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Jewish Encyclopedia 



Prepared by More than Four Hundred Scholars and Specialists 


Cyrus Adler, Ph.D. (Departments of Post- 
Biblical Antiquities ; the Jews of America) . 

Gotthard Deutsch, Ph.D. (Department of 
History from 141)2 to 1902) . 

Louis Ginzeerg, Ph.D. (Department of Rab- 
binical Literature) . 

Richard Gottheil, Ph.D. (Departments of 
History from- Ezra to 1492 ; History of Post- 
Talmudic Literature) . 

Joseph Jacobs, B.A. (Departments of the Jews 
of England and Anthropology ; Revising Editor). 

Marcus Jastrow, Ph.D. (Department of the 
Talmud) . 

Chairman of the Board 

Morris Jastrow, Jr., Ph.D. (Department of the 
Bible) . 

Kaufmann Kohler, Ph.D. (Departments of 
Theology and Philosophy) . 

Frederick de Sola Mendes, Ph.D. (Chief of 
the Bureau of Translation ; Revising Editor) . 

Herman Rosenthal (Department of the Jews of 
Russia and Poland). 

Isidore Singer, Ph.D. (Department of Modern 
Biography from 1750 to igo2). 

Crawford H. Toy, D.D., LL.D. (Departments 
of Hebrew Philology and Hellenistic Literature). 


Secretary of the Board 


"Projector and Managing Editor 












. . <?*! (o 

Encyclopedia, Vol. II. (Fr "The World's Work." Copyright, 1901, 1> ,|„day Page * Co.) 


rliotogrouh uy Mundelke 


Jewish Encyclopedia 



Prepared by More than Four Hundred Scholars and Specialists 


Cyrus Adler, Ph.D. (Departments of Post- 
Biblical Antiquities ; the Jews of America) . 

Gotthard Deutsch, Ph.D. (Department of 
History from 1492 to igo2) . 

Louis Ginzberg, Ph.D. (Department of Rab- 
binical Literature) . 

Richard Gottheil, Ph.D. (Departments of 
History from Ezra to 1492 ; History of Post- 
Talmudic Literature) . 

Joseph Jacobs, B.A. (Departments of the Jews 
of England and A nthropology; Revising Editor). 

Marcus Jastrow, Ph.D. (Department of the 
Talmud) . 


Chairman of the Board 


Morris Jastrow, Jr., Ph.D. (Department of the 
Bible) . 

Kauhmann Kohler, Ph.D. (Departments of 
Theology and Philosophy) . 

Frederick de Sola Mf.ndes, Ph.D. (Chief of 
the Bureau of Translation ; Revising Editor) . 

Herman Rosenthal (Department of the Jews of 
Russia and Poland). 

Isidore Singer, Ph.D. (Department of Modern 
Biography from J?JO to iqo2). 

Crawford II. Toy, D.D., LL.D. (Departments 
of Hebrew Philology and Hellenistic Literature). 


Secretary of the Board 


Projector and Managing Editor 









Copyright, 1902, by 

All rights of translation reserved 

Registered at Stationers' Hall, London, England 
[ Printed in tfie United States of A merica ] 




(Deportments of Post-Biblical Antiquities ; the Jews of 
President of the American Jewish Historical Society ; Libra- 
rian, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, B. 0. 


(Department of History from lh92 to 190S.) 

Professor of Jewish History, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, 

Ohio ; Editor of " Deborah." 


(Department of Rabbinical Literature.) 
New York ; Author of " Die Haggada bei den Kirchenvatern." 


(Departments of History from Ezra to lh9t; History of 

Post-Talmudic Literature.) 

Professor of Semitic Languages, Columbia University, New York; 

Chief of the Oriental Department, New York Public Library ; 

President of the Federation of American Zionists. 


(Departments of the Jews of England and Anthropology ; 

Revising Editor.) 

Formerly President of the Jewish Historical Society of England ; 

Author of "Jews of Angevin England," etc. 


(Department of the Talmud.) 
Rabbi Emeritus of the Congregation Eodef Shalom, Philadel- 
phia, Pa.; Author of "Dictionary of the Talmud." 


(Department of the Bible.) 
Professor of Semitic Languages and Librarian in the University 
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.; Author of " Relig- 
ion of the Babylonians and Assyrians," etc. 


(Departments of Theology; Philosophy.) 

Rabbi of Temple Beth-El, New York ; President of the Board 

of Jewish Ministers, New York. 


(Chief of the Bureau of Translation ; Revising Editor.) 
Rabbi of the West End Synagogue, New York ; Author of "Out- 
lines of Bible History," " Child's First Bible," etc. 


(Department of the Jews of Russia and Poland.) 
Chief of the Slavonic Department, New York Library. 


Managing Editor. 
(Department of Modern Biography from 1750 to 2902.) 


(Departments of Hebrew Philology and Hellenistic 


Professor of Hebrew in Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.; 

Author of " The Religion of Israel," "Judaism and 

Christianity," etc. 

I. K. FUNK, D.D., LL.D. 

(Chairman of the Board.) 

Editor-in-Chief of the Standard Dictionary of the English 

Language, etc. 


(Secretary of the Board.) 

Associate Editor of "The Columbian Encyclopedia," and on the 

Standard Dictionary Editorial Staff, etc. 



Rabbi of the Congregation Zichron Ephraim, Dean of the Jewish 
Theological Seminary, New York. 


Rabbi Emeritus of Zion Congregation, Chicago ; Author of " A 
Practical Grammar of the Hebrew Language." 


Rabbi Emeritus of Temple Emanu-El, New York. 


Rabbi of Chicago Sinai Congregation, Chicago, 111.; Professor of 

Rabbinical Literature and Philosophy, University of 

Chicago ; Editor of the " Reform Advocate." 


Head of the Department of Semitic and Egyptian Literatures, 
Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. 


Professor of Oriental Languages, University College, Toronto, 

Canada ; Author of " History, Prophecy, and 

the Monuments." 


Rabbi of the Shearith Israel Congregation (Spanish and Portu- 
guese), New York; President of the Board of Jewish 
Ministers, New York. 


President of the Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio ; Au- 
thor of " Introduction to the Talmud." 



Professor of Biblical Literature and the History of Religions in 

Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.; Author of "A 

Commentary on the Book of Judges," etc. 


Rabbi of the Congregation Bene Israel ; Professor of Homiletics, 
Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio ; President of 

Hebrew Sabbath School Union of America. 


Professor of Semitic Languages and Literatures, University of 

Chicago, 111.; Author of "The Monuments and 

the Old Testament," etc. 


President of Central Conference of A merican Rabbis ; Rabbi of 
Temple Emanu-El, New York. 


Rabbi of the Congregation Emanu-El, San Francisco, Cal.; Pro- 
fessor of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Uni- 
versity of California, Berkeley, Cal. 


Editor of " The Literary Digest," New York ; Author of " Stories 
in Rhyme," etc. 



Coeditor of the " Jewish Quarterly Review " ; Author of " Jew- 
ish Life in the Middle Ages," etc.; Reader of Rabbinic, 
Cambridge University, England. 

W. BACHER, Ph.D., 

Professor in the Jewish Theological Seminary, Budapest, 

M. BEANN, Ph.D., 

Professor in the Jewish Theological Seminary, Breslau, Ger- 
many ; Editor of " Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und 
Wissenschaft des Judenthums." 

H. BRODY, Ph.D., 

Rabbi, Nachod, Bohemia, Austria; Coeditor of " Zeitschrif t f ilr 
Hebraisehe Bibliographic" 


Principal of the Jewish Theological Seminary, Constantinople, 


Professor of Literary Arabic at the Special School of Oriental 
Languages, Paris ; Member of the Institut de France. 


Author of "Istoriya Yevreyev," Odessa, Russia. 

Principal of Jews' College, London, England ; Author of "The 
Jewish Religion," etc. 


Professor of Semitic Philology, University of Budapest, 


Chief Rabbi of Vienna, Austria. 


St. Petersburg, Russia. 


Chief of the Hebrew Department of the Imperial Public Library, 
St. Petersburg, Russia. 


Chief Rabbi of France ; Honorary President of the Alliance 

Israelite Universelle ; Officer of the Legion 

of Honor, Paris, France. 


Rabbi, Budapest, Hungary; Corresponding Member of the 
Royal Academy of History, Madrid, Spain. 


Professor Emeritus of Psychology, University of Berlin ; Meran, 


Member of the French Institute ; Professor at the Free School 

of Political Science, Paris, France ; Author of 

" Israel chez les Nations." 


Professor in the Jewish Theological Seminary ; Editor of 
" Revue des Etudes Juives," Paris, France. 


Chief Rabbi of Padua ; Professor of Hebrew at the University, 
Padua, Italy. 


Chief Rabbi of Szegedin, Hungary; Author of " Die Aramaischen 


Principal of the Jewish Theological Seminary ; Chief Rabbi of 
Florence, Italy. 

H. OORT, D.D., 

Professor of Hebrew Language and Archeology at the State 
University, Leyden, Holland. 


Formerly Librarian of the Reale Biblioteca Palatina, Parma, 


Formerly Professor of History at the Universities of Bonn and 

Brussels ; President of the 

Gemeindebund, Berlin, Germany. 


Rabbi in Warsaw, Russia. 


President of the Faculty of the Jewish Theological Seminary of 
America, New York ; Author of ' Studies in Judaism." 


Secretary-General of the Jewish Colonization Association, Paris, 


Professor of Philosophy, University of Bern, Switzerland ; Editor 
of " Archiv fiir Geschichte der Phtlosophie," etc. 


Professor of Old Testament Exegesis and Semitic Languages, 
University of Berlin, Germany. 


Master of St. John's College, Cambridge, England ; Editor of 
" Sayings of the Jewish Fathers," etc. 


THE present volume of The Jewish Encyclopedia has been carried out on the 
principles explained at length in the general preface in the first volume. Only 
in one particular has a deviation been made from the plan there adopted. The 
delimitation of the various departments in some instances having proved extremely diffi- 
cult, it has been found desirable to indicate, in the case of each article, the department 
editor who is responsible for its appearance in the volume, by printing the initial of 
the editor on the left-hand side and the initials of the contributor or contributors in 
larger type on the right. When articles have been passed by the Executive Committee 
of the Editorial Board, instead of by the department editor, the initials "e. c." appear 
at the left. 

New Yoek, June 20, 1902. FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY. 



A.— Rules for the Transliteration of Hebrew and Aramaic. 

1. All important names which occur in the Bible are cited as found in the authorized King James 

version; e.g., Moses, not Mosheh; Isaac, not Yizhak ; Saul, not Sha'ul or Shatil; Solomon, not 
Shelomoh, etc. 

2. Names that have gained currency in English books on Jewish subjects, or that have become 

familiar to English readers, are always retained and cross-references given, though the topic 
be treated under the form transliterated according to the system tabulated below. 

3. Hebrew subject-headings are transcribed according to the scheme of transliteration ; cross-refer- 
ences are made as in the case of personal names. 

4. The following system of transliteration has been used for Hebrew and Aramaic : 

X Not noted at the beginning or the end of a word ; otherwise ' or by dieresis; e.g., Ze'eb or Me'ir. 

3 b 

r z 

b I 

S with dagesh, p 

B> sh 

i 9 

n % 

D m 

S without dagesh, f 

2? s 

*1 d 

D t 

2 n 

V ? 

n * 

n h 

' y 


p * 

\ w 

3 k 

V ' 

"\ r 

Note : The presence of dagesh 
cated by doubling the letter. 

lene is not noted 

except in the case of pe. 

Dagesh forte i 

5. The vowels have been transcribed 

as follows : 

— a 

-z- a 
-^ i 



- e 



— e 
'— i 
} u 

i o 

Kamez hatuf is represented by o. 

The so-called " Continental" pronunciation of the English vowels is implied. 

6. The Hebrew article is transcribed as ha, followed by a hyphen, without doubling the following 
letter. [Not hak-Kohen or hak-Cohen, nor Rosh ha-shshanah.] 

B.— Rules for the Transliteration of Arabic. 

1. All Arabic names and words except such as have become familiar to English readers in another 
form, as Mohammed, Koran, mosque, are transliterated according to the following system : 

1 « 

C kh 



li) n 


i> d 

U* s 


$ h 


J dh 


J k 

« w 


J r 

L, t 




J z 

t ? 





c m 

2. Only the three 

vowels - 

— a, i, u — 


represented : 

— a or a 


i or I 

— u or u 

No account has been taken of the imalah; 

i has not been written e, nor u 

written o. 

* In all other matters of orthography the spelling preferred by the Standard Dictionary has usually been followed. Typo- 
graphical exigencies have rendered occasional deviations from these systems necessary. 


3. The Arabic article is invariably written al; no account being taken of the assimilation cf the I to 
the following letter; e.g., Abu al-Salt, not Abu-l-Salt; Nafis al-Daulah, not Nafis ad-Daulah. 
The article is joined by a hyphen to the following word. 

4. At the end of words the feminine termination is written ah ; but, when followed by a genitive, 
at ; e.g., Risalah dhat al-Kursiyy, but Hi'at al-Aflak. 

6. No account is taken of the overhanging vowels which distinguish the cases ; e.g., 'Amr, not 'Amru 
or 'Amrun; Ya'akub, not Ya'akubun; or in a title, Kitab al-amanat wal-'itikadat 

C— Rules for the Transliteration of Russian. 

.Ml Russian names and words, except such as have become familiar to English readers in another 
form, as Czar, Alexander, deciatine, Moscow, are transliterated according to the following system : 

A a 


















h, v, or g 












e and ye 






jl i, JK 


































Rules for the Citation of Proper Names, Personal and Otherwise. 

1. Whenever possible, an author is cited under his most specific name; e.g., Moses Nigrin under 

Nigrin ; Moses Zacuto under Zaeuto ; Moses Rieti under Rieti; all the Kimhis (or Kamhis) 
under Kinihi ; Israel ben Joseph Drohobiczer under Drohobiczer. Cross-references are freely 
made from any other form to the most specific one ; e.g., to Moses Vidal from Moses Narboni ; to 
Solomon Nathan Vidal from Menahem Meiri ; to Samuel Kansi from Samuel Astruc Dascola; 
to Jedaiah Penini, from both Bedersi and En Bonet ; to John of Avignon from Moses de 

2. When a person is not referred to as above, he is cited under his own personal name followed 

by his official or other title ; or, where he has borne no such title, by "of" followed by the place 
of his birth or residence ; e.g., Johanan ha-Sandlar ; Samuel ha-Nagid ; Judah ha-Hasid ; Gershom 
of Metz, Isaac of Corbeil. 

3. Names containing the word d', de, da, di, or van, von, y, are arranged under the letter of 

the name following this word; e.g., de Pomis under Pomis, de Barrios under Barrios, Jacob 
d'lllescas under Illescas. 

4. In arranging the alphabetical order of personal names ben, da, de, di, ha-, ibri*, of have not been 
taken into account. These names thus follow the order of the next succeeding capital letter : 

Abraham of Augsburg Abraham de Balmes Abraham ben Benjamin Aaron 

Abraham of Avila Abraham ben Baruch Abraham ben Benjamin Ze'eb 

Abraham ben Azriel Abraham of Beja Abraham Benveniste 

5. In order to facilitate reference, complete groups of all persons bearing such common names as 

Aaron, Abraham, Jacob, are given in small type in a group immediately under the first key-word. 

* When Ibn has come to be a specific part of a name, as Ibn Ezra, such name is treated in its alphabetical place under "I.' 


[Self-evident abbreviations, particularly those used in the bibliography, are not included here.] 



'Ab. Zarab 

Allg. Zeit. des Jud . 
Am. Jew. Hist. Soc. 
Am. Jour. Semit. I 

Lang I 

Anglo-Jew. Assoc . 



A post. Const 



Arch. Isr 


A. T 

A. V 



Bacher, Ag. Bab. J 

Amor i 

Bacher, Ag. Pal. j 

Amor j 

Bacher, Ag. Tan. . . 

B. B 



Benzinger, Arch.. . 



Magazin ' 



B. M 

' Boletin Acad. Hist. 
BriiU's Jahrb ■ 

Bulletin All. Isr 


Cant. E 

Cat. Anglo-Jew. 1 

Hist. Exh f 

c. E 

ch. in bibliog. and 


Cheyne and Black, 

Encyc. Bibl 

I Chron 

II Chron 

C. I. A 

C.I. G 

C.I. H 

C.I. L 

C. I. S 






De Gubernatis, 

Diz. Biog 



Deut. E 


Eccl. B 

Ecclus. (Slrach)... 



Encyc. Brit 



Epiphanius, Haeres 


Ersch and [ 

Gruber, Encyc. I 


Esther R 



Abot, Pirke 
.Abot de-Rabbi Nathan 
'Abodah Zarah 

. Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums 
.American Jewish Historical Society 

American Journal of Semitic Languages 

Anglo-Jewish Association 

, Apostolical Constitutions 
. Aquila 

. 'Arakin (Talmud) 
Archives Israelites 

.Das Alte Testament 
.Authorized Version 
. ben or bar or born 
. Babli (Babylonian Talmud) 

Bacber, Agada der Babylonischen Amoraer 

Bacher, Agada der Palastinensischen Amo- 

Bacher, Agada der Tannaiten 


.BabaBatra (Talmud) 

.before the Christian era 

.Bekorot (Talmud) 

.Benzinger, Hebraische Arcbaologie 

.Berakot (Talmud) 

Berliner's Magazin fiir die Wissenschaft des 

Bikkurim (Talmud) 

. Baba Kamma (Talmud) 

.Baba Mezi'a (Talmud) ' 

Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia 

Brull's Jahrbileber fiir Jiidische GesChichte 
und Litteratur 

Bulletin of the Alliance Israelite Universelle 

.Canticles (Song of Solomon) 

Canticles Rabbah 

Catalogue of Anglo-Jewish Historical Ex- 

common era 

chapter or chapters 

Cheyne and Black; Encyclopaedia Biblica 

I Chronicles 

.II Chronicles 

Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum 

Corpus Inscriptionum Grascarum 

.Corpus Inscriptionum Hebraicarum 

.Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 

, Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum " 






De Gubernatis, Dizionario Biograflco degli 

Scrittori Contemporanei 
.Demai (Talmud) 
Deuteronomy Rabbah 
. Ecclesiastes 
. Ecclesiastes Rabbah 

"Eduyyot (Talmud) 
Encyclopedia Britannica 

Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses 
'Erubin (Talmud) 
Ersch and Gruber, Allg. Encyklopadie der 

Wissenschaft und Kiinste 

Esther Rabbah 
and following pages 
Eusebius, Hisloria Ecclesiastica 


Ex. R 


Frankel. Mebo 

Fiirst, Bibl. Jud.... 
Fiirst, Gesch. des I 

Karaert I 


G aster, Hist, of I 

Bevis Marks ( 

Geiger's Jud. Zeit. \ 

Geiger, Urschrift. 

Geiger's Wiss. / 
Zeit. Jud. Theol. | 



Gen. R 


Gesenius, Gr 

Gesemus, Th 

Gibbon, Decline 
and Fall 

Ginsburg's Bible. 






Hamburger, I 

R. B. T I 

Hastings, Diet. / 

Bible ( 



Hirsch, Biog. Lex. 






Isr. I.etterbode. 


• I 

Jacobs, Sources. . \ 

Jacobs and Wolf, I 
Bibl.Anglo-Jud. f 

Jahrb. Gesch. der \ 
Jud J 

Jastrow, Diet •! 

Jellinek, B. H 


Jew. Chron. . . 
Jew. Hist. Soc.Eng... 

Jew. Quart. Rev 

Jew. World 

Josephus, Ant 

Josephus, B. J 

Josephus, Contra ( 

Ap f 


Jost's Annalen 

Jour. Bib. Lit 

Justin, Diai. cum I 

Tryph f 

Kavserling, Bibl. / 

Esp.-Port.-Jud.. I 






Kohut Memorial I 

Volume 1 

Krauss, Lehn- I 

wftrter f 



Exodus Rabbah 


Frankel, Mebo Yerushalmi 

Fiirst, Bibliotheca Judaica 

Fiirst, Geschichte des Karaertbums 


Gaster, Bevis Marks Memorial Volume 

Geiger's Jiidische Zeitschrift fur Wissen- 
schaft und Leben 

Geiger, Urschrift und Uebersetzungen der 
Bibel in Ihrer Abhangigkeit von der In- 
neren Entwicklung des Judenthums 

Geiger's Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift fiir 
Jiidische Theologie 



Genesis Rabbah 


Gesenius, Grammar 

Gesenius, Thesaurus 

Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall of 
the Roman Empire 

Ginsburg's Masoretico-Critical Edition of 
the Hebrew Bible 

Gittin (Talmud) 



Hagigah (Talmud) 

Hallah (Talmud) 

Hamburger, Realencyklopiidie - fur Bibel 
und Talmud 

Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible 

Epistle to the Hebrews 

Masoretic Text 

. Hirsch, Aerzte Aller Zeiten und Volker 

Homiletics or Homily 

Horavot (Talmud) 

Hullin (Talmud) 

same place 

same author 


Israelitische Letterbode 

J ah vis t 

Jaarboeken voor de Israeliten in Neder- 

Jacobs, Inquiry into the Sources of Spanish- 
Jewish History 

Jacobs and Wolf, Bibliotheca Anglo-Judaica 

Jahrbuch fiir die Geschichte der Juden und 

des Judenthums 
Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, Tal- 

mudim, and Midrashim 
Jellinek, Bet ha-Midrash 

Jewish Chronicle, London 
Jewish Historical Society of England 
Jewish Quarterly Review- 
Jewish World, London 
Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 
Josephus, De Bello Judaico 

Josephus, Contra Apionem 


Jost's Israelitische Annalen 

Journal of Biblical Literature 

Justin, Dialogus cum Tryphone Judaso 

Kii yserling, Biblioteca Espanola-Portugueza- 

Keritot (Talmud) 
Ketubot (Talmud) 
Kiddushin (Talmud) 
Kilayim (Talmud) 
Kiniiim (Talmud) 

Semitic Studies in Memory of A. Kohut 
Krauss, Griechische und Lateinische Lehn- 

worter, etc. 


Lam. R Lamentations Rabbati 

l-c loco citato 

Lev Leviticus 

Lev. R Leviticus Rabbah 

WOrterb.' \ Levy ' daldaisches Worterbuch, etc. 

Levy, Neuhebr. I Levy, Neuhebraisches und Chaldaisches 

WSrterb | Worterbuch, etc. 

LXX Septuagint 

m married 

Ma'as Ma'aserot (Talmud) 

Ma'as. Sb Ma'aser Sheni (Talmud) 

Mace Maccabees 

Mak Makkot (Talmud) 

Maksh — .' Maksbirln <Talmud) 

Mai Malaehi 

Mas Masorab 

Massek Masseket 

Matt Matthew 

McCllntock and ( McClintock and Strong, Cyclopedia of Bible, 

Strong, Cyc... | Theology, and Ecclesiastical Literature 

Meg Megillah (Talmud) 

Me'i Me'ilah (Talmud) 

Mek Mekilta 

Men Menahot (Talmud) 

Mid Middo't (Talmud) 

Midr Midrash 

Midr. R Midrash Rabbah 

Midr. Teh Midrash Tehillim (Psalms) 

Mik Mikwaot (Talmud) 

M. K Mo'ed Katan (Talmud) 

Mnn«t«tf.hT-ift i Monatssclirift liir Geschichte und Wissen- 
JHonatsscnntt -j scnaft des Juaemnums 

Mortara, Indice Mortara, Indice Alfabetico 

MS Manuscript 

Milller, Frag.Hist. I Miiller, Fragmenta Historicorura Greeco- 

Grsec f rum 

Naz Nazir (Talmud) 

n.d no date 

Ned Nedarim (Talmud) 

Neg Nega'im 

Neh Nehemiah 

N. T New Testament 

Neubauer, Cat. I Neubauer, Catalogue of the Hebrew MSS. 

Bodl.Hebr.MSS. f in the Bodleian Library 

Neubauer, G. T Neubauer, Geographic du Talmud 

Num Numbers 

Num. R Numbers Rabbah 

Obad Obadiah 


Oh Ohalot (Talmud) 

Onk Onkelos 

Orient. Lit Litfiraturblatt des Orients 

O. T Old Testament 

P Priestly code 

I Pagel, Biographisches Lexikon Hervorra- 
Pagel, Biog. Lex. -> gender Aerzte des Neunzehnten Jahrhun- 

( derts 
Pal. Explor. Fund. .Palestine Exploration Fund 
Pauly-Wissowa, I Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopadie der Clas- 

Real-Encyc f sischen Altertumswissehschaft 

Pent Pentateuch 

Pes Pesahim (Talmud) 

Pesh Peshito, Peshitta 

Pesik. R Pesikta Rabbati 

Pesik. R. K Pesikta de-Rab Kahana 

Phil.' Philippians 

Pirke R. El Pirke Rabbi Eliezer 

Pro'v Proverbs 

Ps Psalms 

R Rabbi or Rab (before names) 

^"-Blatt M ' f Ranmer ' s JMisches Litteratur-Blatt 

Regesty Regesty i Nadpisi 

Rev. As Revue Asiatique 

Rev. Bib Revue Biblique 

Rev. Et. Juives Revue des Etudes Juives 

Rev. S^m Revue SCmitique 

R. H Rosh ha-Shanah (Talmud) 

Pitta- irrruriinrto i Ritter. Die Erdkunde im Verhaltniss zur 
ruiier, trunuLue. j Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen 

Rom Romans 

Roest, Cat. I Roest, Catalog der Hebraica und Judaica aus 

Rosenthal. Bibl. I der L. Rosenthal'schen Bibliothek 

R. V Revised Version 

s. a sine anno 

Salfeld, Martyro- 1 Salfeld, Das Martyrologium des Nurnberger 

logium I Memorbuches 

I Sam I Samuel 

II Sam II Samuel 

Sanh Sanhedrin (Talmud) 

o b n t i (Sacred Books of the Old Testament) Poly- 

s - a - u - x I chrome Bible, ed. Paul Haupt 

Schaff-Herzog, I Schaff-Herzog, Encyc. of Religious Knowl- 

Encyc | edge 

Schrader, I Schrader, Cuneiform Inscriptions and the 

C. I. O. T f Old Testament, Eng. trans. 

o„>,™,f„,. r * t J Schrader, Keilinschriften und das Alte Tes- 
scnraaer, r..a. i.-j ^njent 

Schrader, K. B Schrader, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek 

,i, w ,„ „ „ j. I Schrader, Keilinschriften und Geschichts- 
bcnrader, K. G. H . - ( j orschung 

Schiirer, Gesch Schiirer, Geschichte des Judischen Volkes 

Sem Semahot (Talmud) 

Shab Shabb'at (Talmud) 

Sheb Shebi'it (Talmud) 

Shebu Shebu'ot (Talmud) 

Shek Shekalim (Talmud) 

Smith, Rel. of Sem..Smith, Religion of the Semites 

side's 7ei' a chrift-! stade ' s Zeitschrift fur die Alttestament- 

btade s ^ei^cnnit -j 1)one W issenschaft 

Steinschneider, I Steinschneider, Catalogue of the Hebrew 
Cat. Bodl f Books in the Bodleiau Library 

St Hebr h Blbi er ' \ Steinschneider, Hebraische Bibliographie 
^Hebr^Uebera \ Steinschneider, Hebraische Uebersetzungen 

Suk '. . .Sukkah (Talmud) 

s.v under the word 

Sym Symmachus 

Ta'an Ta'anit (Talmud) 

Tah Tanarol (Talmud) 

Tan Tanhuma 

Targ Targ'umim 

Targ. O Targum Onkelos 

Targ. Yer Targum Yerushalmi or Targum Jonathan 

Tem Temurah (Talmud) 

Ter Terumot (Talmud) 

Theod Theodotion 

Tbess Thessalonians 

Tim Timothy 

Tos Tosafot 

Tosef Tosefta 

transl translation 

Tr. Soc. Bibl. I Transactions of the Society of Biblical Ar- 

Arch f chaeology 

T. Y Tebul Yom (Talmud) 

'Uk 'Ukzin (Talmud) 

Univ. Isr Un'ivers Israelite 

Urkundenb Urkundenbuch 

Vess. Isr Vessillo Israelitico 

Vos Voskbod (Russian magazine) 

Vulg Vulgate 

Weiss. Dor Weiss, Dor Dor we-Dorshaw 

Wellhausen, (. Wellhausen, Israeh'tische und Judische 

I. J. G 1 Geschichte 

Winer, B. R Winer, Biblisches Realworterbuch 

Wisd. Sol Wisdom of Solomon 

Wolf, Bibl. Hebr...Wolf, Bibliotheca Hebraea 

w 7 it m i Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des 

w - L - A ' M I Morgenlandes 

Yad Yadayim (Talmud) 

" Yad " Yad ha-Hazakah 

Yalk Yalkut 

Yeb'. Yeb'amot (Talmud) 

Yer Yerushalmi (Jerusalem Talmud) 

Yhwh Jehovah 

Zab Zabin (Talmud) 

7 n m r i Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenland- 

L - "■ M - " 1 ischen Gesellschaf t 

Zeb Zebahim (Talmud) 

Zech Zechariah 

Zedner. Cat.Hebr. I Zedner, Catalogue of the Hebrew Books of 

Books Brit.Mus. I the British Museum 
Zeit. f. Assyr Zeitschrift fin* Assyriologie 

Ze palast U Ver!. . . \ Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins 
Zeit. f. Hebr. Bibl. .Zeitschrift fur Hebraische Bibliographie 
Zeitlin.Bibl. Post- I Zeitlin, Bibliotheca Hebraica Post-Mendels- 

Mendels f sohn 

Zeph Zephaniah 

Zunz, G. S Zunz, Gesammelte Schriften 

Zunz, G. V Zunz, Gottesdienstliche Vortrage 

Zunz, Literatur- I Zunz, l.iteraturgeschichte der Synagogalen 

gesch f Poesie 

Zunz Ritus \ Zar \ r/ " Die Ritus des Synagogalen Gottes- 

Zunz, S. P Zunz, Synagogale Poesie des Mittelalters 

Zunz, Z. G Zunz, Zur Geschichte und Literatur 

Note to the Reader. 
Subjects on which further information is afforded elsewhere in this work are indicated by the 
use of capitals and small capitals in the text ; as, Abba Arika; Pumbedita; Vocalization. 


A Cyrus Adler, Ph.D., 

President of the American Jewish Historical 
Society ; Librarian Smithsonian Institution, 
Washington, D. 0. 

A. Bm A. Blum, 

Rabbi in New l'ork. 

A. Bii Adolf Buchler, Ph.D., 

Professor Jewish Theological Seminary, 
Vienna, Austria. 

A. D Abraham Danon, 

Principal Jewish Theological Seminary, Con- 
stantinople, Turkey. 

A. E A. Eckstein, Ph.D., 

Rabbi in Bamberg, Germany ; Member of the 
Central Committee of the Alliance Israelite 

A. F A. Freimann, Ph.D., 

Librarian of the Hebrew Department, Stadt- 
bibliotbek, Frankfort-on-the-Main, Germany. 

A. Pe Alfred Feilohenfeld, Ph.D., 

Principal of the Realschule, Fiirth, Germany. 

A. Fl A. Fleischmann, 

New York. 

A. Ha Alexander Harkavy, 

New York. 

A. H. N....A. H. Newman, D.D., LL.D., 

Professor of Hebrew and Cognate Languages 
and Old Testament Exegesis, McMaster Uni- 
versity, Toronto, Can. 

A. Kai Alois Kaiser, 

Cantor of Temple Oheb Shalom, Baltimore, 

A. L. L Albert L. Leubuscher, 

New l'ork. 

A. Lo A. Loewenthal, Ph.D., 

Rabbi, Tarnowitz, Germany. 

A. P Albert Porter, 

Associate Editor of " The Forum,* 1 New York ; 
Revising Editor " Standard Cyclopedia." 

A. R A. Rhine, 

Rabbi, Hot Springs, Ark. 

A. S. C Alexander S. Chessin, 

Professor of Mathematics, Washington Uni- 
versity. St. Louis, Mo. 

A. S. I Abram S. Isaacs, 

Professor of German Literature, University 
of the City of New York ; Editor of " The 
Jewish Messenger." New York City. 

A. V.W.J... A. V. W. Jackson, Ph.D., L.H.D., 

Professor of Indo-Iranian Languages, Colum- 
bia University, New York. 

A. W. B.. .A. W. Brunner, 

Architect, New l'ork. 

B Mrs. Bolaffio, 

Milan, Italy. 

B. B Benuel H. Brumberg-, 

Contributor to " National Cyclopedia of Amer- 
ican Biography," New York. 

B. D Bernard Drachman, Ph.D., 

Rabbi of the Congregation Zichron Ephraim, 
Dean of the Jewish Theological Seminary, 
New York. 

C. F. K Charles Foster Kent, Ph.D., 

Professor of Biblical Literature and History, 
Yale University, New Haven, Conn. : Author 
of " A History of the Hebrew People." 

C. J. M Charles J. Mendelsohn, 

Philadelphia, Pa. 

C. L Caspar Le vias , M. A. , 

Instructor in Exegesis and Talmudic Aramaic, 
Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

C. P.. C Lieut.-Col. Claude R. Conder, LL.D., 

Formerly Superintendent of the Survey of 
Palestine by Palestine Exploration Fund. 

D Gotthard Deutsch, Ph.D. , 

Professor of Jewish History, Hebrew Union 
College, Cincinnati, Ohio. 

D. B. M Duncan B. MacDonald, B.D., 

Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford, 

.Baron David von Gunzburg*, 

St. Petersburg, Russia. 

. D. I. Freedman, B.A. , 

Rabbi in Perth, Western Australia. 

d. a.... 

D. I. F. 

D. W. A David Werner Amram. LL.B., 

Attorney at Law. Philadelphia, Pa, ; Author 
of " The Jewish Law of Divorce." 

E. Ba Emanuel Baumg-arten, 

Translator of "Robot ha-Lebabot," Vienna, 

E. Bap Eduard Baneth, Ph.D., 

Professor in the Hochschule, Berlin, Germany. 
E. C Executive Committee of the Editorial Board. 

E. G. H....Emil G. Hirsch, Ph.D., LL.D., 

Rabbi of Chicago Sinai Congregation, Chicago, 
111. ; Professor of Rabbinical Literature and 
Philosophy in the University of Chicago. 

E. "Li Emile Levy, 

Chief Rabbi of Bayonne, France. 

E. Me Eduard Meyer, Ph.D., 

Professor of Ancient History, University of 
Halle, Germany. 

E.Ms E. Mels, 

New York. 

E. K Eduard Neumann, Ph.D., 

Chief Rabbi of Nagy-Kanisza, Hungary. 




Emil Schurer, Ph.D., 

Professor of New Testament Exegesis at the 
University of GBttingen, Germany; Author 
of "Geschichte des Volkes Israel im Zeitalter 
Jesu Christi." 



Herbert Friedenwald, Ph.D., 

Formerly Superintendent of Department of 
Manuscripts, Library of Congress, Washing- 
ton, D. C. ; Secretary American Jewish His- 
torical Society, Philadelphia, Pa. 



E. Schwarzfeld, M.D., 

General Secretary of the Baron de Hirsch 
Fund ; Paris, France. 


G. E. 

,.H. G. Enelow, D.D., 

Rabbi of the Congregation Adath Israel, Louis- 
ville, Ky. 



Frants Buhl, Ph.D., 

Professor of Semitic Philology at Copenhagen 



Hartwig Hirschfeld, Ph.D., 

Professor in Jews' College, London, England. 

University, Copenhagen, Denmark ; Author 



H. Illiowizi, 

Formerly Rabbi in Philadelphia, Pa. 

of " Geographie des Alten Paliistina." 



.F. C. Burkitt, M.A., 

Editor of " The Fragments of Aquila," Cam- 
bridge, England. 



Henry Malter, Ph.D., 

Assistant Professor Hebrew Union College, 
Cincinnati, Ohio. 


H. K ... 

Frank H. Knowlton, M.S., Ph.D., 

Assistant Curator of Botany, U. S. National 
Museum, Smithsonian Institution, Washing- 


M. S. 

. H. M. Speaker, 

Gratz College, Philadelphia, Pa. 

ton, D. C. 



Herman Bosenthal, 

Chief of the Slavonic Department of the New 


H. "V".. 

Frank H. Vizetelly, 

Associate Editor of the " Columbian Cyclope- 

York Public Library. 

dia," and on Standard Dictionary Edito- 


S ... 

. . Henrietta Szold, 

rial Staff. 

Secretary of the Publication Committee of the 
Jewish Publication Society of America. 


L. C 

.Francis L. Cohen, 

Rabbi, Borough New Synagogue London, 
England. Coeditor of "Voice of Prayer and 



H. Veld, 

Rabbi in Amsterdam, N. Y. 




. . Isaac Bloch, 



Flaminio Servi, 

Chief Rabbi of Nancy, France. 

Chief Habbi of Casale-Monferrato, Italy ; Edi- 


Be .... 

. Immanuel Benzinger, Ph.D., 

tor of " 11 Vcssillo Israelitico." 

Professor of Old Testament Exegesis at the 



.Frederick de Sola Mendes, Ph.D., 

Berlin University, Berlin. 

Rabbi of the West F.nd Synagogue. New York. 


. . Israel Berlin, 


T. H... 

.F. T. Hannemann, M.D., 

Chemist, New York. 

New York. 



I. Broyd6, 


Richard Gottheil, Ph.D., 

Professor of Semitic Languages, Columbia 
University, New York ; Chief of the Oriental 

Diplome' of the Ecole des Hautes Etudes; 
Late Librarian of Alliance Israelite Univer- 
sale, Paris, France. 

Department, New York Public Library ; Presi- 



Israel Davidson, Ph.D., 

dent of the Federation of American Zionists. 

New York. 


A. B... 

..George A. Barton, Ph.D., 

Associate Professor in Biblical Literature and 



..Isaac Husik, 

Tutor, Gratz College, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Semitic Languages at Bryn Mawr College, 



Israel Levi, 

Bryn Mawr, Pa. 

Professor in the Jewish Theological Seminary, 


A. D... 

. G. A. Danziger, 

New York. 

Paris, France ; Editor of " Revue des Etudes 


A. K.. 

.George Alexander Kohut, Ph.D., 

Formerly Rabbi in Dallas, Texas. 



Immanuel Low, 

Chief Rabbi of Szegedin, Hungary. 


B. L... 

. GersonB. Levi, 

Philadelphia, Pa. 



. . Isidore LeVy, 

Paris, France. 


F. M.. 

.Georg-e F. Moore, M.A., D.D., 

Professor of Biblical Literature and the His- 
tory of Religions in Harvard University, Cam- 
bridge, Mass. Author of a Commentary on 


M. P.. 

..Ira Maurice Price, B.D., Ph.D., 

Professor of Semitic Languages and Literature 
in the University of Chicago, 111. ; Author of 
" The Monuments and the Old Testament." 

the Book of Judges, etc. 


. . Joseph Jacobs, B.A., 



Giuseppe Jare, 

Chief Rabbi of Ferrara, Italy. 

Formerly President of the Jewish Historical 
Society of England; Corresponding Member 



. Goodman Lipkind, B.A., 

Rabbi in London, England. 

of the Royal Academy of History, Madrid; 
Author of " Jews of Angevin England," etc. 



H. Brody, Ph.D., 

Rabbi, Nachod, Bohemia, Austria ; Coeditor of 



...Jules Bauer, 

Rabbi in Avignon, France. 

" Zeitschrift fur Hebraiscne Bibliographic" 



..J. Chotzner, Ph.D., 



, H. Baar, 

Formerly Rabbi in New Orleans and Superin- 

Rabbinical Lecturer at Monteflore College, 
Ramsgate, England. 

tendent of Hebrew Orphan Asylum, New 


D. E.. 

. . J. D. E. Eisenstein, 


New York. 



J- D. P John Dyneley Prince, Ph.D., 

Professor of Semitic Languages, New York 

J. F. McC.J. Frederic McCurdy, Ph.D., L.L.D., 

Professor of Oriental Languages in the Uni- 
versity College, Toronto, Canada ; Author of 
" History, Prophecy, and the Monuments." 

J. Fr J. Friedlander, Ph.D., 

Kabbi in Beaumont, Texas. 

J. G. L J. G. Lipman, 

Assistant Agriculturist, New Jersey State 
Agricultural Experiment Station, New Bruns- 
wick, N. J. 

J. Hy J. Hyams, 

Bombay, India. 

J. Jr Morris Jastrow, Jr., Ph.D., 

Professor of Semitic Languages, University 
of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.; Author 
of "Religion of the Babylonians and As- 
syrians," etc. 

J. L. S Joseph Li. Sossnitz, 

New York. 
J. M. C J. M. Casanowicz, Ph.D., 

U. S. National Museum, Washington, D. C. ; 
Author of " Paranomasia in the Old Testa- 

J. M. H. . . . J. M. Hillesum, 

Librarian of the Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana, 
University of Amsterdam, Holland. 

J. P. P John P. Peters, D.D., 

Rector of St. Michael's Church, New York ; 
Author of " Nippur, or Exploration and Ad- 
ventures on the Euphrates." 

J. So Joseph Sohn, 

Formerly of " The Forum," New York. 

J. Sr Marcus Jastrow, Ph.D., 

Rabbi Emeritus of the Congregation Rodef 
Shalom, Philadelphia, Pa.; Author of "Dic- 
tionary of the Talmud." 

J. T J. Theodor, Ph.D., 

Rabbi in Bojanowo, Posen, Germany. 

J. Vr J. Vredenburg, M.A., 

Rabbi in Amsterdam, Holland. 

J. W Julien Weill, 

Rabbi in Paris, France. 

K Kaufmann Kohler, Ph.D., 

Rabbi of Temple Beth-El, New York. 

K. H. C Karl Heinrich Cornill, 

Professor of Hebrew and Old Testament Ex- 
egesis, Breslau University, Breslau, Germany. 

L. B LudwigBlau, Ph.D., 

Professor at the Jewish Theological Seminary, 

Budapest, Hungary ; Editor of " Magyar 

Zsid6 Szemle " ; Author of "Das Alt-Jiidiscbe 

L. G Louis Ginzberg, Ph.D. , 

New York ; Author of " Die Haggada bei den 

L. Grii Lazarus Grunhut, 

Director of Orphan Asylum, Jerusalem. 
L. Hi L. Hiihner, A.M., LL.D., 

New York. 
L. L L. Lowenstein, 

Rabbi in Mosbach, Germany. 
L. N L. Nathensen, 

Copenhagen, Denmark. 

L. N. D. . . . Lewis N. Dembitz, 

Attorney at Law, Louisville, Ky. ; Author of 

" Jewish Services in Synagogue and Home." 
L. S Ludwig Stein, Ph.D., 

Professor of Philosophy at the University of 

Bern, Switzerland ; Editor of " Archiv fur Ge- 

schiehte der Philosophic" 
L. V Ludwig Venetianer, 

Rabbi in Neupest, Hungary. 
M Dr. S.Miihsam, 

Chief Rabbi of Gratz, Austria. 
M. B Moses Beer, 

M. C M. Caimi, 

Corfu, Greece. 

M. C. C M. C. Currick, A.B., 

Rabbi Anshe Chesed Congregation, Erie, Pa. 
M. Co Max Cohen, 

Counselor at Law, New York. 
M. F Michael Friedlander, Ph.D., 

Principal, Jews' College, London, England; 

Translator of Maimonides' "Guide of the 


M. Fi Maurice Fishberg, M. D. , 

Surgeon to the Beth Israel Hospital Dispen- 
sary; Medical Examiner to the United He- 
brew Charities, New York. 

M. Fr M. Franco, 

Principal of the Alliance Israelite Universelle 
School, Shumla, Bulgaria. 

