeting with General
Maunoury. It will be seen how Mttle the French
General was affected by his defeat :

In Italy the German lie factories declare that as the
result of the check sustained this month by the French
on the Aisne the German troops are in possession of
Soissons on the left bank of the river. I lunched to-day
in Soissons as the guest of General Maunoury, the brilliant
victor in the battle of the Ourcq, which contributed so
greatly to the retreat of the German Army on the Marne.

General Maunoury, in bidding my two colleagues and
myself welcome, said: "I am very happy to receive
the representatives of our great Ally. It affords me
particular pleasure to do eo in Soissons. You will bo
able to see for yourself that, although we have un-
doubtedly suffered a check upon the opposite bank o"
the Aisne, that check is without strategic importance.
We hold the Aisne as strongly as we did before. Our
trenches on the other side give us two bridge-heads, and
ive are able to advance across the river with the same
ease as before."

General Maunoury is a fine type of the modest, hard-
worldng, and unselfish French soldier, who has made
the Army of our Allies the splendid instrument it is
to-day, and is turning it to best account. At the
luncheon table were gathered three or four officers of
his Staff, all of them men of the same unassuming nature.
While the French Army is the most democratic in the
world (the son of my concierge is a sub-lieutenant), the
officers of the active army remain nevertheless a class
apart. They are drawn from families who have behind
them a long record of military history. They are men
of no wealth, and, although as representatives of the
Army they are held in the highest esteem by the whole
nation, their miserable pay is not compensated by the
caste distinction which the officer enjoys in Germany
and in a lesser degree in Great Britain. The work they
do is in peace time the least recognized of any .service
for the State, and in war time they remain anonymous.
The old class of soldier d panache, the general whose
sword was for ever flashing in the sun, whose proclama-
tions were epic poems, has vanished. His place has
been taken by men such as I met to-day, hard-working,
hard-thinking, and hard-fighting citizens, who.se whole
soul is given without personal thought to the service of
France and of her Army.

Our conversation during

luncheon showed that with all the national sense of the
practical it is the ideal which the French Array has
before its eyes in the conduct of this war.

With philosophical skill General Maunoury exposed
the terrible retrogression in the German national
character since 1870, which he remembers well. He
dwelt iipon the Bemhardi theory of war as practised by
the German armies, the deportation of non. combatants,
the placing of women and children as a protecting screen
in front of their troops, as affording clear proof that
the German morals had become swamped by materialism,
Frank as are French officers in their condemnation of
their enemy's morality, manners, and methods, they are
none the less quick to render tribute to their bravery.

The advance of the Germans in massed formation,
described by our soldiers in letter after letter from the
Flanders front as resembling the football crowd pouring
into the gates of the Crystal Palace, was also seen in the
Battle of Soissons. Flanders taught the Germans the
valuo of extended formation more quickly than any drill
instructor, and the return to this callously costly form
of advance along the Aisne was due to the presence
among the attacking troops of many young and un-
trained soldiers. " It is not surprising," said one of
the officers at table, " that the Germans should deem
it wise to send these young fellows forward with the
courage which comes from contagion and the feeling of
support given by massed formation. "UTiat is surprising
is that these young chaps should obey."

In the old days the withdrawal of the French
to the south bank of the Aisne in the region of
Soissons might have caused a simultaneous
evacuation of all their positions to the north of
that river. But the new mechanism of war had
changed both strategy and tactics. Troops
could be protected by artillery sometimes
posted twenty miles away from them ; the
railway and motor traction enabled reserves of
man-and-gun power to be shifted on a tele-
phonic call from point to point with unexampled
rapidity ; machine guns, repeating rifles, bombs
and grenades, barbed-wire entanglements and
properly constructed trenches permittedposition*

66—?

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

formerly regarded as untenable or perilous
to be held with impunity. To f3ght with
one's back to a river had been once considered
I'he height of imprudence. The punishment
infJicted by Napoleon on the Russians at
Friedland, by Bliichor on Macdonald at the
Katsbach, had been imbedded in the memories

of several generations of soldiers. Yet since
the beginning of the second fortnight of Septem-
ber Generals Maiinpury and Franchet d'Espercy,
and, for a time, Sir Jolin French, had kept large
bodies of troops and a considerable number of
guns on the north bank of the Aisne, on the
outer rim of one of the most formidable positions
in Europe. Apart from the reverse at Soissons,
no serious mishap had occurred.

Farther east, near Craonne, an attempt by
the Germans on December 1 to dislodge the
French had failed ; on January 23 they had
bombarded Berry-au-Bac, but by February 1
they had not succeeded, except round Soissons,
in clearing their enemy from the north bank of
the Aisne between Compiegne and the last-men-
tioned crossing. Nor from Berry-au-Bac to the
eastern environs of Remis had the Germans
been more successful. Franchet d'Esperey and
Fooh had, in September, brought the enemy's
counter-offensive from the valley of the Suippe
westwards to a standstill, and the irritation
of the Germans had been shown here as at
Ypres by spasinofhc renewals of their senseless
practice of destroying architectural master-
pieces. The Cathedral of Reims, which bears
the same relation to so-called Gothic that the
E'arthenon bears to Greek architecture and
sculpture, was, hke the Cloth Hall at Ypres and
the Cathedrals at Arras and Soissons, being
gradually reduced to a heap of broken stones.

TELEGRAPHIC COMMUNICATION.

Listening post in an advanced trench: The white outlines in the background Indicate the German

trenches. Centre picture : Field optical telegraph. Top picture : Telegraphists

putting their instruments in order.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

of aircraft the summit of "Reims Cathedral
was being used by French artillerj' observers ex-
hibits the childish side of the German cliaracter.
'Jliat French generals for tiny teclmical advan-
tages would expose to demoUtion a shrine asso-
ciated so intimately with the history of their
race, its art and religion, was inconceivable,
though not to the minds of the men who perhaps
believed that Ivuig Albert and the Belgians,
King George V. and the British would sell their
honour with the same alacrity as Ferdinand
of Coburg. The natm-e of German Kidtur
w-as never more strikingly exemplified than

FRENCH TROOPS
On their way to reconstruct trenches from which

they had previously driven the Gernnns.
Top oicture: A dispatch rider cycling through a
trench. Bottom picture: A machine-gun in action.

The work of unknown medieval sculptors, which
has not imfavoiu-ably been compared by com-
petent critics with the masterpieces produced at
Athens in the fifth century B.C., was being
•deliberately smashed by the new Goths, Vandals
and Huns, probably at the biddmg of the mon-
arch who had caused Berlin to be disfigured with
marble images of his ancestors almost as inar-
tistic as the wooden idol of Hindenburg erected
there in 1915. The excuse that in the age

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

in this absurd falseliood and in the action
which it endea\-oured to justify. Tlie shelling
of Reims Cathedral was a fitting epilogue to
the scenes of drunkenness and debauchery
which had accompanied the entry •anddepartm-e
of the German Army -from the city to which Joan
of Arc had conducted her exiled king.

The extent of the damage done to the Cathe-
dral at so early a date as September 25, 1914,
may be gathered from a report of the well-known
Kew York architect, Mr. Whitney Warren :

Xuxt day I vas again at tlie cathedral from 7.30 in
the morning until 4.30 in the afternoon, visiting it in
detail and endeavouring to realize the damage done.
On September 4, when the Germans first entered Reims,
there was a bombardment of the cathedral by their guns
and tour shells fell upon it — one on the north transept —
but little damage was done. The Gerinans themselves
declared that this was either a mistake or caused by
the jealousy of some corps which had not been given
precedence in entering the city. The bombardment
recommenced on .September 14 and 15, after the Germans
had evacuated the city, but the cathedral was not
touched.

On the 17th two bombs struck it, one on the apse
and the other on the north tran.sopt. The cathedral
was again hit on the next day, the shell falling on the
southern flying buttresses and on the roof, killing a
gendarme and several wounded Germans. The build-
ing was fairly riddled with shell during the entire day
on September 19, and about 4 o'clock the scaffolding
surrounding the north tower caught fire. The fire lasted
for about an hour, and during that time two further
bombs struck the roof, setting it also on fire. The cure
declares that one of these bombs was incendiary ; other-
wise it is difficult to explain the extraordinary quicloiess
with which the flames spread through the roof timbers.

The fire from the scaffolding descended until it
reached the north door of the main faf;ade, which
caught rapidly, burned through, and communicated the
fire to the straw covering the floor of the cathedral.
U'his straw had been ordered by the German commander
for 3,000 wounded which he intended to place in the
cathedral, but the evacuation of the city by the enemy
prevented the project from being carried out. \\Tien
the French arrived the flag of the Ked Cross was hoisted
on the north tower, and the German wounded placed
in the cathedral in the hope that it might be saved.

The straw, as I have said, caught ablaze from the
fire originating in the scaffold, burning through the
doors and destroying the fine wooden tambours or
vestibules surrounding these doors in the interior, and
also calcinating the extraordinary stone sculptures
decoraling the entire interior of this western wall,
'j'hese sculptures are peculiar to Reims, being in high
full relief and cut out of the stone itself instead of being
applied. Their loss is irreparable.

AH the wonderful glass in the nb»'e is absolutely gone ;
that of the apse still exists, though greatly damaged.

The fire on the outside calcinated the greater part of
the fa(;adc, the north tower, and the entire clerestory,
with the flying buttresses and the turret crowning each
of them. This stone is irretrievably damaged and
flakes off when touched. Consequently all decorative
motifs, wherever the flame touched them, are lost. The
treasury was saved at the commencement of the fire,
and the tapestries for which Reims is renowned were
fortunately removed before the bombardment. Half
the stalls have been destroyed : the organ is intact, and
several crucifixes and pictures in the apse are untouched.

If anything remains of the monument it is owing to
its strong construction. The walls and vaults are of a

robustness which can resist even modem engines of
destruction, for even on September 24, when the bom-
bardment was resumed, three shells landed on the
cathedral, but the vaults resisted and were not even
perforated.

It was in northern Champagne — in the sec-
tion between Reims and Verdun — that perhaps
most activity was shown during the months
of November, December and January. This
was one of the weakest spots in the five hundred
mile long line of French front. Until the
enemy were driven north of the Aisne (east of
Berry-au-Bac) and completely expelled from the
Forest of the Argonne, he might again resume
the offensive, and by an advance to the Mame
try to cut off the French right wing from its
centre. To Generals Langle de Cary and
Sarrail was deputed the task of preparing the
way for an offensive which would finally dissi-
pate that danger. Opposed to Langle de Cary,
whose four corps in the middle of January,
1915, were strongly reinforced, was Genera!
Von Einem with an army of approximately the
same size. The immediate objective of Langle
de Cary was the Bazancourt-Grand Pre railway
running behind the German front, crossing the
Forest of the Argonne and terminating at Apre-
mont, four miles or so north of Varennes. This
line was connected through Rethel on the Aisne,
Bazjincoiu-t, and, farther east, through Attigny
on the Aisne, and Vouziers, with the Mezieres-
Montmedy - Thionville - Metz railway. The
country tlirough which the Bazancourt-Grand
Pre railroad could be approached was of a
rolling nature ; the valleys were shallow, the
villages snaall and poverty-stricken, the farms
unimportant. Here and there clmnps and
plantations of fir trees planted in the chalky
soil seemed to punctuate the austerity of the
bleak landscape. It was in this forbidding
country, against a system of entrenchments
similar to that which the Germans had so
rapidly constructed between Arras and Lens,
that Langle de Cary cautiously advanced.
Simultaneously Sarrail's troops worked north-
ward up the Argonne. On December 10
Langle de Cary progressed towards Perthes.
Twelve days later he was again advancing, this
time not only against Perthes, but against
the farm of Beausejour, west of it on the
road from Suippes, through Perthes and Ville-
sur-Tourbe to Vareimes. Up to December
25 the French pushed forwards and repulsed
several counter-attacks, capturing many block-
houses, some machine guns, and a gun under a
cupola. This advance was assisted by the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

'■'/ VV ■;,

REIMS CATHEDRAL.

A portion of the front of the famous Cathedral before it was destroyed by the Germans.

(From a drawing by Joseph Pentiell.)

pressure exercised by the forces round Reiros, nounce that since November 15 it had advanced

which to the north of Pranay between December a kilometre in the region of Prunay and two

19-20, and again on December 30, attacked kilometres in that of Perthes, where seventeen

Von Einem's right flank. On January 15 the counter-attacks of the Germans had been

French Staff was only, however, able to an- repulsed and the village taken on the 9 th.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

THE BOMBARDMENT OF REIMS.

A portion of the wrecked Cathedral viewed from

a side street.

Two da3fs later the French were on the outskirts
of Perthes and north of the farm of Beausejour.

Equally stubborn had been the resistance of
the Germans in the Forest of the Argonne.

The ground in the Argonne is exceedingly
difficult, out up by watercourses, alternate
ridges, and valleys which are covered with woods
with a thick undergrowth between the trees.
There is a sort of hog's back running through
the centre of it from north to south between
the Aire and the Aisne. Two main roads pass
through it, the one from St. Men6hould to
Clermont, the other from Vienne-le-Chateau to
Varennes. Parallel to tliis last, and north of
it, there is a rough road through the forest
which, starting just above Vienne, goes to Mont
Blainville, traversing that portion of the
forest Icnown as the Bois de la Grurie. Still
farther to the north there is a second rough
road, which goes from Biuarville to Apremont.
In the southern portion of the forest the river
Blesme runs towards the north as far as Le Four
de Paris, then turns sharply to the west and
joins the Aisne below Vienne. Along its banks
there is a road coming up from the south and
joining the Vienne-Varennes one by the Four
de Paris. Just outside the main country of the
Argonne, on the east, there is also a good road
which goes up from Clermont tlirough Varennes

and St. Juvin and Grand Pr^, and there is on
the west another from Vilry-le-Fos through
St. Menehould, Vienne and then to the
north.

When the Germans were driven back from
the Marne their columns retired on both sides
of the Argonne, the available ways through
it being quite unsuited for the movement of
troops. They finally took a defensive position
about the line of the road running from Vienne-
le-Chateau to Varennes so as to hold the entries
to the district. Their pursuers, when they
arrived, moved up by the road in the centre of
the forest. The Germans, to hold off any possible
attack on the inner flanlra of their troops at
Vienne-le-Chateau or Varennes, in their tm-n
advanced into the woods. The French could
not debouch from it on the western side, but
they took up a position facing the German
trenches which ran frona Vienne-le-Chateau to
Melzicourt. Gradually the French extended up
the western border, turning the Germans out of
their trenches on the right banlc of the Aisne
and occupying a few redoubts at Melzicourt up
to the point where a stream runs into the Aisne
to the north of Servon. u

On the centre and east side the French were
stopped by strong forces of the 16th Army
Corps, which had entered the forest between
Varennes and Mont Blainville and held the
ground as far as Apremont. On November 24
the French were around Four de Paris ;
on December 6 they were nearing Varennes
from the south-east. Very soon they were
over the Vienne-la-Ville- Varennes road and
round Four de Paris, Saint-Hubert, Fontaine-
Madame and Pavillion de Bagatelle. All these
positions are in the wood of La Grurie, and they
only reached the border at Barricade. Engage-
ments ensued in which the Germans, at first,
were successful, but subsequently they were
pushed back by the French, whose forces,
back to back, faced the western and eastern
entries into the Argonne. One example will
suffice to give some idea of the nature of
the fighting here. The Germans on Decem-
ber 7 pushed out three saps from the first-
line trenches towards the French trenches
tuitil the right and centre reached within a
distance of about 20 yards from the French, the
left sap getting as close as eight yards, but on
December 17 the French had mined the ground
over which this sap passed and blew it up.
The next day, the 19th, the Germans repaired
the damage done and the centre and right sapa

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

reached to within about seven yards of their
opponents. From here they drove two mining
galleries beneath the French trenches, and on
the 20th they blew them up. Meanwhile
assaulting colunxns had been tormed and
advanced, covered by sappers provided with
bombs, axes, and scissors for cutting the wire
entanglements. On the 21st the French re-
gained two-thirds of the lost ground. On
January 5, after exploding eight mines, Sarrail's
troops, aided by a contingent of Italian Vokm-
teers under Constantin Garibaldi, attacked the
German trenches north of Courtechausse. For
a time they carried everything before them, but
the Italians advanced too far, Garibaldi was
killed, and at the end of the day the line here
was much the same as it had been in the
morning. Round Fontaine-Madame a violent
engagement was also raging, which continued
from the 8th to the 10th, but produced no
important results. Similar incidents to these
were of constant occurrence, but none of them
had any real influence on the main struggle.
It need hardly be said that the official bulletins
in Germany claimed a series of victories in the
Argonne, but then it must be remembered that,
when the Aiistrians were driven back in the
Buliovina, it was dryly announced that they
were drawing nearer to the passes over the Car-
pathians, from which, as a matter of fact, they

had advanced but a short time before, only to be
driven back by the Russians. Similar treatment
was afforded to the defeats of the Turks in the
Caucasus ; German official news stated that as
a consequence of the bad weather operations
in the Caucasus were suspended on both sides.
The German public appeared to have an un-
rivalled capacity for swallowing official false-
hoods.

From the eastern edge of the forest of Argonne
south of Varennes, in the region of Vauquois, the
line of Sarrail's trenches curved north and east-
wards across the Meuse round the entrenched
camp of Verdun, the perimeter of which was
being constantly enlarged. In December the
French were approaching Varennes from the
east and south through Boureilles and Vau-
quois, were pushing do^vn the valley of the
Meuse in the direction of Dun, on the Verdun-
Mezieres railway, and up and over the height:^
separating Verdun and the Meuse from Metz.
and the Moselle. The town of Verdun, thanks
to Sarrail's dispositions, had scarcely felt
the pinch of war. Writing from it on Decem-
ber 2 a British war correspondent* observes :
" The point of the German lines now nearest
to the town is the twin hills known as the
Jumelles d'Orne, and that is 10 miles from
the town and four from the nearest fort —
* Mr. W. H. Ferris.

i
1

1
1

fM^^^^K^^-^^-iy ^'^^^HH^I^I

'^9

.*.., : :,igp»'«*i|^

B^f^M^B

p^is^3te

REIMS CATHEDRAL ON FIRE.

MAP TO ILLUSTRATE 1

The Ijne shows approximately

lnco-german operations.

! Front on November 11, 1914.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

A BURNING

generally speaking, the German batteries
are about 20 miles from Verdun." The
Verdun-Etain-Conflans-Metz railway was by
tlien at several points under the fire of the
French artillery, and the line of trenches went
from Vauquois north-east through the Bois de
Montfaucon, from Flabas to Azanne, south to
Omcs, out away east towards Etain, and thence
south-west through wooded, hilly country to
Eparges, and from Eparges by Amorville to St.
Mihiel, the Sole crossing of the Meuse south of
Verdiui possessed by the Germans. The net
effect of the fighting up to the beginning of
December had been, in the words of Mr. George
Adam, w ho w-as permitted to visit Verdun at
this epoch, " to place the French at the top of
the liills, from which their view stretches away
into Germany. At the end of six months of
siege," he added, " the Germans have not
succeeded in throwing a single shell into
Verdun."

As we have seen, the fortified lines from
Verdun to Toul had been pierced at St. Mihiel.
Happily, the forts to the right and left of
the gap had held out long enough for SarraU
with two cavalry corps to head the columns of
Germans crossing the Meuse and to confine
them in the salient Les Eparges-St. Mihiel-
Bois le Pretre. The Bois le Pretre is just north

VILLAGE NEAR REIMS.

and west of Pont-Ji-Mousson on the Moselle.
But the Germans had secured a considerable
portion of the heights of the Meuse between
St. Mihiel and Les Eparges, and they had
uninterrupted access to Metz and the railway
from Metz to Thiaucourt.

The efforts of Sarrail and Dubail were directed
against the western and southern faces of the
sahent, and its apex. On November 13 at
both ends of the southern face there was fight-
ing ; and on the 17th there was an advance
from Verdun against the western face. The
next day the Germans blew up the barracks of
Chauvoncourt, close to St. Mihiel itself. But
on December 8 the French penetrated into
the Bois le Pretre, and took a mitrailleuse
and several prisoners, who alleged that their
officers had forbidden them to fire lest they
should provoke the French.

West of the Bois le Pretre the Germans on the
southern face of the salient were being slowly
pushed back from the forest of Apremont and
the wood of Ailly to its left, and the com-
munications of the defenders of the space
between Les Eparges and the Bois le Pretre
were jeopardised by the French artillery. . On
January 18, and again on January 22, the
station at Arnaville on the Thiaucourt-Metz
railway was successfully bombarded. By the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

17th all of the Bois le Pretre was in French
hands with the exception of the portion loiown
as the Quart-en-Beserve. That day the Quart-
en-R^serve was attacked and several trenches,
some officers, and a company of infantry
captured. On the 18th there was a further
French success, but dviring the next few days
the Germans counter-attacked and recovered a
third of the lost trenches. On the 27th the
German bridges across the Mouse at St. Mihiel
were smashed by the French guns. St. Mihiel,
the capture of which, in September, 1914, had
raised the hopes of the enemy, and the salient,
of which it was the apex, were proving a death-
trap for the Germans.

Descending from Pont-a-Mousson the French
line went east of Nancy protected by the Grand
Couronne entrenchments and of Lunoville,
The recoil of De Castelnau and Dubail, conse-
quent on the crushing defeat of the French
who had entered Lorraine in August, 1914,
had ended with the battle of the Marne.
By the close of November the French Staff
were able to announce that Nancy was out
of reach of the German artillery, that the
French had progressed both north of Lunoville
and also farther south to the north-east and

east of Saint-Die, which had been recaptured.
On December 2 Dubail's troops moved from
Pont-a-Mousson, east of the Moselle in the
direction of Jlctz and captured the hill of Xon
and the village of Lesmesnils beyond it.
Another detachment on December 24 was
close to Cirey, east of Luneville and within a
few miles of Mt. Donon, the culminating
summit of the Vosges on the north. North-
west of Cirey the French were clearing the
enemy from the Forest of Parroy, and east of
the line Luneville-St. Die they advanced
north and south of Senones and in the Ban-de-
Sapt, where on November 29 they beat off three
counter-attacks. The advance to the passes in
the Vosges, seized by Pau in August, 1914,
had again begun.

The operations in the Vosges during the
winter months, like those in the Argonne, were
favoiu?able to the French, whose nimbler wits
and greater individuality gave them the
advantage. The Chasseurs Alpins of the
French 15th Corps, often mounted on skis,
performed feats as heroic as those of Pvonarc'h's
marines at Dixmude in October and November.
Deep snow now encumbered the passes, and filled
the ravines and glens up which General Pan's

BACCARAT.

Funeral of a French soldier.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

forces had swarmed to recover the lost province.
Dubail's progress was necessarily slower than
Pail's, but it obliged the German leaders to
keep large forces in Alsace and to squander
lives and waste their resources at a point where
they could gain no decisive victory. Some
incidents of the fighting may be referred to.

On November 9 the French had repulsed a
German attack directed against their position
on the heights near St. Marie-aux-Mines.
On December 2 they moved once more south
of the valley of the Thur on Miilhausen and
captured Aspach-le-Haut and Aspaoh-le-Bas,
south-east of Thann. The next day they
advanced on Altkirch, between BeLfort and
Miilhausen. In the Northern Vosges they seized
the Tete-de-Faux, near the Pass of Bonliomme.
During the rest of December the struggle for the
valley of the Thur continued, chiefly round Stein-
bach, stormed on December 30, and Cemay. On
January 7 the French captured BiurJiaupt-le-
Haut, between Thann and Altkirch. The next
day, however, it was recovered by the Germans.
Snow storms then suspended the major opera-
tions for some time, but the French secured the
summit of the Hartmaimsweiler, a peak north
of Cernay, but the detachment on it was lolled
or captured on January 21.

O Lu- survey of the events which happened on
the battle -front from La Bassee to Belfort in
the period beginning with the discomfiture of
the Prussian Guards in the Zonnebeke-Gheluvelt
woods east of Ypres and ending on February 1
has been necessarily brief. The reader must
imagine for himself the inmmierable heroic
and hideous scenes enacted, the daring ex-
ploits of the airmen — their duels thousands
of feet above the surface of the ground, their
expeditions to reconnoitre, to observe the effects
of the fire of artillery, to bomb aeroplane sheds
and railway stations — the thousands of guns of
all cahbres daily vomiting projectiles, some
of which crushed in cupolas and casemates
constructed by the most scientific engineers of
recent years, others of which destroyed acres
of barbed-wire entanglements and buried or
slew officers and men hiding in deep dug-outs.
Bv day and night the 450 miles or so of trenches
which ran from the waterlogged plain of the
Lys c-er the chalky plateau of Notre Dame de
Lorette to Arras, from Arras across the hills,
over the Somme and its plain to the Forest of
the Eagle and the wooded heights to the north
of the Aisne, thence to the outskirts of the

battered city of Pveims, from Reims over the
bare downs of Champagne, through the glades
and hillocks of the Argonne round Verdun to the
tree-clad heights of the Meuse, by St. Mihiel
to the Moselle, and from the Moselle and the
Meurthe to the summits of the Vosges were, it
must be remembered, alive with vigilant foot
soldiers sniping at, bombing or bayonetting one
another. In sunlight, fog, mist, haze, imder
torrential rain, or amid snow storms the struggle
between the wills of the French and German
nations-in-arms went on.

As in 1792, the representatives and agents of
the houses of HohenzoUern and Hapsburg were
again trying to subdue the spirit of the French.
Then the tools of the Teutonic despots had been
a few thousand mercenaries ; now they had
enlisted in their cause the armed millions of
the German race. In 1792 the Hohenzollerns
and Hapsburgs had fallen on a disunited
France, whose capital was seething with revolu-
tion. They had fondly fancied that 122 years
later the circumstances in France would be
substantially the same ; that when war broke
out Republicans and Monarchists, Clericals and
anti-Clericals, Socialists and anti-Socialists
would fly at each other's throats.

Never were despots more dramatically dis-
illusioned. The miu-der of Jaures had been the
prelude to no civil war, but to the most extra-
ordinary consolidation of a people known to
history. Not even under Camot and Bona-
parte had the French exhibited more prowess
and military ability than they had vmder Joffre.
When Namur fell it had seemed to many tha't
nothing would be able to withstand the
avalanche-like descent of the German army on
the centre of Western civilization. By Feb-
ruary 1, 1915, the danger of Europe relapsing
into a barbarism, which being scientific was
more appalling than the barbarism of primeval
times, had vanished. The following extract
from the French official report referred to above
was the literal truth :

It may first of all be affirmed that the fundamental
plan of the German General Staff has completely failed.
This plan has been superabundantly set forth by German
military writers, and also in tJie Reichstag by the
Ministers of War. It aimed at crushing France by an
overwhelming attack, and at reducing her to a condition
of helplessness in less than a month. Germany has not
succeeded in this. Our Army is, as we have seen, not
only intact, but strengtiiencd, full of trust in its leodera
and profoundly imbued with the certainty of final suc-
cess. Germany has not attained, then, tlie essential
object which she publicly set before herself. But the
defeat which she has sustained does not apply only to
her fundamental plan. It extends also to the various
operations in which she has essayed to secure partial

126

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.

AFTER THE ASSAULT.
A view of the German first-line trenches.

advantages over us, in default of the decisive advantage
which she had failed to win.

la the three days which followed the declaration of
war the German General Staf^ massed great forces in
front of Nancy. With what purpose ? A sudden attack
which from its very beginning should break our lines.
This attack did not take place, because the reinforce-
ments of oxir frontier force at the end of 1913 and the
defensive organization established on the Grand Couronne
discouraged the enemy from an enterprise which, though
possible a year sooner, had become full of risk. Being
unable to strike at Nancy, the German command directed
ail its resources to the outflanking manceuvre which, by
enveloping our left, would permit of the investment of
Paris. Our left was not enveloped. Paris was not
invested. And the German Army was obliged in the
S3cond weak of September to save its own threatened
communications by a precipitate retreat.

With a desperate effort the General StaS of the enemy
attempted to offset the eiiect of this retreat by piercing
our centre in Champagne. There, as elsewhere, he failed
and had to withdraw in great haste. In the month of
October, with more extended lines, he endeavoured to
repeat his enveloping manceuvre and to turn our left ;
but right up to the North Sea we built an impassable
barrier against him. He accumulated his forces in
Belgium to outflank us by the coast and reach our
maritime bases. His attack was broken. With despera-
tion he sought to cut our forces to the south of Ypres :
we maintained all our positions.

To sum up, the German General Staff has placed upon
its record since the beginning of the campaign — apart
from the failure of its general plan, which aimed at the
crushing of France in a few weeks — seven defeats of
high significance, namely, the defeat of the sudden
attack on Nancy, the defeat of the rapid march on
Parig, the defeat of the envelopment of our left in
August, the defeat of the same envelopment in Novem-

ber, the defeat of the attempt to break through our
centre in September, the defeat of the coast attack on
Dunkirk and Calais, and the defeat of the attack on
Ypres.

The German Army, powerful and courageous as it may
be, has therefore succeeded in gaining the advantage
upon no single point, and its forced halt after six months
of war condemns it to a retreat, the pace of which may
or may not be accelerated by the Russian successes, but
the necessity for which is now in any case a foregone
conclusion.

Such was the proud but sober language in
which the French described their own achieve-
ments. We proceed to narrate the main events
from February 1 to the preliminaries of the
Battle of Artois.

The birthday of the Emperor William II.,
January 27, and the next day had been cele-
brated by an ineffective German offensive at
several pomts, La Bass^e, La Creute, Perthes,
Bagatelle in the Argonne, and also in the
Woe\Te. The loss of the enemy was calcu-
lated by the French Staff at 20,000. It was a
good omen for the Allied operations from Belfort
to La Bassee. We propose now to work back
through the seven sections of the battle-front
from the frontiers of Switzerland to Artois.

In the Vosges, owing to the depth of the snow,
wliich was frequently as deep as a man's height,

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

Dubail was content with maintaining an
aggressive attitude, but for a time he made no
serious efforts to enlarge his conquests in Alsace.
There was a slight advance, indeed, diu-ing
February in the regions of Amertzwiller and
Altkirch at the southern, and in those of
Senones and the Ban-de-Sapt at the northern
«nd of the mountain chain, wliilo French
airmen bombed important points beliind the
German lines, notably, on February 5, the
aeroplane sheds at Habsheim. Counter-attacks
of the enemy at different points were repulsed,
but in the region of the Col du Bonliomme the
Germans obtained a temporary footing on a
summit between Lusse and Wissembach, irom
which they were expelled on the 19th. Up
the valley of the Fecht, down wliich runs the
Miinster-Colmar railway, the enemy advanced

on the 20th with the object of recovering the
crest of the mountains. They were roughly
handled, and on the 22nd the pursuing French
gained a foothold in the village of Stosswihr.
On March 2 the French gained a success at
Sultzeren, north-west of Miinster. Their grip on
the Hartmannsweilerkopf was not abandoned,
and on March 5 they captured a work, some
trenches and two mitrailleuses. The prepara-
tions for obtaining a complete mastery of the
valley of the Fecht leading to the Miilhausen-
Cohnar Strassburg railway continued. The
barracks of Colmar were bombed by an airman
on the 17th. The snow was melting and the
operations could be more freely resmned.
Seven days later (March 24) the second-line
trenches of the Germans on the Hartmanns-
weilerkopf were carried and the French

THE RESULT OF THE FRENCH GUN-FIRE ON THE GERMAN
FIRST-LINE TRENCHES IN CHAMPAGNE.

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THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Chasseurs were once more close to the summit,
which was secured on the 27th after severe
fighting, no fewer than 700 German bodies
being counted and 40 officers and 353 men, all
unwounded, being captured.

Proceeding northwards to the region between
the Meurthe-Moselle and the German borders :
there was fighting round Badonviller at the
end of February. The Germans claimed a
great success for February 27, but their in-
formation given later with regard to it gives
little to support their first claims, and it is
probable that here there were only some
partial engagements during February and March
in which very httle useful work was done by
either side. The same remark appUes to the
combats in the forest of Parroy.

It will be recollected that the signal station
on the hUl of Xon, in the north-eastern environs
of Pont-Ji-Mousson, had been captured by the
French, who from its summit could observe the
country to the gates of Metz. The lull Xon
directly commanded the approaches to Pont-a-
Mousson and the bridges over the Moselle there.
During February there was a desperate but
ineffective effort on the part of the Germans
to recover this spot, which menaced their hold
on the base hne of the St. Mihiel saUent.

Against the southern side from Pont-^-
Mousson to St. Mihiel numerous attacks during
February and March were made by Dubail.
The possession of the Bois le Pretre, the forest
of Apremont, and the wood of Ailly were
stubbornly disputed by the enemy. But it was
the western side which became the theatre of
the bloodiest engagements at this epoch. At
Les Eparges, during the months of February and
March, there were outbursts of violent fighting
almost deserving the name of battles.

The first commenced on February 17 and
lasted till the 22nd ; and the second took
place from March 18 to the 21st. Les Eparges
is situated on the heights east of the Me use,
on a height of over 1,100 feet, and the ground is
difficult for the movements of troops. The
Germans had occupied it on September 21, 1914,
and their line went back from there to the wood
known as the Foret de la Montague. The actual
village of Eparges had remained in French hands ,
as well ss the valleys and hills more to the
north at Mont Girmont, and the hill known as
the Cote des Hures. and on February 9 a sur-
prise attack gave them St. R6my. The German
lines were strong and they held the ground to
the north of Eparges— several lines of trenches

flanked by a redoubt at the east and west
extremities. The line they held commanded
from its left flank the road from Eparges to
St. Remy, thus cutting the communication
between these two places and the line of hills
from Hattonohatel to the Cote des Hures.
This line of hills formed the northern defences
of the position behind St. Mihiel. By February
17 the French had sapped towards the enemy's
trenches and had constructed mines under the
German hne which, when blown up, formed a
series of craters, in which the French troops
assembled before making a further forward
movement. A vigorous artillery fire was then
directed against the German lines, especially
against the western redoubt, and so great was
its effect that the French troops were able to
rush the first two lines of the trenches without
much loss. During the night the redoubt was
severely bombarded by heavy guns, and on
the 18th the Germans began a counter-attack
and at first drove out the French, but later in
the day they in their turn made a fresh attack
and recaptured the redoubt.

The same day another attack by the Ger-
mans was stopped. They then poured such a
heavy artillery fire on the work that the French
were compelled to evacuate it. But the French
once more advanced to the attack. By the
morning of the 19th they again held the
redoubt, and on that day the same drama was
performed. The French retired under artillery
fire and then their guns drove out the Germans.
Four times did the Bavarians, who were
fighting here, assaiilt the French, and each
tmae they were driven back. But still the situa-
tion of the French was a precarious one. The
shelter made by the craters was inadequate for
the purposes of protection, and it was considered
desirable on the 21st to take the work which
supported the east end of the German en-
trenchments. This work followed the line of a
pine wood, and the regiment told oH to take it
carried the work and even succeeded in pene-
trating into the wood. Here severe fighting
took place, until at length both sides had dug
themselves in. The French attack, delivered
against the space between the two works pro-
tecting the flanks, was unsuccessful, but a fresh
counter-attack by the Germans was also
without result. During the night the French
prepared their defences on the conquered
position under a fire of bombs, and on the morn-
ing of the 22nd a strong counter-attack towards
the work on the east of the lines forced back

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

the French. Then the latter again assumed the
offensive and managed to make some progress.
The second period of fighting took place
between March 18 and 21. The object of the
French assaults was to take the eastern re-
doubt, and three battalions were told off for
the purpose. They managed to carry a part

of the first line of German trenches, capturing
about one hundred yards on the right flank
and three hundred and fifty on the left. A
little later, on March 27, a Chasseur battalion
was unable to close up nearer the eastern re-
doubt. The result of the fighting, which
appears to have been very severe, was that the
French gained a little ground, but the Germans
state that no progress was made.

The French objective at Les Eparges was to
clear the enemy from the heights of the Meuse.
West of Verdun one ami of Sarrail was to dis-
lodge the Germans from the banks of the Aire,
to cross it and attack Varennes and Apremont
(in the Argonne), where the Apremont-Grand
Pre-Bazancourt railway terminated.

In the middle of February there was some
fighting directed against the German position
of Boureuilles-Vauquois, where, according to
the French, some progress was made ; but
according to the Germans the French attack
was completely defeated. On February 28
fresh operations were begvm. At Hill 263,
east of Boureuilles, the French captiired about
300 yards of trenches, probably in front of the
village of Vauquois, which is situated on this
hill, and got a firm footing on the edge of the

GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR.
Waiting to be marched off. Inset : Types of German prisoners.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

plateau. The hill in question is about 300 feet
above the valley of the Aire. It was a strong
position, as there were numerous oaves in it
which were safe from artillery fire, and the woods
behind it were cover for reserves. On March 2
the French claim to have held the captured
ground despite two counter-attacks, and to
have made some prisoners. If the Germans
are to be beUeved, on each occasion these attacks
were driven off with heavy loss. On the 3rd
and 4th further progress was made by the
French. As to this the Germans were silent.
On March 5 fresh German attacks were made,
which were defeated with heavy loss, the
French taking a considerable number of
prisoners. Later on in that day our Ally
made still further progress on the west side of
the vUlage, the only part where the Germans
still held out. The German reply to these
statements of the French was that they had
driven off all counter-attacks. It will be
observed that the specific statements of the
French were met only with general denials
by the Germans. That the fighting here was
very severe is proved by the French accounts
published in the " Journal Officiel " of March 15,
wherein it is stated that four assaults were
made and were thrown back by the Germans.
It would seem that on March 2 and 3 the
French made progress. During the day of the
3rd the French appear to have occupied them-
selves in consolidating their position, and the
fighting was renewed during the night of
March 3-4, the Germans having received
reinforcements. Their counter-attack was re-
pulsed and so was a further attempt made
during daylight on March 5.

Across the Aire, from Varennes to Vienne-le-
Ville on the Aisne, the forest of Argorme, con-
tinued to be hotly contested. At 8 o'clock
in the morning of February 10, after a heavy
preparatory artillery fire, the enemy blew up
15 yards of the fort of Marie-Th6rese, in the
wood of La Grurie, by mines, besides throwing
on the two faces of the salient very large
bombs, the explosion of which produced damage
to the parapet. Immediately after, three
German battaUons advanced to the attack.
The first hne carried bombs, which they threw
into the French trenches. It seems probable
that the artillery and the big bomb explosions
had somewhat cowed the French, and there was
very little active resistance to the German
advance. The centre of the German attack
Bucceeded in pushing the French out of their

AFTER FIGHTING IN CHAMPAGNE.

German prisoners being interrogated by a French

Intelligence Officer.

front trenches, and the men falling back carried
with them the garrison of the supporting
trenches immediately behind, but it was only
over a short space that this occurred. To
right and left the troops held their ground.
The French made a counter-attack, but it
was brought to a standstill by the German
machine guns, and only a small portion of the
left of the captured trenches could be regained,
but the Germans were unable to carry the
second line of the trench. In the afternoon a
fresh counter-attack succeeded in regaining
160 yards on the right of the lost front-line
trench, but no progress was made in the centre.
The fighting continued during the night
without any great resvdts, but our Allies re-
captured a bomb-thrower and a gun which
had been lost in the moiTiing. The enemy dug
themselves in about 400 metres from the French
first line, where they entrenched themselves.
It will thus be seen that the Germans had
made a slight gain, though nothing of any
importance.

It wa., west of the Argonne, between the
Aisne and the Suippe, that the most important
of the battles in the early part of 1915 was
fought by the Allies. We have pointed out
that Von Einem's forces, deployed as they were
from the borders of the Argonne west and south
of the Aisne to Berry-au-Bac, constituted a
serious menace to Joffre's whole position from
Belfort to La Bassee. Should the German and
Austro-Hungarian operations in the Eastern

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THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

theatre of war be successful, the enemy's army
in France and Belgium would be reinforced
and the German offensive, closed by the battle
I if Flanders, probably be renewed. UntO the
German Crown Prince's and Von Einem's
troops were expelled from the Argonne and
the Champagne-PouUleuse respectively, the
new German offensive might be directed to
cutting oft Joffre's right wmg from his centre,
or to an advance westward against Reims,
and, behind Reims, the rear of Maunovtry'p
army. The sooner, then, Von Einem was
driven to the north bank of the Aisne, the
better it would be for the Allied cause.

There was also an imperative reason, uncon-
nected with the situation in France, why Joffre
should take the offensive. Just as we now
know that one of the motives for the Darda-
nelles Expedition was the urgent request of
the Russians, so it was afterwards explained
that the French offensive in Champagne during
February had for its ulterior motive " to fix on
this point of the front the largest possible German
force, to oblige it to use up anununition, and to
prevent any troops being transportedtoRussia."
Accordingly, in February, Langle de Gary
was ordered by Joffre to attack Von Einem in
the region of Perthes. Dixring December the
French had conquered about one and a half
miles of ground on the line Perthes-Le Mesnil-
Massiges and made an important capture in
winning the Hill 200 on the road to Souain,
about a mUe and a quarter west of Perthes.
This dominated the ground in front and
was a favourable point of observation against
the German trenches. From January 25
to February 4 had been a period of counter-
attacks by the enemy, which were driven
back by the French, who advanced their line
still farther to the north to a small wood
about 500 yards to the north-west of Perthes
and to another nearly a mile to the north-
east of Le Mesnil. In front of Massiges there
was no change ia the position, so that early in
February the line here ran from the north of
Souain, north of Perthes, back to Beaus^jour.
But on February 16 Langle de Gary captm-ed
nearly two miles of trenches to the north of
Beausejour, and a number of counter-attacks
made by the Germans were beaten back, our
Allies taking a considerable number of prisoners.
The 6ghting was extremely local in character,
with here partial successes and there partial
repulses, but on the whole the French got the
better of the day.

On the 17th the French gained still more
ground, capturing many more of the
German front Ime of trenches. They were
subjected to a number of counter-attacks
all of which were beaten off and some
hundreds of prisoners taken. Amongst these
were included ofSoers and men of the 6th
and 8th German Army Corps, and the 8th,
10th and 12th Reserve Army Corps. On the
night of the 17th-18th, and on the morning of
the 18th, two very severe attacks were made
by the Germans to reconquer the positions they
had lost. They reached quite close up to the
line held by the French, but were eventually
driven off by the bayonet. On the next night
(18th-19th) five more counter-attacks were
made by the enemy, but thev were all defeated.
The German explanation was that " at a few
important points the French succeeded in
penetrating our advanced trenches." On the
20th the fighting still went on, and the French,
besides holding their ground, made some further
progress to the north of Perthes, though accord-
ing to the Germans the latter enjoyed, m com-
parison with the last few days, comparative
tranquillity. On the 21st the Germans still
claimed the same relative cessation in the
fighting, but, according to the French, German
counter-attacks were driven off with great loss,
the enemy pursued, and the whole of the
trenches to the east and north of the wood
above Perthes were captured and held. Some
progress was also made to the north of Le
Mesnil.

There is the same discrepancy in the accounts
of the fighting on February 22, the French
clamiing to have captured a line of trenches
and two woods besides beating back a couple of
severe counter-attacks. On the 23rd a further
advance was made to the north of Le Mesnil,
and the German attacks were as usual beaten
back. According to the Germans, the whole
of the fighting of the 23rd and 24th ended in
their favour, a categorical statement being
made that the French had completely failed in
their object. The same monotony of falsehood
is to be found in the German narratives of the
fighting right up to Jlaroh 12. The result of the
battle, as a whole, was that, although no great
successes were obtained by the French, they
distinctly pushed the enemy back and gained
positions one to two miles in front of the line
they had originally held and over four and a
half miles in length. But they had done more :
they had secured a line which dominated the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Erroiuid in front, and formed, tlieretore, a favour-
able jiimping-off point for future successes.
The German losses had been heavy ; the
Guards, who had been brought to this part of
tlie Hne, being very severely handled. Four to
five and a half Army Corps had been engaged
by the enemy, of whom two thousand were
taken prisoners and ten thousand killed ; and
in addition a considerable amount of material
had been captured.

Generally speaking, the operations must be
regarded as successful from the Allied point of
view. The French had held a considerable
German force and they had attracted to this
region further numbers. Thus, on February 16,
the Kaiser's troops in the Champagne numbered
119 battalions, 31 squadrons, 64 field batteries,
and 20 heavy batteries. By March 10 these
had been strengthened by 14 battalions of
Infantry of the line and six of the Guard, one
regiment of Field Artillery and two heavy

batteries. Notwithstanding this increase of
strength, the enemy had been unable to win
back the lost ground, and he had not only been
compelled to hold troops in the Champcogne,
but to add to them, and so great had been the
need of reinforcing the German armies at this
point of the long line of battle that they had
even been compelled to draw from the troops
facing the British Army si.x battalions and eight
batteries, two of the Guard. Even the German
bulletins were obliged to recognize that their
losses had been very heavy, from which it may
be deduced that their numbers engaged were
very numerous. In one of their bulletins they
admitted that the German Army had lost
more troops in the Champagne than in the
fighting round the Mazurian Lakes in the
Eastern theatre. There they had 14 Army Corps
and three Cavalry Divisions, yet they had the
effrontery to assert that they had only in Cham-
pagne two feeble Divisions fighting against the
French from Souain to Massiges, a distance of
10 miles, a statement which is plainly absurd.

Though the Battle of Perthes, as it may be
called, did not produce the retreat of Von
Einem to the Aisne, by hindering or preventing
the transport of German troops to the Russian
front it was probably a material cause of the
Russian victories between February 25 and
March .3 on the Nareff, and certainly, by divert-
ing German troops from Flanders, it facilitated
the gaining by the British of the Battle of Neuve

KEEPING FIT BEHIND THE FIGHTING LINE.
French cavalrymen exercising their horses. Inset : Awaiting orders to advance.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

THE EFFECT OF A GERMAN BOMBARDMENT.
An old parishioner visits her ruined church in an Alsatian village.

Chapelle. Before leaving the Battle of Perthes
we shall describe the combat for the Sabot
Wood, a subsidiary action in the region to the
left of the battle-field.

From Perthes to Souain there ran a road more
or less along the crest of the hills which stretched
out to Souain. To the north of this woro the
German trenches ; on the south, sheltered by the
ground, the first French position. To hold the
French position it was necessary to capture the
crest line which went east and west through
the Sabot Wood. It had been strongly fortified
by the Germans ; furnished with frequent bomb-
proof covers bristling with machine guns and
with every possible means of defence. It was
held by Bavarian Landwehr.

The French trenches at this time were at a
<listance of from thirty to two hundred yards
Irom the Germans, the nearest being at the
point of the Sabot, the farthest towards Perthes.
The German position was ordered to be captured
an March 7, when two French battalions pre-
pared to storm it. The assault was naturally
preceded by a severe artillery fire, and then
one battalion advanced from the west against the
toe of the Sabot, while the other made a more
or less direct attack on its right. The left attack

had but a short space to go, and at the first rush
reached the extremity of the wood, but here a
tremendous fire from many machine guns
brought it to a standstill. The southern attack,
notwithstanding that it had farther to go, was
more successful. The rush of the French
infantry, gaining momentum as it went along,
broke with an irresistible vigour on the Ger-
mans, drove them back from their first line, and
captured the second. Moving still onward, they
reached the northern border of the wood, but
here a trench, made by the Germans perpen-
dicular to their foremost lines, took the French
in flank and they were obliged to retire to the
second German line, where they proceeded to
instal themselves without interruption from the
enemy. During the night no less than four
attempts to regain the lost ground were made
by the Germans, but all without success. At the
first dawn of day a fresh attempt was made and
some of the French yielded to the shock, but the
Colonel commanding the regiment at once
advanced to meet the Germans with the bayonet,
which dislodged the enemy from the toe of the
Sabot and thrust them back farther to the east.
Thus in two days' fighting a considerable gain
had been made. From the 9th to the 12th

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

GERMAN BOMBARDMENT OF A
The German gunners having found the range of the church, shells rained

numerous small encounters enabled the French
to strengthen their position and to extend it
more towards the heel of the Sabot. Large
working parties also excavated communication
trenches which led from the rear to the French
position, thus facilitating the approach of rein-
forcements and the removal of the wounded.

On the 14th a further attempt was made to
capture a German trench which connected to-
gether the heads of three communications. Tlie
first attempt was unsuccessful ; a second was
deferred till the 15th. At 4.30 two French
companies were sent forward to the assault, and
in a moment the rival troops were engaged with
the bayonet. The result at first was a success,
but the way was stopped by a blockhouse armed
with machine guns, and these drove back the

French troops. Yet another attack was made,
but it took two hours of heroic efforts before the
blockhouse could be penetrated. Even then
the enemy did not give up, and two smart
counter-attacks were made shortly after day-
break. These were beaten off with bombs and
then the Germans gave up the contest. They
evacuated the wood, leaving it in the hands of
the French and m3rely hanging on to a small
trench at its nortli-eastern extremity.

We have noted that if Von Einem — rein-
forced— were to take the offensive, one course
open to him would be to advance westward
between the Aisiie and the Marne towards the
Oise. During the Battle of Perthes there was
an indication that he was, perhaps, contem-
plating a step of the kind. During the night of

THE FORT O-F

The Postern.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

PEACEFUL VILLAGE IN FRANCE.

upon the village, causing fires which rapidly spread from house to house.

TWarch 1-2 the whole of the French front from
Betheny through Reims to Prmiay was vio-
lently bombarded. At 2.15 a.m. the Germans
launched an attack near Cernay, and three-
quarters of an hour later, under cover of a
clump of firs, another between the farm of Alger
and Prunay. These attacks were, however,
feints, and at dawn the main German effort was
made against the farm of Alger, north of the fort
of La Pompelle. Preceded by a flight of aerial
torpedoes, two columns of Germans rushed
forward, but, caught by the fire of the French
mitrailleuses and by a hail of slu-apnel, this'
charge, like the fight during the night, was a
complete lailuxe.

In the meantime, on the Aisne from Berry-
au-15ac to Compiegne, there had been a

.succession of artillery duels but no action of
any importance. The Cadmean victory of
Soissons had been followed by a cessation of
the German offensive. IMaunoiu-y's guns kept
Kluck from crossing the river and bombarded
the roads leading to the latter's front, the sta-
tions and railroads utilized by him, and his gun
or mitrailleuse emplacements. Kluck's artillery
\\a3 almost equally active, but its targets
were not of a merely tactical character. Thus,
on March 1, two hundred shells were thrown
into Soissons, the continued existence of which,
like the existence of Reim^, Arras and Ypres,
annoyed the representatives of Teutonic Kultiir.
One piece of misfortune to the Allies must be
recorded. On March 12 Genera,! de Maunom-y
and General de Villaret, one of his corps

MANONVILLER.

The Ditch, showing the destruction of the iron fence on the scarp and counterscarp.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

commanders, were badly wounded while in-
specting from the first-line trenches the German
position, at this place thirty or forty yards
away. Maunoury's left eye was injured. The
brave and able victor of the battle of the
Ourcq — the action which more than all others
decided the battle of the Marne — had to go
into hospital. In August he paid a visit to
his estate at LoLr-et-Cher, where the veteran
had been spending in retirement the latter
days of his life engaged in agricultural pursuits.
Like Cincinnatus, with 'whom he was compared
by his fellow-countrymen, he had rejoined the
army and proved that it is a mistake to suppose
that an old soldier is necessarily timid and in-
competent. " A little place," he said with a
smile to an inquirer, " will soon be found for
ine." That place was to be the Governorship
of Paris, vacated by General Galli^ni — his
coadjutor at the battle of the Marne — when
Galli^ni succeeded M. Millerand as Secretary
for War in the Briand Cabinet. The news of
the wounds inflicted on Maunoury and Villaret
may well have encouraged the Germans.

On March 14, and again on the 22nd, they
bombarded the Cathedral of Soissons. The
French reply took the form of airmen dropping
on March . 22 explosives on the barracks of La
Fere and the stations of Anizy, Chauny,
Tergnier, and Coucy-le-Chateau. The French air-
men at this period were particularly active. One
of them dropped bombs on the barracks and
station of Freiburg, in Baden. On March 27
a squadron of ten airmen attacked the
airship sheds of Frescaty and the railway
station at Metz, and also the barracks, east of
Strassburg. The enterprise of the German
airmen was also shown on several occasions.
For example, on March 30, one of them dropped
bombs on the apse of Reims Cathedral.

Turning to the area between the Oise and
Arras, in February and March there was,
unless judged by the standards of most previous
wars, little to mention. On January 28 — the
day following that of the anniversary of the
Kaiser's birth — the Germans had made a vain
and costly attack in the region of Bellacourt.
On February 1 there was an engagement north
of Hamel. The night of the 6th-7th the Ger-
mans exploded three mines on the face of the
group of houses in La Boisselle, north-east of
Albert, held by the French. As the smoke and
dust cleared away it was perceived that three
companies of the enemy had left their trenches
and were clambering among the ruined

buildings. The French infantry and artillery
ke])t the Germans, however, to the craters
formed by the explosions. At .3 p.m. the enemy
was then assaulted by a company and, losing
150 dead and many wounded, the Germans
were dislodged. During the next few days
there was more mining, followed by explosions,
on both sides, but the balance of advantage lay
with the French. Throughout .January and
February the artillery duels went on, the bar-
rages of fire frequently preventing German or
French attacks maturing. On March 1, at
B6court, near Albert, a German force mustering
to assault the French trenches was stopped
before recourse had been had to bayonet or
bomb. At Carnoy, in the same district, the
Germans on March 15 exploded a mine, and the
usual crater-fighting ensued for several days.
The reader who has followed our narrative of
the struggle for Hill 60 will realize for himself
what that meant. As was truly pointed out bj'
the French military authorities on March 1 ,
although in the then present stage of the War
it was rare for important masses to grapple with
one another, there were daily operations of
detail, " destructions by mines or gun-fire,
surprises, offensive reconnaissances," and the
more active of the adversaries by constantly
threatening his opponent obtained a moral
ascendency.

While everything from Reims to Arras
tended to remain in a state of equilibrium,
it was different north of Arras. Just as in
Champagne, in the Argonne, on the Heights
of the Meuse, and the southern face of the
St. Slihiel salient, and in parts of French
Lorraine and in Alsace, the fighting between
Arras and La Bassee was fierce and sanguinary.
The prize at stake was Lens, and, if Lens fell.
La Bassee, probably, Lille and perhaps the
whole plain between the Scarpe-Scheldt and the
Ly.s. To achieve these objects, to recover the
whole of Artois, to cut the communications of
the enemy in Flanders and to menace those of
the enemy south of the Scheldt and Sambre
two initial steps had to bo taken — the seiziu-e
of the Notre Dame de Lorette-Ablain-Carency-
La Targette-Neuville St. V'aast-Vimy plateau,
and the piercing of the German line between
the heights of Notre Dame de Lorette and those
of La Bassee.

Here, as elsewhere, the Germans were not
content with a passive defensive. In the
morning of February 1 they attacked the
hinge between Sir John French's and Maud-

THE TIMES insTOUY OF THE WAT.

'luiy's army near La Bas^cc, bvi'l were beaten
witli heavy luss. On the 4th it was the turn
ot the Freneh to athanee. ni>t cin this sidi'.
hut in the regien of Anas. Tlie read frenn
Arras to Lens was barred by the fortress,
already referred to, ealletl by the J'Yeneh "The
Labyrinth." A httle to the west and east
res]iectively <>{ tlie road liefore it traA-ers(>d
" tlie Labyrintli " and nearer Arras were the
vilhifjes of Eeurie and Roclinconrt. Havini,'
bl.iwn up widi five mines eneui_\''s trenehes
noi'tii of Keiu'ie, tiiree small columns — two ot
Zoua\'es and one of /African Light Infantry —
were directed into the mine-craters, which were
occupied, fortiHed and connected by a com-
munication trench with the J''rench [losition in
the rear. On tin' nitrlil of the (ith-Tth the
French mines lilew up a (Jerman trench on the
outskirts of C'arency. The next day, February 8,
a mill on tin- Befhune-La Bassee road was
captured by the French, and the (_!crmans
massing for a counter-attack disjiersed with
shrapmel. Near Fioclincourt, east of Eeurie and
south of " The Labyrintli,' a German trench (ju
Februarj' 17 was lilnwii up and a counter-
attack repulsed with hea\"y loss. On the other
hand, at tlie beginning of Jlarch the (Jerinans
won a trench of the French near Notre Dariie
de Lorette, and ap])arently captured a consider-
able number ot prisoners. Tlienext day, INlarcli 4.
the French counter-attackt'd and recovered
part of tlie lost groimd and in their turn made

bin Oermans prisoners. On the titli the French
claim to lia\e gained further ground and to
lui\i' inllicted a se\-ere clieck on tin' tierma.ns.
Tile iii'xl day a further atta.ck hy the eneiuy
was alsii driven Ijack. On the Sth tlie (h-rmans
claiiiied aiKither succi'ss, but the Freneh
repiorts <i( the loth state thai notwithstanding
the severe fighting the ]iositinii was unchanged.
The llilh was another critical day in the long
and bliiody struggle for the plateau. The
h'rench stonucd thi-ee lines ot trenches, cap-
tured a lumdred prisoners, and de;troyed two
machine guns. In the region Ecurie-Roclin-
coui't ether tri'nchcs were blown up that (la\-.
In spite ef counter-attacks, the French ]iuslied
on for (he crest of the ridge of Notre ]-)aiiie de
Lorette, gaining on the 19th the conmunication
trenches descending towards Ablain, but thf^y
lost somi' of these on the 20th. By the 2l!rdmost
of the ridge was virtually in their po.ssession.
The next day they captured and destroyed a
German trench, south of Ablain, near Carency.
Two German assaults on the Notre Dame de
Lorette ridge were defeated on tlie i.'ith. On
the 27tli, perhaps out of revenge, the (iermaiis
again bombarded Ai'ras.

At this [joint we break off the na.rrati\'e. Tlie
British during Jlarch had regained Neuve
Chapehe, the French the ridge of Notre Dame
de ijorette. The opening moves of an Allied
otfi'iisive against the Germans in the triangle
Lille-La Bassee-Arras had been made.

MANONVJLI ER.
A destroyed gun emplacement.

CHAPTER XCVII.

SCIENCE AND THE HEALTH OF

ARMIES.

War and Disease — Vindication of Science in Recent Mimtaby Experience — Bacteriology
IN the Field — Tetanus — The Use of Serum — Gangrene — " Getting Back to Lister " —
Antiseptic Methods — Sir Almroth Wright's Teaching — Vaccination — The Conquest of
Typhoid Fever — Inoculation — " Typhoid Carriers " — The Water Supply Problem — •
Cholera and Anti-Cholera Vaccines — Typhus Fever in Serbia — Plague and Health
Problems in Egypt — The Achievements 01- Science — German Gas and Counter-Measubes.

PRACTICALLY aU the great wars of
past ages were carried on in conditions
of dirt and misery and privation whicli
to-day are scarcely to be found in the
whole world. The association of famine and
sword and of disease and war was no f ortmtous
one : these scourges were in fact indissolubly
associated, and war without plague and epidemic
was Tinknown.

It is easy in the Hglit of modern scientific
knowledge to realize how this state of matters
arose. In those days men lived, in homely
l)hrase, very near the soil. The margin of
safety so far as disease was concerned was
aln-iiys a narrow one. There was no effective
sanitation ; and modern ideas in regard to
sewage disposal and public health simply did
not exist. Almost all the diseases which we
now spoak of as epidemic were then endemic,
that is to say, they remained permanently fixed
in a locality and attacked all members of the
community.

War broke down instantly what slender
protection the people had built up against
disease, and so engulfed whole populations in
tlie terrible disasters which are known by such
names as " black death " and " great plague."
■\\'ar, too, swept away the ordinary necessities
of life, and thus brought in its train diseases
like scurvy, which often decimated armies as
Vol. VT.— Part 67 41

no hostile weapons could. The fighting man
was exposed to a thousand rislcs, and usually
in the end fell victim to one of them. Danger
from the enemy was the least of all the menaces
which threatened him.

This state of matters existed without any
alleviation right down to the period when
scientific thought began to predominate in
Europe. Tliat period may be placed about the
middle of last century, for in the beginning
science was occupied for the most part with
her own -ivarfare against superstition and
ignorance. The battle had been won, however,
when the discovery of micro-organisms finally
vindicated the scientific claims and swept
away for ever the idea that pestilence was a
special manifestation of Divine wrath. It was
realized, as it were, all of a sudden, that pesti-
lence could be prevented just as pests could be
prevented — by killing it, and, further, that so
far as war was concerned the horrors of disease
could be eliminated.

It is unnecessary to trace the growth of these
ideas in tlie great wars of this generation — the
Russo-Japanese W'ar, the Boer War and the
Balkan A^'ars. These wars were, from the
scientific point of view, experiments. The
Boer War was an unsuccessful experiment out
of which success was snatched by a study of
many errors and mistakes ; the Russo-Japanese

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

SIR ALMROTH WRIGHT.

Wtw was a triumphant \indication of science.
The Japanese attained the ideal ; that is to
say, their losses from disease were trifling as
compared with their losses from tlie bullets of
the enemy.

Britam and France and Germany therefore
went into this war with a full knowledge of the
scientific needs of the situation. Scientists, as
differentiated from medical men, were attached
to the armies of all the belUgerents, and these
scientific forces included bacteriologists and
public health officers.

From the pomt of view of the scientist war
is a test on the grand scale. Unlike the medical
man, he does not cliiefly deal with the individual.
His business is with the ma.ss. His mission is
prevention. From liis point of view the
hospitals and the ambulances, in so far as
they minister to cases of disease and infection,
are proofs of failure ; they show tViat preven-
tion did not acliieve the perfection hoped for
from it. He visits the hospitals therefore in
order to study failure, so that from failure
he may win success.

Science, as will be shown, anticipated many
events in this w ar and failed to anticipate many
others. Science anticipated the probability of
an outlsreak of typhoid fe\'er on the grand
scale ; Ijut she did not foresee that the soil of

France, the soil of an ancient land, intensively
cultivated through many generations, would
play a part of ahnost crucial importance in
connexion with the health of armies, ^^'ith the
soil of France, therefore, the scientific history of
the war properly begins.

For a considerable period it has been known
tliat there are certain bacteria inhabiting
soil, or commonly found in soil, wliich, wlien
introduced into the human body, give rise
to most deadly diseases. These bacteria
are probably put into the soil in tlie first
instance m manure, tor they are found in
greatest abundance in well-manured or in-
tensively cultivated soils — the soils of old
agricultural countries like France. One of tlie
liest known and also one of the deadliest of
tliese germs is the tetanus bacillus (bacillus of
lockjaw). Tliis bacillus is normally present in
manure, and m times of peace claims a certain
nmnber of victims each year. The usual
liistory in these cases is that some small wound
was suffered in connexion with work in the
garden ; very otten the wound was made by a
rusty nail which had been lying near or in a
manure heap. The trivial character of the
wound causes it to be neglected, until some days
later the early signs of lockjaw show them-

PROFESSOR METCHNIROFF.

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

Bonfires to destroy flies. — Inset : The Fly-net,

which was used in the Dardanelles, covered the

head and shoulders and afforded complete protection

against the fly pest.

seh-es. Horses are subject to the disease, and
infecti(jn is usuall\- convej-ed to them through
some small ci'ack in a Iioof.

Before bacteriological knowledge was avail-
able man}' erroneous ideas prevailed as to the
cause and character of the disease. And even
to-day the superstition that a cut between
thumb and first finger will give rise to lockjaw
is widely believed. Bacteriologists showed,
liowever, that the site of the -wound does not
matter. What does matter is the character of
tlie ^vound and tlie character of the gi'ound upon
which the wound was sustained.

The bacillus of lockjaw has certain individual
peculiarities which determine its powers of evil.
Of these the chief is the fact that it cannot
flourish in air ; only when the atmospheric air
has been completely excluded from the ■svound
in which it lodges can this deadly germ survive.
For this reason it is known as an anaerobic
organism.

Bullet wounds, however, and wounds made
by small pieces of shell are exactly the tjqDC of
wounds into which air is not likely to penetrate ;

they are small, deep wounds and they tend to
heal quicldy upon the surface, so that the air
is shut off and the bacteria are left in the kind
of surroundings most favourable to their growth.
At the beginning of the Great War, that is
to say in the autvmm days, when the British
Army was fighting its way back through
Flanders and Artois to Paris, the terrible
danger which lay in the soil of France became

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

clear. Tlio soldiers, during the Great Retreat,
were suliject to many hardships and privations.
They had to fight all day in order that they
might be free to retreat Lmder co\-er of night,

and they snatched what sleep they could ^;et
as opportunity offered. They slept by ine
wayside, in the fields, in stables. Their cloth-
ing, \\'hich they had no chance to change,
became saturated with imid and dirt, a veritable
breeding-ground of bacteria, especially the
bacteria of the soil. When a bullet hit one of
these men it carried with it into his body
slireds of the dirtj^ uniform he wore, and so in-
oculated him successfully with bacilli. Nor w as
there any time or opportmiity to have small
rounds treated in an adequate manner. The
e\'acuation of the seriously wounded was i'ar
too great a problem for the small body of men
engaged in solving it.

For these reasons the doctors in charge of
/Vrmy hospitals soon found themselves con-
fronted with cases of lockjaw of a severe and
fleadly type, and had to aclaio«'ledge with
apprehension that tliis disease seemed likely
to prove one of the horrors of the Great War.
For lockjaw is an aflliction terrible alike in its
manifestations and in its mortality.

Nor at this period was any cure to be obtained.
Shortly after the great discovery that a serum
eoukl be prepared against the disease diphtheria,

PREPARATION OF SERUMS. [By courtesy 0/ Parke Davh & Co.

Withdrawing blood from immunised horse. Inset : Filtering the serum.

THE TIMES HISTOUY OF THE WJU.

LORD MOULTON.

efforts were made to jiirpare an anti-tetanus
serum. Bat mibappily the good results wliicli
had been obtained in the case of di|)litheria
were not obtained \vitli tetanus. Dijilitlieria
yielded at once to the serum ; tetanus did not
yield, and the cases indeed showed no im])rove-
ment. Jt was tlierefore concluded by man>-
that anti-tetanus serum was a faiku'e and
scarcely worth using — though it continued to
1)6 used, or rather tried, in a nvunber of eases.

The serum is prepared in a. manner which
illustrates how close and careful scientific
reasoning has become. A lifirse is used, and
the animal is gi-\en a ^ cr y mild <lose of the
disease, ironi which it soon reco^"ers. A more
potent dose is then administered, and again a
still more potent dose, until the animal is capable
of standing deadly doses without showing rniy
sign of illness. In otlier words, the blood of
the horse has been able to prepare antidotes
to the poison and the animal lias acquired what
is known as '■immunity" to the disease — some-
what as a smoker acc|uireK immunity to tlie
ill-effects of tobacco or an opium-eater to the
ill-effects of opium, but to an incomparably
greater degree.

When this stage has bei-ii reached, some of
the blood of the horse is drawn off and made
up in bottles for injection into patients sutfenng

from the diseasi'. liefore being made u]i tlie
hlooil is standardized liy mi.aris of giiiui'a-pigs,
so tli.-it exact (loses may lie adiuiiiistered.

'J'lie serum, lio\\e\cr, failed in most insiauees
to sa\-e the li\-i>s of the men alTi'cted witli
tetanus. ]\lore anci \'et more eases aTitsi:-, iind
the situation, early in Sepiteniher, I'.)I4. was
ex( •(■(•( hngly al.-irniiuL'.

Help however was at liaiid. and (-nci' more it
was science which came to the rescue. It had
Ijcen suggested on many occasions that if
,anti-tetanus serum could be administered imme-
diately after the wnund \\"as sustained, the
results would v>rolial)ly be Ijettei-. It now
occurred to doctors to put tliis idea to the
test. Orders wi're gi\en to the hospitals th.at
cases \\H]\ ■wounds of the type hl-icly to be
infected with tetanus sIkiuIcI receixc at once a
dose of serum, and tliat careful ivcords of the
results should be ke|it.

This policy was not at first an easy one to
carry out ujion an extensive scale, for the simple
reason tliat supplies of serum were limited.
Hut that fault was quickly remedied. Inocula-
tion at a very early dale became treneral. most
of the badly woundeil men receiving their
antitetauic serum at the field hospitals.

The result was r"niaikable aiifl justified to
the fullest possible extent the jirocedure
adopted. A\'itliin an exceedingly short period —
corresponding roughly to the period of the
Battles of the Aisnc and Ypres — tetanus had

lOiiir/t-sr of Pailr. D,tvr. ■- Co.
CULTURES OF HACTERIA PLANTED
IN HOUILLON.

ill— 2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

ceased to be a serious problem. A little later the
disease actually ceased to occur. The victims
of wounds which, judging from the experi-
ences of the early days, wouJd most probably
have proved to be infected with the lockjaw
microbe, suffered no iU, and passed satelj'
through the danger period. Tliis was notlung
Jess than a great scientific achievement which
in times of peace would have attracted universal
attention ; it passed ahnost unnoticed, except
amongst doctors and niu'ses who had good
reason to be thankful that so dreadful a scourge
had been met and defeated. The practice of
injecting serum became, of course, universal,
so that every woimded man received his injec-

TO PREVENT EPIDEMICS.

A French soldier disinfecting a captured German

trench in the Champagne.

tion simply as a matter of coiu'.se. What the
state of matters would have been had this
discovery not been made and this work not
carried out, it is difficult to say ; this much is
certain, a heavy tetanus mortality would have
been encountered, and the horrors of the war
added to in a manner calculated to terrify even
the bravest.

But the lockjaw bacillus was not the only
one found in the soil of France. In addition,
there were found to be present a group of
organisms which gave rise to severe suppura-
tions, and often the so-called " gas gangrene."
It is unquestionable, however, that much mis-
apprehension existed in the pubUc mind con-

cerning the nature of the various form of gan-
grene met with. Gangrene is a word which
inspires so great dread that the mere mention
of it was enough to excite morbid interest and
curiosit}^. It was not generally recognised that
some of the cases of gangrene were not infections
at ell, but were the result of tight bandages
applied to stop bleeding and kept too long a
time in position. In other cases, gangrene
supervened as the natural result of a woimd
which cut off the blood supply of a limb. The
true " gas gangrene " was of a different type.
It owed its origin to infection, and it was, in
fact, a severe \'iolent infection which fre-
quently proved fatal in a very short period.
Dr. Delorme, the Inspector-General of the
French Army Medical Corps, described it in his
book on " War Surgery " as " acute, violent,
excessive, constringent." " Nearly all the
patients," he said, " ascribe it to the construc-
tion of the apparatus, or of the dressings, but if
these are taken oS it is found that swelling
may not, as yet, exist." This gangrene was
naturally regarded as a terrible comijlication
of wounds, and every effort was made to cope
with it. Unfortunately the early attempts of
surgeons were not crowned with great success.
Surgeons in these early days had not fully
realised the immense difference between the
methods of peace and the necessities ■ of war.
They had not yet come to see clearly that the
technique of the operating theatre in a great
hospital and the technique of the field were
two totally different matters.

Moreover, a gigantic problem faced them.
Most of them had to deal not with a few, but
with hundreds of infected wounds — wounds,
moreover, infected with germs of such virulence
that unless measures were jprompt and thorough
a fatal result might be looked for in a large
percentage of the cases. Prompt and thorough
measures were often exceedingly difScult to
carry out, because in these early daj^s hospital •
accommodation was scanty, and medical com-
forts and appliances were difficult to obtain.

From the soldiers' point of view the Retreat
from Mens was a great military achievement ;
from the point of view of the statesman it was
a calamity, until the Battle of the Mame
brought salvation ; from the point of view of
the surgeon it was a tragedy — he found himself
suddenly face to face with the greatest emer-
gency of his life, and the means to deal with the
emergency were wanting. But there remains
yet another point of view, that of the scientist.

THE DARDANELLES.
A dressing station, an operation in progress.
47

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

TO PREVENT THE SPREADING OF DISEASE.
Disinfecting the clothes of German wounded.

Tn his eyes the Retreat from Mons, the battles
of the Mame, Aisne, Ypres, and the Yser were
events the result of which was one of the
greatest epidemics — if we include the Eastern
front, probably the very greatest epidemic —
which the world has seen. The fact that the
victims were wounded men in no way altered
this view. ]Men seldom die of a clean wound if
it be not immediately fatal ; it is the poison in
the wound, and not the \s'0und itself, which is
lethal. The man of science, the bacteriologist,
saw all Europe living tinder the scourge of blood
poisoning on the grand scale ; every fresh
wound created a fresh victim, because almost
every wound was infected. Every wound
served to multiply the evidence of infection,
and to prove more and more conclusively that
this wa-s not only a matter for cure, but also,
hke other infections, a matter for prevention.

But at the beginning the scientist had to give
place to the surgeon. It was a moment for
the best possible treatment in the circumstances
and the best possible treatment was afforded —
in the circumstances. Surgeons very soon
foLmd out that their methods of asepsis —
scrupulous cleanliness — were useless where
everytliing \\as already as dirty as it could be,
so ahnost with one accord they abandoned the
aseptic method and began to clean up these

terrible wounds with the same chemicals which
Lord Lister had used a generation earlier when
he discovered his antiseptic treatment.

This " movement " was called, appropriately
enough, " getting back to Lister." It very
quickly became universal. The old solutions of
strong carbolic acid, of mercury, of iodine, were
to be found in every hospital. Surgeons
at the Front swabbed iodine into the wounds
they had to treat. It was considered that the
one essential was to disinfect as quickly as
possible and as strongly as possible.

This was exactly Lister's teaching. Lister's
work was built up on the fact that a wound did
not suppurate unless germs had gained entry
to it ; the germs entered from the patient's
sldn or from the hands or instruments of the
surgeon. Operations were deadly because this
fact was not recognized. Lister began to oper-
ate therefore in conditions of " antisepsis."
He used .sprays of carbolic acid to kill the germs
and liis results were so immensely superior to-
those of all his surgical colleagues that very
soon his procedm?e was adopted by everyone.

But it was a natural assmnption that opera-
tions would be still more effective were there
no germs to kill. Carbolic acid did not affect
the bacteria only ; it acted also upon the tissues
of the patient's body. So modern surgery

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

began to aim at absolute cleanliness rather than
at efforts to destroy dirt already present. The
new doctrine was not " Idll the germs," but
" exclude them." This was called the aseptic
method.

The aseptic method was as vast an improve-
ment upon the antiseptic method as the anti-
septic method had been upon the early days of
dirt and ignorance. By naeans of scrupulous
cleanhness germs were banned altogether, and
it was no longer necessary to use the irritating
fluids wliich in Lister's early days had so often
caused trouble alike to doctor and patient.
Operations became much less dangerous and
much more successful in the broadest sense of the
term. Sm-geons declared that their teclinique
was now perfect. The few wounds which were
dirty at the time of treatment were still dealt
with by means of antiseptics, but these were
for the most part mild conditions when com-
pared with the woimds which Flanders and
France were soon to show to an astonished
world.

" Back to Lister " was therefore a reversal of
the order of evolution ; it was, speaking in the
strictest and most formal language of science,
a retrograde step, though clearly justified by

circumstances ; and, in the circumstances,
science condoned it and even applauded it.
But this applause could not be expected to
continue when the circumstances had changed
and when opportunities offered for research
and investigation. And, in fact, so soon as the
military situation unproved and medical work
on a great scale became organized at centres
lil-:e Boulogne and Havre, the scientists began
to devote themselves to the problem of infected
wounds — by far the greatest medical problem
of the war.

The scientists viewed the joroblem from a
new angle. They were concerned ( 1 ) to prevent
infection at all, if this should be found possible,
and (2) to destroy it in such a manner that
only the infecting germs and not the tissues
of the patient should suffer. In the eyes of
the scientist the pioneer methods of Lister
lacked precision ; they resembled the shot-gmi,
which discharges many pellets in the hope that
some will hit — and in this instance with the
added fear that not only the invading geruis
will be hit but also the body tissues of the
patient. Scientists hankered after the exact-
ness of the \\ell -sighted rifle. They wanted
to hit the germs only and to spare the patient ;

THE DISINFECTION OF CLOTHES.
A chamber at a hospital in Pctrograd. Clothing of patients placed into a cylinder.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

in otlier \vorcls. tliey wanted to e\oIvi? a remedy
or a remedial treatment which should T)e
specific for the infection and shoiild destroy
the infection with absolute certainty.

The first scientific efforts were dominated to
some extent ]>y war experience, and a niunber
fif antiseptics were produced and tried.
3Jany of them were foimd to be little better
than the agents already in use, though there
were notable exceptions to this rule. Mean-
while a second, very robust school of scientists
liad begim to preach a new doctrine, and to
state openly that their investigations had led
to the conclusion that the "back to Lister"
movement was being overdone, that harm was
frequently wrought by the too free use of
antiseptics, and that a halt must be called in
this indiscriminate application of strong chemi-
cals to open \\ ounds.

This new school owed its origin to Sir Ahn-
roth \Vright, and commanded an attenti\'e
hearing the mom(«t it made its opinions
known. It spoke at an opportune moment, for
many observers were beginning to distrust the
antiseptic treatment as applied and to wish
for a more exact and s<;ientific method.

Sir Almroth Wright, at the Royal Society of
]\Iedicine, stated the case imequivocally. He
said that he had never seen a womid rendered
aseptic by chemicals inserted into it with the
object of killing the bacteria infecting it. Some
of the bacteria might be killed, but all of them
were not, and there were grave objections to
the process in any case.

Tliese objections he dealt with in great
detail, revealing the fact tluit a vast amount
of most careful scientific work had already
been accomplished in liis laboratory at Bou-
logne. This work ha<l gone to shoAv that, otlier
things being ec^ual, the most eftieient preven-
tive a man possesses against infection, that is
against germs, is to be foui d in iiis own blood.
Kature, as soon as a woimd is sustained, fl<jods
the wound with a fluid known as lymph. This
lJ^llph is highly bactericidal and if left to «'ork
is able to kill the invading gornxs. The lymph,
however, is a very unstable i^roduct. If it is
daniined up it quickly becomes changed ; it
"decomposes" ; and soon the fluid that was
possessed of the power of killing bacteria
becomes in tact an excellent food for them so
that they grow and flourish in it.

Recognition of tliis vital and fundamental
truth made it apparent at once that all circum-
stances ^\■hich tended to dam up the flow of

AN INSTITUTE FOR INFECTIOUS DISEASES.
The Royal Robert Koch Institute, Berlin. In the Plague Department. Inset : The Serum Department.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

lymph — that is, to prevent its free di'aiiiage
from the wound, tended to increase rather than
to diminish the infection. Dressings apphed to
the woimd and left in position after they had
became soiled and dried dammed up the lympli
and produced tliis evil effect — as was M-ell seen
in the eai-ly days when-the conditions of the
military situation made the frequent ohangings
of dressmgs an impossibility. So also did
coagulation of the lymph fluid itself, for if the
iTOiph coagulated it formed an obstruction to
the free flow, and so acted just as a dirty dress-
ing acted.

But one of the effects of strong antiseptics
wa.s to make the lymph exuding from the
wounci coagulate. So that one of the effects
of strong antiseptics was to dam up the very
flow which it was so important to encoiu'age
and stimulate. Reasoning a little further,
strong antiseptics in the last issue did more
harm than good because they interfered with
Nature's own antiseptic methods- and mechan-
ism, and gave little or nothing in exchange for
what they took away.

Sir Almroth invited his audience to consider
the character of a wound made by slirapnel —
perhaps the commonest cause of wounds. The
wound was not clean cut, it was jagged, a
tearing of the tissues. It was full of " pockets,"
some shallow, others very deep. Often it was
contaminated by pieces of clothing and other
foreign matter wliich had been carried into it
in the first instance. This wound Natvu-e soon
flooded out with her lymph. Her object was
to wash out the impurities and to kill the
germs, and so to allow of rapid healing. The
question was, in what manner Nature might be
assisted.

It was not assisting Nature to fill that wound
with a strong and irritating solution. The solu-
tion might penetrate a certain distance and
would no doubt kill some bacteria ; but it did
not penetrate to the deep pockets. It missed
these, and meanwhile it coagulated the lymph
.and so formed obstructions over the openings
of the pockets. In the pockets the germs were
able to multiply at their leisure, the decom-
posed Ij-mph forming an excellent pabulum for
their nourishment. Within a very short time
the number of germs which had been destroyed
was fully replaced, and far exceeded, and the
latter state of the wound tended to be worse
than the first.

Needless to say this attack upon established
ideas produced an immediate effect. Sir

A POWERFUL ELECTRIC MACiNET
At the Western Ophthalmic Hospital, Marylebone
Road, London, where an electric magnet was used
for extracting fragments of shells and bullets from
the eyes of wounded soldiers, the magnet attracts
the fragments to the front of the eye and a smaller
magnet was then used to extract them.

Almroth Wright had practically impugned the
basal idea of the " back to Lister school."
He had dealt a heavy blow at the antiseptic
treatment of wounds ; he had refused to acce[)t
the idea that the process of evolution must be
reversed in tliis special case. He stood,
therefore, as a pioneer in the true sense. He
demanded a new conception of infection, and a
new treatment founded on this new con-
ception.

But he did much more than this. As will be
seen in a moment, it followed from these
researches that if Nature can be assisted along
strictly scientific lines when disease has become
established, so also can she be assisted along
scientific lines in her continuous effort to pre-
vent the beginning of disease. In other words,
it is not possible to say that the natural germ-
killing power of the body can be augmented
during an invasion of germs without inferring
that it can be strengthened before such an
invasion takes place.

Sir Almroth's second line of reasoning was
directed to the elucidation of this latter prob-
lem— the problem of prevention as opposed
to the problem of ciu-e. And here he found
himself upon the siu-e ground of science, for
science, as has already been said, is interested

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THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

to prevent disease as well as to deal with
it, and views the hospital ward, thronged with
sick and infected men, as a phenomenon, de-
manding a change of method or an improve-
ment in technique. Sir Almroth saw the
problem of prevention of infeetioii in wounds
as he had at an earlier date seen thr^ problem
of the prevention o£ typhoid lever — that
merciless scourge of armies in the field. He
saw it whole, and he saw it clearly.

The wounded man falls a victim to bacteria
wliich have become lodged in his woimd because
he cannot mobilize in his blood sufficient
germ poison to kill the invaders. His blood,
so tar, is not accustomed to the new poison,
and so has not developed any antidote
to it. After a time, however, in favourable
circumstances, an antidote will be produced
and the poison killed off. 'Jlie aim of tbe
scientist must be, therofor'e, to j^repare the
blood beforehand to meet the danger to which
it is likely to be exposed.

This conception of preparation is at the
root of the vaccine therapy which now bulks so
large in medicine. It has been found that it is
not the actual presence of the germ which
causes disease, but the poison which the germ
produces during the course of its life — the
poison which it " excretes." This poi.son cir-
culates in the blood and sets up disease pro-
cesses, often in remote oi'gans. But the blood
is armed with methods' of destroying the
poisons, and also the bacteria which produce
them. Long ago the great French scientist,
Professor Metchnikoff, showed how the white
cells of the blood are in reality warrior cells
capable of attacking bacteria and destroying
them. This is one phase of the subject. The
body itself is able, as has been shown, to secrete
into the blood antitoxins, or antidotes, of great
subtlety, vvhicli are exactly calculated to meet
and annul the poison — are, indeed, specially
prepared for the special type of poison present.
Thus, by a double action, bacteria and their
poisonous products are removed and normal
health rega ined. This process takes place during
acute fevers, like pneumonia.

Occasionally, however, the germ which
makes the attack is so virulent, or m so great
n\unbers, that the normal reaotion of tlie body
is not shown, and then the |)aticnt dies of the
infection. Or the patient himself may be in
a weak state of body, as from exhaustion, or
cold, 01 strain, or .-ihock, and be capable of only
a feeble resistance to the in\'aders. He may.

GERMAN RED CROSS WORK.

A splint used by the German Red Cross for
treating wounded with a shattered hand.

for example, be a soldier who has fought hard
through long days and nights, taken part in
forced marches while heavily loaded, had
irLSufficient sleep, food, rest, or watrr, been
subjected to terrible an.^iety or weather con-
ditions of exceptional severity. In these
circumstances how shall his wearied and
en.feebled body bear up against the added shock
of a wound, with the loss of blood and of nervous
energy, and the wracking pain ? His A\'ound is
soil very favourable for the growth, of any
hostile germ, and he Lacks the strength to

TO RECOVER THE USE OF STIFF JOINTS.
German soldiers working a pedal of a sewing-
machine and turning a cart wheel fixed lo the wall.

C7— 3

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

SIR WILLIAM LEISHMAN.

produce an immunity as quickly as may be
necessary.

How to prepare tliis man's blood for the
danger it may be exposed to ? It has been
found that the response of the blood is related,
in ordinary circumstances, to the quality of
the poison. But the poison itself depends on
the number of germs and on their character
and virulence. The blood, therefore, seems
to be guided in its output by the special
characters of the microbic enemies it has to
contend against.

If now a few of the germs which commonly
infect wounds, the cocci as they are called,
are taken and grown in a test-tube and then
killed by heat, we shall possess in that test-
tube a cjiuantity of the poison which, had the
germs been present in a wound, would have
been circulating in the victim's blood. If
now we take that poison and measure out
a minute dose of it (and it is to be noted that
the germs have been killed, only the poison,
not the actual germ is used), and inject that do?e

into the bodj' of a healthy man we shall occasion
in his blood a reaction to the poison. His
blood will at once prepare an antidote on the
assTimption that an invasion of germs has
occurred. But as the poison was introduced in
very minute dose, so it will easily be neu-
tralized. The blood of the man will now possess
a certain power against this particular
infection.

If we repeat our injections, giving each time
a little more poison, we shall presently produce
a high degree of immunity in the blood of the
man. His blood will indeed be in a state of
preparedness against invasion by this par-
ticular poison^ — that is, by this particular
germ. If he is wounded and his blood is
infected by this germ unpleasant results are
not likely to follow because the germ will not
be able to hurt him. He will be, in short,
vaccinated against wound infection.

It was this idea which Sir Almroth sug-
gested as the preventive measure against the
war epidemic of infection. Needless to say
it was hailed with great interest. It was not
seriously assailed, because it was founded upon
scientific reasoning of a very close and
cogent order, and, moreover, because
another application of the same reason-
ing had already produced, as will be shown
later, the great triumph of anti-typhoid
inoculation.

But a reply of another kind was made by
another school of workers. Ever since the
great German chemist and bacteriologist.
Prof. Ehrlich, had shown that chemical bodies
could be found which had a special action
upon special germs and little or no action upon
the tissues of the body containing these germs,
investigators had been busy studying the
chemistry of antiseptics. Ehrlich had sliown

BACILLUS TYPHOSUS.

I Luurtesy of l-'arKe, Vuvis i^' Ot>.

BACILLUS TETANI.

AFTER A BATTLE IN THE ARGONNE.
French troops removing their dead and wounded from the trenches.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

ANTI-TYPHOID VACCINATION IN THE FRENCH ARMY.
Filling phials with vaccine.

th.it the micro-organism of th? disease syphilis
— the so-called apirochaeti'. pallida — was killed
immediately if a compound of arsenic and an
aniline body, " Salvarsan " or " 606," waj
injected into the patient's blood. Salvar.^an
did not injure the patient : its action was
" specific " for the ."pirochicte. The research
workers who devoted themselves to the treat-
ment of infected womids upon chemical lines
aimed at finding a substance which should
prove destructive of the germs of infection and
yet be innocuous to the tissues of the body.
They aimed, in fact, at producing a sighted
rifle to replace the bhmderbus of indiscriminate
antiseptic treatment.

Some success attended this effort. In
the Brilixh Medical Journal of July 24
there apjieared an account of an antiseptic,
which had been used by Professor Lorrain
Smith, of Edinburgh, and three members of
Ills department. This substance was hypo-
chlorite of sodium, and the research work in
connexion with it v\as assisted by the National
Healtli Insurance Jledical Research Committee.
Curiously enough, antiseptics belonging to
the same chemical group were used almost
simultaneously in the Organic Chemistry
Department, Leeds University, by Dr. H. D.
Dakin. Dr. Dakhi worked in collaboration
with the distin'^uished American siirgeoa, Dr.

Alexis Carrel. Later Dr. Carrel and Dr. Dakin
LLsed the preparations in a field hospital at
Compiegne, beliind the French firing line, with,
they stated, very satisfactory results. With the
cooperation of the French War Office and the
RockefeUer Institute, a large hospital and
laboratorie.s were established at Compiegne.
Professor Landouzy read a paper on the
antiseptic before the French Academy of
Sciences on August 4, 191. 5, and said that
hypochloridc of hme was the most powerful
antiseptic known to science, but that up till
that time this substance had been of no prac-
tical utility on accouiit of the difficulty of
preserving it, and because of its alkalinity,
which was injurious to human tissues. These
difficulties had been surmounted by various
means, and might now be sa'd to have
passed away. The new preparation had
been applied to the most frightful wounds,
with the result that within eight days their
aspect had been modified in a way quite
unknown under the old antiseptic processes.
Cases of gangrene had been radically prevented
at the very outset. Indeed, if the antiseptic
was applied in time it was not too much to
say that the infection of wounds might hence-
forward be considered impossible.

The antiseptic, diuring the first few montlis
of its trial, gave certainly very good results.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

But the claim that it was tlie ideal antiseptic
which would destroy the septic agents in wounds
without damaging tlie tissues was not allowed
by all observers, and meantime interest con-
tinued to be focussed upon Sir Almroth W'i'ight
and upon his researches.

Sir Ainu-oth had laid it down that every
wound should be kept as wide open as possible
diu-ing the period when septic matter remained
in the woimd, dnd he had also suggested that
means should be employed to induce a freer
flow of lymph from the wound. Such means
were " wicks " placed in the wound, and also
the application of the solutions having the
effect of stimulating l3'mi:)h flow. Later, at
the Koyal Society of Medicine, October 8-14,
he elaborated the idea. The application of a
strong solution of salt to a wound would, he
said, cause the sweeping away of all obstruc-
tions from the wound. The result \^ould be a
wound absolutely clean. This clean woiuid
would, however, still be verj^ easily re-infected
as it would be open. The next steji, therefore,
was to bring forward the army of white blood
corpuscles — the army whose duty it is to attack
invading germs. In order to do this the solu-
tion of salt must be diluted very considerably,
froin 5 per cent, to .85 per cent., or so-called
" normal saline solution." This normal saline
solution acts by drawing to the surface the
white blood cells, so that in a little while a fine
grey film — composed of the white " warrior

cells," ajopcars on the surface of the woimd.
This is another great advance. But it is a
fact that these ■\\arrior cells do not long survive
exposure on the surface of the wound. Soon
they break up and die and then again the wound
is likely to become infected.

What then is the next step V Sir Almroth
suggested what is Icnown as " secondary
suture of the wound." The wound was clean;
It \\'as protected by leucocytes. Danger no
longer lay within, but threatened from without.
The time had come to shut the door in the face
of danger.

Meam\'hile vaccination ought to have pre-
pared tlie blood for resistance. Sir Almroth
held that every mounded man should be
inoculated as soon as he reached the first-aid
post. A second opportmiity would present
itself if there was any sign of a spread of
infection along the sldn near the woimd. In
the case of the wound which was sewn up after
being cleaned vaccination formed to bo a
method of completing the work and destroying
the bacilli that might remain in the woimd.

Sir Almroth made the following suggestions
regsirding the treatment of wounds to be
applied to work in the actvial field of opera-
tions :

(1) An injection of vaccine at the first-aid
post — i.e., of vaccine prepared from micro-
organisms comraonly infecting wounds. " Tiiere
would," he said, " follow upon the inoculation

ANTI-TYPHOID VACCINATION IN THE FRENCH ARMY.

The apparatus employed includes a cistern for sterilising instruments in boiling water, bottle of

tincture of iodine (with brush), injection-syringe, phial of vaccine, and forceps.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

BRITISH SAILORS IN SERBIA
Being inoculated against typhoid.

a rapid immunising response, whicli would, one
is entitled to anticipate, in a VjiiUet wovmd
perforating only tissues, extinguish the infec-
tion, and would in other wounds do the same
in those regions' where the physiological con-
ditions were not too unfavourable."

(2) At the field £»iibulance simple operations
should be performed for the excision of projec-
tiles and foreign bodies and securing thorough
drainage of the wovmds. Also here all wounds,
except those promising to get well of themselves,
should be treated with strong solutions of salt
( " hj-pertonic salt solution") "wicks" made
of bandage soaked in salt and sodium citrate
should be put into the wounds in order to
encourage a flow of lymph from them.

(3) At the Casualty Clearing Station, the
next step in the journey from the front, X-rays
and other eqviipment became available, and
so more extenj?ive operations could be carried
out and fuller drainage of the wound secured.
It was important to realise that travelling was,
for the sick soldier, mostly a time of retro-

gression, and so every effort must be made to
prevent the wound becoming "lymph bound,"
and so a seat of infection.

(4) At the base hospitals the full procedure
should be carried out.

The importance of those researches and
sxiggestions must be evident to everyone.
They stimulated the miijids of medical men in
regard to the whole treatment of wounds, even
though at the end of sixteen months of war
they v.ere still so new as to be tentative. It was
felt even by opponents of Sir Alnxroth Wright's
views that the vast problem of infection had
been placed upon a new footing, and that a new
conception of surgical treatment had been
afforded. Sir Almroth's own words may be
quoted (Lancet, November 13, 1915).

" It has come home to everybody that every
woimd is infected, and that the infection is the
really serious element in wounds. Coming on
the top of this, practically everybody has
become aw are that the antiseptic system has —
so far as the treatment of the woiuid infection
is concerned — completely broken down. So
finally it comes to this that the progress of
knowledge has filched away from the ordinary
medical officer everything, other than the
knife, which he was relying upon for the treat-
ment of bacterial infections of wounds." Clearly
the ideal antiseptic remains to be discovered.

If the treatment of infected wounds was the
big scientific j^roblem of the war, because the
\vomids were actually there to be treated,
the prevention of the old-time scourges of
fighting men was also a huge difficulty, because
no man could doubt that unless measures
were taken in advance the old foes would soon
show themselves, and the old story of death
and wretchedness be repeated. But here,
happily, science was well prepared. The
lessons of the past had been learned ; doubts
and suspicions scarcely existed ; there was no
battle against doubt or misgiving to be fought.
It was linown and accepted as a fact that by
means of vaccination these diseases could be
met, and could be held at bay.

The history of this remarkable movement is
like a romance. With it the names of Wright
and Leishman will ever be associated, a= its
success was due largely to their painstaking
efforts. The story may be said to have begun
when the specific germ of typhoid fever was
discovered. The bacillus is a minute body with
small hair-like projections, the so-called cilia

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

by which it is able to move itself about. It was
linown that after the entrance of typhoid
bacilli into the hvunan body, the tissues ulti-
mately developed an antibody or antidote, which
destroyed the invaders. Advantage was taken
of this fact by Widal, who invented a subtle
bacteriological test for the disease. The essence
of this test consisted in taking a few drops of
the blood of the suspected victim, and adding
then:i to a solution containing hving typhoid
germs. If the patient had had the disease
his blood would for some time contain sonie
antibody, and so the germs would be altered
and be clumped into masses. If on the
contrary the patient was not affected, his blood
would not possess tliis power of " agglutina-
tion." The " Widal test " proved a very
helpful adjunct to the physicians' powers of
observation, and came into general use. It
contained the genn of the futi-u-e vaccine treat-
ment as will presently be seen.

The idea of vaccination was of course no new
one. Ever since Jenner made his great discovery,
the conception of cure " by a hair of the tail
of the dog that bit you " had been prevalent.
Koch, too, the discp^'crer of the Tubercle

Bacillus, had introduced a substance "tuber-
culin," which was, in fact, a vaccine, and had
claimed for it diagnostic and immunising powers.

The step to the production of a vaccine
against typhoid fever was thus a short one.
All that seemed to be necessary was to secure
some of the poison or toxin excreted by the
bacilli and inject this in gradually increasing
doses into the patient's body.

Theory is one thing, however, and practice
another. The Boer War afiorded a great
opportunity to those who hoped to render
the soldier immune against typhoid. Coming
as it did shortly after the Spanish-American
War, in which the death rate from typhoid fever
was terrible, the Boer War may be regarded
as the first testing gi'Oiuid of the new medicine.
Tlie test was a severe one, because the condi-
tions were severe and the climate difficult.
The results were, on the whole, good, though
they are not usually sjjoken of as satisfactory.
In the first place, the correct dosage was not
clearly known, and in the second the technique
of the process had not been fully worked out.

The result was that a tendencj' arose to be-
little inoculation as a useless method. Stories

rO DESTROY GERMS.
British troops in France placing uniforms and blankets in an oven.

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

GERMAN TROOPS
Being vaccinated as a precaution against cholera.

v.ere told by ignorant people wliich suggested
t'lat evil effects followed the inoculation, and
that good effects did not exist. It was pro-
claimed by tlic enemies of the treatment that

men %\ere killed by the injections, and that
injected men fared no better — sometimes
w orse — in respect of the disease than did imin-
jeeted men. The arguments, wliich are
familiar, concerning " preser\'ing a pure blood
[jure," were heard in many quarters.

This was not an encouraging atmosphere for
patient and earnest research work. Neverthe-
less, workers were foimd to carry on the in-
vestigation, and to reap success v\'here only
partial success appeared to be. Technique was
perfected ; results were watched ; deductions
were made, and as a result of a vast bulk of
evidence it was ]>roved to the satisfaction of
exacting minds that in this anti-typhoid
inoculation science possessed in fact a most
potent weapon against tiie onset of the disea»se.
This result was due in large measure to
the splendid work of Sir Wui. Leishman in
India.

When the war broke out the army authorities
decided to give immunising injections in all
cases in which the soldier himself consented.
The matter was discussed in public, and notably
in the columns of Tlte Times, and pleas on behalf
of vaccination wore entered by such distin-
guished authorities as Sir W. Osier, Sir Almroth

RUSSIAN SANITARY TRAIN.
Sterilising Clothes.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

TYPHUS IN SERBIA.

British nurses who attended to the stricken Serbians,

wearing special costumes. Inset ; Nurses on the

way to Serbia being inoculated agilast typhoid.

A^^right and Sir Lander Briinton.
Osier ■(^rote :

" The work of the French Army doctor.? onl
of British Army surgeons, particularly in
India, has shown conclusively the remarkable
reduction in the incidence of typhoid when
vaccination is thoroughly carried out. The
experience of the American Army is of special
value, as the disease is so much more prevalent
in the United States. The number of cases
in the home army has fallen from 3.53 per
thousand men to 0.03 in six years, and tlie
death rate from 0.28 in 1!K)9 to zero in 1913."

Sir Wm. Osier then called attention to the
work of the Vaccine Department of the Army
Medical College, the Lister Institute, and other
laboratories.

The work of the Army Medical College was
indeed, of supreme value at this hour. As has
already been stated, Sir Wm. Leishman had
placed the whole world in his debt by his
splendid services vipon anti-typhoid vaccina-
tion. He may be said to have worked this
problem out with the patience, the courage,
and the honesty of pvirpose which alone can
triumph over great obstacles. Very large
numbers of men owe their lives to his efforts.

Sir Almroth AVright declared that "the
absolute necessity of making provision against
this disease by inoculation is now a common-
place of mihtary hygiene." In the same letter
(September 5, 1914) Sir Almroth referred to the
use of vaccines in wound treatment, stating
that his department at St. Mary's Hospital had
supplied gratuitously to oiu- Army and Navy,
and also to the French military hospitals, a total
of 180,000 doses of " anti- sepsis " vaccine. In
addition this department had, by working long
hours in response to a War Office request,
fiu-nished, as a contribution, for the use of the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

DR. STRONG,

Medical Director of the American Sanitary Red

Gross Gommission.

Army, nearly 280.000 doscs of anti-typhoid
vaccine."

These letters, and the publicity given to them,
imdoubtedly influenced the public mind to a
great extent, and as a result the vast majority
of recruits accepted vaccination with alacrity.
They received their small doses of the virus,
and the number who suffered any serious in-
convenience in consequence was found to be
exceedingly small, so carefully had the pro-
cedure and technique been studied and worked
out. Our army went to France and to the
Etist as a vaccinated force, with it.s blood
prepared against the typhoid danger, to which
it was so likely to be subjected.

But the case of the scientist was not deter-
mined nor liis vigilance bounded by this one
great method of prevention. Experience had
taught that disease docs not arise spontaneously,
but is in fact j^ropagated from man to man.
Therefore, m order to produce typhoid fever in
one man, typhoid bacilli must be present in
another man, and must be conveyed from
infected to luiinfected. This is so self-evident
that it seems too simple to require emphasis.
Experience, however, has often proved that it
is just the neglect of these simple truths which
lead to disaster.

It -s^-as known of typhoid fever that
men might suffer from it and retain a
very considerable amount of health and
strength, or they might pass through an
attack and recover from it and yet remain
infected with the bacilli for long periods.
These latter patients were known as " typhoid
carriers," and in civil life very many epidemics
had been traced to the presence in a com-
munity of even one of these carriers. Thus, a.
whole water supply might be poisoned through
the instrumentality of a typhoid carrier.

It was obvious that in addition to preparing
the soldiers against disease efforts must be
made to secure thein from unnecessary in-
fection, and therefore plans were laid to carry
out a careful scheme of prevention on what
may be described as sanitation lines.

Tj'phoid bacilli are " water borne," bvit they
can be carried also in food and by other means.
It was clearly essential that those men handling
the food of the troops should be guaranteed free
from infection. A " typhoid carrier " in the
commissariat would have partaken of the
nature of a calamity.

So all the men in the food services were
examined with a view to determining their
suitability for the work to which they were
about to be sent. Suspicious cases were, of
course, rejected at once. Other cases were
dealt with as occasion arose, and thanks to
miremitting care it was secured that no carrier
was in a position to bring disease to his fellows.

In addition to these precautions the question
of water supply had to be considered. It was,
of course, obvious that in a country which had
been fought over, and which had been the soene-
of fierce conflict, the water supply was exceed-
ingly likely to be contaminated. There was,
moreover, no assurance that contamination
with typhoid or other water-borne bacilli

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

might not have taken place or might not take
place. It was therefore necessary to supervise
with the utmost care the drinldng and washing
water supplied to the troops. This problem
was no easy one, for while sterilisation by
boiUng is, of course, quite sufficient and
efficient on a small scale, when one comes to
deal with millions of men it is cumbersome.
Therefore various other expedients were tried,
including the addition of certain disinfectant
substances to the water. At the end of sixteen
months of war the problem had been met and
solved, but scientific workers were even then
busily engaged in suggesting and testing new
and improved methods so that the maximuna
of efficiency and safety might be secured with
the minimum of labour and trouble. Labour
and trouble, and more especially a troublesome
technique, are the great enemies of all-round
success, because the more they are multiplied
the greater becomes the possibility of error or
carelessness on the part of some subordinate
worker ; and this is emphatically a chain
which must have no weak links.

Safety was therefore secured in tlu'ee definite
directions and by three separate proceedings.

(1) Tlie men were protected by vaccination;

(2) " carriers " and other hmnan sources of in-
fection were eliminated ; (3) the means of
propagation, water and food, were brought
imder the strictest possible supervision.

These throe factors undoubtedly achieved
one of the greatest triumphs which this or any
other war has demonstrated. Thanks to them,
and to the men who so boldly conceived them,
and so vigorously and imselflshly carried them
out, typhoid fever simply did not coiuit in the
British Army in France and Flanders. When
the size of that Army is taken into considera-
tion, indeed, the number of cases encountered
was almost ludicrously small. When, as it
seemed, all the circumstances favouring the
onset of a great epidemic were present together,
no epidemic occurred. Pessimists prophesied
again and again that terrible trouble was almost
siu^e to breed upon those dead -strewn fields,
but their forebodings were falsified ; the
autumn wore on into the winter, and the winter
again gave place to summer, and still the antici-
pated outbreak of typhoid fever did not come.
Typhoid fever had been beaten — defeated
before the battle as it were. Our Army went

TYPHUS IN SERBIA.
Patients outside the American Hospital.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

"TAKING THE WATERS."

A wounded soldier taking an electric bath.

scathless, and hundreds, nay thousands, of
supremely useful lives were saved to the service
of the country.

This greac triumph passed almost imnoticed,
as the triumph over tetanus had done, for in
time of war it is mistakes which loom up large
upon the public horizon. Yet it will stand for
all time as a vindication of the scientific mind
and of the scientific method.

But science had not finished her work with
tliis enemy after a year of war. There remained
certain difficulties, particularly in the detection
of " carriers," which required further patient
research. One of these difficulties was the
direct outcome of vaccination. A vaccinated
man, if by any chance he did develop the
disease — and these instances were exceedingly
few — could not, of course, be expected to
give for diagnostic purposes so clear a
reaction to the Widal blood test — seeing
that liis blood had been rendered munune m
advance. By far the best way to make sure of
infection by the typhoid germs in liis case was by
finding the germ and conclusively demon-
strating its identity. But unhappily in these
cases many other types of germs were usually
present and it was difficult to separate out and
to find the tyjihoid germs — often exceedingly
di£(icult.

The matter received careful attention, and
at length a chemical was discovered which had
the effect of destroying practically all the
types of germs from the intestinal con-
tents except the tj-phoid and allied germs.
This chemical, named " Brilliant Green,"
belonged to the aniline dye series \\'hich has
been so prolific in potent drugs dm-ing the past
decade. As applied by Dr. Browning,
Director of the Bland - Sutton Institute of
Pathology at the Middlesex Hospital, the
results were highly S'lecesstnl. When it
was added to any solution containing the
typhoid germs, these were permitted to flourish,
so that discovery of them became relatively a
much easier matter. Other methods directed
towards the same end were evolved, and some
of them hav3 also jjroved useful.

The only outbreak of tyi:)hoid fever on the
western front occurred in connexion with the
Belgian Army after the battle of the Yser, and
at a time when the whole of the medical
equipment had been lost during the retreat
from Antwerp. The outbreak was quietly
stamped out by a A'igorous application of the
scientific method — i.e., by vaccination and
segregation of infected soldiers. It served to
show how quickly any relaxation of a vigilance
(in tliis case vigilance was rendered impossible

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

temporarily by the exigencies of tlie military
situation) was followed by an outbreak of the
disease ; and secondly, how quickly the
disease could be mastered when the weapons
of the laboratory were brought to bear against it.
It is not possible to leave this port of the
subject without a reference to the allied con-
dition " paratyphoid." This disease was met
with in Gallipoli, and occasioned there a great
deal of trouble and anxiety. It i.s not true
typhoid, nor is it due to the true typhoid
bacillus, and hence the fact of its presence was
no land of proof that vaccination had failed.
On the contrary, it merely served to show how
precise and exact the typhoid vaccination was
for while the patient was securely protected
again.st the one type of germ he was not pro-
tected against the other type. Inoculation
with several strains of germs allied to the
typhoid germ is, happily, within the po%\-ers of
scientific technique, and therefore the problem
of paratyphoid is essentially similar to the
problem of typhoid. Commenting upon this,
the Briti.th Medical Journal of November 1,3,
1915, stated that paratyphoid inoculation had
been carried out upon a large scale in Serbia.
The process " consists in preventive inoculation

with cultures of Paratyphoid A and B bacilli
wluch have been killed by carbolic acid. In
view of the special conditions existing in that
coiuatry (Serbia) inoculation against para-
typhoid has been combined with inoculation
against typhoid fever, and cholera as M'ell.
Professor Castellani therefore employs what he
calls a ' tetra vaccine,' or prcferablj' a quadruple
\-accine, to protect against these fom- infections.
His paper shows tliat it has been administered to
over 170,000 persons among the military and
civil population of Serbia without the occur-
rence of any untoward results. Naturally we
have no means as yet of judging the success
attained by the use of this quadruple vaccine
up to the present time. But if it is at all com-
parable to the success which has attended the
employment of anti-typhoid inoculation in our
own armies. Professor Castellani and his
medical colleagues will have effectively con-
ferred a inobt valuable benefit upon the in-
habitants of that much-vexed country, and pro-
spectively a comparable benefit upon the armies
of the Allies which are going to its a,ssistance. "

The great success of the work upon typhoid
naturally led to a careful consideration of the

TAKING AN X-RAY OF A SHRAPNEL WOUND.

€0

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.

AN X-RAY AMBULANCE IN FRANCE,
Showing the special apparatus.

danger of cholera, and early in 1915 an effort
was made to bring a strain of the cholera
germ to tliis country from Riissia so that
inoculations might be prepared. The Medical
Research Committee of the National Insurance
Act enabled Dr. Freeman, of St. Mary's Hospi-
tal, to go to Galicia to secvire a strain of the
bacilli, and tliis he did. In Paris, too, at the
Pasteur Institute, due preparations were made
against the danger of an epidemic, and very
large numbers of anti-cholera vaccines were
held in readiness. These " weapons in test
tubes " were despatched to the danger areas,
and were used there with excellent effect, so
that outbreaks which in other days might have
proved disastrous were coimtered and quelled.
The cholera vaccine is prepared upon the
lines already described. It depends for its
utility, of coiu'se, upon the presence of a specific
germ, just as the tj'phoid vaccine does. Its
great worth was proved conckisively in the
Greek Army diu-ing the recent war, when a
catastrophe was prevented by its use.

Cholera is, of course, the scourge par excel-
lence of armies in the field ; should it gain the
upper hand, terrible suffering and loss are
certain. That science should have been able
to hold this terror also at bay is, indeed, a
matter for deep thankfulness, and proves once
more how far-reaching, how momentous and
how trimnphant has been her share in this
world struggle. Disease, the enemy of armies,
has played but a minor part ; its ancient
decisive character has been filched away from
it. Between the soldier and the epidemic
that would devour liim there has stood a figiu-e
new in the history of wars, a fighter whose
weapons are his eyes and his ears and his
faculty of close reasoning and stern self-
discipline. The man of science has often been im-
pugned as "cold blooded " andaslacldng thegood
and warna impulses of Iris brother the doctor. It
may be so. But this at least shall also be said,
in the early days of the Great War he saved
more lives by his " laboratory methods " than
all the engines of war were able to destroy.

THE TIMES HISTORY UF THE WAR.

The war against dysentery, wliich proved so
troublesome in certain theatres of action,
cannot well be dealt with at this time. In
spite of the fact that dysentery is an old disease,
as the age of disease is reckoned, science had
not yet — at the end of fourteen months of war
— compassed its prevention as it had com-
passed that of typhoid fever. Tho " carrier "
problem had indeed been attacked, and a serum
had been produced which was of great value
when bacilli were the cause of disease. Tliis
serum was used with excellent effect in many
cases, as also was the drug " emetine," wliich
has a special power over another of the causa-
tive organisms, the Entamceba histolytica (for
there are two distinct types of this disease,
each having a separate causative organism).

The terrible outbreak of typhus fever in
Serbia during the early months of 1915 naturally
directed scientific attention to this, in England,
well-nigh extinct disease. T3rphus fever,
which used to be laiown as " gaol fever," from

its prevalence in prisons, was at one period a
scourge dreaded as much in tliis country as
was smallpox. What vaccination accom-
plished in the case of the latter affliction clean-
liness and hygiene accomplished in the case of
the former. Typhus fever, essentially a du't
disease, disappeared with the dirt in wliich it
bred and flourished, and its exit was hailed,
and rightly hailed, as a triumph won by the
public health official.

But the conditions of armies are not those
of great cities in times of peace. Serbia had
been invaded ; twice over she had repelled the
invader. Her national life was disturbed, her
systems of govermnent and control were
unliinged. The normal protection against
disease — never, it is to be feared, very adequate
in Eastern countries — was broken down.
Typhus reappeared, and reappeared in a form,
of great virulence, so that the whole country
was plunged into calamity, and terrible scenes
of suffering and death were witnessed.

AVhen the great need became known in this

MICHELIN HOSPITAL.

Taking an X-ray photograph.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

ooimtry heroic bands of doctors and nnrses at
once ottered their services, and with these
there went to the stricken land a large number
of bacteriologists and men of science in the
strict sense.

In the eyes of the man of science t3'phus
fever is a disease belonging to the class known
a,s " insect-borne,'" just as typhoid fever
belongs to the class " water-borne." Another
gi-eat member of the insect-borne class is, of
course, malarial fever, and still another member
is plague, ilalarial fever is carried by a
inosq\iito, plague by the rat flea ; typhus
fever is conveyed in the body of the louse.

This knowledge, gained by much patient
labour, was, of course, the bed-rock upon
which all measures of amelioration were built
up. The cjuestion in Serbia was, first and fore-

most, how to get rid of the lice. I.ice are not,
of course, themselves infected with typhus
fever in the first instance, and a man may
harbour many of these loathsome pests and
never contract the disease. But if the lice
settle upon thei-body of a patient who has typhus
)ever and pass from him to the body of another
man the fever will be transmitted. It is easy
to vmderstand how in the conditions prevailing
in Serbia at this period practically no soldier
was free from the chance of infection, and
so the infection spread with fell rapidity
throughout the country. The problem was
therefore a problem of prevention — a problem
of cleansing. It was discovered that the lice
tended to gather upon the inner garments,
and that if these were removed and burned
the insects were killed with great case. Vast

A KEMARKABLE CAMERA-PICTURE RECORDING A SHELL EXPLODING

IN A TRENCH.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

CANNED POISON-GAS OPENED BY RIFLE SHOTS.

Tins containing poison-gas deposited by Germans at night outside the French wire entanglements.

By daytime the cans were hit by enemy rifle fire, so as to release the asphyxiating fumes.

measures designed to segregate the contacts, to
destroy their clothing and to sweep away the
infected lice were instituted. Other measures
to prevent lice from reaching the body, and
to keep them away, were devised and all
manner of applications tending to secure this
end were in use. Eau de Cologne was found to
be very effective in this respect, as were a

number of other substances having a pro-
nounced perfume. Little by little these
measures won the fierce battle, and the country
was rescued from its evil plight — or, at least,
that plight was ameliorated. And these
measures were carried on with energy and
determination, so that treatment may be said
to have moved hand in hand with prevention-

Ctl

■Oft

ttJ

.«

(L»

■or

ll.

■OJJ

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

When treatment ended, with tlie subsidence
of the epidemic in its acute form, this was m
reality a victory for prevention. Prevention
held the field which it liad won.

Typhus was not confined to Serbia during
this period, though it was only in that country
that its full horror was realized. Wherever
lice are to be found and infection is able to
penetrate, there may the disease be expected
to show itself.

For this reason strict measures were enforced
in connexion with the armies operating in
France and Flanders — which armies suffered,
as all armies do, from the attacks of vermin —
what have been described as " the minor
horrors of war." On the British front elaborate
and careful precautions were enforced in order to
keep the pest down as far as possible. These
consisted of frequent bathings as often as
opportunity allowed, also of frequent fumi-
gation of clotliing, and especially of mider-
clothing. Elaborate arrangements were in
force for securing that infected or suspected
cases were removed at once to a place of
segregation, and all " contacts " kept under
observation. Clothing, too, of a dangerous
character was at once destroyed, and every
effort exerted to see to it that the troops were
shielded as far as might be from everj' possible
sovirce of danger. The idea! — no vermin in the
trenches — cannot be attained so long as
thousands of men of all kinds are congregated
together, but there can be no reasonable doubt
that those measures had the effect of pre-
venting outbreaks of disease which, had no
such measures been taken, would have occurred.
Here again the Army owed a deep debt of
gratitude to its scientific advisers.

Wliile these great works were in progress
another piece of scientific war work of a totally
different character was being carried out in
Egypt, under the auspices of the Royal Army
Medical Corps, and with the help of the Medical
Research Committee of the National Insurance
Scheme. This research was undertaken with
a view to determining the nature and mode of
propagating what was in fact one of tho most
ancient and most troublesome of the plagues
of Egypt.

This plague, known as " Bilharziosis," from
the name of the discoverer of the worm which is
the cause of it (Bilharzj was a source of great
economic loss to Egypt, and was spoken of by
Lord Kitchener in his annual report on Eg.ypt

INTERIOR OF RUSSIAN SANITARY
TRAIN.

for 1913. He said. " It is high time that
serious steps should be taken to prevent the
continuity of infection which has been going
on so long m this country."

The research was entrusted to Lieutenant -
Colonel Leiper, Hehninthologist to the London
School of Tropical Medicine. Colonel Leiper,
in his report which was submitted to the Royal
Society of Medicine, and afterwards published
in The Journal of the Royal Army Medical Corps
(July- August, 1915), described the evil effects
of this disease. " During the Boer War," he
said, " 025 men were infected with bilharziosis
in South Africa. In 1911, 359 of these were
still on the list, exclusive of those meanwliile
permanently pensioned. The cost to the State
for ' conditional ' pensions for these 359 men
was about £6.400 per annmn The ' perma-
nent pensions ' already allotted amounted to
an additional sum annually of £4,400."

The bilharziosis of the Nile delta is mucli
more widespread than that of South Africa and
more severe. It was therefore needful, since
troops were being concentr3,tcd in Egypt, that
preventive measures should be taken against
the disease. But luiliappily, though the para-
sitic natm'e of the disease was known, nothing
definite concerning the life-history of the worm
parasite had been discovered. In other words,
it was known that a certain email worm caused
the condition by entering the body of the victim.
But how that worm lived outside of the body

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

before enlry was a mystery. And unless
this mystery could be solved it was mani-
festly impossible to kill the worm and so
pre\'ent the disease. ]\Iany ideas had been

formed on the subject, bvit these had not
been proved.

The great antiquity of the disease is proved
by the fact that evidence of its occurrence has
been foiuid in early Egyjjtian records, and in the
bodies of niuiuniies now in the Cairo Museum.
The disease was prevalent among the French
troo])(r during the Napoleonic invasion of Egypt.

The worm belongs to the order laiown as
" trematode." It had already been sliov\n
that some of the worms of this type complete
their life-cycle in the bodies of molluscs — e.g.,
the snail. This, therefore, was a reasonable
basis for investigation, and, moreover, some
earlier researches made by Lieut. -Colonel
Leiper in Cliina had led him to regard this
hypothesis as a reasonable one. This idea had
also been present to the minds of other workers.
The in\'estigation was therefore organized under
several heads, of which the following are
examples.

To coUect and specifically determine all the
fresh-water molluscs in the selected endemic

VICTIMS OF THEIR OWN GAS.

German prisoners who were captured by the French. They were about to pump gas into the trenches

of the Allies, but a French 75 shell fell on to the cylinder with the result that they themselves were

gassed. Inset : Two of the prisoners suffering from the effects of poison-gas.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

"FLAMMENWERFER" (FLAME-PKOJECTOR) IN ACTION.
German method of spraying liquid fire in the British trenches in Northern France.

area — i.e., within half a day's journey from the
laboratory in Cairo.

To dissect large niombcrs of all species found
for trematode larvEc.

To ascertain which, if any, species of mollusc
showed chemiotactic attraction for bilharzia.

To ascertain experimentally whether infec-
tion took place through the skin, or by the
mouth, or in both ways.

This was necessarily a very great work. But
so carefully was the investigation organized
that within a relatively short space of time a

large collection of these fresh-water shell-fish
had been made. The shell -fish were recovered
from the field drains — " agricultural drains" —
both near villages and away from them. It
soon became clear that large numbers of snails
" found at spots daily frequented, such as the
praying ground, at the embankment crossing,
in front of the cafes, and at the bend of the
Canal daily used for washing " were infected
with bilharzia. The same species of snail ^vas
common at other parts of the Canal, but was
not infected in these situations.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

The next step wa^ to discover whether
ammals could be infected experimentally.
It was noted that in the regions affected by
the disease rats and mice were very scarce.
A professional rat-catcher who was employed
failed entirely to secure any of these animals.
A possible inference from this was that rats and
mice are susceptible to the disease, and so do not
live near infected areas. On June 13, 1915, a
positive result was obtained when a rat was
experimentally infected. In addition to tame
white rats and various types of mice, " the
Egyptian desert rat, obtained from the neigh-
Ijourhood of the Pyramids, was found to be
susceptible to experimental infection, while
guinea-pigs were peculiarly so. Mangaby
monkeys were also capable of being infected."

It was thus shown that a snail inhabitmg
the Canal and ditches was the intermediate
host of this worm. But it remained to be dis-
covered in what marmer the worm passed from
the snail to man, or again from man to the
snail. This was determined by experiment —
permitting animals to drink infected water, and
also to wade in infected water. Those which
drank the infected water were infected nauch
more severely than those which merely waded.

BRITISH TKOOPS IN FRANCE.
An inspection of respirators.

l)ut both classes were infected. In the experi-
mentally infected water were large niunbers of
the so-called bilharzia " cercaria " — free swim-
ming forms with tails and suckers. It was con-
cluded that the chances of infection are mucli
greater in bathing than in drinking, "because
imder the former circumstances a much larger
quantity of water comes into contact with the
body."

The question of naturally infected water next
demanded attention. One of the difficulties was
that it was known that the general water supply
of Cairo, the same for natives as Eurofjeans,
was of a very high quality supplied from filters.
How, it was argued, could this water affect
anyone with a disease like bilharziosis ? The'
matter engaged the attention of the research
workers, who found that " in addition to the
series of pipes supplying Cairo with filtered
water, it appears that there is a second system,
carrying to the numerous gardens of Cairo
imfiltered water drawn direct from the Nile in
the neighbourhood of the Kasr Nil bridge, a
spot where in recent years numbers of European
troops have, while bathing, become infected
shortly after their arrival in Egypt. It is well
known that the children even of better-class
Egyptians are allowed to run about in the
privacy of their own courtyards in a state of
semi-nudity during the summer months, and
are thus continually exposed to the risk of
uifection from the hose used in the garden or
stable. The lower classes probably derive
their infection from the same som'ce, although
under diSerent circumstances. To them water
is a dear commodity in Cairo. There is no
free supply. In the poorer quarters one fre-
quently sees water being hawked about in
large skins, and there is the standing induce-
ment to the middleman to increase his margin
of profit by arranging to draw liis stock, possibly
surreptitiously, through a friendly gardener
from the unfiltered supply, for wliich the water
companies make a lower charge."

It was shown also that the eggs of the wonn
pass from its human host into water : there
they enter the body of the snail — and only of
the particular snail concerned — and midergo
a process of evolution, and six weeks later the
mollusc has become a dissemmating agent of
the disease. It retains its power of dissemination
during considerable periods. The following
conclusions have therefore been formulated :

(1) Transient collections of water are quite
safe after recent contamination.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

FRENCH ARMY SCHOOL OF
ASPHYXIATING GASES.
Training troops to accustom them to the German
poison-gas attacks : Soldiers wearing the protective
masks descending an underground chamber filled
with poison-gas. Inset ; A French soldier's anti-
asphyxialing-gas equipment.

(2) All permanent collections of water, such
as the Nile canals, marshes, and birkets are
potentially dangerous, depending upon the
presence of the essential intermediary host —
the snail.

(3) Tlie removal of infected jiersons from a
given area would have no effect, at least for
some months, in reducing the liability to
infection, as the intermediate liosts discharge
infective agents for a prolonged j^eriod.

(4) Infected troops cannot reinfect them-
selves or spread the disease directly to others.
They could only convey the disease to those
parts of the world where a local mollusc could
efficiently act as carrier.

(.5) Infection usually takes place both by the
mouth and through the skin. Recently contami-
nated moist earth or water is not infective.

(6) Infection in towns is acquired from un-
filtered water, which is still supplied, even in

SiW*-*^- '^-i

Cairo, in addition to filtered water, and is
delivered by a separate systeni of pipes.

(7) Eradication can be effected without the
cooperation of infected individuals by destroy-
ing the molluscan intermediaries.

This last conclusion contained the germ of the
protective measures which the research was
designed to suggest. Egypt is fortunately

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

situated in that her irrigation work is in the
hands of the Govcrnnient. Every year during
the dry season the small pools and canals are
emptied, and the molluscs which live in them die.
But many small pools are left, and it is in these
that the disease is kept alive. Lieut. -Colonel
Leiper suggested that action on the part of the
irrigation authorities was necessary to have
these pools filled up or treated chemically.
The molluscs would then be l-dlled off, and the
^^•orm, robbed of its necessary intermediate
host, would gradually become extinct. The
difficulty in Cairo was the imfiltered water
supply, wliich, it seemed, was essential to the
gardens. Happily it had been foimd that the
free swimming form of the bilharzia does not
live for a longer period than 3G hours. If it
were possible to store Cairo's daily requirement
of unfiitered water for two days or a day and a
half, there was no doubt that it would become
practically free from danger so far as bilhar-
ziosis was concerned. One-third of the 30,000
children born annually in Cairo became infected
with the bilharzia.

The immense importance of this w-ork mast

be obvious to everyone. At the meeting of the
Royal Society of lledicine, at which Lieut. -
Colorifl L'iper recounted the storj' of his work.
Lord Cromer stated that " the wjiole people
of Egypt owed him an undying debt of grati-
tude." There could be httle doubt that the
result of these very careful experiments would
be both far-reaching and in the highest degree
valuable.

These, then, were the most notable scientific
acliievements of the first year of war. But
scientists were at work in very many other
fields, and great ad\-ances in knowledge were
recorded. Tlie use of X-rays, for example,
became mvich more accurate and well under
stood than had been the case before the war.
JIany workers dealt with this subject, and
especiall}- with the difliciilt matter of the
localization of bullets and pieces of shrapnel,
and various methods were evolved and
improvements on older methods suggested.
Amongst methods which commended them-
selves to a large number of workers was the
s^tereoscopic iiiethod — by \\hich a bullet can

"WARE GAS."

When the Germans released a wave of asphyxiating gas — French troops wearing their masks
awaiting an infantry attack at the entrance of their trenches.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

be seen in perspective, like a \ie\v in a stereo-
scopic picture. Tliis method natiirally afforded
a useful idea of the exact whereabouts of a
foreign body and of its relations to the sur-
rounding structures. The installation of X-raj'
ajiparatus became a matter of necessity in
every well-organized military hospital. A great
deal of work, too, was performed in connexion
with the investigation of disease conditions
arising from causes peculiar to the conditions
of trench w-arfare. Tliis work included a careful
inquiry into the nature of frostbite, so-called
" trench-foot," and some valuable suggestions
for its amelioration. The " frost-bite " was
found to be dependent not only upon cold, not
even chiefly upon cold, but upon the association
of cold with wet, and hence various means,
including the use of oiled-silk foot and leg wear,
by which wet could be excluded, were sug-
gested. The results of these researches were
submitted to the military authorities.

The problem of supjilying artificial limbs also
engaged attention, and several remarkable new
pieces of apparatus were shown at the Queen
iNIary's Hospital, Roehampton. These artificial
limbs were of so ingenious a character that their
wearers seemed often to be " as good as whole
men." Further work upon this subject was
proceeding.

It would be impossible to close a chapter
of tliis kind without a brief reference to the
work of the Medical Research Conxmittee of the
Xational Insurance Scheme, presided over by
Lord Moulton. Tliis committee, early in the
war, offered its help to the War Office, and soon
made its potentiality for good felt in connexion
with the majority of the gi-eat scientific efforts
being carried out. Tlie committee granted
assistance to Six' Almroth Wright and many
other workers in the field of wound infections ;
it played a part in the work of bringing the
strain of cholera bacilli to England from
Galicia ; it afforded to Lieut. -Colonel Leiper
all necessary field and other expenses inci-
dental to his research. These, however, were
but a few of its activities, for it also aided and
encouraged researches in many other fields.
The study of gtmshot and shell wounds and
^■arious injuries occasioned by bullets, of nervous
disorders, heart conditions, and the like was
included in this wide purview. These most
valuable researches proved of great assistance
both to doctors and patients, and conferred a
boon upon hmnanity. This splendid organiza-

tion thus placed the whole profession of
medicine imder a debt of gratitude.

iSurveying, as a whole, this vast field of scien-
tific labour, one sees that a great war was
\\aged against the minute, unseen forces of
disease during all the days and nights in
which the war of nations continued. Science
fights without noise or dust of battle ; she
has no heralds, no trumpeters. Her vic-
tories do not bulk large in the eyes of men.
But her victories are, nevertheless, splendid
with the splendour of patience and care and
selflessness which from defeat have won triumph,
and from death life. There are tens of thou-
sands to-day among our bravest and best
who owe their lives in full rneastu'e to this
silent warfare — with its precision and its hard
logic. And the sum of the suffering which has
been saved to humanity who shall reckon ?
The enemies of science have often pointed to her
as a figure of cruelty rejoicing in the infliction
of pain and deaf to the appeals of sympathy.
Let them now regard the work which she has
accomplished, and let them ask themselves
which, after all, is the nobler pity, the pity
wliich is vocal or the pity which, in silence,
acliieves.

This recital of the work which science has
accomplished has so far gone to show only the
good which was w rouglit. There is, unhappily,
another side to the picture, for our enemies
devoted much of their brilliant scientific
genius to the production of means of death
rather than means of life. The most notorious
of these efforts was, of course, the use of
poison gas in Flanders and on the Russian
Front. *

The use of this gas must be attributed directly
to the laboratory, because the gas employed,
chlorine, is essentially a laboratory product.
Chlorine is an clement, one of the so-called
halogen group. It is found freely in combina-
tion in nature as sodium chloride, or common
salt. It remained for the- chemists to split up
this substance and other chlorine-containing
matters, and so to produce the element in its
pure state.

Chlorine is a heavy gas, with a yellow-green
colour, and having a pungent effect on the
mucous 'membranes of the mouth and nose.
Owing to its heavy character, it tends to lie
upon the ground, and not to disperse, ^md so it

* The first great German gas attack in April, 1915, has
been described in Vol. V., Chapter LXXXII.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

'^.l^' .- ^^>

WOUNDED BELGIANS IN ENGLAND.
A scene at an English country house.

fills up all holes in the ground, like trenches,
and remains there, making life in these areas
impossible. Jloreover, it is " irrespirable " —
that is to say, when it enters the mouth and air

passages spasm, and then a serious inflamma-
tion, is set up, leading to bronchitis and terribly
distressing breathlessness.

A careful consideration of these facts sho^-s

tup: times iiisTnuv of tiii: w.in.

WITH THE RUSSIAN RED CROSS.
Bringing in a Russian soldier sufferin;^ from tlie etTects of poisonous gas.

tliiit thf usf of fiilnnuc \\;i.< \-(.'i'y di'liln'i-afi'ly
ciliiilati'd hi'forcli.iinl \\ilh tlic iitiuo.-l in-
ueiiuitv. It was soon tliiit. eivfii ii still (laV;
with ii liglit wind bliiwinn towards the c-ui'iny
trcirclic-s, iiud L'ivi'ii a .^iiflirifnt siipiily "1 iln-
gas i-rleased fi'oiri i-^"liufl(.'r.^ at liigh ja'fssnrc.
tlj'- cloud would pa^s almost an-oss to Iho
(^inMriy tri-iir-lif-s, would cliuu to tlie uriHiiid
ami \voiild tlii'ii fill ii|i tlio I M-iifhcs, and I'l-ndci'

it ]IM|io>s|Mf to I'rliialU in tlli'lll. The MCtitns

\\<iu!d be iiiia.lilf to Iji-oMtlio. and in their a.t;ony
Would ln,c Control of I !iiuis(d\"i-^-. rnid rush
anywiiore for salet\". .Mon-ovf-r, llio yas would
lie ciirried liaek o\'i-r line after line ui;lil a.
1, roc-OS, of douiurali/.arion should ha\e ijei-n
aeer.iii|,lislii-d.

'I'o a i:i'oa.l oxti-nl I lies ■ hI.ms w oro jusliliod.
Till' uas thd 111 fa<t >we-eji away ihi- itii-n in i Ir-
from' treiirlii-s at ^'|ll■.■-•. llut il dii I not
domorali/i' thiai' i.-oinradi-- — in this lo-oi-ri ihr
.•lio|ii,\ had miM/eli-iilatod. and had falird to
eomi H'l'lioiid I he In loii- (jiialities of I In lii-ilish
and ' .Linadi.in troops, d'ho.^c nun hi-lii on.
though ,^'ilfo:iim ul'oat a.;oii\. and b\' tliear

supreme valour .saA-ed (he da.^-. Tlieir sufferings
were too terrilif- to dosrrilie. f)eaths from siiffo-
eation. from injuries to the liin</s. fi'om remote
poisoning were .ali too eommon. 'Tlie pain was
otton eonf iiiiied over m.tny days and ivi-n wei-k,^.
l>ut seie-nce which iia.d ma.di.' this aboniinat ion
was ahli- to meet and eoiinfer it. Thanks lo
the ia.et lliat no time wa.s lost liy tin- authorities
in dealing with the matter, the use of respira.-
tors was (piickly i-n.^ii rod. Seimee sa\', that the
only Wiiy tei drat with ohloi'ino wa.^ to eoniliim^
it again with some other elmmieal siilistaiieo.
and so, by " ehainuiLi it up," ronder il inncHaious.
Happily thi'i-o are' supsi aiiei.-s which will
immciliately eembmc with free ehlorine gas to
foini liarmiess compounds like common salt.
Si.weral of these substances w ere u.sed in solution
u|ion respirai ors, ^u lliat tin- deadly gas was
unable to penetrate to (he moiilli of the soldii'i',
and liccimc dcstrie.i'd, as it were, upon his
h|)S. J le was able to face the ilcadl,\- cIoLid witli
ef|uaniiiiit\', and to await calinl\" and sternly
till- onset of (he foe who .should follow his
hafeflll wea|Hiji.

CHAPTER XCVIII.

THE DARDANELLES CAMPAIGN
(III) : TWO MONTHS' LAND
FIGHTING IN GALLIPOLI.

Second Day of the Battle op The Landing — Anzaos Hold their Ground — How Colonel
Doughty -WyiiiE Fell at Hill 141 — The Thibd Day's Advance — Scenes at Anzac — Results
on the Fourth Day — Exploits op British Submarines — First Battle op Krithia — Second
Battle op Krithia — Charge op the New Zealanders — The Goliath Torpedoed — Great
Attack on Anzac on May 18 — Battleships Sunk by German Submarines — Third Battle op
Krithia — Heroism op the Manchester Territorials — Brilliant Exploit by the French
Corps — Battle op the Gully Kavine — Enver Pasha and the Anzacs.

IN Chapter XCIV. the problem of the
land attack upon the GalUpoli Peninsula
was examined in considerable detail,
and the configuration of the coEist and
the various landing beaches, as well as the
more prominent points of the interior, were
fully explained.* The stirring episodes of the
first day (April 25) of the great Battle of
the Landing were described, and the whole
narrative was carried through the night to the
early morning of April 26. The present section
of the story deals first with the next three days'
fighting, on April 26, 27, and 28, which may
properly be held to form part of the Battle of
the Landing.

By the afternoon of April 26 the AustraUan
and New Zealand Corps had flrmly established
itself in its isolated position at " Anzac,"
and though fighting in the Anzac sphere never
ceased afterwards, its share in the opening
battle may be considered to have terminated
on the evening of that day. The forces
which had landed on the southern beaches
of the peninsula fought hard all through

• For topographical details Chapter XCII. should
also be consulted.
Vol. VI.— Part 68. 81

April 26, and made a general advance without
much opposition on April 27. The great
general advance- from the south was made on
April 28, and constituted the final phase of
the Battle of the Landing. By the afternoon
of that day some of the troops were within
three-quarters of a mile of Krithia, but further
progress was impossible, and all hopes of
obtaining a footing on Achi Baba upon that
occasion were abandoned. With that adnus-
sion the Battle of the Landing closed, and the
troops dug themselves in as best they could.

Then followed the first three battles of
Krithia, and what may for convenience be
designated as the P'irst and Second Battles
of Anzac. The two days' fighting at Anzac
on April 25 and 26, when the troops were
first put ashore, are reckoned as part of the
Battle of the Landing. The First Battle of
Kjithia lasted for parts of two days, and
•consisted of a Turkish attack on the night of
May 1, followed by a British counter-attack
on May 2. The Turks were heavily repulsed,
and also suffered great losses in the counter-
attack, but the British gained no ground. " The
Second Battle of Krithia began on May 6,

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

THEIR FIRST FOOTHOLD ON LAND.
British troops in their newly made trench.

and lasted three days. It was mainly an
attempt to occupy the Krithia ridge, the ulti-
mate object being the captiu-e of Achi Baba.
The British front waf: advanced over ,500 yards,
but the main purpose was not achieved, and
the battle must be counted extremely inde-
cisive. 'J'he First Battle of Anzac was simul-
taneously fought on May 6, 7, and 8. and con-
tinued during May fi and 10. The Anzacs
werr attacked by the Turks, and adopted
defensive tactics, but beat off the attack
and maintained their ground. The Second
Battle of Anzac was on May 18, when the
Turks dehvered an attack in great force.
Their assault completely failed, and they were
slaughtered in large numbers. The British
forces before Krithia won a little ground
during the following fortnight, and on June 4
the Third Battle of Kxithia was fought. It
■nas another British attempt to reach Krithia
and Achi Baba, but the line was advanced by
less than 500 yards. There was persistent
fighting during the remainder of June, marked
by heavy losses on both sides. On June 21
the French Expeditionary Corps captured a
work kno\vn as the Haricot Redoubt, and
brilliantly stormed the enemy's positions above
the stream called the Kereves Dere. On
Jvme 28 the British left attacked, carryuQg
several lines of trenches, and during the next
two nights strong Turkish counter-attacks

were driven back. This action of June 28
became known as the Battle of the Gully
Ravine. The Anzacs had much vigorous
fighting at the end of June and the beginning
of Jtily. On July 12 the Fourth Battle of
Krithia was fought, but it only resulted in a
gain of between 200 and 400 yards. Desultory
encounters followed until the landing of fresh
British forces at Suvla Bay on August 7,
which coincided with a general advance by the
Anzacs upon the ridges towards Sari Bair.

These various conflicts will now be described
in greater detail, though necessarily not with
the minuteness which was possible in deahng
with the clear-cut and unprecedented episodes
associated with the first day of the Battle of
the Landing. That was a day without parallel
in British history. Thereafter the fighting
grew more confused, and also more normal,
until at length it lapsed into a variation of the
trench warfare which became so familiar in
France and Flanders. From the time the
first landings were effected on April 25 the
British troops were always more or less mider
fire. Every day brought its encounters, an^
hostilities were practically continuous. Certain
larger actions, such as the battles just noted,
stand out in great prominence, and lend them-
selves to consecutive narrative. The story of
May, June, and July on the GalUpoli Peninsula
can, however, only be handled in a selective

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

manner. Even Sir Ian Hamilton, when he
came to write his second long dispatcli, dated
August 26, felt the impossibility of recording
in full the incessant attacks and counter-attacks
of this crowded period. " Several of these
daily encoimters," he said, " would have
been the subject of a separate dispatch in
the campaigns of my youth and middle age,
but, with due regard to proportion, they cannot
even be so much as mentioned here." He
contented himself, therefore, with giving one
example each of the later activities during this
period of the French, British, and Australian
and New Zealand Forces respectively.

The general position on the morning of
April 26, the Second Day of the Battle of the
Landing, may be briefly recalled. There were
two separate spheres of action, one at Anzac
and the other based on the beaches at the
extreme end of the peninsula. These two
broad divisions of the land attack at the
Dardanelles never effected a union, and each
requires to be dealt with separately. The
Anzacs had shortened their line on the evening
of April 25, and were holding a semi-circular
area at the top of the cliffs next morning.
There was a small isolated force at De Tott's
Battery, above Beach S. At Beach V the troops

which had landed from the River Clyde were
gathered under the shelter of the old tort
near the shore, awaiting the order to attack
the \Tllage of Sedd-ul-Bahr and Hill 141.
The forces landed at Beaches VV and X had
effected a junction, and held a small corner
of the penirLsula in front of Cape Tekl^e. The
1st King's Own Scottish Borderers and the
Pljrmouth (Marine) Battalion of the Royal
Naval Division were being withdrawn from
Beach Y. Sir Ian Hamilton made an error
about Beach Y in his first dispatch, which was
repeated in Chapter XCIV. He said that the
attack on Beach Y was commanded by Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Koe, who afterwards died of
wounds. Long afterwards it was officially
announced that this was a slip, and that the
attack on Beach Y was commanded by Lieu-
tenant-Colonel G. E. Matthews, C.B., of the
Royal Marine Light Infantry, who was re-
sponsible for all that took place there. The
battalion of Marines fought tlu-oughout with
the utmost gallantry and resolution, and fully
shared with the Borderers the brunt of heavy
odds.

In describing the second day of tlie Battle
of the Landing the separate Anzac zone may

'SEDD-UL-BAHR.
The graves of Lt.-Col. Doughty-Wylie and Capt. G. N. Walford, R A.
Both Officers were awarded the V.C. on April 26, 1915.

THE TIMES H7,s'fO/?Y OE THE WAE.

1 t'

J
_1

z .

Q a>

ta 5

rri

— i

be taki n liist. Dn.wn disclosed the Anzaes in
possession of a sq\iare mile of ground. Sir Jan
Hamilton \xTOte that " despite their losses and
in spite of their fatigue, the inoraing of the
2(ith found them still in goofl lieart and as full
of fight as evei'." fluy hud got up machine
guns, and e\"i']i on the lii'st day had wrought
di';ully execution oil the Turks advancing in
close formation. The landing of men, guns,
and stores had continued during tlie night,
alt iiough movement on the narrow beach «as
much hampered owing to tlie n'tuming strciun
of «oundefl. The units and formations were
still intermingled, and it was not until three or
four days afterwards that the force was partially
sorted out and reorganized. The great change
from the first day was that the front had been
straightened out and defined, and the jjcriod of
indiscriminate fighting was oa er.

In the early morning hours it bec.ime clear nt
.^izae that the enemy had received further rein-
forcements. The watchers on the \\arshi]is
could see the Turks creejiing in large numbers
over the northern shoulder of Sari Bair. The
enemj' were obviouslj' adepts at taking cover,
and they steadily drew nearer, sniping the
Anzacs a.s they came. By 9. SO a.m. the conflict
was once more in full progress. The Turks had
brought up moi-e guns in the niglit, and were
" plastering " the Anzacs with shrapnel. They
liad the range of the beach, which was swept
with shrapnel also. I'hey even fired shrapnel at
the warships lying off the coast, not always
entirely witho\it result. As the Tm-kish snipers
gathered round the Anzac position, sonic of
them actually ensconced themselves on the
cliffs towards Suvia Bay, and began a fusillade
against Rear-Adniiral Thm'sb}''s sc|uadron.
Their object was to pick off officers and men,
and many of their bullets fell on the decks.
The war had seen many strange developments,
but nothing stranger than this latting of rifles
against battleships. Nor was this all. The
Turks had again brought warshijjs into tlu'
Narrows, and one of these was firing ovry th'-
peninsula. H.il.S. Triuui))h chopped a few
.shells arotmd her, a.nd apparently she thou
retired to a safer position, though her fin-
continued intermittently throughout the day.

The Auzacs were not idle. They wove hiiul-
i]ig li(.'ld giuis tip the steep slopes of the coast,
antl ri-inforcemcnts were still trickling a-shon-.
Adiuind Tliursby's sc\'cn battleships had
nio\-i(l closir in, and were maintaining a terrific
bomljardiiii'ut. The amoimt of actual execu-

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

tion wrought against the scattered Turks was
doubtful, but the din was terrific, and the moral
effect probably considerable. The mighty
Queen Elizabeth had been summoned to give
her aid, and an eye-witness declared that
wherever her shells struck the ridges were
transformed into " smoking volcanoes." Her
15-inch slirapnel shells each contained twenty
thousand bullets, and it was a pitj' she had no
more concentrated target. As it was, she con-
\'eyed on the \\hole a sense of comparative
impotence. The 15-inch shells were not much
more effective against hordes of snipers con-
cealed over a \iide tract of coimtry than were
the bxillets of the Tiu-kish riflemen against the
battleships. Yet the ships helped the troops
more than might have been expected. They
covered the landing, and they cow ed the Turks.

and delivered a dashing counter-attack, before
which the Turks broke and fled, though with
manifest reluctance. On that day, as on many
others, the Turk shewed tiimself a gallant and
not unworthy foe. There ^ve^e local conflicts
later in the day, and the Turkish shrapnel was
never long silent ; but at Anzac on April 2f>
the principal fighting occm-red bet-neen 9.. 30
a.m. and noon. On the day's results the
Anzacs gained some ground, and they were
never sliaken in the least. They deepened their
trenches, and the reserves, which they were by
this time accvmiulating, began to prepare dug-
outs and shelter-trenches on the coastal slopes.
The resemblance to the warfare of Flanders
and Northern France was unconsciously develop-
ing. All experts had foreseen that the grea.t
war would produce many changes in tactics.

MAJOR-GEN. SIR A. J. GODLEY
Who commanded a portion of the Anzac front.

Sometimes their shells found a Turkish unit,
and when they did death was scattered broad-
cast. Above all, they gave the gallant Anzacs
a sense of backing which was sorely needed ; and
the naval gunners must have felt that their bom-
bardment was not wholly in vain when Admiral
Thursby received from the shore the following
signal : " Thanks for your assistance. Your
guns are inflicting a,wful losses on the enemy."
Towards noon the Turks gathered for an
attack, and instantly the combat reached its
height. The artillery and rifle fire on both
sides deepened into an almost continuous roar,

and the Anzacs from their shallow trenches
■>

poured in a concentrated hail of bullets upon
the advancing foe. The Turks wavered and
liesitated. The Anzacs rose from their trenches

MAJOR-GEN.

W. P. BRAITHWAITE,

Chief of StafiF.

GB.,

None had realized the extent to which the spade
would come into its own again. All over
Em-ope the progress of ordnance was com-
pelling men to burrow once more into the
earth. And just as this change was not fully
foreseen, so when the attack upon Gallipoli was
planned no one seems to have recalled that at
Plevna, nearly forty years earlier, the Turks
had proved themselves master.^ of spade warfare.
It was eminently suited to their temperament.

Next in the story of the second day of the
Battle of the Landing come the beaches of
death at the southern end of the peninsula.
Beach V claims foremost place. 'By dawn two
officers of the General Staff, Lieutenant-Colonel
Doughty-Wylic and Lieutenant-Colonel Wil-
liams, had gathered together the survivors of

THE TIMES HlSTOliY OF THE WAH.

the Dublin* and IMunster Fusiliers, and a
couple of companies of the Hampshire Regi-
ment, under the shelter of the old fort on the
beach. The gaping sides of the transport
River Clyde had long since yielded up the
balance of her human freight, and during the
night the lighters and other craft between the
ship and the shore had been firmly lashed in
position. Tlie task before Colonels Doughty-
VVylie and ^^'illiams wns formidable. They
had to restore organization to the shattered
units who had spent the night on the open
beach. They had then to clear the village of
Sedd-ul-Bahr, still packed ■\\ith Turldsh snipers,
and afterwards to direct an attack on Hill 141,
the s\velling height covered with trenches and
entanglements which dominated tli« whole
position.

Early in the morning General Hunter-
Weston, the gallant coTianander of the 29th
Division, arranged with Rear-Admiral \Vemyss
for a searching bombardment of all the enemy
positions beyond Beach V. The warships
poured their shells upon the old fort, the village,
the Castle beyond, and the trenches on tlie
hill. Covered by this bombardment, and led
by Coloiael Doughty -AVylie and Captain Walford,
Brigade Major R.A., the troops, who had
completely rallied, cjviickly cleared the old fort.
They then entered the village, between 9 and
10 a.m., and were assailed by a hot fire from
concealed riflemen and machine gmis. Des-

♦ In Chapter XCIV. it was correctly stated that the
landing in open boats at Beach V was made hy three
companies of the lat Royal Dublin Fusiliers, but there-
after, on p. 469, Vol. IV., they wore more than once
referred to as " the Munster.'j." The Munsters weje on
the Ri\er Clyde, and not in the open boats. How well
the Dublins fought at Gallipoli was shown in a speech
made to the battalion by Major-General Sir Aylmer
Hunter-Weston, K.C.B., D.S.O., commanding the 29th
Division, on their relief from the firing line, after fifteen
days' continuous fighting, in the Gallipoli Peninsula :

" Well done. Blue Caps ! I now take the first oppor-
tunity of thanking you for the good work you have done.
You have achieved the impossible ; you have done a
thing which will live in history. When I first visited
this place with other people we all thought a landing
would never be made, but you did it, and therefore tlio
impossibilities were overcome, and it was done by men
of real and true British fighting blood. You captured
the fort and village on the right that simply swarmed
with Turks with machine guns ; also the hill on the left,
where the pom-poms were ; also the amphitheatre in
front, which was dug line for line with trenches, and from
whence there came a terrific rifle and machine gun fire.

" You are, indeed, deserving of the highest praise.
I am proud to be in command of stich a chstinguished
rciment, and I only hope when you return to the firing
line after this rest (which you have well earned) that you
will make even a greater name for yourselves. Well
done, the Dubs ! Your deeds will live in history for
time immortal. Farewell."

perate hand:to-hand fighting followed, and
many fell on both sides. A naval officer who
entered the village next day saw Turks and
Britons still lying dead side by side in the streets,
one poor soldier with his little red book of
prayers near his hand. FA-cry house had
to be emptied in tm-n, and it was not imtil
noon that the northern edge of the village was
reached. Captain M'alford had already fallen,
and in recognition of his gallantry the Victoria
Cross was posthimiously conferred upon him.
When the village was won, the Castle and the
hill had still to be carried. There -sAas a pause
while the troops were formed up afresh by
Colonel Doughty-Wylie, and while H.IM.S.
-Albion provided a final bombardment. She
ceased firing at 1.21 p.m., and the storming
party of Dublins, jMunsters, and Hampshires
advanced undauntedly into the open. They
were led again by Colonel Doughty-Wylie,
whose tall, commanding figi.ire inspired general
confidence. His coolness in these last moments
w on an admiration that can never fade. Carry-
ing only a light cane, he showed the way up
the green slopes with intrepid and unfaltering
courage through a storm of fire. Though he
fell at last, being instantly killed, the spiiit
he had kindled carried the rank and file to
^■icttl"y. Other brave officers died on those
fatal slopes, none braver than jNIajor Grimshaw
of the Dublins. But the attack stirged on.
The last trenches were passed, the Castle at .
the summit was gained, and before 2 p.m. the
whole position was in the hands of the British,
and the 29th Division had gained fresh laurels.
Men who saw most of the Battle of the
Landing afterwards declared that in a series
of conflicts in wliich heroism abounded the
boldest exploit of aU was the storming of Hill
141 by the Irishmen and the Hampshires.
They were the remnants of a force which had
faced death time and again, and tliey had then
been struggling for thirty-six hours against
terrific odds. Nothing stopped them long on
that second day. They swept the amphitheatre
and the old barracks tare. They did their
task thoroughly, and never ceased fighting
imtil it w as completed. -Amid all the incidents
of those deathless hours, one other must
receive special record. In the last assault on
the Castle a party of the Dublins was checked
by a murderous fire from a concealed machine
gun. A young officer. Lieutenant Bastabic,
rushed forward and emptied his revolver into
the embrasure, killing or wounding the men

H.M.S. "ALBION' AT THE DARDANELLES.

Shells from the Turkish batteries falling round the warship when she stranded near Anzac. The enemy

gunners did not open fire until they observed the hawser of H.M.S. " Canopus " showing above the

water. Bottom picture: H.M.S. "Albion" replying to the fire from the Turkish batteries.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB..

"THE SOUL OF ANZAC."
Ueut.-General Sir W. R. Birdwood, K.C.S.I.,
D.S.O., Commander of the Australian and New
Zealand Army Corps, outside his dufi-out. On
May 14, 1915, General Birdwood was slightly
wounded.

around tho giui and silencing its fii-e. Jliraeii-
lously lie escaped unhurt, but soon afterwards
he received a rifle V)u!let through his cheek.
No man who fell in tlie Battle of tlie Landing
was more deeply regi'etted than Colonel
Donghty-AVylie. Before the war he had gained
distinction as a Consular Officer in A.sia Minor.
He it was who, accompanied by his bra^■c wife,
had gone to Adana in 19(t9 and sought to check
the massacres of Annenians in that cit>'.
Although then wounded, a shot having broken
his right arm, he and Mrs. Doughty-\A'yIie
remained at Adana protecting and succouring
the unfortLuiate Armenians under circum-

stances of great danger. His devoted wife,
twice widowed bj' war, had establislied and
personally directed plague hospitals in India,
and worked among the wounded in South
Africa. In the Levant Service both had won
great esteem. Colonel Doughty-\\'ylie received
the Victoria Cross posthumously, and the
height he died to win was ever afterwards
laiowii to his comrades and to all Britons as
" Doughty-Wylie's Hill."

The forces landed at Beaches W and X, who
had effected a junction across the landward
slopes of Cape Tekke on the afternoon of the
first day, passed out of sight altogether in the
early published records of the war. Sir Ian
Hamilton waxed eloquent about the exploits
at " Lancashire Landing " ; special correspon-
dents employed their most thrilling phrases ;
artists drew vigorous pictures of the penetra-
tion of the W'ire entanglements on the beach.
But having got the Lancashire Fusiliers and
the Worcesters on the high ground beyond,
having told how they were unable to reach
Beach V on the first day owing to the heavy
I'ifle fire from the ruins of Fort No. 1, Sir Ian
Hamilton and the unofficial recorders alike
left them behind a veil. Their story was never
continued either in the official dispatches or in
the other leading narratives of the time. What
really happened was that they had a good deal
of miscellaneous fighting on the 26th, found
their wa,y through the remaining wire en-
tanglements, cleared the nest of snipers in
Fort No. 1, and ultimately joined hands with
tlie Beach V forces above the " amphitheatre "
after Sedd-ul-Bahr and Doughty-Wylie's Hill
were carried. During the remainder of the
afternoon consolidation of the whole position
was rapidly continued. By nightfall the
French Expeditionary Corps was being landed
with comparative ease at Beach V, and suffi-
cient troops moved across towards De Tott's
Battery, near Beach S, to relieve the South
\\'ales Borderers established there from their
isolation.

The general results of the second day of the
Battle of the Landing may be briefl_y summed
up. The Anzacs had steadily maintained
and slightly enlarged their position. All the
reixiaining defences directly commanding the
southern beaches had been carried. Contact
had been established all the way acro,ss the
peninsula from Beach S to Beach X. More
troops, including the French., were being landed
without immediate exposure to rifle fire. At

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

nightfall on the first day the British were still
holding on " by teeth and eyehds." At night-
fall on the second day they had a continuous
line across the southern end of the peninsula,
and knew that their foothold was ^\on.

The third day of the Battle of the Landing,
April 27, was comparatively uneventful, though
marked by substantial progress. The Turks
had been heavily hammered, and had reahzed
that their opposition, though desperate, had
been in vain. The British were v,el\ ashore,
and were evidently going to stay. The enemy
had suffered great losses, and needed reinforce-
ments. The landing at Anzac had served one
good purpose. It distracted the Turks, who
seemed to fear it most. They had flimg against
Anzac reinforcements which had a much better
chance of success on the Krithia line. Through-
out April 27 their opposition in front of Krithia
was desultory and spasmodic, and during the
chief movements of the day they offered no
opposition at all.

Sir Ian Hamilton considered the situation
on the morning of Ajjril 27. He saw that the
main beaches were now at his disposal, but
they were becoming congested. Troops and
stores and weapons were still pouring ashore.
He needed more elbow-room, but he also
needed water, for the problem of thirst was
becoming serious. Accordinglj', he ordered a
general advance. It was fixed for midday, and
was accomj^lished without difficultj'. The line
he desired to occupy was drawn from Hill 236,
near De Tott's Battery, across to the mouth of
a small stream two miles north of Cape Tekke.
The stream emerged upon Beach Y2, described
in Chapter XCIV. The new line, which was
tlu'ee miles long, was reached and consolidated
in the course of the afternoon. It was held on
the left and centre by the tlu-ee brigades (less
two battalions) of the 29th Division, under
General Hunter -Weston. Then came four
French battalions, and finally the South Wales
Borderers on the extreme right. Long before
nightfall the British left was at the mouth of
the " nullah " known as GiiUy Ravine, which
was aftei-n-ards to give the name to an important
action.

The Anzacs had a busy though never a menac-
ing day on April 27. During the night of April
26 the enemy had brought up many more field
gims. With these he rained shrapnel on the
trenches, the beaches, and on the boats plying
to and fro between the transports and the shore.

All attempts to establish guns in positions
whence they could enfilade the beaches were
promptly checked by the warships, which also
dealt effectually with a renewed bombardment
from Turkish warships in the Narrows. There
were no organized infantry attacks on Anzac
on this day, the enemy relying chiefly upon
their gims and upon snipers. ' A special
correspondent, describing the scene on April 27
at Anzac, wrote :

The stretch of fore.shore and cliHs occupied by the
AustraUan and New Zealand troops has been nained the
Folkestone Leas, and the ground certainly does bear a
striking resemblance to what Folkestone must have
looked like before the town was built on the cliffs. On
going ashore through an avalanche of bursting shrapnel
you land on a beach about 30 yardi wide between the
water and the cliffs, which then rise very steeply for
several hundred feet. There are regiments waiting to
move to the trenches, fatigue parties unloading boats
and lighters, others making great pyramids of tinned
meat and biscuits, others fetching water, of which a
supply has been found on shore. There are trains of
mules endeavouring to drag field guns into position,
Indians in charge of mountain guns, dressing stations
where the wounded are hastily tended before being piled
into barges and sent to the ships. Other fatigue parties
are laying telegraph and telephone wires, and still others
carrying supplies up the cliffs.

You run across your beach parties from the battleships,

GENERAL ELLlaON,

Quartermaster-General, outside his quarters.

THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAE.

'Llhott & Fry-

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR W. T. BRIDGES,

Late Commander of the Australian Division, who,

on May 15, 1915, received a severe wound which

proved fatal a few days later.

and see young midshipmen who have been working
incessantly for days now building themselves bomb-
proof shelters and complaining that their last one was
considered sucla a perfect model of its kind that some
siperior officer no sooner saw it than he appropriated
it for his own use. Thousands of hnrdy New Zealanders
and Australians are concentrated on this narrow shore,
each engaged in some occunation, for no sooner does a
man get out of the front trenehes than ho is required for
fatigue work, and very few have had more than a few
hours' sleep for days past.

The whole scene on the beach irresistibly reminds you
of a gigantic shipwreck. It looks as if the whole Army
with its stores had been washed ashore after a great gale
or had saved themselves on rafts. All this work is
carried on under an incessant shiapnel fire which sweeps
the trenches and hills. The shells are frequently
bursting 10 or 12 at the same moment, making a deafen-
ing noise and plastering the foreshore with bullets. The
only safe place is close under the cliff, but every one is
rapidly becoming accustomed to the shriek of the sliells
and the splash of the bullets in the water, and the work
goes on jast as if there was not a gun within miles.

These Anzacs are extraordinarily cool under fire, often
exposing themselves rather than taking the trouble to
keep in under the shelter of the cliff. One of the
strangest sights of all was to see numbers of them
bathing in the sea with the shrapnel .bursting all around
them.

This coJony suddenly planted on the shores of Gallipoli
is now assuming a definite form. The whole face of the
cliffs is being cut away into roads, dug-outs, and bomb-
proof shelters. Thus a kind of imprDvised town is rising
up as the troops slowly dig themselves in and make

themselves comfortable. As you climb up the newly-
made paths to the front trenches you realize some of the
difhculties the Australians and New Zenlanders had to
face when thej' first advanced from the beach on April 2;j.
We are now holding a semi-circular position. The
trenches are well made and provide ample cover, but
if you show your head above the parapet for a second
j''ou are certain to get a bullet In or close to it.

This incessant sniping is one of the great puzzles of the
men in the trenches, and presents the great problem
to be dealt with at the present time. Apparently even
when an advanced post is thrown out to hold some
commanding point the enemy's sharpshooters remain
behind and continue to pick off any tmwary man who,
either through carelessness or indifference, exposes
himself. Volunteers go out at night and hunt about for
these snipers, but up to the present they have not been
able to keep them under.

The cheerfulness of the men in the trenches is most
marked. Thny feel they have overcome the initial
dihiculties and have paved the way for success. These
Anzac divisions now occupy a position and have en-
trenched it so thorougirly that all the Turks in Thrace
and Gallipoli will never turn them out of it.

The Anzacs were, however, becoming ex-
hausted, and reinforcements were sent up to
them next day.