M. Ga Moses Gaster, Ph.D., 

Haham of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews, 
London, England. 

M. J. K.... Max J. Kohler, M.A.,LL.B., 

Attorney at Law ; Recording Secretary of the 
American Jewish Historical Society, New 

M. K Moritz Kayserling, Ph.D., 

Rabbi, Budapest, Hungary ; Author of "Ge- 
schichte der Juden in Portugal," etc. 

M. L. B... Moses Lob Bamberger, Ph.D., 

Karlsruhe, Germany. 

M. L. M. . ..Max L. Margolis, Ph.D., 

Assistant Professor of Semitic Languages in 
the University of California, Berkeley, Cal. 
M. M. K....M. M. Kaplan, 
New York City. 

M Eo. f ' ' • ' Max Rosenthal, M.D. , 

Secretary of the German Dispensary, New 

M. Ea Max Baisin, 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 

M. S Moi'se Schwab, Ph.D., 

Librarian of the Hebrew Department at the 
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, France ; Trans- 
lator of the Jerusalem Talmud. 

M. Schw...M. Schwarzfeld, Ph.D., 

Rabbi in Bucharest, Rumania. 

M. W MaxWeisz, Ph.D., 

Rabbi in Budapest, Hungary. 

M. W. L. . .Martha Washing-ton Levy, B. A., 

Late of " The International Cyclopedia." 

N. B IT. Bashkovski, 

Odessa, Russia. 




. Oscar Piiedlander, 

Vienna, Austria. 

S. R 

S. Roubin, 

Rabbi, Woodbine, N. J. 



Philipp Bloch, Ph.D., 

Rabbi in Posen, Germany. 

S. Si 

S. Spielvogel, 

Geelong, Victoria, Australia. 



. Peter Jensen, 

Professor ol Semitic Philology, University of 
Marburg, Germany. 


Crawford Howell Toy, D.D., DL.D., 

Professor of Hebrew in Harvard University, 
Cambridge, Mass.; Author of "The Religion 



..Paul Wendland, Ph.D., 

of Israel," "Judaism and Christianity." 

Berlin, Germany, Coeditor of " Philonis 

T. H 

.Theodor Herzl, Ph.D., 


President of the International Zionist Con- 



, Peter Wiernik, 
New York. 

gress, Vienna, Austria; Author of "Der Jii- 
dische Staat." 


W. R.. 

..Robert W. Rogers, D.D., Ph.D., 

Professor of Hebrew and Old Testament Exe- 
gesis, Drew Theological Sem., Madison, N. J. 

T. S 

Tobias Shanfarber, Ph.D., 

Rabbi of Ansche Ma'arab Congregation, Chi- 
cago, 111. 


..Isidor Singer, Ph.D., Managing Editor. 

V. B 

.Victor Basch, 



Samuel Baeck, Ph.D., 

Professor at Rennes, France. 

Rabbi in Llssa, Germany. 


.Victor Castig-lione, 



. .Solomon Bamberger, 

Professor, Triest, Austria. 

Strasburg, Germany. 

V. R 

.Vasili Rosenthal, 



..S. Janovsky, 

Kremenchug, Russia. 

Attorney at Law, St. Petersburg, Russia. 

W. B 

..W. Bacher, Ph.D., 



S. Kahn, 

Rabbi in Nimes, France. 

Professor at the Jewish Theological Seminary, 
Budapest, Hungary; Author of "Die Agada 



,.S. Krauss, Ph.D., 

der Tannaim," etc. 

Professor Normal College, Budapest, Hun- 

W. M 

.William Milwitzky, 

gary ; Author of " Griechische und Lateinische 

Late of Harvard University Library, Cam- 


bridge, Mass. 



S. Mendelsohn, Ph.D., 

Rabbi in Wilmington, N. C. 

W. M. M. 

. .W. Max Miiller, Ph.D., 

Professor of Bible Exegesis in the Reformed 



. .S. Mannheimer, B.L., 

Episcopal Theological Seminary, Philadel- 
phia, Pa. 

Instructor, Hebrew Union College, Cincin- 

nati, 0. 

W. Rei 

W. Reich, 


M. D,. 

. S.M. Dubnow, 

Odessa, Russia ; Author of " A History of the 


. .William Salant, M.D., 


New York. 


N. B.— In the following list subjects likely to be sought for under various headings are repeated under 
each. Traditional ascriptions are denoted by quotation-marks. 


"Alexamenos prays to His God. " From a graffito in the Collegio Romano 222 

Alliance Israelite Universelle Girls' School at Bagdad 437 

Altar of Ba'al at Petra, Idumsea ' 378 

Phenician, with Bust of Ba'al as a Sun-God 379 

Amsterdam, Ark of the Law of the Sephardic Synagogue at 108 

Apamea, Coin of, with. Supposed Representation of Noah's Ark Ill 

Apple of Sodom 25 

Aqueduct, Track of Siloam 32 

Aqueducts Leading to Jerusalem, Plan of 32 

Aquila, Fragment of His Greek Translation of II Kings xxiii. 15-19 plate facing 34 

Ar Moab, View of the Ruins of 40 

Arad, Hungary, Interior of Synagogue at 60 

Ararat, Near Niagara, Foundation-Stone of Proposed City of 74 

View of Mount, from the Russian Frontier 73 

Arba' Kanfot 76 

Arch, Robinson's, at Jerusalem 141 

Archelaus, Herod, Copper Coin of 78 

Archeology: see Arch, Robinson's; Ashkelon; Ass; Bowl; Coins; Pottery; Seal; Vase. 

Archers, Company of Egyptian, at Deir el-Bahari 85 

Persian, as Body-Guard of Darius 86 

Architecture: see Ark op the Law ; Robinson's Arch; Synagogues. 

Aretas IV. Philodeme of Nabathsea, Bronze Coin of, with Hebrew Inscription 89 

Aristobulus, Judas, Copper Coins of, with Two Cornua-Copise 95 

"Ark of the Covenant." After Calmet 103 

Ark of the Law, Earliest Representation of, Now in the Museo Borgiano at Rome 107 

from the Synagogue at Modena, 1505 c.b Ill 

of the Sephardic Synagogue at Amsterdam 108 

of the Synagogue at Bayonne, France 606 

of the Synagogue at Gibraltar 109 

of the Synagogue at Pogrebishche, Russia 110 

• Symbolic Representation of, Now in the Museo Borgiano at Rome 108 

"Ark of Noah." From the Sarajevo Haggadah 112 

Ark of Noah, Resting on Mt. Ararat 112 

Supposed Representation of, on Coin of Apamea Ill 

Arkansas, Synagogue at Little Rock 113 

Army : Assyrian Soldiers on the March 121 

Company of Egyptian Soldiers 122 

Persian Foot-Soldiers 123 

see also Archers; Ashkei.ox, Siege op. 

Arnon, Gorge at the Mouth of the River 132 

Arnstein, Fanny von, Society Leader in Vienna 133 

Aron, Arnaud, Grand Rabbi of Strasburg, Alsace 134 

" Aron ha-Kodesh " : see Ark op the Law. 

Arragel, Moses, Presenting His Castilian Translation of the Bible to Don Luis de Guzman 139 

Art: see Arch; Architecture; Bowl; Coins; Pottery; Seal; Vase. 



Artom, Benjamin, Ilaham of the Spanish and Portuguese Congregation of London 156 

Isaac, Italian Patriot, Diplomat, and Author 157 

Ascoli, Graziadio Isaiah, Italian Philologist 171 

" Ashamnu," Music of 176 

Ashdod, View of Modern .' 178 

Asher, Asher, Physician and Communal Worker, London, England 181 

" Ashirah," Music of 188, 189 

Ashkelon, Inhabitants of Ancient 191 

Plan of the Ancient City of 190 

Siege of, by Rameses II 192 

View of Ruins of Ancient 191 

Ashkenazi, Zebi Hirsch, Rabbi of Amsterdam 202 

" Ashre," Music of 204 

" Ashre ha-' Am, " Music of 205 

Asia, Map Showing the Distribution of Jews in 208 

Asia Minor, Map of the Ancient Jewish Communities in 212 

Asknazi, Isaac Lvovich, Russian Painter 214 

Ass, Phenician, with Panniers 221 

Syrian, Showing Manner of Riding 221 

Ass-Worship : " The Mocking Crucifix. " From a graffito in the Collegio Romano 222 

Assyria: see Army; Astaste; Beakd. 

Astarte as a Sphynx 239 

as the Goddess of Love. From an Assyrian cylinder 240 

with Dove 240 

Astrolabe. From " Ma'ase Tobia," 1707 244 

Astruc, Elie- Aristide, Chief Rabbi of Belgium 252 

Jean, Physician and Founder of Modern Pentateuch Criticism 252 

Asylum : see Auerbach, Bakuch. 

Athias, Joseph, Imprint or Printer's Mark of 268 

Atonement, Day of, with Rites on Preceding Day. 1. "Malkut." 2. "Teslmbah." 3. Visiting graves. 

4. " Zedakah " in graveyard. 5. " Kapparah. " 283 

German Rite. After Picart 285 

Jews in a New York (East Side) Synagogue Confessing Their Sins in the Prayer " Ashamnu " 288 

Observed by the Jewish Soldiers in the German Army Before Metz, 1870 287 

" Attah Hore'ta," Music of 289 

Auerbach, Baruch, Orphan Asylum, Berlin 299 

Berthold, German Author 300 

Augsburg : Seal of the Jewish Community, 1298 306 

Augusta, Ga. . Synagogue at 311 

Auspitz, Heinrich, Austrian Dermatologist 317 

Auto da Fe, Held in the Plaza Mayor at Madrid in 1680 Before Charles II., His Wife and Mother. 

From a painting by Rici plate between 340-341 

Presided over by San Domingo de Guzman. From a painting in the National Gallery at Ma- 
drid, attributed to Berruguete, 15th century 339 

Autographs of Jewish Celebrities plate between 376-377 

Arosta, Uriel. Frankel, Zechariah. Lasker, Eduard. Munk, Salomon. 

Aguilar, Grace. Furst, Julius. Lassalle, Ferdinand. Noah, Mordecai M. 

Auerbach, Berthold. Geiger, Abraham. Lazarus, Emma. Rachel. 

Bamberger, Ludwig. Goldsmid, Sir Isaac L. Leeser, Isaac. Rothschild, Baron Lionel de. 

Benfey, Theodore. Gordon, Judah Loeb. Loeb, Isidore. Rothschild, Mayer A. 

Benjamin, Judah P. Graetz, Heinrich. Low. Leopold. Rubinstein, Anton. 

Borne, Ludwig. Halfivy, F. Maimon, Moses ben (Maimonides). Schulman, Kalman. 

Caryajal, Antonio Ferdinand. Heine, Heinrich. Marx, Karl. Smolenskin, Perez. 

Cremieux, I. Adolphe. Herschel, Sir William. Menasseh ben Israel. Spinoza, Benedict de. 

Dawison, Bogumil. Hirsch, Baron Maurice. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, Felix. Steinitz, Wilhelm. 

Derenbourg, Joseph. Husniel bar Elhanon. Mendelssohn, Moses. Weil, Henri. 

Deutsch, Emanuel. Isserles, Moses. Meyerbeer, Giacomo. Wise, Isaac M. 

Disraeli, Benjamin. Jellinek, A. Molcho. Solomon. Zacuto, Abraham. 

D'Israeli, Isaac. Kaufmann, David. Monteflore, Sir Moses. Zunz, Leopold. 

Einhorn. David. 



Avignon, France, Synagogue at 353 

Ay lion, Solomon ben Jacob, Haham of the Sephardic Congregations in London and Amsterdam 359 

" Az Shesh Me'ot," Music of 361 

Ba'al, Altar of, at Petra, Idumrea 378 

as a Phenician Sun-God 379 

Ba'al Hamon, as a Phenician Fire-God 379 

" Babel, Tower of. " From the Sarajevo Haggadah (14th century) 396 

Babylon, View of the Ruins of 399 

Babylonia : see Babylon ; Bowl. 

Bacher, Wilhelm, Hungarian Scholar and Orientalist 421 

Badge on an English Jew 426 

Showing Different Forms of, Worn by Medieval Jews colored plate foxing 426 

Badges and Hats Worn by Jews in the Middle Ages 425 

on the Garments of Jewish Priests 425 

Baer, Seligman (Sekel), Writer on the Masorah 433 

Bagdad, Girls' School of the Alliance Israelite Universelle at 437 

Bahya ben Joseph ibn Pakuda : Page from Editio Princeps of " Hobot ha-Lebabot " 449 

Baker, Egyptian 461 

Bakery, Egyptian Royal 463 

" Bakewell Hall " as located on Ralph Aggas' " Map of London " 461 

Baking, Egyptian Royal Bakery, Showing Different Processes of 463 

Oven Now Used in Syria for 462 

" Balaam and the Ass. " From a " Teutsch Chumesh " 466 

Balance : Egyptian Weighing Money 470 

Balsam Plant 476 

Baltimore, Oheb Shalom Temple at 478 

Bamberger, Ludwig, German Deputy and Political Economist 484 

Bar Kokba, Bronze Coin of the Bar Kokba War. Struck over a coin of Titus 505 

Bronze Coin of the Second Revolt, First Year. Showing a three-stringed lyre 506 

Bronze Coin of the Second Revolt, with D^EW nnr6, " The Deliverance of Jerusalem " . . . . 506 

Copper Coin of the Second Revolt, with Palm -Tree and Vine Branch 506 

Bar Mizwah, Son of the Precept, Reciting His Portion of the Law Frontispiece 

Barber: see Beard Trimming. 

Barcelona (View of Monjuich), Supposed Site of the Jewish Cemetery at 527 

Barit, Jacob (Jankele Kovner), Russian Talmudist and Communal Worker 535 

Barnay, Ludwig, German Actor 541 

Barnett, John, English Composer 542 

Bartoloeci, Giulio, Italian Bibliographer of Jewish Literature 547 

Basel, Bronze Medal Struck at the Second Zionist Congress at (Obverse and Reverse) 571 

Card of Admission of a Delegate to the Second Zionist Congress at 570 

Meeting of the Second Zionist Congress at 569 

Basevi, George (Joshua) : see Fitzwilliam Museum. 

Baskets, Egyptian 578 

Now Used in Palestine 579 

Basnage, Jacob, Christian Writer of Jewish History 580 

Bavaria: see Augsburg. 

Bayonne, France, Ark of the Law of the Synagogue at 606 

Beard, Captive Jew with Clipped. From the British Museum 612 

of a Judean from Egypt 613 

of a Russian Jew at Jerusalem 614 

of a Semite of the Upper Class. From the Tombs of the Beni-Hassan 612 

of an Assyrian King. After Botta 613 

of Jewish Envoy. From the Black Obelisk in the British Museum 612 

Trimming. From Leusden, "Philologus Hebrseo Mixtus," 1657 614 

Beck, Karl, Austrian Poet 622 

Beer, Benjamin ben Elijah : see Lamlein Medal. 

Bernhard, Hebrew and Talmudic Scholar 633 



Beer, Michael, German Poet 634 

Peter, Austrian Writer on Jewish Sects 635 

Beer-sheba, Wells of 637 

Belais, Abraham ben Shalom, Rabbi of Tunis 652 

Belasco, David, American Playwright 653 

Belmonte : Arms of the Family 665 

" Bemoza'e," Music of 671 

Ben-Ze'eb, Judah Lob, Jewish Grammarian and Lexicographer 682 

Benamozegh, Elijah, Italian Rabbi 684 

Beni-Hassan (Beard "of a Semite of the Upper Class), from the Tombs of the 612 

Berlin, Baruch Auerbach Orphan Asylum at 299 

Bible, Fragment of Aquila's Greek Translation of II Kings xxiii. 15-19 plate facing 34 

Moses. Arragel Presenting to Don Luis de Guzman His Castilian Translation of the 139 

Black Obelisk, Beard of Jewish Envoy from the 612 

Bowl, Magic, with Hebrew Inscriptions, Found Among the Ruins of Babylon 402 

Bread: see Baker; Baking. 

Cambridge, England: see Fitzwilliam Museum. 

Candlestick, Golden, Representation of, on Glass Fragments 107, 108, 140 

Caricature : see Badge. 

Cemetery : see Atonement, Day of ; Barcelona. 

Ceremonial : see Atonement, Day of ; Bar Mizwah. 

Coat of Arms of the Belmonte Family 665 

Coins : see Apamea ; Archelaus ; Aristobulus, Judas ; Bar Kokba ; Simon Maccabeus. 
Confirmation : see Bar Mizwaii. 
Costume : see Badge ; Hats. 

" Covenant, Ark of the." After Calmet 103 

Darius, Body-Guard of 86 

Day of Atonement : see Atonement, Day op. 

Deir el-Bahaii, Company of Egyptian Archers at 85 

Dove in the Arms of Astarte 240 

Representation of, on a Glass Fragment in the Museo Borgiano at Rome IO7 

Egypt: see Archers; Army; Baker; Baking; Balance; Baskets; Beard; Rameses II. ; Sphynx. 

Elishegib bat Elishama, Seal Bearing Inscription of 140 

England: see Cambridge; London. 

Esdud, Modern Ashdod, View of 178 

Ethnology : see Ashkelon, Inhabitants op Ancient ; Asiikelon, Siege of ; Beard. 

Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, England, Designed by George Basevi 572 

Forest: Assyrian Soldiers on a March Through a Wooded Region , 121 

Foundation-Stone of the Proposed City of Ararat Near Niagara 74 

France: see Avignon; Bayonne. 

Georgia : Synagogue at Augusta 311 

Gibraltar, Ark of the Law of the Synagogue at 109 

Graves : see Atonement, Day op. 

Hats Worn by Jews in the Middle Ages 425 

see also Badge. 

Hebrew: see Inscriptions; Script. 

Herod Archelaus, Copper Coin of 78 

" Hobot ha-Lebabot," Page from Editio Princeps of Bahya's 449 

Holland : see Amsterdam. v 

Idumaea : see Petra. 

Imprint of Joseph Athias 268 

Inquisition : see Auto da Fe. 

Inscriptions, Hebrew: see Bowl ; Coins; Seal. 

Italy : see Modena. 

Jerusalem: see Aqueducts; Beard; Robinson's Arch. 

"Jew Mount": see Mon.iuich. 



Jewry : see London. 

Judas Aristobulus, Copper Coins of 95, 

" Kapparah" : see Atonement, Day of. 

' ' Lamlein. Medal " : Attributed to Benjamin ben Elijah Beer 632 

Lions, Representations of, on Glass , 107, 108 

Little Rock, Ark. , Synagogue at 113 

London, Ralph Aggas' Map of. Showing the Location of " Old Jewry " and " Bakewell Hall " 461 

Maccabeus, Simon, Shekel of 138' 

Madrid : see Auto da Fe. 

Magic : see Bowl. 

" Malkut " : see Atonement, Day op. 

Manuscript: seeAQUiLA; Badge. 

Maps: see Aqueducts ; Ashkelon; Asia; Asia Minor; London. 

Medals : see Basel ; " Lamlein Medal. " 

Metz, Day of Atonement, as Observed by the Jewish Soldiers in the German Army in 1870, Before 287 

Moab : see An Moab. 

Modena, Ark of the Law from the Synagogue at Ill 

Money, Egyptian Method of Weighing 470- 

Monjuich, "Jew Mount," Supposed Site of the Jewish Cemetery at Barcelona 527 

Mount Ararat, from the Russian Frontier 73 

Music, " Ashamnu " 176- 

" Ashirah " 188, 18» 

" Ashre " 204 

" Ashre ha-' Am " 205- 

" Attah Hore'ta " 289- 

" Az Shesh Me'ot " 361 

" Bemoza'e " 671 

Nabathaea : see Ahetas IV. 

New York Jews in an East Side Synagogue Confessing Their Sins in the Prayer " Ashamnu " 288> 

Noah : see Auk of Noah. 

Oheb Shalom Temple, Baltimore 478 

Orphan Asylum, Baruch Auerbach, at Berlin 299 1 

Oven, Modern, as Used in Syria 462 

Palestine : see Aqueducts ; Ar Moab ; Ashdod ; Ashkelon ; Asia, Map of ; Jerusalem. 
Persia : see Archers. 

Petra, Idumaea, Altar of Ba'al at 378 

Phenicia: see Ass ; Astarte ; Ba'al, Altar of; Ba'al Hamon. 
Plants: see Apple of Sodom; Balsam Plant. 

Pogrebishche, Russia, Ark of the Law of the Synagogue at 110 

Portraits: see 

Arnstein, Fanny von. auerbach, Berthold. Basnage, Jacob. 

Aron, Arnaud. Auspitz, Heinrich. Beck, Karl. 

artom, Haham Benjamin. Ayllon, Solomon ben Jacob. Beer, Bernhard. 

Artom, Isaac Bacher, Wilhelm. Beer, Michael. 

Ascoli, Graziadio Isaiah. Baer, Seligman (Sekel). Beer, Peter. 

■Asher, Asher. Bamberger, Ludwig. Belais, Abraham ben Shalom. 

ashkenazi, hakam zebi hlrsch. barit, jacob (jankele kovner). belasco, david. 

asknazi, Isaac Lvovich. Barnay, ludwig. Ben-Ze'eb, Judah lob. 

astruc, elie-ar1stide. barnett (beer), john. benamozegh, elijah. 

astruc, jean. bartolocci, giulio. 

Pottery, Hebrew, Bottles Found Near Jerusalem 140 

Printer's Mark : see Imprint. 

Barneses II. Besieging Ashkelon 192 

Robinson's Arch, Jerusalem 141 

Russia: see Pogrebishche. 
Scale : see Balance. 
Script : see Aquila. 



Scrolls of the Law : see Ark op tiie Law. 

Seal of Elishegib bat Elishama 140 

of the Jews of Augsburg, 1298 306 

Sephardic Synagogue at Amsterdam, Ark of the Law of 108 

Shekel of Simon Maccabeus 138 

Shields : see Akciiers ; Army ; Ashkelon, Siege ok. 

Siege of Ashkelon by Rameses II 192 

Signatures : see Autographs. 

Siloam, Track of Aqueduct of 32 

Simon Maccabeus, Shekel of 138 

Sodom, Apple of 25 

Soldiers : see Archers ; Army. 
Spain : see Auto da Fe ; Barcelona. 

Sphynx, Goddess Astarte as a 239 

Sun-God, Ba'al as a. 379 

Symbolic Representation of the Ark of the Law 108 

Synagogues : see Amsterdam; Arad; Arkansas; Atonement, Day of; Augusta; Avignon; "Bake- 
well Hall " ; Baltimore ; Bayonne. 
Syria, Modern Baking-Oven Used in 162 

" Tallit Katon," Small Tallit or Arba' Kanfot 76 

Temple Oheb Shalom, Baltimore 478 

Temple, Representation of, on Bottom of Glass Vase 140 

" Teshubah " : see Atonement, Day op. 

*' Tower of Babel." From the Sarajevo Haggadah 396 

Types, Jewish: see Bagdad; BarMizwah; Beard; New York. 

United States : see Arkansas; Augusta; Baltimore; New York. 

"Vase, Bottom of, with Representation of the Temple and Golden Candlestick 140 

"Weights Used by Egyptians in "Weighing Money 470 

Wells of Beer-sheba 637 

"Zedakah" : see Atonement, Day op. 

Zionism ; see Basel. 

" Zizit," Fringes of the Arba' Kanfot 76 


Jewish Encyclopedia 

APOCRYPHA : § I. The most general defini- 
tion of Apocrypha is, Writings having some preten- 
sion to the character of sacred scripture, or received 
as such by certain , sects, but excluded from the 
canon (see Canon). 

The history of the earlier usage of the word is ob- 
scure. It is probable that the adjective airdicpvfoc, 
" hidden away, kept secret, " as applied to books, was 
first used of writings which were kept from the pub- 
lic by their possessors because they contained a mys- 
terious or esoteric wisdom too profound or too sacred 
to be communicated to any but the initiated. Thus a 
Leyden magical papyrus bears the title, Mmiaeug lepa. 
pifS^oc aivdKpvfoc; iniKaTiOVjiivrj by&bij fj ayia, " The Secret 
Sacred Book of Moses, Entitled the Eighth or the 
Holy Book "(Dietrich, "Abraxas," 169). Pherecydes 
of Syros is said to have learned his wisdom from to 
>boiviKav andupvifia fii/iMa, "The Secret Books of the 
Phenicians " (Suidas, s.v. ^epeniid^). In the early cen- 
turies of our era many religious and philosophical 
sects had such scriptures; thus the followers of the 
Gnostic Prodicus boasted the possession of secret 
books (lnroKpv<jiov^) of Zoroaster (Clemens Alexandri- 
nus, "Stromata," i. 15 [857 Potter]). IV Esdras is 
avowedly such a work : Ezra is bidden to write all the 
things which he has seen in a book and lay it up in a 
hidden place, and to teach the contents to the wise 
among his people, whose intelligence he knows to be 
sufficient to receive and preserve these secrets (xii. 
36 et seg.). (see Dan. xii. 4, 9; Enoch, i. 2, cviii. 1; 
Assumptio Mosis, x. 1 et seq.) In another passage 
such writings are expressly distinguished from the 
twenty-four canonical books; the latter are to be pub- 
lished that they may be read by the worthy and 
unworthy alike; the former (seventy in number) are 
to be preserved and transmitted to the wise, because 
they contain a profounder teaching (xiv. 44-47). In 
this sense Gregory of Nyssa quotes words of John in 
the Apocalypse as h> cmoKpinpoi; (" Oratio in Suam Or- 
dinationem,"iii. 549, ed. Migne; compare Epiphanius, 
" Ad versus Hsereses, " li. 8). The book contains reve- 
lations not to be comprehended by the masses, nor 
rashly published among them. 

Inasmuch, however, as this kind of literature flour- 
ished most among heretical sects, and as many of 
the writings themselves were falsely attributed to the 
famous men of ancient times, the word " Apocry- 
pha " acquired in ecclesiastical use an unfavorable 
II.— 1 

connotation; the private scriptures treasured by the 
sects were repudiated by the Church as heretical and 
often spurious. Lists were made of the books which 
the Church received as sacred scripture and of those 
which it rejected; the former were "canonical " (see 
Canon); to the latter the name "Apocrypha" was 
given. The canon of the Church included the books 
which are contained in the Greek Bible but not in 
the Hebrew (see the list below, § III.); hence the term 
" Apocrypha " was not applied to these books, but 
to such writings as Enoch, the Testaments of the 
Twelve Patriarchs, etc. (see below, § III.). Jerome 
alone applies the word to all books which are not 
found in the Jewish canon (see " Prologus Galeatus "). 
At the Reformation, Protestants adopted the Jewish 
canon, and designated by the name " Apocrypha " 
the books of the Latin and Greek Bibles which they 
thus rejected; while the Catholic Church in the Coun- 
cil of Trent formally declared these books canonical, 
and continued to use the word " Apocrypha " for the 
class of writings to which it had generally been ap- 
propriated in the ancient Church; for the latter, Prot- . 
estants introduced the name " Pseudepigrapha. " 

§ II. Apocryphal Books among the Jews. 
Judaism also had sects which possessed esoteric or 
recondite scriptures, such as the Essenes (Josephus, 
"B. J." ii. 8, § 7), and' the Therapeutae (Philo, "De 
Vita Contemplativa," ed. Mangey, ii. 475). Their 
occurrence among these particular sects is explic- 
itly attested, but doubtless there were others. In- 
deed, many of the books which the Church branded 
as apocryphal were of Jewish (sometimes heretical 
Jewish) origin. The Jewish authorities, therefore, 
were constrained to form a canon, that is, a list of 
sacred scriptures; and in some cases to specify par- 
ticular writings claiming this character which were 
rejected and forbidden. The former — so the distinc- 
tion is expressed in a ceremonial rule (Yad. iii. 5; 
Tosef., Yad. ii. 13) — make the hands which touch 
them unclean— DHTI TIN pKDDO BHpn UM f>3 ; the 
latter do not (see Canon). Another term used in the 
discussion of certain books is TJJ, properly "to lay 
up, store away for safe-keeping," also "withdraw 
from use." Thus, Shab. 30J, "The sages intended 
to withdraw Ecclesiastes " ; "they also intended to 
withdraw Proverbs"; ib. 136,"Hananiahb. Hezekiah 
prevented Ezekiel from being withdrawn" ; Sanh. 
100Z> (Codex Carlsruhe), " although our masters with- 



drew this "book" (Siracli), etc. It has frequently 
been asserted that the idea and the name of the Greek 
"Apocrypha" were derived from this Hebrew ter- 
minology. (See Zahn, "Gesch. des Neutestament- 
lichen Kanons," i. 1,123 et seq. ; Schurer, in "Protest- 
antische Realencyclopadie," 3d ed., i. 623, and many 
others; compare Hamburger," Realencyklopadie," ii. 
68, n. 4.) "Apocrypha" (air6npv<pa fitfiXia) is, it is 
said, a literal translation of DTUJ D'HDD, " concealed, 
hidden books. " Closer examination shows, however, 
that the alleged identity of phraseology is a mistake. 
Talmudic literature knows nothingof a classof D'HQD 
DTIJJ — neither this phrase nor an equivalent occurs 
— not even in " Ab. R. N." i. 1, though the error ap- 
pears to have originated in the words Vil DVUJ used 
there. Nor is the usage identical : fjj does not mean 
" conceal " (a-KoapmrEiv translates not tJJ, but -|DD and 
its synonyms), but "store away "; it is used only of 
things intrinsically precious or sacred. As applied to 
books, it is used only of books which are, after all, 
included in the Jewish canon, never of the kind of 
literature to which the Church Fathers give the name 
" Apocrypha " ; these are rather D'JlX'nfl D'HBD (Yer. 
Sanh. x. 1, 28a), or DTDf! , "1SD. The only excep- 
tion is a reference to Siracli. The Book of (magical) 
Cures which Hezekiah put away (Pes. iv. 9) was 
doubtless attributed to Solomon. This being the 
state of the facts, it is doubtful whether there is 
any connection between the use of f JJ and that of 


§ III. Lists of Apocrypha ; Classification. 

The following is a brief descriptive catalogue of 
writings which have been at some time or in some 
quarters regarded as sacred scripture, but are not in- 
cluded in the Jewish (and Protestant) canon. For 
more particular information about these works, and 
for the literature, the reader is referred to the special 
articles on the books severally. 

First, then, there are the books which are com- 
monly found in the Greek and Latin Bibles, but are 
not included in the Hebrew canon, and are hence 
rejected by Protestants; to these, as has already 
been said, Protestants give the name " Apocrypha " 
specifically. These are (following the order and 
with the titles of the English translation): I Esdras; 
IIEsdras; Tobit; Judith; The Rest of the Chapters 
of the Book of Esther; Wisdom of Solomon; Wis- 
dom of Jesus, the Son of Sirach, or Ecclesiasticus; 
Baruch, with the Epistle of Jeremiah; Song of the 
Three Holy Children; History of Susanna; Destruc- 
tion of Bel and the Dragon; Prayer of Manasses; I 
Maccabees; II Maccabees. These, with the excep- 
tion of I, II (III, IV) Esdras and the Prayer of Ma- 
nasses, are canonical in the Roman Church. 

Secondly, books which were pronounced apocry- 
phal by the ancient Church. Of these we possess sev- 
eral catalogues, the most important of which are the 
Stichometry of Nicephorus; the Athanasian Synop- 
sis; and an anonymous list extant in several manu- 
scripts, first edited by Montfaucon (see Schurer, 
" Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 262 et seq.); further a passage in 
the " Apostolical Constitutions " (vi. 16), and the so- 
called Decree of Pope Gelasius (" Corpus Juris Ca- 
nonici," iii. Distinctio 15). References in the Fathers 
add some titles, and various Oriental versions give 
us a knowledge of other writings of the same kind. 

A considerable part of this literature has been pre- 
served, and fresh discoveries almost every year prove 
how extensive and how popular it once was. 

A satisfactory classification of these writings is 
hardly possible; probably the most convenient 
scheme is to group them under the chief types of 
Biblical literature to which they are severally re- 
lated—viz. : 

1. Historical, including history proper, story 
books, and haggadic narrative. 

2. Prophetic, including apocalypses. 

3. Lyric ; psalms. 

4. Didactic; proverbs and other forms of "wis- 
dom. " 

The assignment of a book to one or another of 
these divisions must often be understood as only a 
potiori; a writing which is chiefly narrative may 
contain prophecy or apocalypse; one which is pri- 
marily prophetic may exhibit in parts affinity to the 
didactic literature. 

§ IV. Historical Apocrypha. 1. First Mac- 
cabees. A history of the rising of the Jews under 
the leadership of Mattathias and his sons against 
Antiochus Epiphanes, and of the progress of the 
struggle down to the death of Simon, covering thus 
the period from 175-135 B.C. The book was written 
in Hebrew, but is extant only in Greek and in trans- 
lations made from the Greek. 

2. Second Maccabees. Professedly an abridgment 
of a larger work in five books by Jason of Cyrene. 
It begins witli the antecedents of the conflict with 
Syria, and closes with the recovery of Jerusalem 
by Judas after his victory over Nicanor. The work 
was written in Greek, and is much inferior in his- 
torical value to I Mace. Prefixed to the book are 
two letters addressed to the Jews in Egypt on the 
observance of the Feast of Dedication (rDljn). 

3. First Esdras. In the Latin Bible, Third Esdras. 
A fragment of the oldest Greek version (used by 
Josephus) of Chronicles (including Ezra and Nehe- 
miah), containing I Chron. xxxv.-Neh. viii. 13, in a 
different, and in part more original, order than the 
Hebrew text and with one considerable addition, the 
story of the pages of King Darius (iii. 1-v. 6). The 
book is printed in an appendix to the official editions 
of the Vulgate (after the New Testament), but is not 
recognized by the Roman Church as canonical. 

4. Additions to Daniel, a. The story of Susanna 
and the elders, prefixed to the book, illustrating 
Daniel's discernment in judgment. 

b. The destruction of Bel and the Dragon, ap- 
pended after ch. xii., showing how Daniel proved to 
Cyrus that the Babylonian gods were no gods. 

a. The Song of the three Jewish Youths in the 
fiery furnace, inserted in Dan. iii. between verses 23 
and 24. 

These additions are found in both Greek transla- 
tions of Daniel (Septuagint and Theodotion); for the 
original language and for the Hebrew and Aramaic 
versions of the stories, see Daniel. 

5. Additions to Esther. In the Greek Bible, enlarge- 
ment on motives suggested by the original story: 
a. The dream of Mordecai and his discovery of the 
conspiracy, prefixed to the book; the interpretation 
follows x. 3; b. Edict for the destruction of the Jews, 
after iii. 13; c, d. Prayers of Mordecai and Esther, 



after iv. 17 ; e. Esther's reception by the king, taking 
the place of v. 1 in the Hebrew ; /. Edict permitting 
the Jews to defend themselves, after viii. 12. In the 
Vulgate these additions are detached from their con- 
nection and brought together in an appendix to the 
book, with a note remarking that they are not found 
in the Hebrew. 

6. Prayer of Manasses. Purports to be the words 
of the prayer spoken of in II Chron. xxxiii. 18 et seq. ; 
probably designed to stand in that place. In many 
manuscripts of the Greek Bible it is found among 
the pieces appended to the Psalms ; in the Vulgate 
it is printed after the New Testament with III and 
IV Esd. , and like them is not canonical. 

7. Judith. Story of the deliverance of the city 
of Bethulia by a beautiful widow, who by a ruse 
deceives and kills Holophernes, the commander of 
the besieging army. The book was written in He- 
brew, but is preserved only in Greek or translations 
from the Greek; an Aramaic Targum was known 
to Jerome. 

8. Tobit. The scene of this tale, with its attract- 
ive pictures of Jewish piety and its interesting 
glimpses of popular superstitions, is laid in the East 
(Nineveh, Ecbatana); the hero is an Israelite of the 
tribe of Naphtali, who was carried away in the 
deportation by Shalmaneser (" Enemessar "). The 
story is related in some way to that of Ahikar. 

9. Third Maccabees. (See Maccabees, Books op. ) 
A story of the persecution of the Egyptian Jews by 
Ptolemy Philopator after the defeat of Antiochus at 
Eaphia in 217 B.C. ; their steadfastness in their relig- 
ion, and the miraculous deliverance God wrought 
for them. The book, which may be regarded as an 
Alexandrian counterpart of Esther, is found in manu- 
scripts of the Septuagint, but is not canonical in any 
branch of the Christian Church. 

§ V. Historical Pseudepigrapha. The books 
named above are all found in the Greek and Latin 
Bibles and in the Apocrypha of the Protestant 
versions. "We proceed now to other writings of 
the same general class, commonly called "Pseud- 
epigrapha. " 

10. The Book of Jubilees, called also Leptogenesis 
("The Little Genesis"), probably Xt01T TV WO, in 
distinction, not from the canoniAl Genesis, but from 
a larger Midrash, a rm '3. It tfbntains a haggadic 
treatment of the history of the Patriarchs as well as 
of the history of Israel in Egypt, ending^with the 
institution of the Passover, based on Gen. and Ex. 
i.-xii. It is a free reproduction of the Biblical nar- 
rative, with extensive additions of an edifying char- 
acter, exhortations, predictions, and the like. It gets 
the name " Book of Jubilees " from the elaborate chro- 
nology, in which every event is minutely reckoned 
out in months, days, and years of the Jubilee period. 
The whole is in the form of a revelation made through 
an angel to Moses on Mt. Sinai, from which some 
writers were led to call the book the " Apocalypse of 
Moses. " (See Apocalypse., § V. 10. ) It was written 
in Hebrew, probably in the first century B.C., but is 
now extant only in Ethiopic and in fragments of an 
old Latin translation, both made from an intermedi- 
ate Greek version. 

Brief mention may be made here of several similar works 
containing Haggadah of early Hebrew history. 

a. "Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum," attributed to Philo. 
This was first published, with some other works of Philo, at 
Basel in 1527(see Cohn, in " Jew. Quart. Eev." 1898, x. 277 et seq.; 
Schiirer, " Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 541 et seq., additional literature). 
Extends from Adam to the death of Saul, with omissions and 
additions— genealogical, legendary, and rhetorical— speeches, 
prophecies, prayers, etc. The patriarchal age is despatched 
very briefly ; the Exodus, on the contrary, and the stories of the 
Judges, are much expanded. The author deals more freely 
with the Biblical narrative than Jubilees, and departs from it 
much more widely. The work is preserved in a Latin transla- 
tion made from Greek ; but it is highly probable that the orig- 
inal language was Hebrew, and that it was written at a time 
not very remote from the common era. Considerable portions 
of it are incorporated— under the name of Philo— in the Hebrew 
book, of which Gaster has published a translation under the 
title " Chronicles of Jerahmeel " (see Gaster, I.e., Introduction, 
pp. xxx. et seq., and below, d) . 

b. Later works which may be compared with this of Philo 
are the na>D Su> O'DTi n:i, wn ibd, and the ijjbm flic, 
on which see the respective articles. 

c. To a different type of legendary history belongs the He- 
brew Yosippon {q. v.). 

d. The " Chronicles of Jerahmeel," translated by Gaster from 
a unique manuscript in the Bodleian (1899), are professedly 
compiled from various sources ; they contain large portions ex- 
cerpted from the Greek Bible, Philo (see above), and "Yo- 
sippon," as well as writings like the Pirke de R. Eliezer, etc. 

e. Any complete study of this material must include also the 
cognate Hellenistic writings, such as the fragments of Eupole- 
mus and Artapanus (see Freudenthal, "HellenistischeStudien") 
and the legends of the same kind in Josephus. 

§ VI. Books of the Antediluvians. The Book 
of Jubilees makes repeated mention of books contain- 
ing the wisdom of the antediluvians (e.g., Enoch, 
iv. 17 et seq. ; Noah, x. 12 et seq.) which were in the 
possession of Abraham and his descendants ; also of 
books in which was preserved the family law of the 
Patriarchs (compare xli. 28) or their prophecies 
(xxxii. 24 et seq. , xlv. 16). These are all in the literal 
sense "apocryphal," that is, esoteric, scriptures. A 
considerable number of writings of this sort have 
been preserved or are known to us from ancient lists 
and references ; others contain entertaining or edify- 
ing embellishments of the Biblical narratives about 
these heroes. Those which are primarily prophetic or 
apocalyptic are enumerated elsewhere (x., xi.); the 
following are chiefly haggadic : 

11. Life of Adam and Eve. This is essentially a 
Jewish work, preserved — in varying recensions — in 
Greek, Latin, Slavonic, and Armenian. It resembles 
the Testament literature (see below) in being chiefly 
occupied with the end of Adam's life and the burial 
of Adam and Eve. According to an introductory 
note in the manuscripts, the story was revealed to 
Moses, whence the inappropriate title " Apocalypse 
of Moses." On the apocryphal Adam books see 
Adam and Eve, Book of. 

Other apocryphal books bearing the name of Adam 
are: The Book of Adam and Eve, or the Conflict, 
of Adam and Eve with Satan, extant in Arabic 
and Ethiopic; and The Testament of Adam, in 
Syriac and Arabic. Both these are Christian off- 
shoots of the Adam romance. Apocalypses ^ of 
Adam are mentioned by Epiphanius; the Gelasian 
Decree names a book on the Daughters of Adam, 
and one called the Penitence of Adam. 

Seven Books of Seth are said by Epiphanius 
("Ad versus Heereses," xxxix. 5; compare xxvi. 8; 
also Hippolytus, "Refutatio," v. 22; see also Jo- 
sephus, " Ant. " i. 2, § 3) to have been among the 
scriptures of the Gnostic sect of Sethians. 



On the apocryphal books of Enoch see Apoca- 
lypse, § V. , and Enoch, Book of. 

The Samaritan author, a fragment of whose writing 
has been preserved by Eusebius("Praep. Ev."ix. 17) 
under the name of Eupolemus, speaks of revelations 
by angels to Methuselah, which had been preserved 
to his time. A Book of Lamech is named in one of 
our lists of Apocrypha. 

Books of Noah are mentioned in Jubilees (x. 12, 
xxi. 10). Fragments of an Apocalypse of Noah 
are incorporated in different places in Enoch (which 
see). A book bearing the name of Noria, the wife 
of Noah, was current among certain Gnostics (Epi- 
phanius, "Adv. Hasreses," xxvi. 1). Shem transmits 
the books of his father, Noah (Jubilees, x. 14); other 
writings are ascribed to him by late authors. Ham 
was the author of a prophecy cited by Isidore, the 
son of Basilides (Clemens Alexandrinus,"Stromata," 
vi. 6); according to others he was the inventor of 
magic (identified with Zoroaster; Clementine, "Rec- 
ognitiones," iv. 27). 

§ VII. Testaments. A special class of apocry- 
phal literature is made up of the so-called " Testa- 
ments " of prominent figures in Bible history. Sug- 
gested, doubtless, by such passages as the Blessing 
of Jacob (Gen. xlix.), the Blessing of Moses (Deut. 
xxxiii.), the parting speeches of Moses (Deut. iv., 
xxix. et seq.) and Joshua (Josh, xxiii., xxiv.), etc., 
the Testaments narrate the close of the hero's life, 
sometimes with a retrospect of his history, last coun- 
sels and admonitions to his children, and disclosures 
of the future. These elements are present in varying 
proportions, but the general type is well marked. 

12. Testament of Abraham. Edited in Greek (two 
recensions) by M. R. James, "Texts and Studies," 
ii. 2 ; in Rumanian by Gaster, in " Proc. of Society of 
Biblical Archeology," 1887, ix. 195 et seq. ; see also 
Kohler, in " Jew. Quart. Rev. " 1895, vii. 581 et seq. 
(See Abraham, Testament of, called also Apocalypse 
of Abraham). Narrative of the end of Abraham's life ; 
his refusal to follow Michael, who is sent to him ; his 
long negotiations with the Angel of Death. At his 
request, Michael shows him, while still in the body, 
this world and all its doings, and conducts him to the 
gate of heaven. The book is thus mainly Haggadah, 
with a little apocalypse in the middle. 

The Slavonic Apocatypse of Abraham (ed. by 
Bonwetsch, " Studien zur Geschichte der Theologie 
und Kirche," 1897), translated from the Greek, gives 
the story of Abraham's conversion ; the second part 
enlarges on the vision of Abraham in Gen. xv. 

13. Testaments of Isaac and Jacob. Preserved in 
Arabic and Ethiopic. They are upon the same pat- 
tern as the Testament of Abraham ; each includes an 
apocalypse in which the punishment of the wicked 
and the abode of the blessed are exhibited. The 
moral exhortation which properly belongs to the 
type is lacking in the Testament of Abraham, but 
is found in the other two. 

14. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. The part- 
ing admonitions of the twelve sons of Jacob to their 
children. Each warns against certain particular sins 
and commends the contrary virtues, illustrating and 
enforcing the moral by the example or experience 
of the speaker. Thus, Gad warns against hatred, 
Issachar shows the beauty of simple-mindedness, 

Joseph teaches the lesson of chastity. In some (e.g., 
in the Testament of Joseph) the legendary narrative 
of the patriarch's life fills a larger space, in others 
(e.g. , Benjamin) direct ethical teaching predominates. 

The eschatological element is also present in vary- 
ing proportions — predictions of the falling away in 
the last days and the evils that will prevail ; the judg- 
ment of God on the speaker's posterity for their sins 
(e.g. , Levi, xiv. et seq. ; Judah, xviii. 22 et seq. : Zeb- 
ulun, ix.); and the succeeding Messianic age (Levi, 
xviii. ; Judah, xxiv. et seq. : Simeon, vi. ; Zebulun, ix. 
et seq.). A true apocalypse is found in the Test, of 
Levi, ii. et seq. (see Apocalypse). This eschato- 
logical element is professedly derived from a book 
written by Enoch (e.g., Levi, x., xiv., xvi. ; Judah, 
viii. ; Simeon, v., etc.). The work is substantially 
Jewish; the Christian interpolations, though numer- 
ous, are not very extensive, and in general are easily 

A Hebrew Testament of Naphtali has been pub- 
lished by Gaster (" Proceedings of Society of Biblical 
Archeology," December, 1893; February, 1894; see 
also "Chron. of Jerahmeel," pp. 87 et seq.), and is 
regarded by the editor and by Resell (" Studien und 
Kritiken," 1899, pp. 206 etseq.) as the original of which 
the Greek Testament is a Christian recension. 

15. Testament of Job. When the end of his life is 
at hand, Job narrates to his children the history of 
his trials, beginning with the cause of Satan's ani- 
mosity toward him. After parting admonitions (45), 
he divides his possessions among his sons, and gives to 
his three daughters girdles of wonderful properties(46 
etseq.). The book is a Haggadah of the story of Job, 
exaggerating his wealth and power, his good works, 
and his calamities, through all of which he maintains 
unshaken his confidence in God. There are no long 
arguments, as in the poem ; the friends do not appear 
as defenders of God's justice — the problem of the- 
odicy is not mooted — they try Job with questions 
(see 36 et seq.). Elihu is inspired by Satan, and is not 
forgiven with the others. See Kohler, in " Semitic 
Studies in Memory of Alexander Kohut, " pp. 264-338 
and 611, 612, and James, in " Apocrypha Anecdota, " 
ii. 104 et seq.). 

16. Testament of Moses. The patristic lists of Apoc- 
rypha contain, in close proximity, the Testament of 
Moses and the Assumption of Moses. It is probable 
that the two were internally connected, and that the 
former has been preserved in our Assumption of 
Moses, the extant part of which is really a Testa- 
ment — a prophetic-apocalyptic discourse of Moses 
to Joshua. See below, § x. 2. 

17. Testament of Solomon. Last words of Solomon, 
closing with a confession of the sins of his old age un- 
der the influence of the Jebusite, Shulamite. It is 
in the main a magical book in narrative form, telling 
how Solomon got the magic seal ; by it learned the 
names and powers of the demons and the names of 
the angels by whom they are constrained, and put 
them to his service in building the Temple ; besides 
other wonderful things which he accomplished 
through his power over the demons. (See Fleck, 
" Wissenschaftliche Reise," ii. 3, 111 et seq.) A 
translation into English by Conybeare was given 
in " Jewish Quart. Rev. " 1899, xi. 1-45. 

The Gelasian Decree names also a " Contradictio 



Salomonis," which may have described his contest 
in wisdom with Hiram, a frequent theme of later 

A Testament of Hezeldah is cited by Cedrenus ; but 
the passage quoted is found in the Ascension of 

§ VIII. Relating' to Joseph., Isaiah, and Ba- 
ruch. Other Apocrypha are the following : 

18. Story of Aseneth. A romantic tale, narrating 
how Aseneth, the beautiful daughter of Potiphar, 
priest of On, became the wife of Joseph; how the 
king's son, who had desired her for himself, tried to 
destroy Joseph, and how he was foiled. The romance 
exists in various languages and recensions. The 
Greek text was published by Batiffol, Paris, 1889. 

A Prayer of Joseph is named in the anonymous list 
of Apocrypha, and is quoted by Origen and Proco- 
pius. In these fragments Jacob is the speaker. 

19. Ascension of Isaiah, or Vision of Isaiah. Origen 
speaks of a Jewish apocryphal work describing the 
death of Isaiah. Such a martyrium is preserved in 
the Ethiopic Ascension of Isaiah, the first part of 
which tells how Manasseh, at the instigation of a 
Samaritan, had Isaiah sawn asunder. The second 
part, the Ascension of Isaiah to heaven in the 20th 
year of Hezekiah, and what he saw and heard there, 
is Christian, though perhaps based on a Jewish vi- 
sion. Extensive Christian interpolations occur in the 
first part also. A fragment of the Gi'eek text is 
reproduced in Grenfell and Hunt, "The Amherst 
Papyri," London, 1900. 

20. The Rest of the Words of Baruch, or Paralipomena 
of Jeremiah. (Ceriani, " Monumenta, " v. 1, 9 et seq.; 
J. Rendel Harris, "Rest of the Words of Baruch," 
1889; Dillmann, " Chrestomathia j35thiopica, " pp.1 
et seq. ; Greek and Ethiopic.) Narrates what befell 
Baruch and Abimelech (Ebed-melech) at the fall of 
Jerusalem. Sixty -six years after, they sent a letter 
by an eagle to Jeremiah in Babylon. He leads a com- 
pany of Jews back from Babylonia ; only those who 
are willing to put away their Babylonian wives are 
allowed to cross the Jordan; the others eventually 
become the founders of Samaria. Jeremiah is spir- 
ited away. After three days, returning to the body, 
he prophesies the coming of Christ and is stoned to 
death by his countrymen. 

§ IX. Lost Books. Other haggadic works named 
in the Gelasian Decree are : the Book of Og, the Giant, 
"whom the heretics pretend to have fought with 
a dragon after the flood " ; perhaps the same as the 
Manichean TiyavTemg fUfHog (Photius, " Cod. " 85), or 
Xlpay/tardia rav Vtyavruv ; The Penitence of Jannes and 
Jambres. (See Iselin, in " Zeitschrift fur Wissensch. 
Theologie," 1894, pp. 321 et seq.) Both of these may 
well have been ultimately of Jewish origin. 

§ X. Prophetical Apocrypha. 1. Baruch. 
Purporting to be written by Baruch, son of Neriah, 
the disciple of Jeremiah, after the deportation to 
Babylon. The book is not original, drawing its 
motives chiefly from Jeremiah and Isaiah xl. et seq. ; 
affinity to the Wisdom literature is also marked in 
some passages, especially in ch. iii. 

The Epistle of Jeremiah to the captives in Babylon, 
which is appended to Baruch, and counts as the sixth 
chapter of that book, is a keen satire on idolatry. 

2. Assumption of Moses. See above, Testament of 

Moses (§ VII. 16). What now remains of this work, 
in an old Latin version, is prophetic in character, con- 
sisting of predictions delivered by Moses to Joshua 
when he had installed him as his successor. Moses 
foretells in brief outline the history of the people to 
the end of the kingdom of Judah ; then, more fully, 
the succeeding times down to the successors of Herod 
the Great, and the Messianic age which ensues. It 
is probable that the lost sequel contained the As- 
sumption of Moses, in which occurred the conflict- 
referred to in Jude 9— between Michael and Satan 
for the possession of Moses' body. 

3. Eldad and Medad. Under this name an apocry- 
phal book is mentioned in our lists, and quoted twice 
in the " Shepherd of Hernias " (ii. 34). It contained 
the prophecy of the two elders named in Num. xi. 26. 

§ XI. Apocalypses. Most of the prophetical 
Apocrypha are apocalyptic in form. To this class 
belong: Enoch, The Secrets of Enoch, IVEsd., the 
Apocalypses of Baruch (Greek and Syriac), Apoca- 
lypse of Zephaniah, Apocalypse of Elijah, and others 
(see Apocalypse, and the special articles). Apoca- 
lyptic elements have been noted above in the As- 
sumption of Moses, the Ascension of Isaiah, the Tes- 
taments of the Twelve Patriarchs, and others. 

§ XII. Lyrical Apocrypha. 1. Psalm cli., in 
the Greek Bible ; attributed to David, '" when he had 
fought in single combat with Goliath." 

2. Psalms of Solomon. Eighteen in number ; included 
in some manuscripts of the Greek Bible, but noted in 
the catalogues as disputed or apocryphal. Though 
ascribed to Solomon in the titles, there is no internal 
evidence that the author, or authors, designed them 
to be so attributed. They were written in Hebrew — 
though preserved only in Greek — in Palestine about 
the middle of the first century B.C., and give most 
important testimony to the inner character of the 
religious belief of the time and to the vitality of the 
Messianic hope, as well as to the strength of party 
or sectarian animosity. The five Odes of Solomon 
in " Pistis Sophia " are of Christian (Gnostic) origin. 

3. Five apocryphal psalms in Syriac, edited by 
Wright (" Proceedings of Society of Biblical Archeol- 
ogy," 1887, ix. 257-266). The first is Ps. cli. (supra, 
§ I) ; it is followed by (2) a prayer of Hezekiah ; 
(3) a prayer when the people obtain leave from Cyrus 
to return ; and (4, 5) a prayer of David during his con- 
flict with the lion and the wolf, and thanksgiving 
after his victory. 

§ XIII. Didactic Apocrypha. 1. The Wisdom 
of Jesus, the Son of Sirach (in the Latin Bible entitled 
Ecclesiasticus). Proverbs and aphorisms for men's 
guidance in various stations and circumstances; a 
counterpart to the Proverbs of Solomon. The author 
was a native of Jerusalem, and wrote in Hebrew ; his 
work was translated into Greek by his grandson soon 
after 132 B.C. The Syriac translation was also made 
from the Hebrew, and recently considerable parts of 
the Hebrew text itself have been recovered. The 
book is included in the Christian Bible— Greek, Latin, 
Syriac, etc. — but was excluded from the Jewish 
Canon (Tosef., Yad. ii. 13 et seq.). Many quotations 
in Jewish literature prove, however, its continued 

2. Wisdom of Solomon, Soi^/a SoAo^wvof . Written in 
Greek, probably in Alexandria ; a representative of 



Hellenistic " Wisdom. " Solomon, addressing the ru- 
lers of the earth, exhorts them to seek wisdom, and 
warns them of the wickedness and folly of idolatr}'. 
Noteworthy is the warm defense of the immortality 
of the soul, in which the influence of Greek philo- 
sophical ideas is manifest, as, indeed, it is through- 
out the book. 

3. Fourth Maccabees. The title is a misnomer ; and 
the attribution of the work to Flavius Josephus is 
equally erroneous. The true title is Tlepl avronpa- 
ropog loyiofiov, " On the Autonomy of Eeason.'' It is 
an anonymous discourse on the supremacy of relig- 
ious intelligence over the feelings. This supremacy 
is proved, among other things, hj examples of con- 
stancy in persecution, especially by the fortitude of 
Eleazar and the seven brothers (II Mace. vi. 18, vii. 
41). The work was written in Greek; it is found 
in some manuscripts of the Septuagint, but is not 

§ XIV. Apocrypha in the Talmud. There are 
no Jewish catalogues of Apocrypha corresponding to 
the Christian lists cited above ; but we know that 
the canonicity of certain writings was disputed in 
the first and second centuries, and that others were 
expressly and authoritatively declared not to be sa- 
cred scripture, while some-are more vehemently inter- 
dicted — to read them is to incur perdition. The con- 
troversies about Ecelesiastes and the Song of Solomon 
will be discussed in the article Canon, where also the 
proposed " withdrawal " of Proverbs, Ezekiel, and 
some other books will be considered. Here it is suf- 
ficient to say that the school of Shammai favored ex- 
cluding Ecelesiastes and the Song of Solomon from 
the list of inspired scriptures, but the final decision 
included them in the canon. 

Sirach, on the other hand, was excluded, appar- 
ently as a recent work by a known author; and a 
general rule was added that no books more modern 
than Sirach were sacred scripture. 

The same decision excluded the Gospels and other 
heretical (Christian) scriptures (Tosef., Yad. ii. 13). 
These books, therefore, stand in the relation of Apoc- 
rypha to the Jewish canon. 

In Mishnah Sanh. x. 1, R. Akiba adds to the cat- 
alogue of those Israelites who have no part in the 
world to come, " the man who reads in the extraneous 
books " (D^lXTin DnSD3), that is, books outside the 
canon of holy scripture, just as ffw, extrinseeus, extra, 
are used by Christian writers (Zahn, " Gesch. des Neu- 
testamentlichen Kanons," i. 1, 136 et seq.). Among 
these are included the " books of the heretics " (D'O'D), 
i.e., as in Tosef., Yad. quoted above, the Christians 
(Bab. Sanh. 1005). Sirach is also named in both Tal- 
muds, but the text in the Jerusalem Talmud (Sanh. 
28« ) is obviously corrupt. 

Further, the writings of Ben La'anah (HJJV? p) fall 
under the same condemnation (Yer. Sanh. I.e.); the 
Midrash on Ecelesiastes xii. 12 (Eccl. R.) couples 
the writings of Ben Tigla (vhiT\ p) with those of 
Sirach, as bringing mischief into the house of him 
who owns them. What these books were is much 
disputed (see the respective articles). Another title 
which has given rise to much discussion is i"ibd 
DTDH or DlTDil (nifre 7ta-meram or Jia-merom), early 
and often emended by conjecture to DlVOn (Rome- 
ros ; so Hai Gaon, and others). See Homer in Tal- 

mud. The books of " Be Abidan, " about which there 
is a question in Shab. 116«, are also obscure. 

bibliography : Texts : The Apocrypha (In the Protestant 
sense) are found in editions of the Greek Bible ; see espe- 
cially Swete, The Uld Testament in Ch-eek, « ed.; sepa; 
rateiv, Fiitzsche, Lihri Apocruphi Veteris Testamenti 
GtcbcU 1871. Of the Pseudepigrapha no comprehensive cor- 
pus exists ; some of the books are included in the editions of 
Swete and Fritzsche, above ; and ill Hilgenfeld, Memos Ju- 
deeorum, 1869. See also Fabricius, Codex Fseudepigraphus 
Veteris Testamenti, 2 vols., 2d ed., Hamburg, 1722, 1723, 
which is not replaced by any more recent work. For editions 
(and translations) of most of these writings the literature of the 
respective articles must be consulted. Translations : The Au- 
thorized Version may best be used in the edition of 0. J. Ball, 
Variorum Apocrypha, which contains a useful apparatus of 
various readings and renderings ; the Revised Version, Apo- 
enipha, 1895; Churton, Uncanonical and Apocryphal 
Scriptures, 1884 ; a revised translation is given also in Bis- 
sell's Commentary (see below). Of the highest value is the 
German translation, with introductions and notes, in Kautzsch, 
Die Apokryphen und Pseudepigraqihen des Alien Testa- 
ments, 2 vols., 1899. Commentaries : Fritzscbe and Grimm, 
KurzgefasstesExeuctiiiChcsHandhuchzu den Apokryphen 
des Alten Eundis, 6 vols., 1851-60 ; Wace (and others), ^tpoc- 
rypha, 2 vols., 1888 (Speaker's Bible); Bissell, The Apoc- 
rypha of the Old Testament, 1890 (Lange series) . 

The most important recent work on this whole literature is 
Schurer's Oeschichte des Jildisehen Volkes, 3d ed., vol. ill. 
(Eng. tr. of 2d ed.: Jew. People in the Time of Jesus Christ), 
where also very full references to the literature will be found. 
T . G. P. M. 

APOLANT, EDUARD: German physician; 
born at Jastrow, city in Westpreussen, Prussia, Aug. 
21, 1847. He was educated at the gymnasium at 
Deutsch-Krone and at the University of Berlin, 
where he received the degree of doctor of medicine 
in 1870. He was an assistant surgeon in the Franco- 
Prussian war (1870-71), and, on returning to Berlin, 
engaged in practise in that city. In 1896 he re- 
ceived the title of "Sanitatsrath." 

Apolant has contributed numerous papers to Vir- 
chow's "Archiv fur Pathologische Anatomie und 
Physiologie und f iir Klinische Medizin " (" Ueber 
das Verhaltniss der Weissen und Roten Blutkorper- 
chen bei Eiterungen," etc.); the "Berliner Klinische 
Wochenschrift " (" Ueber Applikation von Karbol- 
situreumschlage bei Pocken," etc.), and other medical 

Bibliography: Wrede, Das Oeistige Berlin, in. 3, Berlin, 


s. F. T. H. 


CLAUDIUS : Bishop of Hierapolis, Phrygia, in 
170 ; author of an " Apology for the Christian Faith, " 
which he addressed to Emperor Marcus Aurelius 
Antoninus. He wrote also two books " Pros Ioudai- 
ous " (Against the Jews) and other works against 
the pagans, and opposing the Montanist and the 
Encratite heresies, besides other books, all of which 
are now lost. 

Bibliography : Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. iv. 27, v. 19 ; Jerome, De 
Viris Illustribus, etc., p. 26 ; EpistoltB, p. 84 ; Fabricius, Bib- 
lioth. Qrceca, vii. 160; Tillemont, Memoires, t. i., pt. ii. 
t. F. H. V. 

APOLLONIUS : One of the Judeans who, about 
130 B.C., went to Rome to make a covenant or league 
of friendship with the Romans. He was called by 
Josephus " the son of Alexander. " See John Hyr- 
canus and Romans. 

Bibliography : Josephus, Ant. xiii. 9, § 2, xiv. 10, § 22. 
G. L. G. 


Greek rhetorician and anti- Jewish writer ; flourished 



in the first century B.C. He is usually, but not 
always, designated by the name of his father, Molon. 
He was called by his patronymic mainly to distin- 
guish him from his somewhat older contemporary 
Apollonius Malachos. Apollonius Molon' was still 
praised as a distinguished master of the art of speech 
about the year 75 B.C. Josephus, however, concerns 
himself with him simply as one of the most promi- 
nent and most pernicious anti- Jewish writers. 

Born at Alabanda, in Caria, Apollonius afterward 
emigrated to Rhodes, wherefore Cicero styles him 
" Molon Bhodius " (" Brutus, " ch. lxxxix. ). He soon 
eclipsed his contemporaries both as a master of ora- 
tory and as a practical advocate, and had as pupils 
both Cicero and Julius Cffisar. 

It was at Rhodes, no doubt, that Apollonius ap- 
propriated the JudEeophobic ideas of the Syrian stoic 
Posidonius (135-51 B.C.), who lived in that city, and 
thence circulated throughout the Greek and Roman 
world several wild calumnies concerning the Jews, 
such as the charges that they worshiped 

Follower an ass in their temple, that they sacri- 
of ficed annually on their altar a specially 

Posidonius. fattened Greek, and that they were 
filled with hatred toward every other 
nationality, particularly the Greeks. These and sim- 
ilar malevolent fictions regarding the Jews were 
adopted by Apollonius, who, induced by the fact that 
the Jews in Rhodes and in Caria were very numerous 
(compare I Mace. xv. 16-24), composed an anti-Jew- 
ish treatise, in which all these accusations found em- 
bodiment. While Posidonius had confined himself 
to incidental allusions to the Jews in the course of his 
history of the Seleucidte (compare C. Muller, " Frag. 
Hist. Grcec." iii. 245 et seq.), Apollonius outdid his 
master by undertaking a separate book on the sub- 
ject. Such appears to have been the character of his 
treatise, which, according to Alexander Polyhistor, 
was a avaizew] (Eusebius, " Prseparatio Evangelica, " ix. 
19), a polemic treatise — as Schiirer renders the phrase 
— against the Jews. The polemic passages, however, 
must have been interwoven with a general presenta- 
tion of a Jewish theme — probably a history of the 
origin of the Jewish people. For it is the complaint 
of Josephus that Apollonius, unlike Apion, far from 
massing all his anti-Jewish charges in one passage, 
had preferred to insult the Jews in various manners 
and in numerous places throughout his work {I.e. ii. 
14). The assumption that Apollonius' book was of a 
historic character is confirmed by the fragment in 
Alexander Polyhistor, which gives the genealogy of 
the Jews from the Deluge to Moses, and by an allu- 
sion of Josephus which indicates that the exodus from 
Egypt was also dealt with therein (I.e. ii. 2). In con- 
nection with the exodus, Apollonius gave circulation 
to the malicious fable that the Jews had been expelled 
from Egypt owing to a shameful malady from which 
they suffered, while he took occasion to blacken the 
character of Moses also and to belittle his law, char- 
acterizing the lawgiver of the Jews as a sorcerer and 
his work as devoid of all moral worth. Besides, he 
heaped many unjust charges upon the Jews, re- 
proaching them for not worshiping the same gods as 
the other peoples (I.e. ii. 7) and for disinclination to as- 
sociate with the followers of other faiths (ii. 36). He 
thus represented them as atheists and misanthropes, 

and depicted them withal as men who were either 
cowards or fanatics, the most untalented among all 
barbarians, who had done nothing in furtherance of 
the common welfare of the human race (ii. 14). No 
wonder these groundless charges excited the anger 
of Josephus, who believed that they corrupted and 
misled the judgment of Apion (I.e. ii. 7, 15 et seq.), 
and who therefore zealously devoted the entire second 
part of his treatise against Apion to a refutation of 
Apollonius. The latter was thus paid back in his own 
coin. Josephus does not hesitate to accuse him of 
crass stupidity, vaingloriousness, and an immoral life 
(i.e. ii. 36, 37). See Apion. 

Bibliography : C. Muller, Fragmenta Historieorum Grceeo- 
rum, iii. 208 et seq. ; J. G. Muller, Des Flavius Josephus Sehrift- 
gegen den Apion, p. 230, Basel, 1877 ; Pauly-Wissowa, Real- 
Eneye. ii. s.v. ; Gratz, Gesch. der Juden, 3d ed., iii. 347 et seq. ; 
Schfirer, Geseh. 3d ed., iii. 400-403; Vogelstetn and Rieger, 
Geseh. der Juden in Rom, i. 85 ; Th. Reinach, Textes d'Au- 
teurs Grees et Romains Relatifs au Juda'isme, pp. 60 et 


H. G. E. 

philosopher and necromancer; born about the year 
3 B.C. ; died, according to some sources, in the thirty- 
eighth year of his age. In Arabic literature his 
name is cited in the form "Balinas" or "Belenus," 
which has often been mistaken for "Pliny." He is. 
mentioned in connection with magical writings, and 
is called by the Arabs Sahib al-Talismat ("The Au- 
thor of Talismans"). They attribute to Apollonius 
"Risalahfi Tathir al-Ruhamiyat fi al-Markabat," a 
work that treats of the influence of pneumatic agen- 
cies in the world of sense, and which also deals with 
talismans. An introduction (" Mebo ") to this treatise 
on talismans, "Iggeret al-Talasm," was composed 
by an anonymous writer ; it is found in Steinschneider 
MS. , No. 29. It is full of Arabic words, and contains 
a few Romance ones also. The translator says at the 
end that the whole book is of no value, and that 
he has translated (or copied) it merely as a warning 
against "serving strange gods." It is probable that 
a copy of this translation existed in the library of 
Leon Mosconi (Majorca, 14th century); where it 
seems to occur under the title " Bel Enus " — No. 37 
of the catalogue ("Rev. Et. Juives," xxxix. 256, xl 
65). It is also cited by Joseph Nasi (16th century) 
and perhaps by Abba Mail According to Johanan 
Allemanno (died 1500), Solomon ben Nathan Orgueiri 
(of Aix, Provence, about 1390) translated from the 
Latin another work on magic by Apollonius. The 
Hebrew title of this second work was nf'OB'lD )"DN^D 
("Intellectual Art"); fragments of it are found in 
SchonblumMS., No. 79. 

Bibliography : For Apollonius and bis supposed writings see 
J. Miller, in Pauly-Wissowa, ReaLEncyiinpUdie der Classic 
sehen AUerthumswissenschaft, iii. 146 et seq. ; and Got- 
tbeil, in Z. D. M. G. xlyi. 466 ; on the Arabic and Hebrew- 
translations see Steinschneider, Hebr. Uetters. § 520 ( = Z. 
D. M. G. xlv. 439 et seq.) ; Fiirst, Canon des A. T. p. 99, at- 
tempted to identity Apollonius with Ben La'anah, whose wri- 
tings were condemned ( Yer. Sanh. xi. 28 a) . 


APOLLOS : A learned Jew of Alexandria, and 
colaborer of Paul. Of him the following is told 
(Acts xviii. 24-28) : He came (about 56) to Ephesus, 
as "an eloquent man and mighty in the Scriptures," 
to preach and to teach in the synagogue; and his 
fervor of spirit and boldness of speech attracted the 




attention of Aquila and Priscilla — Jews who had 
espoused the cause of the new Christian faith in 
Corinth. They found him not sufficiently informed 
in the new doctrine ; for he knew " only the baptism 
of John " when he spoke to the people of " the way 
of the Lord." So they expounded the way of God 
to him more fully; and, turned into a firmer be- 
liever in Jesus as the Messiah, he went to Achaia, 
where he converted the Jews to his new faith by 
his arguments from Scriptures. This is illustrated 
by another story which immediately follows: While 
Apollos was still at Corinth, Paul found in Ephesus 
about twelve disciples of John the Baptist who had 
never heard of the Holy Ghost, but had undergone 
baptism for the sake of repentance. Paul succeeded 
in baptizing them anew in the name of Jesus ; and 
then, after "Paul had laid his hands upon them, the 
Holy Ghost came on them; and they spake with 
tongues, and prophesied " (Acts xix. 1-6). 

The sect, then, to which Apollos, as well as these 
twelve men of Ephesus, belonged, were simply Bap- 
tists, like John ; preaching the doctrine of the " Two 
Ways " — the Way of Life and of Death — as taught 
in the "Didache," the propaganda literature of the 
Jews before the rise of Christianity. They were 
thenceforward won over to the new Christian sect 
probably under the influence of such ecstatic states 
of mind as are described here and in the writings of 

Whether Apollos belonged to the class of thinkers 
like Philo or not is, of course, a matter of con- 
jecture. But it is learned from Paul's own words 
(I Cor. i. 10) that while working on the same lines as 
Paul, Apollos differed essentially from him in his 
teachings. Four different parties had arisen there : 
one adhering to Paul, another to Apollos, a third 
to Peter, and the fourth calling itself simply "of 
the Christ." "Who, then," says he, "is Paul, and 
who is Apollos, but ministers by whom ye believed, 
even as the Lord gave to every man? I have 
planted, Apollos watered . we are laborers to- 
gether. . . ". Let no man deceive himself. If any 
man among you seemeth to be wise in this world, 
let him become a fool that he may be wise. 
Whether Paul, or Apollos, or Cephas, or the world, 
or life, or death, or things present, or things to 
come; all are yours; and ye are Christ's; and Christ 
is God's" (I Cor. iii. 5-23). Evidently Apollos be- 
trayed more of that wisdom which Alexandrian 
philosophers gloried in. Wherefore, Paul contends 
that " not with wisdom of words " (I Cor. i. 17) was 
he sent to preach the gospel. . . . "The world by 
wisdom knew not God, it pleased God by the fool- 
ishness of preaching to save them that believe. For 
the Jews require a sign, and the Greeks seek after 
wisdom" (ib. 21, 22). Originally the people of Cor- 
inth were, according to I Cor. xii. 2, not Jews, but 
Gentiles. It is, therefore, easy to understand why 
Apollos' preaching appealed to them far more than 
Paul's. Still, the difference between the two "apos- 
tles " (I Cor. iv. 9) was not of a nature to keep them 
apart ; for Paul, toward the close of his letter to the 
Corinthians, says : " As touching our brother Apollos, 
I greatly desired him to come unto you : . .he will 
come when he shall have convenient time " (I Cor. 
xvi. 12). We have reason to ascribe to Apollos some 

influence in the direction which led to a blending of 
the Philonic Logos with the Jewish idea of the Mes- 
siah—a Hellenization of the Christian belief in the 
sense of John's Gospel; though many critics since 
Luther are disposed to attribute to him the Epistle to 
the Hebrews. 

Bibliography : Weizsftcker, Das Apostolmche Zeitaltcr, p. 
268 ; Blass, Commentary on Acts, pp. 201, 203 ; Friedlinder, 
Der VorchrixMchc JUdische Gnmticismus, 1898, p. 67. 

rp IV. 

APOLOGISTS: Men of pious zeal who de- 
fended both the Jewish religion and the Jewish race 
against the attacks and accusations of their enemies 
by writing, either in the form of dissertations or of 
dialogues, works in defense of the spirit and doc- 
trines of Judaism, so that its essentials might be 
placed in the proper light. It was in the nature of 
things, therefore, that they were impelled to expose 
the general weakness of the positions of their antag- 
onists, and to attack those positions rigorously ; hence 
the apologies are, at the same time, polemical ar- 
raignments. So long as the Jewish state was inde- 
pendent and respected by neighboring peoples, and 
so long as religious reverence retained its hold upon 
the heathen nations with whom the Jews came into 
contact, it was unnecessary to ward off attacks 
on their nationality, on their religious teachings, 
or on their manners and customs. They dwelt in 
harmony with Persians when Cyrus established the 
Persian empire, and later with Greeks ; they dwelt 
alongside of Parthians and New Persians, and their 
Judaism received no manner of offense. But when 
the Jewish state fell into internal decay, and the 
Greeks, with whom the Jews held the closest rela- 
tions, lost their reverence for their own deities ; when, 
furthermore, with the translation of the Bible into 
Greek, the Hellenes were introduced to a literature 
that claimed at least equality with their own ; and, 
finally, when the Egyptians were by that translation 
informed of the pitiful role their ancestors had played 
at the birth of the Jewish nation, these peoples felt 
themselves severely wounded in their national van- 
ity. It was, accordingly, in Alexandria that anti- 
Jewish literature originated, to withstand which 
the Jewish Apologists resident there devoted their 

Manetho, an Egyptian temple scribe at Thebes, 
was the first to assail the Jewish nationality with all 
manner of fables invented by himself. 
The First Opportunity to disseminate misinfor- 
Attacks in mation concerning the Jews had been 
Egypt by afforded by the Syrian king Antiochus 
Heathens. Epiphanes, whose wonderful stories 
concerning his experiences in the Tem- 
ple of Jerusalem were seized upon and elaborated by 
the anti-Jewish writers of Alexandria. In this city, 
the capital of Egypt, dwelt numerous Jews who 
were distinguished for their intellectual activity and 
moral life, and many Greeks detested the Jews for 
their difference in moral ideals, founded as they were 
upon religious codes quite different from their own. 
Alexandria was accordingly the market where un- 
scrupulous writers were certain of finding sale for 
their multifarious calumnies against the Jewish peo 
pie. In Alexandria, consequently, the earliest Jew- 
ish Apologists made their appearance. 



The first generation of Jewish Apologists flour- 
ished from the beginning of the first century b.c. to 
the middle of the second century of the 
The common era. In this period are in- 

First Apol- eluded those Apologists who encoun- 
ogists. tered the attacks of the ancient hea- 
thens. The early Greek fashion of 
writing under a pseudonym had been transplanted 
to Alexandria ; works were issued purporting to be 
productions of the great men of antiquity. The first 
Jewish Apologists were, therefore, strictly in the 
fashion when they used pseudonyms in their replies 
to the ceaseless libels with which the an ti- Jewish wri- 
ters assailed the religious literature, the manners, and 
the customs of the Jews. These Apologists drew a 
picture of the grandeur and moral elevation of Juda- 
ism, and, in accordance with the prevailing custom, 
ascribed their writings to heathen poets and prophets. 
The most important of these apologetic writings are 
the "Sibylline Books" and "The Wisdom of Solo- 
mon. " The " Sibylline Books, " composed partly in 
the middle of the second, partly in the first, century 
B.C., contrasted the lofty ethics of monotheism and 
the righteousness and morality of Ju- 
" Sibylline daism with the follies of idol-worship, 
Books" and and with the selfishness and sensual- 
" The "Wis- ity of heathendom. " The Wisdom of 
dom of Solomon " uses still darker colors to 
Solomon." paint the immorality and viciousness, 
the utter corruption and shamelessness 
of the heathen world, and portraj's, in contrast there- 
with, the moral atmosphere emanating from Jewish 
religious writings. The author of this book lived 
probably about the time of the Roman emperor Calig- 
ula (37-41). Among the Apologists in Alexandria 
mention must also be made of Philo, one of the most 
eminent philosophical thinkers of Judaism, who 
flourished about 40. Philo sought to illustrate to the 
heathen world the beauty of the Jewish Scriptures by 
endeavoring to prove that both Judaism and the bet- 
ter Hellenic thought in the writings of Greek philos- 
ophers aimed at one and the same mark; that the 
Jewish prophets and the Greek speculative thinkers 
strove afttr one and the same truth, and that, there- 
fore, the difference between Judaism and Greek phi- 
losophy was one merely of external appearance or 

The best apologetic work of this period, and indeed 
of any period, is that written in Rome by Flavius 
Josephus (born about 37), which he entitled " Against 
Apion, or Concerning the Ancient State of the Jew- 
ish Nation." Apion, who was a contemporary of 
Philo, had, at the request of several Alexandrians, 
handed to the emperor Caligula a calumnious memo- 
rial full of the worst accusations and 
Josephus. slanders against the Jews. He had 
simply compiled everything to be 
found in previous writings of this character, and 
added to it whatever he could devise in the way of 
malicious invention. This slanderous petition, no 
doubt, made its influence felt at the time Josephus 
was writing his history in Rome, and impelled him 
to publish his "Apology" (vindication), which con- 
sisted of two books. He controverts the allegation 
that the Jews have no history and are a new nation. 
The sting of the charge came from the circumstance 

that, according to the view then prevailing, the re- 
spectability and dignity of a nation were in direct 
proportion to its antiquity. He exposes the falsity 
of the calumnies circulated against Judaism, and 
illustrates the mental incapacity of his opponents to 
grasp historical truths. Through the whole work 
there breathes a spirit of warm admiration for Moses 
and his civil and religious legislation ; it acknowl- 
edges appreciatively whatever is great and good 
among all ancient peoples. This " Apology " of Jose- 
phus furnished the model after which the Church 
fathers patterned all their apologetic treatises, the 
writing of which they were frequently called upon 
to undertake in defense of Christianity. 

No further apologetics of this period have been 
preserved, although the venom that Apion injected 
into the minds of his contemporaries continued to 
work among Roman writers, who saw in the Jewish 
nation a stubborn enemy of Rome and an opponent 
of the national cult. But in the Talmud and Mid- 
rash many religious conversations have been pre- 
served, in which prominent teachers like Johanan ben 
Zakkai, Joshua ben Hananiah, Akiba, and others de- 
fend Judaism and its doctrines. Dialogues, such as 
these, between cultured representatives of Judaism 
and heathenism, were, as a matter of course, quite 
free from fanaticism ; they were, in tine, friendly con- 
tests of wit and wisdom without the least trace of 
animosity or bitterness. 

The second series of Jewish Apologists covered the 
period from the second to the fifteenth century, and 
was concerned in repelling the attacks of Christian- 
ity and, to a small extent, of Islam. Christianity, 
having received from Judaism its doctrines of pure 
morality and of love of one's neighbor, was con- 
strained, in order to furnish grounds for its distinc- 
tion, to proclaim that it had come into existence to 
displace, and to fulfil the mission of, Judaism. It 
endeavored to prove the correctness of 
Attacks by this standpoint from the Bible itself, 
Christians the very book upon which Judaism was 
and founded. Wherefore Judaism had no 

Moham- further reason to exist! The Jews, 

medans. however, were not yet ready to accept 
this decree of self-extinction, nor to 
permit Christendom to take possession of the relig- 
ious and ethical ground held by the Jews. Here, 
then, was an occasion for some very sharp polemics 
between the offspring and the parent who declined to 
die. The fact that both sides appealed to the same 
source of authority — the Scriptures — served also to 
narrow and intensify the struggle. So long, how- 
ever, as Christianity refrained from throwing the 
Brennus-sword of worldly power into the scales, the 
discussion partook of the same peaceful nature as 
those friendly passages of arms recorded in the Tal- 
mud and Midrashim, and displayed more of the na- 
ture of good-humored rallying than of serious debate. 
Jewish scholars, referring to Num. xxiii. 19, expressed 
their objections to Christianity in the single passage : 
" If a man say that he is God, he is deceiving thee ; if 
he say that God is man, he will repent it. If he claim 
to ascend to heaven, he may say it, but he shall not 
do it " (Yer. Ta'anit i. 1). 

But with the growth of political power in the 
Church, the attacks of the bishops upon Jews and 




Judaism took on a harsher animus. The silence of 
the Jews for several centuries in the face of such at- 
tacks was a deplorable error, especially in view of 
the fact that the hitter effects of this anti-Jewish 
literature were felt in the keenest degree. This 
silence cau be accounted for only by assuming that 
the Jews of those days were not afraid of any en- 
during consequences from these attacks, or from 
the influence of the Christian propa- 
Silence of ganda upon their own coreligionists. 
the Jews. The fundamental principles of Chris- 
tianity — Trinity, Incarnation, etc. — 
were deemed by them to stand in such direct con- 
tradiction to both the spirit and the letter of the 
Bible that it seemed like a work of supererogation 
to point out the contradiction. Aside from this, 
these attacks were written in Latin or in Greek, 
familiarity with either of which had been lost by 
the Jews. Whenever any vernacular discussions, 
founded upon such material, occurred, the crass 
ignorance of the Christian clergy of the day ren- 
dered the victory of the Jews an easy one. And it 
was because the Jews felt so sure of their own 
ground that they did not think it necessary to de- 
fend themselves. 

So far as ascertained, the first to venture a defense 
in any degree was Saadia ben Joseph (died 942), 
who was gaon in Sura and a very prolific writer. 
In his translation of the Bible into Arabic, and in his 
commentaries upon it, as well as in his philosophical 
work, "Emunot we-De'ot" (written in Arabic and 
translated into Hebrew by Judah ibn Tibbon), he at- 
tacked the claims of Christianity and Islam; the 
former receiving from his pen greater attention than 
the latter, because Islam was not so insistent in its 
missionary zeal as Christianity. Saadia maintained 
that Judaism would always exist, and that its relig- 
ious system, which allowed man to reach perfection 
as nearly as possible, would not be displaced by any 
other. In any case, Christianity, which transformed 
mere abstractions into divine personalities, was not 
qualified to supersede it; nor was Islam, which 
lacked sufficient proof to displace the undisputed 
revelation from God on Siuai. 

From the period of Saadia polemical passages are 
encountered in Midrashic works and ritual poems 
directed against both Christianity and Mohammed- 
anism; but although such passages usually close 
with some kind of a defense of Judaism, they seem to 
labor under a species of reserve and timidity. But 
when at the time of the Crusades fanaticism broke 
loose and the might of the Church grew rapidly ; 
when, furthermore, the Christian clergy had learned 
to make use of the services of baptized Jews in aid- 
ing schemes for the wholesale Cluistianization of 
their brethren, the leading spirits among the Jews 
felt constrained to lay aside all hesitation and reserve, 
so that with the twelfth century Jewish polemics 
appeared more frequently and more numerously. 
In northern Prance, R. Samuel b. Mel'r (Rashbam) and 
Joseph Bekor Shor demonstrated the weakness of the 
foundations sought for Christianity in the Bible ; and 
Joseph b. Isaac Kimhi wrote the " Sefer ha-Berit," in 
which he applied himself to the discussion of Chris- 
tian dogmas and their scientific refutation. Moses 
ibn Tibbon, in Montpellier(1240), and Me'ir b. Simon 

wrote polemical works; and the latter in addition 
compiled the apologetic book "Milhamot Mizwah." 
In Spain, although prominent Jewish scholars had 
embraced Christianity and placed their 
French and services at the disposal of the Church 
Spanish for public disputations and polemical 
Apologists, writings, there were also Jewish Apol- 
ogists that published their replies, 
either in special books or in the shape of letters ad- 
dressed to the apostates. Against Abner of Burgos 
(called, as a Christian, Alfonso of Valladolid), Shem- 
Tob ibn Shaprut wrote his pamphlet " Eben Bohan " 
(The Touchstone). To Maestro Astruc Raimuch 
(who, as a Christian, took the name of Francisco 
Dios Carne) Solomon b. Reuben Bonfed addressed 
his epistle, full of sharp points, against Christian- 
ity. The philosopher Hasdai Crescas singled out 
Solomon ha-Levi (who, as a Christian, bore the names 
of Paul de Santa Maria and Paul of Burgos) and re- 
plied most vigorously to his attacks upon Jewish doc- 
trine. Possibly the most important apologetic wri- 
tings of all are those of Profiat Duran, of the fifteenth 
century, and of Simon b. Zemah Duran. Around 
these arrayed themselves a number of prominent 
Apologists, who wrote independently or quoted 
chapters from the works of the Purans. In Italy 
Abraham Farrissol (horn 1451) wrote an apologetic 
book, "Magen Abraham" (Shield of Abraham), in 
which he proved that the popes had permitted the 
Jews to take usury in order to enable them to pay 
the high imposts laid upon them. In Germany, in 
the beginning of the fifteenth century, Lipman of 
Milhlhausen wrote his apologetic treatise, "Nizza- 
hon " (Victory), which name was given also to many 
other books of similar scope published in Germany. 
Much less fanatical were the attacks encountered 
by Judaism from the side of Mohammedanism. The 
far more favorable political and social position of 
the Jews among the Mohammedans of Persia and 
Egypt and among the Moors in Spain — the latter of 
whom possessed but a scanty knowledge of the 
Bible and of Jewish literature — hardly 
Moham- gave such scope to aggressive polem- 
medan ics as would call out the Jewish de- 
Attacks, fense. In addition to Saadia and to the 
Karaite writers, the following were the 
chief Jewish authors who assailed Islam in defense of 
Judaism : Sherira b. Hanina Gaon, Judah ha-Levi (in 
his " Kuzari "), Abraham ibn Ezra, Moses b. Maimon, 
Moses of Coucy , and the author of the " Zohar. " The 
whole range of Jewish literature contains but a single 
production of any extent (originally a portion of a 
larger work) that applies itself to an attack upon Is- 
lam. Under the title " Keshet u-Magen " (Bow and 
Shield) it was published in the eighteenth century 
at Leghorn as a supplement to Simon Duran's work, 
"Magen Abot" (The Shield of the Fathers). This 
supplement was translated into German by Stein- 
schneider in 1880 in "Magazin fur die Wissenschaft 
des Judenthums. " 

The invention of printing was the signal for the 
outpouring of a veritable flood of anti-Jewish litera- 
ture. Johann Christian Wolf, in the second part of 
his "Bibliotheca Hebrsea," published in 1721, enu- 
merates the titles of all publications by Christians 
against Jews and Judaism ; and these titles alone 




fill fifty quarto pages of his book. Kayserling in 
his "Biblioteca Espafiola-Portugueza-Judaica, " pp. 
114 et seq., gives a list of anti-Jewish writings in 
Spanish. To the earlier common calumnies — and es- 
pecially to that so often made by Spanish apostates, 
that the Talmudical passages directed against the 
heathens were in reality intended against Christians 
— there was added after the twelfth 
The Blood- century (occasionally at first, but after- 
Accusation ward more generally) the accusation 
and Other that the Jews used the blood of Chris- 
Calumnies, tians for ritual purposes. This is the 
identical accusation which the Romans 
of the second century made against the Christians. 
At the same time the charge is occasionally encoun- 
tered that the Jews pierce the consecrated host until 
blood flows from it. Sad to say, Catholic churchmen 
themselves spread these calumnies in order to fur- 
nish collateral proofs of the doctrine of transubstan- 
tiation enunciated at the fourth Lateran council in 
1215. Jewish Apologists henceforth had to take no- 
tice of this accusation as well. An apologetic book 
in the spirit of Lipman Muhlhausen's "Nizzahon" 
was written by the Karaite Isaac of Troki (near 
Wilna, died 1593), entitled " Hizzuk Emunah." The 
blood-accusation was taken up by Isaac Abravanel 
in his commentary upon Ezekiel ; by Samuel Usque 
— who had escaped from the fangs of the Inquisi- 
tion — in his " Consolacam as Tribulacoes de Ysrael " 
(1553) ; by Judah Karmi in his " De Charitate " (1643) ; 
b3 r Manasseh b. Israel in his " Vindicise Judteorum " 
(1656), translated into German by Marcus Herz, with 
a preface by Moses Mendelssohn ; by Isaac Cantarini 
in his " Vindex Sanguinis " (1680) ; by Jacob Emden 
in his open letter prefaced to his edition of the " Seder 
'Olam Rabba we-Zutta" (1757); by I. Tugendhold 
inhis"Der Alte Wahn," etc. (1831); by I. B. Levin- 
sohn in his "Efes Dammim" (1837); by L. Zunz in 
" Ein Wort zur Abwehr " (1840), and by many others. 