On the night of April 27 Sir Ian Hamilton
once more examined the situation at the
southern end of the peninsula. He had got
his three-mile line, but it was, as he himself
acknowledged, " somewhat thinly held." His
troops had suffered heavy losses, and some
units had sadly diminished in size. The lull
of April 27 was not likely to continue. The
Turks would assuredly bring up further re-
inforcements as quickly as possible. To t?ie
anxious Commander-in-Chief it seemed impera-
tive to push on as rapidly as possible. The
village of Ivrithia and the heights of Achi Baba
lay before him. His sorely tried men needed
rest, but he could not afford to wait. He
therefore ordered a great general advance for
next morning upon Krithia and Achi Baba.

April 28 was the last day of the Battle of
the Landing. The great attack was delivered,
and though a whole mile of ground was gained
upon most of the front, it failed in its principal
object.

The line advanced at 8 a.m. The 29th
Division were under orders to advance on
Krithia, their left brigade, the 87th, leading.
The French were to extend their left in con-
formity with the British movements, but
apparently they were not to advance beyond
the river Kereves Dere, which lay athwart
their path in a deep bed a mile ahead. Krithia
was the main objective, and from the village
it was hoped that the western slopes of Achi
Baba would be reached. The 87th Brigade
included the Drake Battalion of the Royal

THE TIMES HISTORY OE THE WAR.

Naval Division, which had been used to replace
tho King's Own Scottish Borderers and tlie
South Wales Borderers. The Brigade advanced
rapidly for a couple of nailes, and then the 1st
Border Regiment found a strong enemy work
on their left flank. The battalion halted and
prepared to attack, but before thoy could
advance the Turks delivered a fierce counter-
attack. The enemy were beaten off, but had
attained their piu'pose, for the British advance
was held up at this point. The Queen Elizabeth
came to the assistance of the men of the Border
Regiment, and her shells prevented the Turks

from continuing their success, but the Border
Regiment got no farther. The men eventually
entrenched for tlie night where they stood.
The 1st Roj^al Inniskilling Fusiliers, on the
right of the Border Regiment, fared rather
better. They readied a point about three-
cjuarters of a mile from Kritliia, but the check
elsewhere prevented them from continuing
their advance, and eventually they fell back
into line. The 88tJi Brigade, farther to the
right, had pushed forward -s-ery steadily vmtil
11.30 a.m., when they were brought to a stand-
still by heavy opposition. Their ammimition

THREE OF THE PERSONAL STAFF OF GENERAL SIR IAN HAMILTON.
Lieutenant McGregor, Colonel Pollen (Military Secretary), and Colonel Maitland, A.D.C.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

TURKISH PRISONERS.
British Staff officers questioning Turkish officers on
the battlefield. Centre picture: Turks delighted
with their new occupation. Bottom picture :
Wounded Turks being brought into the British lines.

was also failing. The situation was growing
anxious. Both tlie leading brigades of the
29th Division were stationary.

The Sfith Brigade, imder Lieutenant -Colonel
Casson, had been held in reserve. It was
ordered to pass through the 88th Brigade, and
to endeavour to reach Ivrithia. The new bolt
A\as launched at 1 p.m., but it fell short.
Suiall advance parties got ahead, and even
reached within a few hundred yards of the vil-
lage. The bulk of the brigade \\as unable to
advance bej'ond the line held by the 88th.
The French had met with an almost similar
fate. They had arrived on the wei^tern verge
of tlie Kereves A'alley, but found the enemy
strongly posted. Their left, in contact with
tlic 88th Brigade, got mcU in advance of
their right, as A\as intended, and at one time
t'lej' were within a mile of Krithia. But our
Allies found further progress impassible. Tlie
Turkish resistance increased, and later in the
flay they were even forced to give ground.

By 2 p.m. it was seen that the full objects of
the day would probably not be won. All the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

THE ENEMY'S AMMUNITION.
Examining arms and ammunition left behind by the
Turks. Centre picture : An interval for lunch.
Bottom picture: Men at work making bombs.
Old jam tins and other similar receptacles were
used, also fragments of Turkish shell and enemy-
barbed wire were cut up and used as filling.

available troop.?, with the .single exoei)tion of
the Drake Battahou of the Royal Naval Divi-
sion, were then in the firing Hne. Sir Ian
Hamilton in hia disj)ntch wrote ;

The men were exhausted, and the few gans landed at
the time were unable to afford tlieni adequate artillery
support. The small amount ot transport available did
not suffice to maintain the supply of munitions, and
cartridges were running short despite all efforts to push
them up from the landing-places.

At least it \vas lioped to hold the ground
gained, but even this limited purpose was
jeopardized m hen an hotu' later masses of Ttirks
advanced with the bayonet against the British
centre and right, and against the I'rench.
There was a partial retiren^ent, and for a time
it seenjed as though the line would be pierced
at the point of contact between the British
and French. The right flank of tlie 88th
Brigade was uncovered, and the 4th Worcesters
suffered heavily in consecjuence. The French
were also forced back, as has been mentioned,
and their casualty list was high, especially
among their gallant officers. At six o'clock

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAT!.

tlie whole line was ordered to entrench and
endeavour to hold on where it stood. This
was sucoessfidly done, and with the invaders
brought to a complete standstill the Battle of
the Landing came to a close.

If on the last day Sir Ian Hainilton'.? purpose
was not fulfilled, yet it must also be said that
the day was not lost. The attacking forces
had gamed a mile of front, and never after-
wards during the months of fighting which
followed was so much ground placed to the credit
of the Allies in a single day in the southern
spliere. Sir Ian Hamilton, summing np the
results of the last day's fighting, wrote :

Had it been possible to push in reinforceinents in men,
artillery, and munitions during tbc day, Krithia should
liave fallen, and much subsequent fi^^'htiiig lOr its capture
would have been avoided.

Two days later this would have tjeen feasible, hut I
had to reckon with the certainty that the enemy would,
in that same time, have received proportionately greater
support. 1 wa.s faced by the usual ehoiee of evils, and
although the result was not what I had hoped, I have no
reason to believe that hesitation and delay would better
have answered my purpose.

It ^^•as afterwards said, with obvious truth,
tt-.aj the men, artillery, and munitions needed
before Krithia were engaged in tJie Anzac
ad\'enture. Hji,d Sir Ian Hamilton bee.i able to
fling the dashing Anzac Corps in a completely
fresh condition against the Turks in the south,
insteal of tlie exhausted 29th Division, he
uiight perchance ha\'e slept in Krithia on the
night of April 28, and seen Aclii Baba crowned
by his troops at sum'ise on the following
mornmg. But the suggestion does not cover
the whole of the possibilities of the situation.
If tlie Anzac attack ^^■eakened Sir Ian Hanni!ton
in the sovith, it also weakened the Turks in
that area. They ^\'ere terribly perturbed
about Anzac, and a large proportion of their
reserves were sent tliither. Had the British
operations been solely directed against Ivrithia
and Aclii Baba, the Turks would have been
able to face the attack on these positions in
far greater strength than was actually 'the
case. Nevertheless, on a balance of proba,bilities
it would perhaps have been better if Anzac
liad been left severely alone.

The Battle of the Landing succeeded in its
initial object, because the landing was effected.
It failed in its later objects, which were to
effect a junction between the Anzac and the
Southern Contingents, toi take Krithia and
Aclii Baba, and to advance upon Maidos and
the Narrows. The primary cause of the failure
«as that the Allies delivered their attack in

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

A NEW ZEALAND OFFICER HURLING JAM-TIN BOMBS.

An incident during the recapture of a trench by the Inniskilliogs, near Achi Baba, A New Zealand
officer attached himself to the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers during an attack on a trench which had been
rushed by the Turks the preceding night. As the Irishmen crept up a small communication-trench from
a nullah, the New Zealander armed himself with half-a-dozen jam-tin bombs and, with an orderly to
assist him, created a diversion by hurling them into the midst of the Turks. One of the bombs had to
be re-lit and the shortened fuse caused it to explode prematurely — wounding him severely. The Fusiliers,
meanwhile, had dashed on to the main trench held by the Turks, whom they destroyed or captured.

insufficient force. The secondary cause -Has
that the forces ayailahle were unduly dispersed.
Behind these lay a third cause, that of laclc
of accurate topograpliioal knowledge of a
]5eninsula -ishich liad been for centuries an
object of deep interest to ardent soldiers, and
especially to British soldiers. To these causes
may be added the complete and most unwise
elimination of the element of surprise, due to

Ihe original decision to rely on naval strength
alone.

The total losses in the Battle of the Landint;
were not stated separately, but were probably
over 10,000 of all ranks, exclusive of the French
losses, which were proportionately heavy.

One reason why Sir Ian Hamilton found
himself exceptionally sliort of reserves on AprD

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

28 was that he had been obliged to send assist-
ance to General Eird«ood at Anzac. Fonr
battalions of the Royal Naval Division were
dispatched as reinforcements. The Chatham
and Portsmouth Marine Battalions, together
with the Brigade Headquarters, under the
command of Brigadier-General C. N. Trotman,
C.B., R.M.L.I., landed near Gaba Tepe at
5 p.m. on April 28. They were attached to the
Australian Division comn aided by Major-
General Sir W. T. Bridges, K.C.B., and at once
proceeded up the slojjes to relieve certain
Australian units. The Anzacs had not then
succeeded in dealing fully with the mixing
of miits \\hich inevitably occurred on the
first landing. The Tm-kish lines had approached
them within a stone's thi'ow at various points,
and the enemy were maintaining a continuous
and intense fire against the Anzac trenches by
day and night. A conrpany of the Motor
Maxim Section of the Royal Naval Division
landed next morning, and was placed in
reserve. Anotlier Marine Battalion, and the
Nelson Battalion of the Royal Naval Division,
also disembarked on April 29, under the
command of Brigadier-General David Mercer,
C.B., R.M.L.I. The Australians thereby re-
lieved were able to obtain a little of the rest
they so greatly needed, and to reorganize
their scattered and depleted units. The new-
comers soon found that the Turkish artillery
had got their range accurately, and the constant
bursts of shrapnel caused many casualties.
On several occasions at this period the Turks
conducted minor attacks, and on April 30 they
captured a section of a front-line trench held
by the Chatham Battalion ; but the Chathains
regained it during the following night. After
three days and four nights of arduous strain
the British battalions were relieved by a
reorganized Australian Brigade under Brigadier-
General Walker, D.S.O.

One of the objects of the Allies at this junc-
ture was to prevent reinforcements and supplies
from reaching the Turks in (jallipoli. The
enemy's land conmiunications were difficult.
The nearest railway was far away in Thrace,
and the single available road which entered the
peninsula was liable to be shelled at the Bulair
lines. It was common laiowledge that men
and stores were being chiefly sent to Gallipoli
by marine transport' through the Sea of Mar-
mora. Admiral de Pvobeck therefore decided
to attempt to harry the Turkish sea communi-
cations by means of submarines. The exjjeri-

ment was conspicuously successful from the
outset, although at the very beginning one
submarine was lost. AE2, a submarine of the
Pvoyal Australian Navy, cormnanded by Lieu-
tenant-Commander Henry Hugh Gordon Dacre
Stoker, R.N., was sunk on April 30 while
endeavouring to enter the Sea of Marmora.
Ijieutenant-Conunander Stoker, Lieutenant
Geoffrey Arthur Gordon Haggard, R.N., Lieu-
tenant John Pitt Gary, B.N., and se%enteen
men were made prisoners, and twelve men
were lost. Submarine E14, conunanded by
Lieutenant - Commander Edward Courtney
Boyle, R.N., had better fortune. She passed
the mine-field in the Narrows on April 27,
sinking; on the way a Turkish gunboat of the
Berk-i-Satvet class. She remained in hostile
waters until May 18, when she successfully
traversed the Dardanelles once more. She
sank a transport on April 29 ; a gunboat on
May 3 ; a very large transport full of troops
on May 10 ; and compelled a small steamer to
run aground on May 13. For these services
Lieutenant-Commander Boyle, who had ranged
the whole Sea of Marmora right up to the en-
trance to the Bosphorus, received the Victoria
Cross. The other officers of El 4, Lieutenant
E. G. Stanley, R.N., and Acting-lieutenant
R. W. Lawrence, R.N.R., received the Dis-
tinguislied Service Cross, while the Distin-
guished Service Medal was granted to every
member of the crew. Submarine Ell, com-
manded by Lieutenant-Commander i'fartin E.
Nasmith, R.N., performed an even more
brilliant exploit in the Sea of Marmora later
in the month. She sank a vessel containing a
large amount of howitzer ammunition, several
gun mountings, and a 0-inch gun. She then
chased a supply ship with, a great cargo of
stores, and most daringly torpedoed her along-
side the pier at Rodosto. After'iA-ards stie
chased and ran ashore a smaller store ship.
Emboldened by these successes, she actually
entered the Golden Horn and torpedoed a
transport lying off the arsenal. Finally, while
on the return journejr. she turned back to
torpedo a transport. Tjieutenant-Commander
Nasmith received the Victoria Cross for his
" most conspicuous bravery," his subordinates.
Lieutenant Guy D'Oyly Hughes, R.N., and
Acting-Lieutenant Robert Brown, R.N., were
awarded the Distinguished Service Medal,
and every member of the crew was decorated.
These incmsions inaugurated a period of
British submarine activity in the Sea of

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

BRITISH TROOPS MAKING
Marmora which was long contmued. The
greatest consternation was caused in Con-
stantinople, the sea communications of the
Turks were incessantly interrupted, and the
Hst of Turkish losses between Constantinople
and Gallipoli grew very long indeed.

It may be noted that on April 27 British
airmen reported a Turkish transport of about
8,000 tons near the Narrows, off Maidos. The
Queen Elizabeth was notified, and fired three
shells, the third of which strvick and sank the
vessel. It was not known whether she con-
tained troops. The Fleet occasionally fired at
the forts in The Narrows in the days w-hich
immediately followed the Battle of the Landing.
H.M.S. Triumph bombarded Maidos across the
ppninsula on April 29, and at niglit the town
was reported in flames.

A ROAD ON BEACH X.

For two days after the Battle of the Landing
terminated on April 28 the troops on the
Krithia line had a comparatively quiet although
an extremely busy time. They had partly lost
their normal formations during the abrupt
check in the last phase of the b.attle. Some of
the units of the 86th and 88tli Brigades had
become mixed, and there were flaws in the
line, especially at the points of contact between
brigades. All through April 29 the work of
straightening and strengthening the lin3 con-
tinued, and though tliere was some exchange
of both rifle and artillery fire, the enemy offered
little hindrance. On April 30 much the same
work proceeded. The Allies finished landing
their artillery, and the French, who were
growing in numbers, increased their share of
the line. Two more battalions of the Ro^al

INDIAN TROOPS AT THE DARDANELLES.
Bringing up forage for their mules.

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

A DAYBREAK EXPLOIT AFTER

Two companies of the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers making a flank attack on the

Kaval Division A\ere disembarked, and v,ere
formed into a temporary reserve in conjunction
with three battalioas of the SSth Brigade,
withdra^vn from the trendies. On jMay 1 the
29th Indian Infantry Brigade arrived, and
was placed in reserve, thus enabling the SSth
Brigade to regain its tliree battalions.

The First Battle of Krithia l^egan at 10 p.m.
on the night of ]May 1, and was by no meatus
expected by the British. After half an Iiour's
artillery preparation, the Tm-ks advanced in
tliree solid lines just before the moon rose.
The enemy had made very careful preparations
under German supervision. The men in their
front rank had been deprived of ammmiition,
in order to compel them to rely upon the
bayonet. Sir Ian Hamilton said : — "The offi-
cers were served out witli coloured Bengal
lights to fire from then' pistols, red indicating
to the Turkish guns that they were to lengthen
their range ; white that our front trenches liad
been stormed ; green that our main position
had been carried." If the gxeen lights were
ever used, it must have been in error or in hope ;
and very little justification was gained for the
use of the white lights. The orders to tlio
Turkish ranlc and file were to crawl on their
hands and Icnees until the -word was given to
charge. They had been exhorted to fiing the
British into the sea in an address which read
thus :

.\ttack the enemy with tlio bayonet and utterly
destroy him !

We shall not retire one step ; for, if we do, otir religion,
our country, and our nation will perish I

Soldiera I Ths world is lookinj; at you ! Your only

hope of salvation is to brin^: this battle to a suecessful
issue or gloriously to give up your life in the attempt !

These inciting apprehensions about the
possible fate of the Turkish race and religion
bore the not very Ottoman-like signature,
" Von Zowenstern." The first impact of the
Turkish charge stn-ick near the centre of the
British line, on the right of the 86th Brigade.
It was " an imlucky spot," observed Sir Tan
Hamilton, for " all the oPficei's thereabouts
had already l)een killed or wounded." The
rank and file ^^■ere taken unawares by the silence
of the Tirrkish advance, and the enemy got into
their trenches with the bayonet and made
" an ugly gap." The emergency was instantly
met. The .'ith Royal Scots, the fine Territorial
battalion which formed part of the adjoining
SSth Brigade, faced to their left flank and
charged the intruders impetuously with the
bayonet. The Essex Regiment, belonging to
the same brigade, was detached by the brigadier
for a similar purpose, and the gap was closed.
The attack against the rest of the British lino
was not pressed home with the same vigour,
and General Hunter-Weston did not have to
bring his reserves mto action. But the Frencli
left, which adjoined the right of the SSth
Brigade, was in difficulties very soon afterwards.
The French left coirsisted of a force of Sene-
galese, Vjehind whom were stationed two
British Field Artillery Brigades and a Howitzer
Brigade. The Turks smote the Senegalese
^^ith persistent vigour, and after the conflict
had swayed to and fro with great violence for
some time, the Africans began to lose ground-

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WATt.

4^ ^9 Ni *-^^

-"%,.

A TURKISH NIGHT ATTACK.

Turks near Achi Baba. The Inniskitlings secured a " bag " of 152 prisoners.

The moonlight revealed what was happening,
and a company of the 4th Worcesters, belonging
to the much-tried 88th Brigade, hurried to the
aid of the Senegalese. The Turks did not
desist, and another company of the Wor-
cesters came up, after which the enemy's
attack gradually ceased. At 2 a.m. a battalion
of the Royal Naval Division was sent from the
reserve to strengthen the extreme French right,
and the first phase of the action terminated.

Three hours later, at 5 a.m., the Allies began
a counter-attack. The whole line advanced.
The British left had gained 500 yards by 7.30
a.m., and the centre had also gained groimd
and punished the enemy heavily. The British
right and the French left also progres.sed, but
the remainder of the French line was checked,
doubtless because the Kcreves Dere was very
strongly held. Thus the counter-attack, which
had looked very promising at tho outset,
began to languish. The British centre and
left came under a heavy cross-fire from machine
guns, and it was found impossible to maintain
the ground won. The whole force, therefore,
withdrew to its original line of trenches.

Nevertheless, the First Battle of Rrithia left
the honours in the hands of the Allies. They
had beaten back the Turkish attack, and had
killed " great numbers " of Tmrks. Sir Ian
Hamilton afterwards declared that " had it
not been for those inventions of the devil —
machine guns and barbed wire — which suit
the Turkish character and tactics to perfection,
we should not have stopped short of the crest
of Achi Baba." rnfortunately, modern in-

strimients of warfare must be taken into
accoimt, even if handled by Tui'ks, and the
crest of Achi Baba was still two miles away.
The Allies took 350 prisoners m the course of
the action.

The Tiu-ks buried their dead imder a Red
Crescent flag during May 2, and at night they
attacked the French portion of the line, being
once more repulsed with heavy loss. They
came forward once more against the French on
the night of May 3, the reason why they chose
the French section of the line presumably being
that the approaches were easier. During the
three night attacks the French casualties
mounted up to such an extent that on May 4
they relincjuishcd a portion of their line to the
2nd Na^'al Brigade, ^^'elcomo reinforcements
arrived for the British on May 5, when the
Lancashire Fusilier Brigade (5th, 6th, 7th, and
8th Lancashire Fusiliers) of the East Lancashire
Territorial Division were disembarked from
Egypt and placed in reserve behind the British
left. Preparations for a fresh British advance
had been steadily continxied, and the receipt of
reinforcements made it possible to give battle
again.

The losses of the land forces up to and

including May 5 (not coiuiting those of the

French) were :

177 officers and 1,990 other ranks killed.
412 ofTicera and 7,807 other ranks wounded,
13 officers and 3,580 other ranks missing.

The Second Battle of Kj-ithia was decided on
by Sir Ian Hamilton on May 5, and was fought
on Maj' 6, 7 and 8. It deserves careful attention.

WITH FIXED BAYONETS AND COLOURS FLYING: TURI

British troops beating back the enem>

100

ERS SURGING FORWARD UNDER THEIR CRESCENT BANNERS,
y fire from machine guns and rifles.

101

1()2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

))opause it was in many respects the most
significant land battle fought during the Dar-
danelles operations. Its lessons ought to have
been considered conclusive, for it demonstrated
clearly the growing strength of the Turkish line
before Krithia and of the defences of Achi
Baba. Sir Ian Hamilton afterwards wrote that
his inmiediato object ^vas to seize some of the
half-mile of debatable ground which lay
between the opposing forces, because he needed
more room on the peninsula. He gained a
depth varying frona GOO to 400 yards ; but the
real object of the three days' battle was mani-
festly to seize Krithia and Achi Baba, and this
object was completely frustrated by the Turksj
The Second Battle of Ivrithia plainly proved
that there was not the slightest hope of carry-
ing the Gallipoli Peninsula, or any important
portion of it, A\ith the culminating rush of
a manoeuvre battle. It therefore led to
the definite adoption of the alternative of
siege warfare. It ought to have led to the care-
ful reconsideration m T.ondon and Paris of the
whole position at the Dardanelles. The battle
was one more of those occasions for re-cxaniina-
tion of the project, so frequently offered to the
Allies, but so in\-ariably ignored until the late
autumn. Siege warfare in the Dardanelles
might imply operations as protracted as the

siege of Troy. The whole peninsula was being
converted mto a vast fortress, upon a scale that
Vauban and Briahiiont had never ch-eamed of.
Its configuration offered possibilities of line
after line of almost impregnable defences.
A\'hen the Japanese burst one point of the inner
ring of forts at Port Arthur they knew that the
fortress had fallen. At Gallipoli the capture of
one line of defences could only mean the revela-
tion of a fresh and almost endless series of lines
behind. It was at this stage that the true object
of the attack upon the Dardanelles — to j)rovide
means for the passage of the Fleet — was appar-
ently lost sight of both on the spot and at home.
The obstinate attempts to carry a series of
Tiu'ldsh defences became an ofiject in them-
selves. Britons wished to show that they were
never beaten, a laudable desire, bvit not of vital
importance in a world-wide war. Even when
men began very properly to ask what the Fleet
could do if it gained accesi to the Sea. of Mar-
mora, fev/ connected the c^uestion with the con-
tinuance of the stubborn and unavailing efforts
to overtlirow the well-entrenched Turks in
Gallipoli. These efforts were blindly continued,
and many ingenious but evasive re3,sons were
offered in apologetic excuse.

The Allied forces had been gradually re-
organized after the First- Battle of Krithia.

"SPLINTER VILLA."
A quaint name given to a dug-out by Australians.

THU TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

103

Sir Ian Ilaniilton Iiad at last been able to creati;
a General Reserve. He had brought down the
2nd Australian Infantry Brigade and the New
Zealand Brigade from Anzac, and had formed
them, with a Naval Brigade consisting of ih ■
rhanoiith and Dra.lce Battalions, into a Com-
posite Division, held m reserve. Thu 29th
Division had been reconstituted into four
brigades, consisthig of the SSth and 87th Bri-
gades, the Lancashire Fusilier Brigade (Terri-
torials) and the 29th Indian Infantry Brigade.
The French Corps had been reinforced by the
2nd Naval Brigade. On the first morning of
the battle the 29th DivLsion held the British
line, the other portion of the front being held
by the French Corps and the 2nd Naval Brigade.
Communication between the two sections was
maintained by the Plymouth and Drake Bat-
talions, iriio broad purpose assigned to the
29th Division was to seize the ground about
Ki-ithia, while the French were to carry the ridge
above the hollow through which ran the Kereves
Dere. The French attack was very important,
because unless it succeeded the left of the Allied
front would have been advanced too far, and
would have been in danger of being enfiladed.

The gallant 29th Division, wearied but un-
damited, marched into battle at, 11 a.m., sup-
ported by the fire of warships in the Gulf of
Saros. The French 75 guns near the village of
Sedd-ul-Balu- simultaneously opened fire upon
the T'lukish positions beyond the Kereves Dere,
sending salvoes of four shells at a time. At
11.30 a.m. the French Corps advanced to the
attack, the Senegalese troops leading. Some of
the British warships endeavoured to help them
by directing their fire into and bej'ond the
Kereves Valley. The British advance on the
left was steady but slow, for every yard was

104

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.

stubbornly contested by the Turkish sharp-
shooters. A few isolated Turkish trenches were
carried, but tlie main positions of tlio enemy
■were not reached at all. In t« o hours the line
had advanced between two and three hundred
yards, and three hoiu's later it was still ill tlie
same position. The fight had raged backwards
and forwards, but the front had not materiallj'
altered. The 88th Brigade was held up by a
furious fire, apparently from concealed macliine-
guns, trained on a chmip of fir-trees which the
Brigade sought to carry. Time after tune
companies tried to storm the clump, but were
repidsed. The Lancashire Fusiliers Brigade
had also suffered much from machine guns.
After the battle had continued on the British
front for five hours the men were ordered to
entrench where they stood. For that day, at
any rate, their attack had practically faded-
The French Corps had fared little better. They
had topped the crest overlooking the river
\aUey, to find themselves under a fire so galling
that they could go no farther. Again and

again the Senegalese advanced, only to give way
before the tremendous fusillade which greeted
them. They had further discovered a concealed
redoubt on their left which greatly impeded
their movements. They were not even able to
entrench mrtil after dark. They had to face a
bayonet attack during the night, but on the rest
of the line the night was quiet.

The second day of the battle opened with a
fierce bombardment from the warships directed
against the ground around Krithia, before the
British left. A watcher on a distant hill-top
wrote that " the shell smothered every yard of
the ground, and it seemed unpossible for anyone
to live within this zone, as the shrub and
ravines were yellow with bursting lyddite." A
((uarter of an hour later, at about 10 a.m., the
Lancashire Fusiliers Brigade moved out into
the open to renew the attack. They had to
cross the partially cultivated area near lirithia,
but there was much dead ground, in which
machine guns had been cleverly hidden. A
terrific blast of fire greeted their appearance,

AN AUSTRALIAN FIRING A TRENCH MORTAR.

THE . TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

105

A MACHINE GUN IN THE TRENCHES.

and it was at once clear that the naval gims had
neither destroyed nor demoralized the Turks.
The brigade was unable to cross the open
gi'ound. Nevertheless, the advance progressed
on their right, for the 88th Brigade pushed
forward, and the 5th Royal Scots rushed the
obnoxious fir clump. Its secret was immedi-
ately revealed, for it was full of Turkish snipers
on platforms hidden awaj^ among the trees.
The sniiDers were soon disposed of. The 1st
Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers, of the 87th Brigade,
moved up on the left of the 88th Brigade, and
for a time it reall5r seemed that further progress
was possible. At 1.20 p.m., however, the
Turks recaptured the firs in a coimter-attack.
The battle still hxmg in the balance. The
plucky Inniskillings took three Turkish trenches,
which were made good by the 1st King's Own
Scottish Borderers. But the Lancashire Fusi-
liers were absolutely held in check by the cross-
fire from machine gims, and at 3 p.m. they
reported that they were " stuck." The French,
on the right wing, had been quiet diu-ing the
morning, but soon after 3 p.m. they gained some
gromid.

Sir Tan Hamilton decided to make one more
supreme effort. He ordered a general attack
for 4.i5 p.m., at which hour the Tiu-ks brought
fresh guns into action against the French on the
right. The whole line advanced at the time
named, and there was no sign either of fatigue
or reluctance. The British made progress,
excej)t on their extreme left. The fir clumj)
was carried once more with the bayonet. The
French met an incessant slirapnel fire from the
new Turkish guns, which was so disconcerting
that their line wavered and melted away.
General d'Amade threw forv\ard his reserves,
who quickljf saved the situation. The British
again advanced at 6.10 p.m., and far back at
Sedd-ul-Bahr the khaki lines could be seen
slowly moving onward. But they, too, were
smothered by Turkish shrapnel, and at night-
fall the combat slackened. The great effort
had only met with a limited success.

It was resolved to make one more try next
day. The tired troops again dug themselves
in, and were not seriously molested in the
darliness. The I.,ancashire Fusiliers Brigade
was withdrawn into the reserve, and was

106

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

BRITISH TROOPS RETURNING FROM
THE TRENCHES.

replaced by the Xew Zealand Brigade. Every-
tb.ing was made ready for a final attack after
breakfast. Sir Ian Hamilton's reason for
resolving to continue the battle ^^■as that he
knew fresh Turkish reinforcements were coming
up, and it AA-tis desirable to lose no time if he
so ight to snatch a victory.

On the third day, ]\Iay 8, the action began
afresh more fierceh' than ever, for all ranks
realized that success must be attained that day,
if at all. Soon after 10 a.jn. the warshijjs
resmned their bombardment, with equally little
result, for ^\'hen the Kew Zealand Brigade
began to march on Krithia it instantlj' encoun-
tered a furious ovitlmrst of rifle and machine
gun fire. The resolute New Zcalanders pressed
on, supported by the British artillery and by
the machine guns of the 88th Brigade. Their
centre got well beyond the fir clump, a,nd was
then checked, but by 1.30 p.m. the New
Zcalanders -were 200 yards nearer Krithia than
anj' unit had got before. Small parties of the
87th Brigade were meanwhile working through
a raH'ine on the left, in the hope of getting in
among the enemy's machine guns. An on-

looker x\ho saw the whole New Zealand advance
wrote :

Ifc looked as if sonio annual tnanoeuvrea were taking
place. (Successive lines of khalii figures were pressing
forward, across the green fields and through tlie farms and
orchards, towarcLs the firing line. The enemy's shrapnel
burst over them, but inflicted .small damage, owing to the
open formations adopted. AVlien each successive line
K'ached the fire zone it doubled across the open ground,
resting iri the vacated trenches, and then passing on to
the next. The whole of the plain seemed alive with these
khaki-clad infantry. It was, indeed, a perfect example
of the Classical Biitish attack, carried out over a broad
front so a? to concentrate the maximum number of men
in the (ij-ing line for the final assault on the enemy's posi
li'iii with a minimun'i of loss.

But the Turks held hack the attack, and
the French over towards Kereves Dere sent
word that they could move no further unless
the British line advanced. There was a long
lull, and many thought that the day was over.
Sir Ian Hamilton was, however, concerting
measures for the greatest moment of the
battle. At 4 p.m. he ordered the whole line
to fix bayonets, .slope arms, and march on
Krithia at fi.SO p.m. A cjuartcr of an hour
earlier 'the wOiole of the warships and every
battery ashore opened " a most stupendous
bombardment," and " the noise was appalling."
The thunder of the guns died away, and long
lines of glittering bayonets \vere seen moving
outwards. They j>assed into the smoke-
v\reathed zone of the bombardment, and dis-
appeared from vieu'. The French ^■anished
into the battle-sn'oke with cb-ums beating and
bugles sounding the charge. The whole scene
A\as blotted out by the smoke, and when dark-
ness fell the results were still only vaguely
knou'n. They can be told in a sentence,
ilore grottnd was gained, but the Ttirkish line
remained unbroken. Such \\'as the end of the
S.'cond Battle of Krithia, and «ith it ended all
hope of taking Krithia and .\clii Baba by
direct assault.

The full story of the closing ei)isDdes only
became known next tnorning. The first lines
of New Zcalanders had passed the enemy's
juachine guns without discovering them, and
their supports had suffered heavilj' in conse-
quence. The brigade, which was coinmanded
by ISrigadier-General I'. E. Johnston, had
nevertheless got within a few yards of the
"J-'urkish trenches, and its first ■ line had dug
itself hi. The 2nd .Australian Infantry Brigade,
under Brigadier-General the Hon. .J. W. jMcCay,
had shown equal valour, and though b.adly
mauled, had won nearly 400 yards of ground.
The 87th Brigade, under Major-General W. R.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

107

Marshall, on the extreme left, had tried to
advance over the open area between the ravine
and the sea, but was checked by machine giins,
which ^vorked sad havoc anaong tlie Soutli
Wales Borderers. After sundown the men of
the brigade begged to be led again against the
enemy, and actually won another 200 yards.
The French had been battered by the 'fire of
the lieaviesf Turkish artillery, and though the
2nd Division attacked with ardour, the Sene-
galese broke. The attacking column was most
gallantly rallied by General d'Amade and
General Simonin in person. It recovered
momentum, and stormed and held the redoubt
at the end of the Kereves Dere hollow which had
proved so troublesome. The 1st Division had
very hard fighting in the Kereves valley, and a
battalion of Zouaves was temporarily repulsed,
but Lieut. -Colonel Kieger, of the 1st
Regiment de JIarche d'-^frique, gripped the
position in the nick of time, and in the end the
Division foimd itself master of " two complete
lines of Tiu'lvish redoubts and trenches."

By general consent, the honours of the da}^
on the British section of the front rested with
the Anzacs, who suffered severely. They were
warmly praised by Sir Ian Hamilton for their
" determined valour," and for the " admirable
tenacity " with which they clung to the ground
they gained. The eye-witnesji already c^uoted,
in describing t)ie final attack wrote : ■

The New Zealanders and tlie Au^ljalians advanced at
the same moment, over open firoiinl which provirled

little or no cover. They were met by a tornado of bullets,
and were enfiladed by machine guns from the right. The
artillery in vain endeavoured to keep down this fire.

The manner in which these Dominion troops went for-
ward will never bo forgotten by those who witnessed it.
The lines of infantry were enveloped in dust from the
patter of countless bullets in the sandy soil and from the
hail of shrapnel poured on them, for now the enemy's
artillery concentrated furiously on the v,diole line. The
lines advanced steadily, as if on parade, sometimes
doubling, sometimes walking. They melted away under
this dreadful fusillade, only to bo renewed again, as
reserves and supports moved forward to replace those
who had fallen.

Although some ground was won, the broad
result of the Second Battle of Krithia must be
frankly said to have been failure. Sir Ian
Hamilton admitted that it compelled him to
realize that the operations had reached " the
limit of what could be attained by mingling
initiative with sur[)rise." He observed :

Advances mu^it more and more tend to take the shape
of concentrated attacks on small sections of the enemy's
line after full artillery preparation. Siege warfare was
soon bomld to supersede manoeuvre battles in the open.
Consolidation and fortification of oru- front, improvement
of approaches, selection of machine-gun emplacements,
and scientific grouping of o\ir artillery under a centralized
control must ere long form the tactical basis of our plans.

It is time to turn once more to Anzac, which
had been strongly attacked on each day of the
Second Battle of Krithia. The task of the
Anzacs at Gaba Tepe was defined as being, first,
" to Iceep open a door leading to the vitals of
the Turkish position " ; and second, " to hold
up as large a body of the enemy as possible,"
in order-to lessen the'strain'at'the end of the

BRITISH BATTERY IN ACTION ON A SAND-RIDGE.

lOS

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

peninsula. Tlie. Anzacs were then holding a
semi-circular position at the top of the cliff,
with a diameter of about 1,100 yards. They
were constantly under shell fire, and it was
recorded that as many as 1,400 shells had fallen
in this tiny area within an hour. All round
the semi-circle the Turkish trenches were close
at hand.

The Homeric conflicts on thi.s little patch of
ground above the cliffs were so incessant and
so similar in character that jjrobably even those
who took part in them lost all count. They
were never adequately recorded. One typical
exainple of dozens of such encounters may be
mentioned. On the night of May 2 the Anzacs,
whose sturdy conception of acting on the
defensive was to attack on every possible
occasion, made a thrust at the Turks through
a deep narrow ravine, which had been called
" Monash Gully." They succeeded, and dug
themselves in, but the Turks responded with
a withering machine gun and shrapnel fire, and
the position grew critical. The Anzacs were
being hard hit, and the Ch.atham and Ports-
mouth Battalions of the Royal Marine Brigade
were sent up the gully to their aid. It took
the whole of the following day and the next
night to consolidate the position, and in that
one episode, so small that it found no mention
in any dispatch, the Marines alone lost 500
officers and men killed and wounded. The
First Battle of Anzac was so overshadowed by
the Second Battle of Krithia that it received no
allusion in the dispatch of Sir Ian Hamilton.
It began on May 0, and practically lasted five
days. For the first three days the Tiu-ks
repeatedly attacked, and made desperate
attempts to overwhelm the depleted Anzac
forces. On the foLu-th day the 15th and Kith
Battalions of the 4 th Australian Infantry
Brigade sallied forth with the bayonet and
took three lines of Turldsh trenches. On the
fifth day, at dawn, the Turks retook the trenches
but could make no inipression on the main
-Australian position.

More reinforcements begin to reach the
British at Cape Helles. The 4:2nd Division
was landed towards the end of tlie Second
Battle of Krithia, and on May 11 the heroic
29th Division was withdrawn from the line for
the first time for eiglitcen days and nights.
The whole front before Krithia was di\'ided
into four sections, and regular siege warfare
began.

On the night of May 12 H.M.S. Goliath, a

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

109

battleship of 12,950 tons, comijleted in 1902,
was torpedoed oS Morto Bay, in the entrance
to the Straits, while she was protecting the
French flanlv. Over 500 officers and men were
lost; including the captain, and 20 officers and
160 men were saved. The occurrence was as
startling as it was entirely imexpected. The
Mouavenet-Milieh, G20 tons, a Turkish destroyer
of German construction, built in 1909 at one
of the Schichau yards, had slipped down the
Straits under cover of darkness. She managed
to torpedo the Goliath and to get back safely.

try to capture the position by escalade from
the beach after dark. Their scouts had made
a reconnaissance up the precipitous cUff on the
night of May 10, when they were discovered
bj- the enemy and fired upon. JIajor-General
H. B. Cox, conmianding the 29th Indian
Infantry Brigade, then submitted an elaborate
plan, which included a bombardment from the
sea and shore, and an infantry demonstration,
imder cover of which the Gurkhas were to
repeat their escalade in greater strength. The
plan succeeded perfectly. At 6.30 p.m. on

"STRIPPED TO THE WAIST."
Anzacs working their guns on Gallipoli Peninsula.

The Goliath had been on the east coast of
Africa before she went to the Dardanelles, and
had bombarded Dar-es-Salaam.

The same night the British left was advanced
nearly 500 yards by a successful strategem.
On a bluff north-east of Beach Y, which had
been abandoned in the Battle of the Landing,
the Tuj'ks had established a strong redoubt
armed with machine guns, vvhicli constantly
harried the British line. Tlie :Munsters and the
Dublins unsuccessfully tried to take the bluff
on May 8 and 9. Lieut. -Colonel the Hon.
C. G. Bruce, of the Gth Gurkhas, himself an
expert moimtaineer, suggested that his men,
who could climb like cats, sliould be allowed to

May 12 the cruisers Dublin and Talbot began to
pour in shells, while the 29th Divisional Artil-
lery bombarded from the British lines. The
IManchestor Brigade of the 42nd Di\'ision co-
operated with rifle fire, and in the midst of the
din a double company of the Gurkhas scaled
the cliff and " carried the work \\'ith a rush."
Another double company followed by the same
route, and next morning the gain was con-
solidated and joined to the British front. The
iinoU was ever afterwards known as " Gurkha
Bluff." The losses in this attack were .^ 21
killed and 92 wounded. The eavly months at
the Dardanelles teemed \\ith such exploits,
though 2>erhaps few were so dramatic.

110

THE TBIES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

The French completed the disembarcation
of a second Di\nsion during the second week in
May, and on 'Sla.y 14 General Gouraud took
ov-er the command of the whole French Corps
from General d'Amade. General Gouraud was
47 years of age, the youngest officer of his rank
in the rejuvenated French Army, and he had
been so successful in his command of the
Argonne section of the front in France that
his countrymen had dubbed him " the Lion of
the Argonne." Sir Ian Hamilton sent the
following letter of farewell to General d'Amade :

12th May, 1915.

Mo>i Ge>^srai., — With deep personal sadness I learn
that your country has urgent need of your great experi-
ence elsewhere.

From the very first you and your brave troops have
done all, and more than all, that mortal man could do to
further the cause we have at heart.

By day and by ni^ht, for many days and nights in
succession, you and your gallant troops have ceaselessly
struggled against the enemy's fresh reinforcements and
h^ve won from him ground at the bayonet point.

The military records of France are most glorious, but
yon, mon General, and your Soldiers, have added fresh
brilliancy if I may say so. even to those dazzling
records

The losses have been cruel. Such losses are almost
unprecedented, but it may be some eonsolaticn to think
tliat only by so fierce a trial could thus have been fully
disclosed the flame of patriotism which burns in the
hearts of yourself and of your men.

With sincere regrets at your coming departure, but

IN THE TRENCHES.
Using the Periscope.

with the full assurance that, in your new sphere of
activity, you will continuo to render the same valuable
service you have already given to France
I remain,

jMon General,

Your sincere friend,

Ian Hamilton,

Gener.''.l.

During the remainder of May, and for the
first day or two of June, there was more fighting
on the Anzac front than on any other part of
the position. The Turks never liked Anzac,
and were alwaj'S fearful that the Anzacs might
launch an attack against the heart of their
stronghold overlooking the Narrows. At the
outer edge of the Anzac curve was a spot known
as Quinn's Post. It was so named after
Major Quinn, of the 15th Australian Infantry,
who met his death close to this very point
during an Anzac counter-attack on May
29. At Quinn's Post the Anzac fire trenches
were "mere ledges on the brink of a sheer
precipice falling 200 feet into the valley below."
The enemy's trenches were a few feet away,
and the post was never securely held until
some weeks later a body of New Zealand
miners made elaborate underground shelters.
Quinn's Post was soon renowned for its un-
ending series of sorties, attacks and counter-
attacks. For instance, on May 9 the Anzacs
carried the eneniy's trenches before Quinn's
Post by bayonet attack at night. On May 10
the enemy coimter-attacked at dawn and won
the trenches back, but they were so severely
dealt with by the Anzac guns that, according
to records afterwards captured, two Turkish
regiments alone lost on that day 600 killed and
2,000 wounded. There were no safe corners at
Anzac, and even the generals in high command
had to disregard the usual wise precautions
and take the same risks as the men. On May
14 Lieut. -General Sir W. R. Birdwood
was slightly wounded, bvit did not relinquish
his command. Next day Major-General Sir
W. T. Bridges, conunanding the Australian
Division, was so severely wounded that he
died in a few da3's. Sir Ian Hamilton wrote of
him that ho was " sincere and single-minded
in his devotion to Australia and to duty."

During May 18 reports of unusual activity
fining the enemy came to Anzac from many
soiu'ces. The warships could see troops massing
at various points near the coast. The airmen
saw other bodies of troops landing near tlie
Narrows and moving across from the direction
of the Pasha Dagh. The Turkish bombard-
ment grew in intensity throughout the day.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB..

Ill

TURKISH PRISONERS

Being led through a deep gullv. Inset : Giving a

drink to a wounded Turk.

Shells rained upon Anzac from 12-inch and
9-inch guns, big howitzers, and field guns.
The portents were not misleading. General
I-iman von Sanders himself proposed to clear
away the Anzac thorn by tlirowing it into th^
sea. He had planned a great attack, and was
about to fling massed cokuTins, numbering
30,000 in all, against the Anzac zone. Word
passed down to the trenches for the defenders
to be alert and ready.

At midnight the storm burst, and machine
giui and rifle fire of unprecedented volume and
force was concentrated on the Anzacs. They
lay snug in their trenches, and were very little
injured. At 4 a.m. the Second Battle of Anzac
began, and a dense Tiu-kish colimm advanced
to the assault. It was beaten back, chiefly by
rifle fire. Other columns followed, and various
sectors of the Anzac line were assaulted in tiirn.
At 5 a.m. the Turkish attack had so far
developed that it had become general, and the
heavy artillery was once more participating.
For the next five hours the enemy strained
everj' nerve to press their onslaught home.
They never had a chance of succeeding. No

Turkish foot ever touched a single Anzac
trench that day. The close Turkish forma-
tions were mown down. The Turks died in
heaps. The battle became a butchery, for the
Anzac field guns and howitzers were doing their
share of execution. The attack of General
Liman von Sanders was sheer folh', and the
pimishment of his imhappy instruments was
terrible, ^'\'hen the fight ended he had lost at
least a fourth of liis attacking force, for it was

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

113

estimated that the Turkish losses on that one

morning alone numbered over 7,000. The

estimate was moderate, and was perhaps too

low. Over 3,000 Turks lay dead within actual

view of the Anzac trenches. In one corner>

100 yards by 80 yards, 400 corpses were

counted. A large proportion of the losses were

afterwards found to have been caused by

artillery fire. The Anzac losses numbered

about 100 killed and 500 woimded, including

nine officers wounded. There were few more

remarkable examples in any theatre of the war

of the disproportionate advantage which

modern weapons sometimes confer upon the

defence in prepared positions.

A visitor who went round the Anzac front

lines after the battle wrote :

The ground presents an extraordinary sight when
viewed through the trench periscopes. Two hundred
yards away, and even closer in places, are the Turkish
trenches, and betw-een them and our lines the dead lie in
hundreds. There are groups of twenty or thirty massed
together, as if for mutual protection, some lying on their
faces, some killed in the act of firing : others hung up in
the barbed wire. In one place a small group actually
reached our parapet, and now lie dead on it shot at point-
blank range or bayofietted. Hundreds of others lie just
outside their own trenches, where they were caught by
rifles and shrapnel when trying to regain them. Hun-
dreds of wounded must have perished between T.he line^.

There were some curious negotiations dm'ing
the days following the Second Battle of Anzac.
At 5 p.m. on May 20 the Turks displayed white
flags and Red Crescents, and various Tiu-kisli
officers came out into the open. They were
met by Major-General H. B. Walker, com-
manding the Australian Division, and asked for
an armifctice to bury their dead and collect
their wounded. General Walker pointed out
that he was not empowered to treat, and in
any case the principal Tiu-kish officer had no
credentials. It was noticed that the Turks
were massing afresh, and General Birdwood
ordered all trenches to be manned as a pre-
caution. The Turldsh object seemed to be to
effect a fresh concentration without being
harassed by artillery fire. Towards sunset
masses of Turks advanced behind fines of im-
armed men holding up their hands. Intense
firing broke out, and was continued until 1.20
a.m., when the enemy attacked Quinn's Post
in strength. They were beaten back, and these
strange proceedings, which had a strong flavour
of German inspiration, came to an end. 'When
Sir Ian Hamilton heard what had happened,
ho sent Major-General W. P. Braithwaite, C.B.,
on May* 22 to assist General Birdwood in
further negotiations. General Braith%vaite was

the Chief of the General Staff at the Dar-
. danelles, and Sir Ian Hamilton described
him as the best Chief-of-Staff he had ever
known in war. A formal armistice was then
arranged with the Turks, and lasted from 7.30
a.m. to 4.30 p.m. on May 24. Considerations
of health made such a truce desirable. The
Turkish burying parties were supplied with
cotton wool soaked in solution to deaden the
stench. They ^rorked e.xpeditiously, and the
armistice was scrupulously observed by both
sides. But thereafter, until June 5, there ^\'as
more exciting fighting of the episodical kind
around Quinn's Post than even that most
imrestful corner had ever known. A whole
chapter could be filled with descriptions of the
stirring events of those ten days on that one
section of the Anzac front alone.

A new menace against the Allied l^leet at the
Dardanelles developed during the month of
May. Weeks earlier large German submarines
had been seen going south through the Bay of
Biscay, and afterwards near Gibraltar and off
the north coast of Africa. Neither the Adiniralty
nor Admiral de Robeck were for a moment
under any illusions about the meaning of these
movements. Admiral von Tirp.-tz was about
to take a hand in the ^gean, and his move w^as
difficult to counter. The Army needed support
from the naval guns. On the other hand, even
old battleships could not be kept stationary
near the peninsula to be picked off lUce sitting
partridges. The first result of the news was
that the Queen Elizabeth was hurried back to
the North Sea, despite the anxious though un-
warranted representations of the War Office.
The other battleships were gradually removed,
and certain effective refuges from submarines
were prepared for those wliich remained.
Great risks had to be taken, however. Until
the new shallow-draught monitors, then being
built in England, could be sent out, some at
least of the battleships had to lie at times off
the Dardanelles coast in verj' exposed positions.
According to IMr. Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett,
whose accounts of the first months at Gallipoli
must always be of inestimable value to historians,
the earliest sign of the presence of enemy sub-
marmes off the Dardanelles was detected on
May S2. As a consecjuence, H.M.S. Albion
went ashore in a fog off Anzac at 4 a.m. next
morning. H.M.S. Canopus came to her rescue,
but it took six hours to get the stranded battle-
ship off the sandbank on which she had

114

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

grounded. During all that tiuis both battle-
ships were Linder a strong fire from Turkish field
guns, bvit fortunately tlie Ttirks were not able
to bring heavy guns to bear. On the juorning
of May 25, at 8 a.m., a submarine ^^■as seen and
fired upon by H.M.S. Swiftsure, but the shots
took no effect. The submarine made off
towards Anzac, chased by British destroyers.
At 10.30 a.m. she \insuccessfully fired a torpedo
at the battleship Vengeance, near Gaba Tepe.
At lunch-time H.M.S. Trimuph (Captain Maurice
Fitzmaurice, R.K.), a battleship of 11,800 tons
displacement, originally built for the Chilian
Government, was torpedoed and sunk south of
Gaba Tepe. She had her torpedo-nets out, but
both the two torpedoes fired at lier pierced the
netting and took effect. Eight minutes after
being struck she turned turtle, and she finally

REAR-ADMIRAL STUART NICHOLSON,

M.V.O..

Leaving the Naval Observation Station and makln;!

his way to Cape Helles.

Inset : Rear-Admiral Nicholson.

il'holoby Elliolt & Fry.)

plunged beneath the waves half-an-liotu- after-
\vards. Tlie cajitain and nearly all the crew
«ere saved by destroyers.

All the available destroyers and patrols sot
out in search of the U\o submarines, for another
had been seen off Rabbit Island. H.M.S.
Swiftsure was sent to the protected waters of
Much-os Harbour, and the Admiral's flag was
transferred to H.M.S. Majestic (Captain H. F. G.
Talbot, R.N.), the oldest battleship on the
station, displacement 14,900 tons, built in 1895.
On tlie night of May 26 the Majestic was
anchored off Cape Helles, opposite Beach W,
and inside a line of transports. At b.40 a.m.
next morning a submarine found and torpedoed
her. At once she listed heavily, and in a very
few moments she was lying on lier side. The
officers and crow took to the water, and all ths
vessels near hastily sent launches and small
boats. Very few lives were lost. The Majestic
sank quickly in shallow water, and as her bows
were resting on a sandbank a small piece of her
ram remained exposed to view. Mr. Ashmead-

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

115

Bartlett, who was among those rescued, stated :
— " As she turned o^'er and sank, a sailor ran
the whole length of her keel and finally sat
astride the ram, where he was subsequently
taken off without even getting a wetting."
Thousands of troops on shore saw the disaster.
Captain Talbot was picked up by a launch, but
afterwards jjlunged in again and rescued two of
his men from drowning. Although these losses
caused considerable apprehension, for a long
time afterwards the German submarines were
much harried and met with little further success-

The British losses in killed, wounded, and
missing at the Dardanelles up to May 31
numbered in all 38,636, including 1,722 officers.
Thus in this one theatre alone there had been
more casualties in less than six weeks than -sNere
recorded diu'ing the whole of the South African
War, when the casualties in conflict numbered
38,156, spread over a period of three years.

The Tliird Battle of Ki-itliia was fought on
June 4, and was finished in one day. Both
British and French had been sapping and mining
during the latter half of Jlay, preparatory to a
further attempt to rush the Tui-kish trenches.
There had been more than one small advance,
and the Turks had delivered many attacks
without definite result. Sir Ian Hamilton
deemed that the tune had come for a further
concerted and general effort. In the Third
Battle of Krithia large losses were inflicted on
tlie I'urks, and there was a gain of from 200 to

400 yards over three miles of front ; but much
of the ground won in the early stages of the
battle could not be retained, because the Turlcs
drove in the French left in a powerful covmtcr-
attack, and the British line was in consequence
enfiladed. The British and French losses « ere
also heavy. One sentence in Sir Ian Hamilton's
dispatch told its own story. " The Collingwood
battahon of the Royal Naval Division," he
wrote, "wliioh had gone forward in support,
(was) practically destroyed."

The line of battle was formed, from right to
left, by the French Corps, the Royal Naval
Division, the 42nd (Kast Lancashire) Division,
and the 29th Division. The British had
24,000 men massed on a front of 4,000 j'ards,
and General Hunter-A\'eston, now commanding
the 8th Army Corps, had 7,000 men as a corps
reserve. The enemy's position had by this
time been developed into rows and ro\\'S of
trenches stretching right across the peninsula.
Achi Baba was hone3'Combed with works and
galleries, and cro\^'ned by a strong redoubt.
" The barrier," wrote a special correspondent
the day before the battle, " constitutes one of the
strongest defensive positions anj' army has held
or captured during the present war." The
facts might have been even more strongly
defined. The battle Ijegan with an intense
land and sea bombardment at 8 a.m., which
continued for 2i hoiu-s, stopped for half an
liour, and then resumed for tv\enty minutes,

A BATTERY OF FRENCH 75's ON A SAND RIDGE.

(Exclusive to " The Times")

.«*

^i^l

THE LAST MOMENTS OF H.M.S. MAJESTIC,

Torpedoed off Gallipoli, May 27, 1915.

IIG

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

117

£ ^ e; I mc.

SURVIVORS Ol- H M S. TRIUMPH

Arrive on hoard H.M.S. Lord Nelson. The
Triumph was torpedoed b>' a suhniarine at the
Dardanelles on May 26, 1415. Inset : The
Captain's clerk of H.M.S. Triumph who swam
with the ship's ledger until he was picked up h\
a destroyer.

after wliieli a brief feint attaok was made. Al
11.30 the Allies recommenced their bombard
nient, which continued until iiiion, when tli'-
signal was given for a gcm-ral adsance. Aceoin-
panied by parties of boinb-throwtTs, the wliolr
line dashed forward with bayonets fixed. Thr
assan]t met with swift success. 'J'he Freiirh
1st Division, on the extreme right, took the
trenches before them, and the I<"rench 2nd
Division stormed and ca]itured the strong
" Haricot " redotibt at the head of the Keivves
Dere hollow, which previously they IimiI
three times sought in ^•ain to seize. Tin-
weak sj50t was at the point of contact In-
tween the French and British forces, on th.-
extreme left of the French front. Tliere thr
Turks, who were well served by communication
trenches, developed rapid ciamter-attacks and
effected a marked checlc. Their discovery of a
flaw in the line eventually changed the aspect
i>f the whole battle.

The Royal Xaval DiMsii.n, mxt in the lii;,-,
fought with the utmost gallantry, and never
did better than it di<l that day. Tn fifteen
minutes the naval men had charged I in- Turkish
trenches and obtained possession I'f tlie wh(.le
jiosition immediately before theuj. The Ansnn
battalion stormed a Turkisli r.'d.iubt whirh
formed a salient in the enemy s line, and the
Howe and Hood battalions wnc consolidating
captured Turkish liiK's by 12.L'.-j [j.m. The

^hineliester Jjfjgade ol the 4l'iid J)i\isL(jn diil

e\'en bi'ltcr. and \\ I'Luiylit d Is which madr

their city thi-ill with [iritle. while they loa.df
the name of the Tci-nturial l-'<irci- immortal.
The Manche.-tcr Brigade carrird tlir first
line of trenches before them within .fi\ i- miniilis.
By 12. .'50 they had adi-anced a third ...f a,
mile, overw liehiu'd the si-cund T\irkish line,
and were calml^' establishint^ themseh'cs in
their ni'w position. Lani-ashire, Ireland,

Australia, and Mtw Zealand share the tragic
gliiries of (.iallipoli. The 20tli Division, on tho

118

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

THE CHARGE OF THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION.

left, was soon desperately engaged. The 88th
Brigade had a fierce bayonet struggle with the
Turks, but with the Worcesters in the van, the
entire brigade swarmed into the Turkish first
line and could not be dislodged. On the extreme
left was the Indian Brigade, which was much
baffled by barbed wire entanglements which the
British artillery fire had failed to destroy. The
14th Sikhs lost three-fourths of their effectives
while checked by these obstacles, and a com-
pany of the 6th Gurkhas, which had gone along
the cliffs, was temporarily isolated. Eventually
the Indian Brigade had to withdraw to its
original line, where it was reinforced.

But the shining success of noontide did not
endure. The Turks had poured in a terrific
counter-attack against tiie French in the
Haricot redoubt, which they regained with the
aid of their well-served guns. The French fell
back, and thereby exposed the Royal Naval
Division to enfilading fire. The Ansons had to
relinquish their redoubt with heavy loss, and the
Howe and Hood battalions were in turn en-
filaded and forced back across open ground
imder a terrible rifle and machine-gun fire.
It was while rendering succour to these harassed
battalions that the CoUingwoods met with such
a disastrous fate. ^ It may be noted that in the
early phase of the action the Naval Division
had been supported by its armoured motor-

cars, armed with maxims. By 1.30 p.m. the
Naval Division had lost all its new trenches,
and was back on its old line, and the enemy
were enfilading the Manchesters in their turn.
The fire was maddening, and the Manchesters
were cruelly reduced in munbers. They lost
their brigadier and many other officers, but
Lancashire grit was not to be intimidated. For
five hours the Manchester men stuck to their
position in the hope that the Turks who were
enfilading them would be driven back. They
faced round their right flank to confront the
foes who had got such an advantageous position.
Reinforcements were sent to them. The Royal
Naval Division was told to co-operate with the
French in a fresh attack, timed for 3 p.m.
T\vice General Gouraud postponed the advance,
and at 6.30 the gallant French commander was
obliged to report that he was unable to move.
The Manchesters had to be brought back to the
first line of captured trenches, and such was
tlie spirit of the men that when first told to
withdraw they refused to move. The Royal
Fusiliers had meanwhile made a local advance,
but they were also directed to withdraw, in
order to maintain an even front. The French
1st Division was twice counter-attacked during
the succeeding night, but with this exception
the conflict had ended before nightfall. Most
of the reserves had been brought into the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

119

firing line, and it was not considered desirable
to renew the attack next day. The British took
400 prisoners, including 11 officers, and most
of these captures were effected by the 42nd
Division, which was commanded by Major-
General W. Douglas. The prisoners included
five Germans who formed part of a machine-gun
crew furnished by the Goeben. The Third Battle
of Krithia could not be coimted a success. Much
of its original gains were lost, and its cliief
result was to reveal the increasing strength of
the enemy's resistance.

The French had a brilliant action to them-
selves on June 21, when they fought from dawn
to dark with the object of seizing the Turkish
works overlooking the hollow of the Kereves
Dere. By noon the 2nd Division had stormed
two lines of trenches, and captured again the
coveted Haricot redoubt. On the right the 1st
Division struggled for hours to take lines of
Turkish trenches, which passed into the alter-
nate possession of Frenchmen and Turlis time
after time. General Gouraud made a last in-
spiring call to the 1st Division at 2.45 p.m. He
said that if the trenches were not taken before
dark the gains of the 2nd Division would be
lost. The youngsters who had been brought
out from France to reinforce the 1st Division
responded nobly. Their general had his wish,
and by 6.30 the whole of the positions above
the Kereves Dere were in French possession.
A battaUon of the Foreign Legion and a
battalion of Zouaves made the brilliant final
charge which ensured complete success. During
the day the French battleship Saint Louis bom-
barded the Turkish artillery on the Asiatic
side of the Straits from a point near Kmn
Kale. No more notable, compact, or valu-
able action was fought by the French dviring
the whole of the operations on the peninsula.
The French losses during the day were 2,500,
and the enemy's casualties were estimated
at 7,000. General Gouraud was badly wounded
by a shell on Jime 30, and the command
of the French Corps passed to General Bailloud.
The injuries to General Gouraud proved very
serious, and on Ixis passage back to France
it was found necessary to amputate his right
arm. His right thigh and left leg were broken.
Vice-Admiral Nicol, the youngest vice-admiral
in the French Navy, had been appointed some
days earlier to command the French Fleet at
the Dardanelles, Bear-Admiral Gu6pratte re-
maining as second in command.

The heartening French success had marked

the end of the phase of general attacks all along
the line, for which sectional attacks were
thenceforth substituted. On June 28 the
British left repeated in an even more striking
manner the French victory on the right. The
Turks had always been very strong, and
extremely pertinacious, on the coast of the Gulf
of Saros, opposite the British left. They were
helped by a deep cleft, known as the Gully
Ravine, whicn ran inwards towards Krithia
from a point near Beach Y ; and the action of
June 28 was recorded as the Battle of the
Gully Ravine. The plan of the attack was
prepared by General Himter -Weston, and the
battle was fought by the 29th Division, the
156th Brigade of the Lowland Division, and the

I Ellioll ,- Fry.

MAJOR-GENERAL W. R. MARSHALL
Who commanded the 87th Brigade.

Indian Brigade. The 29th Division had lost a
very large proportion of its original effectives,
and some battalions had not a singlo officer left
of those who landed on AprU 25 ; but large
drafts had been sent out, and the Division was
up to strength. The attack dehvered was in
the form of an arc ; five trenches had to be
carried near the sea, but only two farther inland.
There was the usual artillery preparation, and
H.M.S. Talbot (carefully guarded by destroyers
and trawlers) steamed round Cape Tekke and
enfiladed the nearest Turkish trenches with her
fire. The enemy seemed short of ammimition,
and throughout the day their field guns fired
less than 300 rounds. The 10th Battery, R.F.A.,
did effective work in smashing wire entangle-
ments, and the French had lent some trench
mortars which proved useful, The bombard-
ment, which began at 9 a.m., lasted nearly two
hours. Just before 11 the 1st Battalion of the

1-20

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Border Regiment rushed a small work called
by the British " Boomerang Fort," on the right
o£ the ravine. Ten minutes later the 87th
Brigade (the King's Own Scottish Borderers,
Royal InniskiHing Fusiliers, and South Wales
Borderers), conunanded by Major-General W. R.
Marshall, stormed tliree lines of Turkish
trenches between the ravine and the sea.
Many Turks were found to have been buried in
the trenches by the bombardment, but about
100 surrendered. On the right of the ravine the
4th and 7th Royal Scots of the Lowland Division
took two lines of trenches, but the remainder
of the 156th Brigade were checked by the
Turkish fu-e. At 11.30 the 86th Brigade, led
by the 2nd Royal Fusiliers, passed through the
three trenches held by the 87th Brigade and
took the remaining two trenches on the coast.
The Indian Brigade had meanwhOe moved along
the cliffs and seized a spur nmning from the
west of the fiirthest captured Turkish trench to
the sea. This was the limit of the British ob-
jective. The trenches on the right of the attack,
nearer Krithia, were not taken. The enemy
made several counter-attacks on the two
following nights, but without avail. The British
losses in this spirited action were 1,750, and
they were considered small. The dLstinguisliLng
feature of the engagement was the splendid
culminating charge of the 86th Brigade. The
gains were definite and considerable ; "a whole
mile along the coast, five lines of Turkish
trenches, about 200 prisoners, three mountain
guns, and an immense quantity of small arms
ammunition and many rifles." No action since
the first landing did more to cheer the British
forces. It seemed to promise further progress.
The Turks had been turned out of strong posi-
tions, and had been utterly unable to retake
them.

Mr. Asliniead-Bartlett, who visited the Gully
Ravine next day, wrote :

All the way up that portion of the gully, only 24 hours
before in the enemy's possession, there is a litter of
dibris of the camp and of the great fight. Scattered
bodies half protruding from the ground, hastily-dug
graves, hundreds of rifles and bayonets, some broken,
but the majority intact, thousands upon thousands of
rounds ol ammunition— we made a very big haul indeed
in this last engagement — entrenching tools, loaves of
bread, soldiers' packs, Turkish letters, a Mullah's prayer
stool (a souvenir eagerly sought after), great coats and
kits, blankets and old sacks, cooking utensils, and
Brewood, left just where the enemy abandoned them when
our gallant infantry broke through at the bayonet's
point! Great fires are burning at intervals. They
are avoided by all, and give forth a horrid, a sickly
stench. On these the Turkish dead, who have been
hastily collected, are being burnt, for it is all important

to get the dead out of the way as quickly as possible
in this hot climate.

The last prominent episode at Gallipoli during
June was a determined attack upon Anzao,
personally directed by Enver Pasha. He had
come down from Constantinople, and ordered
the Army to drive the Australians and New
Zealanders into the sea. On the night of June 29
a heavy musketry and artillery fire developed
at midnight, principally against that portion of
the Anzac front commanded by Major-General
Sir A. J. Godley. At 1.30 a.m. a heavy column
advanced to attack, and was quickly broken by
the rifles and machine guns of the 7th and 8th
Light Horse. Another attack an hour later
against the left and left centre melted away
with equal rapidity, and Enver returned to the
capital, presumably discomfited.

There was further heavy fighting during July,
which will be dealt with later ; but the essential
fact of the situation at the Dardanelles at the
end of June was that the difficulties were in-
creasing daily. Sir Ian Hamilton thus summed
up a portion of them :

The efforts and expedients whereby a great army
has had its wants supplied upon a wilderness have, I
believe, been breaking world records.

The country is broken, mountainous, arid, and void
of supplies ; the water found in the areas occupied by our
forces is quite inadequate for their needs ; the only
practicable beaches are small, cramped breaks in im-
Dracticable lines of cliffs ; with the wind in certain
quarters no sort of landing is possible : the wastage, by
bombardment and wreckage, of lighters and small
craft has led to crisis after crisis in our carrying capacity,
whilst over every single beach plays fitfully throughout
each day a devastating shell fire at medium ranges.

Upon such a situation appeared quite suddenly the
enemy submarines. On May 22 all transports had to be
dispatched to Mudros for safety. Thenceforth men,
stores, guns, horses, etc., etc., had to be brought from
Mudros — a distance of 40 miles — in fleet sweepers and
other small and shallow craft less vulnerable to sub-
marine attack. Every danger and every difficulty was
doubled.

A far more vital factor was the formidable
and growing strength of the Turkish positions.
It was true that sectional attacks, such as that
at the Gully Ravine, had proved successful ;
but there were 50 miles of ravines on the Galli-
poli Peninsula, and the Turks seemed ready to
contest each one of them. The end of June was
clearly another period at which careful re-exami-
nation of the whole problem should have been
made in London. The problem did receive
some consideration, but the only result was the
acceptance of plans for a fresh landing north
of Anzac and the dispatch of large fresh forces,
who went straight to disa,ster on the rolling and
arid uplands above Suvla Bay.

CHAPTER XCIX.

THE SPIRIT OF ANZAC.

Australia's Prepabedness fob Was — The Navv — War Legislation — Dominion Leaders —
Genesis oe the Anzacs — The Expedition to Gallipoli — History of the Campaign — Austra-
lasian Episodes and Achievements — Deeds op Valour — The Situation at Home — Eelations
with the British Government — Munitions and other War Work — New Zealand — Austra-
lian Finance — The Tragedy of Gallipoli — Mr. Fisher as High Commissioner in London.

AUSTRALIA and New Zealand from
the beginning played their part iii
the war with vigour and whole-
heartedness. Their enthusiasms
rivalled those of the Mother Country, and their
direct and practical methods gave promise of
valuable developments in the governance of
Empire. The Imperial structure had been
prepared for war so far as war had been foreseen.
But an abundance of thinly developed Imperial
Defence schemes, and of advice from the
Imperial General Staff on early steps to be
taken to protect local interests, was not real
military preparedness. Of the Dominions
generally, it must be said that their military
strength was unorganized, although it was a
potential military strength fully half that of
the Mother Country. A few months before
the war an effort had been made in New
Zealand and AustraUa to prepare more definite
plans, and the leading military officers, on the
advice of the Imperial General Staff, had sug-
gested that certain sections of the Dominions'
armies should be organized on the basis of
expeditionary forces, ready at a few days'
notice to move to any part of the Empire. In
AustraKa certain Scottish militia battalions
were to be aUowed to wear kQts, instead of the
distinctive Australian Garibaldi uniform, in
recognition of their pledge to go where the
Empire required their services. The reception
of this scheme was distinctly unfavourable.
Vol. VI.— Part 69

because neither Austraha nor New Zealand
had concluded the organization of its home-
defence civilian armies.

No such risks had been run with preparations
on sea. The Australian Navy, purposely kept
at greater strength than that of Germany in
the Pacific, was ready to take its station in the
Admiralty's prearranged plans. The ships
were maintained at an efficiency very nearly
bordering on complete mobilization, and their
part in the event of war had been mapped out
in detail. The organization was used for pro-
tecting the trade routes, for snapping up
Germany's possessions in the Pacific and for
destroying her commerce. These objects were
so efficiently pursued that the German Navy
was unable to interfere with a single British
ship in the South Pacific. Om- conunerce
proceeded as in times of peace, except for
variations in routes ; and the strong German
squadron could do no more damage than a
" thorough " but easily remedied disturbance
of the Pacific Cable Board's station on Fanning
Island. When this scourge was removed,
H.M.A.S. Australia, a battle -cruiser paid for
and maintained by direct Australian taxation,
took her place among her sister ships in Admiral
Beatty's battle-cruiser fleet, leading the second
squadron ; and the light cruisers, torpedo craft
and submarines filled their respective roles. The
Australia reached northern waters too late for
the engagement of January 24, but she had an

121

122

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

OFF TO THE FRONT.
Sir George Reid, the High Commissioner for Australia, inspecting an Australian Contingent at Romsey.

unequalled steaming record to her credit, and she
soon earned a reputation for cleanliness and
readiness. The Grand Fleet dubbed her the
" wa.llaby ship," because her mixed Australian
and British crew received " wallaby " rates of
pay. Their physicjue -svas uneciualled in the
Fleet, and their keenness for battle was intense.
There were soon regrets in Australasia that
a better perspective of the war had not been
obtained in these early months. The diffi-
culties of judgment can readily be seen from
the uncertainties which characterized the
situation everywhere. No Australian leader
had felt cpiite certain that many thousands
of the country's young men would leave their
new homes and friends and risk all for a
cause that seemed assured of quick victory.
(.)n the eve of the appeal for the first twenty
thousand men, several of the political leaders
felt some anxiety as to whether reinforcements
could be promised in addition. It was not at
once recognized that war had precipitated a
spirit of supreme self-effacement. Dviring those
months the public showed eagerness to spend
all, and there \\'as far more restlessness at the
lack of demand for sacrifices than there was
contentment with the part, vigorous though it
was, tliat Australasia was playing. Through-
out cities and country, private opportunities

for sharing the trials of the Allies were
eagerly sought. Goods of high value and extra-
ordinary assortment %vere given to the Defence
Department. It became almost a mark of
lack of sympathy to ride in a motor-car which
was not doing some war work, or on a horse
which had not been offered to the troops.
Estates were handed over to the Government
for use as camping grounds, large gifts of floiu"
and meat were made for the armies. By
November, 1915, the sums contributed to the
War Funds in Australia amounted to more
than three millions and a half sterling. Of this,
nearly one million was subscribed for Belgian
relief, a cause that secured a great outpouring
of sjrmpathy in Australia. More than that sum
was raised for the benefit of Australian wounded.
In one day £700,000 was raised for the
"Australia Day" Fund. South Australia
alone contributed £250,000, or ten shillings
per head of population. The demonstra-
tions of private generosity were no less con-
spicuous in New Zealand. The sinking in the
English Channel by a German submarine of a
ship specially chartered to carry chosen gifts
from the people of New Zealand to those of
Belgium did more than many official cables
to make the Dominions realize the conditions
prevailing in Eiu-ope. All the people asked

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

123

was that their whole resources should be mobi-
lized and thrown into the scale. They asked
that the cost should be shared, that it should be
a national effort, and that all should be spent
ratlier than defeat risked. True, there was a
certain feeling, eneoiu'aged by oflicial delays
in London, that Australasian strength could not
weigh in the scales. Only a small section of
Australasia really believed that their country
itself was in danger from the Germans. The
appeal for military action could not be a direct
appeal for defence of Australian homes. Everj'-
thing done was done, as in other parts of the
Empire, from broad and honourable motives
of pursuing the common cause of the Empire.

Towards the (Germans in Australasia
restrained but obstinate feeling was displayed.
Throughout the latter half of the last century
Germany provided Australasia with more immi-
grants than any other foreign country. They
were for the most part Prussians, Bavarians,
and Saxons, who went into farming districts
where the pioneering had already been done.
They formed their colonies, and German
was the language spoken in several thickly settled
districts in South Australia, and in a few localities
in the Geelong district of Victoria and the
Riverina district of New South Wales. Some

efforts were made by Berlin to organize pr»-
German opinion before the ^^■ar, and an ener-
getic Consul-General, Herr Kiliani, toiu'ea
the German settlements with a retinue of naval
officers. Though many Germans made con-
ditions unpleasant for themselves and com-
pelled the creation of large concentration
camps, in which they were interned, and
though it could not be said that the sym-
pathies of the older German colonists were wholly
alienated from their Fatherland, a remarkable
cordiality towards the land of their adoption
was the outstanding characteristic of the prob-
lem which their presence raised. Their
Church Synods passed resolutions supporting
the cause of Australia, and they sent their sons
with the expi'ditionary forces. Many German

f
-J

^^^^^H^^^^^V^^^

0Bm^ . \

THE NEW ZEALAND FLAG IN EGYPT.
Lady Maxwell (wife of General Sir John Maxwell,
commander of His Majesty's forces in Egypt)
unfurling the flag at the New Zealand Hospital,
Cairo.

THE NEW ZEALAND FLAG
Flying over the New Zealand Hospital, Cairo.

assemblies which had found foncbiess for Ger-
many as they remembered it stronger than their
loyalty for the coimtry which had given them
their homes hurried to renounce their old faith
when the Lusitania was simk. The number of
German names in the Australian casualty lists
must have struck every observer. These men
for the most part would not admit that they
were fighting for Great Britain ; they were at
war for Australia, which they were boimd to
defend. The distinctive characteristics of
Australia and its people, the newness and fresh-
ness of life there, had thus captured the
Australian -Germans of the second generation.

The strongest denmonstration against aliens
came after the loss of the Lusitania, when wild
riots occurred, and the Governments closed all
German clubs and halls and interned large
numbers of men. Germans were compelled to

Vli

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

WAR HORSES FOR THE FRONT.
Australians returning to camp after breaking-in remounts.

resign from public positions. >s'o one whose
patriotism and support of the war A\as not in-
tense could remain in any official situation.
In South Australia the Attorney-General, ^Mr
Homberg, although his sympatliies were beyond
question, resigned from office in face of pubUc
feehng. The public resented the treatment
given to the interned men, many of whom had
been earning scanty hvings as bandsmen and
had been interned at their own request, in
conformity with international law. The
imprisoned Germans showed their inherent
capacity for orderliness by making the intern-
ment camps models of well-lit, well-built, and
well-managed institutions. Australians had to
confess that these were better camps than their
own military encampments. The New Zealand
Germans were interned on an island in shark-
infested Wellington Harbour, where they could
do what they liked without troubling anybody.
The Imperial Government used the comparative
harmlessness of German concentration camps
in Australasia to good advantage, and large
ntunbers of Germans arrested for internment
in Ceylon and other dependencies were taken
charge of by the Australasian authorities. The
New Zealand public demanded a wholesale
rounding up oi the alien enemies in the
Dominion, and included a section of the
naturalized Germans. But the policy of both
Dominions was to follow Imperial advice in all

matters affecting internati<jnal law, a rough
and ready line of demarcation faitMuIly fol-
lowed by all the Dominions.

The measures of Federal and State Parlia-
ments to adapt life to war conditions became of
lasting interest to the rest of the Empire because
of their coiu-ageousness. In the attitude towards
the enemy nothing was left to chance. No
attacks were made on things German simply
because they were German. But the Attorney-
General of the Federal Ministry, Mr. William
Morris Hughes, who introduced the principal
Acts, and who was throughout the principal
spokesman of the irreconcilable anti-German
community, gave his countrymen a satisfying
feeling that nothing remained undone through
lack of detestation of the enemy. His rights
under ' the Patents Acts disappeared. The
rush for naturalization was abruptly stopped.
The German hold on Australian industries was
gradually relaxed. Acts controlling alien
enemies gave drastic powers to the authorities.
Under the Trading with the Enemy Act prose-
cutions showed marked determination to root
out the evil, regardless of the standing of the
persons concerned. The military authorities
were encouraged to make searches of establish-
ments where business with Germans had pre-
viously been done. In one such place a collec-
tion of rifles was found, but no attempt at
organized rebelUon was discovered, nor indeed

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

FROM AUSTRALIA'S
Soldiers from Victoria

would it have had the slightest support of any-
large body of Aiistralian Germans. Apart from
such measiu-es and the long and hard fight for
release of the metal industry from German
control, the attention of the Governments was
fully occupied in raising the armies and in
regulating the new industrial situation. In all
States and in New Zealand drastic methods
were taken to prevent exploitation of the public's
new circumstances. Legislation instituting
boards to fix prices was hurried through. Thus
in New South Wales, where the State Govern-
ment commandeered wheat and foimded State
bakeries, the price of flour remained con-
siderably lower than the world price. The
Government acquired more than 300,000
bushels of wheat from its farmers at a set price
of 53. a bushel, when the world price was over
8s. These boards met with varying success,
and their utility changed with the seasons.
They could not prevent an increase of nearly
30 per cent, in the cost of living, but it was
noticeable that the increase was lowest in those
States in which their work was continuous.
As trade became more settled the tribunals
relaxed their activities, imtil, after a year of
war, only a few fixed maximum prices remained.
For many months tlie State legislatures
seemed unable to settle down to any legislation
not directly bearing on the war, and they gave
the bulk of their time to reforms in the industrial

SMALLEST STATE,
on a route march.

legislation and to directing the employment of
men who had lost their occupations owing to
restriction of employment. It must be remem-
bered that, imlike the United ICingdom and
Canada, Australia received little share of the
mimition and war material manufacture which
maintained industrial activity at a liigh
standard elsewhere. Yet there was no part of
the Empire where relations between employers
and their men remained on such excellent
terms. The unions never attempted to bring
pressure upon employers by threats of strikes.
The severe limitation of profits on war con-
tracts, followed by the decision of the Federal
Ministry to commandeer all profits on war
material manufactures above the average
percentage for the tliree years preceding the
war, satisfied the workers that their industries
were not being exploited for the gain of the
masters.

The policy enunciated at first from seemingly
authoritative sources, that of " keeping Aus-
tralia going with as little hindrance to sound
industry and local development as possible,"
never had more than a temporary popularity.
Australia worked as if war was at its own doors,
and an invader was being dealt with. Women
on all sides engaged on a mass of ill-directed
war work which at any rate eased their minds.
There was a great national demand to have an
individual part in the war, and where the

69—2

12G

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

Goveminents failed to provide outlet for ener-
gies private organisations stepped in. Rifle
clubs were thronged with new members, new
clubs sprang up in all parts of the country.
Volunteers for home service pressed their claims
upon the Defence Department, and when refused
official recognition formed large organizations of
their own. In New South Wales, where the
movement was led by the ex-Minister of Educa-
tion, the Hon. Campbell Carmichael, M.L.A.,
who later formed a battalion of 1,000 sharp-
shooters from his reservists and enlisted for
service with them as a private, 20,000 able-
bodied men were enrolled in a fortnight.
The idea behind these organizations, which

organized criticism from the Opposition benches.
Both Dominions went through the pangs of
general elections, and five Australian States had
State elections close upon the heels of the
Federal elections. These did not excite the
outbursts of feeling which formerly characterized
Au.stralaslan poUtical contests. It was common
for rival meetings on opposite street corners to
end about the same time, and the notes of the
National Anthem would arise from the opposing
camps. In the Parliaments, the Governments
had only to say that their measures were war
naeasures to ensure quick acceptance. In New
Zealand, where the elections gave the Massey
Government an unworkable majority, both

AUSTRALIAN NAVY'S FIRST IMPORTANT ENGAGEMENT.

The last of tue raiding German cruiser " Emden," which was destroyed by the H.M.A.S. " Sydney" in one
hour and forty minutes after the firing of the first shot off Cocos Keeling Island, November 9th, 1914.

flourished particularly in the south island
of New Zealand, was that men who could
not then be accepted for foreign service, or
whose position was such that they would
be amongst the last to be called up, should
secure what training could be gi\-en in the city
park.s.

In the political sphere there was a wise
tempering of opposition with action. The old
class jealousies largely died down, hushed by the
.seriousness of the conomon crisis ; but in all the
Austrahan Parliaments, and for eight months in
the New Zealand Parliament, there remained

parties joined forces to ensure efficiency and ease
in war administration.

The Dominion had in Mr. W. F. Massey,
Sir Joseph Ward and Mr. Allen typical Austra-
lasian leaders, who had risen from working
boys to be men of substance. An Ulster-
man who had gone through the heartaches of
colonial farming, Mr. Massey showed himseK
a plain-thinking and practical man, and he
was typical of that imquestioning New Zea-
land loyalty which no disaster could ever shake.
Sir Joseph Ward, more adroit, perhaps, in
Parliament and on the platform, brought into

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

127

service a wide experience of Imperial adminis-
tration, and personal knowledge of those leaders
in London who had never thought it worth
while to travel within the Empire. Mr. Allen
was a cautious administrator, economical, and
a zealous student of London models. No coali-
tion was achieved or even seriously considered
in Australia. Powerful newspapers, nervous
about the prospects of radical legislation passed
as war measures becoming permanent, de-
manded a fusion, but neither side in the Federal
Parliament believed that its leaders could work
with strength alongside the men they had
fought in some of the bitterest and most
advanced political contests in the history of the
Empire. Mr. Andrew Fisher, who took rank
during the war as one of the strongest men in
the Empire, thoroughly disbelieved in coalitions.
He remained until October, 1915, the supreme
liead in Australia, settling the most troublous
questions in all departments, and controlling
Parliament without difficulty. Like Mr. Massey
and his own lieutenant, Mr. Hughes, Mr. Fisher
was a native of the United Kingdom. He was a
product of the coal mines of AyrsMre, and hard
experiences in boyhood had evolved that poUcy
of caring for Uves more than for property, which
for five years had been the outstanding note in
the Australian Parhament. Mr. Fisher secured
the Opposition's representation on a war com-
mittee of twelve, six from each side, who shared
the secrets of the Prime Ministry and the
Defence Department and assisted in recruiting.
But though the Opposition appointed the ex-
Prime Minister, Mr. Joseph Cook, who, like Mr.
Fisher, had begun life in a British coal mine-
Senator E. D. Millen, an aggressive and re-
sourceful ex -Minister of Defence, and Sir William
Hill -Irvine, the ex -Attorney General, a North
Irishman who had been the first to sound the
note popularly called " pessimisin " and who
brought a well-equipped and powerful intellect
into the counsels, the Cabinet retained respon-
sibility and control of all measures. The war
committee was never accepted as an authorita-
tive body in the conxmunity, and it achieved
little. Better success attended the treatment
of the demands of the Government that refer-
endums should be taken to enlarge the Federal
Constitution at the expense of the States.
This was in reality a search for the key of the
Labour programme, which entailed the estab-
lishing of national industries on a large scale,
beginning vrith iron and shipping, and the
regulation of prices, wages and profits. The

(iovermnent certainly found itself hampered by
the sovereign rights of the States, and in such
matters as the acquiring of the meat output at
the request of the Imperial Government there
were serious conflicts between Federal and State
authorities. The sacrifice by which all parties
agreed that the Federal Parliament should have
full powers during the war and for one year
afterwards was one that onljr those who had
lived through the transition stage in which
Australia passed from a collection of autono-
mous and jealous States into a continental
nation could appreciate. It showed how Aus-
tralia recognised that in party politics the clock
had stopped. It was another exemplification of
that policy of " setting our teeth and seeing it
through," expressed by Mr. Hughes after the
early casualty lists. The nation was in no
mood to fight in factions. Its anxiety for its
men in Gallipoli, and its desire to use more of its
strength, had become acute. It suffered from
an itch of impotence, feeling helpless and un-
happy tlirough not being fvdly organized and
led to supreme efforts. It was generally said
that those men only were happy who had
donned the Australian uniform and taken rifles
to the firing lin . The spirit of Anzac had per-
colated through the two nations, and changed
their fibre. The thoughts of Australia and New
Zealand were following the fortunes of their sons
on those dreary and inhospitable cliffs where the
destiny of Turkey was being so strangely linked
with theirs. They were busy, too, with visions
of a new Australianism and a new Imperialism,
and for the first time in their history were be-
coming conscious of their place in the troubled
orbit of conflicting nations.

The Australian and New Zealand Ai-my Corps
had acliieved an historical feat, and its com-
position and work require examining. Its
renown as one of the finest fighting forces any
Empire has produced led to its being called a
corps d'elite, but it was characteristic rather than
specially representative of Australasia. It was
merely the first assemblmg of early volunteers
after the declaration of war. The men came
into the camps from all parts of the DominioiLs,
many journeying hundreds of miles on horse-
back or on foot to enlist. Botfi Dominions had
been roughly mapped by the military leaders
into territorial areas, from each of which a
quota of recruits was to be accepted. It was
thus arranged that the men from one district
should fight side by side — that the man from

128

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR..

1 . > ^^ta

^^B ' ' Wm^' I^^^B ^^^^9SHHB^^^«9^H

NEW ZEALANDERS IN CAMP NEAR CAIRO.

the Snowy should find himself beside a comrade
from his own locality in the Light Horse, and
men from the West Australian minefields should
be together in the engineers. Except that re-
striction of employment through drought in-
creased the quotas from Victoria, it was found
that similar enthusiasm prevailed in all parts,
and recruits came forward from States and Pro-
vinces in about equal percentages of population.
They were drafted into training camps in eacli
State, and took naturally to that open-air life
which for six months before their supreme trial
toughened their muscles and hardened their
spii-its. It was all new work, both in Austraha
and New Zealand. But the Kitchener com-
pulsory training schemes — the outcome of Lord
Kitchener's visit to Australasia in 1910 — though
insufficiently advanced to provide many trained
men for the expeditionary armies, had set
up administrative machinery which proved
invaluable. Working upon raw material of
the finest quality, this machinery was able
to produce within two months a fully equipped
division in Australia and half a division in
New Zealand, both ready to the last button,
and locally provided with every necessity
except hea\'y howitzers. Australia indeed
had set about its mihtary administration
so earnestly that in addition to equipping
its ov\'n forces it was able to assist other
Dominions. It had for foiu- vears had the

advantage of the strongly developed war
administration of Senator George Foster
Pearce, an Australian-born carpenter whose
name is indissolubly linked with the creation of
the Austral ian Army and Navy. It helped South
Africa with ammunition, and was in the early
days applied to by that coimtry for artillery.
It I'aised a heavy siege brigade for European
service, and sent a flying corps to General
Nixon's expeditionai-y force in Mesopotamia.
As they watched their little army grow, Aus-
tralians regretted that they had not taken still
greater heed of warnings given their statesmen,
on the subject of German aggression, at the
1911 Imperial Conference. But they could
justly claim that on land as on sea they were
more ready than any other self-governing
Dominion. They were in the peculiar position
of having a higher military annual cost per head
than even Germany, and yet finding themselves
without trained men to send out of the country.
They had to improvize, to expand, and to create.
A few years more of preparation would have
made their early war measures very differej\t
indeed. Australia and New Zealand could then
have launched, within a month, armies of fully
150,000 men, fit to march against any troops
in the world.

Such was the genesis of the Anzacs. Here,
among their own people, they were equipped.
Much they owed to Major-General William

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

129

Throsby Bridges, who began liis work for the
first Australian Division with the first sound of
M ar, and ended by giving his life for it on the
tands in GalhpoU. Before he could lead the
Division, General Bridges had to organize it.
His energy and force infused the factories
which produced xiniforms froni mere wool,
rifles from mere steel, boots from new hides,
and hats from the furs of rabbits. Much
the Division owed., too, to the workers in the
factories, who joyfully laboiu'ed day and night
that the Dominion's forces should have the best
of everything ; to the railway employes and
the tentmakers, the sock-loiitters, and those
who had horses and motor-cars to give. In
both Dominions it required such generous and
indefatigable efforts as came from all classes to
secure the results achieved. Both communities,
led by their small staffs of military experts and
by politicians who did not falter at any ex-
pense, laid aside other work in order that this
should be well done. There were scenes of
great rejoicing when, two months after the
declaration of war, the men inarched through
the cities, as magnificent an arrav of manliood

as the Empire had seen. Thirty-three thousaiif'
men were ready to sail by the end of November :
fifteen thousand men were training in camp,
getting ready to fill the places of those who,
jaunty now in confidence of their strength,
might fall.

It will never be clainied, however, that the
Australasian Army Corps was made in tlie

MAORI WARRIORS AT BAYONET EXERCISE.
Inset : Maori Chiefs in Egypt.

130

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

training fields of Australasia. There, on their
own land, in the sunshine they had not yet
leajnt to prize, the men from the factories, the
warehouses, and citj^ offices, the long, " lanky "
Queenslanders from the Warrego, the farmers'
sons from the Parramatta, and the wiry country-
men from the Hunter, the Murrumbidgeo pastor-
alists, and the kangaroo shooters from the
Murray Plains — there, with broad-backed miners
from Bendigo and Kalgoorlie, and stocky South
Australians, they were given their first martial
training, their company drill and musketry
courses. But it was in Egypt that they were
made into soldiers. It was the desert that made
them. On the long marches on the sands and
in the long watches round the Pyramids and

HELIOGRAPH SIGNALLING.

New South Wales Signallers at their camp in the
Desert at Heliopolis, Cairo.

Heliopolis camps, they passed tlirough the
ordeal of labour which is the essential prepara-
tion for every achievement. It was there that
the first 30,000 men from Australia and the first
10,000 from New Zealand were moulded into an
army corps. Lieutonant-General Birdwood,
chosen by Lord Kitchener as their coromander,
met them. The new discipline of foreign service
settled down upon them, the esprit de corps of
their force became a thing to be reckoned with.
The men grew to hate the desert. They were
in it for three months. They became jaded,
mentally and physically, under the iron soldiers'
regime. As draft after draft came forward
from Australasia, and the army grew into three
divisions, and all gaps in the ranks were filled
by the regidar inflow, the process was always
the same. Egypt preceded the firing line, and

rigid training under an Imperial officer — at
first under Lieutenant-General Birdwood, then
under Major-General Spens — was imposed on
all except those reinforcement drafts urgently
wanted after heavy losses. It was so loyally
and cheerfully gone through that General
Bridges declared that the Australians had won
their first victory on the sands of Egypt. Their
commonsense and desire to become an efficient
unit in the Imperial armies triumphed over the
self-dependence learnt on their own free and
limitless spaces, and many men wrote home to .
say that, though they loathed the sands of
Egypt, they owed to them their strength as
fighting men.

It was with great joy and eagerness that the
men embarked for Gallipoli. They were at last
to fight. Training had taken more time than
they had bargained for. They had begun to
fear those disintegrating forces which, in the
midst of the strange, monotonous soldier's life in
a country that was ever remote from their ideas
of home, had shown themselves in such incidents
as the mild riots in the Whasa district of Cairo.
They had confidence in their leaders and them-
selves, and though they loiew that casualties
would be high in their earlj' fighting, they had
no doubt about the result. General Birdwood
had made the First Australian Division the firet
division of his corps, and his second division he
had formed out of the two brigades of infantry
and the moimted infantry sent by New Zealand,
together with the Fourth Australian Infantry
Brigade and the First Australian Light Horse
Brigade, part of which were divisional mounted
troops. Commanding the first division was
General Bridges, who proved in fighting
as in organizmg to be "a leader possessing in
rare strength the greatest qualities of a soldier,"
as General Hamilton said after his death.
General Bridges had on his staff the most bril-
liant young Australian professional soldiers
produced by fifteen years of Federal army work,
and it should be mentioned that in his Chief of
Staff, Colonel C. B. Whyte, p.s.c, who received
one of the many decorations bestowed on Aus-
tralian officers, he, possessed an inspiring j'oung
Australian leader 'who became a great force in
Anzac. In command of the mixed Australian
and New Zealand Division was Major-General
Sir A. Godley, of the Irish Guards, %vho for some
years had been tutoring New Zealand in its uni-
versal service scheme. General Godley had
Imperial officers in the principal positions on his
staff, and his division more nearly approximated

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

131

TRENCH DIGGING IN THE DESERT SANDS.
Party of the New Zealand Contingent in Egypt.

to a British division than did either of the Aus-
tralian divisions — a difference to be expected
from the absence in New Zealand of that dis-
finctive nationalism which had developed ir
Australia. The complete success of the landing
spoke much lor the two divisional and the six
brigade staffs. It was difficult to realize what
an enormous amo'jnt of work and strain had to
be borne in preparation for such a feat, in which
no detail could be left to chance it disaster was
to be avoided. The loss suffered by the force
when General Bridges fell to a Turkish sniper
could be weighed in lives. A cold man with an
ideal of meticulous accuracy, he had neverthe-
less endeared himself to his troops, and they
were not satisfied until thoy had taken a revenge
upon the Turks, in the actions of May 18-19,
tlescribed in Chapter XCVIII., so severe that the
enemy was compelled to seek an armistice to
bury his dead. General Bridges was posthu-
mously knighted, and his body was taken from
its grave in Egypt to Australia, where it was
interred on the Federal capital site at Canberra,
in the wild bush near the Royal Australian
Mihtary College he had created.

After General Bridges's death, Brigadier-
General Walker, an Indian Army soldier
brought by General Birdwood on his staff,
took over the First Division. The Federal
Government sent from Melbourne the apostle
of compulsory service, Colonel J. G. Legge
to take over the First Division, and promoted
liim brigadier-general. But he had been only

a lew days on the peninsula when it became
necessary to give the division a rest from the
trenches, in which they had been for nearly five
months. He was given the onerous task of
organizing and commanding the Second Aus-
tralian Division, which he formed out of large
drafts from Australia then completing their
training in Egypt. With this he returned to
GaUipoli in September, thus enabling the First
Division to rest and refit. It was a disappomt-
ment to Australia that General Legge, who witli
Colonel Whyte was the military hope of the
Australian democracy, did not find scope in the
nation s first military operations until the story
of Anzac was so far advanced, but in General
Walker the division had a hard-hitting, down-
right soldier, who shared with his men the
Anzac spirit of enduring comradeship.

In previous chapters the narrative of the
earlier episodes at Anzac has been given. There
are, however, considerations and incidents
which should be set torth here. They help
us to weigh the Imperial importance of the
Australasian effort in the war, and explain
the spirit which promised much after the
war. What was expected from the Australasian
Army Corps during the first days in GaUipoli
was not made clear. Certainly the prevalent
opinion was that the task was simple, that the
naval fire would have a shattering effect on the
TurlvS, and that the peninsula would soon be
straddled. Although General Bridges and
Colonel Howse, V.C., a New South Wales

132

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

(country doctor, who did heroic work as director
oi' medical services on General Bridges's staff,
arranged as far as was in their po^^er for evacua-
tion of 5,000 wounded, others were not so long-
sighted. There were very few hospital ships
prepared for casualties from the landing.

With each force, the British at Helles and the
Australasian at Sari Bair, artillery horses and
full ambulance transport were sent, indicating
the existence of hopes and expectations which
wore doomed to disappointment. On the other
hand, though calculations were made upon an
over-estimation of the power of the naval
artillery to cover the advancing army, it was
fully expected by the Australasian staffs that
the landing would be sternly opposed and would
lead to very heavy losses. As a matter of fact,
great feat though it was, the Australasian
landing was assisted by an extraordinary mis-
hap. The Navy in the darkness, steaming
without lights and in unknown waters, had
landed General Birdwood's pioneer force one
mile north of the position chosen. They hit
upon a spot so rugged and barren that the Turks,
thinliing that no force could be landed there and
that no commander would be foolish enough to
attempt it, had prepared few defences. On the
wide point of Gaba Tepe, on the other hand,
where clear undulating plains open an easy way
across the peninsula, the Turks had erected
barbed wire entanglements in the sea and made
a landing almost impossible. Had the Aus-
tralasians been put ashore here, as proposed,
they would have won an exposed foothold, but
they might liave been utterly broken in the first
assault upon the Turk. " Our orders were to
land, to get into contact with the enemy, and to
push in," wrote a senior Australian officer.
" We had thought of all contingencies, and had
decided our policy in the event of mistiming in
landing or of overwhelming opposition. That
policy was to send in boatload after boatload,
until in the end as much of our programme as
was possible was achieved, or we ourselves were
wrecked in this honourable but hazardous
task."

The Australasians' qualities as fighters proved
equal to every change in the situation in
Gallipoli. At first, when a thin line, stretched
along the edges of the cliffs and guJlies, was
precariously holding back great bodies of
Turks, it was indeed a question whether the
corps should not be re-embarked. Twice
the transports lying off the coast were ordered
to send in their small boats, lest withdrawal

should be forced upon the Australasians.
The army corps commanders were doubtful
on the first evening about the advantages
or possibility of holding on, and the decision
was referred to General Hamilton on his
staff ship off Helles. For some days the
Turks had all the best of things. Their snipers
enfiladed the gullies, their artiller}' poured
shrapnel from each side upon the beaches and
trenches. Only the slight protection afforded
by the cliff itself made the future Anzac possible.
The strain upon physical endurance was intense.
Great difficulties were experienced in getting
water and ammunition across the roadless
gullies, through the thick scrub, up the pre-
cipitous sides to the few defenders. There
seemed to be none of the elements of victory
and all the elements of disaster. Months after,
when the survivors looked back on those awful
days, they agreed that it was sheer physical
strength that had enabled the corps to hold on.
The men had the will and physique to endure.
In the extremes of tiredness, they were slightly
less tired than the Turks. From the first day
a wonderful spirit was displayed. The wounded
.staggered back from the di'essing stations to
the trenches. Men died with the same simple,
unquestioning heroism with which they had
fought. The mortally wounded did not com-
plain. Those being carried down from the hills
roused themselves, as they passed the reserves,
to breathe a word of encouragement or defiance
It was a fiery spirit, and it carried forward thest
forty thousand men, trained to the last ounce
in physical strength, with irresistible momentum.
Anzac became theirs. But its problems
never became simple. No one could see how
it could be used, so broken and precipitous
was the country into which it led. No one could
see, for a time, how it could be held. It was
merely a foothold on cliffs, on a deep gully and
on the gully-sides beyond ; the posts along the
side were slenderly held, and to be swept off
at one would mean that the others were un-
tenable. At the gully head was a position
commanding the whole of Anzac, known as
"Dead Man's Ridge," which the Australasians
lost large numbers in several efforts to capture,
and from which only the resourcefulness and
skill of the Australasian snipers — old " rifle
club " men for the most part — kept the Turks.
The weather was beautifully cahn and mild,
but no one could tell when tho exposed
anchorage would become tossed by winds for
days on end, and neither stores nor reinforce-

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

133

PARADE OF TERRITORIAL AND COLONIAL TROOPS.
The march past before General Sir Ian Hamilton at Mena Gamp, near Cairo.

ments could be landed. For protection on the
flanlis, the navy's guns had to be relied upon ;
and the appearance of enemy submarines com-
pelled the disappearance of the fleet until such
time as specially adapted monitors and old
cruisers arrived to take up the work. It was a
situation calling for not only endurance and
courage, but engineering skill and resource in
organization. The use of hand grenades had
not been foreseen ; bombs had to be improvised,
and bomb-throwers instructed. The way these
civilian soldiers — farmers' sons fresh from their
ploughshares, solicitors and clerks brought from
their libraries and desks — made of Anzac an
ahnost impregnable fortress was one of the finest
feats of the war. "Remarkable defences were
improvised at such places as Quinn's and
Courtney's Posts. Tunnelling, barricading, and
sap making proceeded uninterruptedly for five
months.

Resource and initiative were developed
in unsuspected quarters. A New Zealand
solicitor. Colonel Malone, proved himself a
military engineer of great ability. Having
transformed Quinn's Post from a vital point of
danger to a foothold for offence, he died there.

The Post was the key to Anzac, and the en-
counters upon it would alone make an epic. It
was held on the night after the landing by ijhe
remnants of several companies driven back to
the edge of the gully, and the Turks were never
nearer victory than when they faced these lonely
and worn-out infantrymen. Major Quinn,
a Queensland officer, after whom the Post was
named, was killed whilst organizing an attack
from it, and later a liight Horse company went
to its doom from it as part of the costly opera-
tions of early August. It should be recorded
that artillery officers, among whom were the
first graduates of the Royal Military College,
got their guns into the very trenches throughout
Anzac, and suffered always from the handicap
that their emplacements were necessarily fe\A'
and well known to the Turks, whereas the Turks
had square miles in which to choose their
positions. A young private invented a peri-
scope rifle, wliich, until the enemy copied it, gave
the whole corps a marked ascendancy over
Turkish trench fire. In many extraordinary
ways the Dominion men's self-reUance and
initiative displayed themselves. Perhaps the
most notable of all was the resourcefulness of

NEW ZEALANDERS IN EGYPT.
Field Artillery returning to camp from the desert.

69—3

134

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

the siiipera. l:>y sheer obstinacy and skill the
Australasian riflemen overcame the Tm-ks,
until it became perfectly safe to walk in gullies
which the Turks commanded, and even to show
oneself over the Australasians' lines. The
Turks contrived wickerwork boxes which,
placed slantingly in their sandbags, seemed to
defy detection. But they soon learnt that they
could not fire without attracting a deadly return.
Nor could they throw one bomb upon the
Australasians without getting two or three
back. The Australasians became ascendant.
The Turks were obviously afraid of them.
Their prisoners told how for some weeks no
men would go into the trenches opposite Quinn's
Post unless given special promotion, so frightful
was the Australian rain of bombs. It was said
that Enver Bey, during a visit to his country-
men's lines, stopped this procedure, and ordered
a charge which ended in complete disaster.

To those who went through it, more striking
even than the facing of death in Gallipoli was
the capacity of the soldiers to endure. They
were faced with hardships comparable with
those of the Crimea. They were never, at

AUSTRALIANS IN EGYPT.

A scene on the Quayside. Inset : The Gamp

Donkey.

any point, out of range of Turk gims. Tlirir
dug-outs afforded them more mora! than pliy-
sical shelter. They were in reality safer in the
trenches than on fatigue duty on the beaches
iir in the gullies. The weather until late
October wivs indeed a glorious calm, the sky
scarcely clouded, the blue waters of the ^gean
scarcely rufifled. Sometimes, for a few minutes
only, when bathers were in the sea, and Xorth
Sea trawlers APere steaming leisxirely about with
stores, one could imagine, at Helles, at Anzac, or
at Suvla, that in this wild and inhospitable
country all was at peace — that war could not
take place for such barren shores, and that the
dread reality would prove a dream. But the
guns were seldom silent. The rain of shells
and the whistle of bullets wore everlasting. The
work in the trenches was continuous. Our
hold was never firm. It always required all
the efforts of all the men we cculd land and
feed in Gallipoli. The food could never be what
it was in France. There was nowhere to forage,
except the little Greek island villages on Imbros,
which was inaccessible exccjot to a very few.
Bully beef, onions, biscuits, tea, and water were
the staple, almost the only, articles of diet.
There were three great days in Gallipoli — the
first when the troops first got news through the
issue at General Headquarters of a daily broad-
sheet. Peninsular Press ; the second, when
they got meat ; the third, when they got bread.
But bread as Icnown in Gallipoli was different
from what these men had consumed at home.
Once the Army Service Corjas got fresh eggs to
the Suvla trenches, and it performed other
feats. But the monotony of the food meant

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

185

a great deal. The men could grt no change, and
they suffered. They could get no relief from
■work. They were never without great hopes
and determination, or \\itho\it full confidence
that the Turks could and would be beaten. But
there was throughout the Peninsula a mental
and physical strain which «aa often manifest.

Few armies have borne so much over such
a length of time, few have risen better to
perilous tasks at the call of their commanders.
When after the great Tm-kish assault on
Anzac Une.s on May 18-19 — an assault in
which the eneniy changed completely in one
hour the Australasians' feelings to\\'ards the
Turks, by an exhibition of unsurpassable
bravery — the Tm-kish dead brought flies to
the scene, the agony of dysentery was added
lo those of the prolonged and obstinate fighting.
The dysentery could never be overtaken.
It smote down nearly everyone in Anzac.
The place was septic, and men in ill-health
had small chance of picking up again. Though
not a particularly virulent form of the disease,
it had mortal effect in many hundreds of
cases, owing somewhat to the difficulties
encountered in hospital transport. When the
flies disappeared with the first signs of winter,
the Ohiess abated. But by that time dysentery
almost more than Turkish bullets and shell had
sadly reduced tlie armies in each zone. As an

army of offence, the Australasian Army Corps
had lost its original vigour after the great
assaults of early August, when the first Aus-
tralian Brigade won the Lone Pine position on
the right of Anzac, the sixth and eighth Light
1 torse Brigades were flung in a great and hope-
less charge against " Baby Seven Hundred," and
the Fomth Australian Iirfantry Brigade and
two. New Zealand brigades suffered terribly
in the brilliant work against the Sari Bair
Ridge to the left of the New Zealand outposts.
But nothing cheered the men more than to be
told that a Turkish attack was expected, or
an Anzac attack was being planned. They
would manage to struggle round, at all costs,
wiiile there was real fighting in sight. Heroic
endurance was the order of the day. Men
scarcely able to stand remained by their guns,
because they knew they could not well be spared.
The cases of those whose sickness fully justified
removal, but who kept resolutely to the trenches,
wore to be numbered in thousands.

The most moving part in the Gallipoli
story will ever be the splendid feelings it called
forth in the breasts of young Australasians.
To them it was no ordinary adventiu'e in war-
fare. These single-minded, loyal youths had
different conceptions of God. But every con-
ception fitted into the sublime conception that
this work for their race and country \\as Clod's

AUSTRALIAN OFFICERS IN EGYPT.
A lunch in the desert.

130

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

THE SCENE AFTER THE HISTORIC LANDING AT SUVLA BAY—

Enemy snipers driven from their lurking-

work. L'pou tlie tissue of their natures, the
warm affections, tlie cleanliness and the liberty
among which they had been brought up, this
fighting call in Gallipoli jirecipitated something
that seemed to them the liighest thing possible.
They did not stop to gi\c it a name, or they
would have been able to distinguish it, bj' its
accompaniment of home-longings and fierce
connection of this enterprise with Australian
people and Australian soil, as Australianisiii.
A\'hat they loiew was that they wished to go to
Anzac, tha^t they were prepared to die there,
that the Australian army had become for them
a sacred institution. Their hearts were touched
by the death of comrades, their eyes took fire
at the sight of the distinctive Australian uni-
form. Gallipoli proved, if it did not in itself
go far to produce, a warmth and generosity in
the Australian character. The difficulty ex-
]jerienced by the commanders was not to get
men to this shell-torn place of hardshiiD, but to
keep them from it. Half the members of tlie
Light Horse Brigades and all the drivers of
artillery and ambulances had been left behind
in Cairo or Alexandria, to attend to the horses.
But it was impossible to keep them there.
Thej' decided amongst themselves who could
be spared. Everyone wished to go, tiiose
cliosen were thought lucky. They boarded
traasports at Alexandria, stowed away until
the ships were at sea, and then reported tliem-
selves to the officers commanding. One artil-
lery brigade lost 39 of its men in this manner.
General Hamilton could never find it in his
heart to send back men who came with tears in

their eyes and asked for nothing better than to
be given privates' work in Anzac. There were
oases in which sergeants gladly forfeited stripes
and pay for the chance. Men could not bear
to go back to their homes and say they had not
done their share in Anzac.

And of their discipline, which was attacked
because it was sometimes unorthodox, what
better can be said than what was told in the
luidying story of the Southland ? The South-
land was torpedoed by a German submarine
in the JEgean Sea, when conveying the 21st
Australian Infantry Battalion and part of the
23rd, 1,500 strong, from Alexandria to Mudros
They were Victorian country boys, recruited for
the most part from the farms and stations of the
Wimmera and theGoulburn Valley. Panic ensued
among the ill-assorted crew of this converted
German liner. Three of the four holds filled with
water, the hatches of the hold first damaged
were blown out and in the water there the
Australians could see the dead bodies floating of
their comrades killed by the explosion. No one
tlionght that the ship could keep for long above
water. But the soldiers stood at their stations
They waited for their turn. One went to tlio
piano, and played favourite airs. Others, when
volunteers were asked for, jumped into the water
to right overturned boats. When at last all the
men wei'O off the stricken vessel, standing on
half-submerged rafts, clinging to the edges of
boats, swimming alongside improvised supports,
volunteers were called for to stoke the ship into
port, all the men within hearing offered for the
hazardous ta.sk. Six officers and seventeen men

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

137

■ i*^^Bk^

^ ,_, ™ , , , ^._ - , T^,-,^ —J-

''■. ','■■ :' y . • -■

.-— -;

M^hPf

WKKSBlf^^^ /ii^je^^a^M

W^:'.

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^^''■^.- :r.'Aiis-*^

''^m

A BUSH FIRE ROUTING OUT BOTH BRITISH AND TURKS,
places and hunted out by the Anzaos.

climbed the rope ladders again, and with her

bows under water and her stern low down, the

ship was brought into Mudros and beached.

It was a triumphant vindication of the discipline

of Dominion troops. " The discipline was

perfect," wrote Captain C. E. V^ . Bean, ofBcial

reporter at Anzao. " The men turned out

immediately. There had been boat drill on the

voyage and the inen ran straight to their proper

places and lined up." They sat down on the

declcs, under orders, and removed their boots.

" There were officers shouting, ' Steady, boys ;

that's the only thing, steady ! ' The men's

stations were partly in the half darlcness of the

'tween decks and partly in the sunlight on the

upper deck. . . . Occasionally a man would

turn his head and look down to see how t)ie

water was making. ' Bad luck, that two and

a half months in the desert should end in this,'

said one. ' Are we downhearted ? ' called

another. ' No ! ' they all shouted. ' Are we

afraid to die 1 ' called someone else. ' No ! '

they shouted again." A letter home, which

was published in The Times, paid a generous

tribute to the raw young soldiers : —

I received orders to go to Anzac to join the batteries.
We had an infantry regiment wliicli sliould go down to
history for a deed only equalled by the Marines on board
the Birkenhead. After two days' sailing, at lO.M a.m..
I hoard a sentry shout, "My God, a torpedo," and we
watched this line of death getting nearer and nearer
until crash ! and the old ship reeled with the shock.
Then the order "Ship sinking," and "Abandon ship" ;
without a cry or any sign of fear, without any more
hurry than a brisk march and singing " Australia will be
there." I cannot say how magnificent, how fine they
were. They went to their stations and lowered the
boats in an orderly, careful way, taking the places they
had been told off to, the injured going in first. . . . The

only losses ont of 1,600 of the soldiers is one officer and
.SG men, of whom 12 were killed by the explosion, two
from boats crushing them, and the rest were drowned
from overturned boats. The moment when the toi-pedo
came towards us was the most awful experience I can
ever remember. To wait and keep calm in the face of
what seemed certain death. Never can men have faced
death with greater courage, more nobility, and with a
braver front than did the Australian troops on board the
Southland. The song they sang was " Australia will
be there," and by God ! they were. They were heroes ;
wo knew they were brave in a charge, but now we knovr
they are heroes. Long live in honoTir and glory the
men of the 21st and 23rd Australian Infantry.

The narrative of military operations con-
tained in our earlier chapters on the Darda-
nelles campaign will be continued later,
but several episodes may be related here.
The first capture of a Turkish trench and its
retention deserve special notice because this
brilliant exploit fired the whole of Anzac,
after fifteen weeks of monotonous trench
fighting, for the great aggressive opera-
tions of August and September. The work
was known as Northern Turkish Despair
Trench, or Tasman Post, and it was stormed
under severe fire on July 31 by a composite
company of the 11th Battalion (West Aus-
tralia) of General E. G. Sinclair-MaoLagan's
Third Brigade, under Captain R. L. Leane.
After two days a heavy counter-attack was
launched by a battalion of Turks, who regained
a section of the work, but were again driven
out. Tlie ejjisode cost Anzac 300 casualties,
but showed what could be done. Near the
close of the series of attacks which this suc-
cess began was another charge, the simple
truth of which was v^orth accomplishing, even

13S

THE TIME,S Hl^TURY OF THE WAR.

at the cost. Tt was the charge of the First and
Third Light Horse Brigades, differing from thti
charge of the Light Brigade at Balaclava only
in that it was made by horsemen who had
volunteered to fight on foot, and that it suc-
ceeded in one object — that of holding largo
bodies of Turks who would otherwise have
been used against the new British landing at
Suvla Bay. The Eighth and Tenth Regiments
of the Tliird Brigade \^ent out from Walker's
Ridge. It was a charge into death from the
first moment, and before the men of the second
line leapt from tlreir trenches they shook
hands, knowing that they could not survive.
They were met by a fusillade that became a
continuous roaring tempest of machine gun
and rifle fire, and out of the 300 men in the first
line only one returned. The Second Regiment
of the First Brigade was sent out from Quinn's
Post, charging into so iixipossible a fire tliat
the first line had to be left to its fate, and the
second, third, and fourth lines held m the
trenches. The First Regiment of the First
Brigade charged up the slopes of Dead Man's
Ridge and found a similar fate. It was all over
within ten minutes — in the case of the charge
from Quinn's Post within a few seconds. "The
Turkish machine giuis drew a line across that
place which none could pass," wrote Captain
C. E. W. Bean, official observer with the
Australian Division, " and the one man who

went out and retm-ned unwounded put his
escape down to the fact that he noticed the
point on our sandbags on which the machine-
gun bullets \serc hitting, and jumped clear
over the stieaiu of lead. The guns were
sweeping low, and a man who was hi! once by
them was often hit again half-a-dozen times as
he fell through the .stream \vhich cauglit hiuj.
The whole of the first line w'a.s either killed or
w oiuided ".vithin a few seconds of theu leap
from our trenches." But though the charges
shattered four regiments of as good fighting
men as the Empire possessed, they created an
imperishable unpression. " As for the boys,"
\\rote Captain Bean, " the single-minded,
loyal Australian country .lads who left their
trenches in the grey light of that morning with
all their simple treasures on their baclis, to
bivouac in the scrub that eveniiig, the shades
of evenmg found theux lying m the scrub with
God's wide sky above them. The greeu
arbutus and the holly of the peninsula, not
unlike their native bush, ^^ill some day claim
again this neck in those wild ranges for its
own. But the place will always be sacred as
the scene of this very brave deed — this charge
of the Australian Light Horse into certain
death at the call of their comrades' need during
a crisis in the greatest Vjattle that has ever
been fought on Turkish soil." They helped
the Fom-th Australian Brigade and the New

NE'W ZEALAND TROOPS IN EGYPT.
At work near the Pyramids.

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

139

DUG-OUTS AT GABA TEPE.
On top of the famous bill which was successfully carried by the Australians and New Zealanders.

Zealanders in their night march among the
hills to the north, and they made the Suvla
Bay landing at least a bit safer for the raw
youths, much like themselves, from Lancashire,
Essex, and Ireland.

To understand the Australian soldier it
was necessary to appreciate hLs open-handed
liberality. He was built on generous lines in
every way. His physique was the wonder of
the Mediterranean. Some sqiiadrons of Light
Horse averaged six feet in height. The
regular life and hard work in the deserts filled
out the city men and gave uniformity to the
magnificent infantry. No doubt also a con-
sciousness of stalwart manhood brought to
them a dignity and confidence of bearing
which, as they swung themselves down the
steep sides of Anzac or worked, stripped to
the skin, beside the guns in their emplacements,
brought emotion to the observer at the sight
of so much fine life. But generosity in mind
and spirit was as characteristic as generosity
in physique. The Australasian's views, his
sympathies and his sacrifices wore alike hberal.
He went to death, as at Walker's Ridge and
Lone Pine and on the shoulders of Chvmuk
Bair, with the same generosity with which he
spent his money. " He shed his blood in

Anzac," said Colonel Nash, M.P., who left a
large Sydney practice to minister to his country-
men on their first battlefield, " as prodigally
as he spent his substance in Cairo." The Aus-
tralasians were often misunderstood, but never
by those alongside whom they fought. Pay-
masters were overwhelmed with requests from
soldiers in the field to make over thsir pay to
comrades in hospital. " They may have a
chance to spend the money, it is no good to us
here." British regiments recorded how when,
a-s sometimes happened, they ran short of
tobacco, the Australasian force alongside sub-
scribed and bought enough for all. The
Australasians' generosity to each other in
action was equally marked. There were
terrible times after a charge, ■when wounded
had to be left alone in the dead country
between trenches to languish and die. Many
Australasians lost their lives in vain endea-
vours to ventiu-e out for comrades after dark.
Others spent day and night in digging saps
to bodies, in the hope that they would recover
them before suspicious Turks, noticing the
hasty spade work, put artillery on to the spot.
Amongst the heaviest sufferers at Anzac were
the ambulances and stretcher bearers, who
ventured into all parts of the field and followed

110

THE TIMES HISTOnY OF THE TT'.i/^

^fe*»-

ON THE GALLIPOH PENINSULA: THE AUSTRALI
The great landing of troops and supplies ; on the lef

THI-: TIMES HlsTom- OF TIfl-: w.in.

lil

^isvwe^^ti'^,

^-**

•4D NEW ZHALANDEKS AT GABA TEPE, APRIL 25, 1915.
d Cross Dressing Station, protected by sandbags.

142

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

the infantry in their charges. The Fourth Field
Ambulance, an Adelaide force, lost more than
half its men. The bearing of the Ai'jstralian
wounded was l^eyond all praise. It seemed
almost as if they ^^ere proof against pain, so un-
complaining and cheerful they remained. Will
and spirit triumphed over body. It was a point
of honour with the wounded to make no sound.
It seemed a point of honour, too, to make no
(■all for medical men, to fight on until strength
departed, and even then to ask that others
should be treated first. Such things are ex-
pected. But with a shaken force, battering
against a victorious and niunerically over-
po'wering enemy under distracting conditions
of hardship, the factors making for demoraliza-
tion are sometimes irresistible. Where the
Australian soldier was not liberal was in his
hatred of the Turk. Until May 18 the hatred
was of heart and soul. But on that memorable
day, when wave upon wave of Turks broke
against the Australasian lines until 7,000 of the
enemy lay dead and wounded, the feeling in
Anzao was convulsed. There were always
strange threats and oaths, bitter feelings and
desires, when a sniper sighted a Turk or machine
guns began to play upon rest camps or reserves
do\^'n on the plains. But for " Achmed," as
the Australasians called the Turk, there grew
up a strong respect. There was respect for
such glowing bravery as the Turks showed in
charging, and more specifically in chancing
death for their wounded comrades. Except
where there were German officers, who were
confined in Gallipoli to a small number of
■commissioned and non-commissioned men m
charge of artillery and machine gims, the Turks
fought fairly. They respected the Red Cross,
tliey sought to minimize suffering, they even
braved danger for the sake of Australasian
^^■olmded. One striking instance was given on
Anzac's left. In the cUislc a Turk was seen
ci-awling fortJi from his trench, wriggling across
tlie grornid, and disappearing into a hole not
far from the Australian lines. The operation
■\\'as three times repeated. The Australian fire
Mas withheld, despite fear of mining, liecause
it was suspected that a wounded Turk was
being succoured. But when in the dead of
lu'ght a small Australian party made its way to
tlic indentation, they found not a Turk but an
Australian, witli a Turkish blanket covering
liim, a Turkish fly-net over his face, Turkish
food bc^itlo him, and Turkish bandages upon
his wound. General Birdwood, early in the

history of Anzac, sent a company down to
Gaba Tepe by sea, more for reconnoitring than
for a serious landing, but with some hopes that
the place would be found undefended and the
emplacements of the mysterious guns in the
olive groves discovered and destroyed. The
party found occupation of the little peninsula im-
possible. They were met by withering fire, they
found the beaches defended by stout, sunken
barbed wire. They had to take again to their
boats. And the Turks stopped their fire while
the Australians were lifting their wounded from
beach to boats, and did not re-open until the
wounded had been removed into comparative
safety.

It is necessary to say a word in praise of the
Australian officer. He was born of the occasion.
Australia was able to call upon very few pro-
fessional officers to take up the work. New
Zealand was in an even worse position.
Although military science had been more
seriously studied in Australia than in any other
Dominion, it seemed when war broke out that
the Commonwealth was in no way capable of
officering even the first expeditionary force of
twenty thousand men. For the headquarters
staff General Bridges had several well-trained
yo^uig Australian officers who had passed
through the Imperial schools under the system
of exchange and study sedulously encouraged
by Senator Pearce during his creative periods
of administration at the Defence Department.
Such men as Colonels Whyte, Brand, Blarney,
and Cass justified expectation of brilliance.
In addition General Bridges was fortunate in
having serving in Australia at the time of the
war several expert officers lent by the War
Office for special organizing purposes, and
these, of -iA'hom Colonels Glassfurd, Marsh, and
Maekworth were specially trained in infantry
control, army service work and signalling,
merited much of Anzac. The appointments
of brigadiers was Australia's chief difficulty.
The Govermnent had available various briga-
diers under the con:ipulsory training scheme.
Tliey were civilians, had had little or no field
\\ ork, and had not impressed General Haniilton
during his visit to the Commonwealth. Of the
eleven Brigadier-Generals appointed to the
four I>ight Horse and seven Infantry Brigades,
nine reached the front with their commands.
Brigadier-General Linton, a typical Australian
self-made civilian turned soldier, was lost when
the Sutherland was torpedoed, bemg thrown
intn the water from an overturned boat and

THE TIMES HIHTOBT OF THE WAB:

143

ON BOARD A GERMAN PRIZE.
The Australians take possession of the S.S. " Lutzow " near Sedd-uI-Bahr,

refusing assistance till all the men liad been brig.ides had lieen so rednced that his men

got into shelter. Colonel Spencer Browne, a were, needed as drafts. 'Phe Second and Third

Brisbane joumahst, found when he got to Egypt Light Horse had found it hard to leave their

with the Fourth flight Horse that other hovsps behind them in Kgypt and go to war as

144

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

ANZACS IN GALLIPOLI-

infantry, especially as with true Australian
sjanpathy for horses thejr had become greatly
attached to their mounts, and they liad had
no ti'aining for war ■\\"ithout them. But the
Fom-th Ijjght Horse was called upon to surrender
not only its character as mounted troops, but
a,lso its formation. It was soon seen that the
early appointments of Vjrigadiers had been
happy. This is not to say that permanent and
skilled soldiers, who had given all their lives to
the study of war. would not have been even
more successful, or that lives were not lii;t
through the later appointment of men too old
for the rigours of Gallipoli. But it certainly
showed that the type of Australian civilian
appointed to the senior commands — successful
business men who had put in their holidays for
many years at training camps, solicitors,
engineers, and joiu'nalists — cjuickly became
resourceful, determined and clever soldiers. If
anything, they were too contemptuous of per-
sonal danger. General J. W. il'Cay, of- the
Second Brigade, was first from the rest trench
in the great charge made by his brigade in
May at Krithia. Kxclaiming, " Xow is the

-WATCHING A BATTLE.

time for me to do the heroics," he walked
along the top of the trench, in face of heavy
tire, rallying his men and giving that inspiration
which carried tliem on to the enemy's lines.
<;leneral ^I'Cay was later wounded in the leg,
and he was not the only Australian General
who in defiance of the medical corps returned
to Anzac before fit for work again. As a result
his leg broke at the old wound, and he missed
command of the First Dix'ision. A solicitor
with a largepractice inMelbourne, (General M'Cay
had been State and Fedei'al politician and
.Minister, ^Minister of Defence, Chief Censor and
lepresentative banker before his soldiering took
hirji to Gallipoli. On return to Australia he
became Inspector-General of the Forces.
Another lawyer-brigadier. General M'Laurin,
was killed with his brigade-major, ^lajor Irvine,
a trusted and valuable Imperial officer, on the
day after the landing. liike many other officers,
including GJeneral IBridges liimself, they exposed
themselves freely to. Turkish snipers in order
to increase the men's sense of confidence when
for the first time tmder hea\'y fire. Officers of
both divisions suffered very heavily during the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

145

early days, but though it robbed the army corps
oi' many trained men who could never be
replaced, it was a fa orifice no loss conscious
and no less noble in that it was premeditated
recldessness, designed to inspirit men under fire
for the first tune. The two professional
soldiers given brigades were Colonel Chauvel,
an Austrahan cavalry officer who at the out-
break of war was succeeding General Legge as
Australian representative on the Imperial
General Staff, and Lieut.-Colonel Sinclair-
MacLagan. of the Yorkshire Regiixient, to whose
work at the Austrahan Royal Military College
at Duntroon the training of the cadet-officers
was largely due. Lieut-Colonel Sinclair-Mac-
Lagan, who became temporary Brigadier-
General after the landing, was generally ad-
judged the most successful of the Anzac
brigadiers. A disciplinarian with tact, a skilled
soldier, and above all a clever tactician, he was
given the most respousibk) work on April 25.
It was Ixis Third Brigade which General Hamil-
ton sent to Mudros in March to practise landing
on an exposed beach from small boats. The
Brigade was first ashore. It drove back the

Turlffi frojn the cliff trenches. It got far inland
towards Maido.s, and it suffered heavily. A
composite brigade from the four least populated
States, it had that element of wiry and resource-
ful Queenslanders and tough West Australian
miners generally considered the best composi-
tion in Australian forces. General Sinclair-
MacLagan was compelled to take a great

ANZAGS AT THE DARDANELLES.

Australians at the entrance of a dug-out on the GalHpoIi Peninsula. Inset : Using a periscope

and a periscope-rifle in the trenches.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

147

decision on the day of landing, inclining his
men towards the left and thus happily striking
the undulation later famed as Shrapnel Gully.
In General Godley's Division, General Russell
and General Monasli, the former a New Zealand
city man and tlie latter a Melbourne civil
engineer, were given the bulk of the work.
General Monash, in command of the Fourtli
Australian Brigade, led the ill-fated attempt
to capture Baby Seven Hundred, in which his
brigade lost heavily. He later led liis bri-
gade, brought up after severe wastage to a
strength above 4,000, in support of the New
Zealanders in the great advance from Anzao's
left, in w^hich the shoulder of Chunuk Bair was
reached, and the force was terribly reduced.
It will never be decided whether the utmost
was made of the gallant New Zealand and
AastraHan brigades on this occasion, when the
Second Division lost to an extent which was
tragical. But to say that the general officers
were worthy of their men in Anzac is to say no
more than is their due.

It was, in fact, no easy matter to lead such
a force. Where intelligence in the ranks is
liigh only brave and skilled officers will com-
mand re.spect. The younger officers were
frankly amateurs. The majority had had no
nxihtary training. They had learnt their first
drills as privates at the Australasian camps,
and had gone through hiu'ried training at
officers' training schools in Australasia and
Kgypt. They started only with keenness,
energy and ability, but they understood their
men, and their sympathy won a confidence
which in the Imperial Army is won by military
skill and com'age. They were for the most
])art athletic yoimg adventurous Australians,
of a simila,r type to the men in the ranks.
Except at the very beginning of the war, every-
body had to enlist as a private in the ordinary
way ; an age limit of twenty-three was fixed,
and commissions were awarded in open com-
petition. It was a democratic army, and
it should be said that the young men weighed
careiuUy the resijonsibilities of officers' work
before they sought coimnissions. Large num-
bers of educated men remained in the ranks,
't'he extra jjay for conmaissioned rank, 21s.
a day for lieutenants and corresponding
increases for each promotion, did not appeal.
The Australasians rather scouted the idea
of payment for their fighting. Their pay was
high, 6s. a day for privates, including
Is. deferred until discharge ; their non-com-

missioned officers received more in some
classes than British heutenants. But to Aus-
tralasians their pay was a means to an end,
and they spent it so freely that orders were given
limiting the amount drawable to 2s. a day,
balances to be drawn only \ihen really required.
In the ranks was to be found an extraordinary
mingling of rich and poor, of educated and
raw human material. One tent of eight men .
in the Fourth Light Horse Brigade owned
pastoral property and stock ^^'orth £.500,000.
Of nine members of the Perth City Club who
enlisted in the Third Light Horse Brigade only
three secured commissions, and the remaining
six agreed that they would remain steadfastly
together in the ranks. Every member of their
reguuent, the only Light Horse regiment

'Elholl •". fry.

BRIGADIER-GENERAL SINCLAIR-
MACLAGAN, D.S,0.

raised m West Austi-alia, brought his o\mi
liorse into camp \vhen he enlisted. Through-
out every battalion and every squadron, and
particularly in the artillery brigades, were
men of wealth and substance ; youths whose
fathers were amongst the most distinguished
and wealthiest men in Australasia maintained
throughout their service the humble rcle of
privates, and met the private's varying fate.
General Birdwood foLuid in the ranks of the
Light Horse two sons of the Australian branch
of his family ; General Hughes's and General
Ijnton's sons enlisted in their father's brigades
as privates ; Mr. Jolin Wren, who had race-
coLU'se interests throughout Australasia and
owned a newspaper, served as a corporal.
The plain story ot Galllpoli will be enough
to stir the pride and rouse the emulation of the
British race for generations. But some of the
distinctive acts in Anzac were so remarkable as

14S

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

CORPL. P. H. G. BENNETT.

Wellington Battalion, awarded
the D.C.M.

CORPL. C. R. BASSETT.

New Zealand Divisional Signal
Company, awarded the V.C.

SERGT. TINSLEY.

.Auckland Battalion, awarded
the D.C.M.

to comppl mention. (General Walker, after the
Lone Pine attaek, found it necessary to mention
more than 1.50 men, each of whom had per-
formed what would in normal conditions be
acts justifying decoration. The first Anzac
V.C. was a typical Victoria Cross deed. Cor-
poral .Jacka, a young Bendigo miner, was the

LANCE-CORPORAL JACKA.

Victorian Battalion, Australian Expeditionary

Force, the first Australian to be awarded the

Victoria Cross.

sole sur\-ivor in a trench in which seven Turks
secured a footing. Instead of retreating down
the communication trench he sprang into a
sniping post, and by covering their line of
advance kept the Turks where they were.
.Tacka must have expected death from behind
from other Turks who would be following their
comrades, but he held his position until an
officer approached with men. " It is not safe
to come round there, sir," he called to his
officer. Asked for suggestions, Jacka replied
that the only thing to be done was to send a
]^arty along the trench to rush the Turks.
He agreed to lead the party, bvit the first man
roimd the trench was shot, and this form of
attack was seen to be impossible. " Send a
larger bombing party," called .Jacka. But when
after an interval the party was ready and
arrived, they found seven dead Turks, with
Jacka sitting on the body of the last, smoking a
cigarette. He had leapt across the trench, got
behind the Turks, shot five and bayonetted
the other two. It should be said that all the
nearest men volunteered to form the first
attacking party, several remarking, " It's got
to be done. Let's do it now." This admirably
btated the Australasians' point of view of
danger. Xone courted death. To regard the
Australian or New Zealander as reckless is to
misunderstand. It seemed reckless that they
should liathe in the sea while the guns from the
<jUve grove were casting shrajaiel over the
uaters. It seemed reckless that the officers
should expose themselves as thej' did in order
to observe positions and get the best results for
their men. It seemed reckless that they should
go out singly and ..t twos and threes to search
for hidden snipers. But they did nothing with-

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

149

out a purpose, and if they risked death for a
bathe, it was because they felt so much better
fighting men after their customary swim. The
Australasians had, indeed, every possible reason
for wishing to live. The warm affections of well-
established homes were awaiting them, good
careers in a free and peaceful country stretched
ahead, life to these young men seemed very
sweet indeed. They measured the sacrifice by
the stake, and knew that the great aim of main-
taining the happiness of their nation justified
the giving of themselves. The early August
operations at Lone Pine, and in the ridges
along the north, when for one brief moment the
Australasians saw the waters of the Narrows
and the Straits beneath them, produced a
crop of nine Victoria Crosses. There were few
finer incidents in the war than the work for
which Captain Shout, who succmnbed to his
injuries, was decorated. With a very small
party he charged down trenches strongly
occupied by the enemy, killing with his own
hand eight Turks, and assisting in the rout of the

remainder. From this captui'ed trench he led a
similar charge against another section, captur-
ing it, and maintained mitil his wounds became
unbearable a heavy bomb fight with the enemy
vmder severe fire. Nor could anytliing he more
picturesque than tlie way in which Lieutenant
Throssell and Corporals Dunstan and Burton,
although badly wounded, built up a barricade
under fire and thus saved a critical position.
Yet every Victoria Cross man declared, when
his woimds were dressed, that every man in the
battalions had done work as good.

The story of Australasian efforts would be
incomplete without reference to the work of the
Australian Army Medical Corps. The medical
resources of Australia and New Zealand were
fully mobilized, and in addition to providing a
large section of the treatment for the Mediter-
ranean Expeditionary Force wounded and sick,
more than a hundred doctors were sent at the
War Office's request to France. The doctors
of Australasia seemed unanimous in their desire

CAPT. F. H. TUBE.

7th Battalion Australian

Intperial Force, awarded

the V.C. for bravery at

Lone Pine.

LIEUT. JOHN SYMONS.
7th Battalion Australian Im-
perial Force, awarded the
V.C. for bravery at Lone
Pine.

PRIVATE J. HAMILTON.
1st Battalion Australian Im-
perial Force, awarded the
V.C. for bravery in the
Gallipoli Peninsula.

150

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

DINNER TIME.

A Quarter-Master of the Canterbury Rifles.

to go with their sons and their sons' friends into
battle, and the appHcations for positions came
in such niimbers that the Defence Department
was able to choose the best. Several leading
consultants and surgeons went to Egypt at
their own expense, when they foimd that room
could not be made for them ; one took with
him his assistant, two nurses, and full equip-
ment. In Sir Alexander McCormaek, Drs.
Syme, Stawell, and Maudsley, and many others,
Australia had the services of its most distin-
guished medical men. The work in the Mediter-
ranean was not only distressing, continuous,
arid extremely fatiguing, it also required a
self-effacement and submission to discipline
which to less patriotic men would have been
a severe trial. The sands of Egypt and the
islands of the ^gean were against quick
healing. The medical corps was continually
fighting its septic surroundings, and the system
grew up of sending as many cases as possible
direct in hospital ships from GalUpoli to
England. The Australian Army Medical Corps
suffered severely in Gallipoli, but it established
traditions. In one man alone, Dr. Mathiesori,
of Melbourne. Australian Universities lost a
life Aihich had been judged infinitely precious.
It was felt that in public interests a different
system from that followed in the army should
prevail, and brillian' men with proved capacity
for research work should not be allowed to risk

their lives. But the Australian Army Medical
Corps was proud to bear its heavy sorrow,--
without complaint. The men at the front Lived
imder fire, they had their little hospitals on the
beaches. The ordinary system of stationary
hospitals behind the firing lino could not apply
to warfare on the peninsula, where the ground
held was so .slender. There were many in-
cidents showing the heroism and self-sacrifice
of medical workers in Gallipoli, but nothing
more appealing than the refusal of a hospital
imit at Suvla Bay to hoist the Red Cross flag,
lest the Turks should think we were sheltering
under it the army corps headquarters close by
As a whole it may be said that the Dominion
medical corps, which in the Mediterranean
included Australian, New Zealand, and Canadian
units, brought something new into army
medical work. The Dominion men were
extraordinarily quick in their methods. They
did much that might have been left to orderlies,
and waited on no man. Australia organized
no less than ten fully equipped and staffed
general hospitals, and added seven auxiliaries
to its two hospitals in Cairo. Where convenient,
Australian wounded and sick were sent to
Australian hospitals, but as a general rule
British and Australian lay side by side in the
nearest hospital able to deal with them. The
Governments agreed to pay each other a daily
allowance for each of their soldiers treated in a
hospital established by another, but as the war
progressed these charges appeared by common
consent to be cast aside. Both New Zealand
and Australia sent many more doctors and
nurses than were required for the treatment of
their own sick and wounded, excessively large in
nuinbers though these were. They sent also
nxunerous hospital ships, chartering the best
liners in their waters, and sparing no expense.
There was a striking rally of Australasian men
and women to the Red Cross, and the keen
anxiety of the nation to know that their
wounded were getting the best that could be
provided v/as shown by the display of pubUc
indignation when convalescent men were
instructed to travel by ordinary train between
Melbourne and Sydney.

It is now necessary to take up in detail the
narrative of the war activities of the six million
people from whom the Anzacs, in regidar drafts,
had come. There were regrets and recrimina-
tions when it was thought that anothel: ten
thousand men landed in Gallipoli on the first

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

151

day, or another two divisions added to the five
British divisions landed at Suvla Bay in August,
wojild have made the difference between success
and failure. It could not be said that in the
Dominions the men did not exist, or that the
training would have been impossible. Govern-
ments and people, however, never had the
information upon which drastic and complete
action could be based. Lord Kitchener's cable
in June that he could arm and use " every
available man " was the first direct intimation
that all was not well. Several of the offers of
brigades and reinforcements were accepted so
t-ardily that there were doubts as to whether they
were really needed. The utmost news that the
Government received from Downing Street for
many weeks about the Dardanelles was that
there was reason for " satisfaction." Mr.
Fisher wEis led in the Hoiise of Representatives
to malie public complaint that he had to rely

for valuable Imperial information upon what
the Press reported by cable of answers given by
Under-Secretaries to questions in the Imperial
Parliament. He was compelled to " express
the opinion that the British Government does
not yet realize to the full the real position of the
distant Dominions in matters that very nearly
affect us." There was, of course, good reason
for secrecy. To send confidential information
to Australia was to take a risk, vmder some
ciromnstances, which did not make for Imperial
efficiency. No risk with regard to the arrange-
ments for the Gallipoli landing, for instance,
could well have been justified. But the Domi-
nion Governments were throughout more
jealous of official secrets than was London,
and one of the episodes which puzzled tlie
Australians was the noising about of great
secrets in London, and their discussion in the
House of Lords, before they wei'e entrusted to

'^^Kf^r ' "'V

INTELLIGENCE OFFICERS.
Outside their dug-out at Gaba Tepe.

15-2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

their Goveriunents. TJiere could be no com-
plaint about the complete confidence reposed
in Dominion Prime Jlinisters when they visited
London, but the lack of clear Imperial leader-
ship distinctly delayed emergency efforts in
Australia. Ko adequate attempt was made
to use the Dominion Press, which was allowed
to flounder along in the darlc, with two articles
in its creed — faith in Great Britain, and down-
right certainty of victory.

After early vain offers to turn Australian
factories into munition workshops, and to acce-
lerate recruiting if the Imperial Government
would pro\'ide rifles, the Fislier Government

AUSTRALIAN DESPATCH RIDER IN
GALLIPOLI.

settled down into steady efforts to produce what
AustraHa could within its omi strength and in
a high state of efficiency turn out. The policy
was persistent, thorough work, instead of an
emergency effort that could and would have
produced 250,000 able-bodied men within
fifteen months of war. A severe medical test
was imposed on volunteers, and the average
number of rejections was as high as 46 per cent.
What was done was done without regard for
vested interest and with thorough regard to
the men's fitness as soldiers. Equipment was
of the best. All militia officers were called to
Avork at the tr.aining camps, which became
great semi -permanent institutions. There
was cjuick response to every suggestion from
T-ondon. At a mere hint the whole of the

frozen meat trade was taken over for Imperial
soldiers. Horse-buyers were sent into the
remotest parts to make sure that the best
available should be secured for the forces.
Though surprised when Lord ICitchener an-
swered a plaintive appeal for further directions
with a cable, " Send a motor transport column,"
the Government searched every city for motor
tvagons, bought the best they could find, and
set the State raUvvay workshops to work to
build repairing shops on wheels. As soon as
fear of surprise attacks on the coast was over,
a large section of permanent Australian Garrison
Artillery men were formed into a siege brigade,
under Colonel Coxon. These men created a
most favourable impression in England, where
their stature was generally commented upon
amongst artillery officers. A bridging train
was raised under naval officers, and put through
thorough training in Government House
Grounds, Melbourne. The tasks set the Aus-
trahan and New Zealand Govermnents were
performed with characteristic directness and
completeness. What was lacldng was a
mobilization of all resources on a final scale, a
thorough education of the public in the necessity
of supreme efforts if they were to gain the one
outstanding desire of the nation.

The cjuestion of equipment became para-
mount in the Government's considerations of
what could be done, both in New Zealand and
AustraUa. In New Zealand the one requisite
of which an ample supply was soon assured was
kliaki cloth. The Otago and Canterbury mills
were soon busy producing the typical New
Zealand khaki, which had a shade of green,
and they adapted their looms to serve Aus-
tralian needs. The whole cloth output of the
Australian imlLs was taken over by the Govern-
ment, the Federal Clothing Factory, a national
enterprise established by Senator Pearce four
years previously to make uniforms for the
citizen soldiery and the Post Office, was trebled
in size and put on double shifts, and large
private clothing factories became practically
national concerns. The Government fixed
conditions of work, exercised a general control,
and took the whole of the output. This was
in keeping with the practical policy of rigid
regulation of private war efforts, and resulted
in a system similar to the new munitions scheme
in Great Britain being instituted in the Com-
monwealth long before the Ministry of Munitions
was thought of. A Federal saddlery factory
had been established for army and postal

HEROES OF GABA TEPE.

Tending wounded on the heights after they had been stormed by the Australians and

New Zealanders.

153

154

TUt: TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

ON BOARD H.M.S. "C4NOPUS" AT THE DARDANELLES.
Australians calling for their mails.

requirements in peace time. Tliis was at once
extended, and again private output was
regulated. Export of hides except to Gifeat
Britain was prohibited. Care was taken to
select the local boot factories wliich produced
the best possible service boots. The same poUcy
was pursued in coimexion with underwear,
hats, and general accoutrements required by
the troops. No better equipment was sent
into the firing line than that of the Australasian
soldiers. " The most perfectly equipped sol-
diers I have seen," wrote The Times Special
Correspondent in Egypt. " Everything is of
good quaHty, and stands wear weU." The
Australian tunic, a pure woollen flannel garment,
became distinctive. The Australasian over-
coats were eagerly sought after. An officer of
the Lancashire Territorials told in his diary
how eagerly the troops at Suvla Bay wrapped
themselves in them when lucky enough to come
upon the piles collected from the Australian dead.

There was never lack of clothing at Anzac.
Other troops suffered through being sent on an
autumn expedition m tropical uniforms, but
though the Australasian's ruthlessly cast aside
everything but abbreviated "shorts" dtuing
tlieliot months, they got back into their native
\\ oo! when the nights became cold again.

Conscription had been discussed at the first
mention of war. A large section of practical

opinion held that the nation had a right to its
best, and that the fate of generations was too
serious a matter to take the slightest risk with.
It was not, however, until late in June, 1915,
that the utmost efforts were put into recruiting.
The Australian force had then grown to 90,000,
the New Zealand to 23,000. By July 1 3 Austraha
had reached 100,000. Recruiting campaigns
were instituted by the State Parliaments, and
that in Victoria brought in 19,000 men in three
weeks. The Governments adopted the uncom-
promising attitude of mobilizing the last man
and the last shilling. " The struggle is titanic,
and will have to be fought to the death," said
jNIr. Hughes. " We mtLst win ; but we can
only do this by bringing into the scale every
oimce of energy we possess and every resource
at our command." The New Zealand Govern-
ment compiled a compulsory register of all
men between the ages of 17 and 60 years,
with full particulars of status, occupation,
physical condition, military experience and
niUTiber of dependents. Men of military age
were asked if the}' intended to serve, and " if
not, why not." The Australian Government com-
piled in September, 191.5, a record on the same
lines, in addition to full particulars of the wealth
of the commtinity. Every person was com-
pelled to state his wealth, and the Government
became possessed of information on which

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

155

complete mobilization of gold could be based.

By November the number of men enlisted for

active service, including those preparing in

the training camps, was nearly 170,000. \^^^en

the full extent of the losses at the Dardanelles

was at length estimated, it was decided to raise

another full army corps of 50,000. The

reinforcements necessary for the armies in the

field were then 9,000 a month, and the new

*
corps promised to bring Austraha's total by

June, 1916, up to 300,000. There was never

doubt that the men could be raised. Nor was

there any real split on the question of forced

service if necessary. Several trades-union

organizations protested against compulsion

before the first boatloads of wounded returned

from Gallipoli, but the real issue was whether

it was necessary. A Universal Service League

was formed in August, with branches in all the

States, its leaders including men of such different

political views as Mr. J. C. Watson, ex-Labour

Prime Minister and principal leader of the

unions, Mr. Wade, ex-Premier, and Professor

Edgeworth David. The general sentiments

of the Dominion were well expressed by the

Sydney Bulletin, an outstanding Socialist

journal ;

There is no party that questions the justifiableness
of this war ; it is not being waged for territory ; and even
if we won it in an unthinlcably sliort time there would
still be no financial profit in it. It is one of tlioso
Imperial death-struggles which occur but once in cen-
turies : the sort of war that Carthage waged — and lost.
It is peculiarly our war. . . . The first anomaly that
ought to go is voluntary service. The business of wailing
for recruits by means of posters, politicians' speeches,
white feathers, and so forth is as degrading as those
other appeals by which our hospitals are periodically
rescued from insolvency. Speaking broadly, the system
gets the wrong men — the best — leaving the bad patriots
and the cowards behind. There is everything against
voluntary service as a means of raising a national army
and nothing but a few deceptive old catchwords in its
favour. It is especially fatal in a war where every fit
man is wanted, inasmuch as it can never rope in all the
nation's fit men.

Li New Zealand Blr. Massey guaranteed that
he would stick at nothing, and Blr. Allen
declared on November 4 " There is much
evidence that the public mind is veering towards
compulsory service. The evidence in the
South Island is overwhelming, and the matter
is receiving very serious consideration." In
both Dominions the Derby Scheme methods
were vised to the full in the months preceding

AFTER THE BATTLE OF GABA TEPE.
Turkish prisoners guarded by Anzac Troops.

156

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Christmas, 1915. There were never two

opinions as to the conditions on which peace

could be accepted. Sucli statements as the

following, by the New South Wales Labour

Premier, Mr. W. A. Holman, came from all

the leaders :

I am one of those who hope that, when victory is
achieved, there will be no weakness on the part of the
AUieJ Governments; tliat, acting in the interests of civili-
zation, they will aval' themselves of so unprecedented
an opportunity to declare that the public law of Europe
is n-^i longer a law without sanction and without punish,
ment, but that those who break the public law of Europa
are to be treated like criminals who break any other law.
I hope we shall have the pleasure of seeing some of the
members of the Great General Stafl of the German Empire
and some members of the German Ministry placed upon
their tjial for wilful murder and brought to account for
the various acts committed at their instigation. If I
live CO see that day I shall feel that I have belonged to a
nation and a race that deserves well of humanitv and has

nothing. In Australia the war and drought
acted as co-ordinated scourges, wliich imposed
a discipline on the country such as many
generations will remember. The drought
followed seven bountiful years, and was easily
met in the financial ivorld by a conservative
banlving policy, and by drawing upon the great
reserves which squatters, traders, and working
class savings banks had piled up. Its effect
was, however, most tmfortunate, for it meant
that Australia had to import wheat at high
prices instead of sending forth a great surplus
to command the war retiuns ruling in Europe.
The meat trade, which during 1912 and 1913
developed with Great Britain and the United
States, was less badly liit, but the export was
obtained very largely by reckless marketing of

AT THE DARDANELLES.
An Australian gun in position on Bolton's Ridge.

justified its existence in the long and melancholy history
of mankind. It is to the resolute hearts, the clear
heads, the strong arms, and the determined spirit of our
race that we must look now to guide us through this
crisis and bring us triumphantly out.

New Zealand prosperity increased during the
first year of war. A series of bountiful years
ctolminated in one of remarkable prodttctivity,
and high prices ruled. For the staple exports,
wool, wheat and frozen meat, the Dominion
sectu-ed the full benefit of war prices. This
made the task of financing the war compara-
tively easy. Mr. James Allen, who was Finance
Minister as well as Minister of Defence tintil the
Coalition, when Sir Joseph Ward relieved him
of the former office, had to place no serious new
imposts on the people. There were complaints
in the north island of drought, but compared
with the sufferings in Austraha the damage was

valuable stock. Stookowners depleted their
breeding stocks and sold their ewes to such an
extent that even the pastoral ists' newspapers
suggested preventive legislation, saying with
true Australian opportunism that " it is always
risky to leave it to the individual to act in the
interests of society." In New South Wales the
sheepbreeders estimated that the drought cost
them one-third of their flocks, while in Western
Queensland and South Australia the calamity
was even worse. While drought thus reduced
trade in the main requirements of armies, the
war for a while killed the wool and coal export.
At a word from the Imperial authorities, wool
export was prohibited. It had been going in
large quantities to the United States, the usual
markets of Belgium, Northern France, Ger-
many and Austria having been suspended ; and

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

157

upon it a considerable nvunber of American
factories were dependent. Tiie stoppage had a
double effect, as intended. It brought pressure
upon the United States, and prevented supplies
from going to the enemy. When at length a
trust was formed in New York guaranteeing
that the German alUance would get none of the
product, export was again allowed, and ab-
normal prices were obtained. The uncomplain-
ing way in which Australia submitted to the dia-
looation of its wool trade, which as the main
export of the continent amounts to nearly
£40,000,000 a year, was another of the many
instances of the patience and sacrifice of Aus-
tralian loyalty. The butter export, wliich had
reached an average of four millions sterling
annually, was reduced to little more than half
that figure for the drought year and that
following. Fine rains during autumn and
spring in 1915 assured all States of a return to
prosperity, and as the Governments had in
every way encouraged the increase of acreage
under crops the harvests became such that
serious problems of transport developed. The
official estimates for New South Wales and
Victoria, which had in their best previous years
produced thirty-five and thirty-three million
bushels respectively, were that oacli would
harvest sixty million bushels in the svimmer of
1915-1916. The Federal estimate was an

exportable crop of 150,000,000 bushels for all
States. Railway departments set to work tu
improvise trucks for this rich result, and even
carriages were reduced to wheat waggons. The
women went into the fields, and the school boys
of the cities were sent in organised bands to
assist, but the main work of this great harvest
had to be done by the farmers and those
fanners' sons who subdued their fighting spirit
until they had seen " the old people " tlu-ough
the good year. The release of the metals by
the establislmient of a metal exchange freed
from foreign influences promised also to bring
money to the country, and Australasia looked
forward into 1916 with confidence that it could
pay its share of the war expenditure and sub-
sist. In general; the effects of the war upon
trade were that the large import and export
trade «Iiich Germany had secured was paralysed
and that the United States and Japan, whose
commercial travellers swarmed over Australasia,
secured a greater share of this available con-
nection than did the slower moving exporters
of Great Britain.

In its public finance Australia did not face
the task of getting on with less borro^ved money
than in normal years. New Zealand borrowed
least of all Dominions, Australia most. ilr.
Fisher, as Federal Treasurer, used all the
Cominonwealth Government's authority , to

GALLIPOLI.
Graves of the New Zealand Mounted Brigade.

I.!ixclusive to "The Times.")

13S

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

AUSTRALIAN WOUNDED IN THE DARDANELLES.
Red Gross men at work on board a war vessel at Lemnos.

ciorb loan expenditure by the States. But the
State Premiers, who in the majority of cases
were the Treasurers also, found their requests
to London for money for public works -were
consistently well received by the IiTiperial
Treasury, and tliey accepted the easy policy
of borro^ving in preference to that of stopping
public works on hand, or even curtailing them,
and interfering with the livelihood of the
several scores of thousands of men employed.
During the year ended July, 191.5, the six States
borrowed £25,990,000 — more than a million
more than in the previous year of profound
peace, and eight millions more than in 1912-Kj.
The point of view expressed by the State
Treasuries was that Great Britain was quite
willing to lend the money, and that there was
.so much money in London that there was u,
danger that the Imperial Treasury might forget
it liad lent any to the States. This view was
encourag'-d by tlie attitude of the British
Treasury when requests were made by State
Premiers, against the wishes of the Federal
Prime jMinister, that an agreement entered into
in Uecember, 1014, should be broken on their
side. This agreement pro\ided that the British
Treasui'y should lend to the Commonwe-alth

Treasury eighteen million pounds, which it
must use for war expenditure, but which would
enable it to finance the States to a similar
extent ; and that the States would agree not
to borrow elsewhere during the next twelve
months except for renewals or by merely
normal sales of Treasury bonds. London
accepted the Premiers' assurances that more
money was needed, and in seven months
allowed the States nearly twelve millions more.
Being well into the field before the States
with a strong case for war taxation, the
Commonwealth Government led the way with
stiff income taxes, a new inheritance tax, an
increased land tax, and ne-iv import duties.
Mr. Fislier, who a few years ago had surprised
Australia by budgeting for an expenditure of
eighteen million pounds, found himself in
1914-191.5 faced with an outlay of £38,003,000,
of which £14,792,000 was %var expenditura, and
when he left office in October, 1915, to tike up
the High Commissionership in London, he fore-
casted that the expenditure for 1915-1916 would
be £74,045,000, of vi^hich £45,749,450 would be
upon the expeditionary forces and the Fleet.
He proposed that taxes should raise more than
enough for the swollen " normal " expenditure,

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

].jl)

now increased by war pensions and interest on
war loans to £24,460,025. His income tax was
to begin at 3d. in the £ on incomes of £157 a
year, rising by steep gradations to 53d. in the £
on those over £7,750. The heavy taxation was
accepted throughout Australia with scarcely a
protest.

A first war loan of £20,000,000 was success-
fully floated in Australia in September, and Mr.
Fisher announced that another of £25,000,000
would be raised soon after. Of the first loan,
wliioh was issued at 4i per cent., with immunity
from taxation — a concession that for investors
with the highest scale incomes brought the
interest up to £6 4s. per cent. — £13,000,000 was
immediately subscribed.

Although the part played by Australia and
New Zealand in the supply of munitions was
small, it could not be said that the failure was
due to lack of local desire or effort. Both
Dominions had been taught to rely upon Great
Britain — and to some e.Ytent, in the case of
cartridge cases, upon Germany — for their ov.n
needs in artillery and aiximunition, and they
had not even experts available for sudden
adaptation of their industries. As far back as
September, 1914, Senator Pearce offered all
Australia's shell-making facilities to the Im-
perial GoveiTunent. The war pressure in
London naturally delayed receipt of full
information, but on December 31 the High
Commissioner was instructed to obtain quota-
tions for a comjjlete manufacturing plant.
When the outcry for shells came in May, 1915,
the people of both Dominions reproached them-
selves for not having done more. They eagerly
repeated their offers. The controllers of all
private enterprises concerned — mining, smelting
and engineering companies — as well as the
State Governments, placed their works at the
disposal of the Minister of Defence. But
though these works contained the essential
lathes in abmidance, and though the new steel-
works of the Broken Hill Proprietary Company
at Newcastle soon produced a stoel fit for shell-
cases, it was late in the year before work could
be begun. The time passed in securing
fommlas from the Imperial authorities, and
general disappointment was caused by the
impression that London regarded Australian
workshops as a negligible factor not worth
troubling about. In New Zealand munition-
making followed a similar course. It was felt
to be unfortunate that the strong resources in
metals and metal workin.'j; in Australasia should

not have been mobilised early in the war, and
the ohijection that shells made in Australia had
to be transnorted half way round the \\'orld
before they got to the filling factories of Great
Britain was answered by the consideration that
such cargo could take the place of ballast. The
Commonwealth Government sent officers to
London early in 1915 to become specially
trained in shell-maldng, but these proved so
valuable in British factories that their services-
were requisitioned, and it was not till several of
the larger workshops in the Dominion had been
converted, after long and intricate negotiations,
into shell factories that they were allowed to
retiu-n. In October tenders for the manufac-
ture of shell-cases were accepted from the New
South Wales, Queensland, Victori,",n and Soutli

AT THE AUSTRALIAN HOSPITAL.

The Sultan of Egypt and General Sir John

Maxwell visit the wounded from the

Dardanelles.

Australian Governments, nine Victori.an firms,
two South Australian firms and the War
Munitions Company of West Australia, first
deliveries to be between November 1 and
January 1.

The tragedy of Gallipoli was long in unfolding
itself to the Australasian people. Inherent
in them was a confidence in Great Britain
capable of withstanding many rude shocks.
The homesickness of the pioneers and settlers
had passed down to Australasians of the second
and third generations, and the Mother Country
was regarded with strong veneration and
affection. Those disposed to criticise the
methods of the Englishman had faith in his
powers, and the ability of the Empire to win

16:

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

the war was never questioned. In the early
sta_'e.-: of the Gallipoli cani)3aign anxiety was
limited to a few poHtical leaders, and even they
believed till many months after the Battle of
the Landing that the Imperial armies would
get through. News was scant, and unreliable.
Official reports told little, official press repre-
sentatives were never a lowed to touch on the
strategical situation, and tiie lurid tales from
Athens filled tiie place of legitimate news. In
the Donuiiions it was believed that on the first
days the Australasians had straddled the
peninsula, that Maidos had been taken, that the
fall of the Turkish army was a matter of days.
The letters home from the wounded brought
first particulars of actions that absorbed the
public jnind, and their exaggerated optimism
supported the popular theory of infallibility.
Casualty lists were long and numerous ; family
after family was smitten, until it could be said
cliat tliose who had not a relative in the lists
had at least a friend ; the total of casualties
rose with alarming rapidity to the full number
of the first expeditionary force. But notliing
could shake the patient confidence in the race.

The main product of the Dardanelles adven.
ture in Australia, a[)art from the new national
spirit it aroused, was a renewed determination
to see the war through. The Dominioas felt
drawn even closer to Great Britain in common
suffering and disappointment, and they
stiffened their backs. There were many who
expressed their disappointment candidly, but
there were none who cast blame. What
Australasia looked for as a result of the lessons
of the Dardanelles was avoidance of mistakes in
future. Misfortxme on the battlefield could not
daunt the Dominions ; the only thing that could
weaken their Imperial affection was weakness or
indecision in the supreme control of the war.

The effect upon the political leaders was more
definite. The Australian Cabinet had in
January, 1915, sought a ineeting of Dominion
leaders in London, in order that the full
resources of the Empire should be mobilised.
This suggestion was put forward by Mr. Fisher
to -Mr. Lewis Harcourt., then Secretary of State
foT' the Colonies, but it had a poor reception in
London. Blr. Massey, after accepting the
London view that an Imperial Conference in
war time was unworkable, supported the
Australian Prime ^Minister, but Sir Robert
Borden and General Botha were understood to
be against it. The rejection of tliis project
made the Dominion leaders feel even more in
the dark than before, and they reached out

anxiously for such scraps of official mforination
and guidance as came over the cables. Mr.
Fisher's Imperialism was never to be questioned,
and liis admiration of London institutions and
abihty was always frank. But he stated in tlte
House of Representatives that he was dis-
appointed with the means of communication
between the Dominions and London in war
time, and that lie could not regard a promise
made by ]Mr. Harcourt, that the Dominions
would be considted before peace was accepted,
as a satisfactory recognition of the Dominions'
rights. What was feared was that Dominion
opinion might count for little in peace, except
as regards any suggestion that the German
colonies should be returned ; whereas what
really mattered was effective organisation of
DoQiinion resources, and their co-orchnation
in Imperial plans. At length the leaders could
stand it no longer. Mr. Harcourt, in rejecting
the plan for a round table conference, had in-
fomied the Prime Ministers that he would be
glad to see them and any responsible Ministers
from the Dominions in London, and to lay before
them all the information available to the
British Cabinet. This invitation was repeated
by Mr. Bonar Law when he assumed control of
tlie Colonial Office. By the end of October,
when the mistakes of the Dardanelles were more
or less bare, Mr. Fisher, Mr. Hughes, Mr. Massey
and Sir Joseph Ward decided to visit London.
Mr. Fisher, whose recent experiences had con-
vinced him of the importance and necessity of
official work for Australia in London, decided
to follow Sir George Reid as High Commissioner,
and to take over the position in January, 1916.
Mr. Hughes, who succeeded Mr. Fisher as Prune
Minister, decided to make a brief visit to
London al)Out the same time, and Mr. Massey
and Sir .Joseph Ward were asked by their
Ministers to take a similar journey as soon as
could be arranged. The visits were looked
forward to in the Dominions with intense
interest. It was felt that they would mark a
new, and perhaps a startling, departure in
Imperial governance, and that from them
would arise an enduring and invincible cohesion
in the elements of Empire. Something, too,
was expected from the visits paid to London
by large numbers of Australasian soldiers. By
November 11,000 sick and wounded Australians
and ij,000 New Zealanders were in Great Britain,
and the broadening effect of travel had been
added to the discipline of Anzac. Everywhere
an undeniable demand was arising for more
vigorous co-operation of the Empire as a whole.