Apologies of a more extended scope were written 
by the above-mentioned Samuel Usque, who treats 
historically of the departed glory of Israel and of 
the end of the period of Jewish power and wisdom ; 
by David d'Ascoli (1559), and by David de Pomis, 
who wrote the well-known apology "De Medico 
Hebraeo" (1588), dedicated to Duke Francis II. of 
Urbino. Other Apologists were Solomon Zebi Uffen- 
hausen, author of "Zeri ha-Yehudim," published in 
1615; the proselyte Abraham Peregrino ("0, prose- 
lyte), who wrote "Fortaleza," translated by Marco 
Luzzatto in 1775 into Hebrew ; Emmanuel Aboab, 
author of "Nomologia," written in Spanish, 1629; 
Simon Luzzatto, with his treatise upon the condition 
of the Jews; Jacob Lombroso (1640) ; Balthasar Oro- 
bio de Castro, who wrote apologetic essays in Am- 
sterdam : Cardoso, with his work, " Excellencias de 
los Hebreos " (1679) ; Saul Levi Morteira (died 1660) ; 
Isaac Aboab ; Judah Briel (1702) ; David Nieto, who 
wrote "Matteh Dan" (1714); Isaac Pinto (born in 
Bordeaux, 1715) ; and Rodrigues Texeira (died 1780). 

With Moses Mendelssohn's letter to Lavater, Jew- 
ish apologetic writings assumed another character : 
the question became one of political rights for the 
Jews. And it is indeed true that spiteful attacks 
upon Jews and Judaism have not yet ceased. Even 
the cultured classes among the most enlightened 

nations are not yet able to divest themselves of the 
ancient prejudices and traditions. Atavistic senti- 
ments often show themselves stronger 
Modern than the dictates of reason. But the 
Polemics, apologetic writings of to-day are al- 
most exclusively of a political charac- 
ter, and will be rendered wholly unnecessary only 
when political and social equality the world over is 
an accomplished fact. See Anti-Semitism, Blood- 
Accusation, Desecration op Host, Disputa- 
tions, Polemical Literature. 

Bibliography: Steinschneider, Polemteche und Apologe- 
tische Literatur, 1877 ; Winter and Wiinsrhe, JUei. Lit. iii. 
655-670; Hamburger, R. B. T. iii. division, supplement 5 
(1900), pp. 16-27; Kayserling, Blbl. Esp.-Port.-Jud. pp. lit 
et seq. ; De Rossi, Biblmtheca Judaica Antichristiana, 
Parma, 1800. 
k. S. B. 

APOPHIS : The Egyptian king under whom, 
according to some early writers, Joseph came to 
Egypt, and who, according to Syncellus, flourished 
in the sixteenth century B.C. ("Chronographia," c. 
115, § 7). Josephus names Apophis as the second, 
and Julius Africanus enumerates him as the sixth 
king of the fifteenth, or Hyksos, dynasty. The mon- 
uments explain the confusion. They exhibit two 
Hyksos kings, called Apopy, with the royal names 
'A-knon and 'A-user-rS, apparently corresponding 
with the second and sixth Hyksos (compare " Mittei- 
lungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, " iii. 17; 
for a different sequence see, for example, Petrie, 
" History of Egypt, " i. 241). Syncellus seems to have 
meant the second Ap6phis, under whom the Hyksos 
were expelled from Egypt. This one reigned at 
least thirty-three years according to the monuments, 
forty-nine according to Manetho, to about 1570 b.c 
The identification with Joseph's Pharaoh seems, how- 
ever, only a hypothesis influenced by the erroneous 
Hyksos theory of Josephus, so that no reliance can be 
placed on the dates given by Syncellus for Joseph's 
arrival and elevation to his office, as corresponding 
with the years four and seventeen of Apophis. 

j. jr. W. M. M. 

APOPLEXY : A sudden loss or diminution of 
sensation and of the power of motion, caused by 
the rupture or plugging up of a blood-vessel in the 
cranial cavity and effusion of blood on or within the 
brain. Ordinarily it is referred to as a ''stroke of 
paralysis. " The chief symptoms of this condition 
are sudden loss of consciousness, of motion, and of 
sensation, the affected person lying as if dead. 

According to Dr. John Beddoe, Apoplexy appears 

to have no racial preferences. In New Orleans 

negroes and whites are said to die of 

Proportion Apoplexy in the proportions of 103 

Between and 91 respectively. England, Scot- 
Whites and land, Prussia, and Italy give each al- 

Blacks. most exactly the same figures, vary- 
ing between 10 and 11 per 10,000 of 
inhabitants. Switzerland and Holland yield 8.5 
and 7.9 respectively, but Ireland gives only 5.9 per 
10, 000. The rate of mortality from Apoplexy is cer- 
tainly lower in quiet, rural districts than amid the 
hurry and worry, or excesses, of towns. 

Lombroso, on analyzing the vital statistics of Ital- 
ian Jews, found that deaths due to Apoplexy are 




twice as frequent among them as among the general 

population of that country. He attributes it to the 

emotional temperament of the Jew, to 

Predis- his reputed avarice, his constant strug- 
position of gle with adverse conditions of life, and 

Italian the ceaseless persecution of the race. 

Jews. Lombroso further intimates that the 

frequent marriages of near kin among 

Jews, and the greater development and use of their 

brains, are also predisposing causes. 

The writer has compiled some statistics of Ameri- 
can Jews, and finds that, in New York at least, the 
Jew is no more liable to Apoplexy than is the non- 
Jew. Thus, from Dr. John S. Billings' report on 
"The Vital Statistics of the Jews in the United 
States" it is seen that among a Jewish population 
of 10,618 families, comprising 60,630 persons, there 
occurred 68 deaths from Apoplexy during the five 
years from 1885 to Dec. 15, 1889; which means that 
the death-rate from Apoplexy among the Jews was 
1.12 per 1,000 population during five years, or an 
annual death-rate of .224 per 1,000. On consulting 
the "Annual Report of the Board of Health" of 
New York city for 1898 it is found that during that 
year 1,059 persons died of Apoplexy in the Borough 
of Manhattan. The estimated population of Man- 
hattan in that year was about 1,900,000, which gives 
a death-rate from Apoplexy of .55 per 1,000 of the 
general population; and, according to the census of 
1900, the mortality from this disease in the United 
States was .666 per 1,000. These figures show that 
among Jews the death-rate from Apoplexy is less 
than one-half that among the general population of 

From the " Report on Vital Statistics in New York 
City " of the Eleventh Census (1890) in the United 
States it appears that the death-rate from Apoplexy 
in New York city during the six years ending May 
31, 1890, was as shown in the following table: 

Deaths per 100,000, or Persons Whose Mothers Were 


Bohemia 36.08 


Hungary (mostly Jews). 19.10 

Italy 16.59 

Russia and Poland (al- 
most all Jews) 14.22 

France 78.56 

Ireland 78.11 

Scotland 71.38 

England and Wales 69.15 

Germany 58.67 

United States 49.15 

Canada 46.21 

For the whole city the death-rate from Apoplexy 
was 59.37 per 100,000. From the above figures it is 
evident that the Russian and Polish Jews are far less 
frequently attacked by Apoplexy than are the peo- 
ples of other nations. 

Further statistics collected by the writer from the 
annual reports of two Jewish hospitals, in compari- 
son with two non-Jewish hospitals in New York 
city, give the following table : 

This gives about an equal rate for Jews and non- 
Jews, as might have been expected to be the case 

when the chief etiological factors in 
Three the production of Apoplexy are con- 
Infrequent sidered. Syphilis, prolonged muscu- 
Factors. Jar exertion, and the abuse of alcohol 

are found to be important antecedents 
in a large number of cases of Apoplexy. These 
three factors are infrequent among the Jews, who 
might, therefore, rather be expected to be less liable 
to the affection. But the busy, anxious life of the 
Jew, his constant and hard struggle against adverse 
conditions, have been operative in producing among 
Jews a number of apoplectics equal in relative pro- 
portion to that of non-Jews. 

Bibliography: John P. Beddoe, Anthropology and Medi- 
cine, in Allbutt, System of Medicine, i., London, 1895; 0. 
Lombroso, II Antixemitismo e i Oiudei, German transl., 
Leipsic, 1894; John S. Billings, Vital Statistics of the Jews 
in the United States [Census Bulletin, No. 19), 1890; An- 
nual Reports of the Mount Sinai, Beth Israel, New York, and 
St. Luke's Hospitals, New York. 
3. M. Ft. 

JUDAISM : Terms derived from the Greek airo/jra- 
ala ("defection, revolt ") and inrooTarric ("rebel in a 
political sense ") (I Mace. xi. 14, xiii. 16 ; Josephus, 
"Contra Ap." i. 19, § 4), applied in a religious sense 
to signify rebellion and rebels against God and the 
Law, desertion and deserters of the faith of Israel. 
The words are used in the Septuagint for "no: 
Num. xiv. 9; Josh. xxii. 19, 22; for^JftD: II Chron. 
xxviii. 19, xxxiii. 19; for VI1D: Isa. xxx. 1; and 
for hv'h'l ■ I Kings, xxi. 13 ; Aquilas to Judges xix. 
22; 1 Sam. xxv. 17. Accordingly it is stated in 

I Mace. ii. 15 that " the officers of the king compelled 
the people to apostatize," that is, to revolt against 
the God of Israel; and Jason, the faithless high 
priest, is " pursued by all and hated as a deserter of 
the law " (roii vdfjov (nroGTaT7/c ; II Mace. V. 8). As 
the incarnation of rebellion against God and the 
Law, the serpent is called apostate (LXX., Job 
xxvi. 13; and Symmachus, Job xxiv. 13; compare 

II Thess. ii. 3 ; Revelation of John xiv. 6 ; Gen. R. 
xix., DWIP'BN). 

The rabbinical language uses the following expres- 
sions for apostate : (a) 1D1D, from VDn : Jer. ii. 11; 
and m TDD (Suk. 56i; Ab. Zarah 26J; 'Er. 69ns). 
(b) "ttOISTO, from *idb> (" to persecute or force abandon- 
ment of the faith") (Yer. Suk. v. 55d; 
Hebrew Gen. R. lxxxii. ; Yer. 'Er. vi. 1 [236] ; 
Expres- Sifra, Wayikra, ii. ; Targ. Onkelos to 
sions. Ex. xii. 43). The Apostates during the 
Syrian persecution are called "Me- 
shummedaya " in Megillat Ta'anit vi. (ed. Mantua ; in 
later editions the word "Resha'im" is substituted 

Table Showing Number op Patients Suffering prom Apoplexy in New York City. 

Jewish Patients. 

Patients from the General Population. 


5> a 

So. 2 

<3 w w 
,0 a* as 


30 O 

o &Q 
5 I 


§3 8 

.o a 
5 3 

£ i * 
& 55 a> 

So o 

3 J 

o ao 

< 3 





New York, 1899-1900 




Mount Sinai, 1898, 1899, and 1900. 

St. Luke's, Oct. 1, 1897-Sept. 30, 1900. 











[Gratz, "Gesch. der Juden," 3d ed., iii. 600]). This 
is equivalent to " Hellenists " ; according to Cassel, 
avofioi (see "Revue des Etudes Juives," xli. 268). 
(c) "1213 (" a denier "), in Sanh. 39a, of the Law, ib. 
106a, of the God of Israel (B. M. 71a) ; of the funda- 
mentals (B. B. 166). (d) {jJOE" VB'lS (" a rebellious 
transgressor in Israel"), (e) TQX 'a-HID CHSt? (" one 
who has separated from the ways of the Jewish com- 
munity") (Seder 'Olam R. iii.; R. H. 17a; Tosef., 
Sanh. xiii. 5). "No sacrifice is accepted from the 
apostate" (Sifra, I.e. ; Lev. R. ii. ; Hul. 5a; Yer. 
Shek.i. l[46i]; "nor have they any respite from eter- 
nal doom in Gehenna" (R. H. 17a; see especially 
Sifre, Bemidbar 112 to Num. xv. 31). These expres- 
sions all probably date from the Maccabean time, 
when to such men as Jason and Menelaus the words 
of Ezek. xxxii. 23, 24, were applied: "they who 
caused terror in the land of the living, and they have 
borne their shame with them to go down to the pit." 

The Apostasy of these two men (II Mace. v. 8, 15) 
being a desertion of both their national and religious 
cause, filled the people with horror and hatred, and 
their fate served as a warning for others. The out- 
spoken hostility to the law of the God of Israel on the 
part of the Syrians involved less danger for the ker- 
nel of the Jewish people than the allurements offered 
in Alexandria by Greek philosophy on the one hand 
and Roman pomp and power on the other. Here 
the tendency was manifested to break away from 
ancient Jewish custom and to seek a wider view of 
life (Philo, "De Migratione Abrahami," xvi.), while 
the tyranny of a Roman prefect like Placcus, who 
forced the people to transgress the Law, seems to 
have had no lasting effect (Philo, " De 
Alex- Somnis," ii., § 18). Comparing the 

andrian proselytes with the Apostates, Philo 
Apostates, says ("On Repentance," ii.): "Those 
who join Israel's faith become at once 
temperate and merciful, lovers of truth and superior 
to considerations of money and pleasure ; but those 
who forsake the holy laws of God, the apostates, are 
intemperate, shameless, unjust, friends of falsehood 
and perjury, ready to sell their freedom for pleas- 
ures of the belly, bringing ruin upon body and 
soul. " Philo's own nephew, Tiberius Julius Alexan- 
der, son of Alexander the Alabarch, became an 
apostate, and to this fact he owed his high rank as 
procurator, first of Judea, then of Alexandria ; be- 
coming afterward general and friend of Titus at the 
siege of Jerusalem (Schurer, "Gesch." i. 473-474). 

Against the many Apostates in the time of Calig- 
ula the third book of the Maccabees loudly protests ; 
for Gratz ("Gesch. der Juden," 2d ed., iii. 358, 631) 
has almost convincingly shown that it was written 
for that very purpose. While the faithful Jews 
who denied the royal command and refused to apos- 
tatize from their ancestral faitli were rescued from 
peril and reinstated as citizens of Alexandria, the 
Apostates were punished and ignominiously put to 
death by their fellow-countrymen (III Mace. ii. 32, 
vi. 19-57, vii. 10-15) ; and the declaration was made 
that "those of the Jewish race who voluntarily 
apostatized from the holy God and from the law of 
God, transgressing the divine commandments for 
the belly's sake, would also never be well disposed 
toward the affairs of the king. " 

The "Pastor of Hernias" ("Similitude," viii. 6, 
§4; ix. 19, § 1), which is based on a Jewish work, 
says that " repentance is not open to apostates and 
blasphemers of the Lord and those who betray the 
servants of the Lord." The same idea is expressed 
in Tosef., Sanh. xiii. 5: "The doors of Gehenna are 
forever closed behind heretics, apostates, and in- 
formers"; with which compare Epistle to Heb. iii. 
12, and Apocalypse of Peter 34. 

It is a remarkable fact in the history of Chris- 
tianity that, according to Acts xxi. 21, Paul was 
accused before the council of James and the elders 
of having taught the Jews Apostasy from the law 
of Moses; for which reason the early Christians, 
the Ebionites, "repudiated the Apostle Paul, main- 
taining he was an apostate from the law " (Irenseus, 
"Against Heresies," i. xxvi.). It was probably due 
to the influence of Pauline Christian- 
Paul Called ity that " many of the Grecians, " as 
an Josephus (" Contra Ap." ii., § 11) tells, 

Apostate, "had joined the Jews, and while some 
continued in their observance of the 
laws, others, not having the courage to persevere, 
departed from them again." The destruction of the 
Temple, which put an end to the entire sacrificial 
worship, was the critical period of Judaism, which, 
while greatly increasing the numbers of Pauline 
Christianity, gave other Gnostic sects an opportunity 
of winning adherents. In the Maccabean period the 
blasphemer that stretched out his hands toward the 
Temple announcing its doom (II Mace. xiv. 33 et seg. ; 
compare I Maec. vii. 34 et seg.) was sure to meet the 
divine wrath. Now many sectaries or Gnostics 
(Minim) had arisen "who stretched out their hands 
against the Temple " (Tosef., Sanh. xiii.5; R. H. 17a; 
compare II Mace. xiv. 33). Moreover, when the 
last efforts at rebuilding Temple and state ended in 
disastrous failure and in the persecu- 
Christian tion of the law-observing Jews, many 
Apostates of the new Christian converts became 
from informers against their brethren in 
Judaism, order to insinuate themselves into the 
favor of the Romans. This naturally 
increased their mutual hostility, and widened the 
gulf between the Synagogue and the Church. The 
prayer that the power of wickedness as embodied 
in heathenism might be destroyed (which destruction 
was believed to be one of the signs of the coming of 
the Messiah) was at this time transformed into an ex- 
ecration of the Apostates and slanderers "(Birkat ha- 
Minim, " Ber. 28* ; Yer. Ber. iv. 3, p. 8a ; Justin, " Dial, 
cum Tryphone," xxxviii.). As a typical apostate, 
who, from being a great expounder of the Law, had 
become an open transgressor, a teacher of false doc- 
trines, and a seducer or betrayer of his coreligionists, 
the Talmud singles out Elisha ben Abuyah, known 
as Aher, "changed into another one." The many 
traditions about his life, which became an object of 
popular legend, agree in the one fact that his Gnos- 
ticism made him a determined antagonist of the Law 
at the very time when Roman perse- 
Aher the cution tested Jewish loyalty to the 
Apostate, utmost; and consequently he is rep- 
resented as having heard a divine voice 
("batkol") issue from heaven, saying: "'Return, 
ye backsliding children, and I will heal your backsli- 

Apostasy and Apostates 
from Judaism 



dings ' (Jer. iii. 22)— all except Aher ! " Still the rela- 
tions between the Apostates and the faithful observ- 
ers of the Law remained tolerably good, as 
inferred from R. Mei'r's continual intercourse with 
Aher, who honored the apostate as a man of learn- 
ing, even after his death. However, from the time 
when the Church rose to power and directed the 
zeal of her eonverts against their former brethren, 
these conditions changed. This may be learned 
from the decree of Constantine in 315, to the effect 
that " all that dare assail the apostates with stones, 
or in any other manner, shall be consigned to the 
flames. " While the Synagogue was prohibited from 
admitting proselytes, all possible honors were con- 
ferred by the Roman empire upon Jews that joined 
the Church. The rabbis refer the verse, " My moth- 
er's children are angry with me " (Song of Songs, 
i. 6), to the Christians, complaining that " those that 
emanate from my own midst hurt me most " (Midr. 
R. and Zutta ad loc. ; also Tobiah b. Eliezer quoted 
by Zunz, " S. P. " p. 13, and " Tanna debe Eliyahu 
R." xxix.). 

An apostate, Joseph by name, a former member 
of the Sanhedrin of Tiberias, raised to the dignity 
of a comes by Constantine the emperor, in reward 
for his Apostasy, is described by Epiphanius in his 
"Panarium," xxx. 4-11 (ed. Dindorf, pp. 93-105). 
He claimed, while an envoy of the Sanhedrin, to 
have been cast into the river by the Jews of Cilicia for 
having been caught reading New Testament books, 
and to have escaped drowning only by a miracle. 
He must have done much harm to the 
Joseph, of Jews of Palestine, since the emperor 

Tiberias, had, in the year 336, to issue, on the one 
hand, a decree prohibiting Christian 
converts from insulting the patriarchs, destroying 
the synagogues, and disturbing the worship of the 
Jews ; and, on the other hand, a decree protecting 
the Apostates against the wrath of the Jews (Cassel, 
in Ersch and Gruber, " Allg. Encyklopadie, " iv. 23 
and 49, note 59; Gratz, "Gesch. der Juden," iv. 335, 
485). The very fact that he built the first churches 
in Galilee at Tiberias, Sepphoris, Nazareth, and 
Capernaum — towns richly populated by Jews and 
soon afterward the centers of a Jewish revolt against 
Rome — justifies Gratz in assuming that the dignity 
of comes conferred upon Joseph covered a multitude 
of sins committed against his former coreligionists 
in those critical times. The rabbinical sources al- 
lude only to the fact that Christian Rome, in accord- 
ance with Deut. xiii. 6 — "the son of thy mother 
shall entice thee " — said to the Jews, " Come to us 
and we will make you dukes, governors, and gen- 
erals" (Pesik. R. 15a, 21 [ed. Friedmann], pp. lib, 
1066]). A decree of the emperor Theodosius shows 
that up to 380 the patriarchs exercised the right of 
excommunicating those that had espoused the Chris- 
tian religion ; which right, disputed by the Christian 
Church, was recognized by the emperor as a matter 
of internal synagogue discipline (Graetz, "History 
of the Jews," ii. 612, iv. 385). 

That many joined the Church only to escape the 
penalty of the Jewish law is evidenced by a decree 
of the emperor Arcadius demanding an investiga- 
tion of each applicant for admission into the Church, 
as to his moral and social standing, and by the story 

of a typical Jewish impostor told by the Church 
historian Socrates (Jost, "Gesch. der Israeliten,"iv. 

The great persecution by Cyril, in 415, of the Jews 
of Alexandria induced only one Jew to accept 
baptism as a means of safety : Adamantius, teacher 
of medicine ; the rest left the city (Gratz, " Gesch. 
der Juden, "iv. 392). 

The stronger the power of the Church became, 
the more systematic were her efforts at winning the 
Jews over to her creed, whether by promises, threats, 
or actual force. As a rule but few yielded to per- 
suasion or to worldly considerations, but more 
numerous were those that embraced Christianity 
through the threats and violence of enraged mobs. 
Such was the case with the Jews in 
In southern France and in the Spanish 

Christian peninsula. Here a new term was 
Spain. coined for the Jews that allowed them- 
selves to be baptized through fear— 
Antisim. It is interesting to observe that the Coun- 
cil of Agde was compelled to take measures against 
the Jews " whose faithlessness often returneth to its 
vomit" (compare Prov. xxvi. 11, and the rabbinical 
expression "|TlD^ "inn : Kid. lib; Gen. R. lxxiv. ; Jost, 
"Gesch. der Israeliten," v. 64 et seq.). The same 
measures were taken by the Council of Toledo in the 
year 633. Every single case of Apostasy under the 
influence of the powerful Church provoked the in- 
dignation of the Jewish community, where some 
inconsiderate act of a Jewish fanatic often led to 
riots, which always ended disastrously for the Jews, 
either in baptism or expulsion. A number of such 
instances are recorded by Gregory of Tours (Jost, 
"Neuere Gesch. der Israeliten," v. 66 
In France, et seq., 87 etseq. ; Cassel, I.e. pp. 57-62; 
Gratz," Gesch. der Juden," v. GOetseq. ; 
compare also the edicts against the baptized Jews, in 
Gratz, "Die Westgothische Gesetzgebung, 1858"). 
In the Byzantine empire, also, forced conversion of 
the Jews took place under Leo the Isaurian in 723 ; 
many Jews becoming outwardly Christians while se- 
cretly observing the Jewish rites (Gratz, " Gesch. der 
Juden," iii. 123, v. 188; Cassel, I.e. p. 52). To none of 
these is the term " apostate, " in its strict sense, appli- 
cable. When, at the first persecution of the Jews in 
Germany under Henry II., in 1012, many had been 
baptized and afterward returned to the fold, R. Ger- 
shom of Mayence insisted on their being treated with 
brotherly kindliness and sympathy ; and when his 
own son, who had become a convert to Christianity, 
died, he mourned him as his son, just as if he had 
not apostatized (Gratz, "Gesch. der Juden," v. 410). 
Again, after the first Crusade, when many Jews, 
yielding to the threats of the mob, had been bap- 
tized, but with the permission of the emperor, Henry 
IV., had returned to their ancestral faith despite 
the protests of Pope Clenient III. , Rashi in his re- 
sponsa (" Pardes," p. 23) protested against their being 
shunned as Apostates by their brethren, and declared 
them to be full Jews (Gratz, "Gesch. der Juden," 
vi. 111-114; Berliner, in "Kaufmann-Gedenkbuch,'' 
pp. 271 et seq.). Nor is it correct to enumerate in 
the list of Apostates those Jews of Spain, France, 
and other countries, who, under the influence of the 
teaching of the pseudo-Messiah Serene (or Soria?), 



Apostasy and Apostates 
from Judaism 

had dropped the many Talmudic statutes and later 
on returned to the fold, having in the meanwhile 
remained followers of the law of Moses. Natronai 
Gaon expressly declared them to have been Jews 
(Gratz, "Gesch. der Juden," v., note 14, p. 482). 

The name " apostate, " however, assumed a new 
meaning and character — that of bitter reproach — 
when a large number of baptized Jews of promi- 
nence used their knowledge and power as means of 
maligning their former brethren and the faith in 

which they had themselves been raised. 

Famous Many of the Inquisitors were descend- 

Apostates. ants of converted Jews; for example, 

Don Francisco, archbishop of C,oria, 
Don Juan de Torquemada. 

The first apostate that is known to have writ- 
ten against the Jewish creed was Moses Sephardi, 
known by the name of Petrus Alfonsi (physician 
to Alfonso VI.), baptized in 1106, and author of the 
well-known collection of fables, "Disciplina Cleri- 
calis." He wrote a work against Jewish and Mo- 
hammedan doctrines, entitled "Dialogi in Quibus 
Impias Judaeorum et Saracenorum Opiniones Con- 
futantur." This book, however, seems to have had 
little influence. The harm which Petrus Alfonsi did 
to his former coreligionists can not be compared 
with that done by some other Apostates. Donin of 
Rochelle, Prance, in revenge for his having been 
excommunicated by the French rabbis because of 
doubts he had expressed concerning the validity of 
the Talmudic tradition, embraced Christianity, as- 
suming the name of Nicholas. He then went to 
Pope Gregory IX., bringing thirty -five charges 
against the Talmud, stating that it contained gross 
errors, blasphemous representations of God, and in- 
sulting expressions regarding Jesus and the Virgin 
Mary. Moreover, he was the first to allege — what 
afterward became a standing accusation — that the 
Talmud allows all kinds of dishonest dealings with 
the Christian — nay, declares the kilTing^f on"e a 
meritorious act. This led to a generafrigorous 
prosecution of the Talmud. A public dispute of the 

apostate with R. Jehiel of Paris, and 
Maligners other rabbis of France, was held in 
of Latin in the presence of the queen- 

Judaism, mother Blanche and many Church 

prelates; but, notwithstanding the 
favorable opinion created by R. Jehiel and the in- 
tercession of the archbishop of Sens, twenty-four 
cartloads of the Talmud were consigned to the flames 
in 1442 (see Disputations). Pablo Christiani or Fra 
Paolo, of Montpellier, was another apostate, who, 
having in a public dispute with Nahmanides in Bar- 
celona, before James I. of Aragon, in 1263, failed to 
win laurels, denounced the Talmud before Pope 
Clement IV. In consequence of this a Christian 
censorship of the Talmud was introduced for the 
purpose of striking out all the passages that seemed 
offensive to the Church, Pablo being chosen one of 
the censors. 

Still greater evil was wrought when Abner of 
Burgos, known also by the Christian name Alfonso 
Burgensis, a Talmudic scholar, philosopher, and 
practising physician, adopted Christianity to become 
sacristan of a wealthy church of Valladolid, and 
then wrote — partly in Spanish and partly in Hebrew 

— works full of venom against Jews and Judaism. 
Especially successful was he in charging Jews with 
reciting among their daily prayers one directed 
against the Christians, the "Birkat ha-Minim "; and 
King Alfonso XI., after having convoked the repre- 
sentatives of Judaism to a public dispute, issued an 
edict in 1336 forbidding the Jews of Castile to recite 
that prayer. This calumny of the Jews bore its poi- 
sonous fruit for generations to come (see Abner of 

There were, however, some Apostates who were 
inspired by the Church to follow in her footsteps 
and to attempt the conversion of their former core- 
ligionists. To this class belonged John of Valla- 
dolid, author of two works against the Jewish 
creed. In 1375, in a public debate with Moses 
Cohen of Tordesillas, held at the church of Avila 
in the presence of the entire Jewish community and 
many Christians and Mohammedans, he endeavored 
to prove the truth of the Christian dogma from the 
Old Testament ; but he was no match for his learned 
antagonist, nor did his successor in the debate, a 
pupil of Abner of Burgos, fare any better in his at- 
tacks on the Talmud. Still more harmless were the 
following rather frivolous satirists: Peter Ferrus, 
who ridiculed his former coreligionists, the worship- 
ers at the synagogue of his native town, Alcala, but 
evoked a pointed reply which alone 
Minor has caused his name to survive; and 
Apostates, his compeers Diego de Valensia; Juan 
d'Espana, surnamed "el Viejo" (the 
Old) ; Juan Alfonso de Baena, the compiler of the 
" Cancionero, " and Francisco de Baena, of the fif- 
teenth century, a brother of the former (Kayserling, 
" Sephardim," pp. 74 et seq.). To the same category 
belongs Astruc Raimuch, physician of Traga, Spain, 
who from a pious Jew became a fervent Christian, 
assuming the name of Francesco Dios Carne (God- 
flesh). In a clever Hebrew epistle he tried to win a 
former friend over to his new faith, and not only met 
with a mild protest on the part of the latter, but also 
evoked a vigorous ironical reply from the sharp pen 
of Solomon b. Reuben Bonfed. 

Of all the Apostates of the twelfth century none 
displayed such delight in hurting his former brethren 
as did Solomon Levi of Burgos, known as Paul de 
Santa Maria. A former rabbi and a pillar of ortho- 
doxy, on intimate terms with the great Talmudists 
of the age, he joined the Church together with his 
aged mother, his brother, and his sons— only his 
wife refused to renounce her faith — studied Chris- 
tian theology, and quickly rose to the high position 
of archbishop of Carthagena, and then to that of 
privy councilor of King Henry III. of 

Solomon Castile and tutor of the infant Juan 
Levi II. He devoted his great literary 
of Burgos, talents and mighty intellect only to 
calumniate Jews and Judaism, and he 
used his influence only to exclude his former core- 
ligionists from every political office and position. 
His open letters and satirical poems, addressed to the 
most prominent rabbis in Spain, evoked many a re- 
ply, even from his pupils (see Crescas and Efodi). 
Strange to relate, however, one of these, Joshua ben 
Joseph ibn Vives of Lorca (Allorqui), although he 
had composed an epistle filled with reproof for the 

Apostasy and Apostates 

from Judaism 



apostate, seems to have come under his influence 
and to have deserted the faith he at one time had so 
warmly espoused. Under the name of Geronimo de 
Santa Fe, he was body-physician and councilor of 
Pope Benedict XIII., and became the terror of the 
Jews of Spain. He induced the pope to summon 
the most learned rabbis of Aragon singled out by 
him to a religious disputation at Tortosa, for which 
he had prepared a treatise proving Jesus' Messianic 
character from Scripture and Talmud. The debate 
lasted over twenty -one months, from February, 1413, 
to November, 1414. A little later Geronimo pub- 
lished a treatise accusing the Talmud of teaching 
blasphemy, of counseling the Jews to break their 
oath by the Kol Nidre declaration, and of every 
kind of hostility toward the Christians, every ref- 
erence to the heathen being by him interpreted as 
being directed against the Christians. From the in- 
itials of his name, Maestro Geronimo De Fe, he was 
called " MeGaDeF. " (Heb. the Blasphemer). To the 
same class belong Levi ben Shem-Tob, called, as a 
Christian, Pedro de la Caballeria, who advised King 
Manuel of Portugal, in 1497, to take Jewish children 
by force and have them baptized ; Astruc Sibili (of 
Seville), who testified to the slanderous charge of 
murder brought against the Jews of Majorca in 1435 ; 
and Henrique Nunes (de Firma Fe), who served as 
spy against the unfortunate Maranos, and was about 
to help Charles V. to introduce the Inquisition into 
Portugal when he was assassinated by some Maranos, 
and then canonized by the Church as a martyr. 
Sixtus of Sienna and Philip (Joseph) Moro incensed 
their Jewish kinsmen by traveling about in the 
Papal State preaching, at the bidding of Paul IV. , 
sermons for their conversion; the former inciting 
the mob to burn every copy of the Talmud they 
could lay hands on after he himself had erected a 
pile for this purpose ; the other forcing his way into 
the synagogue while the people were assembled for 
worship on the Day of Atonement, and placing the 
crucifix in the holy Ark, where the scrolls of the 
Law were kept, in order thus to provoke a riot. 

This desire to calumniate the Jews and the Tal- 
mud seems to have become contagious among the 
Apostates of the time ; for there are mentioned five 
others that instigated throughout Italy and in the 
city of Prague the burning of thousands of Tal- 
mudic and other rabbinic books. Two of these were 
grandsons of Elias Levita, Vittorio 
The Eliano, and his brother Solomon Re- 

suming mano, afterward called John Baptista. 
of the The former, together with Joshua dei 
Talmud. Cantori (ben Hazan), testified in Cre- 
mona against the Talmud, corrobora- 
ting the testimony of Sixtus of Sienna ; in conse- 
quence of which 10,000 to 12,000 Hebrew books were 
consigned to the flames in 1559. The latter, together 
with Joseph Moro, went before Pope Julius III. as 
a defamer of the Talmud, and these, with Ananel 
di Foligno, caused thousands upon thousands of 
copies of Hebrew books to be burned. A similar 
accusation, made by Asher of Udine in the same 
year, resulted in the confiscation of every Hebrew 
book in the city of Prague. Alexander, a baptized 
Jew, drew up for the tyrannical Pope Pius V. the 
points of accusation against the Jews, their faith, 

and their liturgy, upon which their expulsion was 
decreed in 1596. 

In Germany the first that became an accuser of his 
former coreligionists was Pesach, who, as a Chris- 
tian, assumed the name of Peter in 1399. He 
charged the Jews with uttering blasphemous words 
against Jesus in the prayer 'Alentj, the letters of 
pi"l1 (" and vanity "), he said, being identical in nu- 
merical value with the name 1£J" ("Jesus"). The 
Jews of Prague were cast into prison, and many 
were killed because of the accusation. 

In the calamity that befell the Jews of Trent and 
Ratisbon three Apostates took a leading part : "Wolf- 
kan, who brought against the Jews the charge of slay- 
ing children for the ritual use of their blood; Hans 
Vayol, who had the effrontery to accuse the aged 
rabbi of Ratisbon of this crime, and Peter Schwartz, 
who published slanderous accusations against his 
former coreligionists, and had the Jews of Ratisbon 
brought to the church to listen to his insulting 
harangues. As regards another apostate, Victor von 
Karben, a man of little Talmudic knowledge, he was 
merely a willing tool in the hand of the fanatical 
Dominicans of Cologne in their attacks upon the 
Talmud and the Jews, as is seen by the material he 
furnished for Ortuin de Graes's book, "De Vita et 
Moribus Judfeorum, " Cologne, 1504. 

The climax, however, was reached by Joseph 
Pfefferkorn, of Bohemia. A butcher by trade, a 
man of little learning and of immoral 
Joseph conduct, convicted of burglary and 
Pfeffer- condemned to imprisonment, but re- 
korn. leased upon payment of a fine, he was 
admitted to baptism about 1505, and, 
under the name of " John " Pfeff crkorn, lent his name 
to a large number of anti -Jewish writings published 
by the Dominicans of Cologne. His first hook, 
" Judenspiegel, oder Speculum Hortationis, " written 
in 1507, contained charges, in somewhat milder 
form, against the Jews and the Talmud, though he re- 
buked them for their usury, and urged them to join 
Christianity, and at the same time admonished the 
people and princes to check the usury and burn the 
Talmudic books of the Jews. But this was soon 
followed by books each more violent than the other. 
These were : " Die Judenbeichte, " 1508 ; " Das Oster- 
buch," 1509; "Der Judenfeind," 1509. He insisted 
that all Jews should be either expelled from Ger- 
many or employed as street-cleaners and chimney- 
sweeps ; that every copy of the Talmud and rabbin- 
ical books should be taken away from the Jews, and 
that every Jewish house be ransacked for this pur- 
pose. But though Reuchlin was called upon to 
participate in this warfare against the Talmud, he 
exposed the Dominicans and the character of Pfeffer- 
korn, their tool. Entire Christendom was drawn into 
the great battle between the Talmud defamers and 
the Talmud defenders, the friends of enlightenment 
siding with the Jews. 

Nor were Von Karben and Pfefferkorn the only 
ones of their kind. The monks were only too will- 
ing to use others as their tools. One of these was 
Pfaff Rapp — by some said also to have been called 
Pfefferkorn — in Halle, for whom even John Pfeffer- 
korn felt disgust. He was burned at the stake, hav 
iug committed sacrilegious theft. 



Apostasy and Apostates 
from Judaism 

Antonius Margaritha, son of the rabbi of Ratis- 

bon, published a German work : " Der Ganz Jildische 

Glaub," Augsburg, 1530, wherein he repeated the 

charge that blasphemy against Jesus 

Luther's existed in the liturgy of the Jews, 

Source. especially in the '"Alenu." Luther ac- 
knowledges having derived from this 
source the arguments in his polemical work against 
the Jews. 

In 1614 Samuel Frederic Brenz of Osterberg, 
Swabia, who had been baptized in 1610 at Feucht- 
wang, Bavaria, published a book full of venom 
against the Jews under the title " Judischer Abge- 
streifter Schlangenbalg," an "exposition of the blas- 
phemies the Jewish serpents and vipers utter against 
the guileless Jesus Christ " — a work in seven chap- 
ters, wherein the prayer " 'Alenu " was made an espe- 
cial object of attack. This attack was refuted by 
Solomon Zebi Uff enhausen in a work entitled " Der 
Jildische Theriak," Hanover, 1615, and translated 
into Latin, together with Brenz's book and com- 
ments defending the Jews, by Johann Wfilfer, Nu- 
remberg, 1681. 

As a rule the Apostates delighted in tormenting 
their former brethren, and this seems to have been 
the chief recommendation for their employment as 
censors of the Talmudic works. Wolf in his " Bibli- 
otheca Hebraea " (ii. 1003-1013) has a list of 80 names 
of converted Jews that wrote against Judaism be- 
fore 1720. It would be unfair, however, to bring 
all these under the category of such Apostates as 
were imbued with a spirit hostile to their ancestral 
faith. A number of them perhaps felt called upon 
to denounce Judaism and the Talmud in view of 
the lucrative positions as teachers and missionaries 
offered them, and not because of their zeal for their 
new faith. Prom the Jewish writings they could 
deduce arguments in favor of the Christian faith. 
Among these was Christian Gerson, baptized in 1600, 
at Halberstadt. He was prominent as 
Other Emi- a defamer of the Talmud, and was 
nentApos- criticized for his unfairness by the 
tates. great French Bible critic Richard 
Simon. He wrote a German work, 
frequently published and translated into other lan- 
guages, "JUdischer Talmud," published in 1607; 
and "Der Talmudische Judenschatz," published in 
1610 — being a translation of chapter xi. of Sanhedrin 
— as a specimen of Jewish superstition. 

Paulus Ricip, who was professor of Hebrew in 
Pavia, and physician of the emperor Maximilian, 
prepared a translation of part of Joseph Gikatilla's 
cabalistic work " Sha'are Orah " in 1516, and thus 
awakened Reuchlin's interest in the Cabala. He 
commenced a translation of the Talmud in order to 
prove from it the Messianic character of Jesus. 
Moses Gershon Cohen of Mitau assumed the name 
of Carl Anton, professor of Hebrew in Helmstadt, 
and wrote on Shabbethai Zebi in 1753. He took a 
prominent part in the Jonathan Eibenschiitz contro- 
versy, and published a number of books in the serv- 
ice of the Church. Aaron Margalita was another 
apostate who attacked the Talmud. By his charges 
against the Haggadah he caused Frederick of Prussia 
to put a ban upon an edition of the Midrash in 1705. 

Many Jews, disappointed in the hopes raised by 
II.— 2 

Asher Lamlein's Messianic predictions for the year 
1502, took refuge in the haven of Christianity. 

A number of Jews were, owing to their high 
social standing, so closely affiliated with the Chris- 
tian world that, in critical times, they 
Christian lacked sufficient self-abnegation to 
Affiliation, wear the badge of suffering along 
with their humbler brethren. Among 
these — and at the same time one of the victims of 
the great Spanish persecution of 1391 — was, singu- 
larly enough, the ancestor of the Abravanel family, 
Samuel Abravanel, who, as a Christian, adopted the 
name of Juan de Sevilla. In the year of the expul- 
sion, 1492, it was Abraham Benveniste Senior, chief 
rabbi and tax-collector of Seville, who with his 
son and son-in-law — also rabbis — went over to the 
Church, assuming the name of Coronel. King Fer- 
dinand, Queen Isabella, and Cardinal Torquemada 
are said to have stood sponsors at their baptism. 

The tide of the anti-Talmudical mysticism in 
Poland and the East, in the seventeenth and eight- 
eenth centuries, which formed the undercurrent of 
the Shabbethai Zebi and Frankist movements, end- 
ed in a state of wild confusion and despair, and 
the consequence was the conversion of hundreds 
to Christianity. Chief among these Apostates were 
Wolf Levi of Lublin, a nephew of 
Anti- Judah Hasid, who assumed the name 
Talmudical of Francis Lothair Philippi and be- 
Mysticism. came surgeon ; and the son of Nehe- 
miah Hayyun, the Shabbethaian, who 
became an opponent of his former brethren, and de- 
nounced, before the Inquisition at Rome, Talmudic 
and rabbinical works as inimical to the Church. Jacob 
ben Lob Frank of Galicia, the leader of the Podolian 
Shabbethaians, and the Frankists who took their 
name from him, became likewise public accusers of 
the Talmud in the very center of Talmudic study. 
After a disputation with the chief rabbis of Poland, 
they accepted baptism in Lemberg, 1759. A few 
weeks later Frank himself followed them, and as- 
sumed the name of Joseph. For those that aposta- 
tized in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, see 
Conversion to Christianity. 