CHAPTER C.

RAILWAYS AND THE WAR

Importance of Railways in War — The Sooth African Wak — German Strategic Lines

The Invasion of Belgium — The French Railway System — Russian and Italian Systems
— The Balkans — British Railway Executive Committee — The Expeditionary Force sent
to France — The Railway Transport Officer — Ambulance Trains — Making Munitions.

ON the outbreak of the Great War it
was not easy for the average person
to grasp the essential fact that the
railways over which in normal times
he travelled for purposes of business or pleasure
were not only an indispensable part of the war
machine, but perhaps the most powerful
weapon in the armoury of the nations. There
were wars before railways were built, and man-
kind will probably retain force as the final
international court of appeal when railways
shall have been superseded by other methods
of land transport. The European War was,
however, more than any conflict between the
armed forces of mankind which preceded it, a
war of railways.

There had, of course, been many interesting
examples of the successful use of railways by
armies in the field, and it was a subject which
had received for a generation or more the very
closest attention of the Military Staffs of the
great nations on the Continent of Europe. The
first examples of the use of railways on a large
scale for miUtary purposes were furnished by
the wars of 1859 and 1866 in Europe, and the
War of Secession in America. On the lessons
then taught Germany framed a military railway
policy which, in the war of 1870, had much to
do with the rapid success won by the German
armies. In France the teachings of earlier
wars had been insufficiently regarded, and the
rapidity of mobilization of the German forces,
due to the efficient use of the railways, found
Vol. VI.— Part 70.

the French military authorities inadequately
prepared. Moreover, what had been done in
Germany itself enabled the Germans to make a
more efficient use than would otherwise have
been the case of the French railways of which
possession was gained at an early stage of
hostilities.

The fall of Toul and Metis gave uninterrupted
railway communication between Germany and
Paris as far as Nanteuil, 52 miles distant from
the capital. The bridge over the Mame had
been blown up by the French in their retreat,
and this break in the line hampered the German
advance, but when Soissons capitulated in
October, 1870, the German armies held the lino
from the valley of the Marne to Reims,
Soissons and Crespy. The Orleans Railway,
and then the Western line to Rouen and Havre
were also secured, although m the case of the
Orleans Railway the retreating French army
succeeded in destroying the railway bridge over
the Loire.

In comparison, however, with the feats in
railway transport which were accomplished in
the war ol 1914, the use made of the railways
in the war of 1870 appeared to have been almost
trivial, at least m the occupied territory.
Owing to the general hostility of the civilian
population and the more active tactics of bands
of Francs Tireurs, the German provision, troop
and hospital trams were only permitted to
travel over the French railways by daylight,
and it is stated that such trains occupied five

161

u-i

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

days on the journey from railhead in France to
the interior of Germany. No proper system of
guarding ocqupied railway routes from raiders
was jjut ia force, and not imtil the South
African War was an example given of the use
of efficient methods of protectmg long railway
communications in areas subject to enemy
raids.

The experience of that war in connexion with
the use made of the railways was unique.
At that time Great Britain possessed no
military railxi'ay organization such as had been
created on the Continent, and perhaps until
England appeared likely to be mvolved in a
great Continental war there wa,s no real need
to set up an organization in imitation of the
German system. In this instance the policy
of drift could be defended. If, however, the

VOLUNTEER TRAINING CORPS AT WORK

Shovelling ballast out of railway trucks at Banbury.

Inset : Unloading cars.

British as a nation have lacked the gift of
creating iron-bound systems and have, there-
fore, had to start de novo on the outbreak of
every war in connexion with the work of
supply and transport, the national characteris-
tic of imijrovization had not infrequently stood
us in good stead. The old British Army was
not to be judged by Continental standards ; it
had to fight its battles in many parts of the
world and always under different conditions.
It is certain that no organization planned in
days of peace could possibly have served the
needs of British campaigns in the Soudan,
India, and in South Africa.

When the South African War broke out the
whole of the British military railway organiza-
tion consisted of two railway companies of
Royal Engineers, amounting to 300 men of
all - ranks ; an organized railway staff and a
scheme of operations were non-existent. The
story told in The Times History of the War
in South Africa is a fascinating narrative of
the way in which the transport problem was
solved under circumstances which were new
m warfare. The work done by the staff imder

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

1G3

the direction of Captain and Brevet-Major
E. P. C. Girouard, afterwards Sir Percy Girou-
ard, was one of the best examples of successful
improvization for a special occasion which the
annals of wart are contain. From the outset
the Contmental system, under which the
Director of Railways was to be in absolute
control of the railways, subject only to the
Commander-m -Chief, was adopted. That prin-
ciple was borrowed from Germany; the rest
of the plan was British. The railway con-
ditions were quite different from those on the
Continent of Europe. The many thousands
of luiles of railway which had been con-
structed from the coast into the interior were
nearly all narrow gauge single line, often con-
structed, owing to the nature of the country
traversed, on heavy radients and curves of
short radius, so that the carrying capacity
was far below that of the standard railways of
Europe.

The strategical concentration for the march
on Bloemfontein vmder Lord Roberts was under
the circumstances a great feat in troop
transport. The railway was called ui:)on to
collect the met, horses, transport, guns, and

stores and supplies from many points, and to
concentrate them on the short section of line
tietween the Orange and Modder rivers. The
troops had to be detrained at various stations,
where no accommodation existed, on a single
line railway, while the concentration had to be
done in a certain time and be carried out with
the gi-eatest secrecy. With supreme confidence
in the system which he had devised, the Director

THE BRITISH IN FRANCE
Loading pontoons on a train in Northern France. Inset : British and French troops guarding a railway.

164

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

SIR SAM FAY,
Great Central Ry.

MR. J. A. F. ASPINALL,
L. & Y. Ry.

MR. GUY CALTHROP
L. & N.W. Ry.

THE RAILWAY

of Railways undertook the whole respom'ibilitj'
for the task, and m fifteen days a total
of 152 trains passed northward and 30,000

THE RT.

HON. WALTER RUNCIMAN.
President.

troops vvitli horses, guns, etc., were detrained.

It was only gradually that the 5,000 odd

miles of railway in operation in South Africa

at the beginning of the war passed under
British control, and at the coinniencement of
hostilities the Boers, from the strategical
standpoint, were m a very favourable position.
Like Geniiaiiy and Austria in the European
War, they were acting on interior lines and could
move troops from one frontier to another with
great rapidity. The chief defect of the Boer
railway system, in which respect it resembled
the railway systeixis of Germany and Austria,
was that only one of its lines connected with
neutral territory and was available for the
importation of supplies. The Boer railway
manageinent had, however, taken advantage of
the tact that the loosely-knit network of South
African railways was worked as a single
economic system to retain for their own use a
favourable balance of rolling stock on the eve
of the war, the loss of which was severely felt
as additional railway mileage came under
British control. So cleverly indeed did the
Boer Railway Department handle the question
of rolling stock, that it was not until a com-
paratively late date that what had not been
destroyed in the Boer retreat was recovered.

MR. C. H. DENT,
G.N. Ry.

MR. F. H. DENT,
S.E. & C. Ry.

SIR

GUY GRANET,
Midland Ry.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WJB..

165

SIR A. KAYE BUTTERWORTH,

N.E. Rv.
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE.

MR. DONALD A. MATHESON,
Caledonian Ry.

SIR. WILLIAM FORBES,
L.B. & S.C. Ry.

Only the rapidity of Lord Roberis's advance,
which was rendered possible by the excellent use
made of the railway facilities, prevented tiie
Boers from destroying all the engines and
rolling stock w-hich they were unable to retain.
They did, of cour.se, on some of the routes
destroy the railway itself with a considerable
degree of thoroughness — stations, telegraphs,
water supply, permanent way, and bridges
being wrecked wholesale, and thus threw a
great strain on those charged with the repair of
the lino. Fortunately, however, Elandsfontein
Junction, the key of the railway system in
South Africa, was recovered in an undamaged
condition.

In the later stages oi the war, when the whole
of the South African railway system was in
possession of the British Forces, the railways
were subject to the persistent attacks oi Boer
raiders, which on one occasion stopped all
traffic for over a fortnight. It became- neces-
sary to adopt effective measures to protect the
long lines oi railway on which the supplies of
the British Army depended, and the steps taken
bv the establishment of the blockhouse system

not only secured the communications but had
the effect of converting the railways into
fortified barriers, which played an essential

SIR HERBERT A. WALKER.
Chairman.

part in the policy of separating, enclosing, and

hunting down the Boer Commandos.

Originally, the railways had been protected

MR. GILBERT S. SZLUMPER,
Secretary to the Committee.

Fry.

A. WATSON,
L. & Y. Ry.

MR. FRANK POTTER,
Great Western Ry.

70—2

166

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

FIRING A BRIDGE IN BELGIUM, SEPTEMBER, 1914.
An heroic act by an eighteen-year-old Belgian Corporal. J. de Mante ran along the plank by the side
of the bridge, lighted torch in hand, which he plunged into the barrels of paraffin already prepared.
They blazed up instantly. Bullets whizzed round him, but he climbed upon the bridge and completed
his task by rubbing his torch on the paraffin-soaked boards, after which he left the bridge a roaring furnace.

by small parties of mounted men, but in addi-
tion to the large drafts which such a system
made on tlie fighting forces it was ineffective
against raiders in any force, and the idea of
establisliing definite fortifications was evolved.
The type of blockhouse ultimately adopted took
the form of two cylinders of corrugated iron with-
out woodwork, the spaces between the cylinders

being packed with shingle, and the construction
roofed and loop-holed. It was possible to build
these blockhouses at a very low cost, and
the defence which was thus provided, in con-
junction with armoured trains provided with
cjuick-firing guns, as well as Maxims and
searchlights, made the railways safe from
raiders. On some sections of railway block-

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB..

167

houses were erected at such short intervals as
200 yards and, in addition, the lines were
fenced with barbed mre. It was a system
■designed to meet the needs of a special case,
and the conversion of long lines of railway into
permanent fortifications for the successful
prosecution of a war was a feat which was only
oiade possible by local conditions.

Brief reference should also be made to the
work carried out in the shops of the various
South African railway companies, an example
which was so largely followed in the European
War. The resources of the manufactiu-ing
departments of the railways were diverted for
increasing the output of munitions. The con-
trol works at Pretoria successfully undertook
the production of gun ammunition, and the
repair of ordnance, while the wagon shops
provided the necessai-y number of ambulance
trains. The South African campaign as a
whole was a revelation even to the great military
nations of the uses to which railways could be
put for the piu-poses of war.

In the American AVar of Secession excellent
use had been made of the rail transport facilities
available, but in view of what was achieved by
railways in the European War of 1914, attention
was directed in the American Press to the lack
■of strategic railways in the United States m the
light of modern experience. It was pointed
out that owing to the great distances over
which troops would have to be transported in
the event of the United States being threatened
on either of its exposed seaboards, the lack of
strategic railways would prevent that rapid
mobilization which war had shown was one of
the first essentials of a successful campaign.
Attention was particularly directed to the need
of providing improved terminal facilities at
those ports and harbours at which an enemy
might seek to make a landing in order to avoid
the congestion which took place in the dispatch
of troops to Cuba in the Spanish-American
War. A demand was made for a transportation
survey and the preparation of plans so that a
comprehensive programme might be worked
out with a view to providing against the da.nger
of invasion.

The disadvantages which arise from the
want of adequate transport facilities were very
vividly illustrated in the Russo-Japanese War.
In that case the only method of transporting
troops to the scene of warfare was by means of
the Trans-Siberian Railway, which at that time
was mainly a single line track, and it was partly

BRIGADIER-GENERAL TWISS,
Director General of Railway Transport.

for want of adequate transport that Russia
concluded a peace when she had only put a
comjiaratively small number of her available
men into the field.

In the Great \Var the railways exercised a
constant influence on the course of the fighting.
The campaigns in Belgium, France, Russia, in
Northern Italy, and the great thrust into the
Balkans, by which the enemy sought to gain
possession of the through railway route to
Constantinople, furnished many illustrations of
the tendency in modern warfare to wage
battles for the possession of transport facilities,
and to utilize to the fullest extent the mobility
which railways confer. Germany made free
use of her railway system to transfer large
forces from one battle front to the other and to
hold up each in turn during the early stages of
the war ; the excellent employment made of
Freiich railways enabled our Ally to be at least
partially prepared to deal with the invader,
and it was largely by means of her railways
that Russia mobilized in a period of time ■v\hich
surprised the enemy and occupied territory in
East Prussia at a moment when Germany was
concentrating on the march to Paris. The
fine use which was made of the railways by the
combatant armies was often overlooked for
the simple reason that thej' were common
features of every-day life.

In Great Britain there was, of course, with

168

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

169

one possible exception, no such tiling as a
strategic railway. The main lines ot communi-
cation and practically every branch railway
were constructed to serve ordinary commercial
needs. The building of strategic railways had
always been the busiiiess of the State, and in
Oreat Britain there were no State railways,
although the Goverrunent in virtue of the
powers vested in it took possession of the
railway system when war was declared.

The position on the Continent was very
different. The pohey of building railways by
which military forces could be rapidly placed
•on artificially created frontiers had been
pursued for many years. In this respect
Oermany had taken the lead, and had con-
structed a large mileage of railway lines for
which there was military but certainly no
commercial justification. It was a simjjle task
indeed for any railway expert to destroy the
whole edifice of Gcrn:ian sophistry regarding
the responsibility for the war by a reference to
the policy pursued by Germany in strategic
railway construction. It was plain that the
invasion of France through Belgium was an
essential part of the plan of invasion. There
•could be no other reason for the remarkable
network of lines which had been constructed
on the frontiers of Belgium, and which when
the time came were employed for the invasion
of that unhappj' country. The only excuse
that the Germans could offer for their railway
policy was that the best defensive consists in
preparedness for an offensive. The work of
constructing these railways was simplified by
the fact that the German railway system was
owned and worked by the Government.

In a war which in its character was so
often a struggle for lines of communication,
every mile of the railway was an asset. The
following table, compiled for the Oreat Eastern
Railway Magazine, from which some of the maps
in this chapter have been reproduced, may,
therefore, be regarded as possessing historical
interest, as it represents the railway conditions
as they existed at the outbreak of war :

Area Sq.

Popula-

Miles of

[Miles per

tion per

Railway.

Railway

Mile.

Great Britain ... about

23,4.50

1,930

Belgium

5,000

2,400

France ... ... ,,

30,000

1,660

Russia ... ... ,,

39,000

234

3,500

Germany ... ,,

38,000

1,700

Austria-Hungarv ,,

27,000

2,000

Italy ,

10,800

lOJ

3,211

\_Swain e,

LIEUT.-COL. H. O. MANGE, D.S.O.,
Assistant Director of Railway Transport.

The table reveals the disadvantage at which
Russia was placed in relation to Germany, and
\\hy the latter coimtry was confident of holding
up the slow-moving Russian armies while
France was being beaten to her knees. That,
with a railway system so inferior to that of the
enemy, Russia was able to mobilize her forces
for the in\'asion of East Prussia at so early a
stage in the conflict was one of the marvels of a
war which Avas full of surprises.

Germany, with that genius for organization
which proved to be one of her great assets in the
long struggle, had, during the forty years of
peace which followed the war with France in
1870, created a railway system which, however
well it may have served the needs of the

Mr. H. W. THORNTON,
General Manager, G.E. Ry.

170

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

GENERAL BOTHA'S CAMPAIGN IN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA.
A railway engine " pontooned " across the Orange River, March 14, 1915.

travelling and commercial community, had, as
indicated above, been largely built with a view
to military needs. It is obvious to anyone
who studies the accompanying maps that the
possession of railways which covered the
frontiers of France, Belgium, and Poland,
which provided dviplicate routes between East
and M'est, which linked all the railway centres
by direct lines with the frontiers, was a great
military asset. The trunk lines were all im-
jjortant, but it was some of the smaller railways
on the frontier that held the main interest for
the military chiefs. These were, indeed, of
supreme importance to Germany. The line
between Emden and Munster afforded con-
nexion across the marshy country of Ems ; its
branch lines were also of military value. In
the triangle formed by Cologne, Aix la Chapelle,
Emmerich, Limburg and the Rhine, Germany
had multiplied strategic lines to the point of
apparent confusion. These, in addition to
controlling the frontiers, served Essen and
other industrial towns.

/HOLLAND
MAASTRICHT^

I- ■ ■■ cOLOGNt

NAMUR 1 II 1 1 ^i__ ^~

-^^ B.SoniO™ /\'"''"/\

' . AIX LA

/chapelle

\^iR50N r^ \A

f /v^"7~~~~-

>^^.^-^ JBmezieres V \\

/ ^

■^AON ^Z**^^^ \ \/

\ sf VERDUN \

'■"X'EMBURG

-^f' 1 ^ Imetz II

A glance at a map shows how important,
apart from its influence on the Belgian cam-
paign, was the seizure of Luxemburg. It gave
a straight road from Verviers to Metz, with
connexions on the Rhine. Into this line and
the territory behind it between Cologne and
Saarburg many branch lines and connexions
had been constructed. So military in purpose
were sonie of the railways on which Germany
relied for the rapid invasion of Belgium that
they had never been used for ordinary traffic
before the war. One of these secret lines was
that connecting Malmedy and Stavelot. Yet
its existence was almost essentia,! to the success
of German military plans. The line linking
IMalmedy with Weymertz was another im-
portant strategic route. Major Stuart Stephens
had reminded us that without the aid oi these
short lines the troops entrained at Coblenz,
Cologne, Bonn and Gladbach could not be
secretly projected on the Belgian frontier. As
a bhnd to the real intentions in constructing
these particular railway links, Germany had
provided an alternative route between Aix and
St. Vitti, but this was not built as a military
railway, and had, before Germany was ready
for war, to be superseded by a high-level line.
As a corollary to the little Stavelot-Mahnedy
line four million pounds were expended in
building this high level line between AVeymertz
and Malmedy. It was designed to be finished
in June, 191-1, and as is now loiown war broke
out at the beginning of August in that year.
Such was the gigantic "bluff" put up by
Germany in regard to the reasons for building
these two lines — the Stavelot-Mahnedy and tlie
Weymertz -Jlahuedy— that a considerable por-

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

171

tion of the capital was provided by Belgium,
and that country actually at its own cost linked
these lines, designed to facilitate the rapid in-
vasion of its territory, with the Belgian railway
system. The annexation of Luxemburg was, of
course, a very simple affair. The railways were
already in German hands, and it was an easy
task to transport an army into the cai^ita! of the
Duchy and announce its annexation for the
purpo.ses of the war.

There were other points in the German
railway policy before the war to which atten-
tion should be directed to show the determina-
tion to be ready for war, although it was
known, in the phrase used by Sir James Yoxall,
that in the months preceding the outbreak
of hostilities " grass grew hay-high between
the rails of the few French strategic rail-
way's." The same writer furnished some
striking information as to what the Germans
had been doing in constructing railways
through the volcanic province of the Eifel, just
inside the German frontier. Ten years ago the
railway was a simple single line, but by the
time war was declared it had been straightened,
doubled, and throughout its steeper gradients
flattened ; in certain sections it had been
tripled and quadrupled, and sidings, absurdly
large for the trading or social needs of the
population, were laid out near any railway
station which was in flat onen country and itself

situated on )evel ground with plenty of space
in the vicinity of the station. At Gerolstein,
a village with 1,200 inhabitants, sidings suitable
for the traffic of a large town had been laid out.

A marked feature of German railways was that
there were very few heavy gradients, and that
on many of the main lines there was not a single
tunnel. That routes had been selected for
the railways which presented so few natui-al
obstacles was a great advantage as long as the
railways remained in German possession, but in
the event of invasion, which a military Power
such as Germany probably never contemplated
when laying out the railway system, it would
clearly be very difficult for German armies in
retreat to damage the railways to an extent
which would prevent their use by an invading
army for anything more than a short period.

It may be pointed out that even during peace
time Gerinan railways were administered by
military methods. On the mobilization of the
army they were immediately taken over by the
military authorities, under the guidance of the
Railways Section of the Great General Staff.
The German railway adininistration was of
a somewhat complicated character, but the
Imperial Government had always possessed
arbitrary powers in connexion with railway
construction, and it had been no unusual cir-
cumstance for military lines to be constructed
through territory in op2:)osition to the will of

GERMANS OVERCOMING DIFFICULTIES CAUSED BY BROKEN BRIDGES.
Transporting engines and rolling stock by pontoon across a river in Russia.

17i>

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

the inhabitants. Tn suoh a degree of complete-
ness had tlie German railway organization been
brought that rules had been framed before the
war governing the administration of railways
in foreign countries \\ Inch were occui^ied by the
Ceniian army.

No doubt many fine feats in transport were
achieved by CJeruian railways dui-ing the war,
bvit some of the stories concerning the rapid
movement of troops from east to west or the
converse which were published in the Press
were obvious exaggerations. There is a limit

in transportation of which every practical
railway man is fully aware, and some of the
performances with wliich rumour credited the
German railway organization were of an im-
possible character. One fine achievement,
however, stands to the credit of Von Hinden-
burg who, in spite of the handicap of air recon-
naissance, succeeded by the transfer of a
large force from the Cracow and Czenstochau
dLstricts in effecting a surprise upon the Russian
forces m the neighbourhood of Kalisch. In a
period of four days Von Hindenburg trans-
ported a force of nearly 400,000 men over a
distance of 200 miles. The fact that it took
four days to move this army o\er a compara-
tively short distance, although in itself a good
performance, gave an index to the time which
^\■ould be occupied in transferring any large
body of troops from the eastern to the western
front, a jom-ney which in peace times occupied
about twenty hours by express train and which,
even when the necessary rolling stock had been
assembled at the point of departiu-e, a long and
wearisome business in itself, would under
miUtary traffic conditions take many times as
long. Even when credit is given for all the

GUARDING RAILWAYS AT THE FRONT.
German Landsturm in Belgium. Inset : A German armoured train.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

173

.,...=«.^^M^J

Hgggg

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^arzfs

TRANSPORTING A BRITISH TWELVE-INCH GUN.

advantage wliich followed the fact that Cler-
many was fighting on interior lines, a majority
of the stories which gained cixrreney at various
times during the war may be relegated to the
same category as that of the transport of a
Russian army throvigh England.

The French railway system, although it was
not constructed for strategic purposes, was
admirably adapted for the rapid transport of
troops and material of war. The lines along
the eastern frontier from Boulogne, through
Amiens, Tergnier, Laon, Beims and Verdun
commanded the German frontier and that through
Cambrai and Mons to Brussels enabled troops
to be transported to the Belgian frontier.
These, however, were commercial railways, not
strategic in the ordinary meaning of the word,
nor was the frontier, as was the case with
Germany, a maze of railways whose only
functions were that of army transport. Under
normal peace conditions the French railways
were under the control of the Minister of Public
Works, but as was the case in Great Britain,
they were automatically taken over by the
Government on the outbreak of war.

It will be interesting to show in some detail
how the French railways were managed during
the war. The whole of the railways were
operated under the condition even in times of
peace that if the Government required to
transport troops and stipplies to any point on
any railway system the Company must inune-
diately place all its facilities at the service of
the State. * As this obligation had existed for
a period of forty years a permanent military
organization was in existence whose duties
were to prepare the railways lor service in time

of war. According to an account of the
system in force whicli appeared in the Journal
des Transporls, each of the large railways had
attached to it a Committee of two, known as
the Commission de Rescau, composed of a
technical member, us\ially the general manager
of the railway, and a military member, who
was a high officer of the general staff nominated
by the Minister of War. The duties of this
Committee were to investigate in all its bearings
in the light of strategic requirements the manner
in which the railway' could be utilized for the
purposes of -war. In addition to the Com-
missions de Reseau a Military Railways Com-
mittee had been created m the year 1898.
This Conunittee, which was presided over by
the Chief of the General Staff, consisted of six
military officers of high rank, three representa-
tives of the Ministry of Public Works, and the
members of the Conimissions of the different
railways. The functions of this Committes
were mainly advisory, but it sat in judgment
on all questions relating to military transport,
and assented or dissented from measures
proposed by the Commissions de R&eau.

Special regulations affecting railway em-
ployees came into force on the declaration of
war. These provided that when a railwayman
was called to the colours he was mobilized as a
railwayman, and the working of this system
was successfully tested during the railway
strike of 1910, the railway men being then called
out under martial law. On the first day of
mobilization the railways were required to
jjlace at the disposal of the military authorities
the whole of their transport facilities either over
the whole of the systems or on certain specified

174

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

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MAIN LINES-

PARIS to North and to Battle Front

routes. The railway system of France v.'as on
mobilization divided into two zones whieh,
although administered by different authorities,
were both under militarjr control. The army
zone was placed under the control of the
Commander-in-Chief of the armies in the field,
to whose staff was attached an officer whose
status was that of Manager or the army railways.
This zone was subdivided into the sections of
line which were within and without the actual
sphere of military operations. Within the zone
of actual field operations the service was con-
ducted by military units, while the sections of
line outside that area were manned by the
employees of the company who were mobilized
imder a territorial system for that purpose.
The other railway zone, known as the interior
zone, was under the direction of the Minister of
War, who gave authority to the Commission
de Roseau of each railway to carry out execu-
tive functions, each of the two members of the
Committee retaining individual responsibility,
the military member being entrusted with
military measures, and the technical member
being charged with the provision of rolling
stock and other technical requirements.

While precedence was given to the transport
of troops and uiaterials of war, provision was
also made for the carriage of food-stuffs and
general commercial merchandise. Within the
army zone ordinary traffic was entirely sus-
pended except on the order of the Commander-
in-Chief. In the interior zone ordinary passen-
ger and goods traffic was carried according to
the conditions prescribed by tlie Mmister of
War, who had the power after mobilization and
concentration were completed to authorize the
partial or complete resumption of ordinary
passenger and freight traffic.

The French Army at the outset of the war
was undoubtedly under the handicap of having
a muoh smaller mileage of strategic railways

than Germany. I'lie deficiency w .as to a certain
extent remedied diu-ing the progress of the war.
The French had a valuable asset in a fine corps
ot railwa3' engineers, and in connection with the
repair of railways damaged during the march
on Paris and the subsequent advance the
ser\-ices of British railwaymen wei-e requisi-
tioned both for this repair work and for the
building of new lines.

An account of the fine work done on the
French railways during the early days of the
war was furnished by the French authorities,
and the report indicated with what remarkable
precision the transport system worked. Its
first great task \v'as the transport of the
" troupes de couverture," the army sent to the
frontier to meet the first shock of the enemy,
a proceeding which enabled the mobilization of
the main armies to be carried out undisturbed.
This was theworkof the first department of the
three heads into which the French transport ser-
vice was divided. The second department was
charged with the regular supply of men, horses,
provisions, ammunition and material to the
armies in the field. The third department was
responsible for the transport of troops from one
part of the theatre of war to another where
their presence would contribute to the success
of an operation. Tlie transport of the " troupes
de couverture " commenced on the evening of
July 31, 1914, and was completed on August 3
at noon without any delay either in the depar-
ture or arrival of trains, and before any of the
ordinary services h.ad been suspended. Nearly
600 trains were required on the Eastern system
alone, and the merit of this fine feat in trans-
portation was enlianced by the fact that the
transport of troops in connection with the
general mobilization commenced on August 2
and was, therefore, partially concurrent with the
movement of the fir.st armies to the frontier.
The transports needed for the concentration of
the armies generally commenced on August 5,
the most urgent period ending on August 12.
During these eight days no fewer than 2,500
trains were dispatched, of which only 20 were
subjected to slight delays, and during a period
of fourteen days nearly 4,500 trains were
dispatched, and in addition 250 trains loaded
with siege supplies for the fortresses. These
excellent results of French railway organization
were rendered the more noteworthy from the
fact that the original destination of four army
corps was changed after mobilization had
commenced.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

ITALIAN SOLDIERS LEAVING FOR THE FRONT.
The last few moments before departure.

In the transport of troops from one part of
the theatre of operations to another some
remarkable performances were accomplished by
French railways. During the French offensive
in Lorraine and Belgium in August, 1914, at
which time the transport in France of the British
Expeditionary Force had also to be undertaken.

during the retreat beyond the JMarne, and the
subsequent advance, and again at the time of
the extension of the left of the annies operating
in France to the North Sea, over 70 divisions
were moved by railway from one point to
another, the journeys varying in length from
60 to 360 miles, and necessitating the employ-

17G

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAF.

WRECKED BY BELGIAN ENGINEERS.

German soldiers repairing a train that was overturned on the line to obstruct the advance in Belgium

of the German Army.

nient of over 6,000 trains. The report which
made these facts public rightly attributed a large
measure of the success attained by the Allied
armies to the manner in which the railway
transport problem was solved, and in particular
assigned to the railway ami the main credit for
the erecting of the impassable barrier against
wliich the enemy made his vain attacks in
Flanders.

With regard to the ordinarv transport
service of the Army which was directed from
the control stations on the railways, as de-
scribed in Chapter I^XXII. dealing with the
feeding of the Army, this worked with perfect
regularity froni the beginning of the war.
During the retreat on Paris the control stations
had to provide for ali sorts of unforeseen needs,
such as the removal of military and other stores,
of the inhabitants from abandoned towns, and
the withdrawal of French and Belgian railway
rolling stock. In doing these things ample
proof was given of the skill with which the
organization had been worked out. Magnifi-
cent service was rendered by the French
railways from the first day of war.

In regard to railway facilities for the move-
ment of troops. Russia was throughout the w ar
at a great clisad\'antage as compared with
Germany. She was, when war was declared,
engaged in the building of certain strategic
lines to the German frontier, and it was sug-
gested that one of the reasons for the selection
of 1914 as the year when the war clovid should
burst was the need for making war on Russia
before her strategical railway system had been

completed. The figures in the table on page
169 show the disparity of the Russian railway
system in comparison with that of the enemy.

The Russian system had its focus at Moscow,
and the German frontier was by no means well
served. There was a line from Moscow to
Warsaw and Brest, a railway from Petrograd
to Warsaw, a railway from \\'ilna into East
Prussia, and the Kursk, Krew-Lemburg and
Odessa-Lemburg lines. In Poland the chief
railways were those between Tliorn, Kalisch,
Grancia to Warsa\^', and Grancia, Ivangorod
to \^'ar,:aw, with various branch lines. In
comparison with conditions on the German
side of the frontier there was a lamentable
absence of rail transport for the armies of the
Tsar. It was, as previously stated, the superior
railway facihties on the German side of the
Poland border which enabled Von Hindenburg
to effect his first great concentration for the
attack on Kalisch. When Poland and Russia
were at last invaded by the Austro-German
armies a good deal of the advantage of gaining
possession of certain railways was lost owing
to the difference in gauge between the German
and Russian systems, which prevented through
traffic from Germany, and, as the Russians
removed the rolling stock when the time came
for them to retreat, the possession of these
lines was made a still more barren asset for the
(ierman Arm\-.

It is true that the German railways had
provided convertible axles on some of the
rolling stock to enable them to employ German
trains on the Russian 5 ft. gauge, while a

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

177

corps of engineers was set to work to build
new lines of standard gauge, for which purpose
some of the Belgian railways were taken up
and the material transported to Russia. The
break of gauge was, however, a serious dis-
ad-\-antage to the Russian and German
armies in turn when invading the other's
territory.

In the early stages of the war, when the
French Army was being beaten back on Paris,
it was the heroic efforts of the Russian railway
men which saved the military situation. With
a greater rapidity than could possibly have
been expected, and at a moment when Germany,
deeming any immediate Russian offensive im-
possible, was seeking to deal a smashing blow
in the west, a Russian arnij^ appeared on the
banl<s of the Niemen and the Vistula and
invaded East Prussia. In spite of the counter-
blow which, owing to sviperior railway facilities,
Germany was able to make, new forces were
poured without cessation along the Russian
railways, and enabled the Army of the Tsar to
apply a pressure which was one of the decisive
factors m arrestmg the blow aimed at the heart
of France. When all the circiunstances are

taken into accoimt, this was one of the greatest
railway achievements of the war.

The employment of the railways as an
adjunct to military strategy by Italy, although
of the first importance, was restricted by the
mountainous character of the frontier where
the Italian and Austrian forces first made
contact. The accompanying map shows the
principal railways on the northern frontier of
Italy. Free use was made of the direct Milan-
Udine and the Milan-Codogno-Padua-Udine
route, and the railways from Verona to Fran-
zenfeste, and that from the latter place to
Villach. The possession of the latter line
through the mountains was, indeed, essential
to a successful offensive, as these northoni
lines were in direct rail communication with
Austrian and German railways, and it was
tlu'ough them that if Italy lost the offensive
an enemy might descend in force on the
Italian northern plains with little hoj^e of help
coming from France.

The railway links with the French armies
were the single line along the sea coast to
Nice and the railway from Turin through
tlie Mont Cenis Tunnel. It was plain to the

A GERMAN LIGHT RAILWAY.
Transporting supplies on light trucks.

178

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.

RUSSIA: CONVEYING A GERMAN ENGINE ON THE RUSSIAN RAILWAYS.
The gauge is too broad for German trains to run on.

military authorities that for any active co-
operation between the Italian and tlie
French armies it would be necessary to rely on
sea transport.

The need for securing possession of the
frontier railways was therefore urgent. It is
true that they could not, owing to the
fact that for long distances the railways
were single lines, separated from each other
by difficult country, give to the military
force in possession any great power of con-
centration, which is the function of railways
in war, but once these Unes were in Italian
hands there was little chance of a successful
Austrian offensive. To gain the mountain lines
a rapid blow was necessary, as the railway

CENTRE ATTACKED
by VON HINDENBURG

IVANGOROD

Between the VISTULA and the ODER

facilities possessed by Austria were much
superior to those of Italy, and would under
normal conditions have enabled an Austrian
force to be concentrated on the frontier before
Italy wai ready to parry the blow. The military
organization knew the disadvantage imder
which it stood in relation to transport in
comparison with the enemy, and took steps to
counter it by a determined stroke at the
frontier railways. Since the year 1905 the
majority of the Italian lines had been imder
State control, but little or no building of
strategic lines was undertaken by the Govern-
ment, although considerable sums were ex-
pended in improvement of and additions to
rolling stock, and in converting some of the
single railways into double line tracks. During
the war the railways were operated under
military control on methods which differed only
in detail froni those already described.

The campaign in the Balkans f ocussed attention
on other railway systems of Europe. There were
several important main lines of railways for the
possession of whicli the struggle in the Balkans
was forced by the Germanic Powers. It will be
noted that ordinary methods of communication
were few in number, the difficulties wliich faced
railw ay construction being such as could only be
overcome by wealthy coimtries. ■- The natural
obstacles which the armies in the field had to
face were chiefly the mountains and rivers.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

179

As was pointed out by a correspondent of the
staff magazine of the Great Eastern Railway,
which published a series of articles on the War,
the mountain ranges in the Balkans were so
closely connected that the construction of roads
which coxild be used by large armies was
practically impossible. From the Adriatic
Coast to the River Vardar, from the River
Vardar to the River Mesta, and from the River
Mesta to the River Maritza, owing to the trend
of the mountains north by south, communica-
tion from east to west was very difficult. The
Transylvanian Alps and the Balkans formed an
almost impenetrable barrier, and from the
mountain ranges unnavigable winding rivers
presented frequent obstacles to an army on the
march. These natural conditions very much
enhanced the military value of the railways,
and explained why any destruction of railway
bridges or of the permanent way hampered the
pursuing forces more than would have been
the case in less difficult country. The great
high road along the valleys of the Morava and
the Maritza connecting Central Europe and
Asia through Constantinople was selected as
the route that the railway from A'ienna to
Constantinople should follow. The important
line from Laibach and Budapest entered Serbia
at Belgrade by a bridge across the Save, and
was thence carried down the valley to the
heart of Serbia at Nish. The Nissava was
traversed through a remarkable gorge by Pirot,
Serbia's eastern gate, and the railway builders
entered Bulgaria between the mountains of

Zaribrod. The succeeding section to ths
Vakarel Pass was built over the plateau leading
to Sofia, and was then constructed along the
Maritza, through Mustapha Pasha, the Tiirkish
junction. At this point the railway emerged
from the mountain ranges which had been
entered at Nish, the succeeding section of the
line followed the River Ergene and making the
passage of the famous lines of Tchataldja
entered Constantinople.

It is not surprising that, hemmed in as they
were on the sea, the Germanic Powers shovild
seek to open up commimication with Con-
stantinople. It was realized at the outset of
the Balkan campaign that an army which could
cross the Danube and gain a footing on the high
side of the river at Belgrade could obtain
possession of the railway as far as Nish, if it

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180

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

181

was in sufficient force to drive the Serbian
Army into the mountains, and protect the
bridges, three in number, between Belgrade
and Nish. The possession of Nish, the natural
centre of Serbia, was vital to the success of the
plans of the invader, as it gave into his hands
not merely the Oriental Railway as far as Nish,
but the railways up the Timok to the
Roumanian frontier, and the lines going south
to Uskub, Monastir and Salonika.

Much interest attached to the Salonika-Nish
section of the line, as it was by means of this
railway that the Anglo -British forces landed
at Salonika might hope to effect a junction with
the Serbian Army. It was only a single line
railway, partly in Serbian and partly in Greek
territory, and, apart from the political question
which arose out of Greek ownership of the
Salonika section, the capacity of this line of
railway for transporting troops and material
became of vital importance to the cause of the
Alhes. Vulnerable points on the line were the
four bridges which carried the Une over the
Vardar between Salonika and Bania. Between
the latter place and Uskub there was fairly
open country in which to operate, and the
River Vardar afforded the railway some
protection from Bulgarian raids. Uskub and
Veles were, however, uncovered at other points
between Kara Dagh and Veles, and this section
of the railway could also be used for an attack
on Sofia by way of Kostendil.

Turning to the Bulgarian ra,ilways, Adrianople
assumed importance as the Bulgarian terminus
on the through route. Another link in the
system was the line from Dedeagatch, trains
on which were shelled from the roadstead
by the Allied Fleet operating in near Eastern
waters. North of the Balkans was the line
to Varna on the Black Sea, a port which
received the attentions of Russian warships,
with connections to Nicopoli and Rustchuk
on the Danube. The line to the last-named
place from Varna was built by an English
company, and was the first of the Balkan
railways.

The long cherished dream of making an
attack on Egypt through the Suez Canal was
intimately linked up with the provision of the
necessary railway transport. The fine use
which was made of the railways in' the early
part of the war doubtless led the German
military party to the view that the transport
difficulties of an attack on Egypt had been
exaggerated, and that a great deal covld be

accomplished by means of the lines whicli
had already been constructed. Hindenburg
was credited with the statement that the
organization of the railway weapon had solved
the problem of waging successful war over long
distances. Distance, however, was not the
real difficulty in the case of the projected grand
attack on Egypt. The cjuestion to be answered
was the extent to which the existing railways,
aided by hght railways, could be expanded to
make possible the transport across the desert
of a large and well-equipped force. The
choice of Meissnor Pasha, the German builder
of the Hedjaz and Bagdad Railways, to super-
vize the railway preparations for this advance
was an intimation of the extent to which the
idea of making a successful attack on Egypt
had taken root in German militarv circles.

IN THE AUSTRIAN LINES.
An Austrian General's car used for quick transit
from the Base to the lines occupied by his army.

Before the European War indicated the exact
character of the services which railways could
give to an advancing army, it had been imagined
that an almost prohibitive amount of railway
construction must precede an Egyptian cam-
paign from Turkey. It may be taken for
granted that Meissner Pasha was not misled
by the fact that the small forces used for the
first invasion of Egypt succeeded in crossing
the desert. That was a feat \A'hich had been
accomplished before. No doubt if he could
have had his way, and the necessary time had
been available, Meissner would not only have
undertaken the construction of light railways
across the desert, but the doubling of a large
mileage of the single track line from Hedjaz to
Damascus, of the railway from Damascus to
Aleppo, as well as of the Bagdad railway from
Aleppo to the Bosphorus. These were am-
bitious plans and would have involved the
driving of important • tunnels through the

182

THE times: HISTORY OF THE WAE..

IN NORTHERN FRANCE.
French Soldiers cutting out chalk for roadmaking.

Taurus and Amamis ranges, if the trenaendous
handicap of breaking bulk in the transport of
supplies was to be overcome. Whatever
might be the case in the future, it seemed
certain to those acquainted with local con-
ditions that any force advancing on the Suez
Canal from Turkey, while it might succeed in
drawing its food supplies from Asia Minor,
would have to be munitioned from Europe,
a circumstance which opened up a new problem,
that of dealing with the munition traffic on the
single line from Constantinople to the frontier
of Palestine. This was the situation from the
railway standpoint which had to be faced by
those responsible for attacking any force on the
Suez Canal.

In England, despite the absence of strategic
lines, the railways did excellent work, the
railway interests of the nation being the one
great business undertaking to give efficient
and loyal war service without the prospect
of a penny of extra profit for the pro]>rietors.
The scale of payment to the railways was based
on the earnings in a normal period before the
war, although it soon became common know-
ledge that with depleted staffs the railways
were carrying far more traffic both in jjas-
sengers and goods than in years of peace.

It was a ready criticism during the war that
Great Britain — not by any means for the first
time in her history — had been caught by the
enemy in a state of unpreparedness for the
struggle that was thrust upon her. Nobody
ever really questioned the truth of the criticism
or the abihty of the nation to win through

in spite of the slow start. Even the bitterest
critic, however, always modified his con-
demnation of our unreadiness for war by
excepting from it the Navy, which from the
first day of war assumed command of the
seas. To the Navy should have been added the
railways, which were placed on a war footing
by the stroke of the pen which gave notice
of Government control, and which immediately
put into practice plans which had been devised,
tested, and perfected during long years of peace.

It will not be without interest to give an
accomit of the steps which enabled the railways
in. a day to become efficient instruments of
military transport.

Immediately following the declaration of
war the Government, exercising the powers
it possessed under the Regulation of the
Forces Act, took possession of the railway
system of Great Britain — but not of Ireland.
The control was exercised through an Execu-
tive Committee, which was composed of General
Managers of the various railway companies.
The President of the Board of Trade was
the official Chairman, but to Sir H. A. Walker,
the General Manager of the London and South
Western Railway, was entrusted the Acting
Chairmanshi].). The task of the executive
was to operate the whole of the railways of
the country as one undertaking, or, as it was
expressed in the public announcement, " the
railways, locomotives, rolling stock, and staff
shall be used as one complete unit in the best
interests of the State for the movement of
troops, stores, and food supplies."

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE Wak.

183

The Executive Committee was not as many
believed a new body, it having existed in the
form of a War Railway Council for some years
past. It was this Council which had drawn
up plans which were to be put into operation
in the event of Great Britain being involved
in a European war. Nor had the subject
escaped attention in earlier years. As long
ago as 1865 the Engineer and Bailway
Stafi Corps came into being. This corps
was formed with the object of directing the
apphcation of skilled laboiu- and of railway
transport to the purposes of national defence,
and for preparing plans to meet the direct
shock of war. Even when the Territorial force
was created, the Engineer and Railway Staff
Corps, although merged in the Royal Engineers
of the Territorial Force, remained under the
administration of the War Office. The corps,
as originally constituted, was composed of a
certain number of engineers, several of the
great contractors, and the general managers
of the principal railways, the contractors
forming what was known as the " Labour
Branch " of the Corps. It was intended that
in the event of war the officers of this corps,
acting under the direction of the mihtary
authorities, would superintend the working
of the railways, and it was hoped that by
making the best use of the organization and
resources available no difficulty would be
experienced in concentrating a considerable
Dody of troops within a brief period upon any
point of the coast which might be threatened

by a foe. The spirit which had been infused
into these early plans to repel invasion was
present in the British railway organization
when the war cloud burst in 1914, and the cruder
plans of the Victorian era had been worked out
and perfected when King George, the grandson
of the Great Queen, saw his Empire plunged
into war.

In a lecture which the late Sir George Findlay
delivered before the School of Military Engi-
neering, this eminent railway manager put upon
record the duties of railways in time of war.
There would be general agreement with the
statement that in Great Britain, where the
whole of the railways had been constructed by
private enterprise, the antecedent conditions
differed so widely from those obtaining on the
Continent that any such arrangements as had
been devised in Germany, Austria, France or
Italy would bo inapplicable. Hence the de-
cision to give the State the powers of control
embodied in the provisions of the Act of 1888,
and the drawing up of plans by which the
Executive Committee, who were all Lieutenant-
Colonels in the Railway Staff Corps, should
operate the whole of the railways under the
direction of the military authorities as a single
system.

It would be more correct to write that the
railways were during the war administered, not
by the Government, but for the Government,
the management of the railways and the Staff
control being the same as in the days of peace.
Orders for necessary facilities were issued by

IN NORTHERN FRANCE.
French Sappers constructing a railway.

181

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

BRITISH MOTOR TRANSPORT IN FRANCE:

the Transport Department of the War Office
and the Railway Executive furnished the trains.
The only thing which the public noted during
the earlj' days of the war was that the railways
were placed under military guard — an essential
precaution — and that the number of trains
carrying troops increased. Other%vise — except
for a rise in the percentage of trains which did
not keep time — tliere was no public incon-
venience. Behind the scenes, however, all
grades of railwaymen, from the members of the
Executive down to the humbler members of the
uniform and clerical staffs, were passing through
days and nights of stress. The outbreak of war
was a bolt out of the blue ; the holiday traffic
was at the flood and simultaneously with the
extra call on the railway for transport facilities
there was an appreciable reduction of staff
owing to the return to the colours of the large
number of railway reserves and the enlistment
of the new armies. The nuniber withdrawn
from railway service by the call of the Army
and Navy was even before Lord Derby's great
recruiting effort over 100,000, and it became
necessary after a certain period, in order to
ensure the efficient working of the railways, to
forbid the enlistment of railwaymen.

It was a great national asset when war was
declared that British railways were ready to
put into practice the programme of working
which liad been evolved by the War Railway
Council. Everything worked smoothly from
the first day of w-ar.

The elaborate arrangements which had been
made in adN-ance for troop transport were soon
piit to the test, for the decision to send an
Expeditionary Force to the Continent was taken
immediately and the work of transporting this
force to the port of embarkation put in hand
at once. Southampton, which had been
similarly used in the South African War, was
selected as the port for this purpose. That the
work was well done by the railways the public
knew later from the public statements of Lord
Kitchener and Sir John French. The actual
words used when the work of placing our first
little army by the side of the French forces had
been accomplished should be put on record, for
the appreciation had been well earned. ,

Lord Kitchener wrote : " The railway com-
panies, in the all-important matter of transport
facilities, have more than justified the complete
confidence reposed in them by the War Office,
all grades of railway services having laboured

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

185

THE PETROL-DRIVEN LORRY.

with untiring energy and patience. And it is
well to repeat that the conveyance of our troops
across the Channel was accomplished, thanks
to the cordial cooperation of the Admiralty,
with perfect smoothness and without any un-
toward incident whatever."

Sir John French added his word of praise.
He wrote from France under date September 9,
1914:

" The transport of the troops from England
both by sea and rail was effected in the best
possible order and without a check. Each imit
arrived at its destination in this country well
within the scheduled time."

A surprising fact not brought out in either of
these testimonies was the secrecy which
shrouded the whole of this important operation.
Many hundreds, indeed thousands, of those
engaged on the railways must have known of
the work which was being done, and yet it was
stated on good authority that in spite of the
wide knowledge of the transport work in railway
circles, and in a community which at that time
at least was teeming with spies, the first know-
ledge which Germany had of the transference
of the British forces overseas was when they
found their army corps opposed by Sir John

French's army during the historic retreat from
Mons.

The transport of the Expeditionary Force to
the Continent was only the beginning of a period
of enormous demands on the railways for facili-
ties for the movement of troops, supplies,
provisions, horses, mules and equipment of all
descriptions.

Of this early work and of some of the subse-
quent services given to the military and naval
authorities an excellent account was given in the
special supplements issued by the Railway Neius.
It was impossible, however, for the full story of
the work of British railways in the war to be
then put on record, if only for the reason that
the period of greatest demand on the Railway
Executive for transport facilities came some-
what late in the war. That an organization
■which had never contemplated having to
move armies of the size which were ultimately
raised should have come so successfully through
the ordeal without inflicting greater inconveni-
ence on the non-military portion of tho com-
munity was a wonderful achievement for which,
owing to the secrecy which veiled the military
traffic, fviU credit was never given.

Figures could be quoted which would give an

186

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

index at least to the \'ast volume of traffic
handled, but they would furnish nothing more
than the dry bones of the narrative. It would
be foolish, however, for the historian to attempt
to rid himself altogether of the incubus of
statistics. Thus in the first five months of war
tlie London and South Western Railway pro-
vided nearly 15,000 special trains for the naval
and military traffic. The strategical position
of this Company's lines, the fact that the port
of Southampton, owned and managed by the
Company, was an important port of embarka-
tion, and that so manj' military camps had been
established on this system, accounted for this
large volume of traffic. Other railways also
provided many thousands of special trams
during the same period. On the small Brighton
Company's system 4,400 such trains were
required, and even the Metropolitan Railway
passed over its lines dui'ing the five months in
question nearly 2,750 troop trains. That meant
in the case of the London and South Western
Railway the running of 100 special trains every
twenty-four hours in addition to a vast volume
of ordinary traffic. The fact that such a feat
was possible, and moreover that every one of
these trains reached its destination at or before
schedule time, constituted an achievement of

which the Railway Executive had every reason
to be proud. On the Greai Western system
during the first seven months of the war no
fewer than 6,684 special military trains had to
be provided, apart from the very great amoimt
of military traffic carried in ordinary trains.
The Great Eastern Railway during the same
period was called upon to put into its time-table
over ."^jOOO military and naval trains, repre-
senting a considerable daUy average. The
Company also converted its hotel at Harwich,
which fortunately had been reopened shortly
before the war, into a military hospital, la
the case of the Great Northern Railway, while
no actiial figures were available, a great many
troop trains passed over the system, and the
Company, which carried an enormous traffic
to and from the London docks, handled more
wagons at the London end of the system than
at any previous period in its history. In
addition to what might be regarded as the
normal increase in both troop and horse traffic,
an increase wWch made the running of thousands
of special trains necessary, the Lancashire and
Yorkshire Railway had its accommodation
severely taxed by the activity of the Yorkshire
w loUen trade and the partial renewal of the
cotton trade in East Lancashire. I\Iany other

A KRIDGE OVER THE MEUSE.
Destroyed by French Engineers.

THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAB.

187

WATER BY RAIL.

A special on the French railway carrying water to the troop? in the trenches.

details and figure could be quoted, Ijut these
may serve as an iiidex to a traffic intensity
winch had never before been approached on
British railways. Yet it must be confessed
that bulk figures of this sort, however
instructive in a general way, would have no
meaning unless the reader could analyse them
and split them up into the component ceaseless
activities which they re^ reasnted. They implied
that more traffic was being handled on British
railways than at any previous period of their
history, that reinforcements were being rushed
to the front to aid the original gallant Uttle
army, that wounded were being brought back
to hospitals in England, that a vast tonnage of
food for the feeding of the army, more artillery,
more munitions, more material of war of all
descriptions for both the army and the navy
were daUy passing over the railways into the
theatre of war.

Subsidiary causes also contributed to the
pressure on the resources of the railways. It
was not merely Government traffic which
caused that congestion of the railways with
which the Railway Executive wrestled with
such success : there were other traffic demands,
and these coming on top of naval and military
requirements made necessary the provision of
new sidings for marshalling and storage pur-
poses. There was also much traffic ordinarily
carried by sea which was thrust on the rail-

waj's. This was a direct result first of the
closing of certain ports to ordinary traffic,
and, secondly, of the tremendous rise in
freights. To take only one case : it was
stated in the railway Press at the time that
coal for London and the south of England
which was usually water-borne was carried
by the railways during the war in very great
quantities, the tonnage conveyed by one of
the larger railways to places in the metropolitan
area exceeding the normal tormage by one-
third. This was quite a normal rate of increase.
\^'as it to be wondered that there was congestion
in various quarters, especially at junctions and
exchange stations ? Tlie surprise was that the
handling of ordinary traffic was not at times
entirely suspended, and it is but fair that the
extra work tlirown on the railways in dealing
with the ordinary demands of the mercantile
community while meeting without delay urgent
Go\-ernment commands sliould be recorded.

What has been already written refers to the
broad general principles on which railways
were employed in the war, the measures adopted
in connexion with mobilization and concentra-
tion of the armies ; what ought to be regarded
as the ixiain line traffic of the military railways.
In the actual fighting zone the work which had
to be carried out was of a somewhat different
and certainly of a more strenuous character.
J ust as on an ordinary railway in day's of peace

lisy

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

BRITISH TROOPS

On the way to

the area of dense traffic is on the hnes which
converge towards great centres of population,
so it was at the front to which the many
millions of troops converged that the railway
problem was most acute. Here, -where the
Railway Transport Officers had control of what
iTiight be termed the local traffic of the war,
men of whose activities the public knew
nothing grappled with a great task. The
work was of a character to call for the services
of men skilled in railway traffic management.
The French authorities had the advantage that
all the railwaymen were automatically enlisted
for the period of the war, and were available
wherever their services were reqmred ; the
British Army was fortunate in having attracted
so large a number of railwaymen to the colours.

Transport in the case of the British forces
was not a simple matter. An account of that
part of the work connected with the provision-
ing of the Army was given in an earlier chapter.
The story there told indicated the difficulties
arising out of the need for dealing with trans-
port in its three phases, rail transport in
England, the sea carriage to the French port
used as an overseas base, and the rail and
mechanical transport to the front. The feeding
of the Army was, however, only one depart-
ment of the work of transport. The railways
had also to provide tor a constant stream of
troops, horses, guns, stores and eqmpment of
all kinds.

At the ends of tlie long line of rail com-
munication tJie strain on the transport staff
was relaxed ; the blow fell on the Railway
Transport Officer, w-hose station was anywhere
near the fighting line, with full force. In civilian
life the officer \ias probably a high rail -.vay official
— men from the traffic department of all the

IN THE BALKANS,
the fighting line.

railways of the Empire had answered the call —
ill the war zone he was merely a more or less
subordinate officer of the railway transport,
responsible to his superiors for a link in the
cliain of communication which must never
break, or he would be broken with it. There
was no room in this service for inefficients.

The main work of such an officer, who was
invariably understaffed, was to take hold at
the particular point on the railway to which he
had been ordered and perform miracles. He
had to deal with a never-ending stream of men
and guns, horses and mules, stores and
materials, until he gained the impression that
the populous places of the earth had been
denuded to form the procession of men he
passed on, and that the workshops of a nation
were pouring their production along his par-
ticular piece of line. He had not only to
regulate trains, but to manage men, to under-
stand how to deal with horses and mules, and
to be familiar with a bewildering variety of
articles, for which insistent demands were
reaching him by letter, telephone and wire.
Even during the war in fixed positions the
work was arduous and wearisome ; v, hen active
operations were in progress it was one long
struggle to keep faith with his military
superiors. Agamst difficulties such as those
which enveloped transport during the retreat
on Paris, at a time when the system had not
been completely organized, it was a hard fight,
but the men in charge withstood the strain.
The rail transport system was always harassed,
but never overwhelmed. A change of railhead,
orders to transport large numbers of men by
new routes, the need to provide travelling
facilities for the civilian population of the
invaded territory, a call to aid a division in

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

189

retreat, or to rush forward reinforcements to a
point where a stand might be made ; this was
the lot of the railway transport officer. He
often worked for twenty -two hours out of the
twenty-four. Many qualities and gifts were
demanded of him. If he were an Englishman

for a constant stream of remonstrances, en-
treaties and complaints, which he had no means
of evading. He was there to be shot at and
riddled by all kinds of people who wanted
things he had not got, and by other persons
who had got the things they did not want. He
had to be all things to all men ; to give to this
man the soft answer that turned away wrath,
and to that the decisive word that ended
discussion. The fact that mattered was that
the work went on smoothly or with difficulty
as the case might be, and that the general high
level of efficiency maintained had a profound
effect on the fortunes of the campaign.

There was other railway work in the war zone
apart from that of traffic regulation. This was

ARMOURED TRAINS NEAR THE
BATTLE-LINE.
An Austrian train in the Eastern Campaign.
Top picture : A British train crossing a bridge in
East Africa. Bottom picture: Giving final instruc-
tions to a driver in Northern France.

serving in France he was required to speak
fluent French and to have the command of
several kinds of English ; he had to draw upon
all the knowledge of railway work it was possible
for man to acquire and to make, in addition,
large drafts on the quality of instinct to get
things done. When not actually engaged in
superintendence of the traffic, he was required
to write innumerable reports, and to answer
perpetual inquiries as to why he had done this
and left undone that. His office, more often
than not a disused railway wagon, was a target

rather a matter for the railway engineer.
Broken lines had to be repaired, bridges re-
constructed, telegraphic communication res-
tored, light railways laid down beyond the
limits of permanent track. It was a revelation
to those unacquainted with railway work with
what rapidity temporary lines could be put in
place, and even little narrow gauge trench
railways constructed in order to link the actual
front with the complex system of main and

190

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

branch line railways on which the armies were
based, and by which they lived and moved.

The pubUc in England knew little and under-
stood less of these feverish activities. Even
the services being rendered by the railways in
Great Britain were never appraised at their
real value.

The public whose imagination was aroused
by the fable of the Russian legions passing over
the British railways for an unknown destination
paid little regard to the work which passed in
daily review before their eyes. They saw
something of it — no traveller by railway in
England could help seeing it — but little thought

OFF TO THE FIRING-LINE.
British Territorials on a railway in France.

was given to the organization which at the
period of mtenso pressirre provided at the
appointed place tlie necessary engine power and
rolling stock, with so little disturbance of
ordinary schedules, and with a watchful eye on
the need which might have arisen at any moment
for having trains m readiness to transport an
army to any threatened point on the coast.

The picture drawn by a correspondent of
The Times of a night scene at one of the great
railway junctions gave a vivid impression of
the work of the railways in troop transport :

"There are time?." he wrote, "when the military
element is so predominant that the station looks as if it
were a strate^'ic point of the first importanee. Tliere are
soldiers and sailors camping out in booking halls, yarning

round waitmg-room fires, sitting in groups at refreshment
room tables, resting tired limbs on trucks and trolleys
interminably pacing the platform in twos and threes.
Trains and soldiers, soldiers and trains, the heart of the
boy that beats in the breasts of all of us leaps to greet
them. A dozen trains roll in one after the other. Special
coaches bring sailors from Devonport returning to the
Grand Fleet from leave. Hands in pockets they swing
along the platform as if it were falling away from them
like the more familiar battle deck. A military relief
train draws in with a strangely mixed company.
Wounded soldiers homeward bound for a brief period of
convalescence, eager Territorials on their way north to
say good-bye before leaving for the front, keen young
fellows in the new army returning to their billets for the
final stage of their training. New contingents leap from
the crowded corridors of other trains, some in kilts,
others with the shamrock in tlieir caps, flying men. Red
Gross workers, cavalry men, booted and spurred, men
of the lino regiments with hands encased in sheepskin
gloves and ears deep in woollen helmets, men with rifles
and men with canes, men in khaki and men in blue, but
never a red coat amongst them. So the great trains
come and go, are shunted and remarshalled all night long
in this gathering-ground of tho forces on furlough. It is
the halfway house between north and gouth, giving fresh
steam to down trains splashed with rain and to tip trains
plastered in snow. There are two distinct service tides ;
that for the fleet is setting north ; that for the army is
setting south. Like ships that pass in the night, soldiers
and sailors have just time enough to exchange signals
before they are swallowed up behind the blackened win
dows and drawn blinds of trains which speed unseei
through the night in war time."

Before the war had been long in progress steps
were taken to provide facilities for both rest and
refreshment for soldiers and sailors, who had
frequently to wait long hours at railway
stations for connecting trains, and in somo cases
it was possible for men in uniform to obtain a
bed at tlie railway terminus.

The difficulty of the task was greatly increased
by the constant depletion of the railway staffs
as more and more men flocked to the fighting
line, or were lent to the French railways, and
the news that the Executive Committee sat
night and day at the offices in London, so that
all reqviirements of the Government could
receive immediate attention, did not come as a
surprise. The railway officials grappled with a
comple.x; problem in a business way, and the
military authorities, wisely recognizing that
while the demands were made by those trained
in war their fulfilnaent was a commercial under-
taking, left the purely transport part of the
work where it properly belonged — in th3 hands
of the railway experts.

The results were eloquent of sound niethod,
and it was not surprising that when Mr. Lloyd
George was looking round for men wherewitli
to fill important positions at the Ministry of
Munitions his choice fell in many instances on
highly placed railway officials. It was one of
the first indications given of a desire on the part
of the authorities to enlist directly in the service

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAE.

191

WOUNDED FROM THE BATTLEFIELD.
An officer of the R.A.M.C. on the footboard of a fast-moving train going from carriage to carriage

to attend to urgent cases.

of the Government the business training and
instinct which it was then realized could alone
in a war of this cliaracter ensure a successful
issue.

The provision of train transport was only,
however, a portion of the work wliich was
carried out by the railways. It was a fortunate
circumstance for the nation that railway enter-
prise had been so closely associated with dock
and harbour development. In the acquisition

and improvement of harbour facilities the
railways had expended between £40,000,000 and
£50,000,000 in the years preceding the war.
As a result the Government not only acquired
the control of the railways, but of the maguificent
chain of railway docks, which are witho it rival
in the whole world. The existenca of facilities
at Southampton for the largest ships which have
yet been built, the services of men long trained
to the work of loading and unloading between

192

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

train and ship, and who from experience gained
during the South African War were acquainted
•with mihtary transport work was a great asset.
Similar accommodation — if on a less lavish scale
— had been provided by the Southern railways
at Newhaven, Folkestone and Dover, all of
which ports were available for the important
-cross -Channel services. On the East Coast there
was Harwich, where the great quay at Parkeston
— used in peace time by the Continental
steamers of the Great Eastern Railway and
other services — was handed over to the Ad-
miralty. Further North the Government had
the use of the twin ports ot Grimsby and
Inimingham — both the outcome of the effort
made by the Groat Central Railway to extend
its commercial boundaries. At Hull, Hartle-
pool— the scene ot a bombardment by
German wai'ships — at Middlesboro' and on
the Tyne were a series ot fine docks owned by
the North Eastern Company, the largest dock
owning railway in the world. The general use
made of these East Coast docks by the Admiralty-
must remain a closed chapter of naval history,
but from the purely railway aspect it should be
recorded that it was in the warehouses of the

new dock at Hull that the battalion of the
Northmnberland Fusiliers, raised and equipped
by the North Eastern Railway from its own
employees, were housed dtu-ing their training.
Good service was also rendered by the Bristol
Channel railway ports, Newport, Cardiff, Barry,
Swansea. It was into Newport that the first
Cierman steamship to bo captured after the
outbreak of war — the Belgia, of the Hamburg
Amerilia line — was brought, mainly through the
exertions of the railway officials. It was typical
also of the use made of other railway dock
property that owing to the congestion of the
regular passenger ports some of the principal
steamship companies diverted their services to
Newport, whore an improvement scheme com-
pleted on the eve of the war made the port
accessible to the largest liners. The large fleet
of steamships ov\Txed by the railways was also
available lor Government work, and some were
lost in the hazardous duties of transport service.
Of the 200 odd ships bmlt by the railways for
cross-Channel traffic over 100 were, under
arrangements with the Railway Executive
Committee, at once taken over by the authorities
a. id the rest usefully employed in maintaining

A HOSPITAL ON WHEELS.
Ward in an ambulance train, showing cots suspended in ship's berth fashion.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAF.

loa

GUARDING RAILWAYS IN ENGLAND.

Royal Dublin Fusiliers lined up for inspection.

Inset : Guarding the line at Rochester.

communication with Ireland and the oountriei
of oirr Allie?.

One or two examples of the manner in which
the port and dock facilities of the railways
were employed during the war will be of interest.
The possession of the dock at Fleetwood,
which had always been closely associated with
the fishing industry, enabled the Lancashire
and Yorkshire Railway to provide a home port
for many of the trawlers which had been accus-
tomed to fish the North Sea and to take their
catch into East Coast ports. The maintenance
of the food supplies of the country was also
materiallj'- assisted by the Lancashire and
Yoricshire steamship services between Fleet-
wood and Belfast and between Liverpool and
Drogheda. The I/ondon, Brighton and South
Coast Company, in addition to the running of
the special trains for troop transport referred
to above, undertook the carriage of large quan-
tities of food and supplies in connexion with
the feeding of the Army. The Continental
Department of the Company, in cooperation
■with its French partners, also maintained
services to France, and except when mines

were reported to be in close proximity
to the sea route followed, kept these going
daily in botli directions. Newhaven was
required for other purposes, but the
passenger boats to Dieppe were run. from
Folkestone, and the cargo boats from either
Folkestone or Sovithampton. The pressure-

194

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

BRITISH TROOPS IN FRANCE.
Repairing a railway point. Going back to the 6ghting line.

on the resources of these ports became so
great, however, that while the war was in
progress it was decided by the Brighton
Company to develop yet another port on
the South Coast.

The early services of the railway steamers
were arranged partly with the object of bringing
to this country Belgian refugees, goods which
English firms had in warehouses in Belgium,
while an increased service of cargo boats
brought over food-stuffs from Holland.
Through the gates of Harwich, Folkestone,
and the Port of London Belgian refugee;
poured into England. The first party reached
Liverpool Street ' station at the beginning
of September. Those who witnessed their
arrival in London saw these victims of a
calamity, the extent of which they appeared
too dazed to realize, standing in forlorn groups
on the railway platform around the boxes
and bundles containing the few personal
belongings they had been able to gather
together in their hasty flight from the German
hordes which were then overrunning their
comitry. Slany of them were country people,
speaking no language but Flemish, and for
the most part they remained silent and listless,
resigning themselves without comment into
the hands of their new-found friends. Torn,
at a moment's notice, from the cottages and
the fields in which their simple life had been
mainly passed, they seemed strangely out of
place in the whirlpool of the great London
terminus. British refugees ' 'from Germany
were also brought back in railway steamers

from the Hook of Holland. Again and again,
while there was a possibility of refugees desiring
to take passage to England, the railway
steamers braved the dangers of the Ndrth Sea
passage, and on more than one occasion were
chased and attacked by German submarines.
The case of the steamship Colchester should
be referred to in this connexion, Captain
Lawrance, who was in command of that
ship, exhibiting a fine courage which earned
for him not only the praise of his immediate
employers, but the thanlcs of the Board of
Trade.

The South Eastern and Chatham Company's
part in bringing refugees to Folkestone was
also a fine piece of work. When Germany
began to invade Belgium an arrangement was
made by the Local Government Board that the
Company should put on an additional service
between Folkestone and Ostend, and as
Germany gradually occupied the whole of
Northern Belgium, a great demand was made
for additionaj boats to carry the war refugees
from Belgium. The Admiralty one day re-
cfuested that every available boat should be
sent to Ostend, and on one day alone the South
Eastern Company's fleet landed over 6,000
war refugees at Folkestone. Reference should
also be made to one or two incidents in which
familiar cross-Channel steamers were concerned.
Tlie Inviota, known to multitudes of voyagers
to the Continent in hajjpier days, was instru-
mental in saving some of the survivors of His
JNIajesty's ship Hermes, and the Queen — the
first turbine boat to be put into the Dover-

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

195

Calais service, rescued over 2,000 panic-
stricken refugees from the Aniiral Gauteaume,
when that ship was attacked in mid-
channel by a hostile submarine. Other
railwajf steamers were fitted up as
hospital ships and rendered most useful
service.

Nor does this record complete the story of
the part which British railways played in tlie
Great War. The leading railways had in
operation — and this applied to the railways
of the Allied nations as well as to those of
Great Britain — many large and well-equipped
establishments in which during years of peace
locomotives were built and were repaired
and railway carriages and wagons constructed.
Following the example set by the South
African railways during the Boer War, the
whole of these establishments were placed
at the disposal of the Government. One of
the first demands made upon the manufacturing
resources of the railways was for the construc-
tion of ambulance trains for the transport of
the wounded both on Continental and home
railways. In view of the urgency of the
demand the usual plan adopted was to make
up the ambulance train from vehicles taken

from ordinary service, the carriages being
altered to suit the required conditions, ilosfc
of the trains were completed in the course of
a few days, the record for rapid construction
being held by the London and North Western
railway mechanics, who succeeded in providing
a naval ambidance train within a period of
thirty hours. All the larger companies undertook
the provision of trains for the transport of
wounded, the numbers being apportioned
among the railway manufacturing estab-
lishments in proportion to the manufacturing
capacity. Many of the public had an oppor-
tunity at a later date, when additional trains
were ordered, of gaining through personal
inspection an idea of the care lavished in the
design and arrangement of these trains so that
the wounded should receive every possible
attention. A typical ambulance train — one
of those constructed by the Groat Western
Railway — included a saloon with beds for
orderlies and stores compartment, a restaurant
car, five ward coaches, each with accommoda-
tion for eighteen patients, a pharmacy coach
containing dispensary, operating room, and
linen stores, a saloon with beds for eight
patients, and accommodation for two niu'ses

REMOUNTS FOR BRITISH TROOPS IN FRANCE.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

and two doctors. This train would carry
ninety-eight patients, in addition to the doctors,
nnrse?, and orderlies. Tlie pharmacy coach
was divided by partitions into the dispensarj-.
operating room, office, and linen stores, and a
sliding door giving admittance to the operating
room was designed of such width as to admit
a stretcher being taken in sideways. Special
arrangement? were devised to ensure that a
plentiful supply of hot water was available
for sterilizing and other purposes from a boiler
in the coach, and the floor of the operating
room was covered with zinc. The heating
was by steam, and the lighting by oil-gai.

BRITISH FIELD-KITCHENS
On the way to Northern France,

which was also used for the warramg and
heating of food.

At a very early stage of the war the passage
o' these ambulance trains over British railways
became a sad but familiar feature. A Times
correspondent, dealing with the night traffic
at Crewe, wrote : " While the merry-go-round
is in full swing a train of a kind with which
Crewe is becoming only too familiar creeps
in out of the station smoke and the fog beyond.
It is an a.mbulance train, one of fovir or five
that are on their way this night from the South
Coast to the Northern hospitals. The singing
and tlie dancing cease as sound fighting men
crowd behind the barriers and catch glimpses
of wounded con-irades, some propped up in
bed with bandaged head or limbs, others

limping on crutches to the carriage doors.
The long string of luxuriously fm'nished
Red Cross coaches seems a haven of rest after
the impression of incessant strife that one has
caught from exploding fog signals, shrill whist-
ling of giant engines and creaking carriages
scrunching over points. The train of mercy
passes out into the night, as it seems on silent
wheels, leaving the station staff still battling
with the novel demands of war."

On French, German, and Russian railways
elaborate arrangements were in force for the
care of the wounded, which in the case of the
German Army must have thrown a prodigiou.?
strain upon the organization. What was
done by France will serve as an index to the
general arrangement on Continental railways
for the transport of the wounded. The com-
plexity of the problem which the French
Railway Administration had to solve may be
gathered from the statement that on an average
there were 5,000 casualties during each terrible
twenty-four hours of battle. Mr. Walter S.
Hiatt, wi'iting in the Railway Age Gazette,
described how by slow degrees the wounded
man was carried to the rear and placed in
trains that were always waiting to whirl the
wounded back to Paris, Orleans, Bordeaux,
Lyons, to the sea coast at Toulon in the
distant south, to Tours or to St. Nazaire at
the mouth of the Loire. At the end of a year
of war these trains of nriercy had carried
nearly a million men into the hospital country.
One phase of this service was the evolution of
a life-saving hospital car out of a rudely con-
structed cheap box car. At the beginning of
the war, when the railways had rendered the
first-rate service of launching the soldiers
towards the frontiers, the problem of ' caring
for the wounded was in a state of infancy.
It was, however, soon recognized that the
only hospital in which a seriously wounded
man could be treated effectively was one in
a building away from the heat, the noise, and
the life of the camps, and that the only way
to get the soldiers to these hospitals was by
train. In the early days of the war it sometimes
took a long period owing to scarcity of hospital
trains to convey the wounded to the hospitals,
but after tliree naonths of war 000 ambulance
trains were in service on the French raOways.
At first the sleeping and dining cars were
used as temporary moving hospitals, but,
although they rendered excellent service, their
weight made too great a, demand for engine

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

197

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During the Anglo-French Expedition's Battle with the Germans at Nlohe, December 6, 1?14.

power, and hence there was evolved the idea of
converting the often despised box-car into a
travelling hospital. ^A'herever the idea origi-
nated credit must be given to Commandant
E. Loiseleur, in charge of the Fourth Bureau
of the War Department, for putting the plan
into operation. The 30 ft. ear, when rebuilt,
was divided into three parts — an operating
room, a medical store, and a kitchen. The
effect that the provision of these trains had in

saving the lives of wounded soldiers was quite
remarkable. One report showed that of 350
men taken at one time to Brest, a long slow
ride from the front, across Brittany, there were
no deaths. Another report showed that, of
418 wounded taken to Kouen, 200 had been
treated on the train. Another case was that
of a train with 611 wounded, where the lives
of five were saved by operations, and many
others had their wounds dressed. The service

I'M

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

\7as raised to such a level of efficiency that
a soldier wounded on the Yser in the North
could be delivered at a Paris hospital within
thirty hours if in a condition to be moved at
all. The services rendered by the railways
both in Great Britain and on the Continent
in providing for the transport of the wounded
were a revelation of the scope and usefulness
of railways in war, wliich at the time were
only dimly rmderstood. There were cases in
which men were in hospital in London within
24 hoiu'? of being \^ounded in France.

The workshop staffs in which the ambulance
trains had been built having filled this urgent
need tiu-ned to the supply of other military
requirements. There was a call for motor-
lorries which was beyond the capacity of the
motor manufacturing industry proper, and
the railways undertook to deliver large nmnbers
of these useful links for transport work between
rail-head and the front. Many other branches
of war work were also undertaken, including
the supply of the regulation army wagons used
by horse transport, gvm limbers, and other
auxiliaries of the artillery or transport arm.
In some of the great railway works special
steels for ordnance manufacture were pro-
duced, in others ordnance itself was manu-
factured ; in all of them work was undertaken
for the Ministry of Munitions. Existing works

were not only fully manned to assist the
successful prosecution of the war, but new
factories were erected and equipped in response
to the call for more and yet more munitions.
The building of locomotives and all but abso-
lutely essential repair work were suspended ;
wagon and carriage construction except for
the needs of the war was a dead indtistry.
The mamier in which equipment designed for
an entirely different purpose was adapted
to the execution of military contracts was
a fine example of the resourcefulness of the
railway engineer.

Not only in Great Britain but throughout
Eiu-ope the same thing was being done. In
France, in Austria, in Russia, in Italy railway
activities, altogether apart from the transport
problem, which was the primary duty of the
railway arm, were mobilized to aid the suc-
cessful prosecution of the war. The building
of armoured trains for use on lines within
the war zone was an important part of this
task, and on many occasions excellent work
was done by these mobile forts both in attack
and defence. Special vehicles for arnaament
traffic were constructed in every railway work-
shop in the belligerent countries. In England
wagons to carry heavy guns up to 130 tons
in weight were built for the Woolwich Arsenal
railwavs. and armour-plate wagons for the

EAST AFRICA: TRAIN CROSSING A BRIDGE
Guarded by Sentry and Blockhouse on top of cutting at right.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

199

THE CARPATHIANS.
Handing out bread from a Russian supply train.

Sheffield and Manchester districts, and many
other tjrpes were to be seen passing over British
railways. An English railway — the Great
Eastern — recognizing the difficulty of feeding
troops when travelling by train or when on
the march got out designs for a commissariat
train to supply every four hours a hot meal
for 2,000 men. The German railways, which
furnished many examples of resourcefulness,
provided trains to enable men coming back
from the firing line for rest to enjoy the luxury
of a bath. These trains consisted of a loco-
motive, tender, a wagon with water in a reser-
voir, three wagons for hot baths and several
wagons to serve as cabins. The reservoir
was capable of holding 2,300 gallons of water,
and fifty men could bathe at the same time.
Each train could give a bath daily to at least
3,000 soldiers. Some fine feats in restoring
broken railway communication, following the
repulse of the German Army from the gates
of Paris, were done by the French railwa5T:nen
with the assistance of the railway works.

In all the combatant natiorts the new sig-
nificance of railways in war was recognized,
and steps were taken with varying, but in all
instances a great measure of success to obtain
froin the railways the maximimi assistance
they could afford either for attack or defence.
The mobility conferred on an army by the

possession of either permanent or temporary
railways on many occasions enabled assaults
to be pressed home or a threatened position
saved. The successful retreat of the hard-
pressed Russian Army, the repulse of the
fierce German thrust at Calais, owed much to
the skilful use made of the railways by those
in charge of the operations ; the possession
of the Belgian railway system, with its high
percentage of mileage to the area of country
traversed, was an incomparable asset to the
in%'ader'.

Railway work in the Great War was so
intimately connected with the incidents of the
various campaigns that its liistory is the history
of the war itself. If the illustrations which
appear in this chapter were the only moans
by which the importance of the railway
arm could be measured they would tell
a wonderful story. By their aid alone
the world-wide character of the Great
War could be easily mirrored. They would
call up a picture of the first great rush of troops
to the frontiers of threatened territories, of
the dispatch of the British Expeditionary
Force, the arri\-al of the Empire soldiers from
overseas, the ready response of the Princes
of India to the call of the King- Emperor.
There would be revealed glimpses of the
Russian Army in Galicia going on from success

200

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

to success as new and important positions were
secured, the subsequent rolling back of the
tide of Russian invasion, when, such was the
devastation wTOught by the invading armies,
the peasants who owed allegiance to the
Tsar were forced to seek temporary homes
in railway wagons. From the desolation of
Russia the mind could tiu'n to the brighter
pictvire of the Italian Army coming into the
war when the Allies had reached a dark hour,
and advancing with high hopes into the
momitains which guard the Northern frontier.
Another change of the kaleidoscope and the
mind could see an image of the Austro-German
rush on Serbia, of the Bulgarian Army leaving
for the front, and other incidents of the cam-
paign against heroic Serbia. A fresh turn of
the wheel, and there would be a vision of
Africa, where by means of the Wiudlioek-
Keetmanshoep line, at a moment when the
South African forces were rounding up the
rebels, Germany might have hoped to strilie
swiftly at Cape Colony. There would also
be sho^vn the work of armoured trains and
other incidents of the war in the back places
of the Empire. Then he who would seek to
reconstruct the story of the war would be once
more in France ; he would see the measures
being taken to facilitate the French advance
on the trenched-in, dispirited German Arn y
on the Western front.

Next he would be with the British Army, its
long line stretching from the front in France
to the great camps in England. It was com-
monly said that except for occasional raids of
enemy airships England did not feel the breath
ot war. Those who spoke thus overlooked the
daily reminder- given in London itself of how
near the war %vas to the heart of the Empire.
The scene at Victoria Station when the train
with those returning from leave left on the
first stage of the journey to the front formed a
definite linlc with the great conflict being waged
only a few miles away. To pass within the
platform barriers and stand beside this " trench
train " on tlie eve of its departure was to touch
the fringes of the fighting area. That last
word " Good-bye " was being said by men who
on the morrow would be facing the enemy.
The story told in Frith's famous picture of the
scene at a great railway terminus was of trivial
significance compared with the daily drama of
the war train, where bravo women smiled
tlirough their tears and looked the farewells
they could not speak. Finally, the picture
would tell of the joiu-ney by rail and sea, and
rail again to the British front, where a million
jnen auaited w-ith calm confidence the victory
which was destined to give safety to the Empire
and to civilization the assurance that the
menace of militarism had been definitely
cjuelled.

BRITISH TROOPS IN FRANCE.
Returning to Camp on a Light Railway.

CHAPTER CI.

OPERATIONS ON THE WESTERN
FRONT, APRIL TO SEPTEMBER, 1 9 1 5

Reasons for the Comparative Inaction of Allies from JIay to September — Fighting in
THE Air — Thf, Belgians — British Operations round La Bassee and Ypres — Extension of
British Line — ^Battle of Artois — Actions of Hijibuterne and QuENNEVifeRES — Germans
Repulsed at Beausejour and Ville-sur-Tourbe — German Crown Prince's Offensive in
THE Argonne — French Storm Les Eparges Crest — Fighting in the Wood of Ailly — Capture
and Recapture of the " Height of the Ban de Salt " — French Advance in Alsace — Eve
OF THE September Offensive.

IN Chapter XC\T:. we described the opera-
tions on the Western front between La
Bassee and the Swiss frontier down to
March 31, 1915. The fighting from La
Bassee to the sea at Nieuport-Bains, which
included the Battle of Neuve Chapelle, the
Second Battle of Ypres, and the Battles of the
Aubers Ridge and Festubert, "had been already
narrated. The last two battles, which occurred
in May, 1915, were closely connected with the
Battle of Artois, the name which may be
given to the French offensive in May and June
south of La Bassee and north of Arras. The
present chapter continues the story of the
Franco-German campaign from March 31, and
of the Anglo-Belgian campaign from May 25 —
the last day of the Battle of Festubert — up to
September 25, when French and Joffre again
struck heavily at the German lines in Artois
and Champagne.

During the period under review vast changes
occurred outside the Western theatre of war.
By sinking the Lusitania (May 7), and by
numerous interferences in the domestic politics
Vol. VI.— Part 7L

of the United States, the German Government
further exasperated the American people. On
May 12 General Botha captured Windhoek,
and German South-West Africa was speedily
conquered. On April 25 British and French
forces were landed in the Gallipoli Peninsula.
On May 23 Germany's ally, Italy, declared war
on Austria-Hungary.

Nevertheless, the Germans and Austro-
Himgarians and their leaders from April to
September displayed the utmost energy.
Taking advantage of the fact that the Frencl*
and British in the West had not yet accumulated
sufficient men and munitions to pierce the net-
work of barbed-wire, trenches, redoubts, and
underground fortresses which had been so
skilfully constructed by the German engineers
along Germany's new frontier, the Kaiser
threw overwhelming forces against the Russians,
who were suffering from a grievous lack of
weapons and miuiitions. Przemysl, captured
by the Russians on March 22, had to be
abandoned by oiu- Allies. On June 22 Lemberg-
was evacuated. In August the Germans-

201

20'2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

NEUVILLE
\ strongly forti&ed German trench captured

entered Warsaw and, one by one, the fortresses
— Ivangorod, Kovno, Novo Georgievsk, Brest
Litovski, Grodno — protecting Russia proper
from invasion were lost, and on September 18
the Germans were in Vilna.

Thus the Allies did not succeed in seriously
retarding the Austro- German re occupation of
Galicia and invasion of Russia. Huge as were
the forces and the store of munitions of the
Allies in the West, they were not proportionately
so great as those possessed by the Kaiser when
in August, 1914, he had invaded Belgium and
France. If WOliam II., with aJl the advantages
of a vast superiority in numbers, heavy artillery,
and machine guns, had been unable to batter
his way through the French defences, it is not
to be wondered that the French and British
in 1915 made slow progress against a baffled
but not badly defeated enemy, who were
numerically perhaps their equals and were
magnificently equipped and supplied with new
and hideous engines of destruction. It was
evident that, except at a ghastly sacrifice of
life, no advance which had not been prepared
by a pirodigious expenditure of shells could
be made. The danger in face of an enemy —
amply provided with shells and partridges —
of depleting the reserve stores of munitions
was soon brought home to the French Staff
by the battles in Galicia and Russian Poland.
Each section of Joffre's tour hundred mile
front had to be kept supplied with a sufficiency

ST. VAAST.
by the French, and remains of a German ^un.

of ammunition to prevent the German com-
manders from blasting their way through
it. The railroads and motor-traction per-
mitted the German leaders rapidly to con-
centrate their reserves behind any point in
their immense battle front, and a temporary
absence at any point of ammunition on the
part of the Allies might have led to an irre-
trievable disaster. The German gas-and-fiame-
aided offensives round Ypres and in the Argonne
proved that the enemy was far from considering
that his cause was hopeless in the West,
and there was always the chance that the
invasion of Russia would be suspended and
that Mackensen with his phalanx and gigantic
artillery would be transferred to Belgium or
France.

With these preliminaries, we commence our
account of the main events which occurred on
the AUied front from Aoril 1 to September 24,
1915. We shall, as in Chapter XG^n., treat
them not in strictly chronological order, and
we shall ask the reader to accompany us along
the line of battle from the sea at Nieuport-Bains
to the Vosges.

Before doing so we devote some lines to the
war in the air. On AprU 1 a German aeroplane,
whose occupant was dropping bombs on Reims,
was brought down by a lucky shot. The next
day British aviators bombed Hoboken and
Zeebrugge, and French aviators wrecked the
railway stations at Neuenburg and Miilheim.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

203

On April 3 St. Di6 was attacked by a Taube.
Zeebrugge was again, on the 8th, bombed by
British airmen. The French on April 11
launched explosives on the railway station
and a foundry at Bruges. German airships
were busy the next day. One caught fire
at Aeltre, another did some damage to Nancy.
On the 14th French aviators disquieted the
German headquarters at M6zieres-Charleville ;
others, soon afterwards, inflicted damage
on the inilitary railway station at Freiburg.
A French airship on April 19 attacked the
railway station at Strassburg. A few hours
later some French aeroplanes set fire to stores
of fodder at Mannheim. Mannheim and
Miilheim were bombed on the 21st ; Fried-
richahafen, on the Lake of Constance, and
Leopoldshohe on the 28th, and the railway
station at Valenciennes on the 30th. In May,
on the 3rd, French airmen dropped bombs into
the headquarters of the Duke of Wiirtemberg.
A German aeronaut on May 11 attacked St.
Denis and another (May 22) Paris itself. The
French, on May 26, sent a squadron of aero-
planes to destroy factories at Ludwigshafen.
June 7 was memorable for the exploit of
Lieutenant Warneford, who destroyed a Zeppe-
lin between Ghent and Brussels, while other
British aviators bombed a hangar near the
Belgian capital. A week later (June 15) civilians
in Nancy were killed and wounded by German
aeronauts. Carlsruhe that day was visited by
Allied aircraft and the castle there damaged.
This operation was undertaken by way of
reprisal. Zeebrugge, Heyst, Knooke, and
Friedrichshafen were all attacked in the
last days of June. In Belgium, on July 2, the
German airship sheds at GhisteUes, which had
been destroyed and rebuilt, were again rendered
useless. Near Altkirch a duel in the air
between German and French aviators ended
in the defeat of the Germans. On August 26
a British aviator dropped bombs on a German
submarine off Ostend, while British, Belgian,
and French aviators set fire to a large portion
of the Forest of Houthoulst, which during the
end of August was ahnost daily bombed.
Concentrations of German troops there had
been signalled. On August 31 the celebrated
French aeronaut P^goud was killed in a
duel near Belfort, a serious loss to the Allies.
He had exhibited extraordinary courage and
skill in a class of fighting where the individual
counted as much as he had done at sea in the
days of Elizabeth

While the Allied aircraft chased Taubes and
Zeppelins, and interfered with the communica-
tions of the German armies, the iOO-mile long
battle continued to rage. On the extreme left
of the Allied line the Belgians in the period
under review maintained their position. The
floods of the Yser were drjong up, and the
country from the sea to the south of Dixmude
was becoming a morass. In this muddy
region a nmnber of minor actions took place.
On April 4 a German detachment took Drie-
grachten and crossed the Yperlee Canal. They
were driven back across the Canal on April 6.
Three days later, the enemy, on rafts armed
with macliine guns, tried to reach St. Jacques-
Cappelle, on the western side of the Yser, south
of Dixmude. They were repulsed by the
French marines. Reinforced, the Germans
again, on April 14, attacked near Dixmude, but
unavailingly. Eight days later an effort on

A FRENCH TRENCH.

Showing bombs and hand-grenades placed in
readiness for an attack.

204

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

their part to take the Chateau de Vicoigne, in
the loop of the Yser, north of Dixmude, met with
no success. On April 26 they used south of
Dixmude some of the poisonous gas which they
were employing in tlie Second Battle of Ypres.
They were, however, unable to break the
Belgian line. Three bridges of boats, by which
(liey tried to cross the Yser at Dixmude, were
destroyed by the Belgian artillery on April 29.
The day before, a monster Krupp gun in a
concrete casemate near Dixmude threw shells
into Dunkirk, killing some civilians. It uas
promptly put — at least temporarily — out of
action by the Allied aeronavits and gunners.
On Ma.y 9 Nieuport was violently bombarded
by the enemy. In a blinding Sindstorm he
advanced up the sea shore, but was beaten
back.

It was now the turn of the Belgians to take
the offensive, and on May 11 they obtained a
footing on the right bank of the Yser. The
Germans, towards the end of Blay, again
endeavoured to advance from Dixmude, and
between Dixmude and the loop of the Yser.
Their efforts led to nothing of importance. In
June the monster gun or, if it had been

smashed, another of the same calibre, once
more bombarded Dimkirk. On July 10 there
was a skirmish at the House of the Ferryman
on the Yser Canal. Forty Britisli men of -
war bombarded the Belgian coast from Ostend
to Zeebrugge on August 25. The object of the
bombardment partly was to destroy the
submarine base at Zeebrugge. The bombard-
ment was repeated in September, and was
supported by the Belgian and French artillery
on the Yser front. The aim of Joffre was, it
seems, to induce the German commanders to
believe that he was about to take the offensive
in Bolgiiun witli the assistance of troops landed
from England east of Nieuport. To draw the
German reserves to Belgium and Alsace, while
he pierced the enemy's line in Artois and
Champagne, was apparently his plan.

The Belgian right wing joined on to the
French troops defending the Yperlee Canal in
the neighbourhood of Ypres. The attempts of
the Duke of Wiirtemberg to obtain a footing
on the western bank of the Yperlee were every-
where foiled.

From the expiration of the Battle of Festu-
bert in the fourth week of May to the beginning

L^' '#■ .^^ '^_*^*o^ ^^*^^

IN THE ARGONNE.

An outpost in the woods.

TEE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

205

FIRED BY GERMAN SHELLS: ON THE WESTERN FRONT.

The farmhouse in the background was so pounded by the enemy's shell-6re that it was almost un-
recognisable as a house. The flames of the burning lit up the countryside for miles around.

of the Battle of Loos on Seistember 25 the
British Army was comparatively inactive.
The Germans, who had calculated that with
their poisonous gas they would achieve results
in Flanders similar to those to be secured by
Mackensen's overwhelming artillery, remained,
generally speaking, after their failiu-e at the
Second Battle of Ypres, on the defensive.
To the disappointment of many people in

England still bemused by optimistic politicians
and writers, Sir John French imitated the
German example. The number of the trained
ofjicers and privates, who had performed
such prodigies of valour and exhibited such
sidll in the fighting from Mons onwards,
had sadly dwindled. Tune was needed to
complete the training of the Territorials and to
convert into soldiers the brave civilians in the

71—2

206

THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAR,

LOOKING OUT FOR ENEMY AIRCRAFT.

A French searchlight station.

ranks of the New Armies. Our heavy artillery
was still inferior in quantity, if not in quality,
to the enemy's. The enormous mass of shells
and grenades required in the trench warfare
had not yet been provided. Our experiences
at the Battles of Neuve Chapelle, the Aubers
Ridge, and Festubert, the experience of our
French Ally in the Battle of Artois, about
to be described, had driven home the lesson
that the Art of War had been revolutionized by
high explosives, aircraft^ machine guns, barbed
wire, and motor traction. " Festma lente,"
the favourite maxim of the founder of the
Koman Empire, was now that of the British
leaders.

It must not be supposed, however, that
the last week in May, the months of June,
July, and August, and the fii\st three weeks of
September were for the British troops un-
eventful.. Niunerous incidents occurred which
in. our previous wars would have caused columns
of the newspapers to be filled with glowing
narratives. Some of these engagements may
be briefly recorded.

The character of the fioihting which followed

the Battle of Fpstuberb in the La Bassee region, is

admirably delineated by an eye-witness ;

Fighting had been in progress for nearly a week,
and the British were gradually working their way from
left to right (that is, from north to south) along the old
(ierman Une. The general position was thought to be
favot-U'able, and the German infantry were showing

signs of demoralization, but the right extremity of the
British progress was still a dangerous and difficult place.
Part of the old German breastwork had been captured by
a charge across the open, after a most destructive
British bombardment. T'he Canadian garrison were, of
course, holding the old rear side, originally thinner than
the front and now severely battered by our shells. For
more than 200 yards on the left the wliole breastwork was
so much knocked about as to afford no cover at all.

The communication trench which had been run back
to the old British line? had been made under heavy
German shelling, and was little more than a track across
the field. Not only was communication with the left
and rear thus made dangerous by night and almost
impossible by day, but on the right there were several
hundred yards of the trench still in German hands,
with a fort at the end in which were two machine guns
and a trench mortar. Another German fort stood in a
communication trench running straight out from the
front of the breastwork. A counter-attack with hand
grenades might begin at any minute from both these
places, and if it were successful from, the communication
trench, the troops to the right would be cut off and
attacked from both flanks.

Two companies of the Post Office P.ifles went to take
up this position on the night of May 22. Until the 27th
the whole battalion was almost unbrokenly at work,
eitlier winning more of tho trench to the right or putting
the place into a state of defence and improving its
communications with the rear. On their way up the
first two companies found the road blocked by parties
of stretcher-bearers taking away the wounded The
German trench mortar and light guns were already
active, and no sooner was the relief completed than — in
the fearful thunderstorm of that night — tho expected
counter-attack with bombs was begun. I*erhaps it was
only defensive in intention ; at any rate it was kept
down by tho courage and enthusiasm of the Post Office
bombers, both in fighting and in bringing up boxes of
bombs from the stores behind.

The next day was Whit Sunday. It was a quiet day
as those days went, but the French and British gunners
were busy : there was a little bombing, and there was

THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAR.

207

much fatigue work on the defences. The strong effort
to clear things up was planned for the following dawn.

At 2 a.m. Major Whitehead attacked with his company
towards the right, and cleai'ed 250 yards of the trench.
When that length had been gained, all the bomb&rs
were either dead or wounded, and two of the throe
subalterns in the company had come by mortal wounds.
It was necessary to stand fast and block the trench.
jNIeanwhile the Canadians had taken the fort in front by
an assault across the open, only to be shelled out of
it. For more than seven hours the Germans bom-
barded with the greatest violence. By midday the
platoons on the left had less than a third of their men
un wounded.

As the front to defend was now, of course, longer,
another platoon, with the machine-gun section and two
troops of Strathcona's Horse, had reinforced under
machine-gun fire across the gap on the left. They, too,
had casualties, and in tlie evening, when the shelling
was again heavy, the men were tired out. All day they
had had neither food nor water. The trench was
choked with dead and wounded, and in many places
the parapet had been blown down by shells. Fortunately,
a fresh company came up from support to press the
bombing attack on the right, but it had little success.

The attack had to be pushed on. at all costs, and
next evening, at 6.30, in conjunction with an assault
by the brigade on the right, it was carried on till the
last bend before the little fort. The fort had to be
left for yet another time. An infantry assault in
the moonlight was made. AVhen Major Whitehead
jumped on the parapet the Germans had hoisted the
white flag and thrown down their arms. One officer
and 36 men {nearly half of them wounded) gave them-
selves up, along with one Canadian who was their
prisoner. The booty included the trench mortar, a
machine gun, and 400 rifles, a great store of equipment
and comforts, and, curiously enough, a drum.

The whole section of trfcnch captured by the battalion
was under a quarter of a mile in length, and there had
been a casualty for almost every yard of it. Five of
tho officers had lost their hves and four more were
wounded. After the fighting came the heavy and dis-
gusting work of clearing up the breastworks and re-
building them. On the night of the 26th the riflemea
were so much exhausted that the officers and N.C.O.'a
did all the sentry duty in order at last to let them
snatch some sleep. On the 27th the battalion inarched
away to another part of the front.

It wall be recollected that the Canadlaa
Division liad, after the Second Battle of Ypres,
taken part in the closing stages of the Battle
of Festubert. On May 20 the intrepid Colonials
had captured the orchard near La Qiiinqiie Rue
which had defied the efforts of other troops
during the last-named battle. The next day
they had attacked a redoubt known as " Bex-
hill." It was captured on May 2-i, In these
and subsequent actions the Canadian artillery
greatly distinguished itself.

Monday, May 24, was also noteworthy for
an attack delivered by the Germans against the
Ypres salient. At 2 a.m. a violent bombard-
ment with gas and other shells along the
British front from a point north of Wieltje to
near Hooge began. Simultaneously a vast
quantity of poisonous gas was discharged from
the cvhnder^ in tlie German trenches. The

LOOKING OUT FOR ENEMY AIRCRAFT.

A French 75 being used as an anti-aircraft gun in France.

208

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

FRENCH SOLDIER'S LIFE-SAVING HELMET.

The " Adrian helmet," which was a means of preventing wounds and saving the lives of many French
soldiers. 1. A helmet struck by a bullet which ricocheted without penetrating. 2. Helmet that saved its
wearer's life : showing the crest torn by a shell-splinter and brim bent by the soldier's fall. 3. Helmet
pierced by a bullet which was deflected : showing the holes of entry and exit. 4. French sniper's
helmet that saved his life : exhibiting marks of bullet which struck it as he was lying down.

enemy then attacked from the neighbourhood
of St. Julien, Zonncbeke and the Polygon Wood.
They gained some trenches near Shelltrap Farm,
with others on both sides of the Ypres-Roulers
railway and south of the Bellewaarde Lake.
Coimter-attacks during the day, however, were
at most points successful, and the Germans
seciu'cd httle by the renewal of their treacherous
tactics. Captain Francis Orenfell, V.C., one of
the most promising of the yoimger officers in
the Army, was killed. In the vicinity of Hill
60 and near Bois Grenier there was also
fighting in which the British had the upper
hand.

For several days the struggle in the Festubert
region went on, but led to no decisive results.
On the evening of May 31 the British recaptured
the stables of the Chateau of Hooge. About
this time the British Premier, Mr. Asquith,
visited the front. He was accompanied or
followed by the Postmaster-General, Mr.
Herbert Samuel, M.P., and by Mr. Ben Tillett
and JMr. Will Crooks. JM.P. The last two had

been enthusiastic recruiters for the New Armies.
Mr. Tillett and Mr. Crooks published their
impressions. " On leaving the Army," wrote
Mr. Tillett, " I had a mixed feeling of humilia-
tion and of gratitude to our men."

On June 2 the enemy made a violent attempt
to pierce the British position round Hooge,
but the troops of the 3rd Cavalry Division and
the 1st Indian Cavalry Division beat him back,
and the next day the British seized some out-
buildings of the Chateau, or rather the ruins
of it. The 2nd Army took over the French
trenches as far as Boesinghe on the Yperlee
Canal, and on June 15 the 1st Canadian Brigade
carried the front-line German trenches north-
east of Givenchy, pushing towards Rue d'Ouvert
and Chapelle St. Roch, but, the flanks of the
Canadians being exposed, they were withdrawn
to their original position.

The next day, June 16, the 5th Corps attacked
the Gennans south of Hooge, cleared their
first-line trenches, and reached the edge of the
Bellewaarde Lake. The British subsequently

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

209

retired a little, but a thousand yards of trenches
had been gained. The Honourable Artillery
Company and other Territorials behaved very
gallantly in this engagement. At the same
time the 2nd and 6th Corps delivered holding-
attacks and the artillery of the 36th French
Corps shelled PiLkem. On Tuesday, July 6,
Lord Kitchener paid a visit to the army,
and stayed tOl Thursday evening inspecting
the troops. The day of his arrival, at 6.20 a.m.,
in misty weather, after a brief bombardment
by British and French guns, the 11th Infantry
Brigade captured a German salient between
Boesinghe and Ypres. From the 10th to the
13th July the Germans endeavoured to
recover the trenches which they had lost, but
were repulsed. They bombarded the position
with gas shells and carried some of the trenches,
but were expelled by our troops with bombs
and grenades. East of Ypres, about 10 a.m.
on the 13th, they rushed one of our advanced
posts on the Verlorenhoek road. It was at
once retaken.

Six days later (July 19) a German redoubt
near Hooge was successfully mined and
destroyed and some trenches captured. Both
sides were frequently exploding mines, but
the days when fortresses could be breached
by a few bags of gunpowder were over. The
struggle round Hooge went on, and on .July 30
the Germans introduced to the notice of our
men a new weapon. It was the Flatmnen-
we.rfer, a steel cylinder resembling a inilk-
can in shape and filled with inflammable
liquid. To one side was fitted six feet of rubber
hose with a long steel nozzle at the end. By
padded metal arms the cylinder was attached
to the back of the operator. Stamped on the
top was the German Imperial crown.

The interior was divided into two chambers,
the lower containing a compressed gas to
furnish the pressure. A valve released the gas,
which pushed the inflammable fluid into the
rubber pipe. Two other valves held the fluid in
check before it reached the device for igniting it
at the nozzle. This device consisted of a small
tube containing a spring, a detonator, some
gim-cotton, and a wick soaked in paraffin.
When the gas pressed the fluid against the
spring, the wick ignited and a jet of flame
projected from the nozzle for twenty yards or
more. It was accompanied by volumes of
black smoke, and could be made to last two
minutes. For each ignition, however, a firing tube
had to be fitted into the end of the steel nozzle.

Tliis diabolic instrument had been employed
against the French in October, 1914, and was
then being used in the Argorme. With the
assistance of the Flamrneniverfer the Germans
gained some trenches at Hooge on the Menin-
Ypres road.

On August 9, at 4 a.m., the British and
French artillery directed a terrific fire on the
trenches secured by such unnatural means, and
these, with 400 yards of German trench north
of the Menin road, were recovered.

From the end of the action at Hooge to the
Battle of Loos there was, in Sir John French's
words, " relative quiet along the whole of the
British line, except at those points where the
normal conditions of existence comprised
occasional shelling and constant mine and
bomb warfare." The preparations for the
great offensive at the end of September were
being made. Detachments of the New Armies
were constantly arriving, and the British line
was gradually extended south of La Bassee
towards the plateau of Notre Dame de Lorette.
The New Armies filled the French with admira-
tion. M. Pichon, ex-Ministor for Foreign
Affairs, who had been to the British front,
published on August 25 an account of his
visit :

It is certain that at first sight the rapid formation
of a huge British Army might appear impossible and the
difficulties almost insurniountable, but British tenacity
has overcome them. It has been a huge task, involving
enormous expenditure, a method and co-ordination of
effort without pause or limit, and a will which would
not bend before any obstacle. That is exactly what has
happened. Kitchener's Army is in being and is now
on our soil with all the requisite services provided and
equipped in a manner which excites our admiration.

It was on the plateau of Notre Dame de
Lorette, and south of it, that the bloodiest
battle in the West during the spring and
simxmer of 1915 was fought.

On April 28 General von Mackensen com- .
menced liis great offensive for the recovery of
Galicia, and by the evening of May 2 it is
probable that Joffre was informed of the
gigantic forces in men and artillery opposed
to the Russians defending the space between
the Carpathians and the Upper Vistula.
Although the Russians had an enormous tract
of cotmtry into wliich to retreat, every indirect
form of pressure consistent with the safety of
the Allies in the West had to bo exercised oil
the Germans to force tltem to recall troops to
Belgium and France.

The question for the French Generalissimo
to decide was at what point in the long line

210

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

211

from the North Sea to Switzerland he should
use his reserves of men and munitions. For
various reasons he selected the region south
of La Bassee and north of Arras. If, pivoting
on Arras, he could drive the Germans from the
heights between the Lys and the Scarpe into
the plain of the Scheldt and, capturing Lens,
advance towards the line Li He -Valenciennes,
he would threaten the communications of the
armies facing the French from Arras to the
jimction of the Oise and Aisne, and also be able
with the British forces from the west of La
Bassee to Armentieres to dislodge the enemy
from the ridges north of the La Bassee-Lille
Canal, and remove once and for all the danger
of a German thrust from I^a Bassee in the
direction of Boulogne. Assuming success, Lille
might then be invested.

The difficulties in the way of carrying out a
plan of this kind were very great. South of
the Bethmie-La Bassee-Lille Canal the French,
who had captured Vermelles and Le Rutoire
in December, had indeed made some progress
in the plain towards Loos and l^ens. But the
high ground round Loos, the ridges nortJi of
the stream of the Souchez, and most of the
hilly ravined plateau, which from the ridge of
Notre Dame de Lorette extends west and
south of Lens to the banks of the Scarpe
below Arras, were held by the Germans, and
had been converted by them into one of the
most formidable fortified positions in the
world.

Lille, too, had been put into a state of de-
fence by the German engineers. The forts,
unfinished or dismantled at the outbreak of
war, had been made, so far as German science
could make them, impregnable. Electrified
Vjarbed wire entanglements encircled the city.
Fifteen miles or so east of Lille an entrenched
camp had been formed at Tournai on the
Scheldt, and heavy guns placed on Mont
St. Aubert, which, north of Tournai, commands
the plain for several miles. Coiu'trai, on the
Lys below Armentieres, had also been strongly
protected. Even if Joffre expelled the enemy
from La Bassee and Lens, the fortified area in
the triangle Courtrai-Lille-Toumai would pre-
sent a redoubtable obstacle to a further advance.
In the centre of the side Courtrai-Lille were the
cities of Toiu'coing and Roubaix, which, like
Lille, Tournai, and Courtrai, would be de-
fended not only by artillery but by innumerable
machine-guns. If farms and villages held
by machine gunners delayed, as they had done

at Neuve Chapelle, the advance of over-
whelming numbers, it was to be presumed that
cities bristling with mitrailleuses would be
impenetrable.

The alternative plan of marching on the
Scheldt above Tournai and descending on the
conuxiunieations of the German armies be-
tween the Scarpe and the Oise was perhaps
more promising, biit the Scarpe and the
Scheldt would have to be crossed, and the
forests of Vicoigne and Raismes, between the
Scarpe and the Scheldt, and the high ground
south of Valenciennes would provide the
enemy with excellent defensive positions,
while from the triangle Coiurtrai-Lille-Tournai
he could attack the left flank of the French
moving on the Scheldt.

The above considerations must be borne in
mind or we shall not vmderstand why Joffre,
despite the straits to which the Russians were
reduced in the suimner of 1915, was content
with comparatively small gains at the Battle
of Artois.

-Ajiother reason for the French Generalissimo
selecting the Arras-La Bassee region for his
offensive was that a stroke at Lens was calcu-
lated to assist the Allies engaged since April 22
in the Second Battle of Ypres. On May 2 Sir
John French had ordered Sir Herbert Plumer to
retire to a new position nearer to the walls of
Ypres, and there can be little doubt that, up
to the opening of the Battle of Artois, the
situation of the British and French round
Ypres was distinctly dangerous. The battles
of the Aubers Ridge, Festuberc and Artois
were in the natiu'e of counter-strokes. That
they were effective, events were to j)rove.
Though, as mentioned, the Germans on May 24
attacked the British, they had broken off the
battle for Ypres on May 13, foiu- days after the
Battle of Artois began, and they had suffered
General Putz on May 15-17 to drive them
from tfie west bank of the Yjierlee Canal, %Ahich
they had reached by the use of chlorine gas.
The Battle of Artois may not have acted
as a brake on the German war machine in the
east, but it brought to a close the last great
offensive of the enemy in the west during 1915.
We will now describe the earliest of the
exhibitions on a large scale of the power of the
French heavy artillery. In 1914 the Germans
had shown the value of high explosive s.hells dis-
charged from gigantic guns and howitzers trans-
ported by railroad or niotor traction. At Neuve
Chapelle, in Champagne, at Les Eparges, in

212

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

BRITISH GUN IN DIFFICULTIES.

Owing to the sudden rising of a river in Flanders, a temporary bridge collapsed and the gun overturned

into the water.

the AVood of Ailly and elsewhere the Allies had
already taught the enemy that they had no
monopoly of t?je machinery which tended more
and more to transform war from a contest
between soldiers into one between chemists
and mechanics. The French leaders perceived
that without a superabundance of heavy artil-
lery the Allies would never be able to overcome
their enemy. When the war broke out, that
branch of the French Army was, according to
a semi-official report, " in process of reorgani-
zation." Wliatever the phrase may mean,
we learn from the same semi-official report that
.Joffre rsent to the Battle of Flanders no more
than 60 heavy guns. It is unquestionable
that the Germans in 1914, though their Ught
artillery was inferior to that of the French,
were, so far as heavy artillery was concerned,
ahead of their enemies.

Since November 11, 1914, an immense change
had come over the scene. Under the direction
of Joffre, M. JMillerand, the Jlinister of War, and
I\l. Thomas, the Minister of Munitions, a large
]jart of the civilian French population had been
moVjilized for the production of artillery,
inacliine-guns, rifles and munitions. With
feverish haste men worked day and night in
arsenals, factories and shops to turn out the
implements which would free France from the
despised and hated " Boches." The labour
of the men was supplemented by that of the
women. The a\'erage French woman has always

taken kindly to business, and some of the
chief commercial establishments in France
have been under female control. After, and
e /en before, the fall of Napoleon III. education
in France was every year becoming more
scientific and less literary. Universal mDitary
service had spread the knowledge of strategical
and tactical probleins. The result was that the
Govermnent could call upon a host of chemical
and mechanical experts of the two sexes both
able and willing to help it in its stupendous task.
The French, unlike the Germans, had not
for a generation been considering every inven-
tion and discovery from the point of view of a
soldier bent at aU costs on conquest. In this
crisis, however, they swiftly applied their
laiowledge and wits to the purposes of war.
From Ancient Greece and Rome the catapult
was borrowed to discharge, not spears and
bolts, but bombs and grenades. Helmets and
shields manufactured of a compound of steel,
which for its hardness, lightness and toughness
would have astonished medieval knights, were
provided for the trench warfare. Improved
forms of aerial torpedoes were invented.
New kinds of grenades and bombs to be thrown
by hand ; baby mortars to laimch projectiles a
score of yards, monster howitzers and guns to
hurl them almost o.s many miles, issued from
the cannon foundries. If Great Britain and
Russia had been proportionatelj' as well
equipped as was France in I\Iay, 1915, the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

213

British repulse at the Battle of the AuberiS
Ridge and the victories of Mackensen in Galicia
might never have occurred.

On May 8, while Sir Douglas Haig was
putting the finishing touches to his preparations
for stoi'niing the Aubers Ridge, General d' Urbal,
who had replaced General de Maud'huy — the
latter had been sent to serve under General
Dubail in Alsace — as leader of the lOtli Army,
gave his final orders for the battle v\hich, it was
hoped, would end in the recovery of Lens.
General d'Urbal, it will be remembered, had
been Sir John French's coadjutor in the Battle
of Flanders. There had been a recent re-
distribution of conunands. The local direction
of the French troops north of the Lys had been
assigned to General Putz, who, later in the year,
was succeeded by General Hely d'Oissel.
South of d'Urbal's army, that between the
Somme and Oise had been transferred from
General de Castelnau to General Petatn. The
former now directed the armies of the Allied

centre from Compiegne eastward. General
Dubail continued to superintend the operations
of the right. General Foch those of the left
wing.

Foch was with d'Urbal, and during the Battle
of Artois both were joined by Joffre him-
self. To d'Urbal had been allocated seven
corps. Some 1,100 guns of all calibres ^\ere
concentrated for the task immediately to hand.
Since January the French sappers had been
undermining the enemy's defences. In the
sector of Carenoy alone the underground works
constructed by the French engineers measured
in length one and a half miles, and the quantity
of explosives in the mines weighed more than
thirty tons.

Ample as were the preparations, large as the
numbers of the men at d'Urbal's disposition,
they were none too many. The position to be
carried by assault had been converted by the
Germans into a fortified area the like of which
had never existed before the Great ^Var. The

4; ■'- «r<^

C^^>ll^-'^

A BRITISH STAFF CAR ON THE WESTERN FRONT.
An episode during a bombardment : the car skimming past a cavity formed by a shell.

71—3

214

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB..

NORTH-WEST OF HULLUCH.
The Quarries occupied by the Germans.

engineering skill of an age which had witnessed
the tvmneUing of the Simplon and the piercing
of the IsthmLis of Panama had been applied to
the ridges, hollows and ravines between Arras
and Lens. Manufacturers of barbed wire and
chEvaux-de-friae had assLstod the efforts of
the engmeers. In tunnels, caves and trenches,
in cellars and loopboled buildings were
ensconced thousands of Germans armed with
every instrument of destruction wliich the per-
verted ingenuity of the Fatherland's chemists
and mechanics could devise. An enormous col-
lection of guns and homtzers in the back-
ground were ready to deluge with high-explosive
shells and shrapnel the avenues of approach
to the position and, if it were lost, to bombard
it. Mackensen's task in Galicia was child's
play to d'Urbal's in Artois.

Although there was fighting north of the
plateau of Notre Dame de l^orette, the battle
may be said to have been confined to an assault
of the German line from the region of the
Chapel on that plateau to the Labyrinth, which
was the name given to the two square miles of
trenches, tuimels and roofed-in pits across the
Arras-Lens high road north of the villages of
Ecurie and Roclincourt. The ridge of which
the plateau is the eastern extremity is the
southern boundary of the plain that stretches
to the Bethune-I^a Bassee Canal. The ridge

is six miles long and, in places, wooded.
The plateau at the eastern end is bare. From
the north the slopes of the ridge are easily
mounted, but on the southern side it is ap-
proached up steep spurs separated by ravines.
West of the village of Ablain St. Nazaire is the
Spur Mathis, then, going eastwards, the Great
Spiir, the Arabs' Spur, the Spur of the White
Way and the Spur of Souchez, which dominates
both the eastern edge of Ablain St. Nazaire
and the Sugar Refinery between Ablain and
Souchez.

About March 20 the French had worked
their way up to the foot of the Great Spur, and
by April 14 they were close to Ablain St.
Nazaire. But the Germans retained most of
the plateau of the Chapel of Notre Dame de
Lorette, and the whole of the Spur of the White
Way and tlie Spur of Souchez.

On May 9 the French line ran some 1,100
yards west of the Chapel to the summit of the
Arabs' Spur, and thence by the Great Spur and
the Spur Matliis descended into the valley west
of Ablain.

No less than five lines of German trenches
had been dug from the Arabs' Spur across the
plateau to the Arras-B6thune road near Aix-
Noulette. These trenches were very deep and
covered with double and triple iron networks,
and protected by sacks of earth or cement and

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

215

by chevaux-de-frise. At every hundred yarda
or so they were crossed by barricades in which
were fixed machine guns. Several small forts
supported the defenders, and the one north-east
of the Chapel contained dug-outs over 50 feet
deep. The artillery and machine guns in
Ablain raked the southern slopes of the ridge,
those in Souchez the eastern face of the plateau.
Guns hidden in the hoiises of the villages of
Angres and Lievin, north-east of the plateau,
shelled troops attacking the trenches from the
plain to the north or advancing against them
along the ridge. This part of the German line
was defended by troops from Baden of excellent
quality.

Nestling below the southern side of the plateau
of Notre Dame de Lorette were the con-
siderable villages of Ablain St. Nazaire and
Souchez, both in possession of the enemy.
Between them, closer to Souchez, was the Sugar
Refinery — a collection of buildmgs 200 yards
long on the banks of the rivulet Saint Nazaire.
A little to the south of it were three ruined
houses called the Mill Malon. The ground to
the east of the Sugar Refinery was very marshy.
The Sugar Refinery and the Mill Malon had
been powerfully fortified by the Germans.

To the south of Ablain St. Nazaire rose the
wooded heights of Carenoy, with the townlet of
that name situated in a hollow. It consisted
of five groups of houses, one in the centre and
the others facing north, west, south and east.
Four lines of trenches defended Carency.

Each street and house in it was fortified and
connected by undergroimd passages. Four
battalions — Saxons, Badeners, and Bavarians —
and more than six companies of engineers
garrisoned this important point. A great
number of guns and mitrailleuses had been
installed in the gardens and orchards and behind
the church. It was only poseible to attack
Carency from the south or east. Trenches con-
nected it with Ablain St. Nazaire and Souchez.

Souchez is on the Bethune-Ai-ras high road.
Between Souchez and Arras lies the hamlet of
La Targette. The Germans had cut lines of
trenches, known from their chalky parapets as
the " White Works," from Carency to La
Targette. The ruins of La Targette covered
another underground German fortress. A short
distance east of La Targette was the town of
Neuville St. Vaast, also in German hands, situ-
ated between the Arras -Bdthune and Arras-
Lens roads. Neuville St. Vaast was a straggling
village some one and a half miles long and seven
hundred yards broad. It, too, had been
turned into an underground fortress.

Soiith of Neuville St. Vaast extended tho
Labyrinth on both sides of the Arras-Lena
road. " Possibly," wrote a Special Cor-
respondent of the Morning Post, " never has a
similar stronghold been planned and con-
structed . . . Inside it there is a complete
and cunning maze, containing every species of
death-dealing device known to science, in-
cluding numbers of gas and inflammable liquid

ANOTHER VIEW OF THE QUARRIES.

216

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

engines. Underground tunnels, coupled with
mines, coinjiete with small fortresses con-
taining gims for the better destruction of the
daring invaders. In a maze ono constantly
turns corners to meet blank walls of hedge.
In the ' Labyrinth ' such blank walls are death
traps, and from their subterranean refuge
bodies of the enemy are liable to appear to the
rear of the advancing attackers. The ' Laby-
rinth ' is linked up by imdergrovmd tunnels
to Neuville St. Vaast, and probably to Thelus,
near A'imy. Anyhow, it is an integral and
consummately important part of this fortress
land — an entire district which constitutes one
concentrated fortress." Abovit two miles east
of the Labyrinth and Neuville St. Vaast was
the edge of the heights bordering the plain
between the Scarpe and the Bethune-La-
Bassee-Lille Canal.

Such was the subterranean fortified area
which the Frencli were called upon to carry.
Their aeronauts and other observers could give
them but a faint idea of its nature. The
(iermans had made the fortresses of Brialmont
seem as obsolete as those of \'auban. Could
the French miners and gunners solve the
problems set them by the mm-derous intelli-
gences who had designed the Labjrrinth ? On
the answer to that^ question seemed almost to
depend the issue of the Great War. If the
engineer had got the better of the artilleryman
and the miner, the Germans, with countless
" Labyrinths," would hold up the Allied offen-
sive, and the War might continue indefinitely.

On Sunday, May 9, as the last stars were
fading in the grey of the morning, the assaulting
French troops were inspecting their rifles,
filling their water bottles, inserting cartridges
into their belts and hand-grenades into their
bags. The sappers had cut steps in the sides
of the trendies to enable the men to climb out
more quickly. At sumise there was the sound
of firing in the distance. A British aeroplane
from the direction of La Baasee was crossing
the German lines. It was hit, but the aeronaut
inauaged to descend lieliind the French trenches.
Tlu'ee French aeroplanes immediately after-
w ards ascended, and the observers in them
took a last look at the gashes and holes in the
ground, the ruined chapel of Notre Dame de
Lorette and the remains of the villages of
AVjlain St. Nazaire, Souchez, Carency, La
Targette and Neuville St. Vaast, in, or under
wliich were hu-king the German infantry and
the enciny's gims and mitrailleuses.

At six a.m. the signal was given for the
bombardment to open. The sound produced
by the discharge of the thousand and more
French pieces resembled the rolling thunder of
a tropical storm. The British engaged in
mounting the Aubers Ridge were startled by
the intensity of the distant cannonade. " I
am quite well," wrote, four days later, a French
artillery officer who was present at the battle,
" although I am still stunned by the noise of
the cannon."

The sound produced by the French howitzers,
heavy artillery, Soixanle-quinze guns and
trench mortars, suggested the storm ; the
effects of the bombardment were seismic.
" I went," says the same officer, " and after-
wards looked at one of the enemy's trenches.
It was a terrible sight. Everything was upset ;
there was blood everywhere, and, as the exca-
vations are narrow, we had to walk over heaps
of corpses, legs, arms, heads, rifles, cartridges,
machine guns, all in a confused mass. That."
he adds, "was the work of our artillery."

The heavens had rained projectiles, which
blew in the sides of concreted trenches, formed
huge craters, smashed to fragments the chevaux-
de-frise. cut lanes through the barbed wire
entanglements, and caused bags of earth and
cement, baulks of timber, and iron nettings to
collapse on the heads of the Germans. More
than 20,000 shells rained upon the houses of
Carency alone. The other villages and build-
ings in the area received similar attention.
Over 300.000 -shells were discharged that
day. To complete the work of destruction,
at 6.4.5 a.m. the seventeen mines in the sector
of Carency were fired. The subterranean
refuges of the enemy were uprooted. Hi5
coimter-mines were buried or the wires for
detonating them destroyed. Most of the
German sappers were killed or buried aUve,
but one company of French engineers rescued
seventy cowering in a gallery. On the plateau
of Notre Dame de Lorette and at other points
French mines were also exploded with analogous
.effects.

The assault did not immediately take place.
For three hours the bombardment continued,
the French in the trenches, loudly applauding.
At 10 a.m. the order was given to attack. Of
the five fines of trenches on the plateau of
Notre Dame de Lorette, three were carried by
the French Chasseurs and supporting infantry,
but with heavy losses. The little fort in the
centre of the German line, however, held out ;

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

217

AT THE POINT OF THE BAYONET.
British Infantry attacking a German trench in France.

the men of Eaden putting up a desperate
resistance. From Angres, the German bat-
teries played on the lost trenches, or rather on
the depressions in the ground and craters.
From Ablain St. Nazaire the enemy's mitrail-
leuses continued their ceaseless fire. On the
plateau men struggled confusedly with bayonets
andknives andhurledbombs and grenades ateach
other. Night fell, and, amidst theexplosionsof the
shells, the cries of the wounded and the whistling
of the bullets, the French dtig themselves in.

Meanwhile, south of the plateau, across the
valley, a no less bloody struggle was pro-
ceeding from Carency to the Labyrinth. At
the same moment that the attack was delivered
on the plateau the French attacked Carency.
They carried the German trenches and, despite
the orders given, endeavoured to storm the
village. They %\-ere miable, however, to break
in, and a fortified work to the east of the
village, wliich the Germans retaineo, forced
them to halt. Nevertheless they pushed

218

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

A BATTERY OF FRENCH GUNS ON THE WAY TO THEIR POSITIONS.

forwards towards Souchez and approached the
road leading from Carenoy to that place. Many
prisoners — over 500 — had been captured, and
thirty machine guns. It was no longer pos-
sible for the Germans to use their communica-
tion trenches between Carency and Souchez,
and the only connexion of the Carenoy garrison
with the rest of the line was by the trenches
from Carency to Ablain St. Nazaire.

Carency was almost isolated. Not only had
the French reached a point from which they
could take it in reverse from the east side, but
the bastioned trenches of the White Worlis
which had joined it to La Targette had, with
La Targette itself, been captured. At 10 a.m.
two regiments had left their trenches in the
Wood of Berthonval and, bayoneting the
enemy in their path, speedily placed the White
Works behind them. Ignoring the fire of the
mitrailleuses which had not yet been put out
of action, the mass of enthusiastic soldiers
made for the Arras-Bethune Road between
SouL-hez and La Targette. A Brigadier-
General fell shot tlu-ough the chest. A Colonel
was seriously wounded ; and the loss in officers
was very heavy. Bxit the heroic band rushed
up the slopes and readied the crest. By 11.30
they had covered over four thousand three
hundred yards. A (Jennan Colonel was cap-
tured and the equivaltnt of a German brigade
put out of action.

Meantime, across a luendow, other French
troops had marched on La Targette, where the
road from Mont St. Eloi crosses the Arras-

Bethune road and continues through Neuville
St. Vaast to the Arras-Lens causeway. The
strands of barbed wire, thick. as a finger, had
been destroyed by the artillery. To cross
the trenches, light wooden bridges were carried
by the men. But so eager were they that they
threw them down and leapt the obstacles, which,
as usual in the case of German trenches, were
very narrow. In front of La Targette were
two big works armed with artillery. So rapid,
however, had been the French advance that
the Germans, with the exception of a few
machine-g-unners, disappeared into their dug-
outs. Sonie of the French stormed the village,
which was in their hands by 11.15. Three
hundred and fifty prisoners, several " 77 "
guns and numerous mitrailleuses had been
captured. The sappers rapidly organized the
defences of this important point, and batteries of
French artillery galloped up, unlimbered, and
opened on the German reserves.

Passing roimd and through La Targette, the
French next attacked Neuville St. Vaast. The
right wing was held up by the defenders of the
Labyrinth, but the centre succeeded in both
gaining a footing in a group of houses at the
southern end of Neuville St. Vaast, and in
ap))roaching the cemetery of the vUlage. Twice
during the day amid the tombs a desperate
hand-to-hand combat took place. Half of the
village itself remained by nightfall in the
possession of the French, who took many
prisoners. The dirty, terrified Germans were
directed to the rear by cavalrymen.

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

219

Such was the battle of May 9. The French
had proved that defences wliich the Germans
regarded as impregnable could be stormed.
They had taken 3,000 prisoners, 10 field guns,
and 50 mitrailleuses.

By Monday, accordingly, the French had
wedged themselves into the centre of the Ger-
man position. To keep the enemy's reserves
employed, a feint attack was made north of the
Notre Dame de Lorette plateau in the direction
of Loos. The fighting on the plateau con-
tinued. Some progress was made on the left
until it was brought to a standstill by the
artillery hidden in Angres. The little fort by
the side of the chapel was a thorn in the side
of the French. A strong counter-attack from
the Sugar Refinery between Ablain and Souchez
was signalled, and the French oSensive was
here suspended. The artillery by a barrage of
fire prevented the Germans from debouching,
and the French infantry, heartened by this,
descended from the plateau towards the Ablain
ravine. From the note-book of Captain Sievert,
who commanded a German battaUon, and was
subsequently killed, we learn the importance
attached by the Crown Prince of Bavaria and
his Staff to the Germans retaining the Lorotto
plateau and the line Ablain-Carency, also the
insufBciency of the means at the disposal of
Captain Sievert. His first company had been

reduced by May 10 to four non-commissioned
officers and twenty-five men ; his second
company to one officer and eighty non-com-
missioned officers and men. The third and
fourth companies were of about the same
strength, and the battalion now mustered only
tliree officers and 272 non-commissioned officers
and privates. " I demand again," he wrote,
and he underlined the words, " reinforcements.
I must, at all costs, have a large number of the
hand-grenades which I have already sent for."

Carency was undoubtedly i-i great danger.
The Germans appear, indeed, from the French
official narrative, to have recovered some of
the conununication trenches and tvmnels con-
necting it with Souchez, but during the day
some houses east of the village were stormed,
and the enemy cleared out of a hoUow south of
the Carency-Souchez road. On the right, be-
yond the Arras-B6thmie road, the cemetery of
Neuville St. Vaast was carried, and the Grerman
reserves who had been motored up from Douai
and Lens were repulsed with loss.

The 11th was another day of sangtiinary com-
bats. The French in the evening, after a
terrific encoimter, mastered the lower slopes
of the Arabs' Spur. In the night the Germans
counter-attacked from the Spur of the White
Way. They were beaten back. The guns
in Angres and the machine guns in Ablain

WITH THE FRENCH ARMY.
Filling a captive balloon with hydrogen gas from cylinders. The cylinders are attached to the

supply tube of balloon.

MAP TO ILLUSTRATE

220

^TTLE OF ARTOIS.

221

222

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

RUINS AT PERTHES-LES-HURLUS.
The French bombarded the village and at the point of the bayonet took the German trenches close by.

kept lip a never-cea'img fire at the French posi-
tions. The conditions on the plateau were
unusually disgusting. Tlie biu'sting shells had

dLsinterred the corpses of the hundreds of French
and Germaixs whose lives had been sacrificed
during the preceding months.

The days of the garrison of Carency were now
numljered. On the 11th the French gained
the wood east of the village, and the coninuuii-
cation trenches with Souchez could no longer
be used by the enemy. A woody hOlock, forti-
fied by the Germans, still kept the French from
storming the east end of the village. Their
approach from the west was checked by the
infantry in a stone quarry nearly 300 feet deep.
The Germans, however, in this sector were be-
ginning to despair. Captain Sievert and his
officers had refused to take part in a night
attack because they had too few projectiles
and grenades. " The enemy's artillery," he
notes, " fires uninterruptedly and inflicts losses
on us."

Away to the south the French were still
attacking NeuvUle St. Vaast and the Laby-
rinth. They had at last established their hold
on the cemetery of the village, but the Laby-
rinth had not been reduced.

The next daj', Wednesday, May 12, saw the
capture of the httle fort and the Chapel of
Notre Dame de Lorette, also that of Carency.
General JofEre had arrived to observe the
operations. In pitch darkness the French
Chasseurs clambered into the Joriin, anrl after

a desperate hand-to-hand combat, it and the
remains of the Chapel were at last gained.
At daybreak, under the fire of the enemy's
artillery, the French pushed towards the Spur
of the Wliito Way, which commanded the
valley beneath from Ablain to Souchez.

Before the fortin and Chapel fell, Carency had
been taken. The French infantry, well sup-
ported by the artillery, routed the three com-
panies defending the wooded hillock to the east
of the village. After violent fighting, the
stone quarry to its west was cleared of the
enemy. The French entered the western block
of houses, whilst the eastern group was also
assaulted. The enemy sold their lives dearly.
Firing through windows and trap-doors, they
retreated from house to house. At 5.30 p.m.,
what remained of the garrison surrendered. A
motley collection of Bavarians, Saxons and
Badeners crying " Kamerad, Kamerad " issued
from the village. They numbered over a
thousand. The officers, stiff as usual, clicked
their heels together and saluted the French
General.

" Who is in command i " asked a French
oHicer.

After some hesitation, a Colonel advanced
and explained that he had only arrived that
morning and that he was not the director of the
defence. Whether the Brigadier-General in
conmaand had been IdUed or woimded, was
uncertain.

Tlie German officer, with all his faults.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

223

respects ability, especially ability in the art of
destroying human life. " Your fire," said one
officer to his captors, " has been mathemati-
cally precise. Your infantry have charged so
quickly that it was impossible to resist them."

From Carency the conquerors pushed on to
Ablain St. Nazaire. The night was suddenly
illuminated by an immense fire. Ablain, or
at least part of it was in flames. The Germans,
who were evacuating the village, retained some
houses at the eastern end. Two thousand
prisoners, guns, howitzers, minenwerfer,
machine guns, rifles, ammunition, and other
material of war, had in this region alone fallen
into the hands of the French.

On Thursday, in drenching rain, d'Urbal
tried to seize the Spm- of the White Way, but
the French were held up by machine-gun fire.
That day M. Millerand despatched this letter
by telegraph to General Joffre :

Mt dear General, — I do not wish to await the end
of the operations begun on the 9th inst. by our troops
in the Arras region before sending you and asking you to
express to your soldiers my grateftd congratulations for
the results already obtained by our action, which
demonstrate the excellence of the preparations made,
the splendid way it was carried out, and the superiority
we have gained over an opponent who recoils from no
crime. It is a new and happy presage of his ruin. You
and your armies have once more won the admiration
and gratitude of the country, and I am happy to convey
them to you.

A. JIlLLERAND.

On the 15th another French attack on the
Spvu- of the Wliite Way failed. Thence-
forward up to the 21st the French on the
plateau, under the fire of the German artillery
in Angres and Lievin, were engaged on con-
solidating their position.

Below in the valley the Germans still clung
to Ablain. They had apparently recovered the
church and they were also occupying the
cemetery. Neither in Ablain nor in Souchez,
east of it, was their position enviable. On
the 17th Captain Sievert made this note.
" Covered in sweat, we arrive at Souchez. The
sights are indescribable. It is one hideous
mass of ruins. The street is littered with
fragments of shells. The staff of the 11th
Infantry Reserve Regiment is in a cellar.
Souchez has been completely destroyed by the
artillery." From Souchez he proceeded the
same day to Ablam, which, it seems, was also
a heap of broken building material. Only a
quarter of the church tower was left. " MTien,"
he observes, " we were in the ravine of Souchez
we did not believe that there could be any
worse position. Here we perceive that it is
possible. Not only are we exposed to frontal
and flank fire, but the French are firing at our
backs from the slopes of the plateau of Notre
Dame de Lorette." Still, and it must be

AFTER A FRENCH OFFENSIVE.
French trench-diggers in steel helmets on the way to reconstruct the trenches.

224

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

■I'Zd

admitted to the credit of this meinber of a
stubborn race, he did not despair. " Wc have
become tolerably apathetic in this mouse-
trap. I ordered the battalion to fight to the last
man."

Notwithstanding this affirmation, it is clear
from the Captain's entries on the 19th and
20tli that his spirits were sinldng. Food was
rmining low. The road by which the portable
kitchens reached Ablain. was swept by the fire
of the French artillery. The nerves of his men
were shaken. Threats of bringing them before
a court-martial failed to keep them at their posts
when the shells fell. He demanded that he
and his men should be relieved, but the German
Higher Command has no mercy. There is some-
thing pathetic in the last hues wliich he wrote.
" How much longer," they run, '" shall we have
to stay in this mouse-trap ? I am in a state
of nervous collapse. The fire of the enemy has
reached its greatest violence. Indescribable."

It was on May 21, in the afternoon, that the
French from the north, south and west attacked
the German trenches on the Spiu' of the "White
Way. Leaving its position on the Arabs'
Spur, one body, in a few minutes, captured the
lines of the enemy in front of th"ni. From the
north another seized the German central
comimmication trench. Surrounded on every
side, the enemy threw down their arms and
threw up their hands. The assault directed
from Ablain was ecjuiJly successful. The
houses west of the church %vere secured and the
communications of the ^\'hite Way with
Souchez cut. Three hundred prisoners and a
gun had been captiu-ed. At 2 a.m. on the
22nd the Germans, who retained a few houses
in Ablain, counter-attacked, but \\ ere repulsed.
In the course of the combats, from the 9th to
the 22nd, the enemy had lost very heavily in
dead and wounded. On the plateau and its
slopes over 3,000 German corpses were counted.

The Germans had been dislodged from the
plateau of Notre Dame de I^orette. The next
step of d'Urbal was to expel them from Ablain.
On May 28 an attack « as launched against the
doomed handful of brave men \\ lio, in obedience
to orders, still occupied the trenches round the
cemetery. It ^^as a beautiful, clear day, and
the houses in the village, through the broken
walls of which one perceived the I.oretto spurs
or the blue sky, stood out as if in a painting.
The French artillery threw a ciu-tain of shells
east of the cemetery so as to pre-i-ent the
garrison from being reinforced. CheerinL'

FAMOUS FRENCH GENERALS.

General de Castelnau (left) and General Franchet
d'Esperey (right).

loudly, tlio assaulting infantry with fixed
bayonets made for the cemetery. The Germans
offered no resistance, and soon afterwards
400 men, including seven officers, smrendered.
Diu-ing the night the bu.siness of clearing the
enemy out of the group of houses to the south
of the church was imdertaken, and outside
Ablain a fortin stormed. On the morning of
the 20th the church and the rectory, defended
by three companies, were attacked. Only
twenty Germans escaped and were made
prisoners. The Frencli in this last combat had
lost 200 Idlled and wounded. The majority
had been struclc by fragments of " Jack
Johnsons " rained on Ablain by the German
gunners, who may have believed, what was
afterwards asserted, that Ablain had been
evacuated. Five hundred German corpses in
the ruins, about as many prisoners and 14
machine auns attested the French victory.

226

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

^^t^',

I '^mMty:^L^

- -mm

AFTER A BATTLE IN THE CHAMPAGNE.
French soldiers filling their water-bottles at a well at Perthes-les-Hurlus.

With Ablain in their possession, the Frencli
descended the valley, and on May 31 drove the
enemy out of the three rained houses, known as
the Mill Malon. From these houses a com-
munication trench ran to the Sugar Refine'"%'
already referred to. The French infantry,
flinging grenades in front of them, rushed up it,
chasing the flying foe before them. They
entered the Refinery on the heels of the surviv-
ing fugitives. By nightfall they had killed or
expelled every one of the gaiTison. Hastily
the defence of the place was organized. To-
wards midnight the Germans counter-attacked,
.ind gradually pushed the French back into the
fommimication trench. A telephone message
was at once sent to the artillery to isolate the
enemy by a curtain of fire, and to the troops on
the outskirts of Ablain to march on the
Refinery along the bed of the rivulet. The
men m the commimication trench were rapidly
re-formed and they counter-attacked. The
Gennans fled, and by the evening of June 1 the
conquered position was connected with Ablain
by communication trenches.

Throughout June, and indeed up to the great
offensive on September '25, the fighting in
the rpgi'.m of the Battle of Artois went on.
The French from May 25 to 28 had made
some little jjrogress eastwards in the direction
of Angres. In June and the sucoeechng months
they nibbled at the German trendies traversmg
the plain to the Betlnme-La Bassee Canal.

South of the plateau of Notre Dame de Lorette,
which remained in their possession, they
penetrated from the Sugar Refinery into the
outskirts of Souchez. But it was in the
section of Neuville St. Vaast that there was the
hardest fighting. An officer wounded there on
June 19 has graphically described what the
conquest of the Labyrinth entailed : —

The war of the trenches is nothing compared with
the stmggle of the burrows that we had to carry on for
three weeks. Picturo to yourselves narrow g.alleries.
feebly lit by flickering oil lamps, in which the foes are
separated only by sandbags, which they keep pushing
against each other. As soon as an opening shows a
terrific hand-to-hand fight begins, in which grenades
and the bayonet are the only arms possible. Sometimes
the Germans take to knives and revolvers, and one day
they even began throwing corrosive liquids, which
burnt badly ; but, in spite of these cowardly tz'icks,
our men always had the best of it, showing a marvellous
spirit of initiative. They fought with clubbed rifles
and fists when required, and their courage was never
stiaken, as the Germans soon saw.

The passages in which we w-ere advancing were 18 ft.
deep, and often 24 ft. or more. The water was sweating
through in all directions, and the sickly smell was
intolerable. Imagine, too, that for three weeks we were
not able to get rid of the dead bodies, amongst which
we+iad to live night and day ! One burrow, 120 ft. long,
took us thirteen days of ceaseless fighting to conquer
entirely. The Germans had placed barricades, trap-
doors, and traps of all descriptions. When we stumbled
we risked being impaled on bayonets treacherously
hidden in holes lightly covered with earth. And all
this went on in almost complete darkness. We had to
use pocket electric lamps and advance with the utmost
caution.

Besides the strategic advantages of the future occupa-
tion of the famous " Labyrinth " position, its capture
has had another result. The Germans had come to
consider "The Labyrinth" as an impregnable fortress.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

227

and thoir men were accustomed to this belief. Their
disillusionment was proportionately great when they
learned that we were masters of it. We were able to
notice this ourselves when we announced the news to
our prisoners, who at first refused to beUeve the news,
and when they were confronted with the reality were
completely demoralised. One of them gave expression
to the prevaihng impression when he said, " Nothing
resi.sts these French devils." *

With this quotation we end our account
of the Battle of Artois. Joffre, Foch and
d'Urbal, if they had not succeeded in breaking
the German line, or indirectly reducing the
pressiire on the Russians, had forced the enemy
to desist from his offensive round Ypres. They
had, too, proved that, diabolically ingenious as
the German engineers had shown themselves
to be, it was possible, if there was an adequate
gun-and-mine preparation, to storm at com-
paratively small cost tfie German entrench-
ments and burrow-fortresses. The losses of the
Germans in the battle have been estimated at
60,000, perhaps they were considerably more.
What the French losses were is problematical, i"
but it LS said that the casualties of one division

* Published in the Standard,

fThe Crown Prince of Bavaria fixed them at 60,000, a
ciirious coincidence.

which killed 2,600 of the enemy and took 3,000
prisoners were only 250 killed and 1,250
wounded.

While the last stages of the Battle of Artois
were proceeding, south of Arras, wliich, like
Ypres, was being constantly bombarded by the
Germans, General d'Urbal took the offensive
between Serre and Hebuteme. H^buterne is
nearer Albert on the Ancre than Arras. The
French had occupied Hebuterne, the Germans
Serre. The villages were a mile and three-
quarters apart, each situated on a shght rise.
Halfway between, in front of the farm of
Tout Vent ran two lines of German trenches.
The fields of the farm were enclosed by a line

AFTER A FRENCH VICTORY IN CHAMPAGNE.
Wounded being removed to a farm in the rear of the battle-line. Inset : First aid in a French trench.

22S

THE TIMEti HLSIUUY UF THE WAR.

uf liig trees. 'I'he ITtli riaden Recriineiit was
entrusted Willi tlic tlel'cnce of (he [losituui.
Tliey were attacked on .liiue 7 l>y Bretons,
Vondeens and troops from Sa\'oy and Daupliine.
From ?> a.m. on the inornini; of Juno 7 tlie
(Jerma.ns, who had been forewarned by the
intensity of the French artillery preparation,
kept u|) an ineessnnl fire at their enemy's
treiLi-hes. The Freneli uiins repHod with a.
eontiniious stream of |irojee1 ilos. At J a.m.
the assault wa-s di-Usi'icd. lu ten miniiti-s the,
men from the enast and mountains were
east of their opponents' trenches and diguing
tlii'mseUes in. The next day, under the fire
of tlie (German hea\ y artillery, the concpiered
ai'ea was extended to the nortli and also in

A BOMB-PROOF SHELTER,
Showing part of the ceiling made of steel plates.

deptli, rill June 9 there was sc\"ere liguinig in
the Cermaii communieatiun trendies, and on
the 10th a few hundred yards of trendies to
the soutli were captured. The number of
]jrisoners taken was 58(1, including ten oflicers.
The 17th Baden Pvegiment had vu-tually ceased
to e.xist, and two battalions of anotlier German
regiment suffered se\'erely.

The day before the action at llebuterno
began, General de Castebiau, in tlie nortliern
angle of the OLsc and Aisne, had made a gap
ui the German hne east of the Foret de I'Aigle,
\\liieli is a continuation of tlie Forest of Coiii-
piegne, and is divided from it by the Aisne. On
the eait it is bounded by a vast plateau tlirough
which rividets How down to that river. The
country is liighlj- culti\'at(jd. Spiimeys mark
the situation of the large farms whicli, like
the farm of Tout Vent, arc, or were, surrounded

by taU trees. The farms of Ecaffaut .and
(.^uennevieres were witliin the French, those
of Les Loge.s and Tout Vent were Ijeliind the
German lines. Facing the farm of Quenne-
\ ieres the enemy's front foinied a salient, at
the point of which was a kind of small fort.
\\'here the northern and .southern ends of the
salient touchi'd the rest of tlie German position
Hanldng works liad been constructed.

Along the arc of the salient ran two lines of
trenches ; in places there was a third. The
cliord of th(.' arc was defended i>y an indented
trencli. In a ra\iui- wliich descends towards
'i'out Vent Asere se\'eral German guns. As the
plateau sloped slightly towards the salient,
the French ha.d a considerable advantage.
Nonnally the salient ^^■as garrisoned by four
companies of the German 8Gth Regiment,
recruited from the Hanseatic towns and
Sehleswig, but on Jtme 5 the reserve com-
]ianies posted in the Tout Vent ra\-ine had been
lirought up, their place being taken by other
I roups. The tituhi.r commandiT of the SOtli
lli.giment was the German Empress. Four
liattalions, Zouases, sharpshooters, and
1 Iretons, had been detailed by the French
'ommander for the assault.

During June ■> the French artilleiy methodi-
cally pounded the little fort, the trenches and
the accessory works. Throughout the night
the guns went on firing, and to prevent the
enemy repairing tlie damage done in the day-
time the French infantrj' kept up an incessant
musketry fu'e, while from time to tmie aerial
torpedoes were discharged. Between 5 a.m.
and 9 a.m. on the Otli the bombardment
bi'came fiercer. For tliree-C|uarters of an hour
it ceased, and then, at short intor\'als, gusts of
shells succeeded one another. A mine under
the little fort was exploded. The Germans, in
groups of four, six or ten, had taken refuge in
their dug-outs, but the roofs of many of these
hail been blown in by the large shells, and the
inmates wore either dead or dying slowly of
suffocation. At II). l.j the French gunners
lengtheni'd their fire, and the infantry, \\ho h.ad
discarded their loiapsacks, dashed forward.
Each man had tlii'ee days' rations, 2.50 cart-
ridges, two grenades, and a saiic. The sack
was to bo filled with earth so that the dcfe:e'e
of the position to be captured might be rapidly
orgamzcd.

The ba3onets glittered in the sim as the hne
of cheermg soldiers crossed the 200 yards
w'liich separated them from the enemy. The

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

THE FRENCH AT QUENNEVlfeRES.
Infantry storming a deep German trench.

230

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

Gemian infantrj' and machine gunners fired
wildly, and in a few minutes the first trench
was taken. Two hundred and fifty prisoners,
the sole survivors of a couple of German
battalions, were made. From the ravine of
Tout Vent the companies in reserve had rushed
to the aid of their comrades. A hurricane of
shells from the Soixante-guinze guns laid them
low. Kearly 2,000 men had in vmder an hour
been put hors de combat.

Encouraged by the execution wrought by
the French artillery, the Zouaves, preceded by
patrols, headed for the Tout Vent ravine. In a
clover field they came on a work armed with
three guns and protected by a wire network.
The gimners had sought refuge in a dug-out.
Guns and gimners were captured, but the
attack on the ravine was not pushed home.
The German local reserves had arrived, and
French aviators signalled the approach of
new reinforcements. It transpired that two
battalions were being motored from Koye to
the east of the Gise. Before they reached
the battle-field tlie Germans comiter-attacked,
and were mown down by machine-giuis and
shrapnel. At the extreinities of the salient
the French sappers, with sacks of earth, were
erecting barriers. By nightfall the position
had been put in a state of defence.

It was time that it was. During the night
the troops from Roj'e made eight fierce attacks,
and on the morning of tlie 7th endeavoured to

storm the barriers at the northern and southern
ends of the salient. Recklessly they advanced
up the communication trenches, but were kept
at bay by a hail of grenades. Towards sunset
the attack died down. Some 2,000 German
corpses were lying in the area where the
counter-attacks had taken place. The German
losses in dead alone exceeded 3,000. 'J'his
brilliant little victory had cost de Castelnau
250 killed and 1,500 wounded. Twenty
machine-gi-uis, nimierous shields, telephones,
field-glasses, and a c^uantity of ammunition
were among the spoils.

As has been pointed out in Chapter XCVI.,
one of the w eak points in the French line from the
North Sea to Switzerland was the section from
Rheims to the Forest of the Argonne, defended
by the army of General Langle de Gary. Until
the Germans had been driven back across the
Aisne at every point the French centre and also
the right wing from Verdun to Belfort were in
jeopardy. We have previously described (see
Chapter XCVI.) the efforts made by I.angle
de Gary to expel Von Einem from the Cham-
pagne Pouilleuse. The preliminary step was
to deprive the enemy of the use of the railway
which ran from Bazancourt across the- Upper
Aisne tlirough the Forest of the Argonne to a
few miles north of Varennes. I^angle de Gary
had met with considerable success, and in the
course of his operations on February 27 had
baken the little fort of Beausejour, to the north-

A HEAVY FRENCH GUN
Bombarding the German trenches.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

231

AFTER A BATTLE IN CHAMPAGNE.

Carrying water to the wounded at Perthes-les-

Hurlus. Inset : Carrying a wounded French soldier

from the firing-line.

eiist of Perthes. On April 8 the Germans
attempted to recapture it.

A violent cannonade on the fort and tlio
communication trenches preceded the attack.
The French look-outs reported a concentration
of the enemy in his trenches. The northern
salient of the fort. \¥hich jutted out hke an
arrow towards the German position, ^\as
assaulted from east and «est by t\\ o companies
of volunteers belonging to all the regiments of
the German di\ision in this region. They
acted as a forlorn hope. On the eastern side
the enemy met with little success. Caught by
the lire of machine guns and the French
artillery, the assaulting infantry was soon
mown down. The other attack was more
Bucoessful, and a footing was obtained in the'
•western trenches and the extreme point of the
salient. The next day, however, the French
artillery rained projectiles on the intruders,
who, crowded elbow to elbow in the narrow
cuttings, lost heavily. Those who escaped
the shells were bayoneted. By nightfall the
fort was again entirely in the possession of the
Frencli.

The assault on Beausejour was not the only
German offensive between Rheims and the
Argonne during the spring and summer of 1915.
At Ville-sur-Tourbe, some seven miles east of
Beausejour, where tho undulating plains of

Champagne approached the wooded heights
of the Argonne, the Germans on May 15
delivered a serious attack. Ville-svir-Toiu'be
was garrisoned by the French Colonial Infantry,
who had taken Beausejour on February 27.
Our Allies held a bridge-head on the north
bank of the stream of the Tourbe. The village
had been reduced to a mass of ruins by the
German artillery. Two hillocks, separated by
the high road from Saint-Menehould to Vou-
zieres, had been converted by the French
engineers into miniature forts. A zigzag of
communication trenches connected tnem with
the village. If the works on the western of the
two hillocks, which extended north-westwards,
could be carried, the French hold on the
eastern hillock and on Ville-sur-Tourbe would
be jeopardized. It _ is an interesting fact.

232

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

<
S

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

233

showing the meticulous attention given by
the German Higher Command to details,
that a reproduction of the French work to be
attacked had been made behind the German
line, and the troops selected for the assault
had been trained in m.ock attacks.

Three mines had been driven under the
French trenches. On May 15, at 0.2.5 p.m.,
they were fired, producing the effect of an
earthquake. Simultaneously the enemy's guns
opened on the village, on the rest of the French
trenches, and on the positions where it was
presumed that guns were hidden. Immediately
afterwards the Germans succeeded in capturing
two lines of trenches on the northern face of
the fortin. During the night a desperate
struggle ensued. At daybreak the French,
with grenades, counter-attacked, and their
artillery threw a curtaiu of shells in front of
the German trenches, so that the retreat of the
enemy who had entered the fort was cut off.
By 3 p.m. the attacking force had been killed,
wounded or taken prisoners. It consisted of
WestphaKans, Hessians and Thuringians.

During June and July the Argomie was the
theatre of a considerable offensive on the part
of the Germans. The German Crown Prince,
whom rumoiu- had killed several times, was in
command of the enemy at this point. He was
strongly reinforced from the army in the St.
Mihiel salient, and the aged Marshal von
Haeseler, one of the most experienced soldiers
in the -German Arrnj', was on the spot to
advise. Tlie French, it will be recollected, had
worked across the Vienne-Varennes road into
the Bois de la Grurie. Their enemy's front ran
eastwards from the south of Binarville, which is
five mUfes north of Vienne-le-Chateau, north of
Bagatelle — a shooting lodge — and the wood-
land spring known as Fontaine Madame, and
then descended across the Vienne-Varennes
road and issued from the forest south of
Boureuilles, which is in the same latitude as
Vienne-le-Chateau.

On June 20 the German attack began. It
was accompanied, as usual, by a tremendous
bombardment, which, however, owing to the
wooded, broken natiu-e of the cotmtry, was less
effective than elsewhere. It was at first
directed against the western side of the French
position. The Germans tried to work down to
Vienne-le-Chateau, and the Wiirttembergers
and Prussian Landwehr gained some ground.
According to the German official accoimt,
seven officers, 627 privates, 6 machine gims.

and fifty trench -mortars were captured.
The French, from June 21 to 29, counter-
attacked, and, according to the veracious
German Staff, used liquid fire. This was an
untruth designed to excuse fiu-ther German
breaches of International Law.'*

The next move of the enemy was to endeavour
to thrust his way down the centre of the forest.
They attacked the French in the neighbourhood
of Bagatelle, and on the 7th advanced between
Fontaine Madame and the ride in the wood
called the Haute Chevauchee, capturing a
hillock called La Fille Morte. This was
subsequently recovered by the French, who
also drove the enemy back in the direction of
Binarville.

A French corporal, Ren6 Destouches, wlio
was captiu-ed and afterwards escaped, has
recorded the interview which he had with the
German Crown Prince. The Crown Prince,
with whom was an elderly officer, perhaps
von Haeseler, accoiding to Destouches looked
thin and tired. He paced up and down
his tent with his hands in his pockets, and,
if Destouches is to be believed, spoke excellent
French with a nasal accent. He assured
Destouches that life in a German prisoners'
camp was not very terrible. After asking
several questions, which were answered eva-
sively, he threw away his half-smoked cigar,
and with a sad smile remarked : "I am afraid
you axe rather stupid, Destouches, and don't
keep your eyes open. I suppose," he added,
" your cliiefs never tell you how badly things
are going with you." The answer of the
French corporal was : " that every Frenchman
saw for liimself that the situation was excellent."
A weary expression passed over the Crown
Prince's face. He shook his head, and with
his companion passed out of the tent.

Whatever we may think of Destouches's
story, there is no reason to believe that the
Crown Prince felt elated. Some time before
the war he had expressed to an Englishman
the hope that he would soon have a chance of
fighting with — to use an expression, which, in
liis mouth, is not offensive — " the French
swine." He had had his wish, but apart from
the ciu-ios he had collected in French chateaux
he had gained httle out of the cataclysm which
he had helped to produce.

* The German official narrative claims that 7,000 to
8.000 French were put out of action between June 20
and July 2 in the Argonne fighting.

2M4

THE TIMES HISTOB.Y OF THE WAR.

^Ve have narrated in Chapter XCVI. the
various efforts of tlie French to dislodge the
Germans from the St. jMihiel sahent. They
had attacked it on both sides and also near the
apex. The advance to the crest of the Eparges
liill, which dominates the plain of the Woevre,
had been proceeding since February. It cul-
ininated on April 9 in a decisive French
victory.

The German engineers had protected the
summit by tiers of trenches one above the
other, at points no less than five in number.
Guns of all calibres and mitrailleuses were con-
cealed on the flanks of the hill and its summit.
On April 5, at 4 p.m., the French began their
final move to reduce the fortress. Rain was
jioiu'ing in torrents, and the ground was almost
impassable. The troops were in places up to
their thighs in mud. Wet to the skin, covered
in sweat, they, however, pressed forward, and,
after nxmierous melees, established themselves
in a part of the German trenches. To the east
their progress was stopped by flights of aerial
torpedoes, each one of which, when it burst,
destroyed whole ranks. At 4.30 a.m. on
the 6th the Germans counter-attacked. Fresh
troops had been sent up from Combres, and they
drove back the worn-out French. At nightfall
the latter, reinforced, returned to the attack.
A trench at the eastern end of the plateau was
captm'ed. On the west progress was made
towards the summit, but in the centre the
Germans put up a fierce resistance. During
the night, in a pitiless downpour of rain,
the French with the bayonet drove the
Germans back foot by foot. When day broke
several hundred yards of trenches had been
taken and many jirisoners and officers, but
the Germans did not immediately give way.
Counter-attack succeeded counter-attack. The
French artUlery, with its shrapnel, assisted the
infantry toiling up the slopes. A furious
charge by the Germans at 5 a.m. on the
morning of the 7th failed. More troops from
Combres arrived on the scene. The masses
were mo%vn down by shrapnel. But at one
point the French fell back.

Meanwliile the French General directing the
0|)erations was sending up fresh troops. At
9 a.m. on the 8th the advance was resimied.
Two reguuents of infantry and a battaUon of
Chasseurs were ordered to storm the summit.
The magazines of the riQes were choked with
mud, and the men liad to rely on the bayonet.
An liour later the summit and the western

crest were in their hands. They pushed
forward to the crest on the eastern side, revers-
ing the parapets of the German trendies. By
midnight, after fifteen hom-s of uninterrupted
fighting, the whole of the summit, with the
exception of a small triangle at the eastern
extremity, had been gained. Sixteen hmidred
yards of trenches had been lost by the CJernians
and also the formidable bastion on the suimnit,
which was the key of the position.

Both sides rested on the morning of the 9th,
and another French regiment arrived soon after
midday. It had taken fourteen hours to
climb up the muddy, slippery paths. At
3 p.m. the French once more attacked, in a
hurricane of wind and rain. The ground in
front of them was honeycombed with deep
holes, but, covered by the tire of their artillery,
they approached the last refuges of the enemy.
Suddenly the summit of the hill was shrouded
in fog. The French guns ceased firing, the
enemy counter-attacked, and the French fell
back. Their officers called on them to make
a new effort and they again advanced. At
10 p.m. they held the whole ridge and summit
of Les Eparges. During the 10th there was no
fighting, but on the night of April 11-12 the GtT-
mans made a final counter-attack, which failed.

Such was the capture of Les Eparges. We
leave the French Staff to draw the moral :

To keep this position the Germans ieft nothing
undone. We have seen the strength of their defensive
works. We have noted the fact that at tlie end of
March they brought to Les Eparges one of their best
divisions. To this were joined five pioneer battalions
with machine guns from the fortress of Metz and a
large number of trench mortars of 2 1 and 24 cm. Their
shelters were caverns dug at their leisure. They had
constructed a narrow-gauge light railway. Their
troops were provided with rooms for resting in, their
officers had a club, and they could bring up reinforce-
ments unobserved, while ours were exposed to the fire of
their artillery and machine guna and even of their rifles.
Under these circumstances supply difficulties, both in tha
matter of food and of munitions, may be imagined.

Here was every indication of a fixed determination
to resist all our attacks. Indeed, we found on ofticera
taken prisoners orders to hold out at all costs. The
German General Stafi was resolved to sacrifice every-
thing in order to retain this dominating crest, and the
German troops offered the maxinaum of resistance.
Their conduct was magnificent.

In order to deprive the machine-gun detachment
of any temptation to cease fire the men had been chained
to their weapons. Nevertheless, we conquered in spite
of all. The Gorman resistance was singularly favoured
by the conformation of the ground. The steep slopes
and the waterlogged soil constituted the most formid-
able obstacle to our attacks. We lost unwounded men
drowned in mud and many of our wounded could not be
rescued in time from the morasses into which they fell.
The German howitzers and trench mortars had an easy
mark in our advancing men, so long as the enemy held
the summit.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

235

TAKING A SUMMIT IN THE VOSGES, JUNE 14, 1915.
French Chasseurs defending a trench with the aid of stones rolled down the hillside against

the Germans.

23G

THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAB.

^' « '•

illy' I

h^L

'"'■■'^" iiiiiflliM

^MJH

f ^^^jn^^H

L%'

^"Wf^W imKr^f^mf^Lf,

*»^n ♦" ij^

■iiiimil hli

^IHiiSH

w w

■^,^-

•■^SSSmk

THE ARMY OF THE GERMAN GROWN PRINCE.
Regiments marching past the Crown Prince in the Argonne.

Two months ago the Germans at Les Eparges had
a full view of our lines. Now it is our turn to over-
look their positions. Even the height of Combres,
which they still hold, has been reduced to a kind of islet
between our machine-gun fire from Les Eparges and St.
Remy. We have achieved this result at a cost of half
the losses which we inflicted on the enemy.

What does this mean if not that the victory of Les
Eparges is one among other proofs of the growing
superiority of our Army V We are attacking. The
enemy is on the defensive. He holds the heights and
we take them from him. He has the advantage of posi-
tion. We are driving him from his trenches. Those
who have survived these battles know that our triumph
is certain and that it has already begun.

While the French were beginning their final
assault of Les Eparges, they also attacked the
southern side of the apex of the St. Mihiel
salient, capturing the Wood of Ailly, on the edge
of the Forest of Apremont.

This little action aptly illustrates the nature
of the great struggle raging for months from
La Bassee southwards to the region of Com-
piegne, from Compiegne eastwards along the
banks of the Aisne to Berry au Bac, thence
south-eastwards to the environs of Rheims,
again eastwards across the Forest of Argonne
to Verdun, from Verdun once more m a
southerly direction round St. Mihiel to Pont-a-
Mousson, from Pont-a-Mousson through the
(iap of Nancy to the summits of the Vosges.
A description of the conflict may enable the
reader to imderstand «'ith what effort, at what
risk, and with what human suffering each step
leading to the deliverance of France was taken.

The road to St. Miliiel ran west of the 'Wood

of Ailly, now no longer a wood, but a wilderness
of stumps, traversed by the irregular lines of
trenches. Branching off this road was a path
leading to Apremont. Where the St. Mihiel
road and the Apremont path crossed the
Germans had made an important work. From
it a trench went northwards parallel with the
St. IMihiel road, another eastward pa,rallel with
the route to Apremont. These two trenches
were connected behind the work by two others,
crossed by a communication trench running
back from the work to the north-eastern border
of the wood. The word " trench " gives an
inadequate idea of the deeply sunken excava-
tions, covered in at places, which the Germans
had constructed.

The French process of preparing the attack
was almost as scientific as a inodern sm'gical
operation. The " 75 " guns blew wide breaches
in the barbed-wire entanglements, which were
over 36 feet wide and 6 feet high ; the larger
" 155 " guns (about equivalent to our 6-Lnch
guns) crushed down the skilfully hidden em-
placements of the Germa.n mitrailleuses. The
effect of the French bombardment may be
gathered from the following extract from an
imfinished letter of a Bavarian taken prisoner :
"At 7 a.m.," he wrote, "the French com-
menced a terrible bombardment, principally
with their heavy artillery and with shells as
big as sugar loaves . . . When this storm of
fire had lasted aVjout an horn- a mine exploded

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

237

and blew up our trench many feet into the air,
by which we lost 30 men. Huge stones cast
up fell back on us, killing and burying many
soldiers. The bombardment increased in in-
tensity. The air was filled with shrapnel
bullets and the fragments of high-explosive
shells, and to add to this there came a terrible
fire from the rifles of uifantry and macliine
guns. I have taken part in many actions, but
this battle of five days surpasses all I have ever
seen. To add to our trials it rained without
ceasing, the dull, leaden sky and the air
■cliarged with moisture condensed the smoke so
that we could scarcely see through it."

The utmost care had been taken by the
French commanders to ensure success. " The
Colonel," says a soldier present, " had shown to
each of vis the tree he was to make for."'
The French infantry contained miners and
mechanics. Light bridges had been prepared
by the engineers to throw across the trenches.

At last, on April 5, the signal for the advance
was given. In three waves the French, now
relying on the bayonet and hand grenades
alone, dashed forward. The infantry had been
ordered to pass over and not to descend into

the trenches, winch were to be cleared by the
supporting troops. Two companies attacked
the St. Miliiel road trenches, two more those on
the Apremont side. When it had passed
through the wood, the battalion was to unite.
The work at the salient of the wood had been
destroyed by the artillery.

The trenches on the St. JMihiel road were
carried by the first rush, and the rearmost
German trench was reached, in which the
French proceeded to estabhsh themselves. The
two companies storming the German entrench-
ments on the Apremont path at first were
equally successful, but, taken in flank by the
fire of concealed machine guns, were compelled
to fall back. Their retirement entailed that
of the companies on the St. Alihiel road front.
But the fortified work and tlie first line, and
some of the second line trenches north of it,
were retained and Uned with mitrailleuses. A
coimter-attack at 4 p.m was repulsed chiefly
by the French artiUery. The fighting u ent on
during the night, and at daybreak, April 6, the
French were masters of the line. Fresh attacks
were organized against the German position,
and these resulted in hand-to-hand fighting

THE VILLAGE OF CLERMONT-EN-ARGONNE.
Recaptured by the French.

288

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

AN ARMOURED SHIELD,

Used in the Preach Army for protection
against enemy fire.

\Aitli bayonet and bomb. The Germans lought
liravely, but were miable to resist the more
vigoroiis efforts of their adversaries, and when
night fell the whole salient of the wood was in
the hands of our Allies, who had even pushed
some distance up the road to St. JMihiel. The
whole German garrison had been kUled,
wounded or taken prisoners. It was only on
the 8th, after a rest of two days, that the
Germans ventured to counter-attack, and then
imsuccessfully. The French maintained and
consoUdated their position.

The capture of the Wood of Ailly wan one of
a number of similar engagements along the
southern side of the St. Mihiel salient. There
was fighting in the Forest of Apremont, in the
Wood of Montmare and in the Bois Le Pretre,
which latter wood is just west of the Moselle,
and was christened bj' the Germans the " wood
of death," and the " wood of widows." Into
the Bois Le Pretre the Germans constantly
poured troops from Metz, but the French
gradually expelled them from it, and in May
reached the northern edge. From this position
they could threaten the communications from
Mctz to Thiaucourt along the narrow valley of
the Rupt de Mad.

South of Pont-&-Mousson, on the Moselle,
through the gap of Nancy to the sunmiits
of the Vosges, the French line in the spring,
summer and early autumn remained, broadly

speaking, imchangcd. Roimd La Fonte-
nelle, in the Ban-dc-Sapt, the Germans took
the offensive in April and June. East of
I.a Fontenelle the French cngmeers had, on
Hill " 627," created a fortress similar to that of
the Germans on the siunmit of Les Eparges.
The enemy, xuiable to storm it, had recourse to
mines, but this was a slow process, as the sub-
soil consisted of a very hard rock. Neverthe-
less, with the tenacity of their race, the German
sapjjers bored galleries beneath the French
works. The French counter-mined, and from
April 6 to 13 there was a succession of under-
ground combats. The enemy's sappers pro-
gressed, but were tempted into a communica-
tion gallery which had been mined, and they
were blown up. All through the night (April
13) the German officers could be heard shouting
to their men to renew the attack, but the latter
rei:>lied with " Ncin, noin ! "

On June 22 another, and this time a success-
ful, attack was made on the hill. The pleasure
this achievement gave to the Germans is
evidenced by an order of the General com-
manding the 30th Bavarian Division. " I have
confidence," he said, " that the height of the
Ban-de-Sapt " — the name given by the
Germans to Hill " 627 "— " will be transformed
with the least possible delay into an impregna-
ble fortress and that the efforts of the French
to retake it will be bloodily repulsed." The
General was speedily undeceived. At 7 p.m.,
on July 8, after heavy bombardment, a French
column burst through the five lines of trenches
and canied the block-house on the summit,
which was protected by trunks of trees, corru-
gated iron and gun shields. Another column
attacked the enemy's trenches on the left and
surrounded the hill from the east. A third
column, by a vigorous demonstration, kept the
enemy employed on the French right flank.
Two battalions of the 6th Bavarian Ersatz
Brigade had been killed or taken prisoners
The number of the prisoners was 881, including
21 officers. Among the officers were professors
and clerks and a theological student.

In Alsace the advance by the French was,
in April, impeded by snowstorms, but despite
the bad weather General Dubail pressed on.
For many reasons it was advisable to give the
enemy no rest in this region. In Alsace the
French were directly in touch with the German
civilian population. Defeats in Belgium and
France might be hidden from the subjects of the
Kaiser, and even transformed into victories by

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

239

a few strokes of the pen. But, if the Germans
were routed on the eastern slopes of the Vosges
in the plains of Alsace or on the banks of the
Rhine, the news would travel throughout
Germany. The crossing, too, of the Rhine
itself between Bale and Strassburg might be a
stupendous operation. But before Germany
could be brought to her knees the AlUes would
probably have to cross the river. Here they
were within a few miles of it. At all other
points they were divided from the natural
bourtdary of Germany by rivers, hiUs, woods,
entrenched positions and fortresses.

The step preliminary to gaining the plains of
Alsace and the banks of the Rhine was the
seizure of the valleys on the German side of the
Vosges. During the spring and summer
months particular attention was bestowed on
the valleys of the 111 and Fecht. On April 26
the Hartmannsweilerkopf, which commanded
the coiTununications of the 111 and the Thur
Valleys, was again the scene of very severe
fighting. It was, however, further north, in
the valley of the Fecht and the surrounding
mountains, that the main effort of the French
was made. Their object was to descend the
valley and reach Miinstor, and the railway
which served the naountain railways and roads
leading to the crest of the Voges. In the
course of the mountain campaign one episode
peculiarly heroic occurred.

On Jime 14 a company of Chasseurs was
isolated. Surrounded by Germans, they did
not surrender, but constructed a square camp
and prepared to defend themselves to the last
man. In tliis place, attacked from below,
from above, and on the flardis, they held out
till June 17, when they were relieved. The
ammunition numing low, the soldiers resorted
to the primitive device of rolhng rocks on their
enemies. The incident of the defence of this
camp throws a flood of light on the transforma-
tion which had taken place in warfare. The
Chasseurs were saved by curtains of shells
discharged by the French artillery rmles away.

IN THE WOODS IN ALSACE.
Loading a French heavy gun. Inset : After firing.

240

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB..

REMAINS OF GERMAN TRENCHES IN A WOOD ON THE ST. MIHIEL SALIENT.

^\^lile the company of Chasseurs was thus
engaged, the advance do-svn the Fecht and the
ascent of the mountains commanding the
^■aUey were proceeding. On June 15 and 16,
tlie summit of the Braunkopf was stormed and
the Anlass attacked. From the Braunkopf,
the Chasseurs turned Metzeral by the nortli.
The Germans set fire to the to«ii, wliich blazed
through the niglit of the 21st and 22nd. Tlie
capture of Jletzeral forced the enemy to retire,
and the whole of the valley of the Fecht as far
as Sondemach was acquired by the French.
In July and August, the Lingenkopf and the
Schratzmiinnele were captured. From the

siuiimit of the Schratzmarmele, which was
cleared of the Germans on August 22, the
French troops saw below them the valley of
Miinster, the plain of Alsace and the city of
Colmar. Joffre was in a position to take, if he
chose, the offensive in the plains of Alsace. The
fact that he had unbolted most of the gates
into the lost province proved of great impor-
tance. It forced the Germans to keep large
bodies of troops away from the regions — the
Champagne Pomlleuse and Artois — where
the next blows were to be struck by the
French generalissimo towards the end of
September.

CHAPTER CII.

PRISONERS OF WAR.

Prisoners of War in History — Napoleonic Times — First International Agreement —
Calculated Friohtfulness — Shooting of Prisoners — German Hatred for the British —
German Treatment of Irish and Mahomedans — Irish Brigade — The Commandant and
THE Camp — Treatment of Enemy Civilians — Submarine Reprisals — Exchange of Prisoners —
Relative Treatment — Conflicting Reports, Discrepancies Explained — Inspections hy
United States Officlals — Brutalities on Capture — The Journey to Captivity — Major
Vandeleur's Report — Official German " Reply " — German Hospitals : The Brutal
Doctor — Internment Camps — Wittenberg — Discipline — Camp Brutalities — Food — Treat-
ment OF Officers — Use of Prison Labour — Work Camps — Enemy Civilians in Germany —
Murder of Henry Hadley — Ruhleben — German Prisoners in England — Neutral Reports
— Prisoners in Russia — The Y.M.C.A. in Germany — Prisoners' Help Organizations.

THE lot of the captive, whether
wounded or unwovmded, has through-
out history been painful and hard
to bear. The level of treatment has
usually been below the level of the morality
of the period. War, that so often brings
noble qualities to the surface, brings the evil
ones into even greater prominence. The his-
tory of captivity has suffered especially in this
way. From the earliest dawn dowTi to a
period of little over two hundred years ago
captLire on the field of battle meant selling into
slavery, slavery in the mines, the hulks or the
o-alleys. Even chivalry, which alleviated the lot
of the knight and the noble, made no effort to up-
lift the condition of the ordinary man-at-arms.
During the Napoleonic Wars the position of
the prisoners of war began to improve, Ijut even
then the French prisoners in England were fed
on " weevUy biscuit " and other food " which
sowed the seed for a plentiful harvest of
scurvy, dysentery, and typhus."

The terrible sufferings in the campaign which
had its consummation at the battle of Solferino
caused the Swiss Government to summon a
conference at Geneva which resulted in the
First General International Agreement in the
year 1864. So little advanced was public
opinion even at that date that the Agreement
made no alteration in the treatment of un-
wounded prisoners of war.
Vol. VI.— Part 72.

Before the treatment of prisoners by the
belligerents in any war can be seen in its
true perspective many matters must be
taken into account. The size of the problem
to be dealt with is not the least important,
although its importance diminishes as the
months pass. The difficulty of making
adequate arrangements is obviously greater in
the early days of rush, when everything, or
almost everything, must be sacrificed to the
necessity of getting men and munitions to the
war zone. As the months pass the character
of this necessity changes. With time the
facilities for dealing with priso 3rs increase at
a greater ratio than their increasing numbers.
As in all other problems, whether civil or mili-
tary, experience provides the greatest assistance.

In the Russo-Japanese War the Japanese
had to handle 67,701 prisoners. That struggle,
on the other hand, provided Russia with no
real experience of the difficulties surrounding
the care of captives. Her total of Japanese
captured ofily amounted to 046.

Though the Boer War put 32,000 prisoners
into British care, the only nation possessing
any real acquaintance with a problem com-
parable to that presented by the Great War was
the German. In the debacle of the Franco-
Prussian War, when army corps and armies were
compelled to surrender, about 400,000 French-
men passed under the Prussian yoke.

241

24-2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

AFTER THE BATTLE OF LOOS.
German Prisoners from France at Southampton, on their way to the Internment Gamp,

September 29, 1915.

After the present war had lasted five nionths
the German Headquarters claimed to have
captm-ed 8,120 officers and 577,475 men, being
composed of :

Officers.

Men.

French

... ^,K^

21,5,.505

Ruspiau

... 3,.i57

306,294

Belcian

612

36,852

British ■

492

18.824

By August, 1915, as the result of twelve
months' war, the Austro-German claim had
swollen to 2,000,000, of whom 300,000 were
British, French, and Belgian, the remainder
being Russians. Without accepting the Ger-
man figures as correct, the number of Russian
prisoners was enormous, the majority being
captured in the great German " drive " in
Galicia. It is, of course, obvious that a
retreating army, the roads blocked not only
with wagons and artillery, but by fugitives,
civil and military, loses a large proportion of
its v\oi-uided. . To stop, even for the simplest
cause, whether exhaustion, a sprain or sleep,
means inevitable capture. Altogether apart,
however, from the losses on a prolonged retreat,
the fluid character of the war on the Eastern

front was favourable to the making of prisoners.
The official figvires of Austro-Gcrman prisoners
in Russia in May, 1915, were 600,000, whilst
by October they were reported to have reached
1,100,000.

The official figiores for British prisoners in
Germany stood, in December 1915, at 33,000,
a large proportion of whom had been captured
during the retreat from Mons. The number of
naval and military prisoners interned in Eng-
land in December, 1915, was 13,476.

Any estimate of the numbers of prisoners
requires checking by so many factors — by no
means the least miportant being the veracity
of Governments — that any true conception
is difficult, but it is probably well within the
mark to say that on Cliristmas Day, 1915, not
le.ss than two and a half million people were
eating the bread of captivity.

Included in the armoury of Clerman warfare
was the idea that calculated frightfulness naight
attain victories denied to arms. It was
doubtless upon this ground that Brigade orders
were issued from time to time instructing the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

243

troops that no prisoners were to be made, but
that all soldiers, whether wounded or not, who
fell into German hands were to be shot. It is
probable, however, that this " fyightfulness "
was intended to apply only to troops in the
field. Taking into account the calcvilating
character of the Teuton, it is unlikely that the
harsh treatment of prisoners after removal
from the field — whether upon the journey or
in the prison camp — can have been any part
of a concerted plan. Though inhuman and
uncivilized, it was not of the character either
to break the moral of opposing troops, or to
terrify the civilian population.

It is certain that the German was brutal
towards his prisoners of whatever race. That
his malignancy was specially directed towards
the British soldier is equally proved. Those
innumerable cases where the German refused
to give the British wounded even those small
considerations which he gave to the French
showed that the German venom was specially
directed against England.

Just as the British suffered from the hatred,

the Riissian writhed under the contempt of
the Gemians. The Russian, speaking a lan-
guage laiown to few not of his own race, of a
civilization diflering in degree, and almost m
kind, from that of either his captors or his
fellow prisoners, poor, ill -nourished, and from
a land whose vast distances and inadequate
intercommunication made the sending of relief
almost impossible, suffered terribly from
hunger, tubercle, typhus, cholera, and hard
enforced labour.

The hatred for the British soldier carried
with it two interesting phenomena. If hatred
for the British people was stronger against
any one of its component parts than it was
against any other, it was directed more strongly
against the Canadian, whilst at one time, and
for some imaccountable reason, there seemed
to be a possibility of preferential treatment
being given to the Australian.

Direct and transparent political motive dic-
tated German treatment of Mahomedan and
Irish prisoners. French and British Mahom-
edans were segregated in a special camp at

GERMAN PRISONERS IN ENGLAND.
Marching through a peaceful country lane on their way to the Detention Camp at Frimley.

244

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

■24 o

Zosscn, where their religious susceptibilities
were scrupulously regarded, and a special
mosque was built for thom.

The Irish, the majority of whoni were assem-
bled in a separate camp at Limburg, were sup-
plied with special literature, had the number
of their fatigue duties reduced, and, having
been warned that failure to do as they were
desired would be rewarded with correspondingly
harsher treatment, were privileged with a visit
from an ex-British Consul-General, Sir Roger
Casement, who made his way to Germany early
in. the war by way of Scandinavia, and was
received with open arms by the German Gov-
ernment. Sir Roger, having described the
historical woes of Ireland, called for volunteers
to form an Irish Brigade. Despite oratorical
exhortations, secret . inquisitions and per-
suasions, the screw of hunger and the lure of
freedom, the Irish, to their eternal honour,
forgot what to many of them had been a
. life-long political quarrel, and remembered
only their oath of allegiance to their King
and the weal of their realm. Fewer than
sixty out of two thousand succumbed to the
temptation, and the rose failed.

For both officers and men the discipline
was " German." One retiuned prisoner said of
the treatment that, " the fact is the prisoners
were treated just as the German soldiers were
treated." The " atmosphere " of a camp
depended chiefly on the commandant. In
general the German conxmandants appeared,
to the American authorities, disposed neither to
make life harder than seemed to them to be
necessary nor to discriminate intentionally
against the British.

Some commandants were popular and the
prisoners, therefore, happy. Some were hated
and feared, with the consequence that all was
impleasantness, bickering, and trouble. The
capip at Schneidemuhl was a good example
of this. During the year 1914 there was
notliing but complaints. Discipline covild only
be maintained by brutality. Men were held
over barrels and beaten with sticks. In
January, 1915, a new commandant was
appointed. Immediately the thrashings ceased,
guards who ill-treated prisoners were pimished,
and the general character of the camp
showed a marked improvement.

Similar changes, usually for the better, but
sometimes for the worse, ^vere made in other
camps. Of the camp at Torgau the .American
Ambassador said, "From being one of the

worst it has become one of the best camps."
The possible — and, as events showed, the
actual — variation \^'as greater in Germany
than in Britain chiefly because the lowest in
the former cmmtry was so markedly — and
monstrously — lower than the worst in tho
United Kingdom. There appears to have been
at least one camp in Germany as good as
anything to be found in the countries of the
Allies. It was a small officers' camp at
Blankenburg i/Mark, and was described by
Mr. J. B. Jackson, of tho United States
Embassy in Berlin, as " a four-storeyed house,
well built, heated throughout and lighted by
gas. It is surrounded by attractive, well-kept

MAJOR VANDELEUR,

of the Scottish Rifles.

grounds, in which a tennis court has just been
made. The house itself is as comfortable as
any of the places where I saw interned officers
in England, although the neighbourhood is not
so attractive as that of Dyffryn Aled or Doning-
ton Hall. There are several modestly-furnished
mess and recreation rooms, and a terrace which
is used for' afternoon tea and in connexion
with tho canteen. The older officers occupy
sinele rooms. . . . Officers below the rank of
major occupy the larger rooms, which are
apparently well ventilated, no more than ten
persons being in any one room, nationalities
not being separated. . . . On each floor there
are baths and water-closets, and a general
washroom for the use of the junior officers, all
of which are in good condition. Officers are
allowed to remain in the garden until 6 p.m.,
and in the open-air court of the building until
dark. . . . Smoking is permitted generally. . . .

72 2

24G

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

The commandant is interested in his work, and
evidently does all he can to make conditions
agreeable." The misfortune \\as that Blanken-
burg held only 110 officers, of whom but nine
were British.

The correct procedure in the case of civilian
alien enemies -vvithin the borders of an opposing
belligerent had been, for many years, to expel
them, or to grant them permission to remain
with such restriction of movement as the
exigencies of the military situation demanded.
They were to be regarded as honovirable though
unfortunate.

Never since the days of the French Revolu-
tion had there been any internment of alien
civilians upon a large scale. It can only be
justified upon military grounds, such as general
espionage, threatened revolt, or the presence of
enemy civilians in such numbers as to be a
probable impcdinient to military operations,
or a possible specific danger to the exis-
tence of the State. In any case, whatever
may be the grounds of their detention, or
internment, the alien enemy civilian, even
more than the enemy soldier, has the right to
demand and receive the fullest privileges and
consideration.

That in many places besides Ruhleben the
action of the German authorities did not
accord with this view was shown by Mr.
Jackson's report in March, 1915, on the camps
of Burg, near Magdeburg, and Magdeburg.
" These camps had already been visited several
weelcs earlier by other members of the Embassy,
and the interned officers stated that conditions
had improved in the meanwhile. Even as they
were, however, it seemed to me that the prisoners
were treated more like ordinary offenders than
they were like officer prisoners of war."

The Great European "War saw nations, not
soldiers, ranged in arms. Kormally for a
nation to allow, or to compel, alien civilians
to return to their native coimtry had little
result other than tha.t of relieving the nation
of their maintenance. In the Great Eixropean
^^'a^, fought with the uttermost of the reserves
both of men and wealth, such repatriation, at
least in the case of men of fighting age,
strengthened, rather than burdened, the oppos-
ing belligerent. The (German authoril ies. know-
ing that the German population in Britain far
exceeded the British population in Germany,
and considering that, owing to conscription
and industrial organization, the German of

suitable health and age was a greater military
and economic asset than the average individual
Englishman, desired the mutual exchange of all
enemy civilians. A\'isely the British Government,
though with some incomprehensible delay,
laid an embargo on Germans of potential
military value between the ages of 17 and 55
leaving the country.

In a somewhat similar manner the British
Government, having to deal ■nith alien enemy
population great in numbers, largely trained in
arms and the tenets of obedience, feeling in-
tensely the national character of the struggle,
the subjects of a State whose political and
military ethics had induced it to regard whole-
sale espionage as not merely a legitimate but a
natural and essential weapon, and driven by a
Press and public horrified by conditions pre-
vailing in German prison camps, proceeded to
uitcrn the more dangerous portion of the alien
enemy population.

A new chapter in naval warfare was opened
when, as we have seen in earlier chapters,
the German Admiralty decided to use
its submarine fleet as merchant raiders.
The victims were to be both British and
neutral ships trading with England, which
might be found Avithin an area proclaimed by
the German Government as a " war zone."
In the case of British ships no notice was to be
given, and no difference of treatment made,
whether the vessel was carrying contraband or
innocent cargo. All vessels falling under the
German ban were to be sunk forthwith. At
this point it seemed probable that, though such
procedure was contrary to International Law,
the British Government would content itself
with a vigorous protest. The German authori-
ties then made another move in their underseas
policy which was destined to have considerable
influence on the treatment of prisoners of war.
Though never very careful to ensure the safety
of the crews upon the ships they sunl^, the sub-
marines usually gave them some stated period
of time, whether wholly sufficient or not.
in which to leave their vessel. The new
mo^•e consisted in torpedoing these merchant
ships without warning, no time being given
for the crews or passengers to make their
escape from the doomed vessels. In some
cases the torpedoed ships sank in less than ten
minutes. Their crews, when lucky enough to
reach their boats, were left to find their way to
land as best they might. The treatment pro-
ceeded from bad to worse, as in the case of the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

217

CROSS-EXAMINING A GERMAN PRISONER.

A scene at the Battalion Quarters of the Coldstream Guards in France.

■^rimsby trawler Acantha. This small vessel
was torpedoed and .sunk. While the boats were
being lowered several shots were fired at the
crew, and even after the men had taken to the
boats the crew of the submarine continued to
fire at them with rifles.

England ^^■as ablaxe with resentment and
indisnation. The British Government, ^\■ith

slightly unnecessary pompo.^ity, declared that,
in future, the crews of submarines believed to
have been guilty of such offences i\ould not,
in the event of capture, be regarded as honour-
able prisoners of war, but, whilst being well and
humanelj' treated, would be sej^arated from
the other prisoners. This was done in the case
of three German submarines.

248

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIi.

il^i^'

■^^HfitM

AT THE CAMBEKLEY COMPOUND.
German prisoners returning to camp after their day's work.

Reprisals are always the mothers of rejjrisalh.
In this case the child was quicldy born. On
April 13, 1915, Berlin declared her views on the
British treatment. For every member of a
submarine crew, whether officer or man, who
received differential treatment, the German
Government resolved to treat a British officer
in a corresponding fashion. A number of
officers of distinguished names or connexions
were sent to gaol, some to Cologne, some to
Burg, the majority to Magdeburg. Two slight
errors on the part of the German Government
provided the only amusing relief. Lieutenant
C. F. ffrcnch, of the Royal Irish Regiment,
was chosen because of the erroneous idea that
he was Sir John French's relation, whilst
Lieutenant Baron W. Allistone owed the
attention to the assmnption that his first name
was derived, not from the font, but from the
fountain of honour. The German Government
affected to believe that their prisoners were
treated as " ordinary prisoners."

The conditions under which these prisoners
were actually confined in England is, perhaps,
best shown by the following telegram sent on
May 3, 1915, by the United States Ambassador
in London to the United States Ambassador in
Berlin. The telegram refers to twenty-nine
officers and men interned at the Naval Detention
Barracks, Chatham Dockyard. Their treat-
nifint was typical of that accorded to all those
interned for these offences :

Lowry reports officers and men at ChiUham in good
health, and supplied with money. Officers receive 2.s. fid.
per day from British Government. None in solitary con-
tinement, but are kept in separate rooms at night. Size

of room 8 feet by 12 feet. Men eat together in one mess,
and officers together in another mess. Officers and men
have same food. Dietary composed of bread, cocoa and
tea, sugar, potatoes, suet pudding, pork and pea soup,
cheese, beef, mutton and milk. Officers may have butter.
Men supplied with margarine. AU supplied with books
and tobacco. Officers are allowed servants from among
the crew. All have use of well -equipped gymnasium
daily at stated periods. Permitted to write letters once
a week, and to receive money, parcels, and letters. Both
men and officers exercise in association, but at different
times. Recreation quarters indoors as well as out of
doors. Officers complained of being held in detention
barracks rather than in officers' camps, but no com-
plaint as to quantity or quality of food. No complaint
as to treatment, or as to character of accommodation.
Hygiene and sanitary requirements excellent. Pvooms
and all surroundings specklessly clean.

The German " reply " to the Briti,5h treat-
ment of submarine prisoners can with most
authority be shown by the report of the Ameri-
can representative :

At Magdeburg 14 British officers have been placed in
solitary confinement in the police prison, which we were
informed has been put at the disposal of the military
authorities during the war. ... A number of prisoners,
other than militarj', are quartered in the same building,
but are in no way brought in contact with the British
olfieers. Tho building has the advantage of having been
built in 191.S, and of being scrupulously clean. The
bathing and other sanitary arrangements are of modern
construction, and appear to be thoroughly clean.

Each of the officers is locked in a cell, which he is only
allowed to leave between the hours of 8.30 and 0.30 in
tbe morning and .1 and 4 in the afternoon, during which
time all the officers are permitted to exercise together in
a courtyard, roughly 35 metres in length, and about
20 metres wide at ono end and 25 metres wide at the
other. . . .

During the period of exercise the officers are allowed
to talk together, but during the rest of the day they
liave no opportunity of seeing or communicating with
one another. The cells are approximately 12 feet long
and 8 feet wide, but those in which the lieutenants are
imprisoned are only about .5 feet wide. Each cell has a
window, a bed, with which a sheet and one blanket
are furni.shed; the beds, however, are chained up to the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

249

wall during the day. There arc also shelves where thinss
may be kept, a chair and a table for writing, etc. The
light is good and the cells are clean.

The meals, for which 1.60m. per day is paid, are the
same as those furnished in the officers' camps ; for
breakfast two pieces of bread and butter, and a cup of
coffee; for lunch, at 12.30 o'clock, a piece of meat and
potatoes and bread ; and for dinner, at 6.30 p.m., two
pieces of bread, one of them with sausage, and a cup of
coffee. The officers are allowed to have whatever food
■supplies, hooks, etc., they had received from home, and
which were in their possession before they were placed
luider arrest, and the regulations about receiving parcels
in prisoners' camps apply equally to the officers under
arrest. Smoldng is permitted at all times. . . .

On the whole, the officers looked as well, and appeared
as cheerful as is possible under the circumstances.
There were no complaints as to the treatment received
from the officers and non-commissioned officers under
whose immediate jurisdiction they are placed.

The treatment of the "reprisal" prisoners
at Burg was very similar to that described at
Magdeburg. The treatment in Cologne was
very much worse. The food was of a lower
standard, smoking was prohibited, and the
facilities and hovtrs for exercise were fewer. By
May 7, however, the general conditions were
raised to those described as prevailing in Burg.

Early in June, 1915, the British Government
decided to abandon its policy of differential
treatment. Automatically Germany aban-
doned hers. So closed a rather pitiful chapter
in the history of reprisals.

After much dela.y the various Governments
agreed to the mutual exchange of physically
incapacitated prisoners of -n-ar. Tho agreement
between the British and German Governments
was concluded in December, 1914. August,
1915, saw two fiu'ther important arrangements,
one for the repatriation of civilians unfit for
military service — the decision as to " unfitness "
resting entirelj' with the Government holding
the prisoner — the other a tentative scheme
under the auspices of the Swiss Federal Govern-
ment for the intormnont of siclc or convalescent
prisoners in Switzerland. Only too slowly tho
broken men of the different belligerents reached
their native shores.

If the condition of exchanged prisoners is any
criterion of the treatment received, the hum.ine
treatment of prisoners in England and the
brutality and inhuman character of the treat-
ment of British prisoners in Germany is
abundantly proved. The evidence of the
Dutch neutral Press upon this point is con-
clusive. In the one case the returning prisoners
looked well fed, were well clothed, and had few
complaints, whilst in the other the men were
wrecks, garbed in tattered, thin, and mi.acel-
laneous clothes, and showing every sign of bad
feeding and ill-treatment.

GERMAN PRISONERS IN A BRITISH COMPOUND.
In the Concentration Camp at Frith Hill, Camberley. In the compound various games,
football, were played, and concerts were arranged by civilian prisoners.

including

250

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

AN EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS.

Germans who had been taken prisoners on the battlefield of Flanders inarching through London to the

railway-station for transference back to Germany, in exchange for British troops

who were arriving back from the prison camps in Germany.

Xo cliarge is made, or material fact alleged,
in the course of this narrative unless the par-
ticular act coixiplained of has been spoken to,
directly or inferentially, by more than one
person or circumstance, except in those
cases when the evidence iipon similar in-
cidents is so strong as to render it hmnanly
certain that the particular thing alleged really
hajjpened. Great use has been made of the
official evidence supplied by officers of the
United States Diplomatic Service. The
acevu'acy and veracity of this evidence is
unqviestionable, as was the utility of their
labours to humanity in general and the British
prisoner of war in Germany in particular.
Although unimpeachable, this evidence is not
conclusive except upon the things seen by these
officials. Cases of apparent discrepancy are
often explained by reference to dates. Similarly,
negative is never so strong as positive evidence.
Taking, by way of example, the charges against
the Iseghem Hospital, to be foimd on page 2.57,
the first case appears to have happened after

the -^-isit of the American representative ;
whilst in the second it appears jirobable that
the victina had been removed before that visit.

Wliilst admitting, on the one hand, that
prisoners of wai, like all classes of witnesses,
are prone to exaggeration, it must always be
remenAered that as soldiers they are accus-
tomed to discipline, \\hLch inclines them to
answer C[uestions truthfully, and to hardship,
which inclines them to minimise harshness. But,
above all things, whilst accepting thankfully
and wholeheartedly the American official
accounts, it is well to recollect that the absence
of complaint in a hospital or camp may as
easilj' arise from fear of consec^uenees as from
lack of grounds. Even had this fear of con-
sequences had existence only in the minds of the
prisoners themselves it -would have been suf-
ficient, but evidence exists, and has been given,
of cases where, after the Ambassador's visit was
concluded, men who had made coiTiplaints to
him were punished ^^ith more or less severity.

\^'hen the American representative asked

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

251

the British prisoners at Mer.^eburg whether they
had any complaints, three men stepped for-
ward.* In the case of one man his complaint
was merely that the parcels were kept so long
in the parcel room before delivery that the food
in them became uneatable. On the following
day he was sent to the cells, where he was kept
for some days in solitary confinement. During
this time his food consisted of fom- ounces of
black bread and one pint of water per day. He
was without an overcoat, and was obliged to
sleep on the cold floor at night.

Although in several cases the American officials
made " surprise visits," the great majority
appear to have been amioimced beforehand.
A great body of evidence shows that special
preparations were made for these visits, and
many features normally present in the camps
were removed or hidden. Ship's Steward
Higgins, of Grimsby, reported that he and his
companions, seized in the North Sea on the
charge of being mine layers, were lodged in an
open field at Sennelager for fourteen days in
Septeinber, 1914. From the 4th to the 7th
they were v\ithout food. Pvain descended on
twelve out of the fourteen days. They were
then lodged in a large tent full of holes. "^Vhen

* " Tho others, myself ineliuled, were afraid." — Pte.
R. Gainfort, Koyal Irish Regiment.

^vord came that the United States represen-
tative was coming they were removed to new
quarters, but after he had gone they were
moved back.

In some cases the military authorities
requested thfit no communication should be
held with any or with particular prisoners.
This applied not only to ordinary visitors
but to the accrechted representatives of the
United States Embassy, and even to the
Ambassador, Mr. Gerard, himself.

Dr. Olmesorg, United States Naval Attache,
reported that in April, 1915, he went to
Salzwedel, where " the General asked me,
showing mo a letter from the General Kora-
mando supporting his request, that I would
please refrain from conversing with any
prisoner in an undertone or alone."

At another cam]5 " tho military authorities
remarked that they had had considerable
cliRiculty with " three detained British medical
officers, " and recjuested the Counsellor of the
Embassy not to .speak with them."

In April, 191.5, the American Ambassador
himself had to report : " I went to Halle, where
there is also an officers' camp, and was there
kept waiting for half an hour and, at the
expiration of this time, was told that I would
be permitted to visit the camp, but under no

EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS.
These British soldiers arrived in England, from Germany, on December 7, 1915.

'25-2

THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAR.

BRITISH MARINES IN HOLLAND.
A game of Rugby In the Internment Camp.

oircivmstances would be allowed to speak to
any prisoner out of hearing of the officers
a,ccompanjnng me. As this \v'as directly con-
trary to the arrangements wliich I mads with
the General Staff and the Kreigs-Ministerium
... I refused to make any inspection."

That the United States reports are not eon-
ckisive was showai by a letter from the American
Ambassador :* " In these camp matters, in
order to obtain speedijr and more effective
a.ction, I deal directly with tlie bureau of the
War Ministry which has charge of prisoners of
war." The officers' camp at Hanover-Miinden
" is not in good condition, and I do not send the
report by this mail as I v/ish to secure a better-
ment of conditions rather than to furnish
ground for controversy."

The vohmie of evidence relating to German
brutality upon Allied soldiers at the moment
of capture is both large and weighty, and is
illustrated by the cases where British wounded,
having been left in a trench, were found, on its
subsequent recapture, with their throats cut.

Early in the war some of the German sokUers
developed the habit of stripping both the dead
and the wounded. A tjrpical example of this
is the case of Private Palin,t of the 2nd South
Lancashire Begimcnt, whose spine \vas pierced
by a buUet in the battle of Jlons. His legs

* "Written to tlie U.S. Amljas^ador in London. May 4,

Ijecame paralysed. The Germans stripped him
of his clothes, and for two days and two nights
he lay helpless on the field.

No indictment more precise or repulsive has
ever been laid than that found in the diaryj of
a German officer of the 13th Regiment, 13th
Division of the Vllth German Corps. The ex-
tract is dated December 19, 1914 : " The sight of
the trenches and the fury — not to say the besti-

t Eye-witness fOfficial), April 16, 1915.

Times, Jlardi 11, 1915

BRITISH MARINES IN HOLLAND:

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

253

ality — of ovir men in beating to death tlio
wounded English affected me so much that for
the rest of the day I was fit for notliing."

The jovirney to captivity was ever terrible,
for the imwounded as well as the woimded.
Perhap? the most remarkable docmnent on
this subject was a report by JIajor C. B.
Vandelevir, who escaped from Crefcld in Decem-
ber, 1914.

Attached to the Chesliire Regiment, Major
Vandeleur, of the 1st Cameronian; (Scottish
Rifles), was captured near La Bassee in Octo-
ber, 1914. Although otherwise well treated by
his actual captors, he was compelled to march
until, owing to a woimd in his leg, he %vas
unable to niove further. Being taken to
Douai, he -n'as detained, under guard, in the
square in front of the Hotel de Ville, and
" subjected to continual abuse and rcvilement.

" On the arrival of the other prisoners we
were all confined in a large shed for the night.
No food, except a little provided by the French
Red Cross Society, was given, also no straw, and
we spent a terrible night there, men being
obliged to walk about all night to keep warm,
as their greatcoats had been taken from
them."

This habit of depriving prisoners of their
overcoats, and in some cases of their tunics,
was particularly cruel, as the vitality of the
men, lowered by exposiu-e, inadecjuate food and
frequently by wounds, rendered them ill able
to resist the fatigues of travelling and the

rigoiu-s of the climate. It was also a direct
breach of both Articles 4 and 7 of the Hague
Regulations.

" On October 17, in the morning, the French
Red Cross gave us what they could in food,
and did their very best, in spite of opposition
from the Germans. At about 2 p.m. we were
all marched off to the railway station, being
reviled at and cursed all the \i-ay by German
officers as well as by German soldiers. One of
oiu- officers was spat on by a German oflicer.

" At the station we were driven into closed-in
wagons from which horses had junt been re-
moved, fifty-two men being crouded into the
one in which the other four officers and myself
were. So tight were we jacked that there was
only room for some of us to sit down on tl.o
floor. This floor was covered fally three inches
deep in fresh manure, and the stench of horse
Lu-ine was aknost aspliyxiating.

" We were boxed up in tJiis foul wagon, with
practically no ventilation, for thirty hours, witli
no food, and no opportunity of attending to
purposes of nature. All along the Une we were
cursed by officers and soldiers alike at the
various stations, and at Mens Beraen I was
pulled out in front of the wagon by the order
of the officer in charge of the station, and, after
cursing me in filthy language for some ten
minutes, he ordered one of his soldiers to kick
me back into the wagon, ^.vliich he did, sending
me sprawling into the filthy mess at the
bottom of the -Hagon. I should like to mention

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TAKING EXERCISE IN THE INTERNMENT CAMP.

72—3

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

A BRITISH MARINE
and his little Dutch friend.

that. I am thoroughly conversant mth German,
and miderstood everything that was said."

Thoroughly to understand the gravity of
Major Vandelenr's story it niust be remembered

that at this time he was not only a prisoner
but a wotmded prisoner. The condition of the
wagons in which many of the ]jrisoners were
transported has been spoken to by so great a
number of witnesses as to lift it beyond the
reahn of possible doubt. The ammonia rising
from the floor caused agonies to the chests and
eyes of many men, whilst wounds, untended
except for the hasty bandaging of field dressing
stations, suppurated and gangrened.

" Only at one station on the road wa.s any
attempt made on the part of German officers
to interfere and stop their men cursing us.
This officer appeared to be sorrj' for the sad
plight in which we were. I should also like to
mention that two men of the German Guard
also .appeared to bo sympathctie and sorry for
us ; but they were able to do little or nothing
to protect us.

" Uj) to this time I had managed to retain
my overcoat, but it was now forcibly taken
from me by an officer.

"On reaching the German-Belgian frontier,
the French prisoners were given some potato
soup. The people in charge of it told us that
none was for us, but that if anjr was left over
after the French had been fed we should get

AT THE INTERNMENT CAMP IN HOLLAND.

British sailors making models. To prevent the men "running to seed" mentally and physically

Commodore Wilfred Henderson, in command of the interned Naval Brigade, assisted the men to adopt

useful occupations, such as rug-making, knitting garments, carpentering, tailoring, boot-making,

. and net-making.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

255

BELGIAN PRISONERS WAITING F

what remained." Major Vandeleur tlien adds
that a little soup and a few slices of bread
were divided amongst the twenty-five British
prisoners oonfuied in the same wagon with him.
Major Vandeleur's is, unfortunately, far from
having been a soUtary case. The differentia-
tion of treatment against the British was as
marked a feature of many camps as upon the
journey.

Although both food and driul< were bupplied
to their guards, many British wounded were
refused either for long periods, sometimes for
5S hours. In some cases even German Red
Cross sisters would only supply refreshment to
the guards upon the condition that they did not
give it to the English. It is well to remember
that this injunction was not always complied
with.

Screaming crowds of men and women
appeared at many of the stations, anx-ious to
see and revile any English prisoner who might
pass through. "Women, men and little chil-
dren howled and in many cases spat " at the
prisoners, " while the sentries," who had made
them get out of the train, ".stood by and
laughed."*

Major Vandelem:'s terrible report proceeds :
" It is difficult to indicate or give a proper idea

" * Report of Corporal W. Hall, 1st Life Guards,
wounded and captured October. 1914. The Time,,
March 12, 1015.

OR THEIR MID-DAY SOUP RATION.

of the indescribably wretched condition in
wliich we were after being starved and confined
in the manner .stated for three days and three
nights. As is well known, one of these wagons
is considered to be able to accommodate six
horses or forty men, and this onlj' with the
door? open so as to admit of ventilation. What
with the filth of the interior, the mimbcr of
people confined in it, and the absence of ventila-
tion, it seemed to recall something of what one
has read of the Black Hole of Calcutta.

" I found out that the wagon in front of us was
full of English soldiers. Tliis particular ii-agon
had no ventilation slit of any sort or description,
and men were crowded in this even worse than
they were in the wagon in which I was. They
banged away continually on the wooden sides
of the van, and finally, as, I supposed, the
Germans thought that they might be suffocated,
a carpenter was got, who cut a small round
hole in one of the sides."

Major Vandeleur's report, together with those
of other exchanged or escaped prisoners, were
of such a grave character as to produce in
June, 1915, an official reply from the German
Govermnent. The reply is particularly in-
teresting as being more an apologia than a
defence or denial. Only three short quotations
need be given :

" If the English pretend that they were attended
to durinn; the journey only after the French, the reason

250

rHE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

is to be found in the quite comprehensible bitterness of
feeling among the German troops, who respected the
French on the whole as honourable and decent opponents,
whereas the English mercenaries had, in their eyes,
adopted a cunning method of warfare from the very
beginning, and, when taken prisoners, bore themscKes
in an insolent and provocative mien."

To the charges c-f brutalities committed after
capture the German official retort is a simple
lu quoque ;

The question refers perhaps to individuals who have
been foimd by German soldieis in the act of killing
helpless German wounded and have met with their just
reward.

The German reply to the allegations levelled
by two exchanged Russian doctors contained a
sinister remark. One of the doctors, it asserted,
had complained "in a loud and unseemly

fashion " to a sergeant on duty, saying that
officers were lodged m barrack rooms ordinarily
inliabited by German soldiers. " After the
unseemliness of his behaviour had been brought
to the attention of this doctor no further
opposition was made to the camp regulations."

The general character and equipment of
German hospitals appears to have been good,
and the medical and surgical treatment and
nursing of the patients in them satisfactorj^
A very large number of them were the normal
hospitals of the country, but even in those im-
provised for the purpose modei'n scientific
appliances were, in the majority of cases,
installed. The most prevalent complaint con-
cerned the food, which was very similar to that
provided in the camps and, however suitable
for the healthy, was unappetising to the sick.
The liospital brea,d was made from wheat and
rye in equal proportions. Although distasteful
at first, this bread was wholesome and sufficient.

In tho hospital, however, as in the prison
camp and tipo!! the field, the human equation
was of the greatest importance. Any depiirtiu-o
fronj the normal dictates of himianity in tho hot
blood of battle is to be deprecated but under-
stood ; brutality ill the prison camp, brutality,
that is, to a healthy, able-bodied man, assumes
great unportance only when frequent or gene-
rally prevalent. The hospital is the home of
inevitable suffering, and inlimnanity, even in
isolated hospitals and in isolated cases, must be

AT THE CIVILIAN INTERNMENT GAMP, RUHLEBEN.
A game of chess. Inset : Eagerly awaiting parcels sent by friends in England.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

257

AT WORK AND PLAY.

On the sports ground in the civilian internment

camp, Ruhleben.

Inset : A civihan sets up in business as an

engraver.

placed upon an entirely different footing.
Unfortunately the brutal doctor and inliunian
hospital treatment were neither unlcnown nor
rare. Brutality does not appear to have been
in any way usual, but it was not infrequent.
The American representative visited tlie hos-
pital of Iseghem some time before .June 12, and
the EngUsh prisoners " of their own accord,"
but apparently in the presence of the Comman-
dant, " spoke ill praise of the Surgeons and
attendants."

Private George Foote, of the 3rd I-toyal
Fusiliers, was wounded on JMay 21, and after
more than three weelcs arrived at Iseghem.
His account, and some others, are here taken
from an interesting series of articles contributed
to the Daihi Mail by Mr. F. A. McKenzie.

" This hospital was in the charge of a very
clever, but very brutal doctor. Mj' mate and I
(my mate is in the ward here in this I^ondon
hospital with iTte) were placed in beds opposite
the operating room and saw far more of what
was going on than we liked. The doctor did
not believe in using chloroform. He used it as
seldom as ever he could, particularly on English-
men. He would do all kinds of operations
without it. He would take a inallet and a
chisel and get a bit ot bone off a man's leg with
the man in Iris full senses."

Private McPhaO, a Canadian, was hit outside
Ypres on April 24 ; after eight days he arrived

at tho Iseghem hospital. He was blind in one
eye. " They led mo to an operating taljle a,nd
put me on it. Three attendants .and a sister
held me down. The sister asked a doctor a
question, and he answered in English for me to
hear: 'No, I will not give an ana;sthetic.
Englishmen do not need any chloroform.' He
turned up my eyelid in the roughest fasliion and
cut mj' eye out. He used a pair of scissors,
tliey told me afterwards, and cut too far down,
destroying the nerve of the other eye. . . .
Suddenly I lost consciousness, and I remem-
bered no more all that day nor all the next

258

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

BRITISH PRISONERS OF WAR AT DOBERITZ.

nigbl." " Soon after tliis ■ ' McPliail %vas moved
from Tsephem.

Other operations withovit rlilorofomi are
alleged to have been performed at a liospital in
Hanover. At least one similar case occurred at
a general hospital where, after being treated in
a rough and brutal manner, a man was subjected
to an operation to his face necessitating Ifi
stitches. No ansesthetic was given.

At Miilheim Ruhr dangerous! j' woimded men
were made to take b.aths in the open in bitter
weather. Bandages were left on until they
reeked. Helpless men vsere handled brutally',
their bandages, when changeil, torn from their
wounds. " I will not soon forget Miilheim Ruhr."

Paper waa sometimes used as a dressing for
wounds. " I myself saw one of tho Gorman
doctors go up to a party of Russian prisoners
lying asleep by the roadu ay and press tho burn-
ing end of his cigarette into their cheeks. He
was insulted, I suppose, because the men had
not been standmg at attention when he passed.
I saw another take a rimning kick at a Russian
soldier in the tenderest part of his body."

After an operation a man of the Royal
Horse Guards was in intense pain. Tho in-
tensity of the pain, and semi-delirium, made
him puJl some of the wool clj-essing from vmder
the bandagi« The flressing fell over the floor
and so annoyed an ordei-ly that he struck the
patient and knocked him on to the floor. " There
were also * two Englishmen, Philips (Royal

* Report by Mr. .Tohri Burke, an American subject,
in the Nav York \Vur'.i:l.

Scots) and Dickson (Lincohxs), who, after
lingeruig between life and death in the hospital,
were hterally kicked out of bed liy a newly
arrived German doctor, and sent out at the
beginning of March with nothing on but thin
cotton jackets, old pants, a shirt and ^'lOoden
sabots. They could not stand alone, and were
SO emaciated that one scarcely believed it
possible for a human being to exist ^i-ith such a
total abecnce of flesli. Dickson was half crazy
through his sufferings and starvation. In en-
deavouring to aid each other up the stop leading
to the bunl-c Dickson fell, being unable to stand
the few seconds his one foot was lifted to step
over ; Philips, in trying to save him, fell also,
and neither could rise without the assistance of
bystanders.

" Some French sui'geons, who had been sent
to Langensalza to Mght the growing typhus,
pitied these two men, .and ordered Dickson
some milk each day. Of course ho could not
fetch it himself, so another lifeguard (Geeves)
went to the hospital for it. En route he en-
countered the medical officer, an enormous'y
big man, who angrily asked him what he was
doing there. When he showed the written
order of the French doctor the M.O. tore it up
and drove him back."

'l"he internment camps and hospitals in
Germany appear to have run the whole gamut
from good to terrible. Of many hospitals and
some camps no complaint of substance has been
made. Of the officers' detention camp at
Mainz it has been said that " a spirit of con-

THE TIMES UISTOBY OF THE WAR.

269

tentment pervadod the entire prison." Some,
such as Erfurt, are reported to iiave been
" good " ; a few, riuch as Schloss Celle, a
small civilian eanip, excellent. Again, other;:',
like Burg, were bad ; whilst a few, like Torgau
and Wittenberg, were terrible. On Noveuiber 8,
191."), or fifteen months after the outbreak of
war, the conditions at Wittenberg compelled
the Aiiieriean Ambassador to forward two
reports to London. The first report, prepare* 1
by Mr. Lithgow Osborne, said :

The matter of clothing was the chief source of troiiblp.
Upon arriving in the camp I asked the coniniandanf
whetb.er there were stores of clothing. He replied,
"Yes." To my further enquiries I di;-itinctly under-
stood both the commandant and his assi=itant to say that
every English soldier had been provided with an overcoat
When I investigated among the prisoners, who were
drawn up in line, T was informed that practically no over-
coats had been given out by the authorities. On the
contrary ten overcoats wliich men had had sent out from
England had been taken from their owners and given to
other British prisoners who were going to worl< camps.
When I brought, this to the attention of the commandant,
he stated that the property of the prisoners eould be
disposed of by the authorities a'^ thoy saw fit. When
I pointed out the fart that exceedingly few of the British
had received overcoats he modified his former statement
to the extent of saying that they would bo supplied in
the near future, in so far as poe°ibIe, but that it was at
present very difficult to get overcoats. I wa-^ later shown
the overcoats^ and then I received a third vereion of the
story. I inquired whether these overcoats were to be
given out upon application, and the commandant
replied in the afiirniativo ; when I asked if these would b*^
given to British prisoners who asked for them and ncederl
them, he again ans\vered afhrmatively.

From many of the men I had heard complaints that

one 01 the watchmen had a largo and fierce dog which he
took inside the barracks, and which had attacked ond
torn the clothes of the prisoners. I informed the com-
mandant that T did not know how far this was in accord-
ance with facts, Vjiit sucgcsted that it was unnnco-^sary
to bring the dog inside the compound, particularly as I
had never heard of it being done in other camps. Ho
replied that he considered it necessary, and that this
cor.ld not be changed, as the prisoners were in the habit
of remaining np lato at nitjht, keepmg their lights
burning, playinit cards, etc.

The evidence of brutalities of this character
is overwhelming. A French priest reported
-that in the camp at Mindeu " the German
soldiers kick the British prisoners in the stomach
nnd break their guns over their back." It is
only proper to add that in somo cases, as at
Mtinster, the German soldier was punished
when his conduct was brought to the attention
of his ofliccrs. This priest added that the
British were almost starved, " and such have
been their tortures that thirty of them aslced to
hf- shot."

I'he report on Wittenberg continued :

My whole impression of the camp authorities at
Wittenberg was utterly unlike that which I have
received in every otlier camp I have visited in Germany.
Instead of regarding their charges as honourable prisoners
of war, it appeared to mo the men were regarded as
criminals, for whom a regime of fear alone would
suflice to keep in obedience. All evidence of kindly
and human feeling between the authorities and the
prisoners was lacking^ and in no other camp have I
found si;,'ns of fear on the part of the, prisoners that what
tliey might say to toc would result in suffering for them
afterwards.

BRITISH PRISONERS AT DOBERITZ.
A mid-day meal at the prison camp.

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2GU

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

261

So horrible was this report that the U.S.
Ambas?ador requested that it should be re-
garded as confidential \intil he had inspected
the camp personally. The subsequent visit
by the Ambassador compelled him to report
as follows :

I was anxious that Mr. Osborne's report should not
be made public until I had had an opportunity of view-
ing actual conditions myself, and I regret to have to
state that the impression which I gained upon careful
examination of the camp, and after long conversations
with the prisoners, was even more unfavourable than I
had been led to expect.

Upon my arrival at the camp I was not received by
the general who acts as commandant, but by a major,
who, together with certain other officers, took me
through the camp.

At the present time there are over 4 000 prisoners of
war in the camp, 278 of whom are British. There is
also a small number of British prisoners in the hospital
at the camp, and there are 600 British soldiers employed
in a number of working camps through the Province of
Saxony. There are also 36 British civilians interned in
the camp. Among these I found that 12 were without
overcoats.

I next visited the three barracks where British military
prisoners are interned, and where the men were lined up
together, so that I had an opportunity of speaking to
them collectively as well as individually. In the first
barrack which I visited there were 68 men, none of whom
had overcoats; in the next barrack, 136 men, of whom
8 had overcoats ; and in the third barrack, 74 men, of
whom 8 had overcoats. This makes a total of 16 over-
coats among 278 men.

One of the chief complaints which I received was that
overcoats had been taken away from British prisoners to
be given to other British prisoners who were going out
on working parties, and who were without overcoats.
This was at first denied by the authorities, but finally
the officer with me said that this course was perfectly
proper. . , .

... It must be said that on the whole they were
insufficiently clad.

The Ambassador then proceeds to point out
another case of assault, upon a doctor, which
does not seem to have been included in those
mentioned in the previous report :

The men also told me that one of the British medical
officers at the camp had been recently struck by a German
non-commissioned otficer, and upon investigation this
fact proved to be true. . . .

Many of the prisoners complained that dogs were
brought in by German soldiers on duty at night, and that
in certain cases the prisoners had had their clothes torn
by these dogs. . . .

Two prisoners informed me that conditions in the camp
had unquestionably improved greatly in the last months,
that last year, when an epidemic of spotted typhus existed
in the camp, conditions had been indescribably bad. My
impression of the camp as a whole was distinctly unfavour-
able. The entire atmosphere is depressing, due not so much
to the conditions under which the men live, which are
practically identical with those existing at other camps,
as to the fact that nothing appears to have been done
towards bringing about any organization among the
prisonerP themselves which would be of mutual benefit
to them, and to the authorities. Tlie attitude which is
taken towards the British prisoners seems to be based
upon suspicion, and they are not given positions of trust.
It is true that they are now housed in barracks together,
which is a great improvement, but they have no oppor-
tunities for playing games such as football, or for exercise

other than walking. A theatre, however, has now been
started, and it is hoped that it will prove a success.

A report of this character whicli condemns
the conmiandant, who, in this case, was a general
and not an " under-officer," must by impHca-
tion condemn also the German Government.
Exaggeration cannot be alleged of the U.S.
Ambassador when he wrote, more than a year
previously, that the case of British prisoners of
war in Germany " is a matter which reqtiires
the immediate attention of the British Govern-
niant."

Of camp brutalities there was evidence
without end. Of the more petty tyrannies
but one example is given. In tha camp
at Sennelager were interned — ^but for a long
period unhoused — a number of North Sea
trawler men with one half of their hair,
beards and moustaches shaved clean. Tliis

RUSSIAN WOUNDED PRISONERS
DRAWING A CART.

must have been done either at the in-
stance or -with the concurrence of the com-
mandant, as so notorious and remarkable a
spectacle could not, for long, have been kept
from Ids notice.

At Ohrdruf, at Soltau, at Sennelager and at
other camps, prisoners for verj' small offences
were tied to posts, sometimes in the snow,
usually for a few horn's only, but in some cases
for many hotirs, with the result that in some
cases when they were released they "just
tumbled to the ground." At Zerbst this
treatment was admitted by the Commandant
to the American official visitor. In other cases
men were punished with solitary confinement,
and in others were held over barrels and beaten
with sticks.

Considering the physical condition of many of

2(V2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

the prisoners, and the poor, strange diet, tlie
general health of the German camps was good,
and deaths were relatively few. The Russian
prisoner was the greatest sufferer, apparently,
from all diseases. Tuberculosis, pneu-
monia and diabetes were prevalent, pro-
bably, in the main, due to exposure in
the trenche.s. Both typhus, the child of
dirt, alleged to have been introduced by
tlie Russians, and dysentery claimed many
victims and \isited a large number of
camps.

In Germany all the prisoners were vaccinated
against small-pox and imiiuinized against
typhoid and cholera, whilst in England such
precautions were offered for voluntary accep-
tance.

An exceedingly fruitful source of complaint
lay in the fact that the views in relation to food,
as, for instance, raw pickled herrings, which
British soldiers detested, or white bread, the con-

BRITISH PRISONERS AT WORK.

Dig^in^ trenches in Germany.

Inset : Preparing wooa for supports for ttie trenches.

tirmous use of wViicb was monotonous to the
tJermau, and the views concerning military
ceremonial and discipline were so radically dif-
ferent in the land of the captor and the captive.
In speaking of the camp at Doberitz the U.S.
representati-\'e said : — " There were no general
complaints, except with regard to the German
character of the food — and those were the exact
counterpart of complaints made to me by Ger-
man prisoners in England."

That the food complaints of British prisoners
in Germany did not arise from mere fastidious-
ness is shown by the general remark ot the U.S.
representative that " frequent protests were
made to mo concerning the food — not so much
because of its quality as because ot the insuffi-
cient quantity and the monotony of the diet."

The food provided for the non-commissioned
ranks consisted for the most part of 300 grammes
of black bread per day. This bread was served
out every five days and was composed of rye
and wheat flour. It was dark, unpalatable and
exceedingly heavy and hard. A little weak
coffee or tea was given each morning and even-
ing, and at midday one dish of thick vegetable
soup, sometimes with a little meat or fish in it.
The " vegetables " were principally soya beans,
turnips, potatoes, carrots and maize.

The evening ration was a thick soup, some-
times meal soup, with the occasional addition of
a small piece of sausage or cheese.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

2fi3

At the work camps, such as Suder-ZoUhaiis,
where men were employed in tilling the soO, or
other labour, they were called at 5.30 a.m., and
at 6 a.m. were given a ration of gruel. On this
breakfast they were supposed to work till noon.

By Article 17 of the Hague Regulations all
officer prisoners receive the same rate of pay
as officers of corresponding rank in the coimtry
in which they are detained. AVhen this is done
the officer is expected to feed and clothe himself.
On September 2i, 1914, Sir Edward Grey
declared the intention of the British Govern-
ment to adhere to this Article subject to a sinii-
lar adherence on the part of the German Govern-
ment. Until the intentions of the German
authorities covild be ascertained only half these
rates of pay were to be given, but free messing
was to be supplied.

Germany did not adhere to the Hague Regula-
tions, but allowed only GO marks per month to
lieutenants and 100 marks to officers of superior
rank. The result was that in many cases
junior officers had nothing left after paying
obUgatory mess charges.

As a consequence tVie British Government,
. whilst still declaring its willingness to adhere to

the Hague Regulations, vxas obliged to abandon
its previous scale. The new scale bore the same
ratio to minimum British infantry rates for cap-
tains and lieutenants as the pay issued by the
German Government to British officers prisoners
of war in Germany bore to ordinary German
minimum rates for captains and lieutenants.
Even under the new conditions the British rate
was approximately double the German, the
British subaltern in Germany receiving sixty
marks a month, or approximately 2s. Od. per
day, whilst the corresponcUng ranks amongst the
German prisoners in England received 4s. Od.

The refusal of the German authorities to
adliere to the Hague Regulations is rendered
the more curious and significant as they contain
a clause requiring the amount which has been
paid to officer prisoner-: to be refunded by their
respective Govermnents, thus entailing no per-
manent cost to the Government of the country
in which the officer is interned.

The labour of prisoners was considerably used
in Germany, France and Russia, though little
resorted to in Britain. By Article G of the
Hague Regulations the labour of all prisoners
of war, exce)it officers, may be used according

IN THE CAMP AT FRIEDBERG.
British officers' quarters. A room in wtiich there is accommodation for six officers.

■26k

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

t(i their rank and capacity. The work, which
must not be excessive, must " have no connexion
with the operations of the war." The Germans
used many prisoners for the purposes of groom-
ing and exercising horse? intended for subsequent
miUtary purposes, and even employed these
jirisoners to entrain horses for dispatch to the
front, ^^'hether or not this %\as a violation of
the prohibition is rather a question for the inter-
national lawyer than the historian. The labour
may be employed in the public service, for
private persons, or on the prisoners' own
account. Road making, levelling, clearing and
draining the ground, and building huts for

\ LETTER HOME.

A wounded British officer dictating to a German
Red Gross nurse a message for home.

themselves are examples ot labour for State
purposes -sshich foiind favour — least so in
Britain — in all the comitries of the Allies and the
Central Empires. Prisoners were largely used
on the land in the employment of private per-
sons in Germany. In Germany prisoners of
war were also used in mines and factories,
and in other waj's. Of course, in all
countries inaintaining prison camps, the
barber and tailor quickly became recognized
institutions for ^vhom huts or rooms \\'cre
usually provided.

As was to be expected, it was in Germany that
the greatest use of this labour was made. In
addition to, and quite se]3arate from, the ordi-
nary prison camp, the German Government
established " Arbeitslager," or "working
C-imps." To these camps were sent those who
\'olunteered for \\ ork, and many others besides.

The cam]5 at Siider-ZoUhaus was a tj'pical work-
ing camp, and contained, in May, 1915, about
2,000 prisoners of war, of whom 479 were
British. In that month Dr. Ohnosorg, U.S.
Attache, reported :

The barracks are larger than the ordinary barracks
seen in other prison camps. The men sleep on straw,
which is placed directly on the floor of the building.
Thero are no mattresses ; each man ia supplied with a
blanket. In the centre of the compartment is a doublo-
decked arrangement for sleeping. One small stove
heats this large compartment.

The latrines are of the trench system, housed over
lime, and a substance similar to moss being used as a
disinfectant. . . . The diet is about the same as that
described i.n previous reports.

For working camps the official allowance
for food was 10 per cent, in excess of that
allowed in ordinary camps. Tliere seems
considerable doubt whether this was given in
all cases. At Siider-ZoUhaus the official
dietary for Monday, April 26, 1915, was:
INIorning. — Coffee, 10 grammes sugar, 300

grammes bread.
Jlidday. — Swedish turnips and potatoes and

pork.
I'^voning. — Meal soup with vegetables.

For Tuesday, April 27, 1915 :
.Morning. — Rice soup, with meal and turnips,

,S00 grammes bread.
!\Iidday. — Fresh fish with potatoes.
I'^vening. — ]\Ieal soup with vegetables and
potatoes.

The hospital arrangements wevo primitive,
and the medical attention inadequate. The
report says : " A small porticsn of a building is
set aside for hospital purposes, containing,
perhaps, forty bunlcs. The conveniences are
very crude, the bunks being in double tiers,
m.\de out of plain pine boards, with mattresses
of burlap stuffed with straw ; each patient is
supplied with a blanlcet. I'here was no
doctor living at the camp, a civilian from the
city of Flensljurg making periodical visits
and being smnmoned by telephone whenever
an emergency arises. The immediate care of
the sick is intrusted to prisoners who have
been roughly trained in this work."

The supply of blankets would seem to have
been quite inadequate, and the medical atten-
tion in striliing contrast to the regulations in
force in England, where a resident medical
o Ticer formed part of the staff of each place of
internment. Siider-Zollhaus was tv\elve miles
from Flensburg.

As this camp is supposed to be a vv-orking carnp, it
se;ras to me that only prisoners who are physically fit
tu do the work should bo quartered here. Cripples and
m ni who are sick or are not physically fit for the work

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR

2G5

DOBERITZ: SOME OF THE BRITISH PRISONERS

IN THE CONCENTRATION CAMP AT MUNSTER.
British prisoners taking compulsory exercise.

2C.6

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

THE FRENCH VICTORY IN CHAMPAGNE: SOME OF THE

required of them should not be retained m a camp of this
type. In the so-called hospital were probably thirty
patients at the time of my visit. Of these six were
British. Ono of them had been there for a month with
an attack of dysentery. His condition was jjitiable —
nothing more than s]:in and bone, and very weak.
Although he received modicinal treatment* there was
no effort made to give him special diet, which he sadly
needed. I obtained the promise of the commandant
that he would be immediately transferred to the military
hospital in Flensburg. 'J'he other ca<5es were those
witli a dropsical condition of the extremities due to a
weak heart. There had been, I was given to under-
stand, several cases of this cardiac trouble which had
developed previously in the camp. There was one
British prisoner who was still suffering from the effects
of frost-bite of toes. JMen in such poor physical
condition have no business being quartered in such
an encampment. They are in need of sfiecial
diet and careful nursing, and should either be trans-
ferred to some hospital or returned to the parent camp
at Gustrow.

"Cy the Hague Regulations, when the work
Ls done for the State, payTi:ient inust be ntade
at rates proportional to those paid for similar
work when executed by soldiers of the national
arjTiy, or, if no such rates are in force, at rates
proportional to the work executed. When
the work is for other branches of the pubUc
service, or for private persons, the rates are to
be fixed in agreentent with the mihtary autho-
rities. In Britain inilitary prisoners, and
civilians if thev volunteered, were, when used,

paid at the same rates as British soldiers doing

similar work. The position in G.ermanj'- is

best indicated in the American Official Report

on Siicler-Zollhaus :

There is no stated scale of wages for those employed
at work in tho fields. I should say that the average
labourer received about 30 pfennige per diem for his
work. The British do not accept any payment for work
done. They say that their Government pays them while
they are prisoners of war and they think that if they
accept anything from any German individual their pay
from their Government will be forfeited. The work which
these prisoners do is for private individuals, i.e., tho
farmers of the surrounding neighbourhood.

Under the Hague Regulations the wages of
prisoners must be used for the purpose of
improving their position, and the balance
paid to them on their release, " deductions on
account of the coat of maintenance excepted."

The camp of Friedrichsfeld on the Lower
Rhine, near Wesel, was typical of the majority
of those holding prisoners of war. It was
a mighty camp, and in May, 1915, it held
20,000 prisoners, of whom rather fewer than
300 were British. Probably the best description of
the camp itself is that contained in the report of
the American representative who inspected it :

The dwelling shacks are all alike, about 200 feet long
by 50 feet wido. and not more than 15 feet in height.
They are solidly built enough, but they are roughly put

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR,

2€7

TWENTY-THOUSAND UNWOUNDED GERMAN PRISOiNERS.

together and finished, and they Jook uncomfortably low.
Each of them is designed to house 750 prisoners, and is
divided in tho middle by a wall without doors. Against
either side of this wall there is a room for non-com -
itiissioned officers, and at either end of the building there
is a room for a barber or tailor, etc. Bunks fill the
remaining space in each shack. They are ranged across
the floor in sets of twenty-five or more, with a low
partition behind them on which there is a shelf and a
place for hanging clothes. The bunks are small and
close together, and are not separately detachable from
theflooi'.

Perhaps because of their shape the shacks give the
impression of being overcrowded and of being unfitted
for very hot or very cold weather. By calculation
they provide for more than five cubic metres of space per
inmate. The air in them was good, but, on account of
the width of the buildings, their windows do not give a
great deal of light. . . .

The Idtchens are housed in small shacks of theii" own
and were simple and clean, easy of access and egress,
and not very different from one another. In each of
them there were three large cauldrons over separate fires,
all necessary utensils, and their floors were ol brick or
concrete. The latrines are ranged along one edge of the
camp, 100 yards distant from any other building. They
are identical as to design and structure, and contain a
long room with two inclined benches in it, and a lu-inat-
ing room. They can accommodate about forty men each;
are cleaned and disinfected daily, and were free from
pronounced odour. They will not become a source of
annoyance in hot weather, but they are somewhat
distant for night use, notwithstanding the fact that the
dwelling shacks are never locked.

In many camps the shades were looked at
night, necessitating the calling of a sentrj^

when men desired to leave them. Many of the
camp brutahties arose from the annoyance of
tlie guard on theae occasions. The report
continues :

The most striking thing about the Friedrichsfeld camp
is the pace at which it is being improved by the interned.
S\irface drainage is being completely done away with,
concrete ducts and water troughs are being built, gardens
are being laid out and embellished, electric wires near
woodwork are being encased in tubes, shacks are being
bettered internally, etc. The prisoners have initiated
little of this work, but they have almost complete charge
of its execution. There is still room for further im-
provement, of course, but the camp is already in very
fair shape, and its further improvement lies largely in
the hands of the prisoners themselves. This applies
especially to housing conditions, for beyond the standard
of cleanliness fixed by their warders, prisoners can
clean their dwelling shacks as much as they like.

The out}>reak of war saw no general intern-
ment or even ill-treatment of British civilians
in Germany. In isolated onuses only \^as violence,
and, in some instances, murder resorted to.
Of such was the murder of Henry Hadley. The
following report was officially furnished by the
German Government on April 17, 1915 :

The British subject, teacher of languages Henry
Hadley, behaved most suspiciously in every respect
during his trip in the corridor train from Berlin leaving
at 1.25 p.m. to Cologne on August 3, 19U, in company
of his housekeeper, Mrs. Pratley,

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

In the first place, he gave the conductor to iiiulerstand
by shrugging his shonlder?, ^vhen he was asked how far
ho was tra\'elling wlien the train \va,5 leaving Berlin,
that ho could not speak German, while the conductor
heard him :?peaking German several limes. Further he
talked with his companion several times in. foreign
languages. While in the dining car Hadley had acted
in a conspicuous and impolite manner and also had an
excited dispute with a waiter. Finally he made, accord-
ing to the conductor's statement on oath, ironical
remarks and gestures regarding passing officer^'.

The conductor drew the attention of First Lieutenant
Xicolay, who was in the same train, to the stj'anger,
whereupon First Lieutenant Xicolay watched Hadley
from the corridor. As the train approached Gelsenkir-
chen, Hadley came to the conductor, who was standing
with First Lieutenant Xicolay, and asked him whether
this station was Cologne, First Lieutenant Nicolay
asked Hadley where he intended to travel to. Hadley
replied, *' Well, I think to Paris," which caused Fir^^t
Lieutenant Xicolay to remark that it was remarkable
that he (Hadley) did not know whejo he desired to
travel. Hadley, who was listening, overheard this, and
began a conversation with the conductor. First Lieu-
tenant Nicolay forbade the conductor to answer, and
the conductor informed the stranger to this e0ect,
Hadley told the conductor in German that the officer
had no right to command him {the conductor), where-
upon the conductor answered that under these cir-
cumstances the officer was his superior. First Lieutenant
Nicolay now blocked Hadley's way by stretching out hi-^
arm?, and told him in English that ho was not to leave
tho train, letting him know at the same time that he
was a Prussian officer. But as Hadley assumed an
a;igrfssive attitude. First Lieutenant \icolav called

' Hands up " several time, in German and Kngli-ih.
Hadley paid no attention, but raised his sticks so that
First Lieutenant Nicolay was led to expect an actual
attack, and' he called again, " Hands up or I shall
shoot." He thereupon fumbled with his hands under
his waistcoat, saying that he was a British subject.
As First Lieutenant Nicolay believed that the stranger
intended to bring out a weapon and use it against him,
ho fired at him, in order to be first. Thereupon Hadley
\vas taken to the door and on to tho platform by tho
people who were present, resisting with all his might ;
at tho station First Lieiitenant Xicolay handed over
Hadley and his companion to two civil police offjcials.
Hadley, who was brought into a hospital and placed
under doctor's care, died on August 5, 1914, at 3.15 a.m.,
in consequence of the wo\ind caused by the bullet.

Court-martial proceedings were instituted against
Captain Nicolay, as he now is, for killing Hadley which
proceedings wero discontinued upon the completion of
the investigation of the case.

This dastardly murder of an unarmed civilian
occurred on August 3, the day before the
declaration of war.

But outrage, tliough not unknown, was not
general. British citizens, wJiilst bound to re-
port themselves to the pohcC; were not inter-
fered with, though their movements were
restricted. Following upon the increased strin-
gency of t}ie British Government in deahng with
alien civihans, the German Press commenced a

FRENCH TENDING THEIR OWN WOUNDED AND ENEMY PRISONERS.

French wounded on their way to entrain for hospital, and, on the left, German wounded prisoners

waitirg to be conveyed to a base hospital.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

269

AFTER THE FRENCH VICTORY IN CHAMPAGNE.

German officers who were discovered by the French hidden awav in cellars and dug-outs. They were

conveyed by motor-'bus to the French headquarters.

campaign oalling for " reprisals " against the
British subjects in Germany. An article, en-
titled " The Persecution of Germans," appeared
in the Frankfurter Zcilung, which said :

The Government has caused thousands of Germans
and Ausirians, who have committed not the smallest
offence, to be arrested, in order to bring them into the
terrible concentration camps in which Germans, declared
to be prisoners of war, are interned. The disgusting
nature of these places scandalously defy all sanitary
requirements. . . . One must assume that the condition
of these camps is known to the Government. But the
Government has made no changes, and if it now throws
further thousands into them, the object no doubt is
similar to that pursued by a former British Government
in the internment of Boer women and children. It is
desired to take vengeance upon Germany for defending
herself with all her strength against England, and for
winning victories, and although that may not have been
the primary intention, the Knglish have no doubt the
miserable idea that it does England no harm if a few
thousands perish in these camps They are only
Germans.

The article then deals with the possibility of
espionage, and denies that any real fear existed
in England :

If the British Government does not stop persecuting
shamelessly the Germans who are in its power, it becomes
necessary to show this Government plainly that Germany
is both able and willing to reply with reprisals of equal
severity. The English subjects may then become
conscious that they owe the deterioration in their position

to those same Ministers of his Majesty of Great Britain
who, like mad gamblers, plunged England and Europe
into this terrible war, and who are now not content to
fight the war by military means between State and
State, but extend hatred and destruction to spheres and
to persons that, in the spirit of International Law, ought
to remain protected from the violence of war.

Almost every paper contained " interviews "
and accounts, true or apocryi^hal, of the con-
ditions in the intermnent camps of England.
The German Government yielded, and the first
general internment of British civilians com-
menced in the first week of November, 1914.

The interning was done in a wholesale, system-
atic, thorough and German manner. Though
small bodies were scattered in various gaols and
camps throughout Germany, the majority of
civilians ^\ere interned at Ruhleben, near
BerUn. The camp, wliich was situated on a
large trotting track, soon contained about 4,000
British subjects. The prisoners, \\ho were of
all ages, social classes, and conditions of health,
were lodged in the yards, stables and grand-
stand of the racecourse.

Of Rulileben it is peculiarly difficult to write,
as the conditions were in a constant flux, though
\Yith a steady tendency towards improvement.

27U

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR

Under the regime of Count Soliwerin —
described by one prisoner as a " kindly man " —
and Count Taube, the " patience and devotion "
ol' both of whom the American Ambassador
jiraised in tlie warmest terms — the camp grea.tly
improved.

Tn tlic earlier days the horse-boxes, some
Kl ft. 0 in. -^^ide, were made to house six people,
uhilst the lofts were also grossly overcrowded.
For bedding a very limited supply of straw ■nas
jjrovided. The stra^\' was simply strewn on the
damp concrete floors of the horse-boxes, and,
trodden and damp, soon became unwholesome
and verminous. A little later, sacks were pro-
vided into which the damp straw was placed
and mattresses made. Apparently only one
blanket was provided. Xo proper washing or
sanita.ry arrangements existed. There were
only two taps for each stable, which acconmio-
dated over 300 men. The latrines for the use
of the prisoners were at a considerable distance
from the stables. There were no baths except
a shower bath, which \\'as situated some
^^ay froni the camp. All prisoners were roused
at b a.ni. , and, after " dressing," had to go more
than 500 yards to get their morning coffee.
Everj'one had to go to l:)ed at 8 p.m., with
" lights out " at 9 p.m.

The lofts and stables, which %^'ere dark and
cold during the day, were cold, clammy and un-
ventilated at night. I'articularlj' when the age
of many of the prisoners, the variety of the
social classes, and the fact that a very large
portion of the British population in Germany
was there solely for reasons of health, Kuhleben,
jiarticularly in its early days, was a disgrace

not only to the civilization, but to the humanity
of CJcrmany.

l^argely in consequence of the efforts of the
.American Ambassador unprovements were
gradually introduced. New barracks, which
improved the conditions and relie-v-ed the over-
crowding, were gradually erected, recreation
groimds provided, new and better latrines con-
structed, some hundred persons removed to
sanatoriiuns, and a similar number released.
The gi-eatest improvement of all, hoM-ever, was
the formation of a prisoners' cominittee, into
whose hands a large part of the internal camp
management -was placed. Life then became
tolerable in Rulilebcn.

Unfortunately, ^^hilst their removal to a
sanatorium did something to relievo the conges-
tion in Ruhleben, it did little to benefit the
patients. The sanatorium belonged to one
Weiler, and those patients who were unable to
pay for themseh-es were supported by the
Britisli Govermnent. As late as November IG,
1915, the American Embassy reported on the
main building of the sanatorium, Nussbaum
AUee, " we found here, as in the house on
Akazicn-Allee, that there was no effort made to
segregate communicalile disease. ]n a pre-
vious visit the attention of the authorities was
called to cases of tuVjercnlosis and a suggesticn
made that they be removed from the immediate
association with those not so afflicted. No
effort to do this has yet been made, nor does
there appear any likelihood of it being done."

The report adds : " Tliis last visit has con-
vinced us more than ever that the proprietor
of this sanatoriiun cares more for peciuiiary

UNDER ALGERIAN CAVALRY ESCORT.
Cavalry attached to the French Army bringing into a base town German prisoners from West Belgium.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

■271

GERMAN PRISONERS IN FRANCE.

Outside a farmhouse in the Champagne.

Inset : Sweeping the roads in the North of France.

gain than the humanitarian side of liis
work."

Of the man Weiler it is nmiecessary to say
more. The vital fact reniains that these sick
civilian prisoners of %%ar, the cost of \\Iiose
maintenance was not even borne by tlio
German Go\'ermnent, were kept interned in
this sanatorium under the surveillance of and by
the orders of that Government. It is well that
such an indictment is laid in the official docu-
ments of a neutral Power, for the history of
captivity must, before this war, be traced far
back before a similarly authentic and repulsi\-e
incident can be found. The history of civiliza-
tion is the debtor of the American people.

In England the German prisoner was housed
either on ships or in the usual land camp. The
ships, about which a great outcry arose in
Germany, were principally looked upon as
winter camps, as it was easier to keep them
warm and comfortable than those ashore. The
principal defect lay in the limited acconunoda-
tion which they provided for exercise. This

defect was felt more acutely in those ships in
which military prisoners were mterned. In
fact, the ships had distinct advantages in the
case of civilians, particularly owing to the ease
with which the authorities were enabled to
separate the various classes. For a small extra
pajTnent the wealthier prisoners could obtain
the use of a cabin.

The British Govermiient having given the
U.S. Ambassador at Berlin permission to
appoint any person to inspect prison camps in
England, he thereupon gave the German Foreign
Office the choice of selecting any member of
his Embassy staff for that purpose. Tlie

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

German Foreign Office selected Mr. J. B.
Jackson, former American Minister to
Cuba and Eomnania. jMr. Jackson, having
been a Secretary of the American Embassy at
Berlin for a period of about eleven years, and
having been responsible for the irtopection of
a large number of prison camps in Germany,
^vas both well linown to the German Govern-
ment and well qualified for the task.

Mr. Jackson received a general passport,
which empowered him to visit all prison camps
in England \\ithout being previously announced.
Ho was also pennittcd to converse freely with
the prisoners without any other person being
present.

In April, 1915, Mr. Jackson reported that he
had been able to inspect nine sliips and thirteen
other places in which German prisoners of war
were interned. Approximately there were
400 officers (including a few Austrians), 6,500
soldiers and naval sailors, and between 19,000
and 20,000 merchant sailors and civilians
(German and Austrian) interned on February 1,
1915. Probably less than one-third of the
total number of Gerinan subjects or persons of
German birth in the United Kingdom were
interned, and many of those interned had no
wish to return to Germanv. Besides seafaring

persons there were a considerable nuinber of
boys under 17 and men over 55 who wore
interned, but in every case wliich came to his
attention note had been taken of the fact by
the local commandant and reported to the
authorities, with a view to repatriation, except
V here inen had no 'n ish to bo sent to Germany.

He heard of no cases where women were
interned. Wherever he went he was granted
CA'cry facility to see all that there was to be
seen and to converse freely with the prisoners
without any kind of control or supervision.
On two occasions he lunched with the German
officers, no British officer or soldier being
present. The officers were under practically
no supervision so long as they remained within
the camps themselves, and there was no direct
contact between them and the British officers
and soldiers, except when they left the barbed
wire enclosure.

The German fatigue and police work was
done by the prisoners themselves.

An investigation of Frith Hill Camp,
Frimley, near Aldershot, by an independent
American showed that " the prisoners run their
own little republic under their non-com-
missioned officers, who are respoiLsible to the
military authorities. They have their own

GERMAN OFFICERS.
Officers captured by the French from the Army of the Crown Prince.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

273

FRENCH PRISONERS IN GERMANY
Lined up for inspection. Centre and bottom
pictures : Erecting barbed-wire enclosures in which
they are confined,

police, even their secret police." This organi
zation of secret police has a characteristically
Teutonic flavour.

In continuation, Mr, Jackson reported that
opportunities were given for exercise, but that
it was not obligatory, although all prisoners
were compelled to spend certain hours every
day outside their sleeping quarters.

Up to the date of Ixis report very little had
been done to provide occupation or employ-
ment for interned prisoners, military or civil.
Soldiers and sailors were allowed to wear civilian
clothes when they had no uniforms, and
civilians were provided with blankets, shoes
and clothing of all kinds by the British Govern-
ment when they had no means to purchase
such articles. Soap was provided, but towels,
tooth paste, brushes, etc., usually had to be
provided by the prisoner himself, or through
the American Embassy in London on account
of the German Goverrunent. Books printed
before the outbreak of the war were permitted
in English and other languages, and English
newspapers after January, 1915. I^he regula-
tions relating to the receipt of parcels, letters

tr . .Ai'.jis^di:

274

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

275

and money and for outgoing correspondence
were similar to those in Germany.

An interesting sidelight on the food supplied
in British prison camps was shown by the
infinitesimal number of parcels received, whilst
the number of parcels containing food and
clothing which were sent to Germany momUed
week by week, and ultimately achieved colossal
proportions.

]Mr. Jaclcson then adds that in certam cases the
right to receive correspondence was suspended
as pvmishment for breaches of discipline, sucli
as the receipt or transmission of clandestine
letters, or the attempt to send letters through
bottles thrown from the prison ships.

The food supplied to prisoners ' was practi-
cally the ration of the British soldier, and
seemed to be generally satisfactory, both as
regards quality and quantity, though there
were a considerable number of individual
complaints, mostly concerning the monotony
of the difet — there was too much beet and too
little pork ; white bread instead of brown ;
and not sufficient fresh vegetables.

The free use of tobacco was permitted every-
where, and in most of the camps visits were
permitted. In general the hospital arrange-
ments were jarimitive, but appeared to be suffi-
cient, and the health of the camps had been
good.

The officers without exception told Mr.
Jaclison that they had always been treated
lilie officers and honourable men by the English
soldiers, and many of the German soldiers told
him of instances where they had been protected
by the English from assaults by the mob on
their way through France. From the civilians,
however, there were many complaints, espe-
cially from those who had been taken from
neutral ships or had been arrested in the
Colonies, as to the mamier of ' their arrest and
their treatment before being brought to the
detention camps.

Mr. Jackson's rcjiort made a noteworthy

conclusion :

On the whole the present treatment seems to be as
iiood as could be expected under the circumstances.
Q'he new camps are all better than the older ones, and
everywliere there seemed to be an intention to improve
on e.xisting conditions. Lack of organization and pre-
paration would account for most of the haidships which

* The rations which were issued free consisted of ; —
Bread, 1 lb. 8 oz., or biscuits 1 lb. ; meat, fresh or
frozen, 8 oz., or pressed, 4 oz. ; tea, i oz., or coffee, 1 oz. ;
palt, i oz. ; sugar, 2 oz. ; condensed milk. 1-20 tin ( 1 lb. ) ;
fresh vegetables, 8 oz. ; pepper, 1-72 oz. ; 2 oz. cheese
to be allowed as an a,lternati\e for 1 oz. butter or mar-
garine ; 2 oz. of peas, beans, lentils, or rice.

prevailed at first. Absolutely nowhere did there seera
to be any wish to make the conditions any harder or
more disagreeable for the prisoners than was necessary,
and I saw no instance, and heard of none, where any
prisoners had been subjected either to intentional
personal annoyance or undeserved discipline.

This report, which has been cjuoted at such
length on account both of the interesting
character of its contents and the Linimpeaoh-
able cliaracter of its author, relates that all
prisoners on board the ships were locked
below decks at night, and that this caused
some nervousness among them owing to the
apprehension of clanger from Zeppelins.

Tlie International Red Cross Association in
Geneva appointed Professor Eduard Naville
and M. Victor van Berchem to visit and inspect
the various prison camps in the United King-
dom. In February', igi,'), they reported that

ON THE EASTERN FRONT.
An Austrian officer under cross-examination.

out of the 10,000 German officers and men
who were prisoners in England, not one was
cUssatisfied with his food or treatment.

The prisoner had only to make representa-
tion that his clothes or boots were tattered or
insufficient, and he recei%'ed \\hat he required.
Unlike those in France and Germany, the
prisoner in Britain was not in any way dependent
for his clothing upon supplies provided from
his own countrj-.

In an interesting report * on the prison
camp at Holyport, Mr. T. E. Steen, a
Norwegian, says : " AA'e passed through a
nmnber of lai-ge well-furnished rooms. In
the largest we found some fifty prisoners,
smoking, chatting, or reading. In the centre

* The Times. Januarv 29, 191.5.

270

THE TIMES! HISTORY OF THE WAR.

ALLIED PRISON
Russian, Belgian, French and British

was a large Christmas-tree, which gave a
piotviresque and gay note to the room. In the
large dining-rooin I saw on the wall the German
flag spread out with a freedom which went far
to prove the broadminded spirit of the British."

Similar toleration \\as occasionally shown in
Germany. In the camp at Hameln the pri-
soners made a flov^er-bed representing the
Allied flags. In this camp " the great
majority of the prisoners . . . .spoke well of
the w-arders and especially of the Comman-
dant."

\A'hen leaving Hol3'port Mr. Steen asked the
(German) colonel whether he had any com-
])laint to make, and received a reply in the
negative. The colonel added : " The English
are very kind. I tell my people in Germany of
their kindness in every letter I write . .
everywhere the English seem intent on pro
viding their prisoners with comfortable and
healtlijr accommodation. And as to the food
it is the same as that provided for the soldiers
and it is a well-known fact that no soldier i.-
better fed than those of the King of England.'

From the earliest clays the British authorities
endeavoured to enlist the cooperation of the
prisoners in the conduct of the camp.

By .Time, 1915, the American Ambassador
in Berlin was able to report that, except with
regard to the confinement on board ships,
which was still a sore point, " the German
military authorities have now satisfied them-

ERS IN GERMANY,
flanked by an Algerian and a Senegalese

selves that German prisoners in England are
being treated as well as the conditions permit."

In May, 191.5, the Budget Committee
of the German Reichstag, ignoring the
conditions prevalent in German prison
camps, declared itself shocked at the " bru-
talities " to which German prisoners in Russia
" w'ere exposed."

Russia, with her vast distances, her scanty
means of intercommunication, solved the diffi-
culties surroimcUng the care of prisoners chai ac-
teristically.

The great bulk of her unwounded prisoners
were removed to Siberia and billeted on the
population. During the winter months the
prisoners were conveyed to their destination
in well-warmed trains. On arriving, the
prisoners were supplied with clothing suit-
able to the climate. The attitude of the
Russian authorities towards their charges was
^\■ell shown by the official Proclamation issued
by the Governor of the province of Akmolinsk,
in wliich many prisoners were detained. A por-
tion of the proclamation was in the following
terms :

The Russian people have too nohle a soul for them to
be cruel to those in misfortune. Peasants .' Receive
not the prisoners sent to you as your enemies. Have
consideration for others' sorrows. Our great ruler, His
Imperial Majesty, has relieved them from enforced
labour ; and they are permitted to enter into work
by voluntary agreement. Peasants ! By institutinij
friendly relations with the prisoners, but not oppressing

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

277

them, you will meet oa their part a readiness to be
friendly and helpful to you.

Perhaps the most interesting statement on

Russian hospitals which appeared during the

war was the letter from an exchanged invalided

prisoner given on November 10, 1915, in the

Vienna Arbeiter Zeitung, This prisoner, who

had lost his leg by amputation, had experience

•of no fewer than eight hospitals in Stanislau,

Solimertnka, Tscher, Kassy, Kiev, Moscow,

Jaraslow and W . The letter is here given,

with both its praise and blame, and without

comment of any kind. After stating that

*' conditions varied in each Russian military

hospital," it says ;

Practically the treatment of the wounded depends on
those to whom they are handed over, or those who
deliver them up. . . .

To speak truthfully, I must admit that on the whole
in Russia no di_fference is made between prisoners and
Russians, hospital trains are well arranged and the
nursing is better than in hospital,

I should like here at once to correct the very general
impression that Russian doctors are too ready to ampu-
tate, that they, as has been asserted, would rather
amputate at once — that if. at least not right in all cases.
For instance, I know a case, a North Bohemian, severely
wounded in the lower part of the thigh, who repeatedly
begged Russian doctors at five places to remove his leg ;
they did not do it, and I can testify that before 1 parttd
with him he had once more been operated on and was
then bimself convinced that his leg could be saved.
One of the worst evila is that wounded prisoners, as in
my case, were dragged from one hospital to anoblier.
That may partly be caused by the immeixse distances

that have to be traversed to reach the interior of Russia.
For example, we travelled three nights and two daya
from Kiev to Moscow. That ia not only harmful for
the recovery of the wounded, but it has also the result
that prisoners can hardly ever hear from their belongings
and especially that no money reaches them. By the
time letters or money reach them the wounded have
gone on to the second, or a third hospital. . . .

Food in the hospitals, unless one is especially fastidious
is quite sufficient.

The hospital attendants consist mostly of good natured,
if not very intelligent folk. It is at first unpleasant that
the orderly uses no handkerchief and seldom a towel.
He rises early, quickly washes, and not having a towel,
dries himself on his far too wide and soiled blouse.
There, too, he cleans his nose and immediately afterwards
with the hands which he has used for this purpose, ha
distributes bread and sugar I One only notices that at
the beginning ; later on one gets used to it.

Once we were four weeks without clean body Hnen ;
the consequence was — vermin.

The nursing sisters perform their duties conscientiously.

AUSTRIANS IN RUSSIA.
Prisoners arriving in Petrograd. Inset : Round a camp fire.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Their position towards doctors and patients is much more
independent than with us.

The largo number of medical men in every Russian
ho-spital astonished me. Nowhere was a lack of doctors
to be noticed. Certainly the majority were not genuine
doctors, who had studied at a University, but army
doctors (Feldscherer), in the interior generally students,
but still intelligent people. In most cases well educated,
and especially fairly experienced in tho treatment of
wounds. The doctor generally leaves the whole work
to them — himself reading newspapers, and only appearing
when called by the assistant to notice some case. But
there are also hospitals where the assistant may not bind
the wound until instructed by his doctor. But these
hospitals are in tho minority. Also the doctors, qualified
and unqualified, are mostly hvunane towards the prisoners
— at least as conscientious as towards their own country-
men. On the other hand, the necessary furnishings are
often lacking in the hospital. Of all the towns in whose
hospital I waSj Kiev and Moscow were the only ones
possessing Rontgen apparatus, and so the medicos have
to do without the right renuisites. . . .

Many were tho devices for whiling away the
hours — all the time-worn schemes of prison
liistory. In most of the camps games such as
football were permitted, in" a few tennis was
allowed, the courts being laid largely by the
labour, and usually at the expense, of tho
prisoners. Of the maldng of knicknacks there
was no end, the Russian excelling all others in
this. Then concerts and theatrical per-
formances, even Shakespeare was essayed, the
most delicately featured and complexioned of

the prisoners being cast for the female parts.
It was often asserted that if you kept your eyes
away from the boots the illusion w-as complete.
Probably the most anibitious attempt was a
" Kevue in Eight Episodes," entitled " Don't
Laugh ! " given in Ruhleben in May, 1915,
complete with Lyrics, Prologue, Episodes, and
Beauty Chorus.

" The Kuhleben Song," in particular, was a
great success :

Oh, we're roused up in the mormng, when the day is

gently dawning,
And we're put to bed before the night's begun.
And for weeks and weeks on end we have never seen a

friend,
And we've lost the job our energy had won.
Yes, we've waited in the frost, for a parcel that got lost,
Or a letter that the postmen never bring.
And it isn't beer and skittles, doing work on scanty

victuals.
Yet every man can still get up and sing :
Choriw,

Line up, boys, and sing this chorus

Shout this chorus all you can ;

We want the people there,

To hear in Leicester Square,

That we're tho boys that never get downhearted.

Back, back, back again in England,

Then we'll fill a flowing cup ;

And tell 'em clear and loud of the Ruhleben crowd

That always kept their pecker up.

February, 1915, saw the commencement of an
interesting experiment in German prison camps.

ON THE EASTERN FRONT.
A group of Russians captured by the Germans.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

279

RUSSIAN PRISONERS AT WORK.

Unloading potatoes. Bottom : Marching through
a Polish village.

The American branch of the Y.]\I.C.A. extended
its sphere of operations, Gottingen and Altcn-
grabow being first attacked. A building was
erected at Gottingen with rooms for prayer,
for reading, for concerts and lectures,
equipped vnth a library of English, French
and Russian books, pianos, blackboard,
maps and pictvu-es. The building was erected
by the men themselves. Never was labour
more willingly given. At the opening ceremony,
on April 15, one of the prisoners of war called
the new building " Our Home," and many a
head bent low when one of the Camerons,
with a high tenor voice, sang, "Be it ever so
humble, there is no place like home."

In any account of the life of prisoners in
the Great War mention must be made of the
work done by prisoners' help organizations.

In England this necessary work lay at first
in the hands of individuals, or separate organi-
zations. In March, 1915, the War Office
sanctioned the appointment of a Prisoners of
War Help Committee with an executive council,
consisting of Sir Charles Lucas, (chairman),
Mr. Rowland Berkeley (hon. treasm-er), Lieut.-
Colonel C. J. Fox, Mr. W. J. Thomas, Mr. N. E.
Watcrhouse, and Mr. B. W. Young (hon.
secretary). Increase in the faoiHties and
efficiency for dealing with prisoners, and the
prevention of overlapping and waste, were

amongst the principal duties of the Committee.
In order to make full use of local patriotism
and esprit de corps, the subsidiary organizations
were arranged on the regimental plan. The
interests of prisoners were placed in the care
of their regimental organizations, those of
native troops being in the care of the Indian
Soldiers' Fund. Although the regimental plan
possessed the inestimable advantage of using
intimate knowledge and sympathy for the
benefit of the prisoner, it was subject to one
grave disadvantage. Each regimental organi-
zation was primarily responsible for its own
finance.

Unfortunately the resources and the obliga-
tions of the different regiments varied. In
some cases regiments with a long list of wealthy
subscribers had had few men captured, whilst
in others, particularly so in the case of
many gallant Irish regiments, the losses had
been heavy, and the subscription lists were

'280

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

meagre and inadequate. The Prisoners of
War Help Committee dealt with the difficulty
in three ways. Any money or offers of help
received were handed over to the regimental
organizations whose needs were most pressing.
In addition to the regimental organizations
there were others, such as the Royal Savoy
Association, which were ready to deal with
any prisoner, civil or military, whose needs
were not otherwise provided for. Relief was
given to an overburdened organization by
apportioning some of its obligations to one of
these unattached associations.

Finally the Committee controlled the " adop-
tion " of prisoners by individual sympathizers.
Anyone desiring to help a prisoner otherwise
than by subscribing to an organization, could
" adopt " a prisoner. This plan worked excel-
lently in the hands of conscientious people,
but was always open to the defect that the
'' parents " might tire or become irregular in

their attention to the prisoner's needs. This
was a particularly grave offence, as weeks might
pass before either the regimental organization
or the Committee learnt what was happening.
During this time the prisoner was helpless and
his position deplorable.

By Article 16 of the Hague Regulations all
letters, money orders, valuables, and postal
parcels intended for prisoners of war were
exempt from all postal charges or import or
other duties. Whilst the British Post Ofifice
dealt with all packages not exceeding 1 1 lbs. in
weight, the Committee, immediately on its
formation, secured the services of the American
Express Company. This company, as a neutral
carrier having agencies throughout Germany,
had special advantages. All parcels for Ger-
many were sent via Rotterdam. On April 8
the number of packages handled was 23,
whilst on November 15 this had risen to 870,
weighing about 4J tons.

SERBS CAPTURED BY THE AUSTRIANS.

CHAPTER cm.

THE KING'S NEW ARMIES AND

THE DERBY RECRUITING

SCHEME.

The Aemy at Outbreak of War — Army Reserve and Territoriais — First Rush or Wab
Recruits — The Government's Call tor 100,000 Men — Formation op the New Armies
— Appeal for Another 100,000 Men — Sbpabation Allowances — Administrative Blunders
and Misunderstandings — The Policy of Secrecy — More Appeals and Raising of Age
Limit to Forty — Mr. I.loyd George and " Conscription " — The National Register and
" Pink Forms " — National Service Movement Revived — The Government and Labour —
Lord Derby as Director of Recruiting — The Derby Scheme — The Group System
— Unmarried Men First — The Derby Canvass — The King's Letter to His People —
Mr. Asquith's Pledges to Married Men — Armlets for the Attested — Fol-r Groups Called
Up in Januaby, 1916 — Results of the Derby Canvass — Cabinet Hesitations — The Cabinet
Adopts the Principle of Compulsion — Opinion in the Country.

THE outbreak of wax found the British
Army consisting of two different
parts, each self-contained. The
first-line Army, which provided the
so-called Expeditionary Force and the British
garrison in liidia and elsewhere abroad, was
composed of professional soldiers, who served
for twelve j^ears, part of the time (generally
seven years) with the coloars and the remainder
in the reserve. The periods devoted to the colours
and the reserve respectively varied according
to the arm of the Service. The old Militia
had been aboHshed and had been replaced by
the, Special Reserve, a force destined on mobi-
lization to maintain the fighting strength of
the Regular Army overseas. The second-line
Army was composed of the Territorial Force,
which had superseded the former Yeomanry
and Volunteers, and which had a complete
divisional organization analogous to that of the
Regidar Army. »

The strengt.hs of the Regular Army on
January 1, 1914, were as follows :

On Home and Colonial Establishment
On Indian Establishment

Total

Vol. VI.— Part 73.

156,110
78.476

234,586

The age limits for enlistments were from
18 to 25 (in some cases 30), and the height
standard varied from 5 feet 11 inches for
the Household Cavalry to 5 feet 2 inches for
the Royal Flying Corps.

The rates of pay on enlistment for the various
branches of the Regular .'Vrmy were the fol-
lowing. Lodging, uniform and kit were
provided free, but as much as 5Jd. a day might
be deducted for messing and wasliing. A con-
siderable increase was granted to men on

attaining proficiency.

Pay per week

s, d.

Household Cavalry ... ... ... ... 12 3

Cavalry of the Line ... ... ... ... 8 2

Royal Horse Artillery (gunners) ... ... 9 4

Royal Horse Artillery (drivers) ... ... 8 9

Royal Field Artillery ... 8 5J

Royal Garrison Artillery ... ... ... 8 5J

Royal Engineers ... ... ... ... 8 2

Foot Guards ... ... ... ... ... 7 7

Infantry of the Line ... ... ... ... 7 0

Royal Flying Corps (2nd Class Mechanics) 14 0

Royal Flying Corps (1st Class Mechanics) 28 0

Army Service Corps ... ... ... ... 8 2

Royal Army Medical Corps ... ... ... 8 2

The Army Reserve, consisting of the trained
Regular soldiers who had retm'ned to civil life
after service with the colours and remained

281

2S-2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE W4B.

LORD DERBY INSPECTING THE DOCKERS BATTALION.

liable to be called vip on general mobilization,
numbered on January 1, 1914, 146,756 men.

It was composed (1) of reservists who had
volunteered to come up, if called upon, to
complete to war establisliment vmits detailed
for a minor expedition, and who received 7s.
a week reserve pay ; (2) of reservists liable only
to be called up for general mobilization, and
who received 3s, 6d. a week reserve paj' ; and
(3) men wlio, after their twelve years' service,
had re-enlisted for a farther four years in the
reserve on the same terms as (2). They were
only to be called up after (1) and (2) had been
embodied. Reservists were liable to be called
out for twelve days' annual training or twenty
drills.

The Special Reserve consisted of a fixed
nimiber of battalions, representing an allot-
ment of one or more reserve battalioiLS to
every line battalion at home, in addition to
twenty-seven extra reserve Battalions for
fortress defence and lines of communication.
The tenn of enlistment \ias six years, and all
ranks were liable for foreign service in war.
Recruits were trained by a " regular establish-
ment " of officers posted to the depot, the
training consisting of an initial course of
five to six months with an annual training of
three to fovir weeks in every subsequent year of
the man's service. The war function of the
Special Reserve was to act as a feeder to its
battalion in the field, and to assist in the work
of coast defence. Belonging to it were three
regunents of cavalry, the " North " and the

" South " Irish Horse and King Edward's
Horse, which were not drafting reserves, but
service units resembling yeomanry. A special
reservist, while undergoing training, received
Regular pay, together with certain bounties.
The strength of the Special Reserve on
January 1, 1914, was 63,089, some 17,000
below its establishjnent.

The Territorial Force, with a period of
enlistment of four years, and a height standard
of 5 feet 2 inches and age limit of 17 to 35 in-
clusive, was onl}' liable for home service. When
the war came, however, a large proportion of
the Force volunteered for foreign service, and
was employed in the first instance on garrison
duties abroad, thereby releasing units of the
Regular Army for the front. The raising and
equipping of the Force was in the hands of
County Associations. Every man was liable to
attend camp for at least eight days in each year
miless excused, and to make liimself efficient
under a penalty of £5. In 1913 66 per cent, of
the Force attended camp for fifteen daj'S, and
23 per cent, for less than fifteen days. While in
camp a man received Regular pay and rations,
and a further sum of Is. per head per day was
allowed for additional messing piu-poses. On
January 1, 1914, the Territorial Force num-
bered 251,706, its establishment being 315,485.

It will thus be seen that, on paper at all
events, the British Army at home at the
outbreak of war numbered approximately
366,000 of the first line and 251,000 of the
second. To these must be added the National

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

283

Reserve, consisting on January 1, 1914, of
217,680 men, of whom a large proportion were
old soldiers and sailors fit either to take -their
place in the field or for garrison and adminis-
trative duty at home. Within a few weeks of
August 4, 1914, about 80,000 of the National
Reserve had joined the Regular Army.

With regard to officers, there were on the
establishment of the Regular Army before the
war about 10,600 offioers, who had either been
trained at the Royal BliUtary Academy, Wool-
wich, or at the Royal Military College, Sand-
hurst, or were University candidates trained
in the Officers Training Corps. In the case of
the Special Reserve and the Territorial Force,
officers were appointed either after service in
the Officers Training Corps or direct from
civil life. Tiie Officers Training Corps was
composed of senior division contingents belong-
ing to the Universities, and junior division con-
tingents belonging to the public schools. Tlie
total strength of the Officers Training Corps
was approximately 25,000, of whom about
5,000 were undergraduates of miUtary age
available for immediate service. The Terri-
torial Force contained about 9,500 officers.

The Expeditionary Force was originally
intended to consist of six divisions of infantry,
each of about 20,000 men, all ranks, and one
cavalry division, about 10. 000 all ranks. The

RECRUITING AT NORTHAMPTON.
Recruits receiving the King's shilling.

nmnber actually landed in France in the first
instance did not exceed 60,000 officers and
men.

With the outbreak of war came a reniarkaijle
rush of recruits to the colovirs. No better
evidence of England's unpreparedness for war
can be imagined than the complete lack of any
adecjuate provision for dealing with this rush.
During the first week of the war pathetic scenes
were to be witnessed at the recruiting stations.

RECRUITS OUTSIDE WHITEHALL RECRUITING OFFICE.

28!

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

LORD DERBY ARRIVING AT THE
WAR OFFICE.

After hours of weary waiting, sometimes in
heavy rain, it was no uncommon thing for as
many as 700 men to be left standing outside
one station alone when the doors %\"ere closed.
Nothing could exceed the enthusiasm of the
would-be recruits, who were occasionally so
eager in their desire to join the Army as to
require the services of mounted police to pre-
serve order. On August 10 it was reported
that 1,100 men had been enrolled in London
alone in the previous twenty-four hours, and
that 500 or 600 had been left over. Large
numbers of reservists appUed to extend or
renew their service. The City of London
Territorial units, with five or six exceptions,
had already been filled up to their full strength.
Veterans' corps throughout the country
accepted men between thirty-five and sixty.
Various irregular corps were being v^ell sup-
ported.

It will be remembered that on August 6
Lord Kitchener had been appointed Secretary
of State for War, and that on the same day
Mr. Asquith asked the House of Commona
to sanction an increase of the Amiy by
500,000 men. Next day an advertisement
appeared in the Press which, for the first time,
although this did not appear on the face of

it, contained an appeal for the formation
of what was to become the first of the new
Ai'inies. The advertisement ran as follows :

YOUR KING AND COUNTRY NEED YOU.
A CALL TO ARMS.
An addition of 100,000 men to his Majesty's Regular
Army is immediately necessary in the present grave
National Emergency.

Lord Kitchener is confident that this appeal will be
at once responded to by all those who have the safety
of our Empire at heart.

Age of enlistment between 19 and 30.

Old soldiers up to the age of 42 were also
acceptable.

On the same day, August 7, the Government
made clear its intention in a circular addressed
to the Lords-Lieutenant of counties and
chairmen of the Territorial Force County
Associations, which was published on August
10. The cvirious inability of the authorities
to come straight to the point which dogged
the steps of the voluntary system of recruiting
throughout the war was illustrated in this
circular by the fact that not until the last
paragraph did the War Office explain that

RECRUITING— OLD STYLE.
Before the war.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

285

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ROTHSCHILD'S BANK AS RECRUITING OFFICE.
Major Lionel de Rothschild, M.P. (X), and a number of recruits outside the bank in St. Swithins Lane, EC.

tills was " not an ordinary appeal from the
Army for recruits, but the formation of a
second Army." Tliis explanation was very
necessary, for, as a matter of fact, the appeal
was an invitation to the county authorities to
cooperate in the work of raising " the ad-
ditional number of regular recruits required at
once for the Army." Only gradually was it
made clear that the desired " addition of
100,000 men to His Majesty's Regular Army "
had nothing to do with the Territorial Force,
which was not to be responsible for their
clothing or equipment, nor with the existing
cadres of the Army, but was an entirely new
army altogether.

-As for the Territorial Force itself, it was not
to recruit over its establishment until the
100,000 men were forthcoming. Individuals
were to be permitted to transfer into the
new Armies, but the Force was not asked to
volunteer en masse for foreign service. Tn a
circular opening with a phrase which was later
to become only too familiar — " there seems to
be a certain amount of misunderstanding " —
Lord Kitchener desired the County Associa-
tions to divide the Force into two categories,
those able and willing to serve abroad and
those precluded " on account of their affairs "

from volunteering. By August 26, 69 whole
battalions had vohmteered. The first Terri-
torial regiment to be in the firing line was the
Northmnberland Yeomanry, which was in
action with the 7th Division on October 12.

Considerable difference of opinion existed in
military circles as to the wisdom of Lord
Kitchener's method of creating " his " army.
Many eminent officers, including Lord Roberts,
considered that he would have been better
advised if he had merely expanded the Terri-
torial Force, the cadres of which would have
provided a ready-made organization, and
which, without any serious dislocation, would,
while retaining its existing character, have been
enabled continually to throw off fresh divisions
for service abroad.

For whatever reason, the public was some
time in reahzing exactly what the official
appeal meant. Thus another " misunder-
standing " had to be disposed of by a War
Office announcement, which ran as follows :

It has been freely stated in the Press during the last
few days that " Lord Kitchener's new army of 100,000
men is to be trained for home defence." This is totally
incorrect. Lord ICitchener's new army of 100,000 men
is enlisted for general service at home and abroad, and
when trained to the proper standa,rd of efficiency will be
employed wherever their {sic) services may be most
required.

73—2

28ti

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

LORD DERBY,
Director-General of Recruiting.

[RiisselL

A considerable, though not a very remark-
able, increase of recruiting followed iirnne-
diately on the Government's appeal. The
country was in no sense a^\ake. _ Long years
of peaceful prosperity had produced a frame
of mind not easily to be moved, even by the
advertising campaign, as gigantic as it was
hmniliating, which was subsequently set on
foot by the joint Parliamentary Recruiting
Committee created, at the suggestion of the War
Oifioe, on August 31. More than a year,
indeed, was to elapse before the mass of the
people can be said to have become .i.live to its

[Elliott & Fry.

MR. ARTHUR HENDERSON,
Chairman .Toint Labour Recruiting Committee.

responsibilities. Meanwhile tliere were many
circimistanoes which tended to abate the early
flush of enthusiasm. Apart from the general
ignorance of wliat was happening, due to the
misguided obscurantism which from the first
characterised the Government's attitude to-
wards the public, the difficulties and dis-
couragements which faced those whose only
wish was to serve their country could not fail
to have an Lmfortunate result. Owing to the
complete unpreparedness of the War Office for
dealing with the flood of recruits — an unpre-
paredness wliich, in itself perfectly natural in

[Sii-aim.
MR. JOHN W. GULLAND,
Joint Chairman, Parliamentary Recruiting Committee.

[Elliott & Frv.

GENERAL SIR HENRY MACKINNON.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

287

LORD SYDENHAM, G.C.M.G.

(Chairman).

view of the fact that it was now receiving as
many recruits in a week as it had been accus-
tomed to receive in a year, was infinitely
accentuated by its incapacity to shake itself
free from tlie trammels of red tape which in
peace time checked initiative in every direction
— the mere process of enrohnent was com-
passed about by fatuous routine. In tliose
days the practice of merely attesting men and
allowing them to retui'n to theu: civilian
occupations until needed found no acceptance
with the .authorities. Hence the men, after
they had succeeded in enlisting, were huddled
together, often in the most insanitary conditions.

MR. CYRIL JACKSON

and, devoid of uniforms, rifles and equipment,
were set to make the best they could of cir-
cumstances of which the only redeeming
feature was their own mextinguishable
zeal.

An officer of the new army, himself a member
of one of the learned professions, has given a
lively description * of the difficulties which had
to be overcome. He believes, he says, that
his battalion, wliich was formed about Septem-
ber, 1914, and belonged to the second new
army, started with three officers, one a young

* The New Army in the Mahing. By
London . Kegan Paul

an Officer.

SIR GEORGE YOUNGER, MR. G. J. TALBOT. SIR FRANCIS GORE,

M.P. K.C. K.G.B.

COMMISSIONERS OF CENTRAL APPEAL TRIBUNAL.

a
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z

a:
U
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OS
So
a

a
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-J

288

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

289

Regular, and two straight from the Officers
Training Corps. Upon them fell the duty, one
wet night, of receiving about a thousand re-
cruits, nearly all quite raw, who were deposited
by train at the depot :

There were about 45 to 50 tents ready, bvit there were
no blankets, practically no arrangements for cooking,
and the new recruits had nothing but their civilian
clothes and their enthxisiasm. Think of it, you who have
managed a big office or factory, you who have organized
political campaigns or governed schools and colleges !
A thousand miscellaneous, unknown men, from every
class in society, from a hundred different trades, a
hundred different towns and villages, of whom a mere
handful had the least conception of military discipline,
and all of whom were glowing with the rather hectic
enthusiasm of patriotic self-sacrifice, and with the belief
that they were at once to set about killing Germans. . . .

In lata autumn and winter it raifted — cats and dogs —
and round the tin huts which had takeh the place of the
original tents the trampled earth turned into loose mud
a foot deep, with eccentric watercourses and oozy ponds
which made the camp intolerable.

No praise can be too high for those who, in
these miserable circiuTistances, stuck to their
work with patriotic fervour. It is in con-
ditions s\ich as these that the spirit of the
voluntary system finds its highest expression.
In spite of the many unsatisfactory featiu-es —
amounting in soine cases to a pressure lacking
little of compulsion but the name— which were
to characterize the final efforts of the volimtary
system, it must always be remembered that
this spirit enabled the men who enlisted during
the early period of the war to endure without
grumbling hardships such as no army recruited
under compulsory service would be called upon
to bear. England would have lasting cause to
be proud of these gallant fellows, even if they
had never proved their merit in the field.

On August 12 Lord Kitchener announced
that the response to fiis appeal " had enabled
him to decide on and define the framework to
be employed and to make all the necessary
arrangements for the infantry training."
(Curiously enough, this important decision,
which was essential to the proper distribution
of the troops, seemed to have been postponed
mitil after, instead of preceding, their enlist-
ment.) Six divisions were to be formed, each
consisting of three brigades, the battaUons of
which, as was announced five days later, were
to be additional battalions of the regiments of
the line, with numbers following consecutively
on the existing battalions of their regiments.
These divisions were to be known as the
Scottish, the Irish, the Northern, the Western,
the Eastern and the Light Division. The
Irish Division, consisting entirely of Irisfimen,
was to be stationed at the Curragh, the Western

Division on Salisbury Plain, the Eastern at
Shorncliffe, the Scottish and Light Divisions
at Aldershot. The station of the Northern
Division was still "under consideration."

By August 25 Lord Kitchener was able to
inform the House of Lords, on his first ap-
pearance as a Minister of the Crown, that the
100,000 recruits had been " already practically
seciu'ed." He added a note of warning :

I cannot at this stage say what will be the limits of
the forces required, or what measures may eventually
become necessary to supply and maintain them. The
scale of the Field Army which we are now calling into
being is large and may rise in the course of the next six
or seven months to a total of 30 divisions continually
maintained in the field. But if the war should be pro-

IP rlr

THE NATIONAL REGISTRA I ION.

Officials instructing the heads of families how to

fill up the forms.

tracted, and if its fortunes should be varied or adverse,
exertions and sacrifices beyond any which have been
demanded will be required from the whole nation and
Empire, and where they are required we are sure they
will not be denied to the extreme needs of the State by
Parliament or the people.

In commenting on Lord Kitchener's speech,
The Times pointed out that, proud as we might
be of the national spirit, the rest of the nation
had no right to shelter itself behind the sacri-
fices of those who, at the call of duty, had left
their businesses and homes to face, if need be,
the issues of life and death. , It urged that the
age limit of tliirty was too low, and that the
Continental nations were calling up men many
years older. It further drew attention to the
vast niunbers of young men who might serve

290

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

M. Marcel Samett, a French soldier from the trenches ; Sir Peter Stewart Bam and Miss Katie Botha,

C. W. Neimeyer, of the
APPEALING FOR RECRUITS IN

but wlio preferred to loaf at home " attending

cricket matches and going to the cinema — in

short, the great army of shirkers," and summed

up by declaring :

It IS a national scandal that the selfish should get off
scot free while all the hurden falls on the most public-
spirited section of our available manhood ; and if the
voluntary system can do no better it will have to be
clianged.

The fact of the matter was that, although
tlie men who were f(]ining forward were the

IN TRAFALGAR SQUARE.
Answering the call.

pick of the nation, both in physical fitnese and
in moral, the maintenance of the supply of
recruits, in view of the greatness of the emer-
gency, could not fail to arouse serious mis-
givings. A strong feeling in favour of com-
l^ulsory service began to manifest itself in those
organs of the Press which were unaffected by
party shibboleths. For the prevailing ignor-
ance which led, for example, to the impression
that, because the Government had asked for
100,000 men, only 100,000 were required, the
Goverrmient alone was to blame. The cohunrLS
of The Times at this period teemed with sug-
gestions from correspondents for the enlighten-
ment of the cottntry. The majoritj' of these
were carried otit in the course of the next
fifteen months, but at the moment they were
curtly dismissed by the Government whenever
questions relatuig to them were asked in the
House. Mr. Asquith, asked on August 20
nhsther the Government intended to introduce
a measm'e for compulsory service, replied that
the answer was in the negative, and referred
the inquirers to Lord Kitchener's speech.

On August 28 the first 100,000 men had
apjiarently been obtained, for the following
appeal for another contingent of the same size
was issued :

YOUR KIXG AND YOUR COUNTRY' NEED YOU.

Anoth1':r 100,000 Men Wanted.

Lord Kitchener is much gratified with the response
already made to the appeal for additional men for His
Majesty's Regular Army.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

291

niece of General Botha ; Mile. Marie Somers, a Belgian Red Cross Nurse from Antwerp ; Sergeant
First Canadian Contingent.
TRAFALGAR SQUARE, LONDON.

In the grave "Xational emergency that now confronts
the Empire, he asks with renewed confidence that
another 100,000 men will now come forward.
Terms of Service.
{Extension of Age Limit.)
Age of Enlistment, 19 to 35 ; Ex-Soldiers up to 45
and certain selected ex-Non-Commissioned Officers up
to 50. Height, 5 ft. 3 in. and upwards. Chest, 34 inches
at least. Must be medically fit.
General service for the war.

Men enlisting for the duration of the war will be
discharged with all convenient speed at the conclusion
of the war.

P.4Y AT Army Rates

and Married Men or Widowers with Children will be
accepted and will draw Separation Allowance under
Army conditions.

It will be noticed that the age limit was
now raised to thirty-five. Attention may also
be drawn to the appeal to married men.

On the same day Mr. Asquith, moved at
laat by the mass of evidence supplied by the
Press as to the ignorance and indifference of
the country, informed the Lord Mayor of
liOndon, the Lord Provost of Edinbtu-gli, and
the Lord Mayors of Dublin and Cardiff that
" the time has now come for combined effort
to stimulate and organize pubUc opinion and
public effort in the greatest conflict in which
our people has ever been engaged." He pro-
posed, as a first step, that meetings should be
held throughout the United Kingdont " at
which the justice of our cause should be made
plain, and the duty of every man to do his part
should be enforced."

The campaign was inaugiu'ated by an
invigorating meeting on September 4 at the

Guildhall, when Mr. Asquith rnade a stirring
speech, and was followed by Mr. Bonar I-aw,
Mr. Balfour and Mr. Winston Churchill.

Whether as the resu.lt of the campaign thus
set on foot, which rapidly spread throughout
the countrj', or, as is more probable, of the
publication of a list of nearly 5,000 casualties
and the return of wounded from the front,
the second 100,000 A\as enlisted far more

IN TRAFALGAR SQUARE.
Swearing-in a Recruit.

29-2

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAft.

rapkUy than the first. The following figures
for tlie London area were published :

August 26 .

. 1,723

August

31 .

. 1,020

27 .

. 1,650

September 1 .

. 4,600

28 .

. 1780

. 4,100

29 .

. 1,800

3 .

. 3,600

30 .

. 1,928

4 .

. 4,028

The physical difficulty of enlisting still
remained. A visit to several recruiting stations

VETERANS AS RECKUITING .SERGEANTS.

A Crimean hero addressing a meeting at the

village pump in a village in Somerset,

Inset : A Chelsea pensioner shaking hands with a

new recruit In London.

in London revealed groii[)s of men who had been
waiting their turn for six or eight hours.

The attitude of the trade unionist leaders at
this juncture was illustrated by a, manifesto
issued on September 3 l>y the Parliamentary
C'onunittee of the Trade Lmion Congress.
After expressing gratitude for the manner in
which the Labour Party in the House of Com-
mons had responded to the appeal made to all
political parties " to give their co-operation in
securing the enlistnient of men to defend the
iiaterests of their country," the manifesto
declared the conviction of the Committee

That ill the event of the vokintary system of miHtary
.ser\'ice fuilint^ the country in its time of need, the demand
for a national system of compulsory military ser\ice will
not only be made with redoubled vigour but may prova
to be so persistent and strong as to become irresistible.
The prospect of having to face conscription, with its
permanent and heavy burden upon the financial resources
of the country, and its equally biirdensome effect upon
nearly the whole of its industries, should in itself stimu-
late the manhood of the country to come forward in ita
defence, and thereby demonstrate to the world that a
free people can rise to the supreme heights of a great
sacrifice without the whip of conscription. . , ,

The mere contemplation of the overbearing and brutal
methods to which people have to submit under a Oovern-
ment controlled by a military autocracy — living as it

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

293

were, continuously under the threat and shadow of war
— should be sufficient to arouse the enthusiasm of the
nation in resisting any attempt to impose similar con-
ditions upon countries at present free from military
despotism.

Only a cynic or a neutral could find fault
with this characteristic expression of the
Englishman's love of freedom. The remainder
of the manifesto was equally characteristic, for
it drew the attention of the Govermnent to the
necessity of its taking, in retm-n for the perform-
ance of the citizen's duty, " a liberal and even
generous view of its responsibilities towards
those citizens who come forward to assist in
tho defence of their country." The Viasis of
tl'iis appeal for generous treatment of recruits,
" not so much for themselves as for those who
are dependent upon them," rested doubtless
on the Englislunan's natural love of home and
family, which he shrinks from leaving imlefs
he is assured that "they will be looked after
when he is .gone." And it is certain that many
hesitated to come forward from imcertainty
as to what might happen to those dejiendent
on them. The necessity, under tlie vohintary

CAPT. SIR HERBERT RAPHAEL, M.P.

Who joined the Sportsman Battalion as a private.

He was engaged in raising the 18th Battalion of

the King's Royal Rifles.

BRIGADIER-GENERAL OWEN THOMAS

(On right) with Mr. Lloyd George. General

Thomas, who raised many Welsh battalions, was

charged with the duty of raising a Welsh Army

under Lord Derby's scheme.

system, of rendering the duty of serving the
State less impalatable, as it were, to those who
undertake what, under compulsory service, is
regarded as a privilege is none the less extrava-
gant because it is inevitable.*

Meanwhile, in spite of the inability of many
employers to realize that the best way of
promoting their own interests was to contribute
nten to win the war^ — an obstacle to recruiting
so great that it called forth from Lord Kitchener
a special appeal — and in spite of defects
in organization which even the Under-
Secretary of State for War had to admit to the
House of Commons, the flow of men henceforth

* The separation allowance granted by the regulations
at this period of the war was 7s. 7d. a week to the wife
ond Is. 2d. a week for each ij;irl under 16 and each boy
under 14 years of age. Towards this a minimum of
3s. Gd. a week was contributed by the scldier from his
pay.

294

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

lor a. time increased. On Sefiteml^cr 10 Mr.
Asquitli, in asking the House to sanction an
increase of the Army by anotlier 500,000 men,
stated that, up to the e\'ening of the previous
day, " the number of recruits who have enlisted
ill the Army since the declaration of war —
that is, exclusive of those who have joined the
Territorial Force, is 438,000, practically 439,000. ' '
These figures, as also that of 33,204, which was
given as the total enlisted in the United King-
dona in one day (September 3), were accepted
Nvith complacency. But Mr. Asquith liastened
to add :

We do not think the tinie has come when we ought in
any way to relax our recruiting etiforts, and when people
tell me, as they do every day, " These recruita are coming
in by tens of thousands ; you are being blocked by
them, and you cannot provide adequately either for
their equipment or for their training," my answer is,
*' ^^'e shall want more rather than less ; let us get the
men. That is the first necessity of the ,State — let us get
the men." Knowing, as we all do, the patriotic spirit
which alway.s — now, of course, in increased emphasis
and enthusiasm — animates every class of the community,
I am perfectly certain they will be ready to endure hard-
ships and discomforts for the moment, if they are satisfied
that their services are really lequired by the State,
and that in due course of time tliey will be supplied
with adequate provision for training and equipment
and for rendering themselves fit for service in the
field.

The Prime Minister further announced that
men who had been attested, and for whom
there was no accommodation, were henceforth
to be allowed to return home until needed, at
3s. a day. The question of separation allow-
ances was " receiving our daily and constant
attention."

Lord Derby had proposed the same day that
the separation allowances given in the footnote
on page 293 should be raised to 10s. 6d. and
4s. 8d. respectively. Meanwhile, The Times
urged that payiuents should be made weekly
instead of monthly, as being more compatible
with the regvilar habits and customs of the
people. This very desirable reform was put into
force on October 1.

So " blocked " with recruits were the mihtary
authorities becoming, that on September 1 1
the height standard for all men other than
ex-soldiers enlisting in the infantry of the line
was raised to r> feet 6 inches. This step, however
necessary it may have appeared to the over-
burdened War Office, had an unfortunate
moral effect, for it produced the impression
that nrore men were not really needed after
all.

At this moment was announced the composi-
tion of the various armies into which the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

295

original first nev; Army
It was as follows :

had been expanded.

9th to 14th Divisions and Army Troops

15th to 20th Divisions and Army Troops ...

21st to 26th Divisions and Army Troops ...

27th to .32nd Divisions, of wliich the infantry

were to be selected from the dnpUcated

Reserve Battalions

New Army.

Ist

2nd

3rd

4th

The formation of a 5th and 6th new army
was announced on January 2, 1915.

All this looked beautiful on paper, but, as
the Military Correspondent of The Times
pointed out, we did not. possess armies simply
because we possessed men :

Good officers, good N.C.O.'s, guns, rifles and ammuni-
tion wagons talce time to provide, and without a good
nucleus of trained professional officers and N.C.O.'s the
creation of efficient troops is extremely arduous. . . .
There can be little doubt that, so long as the country is
in its present mood, we shall be able to raise a million
men a year, and gradually to fashion them into a for-
midable fighting force. But we must not minimize the
time needed for creating such a force. An officer, a
N.C.O., a gun, a rifle, and a thousand rounds of ammuni-
tion all take a certain timo to turn out, and nothing but
disappointment can ensue if we think that we can dn
in six months what has tnken Germany half a century
of effort.

By September 15 the number of recruits
raised since August 4 was reported to be
501,580, England having produced 396,751,
or 2'41 per cent, of the male population ;
Scotland, 64,444, or 2'79 per cent. ; Ireland,
20,419, or 0-93 per cent. ; and Wales, 19,966,
or 1'94 per cent.

A SOLDIER ARTIST
Who was wounded at the battle of Ypres busily en-
gaged designing posters for the recruiting campaign.

Mr. .'isquith was enthusiastically received
in Ireland and Wales on his visiting those parts
of the kingdom for the purpose of stimulating
the formation in each of a special Army Corps.

TRAINING.
Troops returning from a route march.

296

THE rZM77.9 HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Neverthek'So, by the end of October, 191i,
the position with regard to recruiting had
begun to cause anxiety to the authorities. The
Recruiting Department issued an appeal in
which young men were " reminded " that
adequate arrangements £or accommodation had
been made, that steps liad been taken to ensure
the prompt payinent of separation allowance,
that the rninimLun height for recruits had been
reduced to the normal standard of 5 ft. 4 in.,
except for those imits for which special stan-
dards had been authorized,- and that the age
Jimit had been raised to 38, and, in the case of
ex -soldiers, to 45. A fortnight later the height
standard was again reduced — to o ft. 3 in.
At this period London was producing an average
of only 1,000 recruits a day, C4Ia3go\v about
100, Leeds fewer than 40. Recruiting was
undoubtedly hanging fire. Men were, it is true,
still joming the Territorial Force and various
specialized and unofficial corj^s in fair numbers,
but uncertainty as to the Government's inten-
tions with regard to separation allowances
and pensions, combined with local prosperity.

t^Ew Scale

LD Scale

s. cl.

s. d.

. 12 G

11 1

. !.5 0

12 10

. 17 6

14 7

. 20 0

16 4

. 22 0

17 6

RECRUITS AT WHITEHALL.

Marching from the Recruiting Office to the railway

station.

Inset : Waiting to be attested.

tlie lack of arms and uniforms, and a general
failure to " realize the war," had brought
recruiting for " Kitchener's Army " to a
low ebb.

Mr. Asquith had announced on September 17
that the following new scale of separation
allowances would be adojited : —

Wife*

"Wife and 1 child
Wife and 2 children
Wife and 3 children
Wife and 4 children

* New Scale, whether " on the strength " or not ; Old
Scale. " on tho strength " only.

These allowances, as already mentioned,
were to be payable weekly through the Post
office as from October 1.

As for pensions, it was not until November 10
that a new scale was issued. It showed the
following increases in respect of the lowest
grade of the Service : —

Widow without children
Widow with 1 child
Widow with 2 children
A\'idow with 3 children
Widow with 4 children
Motherless children ...

Total Disablement 14«. to 23,9. 10s. 6ci. to 17«. 6d.
Partial Disablement 3s. 6d. to 17s. 6d. 3s. &d. to 10s. 6d.

Writing on November 7, The Times, m
discussing the remedies needed to improve
recruiting, insisted upon the absolute necessity
of a fuller and more adequate supply of news

New Scale

Olp Scalb

e. d.

8. d.

7 6

6 0

... 12 6

e 6

... 15 0

8 0

... 17 6

9 6

... 20 0

11 0

.5 0

■! 0

(each child

(each child)

\ip to 3, and

4s. each ad-

ditional child)

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

191

from the front, so far as was consistent with
military requirements:

Our Allies in the west do not need this incentive, for
the meaning of the war and its horrors is visible to the
eyes of their people. The French and Belgians do not
require to be told, but our people do. The Press does not
urge this view in its own interest, but in the interest of
the Allied cause. If France needs more help, as she
does, she must let us raise that help in our own way, by
showing our people the character of a war which Franco
can see and our people cannot. . . . The Allies must
make their choice. They can give the news and get the
men, or they can suppress the news and do without the
men. . . .

The next remedy lies in the adoption of clearer, more
systematic, and more far-seeing methods at the War
Office in obtaining recruits and in handling them when
enlisted. We are not in the least attacking the War
Office, for we consider that it has accomplished marvels,
and done far more than the country had any right to
expect. The machinery, however, is still inadequate for
the enormous demands likely to be made upon it in the
next few months, and it should summon to its aid all the
best available lay help for this gigantic task of getting
more and still more now armies. . . . Above all the
Government have got to make up their minds instantly
on the subject of pay, separation allowances, pensions
and widows' pensions.

Nearly a year was to elapse before, as will
be seen (pp. 306-3 10), the wisdom of this
advice to put the business of recruiting in
civilian hands was recognized by the Govern-
ment. The Times once more urged the im-
portance of merely attesting recruits and then
allowing them to continue their ordinary

^^^^^R^^HUUMHP' 1

THIS

^^!^^t)3^^B^^^^^^I

IS 1 H E
ONLY

FASHION

F <l It M 1-^ N

N^^^^E*^^

W^HKK^F^^^^^

^--.ri

j^^^H^f^^^^^^^Hp^PHIP^JI^^

^^^^^^H^^B "

L:., „.,

RECRUITING FOR THE ROYAL NAVAL
DIVISION.

vocations, at Army rates of pay, until they were
required. This also was to prove one of the
most popular features of Lord DerVjy's scheme
a twelve-month later. Meanwhile tlie Pre.=;.s
of the whole countrv teemed with discussions

RECRUITING MARCH IN LONDON.
The 24th Middlesex, outside St. Paul's, appeal for 500 new recruits

298

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.

THE RECRUITING CAMPAIGN.

An anti-aircraft gun in the Lord Mayor's Proces-
sion in London, November, 1915.

CAPTURED WAR TROPHIES WHICH
ATTRACTED RECRUITS.
German guns from Loos on view at the Horse

Guards Parade, St. James's Park.

Centre picture: New recruits marching across the

Parade.

of the desirability' or otlierwisf of compulsory
service. The vi'hole of tlie London district on
October 6 yielded only 500 recriiits as compared
with the high-water mark of over 5,000 in one
day in September. Tliree days later a remark-
able illustration of the soundness of the view
that the sluggish English iiiind needs the stimu-
lant of pageantry and music to lift it out of
its peaceful groove \vas to be seen in the effect
upon recruiting of the Lord Mayor's show, a
naval and miUtary spectacle which aroused
the gi-eatest enthusiasm. More men joined
the colours in London on that day than on any
one day since the rush which followed the out-
break of war. Tlu-oughout the country, too,
a considerable improvement was perceptible.
The issue on November 10 of the new scale
of pensions and allowances (see p. 296) no
doubt contributed largely to this satisfactory
result.

It is needless to repeat the description already
given in Vol. V., page 205, of the expedients
which were tried during the following months,
and which soon tended to resemble com-
pulsion while avoiding either the justice or the
effectiveness of that method of recruiting.
On November 9, at the Guildhall Banquet,
Lord KitcKener had said that he had no com-
plaints whatever to make about the response
to his appeal for men, and a week later Mr.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

299

NEW RECRUITS AT THE HORSE GUARDS PARADE.

Asquith, in asking the House of Coimnons to
sanction the increase of the arroy by another
1,000,000 men, announced that not loss than
700,000 recruits liad joined the colours since
the beginning of the war, not including those
in the Territorial Force. But for a time at
least the most successful recruiter was the
enemy. Such incidents, for example, as the
bombardment of Scarborough never failed to
produce an instantaneous rush of recruits. But,
as The Times pointed out, there was a danger
lest the presence of more recruits than could

conveniently be dealt with at the moment
should blind the Govermnent to the- necessitj
of looldng forward to the time when the last
half-million men should be needed to turn the
scale. The Government suppressed recruiting
returns and was adamantine in its refusal to
discuss the matter, but Lord Haldane, while
declaring that the Government saw no reason
to anticipate the breakdown of the voluntary
system, reminded the House of Lords (on
January 8) of the truism that compulsory ser-
vice was not foreign to the constitution of the

AFTER THE LUSITANIA OUTRAGE.

300

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

country, and that in a great national em3rgoncy
it might bocomo nscessary to resort to it. His
utteraneas raised a great o\irery in that part
of the Press which wa^ opposed on princijile to
compulsion, but a little reflection might have
suggested that the establisliment of compulsory
service was not in any case conceivable without
the consent of Parliament.

On INIarch 1 ]\Ir. Asquith declared that the
Government had no reascjn to be otherwise than
satisfied «ith the progress of recruiting. But
before tlie month was ovit it became abundantly
evident that the whole matter was in an un-
healthy state of muddle.

The official attitude appeared to lietray a
lack of courage and franlcness and a nervous
unwillingness to face the situation boldly. All
that the Govermnent could ]>roduce was a

series of vague and humiliating appeals,
tempered by speech-making " campaigns " in
Ijondon and elsewhere, tho success of which
was largely due to some timely Zeppelin raida
and the news of hard fighting round Ypres.
.Meanwhile the disproportionate enlistment of
married as compared with unmarried men con-
tinued to be a reproach upon the justice of tho
voluntary system.

A remarkable speech by Lord Derby at
Manchester on AprU 27 aroused the public, by
this time growing weary of the recruiting clam-
our, to the realization of the over-optimism of
the Government. Mr. Lloyd George had said
that Lord Kitchener was satisfied with tho
rate of recruiting. In Lord Derby's opinion,
he was perfectly justified in saying that he was
satisfied for the moment, but that did not
mean that recruiting could not and ought not
to be increased. Lord Derby announced that
lie had Lord Kitchener's authority for saying
that he asked that the recruitin;^ efforts should
bo maintained and that " the time would come
— sooner, perhaps, than most people expected —
when he would ask for additional and re-
tloubled efforts." That seemed to Lord Derbv
to mean that " in a very short time they would
have made to tliem an appeal to which none of
them would be able to say nay. He thought
that there would be a compulsory demand on
the services of this country."

Gn May IH, Lord Kitchener appealed in the

SERGEANT O'LEARY, V.C,
Who took part in a recruiting campaign organised by the United Irish League of Great Britain,
appealing for recruits in Hyde Park. Inset: Sergeant O'Leary with Mr. T. P. O'Connor, MP.,

on the way to the meeting.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

301

A LONDON V.C. AS RECRUITER.

Lance-Corporal E. Dwyer of the East Surrey

Regiment, in London on a few days' leave,

addressing a meeting In Trafalgar Square.

Inset : Lance-Corporal Dwyer (centre).

House of Lords for 300,000 more recruity,
and next day the age limit ^vas raised to 40
and the height standard reduced to 5 ft. 2 in.
A month later The Times published a pro-
phetic letter from Lord ]Milner :

Tlie State [he wrote] ought not to be obliged to tout
for fighting men. It ought to be in a position to call
out the number it wants as and when it wants them, and
to call them out in the right order — the younger before
the older, the unmarried before the married, the men
whose greatest value is as soldiers in preference to thosa
who can contribute more to the successful conduct of the
war in a civilian capacity, as makers of munitions,
transport workers, tillers of the soil or what not. . . .

The present call for another 300,000 — any men, just
those who choose to listen to it — may succeed or it may
fail. If it succeeds, it will still be, like previous levies
of the same kind, needlessly disorganizing and wasteful.
Many men will go who would be far more use at home
than others who will not go. The unfairness of leaving
it to individual intelligence or good will to decide
who is to bear the burden will become increasingly evident
and disturbing to the public mind. And how about the
next 300.000 and the next after that ? . . .

The way we are at present going on is unfair to every-
body. It is unfair to our splendid men ab the front and
our gallant Allies. But it is unfair, also, to thousands of
men at home, who are unjustly denounced as " slackers,"
or "cowards," when they are simply ignorant, or be-
wildered— and who might not be bewildered between the
alternating screams for help and psans of victory ? —
orsorely puzzled to choose between conflicting duties. . .

Amid the controversies involved in the forma-
tion of the Coalition Government, Mr. IJoyd
George, now Minister of Munitions, was alone

among members of the Cabinet in speaking out
courageously on the subject of compulsory
service. At Manchester, on June 3, he in-
formed a meeting of engineers that he had come
to tell them the truth. " Unless you know it,"
he said, as The Times had been saying for
months past, " you cannot be expected to
make sacrifices." Arguing that " conscription"
was a question not of principle, but of necessity,
he declared, amid cheers, that if the necessity
arose he was certain that no man of any party
would protest :

" But," he added, " pray don't talk about it as if it
were anti-democratic. We won and saved our libertiea
in this land on more than one occasion by compulsory
service. France saved the liberty she had won in the
groat Revolution from the fangs of tyrannical military
empires purely by compulsory service; the great Re-
public of the West won its independence and saved its
national existence by compulsory service ; and two of
the countries of Europo to-day — France and Italy — are
defending their national existence and liberties by means
of compulsory service. It has been the greatest weapon
in the hands of Democracy many a time for the winning
and preservation of freedom."

302

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

But henceforth, imtil mid-September, the
country was too much occupied with the i-U-gent
need for munitions to remember that, as Lord
Milner reminded it, "if there was one thing
which the war ought to have taught, it was that
you have to look ahead, and that you cannot
afford to think only of one thing at a time."
Six or nine months hence, he added — and his
prophecy was to be fyilfilled even sooner than
he thought — tlie deficiency of material might
liave been made good and the great cry once
more be for men.

Before the end of June the Government was
to recognize the truth which, although pressed
upon it from divers quarters, it had hitherto
persistently ignored — namelj% that the first
step towards making the best use of the national
resources in men was to discover what men
were available. The National Registration
Bill, introduced on June 29, and described in
V^ol. v., page 317, although it abstained from
asldng for a good deal of the information
which the authorities in Continental countries
reciuire as a matter of course from every citizen,
enabled the Government to take stock of the
adult population from the jjoint of view of
occupation, warlike or otherwise. " When this
registration is completed," said Lord Kjtchener

PACKING UNIFORMS FOR THE NEW
ARMIES.

at the Guildliall on July 9, " we shall, anyhow,
be able to note the men between the ages of 19
and 40 not required for munition or other
necessary industrial work, and therefore avail-
able, if physically fit, for the fighting line.
Steps will be taken to approach, with a view to
enlistment, all possible candidates for the Army
— mmiarried men to be preferred before married
men, as far as may be."

With this object returns of men between the
ages of 19 and 41 were copied upon so-called
" pinli " forms for the use of the military
authorities, while men engaged on Govermnent
work or in essential war industries were
" starred " as exempt from the attentions of
the recruiting officers. The use of these " pink"
forms, and the haphazard principles on which
" starring " was carried out, were immediately
and, as was clear to detached observers, in-
evitably to lead to extreme dissatisfaction
with War Office methods. This dissatisfaction
culminated on the publication (October .5) of a
War Office circular of September 30 instructing
recruiting officers to " take whatever steps
considered most effectual " to induce unstarred
men to join the Army. Officers were further
enjoined to see " that no unstarred man is
able to complain any longer that he is not
wanted in the Army as ' he has not been
fetched,' ' ' and to report the number of unstarred
men who " refuse to give their services to the
country by enlisting in the Army, where they
are so much needed." So great was the feeling
caused by the coi"nmencement of this military
canvass that it « as immediately abandoned.

The number of " starred " occupations, which
were at first confined to munition work,
Adnairalty work, coal mining, railway work,
and certain branches of agriculture, tended as
time went on to show a very remarkable in
creasf, and undoubtedly led to much " shirk-
ing " disguised under the form of engagement in
essential industries. It seems quite certain
that an enormous number of unmarried men
entered " starred " trades with the object
of escaping enlistment. There can be no
doubt that a far more satisfactory plan would
have been to have " starred " individuals
without regard to their occupation, but it was
probably felt that this task, which in other
countries is deliberately performed in peace
time, was too extensive to be attempted amid
the improvisations of war. Trades, therefore,
were " starred " as a whole, and it was not
until the abuses of the system became flagrant

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

303

THE DERBY RECRUITS.

A great army of British recruits who had enlisted under the group scheme \rhich came to a close on
Sunday evening, Dec. 12, 1915. Everywhere the rush of recruits taxed the capacities of the various
officers to the utmost. Armlets of khaki cloth bearing a crown cut out of scarlet cloth were served

out to all those who had attested.

that the restoration to the " unstarred " list of
men who, by the fact of their belonging to
"starred" trades, had been "starred" them-
selves, but who could be shown, neverthele.ss,
not to be essential to those trades, was imder-
taken by a subsequent and painful process of
extraction. By the end of December the list of
so-called "reserved occupations" numbered

several hundreds, divided into innumerable
sub-occupations. With regard to most of these
it was clear that they were of vital importance
to the proper carrying on of the essential
industries of the country. What remained to be
made clear was the importance to any of them of
any individual man — at all events, so far as the
unskilled ranks of labour were concerned.

301

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

CAPT. WILLIAM SHORT,
The King's Trumpeter, sounding the " Fall In."

the attention of his Majesty's Government."
He added that when the Government, without
undue delay, with as much deliberation as the
gravity of the subject demanded, arrived at
their conclusions, they would present them to
the House, and they would become the subject
of Parliamentar}' discussion. Dtu'ing this
period, those who \irgod the Govermnent to
make up their minds were commonly repre-
sented as desiring to impair " the unity of the
country." Such are the trivial catchwords
with which English politicians faced the greatest
war in history.

On the foUo^ving day, however, Mr. Asqiuth
made an important statement in which ht
declared the total numbers iri the Navy and
Army (including those already serving when the
war began, the reservists summoned back to
duty m both services, the Territorial Force,
and the various special services formed for
military and naval purposes) to be " not far
short of three millions of men." As for the re-
cruiting, it had kept up for 13 months at " a
fairly steady figure," though he regretted that
the last few weeks had shown signs of falling
off. Lord Kitchener, in the House of Lords,
considerably amplified this statement. While,
as he said, the response of the country to calls

Meanwhile, abundant expressions of support
were forthcoming for a National Service move-
ment, summed up in the comprehensive sen-
tence : " Every fit man, whatever his position
ill life, must be made available, as and when
his country calls him, for the fighting line, or,
if specially qualified, for national service at
home."

It was announced on September 6 that a
Committee had been appointed, under the
chairmanship of Lord Lansdowne, to advise
the Government on the best method of utilizing
the National Register " for the successful
prosecution of the war." A Cabinet Committee,
under the presidency of Lord Crewe, had been
sitting during the Parliamentary recess for the
purpose of ehciting information as to our mili-
tary requirements in men. It was understood
that the majority had reported that the only
decision possible was the introduction of a
comprehensive system of national service. Mr.
Asquith, adroitly postponing the matter until
the last half -minute of a speech in the House
of Commons on September 14, permitted liim-
self to raise a laugh by observing that NationaJ
Service was " a matter which has not escaped

RECRUITING FOR THE ROYAL NAVAL
AIR SERVICE.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

805

for recruits had been " little short of marvel-
lous/' he pointed out that the provision of men
to maintain the forces in the field depended in
great degree on a large and continuous supply
of recruits, and added : " The provision to
keep up their strength during 1916 has caused
us anxious thought, which has been accentuated
and rendered more pressing by the recent
falling off in the numbers coming forward to
enlist, although every effort has been made to
obtain our requirements under the present
systems." He very properly closed with the
remark that, though recruiting had declined,
he did not " draw from this fact any conclusion
unfavourable to the resolution and spirit of the
ooiuitry."

The world had yet to learn the full truth
regarding the response to Lord Kitchener's
appeals. In the absence of figures, which,
with the idea of misleading the enemy, were
kept strictly concealed, it was impossible to
say exactly what was the strength of the
new Armies in the autumn of 1915. But it
was known in many quarters that the men
needed to maintain existing and authorised

formations were not being secured, and as the
year went on the situation went from bad to
worse. Sir Edward Carson was subsequently
to show in the House of Commons (December
21) that three of our divisions in the East
which should have numbered 30,000 infantry
were reduced to 11,000 men, or in other words
that we had failed to make good by drafts the
wastage of war in the field. And on the follow-
ing day Colonel Yate showed that a certain
Second Line Territorial division in England,
due for the front in March, 1916, had only
4,800 infantry in place of its proper 12,000
men.

The total difference between the establish-
ments and the strengths of the Army was
undoubtedly exceedingly serious, and whatever
the actual numbers may have been, it was clear
that affairs were approaching a climax. la spite
of the Prime BGnister's appeals for silence, the
House of Commons continued to discuss the
matter with great energy. On September 30 a
statement was issued by a conference of the
Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Union
Congress, the IManagement Committee of the
General Federation of Trade Unions, the Execu-

RECRUITING IN EDINBURGH.
New Recruits for the 9th Royal Scots in their uniforms.

300

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

tive of the Labour Party and members of the
Parliamentary Labour Party, in which the con-
ference pledged itself " to assist the Government
in every possible way to secure men for service
in the Navy, Army, and in munitions works,"
and for this purpose decided to organize a
special Labour recruiting campaign throughout
the coimtry. Great "recruiting rallies" were
held in London and elsewhere on October 2,
and the following days, but the results were
meagre in the extreme. The time had come
to try new methods and a new man.

The next phase opened with the annoimce-
ment, on October 6, of the appointnnent of
Lord Derby as Director of Recruiting. Al-
though himself an advocate of national service,
I^ord Derby had for ten years past done perhaps
more than anyone to make the vohuitary
system a success, A typical Englishman in
his straightforwardness and sinceritj-, Lord
Derby had shown himself to possess a remark-
able combination of qualities wliich might welJ
have been utilized loiag before. His own posi-
tion and ardent patriotism stood above question.
He had an intimate knowledge of the great
industrial centres in the North. He was
businesshke and immensely industrious. His
ajjpotntment was hailed with general satis-

faction, not only on account of his personal
popularity, but because it was felt to be an
advantage that the preliminary work of securing
recruits should be in civilian hands, leaving the
War Office free to concentrate upon the
work of training them after they had been
secured.

Forthwith the Laboiu' Recruiting Committee
issued an appeal stating that " the respon-
sibility for victory or defeat rests with those
who have not yet responded to the call," and
declaring that " if the vohmtary system is to
be vindicated at least 30,000 recruits per week
jnust be raised to maintain the efficiency of our
armies." So far as can be seen, this figure only
represented infantry needs. About 35,000 men
per week were really recp.iired to keep up
exist ing formations.

On October 1.3 Lord Derby outlined his

scheme* in considerable detail. Starting with

the genera! principle that recruiting should in

futme be done entirely by civilians, instead of,

as in the past, by the military authorities with

civilian assistance. Lord Derby explained that

the cliief responsibiUty would rest with the

* Lord Derby subsequently explained that the scheme
was the work of three Lancashire men — the Secretary to
the Territorial Association, and two candidates for Parlia-
ment, Unionist and Liberal respectively.

A CAPTURED GERMAN AEROPLANE BEING SET UP ON THE HORSE GUARDS

PARADE.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

307

AT THE HORSE GUARDS PARADE.

Recruits answering to their Names.
Inset : Leaving the Horse Gufirds Parade.

Parliamentary Recruiting Conimittee and the
Joint Labour Recruiting Committee. In every
area a local committee, whether already existing
or to be formed, would vmdertake the work of
canvassing, availing itself of the services of
the political agents of all parties. A letter
would be sent to every " unstarred " man in
order that lie might have a direct appeal and
be unable to say in future that he was not called
upon to join. The canvass would continue
until November 30.

In a letter to The Times Recruiting Supple-
ment, published on November 3, Lord Derby
wrote :

" My conception of an ideal recruiting cam.
paign is to get as many men to enUst under the
voluntary system as would have to come under
a compulsory one. I have always urged that
it is the duty of every man in this crisis to offer
his services to the State, and for the State
definitely to allot him his position, whether it
be in some branch of his Majesty's forces or in
the munition works, or in one of the indispensable
industries of this country, or even as an indis-
pensable person in a private business. But it
must be the State and not the individual which
decides a man's proper place in the machinery

U^ .^ *

M^im^^OM

■;■ ? . ' -1

L:i';k|

of the country. I hope by the present scheme
not only to ascertain what is each man's right
position, but to induce him voluntarily to take
it. But before this can be done a man must
actually enlist, not merely promise to do so.
By enhsting men in groups, only to come up
when called upon, and allowing them before
actually joining to appeal to local tribunals to
be put in later groups for reasons which can be
specially urged, we shall be able to allot proper
places to aU men in the ' unstarred ' list. Then
we must carefully examine the whole of the
' starred ' list, and where we find a man
wrongly placed in that list, or a man who,
though rightly placed in it, can be spared

308

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

AN INDIAN OFFICER
Addressing a meeting in the Strand, London.

from his industry, tliat man must be placed
in the ' unstarred ' list and dealt with ac-
cordingly. . . .

' ' There is no necessity under this scheme for
a man when he enlists to join his regiment
immediately. He can do so if he wishes ; but
if he prefers to be placed in such a group as his
age and condition — i.e., married or single —
entitles him to enter -and only come to the
colours when his group is called up for service,
he can request the recruiting oificer to do this.
He has this assurance : groups will be called up
strictly in their order, the younger unmarried
men before the older men, and all unmarried
men, except those who may be proved to be
indispensable to their businesses, before any
of the married men. The recruiting officer will
inform the recruit of the number of his group,
which is determined, as stated above, by age
and whether married or single. Be it under-
stood, however, that any man who has married
since the date of registration will be placed in a
group as if unmarried.

" 'WTiether the scheme will be a success or not
is in the lap of the gods. No mere numbers
will make it a success. The older married man
who enlists mast not be penalized by being
brought forward earlier for active service than
he can rightly expect because the younger
man has failed in his duty. Each group;repre-
sents a particular age, and success can only be
attained when it can be shown that each group,
and tlierefore each age, has played its part and
come forward in something like equal propor-
tions. Unless the young ■ unmarried man does
come forward this voluntary scheme will not

have succeeded and other methods will have to
be adopted. It is essential that faith should
be kept with the patriotic men who do enlist.
I therefore tirge everybody of reoruitable age
to present themselves to the recruiting officer
and let that officer decide if he is physically fit
for service. If he is, let him take his proper
place in his group. The local tribunals will
give fair hearing to the recruit's request that
he should be put in a later group owing to his
being indispensable to his business."

The groups above referred to were the follow-
ing :

Unmarried.

Marrie

Age.

Group.

Age.

Group.

18 — 19i'

18— 19t .,

19—20

20—21

21—22

2] 22

22—23

22—23 '.'.

23—24

24—25

25—20

26—27

27—28

28^29

28 — 29

29—30

30—31

31—32

32—33

33—34

34—35

34 — 35

35—36 ... 18

35—36

36—37 ...( 19

36—37

37—38 ...; 20

37—38

38—39 ... 21

38—39

39—40

40—41

40-41

t No man was to be called up until he had attained the
age of 19.

It will be realized from the above that a
recruit had the option cither of joining the
Army at once or of joining the group appropriate
to his age and condition, whether married or

DRILLING BY GRAMOPHONE.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB..

309

HOME FROM THE TRENCHES.

unmarried. In the latter case ho was simplj'
attested, received the sum of 2s. 9d. for his one
day's " service," and returned to his oivihan
occupation as a member of Section B of the Army
Reserve, to be called up at a fortnight's notice
as required in the order of the groujjs. Local
tribiuials, to which appeal tribunals were added,
were to decide whether a man could rightly
claiin exemption and whether his claim to be
transferred to a later group should be allowed.

In his letter to the " unstarred " men, Lord

Derby wrote :

If this effort does not succeed the country knows that
everything possible will have been done to make the
voluntary system a success and will have to decide by
what method sufficient recruits can be obtained to
maintain our Armies in the field at their required strength.
May T, as Director-General of Recruiting, beg you to
consider your own position ) Ask yourself whether in a
coimtry fighting as ours is for its very existeuce you are
doing all you can for its safety, and whether the reason
you have hitherto held to be valid as one for not enlistino-
holds good at the present crisis. Lord Kitchener wants

310

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

every man he can get. Will you not be one of those who
rc-^pond to your coiuitry's call ?

Lord Derby's schema did not apply to
Ireland.

The canvass was carried out for the most part
by civilian voUmteers of both sexes, chosen by
a local sub-committee, the men being above
recruitable age or otherwise excused from enlist-
ment. In some cases soldiers were also employed.
Vnder the committee for each Parliamentai-y
constituency branch committees were set up
where recjuired in district borouglis, borough
M-ards, and sub-divisions comprising groups of
villages. The use of To\\'n Halls, Mimicipal
Offices, Schools, and similar useful buildings
M as secured as Canvassing Headquarters. Blue
cards containing the nanies of eligible :nen were
supplied to the Chairmen of the Committees, as
also duplicate white cards, which were kept as
a register of results, and on which the essential
particulars entered by the canvassers on the
blue card were briefly recorded. The blue and
white cards were provided with spaces for the
name, address, age. and occupation of the man
canvassed, his employer's n.amo and address,
and particulars as to whether he was married or
single, and the number of his children or other
dependents. Attestation sub-committees were
appointed to assist the canvassers in getting
the men attested, and particularly to collect
men willing to Join on certain future dates.
Travelling inspectors, of position and influence.

were appointed to visit frequently the sub-
committees to see that the work was being done
efficiently. Railway warrants for those willing
to enlist at once were supplied in advance.

The following were the official directions for
canvassers issued bv the Parliamentary Re-
cruiting Committee :

1. You SHOULD CA'N'VASS FOR HiS MaJESTV's ForCKS,

WHETHER Regular, New Army, Special Reserve
OR Territorials.

2. You will bo provided with a eard which will give
you the authority to call upon reciuitable men.

3. The cards that you receive contain name.^ of men
who. according to the National Register, can be spared
to enlist.

4. j\take a point of calling repeatedly until you actually
see the man himself. You must not be put off by assur-
ances or statements from other people. Make a special
report if ultimately yon. fail to see him.

.5. Put before him plainly and politely the

NEED OF the COUNTRY. Do NOT BULLY OR THREATEN.

6. If he agrees, give him all necessary information as
to where and how he may enlist.

7. If he hesitates or refuses, try to find out what are
his reasons. Note these carefully. Ascertain whether'
his difficulties or objections can be removed by furnishing
him with information on any specific point (for example,
pensions, separation allowances, vacancies in particular
regiments), or by some possible action with his employer
or relations.

8. Treat your conversations as confidential and do not
disclose them except to those authorised to know the
circumstances.

9. Note all removals and try to ascertain from neigh-
bours or others the new address.

10. Make careful notes on every card and report
daily at the office until your list is completed.

11. Verify all particulars on card (especially age and
occupation). Tick if correct.

12. Amend particulars that are incorrect.

13. Ascertain if the nian has been discharged from

RECRUITING IN AUSTRALIA.
Outside a Recruiting Office at Melbourne Town Hall.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Sll

THE "LION CUBS" ANSWER THE CALL.
A scene outside a Recruiting Office in Ottawa, Canada,

the Navy or Army. Tf so, extract reason for discharge
and date from his discharge paper. State if reason for
discharge has since been removed.

14. If the man has been refused on account of being
medically unfit or for other reason, insert on the card
the date and place of rejection from his notice paper.
If he is not in possession of a notice paper he should bo
told to go to the recruiting office where he was rejected
to get one. Please state carefully cause of rejection —
e.g., under standard, medically unfit, eyesight, etc.

]n. If a man has enlisted since the Register was made
up, give re;zinient and, if possible, date and place oi
enlistment.

16. Canvassers must endeavour to get all the men
they possibly can for the Infantry. It is Infantry that
is required to maintain the Armies in the field, and the
issue of the war largely depends on this arm. They
should be told that their services are equally useful
whether they join the Regular, New, Special Reserve, or
Territorial Force.

17. Where a man states that he is employed bj- a firm
engaged on Government work, reference should be made
to the nearest recruiting oflicr^r to ascertain whether
under War Office instructions the man should not be
recruited.

It will be seen that if these instructions were
properly carried out no eligible man would be in
a position to say that he did not know that he
was wanted. No totals were puVjlished daring
the progress of the canvass. All that could be
gathered was tliat it was being more successful
in some districts than in others.

The movement thus started was given a
great impetus by the following stirrmg letter
from the King, published on October 23 :

Buckingham Palace.
TO MY PEOPLE.
■ At this grave moment in the struggle between
my people and a highly organized enemy who
has transgressed the Laws of Nations and
changed the ordinance that binds civilized
Europe together, I appeal to you.

I rejoice in my Empire's effort, and I feel
pride in the voluntary response from mj'
Subjects all over the world who have sacrificed
home, fortvme, and life itself, in order that
another may not inherit the free Empire which
their ancestors and mine have built.

I ask you to make good these sacrifices.

The end is not in sight. More men and yet

MEN FROM TRINIDAD IN LONDON.

312

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

WAITING THEIR TURN TO ATTEST AT DEPTFORD TOWN HALL.
On the last day of the Recruiting Campaign.

more are wanted to keep my Armies in the
Field, and through them to secure Victory and
enduring Peace.

In ancient days the darkest moment has ever
produced in men of our race the sternest
resolve.

I ask you, men of all classes, to come for-
ward voluntarily and take your share in the
fight.

In freely responding to my appeal, you will
be giving your support to our brothers, who, for
long months, have nobly upheld Britain's past
traditions, and the glory of her Arms.

George R.I.

As the result of this and other appeals, a
flood of recruits came pouring in even before
the formal canvass could be put into operation.
There was still, however, as there had been from
the first, much difficulty in persuading some
employers to allow their employees to enlist,
and it was not long before various uncer-
tainties connected with the scheme led to a
regrettable, if natural, hesitation on the part
of certain classes affected. The married men,
in particular, wished to know how they would
stand in the event of its being only partially
successful. What would happen if, owing to
the faOure of the unmarried to come forward,
the married groups were called up forthwith,
and then, after all, compulsory service became
necessary ? What was really meant by the
phrase on the recruiting posters, " Single men
first " ?

On November 2 Mr. Asquith delivered a
speech in the course of wliich he said :

I am told by Lord Derby and others that there is
some doubt among men who are now being asked to
enlist whether they may not bo called upon to serve,
having enlisted, or promised to enlist, wliile younger and
unmarried men are holding bacit and not doing their
duty. So far as I am concerned I should certainly say the
obligation of the married man to enlist ought not to be
enforced or binding upon him unless and until — T hope by
voluntary effort, and if not by some other means — the
unmarried men are dealt with first.

Now, by Lord Derby's scheme as published,
there was no question of attested married men
being called up before attested luimarried men.
The Prime Minister's characteristically ana-
biguous statement was, therefore, taken to
mean that, before the married men were called
up in their groups, comptJsion would be'
applied to the eligible unmarried men in the
event of their not enlisting voluntarily.