Islam, from the very outset, has emphasized 
the absolute monotheistic character of the faith 
of Abraham, in sharp distinction from the Trini- 
tarian dogma and the divinity of Jesus (sura iv. 
169; v. 76-77, 116; ix. 30; xix. 36, 91-95; ii. 110; 
vi. 101; lxxii. 3; cxii. 2. "He is God alone; He 
begets not ; is not begotten. Nor is there like unto 
Him any one ! "). Quite naturally, therefore, the 
Jews took a somewhat different attitude toward 
Islam than toward Christianity. They rejected Mo- 
hammed's claim to prophecy, but 
Apostates agreed with him in the fundamentals 
to of his faith. It is doubtful how far 

Islam. those Jews of Medina who were num- 
bered among the " Ansar " (Helpers) 
really apostatized to the new faith. The most im- 
portant of those who went over to Mohammed's side 
was undoubtedly 'Abd Allah ibn Salam, the most 
learned of all the Jews. With him were associated 
Ka'b al-Ahbar and Wahb. When the Jews who still 
desired to remain true to their faith retired to Khai- 
bar, Yamin ibn 'Umair and Abu Sa'd ibn Wahb 

Apostasy and Apostates 
Apostle and Apostlesnip 



remained at Medina and -became Mohammedans. 
Later on Tha'labah ibn Saya, 'Usaid ibn Saya, and 
Asad ibn 'Ubaid yielded, fearing attack on the 
part of the prophet's men. A large number fol- 
lowed the example which had thus been set, and, 
when Khaibar was definitely taken, went over to the 
new faith. Among them was a woman, Raihanah, 
whom Mohammed at one time desired to marry. 
Most of these apostasies were due to force, very 
few to conviction (see Hirschfeld, " Revue des Etudes 
Juives," x. 10 et seq.). Arabic tradition knows also 
of an apostate Jew in Palmyra, Abu Ya'kub, who 
provided fictitious genealogies, and connected the 
Arabs with Biblical personages (Goldziher, " Muham- 
medanische Studien," i. 178). In the ninth century 
mention is made of Sind ibn 'Ali al-Yahudi, court 
astrologer of the calif Al-Ma'mun. In the same 
century lived Ali ibn Rabban al-Tabari, author of a 
work on medicine; as his name implies, the son of 
a rabbi, which fact, however, did not prevent him 
from joining the dominant church. Another Jew, 
however, Isma'il ibn Fadad (Spain?, eleventh cen- 
tury), was more steadfast. Ibn Hazm, author of the 
"Kitab al-Milal wal-Nihal," had, indeed, persuaded 
him of the truth of Islam, but he refused to apos- 
tatize since " apostasy was a disgraceful thing" ("Z. 
D. M. G." xlii. 617). 

In the twelfth century many enlightened Jews 
joined Islam, partly owing, as Grata thinks (" Gesch. 
der Juden," vi. 303; Englished., iii. 441), to the de- 
generacy that had taken hold of Eastern Judaism, 
manifesting itself in the most superstitious practises, 
and partly moved by the wonderful success of the 
Arabs in becoming a world-power. Among these 
Apostates that occupied a prominent position was 
Nathaniel Abu al-Barakat Hibat Allah ibn 'Ali of 
Bagdad, physician, philosopher, and philologist. 
Among his many admirers was Isaac, the son of 
Abraham ibn Ezra, who dedicated to 
En- him, in 1143, a poem expressing the 

lightened wish that he might live to see the 
Apostates Messianic redemption in the risen Jeru- 

to Islam, salem. Both Isaac ibn Ezra and 
Hibat Allah, his wealthy benefac- 
tor, became Moslems twenty years later. 

Another apostate of this time was Abu Nasr 
Samuel ibn Judah ibn Abbas (Samuel of Morocco), 
the rabbi and liturgical poet of Fez, author of the 
" Ifham al- Yahud. " Samuel makes the curious state- 
ment ("Monatsschrift," xlii. 260) that most of the 
Karaites had gone over to Islam, because their sys- 
tem is free from all the absurdities of the Rabbinites, 
and their theology not so different from that of the 
Mohammedans. The statement is, however, un- 
grounded. Some of the Jewish sects, however, that 
arose in the Mohammedan East went perilously near 
to the point where all distinction between them and 
Islam would be wiped out. Shahrastani, at least, 
speaks of one such sect, the 'Isawiyyah, that ac- 
knowledged the prophecy of Mohammed, but held 
that it referred only to the Arabs; and this is cor- 
roborated by other authorities (Shahrastani, trans- 
lated by Haarbrucker, i. 254, ii. 421; "Monats- 
schrift," 1885, p. 139; "Z. D. M. G." xlii. 619). 

The year 1142 brought a great crisis to the J ews in 
southwestern Europe. The rise of the Almohades 

( Almuwahhidin = Unitarians) in northern Africa 
and the great wave of religious reform, mixed with 
religious fanaticism, which swept over Fez and into 
southern Spain, left them in most cases no choice but 
the adoption of Islam or death. Many submitted to 
outward conversion ; and in a touching communica- 
tion to his unfortunate brethren, sent in 1160 by 
Maimun ben Joseph, the father of Maimonides, he 
exhorts his brethren to remain firm in 

Outward their faith, and advises those that have 
Con- yielded to encourage one another as 
versions to far as possible in the observance of the 
Islam. Jewish rites. The letter is directed 
especially to the Jews in Fez (Sim- 
mons, "Jew. Quart. Rev." ii. 62 et seq.). Then the 
controversy arose whether such as had publicly pro- 
fessed belief in Mohammed were any longer Jews or 
not. One rabbi denied it, insisting that since death 
was preferable to Apostasy, the prayer and religious 
observance of the forced convert had no merit what- 
soever. This view is sharply criticized in a treatise 
ascribed to Moses Maimonides, the genuineness of 
which, though maintained by Geiger, Munk, and 
Grata, has been convincingly refuted by M. Fried- 
lander ("Guide of the Perplexed," i., xvii., xxxiii., 
et seq.), in which Islam is declared to be simply a 
belief in Mohammed, and that Islam is not idolatry, 
to avoid which only the Law demands the sacrifice 
of life. 

Abraham ibn Sahl, a Spanish poet of the thir- 
teenth century, was, however, distrusted by his new 
coreligionists, who did not believe that his conver- 
sion was sincere. 

Among the Apostates that followed in the foot- 
steps of Samuel ibn Abbas, denouncing their ances- 
tral religion while pleading for the Islamic faith, 
are mentioned: 'Abd-al-Hakk al-Islami, in Mauri- 
tania, in the fourteenth century, who published a 
work proving the validity of Mohammed's prophecy 
from passages of the Bible which he quotes in the 
Hebrew language (Steinschneider, "Polem. Lit." p. 
125) : Abu Zakkariyah Yahya ibn Ibrahim b. Omar 
al-Rakili, who wrote, about 1405, "Tayit al-Millah," 
a work against the Jews, wherein passages from the 
Pentateuch, the Prophets, the Psalms, and the Koran 
are quoted (ib. pp. 34, 83). 

The frenzy of the Shabbethaian movement ended 
in many Jews assuming the turban, the symbol of 
Islamism. To these belonged as leaders: Shab- 
bethai Zebi; Nehemiah Cohen ; Guidon, the sultan's 
physician ; Daniel Israel Bonafoux, and finally Be- 
rakyah, son of Jacob Zebi Querido, regarded as suc- 
cessor of Shabbethai Zebi, who with his hundreds 
of followers founded a Jewish-Turkish sect still 
existing under the name of Donmeh. 

The bloody persecution of the Jews during the 
Damascus affair in 1840 caused Moses Abulafia to 
yield and assume the turban in order to escape fur- 
ther torture. 

In general it may be said that the Apostates to 
Islam exhibited no great animosity toward their 
former brethren. Those that went over to the side 
of Ishmael never forgot that he and Isaac were both 
sons of Abraham; and the reason for this is probably 
to be found in the tolerance which Mohammedans 
almost universally showed to the Jews. K. — G. 



Apostasy and Apostates 
Apostle and Apostleship 

(Greek inrda-okoc;, from awooTcMeiv, " to send "), a 
person delegated for a certain purpose ; the same as 
sheliah or sheluah in Hebrew, one invested with 
representative power. " Apostoloi " was the official 
name given to the men sent by the rulers of Jerusalem 
to collect the half shekel tax for the Temple, the tax 
itself being called "apostole." See Theod. Reinach, 
"Textes Grecs et Romains, etc.," 1895, p. 208, and 
also Griltz, "Gesch. der Juden," iv. 476, note 21, 
where Eusebius is quoted as saying : " It is even yet 
a custom among the Jews to call those who carry 
about circular letters from their rulers by the name 
of p,postles " ; Epiphanius, "Hoereses," i. 128: "The 
so-called apostoloi are next in rank to the patri- 
archs, with whom they sit in the Sanhedrin, deci- 
ding questions of the Law with them." The em- 
peror Honorius, in his edict of 399, mentions " the 
archisynagogues, the elders and those whom the 
Jews call apostoloi, who are sent forth by the pa- 
triarch at a certain season of the year to collect silver 
and gold from the various synagogues " (" Cod. 
Theodos." xvi. 8, 14, 29. Compare Mommsen, "Cor- 
pus Inscr. Lat." ix. 648. See Apostole). 

Gratz, looking for parallels in Talmudical litera- 
ture, refers to Tosef., Sanh. ii. 6; Bab. 116, wherein 
it is stated that the regulation of the calendar or the 
intercalation of the month, the exclusive privilege 
of the patriarch, was delegated by him only to rep- 
resentative men such as R. Akiba and R. Mei'r, to 
act for him in various Jewish districts. (Compare 
also R. H. 25a and elsewhere.) Such delegates in 
ancient times were also appointed by the communal 
authority, sheluhe bet din (delegates of the court 
of justice), to superintend the produce of the seventh 
year of release, so that no owner of fruit, fig, and 
olive trees, or of vineyards, should keep more than 
was needful for his immediate use— for three meals; 
the rest was to be brought to the city storehouse 
for common distribution every Friday (Tosef., 
Sheb. viii.). The name "delegate of the commu- 
nity " (" sheliah zibbur "), given to him who offers 
the prayers on behalf of the congregation (Ber. v. 
5), rests on the principle of representation as it is ex- 
pressed in the Mekilta on Exodus, xii. 6 : " The whole 
assembly of Israel shall slaughter it." How can a 
whole congregation do the slaughtering ? " Through 
the delegate who represents it. " Accordingly, the 
elders of the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem addressed the 
high priest " shelulienu itxheluah bet din " (our dele- 
gate and the delegate of the tribunal) (Yoma 186). 
(The "angels of the churches," Rev. ii. 1, 12, 
18; iii. 1, 7, 14, are probably also the "delegates of 
the churches," not angels, as is the general opinion.) 
Other delegates — " sheluhim " — are mentioned in the 
Talmud: "Those sent forth to accomplish philan- 
thropic tasks [" sheluhe mizwah "J need fear no dis- 
aster on the road " (Pes. 84). " Those delegated to 
collect charity [" gabbae zedakah "] were always ap- 
pointed in pairs, and not allowed to separate in order 
to avoid suspicion " (B. B. 8b). As a ride two promi- 
nent men are spoken of as being engaged together 
in such benevolences as ransoming captives, and simi- 
lar acts of charity (Abot R. Nathan [A], viii. ; Lev. 
R. v. Compare the " Haburot " of Jerusalem, Tosef. , 
Megillah, iv. 15). Hama bar Adda was called " she- 

liah Zion " (delegate of Zion), as being regularly sent 
by the authorities of Babylonia to Palestine charged 
with official matters (Bezah 256 ; Rashi and 'Aruk). 

The apostles, known as such from the New Tes- 
tament, are declared to have derived name and 
authority from Jesus, who sent them forth as his 
witnesses (see Luke, vi. 13; Herzog and Hastings, 
s.v. " Apostles "). But they were also originally dele- 
gated by the holy spirit and by the laying on of 
hands (Acts xiii. 3) to do charity work for the 
community (see II Cor. viii. 23). " At the feet of 
the apostles" were laid the contributions of the 
early Christians to their common treasury, exactly 
as was done in the year of release in every city 
(Tos. Shebiit, viii. 1) and in every Essene community 
(Josephus, "B. J." ii. 8, § 3). "Two and two" the 
apostles were enjoined to travel (Mark vi. 7 ; Luke 
x. 2), exactly as was the rule among the charity- work- 
ers (B. B. 8*), and exactly as the Essene delegates 
are described as traveling, carrying neither money 
nor change of shoes with them (Josephus, "B. J." ii. 
3, § 4; comp. Matt, x. 9, 10; Luke ix. 3, x. 4, 
xxii. 35: bemakel we-tarmil, Yeb. 122«). Thus Paul 
always traveled in the company of either Barnabas 
or Silas (Acts xi. 30; xii. 25; xv. 25, 30), and was 
entrusted with the charitable gifts collected for 
the brethren in Jerusalem (see also I Cor. xvi. 1 ; 
II Cor. viii. 4, ix. 5; Rom. xv. 25; Gal. ii. 10); 
while Barnabas traveled also with Mark (Acts xv. 
39, 40). Paul even mentions as "noted apostles 
who joined the Church of Christ before him his 
kinsmen and fellow-prisoners, Andronicus and Ju- 
nia " (Rom. xvi. 7), persons otherwise unknown to 
us, but who in all likelihood had received no other 
mission or Apostleship than that of working in the 
field of philanthropy among the Jewish community 
of Rome. 

The meaning of the term "Apostle," still used in 
its old sense (Phil. ii. 25) of " Epaphroditus, your 
apostle [delegate] who ministers to my wants," 
was, however, already changed in the Christian 
Church during Paul's time. It became the specific 
term for the one sent forth " to preach the kingdom 
of God " either to the Jews, or, as Paul and his dis- 
ciples, to the heathen world (Mark iii. 14, vi. 7; 
Luke vi. 13; Rom. xi. 13). "The gospel of the cir- 
cumcision gave Peter the chief-apostleship of the 
Jews, the gospel of the uncircumcision gave Paul 
the apostleship of the Gentiles," according to Gal. 
ii. 7, 8 ; and so Paul calls himself an Apostle not of 
men but of Jesus Christ (Gal. i. 1). So the term 
"apostles of Christ" became a standing designation 
(I Thess. ii. 6), and it was confined to those who 
" saw Christ " (I Cor. ix. 1). 

Finally, the number twelve, corresponding with 
the twelve tribes of Israel, was fixed in the Gospel 
records (Matt. x. 2 ; Mark iii. 14 ; Luke ix. 1 ; Acts 
i. 25) in opposition to the apostles of the heathen, 
who rose in number from one, in the case of Paul, 
to seventy (Luke x. 1). Even the act of preaching 
the good tidings concerning the coming Messiah on 
the part of the wandering delegates of the commu- 
nity (Luke iv. 18 ; because of which Jesus himself is 
once called the Apostle [Heb. iii. 1]) was not with- 
out precedent in Jewish life, as may be learned 
from the prayer for good tidings recited every new 

Apostles Teaching 



moon (" Seder Rab Amram," 33, Warsaw, 1865 ; com- 
pare R. H. 25« and Targ. Ycr. to Gen. xlix. 21). 



of the Cossacks on both sides of the Dnieper ; born 
in South Russia in 1658; died Dec. 15, 1734. When 
Catherine I. expelled the Jews from the Ukraine 
(Little Russia) and from other parts of the Rus- 
sian empire, May 7, 1727, Apostol was the first one 
to apply to the senate to modify the harsh law. 
The Cossacks, who eighty years before had mas- 
sacred in the most cruel manner many hundred 
thousands of Jews in the Ukraine, Volhynia, Podo- 
lia, Poland, and Lithuania, and who under the lead- 
ership of Chmielnitzky had used their best endeav- 
ors to keep the Jews out of their country, had found 
out by this time that they could not get along very 
well without Jewish merchants, who were indis- 
pensable for the mediation of commerce between the 
Ukraine and the Polish and Lithuanian provinces. 
In response to Apostol's application, which was ac- 
companied by his sworn statement, Jews were per- 
mitted by the edict of Sept. 2, 1728, to attend the 
fairs of Little Russia, provided they carried on 
wholesale business only. Three years later, Sept. 
21, 1731, they were granted the same privilege under 
the same conditions in the government of Smolensk ; 
and six years later they were also permitted, "for the 
benefit of the inhabitants, " to carry on trade at fairs 
in retail. 

Bibliography : Pnlnoe sobranie zaTamov, vii. 5063, viii. 5324, 
5852, ix. 6610, 6021 ; Entzililopedicheski Slovar, i., s.v., St. 
Petersburg, 1891. 

H. R. 

APOSTOLE, APOSTOLI: These two words, 
while similar in appearance, differ in signification. 
" Apostole " was a term given to certain moneys or 
taxes for Palestine ; " Apostoli, " the designation of 
the men or apostles sent forth to collect it. The 
first record of them is in a joint edict of the emper- 
ors Arcadius and Honorius in the year 399 ("Codex 
Theodosianus," xvi. 8, 14) ordering the discontinu- 
ance of the custom of the patriarch of the Jews in 
Palestine to send out learned men, called Apostoli, 
to collect and hand to the patriarch money levied 
by the various synagogues for Palestine ; that the 
sums already received be confiscated to the impe- 
rial treasury, and that the collectors be brought 
to trial and punished as transgressors of the Roman 
law. Five years later Honorius revoked the edict 
(" Cod. Theod." xvi. 8, 17). At about the same time 
Jerome (Comm. on Gal. i. 1) mentions the Apos- 
toli (called in Hebrew slieliah), showing that in his 
day they were still sent out by the patriarch ; and 
in the first half of the fourth century Eusebius 
(Commentary on Isa. xviii. 1) writes of them as 
vested with authority by the patriarch. 

In the letter — the genuineness of which is not un- 
impeached — written by Emperor Julian to the Jews 
in 362-63, he orders the patriarch Julos to discontinue 
the so-called anoaroTi^. The matter is most fully 
treated by the church father Epiphanius ("Ad- 
versus Hsereses," i. xxx. 4-11). He describes an 
apostolos, Joseph of Tiberias, of the first half of 

the fourth century, with whom he had associated 

and who later embraced Christianity. According 

to Epiphanius, the Apostoli were Jews 

Apostoli of the highest rank, that took part in 
were Jews the councils of the patriarch which 
of Highest convened to decide questions of re- 
Rank, ligious law. The aforesaid Joseph, 
provided with letters from the patri- 
arch, went to Cilicia, collected the taxes of the Jews 
in every city, and removed a number of teachers and 
precentors from their positions. Thus the direction 
of affairs in the Jewish communities apparently fell 
under the authority of the Apostoli. 

Prom Talmudic accounts (Yer. Hor. iii. 48a; Pes. 
iv. 316; Git. i. 43d; Meg. iii. 74«) it appears that 
the Apostole was used to support teachers and dis- 
ciples in Palestine. Another evidence that it was 
so used is that a similar system, doubtless tracing its 
origin to Palestinian examples, obtained in the Baby- 
lonian schools during the gaonic period ("Seder 
'Olam Zutta," ed. Neubauer, in "Medieval Jewish 
Chron." ii. 87). The same point is made clear by 
an edict of the emperors Theodosius II. and Valen- 
tinian, of the year 429 ("Cod. Theod." xvi. 8, 29). 
It ordered that the annual contributions, which, since 
the extinction of the patriarchate, had been delivered 
to the heads of the Palestinian academies, should in 
future be collected for the imperial treasury, each 
congregation to be taxed to the amount formerly 
paid to the patriarch as coronarium aurum. The 
moneys paid by western provinces to the patriarchs 
were also to be handed over to the emperor. 

The exact date of the Apostole is not known; but 

the account in the Talmud of the money-collections 

by teachers in the first century gives 

Relation rise to the conjecture that the Apos- 
to the tole was instituted upon the establish- 

Temple ment of the school at Jabneh, in the 
Tax. year 70, though its organization may 
not at once have been fully developed. 
It probably grew out of the former Temple tax, 
with which it possesses several features in common. 
The Temple tax, however, was brought from the 
congregations to Jerusalem by messengers of high 
rank ; while the Apostole, in consequence of condi- 
tions due to the fall of the Temple, was collected by 
teachers sent to the various countries. See Apostle 


These teachers may at the same time have con- 
veyed to the Jews outside of Palestine the arrange- 
ment of the calendar decided upon by the council 
of the patriarch. As the insertion of an extra month 
for the leap-year had to be determined upon, at the 
latest, in Adar ('Eduy. vii. 7), the messengers com- 
municating the order of the calendar possibly found 
ready the contributions that were collected in Adar 
as the Temple tax of former days had been. The 
institution of the Apostoli continued after the intro- 
duction of the fixed calendar (359) until Emperor 
Theodosius II., in 429, forbade it in the Roman 
empire. The messengers probably journeyed to 
lands not belonging to Rome, even to South Arabia, 
if the account (525) of the Syrian bishop, Simon 
of Bet-Arsham, may be trusted (compare Halevy 
in "Rev. Et. Juives," xviii. 30, and "Rev. Sem.," 
1900, p. i.). 



Apostles' Teaching 


Bibliography: Gratz, Oesch. der Jud., Iv. 304 and note 21; 
compare Schiirer, Oesch. des Jttd. Volkes im Zeitaltcr Jem, 
ill. 77 ; Gans, in Zunz' Zeitschrift fUr die Wissowchaft 
des Judenthums, i. 260-27B. 

G. A. Bt). 



APOSTOMUS : Among live catastrophes said 
to have overtaken the Jews on the seventeenth of 
Tammuz, the Mishnah (Ta'anit iv. 6) includes "the 
burning of the Torah by Apostomus " (written also 
Postemus and Apostemus). Owing to this very- 
vague mention, there is much difference of opinion 
as to the identity of Apostomus. At a first glance 
he may be associated with one of the following two 
incidents: (1) Josephus ("Ant." xx. 5, § 4; "B. J." 
ii. 12, § 2) relates that about the year 50 a Roman 
soldier seized a Torah-scroll and, with abusive and 
mocking language, burned it in public. This inci- 
dent almost brought on a revolution ; but the Roman 
procurator Cumanus appeased the Jewish populace 
by beheading the culprit. (2) The other incident of 
the burning of the Torah, which took place at the 
time of the Hadrianic persecutions, is 
The Tal- recounted by the rabbis. Hanina b. 
mudic Teradyon, one of the most distin- 
Account. guished men of the time, was wrapped 
in a Torah-scroll and burned (Sifre, 
Deut. 307; 'Ab. Zarah 18a; Sem. viii.). In con- 
nection with this a certain "philosopher," DIBIDITB, 
is mentioned as the executioner of Hanina. It is 
quite possible that DISIDI^S is a corruption of 
D1D10D1Q, and there are circumstances which lend 
plausibility to this assumption. According to the 
Jerusalem Talmud (Ta'anit iv. 68c et seg.), Apos- 
tomus burned the Torah at the narrow pass of Lydda 
(or, as another report has it, at Tarlosa, which was 
probably not far from Lydda) ; and it is known that 
Hanina was one of " the martyrs of Lydda. " Fur- 
thermore, a somewhat later authority (Addenda to 
Meg. Ta'anit, ed. Neubauer, in "Medieval Jew. 
Chron." ii. 24) gives the date of Hanina's death as 
the twenty-seventh of Tammuz, which is only a 
difference of a few days from the date assigned to 
the crime of Apostomus. The Mishnah referred to 
adds the following statement to its account of the 
burning of the Law : " And he put up an idol in the 
sanctuary." Here it is first necessary to determine 
that the reading TDyiTl (" an d lie put up ") is correct, 
and that it should not be "TOJJliTl (" and there was put 
up"), which the Jerusalem Talmud (Ta'anit iv. 68<2) 
gives as a variant of the *VDJ?ni in the accepted text, 
interpreting the fact mentioned in the Mishnah as re- 
ferring to the idols put up in the sanctuary by Manas- 
seh (II Kings xxi. 7). But the incorrectness of this 
interpretation is proved by the passage in the Mish- 
nah on the five calamities of the Ninth of Ab, which 
are enumerated in strictly chronological order ; so that 
it is quite impossible that any reference to the Tem- 
ple desecration by Manasseh should be registered 
after the burning of the Torah by Apostomus. The 
Babylonian Talmud knows only the reading "pD}?ni 
("and he put up ") in the Mishnah, as the remark of 
the Gemara (Ta'anit 286) proves, where the "abomi- 
nation of desolation, " of which Daniel (xii. 11) speaks, 
is connected with the image of the idol in the Tem- 
ple. By this expression can only be meant the statue 

of Zeus Olympius set up by Antiochus Epiphanes 
(see Abomination op Desolation; and compare 
Gratz, "Dauer der Hellenesirung," in "Jahresbe- 
richt " of the Breslau Seminary, 1864, pp. 9, 10). 

The reading iDjnnl, found in Rashi and in the 
Munich manuscript, has been simply drawn from 
the Jerusalem Talmud; and, indeed, in the Gemara 
the Munich manuscript has TOym. But the state- 
ment in the Babylonian Talmud, that the Mishnah 
source concerning Apostomus is a Gemara (tradi- 
tion), shows that, according to the Babylonian au- 
thorities, the date of Apostomus can not be placed 

later than the Maccabean period. For 

Another Gemara is a technical term employed 

Name for by the Talmud to designate tannaitic 

Antiochus sayings connected with Biblical events 

Epiphanes. or laws which are neither mentioned 

nor alluded to in the Scriptures, in con- 
tradistinction to those which can be derived from 
the Biblical text. Hence Apostomus must belong to 
a time in reference to which there existed also writ- 
ten sources that were known to the Talmudic au- 
thorities, the latest limit being the Maccabean period ; 
and as it has been shown that the pre-Maccabean, 
the Biblical, epoch must be excluded, it follows that 
Apostomus was no other than Antiochus Epiphanes, 
of whom, moreover, it is known, also from other 
sources, that he set up an idol in the Temple. Apos- 
tomus, then, must be considered as a nickname for 
Antiochus Epiphanes. In fact, his name was trans- 
formed even by pagan authors into " Epimanes " = 
"the Insane" (see Antiochus Epiphanes, and, as 
told in I Mace. i. 56, Torah-scrolls were burned dur- 
ing the persecutions by Antiochus Epiphanes). 

The meaning of the name "Apostomus" is not 
clear. Ewald (in his " History "), alluding to certain 
passages in the Bible and the Apocrypha (Dan.vii. 8, 
20; viii. 23; andxi. 36; IMaec. i. 24), where reference 
is had to the boastful mouth of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
derives "Apostomus" from a'mvc ("big") and ardfia 
("mouth"). The appellation "big-mouth" is cer- 
tainly very appropriate. Still this explanation can 
scarcely be accounted as correct ; for a'mvc is a rare 
word, used only in poetry. More probable perhaps 

is Jastrow's derivation (verbally con- 
Meaning of veyed) of " Apostomus " from iiuoTo- 
the Name. fiit,u (" to stop or stuff up the mouth ") 

and emorl/io; (" anything that stops up 
the mouth"), which may be connected with the 
Talmudic phrase rPDiaf) K13JJ ("May his mouth be 
stuffed full with earth ! "), applied in the Talmud to 
the name of a man who had spoken boldly against 
the Deity (B. B. 16a). 

The following are other explanations of the word: 
Jastrow (" Dictionary of the Talmud ") offers a sug- 
gestion that it may be a corruption of av6aro%o! 
("ambassador"), and makes it refer to the envoy 
spoken of in II Mace. vi. 1, 2 as having desecrated 
the Temple. Hochstadter sees in " Apostomus " a 
corrupted form of imooraTw (" apostate ") and iden- 
tifies him with the high priest Alcimus. Schwarz 
and Derenbourg consider " Apostomus " the name of 
the Roman soldier referred to by Josephus. Briill 
connects him with Cornelius Faustus, who under 
Pompey was the first to climb the wall of Jerusalem. 
Halberstamm is of opinion that " Apostomus " is the 




Hebrew transcription for the Latin " Faustinus, " and 
that the name, furthermore, is to be connected with 
Julius Severus, whose surname was Faustinus, and 
who perpetrated the crime described in the Mishnah 
when he was sent by Hadrian to put down the Bar 
Kokba rebellion, in which case the setting up of an 
idol in the sanctuary would have to be taken to refer 
to the dedication of a temple of Zeus upon the con- 
secrated ground of the Temple. 

[The name of the soldier that burned the Torah 
scroll, mentioned in Joseplms, was Stephanos, which, 
written in Hebrew D1JBL3DK, may have been cor- 
rupted into D10DD1BN- K.'J 

Bibliography : Brail's Jahrb. viii. 9 ; Derenbourg, Essai, 
p. 58 ; Ewald, Histom of Israel, v. 393, note 1, and 299, note 2 ; 
Halberstamm, in Rev. Et. Juives, ii. 137 et seq. ; Hochstadter, 
in Rahmer's Literatur-Blatt, vii. No. 20 ; Eapoport, Ereh 
MiUin, p. 181 ; id. in Kobak's Jeschwun, i. 45 CHebrew sec- 
tion); Schwarz, Das Heilige Land, p. 279 ; Jastrow, Diet. s.v. 
,T. SR. L. G. 

cine, Physicians. 


An apothecary ("aptheker," according to the cus- 
tomary Polish-Jewish syncopated pronunciation) and 
writer, whose name betokens both his nationality and 
his profession. He lived at Vladimir in Volhynia in 
the second half of the sixteenth century. He was 
the author of D"n DD ("The Elixir of Life"), a 
work, written in Hebrew and in Judteo -German, on 
the duties of Jews of both sexes and of all conditions, 
or as the author expresses it : " ' Elixir of Life ' is 
this book's name, to preserve every one against sin 
and shame." Through the efforts of his compatriot 
Moses ben Shabbethai, a native of Lokaczy (not far 
from Vladimir), it was printed in Prague (1590), un- 
der the direction of the son of Mordecai ben Gerson 
Cohen. Like most books printed in Prague for the 
edification of women, it has become rare. Jehiel 
Heilprin possessed a copy of it, as it is included in 
the list of works which he used in compiling his 
" ' Erke ha-Kinnuyim, " and also in his " Seder ha- 
Dorot," written about 1725. Another copy was 
owned by Rabbi David Oppenheim, a contemporary 
of Heilprin. This copy is at present in Oxford. A 
third copy, now in the British Museum, came from 
the Michael Library ; a fourth is at Wilna, in Stras- 
hun's Library. It is not known whether a rare little 
work in Judseo-Gerinan, containing penitential pray- 
ers ("tehinnot"), and printed at Prague at the same 
press as the "Elixir," is to be attributed to this au- 
thor ("Cat. Bodl."col. 508). 

Bibliography : Zunz, Z. (?., p. 277 ; Steinschneider, Serapeum, 
1849, p. 26 , idem, Cat. Bodl. col. 666. Cat. Strashun, Lik- 
kute Shoshanim. 

a. D. G. 

APOTHEKER, DAVID : Judaeo-German writer 
and printer at Philadelphia, Pa. ; born in Ponie vy ezh, 
gov. Kovno, Russia, Aug. 28, 1855. In 1868 he 
went to Vilkomir, where he studied under the guid- 
ance of Moses Loeb Lilienblum ; in 1877 he became 
involved in the nihilistic movement and was ar- 
rested at Kiev. Having escaped to Czernowitz, 
Austria, he wrote for Hebrew and Judajo-German 
papers, and published his first book, " Ha-Nebel " 
(The Harp), containing Hebrew and JudaBO-German 
poems (1882). In 1888 he emigrated to the United 
States, joined the anarchistic movement in New 

York, and became a prolific contributor to the Judaeo- 
German press. In 1895 he edited "Die Gegenwart," 
a short-lived Judaso-German weekly. In his wri- 
tings the influence of K. J. "Weber's " Demokritos " 
is often discernible. 

Bibliography : Wiener, Yiddish Literature, p. 81. 
g. M. B. 

APPEAL : " The carrying of a cause from a 
lower to a higher tribunal for a rehearing on the 
merits " is practically unknown to Jewish law. In 
the statute constituting courts of justice and setting 
forth the duty of the judges (Deut. xvi. 18-xvii. 13) 
is found a paragraph that has given rise to the be- 
lief that processes of Appeal were known in Biblical 
times (see Deut. xvii. 8-13). But this paragraph is 
simply an instruction to the judges, directing them, 
in case they have doubts as to the law in the case, 
to refer the matter to the High Court at Jerusalem, 
submitting to it a statement of the case, and taking 
its opinion. This course is also taken in cases where 
a judge dissents (Sanh. xi. 2, 88S). The opinion thus 
rendered by the High Court is binding upon the 
court that submitted the case, and judgment must be 
rendered in accordance with it. This is not strictly 
an Appeal, by either of the parties to the litigation, 
from the judgment of the court before which the 
case was heard in the first instance. 

Indeed, the principle of the Biblical law is op- 
posed to the idea of appealing from a judgment of 
a lawfully constituted court, because the judgment 
is of God; hence every final judgment pronounced 
in court is conclusive. 

Courts were not subordinated to each other, as 
might be supposed from the use of the terms " higher 
and lower courts " or " great and lesser Sanhedrins." 
The rank of the court was not determined by its 
power to review the judgment of another court, but 
by the nature and character of the subject-matter 
falling within its jurisdiction. 

The most important matters could be tried only 
by the Great Sanhedrin at Jerusalem, consisting of 
seventy-one judges; matters of less importance by 
the lesser Sanhedrin (provincial court) in the vari- 
ous towns of Palestine, consisting of twenty -three 
judges; and petty matters by local tribunals of three 
judges, or, in some cases, by a single judge. 

According to the Talmudic civil law, the court of 
the domicil of the plaintiff had jurisdiction of the 
case, but the plaintiff was entitled to commence his 
action in the High Court at Jerusalem, whereas the 
defendant had no right to remove the cause against 
the will of the plaintiff (Sanh. 316). 

According to the later law, the parties were en- 
titled to an opinion from the judge, giving his find- 
ings of fact and decision. An execution could issue 
immediately upon the judgment; and the losing 
party was obliged to satisfy it at once, without, 
however, losing his right to have the judgment re- 
viewed thereafter, before the same court, on the 
ground of new evidence (Shulhan 'Aruk, Hoshen 
Mishpat, 14. 4, gloss). If, however, the judgment 
was that of the Great Sanhedrin, it was not neces- 
sary for the judges to give a written opinion, for. 
such decision could not be set aside. 

J- sr. D. W. A. 




APPELLANTEN : A German word used to 
designate the assistants of the chief rabbi of Prague ; 
called also " Oberjuristen " ; generally three in num- 
ber (see Prague). 

g. 8. 

APPLE.— Biblical Data : The word " apple " is 
the commonly accepted translation of tappuah, from 
the root na pah (to exhale = the sweet-scented). 
It is of pleasant smell (" the smell of thy nose like 
apples," Cant. vii. 9 [A. V. 8]), and is used to re- 
vive the sick ("comfort me with apples, for I am 
sick of love, " Cant. ii. 5). The tree offers a pleasant 
shade ("As the apple-tree among the trees of the 
wood, so is my beloved among the sons. I sat down 
under its shadow with great delight," Cant. ii. 3, 
Hebr. ; " I raised thee up under the apple-tree : 
there thy mother brought thee forth," Cant. viii. 
5). It is mentioned also in Joel i. 12, together with 
the pomegranate ; and it gave the name " tappuah" 
to a number of towns (Josh. xv. 34, 53 ; xvi. 8 ; xvii. 
7). "Apples of gold in pictures ["baskets," R. V.] 
of silver " are mentioned in Pro v. xxv. 11. Whether 
so called because of their red color, or whether 
oranges are here meant, is uncertain. The Septua- 
gint renders it jif/kov, a fruit "sweet to the taste" 
(Cant. ii. 3). 

In the time of the Mishnah the " tappuah " was cul- 
tivated in large quantities and many varieties (Kil. i. 
4; Ter. xi. 3; Ma'as. i. 4; Tappuhim of Crete, Men. 
28S). Apple-wine is spoken of in Tos. Ber. iv. 1 
and Ab. v. 12. About the correctness of the transla- 
tion of "tappuah " there is a wide difference of opin- 
ion among botanists and linguists, especially as the 
Greek irifhm, Latin malum, originally comprised the 
pomegranate, the quince, and other fruits similar to 
the Apple — all more or less symbolical of love, and 
therefore sacred to Aphrodite (see Helm, " Kultur- 
pflanzen," 1874, ii. 203-207). The Arabic name 
tuffah is probably derived from the Syriac (see 
Erankel, " Aramaische Eremdworter," p. 140). The 
tappuah — distinguished in the Mishnah from the 
quince, which is called parish (Ma'as. i. 3), and from 
the Ipazor (the crab-apple), (Kil. i. 4, Yer. Ter. ii. 3) 
— is declared by most authorities to be none other 
than the Apple that, if not as delicious as the Euro- 
pean or the American Apple, is planted in orchards 
and near the houses in Palestine and Syria, and is 
especially prized for its aroma (see Credner, Com- 
mentary on Joel, pp. 135 et seq., who refers to Ovid's 
"Metamorphoses," viii. 676; Winer, "B. R."— fol- 
lowing Robinson's "Researches," ii. 355, iii. 1295; 
and with reference to Josephus, "Ant." xvii. 7, 
[where its use in case of sickness is testified to by 
the story of King Herod] and to Avicenna, quoted in 
"Harmar," i. 369; Immanuel Low, "Aramaische 
Pflanzennamen," pp. 155 et seq. ; W. R. Smith, in 
"Journal of Philology," xiii. 65). The Apple is 
handed to the sick or faint to revive them by its 
aroma. Rosenmuller ( " Handbuch der Biblischen 
Alterthumskunde," iv. 308) and Houghton (in "Pro- 
ceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology," xii. 
42-48), however, seek to identify it with the quince, 
which, according to Post, " has a sour, acrid taste, and 
is never sweet." Others identify it with the citron 
(see Delitzsch's Commentary to Cant.) and the arti- 

cle "Apfel" in Riehm's "Diet."); but the citron (a 
Persian fruit) was not transplanted to the Mediterra- 
nean shores before the common era (according to 
Pliny, "Naturalis Historia," xii. 3; Theophrastus, 
"Historia Plantarum," iv. 4). The same objections 
hold good against the identification of the Apple 
with the apricot, as proposed by Tristram, " Fauna 
and Flora of Palestine," p. 294. 

j. jk. K. 
In Rabbinical Literature : The Apple men- 
tioned in Cant. ii. 3 is taken symbolically ; see the 
following examples from Cant. R. ad he. : " 'As the 
apple-tree among the trees of the wood ' offers no 
shade in the heat like other trees, so would the na- 
tions not seek the shade of Sinai's God; Israel only 
would sit under His shadow with delight. Or, ' as 
the apple-tree unfolds blossoms before leaves, so did 
the Israelites show their faith in God before they 
heard the message ' [Ex. iv. 31 : " And the people 
believed; and when they heard"]. The same applies 
when on Sinai they said : 'All that the Lord said we 
will do and hearken ' [Ex. xxiv. 7, Hebr. ; compare 
with Cant. R. ii. 3, Shab. 88a, where the erroneous 
word piryo (its fruit), instead of nizzo (its blos- 
soms), puzzled the Tosafists]. Or, 'as the apple-tree 
ripens its fruit in the month of Siwan, so did Israel 
display its fragrance at Mount Sinai in Siwan ' [Ex. 
xix. 1,3]. Again, ' as for the apple-tree the time from 
the first blossoming until the ripening of the fruit is 
fifty days, so was the time from the Exodus to the 
giving of the Law on Sinai fifty days. ' Or, ' as for 
a small coin you may get an apple and derive en- 
joyment even from its sweet odor, so may you obtain 
your redemption easily with the help of the Law. ' 
Or, ' as the apple excels in fragrance all trees, so 
does Israel excel the nations in good works. ' " As 
the apple-tree among the trees of the wood, so even 
those that are void of merit are still full of good 
deeds, as the pomegranate is of seeds. The heathen 
are the trees in the wood without fruit, and Israel 
among them is as the apple-tree " (Yalk. Cant. 986). 
Ex. R. xvii. : " Why has God been likened to the 
apple-tree? Just as the apple offers its beauty to 
the eye without any cost, and has a delicious taste 
and perfume, so God's law (His mouth) is most 
sweet. He is altogether lovely. " God had appeared 
to all the nations, but they would not accept the 
Torah. not realizing what is said in Ps. xxxiv. 9 
[A. V. 8] , " O taste and see that the Lord is good, " and 
in Prov. viii. 19, " My fruit is better than gold, yea, 
than fine gold. " But Israel said : " I sat down under 

his shadow with great delight and his 

Symbolical fruit is sweet to my taste " (Cant. ii. 3). 

Meaning. Also the words "Comfort me with 

apples " (Cant. ii. 5) are referred to the 
words of the Law, especially the Haggadot, which 
have delicious taste and fragrance combined like 
apples (Pesik. R. K. xii. 101*; Cant. R. ad he.). 

The Targ. translates "tappuah" in Cant. ii. 3 
" ethrog " (orange or citron) ; in ii. 5 and vii. 9 " tap- 
puah di gintha di Eden " (paradise-apple). In Cant, 
viii. 5 tappuah is taken symbolically for Mount Oli- 
vet as giving forth all the dead at the time of the res- 
urrection, or is taken for Sinai as in Cant. R. Aquila 
seems to take Cant. viii. 5 as referring to the fruit 
of the tree of knowledge, as he translates " shamma 




hiblateka immcktt, " " there hast thou been corrupted. " 
Thus also Jerome (see Delitzsch, Commentary, p. 
127). Here is probably the source of the common 
view that the forbidden fruit was an Apple (accord- 
ing to R. Abba of Acre [Acco],Gen. R. xv., an ethrog, 
the so-called " paradise-apple "). In church symbo- 
lism the story of Hercules with the apples of the Hes- 
perides and the dragon wound around the tree served 
as the representation of Adam's fall, and Hercules 
as that of Jesus as deliverer, the Apple being often 
used as a symbol of the first sin (Piper, " Symbolik 
der Christlichen Ivirche," i. 67, 128; Nork, "Mytholo- 
gisches Lexikon," s.t. "Apfel"). 

Apples dipped into honey are eaten on the eve of 
the Jewish New-Year while the following words are 
spoken : " May it be Thy will, O Lord, that the year 
just begun be as good and sweet a year ! " (Tur 
Orah Hayyim, 583). In cabalistic literature tap- 
puah is an attribute of God, synonymous with tiferet 
(beauty), because, says the Zohar (Lev. xvi.), "ti- 
feret diffuses itself into the world as an apple. " 


Botanical View : There is perhaps no Biblical 

plant-name that has given rise to more discussion 

than has the identification of the man. 

Identified Four distinct fruit-bearing trees, the 

■with Four Apple (Pyrus malus), the citron (Citrus 

Trees. medico), the apricot (Primus Armeni- 

nca), and the quince (Cydonia vulgaris), 
have been suggested as its equivalent. Of these, two 
may be dismissed at once — the Apple and the citron. 
The Apple, far from being a native of Palestine, is, on 
account of the tropical climate, but rarely cultivated 
there, and with no success. The fruit is small, woody, 
and of very inferior quality. 