In point of fact Mr. Asquith explained on
November 12 that in his speech he had
" pledged not only himself but his Govern-
ment when he stated that if young men did
not, under the stress of national duty, come
forward voluntarily, other and compulsory
means would be taken before the married
men were called upon to fulfil their engage-
iTient to serve." But even so, anxieties were
not allayed. Many married men enlisted in the
belief that they would not be called up until every
tnamarried man had been compelled to enlist,
but Mr. Asquith' s fencing replies to questions in
the House of Commons soon revealed to them

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

313

that their position was by no means so clear
as they had supposed. As the result of the
uncertainty as to what, if anything, the Govern-
ment meant to do, and the feeling among the
married men that they had been enlisted
under false pretences, I'ecruiting was thrown
back for over a week. Lord DerVjy, indeed, gave
the married men his personal pledge that faith
would be kept with them. He added that
the day that faith was not kept he would go
out of office. In his view, there was no dis-
crepancy between the " other means " of Mr.
Asquith's speech of November 2 and the
" compulsory means '' of Mr. Asquith's explana-
tion of November 12, for the simple reason that
there was no alternative to voluntary methods
except compulsory methods. But, if Par-
Hament had to be required to consider compul-
sory service, and refused it, the obligation upon
attested married men would not be held binding.
This view was formally expressed by Lord
Derby in a letter published on November 20,
and was endorsed by Mr. Asquith as correctly
expressing the intentions of the Government.
Lord Derby wrote :

Married men are not to be called \ip until young
unmarried men have been. If these young men do not

come forward voluntarily wo will either release the
married men from their jiledge or introduce a Bill into
Parliament which will compel the young men to serve,
which, if pa^ssed, would mean that the married men
would be held to their enlistment. If, on the other hand.
Parliament did not pass such a Bill, the married men
would be automatically released from their engagement
to serve.

By the expression " young men coming forward to
serve " I think it should be taken to mean that the \-ast
majority of yoimg men not engaged in munition work
or work necessary for the country should offer them-
selves for service, and men indispensable for civil
employment and men who have personal reasons which
are considered satisfactory by the local tribunals for
relegation to a later class, can have their claims examined
for such relegation in the way that has already been laid
down.

If, after all those claims have been investigated, and
all the exemptions made mentioned above, there remains
a considerable number of young men not engaged in
these piusuits who could be perfectly spared for military
service, they should be compelled to serve. On the other
hand, if the number should prove to be, as I hope it will,
a really negligible minority, there would be no question
of legislation.

Meanwliile strenuous efforts were made to
recover the time and men lost bj' this unfor-
tunate muddle. Lord Derby informed a
meeting of the Stock Exchange that "men
must come in in very much larger numbers
in the next three weeks if they were going to
make the position of voluntary service abso-
lutely unassailable. A gradual relaxation of

THE RAW MATERIAL AND THE FINISHED ARTICLE.

Soldiers from the trenches in France welcome their t)rospective comrades outside a Recruiting Office.

314

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

O
H

a
<

H
U

H
<

D
u

the formalities prescribed on attestation became
visible. The eyesight test for men enlisting
on the group system \\as deferred until they
should be called up for service. With the
\'iew, doubtless, of swelling the gross total,
Civil Servants, who had hitherto considered
themselves exempt, were invited by the
Government to enlist, the only Departments
immune from the attentions of the canvassers
being the Admiraltj', the War Office, and the
JNIinistry of Munitions. The date for the con-
clusion of the canvass was extended, first to
December 1 1 , and then to December 1 2. After
the latter date enlistment could only be for
inamediate service without the intervention
of the group system. As December 12 drew
near the rusli of recruits completely over-
whelmed the arrangements made for dealing
■s\'ith it. Just as in the early period of
the war, men waited for many hours in
vain outside the recruiting offices.* In
some cases no attempt could be made
to carry out a medical examination. The
recruiters instructions appeared to be to
attest anyone who presented himself, leaving
it to the future to decide whether he had or
had not justified his sojourn in Section B of
the Army Reserve. The " starring " system,
of which so much had been heard, went by
the board, " starred " men of all classes and
occupations lieing invited to present themselves
with the rest. The local tribunals were,
therefore, to be called upon to do over agam,
on the "starred" man's coming up with his
group, the work which had in theory been done
at the tiiue of the making of the National
Register.

The idea of permitting those who placed
their ser\'ices alisolutely at the disposal of the
Goveriuuent to wear an armlet had been
suggested as early as September, 1914, by the
National Patriotic Association, but nothing
came of it, war badges being issued instead,
though in a haphazard manner, to some of
the men engaged on niimitions work. On
October .30, 1915, however, it was announced
that the Govermuent had decided to issue
khaki armlets, bearing the Royal Crown, to
the following classes of men :

(1) Those who enlisted and were placed in
groups awaiting a call to join the colours.

* It was decided at the last moment to take the names
of men still unattested at midnight on December 12 and
keep open the group system for them alone for a further
three days.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

311

BERMONDSEY'S NEW RECRUITS.
Leaving the Recruiting Office in Jamaica Road for their training camp

(2) Those who offerea themselves for enhst-
ment and were found to be medically unfit.

(3) Those who had been invalided out of the
Service with good character, or who had been
discharged as " not likely to become efficient "
on medical grounds.

A good deal of dissatisfaction was arovised
in sonae quarters by this announcement. It
was felt that, unless armlets were equally
issued to " war workers " who were not supplied
with badges, obloquy would fall upon many
who in no way deserved it. There was further
much dislike of the idea that a man should
pubUcly proclaim himself as medically unfit,
and thereby, perhaps, spoil his chance of

obtaining emplojTnent. On Novenrber 15,
therefore, the proposed issue to recruits rejected
as medically unfit was withdrawn for further
consideration. On December 27 it was an-
nounced that, after January 15, 1916, armlets
would be issued to rejected men, subject to
their presenting themselves again for medical
examination. Those who had been rejected on
accovuit of eyesight or some slight physical
defect would now, if they passed the exaniina-
tion, be attested and passed into the .Army
Reserve. When the rush of recruits came
at the finish of the period laid down, the
supply of armlets for attested men proved
quite inadequate. But even among those who

\ ,-.

"JfS^^ws^'^

i^l^'^

L^L^^IP

• mr.;

K s ^^Hp^ "*' %nl^ A

^fct— #*^..-*^

^■. .^"^i^rr

MIDNIGHT SCENE AT SOUTHWARK TOWN HALL.
Major Jackson swearing-in the new recruits.

816

THE TIMES HISTOTiY OF THE WAR.

duly received their armlets on attestation, a
curious reluetaneo to wear them manifested
itself. It is probable that nianj' of those who
thus- hid their light under a bushel did so
from the Englishman's natiu-al inclination to
shrink from making himself conspicuous.
Others, again, may have been merelj^ prompted
bj' the desire to keep their armlets clean,
with a view to preserving them as a memento.
But, whatever the cause, it was remarkable to
note the almost complete absence of armlets
in the streets, and it was not until the Kmg
himself expressed the hope that every man
entitled to wear an armlet would do so that the
practice of wearing them became other than
most imusual.

The canvass having been completed, the
Government acted, for once, with great prompti-
tude and on December 18 issued a Proclamation,
dated December 20, calling up for service the
unmarried men belonging to the second, third,
fourth, and fifth groups. (See page 308.)
The first group, consisting of men between
eighteen and nineteen years of age, was left
until they should have grown older. The men
called up were instructed to present themselves
in batches beginning on .January 20, 1916.
Meanwhile ciaims for postponement were to
be delivered in writing to the clerks of the local
tribunals not later than December 30. Men
belonging to the following three categories —
(1) those "starred" by reason of their occu-
pation on their National Register " pink "
forms, (2) those authorized to wear a Govern-
ment badge denoting that they were engaged
upon essential work for the Government, and
(3) those actually engaged on a reserved occu-
pation, lists of which had been published in the
Press — were not to be called up for actual
military service unless it had been decided,
after due inquiry by the conapetent authority,
that it was no longer necessary in the national
interest to retain them in their civil employ-
ment.

Those who had hoped to learn the result of
the Derby scheme, and with it the fate of the
voluntary system, before the HojLise of Commons
adjourned for Clxristmas were doomed to dis-
appointment. In asking Parliament, on
December 21, to sanction the addition to the
Army of yet another 1,000,000 men — making
the fourth million since August 5, 1914 — Mr.
Asquith armoimced that Lord Derby's report
had not been received until the previous
evening and that, while the figures and the

inferences to be drawn from them were re-
ceiving from the Govermnent tho careful
consideration that they deserved, it ■n'ould be
impossible to communicate to the House the
results in any detail, or, indeed, at all. " To
avoid all possibility of misunderstanding,"
he repeated the pledge to the married men,
which he had given on November 2 (see page
312). Meanwhile, he warned the House of the
enormous deductions which would have to be
made, under whatever sj'stein of recruiting,
before it became possiVjle to arrive at tho
" recruitable maximum." The debate jjro-
duced nothing except a vague belief that the
Derby scheme had failed to bring in the number
of yormg single men wliich alone, according to
Mr. Asquith's pledge, would warrant the calling
out of the married groups. One plirase,
however, of Mr. Asquith's speech deserves
record, if only because it was one more instance
of tho belated Ministerial acceptance of opinions
urged by the Press during the previous year
of war. Sir. Ascjuith laid down the principle
tViat " we should aim at getting potentially
every man of military age and capacity, not
disqualified by physical or domestic conditions,
who is available, consistent with making
provision for our other national necessities."
Such provisions included the Nav}"", the business
of the production and transport of munitions
and tho maintenance of those industries on
which our subsistence, our social life, and oui
export trade depend. But this organization
is jjrecisely what compulsory service, and eoin-
jjulsory service alone, can achieve in a just and
economical manner.

The next few days were spent by a portion of
the Press in a form of guessing competition as
to the results of the canvass, and deductions
according with the preconceived ideas of the
newspapers were freely based vipon these
admittedly conjectural assertions. But even
the more violently " anti-conscriptionist "
organs revealed an uneasy feeling that, in spite
of the final rush of recruits — a rush which only
the extensions of the date of closing the list had
rendered possible — their confidence that the
influx of unmarried men would render the
fulfilment of Mr. Ascjuith's pledge unnecessary
was destined to be deceived by events. Gradu-
ally there became reason to believe that the
gross total of attestations had amounted to
nearly 3,000,000 men. But not only owing to
the wholesale sweeping into the net of men who
were certain to be subsequently rejected on

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

317

various grounds, but also because a number
estimated at between 500,000 and 650,000 of
unmarried men had refused to enlist, or had
taken refuge in " starred trades " for the
purpose of evading the canvasser, the inevit-
ability of some form of compulsion in order to
obtain the country's maximum effort had
become unmistakably clear.

This would have been a period of considerable
anxiety if the public had believed for a moment,
as some of Mr. Asquith's most ardent supporters
in the Press appeared to invite them to believe,
that the Prime Minister would not carry out,
in the spirit as well as in the letter, his definite
pledge to the married men given on November 2
and confirjned on various subsequent dates.

At a Cabinet meeting held on Boxing Day
grave differences of opinion apparently mani-
fested themselves. No decision was arrived at
as to the action to be taken on Lord Derby's
report. The meeting lasted for two hours and
was eventually adjourned until next morning.
There is good reason to believe that Mi. Lloyd
George intimated that unless Sir. Asquith's
pledge were interpreted in the strictest sense
he should resign. On December 28, which was
to prove an ever -memorable date in English
history, the Cabinet sat for two hours and a
half and subjected Lord Derby's report to a
more thorough analysis than had been possible
on the previous day. It was understood that
the great majority of the Ministers, all of whom
were in attendance, agreed upon the following
line of policy :

1. That the Prime Minister's pledge to the
married men was binding on the Government
as a whole, and not upon Mr. Asquith alone.
, 2. That the pledge should be redeemed at
once.

3. That the principle of Compulsion should
be accepted.

4. That the Prime Minister should make an
announcement to this effect immediately on
the reassembling of the House of Commons on
January 4.

It appeared that the Cabinet had decided
that the nmnber of single men who had not
attested was by no means a " negligible
minority." It was, in fact, larger than most
Ministers had expected, after the final rush to
attest imder Lord Derby's scheme. The
decision to proceed to compulsion was strongly
opposed by a minority of Ministers, among
whom were Mr. McKenna, Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and Mr. Runciman, President of

the Board of Trade. The former was beUeved
to have his own opinion about the military
need of more men, but to object mainly on
financial grounds and to believe that the
financial commitments of the country were
already as heavy as it could safely bear. The
objection of the President of the Board of
Trade was believed to be based on the necessity
of maintaining unimpaired the country's export
trade. But with regard to the military situation,
at all events, it was obvious that Lord
Kitchener's opinion was more valuable than
Mr. McKenna's, and as for the economic
objections it was clear that, if the troops
required to win the war were not provided, our
financial position would not be worth con-
sidering. On the other hand, there was no
ground for the assumption that all the men
taken for the Army would be withdrawn from
productive occupations, thereby necessarily
crippling them. The natural remedy would be
to replace men of mihtary age by older men,
lads and women, and at the same time to make
a strenuous effort to reduce expenditure.

The attitude of Mr. Arthur Henderson,
representative in the Cabinet of the Labour
Party, gave rise, for a moment, to some uncer-
tainty. The Labour members, though sus-
picious as a whole of changes in oui' recruiting
methods, had never assumed a hostile attitude
to compulsion, if the demand for it were backed
by the Government of the day. Mr. Henderson
decided to consult his colleagues before definitely
declaring himself. But, since the working class
was as keenly interested in the redemption of
the Prime Minister's pledge as any other section
of the community, there was no reason to fear
serious obstruction from that quarter. The
House of Commons contained a small and
negligible group of irreconcilable Radicals who
were unlikely to be propitiated at any price.
Most of them had never had their heart in the
war, and had given little help or enooiu-agement
to the Government during its progress. The
position of the Irish Nationalist members was
exceptional. They were determined that com-
pulsion should not be applied to Ireland and
at the same time felt that their position might
be prejudiced in the eyes of the Empire by the
adoption of compulsion for Great Britain
alone and the retention of the voluntary system
for their own country. It must be remembered
that the Derby scheme did not apply to Ireland,
which was still recruiting on the old lines.

As for the public at large, the news of the

318

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Cabinet's decision wa-s received without a trace
of excitement. The general feeUng seemed to
be one of quiet satisfaction, tempered by regret
that the decision had not been reached long
before. It was clear that the idea of " com-
pulsion " had ceased to bear the suggestion of
" degradation " attributed to it, incredible as
it maj' seem, by one of the posters of the
Parliamentary Recruiting Committee. From
the earliest days of the war public opinion had
been considerably in advance of the views of
its political leaders, and most men had long
since made up their minds that they would
accept compulsion or anything else from the
Government if it were put before them as an
indispensable means of victory.

Lord Derby's final report, dated December 20,
li)15, was issued on January 4, 1916. Lord
Derby wrote :

" The gross figures are as follows :
23rd October to 15th December, 1915

(iNCLr.SlVE).

—

Single.

Married.

Men of military age (a)
Number starred

2,179,231
690,138

2,832,210
915,491

Number of rnen enlisted {b) ...
Number of men attested (c) ...
Number of men rejected {h) ...

103,000
840,000
207,000

112,431

1,344,979

221,853

Total

1,150,000

1,679,263

Men of military ape ...
Presenting themselves

2,179,231
1,150,000

2,832,210
1,679,263

Number remaining

1,029,231

1,152,947

Total starred men attested
Number unstarred attested

312,067
527,933

449,808
895,171

(a) IMen who joined His Majesty's Army between
August 15, 1915, and October 23, 1915, are excluded
from these figures.

{h} \Aliilst total is based on actual records, the dis-
tribution as between single and married is only an
estimate, but may be taken as substantially accurate.

Grand total of military age ... 5,011,441
Total attested, enlisted, and

rejected 2,829,263

Total number remaining

2,182,178

" Large as are the figures, I am afraid that on
analysis they do not prove as satisfactory as I
could have wished. Owing to the great rush of
recruits it was impossible in many cases to have
more than a most perfimctory medical examina-
tion, and the ntmiber of men who Avill be re-
jected ■i\hen the various groups are called up
and are subject to a proper examination must
be very large, the number of men actuallj'

unexamined being 925,445. This total includes
both ' starred ' and ' unstarred ' men.

" For the same reason — the great rtish of
recruits — I fear there may be many instances
where men have not been noted as being
' starred,' ' badged,' or belonging to ' reser\ed '
occupations and a deduction must be made on
tliis account.

" Lastly, there are many who will come under
the heading of being indispensable, men who
are the only sons of widows, sole support of a
family, &c.

" 5Iy calculations for these necessary deduc-
tions have been submitted to Dr. T. H. C.
Stc^'cnson, Superintendent of Statistics at the
General Register Office, and the following
tables are now presented in accordance \'\-ith
his recommendations. The percentages of
deductions are my own. They mu.st of neces-
sity be only estimates, but they have been
arri\'ed at upon the best information available.

,S1\(:;LE MEN ATTESTED.
Total number of single men attested 840,000

Of these the number starred was

312,007

The ntimber of unstarred single men

attested was therefore 527,933

For final rejection as medically nnfit
a number of unstarred men have not
been examined, sav ... ... ... *260,000

Balance 267,933

Deduct 10 per cent. " badged " and

"reserved" •26,793

B.alance 241,140

Deduct 10 per cent, "indispensable " *24,114

As shown above, it is estimated that
of the un.starred single men attested
those not examined as to medical
fitness numbered ... ... ... *260,000

Deduct 10 per cent. " badged " and

"reserved" ... ... ... ... *26,000

Balance 234,000

Deduct 10 per cent. " indispensable " *23,400

-217,028

Balance 210,600

Deduct 40 per cent. unJit *84,240

Estimated net number available of

single men attested ... ... ... '

MARRIED MEN ATTESTED.
Total number of married men attested 1,344,979
Of these the number starred was ... 449,808

120,360

The number of unstarred married men

attested was therefore ... ... 895,171

For final rejection as medically unfit a
mmiber of tmstarred men have not
been examined, s.iy ... ... ... *445,000

Balance 450,171

Deduct 15 per cent. " Ijadged " and

"reserved" ... ... ... ... *G7,526

Balance 382,645

Deduct 20 per cent, "indispensable" *76,529

-306,116

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

319

As shown above, it is estimated that of
the unstarred married men attested
those not examined as to medical
fitness numbered ... ... ... ♦4-15,000

Deduct 1.5 per cent. " badgod " and

"reserved" ... ... ... ... *G6,750

Balance 378,2.50

Deduct 20 per cent. " indispensable " *75,650

Balance ...
Deduct 40 per cent, unfit

... 302,600
... *121,040

• 181,560

Estimated net number available of
married men attested

487,676

(There are probably more married men than single
men who are in reserved occupations, and certainly
amongst the indispensable class. I have increased con-
siderably the percentage of deductions in both these
cases. )

The figures marked * are estimates only.

" I mtist again draw attention to the fact
that the men in the married groups can only
be assiuned to be available if the Prime
Minister's pledge to them has been redeemed
by the single men attesting in such numbers
as to leave only a negUgible quantity un-
accotuited for.

" On comparing the above figures it will be
seen that of the 2,179,231 single men avail-
able, only 1,150,000 have been accounted for,
leaving a residue unaccounted for of 1,029,231.

" Deducting the number of starred single
men who have attested, 312,067, from total
nmnber of starred single men, 690,138, leaves
378,071 starred men.

" If we deduct this figure from 1,029,231
(the remainder of single men left who have
not offered themselves), it shows a total of
651,160 unstarred single men unaccounted for.

' ' This is far from being a negligible quantity,
and, under the circumstances, I am very
distinctly of opinion that in order to redeem
the pledge mentioned above it will not be
possible to hold married men to their attesta-
tion tmless and until the services of single men
have been obtained by other means, the present
system having failed to bring them to the
colours.

" I have been at some pains to ascertain the
feeling of the country, and I am convinced
that not only must faith be kept with the
married men in accordance with the Prime
Minister's pledge, but more than that ; in my
opinion some steps must be taken to replace
as far as possible the single men now starred,
or engaged in reserved occupations, by older
and married men, even if these men have to a
certain extent to be drawn from the ranks of

those already serving. Especially does this
apply to those who have joined these occupa-
tions since the date of the Royal Assent to the
Xational Registration Act. This applies, though
naturally in a minor degree, to munition workers.

" There is another point to wliich I would
most earnestly ask the Government to give
consideration. I have already drawn attention
in my previous Report to the detrimental effect
that the issue from time to time of lists of
' reserved ' occupations has had on recruiting.
Even since that Report was written further
and lengthy Usts have been issued. I do not
presume to state what are or are not industries
Indispensable to this country, but if there is to
be any further reservation of occupations it
is quite clear that the figtues I have given
above must be subject to a reduction, and I
cannot help hoping that there should be some
finality to the issue of these lists.

" Before concluding, it might be interesting
to give one or two features of the campaign.
The figures given above refer only to recruits
received between October 23 and December
15, but as I have been in my present office
since October 11, I include recruits for
immediate enlistment from that date to
Smiday, December 19 inclusive, and I also
include belated returns of men (61,651) taken
in the group system. It has not, however,
been possible to allot these latter acoiu-ately
as between single or married : the majority
appear to be men in starred occupations.
During that time there have been taken for the
Army as follows : —

Immediate enlistment
Attestation in Groups

275. OH 1
2,2.16,630

A gross total of 2,521,661

" Some of the figures of the take of recruits

under the group system for particular days may

also be of interest : —

On Friday, December 10, we took 193,527

On Saturday, December 11, we took 336,075

On Sunday, December 12, we took 325,258

On Monday, December 13, we took 215,618

Or a total in the 4 days of ... 1,070,478

" In order, however, to get at the number
of men who have offered, themselves, it is
necessary to add to the above figures those
who have been definitely rejected on medical
grounds, viz., 428,853. This shows that a total
of 2,950,514 men have shown their willingness
to serve their country, provided they were able
to be spared from their employment and could
be accepted as medically suitable.

320

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

" There will be additions to make to these
numbers, slight, but very significant. In
foreign towns where there are English com-
munities, men have banded themselves together
to come under the group system. Men have
written from Hong Kong, Rhodesia, Cadiz,
California, offering to come home to be attested
for Army Reserve (Section B)."

In the course of his first Report, which had
been dated December 12, and was also issued
on January 4, Lord Derby said :

" Many difficulties have been met with, but
the chief difficulty has been the unreliability
of the starring as distinguishing between those
who should and those who should not be taken
for the Army. Instead of starring being of
assistance, it htis been a distinct hindrance to
the canvass. More especially is this so in rural
and semi-rural areas, owing to the fact that it
was known before Registration Day what
branches of the agricultural industry would be
starred, with the result that many men who had
no right to do so claimed to come under these
particular headings. The sense of unfairness
thus created and the inequality of treatment of
farmers has been most detrimental in tliese
areas. The farmer himself is not a starred
man, but there are numberless cases of his
sons and labourers being starred as cowmen
and horsemen, &c., though in many instances
it is known that they are not really so
engaged.

" It is essential that the starred list should
be carefully investigated, and in cases of inis-
description the star removed and the man made
avaOable for military service. This applies to
the starred men in all industries.

" The issue, during the process of canvass,
of lists of trades which were to be considered
' reserved occupations ' has also proved an
obstacle. I recognise that it was essential that
such lists should be issued, but the fact remains
that trades other than those mentioned in these
lists have been applying to be so included, and
the men engaged in those trades are expecting
to be treated in the same way ii-s ' starred '

men, and have been deterred from coming
forward.

" Many men also who would willingly serve
find themselves barred from doing so by
domestic, financial and business obligations.
Tills especially applies to professional and
commercial men, who find difficulties in meeting
such obligations as payment of rent, insurance
premium, interest on loans connected with
their business, and provision for theii' family,
due to the fact that their income is entirely
dependent on their individual efforts, and
ceases when they join the Colours — separation
and dependants' allowances being quite in-
adequate in such cases to naeet these obliga-
tions. This applies not only to married men,
but also to single men in many cases.

" Another obstacle to recruiting has been the
unequal treatment of individuals. Parents and
relations especially cannot understand why
their sons, husbands or brothers should join
while other young men hold back and seciu'e
lucrative employment at home.

" Apart from the number of men who have
actually enlisted and attested there are many
who have promised to enlist when ' So and so '
has also promised to go. There may, of course,
be a number of men who make this answer as
an excuse. But that it is genuine in a very
large number of cases, and is accentuated by
bad starring, thsre is no reason to doubt.

" Further, the system of submitting cases to
Tribunals to decide is a novel one and is viewed
with some distrust, partly from the publicity
which may be given to private affairs, and partly
to a fear, wliich personally I do not share, that
cases will not be fairly and impartially dealt with.

" The canvass shows very distinctly that it
is not want of courage that is keeping men
back, nor is there the sUghtest sign but that th"
country as a whole is as determined to support
the Prime Minister in his pledge made at
Guildhall on November 9, 1914, as it wa«
when that pledge was made. There is abim-
dant evidence of a determination to see the
war through to a successful conclusion."

CHAPTER CIV.

THE FRENCH OFFENSIVE IN
CHAMPAGNE.

The Great Offensive in September, 1915 — Munitions and Allied Strategy^The French
Feont — Main Offensive in Champagne — The Great Artillery Preparation — Six Zones
OF Attack Described — Details op the German Defences — The Attack on September 25 —
The Six Assaults and their Results — The Fighting from September 27 to October 3 —
Gains in the Massiges Section — Review of the Offensive — The French Lloyd George —
Effect of the Attack upon the Germans — German Admissions — French Heroism — What
the French Offensive Achie^ ed.

THE key to the military history of the
operations in the first part of 1915 is
to be found in the munitions question.
The shell problem was not confined to
Great Britain. In France, although in another
form, it became just as acute as in Great
Britain, and it was in the course of the opera-
tions conducted simultaneously with the British
in the spring that the B'rench realized that
matters were seriously wrong. When, after
the Battle of the Marne, the vital importance
of shell supply was forced upon the attention
of the French authorities they immediately
took steps similar to those taken in Great
Britain to provide reciuisite supplies. They
mobilized a.ll their available resources and
managed in a very brief space of time very
greatlj' to increase their daily output of shell.
But in the haste to procure shells inferior
methods and materials were employed, the
drilled shell was provided instead of the
forged shell, and the results were not long in
revealing themselves in the rapidly growing
number of gun bursts along the Western front.
It was deficiencies of this nature that brought to
a standstill the offensive begun in the early
months of the year in the north of France.
^Vhen those operations ceased, comparative
Vol. VI.— Part 74.

quiet descended upon the line, while behind it
in France the method of shell manufactm'e was
rapidly altered and in Great Britain the
output was increased. Throughout the summer,
from June to the end of September, action
along the French front was confined to fighting
for positions, chiefly in the ^^osges. 4,s regards
the number of men engaged and the extent
of front involved, these operations were
of a local character. They none the less
served a very useful purpose. The enemy was
worn out and exhausted by fruitless and
costly counter-attacks. He was constantly
threatened by a French offensive in Alsace,
and this menace acted in some degree as a
screen to the preparation of the Allies' plans
for a general offensive along an extended front.

By many it had been supposed that
after the check of the jVrtois offensive
(described in Chapter CI.) the Western
Allies «ould confine their energies to local
operations and to accumulating vast stores of
mimitions and of men for a gigantic sledge-
hammer blow upon the enemy's lines in the
spring of 1910.

There were, liowever, a himdred reasons of
an international, of a military, and of a psycho-
logical nature which weighed in determining

321

THE TIMES HISTOHY OF THE WAE.

GERMAN SHELL CASES AS FRENCH TRENCH GUNS.

Lighting the fuse of a battery of four " Grapouillots " : French Infantry about to fire their home-made

trench-mortars.

General .Toff re and Sir .John French to make a
great effort before the advent of a winter cani-
I>aign with all its hardships.

The military and political situation in Russia
was not the least of these determining factors.
The great enemy drive seenied, in spite of the
valoiu- of the Russian soldier, to be approaching
a triumphant end, and it was the duty of the
Western Allies to do their utmost to relieve
the pressvire upon the Eastern partner. LTpon
the West these same Russian operations had
obliged the enemy to remain entirely upon the
defensive and to leave the initiative to the
French and the British. The British Army
had been solidly reinforced, and had thus been
enabled to take over a further stretch of the
front in France. Moreover, thanks to this fact
and to changes and reorganizations in the
French Army, the regrouping of certain regi-
ments and the formation of new forces had
become possible. Also, the indu,strial output
of France had been increased to a very large
extent, and a vait reserve of several million
shells of all calibres had heca accumulated.

All these reasons applied with equal strength
both to the French and the British Armies in the
West, and in a conference betv\'een the military
and political leaders of both coimtries simul-
taneous and co-ordinated action was agreed

upon b3r the British and the French working
togetlier in the north, and by the armies under
the direct command of General Castelnau in
the centre of the great rampart of civilization.

What that rampart svas could be realized
only by those who had seen it, who had spent
days in the trenches, which were its ultimate
e.xpression, who had studied the intricate and
vast mechanism which kept it fed and supplied
with its multifarious requirements, who had
been able to visit the vast caverns in which
men sheltered, who had e.Kplored the cunningly
concealed machine-gun emplaceinents, who had
wandered through acre upon acre of seemingly
endless communication trench, tramped over
miles of corduroy road, stumbled upon vast
sandbag cities, wandered in the new worlds
created underneath the ruins of the old in the
cellars., drains and graveyards. Nothing so
stupendous, so infinitely painstaking, so
amazingly ingenious, so solidly resisting, had
been seen in the history of war.

The will of man against such a barrier
would have been impotent, the great onrush
of the Revolutionary Wars suicidal. Science
and patience alone could prevail ; they alone
could render useful the display of the human
qualities of braveryand fearlessness, of patriotism
and self-sacrifice.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

328

Both science and patience found their ex-
jji'es<<ion in the tremendous bombardment u hich
preceded the AlUed advance. For weeks tlie
enemy was pounded witli high explosive and
slirapnel along the whole front. Shell poured
from British guns of every calibre, and from
■ the French mountain 6.5mm. to the gi'eat
370mm. howitzers there fell a constant rain of
destruction upon the German lines. The trench
artillery, from the converted cartridge-case to
the big mine-throwers, joined in. High above,
favoured by the fine weather, great fleets of
aircraft controlled and " spotted " for the
artillery, while the heavy guns of the bombard-
ment flotillas threw their loads of explosives
and carried destruction far beyond the range
of the heaviest field gmis on to railway and
supply centres or troop concentration [joint.s.

This bombardment was carried oiit for weeks
l^ractically along the whole line with the double
object of preventing the enemy from seeing at
which point tfie infantry was preparing to
follow and of rendering it impossible for the
enemy to prepare any serious counter-attacks
or to forestall the offensive anywhere along the
front.

The great offensive in France, bi'oadly speak-
ing, consisted of three parts. The first arm to
begin the a.ttack was the airplane, which, since

the beginning of the war, had been very con-
siderafily developed and was at last building
up, if slowly, a system of aerial tactics and
strategy. By the summer of 1915 the existing
possibilities of the airplane had become recog-
nized a.nd classified ; industry was furnishing
the different types of machines required and
squadron formations had taken definite shape.
The work of the airplane at this stage of the
war was split up under three general headings :
1. Reconnaissance. 2. Fight. .3. Bombard-
ment. For each class of work special types of
plane had been provided, and each one of them
played a vitallj' important part in the Cham-
pagne operations. Tlie aerial activity of the
French which had an immediate bearing upon
the Champagne offensive began in .lulj^, when,
as ])art of the fighting in the Argonne, the
raihvay jimctions and supply centres of the
Crown Prince's army were vigorously bom-
barded with explosive shells of high calibre by
squadrons of bet^veen thirty and forty machines.
With these bombplane squadrons went the
chaser planes, or Hawks, as they were known
to the French Army, powerful machines armed
for fighting, which, flying above, ahead and on
the flanks of squadrons, acted as escort and
engaged any enemy planes \vhich might attempt
attack.

GERMAN SHELL CASES AS FRENCH TRENCH GUNS.

Two of the battery of four "guns" fired: two about to be fired.

324

THE TIMK.-^ lllS'lonV oF THK IT'. I/?.

rWEN TV YARDS BETWEEN OPPOSING TRENCHES.
\ ievv taken from the top of a Prench trench, showing a German trench in background.

A\'liili' all llii.-^ rai(liii;j \\(irk wa.^ ;^'>iiig <-'ii
licliiiiil till' ■■n'.'iiiy's liiii'- .--waniis of rrcnuiiais.
saiicc plaiirs were engaged in the less spectaeular
Imt (MjLially claiiLrefUtis and useful work of
]<liotogi-a|5]iy o\"iT the I'lieiiiy's lines, spotting
fur till' guns, loeatiug artillery positions, and
]iii'\ lilting any (leruia.n ]i!anes from discovering
tlie great movements and ]iri'|.arat i' nis in
jirogress for the offensi\e.

All this aeti\"ity v,as, lio\\-e\-er. hut an in-
liiiitely siiiall [la.rt of the really gigantie Ijusiness
of the otfensive. Siiine idea of the nature of the
\\iirk jierformed hy tin.- \arious Staffs e.tn lie
gained froui a description of tin- ma|iping
operations carried out before the ('hamjiagne
offensi\e. The cartogr-'ijihy of peace even on
its largest scale iiro\ed quite ina(li'(|uate aiifl
misleadiuLi in a siegi- war where exery bend of
a stream, e\'i'ry riiini'd hou-e, e\"ery clump of
trees, every fold in the ground had to be
expliiied for artillery or machine-gun einplace-
iiHiit- where indeerl at some portions of the
hiji- the ajipearance of a new sandbag, a new
jjatli wi'i'u into the ground might jjossess signi-
ficance. The armies had. it is true, V;een facing
each other on jiracticallN unclianged lines since
the French advance in March, 1!)1,"). In trench
warfare, howex'er, a ma[) may be out of date
ill -lime all-important particular in less than a
week, and map correcting and amplification
■proceeds without a lireak day after day. The
base of them all \ias, of ci mrse. <"h<' I General Staff
map, npoii which uere Mm'iI the re.^ults of aerial

pholograjjfi\', of panoramic photograpihj' fi'om
the first line trenches, the discoseries of the
observation ofiieers. tin' work of the artists who
from points of xantage haxe turned tlieir
talents to military accoiuit and hitlden in a tree
or a ruin ha.ve created a new school of realistic
landscape jjainting for the special l)enefit of the
artillery. Some idi'a of the di'tail required can
he gaiiifd from t he map of the ( 'hampiagne front
puhlishefl on ]ip. lUo 1. That is a. small-scale
production coiniiared with the maps u.sed by
company eoinina.nders. It is, moreover, a rnaj)
piipared cntiiely by the indirect mea.ns de-
seiiiied. A map of the French jiosition before
till' offeiisi\"e would ha\e Iieen i-rowded with
intinitely more minute detail. J^'or in the maze
of trenches leading to the front line there was
a multitude of i ipport unit ies of error — error
\\ huh iiiiglit well lia\"e l.K^en disastrous and
1 hi-owii the whole sup]ily of men to the front line
into terriljle confusion. I'Acry yard of the
ground had to be studied, lat>elled, numbered
or named. The rough and ready methods of
indicating the entrance to a communication
trench, signposts of bottles or of sticks, would
have been enough for troops used to the position,
but arrangements had to be made for the
a.d\ance of largi' bodies of sujiports and
reserves who were comparative strangers to the
positions, and those arrangements had to ho
effective, for tlie whole attack was planned out
\iry much in the methodical manner of a
railway timetable, and delay at one point

THE TIMES HISTOUY OF THE WAR.

3-25

would have meant delay along the line and the
adding of fresh difHculties to the problem of
keeping regiments in touch with each other in
advancing over trench positions.

The problems of the map maker were but a
small part in the huge complications of the
offensive, the final Staff preparations for which
were made while the most intense bombardment
in history was in progress.

That bombardment began in the middle of
August, and while it was general along the front,
there were certain districts which cariie in for
more than their proportionate share of attention
from the masses of artillery assembled behind
the French front. These special zones going
from north to south w-ere (1) Belgian front, (2)
Souchez district, (3) Arras, (4) Roye, (5) Aisne,
(6) in Champagne between Moronvillers and
Souain, (7) Argonne, (8) Woevre, (9) Lorraine.
The bombardment remained general (growing
in intensity, however, in the Champagne) until
three days before the actual infantry operations
began, when, without ceasing day after day,
night after night, the Champagne front was
deluged in shell.

Whatever doubts the Germans may have had
about the intentions of the French as to the spot
at which they intended to strike hardest were
then set at rest. It was in the Champagne
Pouilleuse.

The front upon which the French attacked
was broad. The previous successes on both
sides in the West had ended in check because
the front attacked had not been broad enough.
In Artois, at Soissons, and in the Argonne each
local success scored remained purely tactical.

It was one of the commonplaces current in
France throughout the summer of 1915 that
Joffre could break through where he wanted
to do so. This maj' have been quite true. If
you bring enough artillery — enough of the right
kind of shell — to bear long enough uponany given
section of the front, the line will break at that
point as it did at Festubert, at Souchez, as it
did at Soissons, as it nearly did in the Argonne.
But the wedge driven into the line had
up till then failed to yield any strategical
results. On to the narrow fronts threatened
both sides were able to concentrate their trooj3.s
and their material, with the result that troop?
breaking through the lines had only foiuid
themselves confronted with another barrier a
little distance farther back. They were imable
at any time to get back to the war of manoeuvre,
to surface fighting, as the Germans managed

AFTER THE FRENCH VICTORY.
German guns captured in the Battle of Champagne. Inset : A German trench gun was devised for

throwing bombs.

74—3

32G

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

327

to do in their great drive in Galicia. As
Mr. John Buohan pointed out in The Times :
'' If yoii can tear a great rent in the enemy's
lines — 20 or 30 miles wide — then you prevent
him repairing the damage in time and with
luclt you may roll vip the ragged edges, force
the whole front to retire. That is what von
Mackensen did on the Dunajec in the first days
of May. He broke Radko Dmitrieff on a
40-mile front and there was no halting till
Galicia was lo^t." That is what Joffre set
himself to do in September of 1915 along the
V^''estern front, where, it is true, the conditions
of the French differed very largely from those
of the Germans in their great offensive in the
East, both as regards the munition supplies of
the enemy and as to their means of communica-
tion.

When the tactics and strategy of the opera-
tions on the Western front dtiring 191,') are
studied, it will be seen that in the fierce spring
fighting in Artois, where that remarkable
soldier of France, General Petain, gained a
widespread reputation outside the ranks of
the Army, principles which governed all
subsequent fighting were most clearly ex-
pressed. Few of those civilians who glibly
used and gaily accepted the expres.=ion " siege
warfare " in describing the war at this period
can have had any idea of the terrible accuracy
of that description. It was not only siege
warfare, but siege warfare, aj it were, under a
microscope. Any yard of the front might
become a bastion and delay advance at the
cost of hundreds of lives to the assailants and
a minimum of loss to the defenders. The
ininute localization of this war is shosvn quite
clearly on reference to the communiques. Day
after day Europe^ the greater part of which
was in the war area, waited eagerly for news
of events at the sugar refinery or the cemetery
of Souchez, at the ferryman's house on the
Yser, the crest of Hartmannsweilerkopf in
Alsace, the Four de Paris in the Argonne. It
was not until 1915 that the French seem defi-
nitely to have realized this intense localism of
the war, and to have conducted all their opera-
tions on that knowledge.

All flanliing movements having become
impossible since the war settled down into the
trench, the task of attacking generals really
was to create flanks and effect enveloping move-
ments upon small sections of the front, by
tl\rusting infantry into the enemy's line at
different points, much as the dentist's pincers

are thrust down into the base of a tooth, and
then to eat a way round the village or work to
be carried. This operation was repeated time
after time in the detailed fighting in Artois
in the early summer. It was this principle that
Joffre applied on a huge scale to the strategy
of the great summer offensive. Powerful and
gigantic thrusts were to be made on two
sectors of the front, which were, if all went well,
to be taken up along the whole line, and all
these thrusts, composed of detailed actions
much like those in Artois, were to contribute to
the execution of tliat strategy upon a vast
scale. The offensive began simultaneously in
the north and in the centre. The attack upon
the latter section was, by reason of the number
of men engaged and the results achieved, by
far the more important. Tlip centre of the
French line was held by three armies, from left
to right, by the 6fch, the 5th and the 4th, under
General Langle de Gary. It was upon the
front held by the latter that the offensive was
launched.

If any clear idea of the fighting is desired a
very close study of the country is necessary,
for, although chosen by history as the stage for
some of the most tremendous events in the
military liistory of Europe, the country is by no
means simple and straightforward.

The field of battle was that of Attila, and it
lies a little to the north of the region through
which historians have looked in vain for the
exact spot of the great Hun's last stand. Even
in time of peace it is a desolate region. Man
has had to fight for his living on this ungrateful,
tumbling soil of chalk. Fields of saffron, woods
of pine and spruce are the chief evidence of
agriculture. Roads are few and villages very
scarce. Nearly all of them he on the banks of
the small streams which have cut their beds
into the chalk iiills — the Suippe, the Ain and the
Tourbe. The line held by the Germans in this
region covered the Bazancoin-t-Challerange rail-
way at a distance varying from si.\- to nine miles.
These were practically the positions which the
German General Staff had organized during
the advance, and to which they fell back after
the defeat of the Battle of the Marne. Natu-
rally very strong, the position had been
strengthened by every device of the military
engineer imtil the Germans were justified in
calling it the " steel barrier."

Although from the point of view of a general
description the country does not vary much
from west to east, from a military standpoint

328

THE riM?JS HISTORY OF THE WAR.

it was by no means nniform, and was di\iiied
by the French General Staff into six zones.

Going from Auberive, the western end ot the
line, to Ville-sur-Tourbe in the east, the first
zone was constituted by a ridge of about five
miles, cut through almost at its centre by the
road from St. Hilaire to St. Souplet and the
Baraque de I'Epine de Vedegrange. The slopes
of this ridge were covered by many small
clumps of spruce thinned out very considerably
by shell fire and by the timber requirements of
trench repairs.

The second zone comprised the hollow of
Souain with the village of that name in the
bottom, the road from Souain to Somme-Py
and the Navarin Farm, about two miles to the
north of Souain on the crest of the hills.

The third zone lay to the north of Perthes,
and was formed by the slow-moving, mono-
tonous valley, about two miles broad, between
the wooded hills of Bricot Hollow and the
Mesnil Ridge. This valley was defended by
several lines of trenches and closed by several
veiyhiglilj' organized heights — the Souain Ridge,
Heights 195 and 201, and the Tahure Ridge.

To the north of Mesnil lay the fourth zone,
which, from the point of view of the defence,
was very strong. The hills in the west.
Mamelle Xord and Trapeze, and the Mesnil

Ridge on the east, formed the bastion of the
German positions, and were linlced up by a
powerful trench organization, behind which, a.s
far as Tahure, stretched a broken, wooded
covmtry.

In the fifth zone, to the north of Beausejour,
the country was fairly easy. The soil, bare of
vegetation, rose gently in the direction of
Ripon as far as the IWaisons do Champagne Farm.

The strongest point of the line lay to the
north of Massiges, where Heights 191 and
199, stretching like an open hand, formed the
eastern support of the entire front.

The whole of this front had been connected
by the German engineers by a complicated and
elaborate system of defence works. By the
disposition of the trenches the whole ground
had been split up into a series of more or less
regular rectangles, each one of which, armed
with an abrmdance of machine giuis, was
capable of standing a siege in the proper sense
of the word, of delaying the advance of the
enemy, of becoming a centre of resistance and
a rallying point for any counter-attacks.

A study of the map which appears on pp. 340-1
reveals the formidable nature of the German
defences. The portion of the hne attacked by
the French consisted of two main positions
separated by two or two and a-half miles. The

ON THE LOOK-OUT FOR AEROPLANES.
Ready to fire a German Anti-aircraft gun.

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

329

rib' , ISiji. '

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,^L

P*-*^ "

P^'iRHCv flfl^BlHHiHiUiH^M.i_A ^'^

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ijm

E^W * * ^^ajfr^ ** a\ ^^^imjIkwj

l^M^^S^^k

READY FOR ENEMY AIRCRAFT.

Ingeniotis French gunners mounted their gun on an improvised platform made from an old disused

gun carriage.

first-line defences were extremely dense, and
consisted of a complicated network of defence
and communication trenches formed by at least
three, and in some places by five, parallel trench
lines facing the French, ami cut up into com-
partments by lateral defence lines, and thus
studded with trench squares of formidable
strength. This first line was some 400 yards
i I depth, and between each trench in it had been
placed large fields of barbed-wire entanglement,
some of them bO or 70 yards in depth. The
second position consisted on the whole of but
one single trench. Here and there was a
support trench. Along the whole line this
second trench had been constructed on the
itnseen side of the hill crest, the upper slopes of
the hills under the obser\-ation of the French
being only held by machine-gun sections and
artiilerj'- spotters, whose advanced posts ^vere
linked up by timnels with the trench beliind
them. The whole of the couple of miles
separating these two positions had been fortified
and netted with transversal, diagonal and
lateral trench works and commimication
trenches, which, protected with barbed wire and
armed with mitrailleuses, became a by-system
of fortifications, capable of putting up a long
fight even after the hostile infantry had swept
over the positions.

Thanks to forward trench and airplane
observation, there was not much about the
position which had not been noted by the
cartographical survey of the army. Each
trench, each bristling clump of shell-stripped
tree trunks, had been baptized or numbered on
the maps. Artillery positions, supply centres,
headquarters beViind the line were also loiown
to the French.

It has been said that the airplanes were the
first to begin the offensive ; the artillery took
it up, and the middle of August saw the
beginning of the sustained homliardment upon
this section of the front. In the five weeks
which preceded the action of the infantry, on
no fewer than twenty-five days the front de-
scribed above was reported in the official covn-
iiiuniques as having been violently bombarded.
The objects of this bombardment on the first
position were fivefold :

1st. Destruction of barbed-wire entangle-
ments.

2nd. Burial of defenders in dug-outs.

3rd. Levelling of trenches and blocking of
fire holes.

4th. Closing up of commimication trenches
and tunnels.

5th. Demoralization of the enemy.

Meanwhile the long-range naval and military

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330

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

331

guns were busily employed bombarding head-
quarters, camps, railway stations and the
Challerange-Bazancourt railway, impeding or
interrupting the shell and food supply of the
firing line.

On September 22 and 23 remarkably fine
weather favoLu-ed the airplanes in theii- spotting
work for the artillery, and on the 22nd the
bombardment burst into a tronendous roar
along the Champagne front, which was sustained
at frenzy point until the hour for the infantry
advance had struck.

On September 22 all private communications
between the zone of the armies and the interior
of France ceased. The long suspense of weeks
of tremendously significant bombardment was
at an end.

On the night of September 24 an extra ration
of wine was issued and the men were acquainted
with their task by the following General Army
Order :

Grand Quariier General, Sept. 23.
General Order 43.

Soldiers of the Republic !

After months of waiting which have enabled us to
incre£ise our .^.trength and our resources while the enemy
was using his, the hour has come to attack and to conquer,
to add fresh pages of glory to those of the ]\Iame, of
Flanders, the Vosges and Arras.

Behind the storm of iron and fire unloosed, thanks to
the labour of the factories of France, where your com-
rades have worked day and night for you, you will go to
the assault together upon the whole front in close union
with the Armies of our Allies.

Your dash will be irresistible.

It will carry you with your first effort up to the
enemy's batteries beyond the fortified line opposing
you.

You will leave him neither truce nor rest until victory
has been achieved. On, then, with your whole heart for
the liberation of our country, and for the triumph of
right and liberty. J. Joffre.

Already during September 24 the clouds had
been gathering, and although they had re-
mained high enough not to impede the work of
air reconnaissance, there seemed no possibility
of the rain not being brought down by the
tremendous artillery fire on the ne.xt day.

AVhen reveille sounded at 5.30 on the morning
of the great day, September 2.5, those who had
slept through the din of gimfire awoke to a
world of gloom. Clouds heavy with rain swept
low across the grey chalky landscape, reflecting
on the heavens the monotony of the timibled,
dirty grey landscape. Between 6 and 6.30 the
morning coffee was drunk with many a jest
merry and lugubrious, and then, conversation
being impossible, the men squatted down by
the trench wall and smoked and thought of
what the dav might bring forth. Then, as the

titne of the attack drew near, the company
commanders threw their la.st glance over
their men's equipment, assembled their men
where possible, addressed to them their last
orders an<l explained all that was required
of them.

The Frenchman, of whatever class he comes,
is a man of intelligence. Ho only gives of hif
best when he knows what he is figliting for
and what he is figiiting against. Under a
pouring rainstorm which broke at 9 o'clock, in
a few Vjrief phrases the general situation and
the general ocheme of operations of the day
were set before the men. Then by the time
given by wireless to the Anny from the Eiffel
Tower the fuses of the artillery behind were
lengthened, the officers scrambled out of the
advanced parallels with a last shout of " En
Avant, mes Enfants " to the men and the wave
of " invisible blue " tipped the parapets with
foam. The great offensive of 1915 had begun,
and all those who took pa.rt in it are agreed
that no moment of the battle was so thrilling, so
soul -stirring and impressive as that which saw
the first wave of Frenchmen in blue uniforms,
blue steel Adrian casques, with drums of
grenades hanging at their \yaists, burst from the
trench in which they had lain hidden for so
many months and strike across the intervening
No Man's Land for the enem}''s lines.

General Castelnaii, who was in direct com-
mand of the operations, had declared to an
officer on his staff : " I want the artillery so to
bend the trench parapets, so to plcpugh up the
dug-outs and subterranean defences of the
enemy's line as to make it almost possible for
my men to march to the assault with their
rifles at the shoulder."

This desire was at points almost realized,
and there is nothing so remarkable in the
Champagne Battle of 1915 as the rapidity with
which the first line of the enemy was carried
by assault and the tremendous obstacles which
met the attacking infantry once it had swept
over the first-line trenches.

The front was extremely varied. In some
points all semblance of resistance had been
obliterated by the preliminary bombardment ;
in others a little nest of machine guns had
remained untouched by the artillery tire and
delayed the advance by hours. At one point
an entire French Army Corps occupied its
section of the first German line with a loss in
killed and wounded wltich did not exceed 150
men ; at another spot men fell in their

332

THE TIMES HTSTOEY OF THE WAR.

hundreds before a position wliich had either
been overlooked by or had resisted tiie artillery.
The fighting may be divided roughly into
two distinct parts. The first waves which
went dashing out of the trenches had about
250 yards to co\'er before they reached the first
German line, and such was the dash of thc^
French troojjs, such were the effects of the
artillery fire, that practically along the whole
front the firet line wa-s taken before noon. Up
to tills point success liad been complete. But

In a well-protected position. French gunners

wearing their shrapnel-proof helmets. Inset : Alter

bombarding the German defences.

at several points along the line resistance was
maintained. Machine guns ^vere unmasked,
the German artillery, which had been too late
with its attempt to stop the first advance with
a tir de barrage, got to work, and along the
entire front the fighting settled down into a
series of more or less isolated sieges, some of
which were successful, wliile others failed.

It is therefore necessary to describe the
fighting in each section of the front in some
detail.

Tn the first section, going from west to east —
the section of the Epine de Vedegrange — the
German line was situated at the foot of the
large ^\ooded ridge. The salients of the line
gave to it all the strength of the flanking fire
of a fortress, so that the attacking troops were
imder fire at practically every point along the
line from three sides at once. Taking the
St. Soviplet and St. Hilaire road as marking
the centre of this section on the western side,
there were no fewer than three of these salients,
forming as many entrenched bays swept by
machine-gun storms. Here the difficulties of
the position were increased by the very con-
siderable support given to the enemy by their
artillery, which had been massed in great •

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

333

numbers on the ]\toronvillers plateau to the
west of tlie front attacked.

The first assault, however, carried the
sevenfold wave of the French blue line through
the first trenches of the Germans up to a sup-
porting trench, where concealed fields of barbed
wire which had not been destroyed by the
bombardment stayed further progress. The
Germans farther to the left, profiting from the
fact that that section of the line had not been
stormed, organized a covinter-attack which,
sweeping from west to east, and firmly sup-
ported by the guns from Moronvillers, forced
the French left back a little. The French
right in this small portion of the front held
all the ground gained, and on the following
days, indeed, pushed farther and farther
forward into the labyrinth of trenches,
keeping pace with their comrades in the
neighbouring section of the line, where the
difficulties confronting the assailants were only
equalled by the courageous tenacity with which
they were overcome.

Upon their positions here the Germans had
lavished a vast amount of tackle, and the work
of their pioneers in the woods and trenches had
made of it one of the most elaborately defended
positions of the German centre. A glance at
the map will show the tremendovis strength of
those defences, which consisted of triple, and

in places of quadruple, lines of fire trenches,
and almost innumerable machine-gun block-
houses, and was leinforced by a very large
number of batteries of artillery in positions
hidden in the woods of the sloping ground
behind. Along this portion, too, the advance
met with varying fortune. Again it w as the
local left — that is to say, the troops operating
with their left on the east side of the St. Souplet-
St. Hilaire road — that got stopped, this time
after they had carried the first trench line,
by hidden mitrailleuses wliich executed great
damage on the French. There, where the
difficulties seemed greatest, however, the
advance was most successful, and the right of
the attacking troops carried all four lines of
trench — some of them hidden in woods — difficult
targets for the French artillery, and rushed
about a mile and a half of covmtry, making 900
prisoners, of whom 17 were officers, and cap-
turing two German 77 mm. field guns and five
105 guns.

Farther east, under cover of a fold in the
ground, the French got a footing in the German
trench line for a distance of about 500 yards,
but here again check was called, for the enemy
hastily concentrated his artillery fire into the
breach, while from the left and the light of it
unconquerable macliine guns sputtered check,
check, check.

FOR THE COMFORT OF FRENCH TROOPS.
Bedsteads used in dug-outs and trenches in Champagne.

74-3

334

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

Such, briefly described, were tlie results of
the first day's offensive. The resvilts show the
general rhytlim of the battle right along the
line and the principles wliich inspired both
attack and defence. The defence had formed
a nvunber of resistance centres separated each
from the other by a weaker trench fortification
system which was under the protection of the
bastions formed by the resistance centres.
The French struck boldly for the weaker line,
meanwhile gettuig their teeth into the strong
positions, bombing and firing while their
comrades got round to the flanks of the bastions
and forced surrender or retreat. The position
at Auberive-sirr-Suippes was one of these
resistance points, the district on eacli side of
the St. Souplet-St. Hilaire road, one of the
weaker lines ; while the salient to the east of
the road once more became formidable.

To the east again, in the semi-circular entrant
around Souain. the enemy's defences were
more slender, and in this section the French
advance was more remarkable.

Here the French lines almost touched the
German trenches at the western point, the
Moulin, and at the east point of the curve, the
Bois Sabot. The French lino between those
two points was elliptical, and left about 1,000
yards of No Man's Land between the opposing
trenches north of the village of Souain. It
was in this section of the front that some of
the most delicate and dangerous preparatory
work of the offensive was carried out. It had
been learned Vjy costly experience that against
a line well fitted w-ith machine gims it was
necessary (unless great loss of life was to be
incurred) to bring the attacking troops to
witliin about 200 or 250 yards of their im-
mediate objective. Here to the north of Souain
they had to push forward about 800 ya.rds
before the offensive began. This was done by
sajjping out and linking up with parallel trenches,
and at times by rushes at night under the glare
of searchlights and the cold, scrutinizing eye
of the star shells and pistol flares of the enemy.
T'nder fire the men dug themselves in where
they dropped, and then dug backwards to the
main trenches. In this manner the average
distance separating the two lines of trench was
reduced to its proper minimmn of between
200 and 250 yards.

Here, again, so intricate and detailed were
the operations, it was necessary to subdivide the
section attacked into three parts corresponding
with the direction of the assault, which radiated

out froiu Souain to the west upon the woods of
Hills 174 and 167, to the centre along the
Souain-Somme-Py road, and to the east along
the Souain-Taluu'e road. In the first two
subdivisions up the hill slopes on the west of
the cm've and in the centre due north the ad-
vance was extremely rapid. Here, as along
the rest of the battlefield, the assault was
unchained at 9.15 a.m. ; in less than an hour
the Palatinate and Magdeburg fortifications
had been carried, the Von Kluck Trench over-
run, and the Harem communication trench, a
mile and a cjuarter behind the first Gernian
trench, had been reached. Progress to the north
was even more startlingly rapid, for there by
ten o'clock, three-quarters of an hovir after the
first shout of " En Avant," the French had
stormed up the hill, swept over Eckmiihl
Trench and the Gretchen Trench on towards
the Navarin Farm, a little south of the Ste.
Marie and Somme-Py roads.

On the eastern side of the semicircle things
were by no means so easy, a number of machine
gims having escaped destruction in the Bois
Sabot, at the southern extremity of the curve,
and no great progress was realized here on the
first day of the offensive.

The wooded region between Souain and
Perthes was in many ways the most interesting
bit of tlie battlefield. It had been fiercely
fought for in February and in March, when the
French, in spite of almost superhuman efforts,
only succeeded in getting a footing in the Bois
Sabot and in maldng slight progress to the
west of Perthes on Hill 200. The German
defences between these two points had then
offered an unshakable resistance. This
" Pocket," as the French termed the system
of defences, constituted one of the most solidly
organized resistance centres of the German line,
with its Coblentz work and the Hungarian,
Rhine, Prague and Elbe Trenches rumiing from
north to south, linked up on the north by the
horizontal trenches of Dantzig and Hamburg.
To the north of the Pocket lay the core of the
defence in the fairly tliick w-oods of the Bricot
Hollow, whicli stretched along a front of about
a mile and extend northwards for two and a half
miles.

East of the Bricot Hollow the coimtry was
bare and easy. Its defences were comparatively
slender. The first line was formed by a triple
row of trenches with about 100 yards between
each. Then, after a distance of about three-
quarters of a mile, came a solitary support

THE ' TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

335

IN CHAMPAGNE.

French Colonial troops resting after the battle.

trench — the York Trencli — beyond which there
was nothing until the second German position
was reached at Tahure Kidge.

The main blow was struck at this chink in
the armour. Tlie left, playing a secondary
part, had been ordered to carry the Pocket and
subsecjuently to cooperate in the envelopment
of Bricot Hollow, in which work the troops
attacking the eastern slopes of the Souain
semicircle were to assist.

The attack was carried through without a
hitch. The first assaulting line of Frenclimen
and the lines of support had already swept
over and beyond the first German trenches
before the German artillery awoke to what was
Tianpening, and began its barrage tire, u-hich,

hindered at every moment by the French
gunners, did but little damage to the waiting
French troops in the Place d'Armes, the huge
caverns scooped out for the cover of large
bodies of men.

At 9.45 a.m. the converging column which
attacked the salient of the Pocket joined up.
The whole position was surrounded and those
of its defenders who were left -ivere made
prisoners.

Meanwhile the attack Lipon the main position
had made good progress. Almost at the same
time that the Pocket was surrounded the first
French Vjattalion had got a footing in the
southern edge of the Bricot Hollow woods.
■W^hiie they held on, succeeding battalions which

33G

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

liad been working up northwards to the east
of the woods swung round to the left, seized
the support trenehes and installed themselves
m the coniniunication trenches, while other
Jjattalions which had adxanccd north fioni
Perthes got into the eastern edge of the wood,
where so rapid and siu-prising had been their
rush that they surprised some of the officers
cahnly lying in bed, so great was their confidence
in the resisting power of the " Steel Barrier " of
the first lines.

The York Trench was occupied ahnost with-
out a shot being fired, but farther to the east
progress was stayed for a while along the
Perthes -Tahure road, where small blockhouses

IN A FRENCH TRENCH.

A Telephone Operator at work.

and pivot-points put up a desperate fight.
One machine gum, tucked away beneath an
armoured shield, did a great deal of damage, and
w-as only silenced by the drastic step of bringing
up artillery to bear upon it. An infantry
officer, with the help of an artillery non-com-
missioned officer, got up a gun to within .300
yards of the obstinate machine and destroj'ed
it at that range. The dam had burst, however,
and through the breach poured in the French
troops. The later w-a\es had hard fighting with
grenade and bayonet before they cleared out
the wooded clumps. But here again their

arrival was a surprise, batteries of artillery w ere
rushed from the flank and the rear, and the
gimners bayoneted in the act of firins. Thus
in the advance straight to the north of Perthes
10 heavy guns of lO."} mm. and five of
150 mm. were captured. The same process was
going on in the woods to the east of Perthes-
SoLiain-Tahure roads, where one regiment
travelled two and a-half miles in two hours,
capturing 12 guns, five of 105 mm. and seven of
77 mn".

By the end of the afternoon the Souain-
Tahure road had been reached by the first
French regiment. The advance was great, Ijut
already the difficulties of the attackers were
beginning. The incessant downpour rendered
the work of the artillery very difficult, for they
were now firing on new targets, and observation
spotting was impossible. The advance had
taken place over ground terribly broken by
trench and mine, and liaison between the
different units had broken down. In a few-
graphic words a French officer thus described
the scene at this period of the attack :

The Germans were busy pouring a converging fire
upon our men from the Souain and the Taliure Ridges.
The bare stretch of country, veiled in driving rain, was
dotted with scattered groups of men, and officers who liad
got separated from their men were hurrying about trying
to find them again. I was trying to restore my regi-
mental liaison, and every now and again a junior officer
of another regiment was reporting to me and asfiing for
instructions. Disorder was apparent, but everywhere
order was working. It took some time to get tilings
straightened out again, and the worlc was rendered easy
by the inner laugh we all got out of a young St. Cyrien —
one of those lucky youths who, had it not been for the
war, would still have been studying the Napoleonic
campaigns at the Military Schools. He came up to me
caked in the chalk mud which covered us all. He was
proud of his chalk and flushed with the elation of sensa.
tion. He was even prouder of his sword; for with the
utmost gravity and delightful " panache," instead
of giving the hurried hand salute which, on a battlefield
with shells bursting around us, would have been ample,
he must needs draw his sword and with a fine, if com-
.pletely incongruous, flourish _^ave me a magnificent
parade-ground salute, as he reported.

Company was linked to company, regiment
to regiment, and in spite of growing fire from
the Germans the line advajiced as far as the
slopes of Hill 193 and the Tahure P.idge.
There the men dug themsehes in and waited
for dawn and their artillery.

It was in the Mesnil section that the first day
attack met with the rnost serious opposition.
Kere all that was accomplished was done with
great difficulty. In the course of the previous
winter the French had succeeded in getting
a foothold on Height 196. The Germans
remained in Kitchen Gully ; to the east of this

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

337

FRENCH WOUNDED IN A VILLAGE CHURCH.

A church close to the fighting lines used by the French Red Cross to shelter wounded soldiers

■who were moved out of the danger zone. The wounded were arranged in rows down both sides of the

church, and rested on small piles of straw which covered the flagstones.

gully was the only portion of the line which the
first day's offensive captured.

North of Beausejour better fortune attended
the French. Almost in one dash they broke
tlirough the Fer de Lance and Demi-Lune Woods

and the Bastion. Some of their troops were
carried right through the hill crest of the
Maisons de Champagne, bayoneting gunners
at their guns as they swept victoriously on.
The mine-torn region of Beausejour, which

338

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

MUNITIONS UNDERGROUND.
The entrance to a French ammunition store.

with its deep craters resembled a liinar land-
scape, was crossed as far as the Bois Allonge
in the ISIaisons de Champagne road. There
the enemy gminers knew what was happening,
and they had their horses harnessed and were
saving the guns when the French infantry wave
burst upon them. The line was pierced here
AAith a vengeance. The gap was growing hour
by hour. Everywhere war v.as once more
coining to the surface. The armies of France
were moving over gromid wh.ich had not known
the tread of Frenchmen for over a year. Guns
were coming out of their lairs, harnessmg np,
and galloping into action over the trench Ime
they had l)een bombarding for months. Even
the ca\-alry, as they had shared the winter
misery with their infantry comrades in the
trenches, had been buoyed up with the hope
that their day might come, began to move

forward. Their hopes of a dart were disap-
pointed, but at one or two points they did
useful work. Thus, in this section t\vo
scjuadrons of hussars, dashing across the
enemy's iir de barrage, were making for the
batteries north of the Maisons de Champagne,
when they foLuid themselves under the machine-
gun fire of a section of the German line which
was still holding out. Several horses were
killed, and the hussars thereupon dismounted,
and sabre in hand advanced to the assistance
of the infantry. Thanks to this timely, if un-
orthodox, assistance, the 000 Germans who
were still resisting surrendered.

The extreme east of the line hung upon the
tremendously strong positions of the plateau
of Massiges. Hero the Colonial troops, ad-
vancing at the double, got right up to the top
of the plateau in a cjuarter of an hour. There

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

339

AFTER THE
Excavation made by

their progress was stopped for the day by the
tremendous machme-guii concentration of the
enemy. But enough had been done at this
point, whence the enemy had dominated the
entire hne, to make secure the gains along the
rest of the front.

The day's operations were thus smumarised
in the olficial communique of September 26 :

" In Champagne obstinate engagements have
occurred along the whole front.

" Our troops have penetrated the German
lines on a front of 25 kilometres (15 J miles) to
a depth varying between one and four kilo-
metres (five-eighths to two and a-half miles), and
they have maintained during the night all the
positions gained.

" The number of prisoners actually counted
exceeds 12,000 men."

Thus the results of the first day's fighting

BATTLE.

i German shell.

may be smnmed up as being entirely successful.
The assault at the two ends of the line around
Auberive and Servon failed to carry the
position, but with heroic tenacity, under
converging artillery fire and counter-attacks,
the men fought on, and they retained very
large forces of the enemy upon their front,
pinned the enemy's two wini.s down, and thus
facilitated the work upon the centre. There
the " poilu" had done his wt rk well, but already
the obstacles which in the days to come finally
brought the movement to a check were
hanging the advance up at certain points.
The night was passed m quiet activity. Tlie
Germans appeared to be stunned by the blow
given them, and no counter-attack or bom-
bardment came to worry the preparations for
the next day's operations. Throughout the
night the roads in the rear were filled with the

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34'2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

4 * -^*d«^%L

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EFFECT OF THE FRENCH SHELL FIRE.
In the distance is seen the remains of a wood, and in the foreground the crater of a mine explosion.

bombardment miseathed, had to be enveloped.

tremendous traffic- of supply, of reliefs and
reinforcements. Advantage was taken to move
ujj even the heavy artillery, so as to afford
support for the continuance of the operation
so hajjijily begun.

Gomg again on the map from west to east,
the French had been stayed at the wood
bordering the St. Hilaire-St. Souplet road.
Tliis they seized on September 27, and on the
same day they carried the long Eijine de
Vedegrange trench, thus getting their teeth
into tlie German second position, where their
farther progress was stopped by the intact
wire entanglements defenchng the Parallel du
Bois Chevron.

In this Vedegrange section the fighting died
away after September 28, upon which date the
yield of the offensive here was thus stated by
the French General Staff : '" Capture of nearly
10 scjuare miles of closely fortified country,
44 guns (seven of 105 and six of 150 nmi.) and
over 5,000 prisoners."

In the Souain section it was not until Sep-
tember 28 that along the whole line the French
got into contact with the second German
positions. The German defence of the Bois
Sabot, composed mainly of machine guns,
which had come through the preliminary

The circle was completed on the 27th, when
the troops corning from the Souain-Tahure
road made their junction with the cohunns
attacking to the north of Perthes. A small
investing force was left behind, and parle-
mentaires were sent to the Germans to point
out the hopelessness of further resistance.
They were greeted with shots, and in the night
the desperate and famished defenders (they
had been ^^■ithout food for days) made a
forlorn effort to break through.

The greater nmnber of them were Idlled, and
the others, then convinced of the uselessness
of further refusal to accept defeat, surrendered.

hi. front of Perthes, where halt had been
called towards noon by the severity of the
converging enemy artillery fire, the night was
busy, and artillery was brought up right
beyond the York Trench to support the next
day's movement. The situation of the men
was such that they either had to retreat or
advance, so at da\\'n the re-formed regiments
pushed forward and got into immediate con-
tact with the second German line from the
Souain Ridge to the Tahui'e Ridge. They even
carried one or two advanced parts of that line,
but here again they were held up by un-
destroyed wire, which lay in great fields on the

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

34S

re\-erse slope of the hilis. Here they lay,
digging themsjclves in, and building up under
the guns of the enemy a whole system of de-
fence until October 6.

Tlie leUiiwtiv, as it were, of the succeeding
days of the battle Mas heard strongest in the
Mesnil sector. Here even the first day's
offensive had spent itself in vain against intact
wire, and it was not until six days later that
the northern tip of the Jlesnil Ridge was cap-
tured and the Trapeze on the top of the
southern crest encircled.

The most stubborn resistance on September
25 had been encountered on the Main do
Massiges. The Germans had some ground ft r
their boast that this position could be held by
" two washer vvome? 1 and two machine guns,"
for it was indeed of extraordinary strength.
The three hills which run in a south-westerly
direction and the valleys between them have
the appearance of the back of the fii-st
three fingers of a hand. On the Staff
maps tliis similarity is heightened by the
network of trenches which cover the heights,
which are as close and as comj^ilicated as the
lines upon a finger. The French had declined
the in\'itation to advance up the open valleys

between these fingers, ^v-here certain destruction

awaited thein, and had struck over the back

of the hand, and had got on to the jalateau.

Here the fighting became one long personal

straggle in timnel and in trench with the

bayonet and the gi'cnade. An endless human

chain \vas formed from Massiges, along which

grenades were passed from hand to hand to

the gi-enadier parties. The fighting followed a

regular course after a fierce bombardment,

regulated by flag signals. From the attacking

Ime came a swift avalanche of grenades — the

bomb-throwers advancing with bayoneting

parties and fighting their way up the narrow

trenches foot by foot. A semi-official account

of this great feat said :

Having announced in its communtqu6 of September 29
that the French had been unable to take the heights
to the north of Massiges, the German General Staff
announced, in its communique of September 30 that
Hill 191 had been evacuated because it was taken in
the flank by artillery fire. In point of fact, we reached
the summit of these heights on September 25, and
during the following days completed their conqnest.
The number of prisoners we made there, together with
the still greater number of German corpses which filled
the trenches and the communication trenches on Hill
191, bear witness to the bitterness of the struggle.
There was no question here of a voluntary evacuation
or a retreat in good order, but of a broken resistance and
a costly defeat. Our adversaries were holding a for-

AFTER THE FRENCH VICTORY.
A shattered German trench in Champagne.

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THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

345

midable bastion which assured, by flanking works, the
security of a great stretch of their front in Champagne.
They thought this bastion impregnable. We knew tliat
the saying was current among them, "Hill 191 can be
held with two washerwomen and two machine guns."

The possession of this fortress was indispensable to
the success of onr attack, and the honour of the assault
fell to the Colonial Infantry, who wrote a new page
of heroism in their history at Massiges. By our first
assault on September 25 we reached the summit of the
plateau. Our artillery had completely wrecked the
slopes and ra-vines and torn gaps in the barbed-wire
entanglements which the enemy had stretched below.
The German regiments which occupied Hill 191 at the
moment of attack, confident in the solidarity of their
fortress, were disorganized and demoralized by the
rapidity of our first rush. Their machine guns enabled
them to prolong their resistance, but imder the weight
of our artillery and grenade fire they gave way little by
little. Reinforcements selected from the best troops of
the Crown Prince's Army were sent to their assistance.
These newcomers did justice to their reputation. Over-
whelmed by our shells and grenades, they clung to their
trenches. " Surrender ! " shouted in German the
colonel of one of our colonial regiments, who was ad-
vancing with his grenadiers and had reached a distance of
30 yards from the enemy. A German lieutenant fired
at him and missed. Not one of his men escaped. There
are so many corpses in the trenches of Hill 191 that at
certain points of the plateau they literally fill up the
trenches, and one has to walk over them exposed to the
enemy's fire.

Our methodical advance was continued from Sep-
tember 25 to September 30. As the trenches were
conquered the Germans, surrounded in the intermediary
communication trenches, raised their hands in sur-
render. We took them prisoners in groups of about a
thousand, amongst whom were several officers. One
active officer swore at his men. " I can only make them
advance with the stick or the revolver," he said. When
it felt that the possession of the heights was being
wrenched from its grasp, the German General Staff
attempted a counter-attack, which debouched from the
north-east, but the assaulting troops, as they deployed,
came under the fire of our machine guns and artillery,
and were swept away in a few moments. The survivors
fled in disorder. Our troops, seeing the enemy give
ground, continued the fight with joyous ardour. " I
can't find men to take the prisoners back," said an
officer. They all want to remain up there."

This version of the struggle does but scanty
justice to the exploit of the Colonial Corps.
The number of German dead which " 611 up
the trenches" alone testifies to the stubborn
resistance which the French had to overcome,
and an oflficer who took part in the fighting
was more gallant, and perhaps more accurate,
W'hen he declared that "the enemy fought
with amazing courage against a still more
amazing attack. Time and again the enemy
machine gtms were only put out of action
when the gtmners had been bayoneted at
their posts. Grenadiers fought with despera-
tion, £Wid so close was the fighting that many
of them were killed or wounded by the ex-
plosion of their own grenades." The possession
of these heights enabled the French to carry
by flanking attack the trenches east of the
position, which resisted all frontal storming.

The official storj^ of the fighting was contained
in the following passages of the cotnmiinlqiie
issued day by day from the French War Office :

Scpteniber 2Q, evening.

In Champagne our troops have continued to gain
ground. After crossing on almost the whole front
comprised between Auberive and Ville-sur-Tourbe the
powerful network of trenches, communication trenches,
and forts established and perfected by the enemy during
many months, they advanced northwards, compelling-
the German troop:-: to fall back un the second position
trenches, three or four kilometres in the rear.

The fighting continues on the whole front. We have
reached the Epine de Vedegrange. passed the cabin on
the road from Souain to Somme-Py and the hut on the
road from Souain to Tahure. Farther east we hold the
farm of Maisons de Champagne.

The enemy has suffered very considerable losses fron*
our fire and in the hand-to-hand fighting. He has left

INFORMATION FROM THE ENEMY.

A German deserter explaining in detail a German

position in Champagne to a French officer.

in the works which he has abandoned a large quantity of
material, which we have not yet been able to tabulate.

At present the capture of 24 field guns has been
reported.

The number of prisoners is increasing progressively,
and at present exceeds 16,000 unwoimded men, including
at least 200 officers.

Altogether, and on the whole front, the Allied troops
have taken in two days over 20,000 able-bodied pri-
soners.

September 28. ,

In Champagne the struggle continues without inter-
mission.

Our troops are now on a wide front before the second
line of the German defences — between Hill 185 (east of
the Somme-Py-Tahure road) to the west of the farm of
Navarin {on the Souain-Somme-Py road, ha!f way be-
tween the two places), the ridge of Souain-Tahure road,
and the village and ridge of Tahnre.

34G

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

FRENCH GAINS IN MASSIGES SECTION, SEPT. 25-30.

The number of guns captured from the enemy cannot
be estimated at the present moment, but it exceeds 70
field pieces and heavy weapons, 2:i of which were cap-
tured by the British.

The Germans to-day took the offensive in the Argonne,
but were stopped.

Four times they attempted an infantry attack on our
positions at La Fille Morte, after having bombarded
tliem with projectiles of every caHbre and with aspli\'xiat-
ing .shells. The enemy was only able to reach at some
points our first line trenches, he was stopped there by

the fire from our support trenches, and was repulsed
everywhere else with heavy losses.

September 28.

In Cliampagne fighting went on tenaciously along the
entire front.

We occupied at .several points, notably at the Trou
Bricot (about three miles north-east of Souain), north of
the Macques Farm, some positions, which we had already
passed, in which the enemy still maintained himself.

We made 300 officers prisoners in Champagne, and not
200, as originally reported.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

347

September 29.
In Champagne the Germans are resisting in their
reserve positions, protected by extensive and concealed
wire entanglements.

We made some further progress towards Hill 185
(west of the Navarin Farm) and towards La Justice,
north of Massiges.

In the Argonne, the obstinate attacks delivered
yesterday by the enemy, with six to eight battalions,
against our first line trenches at La Fille Morte and
Bolante resulted in a serious defeat.

The counter-attacks earned out by us in the course of
the night permitted us to expel the German infantry
from almost all the points where thej^ had been able
to penetrate. The ground in front of our trenches is
covered with the enemy's dead.

September 30.
The reports which are coming in permit us to measure
more completely each day the importance of the success
obtained by our offensive in Champagne, combined with
that of the Allied, troops in Artois.

The Germans have not only been lorced to abandon
on an extensive front positions which were strongly
entrenched, upon which they had orders to resist to the
end ; they have sustained losses the total of which in
killed, wounded, and prisoners exceeds the strength of
three Army Corps.

The total number of prisoners is now over 23,000;
the number of guns brought to the rear is 79. Seventeen
thousand and fifty-five pi'isoners and 316 officers have
passed through Chalons on their way to their internment
destinations.

The clearing of the battlefield and the counting of the
a.rms of every kind, and of the field and trench material
which the enemy was obliged to abandon to us. is being
proceeded with.

In Artois the progress reported yesterday east of
Souehez continued.

October 1.
In Champagne we gained a footing at several points in
the German second defensive position west of tlie Butte
de Tahure and west of the Navarin Farm.

At the latter point certain of o\ir troops crossed the
German line and advanced determinedly beyond it. but
their progress could not be maintained owing to a
barrage of artillery fire and very violent flanking bom-
bardments.

Our men are holding firmly the captured positions in
the enemy's second line.

South of Ripont (east of Tahure, on the Souain-Tahure-
Ceniay road) we extended and completed the conquest
of the first German position by carrying a part of the
important support works known as the " Works of the
defeat."

October 2.
In Champagne we stopped dead with our fire a counter-
attack in the region of Jlaisons de Champagne.

The number of prisoners made yesterday evening, in
the course of our progress north of Massiges, was 280,
including six officers.

In Champagne a coup de main between Auberive and
TEpine de Vedegrange enabled us to capture from the
enemy more machine guns and about 30 prisoners.

October 4.
In Champagne the Germans bombarded, in the course
of the night, our new lines at the Epine de Vedegrange
and east of the Xavarin Farm. Our troops won a con-
siderable portion of the enemy's positions which formed
a salient on the present line north of Mesnil.

In Lorraine German reconnoitring parties attacked
two of our posts near Moncel and Sorneville. They were
repulsed and pursued until they returned to their lines.
The night was quiet on the rest of the front.
Our air squadrons threw a very large number of pro-
jectiles upon the railway stations and lines behind the
enemy's front.

To this official record must be addod the text

of the telegrams exchanged between the Allied
Chiefs of State :

PARIS, Sept. 28.

The Tsar has sent the following telegram to
President Poincaro :

" Plav'ing received the news of the great
success achieved by the glorious French Army,
it is with pleasure I seize this happy occasion
to exjiress to you and to the valiant Army my
warmest congratulations and my sincerest
wishes for the future and the unchangeable
prosperity of France.

" XlCtlOLAS."

PARIS, Oct. 1.

King George yesterday sent the following
telegram to the President of the French
Republic :

" I have followed with admiration the mag-
nificent exploits of the French Army, and seize
this opportunity of congratulating you, M. le
President, as well as General Joffre and the
whole French nation, on the great success
achieved bj^ the valiant French troops since the
beginning of our joint offensive.

*' George, R.I."

The congratulations of the President of the
Republic to the Army were expressed in the
following letter to M. jMillerand, Minister of
AVar :

" j\Iy Dear Minister, — The magnificent
results produced by our operations in yVrtois
and Champagne enable us to estimate the
extent of the victory which the Allied Armies
have just won. Our admirable troops have
given in this tough fighting new proofs of
their incomparable ardour, of their spirit of
sacrifice, and of their sublime devotion to the
Fatherland. They have definitely asserted
their superiority over the enemy.

" I beg you to transmit to the General-in-
Chief, to the Generals commanding Army
groups and Armies, and to all the Generals,
ofticers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers,
my warmest and most heartfelt congratulations.

" Believe, my dear Minister, in my most
devoted sentiments.

"(Signed) R. Poincare."

In this bald official phraseology a thousand
epics lay hidden. Concealed in the restrained
language of the coinmuniqn e ^\Tite^ were a
tliousand feats of arms, each of which was
worthy to inspire another Homer. In singing
the praises of the PVench troops the lyric mood

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THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

349

is alone permissible. They performed prodigies
of valoiu', and coLm.tless are the instances of
direct sacrifice for tiie well are of the country.
In no way is the merit of the French troops'
behaviour lessened by a more detailed descrip-
tion of the effects of the French bomlDardment
upon the German trenches. The strength of
that line had to be seen to be believed. Shells
such as were employed at that moment in the
\var were about the size of a pillar-box, and did
not contain enough high explosive to shatter
the shelters and caverns in which the enemy
infantry lay waiting with their machine-guns.

General Castelnau had said before the begin-
ning of the offensive that he wanted the
bombardment to be so terrific that his men
might go to the attack of the opposing trencVi
lines with their rifles at the shoidder. It was
the business of M. Albert Thomas, Under
Secretary of State for Munitions, to see to it that
the realization of this wish was possible. M.
Albert Thomas is one of the very few instances
in the war up to this period of a man being
developed who really was worthy of the
circumstances. Kno^vn before the outbreak of
the war to his pohtical friends and opponents as
Ij'Homme-Cliien, on account of his tremendous
growth of beard and hair, M. Albert Thomas was
recognized rather as one of the coming forces
of International SooiaUsni, as an econoinical
WTiter of the French business man's jomnal
L' Information, than as the great " organizer
of victory," as his friends did not hesitate to
name him in 1915. For a long time he worked
behind the scenes, and it was not until long
after the Battle of the Marne had flung the
invader back from Paris that France as a whole
learned that in all matters of artillery and shell
supply M. Millerand, who was the Minister of
War, had had the benefit of M. Albert Thomas's
advice. His position was given official recogni-
tion by his appointment to the newly created
post of Under-Secretary of State for Munitions,
not long after the great shell upheaval in
Great Britain and the consequent appointment
of Mr. Lloyd George to the new portfolio of the
Ministry of Munitions. M. Thomas was in-
evitably dubbed the French Lloyd George.
The service he rendered to France was, to say
the least of it, equal to that so splendidly given
to Britain by his British colleague, and the title
reflected honour upon each. Like Mr. Lloyd
George, M. Albert Thomas had to fight against
the dead weight of settled convictions, of settled

procediu-e in the minds and methods of
bureaucracy. Like Mr. Lloyd George, and
perhaps before him, he conquered all those
difficulties, and although it may be said that
the offensive in Champagne came to an end
through a miscalculation, a misLuiderstanding,
a non-realization as to the tremendous quantity
of high explosive to blast a way tlirough the
main German line, Vjoth first and second, in the
Champagne, the blame — if blame of any sort
there be — cannot be laid at the door of M.
Albert Thomas. As he frankly stated to the
Paris correspondent of The Tiines while the
offensive was stOl in progress on September 29,
there were three lessons to be gained from the
success of the Chamjaagne offensive. The first
weis perhaps the most satisfying. It was that
all agitation for shells and for the mobilization of
industry (of which the agitation in Parliamen-
tary Committees was by no means the least
important) had been " a real and sohd work."
The writer, who in March had visited the State
arsenal of Bourges, who had stayed at the
works of Messrs. Schneider & Co. at Le Creusot,
was among the fLrst privileged to see the
tremendous purpose of French industrial mobili-
zation. The men, who, bare to the waist, and
sweating with the work, let loose the flood
of molten steel from the fiu-nace, who watched
over its safe progress to the moulds, who
toiled and troubled at the presses, who
pushed backwards and forwards through
rollers the long trimk of red-hot steel, the men
who measured calibres with a precision such
that the thousandth part of a tenth of an inch
made all the difference between acceptance and
rejection, the old peaceful ladies from Brittany
in white lace caps who, with pots of spring
flowers before them, stamped out the parts of
the shell first, poured the deadly mixture of
chemical into the hollow steel cavern of the
shells, they all had before them but one aim —
the beating of the Boches. Only this unity
of national purpose rendered possible the
tremendovis shell expenditure of the trench in
the Champagne.

The second lesson of the offensive, according
to M. Thomas's remarks to the Paris corre-
spondent of The Times, was " that the work
accoinijlished had been carried out upon the
right lines, and had given the troops the shells
they wanted in the qualities and quantities
required for the needs of the attack." In
other words, all the old Colonial experience —
whether it be South African or Moroccan — as

350

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

ON THE CHAMPAGNE BATTLEFIELD.
The French Red Cross at work.

to tlie benefits of shrapnel, had been laid on
one side ; the special requirements of siege
warfare had been met by provision of vast
quantities ot high-explosive shell which, poured
in sufficient quantities upon the opposing
front, destroys all semblance of trench, levels
the deep-dug line with the rest of the country
in a multitude of volcanic explosions.

Never before had such a whirlwind of shell
and chemicals been unloosed upon the en.rth.
The unfinished letter? found upon the prison-
ers made in the fighting bear eloquent testimony
to the horror of the bombardment. Thus one
German soldier, %%Titing on September 24, said :
" For two days the French have been fighting
like madmen. To-day, for example, one of our
shelters was demolished. There were sixteen
men in it. Not one remained alive. There
are also a great many isolated dead and a great
mass of wounded. The artillery fire as quickly
as the infantry. A cloud of smoke hangs so
thick upon the ii'ont of battle that nothing
is to be seen. The men are falling like flies.
The trenches are nothing but a heap of ruins."
In other letters and note-books there is talk of
the " rain of shells." A man in the 100th
Regiment of l^ield Artillery, writing on Septem-
ber 25, said : " We have been tlirough Vjitter
hours ; it seemed as though the world were
crunibhng to jjieces. We have had naany
losses ; a company of 2.50 men had (JO men
killed last night and a neighbouring battery

lost 10. The following incidents will show
you the terrible power of French shells. A
shelter, 15 ft. deep, with 12 ft. of earth above
it and two layers of timber, was broken like
a match." In a report made out on the
morning of September 24 by a company
commander it is stated, " The French are
firing upon u.s with heavy shells and mitrail-
leuses ; we must have reinforcements quickly ;
many ot the men are no longer good for any-
thing. It is not that they are wounded, but
they belong to the LancLsturm and the wastage
is bigger than our reported losses. Send
supplies of food at once ; no rations have
reached us to-day. We are in urgent need of
flares and hand-grenades. Is the sanitary
column never going to come ? "

On the morning of September 25 the cry of
despair was acute. The same officer wrote :
" I insist upon having reinforcements. My
men are dying of fatigue and lack of sleep.
I am without any news of the battalion."

Perhaps one of the most grajjhic accounts
of the bombardment was furnished from
German sources. It is that of Professor
Wegener, correspondent of the Cologne Ga-:eUe :

It is Friday morning. Djring the night we have
been hearing thi sound o£ distant gu i-fire which in
vohime and duration J as exceeded anything we have
experienced since we liave been here.

Yesterday evening already the bombardment was
exceptionally lively ; it then died down towards mid-
night. But at about i o'clock this morning it started
afresh, with imprecedented intensity — a typical big-

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR,

351

scale bombardment, with shot following shot in ono
unbroken t^rovvl of thunder like the roll of drunks. One
hour— two hours — four hours — and still no end to it !

There is excitement in the town. The like of it has
not been heard ever since the days when the first German
advance passed like a storm over this re^ijion. Where is
it ? What does it mean ?

The thunder of distant guns can be heard better up
on the hills than down in the valley. So I went up to
the top of the hill which rises outside the town. And I
have just returned. It is now 1 1 a.m., and the guns are
still thunderin;:;. It is extraordinary. The roll of the
borabardmenl in the Arjj;onne which preluded the recent
French attack on the Marie Ther^se fieldworks lasted
from S lo 11 — three hours. This bombardment has
already been going on for more than twice as long. And
the sound of it, up on the top of the hill . . . ! The
whole atmosphere was in a state of dull vibration ;
it seemed as if one perceived the sound not only with
the ear, but as if one had the physical sensation of being
shaken by the air-waves. It was as if the sound came up
from the unknown depths of the earth. Indeed, more
than anything it was like the uncanny underground
growling of a distant volcano in eruption, shaking — as I
have repeatedly experienced it in Java and in Marti-
nique^the earth's crust for miles around and making it
tremble like a man in a fit of a^^ue.

It was the most remarkable and exciting sensation

imaginable. All around, as far as the eye could reach,
the countryside lay bathed in a gracious peace, and
through the clear, sunlit air, from beyond the sky-line,
camo these awe-inspiring sounds. It seemed to come
straight from the south, or perhaps from south-south -
west, and therefore from Champagne. A peculiarly
sultry, oppressively hot south wind, a sort of sirocco,
unusual in these parts, was blowing from that quarter ;
and it may be that this wind carried the sound with
unwonted clearness.

In any case something tremendous and awful is going
on. What it is, whether it is we, or the French, or both.
I cannot, as I write these lines, yet tell. But I think
that it is likely to be the rolling thunder of French guns,
probably between Reims and the Argonne. Nor am I
altogether surprised bv it. On the contrary',. I had,
almost with certainty, expected it.

The reader will remember that I recently went out to
join General Fleck's Rhenish Corps in Champagne in the
expectation that something might happen tliere during
my stay. It is an open secret that we are reckoning
with the possibility of an attempt by the enemy to start
a new great offensive somewhere on the West front.
Wo are ready for it ; the whole front is in a state of
electric tension ; and I am not going too far when I say
that there is hope, too, in the hearts of our troops, who
are eager for the fray. I cannot state at which point our
supreme command primarily expects the attack. At

JAPANESE MILITARY OFFICERS VISIT THE BATTLEFIELD.

The officers, wearing steel helmets, common to the French forces, inspectiag a ruined village.

852

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAE

several points perhaps ; at [iiany points at onco. it
may be.

In Champagne itself tlierc was a very atrong expecta-
tion that this region would be one of the points of
attack. For a long time past we have observed the
considerable movements, by road and by rail, which
have been proceeding along and behind the French
front over against us. Prisoners have told us that on
the other side, too. there is this peculiar atmosphere of
tension. The Chief of Staff of the . . . Army, who
received us before we left to join Fleck's Corps, told us
the same thing. We have so far not witnessed an attack
of the expected Icind ; but in manifold ways we have
learned how an attack of this kind will be parried.
There was, thank God, no tendency to minimize the
seriousness of a new great lunge forward by the French ;
hut always when we asked, " Do you think they can
lireak through ? " we met with the uniform reply, " Out
of the question."

Towards noon the voice of the guns at last was still.
Everyone who has heard it on the spot knows how
awful and terrible a thing, even for the victor who holds

IN THE FRENCH TRENCHES.
Setting off a flare rocket.

IN THE FRENCH TRENCHES.
A grenade-thrower.

the ground at the last, is the sound of them, as I heard
it to-day, like the rolling of drums.

This bombardment was both moral and
material in its eflect. While trenches went
up in a floating veil of smoke and dust along
the front shelters, and batteries were pounded
to pieces, and the whole steel barrier was crumb-
ling away, the moral and fighting spirit of the
enemy was being undermined through the phy-
sical deprivation of sleep and food, and by the
senae of isolation brought about by the complete
rupture of communications not only with the
rear and the source of authority but even
with the neighbouring trench defenders. There
is no more striking contrast than that to be
di'awn between the victorious French and the
defeated Germans in this battle. For the
collapse of their moral, and, indeed, of the
whole of their elaborate staff machinery, the
Germans cannot claim the mitigating circtxm-
stanees of complete surprise. Operations
which demand »ii inces.sant bombardment of
many weeks, which demand a close preparation
during many months, camaot be held entirely
secret, especially with the aeroplane and
photography. For many weeks before the
storm burst the waiting and eager Frenclimen
in the trenches had been taunted by their foe.
J^ay after day placards had been hoisted in
the German trenches telling the French in
more or less provocative language that the
Germans knew they were going to attack,
and asking tliem to screw their courage up
to do it at an early moment. Aeroplanes
had dropped leaflets among French troops

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE W.lll.

B53

in the Argonne bearing similar tavints ami
questions.

Already on August 15 General von Dit-
fiu'th in an Army order warned liis men
" to expect the })Ossiljility of a great Froncli
offensive." On September 22 General von
Fleck, \v\\o commanded a jjortion of the German
army in Champagne, issued the following ordei'
to his troops :

Amieegruppe Fleck, 1 A NR 21845,

Armeegruppenbefehl.
Comrades : Let us swear in this solemn hour tlial
each one of us, no matter where he may be, whether
in the trenches, or in tlie batteries, or in positions of
command, no matter where, wnll do his duty there right
to the bitter end. Wherever tlie enemy may hurl
himself to tho assault we will receive him with a well-
directed fire, and if ho reaches our positions we will
throw him back at the point of the bayonet, and pelt
him with hand grenades.

A BOMB WHICH DID NUT EXPLODE.

The projectile was dropped from a German

aeroplane outside a French trench.

If we have the determination to act in tliis manner,
and if we are determined to face death, every enemy
attack will be broken by us, and tlie country may con-
fidently look on this wall of steel constituted by her
sons.

Complete stu-prise was, perhaps, impossible'
to achieve, but in the hmits of possibility
the French succeeded in misleading the enemy,
who, aware of the general line which was aliout
to be attacked, had not for a moment foreseen
the tremendous force which had been gathered
behind the Freucli lines for the assault, and
had completely miscalculated the means of
victory wliich the French had fasliioned for
tliemselves in their war factories, and which
they had always possessed in the incomparable
valour of the French soldier. The ignorance
of the German (General Staff as to the magni-
tude of the blow about to be dealt to the

FRENCH HELIOGRAPHER AT WORK.

Reading distant signals.

Western line is clearly sho\\ii by the inadequacy
of the steps they took to meet it, for during
tlie artillery preparation tlu^y only reinforce 'tl
their Champagne front with the IS3rd 15rigade.
the 5th Division of the iird Corps, and half
the 43rd Reserve division, or, in other woi-ds.
twenty-iune battalion.-. This somewhat i-.rro-
gant contempt of the German General Staff
for the offensive capacities of their enemy \\as
reflected right away through the military
hierarchj', and recei\ ed clear illustration in
the capture of a number of German officers
in the second line, both in Bricot Hollow and
at the Epine di" ^'edi 'grange. These officers,
.ill 1 1 01 1 L'l ! tli('\- liail .lieen informed fliat a

ON THE BATTLEFIELD.
Collecting trophies.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

French general offensive could be expected,
were so confident in tlie resisting strength of
their first hne that even after communications
of every sort had been interrupted between
tlie first and second line they gave not a
thought to the matter, and, as we have seen,
were captvu'ed by the victorious French in-
fantry while in their beds.

Everything tends to show that the complete-
ness and the rapidity with wiiich the first
line was rushed constituted that element of
surprise \^hich in war is one of the essentials
of success.

That sur[)rise threw the whole staff worlv
of the Gernian army into confusion. The
local reserves they had formed to meet the
ex[jecterl offensive were entirely inafleL[iiate,
and they had to throw hurriedl)' into bittle
not only the lUth Corps brought back from
Russia, but even the local reserves of the

ON THE BATTLEFIELD.

German prisoners carrying in a blanket one of

their seriously wounded comrades.

Inset : Captured Prussian Guards in their trenches.

front roimd Soissons, in the Argorme, in the
Woevre, and in Alsace. In the handling of
these reserves, in the marmer in \^"hich they
were brought into the firing line, there was a
complete absence of that spirit of method
which \vas the strength of German staff work.
The men were sent off from their billets bat-
talion by battalion, as soon as they were ready
to move, and so pressing n\ as the need that they
were even moved in detachments of a couple
of companies. They reached the front anyhow
and anywhere, as was shown by another
" letter which did not reach him," found on a
soldier belonging to the 18th Regiment, in
which he says :

Wo started on a mad race in motor-cars through
Vouziers as far as Tahure. There we had two hours of
rest in the rain, and then we started off on a six-hours'
march for our posilioiis. On our way we were wel-
comed so heartily by tlie enemy's shell fire that only
224 of the 280 men of the second company got to the
trenches safe and sound. These trenches had been
newly dug, were scarcely deeper than four or five inches.
Mines and shells constantly burst around us, and
we had to keep these trenches and look after them for
118 hours without having anything hot to eat. It
cannot be worse in hell. To-day 600 fresh men arrived
for the re^^'iraent. In five days we have lost as many
and more.

Units arrived in confusion, and the dis-
order was sho\vn by the fact that of tho regi-
ments of the 5th Division of the Srd Corps
the 81st was located near !\Iassiges, while one
battalion of the I2th was at Tahure and a
battalion of the 32nd at Bricot Hollow. The
regiments of the 5(ith Division were strtmg
along the front in a similarly haph.-.zard

THE TIMES HISTOIiY OF THE WAB.

355

manner, the 88th and 35th Regiments at
Mas.siges, the 91st at Souain, and a battaUon
of the 79th west of Tahure Ridge. So great
was the muddle made by the Oerinan General
Staff in bringing up their reinforcements that
on the small stretch of front between Maisons
de Champagne and Hill 189 there were on
October 2 no less than 32 battalions belonging to
no less than t\venty-one different regiments.
These men were flung into the inferno of battle
badly rationed, badly equipped, and lacking
proper supplies of ammimition ; they were
rushed to a front of which their officers had no
personal knowledge, without any definite plan
save that of stemming the French advance
wherever the two lines came into contact,
and with no means of establishing their liaison
with neighbouring battalions. The haste with
which these men were brought into action on
positions already completely s%vept by the
French fire, and wliich had already been
mastered by the French infantry, explains a
portion of the very heavy losses suffered by
the Germans.

The reiiiforcements the Germans sent did
no more than replace their losses, and on the
first day of the offensive the enemy was com-
pletely incapable of serious resistance, oven
through liis artillery.

It was, indeed, one of the most noticeable
features of the first day's fighting that the
German artillery was not only badly served
and badly equipped with shell, but also it was
always late. The tirs de barrage, which are
always the first real line of protection against
assault, came in on nearly every section of the
front after successive waves of French infantry
had swept over the barrage zone.

The utmost the enemy could do was
to launch a counter-attack upon specially
tfireatened i:>ositions, and even then those
a,ttacks were only carried out upon very
restricted fronts. They were hastily organized
and badly conceived, and resulted, as was
shown by the fate of the attack launched
upon the French on the Massiges heights,
in heavy losses. Here it was that the enemy
sent forward isolated battalions of the 123rd,
124th, and 30th Active Regiments, and of the
2nd Ersatz Regiment of the 16th Corps.
The losses of these battalions as they broke
one after the other upon the counter-shock
of the French advance were extraordinarily
heavy.

The experience of this and similar counter-

attacks along the front pro\'ed ilii? accuracy
of General von Ditfurth's impressions, which
had been con\'eyed to his troops in an army
order in which he said, " I have the injpreswion
that oiu- infantry at some points conBnes its
action solely to the defensive. ... I carmot
energetically enough jjrotest against such
proceedings, which of necessity result in
lulling the spirit of the offensive among our
own men, in wakening and in strengthening
the feeling of superiority among our enemies.
The enemy is given lus full freedom of action,
and our own action is subordinated to the
enemy's will."

Another sui-e sign of the decay in the enemy's
moral is seen in the numbers of German
jjrisoners, in the maimer in which they sur-
rendered as well ad in tlie statements they
made to their captors. The Paris Corre-
spondent of The Times, in a telegram about

GEKMAN PRISONEKS

Being conducted to the rear by way of their own
communication trenches.

Sot)

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

tlie batbte of September 30, tluis described
the general impression conveyed by the pri-
soners, and noted the contrast between tlie
attitude of those captured, particularly the
officers, and that of the prisoners after the
Battle of the Marne :

Everywhere large bodies of Germans left behind in
the retreat are surrendering. In this work of clearing
np behind the first impetuous dash African cavalry
performed excellent service. . . . For the most part
the captiired prisoners made a good impression. Here
and there men who had been cut off for days from their
supphes were exhausted and famished, but the majority
of the men, although dazed by the violence of the bom-
bardment, were well-nourished, and once they had
been captured were delighted to be out of it. Their
good humour may be judged from the following little
picture, outlined to me by a wounded officer, of some
twenty prisoners who had been marshalled under an
escort of cavalry. Noticeable among them was a tall,
fat, blonde, spectacled German, of the type rendered
famihar by the caricaturist. The convoy was rather
slow in starting ; when the officer gave the command '* En
avant, marche," adding the German " Schnell, schnell,"
this particular man started off with such good-will that
he fell, and as he was at the head of the section rolled
several feet down the hillside. His comrades in cap-
tivity immediately burst into a roar of laughter.

The officers were pained and siu-prised by their pre-
dicament. They accused the French artillery, as they
have done before, of " inhumanity," but oh the whole
they were noticeably less arrogant and more polite than
after the Battle of the Marne.

In the creation of this chastened mood the
losses inflicted by artillery fire, the nervous
tension of hving in an inferno of bursting
shell, mine, and torpedo, played an enormous
part. A lieutenant who was not captured
until five days after the offensive was begun,
after the tenific rainstorm had ceased, had in
his note-book : " Again fine weather. If it
would onlj' begin to rain again, or if only the
fog would come. But now the airmen will
come, and we shall have again torpedo fire and
flanking fire upon the trenches. This beastly
good weather ! Fog, fog, come to our aid ! "

It is very difficult to state with any accuracy
the extent of the German losses in the battle,
but from the declarations of prisoners the
Fi'ench were enabled to form a general estimate
of the enemy casualties. It was known that
at the beginning of September the enemy had
some seventjf battalions on the Champagne
front. Anticipating the French offen-sive they
brought up twenty-nine battalions, so that
when the storm broke loose they had, taking
into account the normal quota of artillery and
engineers, 115,000 men directly engaged in
the battle. Between September 25 and Octo-
ber 15 so heavy were the losses of the Germans,
either through the preliminary bombardment
or in the actual assault or the futile and costly

coimter-attacks, that whole battalions had
ceased to exist, and the German General
Staff was forced to replace almost completely
the 115,000 men who had met the first few-
days of onslaught, and they brought up no
less than ninety-three fresh battalions. A man
of the .3rd BattaUon of the 153rd Regiment,
which was engaged on September 26, stated,
indeed, that so tremendous were the losses
of that regiment that after it had been engaged
only for two days^that is to say, after it had
suffered one day of sustained bombardment
and one day of actual infantrj' fighting — it
had to be withdrawn from action, a*; it had
ceased to present the characteristics of a
regiment. The same fate overtook other
units, such as the 27th Reserve Regiment
and the 52nd Active Regiment after one daj'
of battle ; for on the evening of September 25
the French had captm'ed of the one 13 officers
and 933 men, and of the other 21 officers and
927 men.

The losses were imdouljtedly heaviest on
the German side during the first two days of
the actual battle, and it may reasonably be
esthnated that of the 115,000 men the French
had against them atjout 50 or 00 per cent,
were killed, wounded, or captured. The
support fiu'nished by the fresh battalions
brought up and tlu-ust hurriedly forward
under heavy fire lost about 50 per cent.

There was another cause which increased the
German net loss. In every country im-
provements in the medical service have red uced
the number of permanejitly incapacitated
woui\ded men, and had the battle been a
normal ojjeration the Germans would un-
doubtedly have been able to save a great
niunber of their wounded, and return them
to the front after a iew weeks in hospital.
In this Champagne struggle the evacuation of
the wounded to the rear was impossible, and
it is no exaggeration to state that nearly the
entire force defending the first (jorman line
became a dead loss to Germany, for in addi-
tion to tVie 20,000 unwounded prisoners were
all the \s'Ounded, who, in normal circumstances,
would have been evacuated. After careful
collation of evidence the French General
Staff estimated that this dead loss in killed,
woimded, and captured amounted to no less
than 140,000 men.

The French soldier was his own Homer in
the battle, and no poet coiild improve the
splendid virility of the phrases in which the

THE THIES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

857

_^ . ■<«■&>'■

"GOOD-BYE, COMRADE."
An incident in the battle of Champagne: a commander of a French battalion stops to shake hands with

a wounded captain.

tliin impetiiovis aristocrats and the tubby but
\\ir3' little bourgeois voiced the glory of the
day or uttered their o«n epitaijhs. There in
those glorious fields of Champagne the words
of Wolfe became a coLiimonplace. An officer
in charge of a reconnaissance was wounded
mortally. He turned to his sub-lieutenant,
sayiiig : "'Obey me once more. Carry on the
reconnaissance, and leave me to die. We
have won. I a.m happy." A lieutenant who
had been wounded for the fii'st tune at the
Battle of the JIarne, and who had been sent
liack to the front at his ov\'n request, had
passed through a very violent Ur de barrage
with his men, and \vas killed on the ]-<arapet
of the trench he conquered, shouting en-
couragement to his men: "Bravo, my chil-

dren ; the Boches are clearing out. En
avaiit ! T'/re la France ! " A lieutenant-
colonel, who liad carried his battalion over a
mile and a halt of country without stopping,
was mortally wounded, and as he lay upon the
ground, lie shouted out : " En avant ! I
can only die once." Coiuitless were the cases
ill A\hicli wounded officers and men lying in
the trenches and the cum ounication ttmnels
begged their comra.des to throw them out of
the trench on to the fields s-svept by machine-
gun fire, so that they might not impede the
traffic up the trench. " Go on," cried one man,
\\\\o was lying woimded on the road, to an
officer, who was stepping aside to avoid him.
" I"ui wounded. The whole people are tile
only ones that matter to-day." A captain.

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358

THE TIMES HISTORY OE THE WAR.

359

who had been badly wo\uided by a grenade
splinter in the face, refused to go to the rear
to have his wound attended to, saying, " I
can't stop for a small wound to-day ; death
is the only thing that will stop nie ! " He
remained in his trench and fought for five days
before he \\ as killed.

This holy fire of heroism descended upon tlie
whole army, and at no time has the democracy
of France been more splendidly manifest.
Officers' servants accompanied their masters
into battle, where their Tluties did not call
them, and when the battlefield was cleared up
many of these servants were found lying dead
in front of theii' masters, killed by the same
bullet or the same shell. Perhaps the most
extraordinai-y instance of this devotion of the
men to their officers is to be found in the official
record of the death of a captain in the Colonial
Artillery. When he reached the second German
trench he fell, shot full in the chest by a German
who had raised himself above the parapet.
The men around the officer immediately
stormed the trench and bayoneted the little
group of men of the 30tli Prussian Infantry
Regiment who defended it. Among the dead
they recogniz<!d the man who had killed their
captain. They took out his body, and while
under very hot rifle and machine-gun fij'e,
propjjed it up against the parapet, near their
dying officer, who said, " I'm glad to fight with
men like you, and to shed my blood with you
for such a cause." When the German bodj'
had been placed in position one of the soldiers
di'ew a camera from his haversack, and, still
under terrible fire, took a snapshot, of the
man who had killed his captain, saying as he
turned the film, " We'll send that to the
Captain's mother. It will show her that he
was avenged."

As an example of the French soldier's com-
plete ignorance of his own bravery the fol-
lowing letter from Sergeant Quittot to the
captain commanding a Colonial company
should be quoted : " I am in charge of the
small post on the left of the hollow road.
This morning I noticed that the shots fired
upon us came from our left. I went out there
and found three Boehes in a machine-gun
shelter. I killed two of them, who tried to
run away, I have the third at your disposal,
for I think he may have some useful informa-
tion. In this shelter there are the machine-
gun carriage and some range-finding instru-
ments, twentv-five full boxes of ammunition,

and three reservoirs with rubber tubes, the
use of which I don't know. What should I
do ? I think there are still niore Boehes in
the otiier trench. I ani at your disposal if
you want them put in the soup. I am keeping
the prisoner with n\e."

Hei-e, indeed, was the much-advertised New
France. But Old France also had its page of
glory. A lieutenant, a man of sixty-two years
of age, who had rejoined the army on the
outbreak of the war, took part in the first
assault and was killed as he cried to liis men,
" Now then, parade step ; hold your heads
high. To-day we're off to the ball." A
corporal who had been wounded turned to
his sergeant, who lay wounded beside him,
saying : "I know I'm going to die ; but what
does that matter since it's for France ? "
A colonel in coinmand of a Colonial infantry
brigade, spent the five minutes before the
first offensive was timed to start in fixing
his cap and brushing the chalk oft his uniform,
and at a quarter past nine ordered the
regimental flag to be unfurled. Then, as,
first along the line. Vie clambered up the {rench
ladder to the open field, he tm-ned to those
behind him saying : " Gentlemen, my time
has come," and fell back, killed by a shell
splinter.

The initiative of the French soldier was in
a very great degree responsible for the rapidity
with which the confusion between the first
and second German lines was restored. Men
who had lost all their officers seemed to have
an instinctive grasp of what was rec|uired of
them, and pressed forward mider the leader-
ship of any private who assumed command.
Thus 300 men who had lost all their officers
on the eve of September 25 captured a German
trench. Finding themselves far in advance
of the rest of the line and without support or
liaison they e\-acuated the trench in the
night, and the next morning, still without
officers and without orders, they set off again,
recaptured the trench, and continued to
advance.

It is impossible to say whether the officers
inspired their men by the covmtless acts of
collective and individual bravery of those
Sefjtember daj's, whether the men inspired
the officers, or whether, faced with a tre-
mendous crisis in the country's history, the
whole nation wa=i found equal to the deniands
made upon it. Among the men there is the
case of Sergeant (Quittot. At the other end

360

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

nf tlie military liierarcliy is the case of General
Marchand. Early in the morning of Sep-
tember 25 the' (ieneral ^^"as in the advanced
sap which had been pushed out during the
night right up to the Tlcrman lines, far in
advance of the normal trench line. Of the
first Ha\'e of assault two ciirrents to right and
to left achiinced without difficulty towards
the Xavarin Farm. The centre u'as held up
by four machine-guns which had escaped
destruction hy artillery ; oflicers and men
were falling one after the other ; there was the
inevitable moment of wavering hesitation.
Then General Marchand, his pipe in hisniouth,
and armed with a walking-stick, dashed out,
and as' he took his place at the head of tlie
hesitating centre, he fell with a bullet through
his abdomen. His orderly officer ran to him,
and ignoring the order of the General, \iho
said : " I'm hit ; mj' spinal colunm is broken :
lea^"e me alone, " had him carried to the rear.
ilean%vhile his men, fired \:>y his examjile
and the desire to make the (iermans pay dearly
for their General, swept forward and pierced
the German centre.

The results of all this lieroism, of all the
straining and toiling in the factories of France,
of all the vast work of.statf preparation which
had gone on w ithout a break for five months,
were e.'ctremely important ; for the French
victory in the Champagne, although it remained
from the military point of view tactical, was
a.lmost the first definite notification to the
world that initiative along the Western front
had passed froni the liands of the Germans
into those of the Allies.

An attack upon a first line is a very different
matter from a simultaneous assault upon a
first and second line. In the Chamj^agne
months of stationary warfare had enabled the
French to get the exact range of every position
upon the first line, but when their artillery
moved up new range-finding becanie a necessity,
geography became more doubtful, reconnais-
sance work, having been of necessity entirely
aerial, became less reliable. When the French
reached the German second line they >>ecame
aware practically for the first time of the
formidable nature of its defence, and, perhaps,

the greatest obstacle to the strategic completion
of the French offensive was found in the system
the Germans had adopted for defending their
second lino along the crest of the hill running
p,i.rallel to the fhallcrange-Bazancourt Railway.
Upon the south-western slopes exposed to
land observation there was practically no
sign of defensive j^reparation. Here and
there, upon the face of a hill could be .seen a
few sandbags, an occasional moimd of white
upturned chalk denoting the emplacement
of a machine-gun section or an observation
post. These positions, as the E'rench foimd
out after the offensive had'been launched, were
but the outworks of the main defence. Upon
the '■ other side of the hill," to quote Napoleon's
expression, lay the German surprise. It con-
sisted of dense sunken fields of barbed wire,
huge pits dug in the chalk soil to a depth oi
six or seven feet, and, on an area of about
seventy yards, filled up to the level of the earth
with solid barbed-wire entanglements. Behind
these entanglements, which were practically
invisible from the air .and completely screened
by the crest of the hill from the French observers
in the forward trenches, lay a whole system of
f ortificatio)!, in which each, hill became a bastion,
and swept with an enfilading fire of machine-
guns and field-gims the zone separating it from
the similar bastions to its right and to its
left. The post on the exposed side of the hill
communicated with the liidden trenches through
galleries dri\en right underneath the hill
peak.

This line of defence had remained compara-
tively untouched by the artillery bombardment,
and although the French in subsecjuent fighting
got a footing in it, the exploit of the Germans
on the Dunajec in l^reaking through the
Ku.ssian front a,nd rolling up its edges was
not repeated.

In short, the Champagne oifiensive was a
trial of strength wliich was in some ways
comparable with the victories of Austerlitz
and Jena, althougli it did not achieve so
victorioas a result. It nevertheless turned
very definitely in favoiu- of the Allies, and
constitutes one of the finest pages in the
military history of France.

CHAPTER CV.

THE BATTLE OF LOOS.

Arrival in September of Reinforcements and Guns on the British Front — Feints to
Deceive the Germans — The Holding Actions at Hooge, Bois Gkenier, Keuve Chapelle,

AND GiVBNCHY — FeATS OF BRITISH AlBMEN GeRMAJST POSITIONS FROM La BaSSEE TO ViMY

Dispositions of Sir John French — First Day of the Battle of Loos — The Great Artillery
Bombardment — Gas and Smoke used by- British — Advance op the I. Corps on Auchy,

THE HohENZOLLERN ReDOUBT, AND HULLUCH QuARRIES — ThE IV. CORPS ATTACKS HuLLUCH,

Loos, and Hill 70 — Charges of the Highlanders and London Territorials — The French
Attack Souohez — Second Day of the Battle of Loos — Germans Evacuate Souohez —
Third and Fourth Days of the Battle of Loos — Charges of the British Guards on Hill
70 — The French 10th Army Engaged with the Prussian Guards on the Vimy Heights — •
French 9th Corps Relieves Brjtish in Loos and on Hill 70 — End of the Battle of Loos —
Its Results.

THE great offensive of the French
in the Champagne Pouilleuse,
described in tlie last chapter, coin-
cided with the Battles of Loos and
Vuny. These were in effect a renewal on a
still more gigantic scale of the Battles of
Artois, the Aubers Ridge, and Festubert de-
livered by Generals Foch, d'Urbal, and Sir
John French in the preceding May. The same
leaders were now to renew their efforts to
win their way into the Plain of the Scheldt
between the La Bassee salient and the Scarpe,
while General de Castelnaii between Reims
and the Argonne endeavoured to drive back
the Germans before him to the banks of the
Aisne.

By the third week of September, 1915,
thanks to a stream of reinforcements from
England, the British Army had extended its
right wing to Grenay opposite Loos and Lens,
taking over from the French, and consolidating
and enlarging, most of the trenches which ran
southwards from the Bethune-La Bassee Canal
to the ridge and plateau of Notre Dame de
Lorette. The numbers of the British were
sufficient for the coming battle.
Vol. VI.— Part 75.

It was not with numbers alone, however,
that the British Army had been strengthened.
The additional troops sent by us to France
had all arrived properly equipped with a due
proportion of artillery, in addition to which
a large number of guns and howitzers had
reached the army and furnished it with a
material which more than fulfilled expectations,
and which indeed produced far greater moral
and physical effects on the Germans than
the latter had ever believed possible. The
British and French attacks were necessarily
frontal because the German line was continuous
to the sea. Under these circumstances no
attack can be successful unless it has been pro-
perly prepared by artillery fire. It is necessary
to create a point where the infantry can brealc
in. To do this not only must the hostile de-
fences be thoroughly disposed of, but the
obstacles in front of them must be swept away
before an assault can be successful. To destroy
fortifications of the semi -permanent character
which the Germans had erected, to blow away
parapets, ruin trenches, and the bomb-proof
shelters of concrete and iron constructed in
them, requires shells of vast weight containing

S6J

302

THE TIMES HISTUUY OF THE WAR.

IN NORTHERN FRANCE.
British troops on their way to the trenches.

very lar^e high - explosive bursting charges.
By the time the advance was determined on
siifficient howitzers and heavy guns were
available. The guns which the divisions pos-
sessed, 18-pounders, 60-pounders, and 4'5 in.
howitzers were ready to plaj'' their part in
totally destroying the Ijroad belts of barbed
wire obstacles which covered the front of the
German line. Through these no troops, how-
ever gallant, could possibly hope to penetrate
so long as the troops in the trenches behind
them could bring a concentrated fire from
numerous machine guns and rifles to bear on
the assailants.

For decisive victories in Ai'tois and Cham-
pagne it was not sufficient merely to collect
there men, artillery, and munitions. If they
knew in advance where JoSre's and French's
great blows were to be struck, the German
leaders by means of their railroads and motor-
traction might accumvilate in the Champagne
Pouilleuse and in Artois artillery and nimibers
capable of rendering the Allied efforts nugatory.
The Gfcrman reserves had to be diverted to other
points on the four hmidred mile long line of
battle. To effect this purpose feigned attacks
were organized. It was decided that while
General de Castelnau deli\'ered the main French
attack through the Champagne Pouilleuse, as
already described in Chapter CIV., General
Dubail, who had mastered some of the gateways
into Alsace, should demonstrate, as if he were
about to descend from the \'osges to the banks
of the Upper Rhine,

At the extreme end of the Allied left wing
similar demonstrations were made. On the
evening of September 24 Vice-Admiral Bacon
sent two monitors and certain auxiliary craft
to bombard the next day Kjiocke, Heyst,
Zeebrugge, aijd Blankenberghe, while with
other vessels an attack was made on the
fortified positions west of Ostend. In both
cases considerable damage was done to the
enemy's works. On September 26, 27, and
30 fm-ther attacks were made on the various
batteries and strong positions at jMiddelkirke
and Westende. From August 22, indeed, the
British Admiral with the seventy-nine vessels
at his disposal had at frequent intervals
bombarded the Belgian coast-line from the
mouth of the Yser at Nieuport to the Dutch
frontiers. This bombardment, which was
especially severe on September 19 and 25,
might signify in the German eyes an intention
to disembark a, large force at Zeebrugge or
another point. For some time before the
Battles of Loos and Vimy telegraphic and postal
communications between Great Britain and the
rest of the world were suspended, and the
German leaders, after the extraordinary daring
of the British landings in the GallipoU Pen-
insula, could not safely ride out the possi-
bility of a British disembarkation in the neigh-
bourhood of Ostend behind the end of their
right wing.

As a landing on the Belgian coast would be
almost certainly accompanied by an attempt
of the Allies in the Ypres salient to lireak

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

363

through the enemy's lines and ach'anco down
the north banli of the Lys on Ghent against
the communications of the Duke of Wvu--
teniberg's Army, west of Ghent, orders fippear
to have been given to General Hely d'Oissel,
commanding the French troops wedged
between the Belgian Army on the Yser and
Bixschoote, and also to General Sir Herbert
Plumer to menace the Duke of ^^'urtem-
berg with an offensive. This menace was
accompanied on September 25 by four holding
attacks.

On the 25th the German positions in the
Ypres salient and south-westwards to La
Bassee were subjected to a tremendous artillery
fire, and foi-u" attacks were launched by the
British. The first was directed at the German
trenches east of the Ypres-Comines Canal,
the second at those south of Armentieres
in the region of Bois Grenier, the third from
Neuve Chapelle against the Moulin du Pi6tre,
and the fourth just north of the Bethiuie-La
Bassee Canal near Givenchy. The object
of the attacks was to draw the German
reserves away from the Battles of Loos and
Vimy. It was successful.

In the first of these engagements an attack
by the 3rd and 14th Divisions of the V. Corjjs,
fonning part of the Second Army under Sir

Herbert Plumer, was made along a front of
about 500 yards between the Ypres -Menin
road and the Ypres-Roulers railway. After
a severe cannonade, which lasted from 3.50 to
•1.20 a.m., a mine was exploded by us north of
the Bellewaarde Farm, and the columns of
smoke caused by the explosion were still
drifting away from the crater, 30 yards across
by 30 feet deep, as oiu- men left the trenches.
A battalion of the Rifle Brigade was on the left ,
one of the Oxford and Bucks in the centre,
and one of the Shropshires on the right. In
reserve beliind Sanctuary Wood was a bat-
talion of the King's Royal Rifles, and a bat-
talion of the Somerset L.I. was also held in
readiness. The Shropshires had to attack a
very strong point south of the Bellewaarde
Farm which was powerfully defended with
machine guns, but they succeeded, ne\erthe-
less, in forcing their way into the German lines,
the Grenadiers particularly distinguishing them-
selves. The right cohunn of the Oxford and
Bucks put a machine gmi out of action, and
then swept through the enemy's positions,
clearing the Germans out of their dug-outs and
destroying another machine gun. The left
column, however, could not make good its
footing in the German trenches. As soon as
they left their own lines tlie men came under

ON THE WESTERN FRONT.
Men of the Royal Field Artillery shelling German trenches.

:^(;4

THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAR.

a very hea\-y fire from tlie German mitrail-
leuses, and tlieir failure impeded the general
advance. The result was that it was found
impossible properly to consolidate the ground
gained, and by about 8 a.m. our men with 15
prisoners were withdrawn to their original
lines. During the remainder of the day the
Germans organized several ineffectuaJ counter-
attacks from the Bellewaarde Wood, and
heavily shelled our trenches, 300 six -inch
shells falhng on one small length of line
alone.*

The Bois Grenier action was on our side
fought by other details of the Rifle Brigade,
by the Lincolns and by the Royal Berkshires.
The attacks on the left and right were successful,
but that in the centre w-as held up. The British
line here curved away from the enemy and
formed a re-entrant. The advance was timed
for 4.30 a.m. The Lincolns, posted on the
left, had the difficult task of storming a strong
fort at lie Bridoux, and in successfully accom-
plishing that feat they not only killed many
Germans, but captured 80 of the 106 prisoners
taken in the sector. Lieut. Leslie and Cor-

* Second-Lieut. R. P. Hallowes, of the 4th Middlesex
Regiment, for his gallantry on this occasion and in the
fighting near Hooge up to October 1, gained the V.C

KEY MAP.

poral Carey crawled forward before the fort
had fallen and siu'prised five Germans in a
dug-out. They returned later and captured
18 more. In the centre the Berkshires, re-
vealed by a German searchlight, had to attack
a redoubt known as the " Lozenge," where the
trenches and dug-outs were exceedingly strong.
One private named Jenkins did splendid work
by standing behind a traverse and bayoneting
seven Germans as they came up round it.
Another man was seen squatting on the
parapet and sniping coolly from this position.
Notwithstanding the gallantry of our men, the
Germans substantially maintained their posi-
tion, with the result that the men of the Rifie
Brigade on the right, who had made their
attack so swiftly that they caught many of
the Germans without their rifles and equipment,
and had gained by 6 a.m. the second line
trenches, could not maintain contact with the
Berkshires on their left. Before 10 a.m. they
had fallen back to the German first line trenches.
Meanwhile the Germans skilfully massed their
reserves under the lee of the Bois Grenier, and,
as the main aim of our attack had succeeded,
a general retirement was ordered soon after
3 jj.m. It was carried out in good order, and
a ditch which ran straight in front of the old
ciu'ved hne was retained.

In the Neuve Chapelle sector also a 'deter-
mined effort was made by a battalion of
the Black Watch, with the Second Leicesters
on one flank and battalions of the Meerut
Division of the Indian Expeditionary Corps
on the other, to break the German line at the
Moulin du Pietre. The Leicesters and Indians
were hung up by barbed-wire entanglements
which, as at the Battle of the Aubers Ridge,
the British artillery had been unable to destroy.
The Black Watch, however, rushed the first
line German trench, and, with the regimental
pipej?s (one of whom was killed, the other
wounded) playing " Hieland Laddie," bombed
four more lines of trenches, and, advancing
600 yards or so across an open field, reached
the enemy's reserve line near the Moulin du
Pietre. But, as both their left and right were
exposed to cotmter-attacks and enfilading fire,
the Scotchmen had to be withdrawn. Captain
M. E. Park, of the 2 /Black Watch, had
shown conspicuous courage. From 6 a.m.
t« 10 a.m. he directed a company of bombers
in close and continuous fighting. Captain
J. I. Buchan, of the same regiment, who with
his men had been gassed by the Germans

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAE.

365

ON THE WESTERN FRONT.
British troops surprise a party of Germans who were busily engaged sapping.

•eached the enemy's reserve line trench near
the Moulin dii Pietre and was wounded in the
counter-attack. ]\Iajor Frederick Lewis, of
the 2/ Leicesters, at an early stage of the com-
bat had been hit in the neck by shrapnel, but
for three hoiu"s he remained at his post directing
the attack. After his woiuid had been dressed
he subsequently took command of the battalion ;

his senior officer having been incapacitated
by wounds. Another officer of the Leicesters,
Captain W. Carandini M"i!son, althougli badly
wounded in the stomach, refiis?d to leave the
field until his men were over the parapet of
the German trench, while Rifleman Kublir
Thapa, of the ;5rd Queen Alexandra's Own
Gurkha Rifle.s, who had l^een severeh^ wounded

866

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

IRilssM.

VICE-ADMIRAL BACON.

Commanded a squadron of seventy-nine ships, bom-
barded the Belgian coast line from the mouth of the
Yser to the Dutch frontier.

saved, under peculiarly difficult circumstances,
two of his countrymen and a badly injured
soldier of the Leicesters. For his bravery
and devotion Thapa was awarded the V.C.

The attacks near Bois Grenier and NeiiA'e
Chapelle suggested that the real offensive
might be about to be delivered against the
northern, not the southern side of the La
Bass6e salient. At the Battles of Neuve
Chapelle, the Aubers Ridge, and Festubert
tlie aim of the British had been to sever the
Germans round La Bassee from Lille by an
ad\'ance over the ridges north of the La Bassee-
Lille Canal.

Further, to mystify the enemy as to our
tlcsigns on the 25th, Sir Douglas Haig, with
[portions of the I. Corps, assaulted the German
trenches near Festubert and Givenchy, as if a
direct attack on the j^oint of the salient was con-
templated. In this feint Second Lieut. S.S.Jolm,
of the 9th Cheshire Regiment, at the conclusion
of the attack, when the British had retired to
their trenchffs, crawled out and saved a wounded
ofllcer and about twenty men. The Military
Cross was his reward, as it was for Second
Lieut. J. K. W. Trueman, of the Gth Wilts,
who had taken command of a company and
handled it with remarkable sJcill.

The many efforts from Xieuport to Bel-
fort, accompanied by the bombardment of the
whole of the enemy's line, made it difficult
for the Germans to decide where the main
blow was to be struck, though in a stationary

combat such as here obtained, to keep plans
entirely hidden was impossible. Aeroplanes
can observe a good deal, and report any large
accmiiulations of men or guns. Spies cannot be
entirely eliminated, although it is possible
sometimes to deceive them by false orders
isstied for their benefit. But from their aerial
observers the Germans learned little, for the
superiority of our men had given them com-
pletely the upper hand. Throughout the sum-
mer the work of the Royal Flying Corps had
gone on continuously, even during the unfavour-
able weather. The enemy's positions had been
photographed, so that plans of his trenches
had been constntcted and the dispositions of
his guns furnished to our gunners. Such work
is most tiring and hazardous, for the airmen
must remain for long periods within range of
the enemy's artillery. The danger from this
can be best exemplified by the statement that
on one occasion a machine was hit no fewer
than three Inmdred times soon after crossing
the German ifcies, and yet the observer suc-
cessfully carried out his task. Deeds of this
kind show the highest courage, and when it is
mentioned that they were almost of daily
occui-rence the efficiency of the corps can be
easily imagined. Nor ^vas it without opposi-
tion from the Ciennan aircraft. Thus a
British airman drove off four hostile machines
and then completed his reconnaissance. An-
other time two officers engaged no fewer than

\Gaie & PoMen.

MAJOR-GEN. F. V. D. WING,
■Who commanded the 12th Division. Killed.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

367

six of the enemy'^ Toubcs and disabled at least
one of them.

The notes or photographs taken by the air-
men were supplemented as much as possible
by observations made on the surface of the
ground. Before and cku-ing the Battle of
Loos many arduous and venturesome feats were
performed b\' British officers and men seeking
to learn the height and depth of the obstacles,
the positions of which had been detected by
the airmen or had been revealed in the negati\-es
of the latter's photographs. The choice of
observation stations from which the effect of
fire could be telephoned back was a diflicult
and dangerous duty, which had necessarily to
be done on the ground itself. It involved
walking naany miles with not even the caps
of the sui'veyors \'isible over the crests of the
trenches. Often only periscopes could be used
for observation, which was therefore a lengthj'
business. But this instriunent gave in many
places insufficient information, and then per-
sonal reconnaissance had to be resorted to.
For instance, on the nights of September 12-13
and 23-24, Second Lt. M. H. Gilkes, of the First
Surrey Rifles, crawled up to the German wire
entanglements near Maroc. In the covu-se of
his second reconnaissance he was woimded in
two places. Second Lt. C. H. H. Roberts, of the
same regiment, emulated Gilkes's example.

MAJOR-GEN. SIR T. CAPPER.

Who commanded the 7th Division. Severely

wounded at Loos on September 26th, 1915, died

on the 27th.

IRussell.

MAJOR-GEN. G. H. THESIGER,

Who commanded the 9th Division, Killed near the

Hohenzollern Redoubt.

Again, Second Lt. N. R. Colville, of 10 /Argyll
and Sutherland Highlanders, on August 7 and
September 8 and 9, at great personal risk, in-
vestigated the formation and wiring of the
Hohenzollern Redoubt.

In addition to their reconnoitring work and
their personal encounters, our airmen did excel-
lent service by bombing the German communi-
cations. During the operations towards the
end of September nearly six tons of ex-
plosives were dropped on various objec-
tives. The Flying Corps had become the Fifth
Arm.

Of the feats of individual airmen some may
be here recorded. On September 21, four days
before the battle of Loos, Captain L. \A'. B.
Rees, R.F.C., accompanied by Flight Sergeant
Hargreaves, sighted a large German biplane
armed with two macliine guns, some 2,000 feet
belo^v them. Though he himself had only one
machine gun. Captain Rees spiralled down and
dived at the enemy. The latter, whose
machine was faster, mana"'uvred to get Captain
Rees broadside on, and then opened a heavy
fire. But Captain Rees pressed his attack,
and apparently succeeded in hitting the engine
of the German biplane, which fell just inside
the German lines. Captain Rees had previously
engaged in two successful duels in the air. He
was awarded the Military Cross.

3(18

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

869

Another officer who received the same
distinction was Second ]^ielit. S. H. I-ong,
of the Durham Light Infsintrjr and Royal
Flying Corps. On September 10 he had, with
bombs, put out of action an anti-aircraft
battery and had narrowly missed destroying an
observation balloon. On September 23 he
twice attacked German trains from the low
height of 500 feet. While tlie Battle of Loos
\v-as in progress he bombed at a train imder
heavy rifle fire and damaged the line. Later
in the day, in spite of darkuess and bad \veather,
he endeavoured to destroy other trains. The
heavy rain prevented his reaching them. In-
stead, he attacked the railway station of
Peronne, which, hov\ever, was saved by the
anti-aircraft Ijattery in the neighbourhood.
Prevented from reaching the station. Long
climbed up to 1,500 feet and silenced the gnn
of a " Rocket " batter\'.

As mentioned, trains did not escape im-
scathed from the British airmen. On Septem-
ber 26 Second Lieut. D., A. C. Symington,
of the Royal Flying Corps, wrecked a large
portion of one moving towards St. Amand.
Another airman given the D.S.O. was Lieut.
G. A. K. Lawrence. On September 21 he
reconnoitred CO miles within the German
lines, being repeatedly attacked by a hostile
machine. During the first day of the Battle
of Loos he descended to tiOO feet froiii the
ground and hit a moving train near Lille. The
next day he drove off a German aeroplane
which was interfering with our bombing
machines. Finally, on September 30, he
reconnoitred for three hours in very bad
weatner. His aeroplane was liit in seventy
places by anti-aircraft guns as he was crossing
the German lines on his way out.

A last examjjle of the daring displayed by
individual airmen. Lieut. C. E. C. Raba-
gliati, of the Yorks Light Infantry and Roj'al
Flying Corps, and Second Lieut. A. M.
Vaucom-, of the Royal Field Artillery and
Flying Corps, on Se]5tember 28 reconnoitred
over Valenciennes and Douai. They had to
fly in thick cloud nearly the whole distance,
and their aeroplane frequently got into a
" spin." Each time it did so the machine was
righted, and the two gallant officers from a
height of 2,800 feet, under heavy fire, per-
formed their dangerous task.

Nor should the good work of our anti-
aircraft gunners be overlooked. The feat of a
Canadiah about this date, who had "brought .

A TRENCH KITCHEN.

Preparing food on a charcoal fire in the first line
trenches.

down eight Hun aeroplanes in three months "
is worthy of record.

The feints to decei\-e the German Higher
Command have been mentioned. The services
rendered by our airmen and anti-aircraft
gimners in preventing German aerial observers
from perceiving that the main Allied forces of
men and material north of Compiegne were
being concentrated between Arras and Bethime,
their expeditions to obtain information or to
interfere with the CJerman communications
ha\'e been sufficiently acknowledged. It re-
mains to describe the German positions whicli
Fiench, Focli and d'Urbal had decided to
assault on September 25 and the subsequent
days.

It will be remembered that in JTay and .June,
at the Battle of Artois, General d'Urbal, with
the lOtli French Army, had, under the eyes of
Generals .loffre and Foch, driven the Germans
from the plateau of Xotrc Dame de Loretle,
captured the villages of Ablain St. Kazaire and.
Carency, the White "Works connecting Carency

370

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

with the hamlet of La Targette, the village of
Xeiiville St. Vaast, and the formidable sub-
terranean fortress called "The Labyrinth,"
constructed across the Arras-Lcns road. Down
the ravine-like valley leading from Ablain
St. Nazairo to Souchez on the Arras-Bethunc
road they had in June gradually forced their
«ay, capturing the sugar refinery and the
group of ttaee houses known as the " Mill
Malon." On June 17 the cemetery of Souchez
was taken, but the Germans, assisted by clouds
of poisonous gas, recovered it some three
weeks later.

A glance at the map will show the miportanee
of what had been achieved by the Frencli ; but
)iorth of Soucliez the Germans still clung to
the eastern slopes of the plateau of Notre Dame
de Lorette and the Bois-en-Hache, and their
line extended north of Angres and Lievin in
front of the low Loos-Hulloeh-Haisnes heights
to the B6thi.me-La Bassee-Lille Canal in the
vicinity of La Bassee. South of Souchez it
ciu'ved eastward of the high road which runs
from Bethune through Souchez and La Tar-
gette to Arras, and crossed the Scarpe in the
outsldrts of that battered cit3'.

Between the French and the plain stretching
from tha Scarpe below j\rras to the La Bassee-
Lille Canal lay the heights of Vimy. The
mining city of Lens is in the low ground to the
east of Lievin and south-east of Loos. The
captiu'e of either the Loos-HuUiich-Haisnes
ridges or of the Vhny heights would oblige the
Germans to evacuate Lens.

The loftiest point on the plateau of Notre
Dame de Lorette is 540 feet high, bvit the
plateau itself is not sufficiently elevated
completely to command the heights of Vimy.
The culminating point on the Vimy heights is
400 feet above sea level, and behind Souchez
they reach an altitude of 390 feet.

North-east of Neuville St. 'S'aast the crest of
the heights was crowned by the thick wood of
La Folic, which the Germans held. They also
were entrenched in Thelus, Farbus, Petit
\'imy and Viiny. From La Targette the
Arras-Bethune highroad winds downv\ards to
the wood-fringed -i-illage of Souchez, which lies
in a hollow. Before Souchez was reached an
isolated building, the " Cabaret Roiige " was
encoimtered Beyond, on the left of the road,
was the cemetery, and a hundred yards farther
on the. first houses of the village. To the east
of the road the groimd, intersected by hedges
and with here and there a tree, rose gently

upwards towards the dark mass of the La Folic
wood, and, north of it. Hill 140. On the
heights behind and cast of Souchez is Hill 1 19 and
the village and wood of Givenchy-en-Gohelles.

Along the ridge from Hill 119 to Hill 140
were lines of German trenches connected by
tunnels with the reserves and the heavy
artillery behind the crest. The Vimy heights
fall rapidly to the plain, so that troops and
gims below the crest were comparatively safe
from the French artillery, while the barbed
wire entanglements here could not be cut by
shrapnel. Nearer the French and halfway
down the slope was a sunken road running
parallel with the crest. Its lower banlc, some
15 feet high, had been prepared for defence by
a parapet ; moreover, the Germans had
tunnelled down from the road and constructed
on the French side great caves, each capable of
containing half a company of men. Access to
the caves was olitained by flights of steps,
securely covered from the view of the French
so that when their troops advanced over the
roofs of the caves and descended into the road
they could be attacked by the enemy issuing
from his subterranean refuges.

In the valley below the heights Souchez, its
cemetery, the " Cabaret Rouge " and the
Chateau de Carleul, in its immediate vicinity,
had been fortified with every device known to
the German engineer. The village could be
approached from the south and north along
the Arras-Bethune highroad, from the south-
west and west by the valleys of the streamlets
Carency and Nazaire, which join to form the
stream of the Souchez. At the liead of these
valleys were the ruins of Carency and Ablain
St. Nazaire. By damming up the Carency and
Nazaire streams the Germans had created an
impassable swamp, which perforce split in two
the French assaulting colitmns.

Against the north side of Souchez an assault
was impossible so long as the Germans retained
their trenches on the eastern slopes of the
plateau of Notre Dame de Lorette, and in
tlie Bois-en-Hache. To dislodge them from the
wood and trenches was difficult, because the
advancing infantry would be enfiladed by
the German artillery in Lievin. Angres and
Givenchy-en-Gohelles. As Sir John French
observed, the French 10th Army under General
d'Urbal had to attack "fortified positions of
iimnense strength, upon which months of skill
and labour had been expended, and which
extended many miles."

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

371

BOMBERS COVERING A BAYONET CHARGE NEAR LA BASSEE.

The bombers went before, the assaulting infantry came after them. Most of the bombs were of the

rocket kind, and were carried in canvas bags. A Ipiece of webbing which payed out as the bomb was

thrown caused the missile to land head down^vards so as to ensure explosion.

The task of Sir Doviglas Haig, commanding
the British First Army, of whicli the right
wing had in September been extended to the
region of Grenay, three miles or so north of the
plateau of Notre Dame de Lorette and some
four miles west of Lens seemed, on the map,
easier, because the Loos-HuUuch-Haisnes ridges

were on an average only half the altitude of
the Vimy heights. But even the largest scale
map gives no indication of the difficult pro-
blems confronting the British leaders. The plain
crossed by the Loos-Hulluch-Haisnes ridges
^^•as dotted with villages, factories, mine-works
and slag-heaps intersected witli trenches. For

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

BRITISH OFFICERS
With a machine gun.

years before Die outljreak of the war industrit's
liad sunk shafts and tLinneUed beneath it ; and
for nearly twelve n\onths the plodding Germans
and their enslaved captives had burrowed in
the hollows and thrown up trenches on tlie
ridges, so that the grovmcl where it was not
covered by buildings or mining refuse re-
sembled the preliminary excavations for a
might}' cit}^

The lattice work of German trenches — 8 or
9 feet deep, mostly cemented or floored and
furnished with wooden platforms for musketry
and macliine guns — between ]-.ens and Loos,
Loos and Hulluch, HuUuch and Haisnes, and
Haisnes and La, Bassee, was supplemented by
I'edoubts and observation posts.

Ojjposite Grenay and west of IjOos were two
large slag heaps, known as the J)onble Grassier,
bristling with mitrailleuses. Nearer Loos the
cemetery and numerous fortified chalk jiits
formed a powerful barrier. Behind the dwarf
walls of the graveyard numerous machine guns
\^'ere ensconced. On a track leading from
A'enuelles to Loos along the crest of the downs
was a Gei-uian redoubt. 500 yards in diameter,
whence a view could be obtained of Loos,
beyond it "Hill 70." and the outskirts of Lens,
while to the north Hulluch and its quarries,
the hamlet of St. Elie and the \-illage of Haisnes,
in front of which were Pit 8 and the Hohen-
zollern Redoubt, we're visible.

Loos itself, a town wfiich before the war
contained 12,000 inhabitants, of whom none
but the heroine Emilienne Moreau and a
handful of half-star\'ed -women and children
remained, was an agglomeration of two-

storeyed miners' cottages clustered about an
ancient ^■illage. The principal street ran west
and east, and was lined by roofless shops and
cafes. The parish church, though reduced to
ruins, still ser\-cd to remind the spectators
of the antiquity of the place. Conspicuous
for forty miles roimd rose out of Loos the
tracery of the "Tower Bridge," .300 feet high.
It was the name given by our soldiers to two
square towers of steel girders, joined two-thirds
of the w ay up by others. It was used as a plat-
form for German artillery observers, snipers and
mitrailleuses. The possession of the " Tower
Bridge " midway between La Bassee and the
Vimy heights gave the Germans for observa-
tion purposes a considerable advantage over
their foes.

Behind, and south-east of Loos on the
direct road to Lens, was the shaft of Pit 12.
Due east the ground sloped gently up to the
Lcns-St. Elie-La Bassee highv\ay and an
eminence digiaified by the title of Hill 70.
On the north-east side of Hill 70 was a strong
redoubt. A little to the north of the redoubt
was the coal-mine " 14 bis," powerfully fortified,
as also was a chalk pit to tlie north of it.
East of Hill 70 the gromid dip]>ed, and on the
next rise was the village of Cite St. Auguste.

Three thousand yards north of Loos were
the hovises of Hulluch strung out along a small
stream. ISTorth-west of Hulluch were the stone
qiiarries converted into a fortress, similar to
that wliich west of Carency had up to Stay 11
blocked the French advance on that village.
Behind the Quarries was the mining village
of Cite St. Elie on the Lens-La Bassee road.
Half a mile or so north-west of the Quarries
and iive hundred yards in front of the German
trenches was the Hohenzollern Redonbt;. It
was connected with their front line by three
communication trenches attached to the de-
fences of " Pit 8," a coal mine with a high and
strongly defended slag-heap a thousand yards
south of Auchy, a village nearly a mile distant
from the banks of the Bethime-I^a Bassee-Lille
Canal. The villages of Haisnes and of Douv-
rin east of the railway, Cuinchy - Pont a
Vendin-Lens, which passes between them,
afforded rallying points for the enemy should
he be driven from Pit 8, the Hohenzollern Re-
doubt and the Hulluch Quarries.

From west to east the German position was
cro.s.sed by the Bethune-Beuvrj'-Annecjuin-
Auchy-La Bfissee road, off which branched a
road through Haisnes and Douvrin cutting the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

873

La Bassee-Lens highway; next by a road from
X'ermelles by Hulluch to Pont a Vendin ;
then diagonally by the Bethune-Lens high-
road, and lastly by the Bethune-Grenay-Lens
railway. Behind the British trenches went
south of Auchy the lia Bassee-Vermelles-
Grenay road and, in the background, was part
of the Bethune-Noeux-les-Mines-Aix Noulette-
Souchez -Arras causeway. A railway half a
niile west of Grenay connected the Bethvuie-
Lens line with La Bassee. Just to its west a
smudge of red and white ruins amid the green
fields and black slag-heaps indicated Vermelles,
the scene of such bloody fighting in the winter
months.

The distance between the British and German
trenches varied from 100 to 500 yards. They
ran parallel south of the Canal iip an almost
imperceptible rise to the south-west. Between
the Vermelles-HuUuch-Pont a Vendin and
Bethune-Lens roads the groimd rose to'\\ards
the Germans. South of the Bethune-Lens
road, where the trenches crossed a spur, it was
the reverse. Long grass, self-grown crops,
and cabbages in patches grew on the chalky
soil. Dull grey sandbag parapets marked the
presence of the German trenches, before which
were tloree separate barbed wire entanglements.

The first line of trenches was well west of
Loos, the second running in a slight depression
covered part of the town and then turned
abruptly east and ran through the middle of
Loos. Behind Loos there was a third line.
A power-station furnished trenches and dug-

outs with electric light, and an elaborate tele-
phone system enabled the German commanders
to support any point with infantry and gim
fire. Observation posts constructed of I'ein-
forced concrete to))pedby steel cupolas, machine-
gun emplacements encased in concrete and
iron rails and " dug-outs " from 15 feet to
.30 feet deep, abounded. A tj^oical " dug-out "
may be described. To a dejjth of 20 feet a
shaft, boarded in, had been sunk. By means
of a pulley a machine gun could be lifted and
lowered up or down this shaft as occasion
required, and by a ladder the occupants de-
scended to a room 6 feet or so high, also boarded.
It was furnished with a table and chairs and
iour sleej:)ing bimks. Out of it a steep staircase
led into another trench. Some of these sub-
terranean bedrooms had whitewashed walls
and were lit by lamjDS and decorated with
pictm'es. The reader who loves comparisons
is recommended to turn, or return to tlie " Ccn-
mentaries " of one of the first great entrenching
generals, Ctesar, and study his account of the
circumvallation of Alesia. He will then appre-
ciate the immense progress which had been
made in the engineering branch of the Art of
AA'ar since the days of the man whose name has
been degraded into Kaiser.

By Friday, September 24, the preijarations
for the great offensive in Artois as for tliat in
the Champagne had been completed. To win
the rim of the Plain of the Scheldt and to sur-
prise the Germans in their formidable strong-

BY THE ROADSIDE IN LOOS.
A German trench captured by the British.

«-H

■*-'

>«

Cfi

.ti

J-

•a

•o

-C

f«

C
4*

374

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

375

^'^':'-ms :^-'^^^'^ss^

BEFORE THE BRITISH ATTACK AT LOOS.

The Sreat iron structure — a part of the mining machinery — known to the British soldier as

the "Tower Bridge,"

holds from La Bassee through Loos, and Lens
to Vimy, it was necessary not merely to make
feints at the enemy's line between Ypres and
I<a Eassee but to station the French and British
reserves in such places that their employment
at the front would not be plainly evident.
Generals Foch and d'LTrbal concentrated their
reserves in the region of Arras. The Indian
Cavalry Corps, under General Rimington, was
moved to DouUens, half-way between Arras and
Ainiens, and 17 miles north-west of Albert.
Here, it will be recollected, Foch and
French, on October 8, 1914, had settled their
plans for the British advance on La Bassee,
Lille and Ypres. The presence of these troops
at Doullens would, if it came to the knowledge
of the Cro-n-n Prince of Bavaria, be calculated
to make him believe that the offensive would
be delivered south of Arras in the neighbour-
hood of Hebuterne and Albert. Twenty miles
north-west of Arras, in the districts of St. Pol
and Bailleul-les-Pernes, was the British Cavalry
Corps, now imder General Fanshawe. The
3rd Cavalry Division, which before and during
the First Battle of Ypres had been attached
to the IV. Corps, was (less one brigade), on
September 21-22, brought into the area behind
the latter body, which formed the right of the
British in the coming battle. That a portion
of the 3rd Cavalry Division should be again
imder Sir Henry Rawlinson, the leader of the

IV. Corps, if known, would arouse no sus-
picion at the German Headr^uarters. Nor,
generally speaking, was'the fact that the bulk
of the British Cavalry was south of the line
Bethune-La Bassee any siu-e indication of
the Allied Generals' intention. Yet it had to
be near at hand so that if the German line
were broken masses of British with French

Festubert^

©Bethune

Beuvry o ■.

2I?rDlv.

LaBassee

Givenchy

< COjpps

*s, U(X\}X-/es Mines

'Cuinchy

■■9™Div.
Verwelleso *7'"Di\i.

■ Mazingarbe

24^"Div. ,.,°r, i-"5

l?TDiv.

Brigade .... °'^- *Z00S

CavB'

Grenay
Sains-eo-CoM/eOp^^RD ° l-47T"DlV.

i Cav.Div.

Souchez

i"" } t»" Scale or Miles.

Xnv" - - -

POSITION OF TROOPS BEFORE THE
BATTLE.

B7G

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

horsemen could be rushed through the gap
into the plain beyond the Hullucli-Loos-
^'imy heights, to complete the discomfiture
of the enemy.

Tho XI. Corps formed the main infantry
reserve. It comprised the Guards Division under
Lord Cavan, composed of tho Grenadier, Cold-
stream, Scots, Irish, and the newly-enrolled
\\'elsh Guards, the 21st and 24th Divisions of
the New Army. The 28th Division was also tem -
porarily withdrawn from Sir Herbert Plunaer's
Second Army at Ypres. The Guards bivou-
acked in the region of Lillers, ten miles north-
west of Bethimc. The 21st and 24th Divisions
were between Beuvry and Kraux-les-Mines.
The 28th Division was brought back from tlie
Ypres salient to Bailleul, north-west of Armen-
tieres on the Lys. From a central position
like Bailleul it could be directed to any point
north or south of the La Bassee Canal. Assum-
ing that these dispositions were by design or
accident brought to the notice of the Crown
Prince of Bavaria, he would be little tlio
wiser.

The British trooi« which Sir Douglas Haig
was about to launch to the assault were the
I. and II. Corps. The I. Corps, with the excep-
tion of the details detached for feints at Giv-
enchy and Festubert, was concealed in the
trenches from the Bethime-La Bassee Canal
to the Vermelles-Hulluch road. It was under
the orders of Lt.-Gen. Hubert Gough. Its left
wing working eastwards along the Canal was
to storm Auchy where the German heavy guns
were posted, to seize Haisnes and to take in
reverse Pit 8 and the HohenzoUern Redoubt.
The 9th Division in the centre was to capture
the HohenzoUern Redoubt and then push

on to Pit 8. To its right Lt.-Gen. Gough
directed tlie glorious 7th Division on the
Hulluch Quarries and village of St. Elie.
South of the \'ermelles-Hulluch road was Sir
Henry Rawlinson with the I\'. Corps. The
1st Division, the 15th Highland Division —
part of the New Armies — and the 47th London
Territorial Division were to reach the heights
between Hulluch and Lens, taking en route
the redoubt on the Vermelles-Loos track, the
town of Loos, the Double Grassier slag-heaps
and east of the La Bassee-Lens highway, the
Chalk Pit, Pit " 14 bis," the redoubt on the
north-east corner of Hill 70, the summit of
that hill and the village of Cite St. Auguste.
■ If Gough succeeded, the La Bassee salient
would be turned from the south ; if Rawlinson
were successful, the city of Lens, the German
troops and guns in Li6vin and Angres and the
northern end of the Vimy heights might
be taken. The Allies, whether the French
did or did not secure those heights, would
liavc at last obtained access to the Plain of
the Scheldt, and a mano?uvring .battle, in which
the superiority of the Allied forces in moral
would assert itself, would promptly ensue.

Such was the plan of the Allied leaders.
To carry it through they had at their disposal,
besides a gigantic artillery, two new weapons —
retorts for discharging a gas which stupified,
but did not poison, and devices for creating
volumes of smoke. If the wind blew from the
west, and was strong enough to carry the gas
and smoke and was not so strong as to dissipate
the clouds of vapour, the tables wovdd be turned
on the Germans. Seeing that the enemy
relied on his entrenchments to counter-balance
the superior fighting qualities of the British

ON THE WESTERN FiiONT.
British troops making a road in Northern France.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

377

ON THE WESTERN FRONT.
Kritish troops in the first-line trenches.

and French, it had been a bad mistake for him
to einploy poisonous gas. The AlHes, being
civilized, could not pay the Kaiser out in his
own coin ; their reply was equally effective
but lacked the element of diabolical cruelty
which commended itself to the enemy. Ko
German suffered the pangs of suffocation ■ or
expired in lingering agony after days of hideous
suffering as a result -of breathing the gas used
by the British.

During the early days of the week preceding
the battle the weather was fine but the wind
was in the east and the gas and smoke would,
therefore, be blown across and behind our
men. On Friday, September 24, a westerly
breeze sprang up. Coming from the British
Channel and the season being the late. autumn,
it brought with it fine rain and mist. The
landscape wa^ bliu-red and the roads, fields and
trenches, as each hoiu- passed, became soppy,
slippery and muddy. If the wind held, the
conditions for the use of gas and smoke the next
day would be propitious, but the going would
be bad both for the charging infantry and for
the reserves who had long distances to march.

All Friday the British and French artillery
pounded away at the enemy's wire entangle-
ments, the sand -bagged parapets of the trenches,
the quarries, slag-heaps, chalk-pits, red-brick
cottages, steel cupolas, patches of wood, and the
factories, mining works, villages and towns
which formed the position of the enemy. The
German batteries rephed, but their fire was
less effective. As evening fell British and

French aeroplanes ascended and, amidst puffs
of bursting shrapnel, passed over the German
line. At one point a couple of Aviatiks mounted
to meet them, but, declining the combat, were
seen to disappear beyond the dim, misty
horizon.

To prevent the enemy repairing the breaches
in his entanglements and parapets under cover
of darkness, shrapnel and machine gvms played
ceaselessly on the German first line. Behind
our front the roads and the conimunication
trenches — great numbers of which had been
recently made to facilitate the arrival of rein-
forcements— were filled with men, guns, and
stores. Here were the lorries bringing up
ammunition, Red Cross vehicles, cars carrying
staff ofiicers, motor cyclists, all pursuing their
eastward way. " I was back at the waggon
line," writes an officer of artillery, " looking
after the storing of our ammunition for the
next day. With what quiet and holy satis-
faction we brought up load after load of lyddite
shell to the gun-pits ! " At 8 p.m. Lieut.
M. W. M. Windle, of the 8th Devon Regiment,
began a letter which he was destined never to
finish :

AVe moved up here last night, and all day long have
been listening to the biggest cannonade I've yet heard.
I wish 1 could give you .some idea of it. The sound that
preponderates is like the regular thump of a steamship's
engines. But across this from time to time comes the
thunder-clap of a gun being fired, or a shell exploding,
while the shells as they pass moan like the wind in the
trees.

It's slackened a bit now, but to-morrow it will be twice
as loud, excepting during the last few minutes before we
go over the parapet. Then, I suppose, machine guns

378

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

and rifles and bombs will swell the chorus. We have
about 200 yards to go before we reach their first system
of trenches on the rising ground to o\ir front. I hope that
won't present much didiculty, and if the puns have any
luck we should top the hill all right. After that there
are at least two more systems of defence, each about
1,000 yards apart which it will be np to us to tackle.
I wonder whether we shall do it ? . . . Thucydides is a
gentleman whose truth I never appreciated so thoroughly
before. In his description of the last great effort of the
Athenians to break into Syracuse he tells how the
officers lectured and encotiraged their men right up to the
last moment, alwa.^^s remembering another last word
of counsel, and wishing to say more, yet feeling all the
time that however much they said it would still be
inadequate. Just the same with us now. We've all
lectured our platoons, but something still keeps turning
up, and after all we can only play an infinitesimal part
in Armageddon !

Well, we're parading in a minute. Good-niglit and
heaps of love.

To be continued to-morrow !

Strange is the contrast between, on the one
hand, this letter, with its reference to the battle
which decided tliat the Athenians of the Age of
Pericles, Socrates, and Pheidias should not
mould the Greeks into an imperial race, and, on
the other, a note foiind among the effects of a
dead German near Loos : "How nice," -nrote
" Mitzi " in Miinster to Adolph, "if Russia
makes peace as we expect. Then w^e can give
those damned Tommies a good hammering.
They deserve it, the swine ! "

About midnight the artillery officer from
w hose letter we have quoted turned in for throe
hours' sleep. At 4 a.m. on Saturday, September
25, the watches of the officers taking part in the
prelimmary canronading and. the advance \^-ere
synchronised so that complete unison in the
movements and gun-fire might be ensured.

The wind had shifted to a south-westerly
direction and so was not coming from exactly
the right quarter for the purposes of our gas-
and-smoke engineers. As on Friday afternoon,
rain fell and mist enveloped the stirface of the
slopes up which the British and the French
to their right ^^•ere to pusli their «ay.

At 4.25 a.m. the intense bombardment
opened. The roar produced by the inrmense
assemblage of guns was so terrific that sleepers
thirty or forty miles away were awakened.
Farther off, damped by the south-westerly
wind, the deafenmg noise diminished to a low-
pitched rimible, punctuated by the louder
reports of the heavier weapons. This bombard -
ment, unique in British history, had scarce been
equalled but not surjiassed by those of the
Germans in the Eastern theatre in the advance
through Galicia and Poland. Equally severe
was the overwhelming fire rained that day on the
heights of Viray and the German positions in

Champagne. British and French science had
combined to place at the disposal of the Allied
armies weapons superior to those forged in
German arsenals. The following extract from
the same artillery officer's letter, previously .
C|Uoted, gives the impression made on those who
took ]jart in the Battle of Loos:

The air was suddenly torn into a thousand pieces ;
screeched and screamed ; and then groaned and shivered
as it was lashed again and again and again. Along our
section, sa.y, five miles, there must have been 3,000 shells
fired in five minutes. If the action was a wide one, tho
bombardment was the biggest thing as yet in this war.

I wish I could give you some idea of the awful majest.v
of those few moments, when, as an avenging Angel with
a flaming sword the forces of the Allies gave to the Hun
the first lash of the scourge prepared for him. The
morning, it seemed, was dull (as a matter of fact, I found
out afterwards, through discovering myself wet through,
it was raining heavily) ; but the flashes of the guns were
so continuous as to give a light which was almost un-
broken. It flickered, but it never failed. The earth itself
quivered and shook with the repeated shocks of the guns.
The air was a tattered, hunted thing, torn wisps of it
blown liither and thither by the monstrous explosions.
We had guns everywhere, and all were firing their
hardest at carefully registered points of tho German
trenches. On every yard of trench at least four shells
must have fallen within five minutes, and each shell
would have a radius of destruction of at least 20 yards.

Yes, I wish I could give in words some impression of
that gunfire. But all I can say is that it was a hundred
times greater than any I had experienced before ; and
you know I have ,scen some bombardments. You would
think that some metaphor of terror and sublimity would
have suggested itself. It didn't. Instead I had the
fantastic image in my mind of all the peaeemongers of
England assembled in a great Temple of Calico, and this
temple being split into a million ribands with a horrid
screeching and thundering, while the poor devils writhed
prone on the ground, faces upturned to the clamour,
their necks all awry.

In the faint light which precedes the da«n —
at 5,30 a,m, — clouds of gas and smoke issued
from the British trenches. Unfortunately, the
wind appears to have carried gas and smoke
past Pit 8, tho Hohenzollem Redoubt, the
Quarries and HuUuch. Kevertheless, the
pyschologieal effect of the gas and smoke on
the Germans must have been considerable.
They could not be sure that the gas was not
poisonous and the smoke, through which tore
the sliells and the sleet of IjuUets from machine
guns and rifles, would, they laiew, be soon
alive with enemies eager to close with their
own special weapon, the bayonet, which the
Germans had previously experienced and feared.

While the visible and invisible vapours
drifted in the direction of Loos and Lievin, our
men, full of suppressed energy, yet bearing an
outward calm, waited impatiently in their
trenches, ready with their gas helmets.

At last the wished -for moment came. It
was 6.30 a.m. In an instant the roar of the

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

379

KEEPING OFF A NIGHT ATTACK.

A ruse in the British trenches : Firing star pistols and rifles at once. During a retirement a few men
were left behind to personate a company while the British were withdrawing. 1 he men In the trenches
fired rifles and star pistols, which successfully bluffed the enemy into imagining that the British were

there In force.

giins behind tliem ceased, but that of tlie
French artillery still went on in rolling thunder as
d'Urbal's infantry would not be ready to attack
till some minutes after noon. From our trenches
sprang lines of soldiers who, with their heads
covered in smoke helmets, resembled in appear-
ance divers. They moved forward silently but
determinedly through the mist and smoke,
and swept like an a.ngry wave against the

trenches of the enemy. A German observer,
writing in the Berlin'/- Tageblatt, describes from
the enemy's standpoint those charges and
what preceded and followed them :

Waves ot gas and walls of smoke rolled up like a
thick mist. The Germans were waiting. They fired
madly into the wall of fog.

An officer appeared, sword in hand, out ot it, and fell
immediately. Then the Germans retreated, for these
trenches could not be held at all. A bursting shell

MAP TO ILLUS

380

E BATTLE OF LOOS.