The citron is beyond doubt a native of India, 
where it has been known and cultivated, even under 
different forms, from prehistoric times. At an early 
date its cultivation spread into western Asia, whence 
it was obtained by the Greeks, possibly as early as 
the time of Alexander's Asiatic campaign. It was 
cultivated in Italy in the third and fourth centuries, 
and by the fifth century had become well estab- 
lished ; but it was not until the tenth century of the 
common era, according to Gallesio, that its cultiva- 
tion was extended by the Arabs into Palestine and 

If viewed only in the light of present-day distribu- 
tion and abundance, the apricot might lay undisputed 
claim to being the Hebrew niSXl [but see above], 
for, according to Canon Tristram, it " is most abun- 
dant in the Holy Land. . . The apricot flourishes 
and yields a crop of prodigious abundance; its 
branches laden with golden fruit may well be com- 
pared (Prov. xxv. 11) to 'apples of gold,' and its 
pale leaves to ' pictures of silver. ' " The apricot, 
as its specific name {Primus Armeniaca) would 
imply, has been supposed to be a native of Armenia, 
and it has been reported in the neighborhood of the 
Caucasus mountains in the north, and between the 
Caspian and Black seas in the south, but grave 
doubt exists as to its being found wild there. 

According to De Candolle (" Origines des Plantes 
Cultivecs "), it is now settled beyond reasonable ques- 
tion that the apricot is a native of China, where 

it has been known for two or three thousand years 

before the common era. Its cultivation seems to 

have spread very slowly toward the 

Difficulty West, as supported by the fact that it 

of Identi- has no Sanskrit or Hebrew designa- 

fication. tion, but only Persian names, zardalu 
(yellow plum) and mishlauz — under 
which latter designation, or its corruption mish- 
mush, dried apricots are still exported from Syria — 
which has passed into Arabic. Among the Greeks 
and Romans the apricot appears to have been intro- 
duced about the beginning of the common era; 
for Pliny, among others, says that its introduction 
into Rome took place about thirty years before he 

It is reasonable to suppose that the spread of the 
apricot may have been rapid and effective after its 
first introduction to the civilization of the West, for 
it is a delicious fruit, of the simplest cultivation and 
of great productiveness. The exact time of its in- 
troduction into Palestine can not be determined, but 
it very probably occurred before it became known to 
the Greeks and Romans, as the Hebrews had scant 
relations with Armenia, the country through which 
the apricot (appannth) came. It may, therefore, be 
reasonably assumed that, although agreeing well with 
the description of the Biblical tappuah, the apricot 
is not the tree referred to in the Scriptures. 

The claims of the quince to represent the tap- 
puah of the Hebrew Scriptures have been ably 
set forth by the Rev. W. Houghton 

Quince. ("Proceedings of Society of Biblical 
Archeology," xii. 43-48). This is the 
only one of the four species suggested that is un- 
doubtedly indigenous to this general region. Ac- 
cording to De Candolle: 

" The quince grows wild in the woods in the north of Persia, 
near the Caspian Sea, in the region to the south of the Caucasus, 
and in Anatolia. A few botanists have also found it apparently 
wild in the Crimea, and in the north of Greece ; but naturaliza- 
tion may be suspected in the east of Europe, and the further ad- 
vanced toward Italy, especially toward the southwest of Europe 
and Algeria, the more it becomes probable that the species was 
naturalized at an early period around villages, in hedges, etc." 

The absence of a Sanskrit name for the quince is 
taken to indicate that its distribution did not extend 
toward the center of Asia, and, although it is also 
without a Hebrew name, it is undoubtedly wild on 
Mount Taurus. It is much more difficult to connect 
the quince with the Hebrew " tappuah " than it is to 
identify the latter with the apricot. On this point 
Houghton says: 

" The tree [quince] is a native of the Mediterranean basin, 
and is, when ripe, deliciously fragrant, but, according to our 
western tastes, by no means pleasant to the taste when un- 
cooked, but on the contrary austere and unpleasant. This 
latter fact is regarded generally as destructive of its preten- 
sions, but for my part I hesitate to throw over the claims of the 
quince to denote the tappuah, on account of its taste. The 
flavor and odor of plants or other things is simply a matter of 
opinion. Orientals set a high value on flavors and odors which 
to European senses are unpleasant moreover, we must seek for 
the reason why such and such a fruit was regarded with appro- 

In seeking a probable reason for this liking for the 
tappuah, Houghton calls attention to the mandrake 
(Atropa mandragora), which, though to most Euro- 
peans it has a very fetid and disagreeable odor, is 
still highly regarded by the natives of Palestine as 




a love-philter to strengthen the affection between the 
sexes. The same argument may possibly apply to 
the quince, which came to be so esteemed for its flavor 
and odor, not as measured by European standards, 
but as tinged by Oriental conditions. The Hebrew 
word in the expression "its fruit was sweet to my 
taste " does not, it is said, imply either a saccharine 
or glucose sweetness ; " the bitter waters which were 
made sweet " (Ex. xv. 25) were made pleasant, their 
bitterness was destroyed ; " the worm shall feed sweet- 
ly on him " (Job xxiv. 20) must mean shall feed on 
him with pleasure; and so in Cant. ii. 5, "his fruit 
was sweet to my taste," meaning probably not only 
on account of the acid juice of the fruit, but be- 
cause of its associations with friendship and love. 

P. H. K. 

Cheyne, Eney. Bibh; 
Herzog, Real-Encyklo- 

Bibliography : Hastings, Diet. Bible : 
Hamburger, R. B. T.; Winer, B. JR.; 

pffldie; Schenkel, RealwOrterbueh; Helm, Wanderungen 
tier Kulturpflanzen; De Candolle, Origlnes des Plantes 
Cultivees; Credner, Commentary on Joel, p. 119. 
J. JR. 

APPLE OF SODOM (called also Dead Sea 
Apple): A fruit described by Josephus ("B. J." 
iv. 8, § 4) and Tacitus 
(" Hist. " v. 6) as grow- 
ing near the site of 
Sodom, " externally 
of fair appearance, 
but turning to smoke 
and ashes when 
plucked with the 
hands." It has been 
identified by Seetzen, 
Irby, Mangles, and 
others (see especially 
Robinson, " Biblical 
Researches in Pales- 
tine," ii. 235-237) 
with the fruit of the 
Asclepias gigantea vel 
procera, a tree from 
ten to fifteen feet 
high, of a grayish 
cork-like bark, called 
'oslier by the Arabs. 
It is found also in 
upper Egypt and in 
Arabia Felix ; in Pal- 
estine it is confined 
to the borders of the 
Dead Sea. The tree 
resembles the milk- 
weed or silkweed found in the northern part of 
America. "The fruit," says Robinson, "resembles 
externally a large, smooth apple, or orange, hang- 
ing in clusters of three or four together, and when 
ripe is of a yellow color. It was now fair and de- 
licious to the eye and soft to the touch: but on 
being pressed or struck, it explodes with a puff, 
like a bladder or puff-ball, leaving in the hand only 
the shreds of the thin rind and a few fibers. It is 
indeed filled chiefly with air, which gives it the 
round form ; while in the center a small slender pod 
runs through it which contains a small quantity of 
fine silk, which the Arabs collect and twist into 
matches for their guns." It is difficult to say 

Tree of Sodom, Showing Shape of Leaf, Flower, and Apple. 

(From a photograph by the Palestine Exploration Fund.) 

whether the passage in the song of Moses, "their 
vine is of the vine of Sodom, and of the fields of 
Gomorrah : their grapes are grapes of gall, their 
clusters are bitter" (Deut. xxxii. 32), refers to a 
similar fruit (see Herzog " Real-Encyklopadie, " xi 
748, under "Palestina"). 
A - K. 

APPRAISEMENT (qib> in the later Hebrew) : 
The setting of a value by a court of justice either 
upon property, or upon damage done to person or 
property. It differs from Estimate (Hebrew -pjj), 
the fixing of values by the Law itself. 

The Appraisement of damages, or " measure of 
damages " as it is termed in English law, can best be 
treated along with the rules for awarding compensa- 
tion under the several heads dealing with wrongs and 
remedies, such as Accident or Assault. We have 
here to deal with the Appraisement that becomes 
necessary when property — principally land — is 
taken for debt, or is divided between joint owners. 
In some New England States, even now, the land 
of the debtor may be turned over to the creditor at a 

valuation in satisfac- 
tion of his judgment, 
instead of being sold 
to the highest bid- 
der, as elsewhere. 
This is called "ex- 
tending" the land: 
a course more mer- 
ciful to the debtor 
than a public sale; 
for there is no risk of 
the land being sacri- 
ficed. In the Tal- 
mudic law this was 
the only method for 
subjecting the land 
of adults to the pay- 
ment of debts. 

The Mishnah, in 
considering which 
part of a debtor's 
land shall be first ta- 
ken to satisfy any de- 
mand, lays down this 
rule in Git. v. 1 : The 
injured are paid from 
the best ('iddit); cred- 
itors, from the mid- 
dling (benonit); the 
widow's jointure, from the poorest (zibburit). The 
debtor's lands were deemed the main reliance for 
all claimants, movables being too un- 
Appraise- certain and fleeting. That the favored 
merit of claimant should be paid from the 
Laud. most available parcels shows that the 
debtor's land was not to be sold, but 
turned over in satisfastion ; for otherwise it could 
make no difference which part of his lands was 
levied upon first. 

The instrument by which the court awards to the 
creditor the debtor's land, as valued, is known as 
a "letter of appraisement" (iggeret ilium) (Mishnah 
B. M. i. 8). In later practise (Hoshen Mishpat, 




103), following a baraita (B. B. 107a), we always 
find three appraisers mentioned, who are appointed 
for that purpose and who act in place of the judges. 
In the language of the Mishnah these are said to " go 
down " to appraise, meaning that they start from the 
seat of justice and go to view the field, or parcel, to 
be valued. Their valuation is reported to the court, 
and, when approved, becomes the act of the court. 

The season of the year and the state of the land 
market must be taken into consideration ; thus the 
Talmud assumes that there is a better market in 
Nisan than in Tishri (B. K. 7b). 

When only two of the three appraisers agree, the 
opinion of the third is disregarded ; but when each 
of the three names a different value, the early sages 
(B. B. 107a) disagree as to the mode of striking the 
mean: whether to add the three estimates together 
and divide by three, which would be the most natu- 
ral course; or to give the preference to the two lower 
estimates, either at the arithmetical mean, or at two- 
thirds of the difference above the lowest. The Tal- 
mud decides for one of the latter methods— called by 
the early sages that of the judges of the Exile— but 
the later authorities (Hoshen Mishpat, I.e.) favor 
the average estimate. 

The interest of orphans, that is, of infant heirs 
whose lands are to be taken for the obligation of their 
father, or, speaking generally, their ancestor, is fur- 
ther guarded by advertisement (Tmkrazali). The Mish- 
nah ('Arakin vi. 1) says: "Appraisement of orphans' 
' lands is thirty days ; that of consecrated things is 
sixty days, and they cry it out every morning and 
evening. " The commentary of Bertinoro— abridging 
the discussions of the Talmud on the subject— says: 
"The judges that go down to the estate of the or- 
phans to sell it for debt appraise it, and cry out for 
buyers on thirty continuous days, day after day : in 
the morning when workmen go out to the fields— 
that any prospective buyer may direct his employees 
to look at the field and report ; and in 
Advertise- the evening when the workmen come 
ment of back, so that he who hears the an- 
Sale. nouncement may be reminded of the 
business in view and obtain the neces- 
sary information." 

The advertisement states the boundaries of the 
land and its distinguishing marks, the amount of its 
product, and at what sum the court has assessed it ; 
and the purpose for which it is sold, as it might in- 
terest the buyer to know. For instance, if to satisfy 
the jointure of a widow, she might be willing to 
take the price in driblets ; if to satisfy a creditor, he 
might, if a merchant, be willing to receive part of 
his payment in broken or uncurrent coins. Then 
the court appoints a guardian (apotropos, a corrup- 
tion of the Greek inlTpowos) for the orphans, and in 
due time sells the land according to advertisement 
('Ar. 21b et seq.). The Mishnah says (Ket. xi. 5): 

" On an appraisement by the judges, when they have gone 
too low by a sixth, or too high by a sixth, the sale is void [rather, 
voidable]. Rabban Simeon, son of Gamaliel, says the sale 
stands ; otherwise, wherein lies the power of a court of Justice ? 
But if they have made a letter of examination [iggeret Mk- 
Tporef] between them — even should they have sold what is worth 
a maneh [100 zuz = $15] for two hundred, or what is worth two 
hundred for a maneh — the sale stands." (The iggeret bikkoret 
is a written public notice, synonymous with hakrazah.) 

After land has been " appraised " to the creditor, or 
(in New England legal language) after it has been 
" extended " to him, his title may be lost under the 
Talmudic law, upon a subsequent review and annul- 
ment of the judgment, under conditions for which 
see Judgments, Review op. 

When slaves, movables, or written obligations were 
sold for debt there was no previous advertisement. 
Under the older Talmudic law mova- 
Appraiss- bles of the debtor were not answerable 
ment of at all in the hands of his heirs ; but dur- 
Slaves and ing the Middle Ages, when, in most 
Movables, countries, Jews were not allowed to 
own land, a remedy against the chat- 
tels and effects of the decedent had to be given as a 
matter of necessity. But in the Talmud no definite 
directions are found as to how movables or effects 
are to be appraised. Movables are supposed to be 
nearly akin to money, and to bear something like a 
fixed market value. When movables of the living 
debtor are turned over to the creditor in satisfac- 
tion, no commission of appraisers intervenes to 
fix the value ; but the court seeks to bring about 
an understanding between debtor and creditor. 
However, obligations on third persons are ap- 
praised, the solvency of the obligor and the time 
of maturity entering as elements (Hoshen Mishpat, 
101, 2, 3, 5). 

As has been said above, when a judicial sale is 
made in conformity with all the requirements in the 
matter of Appraisement and of advertisement, where 
law and custom demand it, it is binding on all 
parties. But where proper advertisement has 
been neglected, the law of "overreaching" applies, 
and the sale may be rescinded for an excess or 
shortage in the price of one-sixth over or below the 
true value (Ket. 100*) ; and this though in dealings 
between man and man, the law about " overreach- 
ing " applies to movables only. 

In the division of an estate Appraisement becomes 

necessary ; but, for the most part, a court will have 

to intervene only when some of the 

Division of heirs are infants and the others are of 

Estates, full years. As long as all are under 

age no one can ask a division ; when 

they are all of full age they can generally arrange 

a division among themselves. 

In an Appraisement of shares, with a view to di- 
vision, the same principle applies as to sale upon Ap- 
praisement ; that is, a difference of one-sixth either 
above or below the true value, resulting from a mis- 
take of the judges, is good ground for rescission on 
behalf of the infant heirs, within a reasonable time 
after coming of age, although the court may have 
appointed, as was its duty, a guardian for the infants. 
In such a case, there being no advertisement as in 
case of a judicial sale, there is nothing to correct 
the mistake (Hoshen Mishpat, 289, 1). 

In the division among the heirs, the garments they 
wear— given them by the dead father— also the Sab- 
bath or holiday garments provided by the father, 
and worn by the wives and children of the heirs, 
are estimated and charged on their shares (ib. 288, 1 
et seq.). 

The Hebrew term for " appraisement " is also ap- 
plied to the valuation of the bride's dowry in her 




marriage contract (ketubah); though this valuation 
is not made judicially, but by agreement of parties 
(see Dowkt). 
J- sr. ' L. N. D. 


(in Hebrew fiMDn, derived from the Aramaic D3D, 
"to determine," "to agree"): Primarily, a favor- 
able opinion given by rabbis or scholars as recom- 
mendation for a book composed wholly or partly 
in the Hebrew language. The Approbation is not 
of Jewish origin any more than the censorship. 
Blau correctly remarks: "Neither the Bible nor the 
Talmud nor the medieval Jewish literature knows 
of approbations. No prophet ever asked for the 
consent of any authority to his promulgations, nor 
any doctor of the Talmud to his opinion, nor any phi- 
losopher to his system. Even in the Middle Ages, 
when the Jewish religion, influenced by its sur- 
roundings, assumed more than ever the character of 
an authoritative religion, it did not, as far as I know, 
ever occur that any author had the excellence of his 
halakic work ' approved ' by a recognized author- 
ity. Every literary production had to find the rec- 
ognition which it merited by its own intrinsic worth. 
There was no previous approbation, just as little as 
there was no previous censure" ("Jew. Quart. Rev.," 
1897, p. 175). It was the Christian clergy, anxious 
concerning the influence which might be exerted 
by certain thoughts and ideas over the multitude, 
who called both Approbation and cen- 
Of sure into existence. Examples are to 

Christian be found as early as the fourth cen- 
Origin. tury of certain books designated by 
the Church as being forbidden to the 
faithful for perusal. 

The invention of printing materially helped the 
spread of bad books as well as of good ones, and 
therefore caused a still closer scrutiny by the Cath- 
olic Church of all publications. Alexander VI. 
(1501) decreed that a license for theological books 
appearing in any diocese in Germany must be se- 
cured from the respective bishop ; and in 1515, at 
the fifth Lateran Synod, Leo X. extended the same 
rule to all Catholic countries with the threat of 
heavy penalties for non-compliance. But even these 
early papal bulls had been preceded by regula- 
tions concerning publications in Cologne, Mayence, 
and other German cities, also in Spain and in Ven- 
ice. In 1480 a " Nosce te ipsum " with four appro- 
bations was published in Venice, and a book, with 
an Approbation by the patriarch of Venice, at Hei- 
delberg (Reusch, "Der Index der Verbotenen Bil- 
cher," i. 56, Bonn, 1883-85). It is about this time 
that Jewish approbations (liaskamof) first appeared. 
They are of three classes, embodying (1) Commen- 
dation ; (2) Privilege ; (3) License. 

(1) Commendation: Commendatory haskamot 
are original approbations serving merely to de- 
scribe the merits of the work, a purpose frequently 
attained by ordinary eulogies. In them it was 
sought to direct the attention of Jewish readers to the 
book. Of this kind are the haskamot to Jacob Lan- 
dau's "Agur"(ed. Naples, 1487-92), by JudahMes- 
ser Leon, Jacob b. David Provenzalo, Ben Zion ben 
Raphael tO v IJ", Isaac ben Samuel Hayyim, Solomon 

Hayyim ben Jehiel Raphael ha-Kohen, and Nethanel 
ben Levi of Jerusalem. Leon's haskamah is as fol- 

nam Nijb app Y-raa rpSxn -niynj -ib>n ns< .irv>N-i njn 
■mi OHjnm Dim miay 'jn yapi -u« -hs>n -, u « N -ip:n am -nan 
nsip noN jnun man mm mn« niSjn ?a dj> inni -iidn 
tt»ai ipsa >nc<nn inDif pSi ,!OBirr> Dnie>in D'PDidi Dunma 
■jm 1 ? tdd xipin mini ppn . DJm nDN 

(" I have examined the work submitted to me by the Rever- 
end Jacob Landau, who has produced, under the title ' Agur ' a 
collection of the laws touching the daily ritual and that of the 
festivals and all that is permitted or prohibited thereon, to- 
gether with all matters belonging thereunto. It is a work 
which 'giveth pleasant words ' concerning the customs and 
observances and the decisions upon them by expert scholars: 
and therefore have I set my signature unto 'these droppings 
of the honeycomb,' these words of beauty. 

"Judah, surnamed Messir Leon.") 

(De Rossi, " Annales Hebneo-Typographici," § xv. 
147; Steinschneider, in Ersch and Gruber, "Allg. 
Encyklopadie," xxviii. 31, note .41; idem, "Cat. 
Bodl." No. 5564; Wiener, " Friedlandiana, " pp. 
142, 143. ) Rosenthal's statement in " Yodea' Sefer, " 
No. 1249, that the haskamah in "Sefer ha-Mekah 
weha-Mimkar," is the first Approbation, as well as 
the suppositions of Perles, "Beitrage zur Gesch. 
der Hebr. und Aram. Studien," p. 202, note 1, and 
Kaufmann, in "Jew. Quart. Rev." x. 383, "that Eli- 
jah Levita's 'Bahur,' the first edition of which ap- 
peared at Rome in 1518, contained the first appro- 
bation to be found in Jewish books, " is therefore 
shown to be erroneous. 

These approbations very soon attained consider- 
able importance in the internal relations of the 
Jews ; for they not only served to lay stress upon 
the excellencies of the works to which they referred, 
but were also the only protection against piracy 
which the Jewish printers of that age possessed. 
They thus came to be, in the second place, a species 
of privilege. 

(2) Privilege : Of this class is the haskamah in 
Elijah Levita's "Bahur," ed. Rome, 1518, which 
Perles (I.e.) has reprinted. " It commences with an 
appreciation of the value of these books, dwells on 
the expense incurred in the printing, and then threat- 
ens with excommunication any one who should dare 
to reprint them within the next ten years. " Prom 
this time the threat of excommunication became a 
standing formula in the haskamot furnished by rep- 
utable rabbis to literary productions. They strove 
to secure to the author or publisher all his rights in 
the book, under penalty of either the " greater " or 
" lesser " excommunication, for a term of five, ten, 
or fifteen years. 

(3) License : Approbations of this class have 
their origin in the censorship. The outbreaks of 
persecution that arose in Venice in the middle of the 
sixteenth century, and were directed against the 
Talmud and other Jewish books, necessitated a cen- 
sorship, which occupied itself not only with manu- 
scripts and books about to be printed for the first 
time, but also with books which had already been 
printed and published. It was in the interest of the 
Jews themselves to remove all such anti-Christian 
expressions as might fan into flame the continuously 
glowing ashes of bigotry. Pope Julius III. decreed 
(Aug. 12, 1553), at the suggestion of the inquisitor- 
general, the confiscation and burning of all copies of 




the Talmud belonging to Jews. On the first day 
of the New-Year festival 5314, in order that the 
sorrow for their holy booKS might be made the 
keener, these autos da fe of the books began (Perles, 
p. 221, note 1; Steinschneider, in Ersch and Gruber, 
"Allg. Encykl. p. 30; Zunz, " S. P.," p. 336; Gratz, 
"Gesch. der Juden," ix. 336). On June 21, 1554 
(Tammuz 21, 5314, as may be calculated from the He- 
brew chronogram D'Ofll D3? {D' HC ?H\), a conven- 
tion of Italian rabbis was held at Ferrara, presided 
over by R. Mei'r Katzenellenbogen of Padua. They 
resolved, among other matters, that thereafter no 
Hebrew book, not then printed, should be pub- 
lished without the written approval of three rabbis 
and the president of the congregation, and that 
all Jewish purchasers of books printed without 
such Approbation should be liable to a fine of 25 
gold scudi ($24.25), which was to be turned into 
the Jewish poor-box. (These resolutions, accom- 
panied by notes by Levi and Halberstamm, were 
published in Brody in 1879 as a re- 
Pub- print from the journal " Ibri Anokhi." 

lication They were also published in " Pahad 

Without Yitzhak," p. 158, Berlin, 1888, edited 
Approba- by the Mekize Nirdamim Society.) 
tion From this period the congregational 

Forbidden, authorities and rabbis were invested 
with the power to grant and to refuse 
permission to print in the chief cities where publish- 
ing-houses existed (Steinschneider, I.e. p. 30; Pop- 
per "Censorship of Hebrew Books," pp. 94 et seq.). 

Paragraph 12 of the resolutions of the Frankfort 
Rabbinical Synod of 1603 prohibited the publication 
of any book in Basel or anywhere in Germany with- 
out permission of three rabbis (Horowitz, "Die 
Frankfurter Rabbinerversammlung vom Jahre 
1603," Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1897; appended to 
the invitation issued by the Israel. Religionssclmle). 
Paragraph 37 of the regulations of the Portuguese 
Talmud Torah community in Amsterdam reads: 
" No Jew shall print books in Amsterdam in a for- 
eign or in the Hebrew language without permission 
of the ' Mahamad, ' under penalty of the confisca- 
tion of the books " (Castro, " De Synagoge der Port. 
Israel. Gemeente te Amsterdam," appendix B, p. 40, 
The Hague, 1875). The manuscript, in Spanish, of 
these regulations is in the Rosenthal Library, Am- 
sterdam. In the same way, several governments — 
for instance, in the case of books printed in Prague 
— decreed that the rabbinate of the country should 
be responsible through its Approbation for every 
Hebrew book published (Kaufmann, in " Jew. Quart. 
Rev." x. 384). 

That the enemies of the Jews did not approve of 
the right to give or withhold haskamot thus con- 
ferred upon the rabbis and presidents of the congre- 
gations appears from the following passage in 
Sehudt (" Jiid. Merkwurdigkeiten," iv. 206): "More 
harmful yet and more evil is it that the Jewish 
rabbis and presidents of their communities not only 
censor and approve the books printed or published 
for or by them, but also grant prohibitions prevent- 
ing others from printing them, and place their has- 
kamah or consent in front of the book ; which cer- 
tainly is a grievous and illegal encroachment upon 
the rights of the magistrates and the privileges of 

the sovereign." Wagenseil in his book " Prolegom. 
ad Tela Ignea Satani," p. 26, styles it sheer impu- 
dence on their part, and says, " It is an intolerable 
and shameful crime," attempting to show its un- 
reasonableness, and the injury it works to the au- 
thorities, in most emphatic words. 

In spite of all these regulations, the custom of 
asking for approbations from rabbis and congrega- 
tional authorities did not at first se- 
Not cure much foothold among Jews, es- 

Welcomed pecially among the Jews of Italy. 
by the Regarded as a Christian custom, it 
Jews. was never welcomed. Thus, in spite 
of the solemn Ferrara resolutions, 
Shem-Tob b. Shem-Tob's "Sefer ha-Emunot" ap- 
peared in Ferrara itself in 1557 without any Appro- 
bation, and the editio princeps of Menahem Zion 
ben Me'fr's commentary on the Pentateuch was pub- 
lished in 1559 by Vicenti Conti in Cremona, also 
without the requisite haskamah. But in the second 
half of the seventeenth century, owing to the excite- 
ment and tension induced by the appearance of the 
false Messiah, Shabbethai Zebi, there began to be 
quite a lively demand for approbations; and in the 
eighteenth century, with the exception of a few 
prayer-books and Judaeo-German productions, there 
was scarcely a work published without a rabbin- 
ical haskamah. Faithful Jews would not read a book 
which lacked one. The fact that Moses Mendels- 
sohn dared to publish his translation of the Penta- 
'teuch without a rabbinical Approbation appears to 
have been one of the reasons for its proscription by 
the rabbis in many places, and for its being pub- 
licly burned, as at Posen (Mendelssohn, " Schriften," 
vi. 447). 

The examination of books submitted for Approba- 
tion was often a very superficial one. The bitter 
results of such carelessness are shown by the his- 
tory of that sly rascal, Hayyun (see Gratz, " Gesch. 
der Juden," x. 315, and Kaufmann, in "Rev. Et. 
Juives," xxxvi. 256). Cautious rabbis, who looked 
with disfavor upon the popular mania for writing, 
avoided, as far as possible, issuing these licenses for 
new works. Thus in Poland the rabbis of "The 
Four Lands" agreed to grant them formally and 
only in exceptional cases, instead of giving them, 
as had hitherto been the case, at their casual meet- 
ings at fairs and annual markets, where large num- 
bers of Jews came together (compare Steinschnei- 
der, in Ersch and Gruber, I.e. p. 31 ; and Dembitzer, 
"Abhandlung liber die Synode der Vier Lander in 
Polen und Lithauen," Cracow, 1891 ; London, " Abne 
Zikkaron," in "Ha-Modia' la-Hodashim "). 

Since approbations were frequently sought by 
traveling scholars, who depended for their liveli- 
hood upon the publication of their works, many a 
book is found to contain ten, twelve, and even more 
approbations by the various rabbis whom the author 
visited upon his travels. These haska- 
Of mot, therefore, afford valuable contri- 

Historical butions to the history of Jewish con- 
Value, gregations and of particular rabbis. 
Many names of rabbis and presidents 
of the seventeenth century may be said to emerge 
from obscurity mainly through these printed appro- 
bations. Moritz Pinner was the first (Berlin, 1861) 




to register the names of signers of haskamot in his 
uncompleted catalogue of 389 manuscripts and pub- 
lications. Zuckermann followed Pinner with his 
catalogue of the Seminary Library in Breslau (Bres- 
lau, 1870), giving the abodes as well as the names 
of signers. Meyer Roest, in his catalogue of the 
Rosenthal Library, sets down not only the names 
and abodes, but also the Hebrew day, month, and 
year of issue of the approbations, thus contributing 
a real service to Jewish literature. It is a pity that 
Samuel Wiener, in his description of the Friedland 
Library, felt compelled to limit himself and did 
not follow Roest's example entirely. An index to 
approbations, which would be of great service to 
Jewish scholars, can be successfully accomplished 
only by the extension in this direction of Wiener's 

Specimen of a Haskamah (Permit of the Rabbis). 

Whereas, there have appeared before us the wise, the perfect 
one, etc., Isaac Gershon, and his worthy associate, Menahem 
Jacob Ashkenazi, and have testified that they have gone to much 
labor and trouble, have expended great sums, and have spared 
no expense, all in order that they may bring to light, in as beau- 
tiful and excellent an edition as possible, the secrets of a work 
of great worth, through which the public good will be advanced, 
viz., the book called " Sefer Bedek ha-Bayit," by that sage, that 
wonder of his generation, our master and teacher, Joseph Oaro 
of blessed memory ; 

And whereas, the work is to be completed, as a service to 
God, with the utmost beauty and perfection ; 

And whereas, they fear lest they sow and another reap, do- 
ing all their work in vain, and lest they make all their expen- 
ditures only " to leave to others their wealth " ; 

Therefore they have sought and have been granted aid from 
the city through the uttering of a ban, and the publishing of a 
rabbinic notice to the effect that no injury or harm shall come 
to them through any man. 

And whereas, permission has likewise been granted them by 
the nobles, the Cattaveri (may their majesties be exalted !), that 
their desire and wish should be fulfilled ; 

Now, therefore, we decree, under threat of excommunication, 
ban, and anathema through all the curses written in the Bible, 
that no Israelite, man or woman, great or small, be he who he 
may, shall purpose to publish this work, or to aid any one else 
In publishing it, in this or any other city within ten years, ex- 
cept it be by the will and permission of the associates above 
mentioned ; 

And let it be likewise understood that by this decree no Is- 
raelite is allowed to receive any copy of the book mentioned 
from any man, Jew or Christian, be he who he may, through 
any manner of deceit, trickery, or deception, but only from the 
above-mentioned Menahem Jacob Ashkenazi. For thus it is 
desired by the scholar, etc., mentioned above, that all copies of 
the above-mentioned book shall be published and sold by Mena- 
hem Jacob. 

Upon any one who may transgress against this our decree- 
may there come against him "serpents for whose bite there is 
no charm," and may he be infected " with the bitter venom of 
asps " ; may God not grant peace to him, etc. 

But he that obeys -may he dwell in safety and peace like the 
green olive-tree and rest at night under the shadow of the Al- 
mighty ; may all that he attempts prosper ; may the early rain 
shower with blessings his people and the sheep of his pasture. 

" And ye who have clung to the Lord your God are all of you 
alive this day." 

Thus sayeth Zion Sarphati, 

and thus sayeth Leb Sarvil, 

Baruch ben Samuel. 

On the 17th day of Nisan, 1600, 1 published this ban, by com- 
mand of the associates mentioned above, in every synagogue in 
the community of Venice. 

Eliezer Levi, 
Beadle of the Community. 

a. J. M. H. 

APT (ON): A small town, not far from Avignon, 
in the department of Vaucluse, France. In the 
Middle Ages it was inhabited by Jews, who had a 

separate quarter assigned to them. About the end 
of the thirteenth century the poet Isaac ben Abra- 
ham Gorki visited Apt and wrote afterward a 
poem in honor of its Jewish community, which had 
given him a very hearty welcome. In the responsa 
of Solomon ben Adret several Jews of Apt are men- 
tioned. In the Bodleian manuscript No. 2550 there 
is found a correspondence with a certain R. Samuel 
ben Mordecai (Neubauer, in "Rev. Et. Juives," 
xii. 87). In the British Museum manuscript, add. 
22,089, there occurs a letter signed by Massif Jacob 
of Lunel, Durant del Portal, Nathan Vidal Bedersi, 
Mei'r ben Abba Mari, and "us, some of the other 
members of the community of Apt." A Don Massif 
Jacob is signatory to another responsum, dated 1340. 
Apt being a monosyllabic word, the common noun 
TJJ ("town") was sometimes prefixed to it, thus 
forming the compound word L3NTJ? (" Aptville "). 
Bibliography: Gross, Gallia Judaica, p. 37. 

APTROD, DAVID. See Abterode. 


APULIA : A district of southern Italy, the lim- 
its of which have varied. It is usually regarded as 
the region bounded by the Frentani on the north, 
Samnium on the west, Calabria and Lucania on the 
south, and the Adriatic on the east. Apulia is now 
one of the poorest provinces of Italy, but in the 
Middle Ages, by reason of its several excellent sea- 
ports, it was of considerable commercial importance. 
This probably accounts for its early attractiveness 
to Jewish immigrants; for in northern Italy com- 
merce had been monopolized by a number of native 
Christian families. It is impossible to determine the 
exact date of the settlement of Jews in Apulia, 
though it must have been early. In Pozzuoli, in 
the neighboring province of Naples, which was the 
chief Italian seaport for Oriental commerce, there 
were Jewish inhabitants about the year 4 B.C., di- 
rectly after the death of Herod (Josephus, "Ant." 
xvii. 12, § 1 ; "B. J." ii. 7, § 1). For such an early 
arrival of Jews in other parts of southern Italy all 
positive proof is lacking. On the death of Theo- 
dosius I. , and the division of the Roman empire, in 
the year 395, Apulia was allotted to Honorius, the 
emperor of the West. In his days the Jewish pop- 
ulation in Apulia and its adjunct Calabria must 
already have been considerable, for he abolished 
in those provinces the curial freedom 
Early of the Jews and interdicted the ex- 
Settlement portation of the patriarchal taxes ; and, 

of Jews, besides this, he complained in one of 
his edicts (of the year 398) that in nu- 
merous cities of Apulia and Calabria the communal 
offices could not be regularly filled, because of the 
refusal of the Jewish population to accept them — 
an attitude toward government appointments char- 
acteristic of the medieval Jews. 

The catacombs of Venosa, in Apulia, the birth- 
place of Horace, have yielded to recent excavators 
a great deal of epigraphic material, consisting of 
inscriptions in Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, dating, 
according to the conclusions of Mommsen, from the 
sixth century. Seven Hebrew epitaphs of the ninth 
century, likewise, have been unearthed at Venosa, 
and their contents indicate the existence of a flour- 




ishing communal life among the contemporary Jews 
of Apulia, seeing that in one of them a certain R. 
Nathan b. Ephraim is eulogized as "an honored 
man, master of wisdom, chief of an academy, and 
leader of his generation " (Ascoli, " Iscrizionc, " p. 71). 
The commencement of the settlement of Jews in 
Apulia is surrounded by legends. Yosippon, for 
example, traces them back to the five thousand cap- 
tives transplanted by Titus from Palestine to Ta- 
ranto, Otranto, and similar places. The most im- 
portant contribution, however, to the early annals 
of the Apulian Jews has been obtained in recent 
years from the unique " Chronicle " of Ahimaaz ben 
Paltibl. The attention of Ahimaaz, as regards 
Apulia, was almost entirely confined to the commu- 
nity of Oria, to which his family had belonged, and 
the members of which he also regarded as the de- 
scendants of the captives of Titus. It 
" Chron- was in Oria that the patriarch of the 
icle " of family, Amittai, became known about 
Ahimaaz. the middle of the ninth century, both 
as scholar and liturgical poet. In the 
age of his two sons, Shephatiah and Hananeel, 
the former of whom became particularly distin- 
guished for his literary and communal activity, there 
appeared on the scene of Italian Jewish life the fig- 
ure of Aakon the Babylonian. Under his influ- 
ence the academies of Oria are alleged to have 
sprouted forth in unprecedented vitality, and the 
various branches of Jewish law and life to have 
burst into new activity. 

Eastern scholars probably were in the habit of 
visiting the flourishing communities of the Occident 
for the purpose of transplanting thither the tradi- 
tions of scholarship and religion. Such a scholar is 
reported by Ahimaaz to have come to Venosa. He 
made it his practise to deliver public lectures every 
Sabbath, basing his expositions on the Midrashic 
interpretations of the weekly Scriptural sections. 
His lectures were given in Hebrew probably, as the 
services of an interpreter were needed to render them 
intelligible to the audience. 

Poetic and thaumaturgic talents were the favorite 
attributes bestowed by tradition on the Jews of 
medieval Apulia. Both are ascribed 
Thau- by Ahimaaz in a great measure to 
maturgy R. Shephatiah b. Amittai, whom ill- 
and informed commentators had regarded 

Poetry. as one of the captives of Titus and 
one of the authors of " We-hu Rahum," 
a liturgic piece, but who probably flourished in the 
second half of the ninth century in Oria. Accord- 
ing to the testimony of Ahimaaz, it was Shephatiah's 
argumentative ability and miracle-working power 
that had saved the Jews of Oria from a serious re- 
ligious persecution. 

Synchronously with this persecution occurred a 
disastrous Arabian invasion of Calabria and Apulia. 
In the year 872 Saudan, an Arabian conqueror, en- 
tered Bari, where he usurped the government and 
established a court, in which, as legend has it, Aaron 
the Babylonian was accorded boundless honors as 
counselor and oracle just prior to his departure for 
the East. Prom Bari, Saudan advanced upon Oria, 
to which he made the proposal of a siegeless settle- 
ment on condition of a certain voluntary tribute 

from the population. Here, again, Shephatiah, 
whom legend presents as the disciple of the won- 
drous Aaron, and who probably was familiar with 
the Arabic language, was delegated to negotiate 
with the invader. The Saracen terror, however, 
was frustrated by the confederacy of the emperor 
Basil I. with Louis II. , the emperor of Germany. 

That the conversion of the Jews was a prevalent 
ambition in Apulia in that age, is inferred, further, 
from what Ahimaaz records regarding Hananeel, 
the younger brother of Shephatiah. He says that 
Hananeel, too, was a noted miracle- worker and litur- 
gical poet ; that the archbishop of Oria summoned 
him to his palace on one occasion, and forced him 
into a religious dispute, in the course of which the 
archbishop impeached the correctness of the Jewish 
calendar with a view of inducing him to accept 

Astrology, also, was cultivated in Apulia. Pal- 
tiel, the son of Cassia — the great-granddaughter of 
Hananeel b. Amittai — owing to his dis- 
Astrology. tinction in astrology, became the inti- 
mate friend and counselor of the calif 
Abu Tamim Maad (called Muizz lidin-Allah or Al- 
muizz), the conqueror of Egypt and builder of Cairo. 
The friendship between the two, according to Ahi- 
maaz, had begun in Italy on the occasion of one of 
the Apulian invasions led by Almuizz when Oria 
was besieged and taken. This emigrant from Apulia 
had certainly achieved communal distinction among 
the Jews of Egypt in the second half of the tenth 
century, since the title of " Naggid " is mentioned in 
connection with his name. 

A cousin of Paltiel, Samuel b. Hananeel (died 
1008), settled in Capua, where both he and his son 
Paltiel (988-1043) attained prominence as communal 
benefactors and leaders. It was Ahimaaz, the son 
of the latter, born in 1017, who not only returned to 
the ancestral dwelling-place in Oria, but also left a 
number of liturgic pieces, and rescued from oblivion 
the memory of his ancestors. His " Chronicle " 
mentioned above, being one of the very few literary 
monuments of that period, is of assistance in form- 
ing an idea of the literary fashions and influences of 
his age. Of course, the influence of the Apulian 
vernacular shows itself in many peculiarities of ex- 
pression characteristic of the "Chronicle." 

Even prior to the discovery of the " Chronicle " of 
Ahimaaz, however, Apulia had the distinction of 
being considered the birthplace of the first Jewish 
scholar in Europe whose name had been inscribed 
in the history of literature, Shahbethai Donnolo. 
This noted physician and astronomer was born at 
Oria, in the district of Otranto, in the year 913. 
When he was twelve years old (925) an army of 
Patimite Mohammedans, led by .Ta'far ibn Ubaid, 
again invaded Calabria and Apulia, on which occa- 
sion, according to Donnolo's autobiographic note, 
the city of Oria was sacked, "ten wise and pious 
rabbis," whose names are given, and 
Shabbethai numerous other Jews, were killed, 
Donnolo. while a multitude of survivors, in- 
cluding himself, were taken captive. 
One of the. victims was Hasadiah b. Hananeel, 
nephew of Shephatiah b. Amittai, to whom Donnolo 
refers as a relation of his grandfather ("Hakmoni," 




ed. Castelli, Hebr. part, p. 3). Several details of 
DodiioIo's life throw light on the condition of Jew- 
ish culture in his time and country. Donnolo, for 
example, like his contemporary Palfiel, had become 
a devotee of astrology ; but in all the surrounding 
provinces not a single Jewish scholar could be 
found able to interpret the astrological writings 
which avowedly had been copied by him from an- 
cient Jewish works. It is interesting, however, to 
note that Donnolo had no hesitancy in seeking the 
instruction of Christian masters in matters of which 
the Jews were ignorant. This circumstance attests 
the early origin of that intimacy of relations for 
which Jewish and Christian scholars have been noted 
in Italy, and their frequent interchange of thought. 
Donnolo, besides being private physician to the 
viceroy of southern Italy, was intimately acquainted 
with Nilus the Younger, the abbot of Rossana and 
Grotta Ferrata, to whom, on a certain occasion, he 
appears to have introduced another Jewish scholar. 
The latter attempted to draw the abbot into a relig- 
ious controversy, which was, however, 
In- adroitly evaded by him. It is one of 

tellectual the first discussions of this character 
Relations recorded in the European history of 
with. the Jews; and its significance lies in 
Christians, the aggressive part taken in it by the 
Jew, in contradistinction to the one 
into which, as stated above, Hananeel had been 
forced. Donnolo's allegorical method of exegesis 
adopted in his commentary on the mystic "Sefer 
Yezirah " (Book of Creation), as well as his knowl- 
edge of the Greek language displayed in it, also tes- 
tifies to his intercourse with Christian scholars, 
among whom allegorism was highly popular, and 
whose spoken language, according to Mommsen, 
was veiy closely related to the Greek. 

That there was an abundance of Jewish scholars 
in Apulia toward the end of the tenth century (ac- 
cording to Gratz, but in 750 according to Ibn Daud) 
is learned, furthermore, from a well-known legend 
alluding to that age. Eour rabbis, as stated by Ibn 
Daud ("Sefer ha-Kabbalah," ed. Neubauer, in "Me- 
dieval Jew. Chronicles," i. 67 et aeq.), were on a sea- 
voyage from Bari to Sebasteia, when their ship was 
overtaken by an Andalusian pirate (the admiral Ibn 
Romabis), and the scholars were made captive, the 
latter being in the end sold in several cities of Africa 
and Spain, where each rabbi ultimately became the 
founder of a Talmudic academy. The real origin 
and purpose of these traveling rabbis have been vari- 
ously interpreted, but the historicity of the incident 
narrated by Ibn Daud can scarcely be doubted. The 
legend points distinctly to the fact that toward the 
end of the tenth ( ?) century certain rabbis emigrated 
from southern Italy and established schools in vari- 
ous Jewish communities in Africa and Spain (com- 

Bari was particularly popular as a center of Jew- 
ish learning, as is witnessed by the fact that in the 
eleventh century, R. Nathan b. Jehiel, 
Centers of the author of the "Aruk," made a 
Learning, pilgrimage thither to hear the lectures 
of R. Moses Kalfo (compare Kohut, 
" Aruch Completum," Introduction, p. 15), and that 
in the twelfth century the religious authority of the 

Apulian rabbis had been so firmly established even 
abroad, that in Prance the proverb came into vogue, 
in allusion to Isa. ii. 3: " Out of Bari goeth forth the 
law, and the word of God from Otranto " (Jacob 
Tarn, " Sefer ha- Yashar, " 74«). Benjamin of Tudela, 
who in the latter part of the same century traveled 
through Apulia, found nourishing Jewish commu- 
nities throughout the province, Trani possessing 200, 
Taranto 300, and Otranto 500 Jewish families, while 
in the port of Brindisi ten Jews were engaged in the 
trade of dyeing. 