381

382

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAS.

hurled a machine gun back into a Ircnch. Some of our
brave fellows seized it and began to fire. Enghsh on the
right ! Where ? They are our men ! No ; by Heaven !
they are Englishmen, quite near, not ten yards off,
before their uniforms can be recognised in the dark
haze. . . .

Suddenly an English company appears unexpectedly.
A niacliine gun sweeps the street. Some fall. An officer
rallies them, and forward they come over bodies and
blood ! .And the machine gun is silent. . . .

Often it was hard to say who was opposite, who was
on the flanks or in the rear, friend or foe. And shrapnel
burst wherever one turned one's steps.*

A •n-oimded British officer declared later that
" hell itself could not be worse. Nothing,"
he continued, "could be an exaggeration of

* Translated by The Manchester Guardian,

the horrors of that battlefield ; it was, it is,
a veritable shambles, a living death of unspeak-
able horror even to those who, like myself, were
destined to come through it imscathed, bodily
at all events. Most of the survivors went
tlirough it as through a ghastly nightmare
without the rehef and joy of awakening."
One soldier relates how as he neared the enemy's
trench, the butt of his rifle was blown clean
away, leaving barrel and bayonet in his hands,
how on reaching the trench a Prussian officer
covered him with his revolver, and how he
ducked and bayoneted the man with his
broken weapon.

At 6.35 the British artillery reopened 'at
longer ranges, searching for the enemy's re-
serves and rear trenches. This second bombard-
ment lasted fully 30 minutes, and was " fierce
enough to shake the earth and the heaven."

From the wider we tm-n to j^articular fea-
tuies of the Battles of Loos and Vimy. The left
^¥ing of Lt.-Gen. H. Gough's Corps (the I.)
operating in between the banks of the Bethune-
La Bassee Canal and Pit 8 made no progress,
though the dead between the Canal and Pit 8
were to be counted in thousands. At this
point the British, who were deluged with shells
from the La Bassee salient, met with a bloody
repulse. Of the deeds of gallantry in that
corner of the Ijattlefield we may mention two.

THE HEROINE OF LOOS.

Emilienne Moreau, who, when the British retook the town, carefully dressed the wounds of the British

troops. She killed five Germans by throwing grenades and using a revolver. In the above picture she

is being decorated by General de Sailly with the Military Cross, as shown in the circle portrait.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

383

AFTER THE BOMBARDMENT.

A Scottish Regiment entered the village of Loos. In spite of the intense bombardment which played

around the village, some of the inhabitants were still living in their shattered houses. Those who were

rescued were carried to a place of comparative safety.

At Cuinchy, on the border of the canal, Capt.
F. R. Kerr, M.B., R.A.M.C, after an unsuc-
cessful attack, crawled over the British parapet
and under the fire of the enemy at close range
brought in two wounded men. Near Cambrin,
a village south-west of Cuinchy, Major H. C.
Stuart, of the Reserve of Officers, Highland
Light Infantry, gallantly led forward his
company, and, though gassed, reorganized what
remained of his battalion. Both officers were
awarded the D.S.O.

While the combat round Cuinchy, Cambrin

and Auchy was proceeding, Lt.-Gen. Gough
threw Major-General G. H. Thesiger, with the
26th and 28th Brigades of the 9th Division,
against the Hohenzollem Redoubt and Pit 8.
For the gas and smoke to envelop the Redoubt
and Pit 8 the wind would have had to be in
a due west or north-easterly direction, and,
as we have seen, that was not the case. The
Hohenzollem Redoubt was a second Laby-
rinth, and Pit 8, with which, as mentioned,
it was connected by three trenches, had been
converted into a miniature fortress.

3E4

THE TIMES HISTORY OF IHE WAR.

AIMING A RIFLE BY THE PERISCOPE,
iln the British first-line trenches.

The 28th Brigade marched east of the
Vermelles-La Bass(5e railway on the Hohen-
zollem Eedoubt, the 26th Brigade penetrated
between the Redoubt and the Hulluch Quarries
and captured Pit 8. The fighting at these
spots beggars description. Here is the picture
of a German officer as he appeared to one of
his coimtrymen coming from the redoubt : —

"[His' legs were covered with clay, his body
with filth and dust. His shoulders were half
wrenched off ; his hair was grey, and deep
furrows stood in his brow. He was hoarse
and could not speak coherently. . . . The
slaughter was terrible, especially the work of
the howitzers and machine guns — all horrible
to see."

On that day near Vermelles, Second Lieut.
W. L. Dibdcn, of the 2nd BattaUon Royal
Warwick Regiment, though so exhausted that
he could hardly stand, led a party of bombers
down a German commiuiication trench.*
Woimded three times. Major David McLeod,
of the Reserve of Officers, Gordon Highlanders,
commanded a company in the attack of the
Redoubt tiU he collapsed on the ground.
Captain G. Burrard, of the 52nd Brigade of the
R.F.A., imder continuous shell and rifle fire,

* Ho ;:ained the .Militiirv Ciu^^.

guided his guns to the close support of the
infantry. Jlajor C. W. W. McClean, of the
52nd Brigade, R.F.A., who was wounded,
brought up a battery in support and observed
the fire from a very exposed position. Lieut.
.J. B. HoUwey, an artilleryman of the same
brigade, laid a telephone wire under very heavy
fire. He had scarcely gone 10 yards when he
was wounded in the leg. He went on, laid
300 yards naore wire, was again wounded, this
time his leg being fractured. He lay in the
open unable to move for 16 hours, refusiug
ail aid to avoid taking men away from their
duties. *

As the result of our efforts part of the Holien-
zoUern Redoubt was stormed, yet \\it)iout
completely dislodging the Germans from it.

The fighting round the slag heap, the
manager's house and the buildings of Pit 8,
to the north-west of the HohenzoUern Redoubt,
was equally violent, but at first more successful.
The 26th Infantry Brigade secured the Pit,
Lieut. D. C. Alexander, R.A.M.C, and Lieut.
G. H. W. Green, of the 7th Battalion Seaforth
Highlanders, here jjarticularly distinguishing
themselves. But, owing to the failure of
Cough's left, the capture of Pit 8 did not entail
the capture of the HohenzoUern Redoubt.

Meanwhile, on the right of the 9th Division
the 7th Division, vuidcr Major-Ceneral Sir
Thompson Capper, was living and dying up to
its traditions. Swiftly they reached and cap-
tured the Hulluch Quarries and then the left of
the division pressed forward on Haisnes, the
centre to the heights north of St. Elie, while
the right attacked that mining village. Capt.
A. W. Sutcliffe, of the 3rd, but attached to the
2nd Battalion of the Border Regiment, was
commanding the left company of the first line
in the attack. On finding that its advance
was checked by machine-gun fire from an
emplacement called " Pope's Nose," he coolly
headed a charge which ended in the capture of
the German mitrailleuse. He then reorganised
his company and marched it past the Quarries
up to the left of the line. He and his men had
taken 150 prisoners.

Another remarkable feat was that of Capt.
J. E. Adamson, of the 8tli Battalion of the
Gordon Highlanders. At the head of his
company, which was m advance of other de-
tachments, he made across the open for Haisnes.
Shells burst around them, rifle fire thinned

* Hollwey gained the Military Cross, Mfl^eari, Burrard
and McLeod tlie D.S.O.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

385

the little band ; three lines of wire were en-
countered and, while they cut or hacked their
way tlirough thein, mitrailleuses took toll of
the company. Nevertheless, at 8 a.m. the
survivors were in Haisnes and there till 5 p.m.
they remained, causing and suffering heavy
losses. Finally, when almost entirely sur-
roiuided, attacked by the enemy's artillery,
bombers, and riflemen from tliree sides. Captain
Adanison mustered his handful of heroes and
brought them back in good order.*

Thus Lt.-Gen. Hubert Gough with the I. Corps
had in the forenoon driven his right — the 7th
Division and the 26th Brigade — well into the
German position. Pit 8 and the Quarries were
gained and his troops were in or before Haisnes
and St. Elie. But, as the hours rolled by, the
hold on the points gained became more and
more precarious. Haisnes we have seen was
abandoned, and the enemy appears to have
recovered the Qviarries. That the British left
wing was in immediate need of reinforcements
was only too apparent.

At 9.30 a.m., an hour after Adamson reached
Haisnes, Sir John French placed the 21st and
2-tth Divisions of the New Army at Sir Douglas
Haig's disposal, and Haig ordered the com-
mander of the XI. Corps to send them up.
Between 11 a.m. and noon, the central brigades
of these divisicn^ filed past Sir John French
at Beuvry and Noeux-les -Mines respectively.
At 11.30 a.m. the heads of both divisions were
within three miles of our original first line

* Adamson recei\'ed the D.S.O.. Sutcliffe tho military
Cross.

trenches. Sir .Tolm French also directed the
Guards on Na'Ux-le.>j-]Mines which they did
not, however, reach till G p.m., and he brought
south of the Lys the 28tli Division from Bailleul.

It was unfortunate that the reserves \\-ere
not closer to the battlefield, as by noon two
of Sir Henry Rawlinson's divisions of the IV.
Corps by a series of magnificent charges, the
pace of which seems to have deranged the plans
of our staff, had abnost torn their way through
the whole of the German line and taken Lens.

Sir Henry Rawlinson, who wa.s assisted to a
greater extent than the I. Corps by the gas and
smoke, had at 6.30 a.m. advanced against the
German positions from HuUuch through Loos
to the Double Grassier. Two brigades of the
1st Division with a third brigade in reserve,
marched on Hulluch and the heights south of it.
The 1st Brigade on the left, capturing gun
positions on the way, penetrated into the out-
skirts of the village, but the brigade on the
right, south of Lone Tree, was hung up by
some barbed wire entanglements which had
escaped the attention of our artillery. Though
the delay occasioned by this misfortune enaliled
local reserves of the enemy to concentrate
behind the second line trenches, a detachment
of the 1st Brigade succeeded between 2 and 3
]j.m. in getting behind the entanglements and
capturing some fi\-e hundred Germans. The
fighting between Vermelles, Le Rutoire and
Hulluch, and in Hulluch itself, was of the most
desperate natiu'e. Near Le Rutoire Sergeant
Harry Wells, of the 2/Royal Sussex Regiment,
uhen his platoon officer had been killed took

AFTER THE BRITISH ATTACK.
A wrecked churc h in Loos.

386

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

coumiand and led the men to within fifteen
yards of the German wire. Nearly half of them
were killed or wounded and the remainder
wavered. Wells rallied them, and they again
advanced, but were compelled to take cover.
Again \\'ells went forward and was shouting to
them to come on when he fell dead. The V.C.
was awarded to him. IMajor F. S. Evans,
of the lst/9 Battalion Liverpool Regiment,
leading his men with great gallantry to the
attack over open ground, fell wounded. t

The 2/ Royal Warwicks were stopped by
wire before the German first hne trtnches in
front of HuUuch. It was broad daylight, but
Private Vickers standing up under a very
heavy fire from gmis, rifles and machine guns,
cut the wires and gained the V.C. Captain
Joseph Pringle, of the 1/Battalion Cameron
Highlanders, by force of example, induced
his men to take and consolidate a position.
Captain Douglas Tosetti, of the 8/Battalion
Royal Berks, badly wounded in the leg, led his
men to the outskirts of HuUuch. Second
Lieut. T. B. Lawrence, of the same battalion,
when the machine gun officer had fallen,
rallied the gim crews, brought two maxims
into action, and captured a couple of German
field guns. Captain E. R. Kearsley, of the
1/Battahon Royal Welsh Fusiliers, kept
cheering on his men to the capture of trenches
near the village, and he did not desist until he
received his seventh wound. During the night
of the 2.5th, Sergeant-Major Thomas Bluck,
of the same regiment, rallied the men retiring
before coimter-attacks, and was wounded.
Private George Peachment, of the 2/King's
Royal Rifle Corps, one of the youngest men in
his battalion, trying to save the life of an
officer, lost his own, but gained the V.C.
Second Lieut. T. R. Reid and Captain P. J. R.
C'urrie, both of the same battalion as Peach-
ment, were gassed. Reid, with a machine
gun, entered a gap in the enemy's wire and
rendered invaluable aid to his comrades ;
Currie, his senior officers having been gassed
and wounded, assumed command of the
battaUon, and led it forward to the farthest
point reached. Under heavy fire, Second
Lieut. R. W. Carrigan, R.F.A., took forward
two trench mortars to destroy some buildings
near Hulluch in which enemy machine guns
were working. Captain A. M. Read, of the
1/Northampton Regiment, partially gassed
during the morning, moved freely about,

t He received the D.S.O.

rallying his men. He gained the V.C, but
died of his wovmds. He was a celebrated
Service boxer, and had previously exhibited
conspicuous gallantry. He was only 31 when
he fell. These all too brief records of heroic
deeds will enable the reader faintly to realize
the hard fighting round and in Hulluch
on the 25th. " I shall never forget," writes
an officer who rejoined his regiment that
evening, " what those one-and-a-quarter miles
which we had gained looked like as I passed
through them in the dimness and mist that
shrouded that battlefield. The place was an
absolute shambles . . . ultimately I found the
regiment — all that was left of it. It was
hurriedly scratching itself in on either side of
the Hulhjch road, in front of everything."

The right brigade of the 1st Division had
been early held by the barbed-wire entangle-
ments ; this did not check the 15th Division
(recruited in the Highlands), to the south of
the 1st Division. Thovigh their left wing was
exposed, yet with extraordinary impetuosity
and courage two of the three brigades com-
posing it which had left their trenches at
6.30 a.m., followed a few minutes later by the
Reserve Brigade, stormed in the midst of clouds
of gas and smoke the redoubt on the Vermelles-
Loos track. Before 8 a.m. the right brigade
was assaulting Loos from the north, while the
left pushed on and seized the Chalk Pit, Pit 14
bis, and Hill 70 with its redoubt, and even
reached the village of St. Auguste. The Cam-
erons, meanwhile, had detached a body of
grenadiers to help the right brigade of the 1st
Division, still struggling with the barbed-wire
entanglements south of Hulluch.

Two episodes at the beginning of this amaz-
ing charge of the Highlanders may be narrated.
Piper Daniel Laidlaw, of the 7th King's Own
Scottish Borderers, perceiving that his company
was shaken from the effects of the gas, coolly
mounted the parapet, marched tip and down it,
and played the men out of the trench to the
assault. He continued playing his pipes till
he was wounded. For this splendid action
he was awarded the V.C. Captain M. F. B.
Dermis, of the same regiment, was wounded
immediately before the attack. After being
bandaged, he dashed forward, cheering on his
men. Wounded a second time, he was carried
to the dressing station. From it he staggered
after his company, and cheered them on till
he received a third wound.

The Chalk Pit, Pit 14 bis. Hill 70 and the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

387

THE BRITISH REACH THE GERMAN TRENCHES.

Between bomb and bayonet : German troops who took refuge in their dug-outs — some of which held as
many as twenty men — -compelled to surrender to the British.

redoubt on its north-east edge, had been
occupied by the Highlanders of the New Army,
From the houses, cellars and " dug-outs "
in Loos, from Cite St. Auguste, and the environs
of Lens, the German machine -gims played
on the front and rear of our brave troops. In
the course of the fighting, Second-Lieut. F. H.

Johnson, of the 73rd Field Company of the
Royal Engineers, woimded in the leg, had
headed several charges and won the V.C.
Every German gun in the vicinity was being
trained on our men. the enemy was being
rapidly reinforced from the north, east and
south. But by 9.30 some British artillery liad

388

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR..

389

been sent Tip towards Loos, and a brigade of
the 21st Division of the New Anuy appears
to have been dispatched later to the assistance
of the Highlanders. These were, however, only
able immediately to procure effective help from
the 47th London Territorial Division on the
extreme right of the Britisli 1st Army.

Two brigades of the London Territorials
had left their trenches near Grenay at 6.30 a.m.
Gas and smoke had preceded them. They
had speedily driven the enemj^ from the greater
part of the slag-heaps known as the Double
Grassier, and crossing the Bethiine-Lens road,
advanced on the cemetery and the town of
Loos. For long the German machine-gunners
in the cemetery maintained their position
among the tombs. Finally, the cemetery was
stormed, and the main attack on Loos from
the south and west with the Highlanders forcing
their way in from north and east began. From
house to house, from cellar to cellar the Ger-
mans were bombed or bayonetted. Numbers
surrendered, but many died bravely at their
posts. Under the church tower the enemy
had laid mines, of which, in the midst of biu-st-
ing shells. Major E. B. Blogg, of the 4th London
Field Co., R.E. (T.F.), cut the fuze, thereby
saving the heavy cas\ialties which their ex-
plosion would have caused.* Lieut. F. L.
Pusch, of the 19th Battalion of the London
Regiment (St. Pancras), led a party of bombers,
and, going alone into a house, captured seven
Germans, one of whom wounded him badly
in the face.

After a bloody struggle. Loos was at last in

> our hands. Among the rescued French inhabi-
tants was Mile. Emilienne Moreau, a girl of 18,
who had lived through the German occupation
and now assisted to bandage the British
wounded. She killed with her own hand several
Ciermans who attacked wounded Highlanders
and Territorials. On Noveiiiher 27 this yoimg
heroine was publicly decorated at Versailles
with the Croix de Guerre. In pinning the
cross on her breast. General de Sailly observed :
" I congratulate and admire you, young lady.

. You do honour to the women of France. You
are a fine and inspiring example."

From 6.30 a.m. to noon the British had
been assaulting the enemy's position from
the Bethune-La Bass6e t 'anal to the environs
of Lens, but, all this time, for reasons which
have not been explained, the French 10th Army
between Grenay and the Labyrinth had not
* He subsequently received the D.S.O.

advanced. A terrific bombardment wliich
had been proceeding for five days had [)repared
the wia.y for the French infantry, but Cienerals
Foch and d'Urbal postponed their attack till
after noon of the 25th, and then, instead
of throwing troops towards Lens, confined
themsel\'(s to assaulting Souchez and the
\'imy Heights. That they had excellent
reasons for the course pursued maybe taken
for granted, but one result was that the 47tli
Loudon Territorial Division, which it had been
foiuid necessary to deploy from Grenay to
south of Loos as a defensive flank was not
able to gi\-e much assistance to the High-
landers on Hill 70.

The movements of the French troops miust
now be described. At 12.25 p.m. Generals
Foch and d'Urbal, sent forward their in-
fantry on Souchez. German deserters who
had been finding their way to the French lines
had aclcnowledged that the defenders were at
their last gasp. On the left our gallant Allies
descended the eastern slopes of the Notre Dame
de Lorette plateau and made for the Hache
Wood, the fringe of which v\as reached in
twenty minutes. With asphyxiating shells and
shrapnel and machine-gun fire, the Germans
sought to stop the advance, while their bat-
teries from Angres, Lievin and Gi"\'enchy-en-
Gohelles kept up a ceaseless rain of projectiles.
The French attack slackened its pace, but the
Souchez stream was reached. In the meantime,
down the valleys of the Xazaire and Carency
and along the Betlnme-Arras highway froui
La Targette. other bodies of Frencli troops
advanced on the Chateau of Carleul, the
" Cabaret Rouge," and the cemetery of Souchez.
Simultaneously masses of infantry forced their
way to the lower slopes of Hill 119. The
cemetery was taken but soon after lost, and the
right wing was held up by machine-gun fii'e.
The desjierate nature of the opposition belied
the statements of the deserters and the .strength
of the subterranean and other defences on the
Vimy heights forced Foch and d'Urbal to put
off to the next day their final attack on Souchez.

The unexpected rapidity of the advance of
the Highland Division of the New Army, the
small measure of success gained by the l.st
Division on its left, the precarious position of
the 7th Division in the triangle St. Elie-
Haisnes - the Hulluch Quarries, and of the
26th Brigade of the 9th Division engaged round
Pit 8, the little headway made by the 28th
Brigade in its assault on the Hohenzollcrn

390

THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAB,.

THE BRITISH ADVANCE.
A street in Loos, showing the efifect of the bombardment.

Redoubt, tJie failure of Cough's left wing in
its endeavour to advance between the redoubt
and the Bethune-La Bassee Canal, coupled with
the unexpected strength of the German strong-
holds in and round Souohez and on the Vimy
heights, deranged the plans of the Allied
leaders and gave the Crown Prince of Bavaria
an opportunity of delivering, about 1 p.m., a
violent and successful counter-attack against
the Highlanders who, with some support from
the London Territorials, had captured Hill 70,
the redotibt on its northeast corner. Pit 14 bis,
and some houses on the western edge of the
village of Cite St. Auguste. Being new troops
who, up to then, like their comrades at Suvla
Bay, had had but little training and still less
experience of fighting in the open, our troops
were at some disadvantage. The hordes of
fanatical Germans, too, who were driven by
their oflficers out of Lens and its environs to
attack them were far su]ierior to them in num-
bers. Nor did the ground afford our men any
protection against heavy artillery. Unless there
has been time to create deep trenches, dug-outs
which cannot be reached by high explosive
shells, and broad barriers of %vire entanglements
to deny access to them, the bravest infantry may

be swiftly dislodged from the Hougouinonts and
Plancenoits of to-day. It is true that the British
could take refuge in the elaborate subterranean
constructions of the Germans, but the very
effectiveness of the crusliing bombardment
which had preceded the offensive had destroyed
most of these and had ripped up the barriers of
barbed wire.

Under the pitiless rain of bursting shells, the
Highlanders and Territorials were slowly driven
back. The houses in Cite St. Auguste'had to be
abandoned, and the redoubt and most of the
smnmit of Hill 70 were by nightfall again in the
possession of the enemy. The portion of the
21st Division of the New . Army which had
mounted the heights to support the Highlanders
does not appear to have rendered much effective
assistance to them. When night tell, the line
of the British First Army was roughly as .
follows. From the Double Grassier slag-heaps
it ran rovmd the south of Loos to the western
part of Hill 70, thence close to the western
exit of HuUuch, round the west of Hulluch
Quarries to Cite St. Elie and Pit 8, where it
turned back east of the HohenzoUern Redoubt to
our original line — in the region of Vermelles.
The line w^as, however, not continuous, and there

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

391

were numerous fortified points in it still held
by the Germans. The real gains of the day
had been the expulsion, capture, or destruction
of the Germans in Loos and the taking of the
" Tower Bridge " from which the snipers,
machine-gunners and artillery observers of the
enemy had been shot down in the early hours
of the morning. For some unaccountable
reason the Germans do not appear to have
mined the Tower Bridge as they had mined the
ruins of the Chvu-ch of Loos. To destroy this
valuable post for their artillery observers may
have seemed to them to be a step which ought
not to be taken so long as they retained any-
foothold on the ridges at the edge of the Plain
of the Scheldt.

Dviring the night, which was lit up by the
moon and the German star -shells and rockets,
the fighting continued. Cite St. Auguste was
on fire and the flames gave some light to Hill
70. The scenes in Loos were ghastly. Amidst
bursting shells, operations were being per-
formed on the wounded in cellars and
dug-outs by the dim illumination of scanty
candles. iOfficers of the Signal Service were
crawling about laying wires. Beyond, on Hill
70 and to the south round the Loos chalk pit,
Highlanders and Territorials were resisting the
frantic attacks of the enemy. The 28th Divisior,

which had been placed at the disposal of Sir
Douglas Haig in the early hoiu-s of Sunday the
20, came over the bridges on the Bethime-La
Bassee Canal into the trenches previously lined
by the troops of the I. Corps, who had been used
up in the battle of the previous day and were
now snatclaing a few bom's' rest in the muddy,
chalky holes and trenches between Pit 8 and
Hulluch.

The rain had ceased and the morning broke
fine but cold, the sim shone brilliantly, and
there was a cloudless blue sky. The High-
landers on Hill 70, who had been vigorously but
unsuccessfully attacked half an hour after
midnight and again at 5.30 a.m., reinforced by
the leading troops of the 21st and 24th Divi-
sions of the New Army at9 a.m., again advanced .
The attack was preceded by a heavy bombard-
ment lasting an hour. In face of the German
machine-gun fire, no progress was made. The
Germans were now firmly eotabhshed in the
redoubt to the north-east of Hill 70, and at
noon they finally dislodged us from Pit 14 bis.
During the afternoon the 6th Cavalry Brigade
was ordered up to Loos as a garrison, and later
the 3rd Cavalry Division was thrown into the
town. On the left of the Highlanders the 1st
Division renewed its attacks on Hulluch, but
the net result of the efforts of the IV. Corp.';

AFTER THE BRITISH BOMBARDMENT.
A street in Loos, showing the "Tower Bridge" id the background.

3'J-2

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

THE BATTLE
Wounded British troops on the way to

on tlic 20th was, except for a small gain of
ground south of Loos, insjp:nifieant from the
British standpoint. By niglitfall the line
bent sharply back from Hill 70 to the north-west
as far as the Loos-La Bassee road, which it
followed for LOGO yards, bearing thence north-
eastward to near the west end of HuUueh.
Northward of that it Mas the same as it had
been on the previous night. As for the I.
Corps : its sole success on the 26th had consisted
in the recapture of the HuUuch Quarries by
the 7th Division. But this gain had been
counterbalanced by the fall of its leader, Major-
Cieneral Sir Thompson Capper, who was
severely wounded and died the next morning.
The Allied victory at the First Battle of Yj^res
had been largely due to the courage, energy,
and resourcefulness of this most distinguished
and capable leader.

OF LOOS,
the dressing station after the attack.

The niuuber of German prisoners by now
amounted to 2,600 ; nine guns had been taken
and munerous machine guns. Our aeroplanes
had bombed and derailed a train near Loffres,
east of Douai, and another which was full of
troops near St. Amand. \'alenciennes Station,
through which German troops were passing to
the battlefield, had also been bombed. Among
the officers and men who won distinction that
day in the combats round Hill 70 were Captain
A. P. Sayer of the 91st Field Company, Royal
Engineers, who by his de\oted gallantry had
restored the action at a critical moment; Private
Robert Dunsire of the 13th Royal Scots
(Lothian Regiment), who rescued wounded
men imder peculiarly dangerous circimistances ;
and Captain \A'. W. Macgregor of the Gordon
Highlanders, who had the sense to doubt the
authenticity of an order sent to him to retire.

THE TIMES HISTOEY OF THE WAB.

S93

THE BATTLE OF LOOS.
After the British attack : A line of wounded.

and by his prompt action in leading his men
forward prevented the Germans from turning
our flank. Dimsire received the V.C.

Other officers whose names may be mentioned
in connection with the same fighting were
Lieutenant-Colonel A. V. Douglas-Hamilton,
who also gained the V.C. but M'as killed at the
head of his men — the (jth Cameron High-
landers— after he had led them four times back
into the fighting line, when the battalions on his
right and left had retired. So desperate had
been the struggle that at the moment when he
was killed he was at the head of no more than
fifty men.

In the meantime, south of tlie British Army
Foeh and d'Urbal, though they had been
unable to lend a hand to the London Terri-
torials and Highlanders, had seiz.ed the Haohe
Wood and the (Jermans had evacuated Soiichez,

whose garrison regained by their communication
trenches their second line on the slopes of
Hill 119. On Satiu-day and Sunday, 1.378
prisoners, including a considerable number of
officers and a boy aged fourteen years had been
taken. Like Carency and Ablain St. Nazaire,
Souchez, according to the Kaiser's orders, was
to have been held at all costs. When the
Germans left it, it was almost le\-el ' with the
groimd and resembled the excavations of a
buried city of the distant past. The \'imy
heights, however, remained to be taken, and
how formidable these were the reader will have
not forgotten. On the 27th the French con-
fined themselves to making preparations for
their attack on Hills 119 and 140.

Monday, September 27. was another wet
day, rain falling in torrents during the after-
noon. Two divisions of the Prussian Guard

804

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

FRENCH TROOPS FIGHTING IN SOUCHEZ CEMETERY.
When the Germans left Souchez it resembled a buried city of the past.

v\hich had been brouglit back from the Eastern
theatre of war had been directed by the Crown
Prince of Bavaria to the entrenchments on the
^■imy heights. The British Guards division
had been moved by Sir Jolin Frencli and Sir
Douglas Haig to the neighbourhood of Loos.
They were to retake the smTimit of Hill 70, with
the redoubt on the north-east corner of the
hill, Pit 14 bis and the adjacent woods and
chalk ]jit, while the London Territorials, the
47th Division, on their right attacked the enemj-
towards Lens.

For their part the Germans made desperate
efforts to dislodge the troops of the 9th Division
from the buildings of Pit 8 behind the Hohen-
zollem Redoubt, and round this point and the
redoubt itself furious fighting raged throughout
the day. In spite of the most heroic efforts
the British holding the Pit Mere unable to
maintain their position. As the day wore on
they were slowly forced back to the eastern
jiortion of the Hohenzollern Redoubt. The
commander of the 9th Division, Major -General
ri. H. Thesiger, who had himself preceded to
the scene of action, was killed in the course of
the fighting. At noon, when the enemy's
bombers were successfully working up the
"Little Wilhe " trench towards the redoubt.

Corporal J. D. Pollock of the ."^th Cameron
Highlanders got out of the trench, walked along
the top edge and, under heavy macliine gun
fire, fltmg many grenades at the enemy's
bombers, and stopjjed the Cierman progress for
nearly an hour till he was wounded and com-
pelled to desist. He was awarded the V.C.

Second Lieut. John Bessell of the 3/Bat-
talion, Dorset Regiment, who was attached
to the Royal Fusiliers, made daring recon-
naissances to ascertain the position of the
bombers in the redoubt. Second Lieut.
B. A. Bates of the 3 'Battalion York and
Lancaster Regiment also did good service
recovering a trench. His company had used
up their bombs, but taking six men with him
he drove out the Germans by rifle and revolver
fire. Second Lieut, J. E. French of the
3/Battahon Royal Fusiliers (City of London
Regiment), near Vermelles also distinguished
himself by his coolness and courage.

In the afternoon, the Guards and the London
Territorials, supported by what remained of the
Highlanders and by some of the dismotmted
cavalry from Loos, made on the right of the
British line a desperate attempt to counter-
balance the enemy's success in the neighbour-
hood of the Hohenzollern Redoubt. If this

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

395

gallant attempt of our heroic troops had been
successful, the German line between Hulluch
and Lens would have been pierced. These
charges will be long remembered by the British
Army. " Can you imagine," writes a non-coin-
missioned officer, in the machine-gun section of
a London Regiuaent, "the ordinary battle pic-
tures of troops advancing under hell's own
sliell fire '! I thought such a thing was impos-
sible, now I not only know it's true, but saw
it all."

On the morning of September 27 the 1st
and 2nd Brigades of the Guards held the
recently-captured first line German trenches
from a point 500 yards south of Hulluch to
the northern houses of Loos. The 3rd Brigade
\\'as in reserve behind the town. Lord Cavan's
plan was to throw the 2nd Brigade against
the chalk pit and the spinney at its north-
eastern end, and the mining works of Pit 14 bis,
while the 3rd Brigade, so soon as the 2nd
Brigade had seciu-ed these points, was to

march through Loos and attack Hill 70. Tlie
attack of the 2nd Brigade was heralded l:y
a terrific bombardment by the British guns
and howitzers. From the trenches occupied
by the Ckiards it was possible to see the objec-
tives across the shallow valley. There before
them were the chalk pit with two ruined brick
cottages and the spinney round these, the ugly
mining works of Pit 14 bis with a lofty chimney,
near it a small red house and a collection of en-
trenchments and sand-bag parapets known as
the " Keep." Away to the right was Hill 70,
and the redoubt on its farther side hidden
by the crest of the hill.

At 4 p.m. the Irish Guards advanced down
the valley and at an inconsiderable loss reached
the edge of the spinney. Two companies filed
off south of it to help the Scots Guards, who,
under a very heavy fire of shrapnel, rushed
do«n the slopes, crossed the Hulluch-Loos
road, mounted the rise and made for Pit 14
and the " Keep." Their Colonel was wounded

HEROES OF THE BATTLE OF LOOS.
Wounded British troops on the way to the rear.

■MX;

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

897

PIPER DANIEL LAIDLAW.

During the worst of the bombardment of the
German trenches near Loos and Hill 70, when
the attack was about to begin, seeing his company
was suGfering from the efifect of gas, Piper Laidlaw,
with absolute coolness and disregard tf danger,
mounted the parapet and played his company out
of the trench.

and 11 other officers killed or wounded. Not-
withstanding a tremendous machine-gun fire,
the men pressed on and reached the buildings,
while the Irish Guards, at first driven back,
rallied and occupied the sjainney. On their
left, the Coldstream Guards advanced and
secured the north-east outskirts of the challc
pit. Two companies of the Grenadiers raced
down the hill to support the Scots Guards,
struggling round Pit 14 bis, where Captain
Cuthbert, D.S.O., at the head of a party, had
obtained an entry into the " Keep." He and
Lieutenant Ayres-Ritchie and the party with
them hung on to the " Keep " until they were
almost the only survivors. At nightfall,
though the Gennans had recovered Pit 14 bis
and the " Keep," the Coldstream Guards held
the chalk pit, the Irish Guards the spinney,
while the Scots and Grenadier Guards dug them-
selves in from the spinney towards Loos. The
retirement of two companies of the Scots
and one of the Grenadier Guards was a remark-
able sight. They marched back up the hill
which they had descended as if they were on
parade, and suffered comparatively speaking
but little loss.

Meanwhile, the 3rd Guards Brigade, leaving
a battaUon of the Grenadier Guards in the
trenches, crossed in open formation the shell-
torn ridge which divided them from Loos.
A battalion of the Grenadier Guards entered

Loos on the north-west, with a battalion of the
Welsh Guards, who were under fire for the
first time, on their right. Some of the Scots
Guards followed the Grenadiers. The mass
of dauntless men disappeared into the ruins
of the town and entered the communication
trenches which led towards the summit of
Hill 70. As they left the communication
trenches they were met by a deluge of gas
shells. The Colonel of the Grenadiers, badly
gassed, relinquished his command to Major
the Hon. Miles Ponsonby. The men were
halted and ordered to don their smoke helmets,
then the advance was resumed, some com-
panies of the Grenadiers being sent to establish
contact with the Scots Guards who had not
succeeded in taking Pit 14 bis.

The remainder of the Grenadiers and the
Welsh Guards delivered the attack. So long
as the advance was across dead ground the
losses were few, but when the men reached
the crest of Hill 70, and their forms were out-
lined against the sky, they were greeted with
a miu-derous fire at short range. As the
evening drew in the Scots Guards from the re-
serve joined the combat, but it was impossible
to carry the redoubt, and the men were with-
drawn behind the crests of Hill 70, where
they entrenched, having on their right the
dismounted cavalrymen. There they all re-
mained till the evening of the 29th, when
the position was taken over by the London

\Lafaygt'e.

LIEUT. G. H. WYNDHAM-GREEN,

Seaforth Highlanders. Awarded the Military
Cross. He set a splendid example of coolness
and bravery under fire when in command. Ex-
posed himself most fearlessly while organising and
leading attacks near "Pit 8."

■im

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAll.

LIEUT.-GOL. ANGUS DOUGLAS-
HAMILTON.

Commanded 6th Batt. Cameron Highlanders,

killed on Hill 70. When the battalions on his

right and left had retired, he rallied his own

battalion and led his men forward four times.

PRIVATE A. VICKERS,

2nd Batt. Royal Warwickshire Regt. Went in

front of his Company at HuUuch under heavy

fire, and cut the wires holding up the

battalion.

Territorials. The Highlanders were already
being withdrawn from the Loos trenches. Dvu-ing
the advance of the Guards the London Terri-
torials on their right had captnred a wood and
repulsed a severe counter-attack.

On Tuesday, September 28, the Coldstream

Guards, at 3.45 p.m., attacked Pit 14 bis from
the south face of the chalk pit. The British
machine-guns concentrated on the wood east
of it, and the Irish Gviards poured in a Iieavy
rifle fire. Pit 14 bis was reached by the Cold-
streains, but was found to be untenable.

SEC-LIEUT. A. DULLER TURNER,

3rd Batt. Royal Berkshire Regt. At "Pit 8"

volunteered to lead bombing attack. Practically

alone, he threw bombs incessantly and drove

back the Germans. He has since died of

wounds.

FOR MOST CONSPICUOUS

ACTING-SERGT. J. C. RAYNES,

A Batt. 7Ist Brig., R.F.A. At Fosse 7 de Bethune
went out under intense fire from gas-shells, carried
Sergeant Ayres to safety, gave him his own gas-
helmet, and returned, though badly gassed, to his
gun.

BRAVERY AND DEVOTION TO DUTY:

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

B'JO

SEC-LIEUT. A. J. FLEMING-SANDES,

2nd Batt. East Surrey Regt. Seeing his men
retiring at Hohenzcllern Redoubt, he jumped on
to the parapet in full view of the enemy, who were
only twenty yards away, threw bombs, and saved
the situation.

Away on the left of the battle-field, in drenching
rain, the fighting went on round Pit 8. In
" Slag Alley " Second Lieutenant A. B. Turner,
of the 3rd Berkshire Regiment, gained the V.C.
Practically alone he pressed down the com-
munication trench and threw bombs with such

SEC-LIEUT. F. H. JOHNSON,

73rd Field Company, R.E. In the attack on

Hill 70, although wounded, led several charges on

the German Redoubt. He remained at his post

until relieved in the evening.

accuracy that 'he drove back the Germans
150 yards. Unfortunately, this gallant officer
died of the wounds he received. Second-
Lieut. W. T. Wilhams, of the East Kent
Regiment, took charge 'of a small party of
bombers, and during 17-J hours he and they

CAPT. A. MONTRAY READ,

SECLIEUT. R. PRICE HALLOWES,

1st Batt. Northamptonshire Regt. During first
attack near Hulluch he went out to rally units
which were disorganised and retiring. Captain
Read was mortally wounded while carrying out
this gallant work.

VICTORIA CROSS HEROES IN THE BRITISH ADVANCE

4th Batt. Middlesex Regt. At Hooge set a mag-
nificent example, tht'ew bombs, and made daring
reconnaissances of the German positions. When
mortally wounded, continued to cheer his
men.

■ioo

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

threw close on 2,000 bombs. The damp
fuses had to be lit with oigarettes. Lieut.
AVilhams, though wounded, refused to leave
his post, and it was mainly due to his bravery
that the trench in which he was posted did not
pa.js into the liands of the enemy.

We have seen that General d'Urbal on the
27th was consolidating his position at Souchez.
On the 28th the French troops attacked the
Prussian Guards on the Vimy heights. Few
French details are available, but, after days of
desperate encounters, the western slopes of
the heights and a large part of the Wood of
Givenchy passed into the hands of our Allies.
The losses which had been sustained by the
British at the Battle of Loos and by the French
in the taking of Souchez, the enormous ex-
penditure of shells, grenades and cartridges
used in the attacks, were among the causes
which induced Sir John French to break off
for the present his offensive. On the morning
of September 28 he discussed the situation
with General Foch, who, on September 30,
sent the 9th French Corps to take over the
ground occupied by the British, extending

from the French left up to and including the
village of Loos and a jiortion of Hill 70, which
was still being held by the British. This move-
ment was not completed until October 2.

September 28 may be considered to mark the
end of the Battle of Loos, as originally designed
by the Allied commanders. No great results
were obtained by the fighting, which had cost
the British Army very heavy casualties. The
reasons for the comparative unsuccess were
many. In the first place, there were not sufH-
cient reserves irmnediately available to back up
the early successes of the British and consolidate
the position.s won. This gave tune to the
Germans to rally and counter-attack. Perhaps
the unexpectedly rapid advance of the British
had something to do with this. Secondly, the
French advance took place six hours after the
British. This left the right of the latter exposed
to a flank attack. These unfortunate events
may have been, and probably were, unavoid-
able, but the result was that a battle, which if
fought under more favourable conditions, might
have changed the aspect of the war, was to all
intents and purposes a failure.

LOOS.
A Street after bombardment.

CHAPTER CVI.

THE FIGHTING ROUND LOOS,
SEPTEMBER 28-OCTOBER 13,1915.

Position after the Battle of Loos — German Counter-attacks on September 28 — Heavy
German Losses — French Attack on Vimy Heights — Biographies of Generais ^VING, Thesiger
AND Capper — New British Offensive — The Fighting on October 13 and 15 — Storming of

THE HOHENZOLLERN ReDOUBT REVIEW OF THE GreAT AutUMN OFFENSIVE.

AS we have seen, the Allied offensive at
the Battles of Loos and Viiny had not
produced the results which the Allies
had expected. The very moderate
measure of success achieved by the British and
French was, perhaps, symptomatic of the
■changed conditions of modern warfare. In the
history of the Art of War there have been
periods when, owing to the weapons, instru-
ments or methods employed by their opponents,
military geniuses of the first order have failed
to achieve their objects. Hannibal, a century
after Alexander the Great had moved from the
Drtnube to the Indus, led an army from Spain
across the Alps, routed the Romans at the
Trebia, Trasimene and Cannae, but, in face of
the trench tactics of Fabius and the perma-
nent fortifications of the Roman and Latin
Colonies, was unable to conquer Italy. In the
first years of the eighteenth century the great
Duke of Marlborough, whose march in 1704
from the Netherlands to the Danube and whose
conduct of the Battle of Blenheim showed him
to be an original and audacious strategist and
tactician, was foiled for a time by the Fabian
tactics of Marshal Villars. In both cases the
explanation was simple. Neither Hannibal nor
Marlborough possessed machinery powerful
enough to destroy the entrenchments of their
enemies or a preponderance of numbers so great
Vol. VI.— Part 76. 401

that the artificial obstacles placed in their paths
could be ignored or, at a frightful sacrifice of
life, overcome. The disappointment felt in the
Allied and some neutral countries becavisc
Castelnau, Foch and French had not pierced
the German lines was to a large extent irrational.
Tlie hostile critics of the Allied Generals — critics
hypnotised by the memories of Austerlitz, Jena,
Sadowa and Sedan — had forgotten that the
Japanese had won no crushing victory over the
Russians in ilanchuria and that the early
successes of the Gerjiians in the West had been
due to their inunense superiority in point of
numbers and armament, and that the success
of INIackensen in 1915 was mainly caused by the
Russian shortage in ammunition. At the
Battle of the Marne when, thanks to Joffre's
strategy, the Germans between Paris and
Verdun appear to have had no numerical ad-
vantage, the Kaiser's soldiers had been worsted.
The Battle of the Marne had not, however, been,
nor had it led to, " a crowning mercy," while in
the First Battle of Ypres it had been demon-
strated that masses, theoretically overwhelming,
and directed by officers callously indifferent to
losses of life or to human suffering were, even
when supported by a gigantic artiUcrj-, in-
capable of carrying entrenchments manned by
a comparatively small force of trained and
brave troops. "The development of anua- .

402

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAB.

IN- THE LINE OF FIRE.
French Women running to she'ter during a violent bombardment.

ments," Lord Kitchener observed on Novem-
ber 9, 1914, "has modified the application of
the old prhiciplcs of strategy and tactics and
reduced the present warfare to something
approximating to siege operations." So far as
the Western Theatre of War was concerned,
that statement had not been gainsaid by
subsequent events. At the Battles of Neuve
Chapelle and Artois the British and French had
— on the map — made only trifling advances.
The Germans with poisonous gas had in April,
1915, struck a felon blow at the defenders of the
Ypres salient, but the ruins of Y]ires still re-
mained in the possession of the /Vllies. In the
last week of the following September, assisted
by soporific gas and clouds of smoke, the British
and French had tried to blast, bomb and
bayonet their way through the German lines in
Artois and Champagne, but the results described
in Chapters CIV. and CV. were regarded by
many as incommensurate with the expenditure
of life and munitions.

Nevertheless in both areas the Allies had
secured substantial gains. General de Castelnau
had drawn nearer to the Bazancourt-Grand Pre
i-ailway and, if the Germans could be deprived
of that important lateral line of conimunication,
the position of the enemy south of the Aisne
and in the northern glades of the Ardennes
would become precarious. Generals Foch and
d'Urbal, too, had forced the Germans out of
Souchez, as in ^lay and June they had dislodged

them from Carency, La Targette, Neuville St.
Vaast and the I^abyrinth. The French 10th
Arm}' was, moreover, slowly worming its way
up the Vimy heights. Lastly, Sir Douglas Haig
had taken the Double Grassier slag-heaps, th«
ruins of the town of Loos, the western slopes of
Hill 70, the chalk pit to its north, and part of th©
Hulluch Quarries and the HohenzoUem Redoubt,
albeit the losses of the British in the Battle of
Loos had been so great that on September 28
the French 9th Corps at the lu-gent request of
the British generalissimo had been detached by
Foch to take over the Double Grassier, Loos>
and the trenches leading out of Loos towards
Hill 70.

The progress of d'Urbal and Haig might ap-
pear to be small, but it brought them close to
the rim of the Plain of the Scheldt. The im-
portance which the German Higher Command
attached to holding that rim was evidenced by
the honeycomb of subterranean defences which
the Germans had constructed in the chalky
ridges from La Basf ee southwards to the banks
of the Scarpe, and by the desperate efforts
which diu?ing the days following the Battle of
Loos they made to retain their grip on the rim
and to recover the approaches to it lost by
them in the fighting from September 25 to 28.

Apart from the tactical disadvantages they
would be under if they were driven into the
Plain of the Scheldt, and if the southern face
of the La Bassee salient were enfiladed, there

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE V/AB.

•ioa

was this to be taken into accoimt by the
Germans. With infinite pains a vast burrow of
fortifications had been created between La
Basste and the Scarpe. The German troops
believed those fortifications to be impregnable.
If that belief were discovered to be erroneous,
the moral effect on the Germans might be
enormous. It would be tantamount to a
confession that the Western Allies were
their superiors in scientific warfare. The
Germans had nowhere in the Western
theatre of war carried entrenchments so
formidable as those between La Bass6e and
Vimy. The Labyrinth and the Hohenzollern
Redoubt were, as it were, test cases. If the
Hohenzollern Redoubt, like the Labyrinth, had
to be abandoned, a sense of discouragement
might sink into the miads of the Germans in
Artois, and thence permeate to the rest of the
huge horde defending the four hundred miles of
trenches on the Western front. As a panic in
one considerable sector would entail the collapse
of his whole line, and the best specifics against
panics were counter-attacks, the Crown Prince
of Bavaria inado numerous attempts to drive
back the Allies to their original positions.

From the tactical standpoint the main
effects of the Battles of Loos and Vimy had boon
to accentuate on the south the German salient
at La Bassee, and to create a second German
salient rvmning from the environs of
Lens through tlie outskirts of Liovin and
Angres, and by Givenchy en Gohelle, and the
\'imy heights to the Scarpe below Arras. On
the side of the Allies tlie corresponding salient
created by th^ir victory commenced near
Cuinchy on the Bethune-La Bassee-Lillo Canal.
It went south-eastwards by the Hohenzollern
Redoubt, the HuUuch Quarries, the western
exit of Hulluch, and the Chalk Pit taken by
the Coldstream Guards to the edge of Hill 70 ;
thence it turned westwards lound the south of
Loos and the Double Grassier to the Allied
trenches at Grenay.

The Cuinchy-HuUuch-Grenay salient mea-
sured at its base only some five miles, and, taking
into consideration the range of modern artillery,
it was obvious that the British and French troops
holding it were in a psculiarly perilous position.
The French 10th Army had, indeed, cleared
the enemy out of his trenches on the eastern
slopes of the plateau of Notre Danie de Lorette

WRECKAGE IN NORTHERN FRANCE.
British Transport Column passing through a shell-shattered village.

404

THE TIMEti HISTORY OF THE ]YAR.

opposite Angres, and had taken tlie Bois en
Haclie and Soucliez, but on September 28,
wlien the British Generahssimo was requesting
that the 9t]i French Corps should be sent to
occupy the soutlicrn face of tlie Cuincliy-
Hulluch-Grenay salient. General d'Urbal's
attempts to seize Givenchy en Gohelle, the
neighbovu'ing woods and the Vimy heights,
met with a stout resistance froni the two
di\isions of the Prussian Guards detailed by the
Crown Prince of Bavaria to prevent d'Urbal
turning from the south the German positions
between Grenay and Angres.

On Wednesday, September 29 — a day of
biting winds and torrential rain — the Germans
made several attacks on the British position
north-west of HuUuch. The fighting was \'ery
severe and continued throughout the day, but
cxcejjt on the extreme left, where the enemy
gained about 150 yards of trench, the assaults
were beaten off. In the course of them Second
Lieutenant Alfred Fleming-Sandes, of the 2nd
Battalion East Surrey Picgiment, gained the
V.C. for conspicuous gallantry at the Hohen-
zoUern Redoubt. He had been sent to command

MINING OPERATIONS.

Destruction of a German trench by a

mine.

a company shaken bj' continual bombing and
machine-gvm fire. The men had only a few
bombs left ; the troops to their right m ere
retiring, and isolated soldiers were beginning tO'
file off to the rear. Fleming-Sandes grasped the
situation at a glance. He collected a few
bombs, jumped on to the parapet, and threw
them at the advancing Germans, who were not
20 yards away. Almost immediately he \\as
very severely woimded by the explosion of a
grenade. Struggling to his feet, instead of
seeking medical assistance, he rushed forward
and threw his remaining bombs, being soon
afterwards again badly woimded. But for
the action of Fleming-Sandes it is probable that
his company would not have rallied, and that
the position at this most important point of
the battlefield might have become very critical.

Close by, in the "Big Willie " trench which
ran eastward from the Hohenzollern Redoubt,
Private Samuel Harvey, of the 1st York and
Lancaster Regiment, was also that day winning
the V.C. A heavy bombing attack had been
made by the enemy, and, as in the previous
case, our men's bombs had dwindled to a small
number. Harvey volunteered to fetch some,
but, owing to the coinmunication trench being
blocked with wounded and with reinforcements,
he was obliged to cross the open ground under
intense fire. He was eventually wounded in the
head, but ere he fell he had brought up no less
than thirty boxes of bombs. Had he failed to
do so, the enemy might, perhaps, have taken
the whole of the trench.

AjTiong the other heroic deeds on Septem-
ber 29 performed by Britons, two others may
be mentioned. Near Vermelles Captain C. H.
Sykes, of the 6th Battalion Royal Fusiliers,
City of London Regiment, when some troops
on his left were bombed out of their trench,
charged at the head of a dozen men and re-
covered it. Not content witli that, he con-
tinued to advance, and only fell back because
he was not svipported. Later in the day, under
lieavy shell fire, he supported a company which
was retreating before superior nimibers. The
next morning this brave officer was wounded.
Not far off Second Lieutenant R. J. H. Gatrell
led a squad of bombers against a German
bombing party which had succeeded in cap-
turing a trench 350 yards long. Gatrell and his
men retook it.

Meanwhile, d'Urbal's 10th Army in the smalt
hours of the night of the 28-29th, and during
the 29th, had succeeded in reaching Hill 140,

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

405

A GERMAN REDOUBT BLOWN UP BY A BRITISH MINE.

which was the cuhninating point on the \'imy
heights and the orchards south of it. They had
taken .300 prisoners, mostly belonging to the
Prussian Guard. The German communique of
September 29, after truthfully stating that a
portion of the ground evacuated north of Loos
had been recovered by the Germans, admitted
that the French had been partly successful " in
the district of Souchez and Neuville."

The 29th was noteworthy, too, for an action
near Ypres, in the Hooge region. The enemy
fired a mine close to our trenches south of the
Ypres-Menin road, and gained a temporary
footing in the British first-line trenches.
Nearly the whole of the lost position was re-
gained on the 30th by counter-attacks.

During Thursday, September 30, when tlie
troops of the 9th French Corps began to filo

7G-2

406

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

v^% ^^atm^-^

AIRMEN AS INFANTRY.
Men of the Royal Naval Air Service in the trenches.

into the trenches and dug-outs on the Double
Grassier, the combats along the northern face of
the Cuinchy-HuUuch-Grenay sahent continued.
The struggle between the contending forces
was especially severe in the vicinity of the
HohenzoUem Redoubt. Second-Lieutenant
R. J. H. Gatrel] again distinguished himself . He
led a counter-attack of bombers to recover the
trenches of a battalion to his left, and obliged
the Germans to retire beliind their barricades.
For his services on this and tlie preceding day
he was awarded the Military Cross, as was
Second -Lieutenant S, C. Godfrey, of the 2nd
Battalion Royal Scots Fusiliers, who from
6.30 p.m. till 5 a.m. on October 1, by his initia-
■ tive and personal bravery, stopped the advance
of the enemy who had entered '' Gun Trencli."
At this point we insert a graphic description
by Mr. John Buchan, who visited the battle-
field on September 30.

I have to-day had the privilege of visiting the battle-
field of Loos. Let me describe its elements. A low ridge
runs northward from the Bethune-Len? railway to the
high ground south of La Ba§see. Tt sends off a spvir to
tlio north-east, wlxich is the Hill 70 of the comtnuniquis.
In the angle between the two lies the village of Loos.
The German fir.^t position was along the crest of the
western ridge ; their second was in the hollow just west
of Loos ; their third runs to-daj' through Cite St.
Augu'-:tc and along the slopes to the north.

To reach their old front trenches one leaves the
Bethune-Lens high road neai the houses called Philo-
sophe. In front is a long easy slope so scarred with
trench lines that I can only compare it to the Karroo,
where tussocks of grass are sparsely scattered over the
baked earth. Only in this case the earth is white
The coarse herbage springs from a light chalk, and the
sandbagged parapets are further patches of dull grey.
Looking from the high road, the sky-line is about a
thousand yards distant, and beyond it rise the strange
twin towers of Loos, like the rigging of a ship seen far

off at sea. The place is not very " healthy " — no
hinterland is — but, though the shelling was continuous,
the trenches were fairly sate.

Beyond the old British front trench you pass through
the dihris of our wire defences and cross the hundred
yards of No Man's Land over which, for so many months,
our men looked at the enemy. Then you reach the
German entanglements, wonderfully cut to pieces by
our shell-fi e. There our own dead are lying very thick.
Presently you are in the German front trenches. Here,
in some parts, there are masses of Gorinan dead, and
some of our own. This is the famous Loos-road redoubt,
a work about five hundred yards in diameter, built
around a tract from Loos to Vermelles which follows the
crest of the downs. It is an amazing network, ramified
beyond belief, but now a monument to the power of our
artillery. It is all ploughed up and mangled like a
sand castle which a child has demolished in a fit of
temper. Fragments of shell, old machine-gun belts,
rifie cartridges, biscuit tins, dirty pads of cotton wool
are everywhere, and a horrible number of unburied
bodies.

But the chief interest of the Redoubt is the view.
The whole battlefield of our recent advance is plain to
the eye. Below, in the hollow, lie the ruins of Loos
around the gaunt tower. Beyond is the slope of Hill 70,
with the houses of Lens showing to the south-east of it.
North, one can see Hulluch and the German quarries,
and farther on St. Elie and Haisnes, hidden in a cloud
of high explosives, and west of them the site of the
HohenzoUern Redoubt and the ill-omened slag-heap,
Fosse 8. It is that sight rare in this present war, at
least in the northern section — an old-fashioned battle-
field. It is all quite open and bare and baked. The
tactical elements can be grasped in a minute or two.

And, to complete the picture, the dead are everywhere
around one, high explosives and shrapnel boom over-
liead, the thresh of an airplane's propeller comes faint
from the high heavens, and up towards Fosse 8 there is
a never-ending mutter of machine-guns. Only living
soldiers seem to be absent, for, though battle is joined
two miles off, scarcely a human being is visible in the
landscape.

I came home late this evening through a wonderful
scene. A clear blowing autumn sky was ending in a
stormy twilight. Far off in the sky a squadron of air-
planes glimmeiod like white moths against the eullen
blue. Battalions were marching down from the trenche?,
khaki and tartan alike white with chalk mud from the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

407

rain of yesterday. They had none of the haggard,
weary look of most troops in sucli circumstances, but
laughed and joked and had a swagger even in their
fatigue. Other battalions, very spruce and workman-
like, were marching off. They are stout fellows to look
at, these soldiers of the Now Army. Interminable
transport trains choked all the road, so that one had
leisure to study the progress of the thick rain clouds
from the west through the skeleton webs whicli once
were cottages.

At a certain Corps Headquarters where I liad tea
there were many old relics. I saw the alarm bell which
hnd once hung in the Loos-road Redoubt. I saw, too,
a strange fragment of steel which fell a long way back
from the front, and which could belong to no German
type of shell. It looked like a piece of a burst gun, but
where it came from heaven alone knows. Among the
captured Gorman field guns outside the chateau was a
Russian machine-gun, which must have been taken on
the Eastern front. That little gun had seen life since
it first left its factory in Odessa.

Everywhere in our troops there seems to be the
quickening of a new hope. You can see it, too, in the
civil population. The inhabitants of the towns behind
the front have seen too much of war, and have grown
apathetic. But the other day they lined the streets
and cheered the tattered remnants of a battalion return-
ing from action. And you can see it most of all among
the French. The great news from Champagne — of the
charge of Marchand's Colonials, of the brigades that
have gone clean through all the German lines and are
now facing open country — is reflected in a brighter eye
and a stillor bearing even among those clear-eyed and
npstanding men.

To-night, I passed a knot of French soldiers in their
new horizon blue, and they were singing sopie marching
song, from which I caught the word " Prussians."
Perhaps it was the old song of the men of Dumouriez :

Savet-vous la belle hi^toire
De ces fameuT Prussiens ?
lis marchaient a la vicloire
Avec les Aittrichiens. . . .

A famous general is reported to have said, with a
pardonable mixture of metaphors, that, if the French
once got their tails up, they would carry the battlement
of heaven. Let us hope that, for our incomparable
AUies and for ourselves, " the day of glory has arrived."

Though the French did not, in the words of
the general quoted by Mr. Buohan, " carry the
battlement of heaven," they made (on Friday,

BUILDING A TRAVERSE IN A
FRONT-LINE TRENCH.

BRITISH DISPATCH RIDERS.

Motor cyclists break their journey at a French
shanty in order to replenish their stock of petrol.

October 1) further i^rogress up the heights of
Vimy, pushing forward in tlie ^Vood of Givenchy
and capturing 61 prisoners belonging to the
Prussian Guard. Two German counter-attacks,
one on a small fort taken the day before in the
Givenchy Wood, the other on the trenches south
of Hill 119, were completely repulsed. In
addition there were numerous combats — in
which the grenade played the chief part — to the
east and south-east of Neuville - St. Vaast.
Nothing of importance appears to have occtirred
on the British front.

The next day, Saturday, October 2, was
memorable for the death, which occurred in the
afternoon, of Major-General F. D. V. Wing, C.B.,
commanding the 12th Division. Born in 1860,
he was the only son of the late Major Vincent
Wing. He was gazetted lieutenant in the Royal
Artillery in 1880 and .held a variety of Staff
appointments, including that of A.D.C. to Lord
Roberts in 1903, and the command of the Royal
Artillery 3rd Division Southern Command in
1913-14. Like so many other of our officers,
he had seen active service in South Africa,
having been present at the actions of Talana,
Lombard's Kop, and Laing's Nek. In the
Great War he had been wounded and mentioned
in dispatches.

Wing was the third General of Division who
had been killed since the opening of the Battle
of Loos. The deaths of the other two, Major-

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408

THE TIMES HISTOL'Y of THE WAR.

409

General G. H. Tliesiger, C.B.. and ]\rajor-
General Sir Thompson Capper,lia\-e been already
referred to. As their biographies illustrate tlic
world-wide activities of the Old Army which
was now fast, vanishing, it may not be inap-
propriate to furnish some brief particulars of
tlie careers of these two ol'licers.

Thesiger, the elder son of the late Lieutenant-
General the Hon. Charles AVeniyss Thesiger and
a grandson of the first Lord Chelmsford, «-as
born in 1808, and educated at Eton. He
received his commission in the Rifle Brigade in
1890. He was a graduate of the Staff College
and held a number of Staff appointments. In
the Xile Expedition of 1898 he was present at
the Battle of Onidurnian and was mentioneil
in dispatches. During the South African War he
fouglit at Lombard's Kop and helped in the
defence of Ladysmith, where ho was se\-erely
wounded. Subsequently, while on the staff,
he took part in several of the operations —
including the action at Belfast — ^\liicli led up
to the reduction of the Transvaal.

More varied had been the scr\ices of Sir
Thompson Capper. The third son of the late
William Copeland Capper, of the Indian Civil
Service, who was one of the besieged residents
in Lucknow, Capper joined the Army in 1882,
serving in the East Lancashire Regiment. Ho
obtained his compa.nj' in 1891, and went through
many campaigns with distinction in India and
Africa, gaining the medal with clasp for the
Chitral Relief Force in 1895, a brevet majority
and other rewards for services in the Sudan in
1898, and the D.S.O., the Queen's :\Iedal (with
six clasps), the King's Medal (with two clasjjs),
and the brevet rank of Lieutenant-Colonel
during the South African War. His military
work, however, was not confined to the field,
for ho was for some time a professor at the
Staff College, and later the first commandant
of the new Staff College created in India. In
1911 he became Brigadier-General in command
of the 13th Infantry Brigade. Capper, as
Commander of the 7th Division, had before, at
and after the first Battle of Ypres. made for
himself a name which will never be forgotten.
Early in the summer of 1915 an imfortunate
accident in the course of some experiments with
hand grenades caused him serious injury, and
he was fibliged to relinquish his command for a
time. AVhen sufficiently recovered to return
to the front, he \\as reappointed to his old
division.

The extract from a letter written on October

2 shows the almost light-hearted spirit in which
the men of the New Armies approached their
duties : —

I liave massaged tlio bacon into a proper semljlanco
of martyrdom and eaten hrenlcf.ist. f feel refrestied.
The Ccrman.?, those cnrious fi-enks wtio live quite close
to \is, have been hurling high explosives into a wood
behind us all the morning, for some reason best known
to themselves — there is rertainlj' nothing in the wood
worth a bullet, let alone a shell. Now I sit on the fire
step wrapped in my great coat — a place in the sun —
feeling very home-sicU and Coliseumy and cold, and

HIGHLANDERS IN THE TRENCHES.
An Officer inspecting a respirator,

listen to the weird noises La liassi'-e way, hke the rum-
blings of the belly of Silenos.

I ha\-e nothing to offer for your birthday — not e\ezi
a nose cap has lately come my way — so my benediction
must suflice and the wish that you may one day add
your graceful presence to this happy family circle — sViall
we say in the spring : for it would bn an ill wish indeed
to liasten any friend's footsteps cut here in mid-winter
— and it is as cold as the devil, and a wind tliat 'ud melt
the marrow on yer and make you .shako with the ague.
Glory be to God !

AVo had lather a tragedy the ullier nt.lit. On Ihe

right of the X Regiment's line and includetl in it is

a place called the '"Tambour." The Tambour might
be described as a long bow, in which there is a distance
of about 30 yards between the bow itself and the string,
and about GO yards between the bow and the Germans.
The Tambour is still hea\ily mined from end to end by
the Germans. Well, J. B., commanding D company,
granted one of his subalterns (an awfully nice fellow —

M. T , second lieutenant) lea\e to go out with a

patrol to inspect the (_icrnian tntrtuMl \\ ire in front of the

Tamt)Oiir. T. went with a cor])oral, and, picking

their way gingerly round the mine craters, they went
out to the wire. Half an hour later the corporal returned

alone, and said that he had got separated from T ,

and had looked for him but couldn't find him. He had

heard a shot, seen the flash near to, and thought T

was hit. He was sent out again to find him, failed, and

cnine back. This, of course, was at night. B tele-

])honed for the elder T , who caiue up at once.

Corny T is a great hefty fellow, strong as an ox, and

he went out to look for his brother. Ho went out three

410

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

ASSAULT BY BRITISH BOMBERS.

Hurling the deadly missiles into the German trenches. The Infantry were behind, each with two bombs,
and after handing these to the throwers, rushed in themselves with the bayonet.

separate times, and at length found him dead by tlie
German barbed wire. He carried him back slung on
his shoulders. He is getting the D.C.JI. or V.C. for that.
I don't suppose he particularly wants il.*

On the day when that letter was written such

scenes as the following were being enacted,

probably within gun-shot of the writer. Captain

* Published by the Manchester Guardian.

\V. H. Tapp, of the 2nd Dragoon Guards, who
had taken a plane table into the front line of
trenches near Loos, under continuous fire was
fixing observation points and correcting con-
toi-u-s on a map of Hill 70. Captain B. J.
Hackett, of the Royal Army Medical Corps,
whose battalion had run out of dressings for

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

411

the wounded, was walking a thovisand yards in
the open exposed to shells and bullets to obtain
a fresh supply. Captain N. Freeman, of the
2nd Battalion Cheshire Regiment, holding the
right of a trench near Vermelles, \\as after
sunset during the night of the 2nd-3rd
exchanging bombs with the enemy. He did
not leave his post until he was almost sur-
rounded. That same night Lieutenant B. S.
Browne, of the R.A.JI.C, was — also near
Vermelles — searching for and carrying back
wounded lying between our own and the
enemy's line. The enemy kept firing at him
and the ground was lit up by flares.

Simday, October 3, was no day of rest for
either the British or their Allies. The French
9th Corps had by now relieved entirely the
British troops defending the southern face of
the Cuinchy-Hulluch-Grenay salient. In the
afternoon the Gei-mans opened a violent bom-
bardment on the northern face. It was followed
by several attacks over the open against the
British trenches between the HuUuch Quarries
and the Vermelles -Hulluch road. These attacks
were repulsed with severe loss to the enemy,
but north-west of the Quarries the Germans
succeeded in recapturing the greater portion of

the Hohenzollern Redoubt. All the while the
struggle for the Vimy heights went on, and
the Germans claim to have repulsed French
attacks south of Hill 119 and to have recapturtd
a portion of a trench north-east of Neuville-St.
A'aast. Whether the German claims were
justified or not is uncertain. What is, however,
established is that the next day, October 4,
General d'Urbal's troops were desperately
fighting in the Givenchy 'V^'ood and on Hill 119.
They carried the Cinq Chemins cross-road but
subsequently lost it.

There was now a short lull in the struggle
raging between the Bethune-La Bassee Canal
and the Scarpe. The British and French were
consolidating their positions, the Germans
preparing for the counter-attack by which they
hoped to recover the whole of the ground
relinquished by them at the Battle of Loos.
Tije covmter-attack was not long in coining.
The advance of the British between Hill 70
and Hulluch, where they had gained ground
varying from over 500 to 1,000 yards in breadth,
had alarmed the Crown Prince of Bavaria, and
he was determined, if possible, to dislodge the
Allies from the salient.

At 10.30 a.m. on the morning of Friday,

IN NORTHERN FRANCE.
British troops getting a dummy gun into position.

412

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

ilik»^i>4ui* ' ' i^^^*''4

j^:Xf9^^£i "' "^S"

ON THE WESTERN FRONT.
The Duke of Cornwall's Light Infantry in the first-line trenches.

October 8, high explosive and other shells
began to rain on the British front line and
support trenches. An enemy aeroplane for a
time circled above them registering the fire.
It was driven off : but the intensity of the
bombardment continued to increase. At
3.20 p.m. rifle and macliine-gun fire from all
points of the crescent -like German position
opened. Bombardment and fusillade ceased
half am hour later. Meanwhile eight or ten
German battalions prepared to attack the
French between Grenay and Hill 70. Twelve
more battalions mustered in or near the. woods
opposite the Chalk Pit, north of Hill 70. Six
to eight battalions were deployed in the trenches
and slag-heap.s near the Hohenzollern Redoubt,
to which sector of the battle-field the bulk of
the British Guards Division had been recently
moved from the direction of Loos. The 1st
Division, with apparently some details of the
Coldstream Guards, was disposed front Hulluch
to the Chalk Pit. It was against the 1st
Division and the Guards that the main German
attack was to be made.

About 4 p.m. four lines of Germans shoulder
to shoulder appeared, Une succeeding line, above
the parapets of the trenches, which in the
neighbourhood of the Chalk Pit were in places
only 120 yards from our own. Behind them
cohunns of the enemy issued out of the
woods, buildings and villages to support the
attack. Instantly the British Artillery and
the French Soixanto Quinze gmis showered
shrapnel on the ad\-ancing foe. Our machine-
guns were turned on and the men emptied their
magazine rifles at the surging waves of Gemians
and the masses in rear of the latter.

It was the story of I\Ions and Ypres over again.

An officer present who observed the carnage
declared that the affair resembled ' ' bowling
over nme-pins." In a few seconds the ranks
of ambling Germans had been reduced to a
number of little groups, divided from each other
by dead or wounded men. The less severely
wounded were crawling on their hands and
knees towards their own trenches. Some of
the enemy lajr doM-n and tried to return the
fire. Such of them as were not hit by bullets
were killed or wounded by the shrapnel.

Only at a very few points did the enemy reach
our positions. For example, near Loos a
strong party of Germans captured two hmidred
yards of trench, but Lance- Sergeant Oliver
Brooks, of the 3rd Battalion Coldstream Guards,
on his own initiative led a party of bombers to
drive them out. He succeeded in regaining
possession of the lost ground, and for his fear-
lessness, presence of mind and promptitude was
awarded the V.C. As a rule, however, the
enemy gained nothing by his reckless attacks
and heavy bombardment. The shells had
destroyed the sapheads and a large section
of the front trench occupied by a company
of the 2nd Battalion Coldstream Guards com-
manded by Captain H. C. Loyd ; nevertheless
he and his men repulsed two determined bomb
attacks. The assaults in the centre near the
CUialk Pit failed entirely, not a German getting
to within forty yards of our men. Between
Hulluch and the Quarries the enemy was
similarly beaten off, and the British, pursuing
the flying foe, secured a -German trench west
of the hamlet of St. Elie. Only at one point
in the " Big Willie " trench of the Hohenzollern
Redoubt did the Germans effect an entry.
Here Lieutenant G. G. Gunnis, of the 3rd Bat-

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

413

talion Grenadier Guards, leading his men with
great dash, attacked the Germans in flank and
rear, drove them helter-skelter into the open,
and, Idlling or wounding large numbers, effected
the recapture of " Big Willie." The French
9th Corps lost a small portion of the Double
Grassier slag-heaps, but by midnight the
German counter-attack had ended in complete
failure. After the charges a tremendous
artillery duel had followed, which had resulted
in the British guns gaining the ascendancy
about 5 p.m. Violent and repeated attacks on
the French positions south-east of Neuville-
St. Vaast had also been utterly repulsed. The
Allies lost very few men in the battle of
October 8. and the number of dead Germans
in front of their lines in the Cuinchy Hullvich-
Grenay salient alone was estimated at from
7,000 to 8,000.

The bloody repulse inflicted by Sir Jolin
French and General d'Urbal on the Germans
who had attacked the positions in the Cuinchy -
HuUueh-Grenay salient and on the Vimy
heights was followed by a nmnber of minor
engagements. On the 9th the eneniy delivered
some futile attacks against the redoubt captured
from him in the wood of Givenchy-en-Gohelle.

On the night of the next day, October 10, the
4th Regiment of the Prussian Grenadier Guards
charged the French trenches in the Bois-en-
Hache, but were beaten off with heavy loss,
100 prisoners being taken ; 174 more prisoners
were secured a few hours later by our Allies.
Among them were six officers, some of them
belonging to the 1st Grenadier Regiment. The
French communique of October 11 states " that
very marked progress had been made in the
valley of Souchez, west of the Souchez-Angres
road, and to the east of the redoubt in tl' -
Givenchy wood, and that ground haa ^■. a
gained on the Vimy heights towards the wood
of La Folie." During the evening of October 12
the Germans assaulted the French lines north-
east of Souchez, but were ever3^vhere com-
pletelj' foiled.

From October 9 to 13 neither side was
inactive in the Loos salient. Numerous aerial
duels took place, in most of which our
airmen were successful, though one of our
machines appears from the German report to
have been brought down east of Poperinglie.
This w£is perhaps the aeroplane which Sir
John French stated at the time to have been
lost. According to the German communique

BARBED WIRE IN FRONT OF A GERMAN TRENCH WRECKED BY

SHRAPNEL FIRE.

76—3

414

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

Lieutenant Tmmelmnnn, on October 10, com-
pelled, too, a British battle-biplane to descend
north-west of Lille. Of the incidents which oc-
curred in the four days' fighting, one deserves to
be recorded because it shows under what nervo-
racking conditions the British gunners had to
work. On October IL at Fosse 7 de Bethune,
A Battery, of the 71st Brigade Royal Field
Artillery, wa? being heavily bombarded bj'
armour-piercing and gas shells. Sergeant Ayres
was wounded, and the battery was ordered to
cease fire. Amidst bursting shells and choking
from gas fumes. Sergeant J. C. Raynes rushed
across to assist his comrade. He bandaged
him and returned to the battery, which again

A CORNER OF A CAPTURED

GERMAN TRENCH.

German notice-boards in background.

opened fire. A few minutes later " Cease
Fire " was a second time ordered, and Sergeant
Ra^-nes. calling on two gunners to help him —
both of whom were shortly afterwards killed
— went out and carried Sergeant Ayres into a
dug-out, at the mouth of which a gas shell
promptly burst. With splendid courage
Raynes dashed out, fetched his own smoke
helmet, put it on Ayres, and, himself badly
gassed, staggered back to serve his gun. Not
many hours elapsed before Raynes also was
woimded. He and seven other soldiers were
in a hoase called aft.er Mr. J. M. Barrie's play,
" Quality Street." A " Jack Johnson " blew

in the building. Four of the men were buried
by the falling bricks and timbers. The re-
maining four found themselves imprisoned in
the cellar. The first to be dug out was Raynes.
He was wounded in the head and leg, but
insisted on remaining under heavy shell fire in
order that he might help in the rescue of the
others. Then, the moment his wounds were
dressed, he rejoined his battery, which was
again being violently shelled. The V.C. was an
almost madequate recompense for such mag-
nificent conduct.

On October 13 the Germans made a fierce
attack on the French round Souchez ind on
the Vimy heights, while Sir Douglas Haig
once more assaulted the Hohenzollern Redoubt
and the German position from that point to
half a mile or so south-west of Hulluch.

The Crown Prince of Bavaria's attack on ^
d'Urbal was preceded by a terrific bombard-
ment, followed by repeated charges into the
Bois-en-Hache and against the French trenches
east of the Souchez-Angres road. In addition,
attacks were made against the redoubt in the
Givenchy wood and the adjacent trenches, and
at several other points on the Vimy ridges.
Despite the enormous losses incurred by them,
the Germans succeeded only in capturing a
few sections of trench in the Givenchy wood.
Everywhere else they were flung back just as
they had been on October 8.

The Germans near Vimy had attacked down
hill, but Sir Douglas Haig, in the literal sense
of the word, had an ip-hill task. The battle
of Wednesday, October 13, and the succeeding
days was another attempt by the British to
extend upwards the northern face of the
Cuinchy-Hulluch-Grenay salient. It was ac-
companied by a holding attack made by the
Indian Corps to the north of the La Bass6e
Canal, in which Second Lieutenant R. J. J.
Bahadur, of the Indian Native Land Forces,
who was attached to the 39th Garhwal Rifles,
gained the Military Cross. He had shown
great gallantry in one of the holding attacks
on September 25, the first day of the Battle of
Loos. In the evening of October 12 he had
been wounded in the arm by a rifle bullet, but
during the fighting on October 13 he refused to
leave the firing line, and commanded a double
company with great abiUty, being severely
wounded in the neck. The holding attack by
the Indian Corps was magnified by the German
Higher Command into an imaginary general
attack by the British from Ypres to La Bassee,

PAYING THE GERMAN IN HIS OWN COIN.

The British charge under cover of smoke and gas.

415

416

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB..

AFTER THE BRITISH ATTACK.
A crossroads in Loos.

which, according to th? enemy, was repulsed by
the Germans. As a matter of fact, the only
other fighting by the British on October 13 was
that about to be described.

On the morning of October 1.3 the wind blew
steadily from the west. The air was raw and
chilly. A thick Scotch mist covered the
ground, and the drizzling rain seenaed the
harbinger of another of tliose torrential down-
pours which had interfered with the move-
ments of the British, French and German
troops at the Battle of Loos and afterwards.
As the hours, however, passed, the rain ceased,
the mist cleared off, and the battlefield was
bathed in a warm, autumnal sunlight. The
wind was more propitious for a British gas and
smoke attack than on September 2.'). Since
the Battle of Loos our stores of shells had been
replenished, and the night before the North
Midland Division of Territorials had replaced
the Guards in the trenches from Vermel les to
the region of the HuUuch Quarries.

Far off to the right a column of bright and
snaokeless flames leapt out of Li6vin. For two
days a fire had been raging in that village.
To the north-west on the horizon were dimly
visible the outlines of the battered town of
La Bassee. Along the British front blotches
of red marked the presence of what remained
of the villages of Vermelles and Le Routoire.
Between them and La Bassee rose the lofty
chimneys of the factories and the black, ugly

slag-heaps of Pit 8 and Haisnes. The open
spaces — stubble-field, cabbage patches and the
like — were strewn with unburied corpses and
broken weapons. Huge holes recorded the
activities of the gunners who for a year had
been ploughing up with their shells this area,
once the home and playgrovuid of so many
miners and their families. Behind the hostile
lines groups of miners and peasants were even
now phleginatically toiling at their daily tasks.

Suddenly, at noon, a bombardment com-
parable with that which had preluded the
Battle of Loos began. Tongues of fire leaping
from the ground flashed as it were a warning
to the Germans of the storm of shells descend-
ing on them. In the rear British observa-
tion balloons hung motionless. Aeroplanes
buzzed backwards and forwards.

From hundreds of spots in the German line
pillars of black .smoke ascended. Fleecy
white puffs marked where the shrapnel was-
bursting, a green or pinkish blob — which swiftly
vanished — that an asphyxiating shell from the-
answering German guns had exploded. In
the distance buildings crumbled away and
clouds of chalky smoke told that trenches and
dug-outs which a few minutes before had been
the refuges of soldiers chatting to each other
had been upturned.

An hour passed by. Then from the British
lines near Vermelles a dense cloud of white
smoke, fringed below with red and green.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

417

drifted towards the Hohenzollern Redoubt.
By the time it had left our trenches it was
half a mile broad. Slowly it settled on the
Redoubt, the slag-heap behind it, and the
buildings of Pit 8.

Meantime oiu' men in the trenches were
getting ready. Most of them had discarded
their overcoats ; all had a few bombs of
different varieties. That chiefly used was
somewhat larger than a duck's egg, which
it resembled in shape. A small ration of rum
had been served out to warm the blood and
steady the nerves. Except in a few cases
this was a superfluous precaution, for few of
the soldiers showed, at all events outwardly,
any signs of uneasiness. " Fifteen minutes
before the charge," relates one of them, " a
gallant lad .was telling me anecdotes of his
school days in the most matter-of-fact fashion."
Towards 2 o'clock an order was passed along
the lines that the smoke helmets should be
put on. They were not, however, to be
drawn over the nose and mouth. Five minutes
later another order reached the waiting men —
to pull the helmets completely over their faces.
The charges were timed for 2 p.m.

Sir Douglas Haig had decided that the
Midland Division of Territorials was to storm
the Hohenzollern Redoubt, while the troops
on their right were to attack the Hulluch
Quarries and the trenches between them and

the village of that name. South of hulluch
an effort was to be made in the direction of
Pont a Vendin.

Seen from our lines opposite it, the Hohen-
zollern Redoubt, shaped like a bean, hid
everything from view except the top of a
slag-heap and the roof of the house formerly
occupied by the manager of Pit 8. The
Redoubt had a frontage of some 500 yards.
On the gentle rise leading to Pit 8, it stood well
out from the main line trench of the Germans
in front of the pit. The side farther from the
British was connected with that line by two
trenches — the northerly one had been chris-
tened b3' the British " Little Willie," the
other %\-as known to them as " Big Willie."
Between Little Willie and Big \Mlhe two
other trenches ran back to the German
entrenchments, behind which, west of Pit 8,
was the slag-heap above referred to, called
" The Dimip." To the left of the Dump were
four rows of one-storeyed miners' cottages.
At the back of them ran the Pit railway, which
connected the coal-mine with the railroad
from La Bassee to Grenay. Beyond the
railway were other rows of cottages, known as
the Corons de Pekin. East of the Dump and
the Pit railway stood three buildings — LesTrois
Cabarets. Well in the background were the
considerable villages of Auchy and Haisnes.

Thovigh our artillery had pulped most of the

AFTER A BATTLE.
A scene in a village street in Flanders.

418

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

419

buildings and had blown in large parts of the
trenches and many of the dug-outs, the pro-
blem set the Midland Territorials was perhaps
as, or even more, formidable than that which
the London Territorials or the Highlanders of
the New Army had been asked to solve on the
morning of September 25. In the preceding
days the enemy, reinforced by companies of
the Prussian Guards, had been gradually
recovering their hold on the Redoubt. Only
a portion of the Big Willie trench was now in
our possession. A sap had, however, been run
out by us towards the Little Willie trench.
Beneath or through the Dimip the enemy's
engineers had constructed timbered galleries
leading to casemates, from the loopholes of
which machine guns pointed in all directions.
From the cellars of the ruined cottages and
mine buildings other machine guns protruded.
In dug-outs 30 feet or so deep lurked bombers
ready, the moment the British attack was
launched, to emerge into the open. Their
wooden-handled grenades on explosion by
the mere concussion caused blindness. Doubt-
less the nerves of the defenders had been shaken
by our terrible bombardment, doubtless they
were confused, if not overcome, by the fumes
of the British gas, and owing to the smoke
cloud they could only see dimly their assailants.
But the gas and smoke affected the British no
less than themselves- and, when the cloud had
passed or been dissipated, the chance of the
Germans would come.

A few minutes before 2 p.m. the British guns
lifted from the Redoubt and began to search
the trenches and buildings behind it, and at
2 p.m. the charge was delivered by the Terri-
torials. It has been described with a wealth
of detail by one of them :

I have a very indistinct recollection of anything until
T had covered the 200 yards which separated the British
lines from the first trench of the Redoubt. The din of the
firing and the excitement of the moment once I was
over the parapet left me in such a whirl that it was some
time before I knew really what I was doing and grew
sufficiently cool to experience the thrill and joy of
battle.

Already the battalions were becoming mixed, and I
found myself with Leicesters and 5th Lincolns. I rather
think the 4th Lincolns, in their eagerness to get at the
enemy, had started a little before their time, as I caught
up with some of the Leicesters before they had passed
the Germari first line. The bullets dropped ceaselessly by.,
and the German artillery had got the range beautifully.
The shells, high explosive and shrapnel, were coming
over in showers. The sight of the shrapnel exploding is
not particularly encouraging. The projectile bursts
fairly low in the air with a terrific bang. A huge cloud
of black smoke is given off which curls and whirls so
violently that it reminds one of the surface of a whirl-
popl. It is strangely different from the British shell

which bursts with a soft " pop " and gives off white
smoke.

I found the barbed wire in front of the trench had
been blown to bits by our guns. Without staying
to look at the trench I crossed it by a plank and went
forward. I jumped into the German second trench. At
one place a Leicester sergeant, shot through the stomach
was lying across the floor of the trench. None of us knew
how to deal with a man wounded as he was, and I sug-
gested he should lie ^h his knees up, and he did. I
believe I was right, but I only meiition the fact as an
illustration of how useful to the soldier a little knowledge
of first-aid would be on the field.

German equipment, bags of bombs, and dead bodies
lay half buried everywhere ; their taste for smart
colours seems strongly developed ; a bag of bombs I
unearthed was all the colours of the rainbow. These
bombs were of the type most commonly used by the
Huns. They were pestle shape. The " head " is a

tin containing the explosive, with a wooden handle
attached. A loop of thin string projects from the end of
the handle. The thrower grasps the handle, pulls out
the string (by which act he lights the fuse), and throws
The fuse is a 7^ sec. one, I believe.

Urgent messages were passed from man to man,
and presently a Stafford officer came down the line
and told us to '' stand fast " for a time. He was a
jolly little chap ; his face was streaming with perspira .
tion, but he wa,s all smiles, and seemed as happy as if
he was at a picnic. On the right of us was a trench — ■
whether a communication trench, or a part of the
trench we occupied curving sharply back to the German
third line, I knew not, but it apparently met our trench'
almost at right angles. Coi-poral Davies detected a
party of German bombers working their way towards
us. At first only their bluish-grey helmets could be
seen, and as our fellows were wearing similarly coloured
smoke helmets, some doubt existed as to whether they
might not be British — in fact a message was sent down

4-iO

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR,

FNEMV AIRCRAFT IN SIGHT,

tliat the iin'Ti woip 4tli l.iiK-Mlns ami ^lonmoiiths. All
duubt was rutnovud v\hon the party went pa.st a spot
where the trench side liad caved in, for then their bkiisli-
grey uniforms could he plainly seen. We opened fire
and they returned the compliment.

I pot on my feet with the purpose of rciiaining thf
trench. whi'iL a voice cried, "Can you do anything for
iiif. chinn ? Looking round I saw a poor fellow lying
about 10 yards from the communication trench. His
face was ashy pale. Two of us ran to liim and found he
had been hit high up in the right thigh by a piece of
shell. We tried to carry him to the trench, but before
we had got a couple of yards the other fellow left me.
The poor chap was in such pain, and could hardly bear
to be touclied. I dare not drag him in by myself for
fear of getting a lot of dirt into the wound. I bandaged
him as best I could, and he was very grateful, poor
chap ; his only fear seemed to be that 1 should get hit
while attending to him. On getting back to the trench
I sat down for a momentary rest. Near by was another
man sitfiiig down. His hand was at his head. It wa.-^
e\'ident all would soon be over. ' Just then I was con-
scious of the sensation akin to receiving a tremendous
"clout" on the back of the head, and my interest in
the war suddenly ceased.

The bullet did not penetrate my pate, but glanced
off. E\-er\'thing secnicd \"(-i-v confused fur a lew-

seconds, and then I was aware that something warm was
lunning down my neck. A kindly Leicester bound up
the wound with a "first field dressing," and told me
to get back to the dressing station. I climbed over the
parapet and presently caught up with a 4th Lincoln
who had bf;en shot through the back and was crawling
along as best he could. 1 asked him if he could walk
across if I put my arm round him, but he said very
sensibly he preferred to crawl, i(. was safer. Fearing
lie might suddenly lose his strength or some mishap
might occur, I decided to stay with him instead of
running on, and we crawled along together. He was
\'ery cheerful, in spite of the pain hc^ was enduring. He
had a magnificent helmet fastened to his belt. It was
of shiny black leather, ornamented in brass, and liad
probably been worn by some stalwart Prussian Guard.

We soon found ourselves in a procession of halt and
lame, all wending their way to tlie same spot. It was
wonderful how some of them managed to walk at all.
1 left the Stamford man at the first dressing station. It
was filled with patients, and the medical officer asked
me if I could walk to the village. I said " Yes," and pro-
ceeded down the long trench.

At Vermelles I boarded an ainliulance ear, \\ Im h
reached Bethune Hospital about l.'M) p.m.

I waited sexeral hours in the corridor, and during all
the time never heard a word of complaint. The wounded
were too grateful that their lives had been spared, and
were thinking too much of their pals in the Redoubt to
complain of iln' pMin they were enduring themselves.
The chaplain rainc.- in ami (utik all hearts by storm by
his first two questions : — " Have we lost many boys ? "
'■ Yes. sir, a great lot." " Did you kill any Germans ? "
" Heaps, sir : they went through the mill, I can tell yoii,
far worse than us." "That's good," he said, fervently.
You see, he was an Englishman before he was a chap-
lain. He bared his head and every one stood up.
" Oh God, we thank Thee for having spared these
men's lives," he prayed, and a deep and earnest " Amen "
came from every throat. His short prayer concluded,
the Lord's Prayer was repeated. I never heard the
familiar sentences so sincerely and gratefully uttered as
they were that night by the tall chaplain and the weary,
blood-stained men in the gloomy corridor.

Eventually the ambulance arrived, and I spent the
night at a clearing house near Bethune.

At first the attack seemed as if it would be
completely successful. The Leicestershires and
Lincolnshires in the centre swept clean over
the Redoubt itself, and reached that portion of
the German main line called the Fosse trench.
Enfiladed by machino-^un fire, only a small
num)>er, ]ni\\e\'er. of our men were able to get

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BAKBED-WIKE DEFENCES IN FKONT OF A GERMAN TRENCH.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

421

BRITISH SIGNAL SERVICE IN FRANCE.
A linesman repairing a wire broken by shell-fire.

into the trench. A party of the Lincolnshires
managed to bring some machine guns up to
within sixty yards of it. Behind their fire the
mass of the Leicestershires and Lincolnshires,
supported shortly afterwards by the Monmouths,
dug themselves in ; after the Monmouths came
the Sherwood Foresters. Meanwhile a party

of bombers, who were reinforced by some of the
Leicestershires^ had made their way into Little
Willie trench, where for hours a desperate
struggle went on. Lieutenant C. H. F. Wol-
laston, of the l/5th Leicester Regt., though
wounded in the back and arm, organized a
bombing party \m Little Willie and held up

422

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

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falling roof and sides.

the enemy for hours till his bombs were
exhausted. Captain J. C. Warren, of the
l/7th f Robin Hood^ Battalion Sherwood
Foresters, with a party of four men, performed
a fimilar feat, finally withdrawing across
the open into the western face of the Redoubt,
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To the right of the Redoubt the South Stafford -

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able, in face of the German machine-gunners,
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THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

423

flank attack. They gained 30 yards and
constructed a new barricade, bvit were soon
driven back to the old one. Second Lieutenant
Hubert Hawkes, of the l/5th South Stafford-
shire Regiment, particularly distinguished him-
self in this fighting. Among other deeds of
daring performed that day in or near the
Redoubt two more may be mentioned. Corporal
J. L. Dawson, of the 187th Company, Royal
Engineers, when the trenches were crammed
with men half stupefied by German poisonous
gas, walked backwards and forwards along the
parados fully exposed to a very heavy fire.
Finding three leaking gas cylinders, he rolled
them some sixteen yards away from the trench,
and then fired rifle bvillets into them to let the
gas escape. Captain j\l. H. Barton,, of the
Royal Army Medical Corps, tended and brought
in wounded mider fire, and also rallied and sent
forward men who had become scattered.

The assault on the HohenzoUem Redouljt
had thus met with a certain amount of success.
To the east we had captured a trench on the
north-western face of the Hulluoh Quarries,
and, south-west of St. Elie, trenches behind the
Vermelles-HuUuch road and the south-western
edge of the Quarries. South and west of Hul-

luch we had gained 1,000 yards of trench, but
had been shelled out of it. It was near Hulluch
that a most gallant action by one of our
artillerjmien was perfonned. Captain H. N.
Fairbank, of the 117th Battery R.F.A., gal-
loped up liis guns, and from a spot where he
could not hide them kept up an effective fire
at short range. Hard by Second Lieutenant
N. Martin, of the 3rd Battalion Queen's Own
Cameron Highlanders, showed daimtless
courage. In a Geiman communication trench,
when one officer of his company had been
killed, another wounded, and three parties of
bombers killed or disabled, he threw bombs
himself until there were no more to hand, and
then with his revolver 'and afterwards \\ ith a
rifle held the barricade until lie was relieved
by some other bombers.

The next day, October 14, in the morning,
another effort was made to gain entirely the Big
Willie trench. One battalion of the Sherwood
Foresters attacked it from the Redoubt : another
battalion of the same regiment advanced along
it from the portion already in our hands. But,
so strong were the German defences, it was
foimd impossible to bring the attack to a
successful issue. It was on this day that Captain

AFTER THE BATTLE OF LOOS.
British wounded entraining for the base.

424

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

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Charles Vickers, of the Sherwood Foresters,
secured the V.C. When nearly all his men had
been killed or wounded, and only two were
left to hand him bombs. Captain Vickers, fired
at and bombed by the Germans from front and
flajik, held a barrier for several hours. His
retreat was cut off, but instead of endeavouring
to make his way back, he staj^ed where he was
until he was severely womided. By his orders
a barrier had been built behind him to ensure
the safety of the trench. The fighting con-
tinued in the Redoubt until the 15th, when
the 2nd Guards Brigade relieved the North
Midland Territorials.

The Battle of Loos and the subsequent
fighting had cost the British over 50,000 men.
.Judged by the standards of the Great War,
this was perhaps not an inadequate expenditure
for the results obtained. As in the case of the
Battle of Artois, delivered by Foch and d'Urbal
in May and .June, the Germans had been driven
from a number of positions which they had
fondly believed to be impregnable. On Oc-
tol)er 19 Sir John French was able to describe

the topographical gains in the following
words :

" The new front now leaves our old line at
a point about 1,200 yards south-west of the
southern edge of Auchy-lez-Ija Bassee ana
runs thence, through the main trench of the
HohenzoUern Redoubt, in an easterly direc-
tion, 400 j'ards south ot the southern buildings
of Fosse No. 8 to the south-western corner of
the Quarries.

" We also hold the south-eastern corner of
the Quarries, our trenches running thence
south-east parallel to, and 400 yards from,
the south-western edge of Cite St. Elie to a point
500 yards west of the north edge of HuDuch.

" The line then runs along the Lens-La
Bassee road to the chalk ])it, 1,500 yards north
of the highest point of Hill 70, and then turns
south-west to a point 1,000 jrards east of
IjOos Church, where it bends south-east to the
north-west slope of Hill 70 and runs along the
western slopes of that hill, bending south-west
to a point 1,200 yards south of Loos Church,
whence it runs due west back to our old line.

" The chord of the salient we have created
in the enemy's line measured along our old
front is 7,000 yards in length ; the depth of
the salient at the chalk pit is 3,200 yards."

The men, or some of them, of the New
Armies had shown courage worthy of the
heroes of Mons, Le Cateau, the Marne, and
Ypres. The Territorials engaged had more
than justified the expectations of the officers
who had trained them. The whole army was
convinced of its superiority to the enemy on
a fair field of battle. ' ■'

We may well conclude our review of the
great, offensive delivered by the Allies in the
autumn of 1915 with some extracts from an
article in which the Military Cori'espondent of
The Times (January 20, 1916) considered the
lessons of the whole .series of offensives in the
West. Starting from the fundamental doctrine
that, the centre of gravity of the German
military power Ijeing in the West, " it is here
that we should amass a superior force in order
to .seek victory which will be decisive, the
writer said :

Tiie main point is that it does not matter so very
much where we fight Germans, so long as we fight
Germans, and not their allies and dupes to whose fate
Germany is indifferent, and it is easier for us to kill
Germans in their present positions in the West than it
is anywhere el.se. Even it the.se present positions were
approximately maintained by the enemy we could make
him suffer such losses in th.ern that we could maintain the

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

425

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A SKIRMISH WITH THE ENEMY.
A party of French Infantrymen on the edge ot a wood.

A FRENCH PATROL.
Scouting in the outskirts of a village.

426

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

A FRENCH GUN IN ACTION.

rate of wastage, which must, in the end, bring him down.
In this respect we have done better in each successive
fight in the ^\'e.st, and as the number of our heavy guns
and howitzers continues to grow, and the suppLy of shells
mounts up, we can make each fresh attack upon him with
greater profit, and impose more sacrifices upon him
when he attacks us.

But, it is urged, we cannot break the German lines,
and what is the use of attacking them if, in such attacks,
we lose more men than he does ? These visions of
breaking the German Unes ; these dreams of swallowing
the whole German Army at a gulp ; these half a dozen
objectives given to our infantry in an attack and carry-
ing them far beyond the support of their artillery ;
these massed Corps of Cavalry ready to stream through
the famous G in Gap, have never appealed to the writer
very much, since they have appeared to him to be based
iipon a fallacy — namely, the expected resurrection of
the manoeuvre battle, which, like good Queen Anne and
Roland's mare, is unfortunately dead.

How can we expect to break the German lines in one
battle ? There are lines upon lines, and when we have
taken the Auber.s Ridge and the Vimy Heights there will
be Lille, the Dendre, the Scheldt, the Meuse, the Rhine,
and many more lines, as the'^e will be for us if the
Germans attack us, so that this basic idea of breaking
the line, good for Trafalgar, is really quite out of place.
It is even harmful, for when we win a serious victory
like that of September last, when we dispose of 150,000
Germans and capture 150 German guns, we are not
content because we have not attained the unattainable
and our cavalry have not streamed through the famous
Gap. It is lucky that they have not, because the
country is unrideable, covered with obstacles, and
confines cavalry to roads where a division can be held
up by a few machine guns. But if, leaving these really
puerile plans aside, and abandoning the idea of breaking
the line, we had said before September 25 that we were
going to cause the Germans 150,000 casualties and to
bring home 150 of their guns, we should have considered
the accomplishment of this purpose a great feat, and
we should have been satisfied instead of dissatisfied
with the result.

I\Ioreover, this misconception of the real problem
leads to heavy and unnecessary losses. The writer
showed, after Neuve Chapelle, that there were two ways
of attacking the enemy's lines, one of which was to srin

and hold, and the other to go on after capturing the
enemy's first lines with the idea of breaking through
and winning a decisive battle. We took Neuve Chapelle
and its immediately surrounding defences with little more
than 2,000 casualties, but, going on into the blue, we
did no good ; we ran into the German reserves, and we
came back to the lines first captured with nothing
more gained and with 10,000 more of our men on the
floor- The same underlying idea of finishing off the
Germans at a blow recurs in our May and September
offensives, which equally cost us heavy losses, because
we were not content to occupy and consolidate our first
gains, and to postpone a further advance until our guns
had moved forward and were ready once more to support
with their admirable fire o^ir incomparable infantry.
We and the French have exhausted the possibilities
of the theories upon which our tactics were based in the
battles of 1915, and our next business is to set out to
find better, with experience as our searchlight.

After some detailed examination of the need
for greater cooperation by the Allies, the
Military Correspondent of The Times stated
the following conclusions :

What is true for the whole great strategic theatre
is also true for each front. If the operation which we
propose is likely to extend beyond forty-eight hours,
it is quite obvious that, unless the whole German front
is attacked, or at all events menaced and harried, our
enemy has a simple game to play, for using his railways
again, as well as motor transport, he rushes up the
reserves of all neighbouring sectors to the front which
we are attacking, and meets us at length in equal force.
What Werder did on the Lisaine in 1871, and Foch did
at Ypres, Gorman generals are doing now. Most, if
not all, of our attacks have been condemned to sterility
in advance because we have attacked on narrow fronts,
have spun out our operationsj sometimes over weeks,
and by maintaining a passive attitude on other parts
of the front have placed all the trumps in German
hands. The 100 German battalions which met the
French in Champagne rapidly grew to 200 because the
neighbouring sectors remained quiescent, and so it
has been with us, on a smaller scale.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

427

A general offensive by all the Allies at once, and a
general offensive oa each front, are the tactics which
will hurt Germany the most, and they are therefore
to be commended. They are being rendered more
possible every day by the rapid increase of our heavy
howitzers and munitions generally, enabling us to devote
an increasingly largo number of heavy guns to all
oiu^ sectors, and to maintain a good rate of fire for a
longer time. It is not the case that we ha\'e yet deli\'ered
a serious attack without any concern for our supply
of shells. Neither we nor the French have been wholly
so fortunate as that, but as time goes, on each one of
our attacks will be more deadly from the artillery
point of view, and we may often enjoy the luxury
of driving- the enemy out of his trenches by shell fire
alone.

The long periods of quiescence, which are unacceptable
in principle and yet elapse between one of our attacks
and another, are largely due to want of shells, and when
we have a practically unlimited supply we can do
much better. If we carry on in the future as we have
in the past, we do not get forward with our war of
attrition, but rather get back, and with the experience
now behind us we must change our tactics to the changed
conditions. Hitherto the old conception of the infantry
as the queen of battles has ruled. Om' actions have^
on the whole, been fought with this dominating idea in
our minds. The guns have provided the overture,
but when the curtain has been rung up we have always
discovered the infantry as chief actors. The infantry'
remains the principal arm, and we can never make too
much of it nor use it with too violent energy when
the opportunity arises. But the predominance of
modern artillery in present-day fighting has become
most marked, and it is a question whether, in this
trench warfare, we should not use the infantry as a
complementary arm, and see what happens when w^e
subordinate its action to that of the guns. If wo knock
to pieces the first line system of hostile trenches and

obstacles with our shells, form our barrac/c of fire beyond,
counterbatter the German artillery nmre effectively,
and then use our infantry to occupy and consolidate
the ground gained, and await the advance of our guns
to fresh positions before we continue our attack, we
may hope to gain solid successes and to cause the enemy
much greater loss than we suffer ourselves.

SPOILS OF WAR AFTER A BAIT Lb.

French soldier collecting rifles and other articles left behind by the Germans.

Inset : A collection of shells, bombs, hand grenades, and boxes of ammunition

gathered in the German trenches in Champagne.

428

CHAPTER CVII.

THE EXECUTION OF MISS CAVELL.

Miss Cavell's Life-wokk — Her LABOtrEs in Brussels during the War — Her arrest First

EFFORTS OF THE AMERICAN LEGATION The TRIAL GERMAN AND BRITISH IDEAS OF JUSTICE

Hov/ THE German officials planned the execution — Mn. Brand Whitlock's final appeal
— Miss Cavell's death — German excuses — Baron von Bissing — Feeling in England and
France — American opinion of the crime.

WHILE the great movements de-
scribed in the' last chapter were
developing an event occurred in
Brussels which sent a wave of
horror and resentment throughout the world,
equalled only by the universal indignation
aroused by the sinking of the Lusitania. Miss
Edith Cavell, an Englishwoman, head of a
Nursing Institution in Brussels, was secretly
tried by a German court-martial on the charge
of aiding English, French and Belgian soldiers
*;o escape from Belgium, and on October 12 was
hastily executed. There was much in the
circumstances attending this event and in the
surroundings of the trial and execution to stir
the wrath and pity of the world — wrath against
the men who had by a military teohnicaUty
done a brave wonaan to death, and pity for the
nurse who had paid the penalty of her life for
her work of mercy.

Miss Edith Cavell was a daughter of the Kev.
Frederick Cavell, for forty years vicar of
Swardeston, Norfolk. She received her training
as a nurse at the London Hospital, entering
there in 1896 and later being appointed staff
nurse. After some experience in Poor Law
nursing she went to Belgium, in 1900, on the
invitation of Dr. Depage, a distinguished
medical man who had established a training
institute for Belgian nurses in a suburb of
Bru.ssels. Dr. Depage was anxious to modernize
the system of sick nursing in Belgitmi. Up to

this time the nursing had mainly been done by
the nuns of religious establisloments or by
women drawn mainly from the domestic servant
class. Catholic families when sick were nursed
by the nuns ; the numerous non-Catholic
sections of the public had to rely upon the other
class.

Miss Cavel] threw herself with enthusiasm
into her new mission. The Institute, whose
influence was felt througliout Belgium, grew
until it became the centre of a large nur.sing
organization. When, at the outbreak of the
War, Dr. Depage was called to military service
and made the head of a military hospital with
the Belgian Army, Miss Cavell continued the
work in Brussels. Everyone who came in
contact with her was agreed that she was a
capable leader and a woman of fine character,
worthy to take a place in the noble list of great
nurses, the list with the name of Florence
Nightingale at the head.

After the advance of the German armies upon
Brussels in 1914 Miss Cavell was allowed to
remain there. When the tide of war brought
many German woimded to the Belgian capital
she and her assistants nursed them equally with
the Belgian wounded. The fighting around
Namur and Mons, and the retirement of the
French and British armies in the late summer
and autumn of 1914, left one legacy for Belgium.
A number of English and French soldiers,
cut off from their companies during the retreat,

429

430

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

hid themselves in trenches, in woods, or in
deserted houses, attempting to avoid capture.
Many were caught and in some instances, at
least, were executed immediately they were
caught. Others were sheltered by kindly
farmers, who gave them civilian clothing,
employed them on their land and allowed them
to remain until opportunity arose for them to
cross the frontier into Holland. Belgian soldiers
whose regiments had been broken during the
early figliting there also hid about the country,
waiting for chances to escape. They too, in
some cases, were shot when captured, and the
common belief in Bru.':Jsels was that tliis was
1 heir usual fate. When ]\Iiss Cavell was asked in
Coiu-t during her trial why she had helped
I^nglish soldiers to escape, she replied that she
thought that if she had not done so they would
have been shot by the Germans and that,
therefore, she thought she only did her duty to
her country in saving their lives.

The fugitives, hiding in the country, looked
around to see who could help them. Miss
Cavell was a prominent worker. Her care of
the sick and the wounded brought her in touch
with all classes. As was only natural, the men
approached her. That she did help some of

MISS CAVELL WITH HER
FAVOURITE DOGS.

MISS EDITH CAVELL.

The British nurse who was condemned to death

and shot by order of the German Military

authorities at Brussels, October, 1915.

these men to escape from the death that would
probably have been their fate had they been
caught is not denied. The German authorities
claimed that she enabled 130 men to leave
Belgium. How far this figm'e was correct
there is no evidence to show.

The Gorman administration, then steadily
tightening its hold upon all sides of Belgian life,
became suspicious of her. The system of
espionage in Belgium had by now been deve-
loped to a very fine point. Spies were put upon
the track of Miss Cavell. It is said that one
spy went to her as a fugitive, begged her to
help him, and then betrayed her.

Miss Cavell was arrested on August 5, 191.5,
and sent to the military prison of St. Gilles,
where she was placed in close, solitary confine-
ment. The Germans declare that she made
no effort from the first to conceal the fact
that she had taken pity on sonne of the fugitives
and had given them assistance. She knew
that in doing this she was committing a military
offence. Those who met her immediately
before her arrest say that she anticipated a
short term of imprisonment. She evidently

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

431

did not dream — at that time no one dreamed —
that the German authorities would shoot a
woman with premeditation for taking pity on
and showing mercy to the helpless.

Mr. Brand ^Vhitlock, the American Minister in
Brussels, who represented British interests there
during the War, acted promptly when news was
brought to him of Miss Cavell's arrest. Mr.
VVhitlock, who had been American Minister to
Belgium for nearly two years, was well known
as an author and reformer before he entered
the diplomatic -service. The grandson of an
Abolitionist and the son of a Methodist minister,
he started hfe as a newspaper reporter in Toledo,
Ohio, and later on became a lawyer. He
attracted wide attention in 1905 by his campaign
as a political reformer. Ho was elected Mayor
of Toledo in that year and was subsequently
re-elected for three fiu-ther terms. As a lawyer,
as an author, and as Mayor of Toledo, his great
characteristics were a profound human sym-
pathy and a passion for justice. The case of
Miss Cavell aroused — if acts may speak for a
man's thoughts — his most intense sympathy.
He at once took the matter up with the German

authorities, and used every possible means to
ensure that slie should have a fair trial. He
wrote to the Civil Governor of Belgium, Baron
Von der Laneken, asking that M. de Leval, a
representative of the Legation, might see Miss
Cavell, and also informing him that he had been
requested by telegraph to take charge of Miss
Cavell's defence without delay. The Gennan
authorities did not reply to this letter. Mr.
VVhitlock wrote again. The German Civil
Governor then wrote back refusing to allow
anyone to see Miss Cavell, declaring that she
had confessed he! guilt and informing !\Ir.
Whitlock that she would be defended by a
Mr. Braun. The essential parts of the reply

She has herself admitted that she concealed in her
house French and l^nglish soldiers, as well as Belgians
of military age, ali desirous of proceeding to the front.
She has also admitted having furnished these soldiers
with the money necessary for their journey to France,
and having facilitated their departure from Belgium by
providing them with guides, who enabled them to cross
the Dtttch frontier secretly.

Miss Cavell's defence is in the hands of the advocate
Braun, who, I may add, is already in touch witli the
competent German authorities.

In view of the fact that the Department of the

MISS CAVELL WITH SOME MEMBERS OF THE NURSING STAFF.

Miss Cavell (X) was the head of a nursing school at Brussels. In the above group she is seen in dark

uniform, seated on the right of Dr. Depage, the Belgian doctor.

432

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

MR. BRAND WHITLOGK.

The American Minister to Belgium.

Governor-General as a matter of principle does not allow
accused persons to have any interviews whatever, 1
much regret my inability to procure for IVT. de Leval
permission to visit Miss Cavell as long as she is, m
solitary conGnement.

Mr. Braun, it turned out, had been prevented
by some unforeseen circumstance from under-
taking the defence and had handed it over to
Mr. Ivirschen, a Roumanian, practising in
Brussels. M. de Leval, the Councillor of the
American Embassy, at once communicated
with !Mr. Kirschen. M. de Leval stated in his
subsequent narrative of events : —

I at once put myself in coramnnication with jMr.
Kirschen, who told me that Miss Cavell was prosecuted
for having helped soldiers to cross the frontier. I a.'iked
him whether he had seen Miss Cavell and whether she
had made any statement to him, and to my surprise
fomid that the lawyers defending prisoners before the
German Military Court were not allowed to see their
clients before the trial, and were not shown any docu-
ment of the prosecution. This, Mr, Kirschen said, was
in accordance with the German military rules. He
added that the hearing of the trial of such cases was
carried out very carefully, and that in hi.-r; opinion,
although it was not possible to sec the client before the
trial, in fact the trial itself developed so carefully and so
slowly, that it was generally possible to have a fair
knowledge of all the facts and to present a good defence
for the prisoner. This would especially bo the case for
Miss Cavell, because the trial would be rather long, as
she was prosecuted with thirty-four other prisoners.

I informed Mr. Kirschen of my intention to be present
at the trial so as to watch the case. He immediately
dissuaded me from taking such attitude, which he said

would cau.se a great prejudice to the prisoner, because
the German judges would resent it and felt it almost as
an affront if T was appearing to exercise a kind of
supervision on the trial. He thought that if the
Germans would admit my presence, which was very
doubtful, it would in any case cause prejudice to Miss
Cavolh

]\Ir. Kirschen assured me over and over agam that the
Military Court of Brussels was always perfectly fair,
and that there was not the slightest danger of any mis.
carriage of justice. He promised that he would keep
me posted on all the developments which the case would
take and would report to me the exact charges that were
brought against Miss Cavell and the facts concerning
her that would be disclosed at the trial, so as to allow
me to judge by myself about the merits of the rase.
He insisted that, of course, he would do all that was
humanly possible to defend Miss Cavell to the best ot
his ability.

The trial opened on Thursday, October 7.
Miss Cavell was one of thirty-five prisoners
brought before the Cotirt at the same time.
The German authorities believed that they
had discovered a widespread conspiracy for
espionage and for the escape of fugitives.
Among the prisoners were several women :
the Princess Maria de Croy, the Comtesse de
Belleville, Mile. Louise Thulier, a teacher in
Lille, and ^Ime. Ada Bodart, of Brussels.
Among the men were M. Philip Baucq, an
architect of Brussels ; M, Louis Severin, a
chemist of Brussels ; M. Herman Capian, an
engineer of Wasmes ; M. Albert Libier, of
Wasmes, and another chemist. M. Georges
Derbeau.

THE MARQUIS DE VILLALOBAR.

Spanish Minister at Brussels.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

483

It is interesting to contrast at this stage,
the, difference bet-s\een tlie Britisli and Gorman
methods in the trial of persons charged with
militarj^ offences in war time. In England a
woman, of whatever nationality, is tried, not
by court martial, but by a civil covu't. She
is brought before a tribimal which holds a
preliminary enquiry, taking a summary of
the evidence. She is always assisted by a
lawyer, a complete record of the evidence,
oral and documentary, is given to her through
her lawyer, and she is allowed an interval to
prepare for defence. At the trial, the lawyers
for the defence have the same opportunities
as are given to the accused in an ordinary
case in peace time. In the last case that
occurred in the United Kingdom, before the
Cavell case in Brussels, a \\oman of German
birth was charged with espionage. She had
been acting in association with a luale spy,
and was- detected travelling to various points
in order to collect information about our na^aL
defences. She was tried before three civil
judges of the High Court^and a jury, and was
convicted, in the words of Sir John Simon,
then Home Secrctarj'. " of deliberate and

BARON VON DER LANKEN AND
DR. VON SANDT.

The Baron (on left) was the head ol the political
department of the Governor-General of Belgium,
through whose action a reprieve tor Miss Cavell
was refused. Dr. von Sandt was the German
Chief Civil Administrator of Belgium.

GENERAL BARON VON BISSING.

The German Governor of the occupied portion
of Belgium.

persistent spying for the purpose of providing
the enemy with important information." She
^vas found guilty. For this offence, infinitely
more serious from every point of view than
the charge brought agamst Miss Cavell, she
was sentenced to ten years' imprisonment.
She had the riglit of appealing against tliis
.sentence.

Contrast this method, with its ample pre-
cautions.to ensure justice for the accused, with
the methods employed in the trial of iliss
Cavell. She was kept in solitary confinement
for over nine weeks, without an 0]5jiortunJty
of consulting even her legal advisers. During
this time she was subjected to cross examina-
tion. Statements said to have been made by
her, admitting her guilt, were transmitted by
the German authorities to the lawyers who
subsequently would have to undertake her
defence. Her trial before a court martial was
held in a language she did not understand —
German ; the questions in her cross-examina-
tion being put in Genuan and then translated
into French. It was obviously impossible
to plan any adequate scheme of defence with
the lawyer, whom she saw for the first time
when the trial began, a lawyer who had no
opportunity of studying the documents of
the prosecution. After her sentence, the fact
of the conviction was kept as secret as possible

^84

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR,

COLONEL BARON VON STRAGHNITZ.
Ex-Commandant of Brussels.

and her accusers were evidently so fearful
that even at the eleventh hour a plea of mercy
might prevail, that they had her shot within
nine hours. Had there been any outward
tumult, or had the military trial taken place
on the field of war, this haste might have been
excused. But there was tjo tumult or dis-
turbance, and the trial, so far from taking
place in a military camp, occurred in a city
where the Germans had for months established
and maintained a civil administration.

The fullest account of the trial itself was
given in the report of M. de Leval to Mr.
W'hitlock :

^hss Caveli was prosecuted for having helped English
and French soldier?, as well as Belgian young men, to
cross the frontier and to go over to England. She had
admitted by signing a statement before the day of the
trial, and by public acknowledgment in Court, in the

presence of all the other prisoners and the lawyer?, that
:>ho was guilty of the charges brought against her, and
she had acknowdedged not only tliat she had helped
these soldiers to cross the frontier, but also that some
of them liad thanked her in writing when arriving in.
I'^ngland. This last admission made her case so much
the more serious, becavise if it only had been proved
against her that she had helped the soldiers to traverse
the Dutch fionticr, and no proof was produced that
these soldiers had reached a country at war with Germany,
she could only have been sentenced for an attempt to
commit the "crime" and not for the "ciime" being
duly accomplished. As the case stood the sentence
fixed by the German military law was a sentence of death.
Paragraph .58 of the German MUitary Code says,
" Will be sentenced to death for treason any person
who, with the intention of helping the hostile Power, or
of causing harm to the Gorman or allied troops, is guilty
of one of the crimes of paragraph 90 of the German
Penal Code."

The case referred to in above said paragraph 90
consists in —

"... conducting soldiers to the enemy . . . (viz.,
■' dem Feinde Mannschaften zufiihrt").

The penalties above set forth apply, according to
paragraph 160 of the German Code, in case of war, to
foreigners as v^ell as to Germans.

In her oral statement before the Court Miss Caveli
disclosed almost all the facts of the whole prosecution.
Whe was questioned in German, an interpreter tians-
lating all the questions in French, with which language
Miss Caveli was well acquain^^id. She spoke without
trembling and showed a clear mind. Often she added
some greater precision to her previous depositions.

Whea she was asked why she helped these soldiers to
go to England, she replied that she thought that if she
had not done so they would have been shot by the
Germans, and that therefore she thought sho only did
her duty to her country in saving their lives.

The Military Public Prosecutor said that argument
might be good for English soldiers, but did not apply
to Belgian young men whom she induced to cross the
frontier, and who would have been perfectly free to
remain in the country without danger to their lives.

Mr. Kirschen made a very good plea for Miss Caveli,
using all arguments that could be brought in her favour
before the Court.

The Military Public Prosecutor, however, asked the
Court to pass a death sentence on Miss Caveli and eight
other prisoners among the thirty-five. The Court did
not seem to agree, and the judgment was postponed.

M. I-Cirschen now apparently thought that he
had done all that was required of him. The
trial lasted two days, ending on Friday, Octo-
ber 8. On Saturday M. de Leval, receiving
no report from M. Kirschen, tried to find him,
but failed. Then on Sunday he sent him a note,
asking him to send his report to the Legation,
or to call there on Monday morning at 8.30.
M. Kirschen did not come even then, so M. d^
Leval called at his house, but was informed that
he would not be there mitil the end of the
afternoon. The American Councillor at once
went to another lawyer interested in the case
of a fellow prisoner, and was then told — the
information having apparently been given
out in order to prevent outside attempts to
interfere with the execution of the sentence —
that judgment would be passed only the next

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

43c

morning : that is Tuesday morning. Mr.
Kirschen subsequently declared that he had
not promised to communicate with the Aanerican
Legation after the trial. His action, or rather
his lack of action, drew very severe censure
on hun.

The political dej^artment of the Governor-
General of Belgimu had given the American
Legation positive assurance that it would be
fully informed of developments in the case.
At 6.30 p.m. on Monday night Mr. Conrad,
of the Political Department, had positively
informed the Legation in answer to its other
inquiries that sentence had not been pro-
nounced, and he again renewed his previous
assurances that he would not fail to inform the
American officials as soon as there was any
news. At this time the sentence of death
had already been pronounced.

On Monday evening at eight o'clock M. de
Leval was privately and reUably informed
that the judgment of the court-martial had
been passed at five o'clock that afternoon,
that Miss Cavell had been sentenced to death,
and that she would be shot at two o'clock the
next morning. There were only six hours left
in which to attempt to save her. He hurried
to his chief with the news. Mr. Brand Whitlock
was ill, imable to leave the house. He wrote,
however, a moving letter to Baron von der
Lancken, the Civil Governor, with liis own
hand.

My dear Baron, — I atn too ill to present my request
to you in person, but I appeal to the generosity of your
heart to support it and sa\-e this unfortunate woman
from death. Have pity on her :

Yours sincerely.

Brand Whitlock.

Armed with this, and with a plea for clemency
(requete en grace) addressed to the Governor-
General, Mr. Hugh Gibson, the First Secretary
of the Legation, and M. de Leval, hurried
to the Spanish Minister, to beg his cooperation.
They foiuid him at dinner. He at once joined
them, and they went together to the house of
the Civil Governor to appeal for clemency.
^V^hat followed is best told in the official report
of Mr. Gibson :

Baron von der Lancken and all the members of his
staff were absent for the evening. We sent a messenger
to ask that he return at once to see us in regard to a
matter of utmost urgency. A little after 10 o'clock he
arrived, followed shortly after by Count Ilarrach and
Herr von Faikenhausen, members of his staff. The
circumstances of the case were explained to him and
your note presented, and he read it aloud in our presence.
Ho expressed disbelief in the report that sentence had
actually been passed, and manifested some surprise

that we should give credence to any report not em.inating
from official sources. He was quite insistent on knowing
the exact source of our information, hut this I did not
feel at liberty to communicate to him. Baron von der
Lancken stated that it was quite improbable that
sentence had been pronounced, that even if so, it would
not be executed within so short a time, <ind that in any
event it would be quite impossible to take any action
before morning. It was, of course, pointed out to him
that if the facts were as we believed them to be, action
would bo useless unless taken at once. We urged him
to ascertain the facts immediately, and this, after some
hesitancy, he agreed to do. He telephoned to the
presiding judge of the court-martial and returned in a
short time to say that the facts were as we had repre-
sented them, and that it was intended to carry out tlie
sentence before morning. We then presented, as
earnestly as possible, your plea for delay. So far as I
am able to judge, we neglected to present no phase of
the matter which might have had any ettect, emphasising
the horror of executing a woman, no matter what her
offence, pointing out that the death sentence had here-
tofore been imposed only for actual eases of espionage
and that Miss Cavell was not even accused by the German
authorities of anything so serious. I further called
attention to the failure to comply with Mr. Conrad's
promise to inform the Legation of the sentence. I
urged that inasmuch as the offences charged against
I\Iiss Cavell were long since accomplished, and that as
=he had been for some weeks in prison, a delay in carry-
ing out the sentence could entail no danger to the German
cause. I even went so far as to point out the fearful
effect of a summary execution of this sort upon public
opinion, both here and abroad, and, although I had no
authority for doing so, called attention to the possibility
that it might bring about reprisals.

The Spanish Minister forcibly supported all our
representations and made an earnest plea for clemency.

Baron von der Lancken stated that the Military
Governor was the supreme authority (" Gerichtsherr ")

REV. H. STERLING GAHAN.

The British Chaplain at Brussels, who visited

Miss Cavell at the prison of St. Gilles on October

11, 1915, the day before she was executed by the

Germans.

43G

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

MR. AND MRS. CAVELL.
The mother and father of the late Miss Cavel

in matters of this sort ; that appeal from his decision
could be carried only to the Emperor, the Governor-
Oeneral having no authority to intervene in sucli cases.
He added that under the provisions of German martial
law the Military Governor had discretionary power to
accept or to refuse acceptance of an appeal for clemency.
After some discussion he a;;,'reed to call the Military
Governor on to the telephone and learn whether he had
already ratified the sentence, and whether there was
any chance for clemency. He returned in ahont half
an hour, and stated that he had been to confer person-
ally with the Military Governor, who said that he had
acted in the case of Miss Cavell only after mature de-
liberation ; that the circumstances in her ease were of
such a character that he considered the infliction of the
death penalty imperative ; and that in view of the
circumstances of this case he must decline to accept
your plea for clemency or any representation in regard
to the matter.

Baron von der Lancken then asked me to take back
the note which I had presented to him. To this I de-
murred, pointing out that it was not a " requete en
prace," but merely a note to him transmitting a com-
munication to the Governor, which was itself to be
considered as the " requete en grace." I pointed out
that this was expressly' stated in your note to him, and
tried to prevail upon him to keep it ; he was very
insistent, however, and I finally reached the conclusion
that inasmuch as he had read it aloud to us, and we
knew that he was aware of its contents, there was nothin;^
to be gained by refusin;^' to accept the note, and accord-
ini^'ly took it back.

tiven after Barou \on der Lanckeii's very positive
nnd definite statement that there was no hope, and that
imder the circumstances *'even the Emperor himself
could not intervene," we continued to appeal to every
sentiment to secure tlelay, and the Spanish ^Minister
even led Baron von der Lancken aside in order to say
very forcibly a number of things which he would have
felt hesitancy in saying in the presence of the yoini^er
officers and of Mr. de Laval, a Belgian subject.

His Excellency talked very earnestly with Baron \on
der Lancken for about a quarter of an hour. During
this time Mr. de Leval and I presented to the younger
Q fiicers every argument we could think of. I reminded
them of our untiring efforts on behalf of German subjects
Lit the outbreak of war and during the siege of Antwerp.
1 pointed out that, while our services had been rendered
gladly and without any thought of future favours, they
should certainly entitle you to some consideration for
the only request of this sort you had made since the

beginning of the war. Unfortunately, our efforts were
unavailing. We persevered until it was only too clear
that there was no hope of securing any consideration for
the case.

''Our failure has been felt by us as a very
severe blow," Mr. VVhitlock wrote later. None
could have done more than he and his assistants
did.

How was Miss Cavell standing the- strain ?
Fortunately there is full evidence of her bearing
at this time. M. de Leval, who showed through-
out tlie greatest energy and devotion in working
for Miss Cavell, had made application on the
Sunday evening that he and the British chaj)-
lain, the Rev. H. Sterling Gahan, might be
permitted to see Miss 'Cavell in gaol. This
was at first refused, bvit on Monday even-
ing, after the sentence of death had been
passed, Mr. Gahan was allowed to visit
her. Mr. Gahan subsequently wrote a
simple and moving statement of wlint took
place :

To my astonishment and relief I found ray friend
perfectly calm and resigned. But this could not lessen
the tenderness and intensity of feeling on either part
during that last interview of almost an hour.

Her first words to me were upon a matter concerning
herself personally, but the solemn asseveration which
accompanied them was made expressly in the light of
God and eternity. She then added that she wished all
her friends to know that she willingly gave her life for
her country, and said : " I have no fear nor shrinking ;
I have seen death so often that it is not strange or fearful
to me." She further said : " I thank God for this ten
weeks' quiet before the end." " Life has always been
hurried and full of difficulty." " This time of rest has
been a great mercy." " They have all been very kind
to me here. But this I would say, standing as I do in
view of God and eternity, I realise that patriotism is not
enough. I must have no hatred or bitterness towards
anyone."

We partook of the Holy Communion together, and she
received the Gospel message of consolation with all her

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

437

heart. At tlie close of the little service I began to repeat
the words " Abido with me," and she joined softly in
the end.

We sat quietly talking until it was time for me to go.
She gave me parting mosyages for relations and friends,
yhe spoke of her soul's needs at the moment and she
received the assurance of God's Word as only the Chris-
tian can do.

Then I said " Good-bye," and she smiled and said.
*' We shall meet acain."

The German military chaplain was with her at the end
and afterwards gave her Christian burial.

He told me : " She was brave and bright to the
last. She professed her Christian faith and that she
was glad to die for her country." " She died like a
heroine.'*

Few details were allowed to bo known of
the final scene. It was reported at the time
that Miss Cavell fainted on the way to her
death and was shot by the officer in command
of the party while lying unconscious, but it
seems to be certain that the execution was
carried out in the usual military manner.
The place of burial was kept secret, and
the people of Brussels tried in vain to
learn it, that they might, in some way or
other, show their appreciation of Miss
Cavell's groat courage. The opportunity was
denied them.

The story of the execution aroused the
world — except Germany! Various Germans
in official positions expressed the greatest
surprise that people should tnake so much
to-do about the death of one woman. This
was the view of Baron von Bissing, the Military
Governor of Brussels. Shortly after the execu-
tion of Miss Cavell Mr. Karl Kitchin, a staff
correspondent of the New York World, visited
Brussels to learn the German defence in this
case. He was received with open arms and
given every facility. He saw all most closely
concerned in it, from Baron von Bissing to
Mr. Gahan. Baron von Bissing openly ex-
pressed his astonishment that an American
thought it worth while paying a visit to
Brussels over such an affair. " I cannot under-
stand why the world is interested in the case,"
he said, " when thousands of innocent people
have died in the war, why should anyone
become hysterical over the death of one guilty
woman ? " In the course of conversation he
clearly revealed that the German authorities
had hurried on the executio'n not merely
because iliss Cavell had helped fugitives
to escape, but because they wanted to make
her an example to awe the Belgians. He
said :

A few years in prison is not sufHcient punishment for
an offence of this kind. For punishment in a case of

this nature is meted out to deter others from com-
mitting the same offence. If the Cavell woman had
been sent to prison she would have been released in two
or three years — at the end of the war. Amnesty ia
usually granted to all prisoners convicted of offences
of this nature, espionage, and so forth, when peace is
made.

We have only recently uncovered a big spy system
here in Belgium. Important military matters have
been communicated to the enemy for some time. I
will not go into details, but I will say that this Cavell
woman was aware of their activities — had guilty know-
ledge of much of their work. Such a system of
spying assails our very safety and we proceeded to stamp'
it out.

The Cavell woman was not charged with espionage..
The charge of aiding the enemy's soldiers to escape
which was made against her was sufficiently serious.
Her death was deplorable — but I do not see why it
should occasion such hysteria in America.

" I cannot understand why so much has
been made of this unfortunate affair in your
country," remarked the representative of the
official Press Bureau to the visitor. Baron

THE VICARAGE AT SWARDESTON,

NEAR NORWICH,

where Miss Cavell was born.

von der Lancken, the Civil Governor, declared
that as the execution was purely a military
affair, he did not interfere. It would have
been a breach of etiquette if he had done so.
Baron von Bissing himself, it was declared,
could not have pardoned Miss Cavell after her
conviction by a court martial without exceediitg
his military ftmction. The only appeal was to
the Kaiser, who had no cognizance of the affair
until after the execution. The man respons-
ible for that execution was Major-General
von Haesler, Military Commander of the dis-
trict. In short it was a trivial affair. On»
woman more or less — what difference did it
make ?

But this was not the view that the world
took. " Sir Edward Grey is confident that
the news of the execution of this noble English-

438

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

yu^ C-a--*^- ^e-V^-*^ //i--»^X-u- /-Z-L-^ ^Z.<-W2U^ -
^^-Zt ^c^T^ /^^ "^Ltf— ^ '^^ ^ -1^*.-_-e /<3

t^ / //^X ^^r-€,~^, ^L^u.^ OTU /tu£^^

oc^O

.^^20?"^

FACSIMILE OF LETTER SENT BY MISS GAVELL TO HER COUSIN
IN ENGLAND, MARCH, 191S.

■n'oman ^vill be roeei\Td with horror and disgust
not only by the Alhed States, bnt throughout
the civilized world," wrote our Foreign Minister
to the United States Ambassador in London,
when the account of the execution was forwarded
to him. "Miss Cavell was not even charged
\A-ith espionage, and the fact that she had nursed
numbers of wounded German soldiers might
have been regarded as a reason in itself for
treating her with leniency. The attitude
of the German authorities is, if possible.

rendered worse by the discreditable efforts
successfully made by the officials of the
German civil administration at Brussels to
conceal the fact that sentence had been
passed and would be carried out immedi-
ately."

The tale of Miss Cavell's death came like
a trumpet call to the British nation. It
showed once again the real character of the
enemy this country was fighting. '.To the
soldiers in Flanders it ga\'e a fresh battle-cry,

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAIL

489

and to civilians at home it served to re-empha-
size the need of greater effort and greater
sacrifice.

The King and Quoen and Queen Alexandra
wrote to Miss Cavell's mother expressing their
sympathy and their horror at the appalling
deed. ' ' Men and women throughout the
ciyilized world, while sympathizing with you,
are moved with admiration and awe at (your
daughter's) faith and courage in death," wrote
Lord Stamfordham, for the King and Queen.
Queen Alexandra sent tliis message : " The
women of England are bearing the greatest
burden of this terrible war, but by all the name
of Miss Cavell will be held in the highest
honour and respect. We shall always re-
member that she never once failed England
in her hour of need."

A memorial service was held at St. Paul's
Cathedral, and long before the hour of com-
mencement the church itself was full, and a
great, silent, orderly crowd thronged in St.
Paul's Churchyard without. Every class
was there, from Queen Alexandra to six
hundred nurses, from soldiers in khaki to
tho representatives of the City Corporation.
The beating drums and the band of the 1st
Life Guards, rolling and crashing as the " Dead
March in Saul " was played at the end, closed
an almost overwhelmingly impressive display
of national grief. Various memorials were
planned and carried out, but perhaps the
greatest proof of how the execution had touched
the heart of our nation was the quickening of
recruiting, the increase in individual service
and the evidence on all sides that this example
by one woman of duty well done had helped
all England to realize its obligations still more
fully.

The French people showed how deeply they
had been touched. The Minister of Public
Instruction gave orders that the teachers of
the Paris schools should relate the story of the
martyrdom of the heroic victim and comment
on it. "The great and sublime Egiure of
Edith Cavell stands forth among the black
horrors of this war as a living image of out-
raged hiunanity," he declared. The nation
found a niche for Miss Cavell in the gallery
of great women who have helped France,
the women who, from Jean d'Arc to Madame
Roland, have given their life for la pairie.
MunicipaUties named streets after her, and
artists chose her final sacrifice for thek theme
on canvas and in stone.

Mr. Frederick Palmer, the well-known war
correspondent, returning to America in Novem-
ber, 191. 5, told his coimtrymen that when he
left the trenches at the front the British soldiers,
before a charge, would shout all along the line,
"For Mi.ss Cavell"! "Miss Cavell's execu-
tion did more for recruiting than all the Zeppelin
raids," ho said. " I happened to be with the
French when the news of her death was received.
Its effect on the troops was instant, electric.
The woman's sacrifice had a Joan of Arc
character that struck home to the French
heart. Officers spoke of it as an event that
had done more to cement the alliance of France
and England to fight to the last man than all
the speeches of statesmen and conferences of
generals. Miss Cavell's picture, taken from
the newspapers, is pinned on cottage walls aU
over France. Deep as the impression was
on the civil population of both England and
France, it was slight beside that made on the
soldiers."

From Allies and from neutrals alike camo
messages of sympathy and of indignation. '
Nowhere, perhaps, was the emotion deeper
than in the United States. The American
people were aroused in many ways. Their
national dignity was offended, because their
representatives had been slighted when at-
tempting to save the . Englishwoman. But
this resentment counted for little as compared
with the genuine wrath at an act of barbarous
inhumanity to a woman. Even German-
Americans, who had stoutly defended the doings
of their armies in the early days of the invasion
of Belgium, now could do little save make
excuses and express regrets.

It would be difficult to extract from the
multitude of American newspaper denuncia-
tions of the crime isolated passages that would
give any adequate idea of the deptlis and
intensity of the feeling. Happily the American
view was summed up in a statement by Mr.
James M. Beck, formerly Assistant Attorney-
General of the United States, and one of the
leaders of the New York Bar. Three brief
extracts will show its tcnour :

Those who have regarded the Supremo Court of
Civilization — meaning thereby the moral sentiment
of tho world — as a mere rhetorical phrase or an idle
illusion should take note how swiftly that court — sitting
now as one of criminal assize — has pronounced sentence
upon the murderers of Edith Cavell. The swift vengeance
of the world's opinion has called to the bar General Baron
von Bissing, and in executing him with the lightning of
universal execration has for ever degrtided him.

The laboured apology of Dr. Zimmermann, and the

44U

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

.swift action of the Kaiser in pardoning (lio.se who were
coiideinned with Miss CaveU, indicate tliat the Prussian
jliticials have heard the beating of the wings of tlioso
avenging angels of liistory who, like tlie Eumenides of
classic mythology, are the avengers of the innoccnr.
and tlie oppressed.

" O/Tfilness,^^ wrote /Eschylus, " is no ih'fi'ncp from >i.f/rr
desinicfion when a man insolcnthj spurns tin- /ni'/hlij allur nj
jn.-'i'rr:'

This is as true to-day as when it was written, more than
two thousand years ago. It is but a classic echo of the
old Hebraic moral axiom that " the Lord Clod of recoui-
penscs shall surely requite."

You, women of America. Will you not honour the
memory of this martyr of your sex, who for all time \\ ill
be mourned as was the noblest Greek maiden, Antigone,
who also gave her lite that lier brother might have the
rites of sepulture ? Will you not carry out in her name,
and for her memory, those sacred niinistration.s of mercy
which were her lifework 'i

Make Iter cause—the cause of mtrcy — (/our own !

BARBED WIRE ERECTED BY THE GERMANS ALONG THE

DUTCH-BELGIAN FRONTIER.

In the wire compound is the body of a man who was killed by the frontier guard whilst

trying to escape from Belgium.

Inset : Two of the Guards.

INDEX TO VOLUME VI.

Ablain St. Nazaire : country
around. 215 ; French cap-
ture, 22(i ; Germans evacu-
ate, 223, 225
Acantha, Grimsby trawler, sunk
by German submarine ; cal-
lousness of German crew, 247
Aircraft ; —

Aeroplane, military work of

the, 323
British : aviators bomb Hobo-
ken and Zeebrugge, 202.
203 ; work at Battle of
Loos, 306, 307, 369
French ; aviators drop bomb.s
on Bruges, 203 ; on Colmar
barracks, 27 ; on Duke of
Wiiirtem berg's headquarters
203 ; on Freiburg, 30 ; on
Mannheim and Mijlheim,
203 ; on Mezieres-Charle-
ville, 203 ; on sheds at
Habshcim, 27 ; on Strass-
burg railway station, 203 ;
duel with German aviators,
203 ; railway stations at
Neuenburg and Miilheim
wrecked, 202
German ; aeroplane brought
down at Reims, 202 ; air-
.ship catches fire at Aeltre,
203 ; aviators drop bombs
on Nancy, 203 ; on Paris,
203 ; on Reims cathedral,
39 ; Taube attacks St. Die,
203
Work of Allies on the Cham-
pagne front, 331
Albion, H.M.S., in Dardanelles
operations, 86 ; aground at
Anzac, 113
Aliens, internment of, 246
Allen, Hon. James, Minister of
Defence in New Zealand,
127, 156 ; on compulsory
service, 155
Alsace, French advance in, 23S-

240
Antiseptics, use of, 56
Anzac, Battles of, 82 ; First
Battle of, 107-110 ; Second
Battle of, 111-113 ; Turkish
losses in, 113
Anzac, The Spirit of, 121-100 ;
trench fighting, 137 ; Turk-
ish assault on the lines,
135; Turkish bravery at, 142
" Anzacs " : at Anzac, 82 ;
description of position, 80 ;
at Krithia battles, 106, 107 ;
at Quinn's Post, 110 ; men-
tioned in dispatches, 84
Argonne : engagements in the,
16-19, 31, 230, 233 ;
General Sarrail strengthen.s
French positions in, 7 ;
German positions in, 18
Army, medical work, 41-80
Army Service Corps, feats in

Gallijioli operations, 134
Arras, fighting in the region of,

39, 40
Arras LaBassee, General .Joffres
reasons for offensive at, 211

Vol. VI— Part 78.

Arras-Lens road, German fortiti-
cations on the, 215

Artois, Battle of, 211, 226, 227 ;
offensive in (Sept. 1915),
373

Ashmead-Bartlctt, Mr. : on
Gully Ravine battle, 120;
on sinking of H..M.S.
Majestic, 115

Asquith, Et. Hon. H. H. : asks
House of Commons for
increase of the Army, 284 ;
on compulsory service, 290 ;
on numbers of Army and
Navy, 304 ; pledge to mar-
ried recruits, 312 ; pro-
])nsea recruiting campaign,
291 ; renews pledge to mar-
ried recruits, 316 ; visits the
Front, 208

Auchy, advance of British 1st
Corps on, 376

Australasia : Anti-German feel-
ings in, 123, 124 ; Federal
and State Parliament
measures against enemies,
124 ; Germans, internment
of, 124 ; Internment Camps,
conditions in, 124 ; muni-
tions, lack of, 159 ; political
leaders, 126 ; recruiting in,
127, l54 ; Universal Service
League formed, 155 ; War
legislation in, 125

Australasian Army : equipment
of, 154 ; losses, 155 ; Officers,
efficiency of, 142 ; strength,
155 ; (see also " Anzacs ")

Australasians, landing on tie
Gallipoli Peninsula, 132

Australia : Finance, loans and
taxation, 157-159 ; indus-
try, state of, 125 ; military
administration in, 128 ;
munitions and war work in,
152, 154 ; Red Cross organi-
zation, 150 ; relations with
the British Government,
151 ; trade, dislocation of,
157 ; war preparations of,
121

Australia, H.M.A.S., in Admiral
Beatty's squadron, 121

" Austraba Dav " Fund contri-
bution, 122

Australian Army : 1st Division
organized, 129 ; growth of,
128 ; in Egypt, 130

Australian Army Medical Corps,

work of, 149, 150
Austral, .m Navy, work of, 121

Bacon, Vice-,\dmiral, bombards
Belgian coast, 362

Bacteriology in the Field, 42

Bagatelle, French attacked at,
233

Bailloud, General, succeeds
(Jeneral Gouraud in Gal-
lipoli, 119

Bavaria, Crown Prince of,
counter attack at Loos. 390

Bazanoourt-Grand Pre Railway,

French offensive. 16
Bean, Capt. C. E. W., on the
discipline of the Dominion
troops, 137 ; on the Anzac
fighting, 138
Beausejour : French gain at,

337 ; Germans attack, 231
Belgian coast, British ships

bombard, 362
Bellewaardo Farm, attack on,

363, 364
Berchem, M. Victor van, ap-
pointed to insiiect prison
camps, 275
Berry-au-Bac, Germans bom-
bard, 14
Bethune-La Bassce road, fight-
ing on the, 40
Bexhill Redoubt captured, 207
" Bilharzio.sis," 71-75, 77
Birdwood, Lieut. -General : at
second battle of Anzac, 113 ;
in command at Anzac, 110 ;
made commander of Isl
Dominion Army, 130 ;
slightly wounded, 110
Bissing, Baron von, on Miss

Cavell, 437
Bois le Pretre, French successes

at, 22, 23
Boomerang Fort taken, 120
Boyle, Lieut. - Commander

Edward C., in command in
the Sea of Marmora of
Submarine fil4 ; awarded
the V.C., 96
Braithwaite, General, negotia-
tions with the Turks, 113
Bricot Hollow, German de-
fences, 334
Bridges. Maj. -General Sir Wil-
liam Throsby, in command
of Australian Division, 96,
130 ; killed, 129 ; post-
humously knighted, 131
British Army : enlistment, age
limit, 281 ; pay, 281 ; Royal
Dublin Fusiliers mentioned
in dispatches for gallantry
in CTallipoli operations, 86 ;
strength at outbreak of war,
281-283 ; Territorial Force,
282 ; The Derby Recruiting
Scheme, 281-320 ; The New
Armies, composition of first,
295 ; separation allowances
discussed in the House of
Commons, 294 ; new scale,
290
British Front, arrival of re-
inforcements in September,
1915, 361
British Navj', warships bombard

Belgian coast, 204
Brooks, Lce.-Sergt. Oliver,

awarded the V.C, 412
Browning, Dr., typhoid investi-
gations, 64
Brunton, Sir Lauder, 61
Buchan, Mr. .John : article in
The Timea quoted, 327 ;
description of battlefield of
Loos, 406, 407
Burton, Corporal, awarded the
V.C, 140

441

442

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

Canadians iu the La Bass^e
region fighting, 207

Catiopus, H.Jl.S.. goes to rescue
of H.M.S. Albion at Anzae,
113

Cape Tekke, corner captured
near, S3

Capper, Major - General Sir
Thorapsou, biograjjliieal,
409 ; in command of 7th
Division at Loos, 384 ;
killed, 392

Carency : fighting in the dis-
trict of, 9 ; fortifications
of, 215 ; French bombard
and capture, 21ti-222

Carmiehael, Hon. Campbell,
forms battalion of sharp-
shooters in New South
Wales, 12(i

Carnoy, German attack fails
at, 9

Carrel, Dr., success of antiseptic
used by. 56

Carson, Sir Edward, on shortage
of men, 305

Casement, Sir Roger, attempt
to form Irish Brigade in
Germany, 245

Castellani, Professor, in Serbia
dealing with paratyphoid,
65

Castelnau, General de : in com-
mand of French armies on
Champagne front, 322 ;
pierces the German line
east of Foret do I'Aigle, 228

Cavan, Lord, in command of
Guards Division at Loos,
376

Cavell, Miss Edith : bio-
graphical, 429 ; arrest of,
430 ; American interest
and comments on the case,
437, 439, 440 ; execution
of, 429-440, effect of in
France, 439 ; memorial ser-
vice held at St. Paul's
Cathedral, 439 ; messages
from King George, Queen
Mary, and Queen Alex-
andra to Mrs. Cavell, 439 ;
trial of, 433, account by
M. Leval, 434 ; work in
Brussels during the war,
429

Champagne : aerial activity in,
323 ; attack on the
" Pocket," 334-336 ; details
of German defences, 334 ; en-
gagements in, 16 ; German
Army, strength in, 34 ;
objects of the bombard-
ment, 329 ; summary of
operations on first day
(September, 1915), 339 ; the
French offensive of Sep-
tember, 1915, 321-360

Champagne Front : German
defences, details of, 328 ;
zones of attack (September,
1915) described, 325, 328

Champagne offensive ; German
accounts, 350 ; German
confusion in bringing u)>
reinforcements, 3.54, 355 ;
German losses, 356 ; M.
Albert Thomas on the
lessons of, 349 ; official re-
view of the, 345-347 ; shell
expenditure in, 349 ; The

Times Correspondent's tele-
gram on the retreat quoted,
356 ; Tsar, King George
and French President, tele-
grams on French victory,
347

ChauA'oncourt. Germans blow
up barracks at, 22

Cholera and anti-cholera vac-
cines, 66

Colmar, barracks bombed by
French airmen, 27

Compulsory service ; Cabinet
meetings on, 317 ; Govern-
ment's decision for, 317 :
Lord Haldane on, 299 ;
Mr. Asquith on, 290 ; Mr.
Lloyd George on, 301

Cox, Major-General H. B., in
command of 29th Indian
Infantry Brigade at Beach
Y, 109

Crewe. Lord, President of
Cabinet Committee on mili-
tary requirements in men,
304

Cuinchy - Hulluch - Grenay
salient : British attack,
414 ; 403 ; fighting at 406

Dakin, Dr., success of antiseptic

used by, 56
d'Amadc, General : in command
of the Frencli troops in the
Dardanelles, 107 ; sur-
renders command in the
Dardanelles, 110
Dardanelles Campaign, III, 81-
120 ; Beach V opera-
tions, 85, 86 ; British losses
to May 5, 1915, 99, to
May 31, 1915, 115; dis-
positions on April 27, 1915,
89 ; F'reneh capture Haricot
Redoubt, 119; French Ex-
peditionary Force landed
at Beach V., 88 ; storming
of Hill, 141, 86 ; Turkish
armistice granted, 113
" Dead Man's Ridge," fighting

at, 132

Delorme, Dr., Inspector-General

French Army Medical Corps,

" War Surgery " Cjuoted, 46

Depage, Dr., work in Brussels,

429
Derby, Lord : biographical, 306 ;
appointed Director of Re-
cruiting, 306 ; final report,
318-32U ; letter to The
Times Recruiting Supjtle-
mcnt quoted, 307, 308 :
letter to " unstarred " men
quoted, 309 ; on increase of
separation allowances, 294 ;
on recruiting, 300 ; pledge
to married recruits, 313
Derby Recruiting Scheme, 281-
320 ; armlets for the at-
tested, 314-316; canvass,
307, 310 ; extension of date,
314 ; canvassers, official
directions, 310 ; details of,
306-318 ; final report, 318-
320 ; Gov(;rnment decides
for compulsion, 317 ;
Groups, table, 308 ; mar-
ried men, position of the.
312, 313 ; results of, 316 ;
second to fifth groups called
up, 316.

Destouches, Rene, French Cor-
poral, interview with Crown
Prince of Germany quoted,
233.
Ditfurth, General von, p.rmy
order quoted, 353, 355

Dismude, Germans repulsed by
French Marines at, 203

d'Oissel, General Hely : attacks
the Duke of AViirtemberg's
communications, 303 ; suc-
ceeds General Putz, 213

Dominions : Imperial eonfer-
ence, rejection of plan, 160 ;
Ministers visit London, 100

Doughty- Wylie, Lieut. -Colonel,
death, 87; the. V.C. post-
humously conferred, 88

Douglas, Major-General W., in
command of 42nd Division
in Dardanelles, 119

Douglas-Hamilton, Lieut. -Col-
onel A. r., awarded the V.C.
393 ; death, 393.

Dubail, General, biographical,
7, 213, 362 ; in Alsace, 238

Dunkirk, shelled by the Ger-
mans, 204

Dunsire, Pte. Robert, awarded
the V.C, 392, 393.

Dunstan, Corporal, awarded the
V.C, 149

d'Urbal, General : at Loos, 411 ;
succeeds General de

Maud'huy, 213 ; takesithe
offensive between Serre and
Hebuterne, 227

Dysentery in the War, 67

Egypt : Bilharziosis in, 71-77 ;
water supply in, 74

Ehrlicb, Professor, 54

Enver Pasha : attack on Anzac,
120 ; in command of the
Turks on Gallipoli Penin-
sula, 134

Epine de Vedegrange sector,
fighting in, 332 ; French
capture trench, 342

Fanshawe, General, in command
of British Cavalry Corps,
375

Fecht Valley, fighting in, 27

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Andrew, 127 ;
ai^pointcd High Commis-
sioner for Australia in
London, 160 ; on relations
with British Government,
151 ; on taxation, 158 ; on
war loan, 159 ; war expen-
diture, 157

FlammenwerfeTy new German
weapon used on the Western
Front, 209

Fleck, General von, issues order
to troops, 353

Fleming-Sandes, Second Lieut.
Alfred, awarded the V.C,
404

Foch, General, 213

France : industrial mobiliza-
tion in, 349 ; M. Albert
Thomas, work on munitions
manufacture, 349 ; muni-
tions, manufacture in, 349,
mobilization of civilian

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

443

population for production
of, 212 ; strength of, official
report quoted. 25, 26

French, General Sir John : at
Battle of Loos, 385 ; de-
fensive strategy, summer
of 1915, 205 ; on the inac-
tivity on the British front,
sumruci of 1915, 209 ; on
the work of railways, 185;
orders Sir Herbert Plumer
to retire to new position at
Ypres, 211

French Army : Artillery, new
heavy guns, 4 ; commands,
distribution of, 213 ; muni-
tions and guns at end of
1914, 4 ; strength at end
of 1914, 3

French Front, Allied advance
in September, 1915, decided
upon, 323

Frost bite, treatment of, 78

Gaba Tepo, Anzacs at, 107
Gahan, Rev. H. Sterling, state-
ment of interview with Mi;:s
Cavell, 436
Gallieni, General, succeeds M.
Millerand as Secretary of
War, 30
Gallipoli Peninsula : Austra-
lasians fighting on the, 132-
139 ; operations on Beach
Y, 109 ; re-organization of
Allied troops, 103
Gangrene, 46 ; prevention of, 56
Garibaldi, Constantin, killed, 19
Gas and smoke used by the

British at Loo.s, 378, 379
Lrases, poisonous ; Chlorine used

by tlie Germans, 78-80

George V., King : letter to the

Nation on the Derby Scheme

quoted, 311 ; telegram to

M. Poincare on French

victory in Champagne, 347

Gerard, Mr., re])ort on tTCrman

camps quoted, 251, 252, 261

German positions from La Bass6e

to Vimy, 370
Germany : Civilian camps, 246 ;
American reports on, 266,
267 ; prisoners' cam])s, con-
ditions in, 245, 25S-2H4;
U.S.A. officials' visit, 251,
Y.M.C.A. work in, 279
Germany, Crown Prince of, in

the Argonne, 233
Gibson, Mr. Hugh, report on the

Cavell case, 435, 436
Givcnchy, French progress at,

407
Godley, Major-General Sir A. ;
in command of mixed Aus-
tralian and New Zealand
Division, 130 ; in command
of portion of Anzac Front,
120
Goliath, H.M.S., torpedoed o2

Morto Bay, 108, 109
Gough, Lieut.-General Hubert :
at Hohcnzollern Redoubt,
385 ; in command of British
l.st Corps, 376
Gouraud, General : in command
of French troops in the
Dardanelles, 110 ; at third
Battle of Krithia 118;
wounded, 119

Great Britain : prisoners' camps,
conditions, 271-273; 275,
276 ; Railways : see under
'* Railways."

Grenfell, Captain Francis, V.C.,
killed, 208

Grey, Sir Edward : on Miss
Cavell, 437, 438 ; on treat-
ment of officer prisoners,
263

Guepratte, Rear - Admiral,
second in command of
French Fleet in the Dar-
danelles, 119

Gully Ravine, Battle of, 82, 119,
120

Gurkha Bluff, capture of, 109

Haohe Wood : British advance
to the, 389 ; French cap-
ture, 393

Hadley, Henry, murder, 267

Haeseler, Marshal von, in the
Argonne, 233

Haesler, ilajor-General von, re-
sponsibility for the execu-
tion of Miss Cavell, 437

Haig, General Sir Douglas : at
Hohenzollern Redoubt, 414,
417 ; at storming of Aubers
Ridge, 213 ; feint on Fes-
tubert and Givenchy, 306 ;
in command of British
First Army at Loos, 371

Haldane, Lord, on compulsory
service, 290

Hallowes, Second-Lieut. R. P.,
awarded the V.C, 364

Hamilton, General Sir Ian : dis-
patches quoted, 83, 93, 98,
120 ; letter of farewell to
General D'Amade, 110 ; on
Battles of Krithia, 99, 107,
115 ; on i\laj or- General Sir
W. T. Bridges, 110, 130 ;
on the Anzacs, 84 ; orders
advance on Krithia, 90 ;
orders general advance in
second battle of Krithia,
105

Haricot Redoubt, captured by
the French, 117, 119

Hartmannsweilcrkoijf : fighting
at, 239 ; French capture
German trenches at. 27 ;
taken by the French, 25

Harvey, Pte. Samuel, awarded
the V.C, 404

Hebuterne, fighting at, 228

Henderson, Mr. Arthur, attitude
towards compulsory ser-
vice, 317

Hill 70 : British capture, 390 ;
fighting on, 389, 391 ; Ger-
mans regain, 390

Hill 132, fighting on, 10-12

Hill 627 (Ban-de-Sapt), French
attack on, 238

Hindenburg, General von, use
of railways in transferring
troops in the Russian
theatre, 172
Hohenzollern Redoubt : British
attack, 414 ; British cap-
ture Pit 8 at, 384 ; British
heroism at, 421, 422, 423 ;
fighting at, 383, 394, 395 ;
Germans regain greater part
of, 390, 411 ; storming of,
417. 419-423

Holman, Mr. W. A., Premier of
New South Wales, on peace
conditions, 156

Homberg, Mr. Attorney-General,
South Australia, resigns, 124

Hooge : fighting at, 405 ;
German attack on, 208 ;
German redoubt mined
near, 209

Howse, Colonel, V.C, 131

Hughes, General, 154

Hughes, Mr. William Morris,
appointed Prime Minister
of Australia, 160 ; intro-
duces anti-German legis-
lation in Australia, 124

Hulluch : British renew attacks
on, 391 ; British capture
quarries at, 392 ; descrip-
tion of, 372 ; description
of, after the battle, 386 ;
fighting in, 385

Hunter- Weston, General : in
Beach V. operations, 86 ;
in first battle of Krithia,
98 ; in third battle of
Krithia, 115 ; on Royal
Dublin Fusiliers, 86 ; plans
attack of Gully Ravine
battle, 119

Inoculation, 45, 40, 57, 58 ;
effects of, 59, 60 ; in con-
nexion with paratyphoid in
Serbia, (55

International Red Cross Asso-
ciation, appoints Professor
Eduard NaviUe and iM.
Victor van Berchem to
inspect prison camps in
the United Kingdom, 275

Jacka, Corporal, awarded the
V.C, 148

Jackson, Mr. J. B. : on German
prison camps. 245 ; visits
and reports on yjrison carapa
in England, 272, 273, 275

JofFre, General : Army order
before the Champagne offen-
sive, September, 1915, 331 ;
in Carency, 222 ; plans on
the Western Front, Sep-
tember, 1915, 327 ; strategy
of campaign of 1914-15, 5

Johnson, Second Lieut. F. H.,
awarded the V.C, 387

Johnston, Brig. -General F. E.,
in command of New Zea-
landers at Krithia, 106

Keroves Dere : French attack
on, 90-93 ; French capture
positions at, 119

Kiliani, Hcrr, toura German
settlements in Australasia,
123

Kirschen, Mr., in charge of .Miss
Cavell's defence, 432

Kitchenir, Earl : appeals to
employers to help recruiting,
293 ; appointed Secretary
of State for A\'ar, 2S4 ; asks
for 300,000 more men, 301 ;

444

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

asks House of Commons for
increase in Army, 294 ; on
Biiliarziosis in Egypt, 71 ;
on National Register, 302 ;
on recruiting, 29S ; on
numbers, 304, 305 ; speech
quoted, 289 ; The Times
comments on, 289 ; on tire
response to his apj^cal for
recruits, 289 ; on worl^ of
the railways. 184 ; pays a
visit to the Front, 209

** Kitchener's Army," creation
of, 284-289

Kluck, General von, at Hill 132,
12 ; success at Soissons,
10-12 -

Krithia : Battles of, 81, 82 ;
British advance on, 90-94 ;
British captures in third
battle, 119; eye-witness's
story of Anzacs at, 107 ;
first battle, 98-99; New
Zealanders advance on, lOo ;
second battle, 99-107 ; third
battle, 115-119

La Basiee : description of the
lighting. May, 1915, 20U ;
German attack near, 40

Labour, recruiting campaign,
306

Labour Recruiting Committee
issues appeal, 306

*' Labyrinth," The : descrip-
tion of, 8, 215 ; fighting in,
40. 226, 227

La I'ille IMorte : Germans
bombard, 34G ; Germans
capture, 233

La Grurie Wood, fighting in, 31

Laidlaw, Piper Daniel, awarded
the V.C, 380

Lancken, Baron von der. Civil
(Governor of Belgium, 431,
435

Landouzy, Professor, on anti-
septics, 56

Langle de Cary, General : attack
on General von Einem in
Perthes, 33 ; commander of
the Argonne defence, 230 ;
in command of centre
armies in Chamiiagne, 327 ;
offensive against the Bazan-
court-Grand Pre Railway, 16

Lansdowne, Lord, appointed
Chairman of Committee to
advise the Government on
the National Register, 304

La Targette : description of, 215 ;
French capture, 218

Le Bridoux, British take fort at,
364

Legge, Brig. -General J. G.,
organizes and commands
Australian 2nd Division,
131

Leiper, Lieut. -Colonel, work con-
nected with bilharzioais, 71-
74, 77

Leishman, Sir Wm., 58 ; in-
oculation work in India, 60

Le Rutoire taken. 8

Les Eparges : Hghting at, 29,
30 ; French capture, 234
236

Leval, M. de, communication
with Mr. Kirscheu re JVIiss
Cavell, 432

Lievin, destruction of, 416

Lille. Germans fortify, 211

Linuui von .Sanders, General,
plans attack on the Anzac
Zone, 111

Linton, Brig. -General, drowned,
142

Lister treatment on the Field,
48, 49

Lloyd George, Rt. Hon. David :
on compulsory service, 301 ;
policy in respect of the
Derby Report, 317

Lockjaw : see Tetanus

Lone Pine attack, 148, 149

Loos : British capture, 389 ;
British enter, 397 ; descrip-
tion of the town of, 372 ;
fighting round, Sept. 28-
Oot. 13, 1915, 401-427 ;
Guards Division at. ■ 394 ;
position of trendies round,
37a

Loos, Battle of, 361-400 ; Black
Watch, gallantry at, 364 ;
British feints, 375, 376 ;
British heroism at, 364-
367, 369, 386, 387, 392-394,
404, 410, 411, 414 ; British
losses at, 424 ; dcserijttion
of bombardment, 377, 378 ;
gas and smoke used by the
British, 378, 379 ; Mr. John
Buchan's description of,
406, 407 ; position after,
401-404 ; preliminary ijom-
bardment, 377, 382 ; re-
sults of, 400 ; work of
British airmen at, 366, 367,
369

Loos-Hrdluch-Haisnes ridges,
description of, 371

" Lozenge " Redoubt, attack on,
364

Lucas, Sir Charles, Chairman of
Prisoners of War Help
C'ommittee, 279

Lu.silania tragedy, effect in
Australasia, 123

Majestic, H.M.S., sunk by Ger-
man submarines off Cape
Helles, 114

Marchand, General, wounded,
300

Marshall, Major-General W. R.,
in command of 87th Brigade
at Gully Ravine, 120 ; at
Krithia, 107

Massey, Mr. W. F., Premier of
New Zealand, 126, 155

M issigea : bombardment of, 343,
345 ; French capture Hill
191, 345; French colonials
advance on, 338

Mathieson, Dr., killed in Gal-
lipoli, 1.50

Matthews, Lieut.-Coloncl G. E.,
in command on Beach Y, S3

Maudsley, Dr., in Australian
Army Medical Corps, 150

Maunoury, General, appointed
Governor of Paris, 39 ;
repulse at Soissons, 10-13 ;
wounded, 39

MeCay, Brig. -General the Hon.
J. W., in command of 2nd
Australian Infantry Brigade
at Krithia, 106 ; wounded.
144

MeCormack. Sir Alexander,
Australian Arm}' Medical
Corps, 150

McKenna, Rt. Hon. R., opposes
conscription, 317

M'Laurin, Gen., killed in Gal-
lipoli operations, 144

Medical Research Committee,
work of, 78

Medical Work and the Health
of Armies, 41-80 ; Serum,
use of, 45

Meissner Pasha, supervises rail-
way preparations in attack
on Egypt, 181

Mercer, Brig. -General David, in
compiand of Marine Bat-
talion, 96

Mesnil sector, French attack in
the, 336, 343

Metzeral, French cajiturc, 240

Mouse, French destroy German
bridges at St. Mihiel, 23

MiUerand, M. : letter to General
Joffre quoted, 223 ; organi-
zation for production of
munitions, 212

Milner, Lord, letter on recruiting
quoted, 301

Monash, General, in command of
4th Australian Brigade, 147

Moreau, Mile. Emilienne :
awarded Croix de Guerre
for bravery at battle of
Loos, 389 ; work in Loos,
372

Jiloaavefiet-Milieh, Turkish de-
stroyer, torpedoes H.M.S.
Ooliath, 109

Moulton, Lord, President of
.Atedical Research Com-
mittee. 78

Munitions, problems in France,
321

Nasii, Colonel, M.P., on the
Anzac spirit, 139

Nasmith, Lieut. -Commander
Martin E., in command of
Ell, 96 ; awarded the V.C,
96

National Register, the " pink
forms," 302

National Registration Bill, 302

Naville, Professor Eduard, aji-
pointed to inspect prison
camps, 275

NeuviUe St. Vaast : country
around, 215, 216; French
attack, 218

New Zealand : conditions in first
year of war, 156 ; War pre-
parations of, 121

Nicol, Vice- Admiral, in com-
mand of French Fleet in
the Dardanelles, 119

Nicuport, bombarded by the
Germans, 204

Nixon, General, Australia, sends
Flying Corps to Expedition-
ary Force in Mesopotamia.
128

Notre Dame de Lorettc : Battle
of, 209, 216, 219 ; descrip-
tion of Plateau, 214 ; French
capture, 222 ; Germans
defeated on the ridge,
40 ; Germans surrender at,
225

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB.