During the renaissance of Talmudic learning in 
the thirteenth century, Apulia still had the good 
fortune of bringing forth one of the most noted 
Jewish savants of the age, in the person of R. Isaiah 
b. Mali di Tkani, who not only became one of the 
most prolific and weighty rabbis of the Middle Ages, 
but also maintained the Italian tradition of friendly 
intercourse with Christian scholars, in favor of whose 
astronomic learning he at times even made bold to 
discard traditional rabbinic views. Di Trani's fam- 
ily produced several other noted men, among whom 
Isaiah's grandson and namesake attained to consid- 
erable distinction. Moses di Tkant, in the sixteenth 
century, was one of the most distinguished disciples 
of Jacob Berab. 

Fra Giordano da Rivalto, in one of his sermons 
preached in the year 1304, alludes to a general con- 
version of Apulian Jews that, it was alleged, had 
taken place about the year 1290, in consequence of 
a ritual murder with the commission of which they 
had been charged. The king, Charles I. (1284-1309), 
is alleged to have left them the choice between bap- 
tism and death, whereupon, it is said, 
about eight thousand embraced Chris- 
tianity, while the rest fled from the 
country. The proportion of truth in 
this statement is not ascertainable. 
Glidemann denies the assertion alto- 
gether on the ground of the friendly disposition 
toward the Jews manifested b} r Charles I., though 
he admits that, in the year 1302, certain property 
in Trani that had formerly been used as a Jewish 
cemetery was usurped by the Dominican Order, and 
that about that time several Jewish synagogues in 
the same city were converted into churches. Cer- 
tain, however, it is that in the thirteenth and four- 
teenth centuries there were Jewish inhabitants in 
Trani as well as in the rest of Apulia; wherefore 
Giordano's statement concerning their wholesale 
apostasy or emigration must be regarded at least as 
exaggerated, unless, indeed, under improved circum- 
stances, a return of the Jews had occurred. 

In the sermons of another preacher from southern 
Italy, Roberto da Lecce, who flourished in the first 
half of the fifteenth century, there are allusious 
to friendly relations between Jews and Christians. 
That Apulia, however, had gradually lost its prom- 
inence as a center of Jewish learning, can not be 
gainsaid. In the early part of the sixteenth century, 
for example, there was in Constantinople a whole 
congregation consisting of Apulian immigrants, 
who exhibited, however, little of the Italian enlight- 
enment, in that they were the leaders in an abortive 
attempt to exclude the children of the Karaites 
from the Rabbinite schools, and to build up a wall 


Aqueducts in Palestine 



of separation between the two Jewish sects — a stroke 
of fanaticism thwarted by H. Elias Mizrahi (com- 
pare Italy). 

Bibliography : Ahimaaz, Sefer Yuljasin C" The Book of Gen- 
ealogy "), in Neubauer's Mediev. Jew. Chron. ii. Ill ; Asooli, 
Iscrizione Inedite di Antiehi Sepolcri Giudaici del Na- 
politano, etc.; Lenormant, La Catacomhe Juive de Venosa, 
in Rev. Et. Jitives, vi. 200-207 ; Neubauer, The Early Settle- 
ment of the Jews in Southern Italy, in Jew. Quart. Rev., 
1892, iv. 606-625; Giidemann, Geseh. des Erziehungswesem 
und der Cultur der Juden in Italien, pp. 2, 16 et seq., 184 et 
sea., 260, 2Hoetseq.; Gratz, Geseh. der Juden, 3d ed., iv. 359, v. 
292 et seq., vi. 239, ix. 30 et seq.; Schiirer, Geseh. 3d ed., Hi. 
37 ; Schechter, A Letter of Chmhiel, in Jew. Quart. Rev. xi. 
643 et seq.; Zunz, G.V. 2d ed., pp. 375 et seq.; Kaulmann, Die 
tlironih des Ahimaaz von Oria, in Monatssclirift, 1896, xl. 
462-173, 496-509, 529-554. 

g. H. G. E. 

in contradistinction to Egypt, was a land of natural 
waters rather than of irrigation (Deut. xi. 10, 11), 
and there can be little doubt that the aqueducts, like 
the roads of the country, were constructed mainly 
by the Romans after the fall of Jerusalem. In four 
instances, however — at Tyre, Jericho, Coesarea, and 
Jerusalem — earlier aqueducts seem to have been 

Environs of Jerusalem, Showing Aqueducts Leading to the 


(AEter Vigouroux, " Dietionnaire de la Bible.") 

constructed to increase and improve the water-sup- 
ply of the cities, and, in the case of Jericho, to ex- 
tend the cultivation of the palm-groves. 

Tyre is mentioned (" Travels of a Mohar "), even 

in the times of Rameses II. , as an island city to which 

water was brought in boats. Shal- 

Remains of maneser IV. (II Kings xvii. 3-5) is said 

Stone by Menander (Josephus, " Ant. " ix. 14, 

Aqueduct § 2) to have cut off the water-supply 

at Tyre, of Tyre, which was brought near the 

island from the fine spring of Ras-al- 

'Ain (Palse Tyrus), on the mainland to the south. 

The remains of an aqueduct, nearly four English 

Track of the Siloam Aqueduct. 

(After Vigouroux, " Dietionnaire de la Bible.") 

miles in length, are still found leading from masonry 
reservoirs that dam up the springs to a height of 
eighty feet above sea level. Most of this work is of 
Roman masonry ; but in one part of the course of the 
aqueduct there are " false " arches, which appear to 
represent an older structure. Similar false arches are 
found in Phenician buildings (with stones marked 
with Phenician letters) at Eryx, and this seems to in- 
dicate the existence of an aqueduct at Tyre, which 
may date from the age of the Assyrian king who 
began the siege of Samaria in the time of Ahaz of 

The aqueducts of Jericho are channels cut in the 
rock, and sometimes carried on rubble masonry, at 
the foot of the mountains, southward from the spring 
of Docus ('Ain Duk) to the site of the city as it ex- 
isted in the time of Herod, near the main road from 
Jerusalem, where it reaches the Jordan plain. About 
four miles further north there is another system of 
channels, carrying water from the springs at the foot 



Aqueducts in Palestine 

of the mountains eastward into the Jordan plain, with 
branches which appear clearly to have been intended 
for irrigation. This answers to the system men- 
tioned by Josephus ("Ant." xvii. 13, § 1), near the 
village of Neara (the ancient Naarath, Josh. xvi. 7), 
which was constructed by Archelaus to water his 
palm-groves, for Eusebius (in the " Onomasticon") 
places Neara Ave Roman miles north of Jericho. 

Csesarea, the capital of Palestine under Herod the 
Great, was built on the seashore north of Joppa, on 
a site which had no good water-supply. It is, there- 
fore, probable that aqueducts were 
Remains in built when the city was first founded. 
Csesarea of The two that are still traceable have a 
Two length of about four miles to the north, 
Aqueducts, and conduct water from the spring of 
Mamas (an ancient " Maiuma, " or place 
of water), near the Crocodile river. They are on 
different levels, and run on arches, which appear to 
be Roman work, across the swamps near the river. 
The low -level aqueduct is tunneled through the low 
sandy cliffs further south, and rock-cut well-stair- 
cases lead down to the channel at intervals. These 
aqueducts may have been repaired or rebuilt in the 
later Roman age, but the original rock channel is 
probably as old as the time of Herod. 

At Jerusalem there were several aqueducts in the 
time of Herod, but perhaps the oldest was that to 
the west of the city. The "conduit of the upper 
pool, in the highway of the fuller's field " (II Kings 
xviii. 17) was the place where the Ass} r rians appeared 
before Jerusalem; and the camp of the Assyrians, 
according to Josephus (" B. J. " v. 7, § 2), was to the 
northwest of Jerusalem, from which direction they 
would naturally approach, coming, as 
The Aque- they did, from the plains. An aque- 
ducts of duct led later to the tower Hippicus 
Jerusalem, on the west (Josephus, ibid.), and still 
leads from the Birket Mamilla, outside 
the city on this side, to the great interior rock-cut pool 
now known as " Hanimstm el Batrak " (The Patri- 
arch's Pool), which answers to the Amygdalon pool 
of Josephus (" B. J. " v. 7, § 2 ; xi. 4) or " Pool of the 
Tower " (Ha-Migdalon). 

As Jerusalem was naturally deficient in water-sup- 
ply, it is probable that this large reservoir dated from 
the earliest times, and was fed through the aqueduct 
that collected the rain-water from the rocky ground 
west of the town. The pool of Gihon (I Kings i. 
33, 38) rose in a cavern, partly natural, but enlarged 
artificially, on the west side of the Kidron, south of 
the Temple. The stream thence appears to have 
flowed at first down the Kidron valley ; and the peri- 
odical overflow (due to a natural siphon in the rock) 
was a remarkable feature of this supply. Hezekiah 
is believed to have dammed up the waters, and to 
have cut the famous Siloam aqueduct through the 
Ophel hill, southward to the new pool of Siloam (II 
Chron. xxxii. 30). This channel, which is nearly a 
third of a mile (1,757 feet) in length, although the 
air-line between the points of beginning and ending 
is only 1,104 feet, gives clear evidence of the Hebrew 
engineering methods of Hezekiah's age; and the 
ancient rock inscription (see Siloam Inscription), 
on the east wall of the tunnel near its mouth, gives 
us an account of the method of excavation. Its 
II.— 3 

height is very irregular, being about 16 feet at its 
southern exit, but only 3f feet at several points in 
its interior. 

The upper cave pool had, at its farthest recess, a 
staircase cut in rock leading up within the city near 
the " water-gate " (Neh. iii. 26). The tunnel was be- 
gun at the foot of these steps, and another tunnel 
was driven northward to meet it from Siloam. The 
excavators appear to have worked without instru- 
ments capable of keeping the direc- 
The tion straight, or perhaps they followed 

Siloam some softer vein of the rock. They' 
Tunnel- are said, in the text, to have heard the 
Aqueduct, sound of the picks of their fellows, 
and to have worked toward each other 
until they met, not exactly in a line. The point of 
junction is still marked by a sharp turn at right an- 
gles in the tunnel, the two channels having been 
about a yard apart — center to center of excavation. 
The tunnel is much more lofty at its mouth than 
elsewhere, and is very narrow in the middle, where 
it is now much silted up, and nearly impassable for 
a full-grown man. It was probably found that the 
lower end of the tunnel, when cut through, was not 
low enough to allow the water to flow into the pool ; 
and the height of the excavation was due probably 
to subsequent lowering of the floor at this point. 
There is only one shaft leading from the surface of 
the hill, and in another part a sort of standing-place 
is formed by a recess in the roof ; but throughout the 
greater part of the work the excavators must have 
labored on their knees, or even while lying flat. The 
whole of the work suggests very primitive methods, 
and it was probably carried out in a hurry on account 
of the threatened Assyrian invasion. The Siloam 
pool was outside the walls (Josephus, " Ant. " vii. 14, 
§ 5 ; " B. J. " v. 9, § 4), but lay in a reentering angle, 
well within bow-shot. The water-supply was thus 
controlled by the garrison instead of running to waste 
in the valley. Similar cave springs, with rock stairs 
to the interior of the fortress, are found at Gibeon 
and elsewhere in Palestine, but the Siloam tunnel 
is the most important instance known of Hebrew 

Another short aqueduct, with a system of conver- 
ging channels, gathered the rain-water north of the 
city, and brought it to the ditch of Antonia, and, 
through a lofty rock-cut passage, to 
Other the interior of the Temple. On the 
Aqueducts : south were two other aqueducts, which 
Solomon's appear to have been made by Pon- 
Pools. tins Pilate, the procurator (Josephus, 
"Ant." xviii. 3, § 2). One of them led 
from Etam ('Ain 'Atan), and from the three Roman 
reservoirs called "Solomon's Pools" (see Yoma 31«; 
Josephus, " Ant. " viii. 7, § 3), to the city, probably 
entering near Hippicus. The second channel ran 
from these reservoirs along the south slopes to the 
Temple. The direct distance was about seven Eng- 
lish miles. The water was conveyed in stone pipes 
laid in cement in parts where the channel is not rock- 
cut. The reservoirs were supplied from springs thir- 
teen miles south of the city by another aqueduct; 
and the windings along the hillsides give a total 
length of forty -one miles from the head spring, 'Ain 




These instances will suffice to show that, although 
the art of building aqueducts was introduced into 
Palestine by the Romans chiefly, yet the rock tun- 
nels, providing water for cities, were, in some cases, 
constructed in the time of the Hebrew kings. 

Bibliography : Memoirs of Survey of Western Palestine, Je- 
rusalem Volume ; Schick, Die Wasserversorgung der Stadt 
Jerusalem, in Zeitschrift des Deutschen PaUistina-Ver- 
eins, i. 132 et seq. ; Nowack, Lehrbuch der Hebrtlischen Ar- 
ehUologie, p. 254 ; Buhl, Geographic, des Alien PaUistina, 
pp. 92, 138 et seq. ; Benzinger, Hebr. ArchCinlngie, pp. 51, 
230 et seq. ; Schurer, Gesch. des JlXd. Volkes, i. 376, 409 et seq.; 
ii. 94, 749. 
G. C. R. C. 

AGUILA ('Aki'Aoc, D^pV): Translator of the ca- 
nonical Scriptures from Hebrew into Greek. He was 
by birth a Gentile from Pontus, and is said by Epi- 
phanius to have been a connection by marriage of the 
emperor Hadrian and to have been appointed by him 
about the year 128 to an office concerned with the 
rebuilding of Jerusalem as " JElia Capitolina." At 
some unknown age he joined the Christians, but after- 
ward left them and became a proselyte to Judaism. 
According to Jerome he was a disciple of Rabbi 
Akiba. The Talmud states that he finished his trans- 
lations under the influence of R. Aldba and that his 
other teachers were Eliezer ben Hyrcanus and Joshua 
ben Hananiah. It is certain, however, that Aquila's 
translation had appeared before the publication of 
Irenasus' "Adversus Hfereses"; i.e., before 177. 

The work seems to have been entirely successful 
as regards the purpose for which it was intended 
(Jerome speaks of a second edition which embodied 
corrections by the author), and it was read by the 
Greek-speaking Jews even in the time of Justinian 
(Novella, 146). It was used intelligently and respect- 
fully by great Christian scholars like Origen and Je- 
rome, while controversialists of less merit and learn- 
ing, such as the author of the " Dialogue of Timothy 
and Aquila" (published in 1898 by F. C. Conybeare), 
found it worth their while to accuse Aquila of anti- 
Christian bias, and to remind their Jewish adversaries 
of the superior antiquity of the Septuagint. But no 
manuscript until quite recently was known to have 
survived, and our acquaintance with the work came 
from the scattered fragments of Origen's " Hexapla. " 
The reason of this is to be found in the Mohammedan 
conquests ; the need of a Greek version for Jews dis- 
appeared when Greek ceased to be the lingua franca 
of Egypt and the Levant. 

The " Hexapla " — a colossal undertaking compiled 
by Origen (died about 254) with the object of cor- 
recting the text of the Septuagint — 
Fragments consisted of the Hebrew text of the 
in the Old Testament, the Hebrew text in 
"Hex- Greek letters, the Septuagint itself as 
apla." revised by Origen, and the Greek ver- 
sions of Aquila, Symmachus, and The- 
odotion, all arranged in six parallel columns. With 
the exception of two recently discovered fragments 
of the Psalms, one coming from Milan, the other 
from Cairo,* the "Hexapla" itself is no longer ex- 
tant, but a considerable number of extracts, inclu- 

* The Milan fragments, discovered by Dr. Mercatl, are de- 
scribed by Ceriani In " Rendiconti del Real Istituto Lombardo di 
Scienze e Letteratura," 1896, series ii., vol. xxix. The Cairo frag- 
ment (now at Cambridge) was edited by Charles Taylor in 1901. 

ding many readings from Aquila, are preserved in 
the form of marginal notes to certain manuscripts of 
the Septuagint. These have been carefully collected 
and edited in Field's great work ("Origenis Hexa- 
plorum quae Supersunt, " Oxford, 1875), which still 
remains the chief source of information about 
Aquila's versiou. 

Contrary to expectation, the readings of Aquila de- 
rived from the " Hexapla" can now be supplemented 
by fragmentary manuscripts of the translation itself. 
These were discovered in 1897, partly by F. C. Bur- 
kitt, among the mass of loose documents brought to 
Cambridge from the geniza of the Old Synagogue 
at Cairo through the enterprise of Dr. S. Schechter 
and Dr. C. Taylor, master of St. John's College, Cam- 
bridge. Three of the six leaves already found came 
from a codex of Kiugs {i.e. , they probably formed part 
of a codex of the Former Prophets), and three came 
from a codex of the Psalms. The portions preserved 
are I Kings xx. 7-17; II Kings xxiii. 11-27 (edited 
by F. C. Burkitt,1897); Ps. xc. 17, ciii. 17 with some 
breaks (edited by Taylor, 1900). The numbering is 
that of the Hebrew Bible, not the Greek. The frag- 
ments do not bear the name of the translator, but the 
style of Aquila is too peculiar to be mistaken. The 
handwriting is a Greek uncial of the sixth century. 
Dr. Schechter assigns the later Hebrew writing to the 
eleventh century. All six leaves are palimpsests, and 
in places are somewhat difficult to decipher. 

The special value of the Cairo manuscripts is that 
they permit a more just conception of the general 
effect of Aquila's version, where it agrees with the 
Septuagint as well as where it differs. It is now pos- 
sible to study the rules of syntax followed by Aquila 
with far greater precision than before. At the same 
time the general result has been to confirm what the 
best authorities had already reported. 

The main feature of Aquila's version is its excess- 
ive literalness. His chief aim was to render the He- 
brew into Greek word for word, without any regard 
for Greek idiom. The same Greek word is regularly 
used for the same Hebrew, however incongruous the 
effect. Thus koi stands for 1 in all its varied signifi- 
cations; and, as aaiye is used for DJ, wherever QJl 
{i.e., "and also") occurs, Aquila has koi aaiye. Simi- 
larly the preposition nx means " with," and is trans- 
lated by Aquila avv. Now nx is also 
Character used before the objectof the verb when 
of Aquila's the object is defined, an idiom rendered 

Version, by Aquila, where the Greek 
article, so that oc e^uaprev tov 'loparjl 
stands for iwiK" ri« N^nn ~\V>H. But this can not 
be done where the Hebrew article and flN stand to- 
gether, or where the object is a detached pronoun. 
Aquila follows here Nahum of Gimzo and R. Akiba, 
who insisted on the importance of particles, especially 
riX- In such cases he translates this flN also by ovv; 
e.g. , koX avdrjToc ov awr/aei avv tuvttiv corresponds to 
n«t JIN pa 11 vb ^DDl (Ps. xcii. 7). Apparently avv is 
here meant for an adverb having the force of " there- 
with," or some such meaning, as it does not affect 
the case of the word that follows. Thus Aquila has 
'Ev nerpaAaia iKTiatv 6 Bebc avv tov ovpavbv nal avv rfp> yip> 
(Gen. i. 1), but after a verb that naturally governs the 
dative one finds nal evetejAoto 6 fjaaiXevc avv izavrl tl> 
Aau (II Kings xxiii. 21). Other characteristic exam- 

7ft« Jewish EncycCoptdia, 

APahmpsest with Hebiew written over the GreeK., the Tetragrammaton is written in archa-ic Hebrew script. 

By permission of the Cambridge [fniirersitt/ Press 




pies of Aquila's methods are ™ teyuv for "iDfcO, and 
cig npoauira for Cith (Ps. cii. 26).* 

The general effect of this pedantry may be seen 
from the following specimen (II Kings xxiii. 25) : 

Masoretic Text. 


t t t ^ Kal bfioios avru ovk iyev^dy 

1?D V:S? iTn K? ino31 } e lsirp6oumn>dvTovPcuHh>vc 

133? ?33 mlT ?K 3B> -ICN | £ v ff(ia? Kap( 5 ( . p aiToi 

/ S»>.-** ^-s^"! j Ka ^ ^ V n ® a7 3 ty v XV &VTOV KOi 

' 'WU 7JJ1 1G73J 7JJ1 1 £ v tj-^^ £70orfp6r7?ri| avroii 
TW12 miri ?33 — Ka ™ wavra vdpov Muaij 

: -inDa dp ^ innNi j g//0 £ f ciT ^ 

In both the Cairo manuscripts the Tetragramma- 
ton is not translated, but is transcribed in letters sim- 
ilar to those used in the Siloam inscription and on 
Jewish coins. J This quite unexpected feature is in 
full accord with the express statement of Origen,who 
says in his comments on Ps. ii. 2 (Benedictine ed ; 
ii. 539 = Lommatzsch, xi. 36) : " There is a certain 
word of four letters which is not pronounced by them 
[the Jews], which also was written on the gold breast- 
plate of the high priest ; but it is read as Adonai, not 
as it is really written in the four letters, while among 
Greeks it is pronounced Kvptoc [the Lord]. And in 
the more accurate copies this Name stands written 
in Hebrew characters — not the modern Hebrew, but 
the ancient." There can be little doubt that by " the 
more accurate copies " Origen here refers to manu- 
scripts of Aquila's translation. 

It would be a mistake to put down the harshness of 
Aquila's translation to ignorance of Greek. He re- 
sorted to mere transliteration less than 
Literal any other ancient translator, and had 
Trans- command of a large Greek vocabulary, 
mitter. Field (introduction, xxiii. et seq.) has 
collected a number of expressions that 
show Aquila's acquaintance with Homer and Herod- 
otus. It was no doubt from classical Greek litera- 
ture that Aquila borrowed the use of the enclitic 6e 
to express the toneless n of locality; for instance, 
virovde for rOJOH (Gen. xii. 9), 'Qipeipde for nTSIK 
(I Bangs xxii. 49). The depth of his Hebrew knowl- 
edge is more open to question, if judged by modern 
standards. But it is the special merit of Aquila's 
renderings that they represent with great fidelity 
the state of Hebrew learning in his own day. " Aquila 
in a sense was not the sole and independent author 
of his version, its uncompromising literalism being 
the necessary outcome of his Jewish teacher's sys- 
tem of exegesis" (C. Taylor, in Burkitt's "Frag- 
ments of Aquila," p. vi.). 

Illustrations of Aquila's dependence on Jewish tradition are 
to be lound in the Keri readings adopted by him ; e.g., -u N3 
for ij3, Gen. xxx. 11,' and the euphemism in Isa. xxxvl. 12. The 
scrupulous exactness with which Aquila translates the particles 
Is to be explained by his having been a disciple of Akiba, whose 

* It will be noted that Aquila uses the Greek article somewhat 
freely to express / in cases where «is can not stand. 

t A derivative of u^oSpa, " much," the regular rendering of 
the adverb ind. 

* See plate, left-hand column, three lines from bottom. It 
will be noticed that the same corrupt form is used both for yod 
and for www, Just as in the Hexaplar form nini, i.e., nim, writ- 
ten in the square character. 

methods of exegesis was to lay great stress upon the meanings 
hidden in the lesser parts of speech. Instances are us KaTivavii. 
avrov for HJJ3, Gen. ii. 18 ; and airb lynaTtav aov for "p"ipO, Deut. 
iv. 3. This scrupulosity may be contrasted with the Targumic 
freedom of Aquila's qirtjjoreiitriiTd ,u.oi for 'oSriN, Jer. Ii. 34, where 
the metaphor that Nebuchadnezzar had " eaten " Jerusalem has 
been turned into prose. 

Aquila as a Witness : 1. Consonantal Text. — The 
extreme literalness of Aquila's methods enables 
the reader to restore with confidence the Hebrew 
from which he translated. There are a few in- 
stances where he preserves old readings found also 
in the Septuagint; e.g., DTIX for D~lK (Symma- 
chus and Masoretic Text) in Ezek. xxvii. 16, and 
v|fl for vn (Masoretic Text) in Zeph. iii. 18. But 
as a rule he supports the ordinary Masoretic Text ; 
e.g., y 7rpoc/36?iuaig ardpara in I Sam. xiii. 21 implies 
D S B fWSBn as in the Masoretic Text, and KaTetpipero 
Kal appa km Ittttoq in Ps. lxxvi. 7 agrees with the 
Masoretic Text against the better reading IDTO 
DID '^i attested by the Septuagint. The numera- 
tion of the Psalms agrees with the Hebrew against 
the Greek ; in this article, therefore, Aquila is uni- 
formly quoted by the Hebrew reckonings. 

2. Aquila represents a period in Jewish exegesis 
anterior to the Masoretic vocalization. Here priority 
in time does not invariably mean su- 
Vocaliza- periority of reading : where it is a ques- 
tion and tion of knowledge of Hebrew rather 
Interpreta- than of purity of transmitted text, the 
tion. later scholars often do better than their 
predecessors. Thus Aquila can hardly 
have been right in connecting D?p)V in Hab. i. 10 
with alios, or in taking ypl in II Kings xxiii. 12 
as the Hiphil of p-| (" to run "). Aquila also has an 
unfortunate habit of dividing rare Hebrew words 
into their real or imagined component parts; e.g., in 
Isa. xviii. 1 he renders Wyi ("a rustling") by ama 
ana, and in I Sam. vi. 8 for TJ1K3 of the Masoretic 
Text he has iv ixpei novpag, as if he had read T3 J1N3. 
On the other hand, there is much to be said for his 
division of nXDB^ (Ex. xxxii. 25) into two words. 
XIV Dts6 (" for a name of filth ") is read or implied by 
the Targum, by the Peshitta, and by Symmachus, as 
well as by Aquila (compare Isa. xxviii. 8, 13 ; xxx. 
22). The Samaritan has 1¥D6^>- In Deut. xxxiii. 2 
Aquila has irvp Soy pa for fH B"K- 

It is interesting to note that Aquila does not agree 
with the Masoretic punctuation in pointing the 
names of heathen gods (e.g., ]TDD and fP3, Amos v. 
26) with the vowels of ppe> (" abomination "). 

Aquila's renderings of the Hebrew tenses are often, 
most inadequate. It is only on grounds of imper- 
fect knowledge that the aorists can be defended in 
passages like Kal iiupivapbi; avipn in. *W Kal 
iirdnae irav to Kpdaoirov Ttjg x^ovd; for npJJ' "IM 
HD-IKn 'JD b JIN IWm pNH p in Gen. ii. 6. 
Examples of pedantic mistranslation such as this 
suggest that Old Hebrew was very imperfectly 
understood when Akiba revived philological study 
by his allegorizing exegesis of the particles. 

The transliterations of Hebrew words into Greek 
letters are of some interest as showing the pronun- 
ciation current in Palestine about the middle of the 
second century. The most noticeable points are the 
complete disappearance of all four gutturals and the 




representation of ¥ (in the Cairo fragment of the 
Psalms) by r; e.g., reiav for |VX. This feature reap- 
pears in the names of the Hebrew let- 
Translit- ters attached to the Book of Lamenta- 
erations. tions by the original scribe of " Cod. 
Vaticanus (B)." It may be conjec- 
tured that the scribe of the Vatican MS. took them 
through the "Hexapla" from Aquila 's version. In 
some points Aquila agrees rather with the New Tes- 
tament than with the older forms found in the Sep- 
tuagint; e.g., for ^X jya he has Br/di/A, not Ba&rfk 
(compare ByOavia in the New Testament). In Ezek. 
xxx. 17, where the Septuagint has HMov trdleuc, Aquila 
has Qv for |1K, but Symmachus and Theodotion have 
Aw. v T 

Aquila's translation occupied one of the columns 
of Origen's "Hexapla," and so was accessible to 
Christian scholars. Very considerable use of it was 
made by Jerome in preparing the Latin version now 
known as the Vulgate, though (as we might expect) 
the more pedantic features are dropped in borrow- 
ing. Thus in Ex. xxxii. 25 Jerome's propter igno- 
miniam sordid comes from Aquila's elc bvojia pbirov 
(!1SOb6). and for "Selah" in the Psalms his semper 
follows Aquila's aei. 

More important for modern scholars is the use 
made of Aquila's version in Origen's revision of the 
Septuagint. The literary sources of the Latin Vul- 
gate are merely a point of Biblical archeology, but 
the recovery of the original text of 
Original the Septuagint is the great practical 
Text of task which now lies before the textual 
the Sep- critic of the Old Testament. Recent 
tuagint. investigatiou has made it clear that 
Origen's efforts to emend the Greek 
from the Hebrew were only too successful, and that 
every known text and recension of the Septuagint 
except the scanty fragments of the Old Latin have 
been influenced by the Hexaplar revision. One 
must learn how to detect Origen's hand and to 
collect and restore the original readings, before the 
Septuagint is in a fit state to be critically used in 
emending the Hebrew. The discussion of this sub- 
ject belongs rather to the criticism of the " Hexapla " 
than to a separate article on Aquila. It will suffice 
here to point out that Aquila's version is one of the 
three sources by the aid of which the current texts 
of the Septuagint have been irregularly revised into 
conformity with a Hebrew text like that of our 
printed Bibles. For the association of the Targum 
of the Pentateuch with his name see Onkelos. See 
also Septuagint. 

Bibliography : Field, Oriflenis Hexapkirum quce Supersunt, 
Oxford, 1S75: Wellhausen and Bleek, Ehileilung in <1as AUc 
Testament, 4th ed., pp. 378-582, Berlin, 1878 ; Burkitt, Frag- 
ments of the Books of Kings According to the Translation 
of Aquila, Cambridge. 1X97 ; Taylor, Origen's Hrrapla (part 
of Ps. xxii.), Cambridge, 1901 ; S. Krauss, in the Steinsclmei- 
dcr-Zeitschrift, 1896, pp. 148-163. [See also Taylor's Sayings 
of the Jewish Fathers, 2d ed., pp. viii. et seq.~\ 

t. P. C. B. 

In Rabbinical Literature : "Aquila the Pros- 
elyte " din D^pV) and his work are familiar to the 
Talmudic-Midrashic literature. While "the Sev- 
enty " and their production are almost completely 
ignored by rabbinical sources, Aquila is a favorite 
personage in Jewish tradition and legend. As his- 

torical, the following may be considered. " Aquila 
the Proselyte translated the Torah (that is, the 
whole Of Scripture ; compare Blau, " Zur Einleitung 
in die Heilige Schrift," pp. 16, 17) in the presence 
of R. Eliezer and R. Joshua, who praised him and 
said, in the words of Ps. xlv. 3 [A. V. 2], ' Thou art 
fairer than the children of men : grace is poured into 
thy lips; therefore God hath blessed thee forever.' " 
This contains a play upon the Hebrew word " Yafya- 
fita " (Thou art fairer) and the common designation 
of Greek as " the language of Japhet " ( Yer. Meg. i. 
71c). In another place similar mention is made that 
Aquila announced his translation of the word riDinj 
in Lev. xix. 20 in the presence of R. Akiba (Yer. 
Kid. i. 59a). The parallel passage in the Babylo- 
nian Talmud to the first-cited passage (Meg. 3a) 
shows that by "translated in the presence of" is 
to be understood " under the guidance of " ; conse- 
quently, Eliezer, Joshua, and Akiba must be re- 
garded as the three authorities by whom Aquila 
governed himself. This agrees with what Jerome 
says (in his commentary on Isa. viii. 11); viz., that, 
according to Jewish tradition, Akiba was Aquila's 
teacher — a statement which was also borne out by 
the fact that Aquila carefully rendered the particle 
DX every time by the Greek avv, the hermeneutical 
system first closely carried out by Akiba, although 
not original with him (B. K. 41J). This would place 
Aquila's period at about 100-130, when the three 
tannaim in question flourished. 

This accords with the date which Epiphanius ("De 
PonderibusetMensuris," chap, xiii.-xvi. ; ed. Migne, 
ii. 259-264) gives when he places the composition of 
Aquila's translation in the twelfth year of Hadrian 
(129). A certain Aquila of Pontus is mentioned in 
a tannaite source (Sifra, Behar I. 1 [ed. Weiss, 106S; 
ed. Warsaw, 102a]). And, seeing that Irenjeus (I.e. iii. 
21) and Epiphanius (I.e.) agree that Aquila came from 
that place, it is quite probable that the reference is 
to the celebrated Aquila, although the usual epithet, 
" the Proselyte, " is missing. Aquila of Pontus is 
mentioned three times in the New Testament (Acts 
xviii. 2 ; Rom. xvi. 3 ; II Tim. iv. 19), which is only 
a mere coincidence, as the name " Aquila " was no 
doubt quite common among the Jews, and a hag- 
gadist bearing it is mentioned in Gen. R. i. 12. 
Zunz, however, identifies the latter with the Bible 
translator. Priedmann's suggestion that in the Sifra 
passage a place in the Lebanon called " Pontus " is 
intended has been completely refuted by Rosenthal 
("Monatsschrift,"xli. 93). 

A more difficult question to answer is the relation- 
ship of Aquila to the "proselyte Onkelos," of whom 
the Babylonian Talmud and the Tosefta have much 
to relate. There is, of course, no doubt that these 
names have been repeatedly interchanged. The large 
majority of modern scholars consider 
Relation to the appellation "Targum of Onkelos," 
Onkelos. as applied to the Targum of the Pen- 
tateuch, as a confusion (originating 
among the Babylonians) of the current Aramaic ver- 
sion (attributed by them to Onkelos) with the Greek 
one of Aquila. But it will not do simply to transfer 
everything that is narrated of Onkelos to Aquila, see- 
ing that in the Tosefta (see index to Zuckermandel's 
edition) mention is made of the relation of Onkelos 




to Gamaliel, who (if Gamaliel II. is meant) died short- 
ly after the accession of Hadrian, while it is particu- 
larly with the relations between the pious proselyte 
and the emperor Hadrian that the Haggadah delights 
to deal. It is said that the emperor once asked the 
former to prove that the world depends, as the Jews 
maintain, upon spirit. In demonstration Aquila 
caused several camels to he brought and made them 
kneel and rise repeatedly before the emperor. He 
then had them choked, when, of course, they could 
not rise. " How can they rise ? " the emperor asked. 
" They are choked. " " But they only need a little air, 
a little spirit," was Aquila's reply, proving that life 
is not material (Yer. Hag. ii. V. beginning 77<i ; 
Tan., Bereshit, ed. Vienna, 36). 

Concerning Aquila's con version to Judaism, legend 
has the following to say: Aquila was the son of 
Hadrian's sister. Always strongly inclined to Juda- 
ism, he yet feared to embrace it openly in the em- 
peror's proximity. He, therefore, obtained permis- 
sion from his uncle to undertake commercial journeys 
abroad, not so much for the sake of profit as in order 
to see men and countries, receiving from him the 
parting advice to invest in anything the value of 
which was temporarily depreciated, as in all proba- 
bility it would rise again. Aquila went to Palestine, 
and devoted himself so strenuously to the study of 
the Torah that both R. Eliezerand R. Joshua noticed 
his worn appearance, and were surprised at the evi- 
dent earnestness of the questions he put to them con- 
cerning Jewish law. On returning to Hadrian he 
confessed his zealous study of Israel's Torah and his 
adoption of the faith, surprising the emperor, how- 
ever, by stating that this step had been taken upon 
his, the emperor's, advice. " For," said he, " I have 
found nothing so deeply neglected and held in such 
depreciation as the Law and Israel; but both, no 
doubt, will rise again as Isaiah has predicted " (Isa. 
xlix. 7, "Kings shall see and arise, princes also shall 
worship"). Upon Hadrian's inquiry why he em- 
braced Judaism, Aquila replied that he desired very 
much to learn the Torah, and that he could not do this 
without entering the Abrahamic covenant: just as 
no soldier could draw his pay without bearing arms, 
no one could study the Torah thoroughly without 
obeying the Jewish laws (Tan., Mishpatim, V. 
ed. Buber, with a few variations, ii. 81, 82; Ex. 
R. xxx. 12). The last point of this legend is no 
doubt directed against Christianity, which ac- 
knowledges the Law, but refuses obedience to 
it, and is of all the more interest if taken in 
connection with Christian legends concerning 
Aquila. Epiphanius, for instance, relates that 
Aquila was by birth a Greek from Sinope in 
Pontus, and a relation (-rrevdepidr/c) of Hadrian, who 
sent him, forty-seven years after the destruction of 
the Temple (that is 117, the year of Hadrian's ac- 
cession) to Jerusalem to superintend the rebuilding 
of that city under the name of " iElia Capitolina, " 
where he became first a Christian and then a Jew 
(see Aquila). 

A reflection of the alleged adoption.of Christianity 
by Aquila, as related by Epiphanius, may be dis- 
cerned in the following legend of the Babylonian 
Talmud in reference to the proselyte Onkelos, 
nephew of Titus on his sister's side. According to 

this, Onkelos called up the shade of his uncle, then 
that of the prophet Balaam, and asked their counsel 
as to whether he should become a Jew. The former 
advised against it, as the Jews had so many laws 
and ceremonies; the latter, with characteristic spite- 
fulness, replied in the words of Scripture, "Thou 
shalt not seek their peace nor their prosperity " 
(Deut. xxiii. 7 [A. V. 6]). Ho then conjured up the 
founder of the Church, who replied, "Seek their 
peace, seek not their harm; he who assails them 
touches the apple of God's eye." These words in- 
duced him to become a Jew (Git. 566, 57a). The 
founder of the Church (according to the Jewish 
legend) and the mother-church in Jerusalem (accord- 
ing to the Christian version) were the means of 
Aquila's becoming a Jew. 

The traces of the legend concerning Plavius 
Clemens, current alike among Jews and Christians, 
seem to have exerted some influence upon this 
Onkelos- Aquila tradition; but Lagarde goes so far 
as to explain Sinope in Pontus as being " Sinuessa 
in Pontia," where Dimitilla, the wife of Plavius 
Clemens, lived in exile. Irenseus, who wrote be- 
fore 177, states that Pontus was Aquila's home. It 
is very questionable whether the account of Aquila 
in the Clementine writings ("Recognitiones," vii. 32, 
33) — an imperial prince who first embraced Judaism, 
and then, after all manner of vagaries, Christianity 
— was merely a Christian form of the Aquila legend, 
although Lagarde supports the assumption. The 
following Midrash deserves notice: Aquila is said 
to have asked R. Eliezer why, if circumcision were 
so important, it had not been included in the Ten 
Commandments (Pesik. R. xxiii. 1166 ct seq. ; Tan., 
Lek Leka, end ; ed. Vienna, 206, reads quite erroneous- 
ly " Agrippa " in place of " Aquila "), a question fre- 
quently encountered in Christian polemic literature. 
That Aquila's conversion to Judaism was a gradual 
one appears from the question he addressed to Rabbi 
Eliezer: "Is the whole reward of a proselyte to con- 
sist in receiving food and raiment?" (see Deut. x. 
18). The latter angrily answered that what had been 
sufficient for the patriarch Jacob (Gen. xxviii. 20) 
should be sufficient for Aquila. When Aquila put 
the same question to Rabbi Joshua, the latter reas- 
sured him by expounding " food and raiment " as 
meaning metaphorically "Torah and tallit." Had 
not Joshua been so gentle, the Midrash adds, Aquila 
would have f orsaken Judaism (Eccl. R. to vii. 8; Gen. 
R. lxx. 5; Ex. R. xix. 4, abbreviated). The purport 
of this legend is to show that at the time Aquila had 
not been firmly convinced. 

His work is less familiar in Rabbinical Literature 
than his personality; for not more than a dozen 
quotations from his translation are mentioned. The 

following are interesting evidences of 
His Work, its general character. He translates 

HB*, the nameof God, by Sftof ml Unvd(, 
" worthy and competent, " a haggadic etymology (see 
Gen. Ii. xlvi. 3; compare Hag. 12a). The Hebrew 
word Tin in Lev. xxiii. 40 he translates by Map 
("water"), thus securing a resemblance to the He- 
brew original, and at the same time supporting the 
Halakah (Yer. Sukkahiii. 53d; for parallel passages, 
see Friedmann, p. 45; Krauss, p. 153). A haggadic 
interpretation, it seems, is at the bottom of his trans- 




lationof n»P"|inEzek.xvi. 10 by KDp^fi, plt^pSK, 
probably corrupted from fyvkaxTiipiov (phylacteries). 

The Midrash expounds the words HDp") "|E> , :i!'{<1 
as meaning the heavenlj' adornments which Israel 
received from the angels at Mount Sinai, and which 
were designed as amulets ($mka>iT>ipiov) against all 
evils (Pesik. R. xxx. 154a, ed. Friedmann, who gives 
many parallel passages). 

Aquila's theology is illustrated by his transla- 
tion of ^JIDPQ (Dan. viii. 13) as "the inward spirit," 
agreeing herewith partially with Polychronius, who 
also takes the word for the name of an angel (Tkeo- 
doretus on the passage). But that this spirit meant 
Adam, as the Midrash further interprets Aquila 
(Gen. R. xxi. 1 ; rightly explained by Jastrow, 
"Dictionary," n.v. 'CiD), is highly improbable ; the 
reference is rather to Michael or Metatron, who 
stands in God's presence (compare Tan., ed. Buber, 
i. 17), like the later Hebrew D^fin ~IEJ>. 

Whether Greek words found in Talmud and Mid- 
rash, other than those specifically stated to have been 
introduced by Aquila, really originated with Jiim, as 
Krauss maintains, is more than doubtful. In Pales- 
tine there was little demand for a Greek Bible, in 
Babylonia absolutely none at all. Therefore all Greek 
expressions found in Jewish writings must have 
emanated from popular usage and not from liter- 
ary sources. See Flavius Clemens; Clementine 
Writings; Onkelos; Targum. 

Bibliography : Anger, De OnTtelo Chaldaico, 1845; Briill, 
Aquila's Bihellibcrsetzung, in Ben Chananja, vi. 233 etseq., 
299 et sey.; Friedmann, 0-?i7c<?tos und Akylas, passim; S. 
Kranss, Akylas, in Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstage Stein- 
schneiders, pp. 148-163 ; Azariah dei Rossi, MeOr 'Enayim, 
ed. Ben Jacob, xlv. 112-121 : Schiirer. Oeschichte des Judisehen 
Volkes, 3d ed., 111. 317-321 (the list of literature given by 
Schiirer may be supplemented from Friedmann's book) ; P. de 
Lagarde, Mittheilungen, i. 36-40. 

L. G. 

AQUILINO, BAFFAELE: Italian apostate 
who renounced his religion in 1545 — eight years be- 
fore the public burning of the Talmud in Rome 
(1553) — and who was one of those that denounced 
Hebrew books, as Steinschneider deduces from a 
dedicatory passage in Aquilino's "Trattato Pio." 
The historian Joseph ha-Kohen, in his " 'Emek ha- 
Baka" (transl. Wiener, p. 89), says that there were 
three of these apostates: Ananel di Foligno, Joseph 
Moro, and Solomon Romano. Joseph Moro was 
called Filippo, and Solomon Romano took the name 
of Giovanni Battista Romano Eliano. It may be con- 
jectured that Aquilino was identical with the most 
wicked of the three, Ananel di Foligno. There 
has been ascribed to Aquilino a work (referred to 
above) entitled "Trattato Pio, nel quale si conten- 
gono Cinque Articoli pertinentialla Fede Christiana, 
contro l'Hebraica Ostinazione, estratti dalle Sacro- 
sante Antiche Scritture." This was twice printed at 
Pesaro — in 1571 and in 1581. 