445

Ohnesorg, Dr., U.S.A. Naval
Attache, oa treatment o£
prisoners in Germany, 251 ;
report on German working
camp, 204

Osborne, Mr. Lithgovv, report
on treatment of British
prisoners in Germany, 259

Osier, Sir Wm., on inoculation
of typhoid, and work of
the Vaccine Department of
the Army Jledical College,
61

Paratyphoid : iu Serbia, 65 ;
outbreak in Gallipoli, 65

Parliamentary Recruiting Com-
mittee, work of, 286

Peachment, Pte. George,

awarded the V.C., 38B

Pearee, Senator George Foster,
128 ; Australian oii'er of
munitions, 150

Pegoud, French aviator, killed
in air duel, 203

Perthes : advance on, 16-18 ;
Battle of, 33-34

Perthes ssetor. French progress
on Hill 200, 334

Perthes-Tahure road, fighting on
the, 336

Petain, General, 327 ; succeeds
General de Castelnau, 213

Pichon, M., descri])tion of visit
to the British Front, 209

Pilkem, French shell, 209

Plumer, General Sir Herbert :
attacks the Duke of Wiir-
temberg's communications,
363 ; retires to new position
at Ypres, 211

Poincare, M., telegram to M.
Millerand on French victory
in Champagne, 347

Pollock, Corporal J. D., awarded
the V.C, 394

Prisoners : British treatment of
submarine prisoners, 248 ;
German reply to, 248 ;
camp amusements, 278 :
exchange of, 249, 250 ; eye-
witness's stories of treat-
ment of British in hospital,
258 ; German brutalities on
capture of, 2')2,' German
camps, conditions in, 245,
258-264 ; civilian camps,
246 ; American reports on,
266, 267 ; working camps in
Germany. 264 ; German
figures, 242 ; German hatred
of the British, 243 ; German
in England, housing of, 271 ;
camps, conditions, 272, 273,
275, 276 ; German in Russia,
276-278 ; German prisoners'
statement on hospital con-
ditions,277 ; Rus.sian procla-
mation quoted, 276 ; hos-
pitals, conditions in German,
256 ; brutality of doctors to
British prisoners, 257, 258 ;
in previous wars, 241 ; in-
ternment of British civilians
in Germany, 269 ; Irish and
Mahomedan, German treat-
ment of, 243, 245 ; Major
Vandeleur's report of his
treatment by the Germans,

253-255 ; German reply to
255 ; number interned in
England, 242 ; Russian
figures, 242 ; Ru.ssians in
Germany, privations of, 243;
treatment of British officers
in Germany, 248, 249 ; of
British prisoners, 259, 261 ;
of civilians, 267-271 ;
U.S.A. officials visit German
camps, 251

Prisoners of War, treatment of,
241-280

Prisoners of War Help Com-
mittee, Executive Council
formed, 279 ; work of, 280

Putz, General, 211

Queen ■ Elizabeth, H.M.S., in
Dardanelles operations. 85 ;
shells Turkish transport,
97 ; sent back to the North
Sea, 113

Quennevieres, country around,
228

Quinn, Major, killed, 133

Quinns Post, Anzacs' position
at, 110

Railways and the War, 161-200
Railways ; —

Balkans, system, 178, 179

British : administration, 183 ;
ambulance trains, 195, 196 ;
commissariat train pro-
vided, 199 ; control. Execu-
tive Committee formed, 182,
183 ; Earl Kitchener on
work of, 184 ; facilities for
soldiers and sailors at
stations, problems, 190 ;
General Sir John French
on the work of, 185 ;
Government take over con-
trol of, 182 ; ports and
docks facilities, 191-195 ;
railway transport officer,
work of, 188, 189 ; system,
167, 169, efficiency of, 184 ;
The Times comments on,
190 ; traffic, congestion,
186, 187; regulation in
war zone, 189 ; transporta-
tion of troops, 184, 185 ;
work of, 182-199 ; work-
shops, work undertaken for
Ministry of Munitions, 198

Bulgarian, 181

French ; accommodation of
the wounded, 196 ; ambu-
lance train, use of, 197,
efficiency of, 198 ; system,
173, 174 ; taken over by
the Government. 173 ;
transport of troops, effi-
ciency of system, 174-176

German : administration, 171;
increase of strategical, 170 ;
mobilization, 161 ; organi-
zation, 169 ; superiority
on the Polish frontier, 176 ;
trains provided with baths,
199 ; transport, efficiency
of, 172 ; transport of troops
on the Russian side. 172

Importance of, 161 ; influence
on the invasion of Belgium.
1(>9 ; in relation to attack
on Egypt, 181 ; in South
African War, 162-167
Italian : importance of, 177 ;

under State control, 178
Luxemburg, importance of,

170
Refugees, facilities for, 194
Russian : influence in the
invasion of East Prus.sia,
177 ; system, 176
Salonika-Nish section, im-
portance of, 181
Statistical table for belli-
gerent countries, 109
Use in former wars. 161

Rawlinson. Sir Henry, advance
through Loos, 385 ; at
Battle of Loos, 375

Raynes, Sergt. J. C, awarded
the V.C, 414

Read. Captain A. M., awarded
the V.C, 386

Recruiting : attitude of the
trade-unionist leaders, 292;
effect of the Scarborough
raid on, 299 ; figures of
enlistment to September 10,
1914, 294, to September
15, 1914, 295 ; London
area, numbers, 292, falling
off, 298 ; Lord Kitchener
on. 298 ; Lord Milner's
letter on, 301 ; special
meeting at the Guildhall,
291 ; starred and un-
starred men, position of,
302, 303

Recruits : New Armies, ad-
vertisement appeal, 284.
second appeal, 290 ; exten-
sion of age limit, 291 ;
rush at outbreak of war,
283

Refugees, railway facilities for,
194

Reims : Cathedral bombarded,
14-16 ; German aviators
bomb, 202

Reprisals, German submarine
frightfulness, 246-249

Rimington, General, in com-
mand of Indian Cavalry
Corps at Loos, 375

Robeck, Admiral de, einp\oy-
ment of submarines in the
Sea of Marmara, 96

Royal Naval Division in CTalli-
poli, 96, 117-118

Ruhleben camp, conditions in,
269 ; improvements in, 270

Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter :
appointed Chairman of
Railway Control Com-
mittee, 182 ; opposes con-
scription, 317

Russell, General, in General
Godley's Division, 147

Russia, Tsar of, telegram to M.
Poincare on French victory
in Champagne, 347

Sabot Wood : fighting in the,
35 ; Germans evacuate, 36

St. Hilaire - St. Souplet road,
French take positions, 342

446

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAB..

8t. Jlihifl : French attack on
German salient at, 22 ;
French carry trenches at,
237
St. Mihiel Salient : French
attach, 234 ; French cap-
ture Wood of Ailly at, 230
St. Souplct-St. Hilaire road,

lighting on the, 333
Sari Bair, Anzacs advance on,

Sarrail, General, strengthens

French positions in the

Argonne, 7

Sedd-ul-Bahr, British take, S6

Serbia, outbreak of typhus in,

67
Shout, Captain, awarded the
V.C., killed at Lone Pine,
149
Sievert, Captain : at Carenoy,
222 ; killed, diary quoted,
219. 223, 225
Simonin, General, in the Kereves

Valley, 107
Sinclair- Mao Lagan. General E.G.,

in Gallipoli. 137, 145.
Smith, Professor Lorrain, 50
Soissons : Battle of, lU-14,
The Times Correspondent's
comments on General
Maunoury, 13 ; bombard-
ment of, 37 ; Cathedral
bombarded, 39
Souain Sector : fighting in the,
342 ; German defences, 334
Souain-Tahure Ridge, French

advance on 336. 342
Souchez : Battle of. Captain
Sievcrt's comments on, 223 ;
fighting at, 214 ; Germans
attack the French at, 413,
414 ; Germans evacuate,
393 ; German fortifica-
tions, 370 ; German
strength at, 390 ; in pos-
session of the Germans,
215
Southland, transport, torpedoed
in /Fgean Sea, discipline
of the men on board, 130,
137
Spens, Major-General, 130
Stawell, Dr., in Australian Army

Medical Corps, 150
Steen, Mr. T. E., on prison

camp at Holyport, 275
Steinbach, stormed, 25
Stephens. Major Stuart, on

German railways, 170
Submarines : Australian, AF2
sunk in entering Sea of
Marmara, 96, crew taken
prisoners, 96 ; British, £11
in the Sea of Marmara, 96,
£14 in Sea of Marmara, crew
awarded the D.S.M., 96:
German, in the ^gean Sea,
113
SwifUnrc, H.M.S., fires on sub-
marine in the Dardanelles,
114
Syme, Dr., in Australian Army
Medical Corps, 150

Tnlhot, H.M.S., in Dardanelles

operations, 119
Tetanus, 42-46
Thapa, Kifleman Kublir,

awarded the V.C, 366

Thesigcr, Major-General G. H.,

biogra])hieal. 409 ; at

HohenzoUern Redoubt, 383:

killed, 394

The 2^t ines comments on slackers

quoted, 290
Thomas, M. Albert, French
Minister of Munitions, 212 ;
biographical, 349
Throsscll, Lieut., awarded the

V.C, 149
Thursby, Rear- Admiral, squad-
ron shelled by Turks, 84
Tillett, i\lr. Ben, impressions on

his visit to the Front, 208
Tout Vent Ravine, bombard-
ment of, 228, 230
" Tower Bridge " at Loos taken,

391
Tracy-le-Val, French take, 9
Triumph, H.M.S., in Dardaiiellcs
operations, 84 ; bombards
Maidos, 97 ; sunk by sub-
marine off Gaba Tepe, 114
Trotman, Bvig.-General C. N.,
in command of Marine
Battalion who reinforced
the Anzacs, 96
Turner, Second Lieut. A. B,,

awarded the V.C, 399
Typhoid fever, 58 ; carriers of,
62 ; in the Boer War, 59 ;
outbreak on the Western
Front amongst the Belgian
Army, 64 ; prevention of,
59. 62-64
Typhus fever, 67 ; measures
taken in Flanders, 71 ;
outbreak in Serbia, 67 ;
preventive methods, 68, 69

Vaccination, 53, 54
Vandeleur, Major C. B., report
on German treatment of
prisoneis, 253-255, German
reply, 255
Varennes, French advance to, 19
Vauquois, fighting at, 30, 31
Veiir/eance. H.M.S., fired at by

German submarine, 114
Verdun : fighting round, 19, 22 ;
The Times Correspondent
on fighting round, 22
Vermelles : British driven back
to the line at, 390 ; taken
by the French, 8
Vickers, Pte., awarded the V.C,

386
Vickers, Captain Charles,

awarded the V.C. 424
Villaret, General de, wounded,

39
Villc - sur - Tourbe. German

attack on, 231
Vimy, Heights of : description,
370 ; Germans attack
French on, 414 ; struggle
for, 411
Vosges, operations in the, winter
of 1914-1.5, 23, 26

Walford, Captain, death of, the
V.C. posthumously con-
ferred, 86

Walker, Sir H. A., Acting-
Chairman of Railway Con-
trol Committee, 182

Walker, Brig.-General H. B. :
in command of Australian
Brigade, 90 ; negotiations
with the Turks. 113 ; takes
over command of Austra-
lian 1st Division, 131
Ward, Sir .Joseph, 120 : ap-
pointed Minister of Finance
of New Zealand, 150
Warneford, Lii'ut., brings down

Zeppelin, 203
Water supply problem, 62, 63
Wegener, Professor, on the
French bombardment in
Champagne, 350-352
Wells, Sergt. Harry, awarded the

V.C, 380
Weniyss, Rear- Admiral, bom-
bards enemy positions on
Beach V.. SO
Western Offensive, The Times
Military Correspondent's
review of the, 424, 427
Whitloek, Mr. Brand, efforts to
save Miss Cavcll, 431, 435
Windle, Lieut. M. W. M., letter
on Battle of Loos quoted,
377, 378
Wing, Major-Genera'l F. D. V.,

death, 407
Wittenberg Camp, report on,
259 ; American Ambassa-
dor's report, 201
Wounds : aseptic treatment of.
49 ; infection problems,
49. 50, 58 ; scientists' views
on the problem of, 49 ;
Sir Almroth Wright's treat-
ment of, 50, 51, 53, 57, 58
Wright, Sir Almroth : methods
of treating wounds, 50, 51,
53, 57 ; on inoculation, 61 ;
suggestions on the treat-
ment of wounds in the
field, 57, 58 ; vaccination
suggestion, 54
Wiirtemberg, Duke of, failure
to obtain a footing on the
Yperlee, 204

X-rays, use in war, 77, 78

Yate, Colonel, on shortage of

men, 305
Yoxall, Sir .James, on Germany's

strategical railways, 171
Yperlcc Canal, Germans cross

at Driegraohten, and driven

back, 203
Ypres, Germans gain some

trenches by means of Flarrt-

menwerfer, 209
Ypres Salient ; gas attack oh

the, 207 ; German positions

attacked, 363
Yser, fighting on the, 204

Zeebruggo bombarded, 204

ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME VI.

PORTRAITS.

PAGE

Aspinall, Mr. J. A. F. ... 164

Bacon, Vice-Admiral ... 366

Bam, yir Peter Stewart ... 290

Bassett, Corporal C. R., V.C. 148

Bennett, Corporal P. H. G. 148
Birdwood, Lieut. -General Sir

W. R 88

Bissing, General Baron von 433

Botha, Miss Katie 290

Braithwaite, Major-General

AV. P 85

Bridges, Jlajor-General Sir

W. T 90

Butt«r\vorth, Sir A. Kaye... 165

Calthrop, Mr. Guy 164

Capper, The late JNIajor-

GeneralSirT 367

Castelnau, General de ... 225
Cavell, the late Miss Edith

430, 431

Cavell, The Reverend

Frederick and Mrs. ... 436

Dent, Mr. C. H 164

Dent, Mr. F. H 164

Derby, Lord... 282,284,286

d'Esperey, General Franchet 225
Douglas-Hamilton, The late

Lieut.-Colonel Angus ... 398

Dubail, General ... ... 8

Dwyer, Lance-Cflrporal E.,

V.C 301

P.^QE

Godley, Major-Cicneral Sir

A. J 85

Gore, Sir Francis 287

Granet, Sir Guy 164

Gulland, Mr. John W. ... 286

Hallowes, The late Second

Lieut. R. Price 399

Hamilton, Private J., V.C... 149

Henderson, Mr. Arthur ... 285

Jacka, Lance-Corporal, V.C. 148

Jackson, Mr. Cyril 287

Jofire, General ... ... 2

Johnson, Second Lieut. F. H. 399

Laidlaw, Pi^Jer Daniel 396, 397

Lanckcn, Baron von der ... 433

Leifihman, Sir A\'illiam ... 54

Lloyd George, Mr 293

McGregor, Lieutenant ... 91
Mackinnon, General Sir Henry 286

Maitland, Colonel ... ... 91

Mance, Lieut.-Colonel H. O. 169

Marchand, General 358

Marshall, Major-General

W. R 119

Matheson, Mr. Donald A. ... 165

Maunoury, General ... 10

Maxwell, General Sir John... 159

Maxwell, Lady ... ... 123

Metohnikofi, Professor ... 42

Moreau, Mile. Emilienne ... 382

Moulton, Lord 45

Egypt, The Sultan of

159

Neimeyer, Sergeant C.

W....

291

Ellison, General

Nicholson, Rear-Admiral

Stuart

114

Fay, Sir Sam

164

Fleming-Sandes, Second

O'Connor, Mr. T. P.

300

Lieut. A. J

399

O'Leary, Sergeant Michael,

Forbes, Sir William

165

V.C

300

Gahan, The Reverend H.

Pollen, Colonel

SterUngT

435

Potter, Mr. Frank ...
447

165

PAGE

Raphael, Captain Sir Herbert 293

Raynes, Acting-Sergeant J. C. 398

Read, The late Captain A.

Montray 399

Reid, Sir George ... ... 122

Rothschild, Major Lionel de 285

Runciman, Mr. Walter ... 164

Samett, M. Marcel

290

Sandt, Dr. von

433

Short, Captain William

304

Sinclair-JIaclagan, Brigadier-

General ...

147

Somers, Mile. Marie

291

Strachnitz, Colonel Baron

von

434

Strong, Dr. ...

Sydenham, Lord

287

Symons, Lieut. John, V.C

149

Szlumpcr, Mr. Gilbert S. ...

165

Talbot, Mr. G. J

287

Thcsiger. The late Major-

General G. H

367

Thomas, Brigadier - General

Owen

293

Thornton, Mr. H. \V.

169

Tinsley. Sergeant

148

Tubb, Captain F. H., V.C...

149

Turner, The late Second-

Lieut. A. Buller

398

Twiss, Brigadier-General ...

167

Vandeleur, Major ... ... 245

Vickers, Private A. ... 398

Villalobar, The Marquis de... 432

Watson, Mr. A 165

Whitlock, Mr. Brand ... 432

Wing. The late Major-General

F. V. D. 366

Wright, Sir Almroth ... 42

Wyndham-Green, Lieut. G. H. 397

Younger, Sir George

287

44S

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

TAOE

Camberley Concentration

Camp 248, 249

Clermont-en-Argonue . . . 237

Dobcritz

258, 259

FrieclVjorg. British OfHeors'

Quarters ... ... 263

GabaTepe 139,140,141

Gallipoli, Graves of New

Zealanders ... ... 157

Hullucb, The Quarries 214, 215

PLACES.

P.\G E

Johannesburg, Town Hall ... 294

Loos ... 374, 375, 385, 390,

391, 392, 393, 400, 416

Manonviller, Fort of 36, 37, 40
Miinstcr Concentration Camp 265

Neuville St. Vaast

202

Olympia, Ixindon, German

Prisoners at 244

PA OK

Perthes-les-Hurlus 222, 226, 231

Keims Cathedral ... 17,18.19

Ruhlcbcn, Civilian Intern-
ment Camp ... 256,257

Sedd-ul-Bahr, Ofhcers' Graves 83

Souchez Cemetery, Fighting

in 394

Southampton ... ... 242

Swardeston Vicarage — the
Birthplace o£ Miss Edith
Cavell 437

MAPS AND PLANS.

Artois, llap to illustrate the

Battle of ... 220, 221

Champagne, Massiges Section,

French Gains in ... 346

Champagne, The German

Defences in ... 340,341

Franco-German Battle Front.

November 11, 1914 ...20,21

Loos, Key Map of, and En-
virons ...

419

Loos, Map to illustrate the

Battle of ... 380,381

Loos, Position of Troops

before the Battle of ... 375

Railways :

France, Ardennes neigh-
bourhood, 170 ;
Paris to North and
Battle Front ... 174

Railways (continued) :

Italy, Northern Frontier

of 179

Poland, Between Vistula

and Oder 178

St. Mihiel Salient 232

Western Front, Key Map of

the 364

WAR ATLAS

(PAGED SEPARATELY).

The Western The.\tre :

I. Calais to the j\leuse
TI. Paris and Champagne Di^^trift

III. Antwerp, Liege, and the Pihinc ...

IV. Luxemburg, Alsace, Lorraine
V. The Vosges

Tjie Eastern Theatre :

I. Gulf of Finland and Pet rograd

II. Riga to Vilna

III. Kijnigsberg to Warsaw

IV. Vilna to Pripet Marshes ...
V. Warsaw to GaUcia...

VI. Brcst-Litov.?k to Lemberg
VII. The Carpathians, Dniester and Buko\ina

The Italian Theatre

The Sea of Marmara and Gallipoli

The Balkan Peninsula, showing tiie International boundaries ...

Serbia and her Xeighboin-s ...

The World, showing British and German Possessions before the \A ar.

The North Sea and the Baltic

Eg5'pt and the Suez Canal ... •■• •••

Japan and the Far East ■

Turkey in Asia, Persia, and the Caucasus

Kamerun, Togo, and East Africa

South-West Africa

Statistics relatmg to belligerent Countries

List of Place-names on Maps

PAGE

2-3
4-5
6-7
8-ii
10-11

12-13
14-1.5
16-17
18-19
20-2 1
22-23
24-25

26-27

28-29

30-31

36-37

41-45

46-68

HISTORV AND
ENCYCLOPEDIA
OFTHE\VAR

WARATLAS

CONTENTS

THE WESTERN THEATRE:
I Calais to the Meuse ...

II. Paris and Champagne" District

III. Antwerp, Liege and the Rhine

IV. Luxemburg, Alsace, Lorraine

V. The Vosges

THE EASTERN THEATRE ^
I. Guif of Finland & Petrograd
U. Riga to Vilna

III. Konigsberg to Wzirsaw

IV. Vilna to Pripet Marshes ...

V. Warsaw to Gaiicia ...

VI. Brest- Litovsk to Lemberg ...

2-3
4-5
6-7
8-9
10-11

12-13
14-15
16-17
18-19
20-21
22-23

VII. The Carpathians, Dniester & Bukovina 24-25

The Italian Theatre ... ... ... 26-27

The Sea of Marmara and Gallipoli ... 28-29
The Balkan Peninsula showing the Inter-
national Boundaries ... ... ... 30-31

Serbia and her Neighbours ... ... 32

The World, showing British & German

Possessions before the War .... ... 33

The North Sea and Baltic 34

Egypt and the Suez CaneJ ... ... 35

japan and the Far East ... ... ... 36-37

Turkey in Asia, Persia and the Caucasus 38

Kamerun, Togo & East Afri(ia ... ... 39

South-West Africa 40

Statistics relating to belligerent Countries 41-48

List of Place-names on Maps ... ... 49-64

THE WESTERN THEATRE

DISTANCES BY RAIL.

From

CalttiB to Ypres

, Lille . -
,. „ Arraa ..
,, Ostend ..
,. Ghent -. ■
„ ,, BruBselH
,, Antwerp
I.ille to Vprta .. .
„ ., Arras .. -
,, ., Bruseela
Brussels toAutwori'-
„ ,, Osteiid
,. ., Mods
Amiens to Lille .

O R

GEORGt PHILir & SOM f"

I i<'-y Railways. Roads.

Jy 4 Fortresses dnd Forts.

- - - - Canals.
33(2 Altitudes in

VLAIS TO THE MEUSE

^— ^%

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Gaprycb\

Axel

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t Contiohl

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Adjoining page 2.

THE WESTERN THEATRE-

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DISTANCES BY RAIL-

Fi'frtn

Paris to AmienB..

„ St. Qnentin

„ Kelma ..

„ „ CbaloDS..

,. ,, goissoQS

RelmBtoOhaloDE

„ 8t QuentJn
.. Verdun ..
,, „ Iaod
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,, ,, Sedan. .
„ Chalons
SoiBsoae to itcims
Sedan to Montined;
,. „ Mezi^res

Cesaoni

Wssy

VhaumRsfRozoy
^^i, \Courplay

MoutHa
'erre/ez<^
BetonBaZoohes

Bn
Sezpnne

cfP^hes

265 ^.

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'aJson Rot^i
Me.CoIombe,
Uzines'
I ^onnemarie

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^ivry
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Soligny-!ea-it<uiga

'ranoaiu/t

'^M

.GE0R6E PHILIPS SON L"

11'^ Railways. Rnada. .... Oanala. 0-2S0 ft. darit green ; 250-SOO ft. Ilgiit green ; S00-7S0 ft. yellow

-^ ^ Fortresses dnd Forta 3312 1 fWrnYi" ri rrr' •"•" '■ ' ~ innn innn ri f at r "(IPd ft !■'"•'

ARIS AND CHAMPAGNE DISTRICT

Adjoining page 6.

CD) 90

mcourt
tsles-a.-Suippe

^Warmerville

fitheniaille

-■ i"— -" I Tahureo u V'rnayv i w --;

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Aitanooujl^:::^^ Chiuillon i *"'"'«"

THE WESTERN THEATRE

IgeMe. . , . -.
y"^ k Stffrnbeoi

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:(merglfiiir : jLweert Vertryl
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■^Long°hafppf\ /'"''''

0 (a) go Adjpining Jo page 6.("b) Vo

-V Sfraimoi
lerbeaumont

GEORGE Pf llJPi SOW L

t IM Railwaijs. Roads. -m-^^m-m. Canals.

.A- 4 Forttfi.^Rt'^ dnii Fnrt.i :5?l? Altlinrlo

■ Rnn.TFiO ft. i)ellt>ui ;
mJiiie.

lNTWERP, liege and the RHINE

'^M

DISTANCES BY RAIL.

From

V, V Aniwerp to Liege

Brussele to Antwerp..
., ,. Litge

,, Naiuur . .
,. Cologne ..
iniwerp to Liege

'ipuvain ,.

iueB . .

UsEeldorf

Liug© to Kamm- .. ..

„ Aix-lR-C'haiJoIl«

,, Trt^vea ., ..

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,, ., (.'"hlifnre ,

,, Aix-inCiiripeile

einerhag en,.^,.^

JThalfl^ng
TronecftenA

(b) 30 Adjoining lOo page 8. lio (e) 120

appet
Simmern^ ^ . ^^

^g^ tftaftf
Traban /o V K^ I J ZI55 . |>
Jmrbaoh \ o---^ -^nmra ■*■

[e^nkaat^-^t: ^ \~f/Gen,Jfi<len

X Unrfmstein ^-J
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fischbacti^
Mar

l(G)fnilea

40 l<ilomfetreB

Adjoining page 7.

THE WESTERN THEATRE

^ 'amnt

Lanche ^_

o Wlbrm /'"«''«

Orti,o\ "iHouffalile-^ -^

vm Budeahelma

ypeim
Daun\

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GEORCe PHIUP«SON L^"

(B) ■^0 Adjoining 50 page 10. 60 (p)

I ■I'O Railways. Roads.

■^ ♦ Fortresses and Forts.

■ ■ ■ ■ Canals.
3312 Altitudes in

■250 ft. dark green ; 2SOSO0ft. light green ; 500-750 ft gel

rn innn fi- t,.,4r . innn onnn /* hrniiin .- noer 2000 ft. otioe.

fen innn

LUXEMBURG, ALSACE, LORRAINE

l5p(GJ mll88

j \ Hedderhein

i/pp«^FRANKFURT|

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3.53 ^V«^'f5^:«3S.TRASSB^^^

"pjniaubo/i |sf

® 9° Adjoining lOO page II. mo (g)

fjSaabaoli
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%so»"'

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DISTANCES BY RAIL.

.S7n(.

3tih>

Verdun to aletz - .

. Tnul

.tO

.. Nancy .. -.

,. ., Saarbriicken ..

.. StrHBsbui-g ..

133

,. Mayence .. ..

178

„ ,. KaiserFtlautem

„ ,, Mannheim .. ..

l-i6

.. ,, StraBSburg .. .

., „ St. Mihiel . . .

,. ,. Mayonce

137

„ ,. Germersheim

118

StraSBburg to Mannbeim

,. J-mnkfort..

118

120

reo(6)

Ao kilomStree

Adjoining page 8.

THE WESTERN THEATRE

■g

c
o

c
o
+J

JPJA). \

(B) w

hati,

^^.

^ampont

^ CAflreauw!,*''"""^ Dieuze

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f«,,e™»%^«j;;:^'£!t/ 7^?C Tt!4ont St.Vinc.!,-^^ ^»/./,-..rf»,.„r/ i^f/^nmont

^ , laninvlller Gl'!'^
.Jarahmiller °J^

GEORGE PHIUP& SON L

11^ Railuiatfs. Rnads. -.^.m-*.^ Canals.

-^ 4 Fortresses and Forts. 3312 Altitudes in Fee^

0-250 ft. dark green ; 250-500 ft. iight green : 500-750 ft yellow

Tc« *nn/\ C4. t...tt . ^nnn on/in ft hrninn ■ mipr 2000 ft. oiiue.

THE VOSGES

Adjoining page 9

(D) 80

ii'ea

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40 kilom&trea

THE EASTERN THEATRE

■« .1^ Railways. Roads.

■^ 4 Fortresses and Forts.

. Canals. 0-250 ft. dark green ; 250-500 ft. light green ; 500-750 ft. yeliou/ ;

33)2 Altitudes it Feet. JRO-IOOO ft hufF .■ 1000-2000 ft. brown : over 2000 ft. olive.

]HJLF OF FINLAND & PETROGRAD

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0 page 17

GtORGE PHIUP& SON l^°

^ Rallutatjs. Roads.

4 Fortresses and Forts.

- - - - Canals.

3312 Altitudes in Feet.

0-2B0ft. darit green ; 2SO-S00ft. light gresn ; 500-750 ft. yelloui ;
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RIGA TO VILNA

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GLORGC PHILIP* SOM L"

I I <f Railways. Rnads. r^^nU 0-250 ft. dark gteeii : 250-500 ft. light g^een : 500-750 ft. yellow

-^ ^ Fortresses and Forts. 3312 Altitudes m Feet. 750-1 000 ft. buff: 1000-200(1 ft. brown: over 2000 ft. olme.

KONIGSBERG TO WARSAW

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GE0R6E PHILlPi SON LV

■ Raituiaya. Roads. .^^-^ Canala. 0-2S0 ft. dark green, ■ 2S0-S00 ft. r,ghi green ; B00-7S0 ft. yellow :

■^ ♦ Fortresses and Forts. 3312 Altitudes in Feet. 750-7000 ft. buff; 1000-2000 ft. hrown ; oner 2000 ft. olloe.

VILNA TO PRIPET MARSHES

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VARSAW TO GALICIA

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Adjoining page 18.

THE EASTERN THEATRE

•o

Turobin
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LipouieiP.

'yierzenttsa

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GEORGE PHILIPS SON L

I I'i" Railuiaya. Rnada. .... Canals. 0-250 ft. dark green : 2S0-S00 ft. light green : 500-750 ft. yellow ;

■^ # Fortresses and Forts. 3312 Altitudes in Feet. TSO-7000 ft. buff: 1000-2000 ft. brown ; over 2000 ft. ollue.

BREST LITOVSK TO LEMBERG

Adjoining page 19.

160

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DISTANCES BY RAIL.

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260

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280miles

0 5 10

10 20

40versts

AdJ9ining page 22.

THE EASTERN THEATRE

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Railways. fioads. .... Canals. 0-250 ft. dark green ; 250-500 ft. light green : 500-750 ft. yelloui i

i Fortresses and Forts. 3312 Altitudes in Feet. 750-1000 ft. bujf : 1000-2000 ft. brown : over 2000 ft olioe.

I. THE CARPATHIANS, DNIESTER & BUKOVINA

40kilometre9 0 10 20

THE ITALIAN

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J^ 4 Fortresses and Forts. 3312 Altitudes in Feet. 2000-4000 ft. buff; 4000-8000 ft. brown; oner 6000 ft. olive.

EATRE

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DISTANCES BY RAIL.

From

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,, Brescia
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Venice to Trent . . . -
.. Trieste
.. Udipe .
Udine to L-ioi'izia ■

.. Klageiifurt
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suit.

200

40kilometres

1° ^...^

(B) 40

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THE SEA OF MARMARA

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GEORGE PHILIPS SON L"

Railways. ^"^ds. 0-250 ft. dark green ; 250-500 ft. light green ; ^;?^^^50;^..j/e//ott/ ;
♦ Fortressen And Forts. 3312 Altitudes in Feet. ■""" *""" " ' "" ■"*"" ""«" « *- - ■ on n + « m.«

^D GALLIPOLI

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STATISTICS RELATING TO
BELLIGERENT COUNTRIES

LIST OF PLACE NAMES

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

BELGIUM.
Area and Popttt.ation.

Area, 11,373 square miles ; population (1910),
7,423,784. or 652 per square mile.

The Belgian Congo lias an area estimated at about
900.000 square miles, with a population of about
15,000,000. The largest town is Antwerp, with 320,650
inhabitants.

Imports (special)
Exports (special)

Commerce.

1913.
£

183,:i45,000
143,073,000

1912.

198,320,000

153,029,000

The principal imports are wool, wheat, cotton, raw
hides, coal and rubber. The biggest exports are iron
and steel, flax and flax yams. Rubber obtained from
the Congo is also an article of importance, as are also to
a less extent rolling stock and machinery.

Belgium imports, as a rule, most largely from France ;
Germany coming second in the list of countries of origin,
and the United Kingdom third, in 1913. A fair amount
comes from Holland, which is also a good customer for
Belgian goods. The arrivals from Argentina were fairly
large before the War.

The Belgian mercantile marine was 181,637 tons in
1912.

There were about 2,917 miles of railway open in 1912.

SERBIA.

Area, 18,650 square miles. Population, 2,911,701,
or 144 per square mile. Capital, Belgrade (90,000 in-
habitants).

The revenue in 1913 was £5,230,600, which equalled
the expenditure for the year.

The imports were £4,244.000, and the exports
£4,676,000 in 1912. The chief articles of importation
are cotton yarns and goods, iron and steel, machinery,
hides (raw) and leather. The chief exports are wheat*
meat and maii:e. Fornierly there was a large export of
swine, but this had shrunk to small dimensions some
vears before the War, owing to the difficulties put in the
way of the Serbian merchants by the Austro -Hungarian
Government.

Serbia's largest trade was with Austria-Hungary and
Germany. Imports from the United Kingdom were on a
moderate scale.

JAPAN.
Area and Population, 1914.

Area.
Sq. miles.

Population

Kuniber.

Per sq. mile.

Japan

Korea

Formosa

Pescadores . .

Japanese Saghalien

147,650

84,103

13,840

13,154

53,596,894

16,499.806

3,612,184

55,476

8660
196-2
260-9

4-2

Total

258,794

73,764,360

285-0

The principal articles imported into Japan are raw
cotton, oil cake, rice, brown sugar, sulphate of ammonia,
wool, and soya beans. The chief exports are raw silk,
cotton yarn, silk tissues, copper, coal, grey shirtings
and sheetings, refined sugar, .tea, matches, and twilled
tissues.

A large proportion, in some years nearly 50 per cent.,
of the total imports comes from Asiatic countries, and
of tliis about one-half comes from British India ; the next
largest amounts are sent from Great Britain, the United
States, China. Germany, the Dutch Indies, French Indo-
China and Australia.

Means of Communication.
At the end of 1914 the tonnage of Japanese merchant
shipping was 2,202,517 gross tons, of which 1,593,357
gross tons were steamers.

In 1913-14 the aggregate mileage worked was 7,291
miles, of which 5,473 miles were represented by the
State, 1,121 by private lines, and 697 miles by the South
Manchuria P^ailway.

GERMANY.
Abea and Population.

* No official figures ; estimated at about 55,000.

The principal cities are Tokyo (the capital), with a
population of 2,033,320 ; Osaka, 1,424,596 ; and
Kioto, 442,462.

The revenue (ordinary) for the financial year ended
:\Iarch 31, 1914. was £57,542,805, and the expenditure
(ordinary), £41,563,580. The extraordinary revenue
amounted to £14,654,744, and extraordinary expenditure
to £15,799,812.

Commerce.

1914.

1913.

Imports . .

59,573,572

72,943.164

Exports . .

59,110,146

63,246,021

Area.
Sq. miles.

Population

Numter.

Per sq. mile.

Prussia

Bav.iria

Saxony

Wijrtemberg

21 Other States . .

.Alsace-Lorraine

134,619

29,292

5,789

7,534

25.942

5,605

40,165,219
6,887,291
4,806,661
2,437,674
8,755,234
1,874,014

2240
234-4

829-5
323-2
337-5
833-5

Total

208,781

64,925,993

310-4

Colonial Possessions : — •

Area.

Population

Sq. miles.

Estim. 1913.

Toko

33,700

1,032,346

Cameroon

291,950

3,600,591

German S.W. Africa

322,450

94,386

German E. Africa

384,180

7,651,106

Kiauchau

200

168,900

Kaiser Wilhelm's Land . .

70,000 >
20,000 f

463,300

Bismarclt Arcllipelago . .

Soloman Isles

4,200 ^

Caroline, Pelew, Marianne

122,000

and .\jarschall Isles . .

960)

Samoan Isles

1,000

35,000

1,128,640

13,167,629

The chief city of Germany is Berlin, the capital of
Prussia, the population of which in 1910 was 2,071,000.
Among other large cities and to-wns are Hamburg
(931,000), Mimich, capital of Bavaria (596,000) Leipzig,
in Saxony (590,000), Dresden, capital of Saxony (548,000),
Cologne, in Prussia (517,000), Breslau, Prussia (612,000).

There are three great rivers in Germany, the Rhine,
the Elbe, the Oder, and many others of minor importance.

Finance of the .Empire.

Bevenue, Ordinary and

Extraordinary
Expenditure . .
Debt

1913-14

184,801,660
184,801,660
236,037,000

Imports (general)
Exports (general)

Commerce.

1913.

560,33>,000

509,965,000

1912-13.

141,903,000
141,90 ',000
242,743,000

1912.

568,962,000

476,140,000

Germany's principal imports before the War were
cotton, hides and skins, wool, chemicals, wheat, barley,
timber, copper, coffee, iron ore, grease, palm kernels, etc.,
coal, eggs and bran. The chief exports were iron and
Gteel and manufactures thereof, chemicals, drugs, dyes,
etc., machinery, coal, cotton manufactures, grain, flour
and meal, hides and skins, leather and silk manufactures.

Germany bought largely from the United States,
Russia, the United Kingdom and Austria-Hungary, and

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

oxported most to the United Kingdom, Austria-Hungary,
Russia, France, the United States and Holland.

Means of Transportation.
The mercantile marine consisted in 1913 of 5,082,061
tons, of which 4,743,046 tons were steamers.

There were 1,600 miles of ship canal open. The Kiel
Canal is 61 miles in length. The railway mileage was
37,823 miles.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

AUEA AND POPUIATION.

TURKEY.
Area and Popuxation.

Area.
Sq. miles.

Population

Number. 1 Per sq. mile.

Austria

Hungary

Bosnia-Herzegovina

115,802

125,609

19,768

28,587,898

20,886,487

1,898,379

247-0
16.50
960

Total

261,179

61,352,764

196-6

The principal cities of the Diial Monarchy are Vienna
(2,031,000), Budapest (880,000).

The most important river is the Danube.

Finance.
1913.

Bfivenue :
Austria
Hungary

Expenditure :

Austria

Hungary . .
Debt:

Austria (1912)

Hungary (1912)

144,207,000
9t,;i39,000

144,196.000
91,337,000

1912.

132,221,000
81,453,000

132,682,000
83,886,000

519,631,000
274,702,000

Commerce (Austria-Hungary).

Imports
Exports

1913.

141,433,000

115,129,000

1912.

148,200,000

113,911,000

The articles most largely imported before the war by
Austria -Hungary were raw cotton, coal and coke, ma*
chinery, raw wool, maize, hides and skins and cofiee«
The chief exports were eggs, coal (chiefly lignite), hides
and skins, glasswares, cotton manufactures, malt, and
leather manufactures.

Before the War Austria-Hungary usually obtained
more than one-third of her imports from Germany, and
sent to that country about one half of her exports.
Other countries' figures were much smaller. The United
States sent a fair amount, but took little ; the arrivals
from and shipments to the United Kingdom have been
nearly equal of late years. Russia and British India
sent fair amounts and bought little. Italy bought more
than she sent.

Means of Communication.

Austria- Hungary had, in 1913, 1,011,414 tons of
merchant shipping, of which 1,010,347 tons were
steamers.

The railway mileage of Austria was 14,512 miles, and
that of Hungary 13,333 miles.

Area.
Sq. miles.

PopuLation

Number.

Per sq. mile.

Turkey in Europe . .
Asia Minor . .
Armenia and

Kurdistan
Mesopotamia
Syria
Arabia

10,882
199,272

71,990
143,250
114,530
170,300

1,891,000
10,166,900

2,470,900
2,000,000
3,675,000
1,050,000

187
52

34
9

33
6

Total

710,224

21,273,800

The principal cities in European Turkey are Con-
stantinople (1,200,000 inhabitants) and Adrianople
(100,000) ; those in Asiatic Turkey are Smyrna (260,000),
Bagdad (150,000), Damascus (150,000).

Finance.

1913. 1912.

£ £

Revenue .. .. 28,248,000 28,665,992

Expenditure .. .. 30,095,000 34,420,000

Debt 151,656,000 —

Commerce.

Imports (1912) 39,691,852

Exports (1912) 21,746,662

Turkey imports largely textiles and on a small scale
cereals, sugar and metals. Her chief expoj ts are textiles,
fruit, tobacco and cereals.

Means of Communication.
Turkey's mercantile marine amounted in 1913 to
157,208 tons, of which 111,848 tons were steamers.
The length of railway open was 3,882 milea.

BULGARIA.
Area, 43,305 square miles ; population, 5,500,000
(estimate 1914); per square mile, 110.

The capital is Sofia, population (in 1910) 102,812.

Finance.

1913.
£

Revenue Moo'ott

Expenditure 4,732,832

Debt 35,145,572

Commerce.

1913.

Importa 6,850,042

Exports 3,728,185

Bulgaria's chief imports are textiles, machinery,
motals, hides, cattle and cereals ; and she exports wheat,
attar of roses, maize and hides, skins, etc.

More than halt her imports came from Austria-
Himgary and Germany in 1913, and her chief customers
were Germany, Belgium and Austria-Hungary.

The length of railway open in 1913 was 1,384 miles.

STATISTICS RELATING TO
BELLIGERENT COUNTRIES.

THE BEITISH EMPIEE.
Area and Population, December 13, 1913 (Estimated).

Area.
Square miles.

Population.

Population

JIalcs.

Females.

Total.

square mile.

United KinRdom (including Isle of Man and

Clianncl Islands)

121,432

22,016,661

23,353,869

45,370,530

373-5

India

1,802,112

161,294,820

153,791,562

315,086,372

174-8

Self-governing Dominions —

Australia (Commonwealth)

2,974,581

2,313,035

2,141,970

4,455,005

1-5

New Zealand (Dominion). .

104,751

531,910

476,558

1,008.468

9-6

Canada (Dominiou)

3,729,665

3,821,067

3,383,771

7,204,838

1-9

Newfoundland

42,734

122,578

116,092

238,670

5-6

South Africa (Union)

473,184

3,069,392

2,904,002

5,973,394

12-6

Colonies, Protectorates, etc. —

Basutoland . .

11,716

184,102

220,406

404,507

34-6

Bechuanaland (Protectorate)

275,000

62,712

62,638

126,360

0-5

Ehodesia (S. and N.)

439,575

—

1,693,559

3-6

Uganda (Protectorate)

121,437

—

2.843,326

23-4

East Africa (Protectorate)

247,600

—

2,402,863

9-7

Ceylon

25,481

2,175,030

1,931,320

4,106,350

161-2

Northern Nigeria (Protectorate). .

256,200

3,436,743

5,833,267

9,269,000

36-2

Southern Nigeria (Protectorate) . .

79,880

—

7,857,983

98-4

Gold Coast

80,235

755,446

746,347

1,601,793

18-7

Sierra Leone

24,908

363,197

472,374

1,403,132

66-3

West India Islands

12,227

789,253

890,366

1,688,609

138-1

Other Colonies, etc.

450,282

—

4,734,262

—

Total British Empire

11,273,000

—

417,268,000

370

Note. — The figures of population are based on those obtained by the Census of 1911 (April 1), and as estimated for December 31,
1913. After the declaration cf war on Turkey, November 5, 1914, Egypt and the Sudan were annexed to the British Empire. Their
areas are estimated at 363,181 square miles and about 985,000 square miles respectively, with populations of 11,300,000 and 3,000,000,
but these figures are only appro."dmate. At the middle of 1914 the population of the United Kingdom was estimated at 46,089,249.

THE UNITED KINGDOM.
Revenue.
The revenue for I9I3-I4, the last year undisturbed
by the War, was £198,242,897 ; that for 1914-15. which
included the produce of fresh taxation necessitated by
the War and not in the original Budget for the financial
year, was £226,694,080. The expenditure for 1913-14
was £197,492,969; that for 1914-15 was £560,473, 53.3-
By far the greater part of the war expenditure in
these years was met by the issue of loans. On
March 31, 19 14, the nominal amount of the Funded
Debt was £586,717,872, It was £583,290,097 on March
31, 1915, but the unfunded debt on that date amounted
to £497,486,258.

Commerce.

1915.

1913.

Imports (total)
Exports (British)
Ee-exports . .

853,756,279

384,647,336

98,797,123

696,636,113

430,721,367

95,474,166

768,734,7.39
625,245,289
109,575,037

Imports. — The United Kingdom's imports consist
mainly of food and raw materials ; in normal years from
20 to 25 per cent, of the total is made up of articles
wholly or mainly manufactured. Wheat and other
cereals, meat, butter, sugar, fruit, and tea are usually
the largest items among foods ; and cotton, wool and
other textiles, timber, rubber, metallic ores and hides
are the principal raw materials landed. In 1913 the
imports were thus composed :

Food, drink, and tobacco . .
Raw materials and articles mainly un-
manufactured
Articles wholly or mainly manufactured . .
ahscellaneous

£
290,202,323

281,822,444

193,602.375

3,107.597

;768,734,739

Exports. — The exports (British) of the United King-
dom consist principally of articles wholly or mainly
manufactured, of which the biggest items are cotton
yarns and fabrics, iron and steel goods, woollens and
worsteds, machinery and chemicals, drugs, etc. Of the
raw materials shipped the greater part is coal, coke and
manufactured fuel. In 1913 the exports of the four
classes were as follows :

S
Food, drink and tobacco . . . . . . 32,587,94^

Eaw materials and articles mainly un-
manufactured 69,904,992

Articles wholly or mainly manufactured . . 411,368,358
Miscellaneous 11,383,997

Total £625,246,289

There is always a large excess of imports over exports
which represents (a) sums due to the United Kingdom
for freights earned by shipowners, and {&) interest on
British investments abroad.

Mercantile Marine of the Empire.

The net tonnage of the sailing and steam vessels on
the RegLster in the United Kingdom and the principal
parts of the Empire at the end of 1913 was as follows :

Ket Tons.

United Kingdom 12,119,891

India 107,774

Australia 436.054

New Zealand 159,310

Canada 897.062

Newfoundland 152,716

Straits Settlements . . . . 80,416

Hong Kong . . . . , . 62,017

West India Islands .. .. 71,282

Including the tonnages of the other parts of the Empire
the total for the whole was 14,168,274tons. Of this total
12,403,231 tons consisted of steamers.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

FRANCE.
Area and Population.

Area.
Sq. miles.

Pop<ilation

Number.

Per sq. mile.

France

• 207,075

39,601,609

191-2

Algeria

Other Colonies in
Africa

Colonies in Asia
„ „ America
„ „ Oceana

222,067

3,962,234

310,176

36,222

8,744

6,563,828

20,918,915

14,773,000

450,900

81,100

260

5-3
47-8
12-8

9-3

Total Colonies

4,538,443

41,787,743

9-2

Total France and
Colonies . .

4,746,618

81,389,252

17-1

Tho largest cities in France were, according to the
census of 1911, Paris (2,888,000). Marseilles (551,000),
and Lyons (524,000).

The principal rivers of France are the Seine, Loire*
Saone and Khone.

Imports (special)
Exports (special)
Debt ..

Commerce.

1913.
£
335,744,000
275,172,000

1912.

£
329,232,000
263,504,000
1,255,938,000 1,246,480,000

The articles most largely imported into France before
the war were wool, cereals, coal and coke, cotton,
machinery, raw silk, hides, wine, coffee, copper and
rubber. The principal exports were silk and cotton
textiles, skins and furs, raw wool, automobiles, woollen
textiles, wine.

France exports moat largely to the United Kingdom,
and she imports from it to a fair extent. Arrivals from
Germany and the United States formed the next largest
proportions of the total value of her imports before the
War, and from Belgium and Russia she also received a
considerable volume of goods. In the export list
Belgium stood second to the United Kingdom before the
War, Germany coming third ; the United States, Swit-
zerland and Italy were fairly good customers.

Means of Communication.

In 1913 the mercantile marine of France amounted to
2,201,164 tons, of which 1,793,310 tons were steamers.
The length of railway open in 1913 was 31,391 miles.

RUSSIA.
Ajika and Population.

Area.
Sq. miles.

Population

Number.

Per sq. mile.

Russia in Europe . .

Poland

Finland

Caucasus . .

Siberia

Central Asia

1,867,737

43,804

125,689

181,173

4,831,882

1,366,832

125,685,800
11,960,500

3,196,700
12,512,800

9,788,400
10,957,400

64-6

2.i4-5

24-8

66-4

1-8

7-5

8,417,117

174,099,600

20-7

The above figures are estimates for 1913. They do
not include an area of about 317,468 square miles
consisting of inland lakes.

The largest cities in Russia are Petrograd (2,018,596
inhabitants), known as St. Petersburg until September 1,
1914, and Moscow (1,173,427 inhabitants). Other large
towns are Warsaw (756,426), Riga (600,000) and Odessa
(449,673).

The revenue of Russia for 1913 was £362,704,500, and
her expenditure, £357,601,800. The debt amounted on
January 1/14, 1914, to £931,600,000.

Russian money ia expressed in roubles ; before the
War the sterling exchange rate was usually expressed as
9.458r. — £1, making the rouble worth about 23. Id.

Imports . .
Exports . ,

Commerce.

1913.

129,014,000

150,196,000

1912.

123,687,000

160,318,000

Russia is a very large producer of food and raw
materials, especially wheat, rye, barley, butter and eggs,
and raw flax and timber. Germany is the largest
customer for Russian produce, and from Germany more
than half Russia's imports came in most years before
the War. The United Kingdom's share of business with
Russia has been much less than that of Germany, but
was much larger than that of any other country.

Means of Commttnication.

Russia is still poorly supplied with means of com-
munication considering its enormous size. The railway
mileage open at the end of 1912 was 48,902 miles.
Various new lines were under construction when the War
broke out. There ia a considerable internal lake, river
and canal traific. The ocean-going mercantile fleet
consisted in 1913 of 1,216 vessels, of 974,178 tons, of
which 716 vessels, of 790,075 tons, were steamers.

ITALY.
Area, 110,632 square miles. Population (1911),
35,597,784, or 321-8 por square mile.

Principal cities, with their populations : Rome,
679,285 ; Naples, 723,208 ; Milan, 509,200 ; Turin,
427,733 ; Palermo, 341,656 ; Genoa, 272,077 ; Florence,
232,860.

Itauan Oversea Possessions.

Area.
Sq. miles.

Population

Number.

Per sq. mile

Eritrea

Tripoli & Cyrenaica
Italian Somaliland . .
Tientsin Concession

46,800

400.000

139,000

450,000

628,000

400,000

17,000

9-8
1-3

2-8
944-4

Total

684,818

1,395,000

2-3

Revenue (year ending June 30) 1913-14, £113,741,000 ;
expenditure, £114,528,000.

COMMEEOB, 1913.

1913.

1912.
£

Imports (special)
Exports (special)

145,511,000
100,157,000

148,077,000
95,877,000

Italy's largest imports are wheat, coal and coke,
cotton, timber, hides and machinery. She exports
chiefly raw and thrown silk (iindyed), cotton manufac-
tures, dried fruits, silk m,anufactures and wine. Before
the War her imports came chiefly from Germany, the
United Kingdom, the United States, France, Austria-
Hvmgary and Russia. She exports most largely to
Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States,
but to a much smaller extent than she receives goods
from those countries. Exports to Switzerland, from
wliich she takes little, are fairly large. She sends to
Austria -H\mgary rather less than she buys from the
Dual Monarchy, as a rule. There is a considerable trade
with Argentina in both directions.

Mercantile Marine.

The merchant vessels on the register amounted in
1913 to 1,521,942 tons, of which 1,274,127 tons were
Bteamers.

The length of railway open iu 1913 was 11,165 miles.

THE TIMES HISTORY OF THE WAR.

BELGIUM.
Area and Popttlation.

Area, 11,373 square miles; population (1910),
7,423,784, or 652 per square mile.

The Belgian Congo has an area estimated at about
900,000 square miles, with a population of about
15,000,000. The largest town is Antwerp, with 320,650
inhabitanta.

Imports (special)
Export-3 (special)

COMaiEBCE.

1913.

183,345,000

143,073,000

1912.

198,320,000

153,029,000

The principal imports are wool, wheat, cotton, raw
hides, coal and rubber. The biggest enports are iron
and steel, flax and flax yams. Eubber obtained from
the Congo is also an article of importance, as are also to
a less extent rolling stock and machinery.

The Belgian mercantile marine was 181,637 tons in
1912.

There were about 2,917 miles of railway open in 1912.

SERBIA.

Area, 18,650 square miles. Population, 2,911,701,
or 144 per square mile. Capital, Belgrade (90,000 in-
habitants).

The revenue in 1913 was £5,230,600. which equalled
the expenditure for the year.

The imports were £4,244.000, and the exports
£4,676,000 in 1912. The chief articles of importation
are cotton yarns and goods, iron and steel, machinery,
hides (raw) and leather. The chief exports are wheat»
meat and maize. Formerly there was a large export of
swine, but this had shrunk to small dimensions some
years before the War, owing to the difficulties put in the
way of the Serbian merchants by the Austro -Hungarian
Government.

Serbia's largest trade was with Austria-Hungary and
Germany. Imports from the United Kingdom were on a
moderate scale.

JAPAN.

Area and Population, 1914.

Area.
Sq. miles.

Population

Number.

Per sq. mile.

Japan

Kore.i

Formosa

Pescadores . .

Japanese Saghalien

147,650

84,103

13,840

13,154

63,596.894

16,499.806

3,612,184

65,476

3690
196-2
260-9

4-2

Total

258,794

73,764,360

285-0

• No official figures ; estimated at about 55,000.

The principal cities are Tokyo (the capital), with a
population of 2,033,320 ; Osaka, 1,424,596 ; and
Kioto, 442,462.

The revenue (ordinary) for the financial year ended
March 31, 1914, was £57,542,805, and the expenditure
(ordinary), £41,563,580. The extraordinary revenue
amounted to £14,654,744, and extraordinary expenditure
to £15,799.812.

Commerce.

Imports
Exports

A large proportion, in some years nearly 60 per cent.,
of the total imports comes from Asiatic countries, and
of this about one-half comes from British India ; the next
largest amounts are sent from Great Britain, the United
States, China, Germany, the Dutch Indies, French Indo-
China and Australia,

Means of Communication.
At the end of 1914 the tonnage of Japanese merchant
shipping was 2,202,517 gross tons, of which 1,593,357
gross tons were steamers.

In 1913-14 the aggregate mileage worked was 7,291
miles, of which 5,473 miles were represented by the
State, 1,121 by private lines, and 697 miles by the South
Manchuria Railway.

GERMANY.
Area and Popdlation.

Area.
Sq. miles.

Population

Number.

Per sq. mile.

Prussia

P,avaria

Saxony

Wiirtemberg

21 Other States . .

Alsace-Lorraine

184,619

29,292

5,789

7,534

25.942

5,605

40,165,219
6,887,291
4,806,661
2,487,574
8,755,2.34
1,874,014

224-0
234-4
829-5
323-2
337-6
333-5

Total

208,781

64,925,993

310-4

Colonial Possessions :

Area.

Population

Sq. miles.

Estim. 1913.

Toao

33,700

1,032,346

Cameroon

291,950

3,600,591

German S.W. Africa

322,450

94,386

German E. Africa

384,180

7,651,106

Kiauchau . .

200

168,900

Kaiser Wilhelm's Land . .

70,000 )
20,000 r

463,300

Bismarclc Arcliipelago . .

Soloman Isles

4,200 >

Caroline, Pelew, ivrarianne

122,000

and .v,arschall Isles ..

960)

Samoan Isles

1,000

35,000

1,128,640.

13,167,629

The chief city of Gern:iany is Berlin, the capital of
Prus.sia, the population of which in 1910 -was 2,071,000.
Among other large cities and to-wns are Hamburg
(931,000), Munich, capital of Bavaria (596,000) Leipzig,
in Saxony (590,000), Dresden, capital of Saxony (548,000),
Cologne, in Prussia (517,000), Breslau, Prussia (512,000).

There are three great rivers in Germany, the Rhine,
the Elbe, the Oder, and many others of minor importance.

Finance of the .Empire.

1913-14 1912-13.

£ £

Heveiuie, Ordinary and

Extraordinary .. . 184,801,660 141,902,000

Expenditure .. .. 184,801,660 141,90 ',000

Debt 236,037,000 242,743,000

Commerce.

Imports (general)
Exports (general)

1913.

560,331,000

609,965,000

1912.

568,962,000

476,140,000

1914.

1913.

59,578,572

72,943.164

59,110,146

63,246,021

Germany's principal imports before the War were
cotton, hides and skins, wool, chemicals, wheat, barley,
timber, copper, coffee, iron ore, grease, palm kernels, etc.,
coal, eggs and bran. The chief exports were iron and
steel and manufactures tliereof, chemicals, drugs, dyes,
etc., machinery, coal, cotton manufactures, grain, flour
and meal, hides and skins, leather and silk manufactures.

Germany bought largely from the United States,
Russia, the United Kingdom and Austria-Hungary, and

THE TIMES HISTOBY OF THE WAR.

exported most to the United Kingdom, Austria-Hungary,
Russia, France, the United States and Holland.

Means of Transportation.
The mercantile marine consisted in 1913 of 5,082,061
tons, of which 4,743,046 tons were steamers.

There were 1,600 miles of ship canal open. The Kiel
Canal is 61 miles in length. The railway mileage was
37,823 miles.

AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.
Area and Population.

TURKEY.
Area and Popdxation.

Area.
.Sq. miles.

Population

Number. 1 J^er sq. mile.

Auslriii
Hunqary . .
Bosnia-Herzegovina

115,802

125,609

19,768

28,667,898

20,886,487

1,898,379

247-0
16.3-0
960

Total

261,179

51,352,764

196-6

The principal cities of the Dual Monarchy are Vienna
(2,031,000), Budapest (880,000).

The n:iost important river is the Danube.

Finance.
1913.

Revenue :

Austria

Hungary
Expenditure :

Austria

Hungary . .
Debt:

Austria (1912)

Hungary (1912)

144,207,000
94,339,000

144,196,000
91,337,000

1912.

132,221,000
81,453,000

132,682,000
83,886,000

519,631,000
274,702,000

Commerce (AusTRiA-HnNGAHY).

Imports
Exports

1913.

141,433,000

115,129,000

1912.

148,200,000

113,911,000

The articles most largely imported before the war by
Austria-Hungary were raw cotton, coal and coke, ma-
chinery, raw wool, maize, hides and skins and cofiee*
The chief exports were eggs, coal (chiefly lignite), hide.s
and skins, glasswares, cotton manufactures, malt, and
leather manufactures.

Means of Communication.

Austria-Hungary had, in 1913, 1,011,414 tons of
merchant shipping, of which 1,010,347 tons were
steamers.

The railway mileage of Austria was 14, .512 miles, and
that of Hungary 13,333 miles.

Area.
Sq. miles.

Population

Number.

Per sq. mile.

Turkey in Europe . .
Asia Minor . .
Armenia and

Kurdistan
Mesopotamia
Syria
Arabia

10,882
199,272

71,990
143,250
114,530
170,300

1,891,000
10,186,900

2,470,900
2,000,000
3,676,000
1,050,000

187
62

34
9

33
6

Total

710,224

21,273,800

The principal cities in European Turkey are Con-
stantinople (1,200,000 inhabitants) and Adrianople
(100,000) ; those in Asiatic Turkey are Smyrna (260,000),
Bagdad (150,000), Damascus (100,000).

Finance.

1913. 1912.

£ £

Revenue .. .. 28,248,000 28,665,992

Expenditure . . . . 30,09.5,000 34,420,000

Debt 161,656,000 —

Commerce.

Imports (1912) ^''^'''S

Exports (1912) 21,746,662

Turkey imports largely textiles and on a small scale
cereals, sugar and metals. Her chief expoi ts are textiles,
fruit, tobacco and cereals.

Means of Communication.

Turkey's mercantile marine amounted in 1913 to
157,298 tons, of which 111,848 tons were steamers.

The length of railway open was 3,882 miles.

BULGARIA.
Area, 43,305 square miles ; population, 5,500,000
(estimate 1914); per square mile, 110.

The capital is Sofia, population (in 1910) 102,812.

Finance.

1913.

Eevenue 5 7|5%4

Expenditure.. .. -- 3*.j32.832

COMMEBCE.

1913.

TmTinrts 6,850,042

impona .. •• 070010=

Exports 3,7..8,1»6

Bulgaria's chief imports are textiles, machinery,
metals, hides, cattle and cereals ; and she exports wheat,
attar of roses, maize and hides, skins, etc.

More than half her imports came from Austria-
Hungary and Germany in 1913, and her chief customers
wea-e Germany, Belgium and Austria-Hungary.

The length of railway open in 1913 was 1,384 miles.

LIST OF PLACE NAMES.

Page

Square

Page

Square

Page Square

Page

Squari

AaR. .

Aiash. . . 12

Alkenyer.

C I

Andlau .

Aa R. .

. 14

Aiaslolouk . 31

.Allarmont

.Andres .

Anliof .

. 12

Aidin . , 31

Allasb .

C 2

Andr-ichal^

. 20

Aais .

• 40

Aidiissina

Alle . .

E I

Andncycvo

■ 14

A 4

Aalborg .

. 34

C I

(Hoil I-o-euz) 27

Allc R. .

Andritzena

■ 31

Aalborg B.

. 34

AiUette . . 4

.Mlcnburg

Andro

■ 31

Aarau

AiUy ... 4

Allcnst. ill

Andro 1.

• 31

Aaidenburs

Amy ... 5

AUcr R. .

AndrzeioS

• 17

Abadch .

. 33

AiUy-le-Haut 2

Alinyro .

Anfo .

A 4

Abau R. .

■ 14

Ain Hawara 35

Aloni I. .

Angclsmunster 3

Abbasiych

Ain el Weibch 35

Alost . .

Anger R .

• 14

Canal 35

-Aingeray. , 10

Alporuinbak

Angerapp R

Abbecoilrt

Aintab . . 38

Alps . .

Angcrburg

• 17

Abbsokuta

. 39

Aire ... 2

Alsace

Angernuindc

■ 14

A 2

AbbaviUe

.^5

.Airion , 4

Alidori .

Ari^ern .

. 1+

Abdeh .

■ 35

¥.2

Airnarjik. . 28

C 2

Alsen R. .

Angcrn L.

■ 14

Abercom .

• 39

C 8

Aisop R. . . 4

Alslieim .

Angleur .

. 6

Aberdeen

• 34

A I

Aitos ... 30

Alshvangcn

Angora .

• 33

Abeli . .

• 15

Aivali . . 31

Also Bi-ztra

Angra Junta

■ 40

Ahlain .

Aiwalik . . 38

Also Kubin

Angra

Ablois St.

Aix ... 2

Also Vcreczk

'. 24

I'e'iuena

Martin 4

Aix-la-Chapelle 7

Alt. Autz

(Liideritz

Abo . .

■ 39

Aixy ... 4

Alt. Reran

Bay) 40

Abomey .

. 39

Alyun Musa

Alt. Breisach

Angres .

Abargub .

. 33

(Moses

Alt Dros-

Anh^e

Abscb.vangea 17

Springs) 35

tenho

1 15

Anholt .

• 34

Abu Sambi-;j

Aizecourt . 4

B I

Alt Kalzenau

Aniches .

Abu Sclim

■ 35

Ajazlar . . 30

Alt Lussheina

Aiuzy-le-

Abu Soreia

• 35

Ak Viram . 29

Alt Miinstero

Chateau 4

C 2

Abukir .

. 35

Akaba, G. of 35

Alt. Rahden

An-King .

■ 3S

Abusir .

• 35

Akassa . . 39

Alt-Schal-

Anlier

A 2

Accra.

• 39

Akbunar . 29

kowit

AnnabcTg

Achel . .

. 6

C I

Akhorkeui . 28

Alt. Schvarde

n 14

Aniienburg

Achen Lake

. 26

Akindshalo . 32

Alt. Selburg

Annenhof

Achen Pass

. 26

-Akka . . 38

■Altdorf .

Annequin

Achen R.

. 26

C I

Alvnasugatag 24

.Altenahr

Annceullin

Achene .

. 6

Akrata . . 31

Altenburg

.Annopol .

Achery .

. 4

Akrotiri , . 31

Altendorf

Annopol .

Acbeux .

Aksaz . . 28

C 2

Altenglan

Annweiler

Achi Baba

. 28

Akshehr . . 38

Altenkirchen

.Anoerugas

Achicourt

.Aktissar . . 31

Altenmarkt

Anor . .

-Achiet .

Aktzar . . 32

Altcnvaga

Anould .

L>3

Aroz . .

Akuno-Kuno 39

Altbammer

Ans .

Ada . .

• 30

Ala . . . 26

Altissimo, .Mt

.Ansacq .

Adalja .

• 38

Ala Gon . . 30

.Altkirch .

AnthSe .

AdaUt

■ 32

Aland Is. . 34

Altweiler.

Antigone I.

E 2

.Adamawa

• 39

.Aland Sea . 34

E I

Alum

Antilly .

Adana

. 38

C 2

Ala'ihehr . 31

Aluta R.

Antinilo .

Adarmishli

. 23

Alaupo C. . 31

AJvemia .

Antioch .

C 2

Adda R. .

. 26

Alaya . . 38

Alzette R. .

Antiparo I.

Adelnau .

. 20

Alazar R. 32

Alzey. . .

Antipaxo I.

Adelsberg

• 27

Albania . . 32

A 6

Ainagne .

Antivari .

Adenau .

. 7

Albanian

Amajitz .

Antoing .

Adiamunde

. 14

C 2

Alps, North 32

Amanweiler .

Antonienhut

e 20

Adige R.

. 25

Alberscbweiler 11

Amara

Antopol .

Adamello M

. 26

Albert . . 4

.A I

Amas . . .

Antung .

-Adramyti

• 31

Albert Nyanza 39

C 6

Amasia .

Antwerp .

Adramyti,

AlbertviUe . 39

Aniatovo.

Anvaing .

G. of 31

Albesdorf . 8

.Anib.arli . .

Anvins .

Adrianople

. 28

B I

Albisheira . 9

Arabelakia .

Anwen .

Adriatic Sea

Albona . . 27

Amber Coast

Any .

Adinkerke

Alchar . . 32

Amberloup .

Anzac

Adshidsha

■ 30

F I

Aleksan-

Amblcteusc .

Anzin,

^geaa Sea

• 31

drovatz 32

Ambleve K. .

Aiizpaki .

Aegina .

• 31

C 5

Aleppo

Ambly . .

Aoinori .

Aeltre .

• 3

(Haleb) 38

C 2

Ambonnay .

Apacza .

.Aerschot

Alessio . . 32

A 6

.Amboten. .

Apanorai,

Afrsef-k .

• 3

Ale.^andretta

Ambresin

Aphisia .

C 2

-Afgliauiitan

{ Iskanderun) 38

Ambrines

Aposhcha R.

Afluri

Alexaudretta,

Ameib

Appensweier

Karahissar 38

G. of . . 38

C 2

Amgamros .

Apprikken

.Afritz. .

Alexandria . 22

.Amiens .

Apreinont

.Afsne .

Alexandria . 30

Amifontaine

Aprernont

A I

Aftoni

C 2

Alexandria

Amigny . .

C 2

Aquileja .

.Agathnpoli

(Iskanderieh) 35

Anikous .

Arabia

C 3

■VgerR..

Alexandropol 38

Amman .

Arabs G.

Agha . .

Alexandrovatz 32

Anime R.

Aradan .

F 3

Ai;ia . .

Alexandiovo. 16

Ammers-

Arangye-

AsiUa .

.Alexandrovo . 22

A 4

chueii

lovat

- 32

.Agincoui-t

Alexandrovo . 20

Amorgo I. .

Arape

.Agincourt

AJexan-

Ampezzo. .

Ararat, Mt.

Agios

drovskoie 13

Ampzin .

-Aras R. .

Stephano

5 30

.Alexari-

Amsterdam .

Arbe . .

E ■;

-Agro R. .

drovsky 13

Ana .

-Arbora .

Agrini

Alcxinatz . 32

Ana Sn R. .

.Arcadia, G. 0

.\gripa .

A 5

Alt R. . . 8

C I

Anafarta

Arch Rock

-Aguiinitza

Alfada . . 39

Anamjevitza.

.Arches .

AJiar . .

.'^Ig.iuer Alps 26

A I

.Am phi .

Arcis . .

Ahiolu

E 2

-Alice I. . .39

-Anarsha .

Arco . .

Ahr R. .

Alincourt . 5

.Anatolia .

Arda R. .

.Alirweilcr

Alistrati . . 30

.Ancemont

Ardebil . .

.Ahwaz .

J? 3

Aliven . . 31

Andechy

Ardclan .

Aia . , .

Alkaiu . . 35

Andenne

.Ardistan .

Aia R. . .

Alkcn . . 6

Andcrleck .

-Ardove .

Aiais .

Aiken . . 7

Audernach .

Ardzil . .

Page Square

Arch . .

. 4U

Aigcnau .

. 16

Argon thai

Argonnc .

Argordo .

. 26

B 3

Argos. .

• 31

C 5

Argostoli

. ^i

Argyrokaston

(Ergnri)

• 32

Arhcilt'cn

Arilje

- 32

Arjeshu R.

• 30

Arkassa .

■ 31

Arleux .

C 4

Arlon .

! s

B 2

Armasha

C I

Annenia .

- 3S

C 2

Armentiercs

Armiirlli .

. 29

ArnautUeiii

Ameke .

Arnsdorf

Arnsheim

Arpa Gedik

Pass 30

AxLjucnnrs

Arracourt

Arrancy .

Arras

Arrash .

Arry .

Arsi^ro .

R 4

Arsy . .

/Uta . .

.'^rta . ,

Arta, G. of

Artaki .

Arugnams

Aruscha .

r>7

-ArvaR. .

c 5

Arys . .

Arzen R..

A 7

Arzeulieim

Arzvveiler

Asadabad

Asch . .

Aschau .

C I

Ascq .

C 3

Asleid .

Ashaku .

Ashevo .

Ashiklar . .

Ashra .

Ashurada

F 2

Asia -Miuor ,

Asia.^o .

Asohe . .

Asparh .

Aspropotamn

Ass . . .

Assem . ,

Assebroiick

Asselbom

R I

Assesse . .

Assling . .

Assmannhau-

sec

Assweilpr

Astako . .

Astara . ,

Asten

C I

Aster ab ad

Ataki . .

Atashin . ,

Atfih . . .

Ath . . .

Athens .

Aihins, G. of

Atbi K. . .

Athies . .

B I

Athies . .

Atliies . .

AtlMs . .

A this . .

Athos Pen. .

A thus

Atlantic Ocea

n 40

Atonopolie .

At-salam .

Attert . .

Attichv . .

Atti;^ny . .

At ton . .

Au . . .

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page Square]

Pago Square

Page Square]

Page Square

Page S(|uare

Au Seeviiesen

F 2

Bad Reichen-

Baianovk;-. .

Behbehau

Bertiix .

5 F 1

AubR., West

liall

D I

Bararas .

Beho . . ,

B I

Bertry .

3 D5

32 C 2

Aubange

Badenili

Barbeiison

Beikos .

E I

Berzaszka

Aubel . .

Badon . .

F I

Barbeni .

Beilstein .

Berzee

3 F4

4 C3

JO B5
18 C 5

Aubeiiton

Badeni

E.'i

Barbery . .

Beine . .

Berzy .

Aubtrcliicourt

Badiijevatz .

Barby. . .

Beinheim

Besan^on

Aubf^nve

Badonviller .

r)2

Barcis . . .

C 3

Beinsheiin

BesLiesh .

Aubers . .

Ba(;len .

Bardolino

A 4

Beirut

Beshik B.

28 ■B3
24 A3

Aubigny . .

Balira . .

C I

Rardovtze

C 6

Beisagola

Beskid Pass

Aubigny-au-

Bafut . .

c 3

Bare . . .

Beit Bahni

Beskids Mts.

Bac

Bagainoyo .

Bare . . .

(Bctlilchem

) 35

West .

20 B5

.20 C5

Auchel . .

Bagatelle

Bari . . .

A 4

Bela . .

Beskvids Mts

Aiichy . .

Baghche Ish

Baric Pass .

Bela Palanka

Bessons-sur-

Audegem

Baghdad

3»

Baringo, L. .

Belareka .

Matz s E 2

Auderghem .

Bagirini . .

Barkovitse .

C 2

Belcesti .

Bestcrcze

24 C 5

32 D7

40 B3

5 E3

Audern .

Bagoliiio

21)

A 4

Barlaiow .

Belchatoff

C 2

Besvitza .

Audresselles .

Bagrdan .

Bar-le-Duc .

Belfort .

Bethany .

Audniicq

Balinessa

Barmen .

E I

Belgian Cougt

BetheniviJle

Auduu

Babno

Bare .

Belgium .

Bethlehem

Auge . . .

Bahrein Is. .

Baro Sd. . .

Belgrade .

(BeitLahm) 35 Ez

Augroene R.

Bahrcndorf .

Baron

Belgrade

Bcthune .

2 C4
32 B5

Augsgirren .

Baian

Baronville

t 4

Fores

Betinje .

Augustovo .

T-3

Baibart . .

Barr . .

Bellefontaine

Betleil .

24 B5

Augustovo

Baikovo .

Barriere-dc-

BeUheim .

Bcttainvii;e

8 B4

Caiial

Bailesti . .

Chainpioi

Bellicourt

C I

Bettemburg

8 H 3

Auhois . .

Ba leux .

Biiiscli ,

E ■*

Belliiigen

Betz . .

4 B 'i

Aulnois .

Baillainont .

F I

Barst . .

Belluiio .

Benel. .

7 F 3

Auinetz .

BaiUy . .

Bartau R.

Beloeil

Beugneux

4 C 3

AuiiisMts. .

Baindeer

Bar Lens tein

Belogradchik

Beugny .

2 C 3

Auronzo .

C 3

Bairamich .

Bartfa .

Belotintzi

Beusel

6 B I

Aus . . .

Baisahot . .

Bartogne .

Belz . .

Beuth .

2 A4

Au5te

Baitkowen .

Bartbchin

Belzets .

A 4

Beuthen .

20 C 4

Austria . .

Baja de Rama

Barvaux .

Belzytse .

Beuvades

4 C 3

Autclbas

Bajina Bashfa

Barvinek .

Bemba .

Beuvry ,

3 D4

Authie R.

Bajlovt/i

Baryloff .

Ben Ahm .

Bevem .

15 E 3

Autietourt

Bajohren

Bas Lieu .

Benain

Bey, R. .

9 Di

Autreches

Bakarzewo .

Bas. cles .

Bendorl .

Beyers .

6 C 2

Autrcy .

C 2

Bakenhof

B I

Basel . .

Bendzin .

Bezdany .

15 D5

Autry

Bakhtear Mts

Basbakerd

3«

Benfield .

Bi aches .

4 B I

AutzR. . .

Bal.la Pt. .

Bash tares

Belli Suei .

1:3

Biala . .

20 C 5

Auve

Bakshty . .

Bashtir.oselo

C 6

Bemave .

C 2

Biala . .

21 D2

Auvillers

E I

Baku . .

Bashtovo

Benin

Biala . .

22 A I

Auw .

C 2

Balaban . .

Basle . .

Benin R.

Bialla. .

17 . E3

Auxy It^ Ci at-

Balanml

Basovizza

Beningen .

Bialobrzeg

21 Dz

fau

Balah Lakes

Basra .

Benkheim

Bialovsovka

25 E3

Auzevillt

Balah Station

A 2

Bassama .

Benrath .

E I

Bialy Chere

Avaiicon

Baldk . .

Bassauge .

. 6

Bensdorf

mosh R.

24 C4

AvdeUa . .

C 8

Balastra, C. .

Bassano .

. 26

Bensheim

Biata R. .

21 D5

Avelag . .

C ■;

Balbinovo .

Basse Bodeu

s 6

Benue R.

Bibirva ,

14 B5

Avelgbeni

Balchik . .

Bapsolengo

. 26

A 4

Bcra Njoko

BicU . .

26 Bi

Aveluy .

A I

Baldohn . .

Bastak .

. 38

Berane .

Bicquelay

10 Bz

Avonnes .

Ealdsha . .

Bastogne .

A 2

Berary .

F 2

Bida . .

39 C 3

Avesnes .

Balfrush . .

Babtyn .

■ 19

Berat. .

A 8

Bidigli .

z8 Bi

Avesnes .

Balgau . .

BataiiQvtzi

■ 32

Berchem

Biebermuhle

9 E 3

Avesnes . .

Balkan Mts. .

Bataznilza

Berchem

. B3

Biebnch .

9 F I

Aviano .

C 4

Bali . . .

Batby. .

. 21

C 2

Bcrehtegader

1 27

C I

Biech. .

21 E 3

Avion . .

C 4

Bali Effendi .

Eaten

. 14

Berck-sur-.Mt

r 2

Bid Malkin

17 E5

Avioth .

Baligrod ,

Batilly .

. 8

BerdicheH

Riela . .

30 Dz

Avisio R.

Balikesri . .

Batocina .

■ 3«

Berdova .

Bielagorodka

23 n4

Avize

Balikesri . .

Batskotrnber

^' 14

Beregszasz

Bieiashovka

23 D3

Avizi

IJaial^rodsk .

B. de Mart

Beresa

Bielavy .

20 C I

AvloD?,ri

BaiUtul . .

iviar

e 8

Bereshnitse

Bieldia .

13 E4

Avocourt

Baligain .

Batum

. 33

Berestechk

Bielen .

2 C3

Avre R. .

A I

Ballon d'Alsace 11

Batyu. .

■ 24

Berestoff

Bielina .

32 A 2

Avrethissar .

Balshu . .

Bar.drecourt

. 8

Bereza

Bielitz .

20 C3

A\Ticourt

Balta-

Ba urn holder

• 9

Bereza-

Biclitsa .

18 C 3

Avricourt

C I

Berilovtzi

Baiirvel .

- 3

kartuzk

I 18

Bielmes .

5 Dz

Avril . . .

Baltersweder.

Bau?ke .

• 14

Berezno .

Bicloi. .

13 F4

Awanuis .

Baltic Port .

Bavarian Alp

s 26

Berezyna R.

Bieloie .

13 F3

Awasab .

Baltic Sea .

Bavay

Berg . .

Bielopolyc

32 A 4

Axel . . .

E I

B.altinovo. .

Bayriscbzell

. 26

Berg . .

Bielostok

17 F4

Ay . . .

r>4

Baltisoaru

Bazaljya .

. 23

Bergama

Bielot .

32 E4

Ay . . .
Aya Yorgi
Ayaznia .

Baluchistan .

Bazan court

Bergaz .

Bielotsin .

23 D4

Balve . . .

Bazarjik ,

• 30

Bergaz

Bielovies

18 n4

Balvierzyski .

T.S

A 2

BazeiUes .

• 5

Chai R

Bielovo .

3Z D5

AydoUles
Ave . .

C 3

Banionda.

E>3

Bazia . .

- 32

Bergeu-op-

Bielsk .

16 C 5

A I

Bampur . .

Bazias

. 32

Zoon

1 3

F I

Bielsk .

17 F4

Ayette

C 3

Bamum .

Bazoches .

Bergfriede

Bielskaya

Aywaille .
Azannes .

C 3

Ban de Sapt .

Bazovitse

Berghamo

Voli<

> 23 Ca

Bandawe .

Bazual

- 3

Berghaascn

Biessellen

17 D3

Azerbaijan
Azoudange
Azy . . .

Bander Abbas

Beaucourt

Bergheim

Bicvre .

5 Fi

Bandze .

Beaumetz

Bergheim

Biewels .

8 Bz

C 4

Bangui

Beaumont

Bergni court

Biezun ,

17 C4

Bangweolo .

Beaumont

Bergnes .

Bifara .

39 E>3

Bani . . .

Beaumont

Bergzabem

Bigha. .

28 C 2

Bania .

Beaumont

Berhometh

?.'*

Bight ot

Banilla . .

Beaumont

Berkovitza

Bi.afi

1 39 C4

Kaad . .

Banitz

Hame

1 2

Berlaer .

Bigla M ts.

32 C 7

Baale Nassau

Banja

C 2

Beauquesne

Berlaimont

l?"

Binatch .

27 F5

Baalons .

Banja

Beauraing

Berles .

?■>

Bijar . .

38 Ez

Baarland

E I

Banja

Beaurainville

Berlin .

Biklishta.

32 B8

Baba . . .

32
31

r>5

Banja . .

Beausejour

Berlin .

Bilcha

25 D3

Baba, C. . .

Banja

le Mesn

1 5

Beraeau .

Bilderlingsho

f 14 Cz

Baba Hski

C I

Ban aloka

Beauval .

? =

Bemecourt

B I

Bilder-

Baba Kalessi

Ban ani .

Beauzee .

Bemina Pas.

weitsrhei

17 Fz

Babadagh .
Babiak .

F I

Ban ska .

Bebnoff .

Bemkastel

Bilejik .

38 Br

Ban ska .

Eecelaere

Bemot .

C I

Bilek . .

30 A 2

Babit L. . .

C 2

Bannan court

Bechuanalanc

Bernstadt

Bilgora .

zz A3

Babuna Pass

C 6

Bannstein

Pro lector at

s 40

C I

Bemweiler

Bilin . .

zz Bz

Babushnica ,

Bantaji . .

Beckingen

Bemi. .

Biljanovatz

32 B4

Babylon . .
Baccarat

Eanthevillc .

Becquevoort

Berrv-au-Bac

Bilke . .

24 A 4

Banya

Bed burg .

Bersi R. .

Billzen .

II E4

Baccliiglione
R.

Banyo . .

Bedkoff .

C 2

Bersheta

Bilsen .

6 C 2

B4
E I

Bapaume

Bedrashen

Bershof .

Binarvllle

5 E3

Bacliarach

9
32

Bar . . .

(Memphis

) 35

Bersigal .

F 2

Bineha .

32 B5

Bachcvitza .

Baragan

Beeringen

Bersohn .

Bincbe .

3 E4

Bachevitza .

32
32
17
4

Steppe

E I

Beersheba

Berthelming

Binder .

39 Dz

^■*

Baranoff .

Beershetba

Bertincourt

Bindzoko

39 D4

Bachki .

Baranoff . .

( Bires Seba]

Bertrichamp*

Bingen .

9 Ez

Bacouel .

Baranovichy .

Becrst

C 2

Bertrick .

Bingenfeld

9 F3

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page

Square

Page Square

Page

Square

Page Square

Page

Square

Biniakony

Bobrownik

Boshigrad

Breuscn (or

Bnironfasse

. 8

C I

Biuicv

B 2

Bobruisk

BosUevgrad

Bruche) R

. II

BuissonviUe

. 6

Bioche

A 5

Bobty

Bosna ?i rai

Brez . .

• 32

C 6

Buja . .

• 27

Bir Abu Sweira .^5

Bochoia .

(Sarajevo) 30

A 2

Brezna .

■ 30

A 2

Eujanovatz

• 32

Bir el ^[a3a^.

Bocholt .

C I

Bosna R.

A I

Eriansk .

• 17

1'4

Buje . .

. 27

Bir Koreye .

Bockcnheim

Bosnia .

Bribano .

Buk . .

■ 30

Birch a .

t' 5

BocUlcmund

Bosovitz .

Brie . .

B 1

Buk Muisha

• 15

Bircha .

Bocq R. .

Bosporous

Brieg . .

Bukacliovtse

Birejik .

EotUnheim

Bossanciie

D";

Brienne .

Bukaehovtse

C 2

Bires Scba

Bodzanoff

Bo! on

B"7

Eriesen .

Bukama .

(Beershcba

EoLlzcutyn

Botosani

Brieullcs .

Bukoba .

Birjand .

Boja

A 5

Botokv .

Bricy

Eukoviets

Birkciifcld

Boi,'ac]iko

C 8

Botsid .

Brigcaux

• 5

Bukoviua

Birkfeld .

Bogate .

Botzanowitz

Erigitten

Bukovit/a

Birktnbardt

F-4

Bogafitcli

Botzen .

Brimeux .

Bukovsko

Birkesdorf

Bogdaucsti

Boubers .

Bnnsk

Bukovtza

Binningham

A 2

Bogdajitze

Bouchain

Brioni

Buknvtzc

Birnova .

Ii3

Boyhados

Bouclioir

A 2

Bristol .

A 2

Bukuru .

BirsgalD .

Boghazikeui.

D 2

BouconviUe

A I

Britisb East

Bulau:

Bischofsburg

Bogin

Bnncq

B I

.Airica 39

Buldur ,

BischofsbofeD

Bogoslaff

F I

Bourg Fidide

E I

Brixen .

Eulgareni

Bischofswurder 16

Bogurzynek

Bo org Leopold 6

Erjest .

Bulgaria .

BischwciJer

Boguslaw ,

Bourgogne

Brloga .

Bulgaria .

Eishoflack

Bohain .

C I

Bouill-n .

Brnjitza .

C 2

Bulgarkeui

Eishtritza

Boharodcban

y 24

Boulers .

Brobuz .

Bulla . .

Eiskupi .

Bo lira Li .

Bouleuse

Brod . .

Bullay .

Biskupjce

Boinitza .

Boulogne.

Erodarevo

Bulles .

A 2

Biskupilse .

Bois Grenicr

Boult. .

Brodenbach

Burabire I.

Bismaick

Bois de In

Eoulzecourt

Erodofl .

Bonar

ArcJiipcLige

> 33

Inset

Grurie 5

Bouqueraaison 2

Broduitsa

Bunarbashi

Bismai-ckshui

g 39

Bois et Borsa

Boor bonne

Brody .

Bunarhissar

C I

Bisping

C I

Bois-le-Pretrc

les Bain

Erody .

Bundenthal

Bisrcntzl

Boiselles .

Bourbourg

Brodynlin

Burano .

Bissen

B 2

BoiseUes .

Bourcq .

Breeders

Burgas .

Bissetsk R. .

Boisleux .

Bourdonnaye

C 1

Duynen 2

Burgus .

Bisten

Boitsfort

BoLlrcuilles

Erohl .

Euriki .

Eistrito . .

Bojanoff .

Bourogne

Brok . .

Burnctsker I

. 12

Bistritza

BojlikDcrhrnt 30

Boumabat

Bromberg

Burnhaupt

Bistritza R. .

Bojuk DcrvcnL 30

Boursault

C 1

Eromierz.

Burshtyn

Bisztra .

Bokhara .

Bous Battery

Bronit^a .

Burshtyn

C 2

Bitlis

Bokiazu .

Bousies .

Broshk .

A 7

Burstadt

Bitolia (Mon

Bel I. .

Boussy .

Broovelieure

Burtnetsk

astir

C 7

Boldoraa

Bouvellemon

t 5

Eroyes

Burtsclieid

Bitsch

D +

Bolcchoff

Bouvignes

Brscziny .

Buruned

Bitten

Bok-slaff .

Bouzondorf

Bruche ( or

Burzenin .

Bivoljak .

Boleslaviets

Boves .

A I

Breusen) R

Buschhol.

Biwer

Bolrtin .

Eovigny .

B I

Bruchsal .

Buschhof ,

Eixschootc

Bolgrad .

F I

Boxbach

Bruck .

Buschhoven

Biyuk Cbek
mcje

BolimoS .

Boyaoa R.

Brudzefi .

E I

Busbat .

-9

Boliovatz

Boyen

C 2

Bruges .

Buslm-e .

Biyuk Khan
Biyukdere

Bollendorf

Boz. C .

B 2

Brugny .

Bushnatz

32 ■

-9

E I

Bollweiler

Boz, G. .

r>3

Bruhl

Busigny .

Bizshi

Bolotsko

Bozhut .

A 2

Bruka

A 8

Busk . .

Bjela . .
Bjela . .

Bjelene .

A 5

Bolovsk .

Bozitza .

Brulos C.

C 2

Busk . .

Bolscben

C 4

Bozlar .

C 2

Biulos L.

Busken .

Bolshovtse

Bradiseni

Brumath

E I

Buss . .

Bjelinijel

Bjetzanovo

Blachi

Bolshovtse

C 2

Brageshti

3°

Eruneek .

Buss . .

Bolz Bor

Braila .

E I

Brunehamel

Bussang .

1?3

C 8

Bolz Irben

Brailoll .

Enmor .

B 2

Bussy

Black Drin R

• 32

Bolz Jagel R

■ 14

Braine Anneu

d 3

Brunstadt

But R. .

Black Noso]

Bolz Utogosh

Brair.e

Erus . .

Biitgenbach

5''

R. Wes

t 40

Bolzetin .

C 2

le Comt*

Brusa .

Butossol .

Black Sea

Bomal

Braisne .

Brussels .

Butimto .

Bladinotf

Bommelswitte 14

Brajna .

Briisterort

C 2

Butsua .

Bladiau .

Bonboillon

Brandenburg

Bruyeres

Butsnioff.

C 2

Blagnv .
Blaialfeld

Bondo .

Branges .

?,3

Brychany

f 3

Buxieies .

B I

BoDdungo

Branno .

Brysgiel .

Buza Pass

Blainville

C 2

Bonga

Braquis .

Brza Palanea

Buzancy .

Blamnnt .

C 2

Bonn

Brasina .

Brzchnitza

Buzen R.

E I

Blangy .
Blangy -

Blankelaer

Bonne Esp6r

Brass .

Brzeg. .

Buzhin .

ance 3

Brasschaet

F I

Brzesh .

Buzy . ,

Bonny R.

Braubach

Brzezany.

C 2

Bybova .

Blankenbcrg

F 3

Bonny Town

Braunkopf

Brzesiny .

Bychava .

Blank en berg

le 2

C I

Boofzheim

Bits

Brzesko .

Bychavka

Blashki .

Boom

Braunsberg

Brzesko Nov

; 21

Byehsi .

Blasko\'izna

F 2

Boort

Bray Dunes

Brzezie .

? =

Bystritza R.

Blatzheim

Bopchytse

Bray-siu-

Brzeznitsa

Bystrzytsa

Blatzi

Boppaid .

Somm(

A I

Brzostek .

Bzin . .

Blazova .

Bareml .

Brebach .

Brzozofi .

Bzura R..

0 I

Bleckbausen

C I

Borg . .

Brebinari

Erzyluki .

Bledoff .

Borgo

Bree . .

C 2

Bubian I.

!; +

Bleiburg .

Boigobesh-

Breedene.

C 2

Bubisi

Blenod

tercze 24

Breekbout

Bub-ssa R.

Bl^rancourt

Borgoprund

Breenbreek

Buccari .

Cadoria .

Blerwait

Bonsofi .

Breg . .

Buccy les

Cairo . .

C 2

Bleyberg
BUekastel

C 3

Borisoff .

Bregalnitza F

■• 32

Pien"epoin

Calafat .

9
9

Boritch .

Bregovo .

Buchan Kess

A I

Calais.

Blies R. .

Borkut .

Breidenbacb

Bucharest

E I

Callenete

Bliesbrucken

Bormio .

Bremen .

Buchboden

Caluggrei .

Bligny .

Bbnisbte

C 3

Bomliolm I.

Brenner .

Buclisiveiler

E I

Cambrai .

BoroB .

Brenner Pass

Bccquoy

Cambrin .

?.*

Blittersdorf

Borosehau

Breno

Buczacz .

Camerau

Bbzna

Borova .

Ercnta R.

Budakovatz

Camiers .

^liznak .

C 3

Borovan .

C 2

Breny

Budenhemi

F I

Campagne-

Blon .

Borovtze

C 5

Brescia .

A 4

Buderscheid

n 2

les-Hesdii

1 2

Blonie

Borovnia

Breskens

Budesbeiui

Camposanpie

ro 26

Biota

BorovDO .

. 22

C 2

Breslau

Budievo .

A 4

Campremv

BludoS .

Borsa

(VVraclaw

1 20

Budoma .

Canale .

Bill men thai

Borsava R.

A 4

Breslau .

Budrum .

Canche R.

Bliitcnau

Borshchitse

Bresles .

Budslav .

Candella

Blutstein

Borshozoff

• 25

Brcsna

Budva .

Morlacc

1 27

Bobcaheim

F 3

Borssi'Ie .

E 1

Bi esnik .

Budy

Candia

Bobfi R. .

Boruche .

• 32

Brttnitza

BudzanoS

Canea

Bobitchi .

Boriuiy .

. 18

Bressoux .

Buea .

Canin Mt.

Bobosevo

. 32

Borytiia .

■ 24

Brest Litovs

< 22

A I

Bug . .

Cans la

BobrR. .

• 19

Boryslaff

. 22

Brestovatz

Bug R. .

. 17

Grand\ill

e 8

Bobrtvicby

. IS

Boryslafl

• 24

Breteuil .

Bug R. .

• 25

Oaorle .

Bobnk R.

• 19

Borziiiioff

. 17

Bretigny .

Bugay .

Cape Coast

A 4

Bobrka .

. 22

B s

riorzykowo

Bretomieux

Buhl . .

F I

CapcGris Ne

z 2

Bobrovniki

. 16

Boshava .

• 32

Bretsje .

Buir . .

. 7

Oapellen .

. 8

TIMES WAli ATLAS— INDEX.

Paf^e Square

Paga

Square

CajKJ d'I?tria

Chanak .

Caporctto

Chantjis .

(Karfieit)

Chaiiishte

Cappy . .

Chapoii .

B 3

Cupriuo .

A.t

Char . . .

Caprycke .

Cbaray

CardifE . .

Ostrofi

Carcnr.y .

Charbar .

Caiignan

F 2

Chardak , .

Caiinthia.

r>3

Cbard.-h . .

Cui'lepont

Chare\'o .

CarLisle .

Cbarcncv

Carlsruhe

Charl.oll" , .

Carmeville

A I

Charlciois

Carnic Alps .

C 3

Chark-viUe .

Caniien^s.

CharlottcQ .

Caroiola .

Chaily . .

Camizza . .

Charmes .

C 2

Camot . .

3*)

F.4

Channes .

Carootville .

Cliama . .

Carpathiaa

Charna R. .

Mts.

Chama R. .

Cartiffny . .

Charny . .

Carvin

Charny Clierc-

Ca<^ka. . .

inosb R.

Ca'ipian Sea .

E I

Charnyduna-

Cassandra

yets

Cassandra,

Chaxtoiysk .

C 2

G. of

Charukoff

Cassandra Pen

3Jt

Chas Keui .

Cassel . .

Chashcha .

E;i

Casteau . .

Chaskoi . .

Castelfranca .

Chalal Kepe

Casteliiuovo .

Chatalia . .

Castelnuovo .

Chateau

CasteUo C. .

Porcion

Castello

Chateau

Terina

Regnault

Casteraascliio

Ciateau Saline

C I

CastiUon .

Chateau

Castua

Tliierry

Catacolo . .

Chatelct . .

I'"4

Catcnoy . .

C!iatcl-5ur-

Cattaro . .

A 2

MoseUe

C 2

Cattenhafen .

B 3

Chaienois

Caucasus .

Chatham

Cavalese .

Chatievichy .

Cawdry .

Chatillon .

F 2

Cebrofi . .

C 2

ChatiUon-

Cedigolo .

suc-Macne

Ceintrey . .

Chatojov

CelleR. . .

A I

Chatynichy .

CeUes. . .

Chaudun

CeUes. . .

Chaulncs

CeUes. . .

Chaumont-

Cepcevicliy .

Purcien

Cephalonia I.

Chauiiy .

Cephalos

Chauslikai .

C 6

Certontaiae .

Chautsun

Cerigo I. .

Chauvcncy

F 2

Cerigotto I. .

C 6

Chaux

g +

Cerca R.

Chavigny

Cemay .

Chavoune

Cemay .

Chaiin . .

Cemeci .

Chchofi . .

Cemy.

C 2

Chechina

Cerovitza

Che-foo .

Cervignano .

Chehatina R.

Cfcsves . .

Chehery .

Cetatea . .

Cheikishlci .

Cetinje . .

A 2

Chekovitse .

E 2

Chabar .

Chelebi . .

n 2

Chaber . .

Chelles . .

Chabishki

Ch^mery .

Chachaj .

Chemiely.

Chachak . .

Cheniiemiki .

Chacrise . .

C 3

Chemulpo .

Chad

Chenaia R. .

(orTsad), L.

Cheae . .

C I

Chadossy. ' .

Chenimenil .

ChailloQ .

A 4

Chenstocbova

C 3

Chaiandritza.

Chepkeui .

B I

Chalcidice

C 3

Cherattc . .

£3

Chalcis . .

Cherecha R.

Chald5hilar .

C 8

Cheremna .

Chalet of the

Cheres . .

Khedive .

Cherkesskeni

C I

Chalin . .

Chermen

Challerange .

Cheremeza .

Chalons . .

Chemembl .

Chaions-sur-

Chema R. .

Mdi-ne

Cherna R. .

Cham R., West 40

Cheiniactiofl

Chambezi R,

Chcmievichki

9.1

Chambi .

C 8

Chemik . .

Chambley .

Chemin .

Chambry .

C 2

Cheroitsa

E 2

Chamob R.,

Chemoic L. .

West

Cherovene .

Champagne

Cheiravchytse

Champagney

Cherskoi . .

Champenoux

C I

Cherso . .

Champig-

Cherso I.

neulles

B I

Chertoriya .

Champillon .

Chervin . .

c^^

ChamphQ

CL.ry . .

Chamsk , .

Chiry IPS

Chan

Pouilly

C 2

Bazarkeui

C 2

Cheshevichy

Chan Cbai R.

C 2

Chesmeh . .

i-age
Chesmcs . , 3
Chcsniki . . 22
Chestin . . 32
Chestobroditza 32
Chetsiuy . . 21
Chtizy . . 4
Chezy ea-

Orxois 4
Chiese R.
Chievres .
Chiftalan.
Chiflhkeui .
Chifthkkeui .
ChiUudi-in
Chirnay .
China .

Chia-Kiang .
Chiakovtze .
ChmoH .
Chin-wang-tao
Chiny.
Ctiioygia .
Cliioppo .
Chipueh .
Cbiporovtzi .
Chirchen

Bodea
Chirkvenitza
Chislii . .
Chislengieu .
ChiUla . .
Chiuhiitza
Chiusalorte ,
Chivres .
Chmielnik
Chmieluik
Chech

ChnchoIoS .
Chodech .
Chodcl . .
Chodel R. .
ChcdoroS
Choisy
Cholchlo .
ChoUu
Choma
Chongara
Chorlu

Chorlu R. .
Choma-Lora
Mts.
Choro

ChoiostkoS .
Chorzelle
ChouiUy .
Chotm . .
Chotynitse .
Christjania .
Christiania

Fiord
Chris tiansand
Chroscziitz .
Chrupishta .
Chrzanotf
Chudets .
Chudla . .
Cbudvn .
ChugaH FaUs
Chukas .
Chumowfissi
Chumsk .
Chupnmja
Cbupril .
Chupriya.
Churkli .
Chvc-idany .
Chyzefi .
Ciochocinek .
Ciergnon
Citut Kujusi
Cilicia

Cilli . . .
Ciney

Cirfa-lc-Mello
Cirey .

Ciry . . .
Cittadella .
Cittanjova .
Ciuperceni ,
Cividale . .
Clary . .
Clavier .
Clerl . . .
Clerf R. . .
Cliimency
Clemery . .
Clermont.
Clermont .
Clermont.
Clermont <-n-
Argoniie
Clerken .
CWry . . .
Clinnaia .
Clochcr . .
Cobadin .
Coblence
Coboop .
Codroipo
Coeuvres

Square
E4
A3
B3
A3
"3
C4

A3
E3

B2
D2

D7
F5
B4
A4
D3
C 2
B3
F2
C.5
C4
E.t
U4

E5
A 4
E3
E I
Ei
D3
C 2
E4
F2
Ez
C5
C3
E3
E3

C I

C4
D5

D4
D4
D3

Di
C I
B3
C 8
C4
E4
D2
D4
D8
A 7
E.(
D4
D4
B5
C3
C 8
A 4
E4
B4
B4

Bz
F3
B4
A3

C3
B4

D5
D3
D4
D5
B4
B2
B2
B3
B5
A3
D2
B3

F3
C 2
Bi
E4
B5
F I
F4
B3
C4
B3

Pa^e
26

Cogolo
Coincotirt
Coincy
Coingt
Cojeul R.
Col du Bon-

hoinme
Coldu Ste.

Marie
Colmar .
Cologne .
Colombert .
Colombcy
Comaccliio .
Comblain du

Pont
Combks .
Comin(;s .
CommcLXey .
Compagne-les-
Boulounais
Compiegnc ,.
Conception B.
Concevrcux .
Conchy-les-

Pots
Cond6
Cond6
Cond^-en-

Brie
Cond^-les-

Autry
C-ond^-sur-

Jlarne
Condette
Conegliano .
Con flans . . 8
Colil;o R. . 39
Consdorf . 8
Consenvoye . 5
ConsUen . . jy
Constantinople 2q
Conrav . 4

Contbill . . 8
Contich . . 3
Coosenbc-rg . 7
Copenhagen . 34
Coppenax

Fort 2
Coquilhatville
Corabia .
Corb^ny .
Corbie
Cocbion .
Corbu
Corby
Corcieux .
Corey.
Coiea

Corca Strait .
C-oifu
Corfu (Ker-

kyni) I.
Corinth
Corinth, G. of
Corisco B.
Coria telu
Conuicy .
Cornions .
Cnrmontreuil
Comior R, .
Cornimon
Como Mt.
Corny
Coronel .
CorravUlers .
Corsk

Cortemarck .
Coitenhaeken
Cortina di

Ampezzo
Cortonberg .
Cosina
Costanza

(Kustenji)
Costesci .
Coucy-le-

Chateau
Coulombs
Coulomraes .
Coulomrniers
Coufanaro
Coulomb y
Courcelette .
CoLUTelles
Courland
Courmont
Courri^res .
Court

Courtelevant
Courtrai
Cousolre .
Couvin .
Covarchoff .
Covedo .
Coxyde .
Cracaoani
Cracow .
CraoiJue .
Cr.cy

Square
A3
C I
C3

D2
C4

A3
B4

B I
C3
A 1

A3
B3

A2
C3

B2
D4
Az

D4
A3
C^
B4
K,5
B2
F3
E3
D3
Ai
C5
Fa
I>3
Di

D2
A I
F I
Di
D2
D3
B3
D2
D4
B4

A4
C5
C4
C4

D3
D3
D4
D3
D3
D3
C3
B4
Inset

Bs
C 2
B2

F3
D4

F 1
Dl

D5
A3
C 5
C4
B3
C3
C4
F3
D4
D3
E4
F5
Dj
D4
C 2
D5
04
C2
C2

Criicy en

Ponthieu
Creil . .
Cr6py
Crepy-en-V,
Creta Verde

Mt,
Crete I,
Creto
Cr^vic
Creve-champ;
Crevecceur
Crevccceur-le

Peti
Crkvena
Croatia
Croce Carnico,

Mti
Croce Mt.
Croisilles .
Croismare
Croissy .
Crombtke
Ciouy
Crouy
Crveni
Csacza
Ctesiphon
Cucq .
Cuflies .
Cugay
Ciiincliy .
Ciil des Sarts
Cumieres
Cunene R.
Cu.^havcn
Cyllene .
Cyprus .
Cysoiag .
Czempin .
Czernovitz
Cziasnau .
Czonia Repa

Hits.
Czortkoff

Page Square

31
26

4
32
27

26
26

34
31
38
3
16

Dabek .

DabiQ

Dabfova .

Dabrova .

Dabrovitse

Dabrovka

Dabrovody

Dabruvka

Dadizeele

Dagda

Daghiani

Daghistan

Dago 1. .

Dahlen .

Data

DainWlle

Dairea (Dal-

ny)
Dajti . .
Daleiden .
Daleshytse
Dalheiut .
Dalheni .
Dalloa .
Dakiy

(Dairea)
Dalstein .
Damaahur .
Damaraland or

Herero Land
Damascus
Damasuli
Darabach
Damery .
Damevre
Damietta
Damietta

Mouth
Damme
Damraer
Dammerkirch
Dampcevrin
DamviUeis
Dandiuschany
Danischin
Daaiuslievo
Danjoulin
Dankowzy
Daanes
Daaube, R.
Danzig
Daazig, G. of
Darabani .
DarachofI
Darah
Darda
Darda
Dardanelles
Dardaaus
Dar-es-Salaam
Daridere .

A4
A3
C 2
B3

C i
D6
A4
C I

A 2

C3
C4
C 2
A2

C 2

"3
C3
D4
C3
D3
A4
C3
Bz
C4
E I
F3
A I
C 2
Bs

D3
A5
D4
B3

C I
C4
D4
Cs
V^

C 2

C3
F3
B8
E I
Fr
0 2
E4
C t

03
A7

D3
B3

C3
Bi

03
C3

C 2

A 2
C3

C 2
D2
B3
D4

F4
F3
E4

02
D4
D3
A3
B2
B2
C 2
D4
C 2
F4

B?
B8
B2
B2
D8
U3

TIMES WAB ATLAS— INDEX.

I'age

Square

Page Squarel

Page Square

Darkel-.mcn .

Dilraan .

Dorogi .

19 E4

Duino . .

Egypt .

Darmstadt ,

Dimetoka

C 2

Dorohoi ,

25 D4

Dukati . .

A 8

Ehein

C 3

Darius MoDU

Dimidovo

Dorpat

Dukatino

Ehrang .

G 2

men

Dinant .

(Juriev

12 C 4

Duke To«Tl .

Ehrenbreit-

Dasberg .

Dippach .

Dorsumshki

14 G 5

Dukla . .

steir

Datnofi .

Dirichas .

Dort-Ali .

32 DS

Dukla Pass .

Ehrenfeld

Dalyn .

P. 2

Dirlinsrtorf

Doruchow ,

20 B2

Dukora .

Eich . .

DaLcourt

Dirmingen

Dossenheim

ir E I

Dukshty . .

Eich . .

Da'idscvas

Dirschau

DoUsloff .

17 F3

Dukshty . .

Einod

Daiigi

Diskata .

Dotzheim

9 Fl

Dujeigno

EinviUe .

Dauletabad

Disoa, R.

Douai

2 C4

Dulje . .

Eisak, R.

Daun

C I

Distomo .

Doubs, R.

10 C s

Dumbovitza

Eisenberg

J-3

Da\-gelishki

Ditkovets

Douchy .

3 134

Dumbraveni .

Eisenerz .

David Crude!

t lij

Dilkovets

C 2

Douglas B.

40 B3

Dumo

Eishyshky

Davignab

nuva, R.

Doulcon .

S F3

Dijmpelfcld .

Eisib. R..

Dead Sea

Diupche .

DouUens .

2 Bs

Dun , . .

Eitorf .

Debabat .

Divaca .

Douriez .

2 A4

Dimaburg

Eivassa L.

Debe, Bight o

i 35

Divanye .

Dour . .

3 E4

(Dviiisk

Ekersund

C I

Debet ikig

C-3

Divenskaia

Douvrin .

2 G 4

Dunaiets K. .

Hkshishn.

G 8

Debelo .

3-!

Dixraude

Douzy .

5 F2

Dunaievzy .

El Abiad.

G 2

Debicbe .

Dizfu

Dover

34 B2

Dunaievzy ,

El Amaid

Debitsn .

Dizak

Dovlen .

30 D3

Diinamunde

El Arish .

»2

Debrishte

3::

Dizy . .

Doxa, R.

32 G8

(Ust Dvinsk

ElAyat .

Debsk -

Dizy Ic Gros

Draganesht

30 D I

Dunayoff.

El Fordan

Debsk .

Djama-i-bala

C 2

Dragasani

30 Di

Dundee .

A I

ElGisr .

Deda . .

C 5

Dlottouen

Dragoman

Dunilovitchi.

El Gisr Hills

Dedeagatcli

A 2

Dmiti-o\iche

Pas

32 D4

Duninonovy

111 Hakl .

Deditz .

C •;

Dniester R.

Dragomontzi

32 C7

Dunlvirk . .

El Hasa .

Degano R.

Dno . .

Dragonovo

30 D2

Dupljane. .

El Hejaz .

Degcrby .

A 2

Poben .

Draguseni

25 E4

Dupmtza. .

El Himma .

Dehbid .

Doblen .

Dragutina Pt

28 B2

Durazzo .

El Jezireh

Delirud .

Dobra .

Drama .

30 D3

Durazzo, B. of 32

El Kantara

Delatyn .

C 3

Dobra .

Dramia .

31 D6

Duran

El Kbulil

Delgadn, C.

E 9

Dobra .

C 2

Dran, R,

27 F3

Durbar . .

(Hebron

Deligrad .

Dobral Pass

Dranista .

31 C4

Durbuy . .

El Kutrani .

Deile , .

Dobr?lu .

Dranov I.

30 F I

Duren . .

El VVasit .

Delnie

Dobre .

Drashevatz

32 B2

Diirkheim

Elassona

Dclnitze .

Dobromierz

Drau .

27 E 3

Durlach . .

Elbe, R. .

Delvino .

■M

A.|

Dobromil

Drauburg

27 F3

Durmitor Mt

Elbasan .

Demavend

Dobromilka

Drava

32 D6

Durstel . .

Elberfeld. .

Dembsen

Dobros .

Drave, R.

27 Fj

Dury . . .

Elbing .

Demer R.

Dobroshevtz

e 32

Drazdzevo

17 D4

Dushari . .

3«

Elburz Mts.

Deirjr Kap

DobrOGlavka

Drazkopol

22 B4

Dushi. . .

Elena. . .

s 30

F. 2

Dobrotvor

. 22

Dreisain, R.

II E3

Dushnik .

Elephant Vley 40

Demirchaniu

Dobroveni

• 32

C 7

Dreisen .

9 E3

Dusiaty .

Eleutheropol:

Demirhissan

DobroA'ki

. 13

Drengiurt

17 E2

Dusiaty, L. .

ElizabethviUe

Deirdrji .

Dobruja .

Drcnova .

30 D2

Dusmiany .

Elizavetpol .

Demntika

Dobrzin .

. 16

Drciiova .

32 B4

Dusseldorfi .

E I

Ellei . . .

Dend^rleeuw

Dobrzyca

. 20

Dreuovatz

32 Cs

Dutew

Eller . .

Dendre R.

DobLsytse

. 21

Drenovo .

it G7

Duvy. . .

Ellem . .

Deniskovicbj

■ 19

Jlobzyn .

. 16

Drenovo .

32 G8

DvinaR.. .

Ellezclles. .

Denizli, L.

Dogan Hrsa

r 28

A I

Drepano, C.

31 C4

Dvinsk

Ellignies .

Denizlu .

A 2

Dogger Bank

Dresden .

34 D2

(Dunaburg

Elmas Tabia

Denmark

C I

Doghanja

• 29

C I

Drevenz, R.

16 C 4

Dvorietz ,

Elmen . .

Deniisa I.

• 31

Doingt .

B I

Drin, G, of

32 A 0

Dvorzets

Elsdorf .

Depren .

. 17

Doiran .

. 32

Drin, R. .

32 A 6

Dyle . .

EltviUe . .

Dera'no .

■ 23

C 3

Doiscbe ,

Drina, R.

30 A 2

Dylevo . .

Eltz . .

Per) . nt .

. 38

Do an

. 30

F I

Drincea, R.

32 D3

Dynoff . .

Elva . . .

Detbent

Dojransko, I

• 32

Drisviata, R

15 E4

Dy\'im .

B I

Elvangen

^Jebedz

e 30

Doca

■ 39

Drisviaty

15 E4

Dzbouie .

Elverdinghe .

Dere R. .

. 29

Doksbitse

• 15

Drizane .

15 E 2

Dzialoshytse

Elymbo .

Dereetiyn

. 18

r»4

Dolgaia R.

• 13

Drobin .

17 Ds

Dziatyn . .

Embach R.

Dere\Tia .

• 19

Dolginor .

• 15

Drogit

18 G 5

Dzieditz .

Embcnnenil

Derevnoye

. 18

Doigovka

• 13

Drohobycz

24 Bi

Dziektarzeva

Emboha .

Derkos .

- 29

Dolha

- 24

A t

Droviani

31 B4

Dzienciol .

Emel, R..

Derkos, L.

■ 29

Dolbasca

. 25

Droyichyn

17 Fs

Dzievin . .

Emilchyn

Derkun .

Dolma .

■ 24

Druika, R.

15 F4

Dzuryn .

Eniin Pasha C

'■ 39

Dervent .

. 32

Dolintze .

. 32

Druhngen

9 Ds

Dzuryn .

Emineh .

Des . .

- 24

Del Levitchi

Drusenheim

II E I

Dzviniach

Emineh, C.

Debonzano

. 26

Dolo . .

. 26

Dmskieniki

18 A3

Emptinur

Desert ol E

Dolomites

Druya

15 F4

Ems . .

ll 35

>. 26

Drygallen

17 E3

]

Ems .

Desnbom

C I

Doloo

. 39

Dryhoeck

3 Fi

En Natur

Dessoux .

. 6

Dolvinaki

• 31

Dryn . .

32 B8

Earczanfalva

Enchenbfrg

Deivres .

A 3

Domanitse

. 21

Drzevitsa

21 D2

East China

Eugers .

Detiweilcr

. H

Domait .

A I

Dshep .

32 Cs

Sea

Enghezee

DeulscbEyl

ay 16

C 3

Dombastie

. 10

C I

Dshidshiler

32 C 8

East Dunkirl

C 2

Enghien .

Deutscbdori

Dombastle

Dshura .

32 B7

East Prussia

C 2

Engis

Deutz

Dombrena

. 31

Dsialoshyn

20 C 3

Ebblinghem

England .

Deva . .

• 30

C I

Dombrovitsa

Dsnuma .

32 G 8

Ebcli . .

Engure .

Deviatniki

. 15

Dombrovo

. 18

Duala .

39 C4

Ebensee .

Enkenba<h

Dtvijaka

• 32

Dombrovo

. iS

Dubatz .

32 B4

Ebemburg

E 2

Enkirch .

Deviteb .

■ 32

C 6

Dombrova

. 20

Dubbebi .

14 G2

Ebcrsheim

E 2

Enns .

Devcl, R.

- 32

Dombrowke

1 17

Dubcna .

JS E3

Ebcrsweiler

Enos .

Deynze .

Domes Ness

• 14

Dijbenalken

14 A3

Ebolowa .

Enquin .

Dezenziii, R.

■ 32

Domevre-cn

Dubcningkeu

17 E2

Echt . .

G 2

Ensisheini

F.3

Dhron. R. ■

Hay

e to

Dubcz L..

13 Fs

Echtemach

C 2

Ensival .

Dhiinn, R.

F 2

Dommartin-

Dubiche .

18 B3

Ecly . .

Entebbe .

G 6

Diala

. 38

T'laiirhet

te 5

Dubienka

22 B3

Ecordal .

Entshcim

DiatbeliT

■ 38

Donmiartin-

Dubietsko

21 F4

Ecoussines

Enz, R. .

Diba

- 35

E t

sur- Yevr

e 5

Dubietsko

24 A 2

Ecouviez.

F 2

Enza, R..

Dibaki .

- 31

Domnaii ,

. 17

Dubina .

19 D2

Ecoust .

Epaux

Dit.ra

■ 32

Domcnovo

. 18

Dubki .

13 Es

Ecqueinicour

t 2

A 4

Epchy .

Didk\chen

• 17

n 2

Doniorovtzi

• 32

Dubna R.

IS E3

Ecurir

Epemay .

Die EiM Mt

. 8

C I

Dompierre

Dubnia .

13 F4

Ed Deir (Sor

Epfig . .

. II

Diedlingen

Doraptaii

C 2

Dubnitza.

32 G3

Edea . .

Epida\TO

Diedolsliaus'^

n II

Don . .

Dubno .

15 E3

Edenkoben

Epinal .

. 10

Diekirc^i .

. 8

Dnnehery

Dubno .

18 B3

Edesheim

Epoye

Dielatychv

. iR

Doneonrt

. 8

A 4

Dubno

22 G4

Edfina .

Eprave .

. 6

Diclkiichcn

Dondangen

■ 14

Dubova .

.32 C2

Edinburgh

Er Ramleh

• 35

Di. St . .

. 6

B 2

Donon

Dubravitza

32 B2

Edirigen ,

C 2

Erben

• 17

Dieue

Dora . .

• 24

Dubrinic

• 24 A3

Edinjik .

Erdorf .

. 8

C 2

D.eulouard

Dorbyany

Dubrova

.19 Dz

Edvahlen

Erdoszada

• 24

Dieuze

C I

Dormagen

Dijdrlangen

.8 B3

Eeckercn.

Erckc

. 28

Di<val .

P. 4

Dormans

Dudichy .

.19 E 3

Eccloo

Eregli

• 29

C 2

Dignano .

. 27

Doma Watr

a 25

Dudweiler

• 9 D3

Eerneghcm

C 2

Ercnkeui

■ 29

Diiuli

. 31

E 4 1 Dornach .

Dudzeele.

. 3 D2

Egelshardt

Ercz^e

. 5

Dikkcln .

. 12

B =, Dornegg .

• 27

Duffel .

. 3 Fz

Egg . .

. 26

A 1

Erfclder .

Dikoa

. 39

D 2 ' Doro, C. .

. 31

DuMe .

.39 C6

Eggcnstcin

• 9

Erft R. .

. 7

Dillengen

. 8

Doro Chan,

• 31

Duinbergcn

. 3 Di

Egri Palanka

Ergene, R.

. 28

TIMES WAR ATLAS—INDEX.

Page
Ergcn {Argy-
rokaston)
Eriaa
Erikli. .
Erivan
Erizc .
Erkelen/. .
Ermenikeui
Emienonvillc
Ermes
Ermeton
Ernanhcid
Rrp . .
]-.rpcl

Hrquelinncs
Hrquingheni
Erquiiivillcr;
Erstein .
Ertveldc .
Ervahlen .
Ervillers .
Erzcrum .
Erzingyan
Es Salihiya
Es Salt .
Es Sur
Esbo .
Escalles .
EscaudtEuvTcs
Escaut {or

Schelde), R.
Esch . . .
Eschdorf
Esch-on-Saut;r
Eschweiler .
Eshtum um
Fareg (Pelu-
siaa Mouth)
Eski Baba

Der, R.
Eski

Deirmen, R.
Eski Eregli .
Eski Juma .
Eski Stamboal 30
Eski Stam-

boul (Troy)
Eskije
Eskikale .
Eskishehr
Esneux .
Essclien .

32
15

7
29

38
38
35
35
38

Square

B8
D2
B2
Di
F4
D2
D:
A3
B5
F4
C4
E3
F3
E4
C3
A 2
E2
D2
B2
C5
D2
C 2
C 2
E I
C3

A2
A2

D3
B3
B2
B2

Essegney .
Essey.
Essigny .
Ess mes .
Estaires .
Este . .
Esthonia
Estourmel
Estrees ,
Eslrt^es
, St. Denis
Etain
Etallc .
Etampes .
Etaples ,
Etelfay .
Ethe . .
Etiro .
Etival
Etosha, L.,
Etouvelles
Etouy
Etrepilly
Etreux .
Etroeungt
Etropole .
Etsch, R.
Etscli Thai
Etskau .
Etskau, R.
Etskengrafen
Ettelbruch
Ettlingen
Eubcea ,
Eudtkuhnea
Eunnattez
Eupcn

Euphrates R,
Euripo Chan,
Eusekull .
Euskirchen
Evergem
Evett. .
Evnes
Evst R. .
Ewringen
Eyragola
Eysden .
Evscringen
Ezine

29
29
30

40
4
4

3
30

=6
26
14
14

C 2
D2
E2
E2

E4
D3

C 2
B2
C3

F 1
B I
C 2
B5
C 2
C4
C3
B5
A3
D5

n I

C4
A4

A2
F2
B2
C 2

B I

C 2

C I

A3
B3
C3

C 3
D3
B2
F4
C4

D3
D3
D3
C4
B4
E3
D2
C4

C 2
D3
B3
C5
C3
E3
B3

Facdis .

. 27

Fafa, R. .

. 39

ii3

Fagervik

. 12

Faight
Fair I. .
Fakovitch
Faleshti .
Faik . .
Falkenbeig
Fall . .
Falster .
Falticciii
Fa magus ta
Famulkibroch-

ovskic
Famillciiieux
Fail ^oi" Oshc
ba)
P'ano I. .
Fao .
Faracaul Mt
Fares
Fareskur
Earn I, .
Fars .
Faru .
Faruraa .
Fatauel .
Faucogney
Fauqucm-

berges
Faurci
Fauvillers
Faverolles

Fay .

Fayid Station

Fayum

Fecht R.

Fedorovka

Fedosin .

Fegersheim

Fehertemploni
(Wiesskir-
chen)

Fehteln .

Fcinaanka R.

Feistritz R.

Feldbach

Feldkchu

Felixbeg .

Fella R. .

FcUia

Fclmany

Pels . .

Felsbcrg .

Felshtyu

Fclshtyu

Felsoviso

Feltre

Fcnain .

Fener

Fcng-huang-
chen

Fentsch

Fepin

Ferdinandovo

Ferdi-upt

Fere-en-Tar-
denois

Ferejik .

Ferizovitch

Fernando Po

Ferxara .
Ferrieres .
Fesmy
Fesoszelistye
Fes tuber t
Feteshti *
Fexhe
Feyen
Fiaona .
Fiera di PrU
miero
Fife . ,
Fife Ness
Fikel . .
Filatra ,
Filipov ,
Filipovo ,
Fillicres .
Finland ,
Finland, Gulf
of
Fins .
Finstermunz

Nauders
Finstingen .
Fireyort .
Firth of Forth
Firuzabad
Fischbach
Fischbach

Alps
Fismes
Fitu . . .
Fiumc

Flamborougb
Head
Flammberg .
Flavigny
Fleigneux
Flensburg

Page Scinaro

3 E 4

34 A I

32 A 3

25 F4

8 C 4

12 A3

D5
B2

34
17
10
5
34

Page

D5
E4

A4
E3
C4
B6
C 2
A 1
E4
D8

D2
C4

B3
E I
A 2
C 3
B I
A3
C3
D3

D5
E2

C 2

D4 1

A 2 I

C5
B4
D4
D2

C 2
B3
F5
E4
C 3

C4
B5
C4
D5
B5
C 3
E I
C3
C 2
D5

B3
C 8
Al
E3
B5
F3
<:3
B3
A2

D5
B2
A I
F4
D2

F2
C3
Di
E5

D4
B2
E2
C 2

3
30
30
31
31
27

6
30
24
30

4
26

Flcurbai
FWvillc . .
Flevillc . .
Fleurus .
Flcury
Flincs les

Raclies
Flircy

Flitsch (Plcz-
zo)
Flixccourt
Flizc .
Ftobecq .
Flonc
Floiiheim
Flopatak
Floreffe . .
Florcnncs
Florentifi
FlorenviUe ,
Floreshti
Fiorina .
Floyon .
Fluela Pass .
Flushing
Flushing (Vlis
singeii)
Focha
Fogaras .
Foggia . .
Foggia Nova
Fohnsdorf
Foix .
Fokshaui
Foldra
FoldvJr .
Folembray .
Folgaria .
Folgenburg .
FolleviUe . 4
Fondo . . 26
Fonia . . 31
Fontaine . 5
Fontaine,

I'Eveque 3
Fontaine Mad-
ame 5
Fontainebleu 4
Fontenoy . 3
Fontenoy . 10
Fonzaso . . 26
Forbach . . 8
Fordon . . 16
Foreados, R. . 39
Forest de

Andigny 4
Forest ■ of

Anlier 8
Forest of Bie-

lovies 18
Forest of Chan-

tiUy 4
Forest of Corn-

piegne 4
Forest of Hal-

attc 4
Forest of Hez 4
Forest of

Laiglc 4
Forest of Mon-

don ic
Forest of Par-

roy IC
Forest of

Remilly i
Forest of

ViUers-Cot-

terets 4
Forest of

Woevre ;
Foret de

Raimes :

Fort Archam-

bault

FortAkaba .

Fort Alvens-

lebeQ 8
Fort Andoy . 6
Fort Argancy 8
Ft. Arsot . II
Fort Bath . 3
Fort Bismarck II
Fort Blumen-

thal It

Fort Bomhem 3

FortBose . 11

Fort Bouvines

FortBoyen .

Fort Brass -

chaet

Fort Broechen

Fort Camot .

Fort Castel-

nau

Fort Charle-

mont

Fort Chau-

denay
Fort Choisel .
Fort Conde .

39
35

Square
C 3
F3
U4
F4
F4

D4
B5

O3
"5

E3
B3
1; 2
I) I
F4
F4
D3

C 7
E5

D I
A2
Di
E4
E4
K2
B3
E I
C 5
Di
B2
B4
E4
A 2
B3
C5
D4

F3
A4
D4
B I
B4
C4
B4
B3

A 4

A3
A3

C 2

C I

E3
E3

B4
B4
B4
D4
E 1
Ei

E I
E2
E2
C3
E3

F I
F2
C3

Page

9
3
17

Fort

B I
F3
F5

Fort Courbicre
Fort Dave .
Fort Deafert
Fort Doel
Fort Domger-
main
Fort Dom-

martin
Fort Donners-
berg
Fort Emines
Fort Eyck .
Fort Francais
Fort Fran-

sccky
Fort Gocben
Fort Granll
Duke of
Baden
Haes-
donck
Fort Haeseler
Fort Hecht-
shcim
Fort Illangen
Fort Kaiserin
Fort Kirsch-

bacli
Fort Lami
Fort Lena-
berg 9
Fort Leopold (3
Fort Lierre . 3
Fort Liezele . 3
Fort Lobau . 2
Fort Lothrin-

gen S
Fort Mac-

donald 2
Fort Maizaret (J
Fort Malonnc 3
Fort Mann-
stein 8
Fort Man-

tcufiel 8
Fort March-

oulette 3
Fort Molke . 1 1
Fort Montig-

ny 8
Fort Mun-

dolsheim II
Fort Nieulay 2
Fort Oeleghcm 3
Fort Oude-

nyck 3
Fort Peters-
burg 9
Fort Pierguin 2
Fort Pont St.

Vincent 10
Fort Prinz
Friedrich

Carl 8
Fort Prinz

Royal II
Fort Prinz

Royal of
Saxony 11
Fort Roch-

ambeau 3
Fort Roon . 11
Fort St.

Barbe 8
Fort St. Eloy 8
Fort St. Uiri-

bert 3
Fort St.

Hilaire 5
Fort St. Marie 3
Fort St. Michel 5
Fort St.

Michel ID
Fort St.

Philippe 3
Fort

Schwartshoff 11
Fort Stab-

roeck 3
Fort Suarl^e 3
Fort Vincent 9
Fort Vorder-

berg 9
Fort Waelhem 3
Fort Wagner 8
Fort Wavre . 3
Fort Werder 11
Fort Wille-

broeck . 3
Fort Wrede . 9
Fort Wurtem-

burg 8
Fort Zant . 9
Fort Zastrof . 8
Fort aux

Vaches 2
Fort Ballon

de Servance
Fort de Bar-
cboD

Square
B4
F4
D4
Ei

D I

B 1

F I
F4
E3
B 2

E I
B4

F I
B3
B4

E2
E2

F I
B2

E 2
C3

C3
B3
F4

F4
E I

E I
A 2
F 2

F I
C3

B4
E I

D4
E I

B4
B4

F3
B I
F2

F I

F4
F4

F I

F2
F4

B4
F4
B4

B3
C4

Page
Fort de Belle-
ville
Fort de Bes-

soncourt
Fort de

Blenod
Fort de Bois

Bourras
Fort de

BonccUes
Fort de Bos-

mont
Fort de

Bouissois
Foi-t de

Bourdiau
Fort de

Briniont
Fort de

Brugeres
Fort dc

Cerfontaine
Fort de

Chartreuse
Fort de
Chaudfon-
taine
Fort de Cha-
teau Lam-
bert
Fort de Cog-

nelee
Fort de Conde
Fort de

Dt^nney
Fort de Dog-

neville
Fort de

Douaumont
Fort de Dug-

ny
Fort

d'Ecrouves
Fort de

Embourg
Fort

d'Evegnee
Fort de
Flemalle
Fort de Fleron
Fort de Flines
Fort de Fres-
nes
Fort de

Frouard
Fort de

Genicourt
Fort de

Girancourt 10
Fort de

Giromagny 10
Fort de

GironviUe 10
Fort de

Grevaux 3
Fort de

Gruybeke 3
Fort de

Haudainville 5
Fort de Hau-

mont 3
Fort de

Hollogne 6
Fort de Jouy 10
Fort de la Cote 10
Fort de Lan-

drecourt 5
Fort de Landre-

niont 8
Fort dc Laiiis-

court 4
Fort de Lantin 0
Fort de Levaux 3
Fort de Licrs 6
Fort de Liez . 4
Fort de Liou-

ville 10
Fort de Lon-

ciu 6
Fort de Long-
champs 10
Fort de Lucey 10
Fort de Man-

onviller 10
Fort de

Marieux 3
Fort de Marre 5
Fort de Maulde 3
Fort de Mayot 4
Fort de Mer-

xem 3
Fort de Mont 8
Fort de

Montbard ic
Fort de Mont-

berault 4
Fort de Mont-

bri 5
Fort de Mt.

Vaudois it

Square
F3

• D4
Bz
F3
Cj
D«
E4
E4
D3
C 2
E4
Cj

F4
Cj

B I

C3
C3
D4

B I

A I

C3
Al
C4

C 2
Cj
E4
Cj
C a

A I

C3
B I

E4
F3
D4
C 2

F2
C«

C 2

D3
C4

TIMES WAR ATLAS^INDEX.

Fort de

Moulainville
Fort de Mou-
1 ainville
Fort de No-
gent I'Abbesse
Fort d'Omy .
Fort de Pon-
tisse
Fort de Possel
Fort de Razi-
moat
Fort de Re-

miremont
Fort de Roppe
Fort de

Rupclmonde
Fort do Kupt
Fort de Sau-

ville
Fort de

Schootea
Fort de SecUn
Fort de Sor-

bey
Fort de Som-
my
Fort de St.

Thierry
Fort de

Tavannes
Fort de Tigha
Fort d'Uxe^-
ney
Fort de Vaux
Fort de Ven-

deuil
Fort de V6ze-
lous
Fort de Villey
Fort de Witry
Fort d^-

Zwvndrecht
FortdelaBat-
terie
Fort de la

Chaume
Fort de la

Cliaux
Fort de la Cote
Fort de la
Grande Ha ye
Fort de la

Justice
Fort de la

Malmaison
Fort de la

Mouche
Fort de la

Porape'le
Fort de la

Voivre
Fort des Ad'=-1-
phes
Fort des

Arches
Fort des

Banes
Fort des Dunes
Fort des

Frisches
Fort dc'S

Paroches
Fort des

Quatre
Moulins
Fort des

Sartelles
Fort du Bois
d'Oyt-
Fort du Bois

TAbbe
Fort du Canip
des Ro-
maincs
Fort du Mt.

Dauphin
Fort du

Rcgr-t
Fort du Rou-

lOD

Fort du Ro-

zellier
Fort du Sal-

bert
Fort du Tillot
Fort la Perle
Fort le

Bambois
Fort Tete de

Flandre
Fort von der

Tann
Forville . ' .
Fosse
Fouday .
Foug .
FouUloy .
Foula 1. .
Fouligny

Page

Square

C 3

Fj
C4

c^^

1-3

D4
B I
D3

C4
C4

B I

C 2

C 3

13 2

C 4

B I

E 2

C3
F 2

B3
F4

B I
A I
Ai

Fnuquescourt

Foiirmies.

Fourni

Fromclles

Fshali

Fsheber .

Fraillecourt

Fraire

Fraize

Frampol .

France

Francr^ville

Fran ken- tc in

Frankentlial

Frankfurt

Franzensfoote

Frasheri .

Frasnes .

Frassine R-

Frateshti

Fratienbnrg

Franzdorf

Franzen^ffste

Franzfoiilein

Frechen .

Fredopol

Freiburg .

Freinsheim .

Freisdorf

Froistadt. .

Froiich Congo

French

Ubangi
Frcnco

Frcrabodegem
Frenija .
Frenois .
Freshwater

Canal
Fresnes .
Fresnes .
Fresni^es
Fresnoy .
Freux
Fri^vent .
Freystadt
Fri court .
Friedensau
Fried] and
Friedrichs-

felde .
Friedrichsliof
Fricdrichshof
Friedrichsliof
Fricdrichsladt
Friedland
Fri^res
Frisange .
Frische

Kehrung
Frisches Hafi
Frischhausen
Friescn .
Friesenheini .
Frisian

Islands
Friuli .
Frohen-le-

Grand
Froid

Chapel le
Froid rnout
Frolosh .
Froinelettes
Frouard .
Fruges
Fruinoasa
Fryshtak.
Fiihlingen
Fukuoka
Fiiniay .
Fuiidata .
Fiineu
Fuxdcnheini
Fumes
Fiirnitz .
Furka
Fusan
Fushilu .
Fushtani
Fusina
Fusinc
Fiisic-n
Futc'au .
Fuzhine .

' Gaba Tepe .

j Gaboon R. .
I Gabresh .
! Gaby . .

Gachina .

Gaddos Ford

Gaeshti .

Gaibes

Gaidaro I.

9
17

Square
A2

E5
C3
B6

F4
D3

A3
A3
D5
E3
F3
F r

B^
D3
F4
B5
Dz
B3
E4
B 2
Az
Ez

A 2

E3
F3
C3
B4
D5

E3
A3

Ez
A 6

D4
A4
B 2
C I i
F I !
B4 i
C3
B I
F3
D2

D3
A3
B3
E4
D3
B5
Bz
B3

C z
C 2
C 2
D4
Ez

C2
C3

C 2
D6
F5
B I

B4
Dz

E4
Ez
E4
E I
Di
Di
E I
C 2
D3
BS
D3
F3
D7
B4
C3
A I
F3
E5

Bz
C4
C8

B3
Di

B3
E5

Gaiken ,
Gail Thai
Gailthal Alps
Gaina, R.

Gaisis .

Gala, L. . .
Galainelz
Galata
Galata

Galatchista .
GaJatz
Galgo .
Galicia .
Galicica Mt. .
Galichnik
Gal i tea Mare
Gallipoli .
Gallipoli Str. .
Gallo, C. . .
Gam an e .
Gammcrages.
Gand (Ghent)
Gandelu .
Gangett .
Gangume
Ganikobis
Ganncs .
Ganos

Gaokhaosib .
Gaorovo .
Garbatka
GarboS .
Garda, L-
Gardiki .
Gardikio .
Gardone .
Garezij .
Gargaliano .
Gargnano
Garis .
Garmisch
Gamsee .
Garsen
Gartitza .
Garua

Garub . .
Garubeb .
Garvohn .
Gasant .
Gashka .
Gashyn ,
Gassiory .
Gastein .
Gastuni .
Gatkolif . .
Gatsechyn .
Gau Alges-

heira
Gaurain
Gavalu
Gavchitz
Gavere
Gavrelle
Gavrion
Gavry
Gaza .
Gaza

(Ghuzzeh)
Gdoff . .
Gdofl . .
Gebel

Gcnerfeh
Gebh . .
Gebweiler
Gedinne .
Gedizchai, R,
Geer, R.
Geetbctz
Geete, R,
Gciaub
Geigoab
GeilenkLi'chen
Geimasis .
Geis .
Geisenheim
Geispolsheira
Geistingcn
Geitsaub
Gelbressce
Geldrop .
Geleas
Gelindcn
Gelsdorf .
Gelvan .
Gerabioux
Gemlik .
Geinmenich
Gemona .
Gcmund .
Gemunden
Genappe .
Gcnck
Gendero Mts,
GeneSeh

Station
Geni court
Gensan .
Gensingen
Gcntrangen
Georgenbur;

Page
14
27
27
19
40
28

2
28
30
30
30
24
24
3^
3^
32
28
28
31
39

6
39
40

4
28
40
30
21
21
26
32
31
25
32
31
26
40
26
16
15
30
39

9
3
31
32
3

3t
14
39

35
13

Square
B3
D3
D3
E2
B I
B2
B4
B2
E2.
C3
F I
B5

B7
B6
E3
B2
B2
B5
D4
E3
E2
B3
C 2
D3
B3

C 2
B3

F2
A4

A8
C4
A4
A6

B5
A4

B2
B2

C3
D3

El
D3
B3

E2
E4

S3
B3
F2

C 2
D5

E2
D3
B4
A3
D3
C4
D5
B5
E4

1)3
D4

A4
G3
D3
Ei
E4
C3
D2

B3
B3
D2
B3
B3
Ei

F2
B3
B3
C I
B4
B3
E3
C5
F4
E2
C3
C3
D3
D2
F3
C2
D3

F4
D3
E2
B3
C4

Il-
ls

30
32
38
17
17
3
4
27
32
28
31
31
31
31

Georgios Pt. .

Gtirardmcr .

Gerb^pal

Gcrb^viller .

Gercy.

Gerdauen

Gerdeme .

German Jiast
Africa . - .

German South-
west Africa 40

Gcrmanovichy 15

Germany. . 8

German .

Gerruerslieim

Gerona .

Gerou^nfle

Gersheim .

Gertweiler .

Gerusheim .

Gespansart .

GeuIijeBunar

Gey .

Ghanze .

Ghazelles

Ghecl

Gheluvejt

Ghent (Gand)

Ghcrgitza

Ghevgeli .

Gliistelles

Ghuzzeh

(Gaza)

Ghyvelde

Gibeofi .

Gibken .

Giedreize.

Giehiieff .

Giesdorf .

Gigen.

Gilan

Gilge .

Gilge, R..

Gilly . .

Gilocourt

Giniino .

Ginchi Pass

Giobenalan

Giona

Giorgio I.

Giova

Girapetra

Girecourt

Girigams

Giroinagiiy

GiroQviTle

Girtol^ol .

Gisineli .

Giura I. .

Giurgevo

Giushevo .

Givencby

Givcncliy-eu
Gohclle

Givet

Givry-

Givry-eu-

Argonue

Gizeh

Gizy .

Gjakova .

Gjoani

Gjurashitclii

Gjur^je\ilv .

Gliidbarh

Glan i\lii[ich-
wciler

Glan R- .

Glauegg .

Glasko

Glasmanka

Glatim

Glein Alps

Gleiwitz .

Gligenbiu-g

Glineishki

Gliniany .

Gliniany ,

Glinki ,

Glinna

Glinoieck.

Glogoft .

Glogovitza

Glnns

Glotzdovo

Glovno

Glubochane

Glubokoie

Gluchoff .

Gluchowo

Glnms

Clusk

Gnesen

Gnicloff .

Gnicvoshoff

Gnilki

Gnilopiat R,

Gnytse ,

age

Square

5
35

4
32
32
32
32

9
27
21
15
32
27
20
17
15

24
17

32
15
20
16
26
19
16

B I
F4
C3
C 2
F4
E5
F2
D4

F2
Ei
B I
D3
C 2
C 2
B2
C3

E I
D7
C2

E2
B2
B3
B2

Di
Di

F4
B3
Ds
D4
C 2
C4
C5
Fs
D6
C3

D4
Ai

B5
C4
D4
D2
Ds
C4

C4
F5
E4

E4
C 2

C 2

As
A4
Bs

D3
F3
D3

B4
D4

Ds
E3
B4
B2
E3
C I
Ds
E4
Ds
C3
E2
C2
B7
Fs
B2
As
A3
E4
As
E3

Es
F4
Ds

Page Square

Goagibgaos .

Gobabis Mt. .

Gobamnas .

Gochnumtzi .

Godaehitza .

Goddclau

Godeanu

Godesberg

Godetz . .

Godjan Mt. .

Goduzisbki .

Goes . . .

Gogolin . .

Goktepe . .

Gola . . .

Golbey . .

Gold Coast .

Goldbach

Goldap . .

Goldingen .

A 2

Golemose

C 5

Golesha .

A 4

Golija Mt. .

Golina . .

A 2

Golina . .

Goljak Dagh

Goljetni

Varbomik

Golling . .

GoUub . .

C 4

Goloby . .

C 3

Gologury

c S

Gologury

Golotreni

Golovicha .

C 3

Golubatz

C 2

Golyrain .

Golyshevo

Gomagoi .

Gombin .

C 5

Gdmsitche .

Gondek .

Gondrecourt

Gonia

C 2

Gonja . .

Gonrieux

Gontova .

Gonzerath .

Gopesh . .

Goplo, L.

Gora .

Gora . . .

Gorall . .

C 4

Gorashda

A 2

Goray

Gorazdowo .

Gorcy . .

Gordom .

Gordooia

Goritza .

Goritza . .

Gorizia (Gorz)

Gorlitse .

Gornji Lisina

Gomji Uiao .

Goroccvtzi ,

Gorodefs

Gorodiahchy

Gorodisk

F S

Goroduia

Gorodok .

Gorond .

Gorshdy .

A 4

Goryn R.

Giirz (Gorizia)

Gorze.

Gorzhovitse .

Gorzkoff ,

Gorzno .

Gosaldo . .

Gosha . .

Goshoha .

Goslin Owinsk

Gosselies.

Gosslershausen

C 4

Gostilitsc

Gostilja .

Gostivar .

Gostynjn

Gota, R. . .

Gotcherli . .

Gotcborg. .

Gotland I. .

E I

Goub, R.

Gonoy

Gouzeaucourt

C 5

Govorovo

Gowenhcira .

Goxweiler

Goyencourt .

G^yer . .

Gozdovo .

Graauw .

E I

Grab .

B 2

Grab . . .

A 2

Grabcn . .

Grabitsa ,

C 2

Graboff . .

Grabovatz .

TIMES WAR ATLAS—INDEX.

Page

Graboviets .

Grabovo , .

Grabow . .

Grabnaar

Grachanitza

Grachanitza .

Gradetz . .

Gradisca Mon-

falcone

Gradishche .

Gradiste . .

Graditza . .

Gradnitza .

Grado . .

Gi-adsko

Gradskov

Grafenstaden

Grahovo . .

Graievo . .

Gramatla

Gramenz

Grammont .

Grammos Mt.

Gramsden .

Grana , .

Grand Hal-

leiix

Grand Morin,

Grand Mt. .

Grand Vent-

ron Mt.

Grandes Loges

Grandfontaine

Grandmenil .

Grandpre

Grandvillars

Grandzieze .

Granges . .

Granitza . .

Grappe . .

Gratia

Graudenz

Grauzysbky .

Gravelines .

Gravelotte .

Gray . . .

Graz . . .

Grdeljitza .

Great Amu-

tuni

Great Belt .

Great Bitter

Lake

Great Falls .

Great Fish R.

Great Glock-

nerMt.

Great Kapela

Great Nama-

qualand

Great Nethe

Great Ouse R.

Great Popo .

Great Rogo I.

Great Solk-

hohe P.

Great Yar-

mouth

Greatz . .

Greboff . .

Greece . .

Grefrath . .

Gremea, C. .

Grenay . .

Grendsen

Grenzhof

Grevena .

Grevenbroich

Grevenmacher

Grez . . .

Grenzach

Griaka . .

Gribuchi . .

Griesheira

Grimsby . .

Gripport . .

Grivitza . .

Grkoles . .

Grobin . .

Grobraing .

Grocholitse .

Grocka . .

Grodek . .

Grodno . .

Grodziets

Grodzisk

Grodziska .

Groiets .

Groningen .

Grootfontein

Groot Fon-

tein

Groschowitz

Grosen . .

Square

E3
A3
D4
B 2
B2
Ai
A3
D7

D7
D4
AS
D2
D4
C 6
D3
E2

D3
E3

D3
A3
E3

B8
A3
F5

C4
B I

D3
D3
D2
C4
E3
D4
A3
C3
C4
B +
Di
B4
C 2
B2
B4
A5

Bi
Di

D2
C 3

B2
B3
A3

B2
C4
E3
C 8
Dl

C4
B2
B3
C 8
E2
C2
F3
E4
E I
D5
F2
A2
B2
D2

A3
D2
C 2
Bz
F5
Dl
B2
A3
Bj
Di
F4
D2
C 2
B I

B3
B3
B3

Gross Aulo-

wohnen

Gr. Belchen

Mt.

Gr. Blieden .

Gr. Gerau

Gr. Hettingen

Gr. Jungfem-

hof

Gross Milano-

vatz
Gr. Romanten
Gr. Puppen
Gr. Rowe
Gr. Salven
Gr. Schirrau
Gr. Sessau
Gr. Strehlitz
Gr. Tanchen
Gr. Warten-

berg
Gr. Zezem
Grubiesgofi
Gruda
Grudek .
Grudek .
Grudusk .
Grumbach
Grunhof .
Griinstadt
Grunvvinkel
Grupont .
Grusdavo
Grusdi
Grushlavki
Gruysbautem
Grybotf .
Grzegorzeff
Grzybovitsa
Grzynnazlotf
Guaramanas
Gnastalla
Gubanitse
Gubeni .
Gucha
Guemar .
Guerbigny
Guias

Guigni court
Guinea, G. of
Gulnes
Guiscard
Guise
Guisk
Guivry .
Giilden R.
Guldenboden
Gulenti .
GuUeghem
Gulpaiguan
Gulpen .
Gijls .
Gumbinnen
Giimendshe
Gumenjoko

Mt.
Gummersbach
Gumurjina
Gumushkhane
Gundersheim
Gunduzli
Guniersblura
Gurahumora
Gurk .
Gurkfeld
Gusiatin

(Husiatyn)
Gusiatin .
Gusinye .
Gutenstein .
Gutmanns-

badi
Guttstadt
Gvozd
Gwadar .
Gwatar .
Gyidafalva

Page

Habay .
Habkircben
Habobe .
Habsheim
Haccourt
Hacquegnies
Hademkeui
Hadikeui
Hadikfalva
Hadshalar
Haecht .
Haelen .
Hafi, The
Hagenau
Hagenbach
Haggers .
Hague, The
Haidori Sho-
kar Pas^

6
3

29
28
25
32
3

Square
E2

B3
F2
B3

E3
A2
D3
E2
C3
B4
C4

B3
B3
B3
A2
A4
D2
D4
E2
C3
F3
F4
A I
D2
B4
A4
D3
D5
B5
B3
D2
B2
A5
E2
D2
B3
E3

A2
B2
D2

A3
B2

C I
C4
B2
E2
C3
D3
D3
F3
C 2
F4
E2
D7

D4
F2
D3
C I
F2
C I
F 2
D5
E3
F4

A5
E3

A5
D3
A4
H4
H4
El

A2
D4

C3
D3
Di
B I
D4
C 6
F2
B2

E I
D4
A3
B2

Haifa .
Hainasb .
Haine, R.
Hairobulu
Hajin
Hakodate
Hal . .
Halanzy .
Haleb (Alep-
po)
HaUch .
Halicz Mt.
Halifax I.
Halki I. ,
Hallein .
Hallist .
Hallista, R,
Halsdorf .
Halluin .
Ham .
Ham .
Hama
Haraada .
Hamadani
I-Iambach
Hambach
Hamburg
Hamies .
Hamiville
Haram
Hamme .
Hamoir .
Hamois .
Hamont .
Hampont
Hamun (Hel
mand), R,
Han . .
Hanab .
Hanara Mt.
Handzaeme
Hanehl .
Hauesti .
Hang-chow
Hango
Hauguin .
Hanhof .
Hanies, R.
Hankow .
Hannapes
Hannut .
Hanover .
Hanrel
Happencourt
Hapsal
Harara
Haraxas Ford
Harbacq
Harbin
Harboani res
Harcigny
Hardt

Gebirge Mts.
HarS . .
Hargartcn
Hargicourt
Hargnies
Hariel
Haris
Haris

Harki Lyubas
Harlau .
Harlebeke
Harly
Harmanlu
Harodots.
Harodyshtse
Harol. .
Harou6 .
Hamies .
Harsfalva
Harsingeu
Harville .
Harwich .
Harze
Has . .
Hasau R.
Hascnport
Hasingea
Haskeui .
Haspres .
Hasselt .
Hassloch
Hastierre
Hatseg .
Hatteucourt
Hattenheim
Hattonchatel
Hatzcnport
Hauboardm
Haudiomont
Haupstuhi
Haussy .
Haut Fays
Hautes

Rivieres
Hauvin6 .
Havaras .
Havangen
Havelange .

Page

38
24
24
40

29
27

6
40
40

25
36
34
40
13

3
36

6
34

35
40
2
36
4
5

25
3

30
18

3
24

40
14
14
II
28
3
6
9
3
30
4
9

Square
B3
A5
E4
C I
C 2
G2
E3
A3

C 2
C3
A3
B3

Di
B4
B4
C3
C3
F4
B2
C 2
E4
E3
F3
D4
D2
C3
B I
F2
E2
C4
B4
C I
C I

H3
B4

B3
B3

C 2
A4
E4
B4

F I
B2
C5
E5
A4
Dl
B3
C 2
B3
B2
A3

C 2
B3
B4

A I
D I

E4
D2
C4
B I
F3
C5
B2
B3
C 2
E5
D3
C I

53
B5

C3
B2
E3
A3
D4
A4
B2
C3
C3

A3
E4

B I
D4
B2
F3
F4
C I
B2
E I
A4
F4
C3
A4
E3
D4
Fi

E3
B I

B3
B4

Haversin
Havert .
Havrincourt
Havsa
Havsa Dagh
Hawtzeh
Hayingen
Hazebrouck .
Hebijevo
Hebron (El

Khulil)
Hebuterne .
Hechtel . .
Hedauville .
Hadzi Jeiles .
Heer . . .
Heerdt . .
Heerlea .
Heeze
Hecze
Heights of

the Meuse
Heil Krr'uz .
Heilegenblnt
Heiligen Aa .
Heilegeublut
Heilsberg
Heimbarh
Heimsbnum .
Heinersrheid
Heinsbrrg
Heinrichs-

walde
'Heinsch .
Heirakhabis .
Hciteren .
Heitersheiin .
Hela . . .
Helchteren .
Heligenbeil .
Heligoland I.
Helikon .
Hellimer .
Helmand

(Hamun) R.
Helsingborg .
Helsingfors .
Heluan .
Hem .

H6m6villers .
Henin Lietard
Hennef .
Henkries
Heraklia I. .
Heraklitsa .
Herbeaumont
Herbergeu .
Herbertshoh
Herbesthal .
Herb<Sviller .
Herbitzheirn
Herby
HercheQ .
Herck
Herck

St. Lambert
Herderen
Herenthals
Herero Land

or Damara

Land .
Hergenrath .
Hericourt
Herincse .
Hcrinnes
Herinnes
Herkulcsfiirdo
Herlingen
Herlin-Ic-Sec
Herlisheim .
Herlus . .
Hennagor
Hcrmalle
Hermes .
HerincskLil .
Hcrmopolis .
Hennsdorf .
Hermiilhcim
Heron
Herpy

Herri Chapelle
Hcrrijat .
Herrnsheim .
Hcrrstein
Hcrshcim
Herssclt . .
Herstal . .
Hcrtzing
nervi . .
Herzcele .
Herzegovina
Herzheira
Herzogenrath
Hesdin .
Hespcringeu
Hesslach
Hcstrud . .
Hct Sast . .
Hetzcralh .
Hcuchin .

Page
6
6

Square

C 2

B I

F 2

C I

C 2

Inset

C 2

A 4

F 2

0 2

Heumar .
Heure, R.
Heverle .
Hexamili .

Heyst
Heyst .
Hieliau .
Hiermont
Hieroso .
Hilberath
Hildorf .
Hill 60 .
HiUa . .
Hindelang
Hingeon .
Hinova .
Hinter-

weidenthal
Hinzenburg
Hiroshima
Hirschbuhl

Pass
Hirschenof
Hirson
Hirsova .
Hirtzfelden
Huv.enach
Hirzenfpld
Hissir Kaya
Hit . .
Hoamus .
Hoch Wald
Hochfelden
Hochland
Hochhcim
Hochrosen
Hocliscbwab
Hochspeyer
Hdchstadt
Hochstatten
Hodab .
Hody. .
Hoessett .
Hof . .
Hofen
Hofielt .
Hofheim .
Hofheim .
Hofzuinberge
Hoghc
Hoeskm Vley
Hohe Eifel
Hohe Tauem
Hohe Venn
Hohenbach
Hohenkirch
Hohensalza
(laowraclaw)
Hohenstein .
Hokkaido

(Yezo)
Holacourt
Hohnka .
Hollain .
Hollam's

IS.rd I
HoUand .
HoUebeke
Holno
Holnon .
liolovm .
Holovno .
Holuzia .
Holynka .
Holynka .
Honiburg
Homburg
Homborg
Homdcourt
Homcsh .
Homs .
Hondcghen
Hondschootc
Hon . .
Hondisbte
Honncf .
Honningen
Honningen
Hoofdplaat
Hooge
Hoogerheide
Hoogledc.
Hoogstade
Hook of

Holland
Hopfengarten
Hopfgarten
Hora .
Hore .
Horion .
Horn Reefs
Hornbach
Horochoff
Horodeia .
Horodenka
Horodets

Canal
Horodiets
Horodnitsa .
Horodno

Page Square
E2
K4
F3

Dl
F 2
E2
B4
O3
E3

C 3
D3

A 2
B3

7
3
3

28
3
3

27
2

31
7

9
15

26
15

9
9
9

40
6
6

27
9
8
9
9

14
8

40
7

34
16
26

28
18

6
34

I)
25

23
23
23

E4
C 2
E4

0 2
D3

D 1
E I
E3

E 1

E2
D2

D3
B3

E I
C 2
F I
B5
E2
E3
F I

E2
B2

O 2
D2
E4
B I
F I
F2
B3
A I
03
E4
B2
03
E4
04

B5
D3

G:
O4
B4
D4

A2
0 I
0 3
B3
B I

D3
B2
0 2
A3
A4
03
C4
D3
B4
B 6
0 3
B3
B2
E4
B?
F3
E3
F3
Di

F I
0 2
0 2

B2
B4

C 2

0 2
A3
B3

0 I

D4
B3
D3

0 3

n I

TIMES WAB ATLAS— INDEX.

Pa^i> Squarol

Pago

Square

Page

Square

Page Square

Page

Square

1 IdiLidyshchy

C 3

Inn, R. .

C I

Jablon . .

Jellowa .

Kakhk .

Hoi-us . .

Inncnheini .

Jablanitza .

Jelovatz .

Kakonia .

1 Idrrcm .

E 2

InnichcMi

Jablonitsa .

Jemappes

Kalaat en

Horya R. .

Innsbruck

Jablouitza .

Jcnicllc .

A I

Nakhu

Hosau

A 2

Inn Thai

Jablonka. .

Jcmeppe

Kalabaka .Mt

• 3'

HosingcQ.

B 2

Inova

Jablonki .

Jenrcppc

Kalahari

Hoste. . .

D.t

Inowradaw

Jablonoff

C 3

Jcmkina .

Desert 40

Hot too . .

(Hohensalza'

Jablunka

Jenbach .

Kalamata

Houdain . .

Instcr, R. , .

Pass

Jeni Bazar

Kalamata,

Houdremont.

E J

lusterDurg .

Jablunkau .

Jenikoi .

G. of 31

Houffalize

A I

Inturki

Jaboltzi .

C 6

Jenikol .

Kalanjevatz

Hougairde

Inverness

A I

Jabuka .

Jcrahi, R.

Kalarashi

E I

Houni Ford .

londorf .

yadoff . .

Jcremichy

Kalat . .

Houtaia . .

Ionian Is.

Jaffa , . .

E I

Jcroie

Kalat el Belka 35

Houthem

C 2

Ipek . .

Jagodina

Jershoft .

Kalat Ziza

Hrebenne

Ipsala

B 2

Jakobstadt

Jershvilki

Kalavryta

Hrebenoa

Ipswich ,

Jakova .

Jerusalem

Kalfakeui

Hrtkovlchi .

A 2

Irak Ajnii

Jakshyce.

Jeitche .

Kali Akra C.

Hu'ab, R. .

A 2

Irak Arabi

Jakupitze, R

Jcsupol .

Kalifakeui

Huchnitsa

B 2

Irangi

Jakurada

Jesupol .

Kalikratia

Hucqueliers .

Irangi

Jalhay

Jette . .

Kalish

Hugclsheim .

F I

Irangi

Jallaucourt

Jeumont

Kalishte .

Hugsweier .

Ire . .

F 2

Jalovichora

jfeve .

C 2

Kalk . .

Huib Mts. .

Ircna

Jalomitza, R

E I

Jczickzany

Kalk . .

Huijbcrgea .

F I

Irinatt

Jalons

Jeziema .

C 2

Kalkandeleu

Hukow .

Innlau

Jaloviets

Jeziernitsa

Kalkfeld .

HUlchrath .

Innstctt .

Jalovka .

A 4

Jeziory .

Kalkfontein

H iileviche

Iron Gate

Jaraboli .

Jezofi

Kalkuhle

Hull . . .

Irrcl . .

C 2

Jamburg

Jilava

Kallani .

Hu'luch . .

Irzebinia

Jainctz .

F 2

Jinja . .

C 6

Kallemoise

Hulst. . .

E I

Isakishe .

F 1

Jamioulz

Jitomir .

Kalmar .

Hurabeek

F 2

Isar, R. .

B I

Jamoignc

Jodlaukcn

Kalmasu, R.

Humber, R. .

Isborsk .

T< 5

Jampot .

Jodoignc

Kalmetti

Hummel .

B 2

Ischl . .

. ■ c

Jampol .

Jceuf

Kalofar .

Hungary

Iscghem .

1 1

Jandrain

Jogodina

Kalolimmi

Hungary

Iscl R. .

C 2

Janiehki .

Johannisburg

Kaltern .

HuTigerburg .

Isenach, R.

Janma

Johannisbnrg

Kalush .

Huningen

Isenhof

Ja.ushki .

Heath 17

Kalush

Huns . .

Iscrlohn .

Janitza (Ven

Johanniskele

Kalushyn

HuQsriick

Isermavoda

F I

ije-Va.dar)

Johanns

Kalnzem

Mts

Isfahan .

F 1

Janja

A 2

Rohrbach 8

Kalvaria

>Iuniic .

Isha . .

Janja

Jokendorf

Kalvaria

9-t

Husab . .

Ishkola .

Janjevo .

Jokimovtse

D I

Kahunda

C i

Husiatyii.

Ishora

Janoff .

Jokobeny

Kaibeli .

0 t

Hussakoft

Ishtip

Janoff

Jonchery

Kaibiler .

Huszt

Iskanderieh

Janoff

Jonchery

Kailar .

0 8

Hutob, R.

(Alexandria

) 35

Janoff

Joncherry

Kaintchal

Hutteaberg

Iskanderun

Janoff

Jonquery

Kaisaria .

0 2

Huy . .

{Alexandre!

a) 38

C 2

Janofl .

Jordan, R.

Kaisarieh

Hvdra .

Iskcr, R.

Janoff

Jordanoff

Kaiser

Hygap R.

C 3

Iskodna .

Janofi .

Josefberg

F I

Wilhclm

Iskorost .

Janoff

Josefoff .

Canai 34

C 2

Islasul .

Janoff .

Josefoff .

Kaisersberg

Isle of Wigh

t 34

JanoS .

Josefoff .

Kaisersech

Isles-sur-

Janouzy .

Josefovo .

Kalvarya

F 2

Ibadaii

Suipp

2 5

Janovka .

Josienovka

Kalymno

Ibanda

Isloch, R.

Janovka .

Journy .

Kamaraes

0 2

Ibar, R. .

Ismail

Janowitz

Jouy .

Kamaraff

0 2

Ibenga, R.

Isrnadia .

Jaovlodz

Judenburg

Kambove

C 3

Ismid . .

B I

Japelot .

Judtschen

Kamenets

Ibrabimia

Ismilan .

Jarak . .

Jugenheim

Podolsky 25

Can a

C 3

Isola . .

Jarchofi .

Jugostitse

Kamenitza

Ibrije. .

Isonzo, R.

Jardshilovo

Jnlemont

Kamenitza

Icba. R. .

Isonzo

Jarebitze

Julfa . .

Kamenitza

Ichaboc I.

Isparta .

Jarmenil

Julfa . .

Kamerun

I>3

I ch teg hem

Ispas . .

Jarmolintse

Julian Alps

Kamerun Mt

S*3
E3

Idar Wald

Issego

Jarmolintse

Julich

Kamien .

Idebik

Issenheim

Jamy

Jumaya .

Kamien .

Idini .

Issoncourt

Jaroslau .

Jumel

Kamien .

Idria .

Istok . .

• 32

Jarotschin

. 20

Jnmel

Kainienchyk

Idria, R. .

I s Iran j a .

■ 29

Jarville .

B I

Jungfran

C 2

Kamieiiiets

Igel . .

C 2

Istranja. R.

■ 29

Jarysheff.

Juniville .

Litovsk

f 18

Iggen.
Ignalino .

Istranja

Jaschera .

Jura I. .

Kamiens-

Balkan Mts

C I

Jashcheff

Jura, R. .

koshersk

i 22

C 3
D3
E3
D5

Igney.

C 2

Istein. .

. II

Jasenietsit-

Jurburg .

F I

Kamienna, R. 21

Igonda

C 8

Istria

zetsk

i 21

Jurgerrsburg

Kamilsko

■ 17

Igossal B.

1:2

Istria, Capoc

' 27

Jasenitza

Juriev

Kamion .

. 17

Ihumen

E 3

Isvoarele

Jashany .

(Dorpat

) 12

Kainionka

Ijzendikc

Iszka

. 24

Jasien

Jushinty

Strumilova 22

Ikasn.

Itaff . .

• 17

Jasienitsa

Jutland .

C I

Kamion-

B4
03
F4
0 6
D4

O3
J J

F4
E4
Ei
C 6
B4
A4
A2
Fl
E3
A8
A4

Iki Telii .

Ithaca .

Jasika

Jyia, R. .

. 25

kavoloska 22

Ikom .

C 3

Ittervoorto

C I

Jasikovo

Kaminsk

Ikva, R. ,

C 4

Ittre . .

Jasiolda, R.

Kainp

lliva . .

Itura . .

■ 39

C 8

Jasionka

Kampala

. 39

ni. R. .

E 3

Itza . .

Jask . .

Kampo .

• 39

Ill, R.

A I

Itzanka, R.

Jasliska .

. 21

Kabakje .

. 29

Kaiutchik

• 30

Ulingen .

Ivangnrod

. 21

Jaslo . .

Kabalo .

■ 39

Kanal

■ 19

lUingen .
Illoki

14
17

Ivangorod

J assy

Kabanos C,

Kanardis

■ 4"

A 3

(Narva

) 13

Jastiebetz

Kabelnitz

A 5 i Kandanar

. 38

lllowo

Ivanitza .

■ 32

Dag

h 32

Kab ikull

Kandau .

. 14

Uluxt. .

E 4

Ivanovitse

. 20

Jastrzabi .

Kabogo, C.

Kandel .

■ 9

II men, L.

F 5

Ivanovka

Jastrzal .

Kachanik

Kandern

Ilorin.

Ivcniec .

■ 19

Jasztno^a

■ 32

C 2

Kachyn .

Kandili .

■ 29

ImLros I.

A 2

Ivemaumon

Jatolovichy

Kadanovo

0 6

Kandamos

■ 31

Imbros I.

Ivesti. .

■ 30

Jatorzyntsc

E 2

Kadei, K.

Kandrzin
Kanezuga

Imcr .

B 3

Ivie .

. 18

Jatskovitse

Kadikeui.

Immenstadt

. 26

A I

Ivors . .

Jauche. .

Kadikeui.

B I

Kanezuga

■ 24

Imraii-Ada 1

Izabelin .

. 18

Jaulny .

. 8

Kadi Koi

Kanezuga

21
. 38

Imst .

A 2

Izbitsa .

. 16

Javoroff .

. 24

Kaduna, R.

Kangavar

Imswciler

Izbitsa .

. 22

Jebsheini

Kadus

ft'

Kanina .

■ 32

][idura

A 3

Izel . .

Jedinia .

. 21

Kadzand

D I

Kanje

■ 32

Indzillu .

D's

Izlaz . .

• 32

C 2

Jedliche .

. 21

Katuro .

Kami

. 28

Ol
El
C 2

A I
It

Inegol

Izvor

■ 32

C 6

Jedlinsk .

Kagera, R.

. 39

Azmak P

Ingweiler.

Izvor

• 32

Jednorosiets

Kagol .

F I

Kanlija .
Kano

• 29

) n ada

E 3

Jedrzeiofl

. 21

Kagunga

C 7

■ 39

Juje. C. .
Injekeui .
lujeksiz ,

Jedvabno

Kaiserslaute

n 9

Kanyole .

. 39

29
29

C I

Jedvvabno
Jedynitse

17
• 25

Kaiserswortl
Kajniku

E I

Kanernik
Kaokoland

. lO
. 40

Iniir Bay
Inn, R. .

29
26

A 2

Jab, R. .
Jablanna .

. 39

. 17

D4
D5

Jelenie
Jelisavelino

. 17
• 13

deSu
Kakaman

s 32
40

Kaolsidlo
Kapachmdo

■ 17
32

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page Square!

Page Square

Kapinjani

u 7 Kautenbach

B 2

Kappel . .

C 3 Kavaia .

Kapellen

!■■ 4 Kavadony .

Kapern .

D 2 Kavak . .

B 2

Kapsala .

Cavakh .

C I

Kaptschinsk

Cavakli . ,

Kapu Dagh .

C 2

vavaklija

Kara, C. . .

C 2

Kavaia . .

Kara. C. . .

^avarna

Kara, C. . .

iavast .

Kara, R.

■Cavenia ,

C 8

Kara Bunar .

vavigondo .

C 8

Kara Dagh .

iJ3

\avodar

C 7

Kara Dagh .

C 5

^awieis .

Kara Evli

C I

^azan Pass .

E 2

Karabigha .

C 2

tvazan, R.

C I

Karaburan .

D 2

Kazanlik .

Karachi . .

J 5

Kazanoff

Karachali

Kazdolai.

Karachuli .

Kazerun .

Karagach

Kazimierz

C 2

Karagach

Kazimirka .

Dagh

C I

Kazludja.

E2 !

Karahissar .

C I

Kazmieiz

B 1

Karajageul ,

B I

Kazmierz

Karajakeui .

Kazunpolski

Karajali . .

B I

Keb, R. . .

Karaka, C. .

114

Kebir Fakkus

3.'i

Karakulu

Kedda . .

Karaman

B 2

Keetmansho,>p 40

Karamanitza

Kegel. . .

Karapunar .

Keheum . .

Karas Mt.

Kehl . . .

Karasujenijc

Kehrig . .

Karasuh .

Keidany .

Karatsu .

Kc'kkati .■ .

Karawanken

1-: 1

Kelemen

Karayusuf .

13 I 1

Hegyseg Mts

. 24

Karchova

1--4

Keicmez .

Karden .

Di I

Kellenbach .

Kardista

Kelmy . .

Karezeff .

Kelsterbach .

F I

Karfreit

Kelz . . .

(Caporetto)

Keitier . .

Karga Pt. .

-9

C 2

Keinmern .

B 2

Karibib .

B 2

Keino

Karis . .

A 2

Kempen .

Karishdiren .

C I

Keinpten

E 2

Karkelu . .

Kenali

Karle, L. .

Kenhardt

Karlikeui

Kenia Mt. .

Kartingep

Kenty . ,

C.";

Karlobassi .

Kenzingen .

Karlovo .

Kephah, C. .

Karlskrona .

E I

Kerak

E 2

Karlstadt

Kerbela . .

Karnabat

Kerind

Karn evo

Kerkha R.

Karo I. .

Kerkrade

Karonga .

Kerkuk .

Karpacb

Kerkyra (Corfu)

Kars

I. . .

Kartal .

Kerman .

Kartojani

Kermanshah

Karun, R.

Kermenlu

Karungu •

Kermpt ,

B 2

Karvasara

Kernhof .

F I

Karysto .

Kernovo .

Karytades

Kerpen .

Kasarati .

A 8

Kersa

£t

Kasembe.

Kerses .

B 2

Kasengusi

C 8

Keshan .

Kasern .

Keskastel

Kashaa .

Kesmark

Kasinovtse

Kessel

C I

Kaskovo

Kestert .

E I

Kasongo

Ket Tineh

A 2

Kasper Viek

Ketsch .

Kasso I. .

• 31

Ketrish .

Kassubeii

. 17

Keumirii

Buna

Kastamuni

■ 38

B I

r 29

Kastel .

V I

Keiipli .

B I

Kasteli .

. 31

C 6

Keuprije

C I

Kastenreith

. 27

E I

Keza

Kastoria

- 32

C 8

Kezdivasar-

K astro .

- 31

hel

V 30

E I

K astro

Khaanus

B 2

Kastro (Scio

) 31

Khabinas

Kastron .

. 28

Khabis

. 38

Kastrosykia

- 31

Khambos

. 40

Kasvin .

■ 38

Ji 2

Khamseli

. 38

E 2

Katanga .

■ 30

Kliania B .

. 31

C 6

Katch B. Pass 27

Kharput

■ 38

Katenburg

. 23

Khcis .

. 40

Katerina

■ 32

Khelidroiiii

. 31

C 4

Katerini .

Khersonesos

Katheriiicnbad 14

C 2

Khezir Khan 32

Katia

Khimarra

• 32

A 8

Katimantzc

• 32

Khoaeib, K.

Katirli .

Khoi

. 38

Kato Akaia

• 31

Khoja-chesh

me 28

Katochi .

Khomab Mts. 40

Katranitza

. 32

C 8

Khonsar .

■ 3»

Katsena Allah ^q

C 3

Khonus .

• 40

B 2

Katsik .

C 2

Khooates

• 40

B 2

Kattegat
Kattowitz

• 34
20

Di
C4

Khora . .31
Khoremmabad 38

E5
E3
B3
B3

Katyozogondi 40

Khoios .

. 4"

Kaub

Khowas .

. 40

Kaugcra .

. 14

C 2

Khuris. .

. 40

B 2

Khuzistaii
Kiafasszt
Ktao-chow .
Kiao-chow .
Kiao-chow

Harbour
Kiaton .
Kiauschen .
Kibonge
Kibwezi .
Kiel . . .
Kielpin .
Kiernozia
Kieitse .
K>fura . .
Kijipoa .
Ki]va

Kikol . .
Kikoma .
Kilburg .
Kilid Bahr .
Kilikiyeff
Kilima Njaro
Mt.
Kiliraatiiide .
Kilios
Kiliwa
Kilkikeui
Kill, R.

Page Square

3-3
32
33
3&

36
31
17
39
39
34
16
17
2Z

39
39
32
16
39
8
28
23

39
39
29
39
28
7

Kilwa Kisiwani 39

Kilwa Kivinje

Kimit . .

Kimpina

Kimpolung .

Kindu

KinekU . .

Kinoe

Kioto . .

Kir Ormaii .

Kiralyhaza .

Kiralymezo .

Kircheim

Kirtii

Kirjali

Kirk Kilissa .

Kirkagatch .

Kirli . .

Kirilibaba .

Kirn . .

Kirnova

Kirscheim-

bolanden
Kirschen

Kit'schentheur

Kirscholra .

Kis Kuie

Kis Lippa

Kis Majteny.

Kisamo B. .

Kiseliii

Kishm I.

Kisomo .

Kissaki .

Kisii . .

Kisumu

Kiswere Harb.

Kitchova

Kitui . .

Kitzbiihel

Kiu-Kiang .

Kiverzy

Kivu, L. . .

Kizit Agach .

Kizil Deli, R. -

Kizil Irmak R,

Kizkaban

Kjuks . -

Kjuzaj

Kladanj

Kladova

Klagenfurt .

Klaus .

Klauseu

Klazati

Klechefl

Kleck .

Kleedort

Klenak

Klein Gnic .

Klein Katz .

Kleniki

Kletzchcly .

Kleva, R. .

Klichevatz .

Klidi .

Klikolc

Klimiets

Klina

Klingcnniunster 9

Klipiontcin

Klis .

Klisura

Khsura

Klisura

Klivan .

Kljeshe

Kljose .

Kiobutsko

40
38
30
32
32
32
23
32
32

£3
B8
Inset

C3
C5
E2
B7

C4
E5
D3
D8
D7
B5
C4
C7
C I

D7
D8
E I
C 8
Bx
E4
E8
E8
F I
Di
E>5
B7
C I
D7
F3
E2
A4
B4
D4

D3
C I
E4
D3
C5
D2
D5

E4
E3
C 2
C3
A5
A5
C 6
B3
04
C 6
D8
C 7
D6
E 8
B6
D7
C 2
B4
C3
B?

B I
C I
B2
B7
A7
Ai
C5

E3
E I
B3
C 2
B5
D4
As
A2

B2
A4
As
F2
C 2
D8
B3
A3
Bs
E4
B3
C 2
D2
B8
D4
Ds
C3
B6
B7
C3

Klodnitz, R..
Klomnietse .

Klonova

Klopitse

Klotten

Klovany

Klusserath .

Klvoff .

Knaas Knaas

Knesselaere .

Knezha

Kniashaia

Kniashi jory

Kniaz .

Kniazhevatz.

Knitch

Knittelfeld .

Knocke

Knyshyn

Koadjuthen .

Kobaa

Kobe .

Kobem

Kobier.

Kobilnik

Kobryn,

Kobul .

Kobulin

Kobul ten

Kobushoff .

Kochana

Kochane

Kochel

Kocheljeva ,

Kochem

Kochlow

Kochtel . .

Koden . .

Kodras .

Koes . .

Kohstadt

Koja Chai, R,

Koja Pt.

Kokah

Kokenhusea

Kokez .

Kokinaplo .

Kokovo

Kolachytsc .

Kolashin

Kolberg '

Kolbiel .

Kolendros

Kolenkouzy .

Koleshin

Kolcshjan

Kolesmky

Koliardino

Kolicitza

Kolki . .

Kolki

Kolko Viek

KoUaten

Kolloni, G.

Kolno

Kolo

Kolodishchy .

Kolomca

Koloneshti .

Kolosafi

Kolo vsh china

Kolpino

Kolpin I.

Koltyniany .

Kolubara, R.

Koluszki

Koin Mt.

Koma

Komai

Komana .

Komarhik

Komamo

Komaroff

Komarovzy

Komora .

Koinorze .

Konasira

Konceli .

Koncha .

Kond . .

Kongolo .

Kotiia

Konietspol .

Konigsberg .

Konigsdorf .

Konigshiitti'

Konigsmachcr

Konigswintcr

Konin

Konir

Konispolis .

Konitz .

Konitza .

Konofer R. .

Konopken

Konopki .

Konopnitsa .
Konovo .
Konskic .

Page Square
B4

. of

C3
B2
E2

C4
C 2

D2
D2
F5
F5
Di
D4
B3
E2

Di
F4

A5
E4
E4
F4
C4
E5
B5
E3
A2
D3
E4
DO
C?
Bl
A2
Di
C4
B2

C3
B3
B3

C 2
F3
D3
D3
D8
D8
E5
A5

E I
D8
D3
D7
B6
B2
C3
D +
C3

B2
A4
D4

E4
B5

C3
Di
D3
C3
E 2
D4
B4
A3
C 2
D4
D4
E5
E I
E5
B2
A3
E5
C I
B I
D7
C4
D3
D I
B8
B2
C3

C4
B3
F3
B5
D2
B4
A3
B8
A3
B3
D4
F3
D5
D3

Konsko . . 32
Konskovota . 21
Konstantinoff 14
Konstautynoff 20

Page Square

Konyitsa.
Kopaomk

Dagh
Kopilovtzi .
Koplau .
Koplik .
Koporia .
Koporia B . .
Kopsocbori .
Kopren Mt. .
Koprivnitza .
Koprivshtitza
Koprova
Koprukai
Kopriilii .
Koprzyvnitsa
Koptsioff.
Kopychyntsc
Kopzevichy .
Korablichtsa
Korana R. .
Kordaki .
Kordel . .
Koideaberg .
Korein

(Koweit)
Korelichy
Korf . . .
Kormoraiki .
Koraeli-

miinstcr
Korneshti
Kornialofi
Koritza .
Korniza .
Korogwc

Korongo .

Koroni .

Korosmezo .

Korsakishki .

Korschen

Korsovka

Kortenhof

Kortilisy

Korty . -

Kortychy

Korutsyii

Korytmza

Korytsyn

Korzets .

Kos . . -

Kos I. . .

Kos, G. of .

Kosakovtsc .

Kosarichy

Koschmin

Kosehtz .

Koseva .

Kosh, R. . .

Koshchuia .

Koshedary .

Koshielets .

Koshlje .

Koshutovo

Koshytse.

Kosiany .

Kosioduj

Kosjeritchi .

Koskodo

Kosknr .

Ko5lau .

KoslofE . .

Kosmierzyn .

K05i0ff . .

Kosoff
Kosoff
Kossen .
Kostanisikon
Kosteli . .
Kostinbrod .
Kostno .
Kostopol .
Kostschin
Kostsielnc
Kosutza, R. .
Kosztrina
KotUnl.
Kotodno
Kotorab .
Kotra, R. .
Kotshadjik .
Kotsk . .
Kotsmyrzoff .
Kottin .
Kotushany
Koumi .
Kovach .
Kovachevatz
Koval

Kovashi, R.
Kovcl .
Kovno
Kovoszna
Kovtchas
Kozhani .
Kowahlen

C 2
A2

B4
D4
E4
AG
D a

D8
D4
D3

C 6
E3
A3

E5
C3
F5

C5
C 2

E4
C3

F 2

.■^3

!;5

(12

32 ■

C I

C 6

E I

F 2

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page Square!

Page

Square

Kowarla Mt. .

Krusht^vatz

3-!

Kowcit

Krushebo

(Korcin)

Krusbyna

Kozan

Kriisoff .

Kozcn Grodek

Krusoff .

Koziegloff .

Kruten ,

Kozin , ,

Kriith

Koziova .

KrutDicfi

Kozkcui . .

Kruznaza

Kozly . .

Krymno .

Kozminek .

B 2

Krynitsa

Koznienitse .

Krynitse

Krabovan .

Krynki .

Kragawa.

Krypno .

Kraguicvatz

Krystynopol

Krainburg .

Krzepitsc

Kraisk . .

Krzesboff

Kraiyevo,

Krzeshoff

Krajik

Krzcsovitsc

Krakinofl .

Krzetsroff

Krakovicts .

A 2

Krzevitsa

A I

Krakovska R.

Krzna, R.

A I

Krania, or.

Krzynovloga

Trikkala

Krzyvche

Krapki . .

Ksiazvielki

Kraschaitz .

Kthela-posht

Krashar .

Kuba .

E I

Krasichyn

Kubas .

B 2

Krasiloff .

Kubelberg

Kraslovka .

Kubin

Krasnaia

Kubrshnitza

Gorka

Krasne

Kubub .

Krasne .

Kuchary

B 2

Krasnik . .

Kuchevisbta

C 6

Krasno . .

Kuchevo

Krasnobroa .

Kuchuk

Krasnoe .

Cbekraej

: 29

Krasnoic Selo

E 2

Kucbuk

Krasnosiclts

Derbcn

J 23

Krasnostafi .

Kuchurmik

■ 25

Krasnovodsk

Kucki

Kratova . .

KomMt

■ 32

Kraupischken

Kudarej .

. 32

Krautshauien

Kudeb, R.

■ 13

Kravasta, L. .

Kudzsir .

• 30

Krazyvtse .

A 2

Kufalova.

• 32

Krchi. . .

Kuistein .

. 26

C 1

Krefcld . .

Kuh-i-Dinar

Kremenez

■ 38

Krepoljin

Kiihnsdorf

. 27

Kresahtch .

Kuhren .

■ 17

Kreshnitza .

Kuie, R. .

• 15

KretUnga

Kuivenga

• 39

Kretshovitse.

Kuis .

■ 40

Kreuzau .

Kuka. .

. 23

Kreuzburg .

Kuka. .

■ 39

Kreuzburg .

Kuki . .

• 39

Kreuzlitz. .

Kuldler .

. 28

Kreuznacb .

KakizofE .

. 22

Krevno .

Kuklin .

. 17

Krevo . .

C 2

Kukoreiten

■ 14

Kreztse . .

Kukush .

• 32

Kriakusba .

Kukuzischk

• 15

Knbi . .

Kula . .

• 32

Knchelsk .

Kula Dere

• 29

Krieglach

F 2

Kulakia .

■ 32

Knml . .

Kulaklar

■ 31

Krinchia

Kulanjin

. 38

Krio C. . .

C 6

Rule . .

Krio C. . .

Kulies .

• 25

KrioQeri . .

KuldiBurga

IS 28

Krithia . .

Kuhkofi .

Kriva, R. .

C 6

Kulm. .

. 16

Krivaja .

A I

Kulmo .

. 12

Krivaiiy . .

KuJmsee .

. 16

Kiivelj . .

Kulpa .

• 27

Krivet3 . .

Kulva

• 14

Krivicbi .

Kum .

■ 38

Krivina . .

Kum Kale

. 28

Krivino . .

F 2

Kum Pt-

. 28

Krivolak

Kumanovo

■ 32

Kroben . .

Kumbagbi

. 28

C 2

Kroki . .

Kumbaigas

KromoloS .

Kumishab

■ 38

Kronenburg

Kumkcui .

. 28

Kronstadt .

E I

Kunda

. 12

Kroastadt .

Kunda B.

Kropivnik

Kunde .

■ 39

Kroshevitse

KuneJi .

• 23

Krosnievitse

Kunevo .

• 13

Krosno .

Kunheim

. II

Krostsienko

KuniQ .

■ 17

Krotosctun

Kunofl .

Krotshevo

C 3

Kunsan ,

. 36

Krov. .

Kunthal .

Kroya

Kupiel

■ 25

Kroze

Kupin

■ 25

Krshanje.

Kupinovo

• 32

A 2

Kruchten

B 2

Kupisbki .

■ 15

Kruki .

Kur, R. .

• 38

Knimkuie

Kuradov .

• 19

Krupaai .

Kurdistan

. 38

C 2

Krupe

KureiBiets

■ 15

Krupctz .

Kureye .

■ 35

E 2

Krupiets .

Kurfali .

• 29

D 2

Krupnik .

KurUo .

• 30

C 2

Krupy .

Kurima .

. 21

Kruschwitz

Kurisches

Krusha .

fi 17

Page Square

Kurische

Nehning 17

D I

Kurkli .

Kiirkut .

Kurna .

Kurnik .

KuroH

E 2

Kurovitse

Kurshany

Kurshumlie

Kurshunli

r>3

Kursbuidi

Kiirta

Kur tea

Arjesh 30

D I

Kurtumus, R

. 28

Kuru, C.

Kuru Ddgh

Kurukcui

Kuruko .

Kurydovtse

Kurzcshj-n

Kusemkina

Kusbe .

Kushitchi

Kushjova

Kuskerakina

Kusmin .

Kusnica .

Kussuri .

E 2

Kiistendil

Kustenji

(Constanza

F I

Kuscl. .

Kutahia .

Kutais .

Kutali I.

C 2

KutchaJ Mts

■ 32

Kut el Amara ^8

Kut el Hal

Kutsitse .

Kutten .

Kuty

Kuvanlik

Kuzmin .

Kuznitsa

Kyeng-Leung 37

Kyparissia

Kyrkslatt

La Bass6e
La Belle

Alliance
La Bresse
La Capelle .
La Chalade .
La Chapelle ,
La ChapfUe .
La Chapelle

aux bo is
La Chiers, R.
La Fere .
La Fert^-

Gaucher
La Ferte

Rlilon
La Fert^-

sous-Jouarre
La Franche-

ville
La Gleize
La Harazee .
La Herliert .
La Hulpe
La Louviere.

La Madeleine

LaNeuvtlotle

La NeuviUe .

La Neuville-
aux-Bois

La Pienne, K.

La Pinte

La Plage

La Selve .

La Veuve

La Voivre .

Laaland .

Lab, R. . .

Labacfiovka,
R.

Labachovka,
R.

Labiau .

Labischin

Labruy6 .

Labyrinth .

LactLk

Laconia, G. of

Lachovtse .

Lachva .

Ladck

Ladenberg .

Ladimmi

Ladova, R. .

Laeken .

Lag aide

F3
D3
Di

E3
F 2
D4

C3
F 2
C2

C4
E3
B4
F3
E4
■-3
B I
F 2

E4
F2

D2
A4

Dz
D2

A4
C 4
E4
C5
D4
D5
B5
F3
D6
E3
y 3
C I

Lagendorf

Lagni court

Lago Garda

Lagoff .

Lagos

Lagroise .

L ah an a .

Laheycourt

Lahhipa B.

Lahiscliyn

Lahoy

Lahr .

Laibach .

Lai den .

Lainach .

Laisheff .

Lajna

Lakatnik

Lake Edward

Lake Ilmcn

Lake Nyasa

Lake Peipus

Lakno

Lambrecbt

Lame

Lamia

Lamionk

Lammesdorf

Lamorvilli-

Lamouilly

Lampcrtheim

Lamu.

Lan, R. .

Lanathi .

Lanchyn

Lancon .

Landau .

Lan deck .

Landegem

Landeken

Landen .

Landersheim

Landovitza

Landrecies

Landres .

Landretbon

Landsberg

Landsberg .

Landscr .

Landstuhl

Landvarovo

Lanefie .

Langatte

Langazo .

Langebose

Langemer

Langemarck

Langen .

Langenburg

Langenlon5-

heim
Langenscbwal
badi
Langheim
Langmeil
Laugres .
Lanieta .
Lanklaer
Lannoy .
Lanovtsy
Lanovtsy
Lantsut .
Laon .

LaposGrbirgt
L apple r .
Lapsaki .
Lapsista .
Laptau .

Lapy . . .
Larga

Larissa .

Laristan .

Laruaka .

Laro .

Laroche .

Lars .

Lasdehnen .

Lasdobn .

Lasbanj .

LashcboO .

Lashliopolje .

Lasitsk .

Lask .

Laskai'un

Laski

Laskowitz

Laso L . .

Lassigny

Latakia .

Latavo .

Latisano .

Latou

Latovicb

LaLsk.

Latzata .

Laubach .

Laudolm

Lauciiburg

Laug&zargen

Page
32

39
3

28
5

27
14
27
14
32
30
39
13
39
13
13
9
39
31

5
9
39
19
31
24
5
9
26
3
6
6
II
32
3

9
15

3
II
32
16

9
39
7

28
32

17
17
25
31
38
38
39
8
38
17
15
32
22
32
23

16
34

25
26

16
31
9
15
iG
14

auare

C 2

C I

E 2

C 2

F I

E I

IJ3

C 2

B 2

C 8

A I

E 2
C 6

Page

B3
A4
Di
C 2
D3
B3
B4
Di
B2
C 2
D3
C4
A3
E2
Cs
E4
E I
E2

Laukischken
Launois .

Laurium .
Lautenbach
Lautenburg
Lautcr, R.
Lautor, R.
Lautcrbrrg
Lautcrecken
Lautcrfingen
Lautcrn .
Lautzkirchea
Laval, R.
Laval Morency
Lavamiind .
Lavashovo .
Lavdor .
Laveline .
Lavena, R. .
Lavensari L .
Laventie
Lav(5
Lavkcssy
Lavkou .
Lavochne
Lavrofi .
Laxou . . 10
Lay ... 10
Layss . 17

Lazy ... 20
LeBoisle. . 2
LeBouillrt . 6
Le Biaizil . 4
LcCaji Station 35
Le Can au . 3
Le Catrlet . 4
Le (_ hatelet .
Le Chcsne .
Le Claon
Le Coq .
Le Comte
Le Four-de-
Paris
Le Giesson .
Le Gris Nez .
Le Parcq
Le Pave .
Le Plessis

Belleville
Le Portcl
Le Ouesuoy
LeThiUct
Le Tbour
Leba .
Leba, R. .
Lebacb .
Lebane .
Lebanon Mts.
Lebcda .
Lebeda. R.
Lebedevo
L^broD les

Vailees
Lebrsnik
Lech, R. . .
Leclienicb
Lcchezytse .
Lccbna .
L'Ecluse

(Sluis)
Lede .
Ledebcrg.
Ledi-'gheiQ
Ledro .
Leeds.
Leeme
Leguago .

Leguo, Pte. di

Leliiicn .

Lehutitung

Leibnitz .

Leichlingen

Leildpia .

Leintry .

Leipzig .

Leitb

Leke .

Lekbana .

Lclilse

Lclolf. .

Leuibacb .

Lembccq

Leinbcrg

Lemberg

Lemburg

Lemno

Lemnos L

Lemsal .

Lendelcde

Lendovscbin,

Lcngchytsa

Lengwetben

Lenidb .

Leak, R. .

Lenkiny .

Lenkoran

Lennevden

Lennick .

Leno .
Lens .

16
16

6
32
38
18
18
19

32
26
■7

Square
D2

Cs
"3
C4
E3
F4
F4

Cs
D3
D4
A I
Ei
E3
Cs
F3
C3
C4

C 2
C3
A3
E4
B4
B3
C3

B I
Bi

ns
C4
A4
B3
C4

C I

C 2

E3
D4
A3
B4

B3
A3
D4
C4

A 2

C3
C4
C3
B3
B3

D2
E2

A3
D I

E2
E2

A2
D2

Bs
A3
A3
C 2
F2

D7
C I

A I
C 2
Bs
Cs
C3
E4
E3
D4

B2
D2

E4
D4

Bs
D3

C I

Cs
I E3

D3
E3
A 4
C*

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page Squat-e]

Page Square

Page Sauare

Lens . , .

£.4

LiUe . . .

Lobengo . .

Leobea .

112

Lille . . .

Loblau .

B3
Di

Leondari

Lillcrs . .

Lochineion

Leonpol ,

(•■4

Lillois . ,

Locholi . .

17
23
2

E5
D4

Lepaiito ,

Lim, R. . .

Lochofi . .

Lepena, R. .

Liman, L.

Locon . .

L'Epine .

Lirnanotl.

Locquignol .

3
2

Lepiavki

Liniasol . .

Locre . . .

'cl

Lepuix .

R-*

Limburg .

Loddigcr

Lere . . .

Limerle . .

Lode . . .

A3
C 2

Lero I. . .

Lima! . .

Lodensee. ,

Ldrouville .

Limont . ,

Lodz . . .

Les Attaques

Lin . . .

Lceiiilly .

4
13

A I

Les Boeufs .

Linbeshty .

Loginova

E 5

Les Cuves .

Lincent . .

Logon'% R. .

39
21

E3
E3
B 8

Les Eparges .

Linden . .

Logoria .

Les E tangs .

Lindenau

C 2

Lohunda

39
27

Les Islettes .

Lindi . .

Loibl Pass .

E 3

Les Mon-

Lindo . ,

F 5

Loio . . .

A --

thairoDS

Lindoff . .

Loison, R.

Leschnitz

Lingah . ,

Loitsch . ,

Lesdins ,

C I

Lingnetta, C.

Loivre . .

Leshchevo .

Linkenbeim .

Lok . . .

32
3

Leshnitza

A 2

Liakovo . .

Lokcrrn . .

E 2

Lestmrofl

Linne. . .

Loko . . .

C 3

Lesia . . .

Linovka .

Loko . . .

39
22

D.r

Leskovatz .

Lintsi

Lokoche .

Leskovo . .

Lintuny .

Loktychy

Lesna . .

Lipaiken

Lokve

Lespe . .

Lipine . ,

Lokvitza

Lespezile

Lipingo Mts. .

Lolodorf . .

Lesquielles .

C I

Lipkany . ,

Lorn, R, . .

Lesse, R. . .

Lipkoff . .

Lom, R. . .

Lessen . .

Lipljan . ,

Lom, R. . .

Lessines .

Lipnishld

C 3

Lgm Palanka

Lesznevka .

Lipnitsa .

Lomazy .

Lethe, . .

Lipnitza . .

Lombaertzyde

C 2

Leti L .

Lipnitza . .

Lombeek

Letnitza .

Lipno

Lome , .

B 3

Letuncourt

Lipno . .

Lomie . .

LettUn .

Lipolist . .

LoEomel . .

Leubringhen

Lipova . .

Lommersum

Leucadia

Lipoviets. .

Lomnica, R. .

{Santa

Lipovik .

Lomnitsa, R.

Mausa) L

Lipovitsa

Lomnitz . .

Leutesdorf

Lipovitz .

Lomponen .

Leuze . .

l.ipoya .

Lomza

Leuze

Lippsko .

Lonato . " .

Leval. .

Lipsk . .

Londerzeel .

Levant .

Lipsk . .

London . .

Levant .

Lipsko . .

Longarone .

Levashovka

Lipso . .

Longchamps.

Levergies

Lipsos 1. .

Longchamps.

A I

Levico

Liptse , .

Longench

Levidion

Lisbour.s

Longeville .

C 4

LevigQen .

Lisdorf . .

Longfuhr

Levitba 1.

Lisevo . .

Longlier . .

F I

Lezaysk .

Lisko

Longos . .

Liachovich;'

Lisko

Longpont

Lian court

Lissa .

Longueville .

Liao-yang

L'Isle - en -

Longuyon .

Uart . .

Barrois

Longvilly

B I

Liaskovik

Lisseweghe .

Longwy . .

Liatskofi

Lissewo .

Lonny

Libanovo

Li tochoro

Lonzin . .

Libau

Litovierz

Loo . . .

C 2

Libbien .

Littai. . .

Loon-Plage .

Libejova

Little Belt .

C I

Loop, R.. .

Liberau .

Little Bitter

Loos . . .

Libejmont

Lake

Looz . . .

Libin

F I

Little Kapela

Lopat . .

C 6

IJblar

• 7

Little Nethe.

F 2

Lopatitza

Libokhovo

• 32

Little Rogo I.

Lopez, C. .

Libramont

F I

Liuban . .

Lophem . .

Libreville

• 39

Liubovya

Lopushanka

LJcbtenau

F I

Liudiatina .

Lopushna .

Lichtenborn

B 2

Liudvipol

Lopushno .

Lichtenwald

Liushma .

Lor . . .

Licbtervelde

C 2

Liuta

Lorch, . .

E I

Lida . .

. 18

Liuzin . ,

Lorenzen . .

Lidoviany

• 14

Livadia . .

Lorenzweiler

Liebach .

. 27

Livanates

Lorrach . .

Liebemuhl

• 17

Livenza . .

C 4

Lorraine .

Liebnitz .

• 27

Liverdun .

B I

Lorsch .

Liebstadt

. 17

Liverpool

Losern

Liige .

. 6

Lives

Losha . .

Lienz

. 26

Liviets, R. .

Losba, R. .

Lieques .

Livingstone

Losbeim .

?.3

lierde

Hills

C 8

Loshgolovo .

Lierre

- F2

Livonia . .

Loshuitsa

Liesap ,

• 23

Lixheirn .

Losinja

Lieser, R.

Lixno. . .

Losu=e . .

Liesser, R.

. 8

C 2

Lixuri

Lositse . .

Liessies .

Liyathi . .

Loskarzeff .

Liestal .

. II

Liza .

Losk . . .

C 2

Lievenhof

Lizerne .

C 3

Lostau .

Lievin

Lizy . . .

Lotzen

Liewenberg

. 17

Lizzki

Loupiegne .

Liezen .

. 27

Ljaki . .

Louppy . .

F 2

Lia . .

. 17

I-jubatovitza

Louppy . .

Ligne

Ljubetin Wt..

Louvain . .

Ligneuville

. 7

Ljubish . .

Louveignc .

?,3

Ligny

Ljubkova

C 2

Louvois . .

Ligny

Ljug . . .

Lovcha . .

Ligova .
Ligovo .
Ligtim

• 13

Ljuma . .

Lovech ,

. 16

Loassan .

Lovich .

• 14

Lobai, R. .

Lovich .

Ligurio .

■ 31

Lobau . .

Lovrana .

Lihons

Lobbericb ,

Lowentin, R.

Likuala, R.

• 39

Lobbes . .

Lower Egypt

C 2

Page Square

Lowrstoft

■ 34

B 2

Lyskovitse

1)2

Lozdzieje

A 2

Lysobyke

Lozintze .

Lyssaia Gora

Loznitza .

(Mt.) .

. 19

Lsha, R. .

Lyubashevo

. 22

Lsi . .

Lsta, R. .

Luakiba, R.

Lub Essern

Lubachoff

Ma. Neustiff

Lubahn .

E 2

Maan

Liibahner, L

Maarheeze

C I

Luban .

Maas, R.

C 2

Lubanie .

Maas, R.

C 2

Lubar

IMaastricht

C 2

Lubartoff

Macedonia

Lubaghovo

Machako

Lubcha .

Machanlt

Liibeck .

Machinga

Lubich .

Macnuignv

C I

Lubicl .

Mad, R. .

Lubien .

Madhe .

Lubino .

Madodo .

T>o

Lubitsa .

A 4

Madon, R.

Lublaii .

Maeseyck

C 2

Lnblin .

Mafako, R.

Lubliniets

A,|

Maffe

Lublinitz

Mafia I. .

Luboch .

Magachyn

Lubochnia

Magachyn

Luboff .

Magadi .

Luboml .

Magala .

'..ubotin .

Magdeburg

^ubovids

Magdelegabcl

A 2

Lubraniez

Magcri

Luchai . .

Maggiore Mt.

Lucy . . ,

Magierofi.

Ludes

Magnicourt

Liideritz Ba>

en Comte

(Angra

Magnierc-?

C 2

Pequena

Magosfalu

Liideritz Land 40

Mahala .

Ludera .

Maharis .

Ludjene .

Mahatib, C.

Ludonia .

Mahmudia

Ludvikovka

Mahrenberg

Ludvinofi

Mahrisch

Ludwigshafen g

Ostrau

Ludwigsort

Maibut .

Lud wigs til a I

Maidos .

Lug, R. .

Maifeld .

Luga . .

Maignelay

A 2

LugaB. .

Maikovatz

Lugadshi .

Mailika .

A 8

Lugny .

C 2

MaUlet .

Luka . .

MaiUy .

Luki .

Main, R. .

Luki . .

Mainbressy

Luknia Pass

Maing

Lukniki .

Mainville.

Lukoa .

Maixhofeii

2(3

B 2

Lukoma .

Maishe I..

F I

Lukova ,

Maissin .

F I

Lukovitza

C 6

Maizeray.

A 4

Lukovo .

Maizicres .

Lukovo .

Maizieres.

C I

Lukuga, R.

Maizy

Lule Burgas

C I

Majadagh

Lumbres

Ma dan .

Luminen

Ma danpek

C 2

Luneville

Ma cochir .

Lunin

Makod .

Liininiets

Makoff .

C 5

Lunno .

Makoff .

Lunz .

Makov

Lupkoff Pas;

Makovisty

C 2

Lupow, R.

Makresh .

C 6

Luppy .

Makri .

Lure .

Makrikeui

Lurislail .

• 38

Makronesi I.

. 31

Lurja

■ 32

Makrynltsa

• 31

Luserna .

. 25

Maku.

• 38

Lusba

- 14

Makujani.

• 32

Lush] a .

■ 32

Makung .

• 39

Lustin .

Mai Irben

• 14

B 1

Lata . .

■ 32

Mai Jiigcl, R

• 14

C 2

Lutoviska

■ 24

Mai Mai-ien

. 12

C 3

Lutsk

Mai. Utogos

h 13

Lutterbach

Mala . .

. 17

Luttringen

• 14

Mala Brzo-

Lututolf .

. 20

B 2

slowits

a 18

A 4

Liitzclburg

. II

Mala Krsna

• 32

Liitzelhaiizcn 11

Maladi .

■ 13

Liitzelstcin

Malakosi

• 31

Lutzerath

Malanoftare

. 16

Luttxe .

Malapane

. 20

Luxemburg

. 8

Malapaue, P

.. 20

Luxemburg

Malatln-ia

. 32

(tn

) 8

Malatra, C.

• 29

Luzan

• 25

Malaty .

■ 15

Lycia

• 38

A 2

Maiboghcttc

. 27

Lyck . .

• 17

Malche .

Lyliuresi

• 31

Malchishta

• 32

C 6

Lys, R. .

Maldcgera

Lys,R. .

Maldentea

. 16

Lysa Gora

Male . .

. 26

Mts. 21

Malea, C.

• 31

Lyser Ort

■ 14

A 2

Malech .

. 18

Lysiets .

. 24

Malemuisch

e. 14

LyskoS .

. 18

Maleniets

. 21

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page

Square

Page Square'

Page

Square

Page

Square

Page Square

Miilrskovo

Markovo-

Mcerlc .

1* I

Meyadin .

3»

Mitylene . .

'-4

Mak-^tsc .

Varosh

Meersen .

C 2

.Mezenm .

Mixsladt

Malevtze

Markowitz

Meetkerkc

Mez.eres .

C 2

Miyazu . .

Mals-^- ■

Marie. ,

C 2

Megara .

.Vlez.eres .

Mizgal

1:3

Malgara .

B 2

Marlemont

Meejurjechje

Mezo Laborcz 21

Mizy . . .

B 2

Malkoviche

Marli , .

Mel-.idia .

Mezo Laborcz

Mkango .

Malkovichy

Marmara

Meliaigne, R.

Pass 21

Mkumbiro .

Maltani

C 3

Marmara,

Mt^hancourt

C 2

Mezolom-

Mlava

Malik. .

Sea of 2g

Mehikorem

bardo 26

Mlava, R. .

^lalik, L. .

Marmaras

Mehlaukeu

E 2

Mezy . .

Mlavka . .

Malinrli .

Marmolata

Mehlem .

.Vlgur . .

Mlevstse . .

Malines

Mehlsack.

.Miadsiol, L.

f;5

Mlynofl . .

C 3

(Mechlin

Marne, R.

Meienheim

Miandoab

Mnisheff . .

E 2

Malinovka

F. 3

Manitieim

Mciershof

.Mianeh .

Mnishek .

Malishcvo

B 5

MaraMiil ,

Meishagola

Miastkovo

Mnizkofl . .

Mall . .

Maroilles

Meisenhetm

Miasto

Mobangis

Mallnitz .

-7

Maronia .

Meijelo .

C I

Miazta, R.

C 2

Mochar .

C 5

Mallwischker

Maroro .

Meirelbeke

Michajisaki

Mochiotzi

Malmedy.

Marosillye

C I

Meix . .

F 2

Michaikma

Mochovo

Malmo

3 +

Marotz .

Mejidie .

F I

.Michalkovo

Modave . .

Malnoff .

Marquartstei

Mekran .

Michoff .

F 2

Modena . .

Malo-les-

Marquette

Melaji .

.Miclauseni

Moder, R, .

Bain

s 2

Marquiou

Melancourt

.Middeibui-g

Modlin ,

Malonne .

Marquise

Mclassa .

Middelkerke

C 2

Modly-

Maloshytse

C 4

Mars la Toui

Melik

C I

Midia

borzytsc

Malnvi^bto

C 7

Marsal .

C I

Meljanitza

Midzor Mt.

Modolitse

Malplaquet

F. 4

Martanesh

• 32

Mella, R..

Mieche .

Modrath . .

Malskaia

. li

D 5

Marthil .

. 8

Melle

Micchoff .

Modrus .

Malsta'.t .

n 1

Martinitchi

. 3-

Melles .

Micdniki .

C 2

Modrzeyoff .

Malta. .

■ 15

F 3

Martino .

• 31

Melnik .

vMiedvieze

C 2

Moen

Malta, R.

E 3

Martinstein

Melnitza .

Micdzna .

Moeiia

Maltepe .

•9

E 2

Martsinkanf^

e 18

Melno

Miedzurzech

Moere . .

Malii'^hyn

. 21

C 3

Marturi-

Melun

MiedzyTzech

Moerkerke .

Malv Plotsk

Dshusheshl

t 32

A 6

Melun

Miedzyrzych

Moero, L.

Malyn .

C 2

Marua

Membre .

Mielengiany

Moesi

Mamalyga

- 25

Marvaux

Memei

Mielets .

Mogilno .

Maniara I.

2/}

C 2

Marville .

Memel, R.

.Mielkovichy

Mogita ,

Mambere, R

F. 3

Mary . .

Memphis

Mielnitsa

Mogrclnitsa .

Marrora .

■ 39

C 7

Ma&ampo

3f>

(Bedrashen

) 35

Mielnitse

f 3

Moha

Mamornita

114

Mascat .

G 5

MendeFa,

Mieltschin

Mohammcrah

Manchester

3 +

A 2

Masmunster

Gulf 0

Mien . .

Mohileii . .

Manchuria

• 36

Masnieres

.Mendere, R.

Mierunsker

Mohilno .

Manchyke

. 18

Massena .

• 32

E 2

Menderes, R.

Mierzava

Moll on . .

Mandaiovo

Massiges .

Mendig .

Mieschkov

Mohrangan .

Mandra ,

. 28

B I

Mastanle

Menidhi .

Micsto .

Mohrungcn .

Mandrag

Mastiko, C.

Meml .

B I

Mifoli. .

Moisekatz

Man^alia.

. 30
5

Masurian

Menil-

Migolovka

Moisekull

Man^iennes

F 3

Lakes

. 17

Annelle

5 ■ 5

Mitiaileni.

Moji . . .

Maniago .

. 26

C 3

Masvady

Menimen

Mihaljevitz

Mojsinje .

Mania'aia

Matajuz Mt.

Menin

Mijrjjlovatz

Mokobody .

Maniara, L.

Malala .

• 31

Df>

Mcusguth

Mikhalich

Mokpo

Manievichy

C 2

Matapau, C.

■ 31

Mentzen .

Mikhalin

MokraMt. .

Maninghem

Mati, R. .

• 32

Menzaleh. I..

Miknidany

Mokragora .

Manissa .

Matigny .

B I

Meran

Mikola .

Mokrany

B 2

Mankambira

C 9

Matkuln .

■ 14

Merbes .

Mikolavoff

B 2

Mokre

C I

Mannheim

Matougues

Mercatel .

Mikolayoff

C 4

Mokreni .

Manolada

Matrei

. 26

Merchteni

Mikuhiitse

C 2

Mokrcs .

Manos, R.

. 2 +

C s

Matsityoff

Mercury I.

Milachovitcli

Mokrez .

Manspach

Matsieyovits

e 21

Mercy le Haij

t 8

Miianovatz

C 2

Mokro

A 2

Mansura .

C 2

Matzal .

Merech .

Milatvn .

Mokros .

Mantua .

. 26

A 5

Matzal B.

. 12

.Merechanka,

R.18

Hilch'a .

Mokvin

Mantudi .

C 4

MatzelMt.

. 27

Merefte .

C 2

Milianovichi

Moldauische .

Maragha .

■ 38

Maubeuge

.Merekull .

Militsch .

A 2

Moldova, R. .

Marainviller

C 2

Maucourt

A 4

Meriamma

Militzi .

Molina Pt. .

Maramaros

Mauer, L.

- 17

M6ricourt

Milken .

f 3

Molisti . .

Szige

t 24

Maunou .

■ 39

M^ricourt

Millery .

1) I

Moll . . .

B I

Marand .

. 38
27

E 2

Maurmunste

r II

Merken .

Millewen

I- 3

Moll . . .

C 2

Marano ,

C 4

Maussey .

. 10

C I

Merlemont

Milo I. .

Mollchncn .

Marano, L,

C 4

Mauteru .

• 27

Merlimont

Miloshevalz

Molo . . .

C 4

Marash .

. 28

B I

Mautcrndorl

Merna

Miloslav .

Molodcchna .

Marash .

. 38

C 2

St. Michae

I 27

Merris

Mincio, R.

Molodia .

Marathonisi

C 5

Mauthcn

. 26

Mersch .

Minfield .

Molodov . .

Marbache

B I

Mavria .

. 28

Mersina .

Minia, R.

Molopo, R. .

Marbehan

F 2

Mavrovo

Meru Mt.

Minieli

Moloshany .

Marburg .
Marche .

F' 3

MaxcviUe

. 10

B I

Merville .

Miukova .

Molshcim

A I

Maxnnilians

lu 9

Mervillcr

Minsk .

Moltschad .

?,3

-Marchiennc

y 4

Ma\os

. 3r

Merxem .

Minvocz .

Molundu

Marchiennes

Mayapa B.

• 39

Ecj

Mery . .

Mir' . .

Molyvo .

Marck .

Maydan .

Merzig

Mirabella, G.

Mom .

Marckolsheit

It II

Mayencc .

F I

Merzweder

Mombasa

Maicoing.
Mardin .

C 5

May-eii-

Meshed .

G 2

Miramar .

Mombera

£5

■ 3^:

Multie

' 4

Meshkutse

Mirat

Momignicl .

Mardzina.

-.T

Mayuuslicff

li 2

Mcsokbor

C 4

Miraumont

Mommenheim

E I

Marest .

Mazaiiderau

. 38

F 2

Mesolongion

Mirecourt

B 2

Momoty .

Marcuil .

B 3

Mazerulles

C I

Mesopotanii;

C 2

Miriampol

F 2

Monasterzyska 24

Margariti.

Mbam, U.

Mesotc

Mirivintzi

Monastir

Marggrabou
Margival

1 17

Mdabura

■ 39

C 8

Messancy

Miroch

(Bitolia)

C 7

Meaultc .

A I

Messincourt

F 2

Mirocho Dag

■ 32

Monastirctz .

C 6

Margny .

Meauria, R.

. 26

Messines .

Miroslaw

A 2

Monceau

C 2

Margut ,
Mariakerkc

F 2

Meaux

Mesta

Mirovtza

I>7

Moncel .

C I

C 2

Mechelcll.

. 6

C 2

Mestre .

2fl

Mirovtzc

Mondelangeii

Mariampol

'. iS

A 2

Mechernich

Methon .

Mis . .

Mondo . .

Mariampol

C 3

Mechlin

Metkovctz

Misahohe

Monemvasia

.Marianka

C 5

(.Malines

) 3

F 2

Metrich .

Mishjenovat?

C 2

Mongeyo

B 7

Marianka

C 2

Meckenheim

.Metsovou

Mishniany

l.S

Mongolia ,

B I

Marienburg

C 3

Medcrnach

. 8

Mettet

Misilu

E I

Monheim .

E 2

Marienburg

Medina .

. 38

Hettlacb

C 3

Misivria .

E 2

Monk Vick

■12

B 2

Mariciihause

1 13

Mcdinct il

Mettmann

1; I

Misocli .

Monki . .

F 4

Marienwerdf

r lO

C 3

Fayun

1 35

Mettnich

I>3

Misse, R. .

Monodendri,

Marienx .

B 5

Mcditerrancii

Metz

Missy-sur-

Marikia ,

A 7

1 38

Mctz-en-

Aisn

MonoUtho .

Mariniont

C 5

Medjulushij'

Coutur

Misumi .

F.4

Monor

C 5

M ari tza ,

Mcdolino

Mctzeral .

Miswalde.

C 3

Monrea .

Mouth o

1 2S

B 2

Medun

A 5

i\Ietzerweisc

Mitau

Mons .

Maritza, R.

. 28

li I

Medvcdisliki

Minlebeke

Mitrovitza

A 2

Mons-cn-

Mark I

Medvedja

C 3

Meurthe, R.

B I

Mitrovitza

Pi5vele

C 4

Markirch

1 1

Mcdyka .

Meuse, K.

Mittenwald

Monsheim

F 2

Markopol

Markopulo
Markovo

31
19

C4
D5

Medyka .
Medyn

■24
-5

A 2

Meuse, R.
Mevvc

5
If)

E I
B3

Mitterburg
(Pisino

Mont .

Mont St. Jean

10
3

C 2
F3

.Mcerhout

.Mexheitn

E 2

Mittcrsill

. 26

C 2

Mont St. Jean

B X

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page

Square

Page Square

Page

Square

Page Square

Mont St. Juan 5

D I

Mruh

• 39

C 6

Nadarzyn

. 21

Neokhor .

• 3t

Nied, R. .

. 8

Mont St.

Mrzyglod .

Nadbrzezie

. 21

Neple .

. 22

A I

Nicdcr Bartau 14

Rcmy 5

Mrzyglod ,

. 21

Nadvorna

■ 24

C 3

Nepli

• 30

Nieder Breis

ig 7

Montaigu

B 2

Msaiaba .

■ 39

Nagara .

. 28

Ner, R. .

. 20

Nicder

Montaigii

Montatoirc

Msanzi .

Nagasaki .

• 37

Nera, R. .

. 32

Ingelheim q

F I

Mshaga .

• 13

Nagli

■ 15

Neredska

Nieder

Montb<^Uard
Montcornct

S =

Mshaga, R.

Nagoya .

■ 37

Dagh ^2

0 7

Kirschen 8

Mshana .

Nagy-Ag, R.

Neresmitza

■ 32

0 2

Nieder

Montdidier

A 2

Mshezonofi

Nagy Banov

Neresznicze

• 24

LahnsteiQ 7

Monte Bredon zb

Mshinskaia

chi ^2

Nerfusha

• 32

A 6

Nieder

Monte Croce

C 2

MstoB .

Nagy Banya

Nerfl

• IS

Lauterbach q

Mte. Croce

Mstsibaff

. 18

Nagy Berezna 24

Nero, Mt.

. 27

Nieder

Carnico 20

C 2

Mszaiino .

. 16

Nagy Honda

Nery . .

Rodern 9

Monte Nero

Muansa .

Nagy Kiroly

. 24

Neshilovo

• 32

Nieder Tauern 27

Monte Santa

Mubi . .

Nagy Orsova ^2

Nesle . .

Niederfculen

G. ol 31

Mudania .

N. Sloboda

Nesles .

NiegoH .

Montebello

Mudros .

Nagy Szamo

Nessaule K.,

Nieinen, R.

Montenegro

Muggia .

■ 24

Niemenchyn

Montfaucou

Mughla .

Nagy SzoDos

Nesselwang

A I

Niemenek

Montherme

E I

Muharaa .

Nagybocsko

Nestrame

0 8

Niemenek. R

. 15

Monthois .

Miihlbach

Nagyszeben

D I

Netherlands

Niemieroff

Monthureux

Miihlberg

Nahe. R. .

Nette, R..

Niemiroff

Monti giiy

C 2

Muhlen .

Nahinne ,

Nette, R.

F 3

Nieiiionoitsie

Monti gny

£''

Miihlgraben

Naibkeui.

C 2

Netze, R.

E 2

Niemovichy

Montjoie

Muhlhausen

Naidaus .

Neu Autz

Niemtse .

Montmedy

Muira

Nain . .

Neu Berun

Niemtse .

Montmirail

Miuzon .

Nairobi .

Neu Breisach

Niepolokoutz

Montona

Mulhausen

Naivasha, L.

Neu Freistett

Niepolomitse

Montowo .

Mijlheini .

Nakashkeui

Neu Grabia

Nieppe .

0 3

Montreuil

Mijllieirn .

Nakcl

A 4

Neu Isenberg

F I

Nierstein.

Montreiiil

Miilheiin .

Nakel .

Neu Kaipen

Nieshava.

C 5

Moutsec .

Mulovka .

Nakob .

0 3

Neu Stettin

A3
C 2

Niesuchoieze

Montwy .

Muniias .

NakolPtz.

Neubad .

Niesviz .

Monze, C.

J 5

Mun . .

Nalibok .

Neuberg .

Nieuport

Moorseele

Miinchen

Nameche.

Neubeuren

C I

Nieviaza, R.

Moosalba, K.

Gladbacl

1 7

Narnseb .

Neuenaf .

V. 3

NiSen .

Moracha, R.

Munkacs

Namslau .

Neueiburg

Niger, R.

Moranzy .

iMuiikendorf

Namur .

Neuenburg

Nigeria .

Moiava, R.

Muiina Magg

Nanao .

Neuenrade

Nigranden

Morava, R.

Muno

Nancy

Neuermuhlen

C 2

Nihavend

Moravitsa

Miinster .

C 2

Nandrin .

Neufahrwasser 16

Niigata .

Moray Firth

Miinster .

Nangana.

Ncufcl.ateau

F I

Nik St.

Morbach .

Munster .

Nanking .

Neufchateau

Etienne 3

Morchingen

Munster .

Naochabeb

Neufcbatel-

Nikaria J.

Morcourt .

C I

Munsterbilsei

1 6

C 2

Napekoff

sur-Aisne

Nikola efi .

Mordasy .

Muustennai-

Napiecken

Neufchelles

Nikolai ken

Mordy

Jek

1 ?

Nar g ita

C 2

Neufratoutz

Nikolai ken

Mordy .

Miinsterwald

i 16

Nareff .

Neugut .

Nikolince

Moreuil .

Muoa

Narelf, R.

Neuhausen

Nikolitza.

Moresnet

Mur . .

Nargo I. .

A 2

Neuhausea

Nikopoli .

Morfelden

F I

MurThal.

Narli . .

Neuhof .

Nikshitch

Morhet .

Mura .

Naroch, L.

Neuilly

Nile, R. .

Mori .

Muradle .

Naroch, R.

St. Fron

Nimmersat

Morino .

Murau

Narol .

Neu-Jucha

Nuns, R..

0 I

Moriville

Muraveino

Naros

Neukirch.

Nimy

Mormon t.

Murg, R. .

Narova, R.

Neukirchen

Nineveh .

Moroch .

Muri

Naisuka .

Neumageu

0 2

Ningpo .

Moroch, R.

(Hainarua

Naxukus .

Neumark

C 4

Ninguta .

Moron vi 11 iers

Murnau .

Narva

Neuinarkt

Niuove .

Morsbach

Muroran .

{Ivangorod

Neumarkt

Nio 1. .

Morsbach

Murowana

Narva, B. of

Neumarkt

Nippes .

Morshyn .

Murtschin

Nasielsk .

Neumarkt

Niriz . .

Mortagne

C 2

Miirz Thai

NasilU .

Neunkirchen

Niriz, L, .

Mortagne, R

Miirzzuschlag

Nasiriyeh

Neuss

E I

Nisava, R.

Morville .

Musacha .

Nassogne.

Neustadt.

Nisero

Moschtchanis

y 23

Musania .

Naszod .

Neustadt.

Nish . .

Moselle, R,

B3.

Muschaken

Natcnz .

Neustadt.

A I

Nisi . .

Mosclotte R.

Mush

Da"

Natisone

Neustift .

Nisko. .

Moses' Sprin

"■s

Musha, R.

Nalron, L.

Neutcich

Nismes .

{AJyunMus

0 33

Mushdivjak

Natspolsk

Neuve Chape

le 2

Nisova .

Moshcenice

Mushino .

Nauheim

Neuve Eglise

Nissi .

Mosheiki

Mushyna.

Nauplia .

Neuvemaison

Nitau. .

Moshi

Muskarzeff

Nauplia, G. 0

f 31

Neuves

Nitz, R. .

Mostun .

Muskopolje

Nautzkcn

Maison.

B I

Nivelles .

Mosko

Musratli .

Navarino

Nenville .

Nives

Mossaraedes

Muss-AUa

C 2

Navast, R.

Neuville .

Nizankovitse

Mof sarsk .

Mussbach

Navereshie

NeuviUc .

Niznioff .

Mostsiska

Mustafa

Naxos I. .

Neuville-au-

Nizvora .

Mostva, R.

Pash

I 28

Nazareth,

. 3

Pon

Nizy-lc-Comt

c 5

Mosty .

Mutnitza

Nazavizoff

Neuvilly .

Nobel

0 2

Mostyvielkie

Mutterhauset

Naze of

NeuviUy .

Noce, R. .

Mosul .

Muttcrsholz

Norwaj

0 I

Neuweiler.

. iz

Noeux

Motol. .

c S

Muttersladt

NaziUa .

Neuwicd .

Nogal, R.

Motra, R.

Mutzig .

Ndaye .

Neva, R..

Nogara .

Moucbln .

Mykooi .

Ndeverva

Nevarany

Nogent Artai

d 4

Moukden.

C 2

Mykoni I.

Neamtu .

Neve B. .

Nogent-sur-

Moulins .

Myli . .

Neapolis .

Neve) . .

0 I

Sein

e 4

Mouliti-sur-

Myrtos .

Nebesheh

0 2

Nevele

Nogoch .

* Touven

t 4

Mj-shanka, T

I. 18

Nebireh .

0 2

Nevjestino

Nohen .

D J

Moulle .

Myshyniets

Nebishino

Nevrokop

Nohfelden

Mount Ossa

Mysia

Neckarau

Nevshehr

Noiseu.^ .

Mounnelon-

Myslenitse

Nederbiakel

New Benin

Nola . .

le-Granc

1 5

Myslowitz

Nederzwalm

Newala .

Nomeny ,

Mourmelon-

Mysovo .

Ncer

0 I

Newcastle

Nomexy .

. 10

0 2

Ic-Peti

t 5

Mystkovo

Neer Pelt

0 I

Newchwang

Nomtsas .

. 40

Moursel .

Mytikas .

Neerlinter

(Yingkow

) 36

C 2

Nonidas .

Mouscron

3
5

Myto . .

Neeroeteren

0 2

Nezeros .

Nonnweiler

. 8

Mouzon .

Ncerwindcn

Nganibe .

Nonte .

Mowila

35
6

Nefertara

Ngaundere

Nordausques

Moxhe

]

Ncfisheh

Ngila . .

■ 39

Nordenburg

■ 17

Moy . .
Mo yen .
Moyenmou-
tie

4
10

Static

1 35

Ngoko, R.

Norf . .

• 7

E I

C 2

Nababis .

Negochani

Niausta .

• 32

Norkitten

E 2

Nabas .

Negotin .

Nicolai .

Noroy

r II

Nabben .

Ncgotin .

Nicolas .

• 30

Norrent

Moycnvic
Mozyr

Mpala
Mpuapua.

Mramor .

C I

Nabis. .

Neidenburg

»t

Nicosia ,

• 38

Fontc

s 3

F 5

Nablus .

Nciderbrnnn

Nida, R. .

. 21

Norrkoping

• 3s

E I

Nabrcsing

Nejef

Nidje Koshu

Norroy .

Nacha .

Nekla ^ .

Nidoki .

. IS

Norroy le Se

c 8

C 4

Nacha, R.

Nernanitzi

C 6

Niechanovo

. 16

North Al-

Mrcshcchko

Nachenhcim

Ncnsa

Nicd Altdorf

banian Al]

is 32

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page
3-1
34

Nurth Sea .
Norway .
Nosop, R.
Noss . . .
Xotcts . .
Notkorisbof .
Notoselki
Notre Dame

de Li esse
Notre Dainc

de Lorette
Nouaxt .
Nouvion .
NouvioQ en
Ponthieu

Nouzon .

Nova Alexan-
dria

Nova Gora .

Nova Palanka

Nova Rapi'iu

Nova Sails .

Nova Slupio .

Nova Ushytsa

Nova Zagora

Novalii .

Novaviez.

Nove .

Nove Miasto

Nove Miasto.

Novesioto

Novi .

Novi Bazar .

Novi Vaxosh,

Novibazar .

Novieviorka .

Neville .

Noville .

Novina .

Noviou Por-

Novo Alexan-
drovsk
Novo Alex-

siniets
Novo Dvor .
Novo Geor-

gievsk
Novo Miadsol
Novo Miasto.
Novo Miesto.
Novo Minsk .
Novo Miropo
Novo Mysh .
Novo Pebalg .
Novo Pod-

zamchy
Novo Radoms
Novo Selo
Novo Sverzen
Novo Ussito-
vskoi
Novo Vilcisk.
Novobrdo
Novograd

Volynsk
Novogrod
Novogrudok
Novoielaya .
Novoselia
Novoselie

Novoseliza .

Novoaelki

Novoselo

Novosfjlo.

Novoshefi

Novosielki .

Novosiolki .

Novy

Novy Dvor .

Novy Dvor ,

No\-y Dvor .

Novy Sandets

Noyal

Noye, R. .

Noyeiles .

No yon

Nubecourt

Nuggen .

Niiis .

Nukha

Nuncq

Nung, L. .

Nungori .

Nunkirchen ,

Niinsch waller

Nur . . .

Nurets, R. .

Nurmhusen .

Nusporyani .

Nutno

Nutsko .

Nyasaland .

Nylen

Nyong, R.

Nzoi .

26
30
32

32
15
6

square
Bi
C 1
B2
C4
B5

C2
C3

F 2
E5

A4
Ei

C4
C 2
D4
A5
D3
E3
D2

E4
D2

D4
B2
A 5
E 2
A4
B +
D5
B3
A I

E3
E4

C4
E5
E4
C4
D2

C 3
D2
D3

2
38
40

8
9
17
17
14
23
i6
12
39
3
39
39

D-i

U'.

i)4

C I

H?.

K'i

F5
C 5
A3
Cg
F 2
D4
D7

Oas .
Oas ... 4
Obdach . . 2
Obenhe^im . i
Obcr Bartciu. 1
Ober Dran-

burg :
Ober Ebnhfira ]
Obcr Kasscl .
Ober Ingle-

heim
Ober Ion Thai ;
Ober Lahn-

stcin
Ober Laibach
Ober-Pahleii -
Ober Stein-

bacli
OberVellach.
Ober Weiier .
Ober Weis .
Ober Winter.
Ober wall
Ober Zissen .
Obcrau .
Obeubrucli .
Oberfjurg .
Oberhaslach .
Oberstdorf .
Obersteiu
Obervikoff .
Ober^vesel
Obra . . .
Obrenovatz .
Obi-csh . .
Obretcnik
Obscruty.
Ocliojetz
Ocboaova
Ochotniza
OcQa .
Ocquerre.
Ocquier .
Odelsk . .
Odemish .
Odenkirchen .
Odense .
Oder, R.
Odernheim .
Oderro
Odeur
Odgrodzien-

iets
Odobesti

Oedelem .

Octigkeim

CEuiUy . .

Ofen Pass

Offenbach .

Offenbach

Orenburg

Ofistein . .

Ofris . . .

Oger, R. . .

Ogersbof

Oggersheim .

Oginski Canal

Ogradioa.

OgiallD

Ogut . . .

Obey . . .

Ohlenhof

Oise, R. . .

Oisy le Verger

Ojkovitza

Okahandya .

OkahongQihe

Okamabuii .

Okaputu

Okhrida . .

Oklirida, L. .

Okmiany.

Okna . .

Oknist . .

Okniza .

Okoli . .

Okomavaka .

Okombahe

Mt.

Okoraohana .

Okongava

Okonsk .

Okonyenye .

Okormezo

Okota . .

Okotjikua

Okoynia .

Okra . . .

Okrzeya .

Oksa . . .

Okthonia, C. .

Okunieff .

Olai . . .

Oland 1. . .

Olbietsin

Old Calabar R.

Oldenburg .

Oleamtsa

Page Square
F I

4
26

9
II

9
31
15
13

9
18
32
27
32

5
15

32
40
40
40
40
32
32
14
25

J5
25
3?
40

40
40
40
22
40
24
39
40
14
15

B2
E2
E2
A3

E2
F3

E2
A I

F4
E4

E4
D2
C I
C 2
F3
E2
F3
B I
D4
E4
D2
A 2
Dz
D4
E I
A2
B2

C3
Dz
F2
B4
C3
D5
Di
B4
B4
A3
F4

F 2
C4
B3

C4
El

F4
C3
A3

E6
D2

F3
C4

E5
D5
B4

E2
B2

B2
B2

Bi
B2
B7
B7
B3
D3
D3
E3
A5
C 2

A2
B2

B2
C 2
B2
B3
D4
Ai
Cs
F3
E2
D3
D4
E5
C3
Ei
E3
C4
C 2
E4

Oleshno .
Olcshva .
Oleshytse
Olesk
Olevsk .
Oliany
OUta . .
Oliva
OUzy . .
Olkienild.
Olkush .
01m . .
Olobok .
Olonos
Olovo
Ols . .
Olsa, R. .
Olsene
Olshanitsa
Olshanitsa
Olshank, R
Olshanka
Olshany .
Olsbtyn .
Olsiady .
Oltcanu .
OUenltza.
Oltus

Oiudzd . .
Olyka . .
Olympia .
Oiyinpus Mt.
Oman

Oman, G. of .
Omara
Omaruru.
Omaruni, R.
Omatako Mt.
Ombongo
Omborom-

bong a
Ombret .
Omburo .
Omissy .
Ondonga
Ondyiiona
Onikschty
Onitsha .
Omont
Omuleff, R. .
Omulefofen .
Omurambaua
Omuramboua,
R.
Omyt. . .
Onango, R. .

Onchas .

Onkoro Oka-
vapa

Oonaing .

Oouthe .

Onsila, R. .

Onville-s.-

Mad

Oombergen .

Oost Malle .

Oostacker

Oostburg .

Oosterzeele .

Oostnieuw-

kerke

Oostvleteren .

Opaj . . .

Opalenitza .

OpaliQ .

Opan

Opantzi .

Oparina .

Opatoff . .

Opatovek

Opatoviets .

Opatow .

Opochno

Opoka

Opole.

Opolie

Oppekaln

Oppeln .

Oppenheim .

Op;a . . .

Optovo .

Opwyck .

0] adna .

Orange R. .

Oranienbaum

Orany . .

Orao .

Oraviczbanya

Orbey

Orcbanije

Orchheim

Orchies .

Oredesh, R. .

Oieye

Orgeo

One . . .

Origny .

Origny-St.

Benoite

Orjecbovo ,

Page Square

E3
C3
A4
B3

A2
B2

B2
B5

A I
A3
B5
Dz
As
B4

C2
F4
C 2
C3
A4
D2

E I
B2
C4
C3
Bs
D8
G5
G5
lU
B2
A 2
B 2
B I

B3
Bz
C I
B I
Bz
D4
C3

E4
D4

B I

C I
D5
B3

B I
D4
Bi
B I

C 2
C 2
07
As
Bz

B7
Ds
E3

D4
B3

C5
B3

C 2

Cs
B3
Ei

C 2
D3
C 2
B5
D4

B3
F I
Bs
Di

C I
E2

Orkney Is.
Orla . . .
Orla . . .
Orla, R. . .
Orleni
Orljan

Orloff. . .
Ormaoli .
Ormeignie
Onnialcncz .
Ormoy
Ormuz
Orne, R. . .
Oros Rushka
Oroshi

Ors . . .
Orsera
Orshulevo
Orsova .
Orosa, R. .
Ortajakeui .
Ortakeui
Ortakeui
Ortelsburg .
Ortho . .
Ortler . .
Orynin .
OrzechoS
Orzechovka .
Orzesci
Orzetshovietz
OrzyU, R. .
Osaka . .
Osanitza .
Osel I. . .
Oseriany
Oseriany
Osero .
Osery .
Osheba

or (Fan)
Osheni - .
Oshmiany

Oslnrozno .

Osiegtsiny .

Osiek . .

Osijova Dagh

Osipaonitza .

Osiek . .

Osma, R. .

Osman Pazar

Osmino .

Osmolin .

Ossa. R. . .

Osmanjik

Ossiunitz.

Ossoppa .

Ossovetz

Ostend . .

Osterode

Osthelm . .

Osthofen

Ostoje

Ostrich .

OstroS . .

Ostrofi . .

OstroS . .

Ostrofi . .

Ostroa . .

Ostrog . .

Ustrolenka .

Ostropol .

Ostrov Mare.

Ostrovek.

Ostrovetz

Ostroviets

Ostrovo .

Ostrovo , L. .

Ostrozne

Ostrushnitza.

Ostrovy .

Ostryna

Osum, R.

Osun .

Osvietsim

Oszitrovo

Otam . .

Otavi . . .
Othain, R. .
Otfirys Mts. .
Otringen
Ottenheun .
Ottingen
Ottmarsheim
Ottignies .
Ottweiler
Ottyma . .
Ottyniovitze.
Otuvapa .
Otyikaugo .
Otyikeko.
Otyikoto
Otyikukuna .
Otyimbiude
Riet Fonteia
Otyimbindo
R., West

Page Square

Ai
A4
B3

A 2
Di
Cs
Cs
Dr
D3
A4
B3
G4
A4
A3
B6
Ds
Ds
C4
Dz
E4
C I
B I
Ei
D3
Ai
A3
D3

F3
Dz

F4
B4
F I
B3
D3
D3
B3

D4
D3
C 2
B5
Bs

C4
D6

E3
Es
04
C I
E4
C3
F3
C 2
C3
D3
F2
Fs
Ai
Ei
Ds
E4
C4
C5
C 2
D4
E4
E4
Dz
E4
Es
E3
Bz
C7
C7
E4

Cs
B3

F3
C4
Bz

Bi
A3
C4
B3

B3
E4
F3
D3
C3

B I

Otyimbuku

Otyisanna
Otyitambi
Otymbingue
Otyornkaku ,
Otyosazu
Otz . . .
Otztal Alps .
Otztal, R. .
Oiib R., West
Ouchas .
Ouchy-le-

Chateau
Oudenarde
Oudenburg
Oudler .
Oup, R. .
Our, R. .
Ourcq, R,
Ourthc, K.
Ourthc, R.
Ouse, R. .
Ousko
Ovanua .
Ovile . .
Ovishchy
OvTUch .
Oye . .
Ozaricby
Ozarichy
Ozaroff .
Ozoi-koff .
Ozuityche

Padalishta
Fade If .
Padesb .
Padua
Pacl . .
Pagny
Pahlc, R.
Paiechno.
Padhe .
Pakosch .
Palaeapolis
Palaraarca
Palanka .
Palatia .
Palcz^Tice
Palczynce
Palermo .
Palestine.
Pah, C. .
Paliseul .
Palishka .
Palmn, G.
Pailamois
Palhen .
Palmanova .
Palosca .
Paluzza .
Palzmar .
Pama, R. .
Pambete
Pampeln
Panados .
Panaguriste .
Pancher .
Pancbiu .
Pancsova
Panderraa
Pandery .
Paneveggio .
Pangani .
Pange
Panghai .
Panikovichy.
Papaskoi.
Papazlu .
Papendorf
Papcnsee .
Papianitse .
Papon Viek .
Papradishka .
Parachin
Parai
Parchofl .
Pardovitza .
Parenzo .
Parga
Paricke .
Paris .

Paris Plage .
Parma
Parmdsi .
Pamik .
Pamon .
Paio I. . .
Parois
Parroy .
Partenkirchen
Partsiaki .
Parzecheff
Pas . . .
Pascani .
Pasha Limaii
Pasbkova

Page Square

40
40

40
40
40
40
26

26
40

40
15
13
23

B2
Bz
B I
B2
B I
Bz

A2
A2

B I
Bz
B3

C3
D3
C 2
B I
C 2

B3
B4
Bi

C4
B I
E4
Ds
Fz
B2
C5
F4
E3
C 2
B3

B6
E4
D6
B4
B2
B4
B3
C3
B4
Bs
D3
E 2
B3
C 2
D4

A7
F I
C 6
C4
C4
C 2
D4
D5
C3
Cs
E4
C 8
B3
C z

C z

C 6

C I

C 2

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page Squarej

Page Square]

Page Square'

Page Square

PashmakU .

Petcrsbach .

Plachkovitza

Poljna .

Pasian

?■*

Pctiiii . .

Dagh

PoUand .

Pasiau . .

Petit iMorin R.

C 4

Plachtv . .

PoUeur .

C 3

Passani

Pctites-Loges

Plains R.

Polonka .

(Pusni)

Petitmont .

Plainville

A 2

PoloDka, R,

Passargc. R.

Petkova . .

Plaka. . .

Polonne .

Passavant

E +

Petnutza.

Plaka, C. . .

Polonnoe. '

Passcben-

PfU-a . .

Plan . . .

Polovtze

daele

Petra (Wadi

Plancher

Polski

Passel . .

Musa) . .

Planeshti . .

Seaovet

Passcnhijim .

Petre . .

Planina .

PoluJakova

Pataritza. .

Pctrich . .

Plasschen-

Polve. .

Paternion

PetnkoH

daele

Pomaria .

Patmos I. .

Petrinitzri

Plataniona .

Poramier.

Patras . .

Petrislje\o .

Plataiio . .

Pomona I.

Patras, G. of.

Petrof^iatl

Plataria . .

Pomorzany

Patsanotf

Petrosul .Mt..

Platek . .

C 2

Pom plan y

Piturages

Petioutz . .

PlateUe . .

Pondrome

Patzal . .

Petrova .

Platsheim .

Ponedeli .

Pauvres . .

Petrovatz

Platza . .

C 5

Ponemon .

c S

Pavelsko

Petrovsk

Plava. . .

Ponemunek

Pavlitza . .

Pttroz^en

C I

Plava. . .

Ponemuni

Pavlo . . .

Petska . .

Plavnitza

Ponevesh

Pavloli . .

Pettau . .

Plavno .

Pooiatovo

Pavlo vo . .

C 2

Peviany . .

Piawce .

Poniechovo

Pavlovsk. .

Pfalzburg .

Pleddersheira

Ponilcva .

Pawlowitz .

Piai-ebtrs-

Pleschen . .

Poat-^-Marcq 2

Paxo I. . .

weiler

Pless . . .

Pont-&-

Pazhcga . .

Pfirt . . .

Plevhe . .

Moi.ssoQ 8

Pchinia, R. .

C 6

Pfnmm, R. .

Plevna . .

Pont-a A'r-nd

n 2

Pechanovka .

Pfungstadt .

F 2

Plezzo

Pont Aroy

Pechenjevitzi

Pbanari .

(Flitscb

Pont de

Pechemzyn .

Pliarsala .

Plimza, R.

Bonne 6

Pechory .

Philiatas

Plissa. .

PoDt-de-

Peddez, R. .

Philippe ville.

Plivot .

Roide 10

Pedena . .

Philippopolis

Pljesh .

Pont-

Pedras, Ft. .

Philippsburg .

Ploeshti .

Faverger 5

Peer . . .

Phiskardo .

Plombi^res

Pont St.

Peggau . .

Plana. . .

Ploosk .

Maxence 4

Peipus, L. .

Piasechna

Plosa

Pontatel .

. 27

Peitscbendort

Pjasecbno

Ploskinia .

Pontanele

. 25

Pejo . . .

Piaski . .

Plotnitsa.

Pontavert

Peking . .

Piaski . .

Plotsichno

Pontebba

. 27

Pekinje . .

Piaski . .

Plotsk .

Pontet

. 26

Pekuj Mt. .

Piatnitsa. .

Plotyski .

Pontine Mts

C I

Pelago I. . .

Piatra . .

Pliimkenau

Pontpierre

. 8

Pelik, L.

l^iatra

Plumpuddinp

Popel. .

. 15

Peljintze

Piave, R. .

I. . .

Popeliany

. 14

Pelkova .

Pielashog .

Plussa .

Popen

PeUa . .

Pierrefitte .

Plussa, R.

Poperinghe

Pellingen .

Pierrefonds .

Pnievo .

Popofi .

Pebn . .

C I

Pierrepont .

Pnievo-

Poppel .

. 6

Pel tew, R.

Pierry . .

eheruchi

f 17

Poprad .

. 21

Pel tew, R.

Pierschno

Pochin .

Poracbonsk

. 19

Peltre .

Pierzchnitsa .

Po, Delta of t

he 26

Porcbofi .

■ 13

Pelusium .

Pieski . .

Podi

Porchyny

. 20

C 2

Pelves .

C 4

Piesport . .

C 2

Volane, R

. 26

Pordenore

. 26

Pemba .

Pietrkofl

Podberezia

. 15

Pordoi .

. 26

Pemba Chan

Pieve di

Podbicli .

Pordoi Pass

. 26

Pemba I. .

Cadore

Podbortse

. 22

Poro . .

■ 31

Pen or. .

Pikeli. . .

Podbrodzie

■ 15

Porohy .

. 24

Pende, R..

Pilipovitse .

Poddubie

• 13

Poroj

■ 32

Pendik .

•Pilava . .

Podebitse

C 2

Poros .

. 31

Peaisari I.

Pilliem . .

Podgoratz

• 32

Porozoff .

. 18

Pennine

PUitsa . .

Podgorije

. 32

Porplisbchy

. 15

Rang

- 34

Pilitsa, R. .

Podgoritza

. 32

Port Amelia

■ 39

= 5

Pensa. .

PiUau. . .

C 2

Podgorz .

. 16

Port Arthur

. 36

Pensau .

Pillkailen

Podgorze.

. 17

Port Florence 39

Pentari .

PiEon . .

Podgorze.

. 21

Port Ilarcourt 39

?■*

Pepelitza.

Pdluponen .

Podgoizelice

. 16

Port Ibrahim 35

^'t

Pepinster

Pilvisiiky .

Podgoshcby

■ 13

PortNoUoth. 40

Perakhora

Pilzno . .

Podhayozyk]

Portieux .

C 2

Peramo .

Pina, R. . .

Podhaytse

Porto Novo

■ 39

Perasto .

A 2

Pinakia . .

Podhaytse

. 24

C 2

Porto Buso

. 27

Perebrodie

Pinchofi . .

Podima .

• 29

Porto Lagos

• 30

Perecserny

Pindus Mis. .

Podkamien

. 22

Portogruaro

. 26

Perebinsk

Pineda

Podleze .

. 20

Portole .

. 27

Pererov .

Pingnente

Podorosk.

. 18

S-t

Porto-

Peri . .

Pingyang

Podu Grosul

u 32

maggiore 2b

Peris tera I.

Piniu . .

Podui licaei

. 25

Portore .

. 27

Perl . .

Pins . . .

Podunai .

. 15

Portsmouth

. 34

Perlati

32
12

Pinsk. . .

Podvolo-

Portuguese

Pemau

Pinzgau . .

C 2

chysk.

a 25

East Africa 39

Pemau, B, o

Piosk. . .

Podzazefl

Porytysk .

. 22

Pemau, R.

Piotrkofl

C 2

Pogegen .

. 17

E I

Porzeche

Pernes

Piperi I. . .

Pogost .

. 15

Posadnitsa

. 13

Pemigel .
Pemik

Pipurig . .

Pogost .

• 23

Posclvay

. 15

Piraeus

Pogradetz

■ 32

Posen. .

Peronne .

B I

Pirano . .

Pohost .

. 19

Posbali .

. 32

Peres ko .

A 3

Pirgos

Pohost .

. 19

S-t

Posharsko

. 32

C 7

PeiTepont
Persepolis
Pershai

4
38

Pirjn Dagh .
Pirmasens
Pirot . . .

C3
E4
D4

Poilcourt .
Poiog. .
Poiraz .

■ 5
. 22

■ 29

E I

Posbemcni
Poshvityn
Posolodiria

■ 15

■ 14

. 13

E5
C3

1^
ll
C4
A4
Bs
A4

li
A4

C3
Bs
C 2
Cs

Persia

Pisdorf . .

Poi.i . .

. 3

Possessfrn

. 17

Persian Guli

Pishkopoja

Bti

Poi.t-Tcrron

A4
E4
F4
A3

!•
11

Posses>.ion '.

■■ 40

Perthes .
Peruwelz.
Pervyse .
Perwez .
Perwez .
Pescantina
Peschicra
Pesbtchcra
Petaki .
Petali, G. of
Petange .
Petchovo .
Petergeiisfcld
Peterhead
Peterhof .

5
3

2
3

6
26
26
30
27

'I
32
7
34
13

E3
1)4
C 2
F3
B3
A4
A4

F4
O5
B3
D6
D3
A I
E I

Pishiiiankeui
Pisino

(Mittirbui-g)
Piskopi I.
Pibkupi .
Pisogue .
Pissa, K.. .
Pissaiiitzen
Pisseu
Piteshti .
Pitsehen .
Pittcn .
Pitthein . .
Pivki
Pivuichna .

li
17
17
14
30
20
14
3
17
21

E5
A«
A3

Di
B3

A 2
D2

E.i
D5

Pojate .
Pokroie .
Pola . .
Poland .
Polangcn.
Polaiiietse
Polcb. .
Polena .
Polia . .
Poliany .
Poligyros.
Pobsta .
Polista, L.
Polje . .
Poljitze .

. 32

. 14
. 27
. 20
. 14
. 21
7
. 24
• 13
. 19
■ 31
. 13
. 13
. 32
. 30

Posta-MV .
Posval
Poszeitcn
Pot . .
Potamo .
Potamos .
Poti . .
Potok ZIoty
Potschenov
Potyhez .
Pouiheim .
Poulseur .
Povidz
Pozharcvat
Pozieres .

■ 15

■ 15
14

. 14

. 31

■ 31

. 38
. 24

D. 18
. 22

. 16

z 32

Page
Praezka
Praga. . . 17
Prakovo . . 32
Praiovitza . 32
Prapbashtitza 32

Square

Es
D3
C4
Cs

Praso. .

Pravadia.

Pravishta

Prawald .

PrazsmSr

Prebubel P

Predazzo .

Predeal .

D I

Predil Pass

PredlJtz .

Pretzel, R.

Prekuln .

PreU . .

Premeti .

Preny

Preobrashens

kaia .

PrepoUe .

A 4

Presba, R.

^r^eau .

r'resjeka .

Preslop .

Presbovo.

c S

Preussen

Eylau 17

Preussf-n

Hr.lland 16

Preussen

Stargard 16

f^evala .

Preveni .

Prevesa .

Prezid .

Prezija .

A 7

Pribiltzi .

Pnboj

■>*

Priboj .

Pribol .

Pridruisk .

Pridvoritza

Prijfljina.

Prilep .

C 7

Pfimolano

. 26

Prims, R.

. 8

C 3

Prince's I.

■ 39

Piinces' Is.

• 29

I'linkovo I.

• 29

Pnpet

Marshes 19

Pripet, R.

• 19

Prisat .

. 32

Prishtina .

• 32

Prisrend .

■ 32

Pristan .

• 13

Privorie .

• 13

Prljita .

• 32

Prnjavo .

• 32

Prnjavor

• 32

Profondeville 3

Progar .

• 32

Probitz .

■ 32

Prohovo .

. 32

A J

Prokuls .

Prokuplie

• 32

Promontore

C. 27

Pronsfeld

. 8

Pronsfeld

. 8

C I

Proshovitse

. 21

Prosienitsa

. 17

Prosi^res

Prosken .

. 17

Proskurcfl

. 2S

Prosna, R.

Prosncs .

• 5

Proti I. .

. 29

Protopappas

. 32

Proven .

Provench^res ii

Provins .

Proyart .

Prshetych

■ 17

Prucimik .

. 22

Priim, R.

. 8

C I

Priim. .

. 8

C I

Prunay .

. S

Prunisor .

. 32

Prushany

. 18

Prushkotf

. 17

Prussia, West l6

Prust

. 16

Prusy. .

■ 2S

Pruth, R.

. 2S

Pryluki .

. 19

Przasnysh

. 17

Przedborz

Przebrod .

. 17

Przedech.

. 16

Przelag .

. 21

Przelaie .

. 18

14 2

Przemysl .

- 24

A 2

Przemyslany 24

C 2

Przerosl .

. 17

Przcsiavitse

. 21

Przesmyki

• 17

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page Squarel

Page Square

Przetslaff

Radovista

D()

Przevalek

Radovitzka .

Przevorsk

Radovnit?.a .

Przevorsk

Radsanoff

Przvboroff

Radsivilischki

Przvbvsheff

Radstadt

Przvl.lc .

Taiicm, P.

Prz>Toff .

Radiicanpni .

Przvsurha

Radiijevatz .

Przytvk .

Radun

Psara I. .

Radymno

Psary-Xiese

Radymno

A 2

PsisUrrt-srham 20

Radziechoff .

Psknff .

. 13

RadT.icnkaii .

Pskoff, L.

Radzieyevo .

Pskova, R.

Radzi'.ivishki

Pstrokonie

C 2

RadziloR .

Ptyrh, R.

■ 19

Radzislofi .

Piirio^a .

■ 30

Radzivie

Puderbach

Radziviloff ,

Pudewitz.

. 16

Radzivoninshk

118

Pudlein .

. 21

Radxyn .

Puers .

F.2

Radzyn .

A 2

Puhatchoff

A 2

Rapren .

Pulkova .

- 13

Raetshyn

Pnltnsk .

■ 17

Rafa . . .

Piinderich

Rafailoff . .

Pimi . .

. ifi

Rafalovka .

C 2

Piinitz

Ragf,'pdzcm .

Puii^k .

Ragnit

E I

Pupavitza

■ 32

Ragusa .

Purtz . .

C 2

Rahi[l, R. .

Pu^thal .

■ 17

Rahman . .

Pusha

. 15

Raho . .

Piisni (Passani) 38

Rahova .

C 2

Pusliolati

. 14

Raillecourt .

Piissen

■ 14

Raimouki .

Pusterthal

. 36

Raitse . .

Putilovo .

• 13

Rakina . ,

Putinci .

■ 32

Rakishki

Piittf-

Rakoff . .

Piittlingen

Rakoff . .

Putzig

. 16

Rakova .

Pvlalovo

. 15

Rakovitza

Pvlda. .

- 15

Rakovitza .

Pylka, R.

. 13

Raknvoboyinic 17

Pyramids

■ 35

Ralsta . .

Pyrgn

• 31

Ram .

C 2

P>TgOS .

■ 31

Ram .

Pyrgos

Ram Ormiiz

Pyrgos

Raman's Diif

Pvzary .

Rambfrvillers

C 2

Pzorhnff .

Rambrnch ,

A 2

Rambrurh .

Rambiicoilrt.

B 1

Ramillips.

Ramkau . .

Quamero.

. 27

E-j

Ramonchamps 10

Quatre Champs 5

Ramstcin

Quednau

. 17

Ranee

Oiieich, R.

Ranizoff .

Oiiellensleir

Rann

Quenast .

F.3

Raon

Ouend-le-Jcunc 2

A 4

Raon I'Etape

C 2

Oupsnoy .

Rappel . .

Oiu-?.noy-su

Rappin .

Deulo

Rappolts-

Qnetta .

. 38

weiler

Otievaucam

r^ 3

Ras Burum .

Oiiievrain

Ras el Esh .

A 2

Ouievy

Ras -^t Dhabba 35

Quilcn

A 4

Ras ^iabisa .

Quint.

'. 8

C 2

Ras Mohamec

Quinibach

Rasgrad .

Rashana

Rashka . .

Rashka, R. .

Rashlaztropko 21

Kaba. K. .

. 21

Rashlovtzi .

Rabalinj^.

Rashora .

Rabaiil .

Inse

RasJk. . .

Rabaz .

. 27

Rasim. E.

Rabba

■ 39

Raskadia. .

C 2

Rablingen

• 9

Rasno. L.

Rabun

. 15

Rasovo .

Racha .

■ 32

Kastatt . .

Racha

- 32

Rastenbui-^ .

Rachotl .

. 21

Rastu . .

Rachy .

■ 13

Rata, R.

Raczky .

• 17

Ratibor . .

Radalje .

• 32

Ratingen . .

E I

Hadanti .

. 25

Ratno . .

RadaiUz .

■ 25

Ratnoff . .

Radrz .

Ratosk . .

Radika, R.

• 32

Ratten . .

]--2

Radiinin

Rattenbci-g .

Kadiiighfiii

Raucourt

J- 2

Radraannsdorf 27

Range

Radobilje

- 32

Raimheini

F I

Radorn .

. 21

Rava . .

D 2

Radoinin .

. 16

Rava Ruska.

Radomka, R. 21

Ravene .

Radomir

Raves . .

Radomir

Ravnagoia .

Radomno

! If'

Ravnje .

Radorn ysl

RaygTOd . .

F adorn ysl

Razhani . .

Radorn ysl

Rebais . .

Radoshytse

Rebarkovo .

C 2

Radoshkvic

hy 19

: Rech . . .

Page Squarel

Recht . .

^erhtenberg.

Recuaio . .

Recogne . .

F I

Redingen

Reduit de

Chenay

Reesewitz

Rpggio . .

RehainviUer

C 2

Rehden . .

Rehoboth .

Rehon

Rei Baba .

Reichenau .

Reichshafen .

Reifnitz . .

Reims . .

Rein, R. . .

Reiovitse. .

Reiselweiler .

Rekovatz

Remagen.

Remaiiconrt

Remetinetz .

Remich .

Remies .

Remigola

Remilly . .

Remiremont.

Remouchamps

Remscheid .

F I

Rem ten .

Remy

A 2

Renaix .

Renansart .

C 2

Rendeux

A I

Renjnghelst .

Resliestveno .

Reslit. . .

F 2

Resnja .

Restaigne

Reudly . .

Retiland .

Renland .

Reutte . .

Reval. . .

Revere .

Revin

E I

Kiitiiel . .

Rethy . .

B I

Retimo . .

Retnia . .

Retovo .

Retteg . .

Rezonville .

Rtiaunen. .

Rlieidt . .

Rhein . .

Rtieinbach .

RlieinboUen .

E I

Rlteinbrohl .

l^iieingau

Rheingoheim

Rheinsheim .

Rlieinweiler .

Rheinzabern,

Rhens . .

Rheydt . .

Rhine, R. .

Rhodes . .

Rhodes I. .

Rhodesia. .

Rhodope I\lts.

Riba Riba .

Ribari . .

Ribaiitch .

Ribecourt

Riberaont

Ribotze . .

Richardmenil

Richebourg .

Richka . .

Richtcrich .

Ridomlya .

Riechki . .

Rieding . .

Riedselz . .

Riehen . .

Rieka, R. .

Riescha . .

Riesenburg .

Rieshitsa

(Rzezvtsa)

Rieshitsa, R.

J^ieshka . .

Riet Fontein

(or Otyim-
binde) ,

C 2

Rietfontein .

Rieti . . .

Rieux

Riga . . .

C 2

Riga, G. of .

.K5

Riga, G. of . .

r. I

Rigolato . .

2(>

Rila . . .

Page

Square

Page Square

;<imnik . .

Roshan .

<imnik Sarat

E I

Rosheiin .

Rmtogne

E I

Roshiori de

Ringlades

Vedp

l^ingmandshof

Rosieres .

lO"

Rio del Rey .

Rosieres .

C 2

[<io Femand

Rosieres-en-

Vaz

C 5

Santerre

A I

Ripanj

Rositsa . .

Ripinye . .

Rosiuta . .

Risano . .

Rosoma . .

Rismak Mt. .

Rosoman. .

0 6

Ristovatz

Rosoux . .

Riva . , .

Rosrath . .

1'2

Rivecourt .

Ross, R. . .

Riviire . .

Rossel . .

Rivi^ce . .

Rossieny

Rivoli

A 4

Koss.gn.)!

A 2

Riwa . . .

E I

Rossing .

Rixhoft . .

Rossosh . .

li2

Rixjngen.

C 2

Rossosh . ,

Rixingen .

Rostock . .

Rizc . . .

Rostok Pass

Rjeka . .

A 2

Rosyth . .

Ro.ast Beef I.

Rbtgen . .

Robakov. .

Rothau . .

Robova . .

Rothbach

Rnchefort .

Rotherthurm

Ronhesson .

Pass

Rocliy

Rothfliess .

Rockenhansen

Rotselaer

Roeroi

Rottenmann.

Roda . .

Rotterdam .

Rodalben

Ronbaix .

Rodatytse .

Rougemont .

Rodemocheni

Rouges Eaux

Roden

Roulers . .

Rodenkirchen

Rouverog . .

Rodenpois .

C 2

Rou\Tes ,

A 4

Rodia . .

Rouvrog .

Rodnai

Rouvrois.

Mavasok Mt.

Rovcrbello .

Rodoni, C. .

Rovereto. .

Rodonodza

Roverto .

Rass

Rovigno .

Rodosto . .

Rovigo . .

Roei, R. . .

Roville . .

C 2

Roer, R. . .

Rovinari

Roermond .

Rovno

Roenlx .

Rovuma B. .

Rotf, R. . .

Rovuina, R.

Rogachitz .

Roye . . .

Rogastn . .

Rozaniets

Rogiioff . .

Rnzank .

Rogo bd.

Rozany

Rogoff . .

(Ru^i-hana)

Rogonietzy .

Rozdol . .

B 2

Rogova . .

Rozelieures .

C 2

Rogotina.

Roziaz . .

Rogozna .

Roz.shehy .

Rohatyn

Rozlazlulf

Rohitsch

t<ozniatolf .

Rohrbach

Roziioff .

Rolen.

Rozuy-sur-

Roisdorf .

Serrc

Roiscl . .

Rozprza .

C 3

Roizy. . .

Rozvadoff

I-' 3

Rokietnice .

A 5

Rozyn . .

Rokitnitsa .

B I

Rsanitza

Roliitiio .

Rsavlzi .

Roiandseck .

Rsliana .

RoUe Pass .

Ivtanj Mts. ,

C 3

RoUot . .

Ruaha. R. .

C s

Roman .

Riibcnach

!■• t

Romanovo .

Rubesconrt .

A 2

Romans . .

Rubeslivichy

Rombas . .

f^ubincn .

E >

Romedcnne .

Rubl . . .

Romcree

Rubnik .

Romershnt .

r-iubno

Romeskaln .

Rubovtzc

C s

Romilly-sur-

Rueken .

Seine

Rnda . .

Rommcrs-

Ruda . .

i.S

kirchcn

Ruda, R. . .

Romont . .

C 2

RuddervGordi

Romuli .

C 5

Rudensk .

I'l

Ronazek . .

Riidersheiin .

E I

Ronnen .

I! 2

Rudka

Roniienburg

Rudka . .

C 3

Roiiuenbuig

Riidka . .

C I

Ronnskiir

A 2

Rudki . .

Roodt . .

Rudloff . .

Roop . .

Rudnaglav.i .

Roop

Rudnik .

F 4

Ropa . .
Roi . . .

Rndnik .

1,S

Rudnik Mts. .

§5

Rosalin .

Rildniki .

Rosalita Pass

Rudniki .

Rosch Sec .

Rudniki .

C 3

Roschwoog .

Rudniki .

C 3

A 2

Rosen Thai .

Rudno

Rusenan .

Rudo

A 4

Rosendael

Rudolf, L.

Rosenheim .

Rudolfswerth

Rosenhof .

Rudwangcn

E 3

Rosenthal

Rudzishki

B 2

Rosrtta .

C 2

Rue . .

Rosctta Mouth

Rufach .

of the Nile

C 2

Rufiji. .

Dtt

TIMES WAB ATLAS— INDEX.

Riigen

Rugenwalde .
Ruhcnthal .
Ruia, R. . .
Ruiea.
RuisseauviUe
Rukbiny ,
Rukwa, 1,. .
Rulles . .
Rully . .
Ruma
Rumania.
Rumania.
Rumbovitsc .
Rumeli Fener
Ruraershcim .
Rumigny,
Rumillies .
Rurailly .
Rumjik .
Rumont .
Rumshyshki
Rumska .
Rungwa .
Runo I. .

Rupt . . .
Ruschana

(Kozany)

Riishcuitse

Rushmtzi

Rushiiza, R.

Rushon .

Riishon, I..

Riisinia .

Russ . .

Russ, R. .

Russakcsse

Russia

Russclsheim

Riissingea

Russisch
Moldovitza

Russenau

Rustchuk

Rutzau .

Rutzheira

Ruvu, R.

Ruwenzori

Mt.

Ruwer

Ruysbrock

Ruysselede

Rybashkoie

Rybele .

Rybinisbki

Rychval .

Rychyvol

Ryckholt.

Rydmol .

Rymaixofi

Ryn . ..

Rypin

Rzasnik .

RzeshofE ,

RzesnJki .

Rzezytsa
(RicshiUa)

RzgofE

Page Square]

C 8

A 2

■ 1+

F I

. 8

a 25

. 16

■ 30

■ 14

• 39

t. 39

• 13

. 18

• 15

. 20

B I

. 21

. 6

. 22

. 21

. 16

. 17

. 21

■ 23

i) 15

. 20

C 2

Saadani . .

Saale, R.. .

Saalfeld . .

Saallelden .

Saar, R. . .

Saaralben .

Saarbruf.ken

Saarbitrg

Saaiburg

Saadaui .

Saales

Saargemunde

Saailouis

Saaseaheim .

Saarunion .

Saarwellingen

?,3

Saba, R. . .

Sablina . .

Saboani . .

Sabolino . .

Sabolotje. .

Saborie . .

Sabsk. . .

Sachcrenic .

Sachody . .

Sachsenburg

Sadagora.

SadeloDJ ,

Sadova

Vishnia

A 2

Saeflelen . .

Sagorie .

SagoroS . .

Sagsabad. .

Sahend Mt. .

Saianie . .

Saida . .

Saidcnetz
SaiUy
Sainghin .
Sains ,
Sains .

Saiiishaumont
St. Aegyd . ;
St. Ainand .
St. Arnand ,
St, Ainaria .
St. Audra . ;
St. Andre
St. Anion . ;
St. Arnaul .
St. Aubin
St. Avokl .
St. Ba^il . .
St. Benoit .
St. Benoit .
SI. Blaise
St. Cecile. .
St. Clement .
St. Daiiiele .
St. Denis.
St. Diii . .
St. Dizier
St. Eloi . .
St. Etienne ,
St. Etieane-

au-Temple
St. Folquin .
St. George, C.
St. Georgen .
St. Georges .
St. Gerard .
St. Ghislain .
St. Gibrien .
St. Goar .
St. Goar-

hausen
St. Gobain .
St. Helene .
.St. Hilaire-au-

Teinple

St. Hilaire-le-

Grand .

St. Hippolyle

St. Hubert .

St. Inioge

St. Ingbert .

St. Jean .

St. Johann .

St. Julien

St. Jure .

St. Just-en-
, Chauss^e

St. Kattnrinen

St. Kreuz

.St. Laurent .

St. Laurent .

St. Leonhard

St. Leger. .

St. Linger. .

St. Leonard .

St. Leonhard

St. Loup .

St. Mard . .

St. Marein .

St. Marguerite

St. Martin
THcureux

St. Mathai .

St. Mathia .

St. Maurice .

St. M(5dard .

St. Menimie .

St. Menehould

St. Michel .

St. Mihiel .

St. Murafa .

St. Narbord .

St. Nicholas .

St. Nicholas
idu Port

St. Nikola

Pass

St. Omer

St. Paul . .

St. Peter

St. Piene-

Brouck

St. Pol . .

St. Privat .

St. Quentin .

St. Quentin

Canal

St. Quentin en
Tourmont .

St. Quiria

St. Remy

St. Simon

St. Souplet .

Page Square

Ds
C3
C3
E5
Al
C I
F I
D4

D3
E3
C 2

D4
E4
C4
Cs

C 2
D2

C 2

Fs
C3
C3

F4
C 2
F4
E4
D4
El

El
C 2
C2

E3
Ds
Ai
D3
D3
C3
C 2

C3
B4

A2
B3
E3
C4

G 2
Cs
A3
F I
D3

C4
C3

E4
D2

E3
02
B5
D4
Fi
E4
E3
Di
D2
As
F5
F3
C3
E2

D4
B3

F3
B3

B I

A4
Di
C.3
C 2
B2
E3

Page Square!

Page Square]

Page Square

St. Soupplcts

Santa Maura

Schladming .

St. Thomas .

(Leucadia)

Schleiden .

St. Thomas I.

L . . .

Schleswig-

St. Trend .

Santen . .

Holstein

St. Valery-

San ten . .

Schlettstadt .

sur-Sorame

Santhoven .

Schliersee

St. Veit . .

Sautonuschel

Schlobitten .

St. Venant .

Santorm L .

Sclilucht Mt.

St. Vith . .

Sapiane . .

Schmallening-

St. Vito . .

Sapigneul

ken .

St. \'ola . .

Sapokinie

Schraentau .

St. Wendel .

Sapolic . .

Schmidt . .

St. Wolfgang

Sapolie . .

Schmidtlielm

St. Wolfgang,

Sapot. . .

Sehnee Berg

L. . . .

Sarakino

Mt. . .

Sakai

Sarayevo

Sehnee Berg

Sakaria .

3>i

(Bosna

Mt. . .

Saklio . .

Serai)

Sehnee Berg

Sakiz

Sarca, R. .

Mt. . .

F I

Salaga

Saresnitza

Sehnee Eifel

Salagora .

Sari . . .

Mt. . .

Salamanii

Sari Bair.

Sclinehpeln -

Salambria .

Sarianka, R. .

Schneidemiihl

Salamis . .

Sarihadir.

Schnett . .

Salanty . .

Sarikoi . .

F I

Schmerlach .

Salash . .

Sarilar . .

C I

Schober P. .

SaJash . .

Sarkany .

Schocken .

Salaty . .

Sarkhanii

Sehbder . .

Salchia . .

Sarnaki ,

Schonbcrg .

Saicia. . ,

Same.

Schdnberg .

Salesie , .

Samy. . .

Schoneberg .

Saliesie . .

Saroni . .

Schoneberg .

SaJikli . .

Saros (Xeros),

Schonenberg.

Salis, R. . .

A.l

G. of . .

Schonsee

Salisburg. .

Sarreiken

Scbonstein .

SaJismunde .

Sars Poteries

Srhoondike .

Salleenen. .

Sart . . .

Sehoorbakke .

C 2

Sabiichateau.

Sart Kalessi .

Schrau . .

B +

Sahnone .

Sarthein . .

Sehrimm

Salmrohi".

Saml Dornei .

Schrirara

Salona

Sarvistan

Schroda .

S;ilonica . .

Sarygol .

Schmnden .

Salonica, G. of

Saskenichy .

.Scbruns .

Salpkeim.

Saslafl . .

Schuit Drift.

Salo . . .

Sasmakken .

Schulchen .

Salskam-

Sasnovka

Schuhtz . .

mergut, R.

Sasse L .

Schwanberg ,

Saltzi. . .

Sassnitz . .

Schwarz, R. .

Salustishie .

Sassoff . . .

Schvvarzen-

Salvore .

Sassuola ,

acker

Salzach .

Sasulie

Scbwarzen-

Salzburg . .

0 I

Sasun . . .

bom

0 I

Salzig. . .

Sasvan Gent.

Schwarz-

Bamako V

SatanoCE . .

wasser

Samaaa Pt. .

Satyiew .

Schwarz-

Samarina

Sauaipe . .

wasser, R.

Samarkand .

J 2

Saner, R.

Schwaz .

B I

Samawa .

Sauer, R. . .

Schwaz .

Sambor .

Sauk, R. . .

Schvvegcn-

Sambory

Sauken .

heim

Sambre .

Saukcn, L. .

Schweich,

0 2

Sainbre . '.

0 I

Saulces .

Schweigs-

Sambre, R. .

Saulgrub

hausen

Saniburuh .

.Saulmory

Schwelm

F I

Samer

Saulnes . .

Schwersenz .

Samitcn .

B 2

Sauh-i . .

Schwetz .

Samo . .

Saulxiu-es

Schwetzmgen

Samoch-

Saulzoir .

Schyll . .

0 I

valovichy

Sauraheib .

Scio I. . .

Samogneux .

Sausenberg .

Scio (Kastro)

Samokov. .

C 2

Sava .

.Sclayn

Saraos I.

Savady .

Scotland . .

A I

Samothraki I.

Savalan . .

Scripcro .

Samovit .

Save, R. . .

Seuitklip

Sampigoy

Saveli . .

Scutari ,

E I

Samree . .

Saventhem .

Scutari .

SamsonofE .

Savigny . .

Scutari, L. .

Samsun .

Savin . . .

Sdsitovo .

Samtcr .

Saybusch

Sea of Japan

San,'R. . .

.Sboyno .

Sea! L . .

San Bonifacio

Scalet Mt. .

Sehoncourt .

0 I

San I-elice .

Scapa Flow .

A I

S&hault . .

S. Gporgio .

.Scarpanto L.

Seche. . .

San Giovanni

.Scarborough .

Seehlem . .

San Giovanni

Schadofi . .

Seelin. . .

di Mcdud

Schamitz

Sedan

San Pietro .

Pass

Sedd-ul Bahr

San PieUo .

Schamo .

Sedde, R. .

San Polo .

Scha\liany .

Sedhes . .

San Stofano .

Schavnitsa .

Sedzieshoff .

San Stefano .

Scholde (or

Sceburg .

San (Tamis) .

C 2

Escaut) R.

Seeheim .

Sanaga, R. .

Scheldt, West

Seeis .

Sand . . .

Scheppmanns

Seemiippen .

Sand Fontein

A 2

dorf . .

Seethal Alps.

Sandal Pt. .

Scheven . .

Segaro . .

Sandarlik

Scherercofi .

Segevold . .

Sandarlik,

Schidlitz .

Sehmen .

G. of

Schienianen

Seichepray ,

Snndfontein .

Schifferstadt

Seidler

Sandomir

Schiffweiler

SeiUes . .

Sandwich

Schildberg

Seiny

Harboui

Schillkojen

Seistan .

Sanga, R.

Schiltigheira

Seki . .

Sangatte

Schimpach

Sekondi .

Sann, R. . .

Schio

Selbach .

Sanniki . .

.Schippenbeil

Selechka Dagh 32

Sanok . .

Schirmeck

Selet^Ti .

Sanon, R. .

Schirvinty

Selfldje

Santa Maura

Schirwindt

(Servia

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page

Square

Page

Square

Page

Square

Page Square

Page Sou are

Selg5, R.

C 2

Shara, R.

Siehin

Skoruly .

Soldau . .

ScHno

C 6

Shara, R.

Siemenli .

Skotschan

C 5

Soldcn

Selitza .

SharbsUo.

Siomiatychc .

Sko\Tonna .

Solechniki

Seljanovshti

Sharenik

Sieraiezoff

Skripu . ,

Solesmes

Seloi^nes.

Shari . R. .

Siemonia.

Skrovdzie

.Solets . .

Seltinglinf

Sharkcui

C 2

Siennva .

Skrudelina .

Soigne . .

Selvi . .

Sharkovsh-

Sieniavo .

Skrva, R. .

Solingen .

E I

Selx, R. .

F 2

chisna 15

Sienitza .

Skrvilno .

Soloki . .

Selz . .

Shasht^vo

Sitnnitsa.

Skrzygalov .

Soloincsh

Selzacb .

Sharava .

Sicano

Skuderinje .

B 6

Solothurn

Selzacte .

Shateiki .

Sicradz . .

Skulandro

(Soleurc)

Sclzlal .

E 2

Shatsk .

Sicrck . .

Skuisk . .

Solotkovtse .

Seracbinovo

Shaty

Sierenz .

Skulyani

Solotvina

Scraeni, R. ,

Shavkjany

Sierpts . .

Skumbi, R. .

Soke . . .

Sem<:Te .

Shavle .

Sierzchoff

SkjTo . .

Solway Firth

Semiatitzi

Shavniki

Sievicrz .

SkjTo I. . .

Soly . . .

18.

C 2

Semide .

Shchakova

1 20

Signivichi

Slaniku . .

Soma

Semliki, R.

Shcllai-a, R.

Signy I'Abbayc 5

Slap . . .

Sombreffe .

Semlin

Shchavnc

Signy le Petit

Slatina . .

Sombrin .

(Zimony

Shchebra .

Sign . . .

Slatina . ,

Somergein

Semmering

Shchcbrzc=hjni 22

Si kino

Slatina .

Sonilak .

Shchekot^iny

Sikorz

Slatolin . .

Somme, R. .

A I

Sempigny

Shchemeritse

Silameggi

Slavianishki .

Sominc, R. .

Semps

Shchepotsitse

Sile, R. . .

Slaviany .

Somme

Sena .

133

Shchersy

Silesia . .

Slavkoff . .

Bionne

Sen-icl

Shcherzcts

Siicm^eux.

Slavsk . .

Somme Canal

Senhtim .

Shchuchyu

Sillavalla, R.

Slavuto . .

Somme I.euze

Sennc.

Shchuchyr

Sillery . .

Slawkovichy.

Somme Py .

Serme, R.

bhciine .

Silly-la-

Slenja

Somrae-Suip-

Sencffe .

Shclcha, R.

Potterie

Slesin

pes

Senjski

SheliaJs .

SiHstria . .

Sleydjnge

Somme-

Majdui

ShclkoU .

Sihvri

Slishevtzi

Tourbe

Scnncn .

Sheloii

SilvrettaMt..

Slivnitza

Somme- Vesle

Sennhfnm

Shelon, R.

Si ma re vo

Slivno . .

Sommcdicuc

Senlis.

Shemakha

Simate .

Sloboda . .

Sommciles .

Senones .

Shenno .

Simmer, R. .

Sloboda . .

Sommerpahlen

Sensburg .

Shepietovke

Simmera

Slobodka .

Sommerviller

C I

Senv .

Shepielovo

Simraera

Slobodki

Sompolno

SepkuU .

Sherefli .

C I

Simno

Slobozia . .

E I

Sondalo .

Seppois .

Shcresoff

Simpsonhafen

Inset

Slocheff . .

Sondemach .

Sepsiszent-

Shetland Is.

A I

Sitnsirti .

Slomnike

Songchin

gyorgj

7 30

Shezurovitse

Sin . . .

Slonim

Soniki . .

Sept Saulx

Shezutsin

Sinai Mt. . .

Slovatz . .

Sonmiani

J 4

Septmonts

Shibin el Kon

> 35

Sinai, Pen. of

Sloviky . .

F I

Sonnaxt .

Seraftn

Shidiki .

Sinceny . ,

Slov-jen . .

Sonsk

Seraincourt

Shiek .

Sinekli

Sluch, R.. .

Sontags Horn

Serai .

C I

Shielmalyany

Siniavka .

Sluin . . .

Mt.

C I

Serai ng .

Shilely .

Singrist . .

Sluis

Snnthofen

Serakoi .

Shilovichy

Sinkovzy. .

(L'Ecluse)

Soo-chow

Serapeum

Shimnnoseki

Sinna

Sluptsa . .

SoonWald .

Serben

Shipili

Sinoie, L.

Skitsch, R. .

Sop .

Serbia

Shipka .

Sinope

Slutsch, R. .

Sophienruhe

Serbigal .

Shipka Pass

Sinatsvchy .

C 2

Slutsk . .

Sopot

Serby. .

Shirardoff

Sinzpnich

Sluzewo . .

Soppe

Serebrianka

Shirati .

Sinzheirn.

F I

Slype . .

Sor (ed Deir)

Sereie. .

Shiraz

38-

Sinzig

Smarda .

Soremby

Seres .

Shirbin .

C 2

Sip . . .

Smederevo .

Sorochkino .

Sereth .

Shirovichy

Siphanto

Smejedovo .

Soroki . .

Sereth, R.

Shitkovichy

Sipkovitza .

Smelina .

Sorokina

Sematen

Shitse .

Sipotele .

Sniilten .

Soroktalary ,

Semiki .

Shkeltovo

Sirault . .

SuijTna, G. of

Sorot, R., .

Serock

Shklantse

Sirbon, L. .

Smol . . .

C 2

Sorquitten .

Serokomlo

Shkreta .

Siretu, R. .

Smolenitsa .

Sosnitse .

Serombe .

Shkudy .

Sirkova .

Smolenskoi .

Sossenka

Sprpho I..

Shlachova

Simitz

Smolevichy .

Sossian .

SeiTe . .

Shlotsk .

C 2

Sirovatz . .

Smohka Mt.

Sofia . . .

Senre .

Shmarden

Sis . . .

C 2

Smoljanovtzi

Sottegem

Sert . .

T>2

Shini .

Sissegal . .

Smolka, R. .

Souain

Servance

Shnypoitse

Sista Palkina

Smorgon

C 2

Sour.hez . .

£♦

Servech, R.

Shobek .

Sita . . .

Smotrych

Souilly . .

?♦

Servia

Shodsishki

Sitia . . .

Smotrych, R.

Sonmagne

f,3

(Selfidje

) 32

Shogovo .

Sitnia, R. .

Smudy, L.

Sound, The .

Servon .

Shorany .

Sittard . .

C 2

Smyga . .

Sou pi r

Sery .

Shozypiomo

Siuxt . .

Smyrna .

South I. . .

Sesana ,

Shpethalgorn

y 16

Sivas . . .

C 2

Sniatmlsa .

Southampton

A 2

Scskar I.

Shrensk .

Siver, L. .

Sniadovo

Soy .

Sesvegen

Shrentava, R

. 21

Sivetch . .

C 6

Sniatyn .

Spa .

SetseraJn

Shuiea .

Sivoritse . .

Snichnik Mt.

Spada . .

Seuil . .

Shumane.

Sivrihissar .

Snilovo .

Spada, C. .

C 6

Seul . .

Shumla .

Sivry

Silov . . .

SpanishGuinea

Sevenaas .

Shungu B.

Sivry

SobateDzy .

Sparta

Severn, R.

Shupranv

C 2

Sizeboli . .

Sobbov .

Spash.

Sevti Hissar

Shuralovka

■ Fl

Skaberezyna.

SobclaH . .

Spasskoie

E 2

Seweti

Shiisha .

Skadviie . .

Soberheira .

bpeicher .

C 2

Sewola Mt.

Shushitza

Skagen .

Sobkoft . .

Speke Gulf .

Sextan .

Shuster .

Skager Rak .

C I

SobofI . .

Sppncer B. .

Sezajine .

Shvekshno

Skaisgory

Sobota . .

C I

Spey, R. . .

A I

Shabari .

C 3

Shvingi .

Skala . .

Sobotka .

B 2

Speyer . .

Sliabatz .

Shybenno

Skala . .

Sochacheff .

Sphakia .

Shabinka.

ShydlovieLs

Skala . .

Sochotsin

Spiagla . .

Sbabishki

Shylamy

Skalat . .

Sodehnen

E 2

Spicherer

Shabji

Shypot .

Skamzouro I.

Sodla . .

Berg Mt.

Sbabla C.

Siady .

Skaryshefl .

Sofia . . .

Spiecelberg .

Shack .

Siatista .

Skaviiia . .

Softika . ,

E I

Spiescn .

Shadek .

Siberia .

Skela . .

A 2

Sofular . .

C I

Spilimbergo .

C 4

Shad wan I.

Sibret .

Skempe .

Soheit . .

Spinalonga .

Sbagoricbaai

C 8

Sichem .

Skerstymo .

F I

Soignies . .

Spincourt

Shagory .

Sidari .

Skerzuti .

Soikino .

Spirling, L. .

Shahbaz .

Sidra .

Skidel . .

Soissons .

Spitncj . .

Shahin Burg;

iz 29

Sidzyna .

Skierriievitse.

Sokal . .

Spittai . .

■Shahintash

Sieben Geblrg

Skinderishki

Sokalniki

Spiza . .

Shaj teros .

Mts

Slaroseme

Sokia . .

Spontin .

ShakinoS

Siedlets . .

Sldo . . .

Soko-Baiija .

Sporoff, L. .

C 5

Shaky .

Sieg. R.

Skorica . .

Sokolka . .

i«

Spree, R.

Shaluf ft

Siegburg

Skole . .

SokoloB . .

bprendhngen

E 2

Terrabel

Sie^lar

Skopplo . .

Sokoloff . .

Springbok-

Shaluf Sia. .

11
36

Sieletz

Skopelo T. .

Sokoly

fontcin

Shanghai.

Sielno

Skopishki

Sokoto . .

C 2

Srrimoiit.

»'

Shan-tuiig

Sicipia

Skoptie (Us-

Sokotovka .

Spuzh . .

A a
F4

SharDagh .

Sielim

kub)

C 6

Sokul . .

Spy . . .

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page

Square

Page Square

Page

Square

Page

Square

Page Squar'i

Srebenitza .

Stilfser Joch

Suj Bulak

Tenedos .

28 B3

Sredniki .

Stimlja . .

Sukhum Kale

Tenedos I.

28 A3

Sretinyp Mts.
Stabigotten .
Stabroeek .
Staden . .
Stadkyll . .

32
17
3
2

C 2

F I
C2
D4

Stint, L. . .
Stobcr, R. .
Stobychva .
Stochok . .
Stockholm .

14
20
22
21
34

C2
B3
C 2
E 2
E 1

Sukovo .
Sula. R. .
Suleinianich
Sulcjoff .
Sulelmed

32
19
33
21
24
32

C 2

Bs
A8

Tabanovtze
Tablonitsa
Tabora .
Tabriz .
Tacaragja
TacUtalu
Tafta

Tagliamento.
R
Tagsdorfi
Tahure .
Taiaskei .
Taila Dagh
Tait . .
Talabor, R.
Talanta . .
Talat
Talish

24
39
38

B4
D3
D2

C4
D4
E3

B I
E 2
F3
B4
C4
Es
E 2

Teneni
Tcnnasilm
Tcpeleni ,
Tereshpol
Teresin

14 As
12 C 4
32 AS
22 A 3
17 Ds
16 B4

Stajerlaka-

Stockstadt .

Suliates .

32
30
29

26
II

S
40

38
24
31
15
38
19
32
14
3
3
32
27
32

Terespol .

nina (Stier-

dorf) . .

Staki . .

32
14

C 2
S5

Stok . . .
Stoldishki .
Stol . . .

17
18
32

E4
B2
D4

Sulina

Sulishefl . .
Suitanabad

30
21
38

Fi
D2

Tergnier .
Termonde
Terneuzen

4 B2
3 E2

3 E 1

Staia, C. . .

Stalatz . .

Stolben . .

Stolin. . .

B5
Di

Suitanabad .
Sultanieh

38
38

Teruovo .
Tersain .

27 D4
27 E 4

Stallhofen ,

F I

Stolovichy .

Sultankeui .

Terveuren

3 F3

Stalluponen .
Stampalia

17
31

E2
E5

Stolp .
Stolpmunde

16
16

A2
A2

Sultzerea
Sulz . . .

Terwayne
Tcrzili .

6 B 3
32 D 6

Stampalia I..

Stolzenfeh .

Sulz . . .

Tcschen .

20 Bs

Stanichenje .

S tonne

Sulzbach

Tesfipol .

23 D4

Stanimaka .

Stopin

Sujzbad . .

Teshitza ,

32 C 4

Stanintzi.

Stopnitsa

Sumary ,

Testaraa .

12 A 4

Stanislau. .

Storo . .

Suna . .

Talka '.
Talova .
Talsen .
Tamines .
Tamise .
Taninava R.,

A 2

Testelt .

3 F 2

Stanislavoff ,

Storozynetz .

2'i

Sunderland

Teterchen

8 C 4

Stanislavoff .
Stanisleshty .

21
25

D2
D3

Stotno .
Stotskod, R.

l6
22

C 2

Sunkiele .
Sunzel

Tetingen
Tetven .

8 C4
30 D2

Stankoff . .
Stanley Falls

19
39

Stoumont
Stoyanofi

Supovatz
Suprast, R. .

32
18

C4
A4

Teufels Berg
Tcxell. .

12 Cs
34 B2

Stanleyville .

Straimnnt

Suraj-siperme

Tamsweg
Tanda

Tezze

26 B4

Stanoton.

Strait of Dov

r 34

Suraz

A4
D8
B 8

Thai . .

26 C3

Stany-

Stralkowo

Surburg .

TaneEf. R. .

Thames, R.

34 A 2

stavozyk
Staporkoff ,

C4
D3

Strandaeu
Strasburg

17
16

Surdulitza
Surlovo .

32
32

Ds
D7

Tanga . . 39
Taneanvikel. ^n

Thann .
Thanweiler

II D4

II D2

Star Rykoff .

£3

Straftden .

Suromin .

Tanis (San)

C 2

Thaou .

10 C 3

Star Sloboda.

Strassburg

E I

Surop, C .

Tannav .

E 2

Tharau .

17 D2

Stara Pazova

Stra5sburg

E 2

Surove ,

Tannenberg
Tanta

Thasos I.

30 D3

Stara Planina

?•*

Strati I.

Surri .

35
17
17

Thebes .

31 C4

Stara Rjcka .

Stcavchyo

Survilichki

C 4

Tapiau .
Taplacken

Thciss, R.

24 B4

Stara Sambor

Strbtzi .

Surth

Theley .

9 D3

Stara Zagora

Strchaia .

Susa ,

Tapollno

B4
B4

Thclus .

2 04

Stara va . .

Strelno .

Sussei, R.

Tara. R. .

32
24
24

Thenelles

4 C I

Staravctz

Strcltzi .

Susteren .

Taracz, R.

Theologos

30 D3

Stareminsto .

Stremlenie

Sutshednioff

Taraczkoz

Thera .

31 Ds

Staresiolo

Strmitza .

Suva Mts.

Tarasp .

Therapia

29 E I

Stargia . .

Strobin .

Suvalki .

Tarcento

Thennia .

31 Ds

Stari Shvan

Strolkovtze

Suvla B. .

Tarchomin

Thermia I.

31 Ds

enburg

Stromberg

Suvla, C.

Tarchyn ,

Therouanne

2 B3

Starkani .

Struga .

Suvla Pt.

Targovisko

A 3

Thessaly .

31 B4

Staro Pebalg

Strugovishte

Sveaborg

Targovisko

Theux

6 C3

Staro Siver

Struma, R.

Svehte, R.

Targovistea

D I

Thiaucourt

8 B4

skaia .

Strumen, R.

Svcnta, R.

Targu Fruino

s 25

Thielen .

3 F2

Staro

Strumilova

Svcnthof

Tarloff .

E3
A 3

Thielt .

3 D2

Ussitovsko

Strumnitza

Sventsiany

Tamagora

Thielt .

3 F2

Starobino

Strunoitse

Svetiplas

Tamo

E 5

Thiene .

26 B4

Starokoa-

Strushane

Svida, R. .

Tarnobrzeg

Thicrny .

4 C2

stantinofE 23

Strutteln.

Svierze .

Tamoff .

Thieux .

4 A 2

Starosclo.

C 6

Struza .

Svictets .

Tarnogora

F 4

Thil . .

8 B3

Starosol .

Struzevo

Svietstets

Tarnogrod

A 4

ThiUois .

S D3

Starzecliovitse 21

Strygoff .

Svila, R. .

Tarnopol

0 2

ThiUot .

8 A4

Starzytse.

Strvi . .

Sviniusky

Tarnowitz

0 4

Thionville

8 B3

Stashoff .

Stryi, R. .

Svir ,

Tarsus

Thoe Karst

27 D4

Statskela .

Strykoff .

Svir, L. .

TartakoS

Tholey .

9 D3

Staudemheim g

Stryshava

Svirz .

Tarvast .

Thonue .

S F2

Staufen .

A I

Strypa, R.

Svirz .

Tarvis

Thorn (Torur

1 16 B4

Stavalj .

Strzegovo

Svietsiechoff

Tashaghil

Thory

4 A2

Stavanger

C I

Strzel. .

Svisloch .

Tatar

Thourout

2 C 2

Stavatyche

Strzeliska

Svisloch ,

Bazar 111

Thuillics .

3 F4

Stavele .

Strzelsk .

Svisloch, R,

Tatar Keui

0 2

Thuin

3 E4

Stavelot .

StrzyshofE

Svisloch, R.

Tatarevka

Thur, R. .

II D3

Slavish yn

Sttzyze .

Svisloch, R.

Tataru .

E I

Thy . .

3 K-*

Staviski .

Stnretz Mt.

Svistova .

Tatra Mts.

Tibati .

39 D3

Stavkovitza

Stubel, R.

Svityas .

Tatta, I.. (Tuz

Tichau .

20 C 4

Stavros .

Stnben

A 2

Svogi

Chelu

Tiefcnau .

16 C 3

S techno vo

Studenabar

C 6

Svogye .

Ta-tung'kow

Tientsin .

36 B3

Stepnde, R.

Stuhm .

Svoiatichy

Taubling

Tieshkova

13 Es

Steenkerque

Stiirzelbtonn

Swakop, R.

Taucrkaln

Tiflis . .

38 n r

Steenstraete

Sturzenhof

Svvakrjpmunr

Taufcrs .

Tihange .

6 B 3

S teen woo rde

Stviga, R.

(Tsaokhaub

Tauroggen

TilH . .

t ^.^

Stefaneiti

Stvglovo

mund

) 40

Taurus Mts.

Tillet

8 A 2

Steige

Stylis

Sweden .

Tavaux .

Tilloy Bella)

5 F.4

Stein . .

St>'navanizn

1 24

Sweet Wate

Taveta .

Tilly . .

3 F4

Stein . .

Styr, R. .

Cana

1 35

Tavigny .

A I

Tilly-sur-

Stein Ort.

Stvr, R. .

C 2

Sweveghcm

Tayakadin

Meus

•■ 5 E*

Stein ach .

Subat .

Swica, R.

Tchepelare

Tilsit . .

17 E I

Steinbach

Suboch .

Swist, R..

Tchirpan

Timkovichy

19 D4

Steinberg

Subotniki

C 2

Switzerland

Tchukurlu

Timnea .

32 D2

Stein bruck

Subova .

Sygry .

C 2

Te Oroci Pas

Timok, R.

32 D3

Steinbrnciicn

)

Siicha .

Sylt I. .

• 34

Tebber, R.

Timsah. L.

35 D2

(Pont pi err

'] 8

Suchava .

Sylvia Hill

Tdcsd .

Tina, B. of

35 D2

Steinburg

Suchava, R.

Symi I. .

Tega . .

Tindarei .

30 E T

Stcinfeld

Suchlovo

Svntovty

F 2

Tegemsce

B I

Tineh, Plain

)f 35 A 2

Steinfort

Siichovol

SWa I. .

Teheran .

Tineh Statin

1 35 A 2

Stekene .

Suchovol

S\Tia . .

Teigenhof

If)

Tin^ere .

39 D3

Steki . .

SudaB. .

Szamos, R.

Teke. R. .

Tino I.

31 Ds

Stelnitza

Sudargi .

E I

Szaszkabany

a 32

C 2

Tekeh, 0.

Tintigny .

-c ^1^

Stelvio Pass

A 3

Sudilkofi

Szaszsebes

■ 30

C I

Tekelu .

Tintigny .

8 A2

Stenay .
Stcnden .

F 2

Suez .

Szaszvaros

C I

Tekfur Dagh

C 2

Tinto

39 C3

31
23
32

B 2

Suez Canal

Szatraar

Telda

Tione

26 A3

Steoi .

C 4

Suez Canal

Neme

i 24

Tekuchiu

E I

Tipururska

Stcpan .
Stepantzi
Sterdyn .
Stern beck

D3
C 6

Suez, G. of

Szcnt Mikdos

Tel el Amam

a 35

Poljana Pass

30 D2

Sufflenheim

Szerednye

Tel el Kebir

Tirana

32 A 7

Sufii . .

B I

Szeszupe R.

E I

Telca

Tirano

26 A3

3
26

Suftgca .

Szilagvcsch

Telechany

Tiras .

40 B3

Sterzing
Stettin

Sugny

E I

Szillen .

Tells . .

B I

Tireboli .

3« C I

Suha-Gora

Szittkebnen

F 2

Telish .

Tirch

3. F.4

Stevenson

Mts

■ 32

Szoidnik .

Tellancourt

Tirlemont

3 F3

Roac

39
6

C 8

SuhiLakiPas

i 30

Szolyva .

Telhn. .

Tirnova .

30 Dz

Stevcnsweerl

C 2

Suho .

• 30

Sztarna .

Telshi .

Tirno\-o .

.30 A 2

Stezytsa .
Stierdorf

Suhodo .

Sztropko

. 21

§5

Tamnich

Tirnovo .

30 E3

Suhodol .

Szurduk .

Templeuve

Tirol . .

.26 B 2

(Stajcrla-
kaoina

Suippe, R.

Szurduk Pas

C I

Templeuve-

Tirscn .

. 15 E 2

C 2

Suippes .

Szvinitza

en-Pevzl

e 3

Tischdorf

.16 A 5

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page

Square

Page

Square

Page Square

Page

Square

Page Square

Tishanovo .

Triens .

Turtukai

E I

Urmond .

Valona .

. ^2

A 8

Tiskaty . .

Trikaten .

Turvshkina

Ursel . .

Valona, G. of 32

Tisza Ujlak .

Trikeri

Turze. .

Ursha .

Yalta

. 31

C 3

Titz . .

TriUk.nIa .

Tusla

Ursitzeni.

E I

Valyevo .

• 32

Ti\Tofi .

Trilia

Tusla. C.

Ursule .

Vama. .

• 25

TIachina .

Trilport .

Tusnyn .

Urundi .

Van . .

■ 38

Tkimach

2-1.

C 3

Tripoli .

Tusun

Urzcchie .

Van, L. .

. 38

Tlushch .

Tripolitza

Tutters I.,

Urzedofi .

Vanatori

Ilnste .

Trishki .

East 12

Urzig

Vancouleurs

. 10

Tochi

Trittcnhcira

Tutters I.,

Us . .

Vandens .

Togo . .

Tm . .

West 12

Usache .

Vaniska .

Tokad .

C I

Trnitza .

Tuz riiela

Usambara

Vannecourt

Tokio . .

Trnovatz.

(Tatta L.) 38

Usambiro

Varcje

Tolmein {Tol

Trriovo .

Tuzi . .

Usandawi

Vardar R.

mino

Trois Fonts

Tuzla

Uschnol .

Vardishie

Tolmezzo

Troisdorf.

F 2

Tverech .

Usdau .

Varennes.

Tollmingkeh-

Trojan .

Tvorech .

Useliingen

Vares. .

mer

Troki

Twass

Usenda .

Varez.

Tolmino

Tronihorn

Tweed R.

A I

Ush R. .

Varibopi .

(Tolmein

) 27

Tronecken

Tweng .

Ushak .

Varka .

Tolsburj^

C 2

Troodos .

Tworog .

Usha R. .

Varklany.

Tomashoff

Trooz.

C 3

Tway

Ushche .

Varna

P. 2

Tom a short

Troppau .

Tychyn .

Ushmi

Varkovichy

Tomatia .

Trosnova

Tylmtsyn

Usbomir .

Varosh ,

Tomor .

Trostsianiets

Tymbark

Ushvald .

^■arosh .

Toinor Dagh

Troy (Eski

Tymova .

Ushventy

Varta. .

Tomos Pass

Stambou]

Tyne R. .

Ushytsa .

Varta R.

ToQale .

Troy, Ruins

it 28

Tynna .

Ushytsa R.

Varta R.

Ton ale Pass

Troyanovka

C 2

Tynno .

Usje . ,

C 2

Vartkovitse

Tongres .

Troyan .

Tyrnavos

Usinovichy

Varvarin

Tonnistein

Trstenik .

Tyshovtse

Uskub .

C I

Vasilika .

Topalo .

Trstje

Tysrnienitsa

Uskub

Vasiliko .

Toptecz .

Trsztena .

Tyzari Bred

(Skoplie) 32

C 6

Vasilkoff

Toplitza. R.

Truchtershei

n 11

E I

Tzavo .

Uskta .

Vasilkoff

Topliz-dol

Truskolasy

Ussa R. .

Vasitishki

Toponitza

Trzebels .

C 3

Ussy . .

Vasjo

A 6

Toporofl .

Tsaitsi .

Ust Dvinsk

Vasnioff .

Topola .

Tsaokhaub-

{Diina-

Vassv

Topolovik

mun

Ub . .

munde) 14

C 2

Vatil'ak .

Topshin .

{Swakopmun

d) 40

Ubangi R.

Ustatv Lody

Vaubecourt

Tor . .

Tsaorosclich

Ubbenorm

Ustie . .

Vauquois .

Torbolu .

F.4

Tsapul Mt.

Ubiia .

Ustie . .

Vaunioise

Torch VII .

Tsaritsena

Ubolotsie

Ustrzyki .

VauviUers

Torgei

Tsaun .

Ubort R. .

Ustrzyki .

Vaux

Toroshina

Tseranoff

Uecle

Ustsiechko

Vazulesciun-

Toroshkovid

i 13

Tserven Bree

Uchanje .

Ustsit .

guren

Torgovitsa

Tsi-eloli .

Uckangen

Usukuma

Vede R. .

Torlak .

Tses . .

Udine .

Usuri

C 7

Veclrin .

Toros

Tsir-chanoff

Udrias .

Uszok .

Veerle .

Torre R. .

Tsipchanovie

ts 17

Uffholy .

Uszok Mts.

Vegeri .

Tonia (Thor

1) 16

TsicpelofE

U'gab R..

Uszok Pass

Vegroff .

To5na

• 13

F 2

Tsieplitse

Uganda .

C 6

Utanoff .

r''

Veglia .

Tossikatz

• 13

TsieslianoH

Ugalen .

Uthenga .

C 7

Veglia I. .

Tost . .

. 20

Tsi'jzlvovitse

Ugaviro .

Utombe .

Veivery .

Tot

Tsi-aan ,

Uglo . .

Utroia R.

Vejitze .

Raszlavicz.

a 21

TsiUfttao .

Ugogo .

Utsiany .

Vekshni .

Toul . .

. 10

Tsiolkovo

Ugorody .

Utsie PutiUa

Vel Gradishte

C 2

Tourcoing

Tsisna .

Ugurtchin

Uvatz .

Vel.-Lukanja

Tournai .

Tsisna .

Ulmoff .

UxkuU .

Vela Brzos-

Tourteron

Tsmielnik

Uhrinichy

Uzagose .

lovitss

Tous Vents

Tsna R. .

Uiazd. .

Uzbole .

F 2

Velaines .

Farn

1 2

Tsu Shima

Uisciesobie

Uzda . .

Velasne .

Toutse .

Tsuman .

Uisip . .

Uzbitze .

Veldea .

Tovchider

• 32

Tsumeb .

U. Ishora

Uzun Keupr

B I

Veldes .

Toviany .

. 15

Tsunis

Uj Borloven

C 2

Veleknitza

Toyama .

. 37

Tsuruga .

Uj Moldova

•

Veleny .

Traban .

Tubize .

Uj Sopol

Velestino.

Trabotivisht

i 32

Tuchia .

UjegyhSz

Vclie L. .

E 1

Traby

C 2

Tuchofi .

Ujest

Vaals .

Velika Plana

Trachenberg

Tucholka

Ujiji . .

Vablanitza M

t. 32

Velikaia R.

Tracv-le-MoE

t 4

Tuchovich

Ukaraas .

Vachotsk.

Velilei Popo-

Trajan Pass

Tuchyn .

Ukerewe I.

Vaddaxte R.

vitcl

£3

Trajas

Tudem .

C 2

Ukuliro .

Vadovitse

Velikoselo

Traktia .

D 2 1 Tuffer .

Uirtingen.

Vagaatze.

Velinoselo .

A 2

Tranchiennes

Tuhin

Ulrna

Vahnen .

Velitsa

TrEtnsiiine

Tukkum .

Ulmen .

Vaidau .

Vclje-Dubokc

Trarbach.

Tulishkofl

Ulmet .

Vaikulian-

Vellescot

Traschkany

Tultcha .

F I

Ulmur Yen

E I

skai^

Velovitse.

B 2

Trassem .

Tundja R.

Urnago .

VaiUy .

C 3

Veipe R.

Traste

Tupichena

Umbus .

Vainoden

Velu . .

Trazegnies

Tupigny .

C I

Umchari .

Vainsel .

Velvendos

Trebinishta

Tur . .

Ume Fakih

Vaisal .

Venchani.

Trebinje .

Tur R. .

Umurja .

C I

Vaist . .

Venden .

12'

Trebishte

Tuiche .

Ung . .

Vaite

Venden .

Trebizond

3«

C I

Turdossin

Ungerdere

Vaivara .

Vendenheim

Trebnitz .

A 3

Turek

Ungvar .

Vajdahunyad

Vendicbany

Trebur .

Turcz

Ungwe .

Gvalar.

C I

Venetian Alp

Trefien .

Turgel

Uniamwesi

VajikoEf .

Veneton .

Treis .

roiia

Unieh

C I

Vakarel .

C 2

Venice

Trek] j an a

Turka

Unicyeff .

C 2

Vakar .

Venice, Gulf c

f 26

TreUeborg

Turkey .

Unislav .

Vaksevo .

Venidiger, M

. 26

C 2

Tr^lon .

Turkey in Asl

a 28

Unita. .

Vakuf .

B I

Venije-Varda

Treloup .

Turkish

Unkcl .

Val dTnfernc

(Janitza

Tremblois

Empir

Unyoro .

C 6

Val Sugano

Venlo. . .

Trembovla

Turkshle

Upington

Valakonje

£3

Vcnsan .

Tremessen

Tnrmond

Upina

Valanao\i

Venta R. .

Trent

Turua

Upniki .

Valdagno

Ventico R.

C 8
C8
B3

Trent R.

Tuma .

Upuni

Valdzirz .

Ventsa .

Trenta ,

153

Turnavon

Uranga R.

Valenciennes

Verba

Trentino .

Turnu

Urbes . .

Valeni de

Verba

Treppenhof

Magurek

Urdomin

Mnnte

Verbeni CO

TreshDievitza

Tumu Severi

a 32

Uregga .

Valevatz

Verbtrie , ,

Treska R.

Tumhout

F I

Urli. .

C 2

Valevka .

Verboff .

Treves .

C 2

Turobia .

Urlt R. .

ValKejoggi R

Verchnie Mos

t 13

Treviso .

C 4

Turov .

Urgaz .

C I

Valbey .

C I

Vercliovichi

n
A3

Dl
E5

Triaucourt

Tursk

Urguru .

C 8

Valk . .

£5

Vcrdei

Tribusa .

Tursat

C 2

Urigab .

Valkenturg

C 2

Verdun .

Trieben ,

E 2

Tursburg.

D r

Urlu . .

Vallendar

5;'3

Vereczke Pas

= 24

Trieste .

Tursburg Pas

s 30

Urmia

Vallhof .

Verestor .

Trieste,Gu]f o

f 27

Tursno .

Urmia, L.

Valmy

Veretenie

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

VergaviUe

Page
8

Square

Villance .

Page
5

Square
F I

Vlashka .

Page
• 32

Square
B2

Vrbitza .

Page
32

Square

1
Wallachia

Page
■ 30
. 8

Square
Dl

Vonnand .
Vormellcs
Vcrny
Verona .
Veronoff .
Verria
Verricres
Verro
Versa .
Vcrsigny
Vertckop.
Vertryck
VerviLrs .
Vervins .
Verzy .
Vescheim
Vescoux .
Vesdre R.
Veshviany
Vesle . .
Vesoul .
Vessen
Vessolovo
Vestone .
Veta . .
Vetova .
Vetrcn .
Vettweiss
Vevershany
Vezaponin
Veziertse
Vezouse R.
Vezzano .
Viacha R.
Vianden .
Viasin
Viazoviets
Vic . .

B I

Villc de

Vlasotintze

• 32

Vrbjani .

• 32

C 7

WallendortI

C 4
B4
A4

Ravigno 27

Vlissingen

Vrbova .

. 32

Wallcrfangen 8

C 3

Villc-cn-Sai-

(Flushing) 3

Vrbovsko

. 27

Wallers .

dciiois 4

Vlodava .

Vrcctzi .

• 32

AVallliausen

: 'I

B 2

Villc-sur-

VlodavUa

. 22

Vrcschen.

, lO

A 5

Wanga ,

c 7

ToLirbe 5

Vlodki .

. 17

Vresse

E I

Wanlin .

B4
B3

E3
C5

VilkMicuve

Vlodovitse

. 20

Vrestina .

■ 3t

C 5

Wanze R.

ViUpnipt

Vlodrop .

Vrevo L.

Waiizenau

D4
C 2
D7

ViUcrs .

\'loulavck

. 16

Vrbovine.

• 27

Wardainme

ViUers .
Villers .

4
6

A I
B3

\'o R.
A'obolniki

■ 13

■ 15

C4
D4

Vrigne .
Vrizy .

• 5

Wardin .
Wareniine

8
6

B3
A4
C 3

3
6

F 3
C3
Di

Villcfs- Bocae
Villers-Cot-

e 4

A I

Vodelee .
Vodena .

• 3
. 30

F5
D3

Vrnjtzi .
Vrnograch

• 32
■ 27

B.|
Fs

Warcq .
Wan . .

8
39

terets 4

Vodena .

• 33

Vroiueri .

• 32

Warmbad

40
5

17
2

B3
D3

C3
Ds

5
II

ViUcrs d'Orval 5
ViUcrs-en-

Ai-gonne 5
Villci-s Fran-

Vohlfahrt
\'ohyn
Vol K. .
Voinesti ,

• 39

■ 25

B5
A 2
D7
E5

Vron .
Vronesk .
Vrshetz .
Vrtijelika

. 32
■ 32
• 32

A4
B4
E4

Waruierville
Warnen .
WarnetoQ
Warsaw .

ciucux 5

Voinich .

. 21

Vruda

• 13

Warsiit .

E 3

Villers la

Chevre 8

\'oini!off .
Voinitza .

. 24
. 22

B3
C 3

Vrujitza .
Vrzavy .

. 32
. 21

E 3

Wartenburg
Wartbe R,

17
7

U3
D3

E 2

Villers la

Voislavitse

Vsielub .

. 18

C 3

Warthe R.

34
25

Montagne 8

Voiste

Vur.hin .

• 32

Waschkoutz

Vilk-rsc.vel

\'oiston! .

■ 15

Vuchitrn

• 32

Wash, The

B 2

Villottc .

• 5

Voiszlova

• 30

Vuchkovitza

• 32

Washt .

Vilna

• 1.5

Vojnik .

■ 32

VuUo

A 2

Wasigny .

Vilpian .

. 26

Vojutza R.

• 31

Vulkan .

C I

Wasnies .

3
II

E4
E I

Vils Rcutte

. 26

Vojutsa R.

- 32

Vurushovo

Wasselnheim

Vilvorde .

Vnla . .

. 16

C 4

Viu-7.au .

. 14

Wasserbillig

C 2

B 2

Viiny .

Vola

Vutch .

• 32

Wassigny
Wasta .

C I

C 2

Vincey .

. 10

C 2

Batorek

a 21

Vyborovo

• 13

35
40

C 2

Viiidaa .

■ 14

A 2

Volaprze-

Vybranovka

Waterberg

Vindau R.

• 14

inynovsk

a 21

Vjjgnanka

• 2S

Waterloo.

F 3

Vindau R.

• 14

Volborz .

. 21

C 2

Vylia

• 31

Waterviiet

B 2

Viiiitza .

. 32

Volbrom .

. 20

Vvra . .

■ 13

Watten .

Viniiiki .

. 22

Volcha R.

- 19

Vysakoff

■ 17

Watweiler

Vinnitsa .

• 25

\'oidobbiade

ne 26

Vyschtvter

VVaulsort .

Vint R. .

. 26

Voiisso .

• 31

■ Sc

c 17

F 2

Wavrans

Vic . .

C I

Vintsenta

• 17

Volkennarkt

. 27

Vyshgorodok

Wavre .

Vicenza .
Vicha. .

Vintze .

■ 32

C 2

Vulkingen

VyshikoH

■ 24

Wavreille

Vionville

. 8

Volkolata

• 15

Vyshikoif

Wavrille .

F 3

Vichte .

Viosa R. .

• 32

\'olkovysk

. 18

Pas

s 24

Waxweilcr

Victoria, Mt.

Vioshchova

Volina .

• 19

Vyshogrod

• 17

Wecndiiyiie

C I

Victoria

Virballcn.

. 17

Volina

• 19

Vyshovaty

i-u

Wecit .

Nyanz

a 39

Virccourt

C 2

Volniar .

Vyshtyniets

■ 17

F 2

Wcert .

Vid R. .

Vireux

• 3

Vohne R.

■ 7

F 1

Vyshyn ,

■ 17

F 2

Weescheid

= 7

Vidava .

C 2

Virgen

• 14

Vulnicrangcr

Vysmierzyts

Wehlau .

Vidavka R.

S,3

Virgin Is.

Volo . .

. 31

Vysokie Maz

Weichsel-

Vidbol .

Virginmost

. 27

Volo, G. of

■ 31

victski

c 17

mtjnde 16

Vidibor .

D I

Vironin R.

Volochy .

. 25

Vyso Kovyzne 24

Weidcrsheim

Vidichki .

Virpazan .

• 30

Volochysk

. 25

Vysoko-

Wei hai wei

Vidin

Virshtany

. 18

A 2

Volocz

. 24

i-itovsk

y 18

VVci-hsien

Vidkoff .

\'irton

Vologne R.

Vysotsk ,

■ 23

Weilec .

Vidos

Virvita R.

. 14

Volomin .

. 17

Vystavka

■ 13

Wcder .

Vidrany ,

Virz Jarv

Volosca .

. 27

VyszkoH .

. 17

Weiler

A I

Vidsy. .

Vise . .

. 6

C 3

Voloshki ,

. 23

Vytychno

A 2

Wcilcrbach

Vieisieia .

Vishcgrad

. 32

Voloshyn.

• 19

Vyzva

B 2

Weilerswist

Vierkaly .

Vishki .

• 15

Volosovo.

. 13

Vyzva R.

. 22

B 2

Weilcrthal

Vielgie

VishncS .

. 18

Volpa . .

. 18

Weinitz .

Vielichka

Vishnieviets

■ 23

Volta

. 26

A 4

Weiskirchen

Vielkie Orch

i 22

A 4

Vishniez .

. 21

Volta R.

• 39

Weisincs .

Vielodnoz

Vishnitse.

. 22

Voltchin .

. 18

Weissenberg

V^ielopole.

VishDiiiie.

. 17

F 2

\'oltsiskoS

Wa, R. .

• 39

Wcissenburg

Vielun .

Visk . .

VoUijak ,

. 32

Waarde .

E I

Weissenfcis .

Vielsalm .

Viskitki .

. 21

D t

Voluta .

■ 19

Waben ,

Wcissenstein

Viemme .

Viskok .

• 32

Volzano .

. 27

Wachenheim

Wcisskirchen

Viems

Vislitsa .

Volzislaff.

. 21

Wacque-

Wcis-vampac

1 8

Vienne-le-

Visloka R.

Voneche .

mouli

1 4

Wei tersweiler

Cha

t 5

Visna.

Vonechc .

Wadelai .

C 6

Wcitnau . .

A I

Vienne-la-

Visniova .

Voniatyntzo

Wadern .

Wellen . .

Vill

2 5

Visnitz .

Vonitza .

Wadi Batat

Wellcn . .

C 2

Vieprz R.

Viso R. .

Vonsosh .

Wadi el

Wellin . .

Viemheim

Viso R. .

Vordenbcrg

F I

Araba

1 35

Welsbcrg. .

Vierprz R.

Visoko

Voreif -Mts.

Wadi el Arie

Wembere

Vierushoff

Vistok R.

Voreifel .

Wadi el Arisl

1 35

Steppe

Vierzbitsa

Vistritza .

Vortnen .

Wadi el Dau

Wendisch

A 2

Vierzbnik

Vistula R.

Vorni .

Wadi el Ghar

ra 38

Wener L.

Vierzchy

Visznia R.

A 4

Vorniany.

Wadi el leb

Weniaw .

Vierzy

Vitino

Vorobievka

C 2

Wadi es '

Werbemont .

Viesielukha F

^. 22

C 2

Vitki . .

Voroshilovka

Sherai

i 35

E 2

Werdnhl .

G I

Vietly .

C 2

Vilkova .

Vorvolintse

Wadi el

Wcrentz-

Viertsikovtse

Vitolishte

Vosges -Mts.

Tayib

hausen

Vieux Berqiii

n 2

Vitonia .

Vosh . .

Wadi Haggu

VVerfen .

Vieviets .

Vitrimout

C 2

Voskresens-

Wadi Musa

Wervicq .

Vignacourt

A I

Vitry

koi

5 13

(Petra

Wesa . .

Vigneulles

Vitry-en-

Vossowska

Wadi Nasb

Wesenberg .

Vigneux .

Artoi

Vostina .

Wadi Taimi

WeserR.. .

C 2

Vignot

A I

Vitry-le-

Vostitza .

C i

Wadsee .

Wesley .

Vigu .

Francoi

. 5

Vothy

Waelhem

F 2

VWspelaer

F 2

Vigv .

Vittonville

Voulpaix.

C I

Waereghem

\^'esseling .

Vilampol5ka

Vittorif) .

Vourlo .

Wagenkull

Wessem . .

C I

Vilchavola .

Vivclles .

Vouziercs

E t

Wahn .

Wesso . .

Vilch>-n . .

Vivicres .

Vozdoff .

Wail . .

West Malle .

F I

Vileika . .

Vizc . .

C I

Vnznitsa .

C 2

Wailly .

West VIcteren

Vileika . .

Viziru

E I

Vrabcha .

Walburg .

Westende

Vileny . .
Vil^a . . .

F I

Vizna.

Vrpchevitz

Walchensee

Westerloo .

Vj.-tren .

Vranesli .

Walcourt

Western

Villa R . .

Vkra R. .

D.'i

Vrangels-

Wald

E 2

Morava E

- 32

Vilia R. . .

Vlacho-

liolm 1

Waldau .

D 2

Westhofen .

r 2

Vilich . .

F 3

klisura

C 8

Vrania .

Waldbrdl

Westtneerbee

< 3

F 2

Viliya R. . .

Vilkenhof .

F 5

Vlar.hnlivado

Vranitza .

Waldfeucht

C 2

Wcstrehem .

Vladaja . .

\'ranja .

Waldfisch-

Wetter L.

Vilki . . .

C 5

Vladimir

Vrapchista

bacl-

Wetteren . .

Vilkolaz . .

F 3

Volynsky

Vratarnitza

Waldvveise

£3

Wevelinghove

n 7

Vilkomir

Vladimlriets

Vrazogrntzi

1>3

Waldshut

Whale B. .

Vilkovishki .

F 2

Vladivostok .

Vrbem-

Wales

A 2

WhiteNosop I

1-,

Vilkovitse

B 2

VjadvslavofJ.

F 2

doljn

C 7

Walfisb B.

A 2

West . .

B 2

Vitlach . .

27
26

Vladvslavoff

B I

Vrbeta . .

Walheim

Whvdah . .

Villafranca .

Vlase . .

Vrbitza . .

Walincourt

Wibr.n . .

\Vi

TIMES WAR ATLAS— INDEX.

Page

17
7
17

Wirkbold
Widdig . .
Widminnen .
Wiebelskir-

cheD
Wiege
Wicge
Wierde .
Wies R. . .
Wiesbaden .
Wiesskirchfn
(Fehertemp-
lora)
Wigaehies
Wijk . . .
Wi-ju. . .
Wilatowen .
Wilbergerhut
Wilbenviltz .
Wild Spitz Mt
Wildenhof .
Wildenstein .
Wildon . ,
Wilgarls-

weisin 9
Wilhelmsbruck 20
Wilhebiis-

haven
Willebrofk .
WiUenberg ,
Willencourt .
Willerwald .
Willuhnen .
Wiltz , .
Wimereux .
Wimille . .
Winchringen.
Winden

Afinfeld
Windhoel* .
Windisch-

graz
Windisch

Matrei
Wingen ,
Winkel .
Winningea
Winnweiler
Winter burg
Wintrich
Winzenhach
Winzenheim
Wippach.
Wipperfiirth
Wirwignes
Wismes .
Wissant .
Wissen .
Witkowo.
Witry-les-

Reinis
Wittes .
Wittlich .
Witu . .
Witvley .
Wiwersheim
Woe] . .
Woimbey
Wolferding ,
Wolferdingen
Wolfs berg
Wolfstein
Wollmerangen

39
6
9
9

Square

C I

F I

C 2

F 2

A3
C3

F4
B2

C 2
D4

El
F4
E3

E2
D2

F4
D3
D4

F 2
A3
B3
A3

D3
B3
C 2
E7
B2
E I
A4
F4
D4

E3
E3
B3

Wolmiinster

Wolverthem

Wondelgem

Wongrowitz

V\'oo-sung

WorgI .

Wonndift

Wormel-

dangen
Worm h cud t
Worms .
Worringen
W'drrstadt
Wortegem
\^'ortel .
Worth .
Worth .
Woycin .
Wroclaw

(Breslaw)
Wtasna .
Wucstwezel
Wii-hu .
Wiikari .
Wurzen .
Wurzen R.
Wusteweiler
Wynegthem
Wyngene.
Wytschaete

Page
9
3
3
16
36
26
17

Xerakhorio . ;

Xermamenil i

Xeros Is.. . :
Xeros (Saros),

G. of . . :

Xertigny. . :
Xhoffraix

Xitros . . ;
Xivry

Yabassi .

Yablanatz .
Yablanitza .
Yabuldak .
Yalova .
Yalova .
Yampol .
Yan Veran .
Yangtze-

Kiang R.
Yapaja .
Yariiga .
Yaskilu .
Yaunde .
Yazeuren
Yazi Euren .
Yellow Sea .
Yenije

Yenijekeni .
Yen! Keni .
Yeni Keni .
Yeni Keni
Yeni Keni,

nr. Derkos
Yeni Keni,
nr. Serai

Square

F 2

F I

A 4

C I

Yeni Keni
Yeni Shehr
Yesenitza
Yezd . .
■^'ezdikbasi
Yezo

(Hokkaido)
Yingkow
(Newchwang) 36

38
38

Yokohama
Yola . .
Yongampo
York .
Yoto .
Ypres .
Yuani I.
Yuiafli
Yurgach
Yusuf Keni
Yvraumont
Yvrench .

Zabein

2ab?rn .

Zabie

Zabierzoff

Zobloloff

Zablotie .

ZabludofiE

Zabno

Zabresh

Zabrze

Zadova

Zadunje

Zagazig

Zagdansk

Zaglavak

Zaga .

Zagreb

Zagubitza

Zajechae

Zaklikoff

Zakopane

Zakrochym

Zakrzevo .

Zakrzewo

Zaleche .

Zaleshchyki

Zaiesie

Zalestse .

Zaiostse .

Zamasty .

ZambrofE.

Zambski .

Zamost .

Zamostea

Zamosts .

Zanzibar

Zante.

Zante I. .

Zanzibar

Zapatoff .

Zapietshky

Zargrad .

Zarki

Zarkos .

Zarmiechofi

Zarnobiets

Zarskoie. Selo

37
39
36
34
32

18
17
17
22
25
17
32
31
31
39
22
M
15
20
31
25

Square

f-^

C 2

A 2

C 6

C 2

C I

Zarz .
Zarzvche.

Zaslaff .
Zassoff ,
Zastavna .
Zaturze .
Zavada .
Zavatoff ,
Zaviaka .
Zavichost
Zavidovitz
Zawadzki
Zbaraz .
Zberche .
Zboro . .
Zboroff .
Zbuch R.
Zbuchyn.
Zbnchyn
Zbyshitse
Zbytld .
ZdofE . .
Zdolbitsa.
Zdunskavola
Zduny
Zea ,
Zea I. .
Zealand .
Zedelghem
Zegary .

Cappel

Zegrie

Zeitun

Zekluchyn

Zele . .

Zelechoff

Zelenich .

Zelenikovo

Zeleriitsa

Zctl . .

Zell . .

Zellnitz .

Zelmy

ZelofE. .

Zelovka .

Zeltingen.

Zelva

Zelvinka R.

Zembowitz

Zengg

Zep . .

Zepenecken

Zerkov

Zerving .

Zetrad

Zczer R. .

Zgierz

Zgoshda .

Ziebeniets

Zielintse .

Zielona .

Zienietsod-

grod
Zierau
Zilah . .
Ziller R. .
Zillisheim
Zimnitza
Zimony

{Semlin'
Zinken Mt. .
Zinjan

age

Square

C 2

F I

C 2

155

C 2

C S

C 6

C 2

V ■,

b'i

C 2

A I

Zinten
Zintenhof
Eirin .
Zirknitz .
Zirmaos-

koie L.
Zittcr. .
Zitter Wald
Zitva
Zlatari
Zlatitza .
Zletovo .
Zlochoff .
Zlodin
Zlot . .
Zlota Lipa R,
Zlotmki .
Zlotniki .
ZIotterie .
Zrnygrod.
Zodtn .
Zodofi .
Zohden .
Zolkieff .
Zolkievka
Zoltantse.
Zoludek .
Zoiigo Rapid;
Zonhoven
Zonnebeke
Zons .
Zoppot
Zoi-n R.
Zoteux
Zotor
Zottnig
Zretsin
Zrnovsko
Zsibo
Zsil R.
ZubryQ
Zugna
Zugspitze
Zuider Zee
Ziilpich .
Zuluk.
Zundert .
Zungeru .
Zuravitsa
i'jraviio .
Zuravno .
Zuromin .
Zurtza
Zuzneva .
Zvaniets .
Zvezdan .
Zvien.
Zvierzenitse
Zvilainatz
Zvolen
Zvornik .
Zvvart Modder
Zweibrucken
Zwolle .
Zychlin .
Zydachoff
Zydowo .
Zydychyn
Zyrinung.
Zytnioff .
Zytno
Zytoviany

Page

7
19
32
30
32
22
23
32
24
20
24
16

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