Aquilino seems also to have written a second anti- 
Jewish work, called "Magen David" (MS. Urbin. No. 
1138 in the Vatican Library), which some have sup- 
posed to be identical with the book of Angelo Gab- 
riele Anguisciola, entitled " Delia Hebraica Medag- 
lia detta Maghen David et Abraham," Pesaro, 1621. 
By a decree of the Roman Catholic Church, dated 
March 16, 1621, this book was placed in the Index. 
Steinschneider doubts the identity of the two works. 

Bibliography ; Index Librorum ProhiMtorum, p. 11, Rome, 
1786; Wolf, Bibliotheca Hebrcea, Hi. 997; Gratz, Gesch. der 
Juden, 3d ed., ix. 235-236; Vogelstein und Rieger, Gesch. 
der Juden in Hum, ii. 146; and especially Steinschneider, 
Letteratura Antijadaiea in Lingua Itaiiana, in VessiUo 
Israclitieu, 1881, pp. 231 et seq. 
G. G. J. 

AQUIN (called also Aquinas and Aquino), 
LOUIS-HENRI D' : Writer and translator of the 
seventeenth centmy ; son of Philippe d' Aqtjin. He 
was converted to Christianity at Aquino in the king- 
dom of Naples. He left many works relating to the 
Hebrew language and literature, among which were 
a translation into Latin of the commentary on the 
Book of Esther by R. Solomon ben Isaac, with ex- 
tracts relating thereto from the Talmud and Yalkut 
(Paris, 1622), and a Latin translation of the first four 
chapters of Levi ben Gerson's commentary on the 
Book of Job (Paris, 1623). 

Bibliography : Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl. col. 738. * 
G. S. K. 

AQUIN, PHILIPPE D' : Hebraist; born at Car- 
pentras about 1578 ; died at Paris in 1650. Early in 
life he left his native town and went to Aquino, 
where he became converted to Christianity and 
changed his name Mordecai or Mardochee to Phi- 
lippe d'Aquin. In 1610 he went to Paris, and was 
appointed by Louis XIII. professor of the Hebrew 
language. He is mentioned among the accusers 
in the proceedings for " the crime of Judaism, " insti- 
tuted in 1617 against Concini, Marquis d'Ancre, and 
his wife Leonora Galigai, in whose household he 
had occupied some subordinate position (Leon Kahn, 
"Les Juifs a Paris," p. 40). The following is a list 
of his works: (1) "Primigenoe Voces, seu Radices 
Breves Linguaj Sanctaa " (Paris, 1620). (2) "Pirke 
Aboth, Sententise Rabbinorum, Hebraice cum Latina 
Versione " (Paris, 1620) ; a Hebrew-Italian edition, 
under the title "Sentenze: Parabole di Rabbini. 
Tradotti da Philippo Daquin," appeared in the 
same year in Paris (see Steinschneider, "Monats- 
schrift," lxiii. 417), and was reprinted "in Paris in 
1629. (3) "Dissertation du Tabernacle et du Camp 
des Israelites" (Paris, 1623; 2d ed., 1624). (4) "In- 
terpretatio Arboris Cabbalisticse " (Paris, 1625). (5) 
"Behinat 'Olam (L'Examen du Monde)" of Yedaiah 
Bedersi, Hebrew and French (Paris, 1629). (6) 
"Ma'arik ha-Ma'areket, Dictionarium Hebraicum, 
Chaldaicum, Talmudico-Rabbinicum " (Paris, 1629). 
(7) " Kina, Lacrimse in Obitum Cardinalis de Berulli," 
Hebrew and Latin (Paris, 1629). (8) " ni"7D }"\ Vete- 
rum Rabbinorum in exponendo Pentateucho Modi 
tredecim " (Paris, 1620). 

Bibliography : Zunz, Z. G. p. 448 ; Leon Kahn, as above ; Stein- 
schneider, Cat. Bodl. col. 739: idem, Bibliographisches 
Handbuch. No. 129. 

a- S. K. 

AQUINAS, THOMAS : Most eminent of the 
Christian theological philosophers of the Middle 
Ages ; born 1227 at Aquino, kingdom of Naples ; died 
1274. Like his teacher Albertus Magnus, Thomas 
made philosophy his favorite study, and sought to 
harmonize i t with religion. " All knowledge of prin- 
ciples, naturally possessed by us," he said, "comes 
from God, since God is the author of our nature. 
The divine wisdom possesses these principles in 
itself; therefore all that contradicts them is in 




contradiction to the divine wisdom and can not pro- 
ceed from God" ("Contra Gentiles," i. 7). 

Although, as a Dominican friar, Aquinas was not 
animated by kindly feelings toward the Jews (see 
Guttmann, " Das Verhaltniss des Thomas von Aquino 
zum Judenthum und zur Jtldischen Literatur," pp. 
3 et seq. ; Geyraud, "L'Antisemitisme et St. Thomas 
d'Aquin," pp. 40 et seq.), he did not disdain to draw 
upon Jewish philosophical sources. His main work, 
" Summa Theologian, " beti'ays a profound knowledge 
not only of the writings of Avicebron (Ibn Gabirol), 
whose name he mentions, but of all Jewish philo- 
sophical works then existing. His theodicy is mod- 
eled after that of the Jewish philosophers, and his 
arguments can easily be referred to Jewish sources, 
Thus he gives five proofs of the existence of God, 
three of which are directly taken from Jewish phi- 
losophers. The first runs as follows: "It is clear 
that there are in this world things which are moved. 
Now, every object which is moved receives that 
movement from another. If the motor is itself 
moved, there must be another motor 
Proofs moving it, and after that yet another, 
of God's and so on. But it is impossible to go 
Existence, on indefinitely, for then there would be 
no first motor at all, and consequently 
no movement" ("Contra Gentiles," ii. 83). This 
proof is evidently taken from Maimonides, whose 
seventeenth proposition reads : " All that which is 
moved has necessarily a motor " ("Moreh," ii. 16). 

Second proof: "We discern in all sensible things 
a certain chain of efficient causes. We find, how- 
ever, nothing which is its own efficient cause, for 
that cause would then be anterior to itself. On the 
other side, it is impossible to ascend from cause to 
cause indefinitely in the series of efficient causes. 
. . . There must therefore exist one self-sufficient, 
efficient cause, and that is God" ("Contra Gent." i. 
22). To this proof two Jewish sources seem to have 
contributed: Bahya's "Duties of the Heart" (chap- 
ter on "Unity," 5) and Maimonides' "Moreh" (6th 
proposition, "Moreh," ii. 16). 

The third proof runs: "We find in nature things 
which may be and may not be, since there are some 
who are bom and others who die ; they consequently 
can exist or not exist. But it isimpossible that such 
things should live forever, for there is nothing which 
may be as well as not be at one time. Thus if all 
beings need not have existed, there must have been 
a time in which nothing existed. But, in that case, 
nothing would exist now ; for that which does not 
exist can not receive life but from one who exists; 
. . . there must therefore be in nature a necessarily 
existent being." This proof is based on Avicenna's 
doctrine of a necessary and possible being, and is 
expounded by Maimonides, from whom it is proba- 
bly taken (see "Moreh," ii. 19). 

In order to demonstrate God's creative power, 
Thomas says : " If a being participates, to a certain 
degree, in an 'accident,' this accidental property 
must have been communicated to it by a cause which 
possesses it essentially. Thus iron becomes incan- 
descent by the action of fire. Now, God is His own 
power which subsists by itself. The being which 
subsists by itself is necessarily one" ("Summa 
Theol." i. 44, art. 1). The idea is expounded more 

clearly by Bahya in his "Duties of the Heart." 
He says : " It is evident that all which exists in a 
thing as an accident must be received by the thing 
which has the accidental property only from one 
which already possesses it essentially, just as we see 
that the heat of the boiling water is communicated 
to it by the fire, of which this heat is an essential. 
. . . And in the same way we may prove the unity 
of God. Since the unity which occurs in every 
creature is accidental (not essential), as we have de- 
monstrated, it must be derived from the essence of 
the efficient cause of all creatures " ("Duties of the 
Heart," on "Unity," 9). 

Thomas pronounces himself energetically against 
the hypothesis of the eternity of the world. But as 
this theory is attributed to Aristotle, he seeks to 
demonstrate that the latter did not express himself 
categorically on this subject. "The argument," 
said he, "which Aristotle presents to support this 
thesis is not properly called a demonstration, but is 
only a reply to the theories of those ancients who 
supposed that this world had a beginning and who 
gave only impossible proofs. There are three rea- 
sons for believing that Aristotle himself attached 
only a relative value to this reasoning. . . ."("Sum- 
ma Theologian," i. 45, art. 1). In this Thomas copies 
word for word Maimonides' "Moreh," where those 
reasons are given (i. 2, 15). 

Thomas, as a Christian, thinks it necessary to 
admit certain attributes which Maimonides and other 
Jewish peripatetics reject; but in all his reasoning 
on this subject the potent influence of Jewish theo- 
logical philosophy predominates. His theories on 
Providence, God's omniscience, and the angels can 
be referred to Maimonides, and even his so-called 
original principle of individuation can easily be 
found in Jewish theological philosophy. 

Aquinas' doctrines, because of their close rela- 
tionship with those of Jewish philosophy, found 
great favor among Jews. Judah Komano (born 1286) 
translated Aquinas' ideas from Latin into Hebrew 
under the title "Ma'amar ha-Mamschalim," together 
with other small treatises extracted from the " Contra 
Gentiles" ("Neged ha-Umot"). Eli Hobillo (1470) 
translated, without Hebrew title, the "Qusestiones 
Disputatse," "Quoestio de Anirna," his "De Animse 
Facultatibus," under the title "Ma'amar be-Kohot 
ha-Nefesh, " (edited by Jellinek) ; his " De Universali- 
bus" as "Be-Inyan ha-Kolel"; "Shaalot Ma'amar 
beNimza we-biMelmt." Abraham Nehemiah b. 
Joseph (1490) translated Thomas' " Commentarii in 
Metaphysicam." According to Moses Almosnino, 
Isaac Abravanel desired to translate the "Qusestio 
de Spiritualibus Creaturis." Abravanel indeed 
seems to have been well acquainted with the philos- 
ophy of Thomas Aquinas, whom he mentions in his 
work "Mif'alot Elohim" (vi. 3). The physician 
Jacob Zahalen (d. 1693) translated some extracts 
from the " Summa Theologise Contra Gentiles." 

Bibliography : Guttmann, Das Verhaltniss fles Thermos v. 
Aquino zum Juilenthum mid zur .TUdisehen Literatur, 
GBttingen, 1891 ; Jellinek, Thomas mi! Aquino mder Jli- 
disehen Diteraiur, Leipsift.1853; Jourdain, Lf/Mgsophie 
de Saint Thomas d'Aquin, Paris, 1858; Steinsclmeider, 
Hebr Uebers., pp. 483-485', Berlin, 1893; Werner, Das Leben 
des Heiligen Thomas; Michelin, Philnsoph. Jahrb. der 
Gflrres oLllsehaft, 1891, pp. 387-404; 1892, pp 12-25; Sieg- 
fried, Thomas v. Aquino als Ausleger desA.T., in Hilgen- 
feld's Zeitschrift, 1894; Merx, in the introduction to nis Die 




Prophctiedes Joels; Hausbach, Die Stellung des Thomas 
v. Aqulna zu Maimonides, in Theol. QuartaUchrift, lxxxl. 
553. The first three books of the Surnma were translated into 
Hebrew by Bishop Joseph Ciantes, Rome, 1657. 

t. I. Br. 

AB, or AR MO AB : Occurs as follows in the 
Old Testament: Num. xxi. 15, 28; Deut. ii. 9, 18, 
29; Isa. xv. 1. It is generally identified with the 
Hebrew "'&>" (city), so that "Ar Moab" would be 
"city of Moab," a supposed ancient capital of the 
Moabites. But even if this interpretation be admis- 
sible in certain of the passages cited above, it would 
not be very appropriate in Deut. ii. 9, which reads : 
" Distress not the Moabites, for I will not give thee 
of their land for a possession, because I have given 
Ar to the children of Lot for a possession " ; or again, 
verse 18, "Thou art to pass over through Ar, the 
coast (or the border) of Moab " ; or, finally, verse 
29 : " The children of Esau which dwell in Seir, and 

Ruins of Ar Moab. 

(After Luynes, " Voyage d'Exploration a la Mer Morte.") 

the Moabites which dwell in Ar. " It is obvious that 
" Ar" here must stand either for the land of Moab, 
or for the principal part of it ; if, therefore, " Ar " 
were a city, it must here be used as representing 
the country It would be simpler, however, to re- 
gard " Ar " as the actual name of a country, and this 
is appropriate also in Isa. xv. 1, 2; Num. xxi. 15, 28. 
Note also that the Septuagint translates Isa. xv. 1, 
" v Mwa/3Zr<r." It is perhaps from this country that 

the capital of Moab (Rabbat Moab) derives the name 
of Areopolis ("Onomastica Sacra," edited by La- 
garde, p. 277). 

Bibliography: Buhl, Geographic der Alien PaUlsUna, pp. 
269, 270. 
J. JR. P. Bu. 

ARAB AH : The Hebrew word Arabah (rmy) de- 
notes desert, steppe. With the article, it refers espe- 
cially to that extensive depression the center of which 
is marked by the Dead Sea. In some passages it is 
applied to the southern portion of this depression, 
namely, that between the Dead Sea and the Gulf of 
Akabah (Deut. i. 1, ii. 8); in others to the northern 
part (Deut. iii. 17; Josh. xi. 2, 16; II Sam. iv. 7; 
II Kings xxv. 4; Ezek. xlvii. 8); again, to the district 
east of the Jordan (Josh. xii. 1, 3), and also to the 
west (II Sam. ii. 29). The breadth varies from 3 to 14 
miles. The whole formation of this depression is one 
of the remarkable phenomena of the earth's surface. 
At the northern end, north of the Sea of Galilee, the 
ground rises 500 feet above sea-level, then falls, with- 
in a distance of 118 miles, to 2,600 feet below it (the 
greatest depth of the Dead Sea bed) ; then rises south 
of that sea to an altitude of 800 feet, and falls away 
gradually to the Gulf of Akabah. On both banks 
of the Jordan and in the neighborhood of springs 
(as, for instance, near Jericho) the Arabah is covered 
with a luxuriant vegetation, otherwise it consists of 
blinding white desert without a leaf. South of the 
Dead Sea, the Arabah is covered with sand, gravel, 
and boulders, and is traversed by ridges of sand- 
hills. The intense heat common to the whole de- 
pression, and which gives to the vegetation its trop- 
ical character, reaches in this section a degree that 
makes sojourn almost impossible. The old name 
El-Arabah is still applied to the southern portion 
between the Gulf of Akabah and the watershed south 
of the Dead Sea ; the northern portion is now called 

Bibliography: G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy 
Land, pp. 782-784 ; Buhl, Geographic der Alten PalOstina, 

J. JR. P. Bu. 

ARABAH. See Beth- Arabah. 

ARABARCH, THE. See Alabarch. 

ARABIA : Peninsula lying between the main- 
lands of Africa and Asia. It is separated from Africa 
on the south by the Red Sea and on the north by the 
Sinaitic peninsula and the strip of land which in 
modern times has been cut through for the Suez 
canal. On the south and southeast its shores are 
washed by the Indian Ocean, which has been con- 
stantly receding and allowing more of the land to 
emerge. On the east it is separated from Persia by 
the Persian Gulf, and on the north is bounded by the 
Syrian desert, which is but a continuation of the great 
desert lying in the heart of Arabia itself. This 
desert is relieved by a number of oases, on which 
grow palms and tamarisks in abundance, providing 
food and shade for the Bedouins. Arabia has no 
rivers, hut is artificially irrigated. The land outside 
the desert is very fertile, especially on the western 
side ; it is known on this account as Arabia Felix. 
Arabia has an average width of 600 miles and a 




length of about 1,200. Egress from the country is 
possible by the two land routes to the east and west ; 
the eastern road leads into Babylonia and thence 
northward into Syria, the western into Egypt and 
thence southward, or directly north along the coast 
plain, which at some places furnishes an entrance 
into the interior of Palestine. 

Biblical Data : Arabia is mentioned in the 

Bible in the following passages : Ezek. xxvii. 21 ; 
Jer. xxv. 34a; Isa. xiii. 20, xxi. 13; Jer. iii. 2; Neh. 
ii. 19, iv. 1, vi. 1 ; II Chron. ix. 14, xvii. 11, xxi. 
16, xxii. 1, xxvi. 7. To these might be added the 
doubtful passages: Jer. 1. 37; I Kings x. 15; Ezek. 

xxx. 5; Jer. xxv. 245. An examina- 
In Biblical tion of these, however, proves that 
Passages, the terms " Arabia " and " Arabians " 

are used in a number of senses. (1) 
In Jer. iii. 2 (" In the ways hast thou sat for them, as 
the Arabian in the wilderness ") and in Isa. xiii, 20 
("Neither shall the Arabian pitch his tent there") 
reference is made to the wandering marauding Be- 
douin who looks for opportunities to plunder, or 
stops here and there to eat the fat of the land. 
In neither case is this "Arabian," strictly speaking, 
an inhabitant of Arabia. The passage in Isaiah pre- 
supposes frequent incursions into Babylonia of the 
tent-dwelling Bedouins referred to in the Assyrian 
inscriptions. Sometimes, however, the Bedouins 
traveled in companies large enough to do serious in- 
jury. To such is reference made in II Chron. xvii. 
11, of whom Jehoshaphat exacts tribute, which they 
pay in rams and goats — the gold and silver of a 
nomadic people. The home of these marauding 
bands is vaguely indicated by the phrase, " which 

were near the Ethiopians " (II Chron. 
Conflicts xxi. 16). They appear again in Jeho- 
with rani's reign, when, owing to the weak- 
Arabs, ness of the kingdom, they are able to 

make an incursion and, after plunder- 
ing the land, escape with their booty. In Uzziah's 
reign they make a similar attempt, but with no suc- 
cess (II Chron. xxvi. 7). It would seem that these 
attacks were directed from the west, because the 
Arabians are named with the Philistines. 

(2) In the strict sense of the word, Arabia is men- 
tioned in Jer. xxv. 24a; but the addition, "All the 
kings of mingled multitude " (" Ereb "), to the phrase, 
"all the kings of Arabia," appears to be a ditto- 
graphy. From Arabia, gold and silver were sent to 
Solomon (II Chron. ix. 4), and, in accordance with this 
passage, in its parallel (1 Kings x. 5) " Ereb " must be 
changed to " Arab. " A similar change, suggested by 
Cornill, following Aquila, Symmachus, and the Pesh- 
itta, must be made in Ezek. xxx. 5 (Smend, on the pas- 
sage), where Arabia is mentioned in connection with 
Lud, Put, and Egypt. The classic passage is Ezek. 
xxvii. 21, where Arabia is referred to as one of the 
contributors to the wealth of Tyre. As in the other 
citations, "Arabia" here means only the northern 
part. It contributed lambs, rams, and goals ; other 

districts in Arabia sent their share, 

Trade with Kedar, Sheba, and Eden sending lambs, 

Arabia. spices, gold, and precious stones. There 

is evidence that after and perhaps 
even during the Exile, Arabians made their fixed 
abode in Palestine. At the rebuilding of the walls 

they gave Nehemiah much annoyance (Neh. iv.), 
particularly Geshem, the Arabian (Neh. ii. 1, 19). 
Jer. 1. 37 is a doubtful passage, but it can hardly 
refer to the Arabians. One other might be men- 
tioned. In the Elijah story (I Kings xvii. 4), ravens 
(" 'orebim") bring food to the prophet. The Talmud 
(Hul. 5a) reports an interesting discussion, wherein 
it is suggested that " 'orebim " might be the name 
of men (Judges vii. 25), or perhaps men of a certain 
locality, this of course implying the reading " Ara- 
bians." And despite the fact that all the ancient 
versions read "ravens," the reading "Arabians" or 
" Bedouins " is still a possibility. The hiding-place 
of Elijah lay directly in the path of the bands who, 
in the period of drought, would have reason to 
remain near a brook (I Kings x. vii. 6). 

(3) In later times "Arabian" signifies the more 
restricted Nabatsean. II Mace. v. 8 mentions Aretas, 
prince of the Arabians, who is known from other 
sources to have been a Nabatsean. The same restric- 
tion applies to the New Testament (Gal. i. 17, iv. 25 ; 
II Cor. xi. 32). 

The Arabians are mentioned also on the Assyrian 
inscriptions with the same ambiguity (Bedouins or 
Arabians) as in the Hebrew sources, 
Arabs in being variously given as "Aribu," 
Assyrian "Arubu," "Arabi," or even "Arbi." 
In- They are first found in the days of 

scriptions. Shalmaneser II. In a battle fought 
in 854 at Karkar, Gindibi the Arabian, 
with his 1,000 camels, took part. Tiglath-pileser 
III. makes an invasion into Arabia, and among 
others who pay homage and tribute are found the 
two queens, Zabibe and Samsi. In Sennacherib's 
reign the " tent-dwelling " Arabs have moved north- 
ward and, in conjunction with the Arami and the 
Kaldi, make trouble for the king. His son and suc- 
cessor, Esarhaddon, defeats them at Bazu. They 
are by no means destroyed, however, for they are 
still found in the empire in the reign of Asurbanipal. 
The constant migration of the hordes from central 
Arabia into Babylonia, and thence along the Eu- 
phrates into Palestine, has been going on at all times, 
as appears from the Bible and the inscriptions. The 
episode of Abraham's journey is but one stage. 
From Arabia the wanderers poured into Babylonia 
and settled there. Pressure from Arabia dispersed 
them and they wandered north. On the west the 
Arabs entered Egypt and went south into Yemen and 
Abyssinia. It is quite probable that Semitic cus- 
toms, mythology, and national traits were carried in 
successive stages from central Arabia to the other 
parts where Semites were found. Horn- 
Arabia as mel, von Kremer, and Guidi assume 
Home that Mesopotamia was the original 
of the home of the Semite ; but, as has been 
Semites, pointed out by De Goje, agriculturists 
and inhabitants of mountains never 
become nomads. The reverse is often true. Sayce, 
Sprenger, and Schroder favor Arabia. Schrader 
points out that on mythological, historical, geograph- 
ical, and linguistic grounds Arabia must be the 
starting-point of Semitic culture. N51deke suggests 
Africa as the original home of the Semites — a view 
adopted by Brinton, Jastrow, and Barton ; but this 
in nowise conflicts with Arabia as the Semitic center 




in Asia (see Semites, and Barton, "Semitic Origins," 
ch. i., New York, 1901). 
J. jr. G. B. L. 

Settlement of the Jews : Iu the history of the 

Jews of Arabia three epochs may be noticed: (1) 
The pre-Islamic period; (2) Mohammed's lifetime; 
and (8) the period from Mohammed's death to the ex- 
pulsion of Jews from the peninsula. 

Pre-Islamic Period: Nothing certain is known as 
to the time of Jewish immigration into Arabia; 
but from various passages in the Mishnah (Shab. vi. 
6; Ohalot xviii. 10) may be inferred the existence of 
Jewish settlements in northern Arabia (Hijaz) shortly 
after the destruction of the Second Temple. There 
is no doubt that whatever civilization existed in 
these parts in the first six centuries of the present 
era was fostered by the Jews. They evidently 
brought some knowledge of the Bible, the Talmud, 
and the prayer-book with them ; but it does not ap- 
pear that regular study had found a home among 
them, nor did they produce any rabbinic authority 
beyond those so considered by Mohammedan au- 
thors. Yet this sufficed to give them a much higher 
moral standing than that of their Arab neighbors. 

The Jews not only tilled the soil and reared palm- 
groves, but were also skilled armorers and jewelers. 
Outwardly they hardly differed from the Arabs, 
whose customs they adopted, not only in the matter 
of tribal life, but also in other respects. From ex- 
tensive lists of names it is seen that typically Jewish 
or Biblical names were in the minority. Even the 
names of the tribes are purely Arabic, and offer 
hardly any clue to their origin. 

Although the settlement of the Jews did not ex- 
tend further south than the town of Medina, the 
spread of their religion was not con- 
Early fined to that district. The accounts 
Accounts, of this are rather fantastic and in- 
clude the following : When Abu Ka- 
rib. the last of the Tobba kings of Yemen, besieged 
Yathrib (the ancient name of Medina), he was per- 
suaded by two rabbis (to whom later sources give 
the names of Ka'ab and Asad) not only to raise the 
siege, but also to adopt the Jewish creed. Taking 
the two rabbis with him, he converted his army and 
subsequently his people ; but it was not till the time 
of Du Nuwas (sixth century) that Judaism was 
more widely spread in Yemen. 

Jewish colonies were probably to be found in the 
whole northwestern coast-line ; but only a few are 
known to history. These were at Taima, Fadak, 
Khaibar, Wadi al-Kura, and in the immediate vi- 
cinity of Medina. It was in the last-named place 
that Jews lived in large numbers, forming three 
tribes, viz., the powerful Banu Kainuka, in the 
north of the town, where they possessed a market 
named after them ; the Banu al-Nadhir, who were 
their neighbors, and the Banu Kuraiza, who occu- 
pied the eastern suburbs. The last two tribes 
claimed their descent from the family 
Medinian of Aaron, and therefore styled them- 
Jews. selves Al-Kahinan (the two Priests). 
Besides building villages, all three 
tribes constructed a number of forts, which afforded 
them protection during the numerous feuds of the 

Arab tribes. Through recent discoveries of inscrip- 
tions the names of several "kings" of tribes have 
been unearthed, and Glaser has arranged them chron- 
ologically in the following order: Talmay, Hanaus 
(Al-Aus), Talmay, Lawdan, Talmay. 

Such was the position of the Jews in North Ara- 
bia, when, about the year 800, two Arab tribes, the 
Banu al-Khazraj and Al-Aus, moving northward 
with the stream of immigrants from the southern 
shores, found habitations in the environs of Medina. 
Like the Jews, the intruders built a number of cas- 
tles for themselves and sought to insure their own 
safety by making allies of the former. Peaceful 
times had, however, gone forever. The Arab histo- 
rians — the sole source regarding these events — con- 
sider the acts of violence committed by one of the 
Jewish tribes to be the cause of the outbreak of 
hostilities ; but this is only natural. Following their 
report it is learned that part of the Banu al-Khazraj 
had settled in Syria under the sovereignty of the 
Ghassanide prince Abu Jubaila. Malik, chief of 
the Medinian Khazrajites, invoked his aid against the 
Jewish oppressors. Glad of the opportunity, he 
marched with an army toward Medina, whereupon 
the Jews retired to their castles. Pretending to be 
engaged in an expedition against Yemen, he assured 
them of his peaceful intentions, and invited them to 
a banquet in his camp. Those who availed them- 
selves of the invitation were assassinated, and the 
murderers seized their wives and children. The 
fate of the unhappy victims was bewailed in elegies 
by the Jewess Sarah and by another poet, whose 
name is not known. 

The only revenge taken by the Jews was to man- 
ufacture an uncouth effigy of the traitor, which they 
are said to have placed in their synagogue — a most 
unlikely place — where they showered blows and 
curses on it. This, if true, would enable one to 
form some idea of their intellectual status, and would 
seem to show that, in spite of their religious views, 
they shared their neighbors' belief in magic. That 
Arabs regarded such punishment as effective can 
be proved by occurrences which took place even in 
Islamic times ; but compare Haman in Rabb. Lit. 

After this event, which considerably weakened the 
power of the Jewish tribes, nothing is heard of their 
affairs for about a century, except that they took 
part in the quarrels of the two Arab clans with 
whom they intermarried, and that they fought occa- 
sionally on both sides. 

In the middle of the sixth century there flourished 
the Jew Samau'al b. Adiya, who lived in his castle 
Al-Ablak in Taima, eight days' jour- 
Samau'al ney north of Medina. " More faithful 
b. Adiya. than Al-Samau'al " became a prover- 
bial saying. The following is the 
circumstance which gave rise to it : When the fa- 
mous poet Imr al-Kais fled from the King Al-Mun- 
dhir of Hira, he confided his daughter and his treas- 
ures to the care of his friend Samau'al. Al-Mundhir 
besieged Al-Ablak, and having captured a son of 
Samau'al, threatened to kill him unless his father 
gave up the treasures of his friend. This Samau'al 
refused to do, allowing his son to be slaughtered 
before his eyes in preference. Samau'al alluded to 
the incident in verse, thus securing for himself a 




place among the ancient Arab poets. Of other Jew- 
ish contemporaneous poets the best known is Al 
Rabi ibn Abu al-Hukaik, who competed in poetic 
improvisation with another prominent Arab min- 

Mohammed's Lifetime : The second period in the 
history of the Jews in Arabia, viz., the rise of 
Islam and its effect on their fate, may now be con- 
sidered. When the news spread that a Meccan 
prophet had arisen who endeavored to replace pa- 
ganism by a monotheistic belief, the cureosity of 
the Jews was naturally aroused. Their own polit- 
ical prestige had by that time declined to such an 
extent that they were daily exposed to acts of vio- 
lence from their pagan neighbors. They looked 
forward to the advent of a Messiah; and Moslem 
historians, chronicling these hopes, point vaguely to 
Mohammed. About this time, ambassadors from 
Mecca arrived in order to learn the Medinian Jews' 
opinion of the new prophet. The report which 
they are supposed to have brought throws very 
little light on this subject. On the other hand, the 
curiosity of the Jews was so great that they could 
not rest, but sent one of their chiefs to Mecca to as- 
certain what they had to hope for or to fear. Mo- 
hammed was plied, directly or through an inter- 
mediary, with questions; but with no satisfactory 
results. Probably, as long as he lived in Mecca, the 
Jews thought but little of the whole movement ; in- 
deed, there was little prospect of Islam ever assum- 
ing large proportions in Medina. 

Notwithstanding all that is related about Moham- 
med's having used the Medinian Jews as a source of 
information, their share in the actual building-up of 
Islam was but small. When Mohammed came to 
live among them, the essential portions of the faith 
had already been created. Such learning as he owed 
to Jews he had acquired at a much earlier period, 
probably in Syria. It was only natural, however, 
that Mohammed should be anxious to win the Jews 
over; but, being afraid of their intellectual superior- 
ity, he wished to accomplish this by intimidation 
rather than by persuasion. His first step was to ad- 
vise the Medinians, who invited him to take up his 
abode with them, and dissolve their alliances with the 
Jews. The seemingly friendly attitude toward the 
Jews, that he at first assumed, and to which he gave 
expression in the treaty that he concluded with the 
Medinians, was but a stratagem. As soon as he per- 
ceived that they did not feel inclined to make ad- 
vances, he covered them with abuse; this can be 
seen in the Medinian portions of the Koran. Observ- 
ing that they remained obstinate, he 
Mohammed proceeded to crush them as soon as 

Crushes his political power had become strong 
the Jews, enough to enable him to do so with 
impunity. He commenced by expel- 
ling the Banu Kainuka, who retired to Adraat in 
the north. Subsequently he ordered the assassina- 
tion of the poet, Ka'ab b. al-Ashraf, chief of the 
Banu al-Nadhir, who, by his verses, had incited the 
Meccans to revenge the defeat they had suffered at 
Badr. In the following year, to retrieve the disas- 
ter of the Moslem arms at Uhud, the whole tribe 
Al-Nadhir was expelled. Their expulsion formed 
the burden of an elegy by the Jewish poet Al-Sam- 

mak. Finally, the Banu Kuraiza were besieged, 
and on their surrender were put to death by Mo- 
hammed. They numbered upward of seven hun- 
dred, and included the chiefs Ka'ab b. Asad and 
Hukaik; their women and children were distributed 
among the Moslems. 

Mohammedan authors have much to say about 
the Jewish apostate, Abd Allah ben Salam, who is 
supposed to have become a follower of the prophet 
soon after the entry of the latter into Medina ; but 
from more reliable sources it is gathered that the 
apostasy did not take place till shortly before Mo- 
hammed's death. Only a little of what Mohammed 
learned from this man appears in the Koran ; but 
much more is given in the "Hadith," the traditional 
supplement to this book. 

Lastly came the turn of the Jews of Khaibar to 
be attacked. After an unsuccessful fight they, as 
well as those of Fadak, Taima, and Wadi-al-Kura, 
surrendered. Being more skilled agriculturists than 
the Arabs, Mohammed permitted them to stay on 
the condition- that they hand over one-half of their 
harvests to the Moslem authorities. But they lived 
in dread of ultimate expulsion ; and this state lasted 
till Mohammed's death. His successor, Abu Bakr, 
also found it well to continue the same policy, from 
which the Moslem commonwealth derived consider- 
able benefit. Omar, however, fearing that the dan- 
ger Islam might undergo through continual contact 
with Jews would be greater than their material use- 
fulness, drove them out of the country, and they 
left for Syria. For the history of the Jews in 
Arabia after Mohammed see Aden, San'aa, Yemen. 

Bibliography : Hirschfeld, Essai sur VHistoire des Juifs de 
Medine. in Rev. Et. Juives, yii. 167 et seq.; ib. x. 10 et seq.; 
idem, New Researches into the Composition and Exegesis 
of the Qoran, London, 1902 ; Wellhausen, Juden und Chris- 
ten in Arahien, in Skizzenund Vorarbeitsn, iii. 197 et seq. 
(compare Noldeke's criticism, Z. D. M. Q. xli. 720) ; Grimme, 
Mohammed, i. 66 et seq. ; ib. 90 et seq. ; ib. 109 et seg. ; ib. 
118 et seq. See also articles Islam, Mohammed, Himyarites, 
Du Nuwas, etc. 
g. H. Hie. 

In Rabbinical Literature : Both the land 

and the people of Arabia were familiar to the Jews 
of Palestine and Babylonia ; and the notices of the 
Arabians, as given in the Talmuds and the Mid- 
rashim, are among the most valuable and reliable 
data extant concerning the pre-Islamic Arabians. 

The Arabians are designated by the Jews UIV. 
and more rarely i^Nyw, the latter name being 
used principally to indicate the inhabitants of the 
desert (M. K. 24a) to emphasize their kinship to 
the Jews (Shah. 1 la). In Babylonia the Arabians 
were also known by the name of Ky«t3 (" Tayite "), 
after the great Arabian tribe of the Tayites ; and the 
Hebrew transliteration with j; is based upon a popu- 
lar etymology which connected this Arabic name 
with nytD and ,-|J>n ("to wander," "to wander 
about"). By the term "Arabians" the Jewish 
sources sometimes also indicate the Nabatseans, the 
Aramaized Arabians, although the word "Naba- 
taean " is also found. 

It is impossible to tell to what extent the Arabian 
peninsula was known to the Jews during the first 
five centuries of the common era. With the excep- 
tion of a passage in 'Erubin 19a, the Talmud and 
the Midrash speak of Arabia in a general way, 


Arabic-Jewish Philosophy 



without mentioning any particular locality. As re- 
gards the passage Lam. R. iii. 7, it is doubtful 
whether "Sugar" (thus in Buber's 
The Land, edition) is the name of a place at all, 
although Arabia lias towns bearing 
the names of " Sajur " and " Sawajir. " It is evident, 
from a remark in the Tosefta (Ber. iv. 16) and the 
Midrash (Gen. R. lxxxiv. 16), that the Arabs traded 
only in skins and naphtha, and not in spices and 
sweet-scented stuffs, and that southern Arabia must 
therefore have been altogether unknown to the Jews 
of Palestine. 

The Arabs are spoken of as typical nomads. A 
very ancient source (Ohalot xviii. 10) speaks of 
their tents as unstable abodes, because the occu- 
pants wandered about from one place to another. 
Thus the settled Arameans looked down with con- 
tempt upon the Arabs, to whom, about the } r ear 70, 
the phrase " contemptible nation " (rpSK> DD1N) came 
to be applied (Ket. 666) ; and even in later times it 
was regarded as most humiliating for a woman to 
marry an Arab (Yer. Ned., end). Concerning the 
gods of the Arabs, mention is made ('Ab. Zarah 
US) of the idol Nashra (or Nishra), a deity revered 
by the tribes of both the south and the north (see 
Wellhausen, "Reste Arabischen Heidenthums," 2d 
ed., p. 23, and the literature cited there). The pas- 
sage states that this god's temple was open the year 
round; and it is further recorded that the "hajj [an- 
nual pilgrimage] of the Tayites" OjT'tn NDJn) was 
not always held upon the same date, or (according 
to Rashi) not regularly every year. A peculiar 
religious custom is mentioned (Yer. Ta'an. ii. 656; 
Midrash Jonah, in Jellinek, "B. H." i. 100, and 
Ta'anit 16a). The tribes are also especially char- 
acterized as being given to immoral excesses; and 
the proverb runs that " the Arabs are guilty of nine- 
tenths of all the immorality in the world " (Kid. 
496 ; Esther R. [i. 3] , however, has " Alexandria " in 
place of "Arabia," and assigns to the Ishmaelites 
nine measures of "stupidity " [DlE'StS]). 

In a passage badly mutilated by censors (Shab. 
11a) Abba Arika (Rab), who lived about the first 
half of the third century, remarks that he would 
rather be ruled by an Ishmaelite than by a Roman, 
and by a Roman rather than by a Parsee. A cen- 
tury later, however, conditions seem 
Habits and to have changed for the worse. It is 
Customs known that in the first half of the 
of the fourth century the Arabs seized the 
People. lands of both Jewish and non-Jewish 
inhabitants of Pumbedita, and com- 
pelled the rich proprietors to make out deeds of sale 
to them (B. B. 1686). Similar conditions at that 
time prevailed at Nehardea, where it was unsafe to 
leave cattle unguarded in the fields because the 
Arabs (Bedouins) that frequented the district stole 
whatever was within their reach (ib. 36m). Interest- 
ing, also, as bearing upon the life of the Arabs, are 
the allusions in the Mishnah to " the caldron of the 
Arabs," by which is meant an improvised fireplace 
for baking, and which consisted of a cavity, lined 
with clay, in the ground (Men. v. 9 ; Kelim v. 10). 
At a much later period, the chief food of the Arabs 
seems to have consisted of meat (Hul. 396). 
As to the garb of the Arabs, the Mishnah states 

(Shab. vi. 6; see Rashi's reference to the passage, 
p. 65a) that it was already then the custom for 
women— even for Jewesses living in Arabia— when 
they went out-of-doors, to cover the entire face, ex- 
cept the eyes, with a veil. In their journeys in the 
desert the men, too, used a face-cloth, about an ell 
square, as a protection from the flying sand (M. K. 
24a; Mishnah Kelim xxix. 1; compare commentary 
of Hai Gaon). Among the Jews, however, this cov- 
ering of the face was customary only as a sign of 
mourning (M. K. I.e.). There was, furthermore, a 
difference between the sandals of the Arabians and 
those of the Arameans, the latter being provided 
with an easy lacing arrangement, whereas the for- 
mer were bound firmly to the feet with leather 
thongs (Shab. 112a; Yeb. 102a; compare Hananeel 
on the passage in Shab. , which is also cited in ' Aruk, 
s.v. nan, ed. Kohut, iii. 436a). Of the 
Weapons, arms of the Arabs little is said in rab- 
binical literature. Their usual weapon 
on their travels through the desert was the spear 
(B. B. 74a) ; and a small shield is mentioned as hav- 
ing been also used in mock combats (Kelim xxiv. 1). 
Another Arabian custom noted in the Talmud is 
that of wrapping meat in the skin of the animal and 
carrying it homo on the shoulders from the slaugh- 
ter-houses (Pes. 656). Mention is also made of the 
wonderful faculty the Arabs were held to possess, 
of ascertaining, by merely smelling the ground, how 
far removed they were from a spring or other source 
of water (B. B. 736). 

The Arabs are represented in Jewish sources as 
magicians and idolaters of the lowest type. An au- 
thority of the third century relates that he himself 
witnessed an Arab slaughter a sheep in order to 
make predictions from its liver (Lam. R., introduc- 
tion, xxiii.). Another source of about the same pe- 
riod notes that the Arabs worshiped the dust that 
remained clinging to their feet (B. M. 
Religion 866). In regard to the language of 
and the Arabs, Jewish sources contain 

Language, more than twelve "Arabic" words, 
expressly designated as such, which 
have been collected by Brilll, not all of which, how- 
ever, are really Arabic. Thus, for instance, for 
'awila, "boy" (Gen. R. xxxvi., beginning), is given 
the Arabic 'aiyil; for patia, "youth" (ib. lxxxvii.), 
= Arabic, fatan; while the other words adita, " rob- 
bery, " mkkaia, " prophet, " and others, are originally 
Aramaic words used \>j the Nabatoeans. Other 
words, again, \ikeyubla, "ram," kabaa', "to rob, "can 
not be found either in the Arabic or in any dialect 
of the Aramaic, and can only refer to the dialect of 
Arabian Jews. See Ishmabl and Rabba bar bar 

Bibliography : rsrull, FremdsjwachUche Redensarten und 
Augdrttckllch ate Fre mdxpraclilich Bezelchnete W/irter in 
den Talmuden und Midrasehim, 1869, pp. 4046; Frankel, 
AramUteche FremdwOrter, pp. 2, 38, 39: Noldeke. in Z. D. 
M. O., xxv. 123. 

J. SK. 

L. G. 

ARABIAN" NIGHTS : Popular name of a col- 
lection of tales written in Arabic under the title " Alf 
Lailat wa Lailah " (One Thousand and One Nights), 
and rendered familiar to all Europe by Galland's 
French adaptation of 1703-1717. The constituent 




Arabic-Jewish Philosophy 

elements of the collection vary in different editions ; 
Burton's edition, which is the completest, contains 
more than 230 stories, many of which include other 
stories, making the total not far short of 400. 
Joseph Jacobs, in an introduction to a reprint of 
Lane's edition (London, 1896), suggested that these 
stories may be divided into four successive strata: 
(1) a Persic-Indian nucleus consisting of Indian tales 
translated into Pahlavi at the same time as similar 
collections of tales — Baelaam and Bidpai and Sind- 
bad — was adapted during the reign of Chosroes I. 
(531-79) ; this is set in a framework of local Persian 
origin; (2) an Arabic adaptation made at the court 
of Harun-al-Rashid in the ninth century, under 
the patronage of the Barmecides, by Abu Abdallah 
Mohammed al-Jahshiyari ; (3) additions made in 
Cairo between the twelfth century and the fifteenth, 
and final redaction there which gave the whole col- 
lection an Egyptian tone ; (4) additions found only 
in Galland's translation, including "Ali Baba," 
"Aladdin," and "Prince Ahmad," which have been 
traced to the recital of a native Christian of Aleppo, 
named Hanna, who visited Paris in 1709. The Jew- 
ish interest in the " Arabian Nights " connects itself 
with the first and third of these sections. 

De Goeje has suggested that the framework story 
of the whole collection, in which the queen Shah- 
razad averts execution by telling tales for one thou- 
sand and one nights, is the same story 
Based as that of the Biblical book of Esther. 
on Book of Shahrazad, in the Persian tradition, is 
Esther. the mother-in-law of Ahasuerus, who 
in the Biblical story also beguiles his 
nights by having tales read to him ; his wives also 
hold office only for one night, until Esther obtains 
a more secure tenure. M. de Goeje thinks that the 
" Arabian Nights " preserves a more original form of 
the story, as the writer of the Bible narrative has 
modified the fate of Esther's co-wives. 

F. Perles, in a series of papers contributed to 
" Monatsschrift " (xxii.), has pointed out that sever- 
al of the stories of the " Arabian Nights "—mainly 
those taken from the Cairene additions — deal with 
Jewish topics or are derived from Jewish sources. 
V. Chauvin, in a special treatise on the Egyptian 
recension of "One Thousand and One Nights" 
(Brussels, 1899), has suggested that these Jewish 
tales and others were introduced by one of the last 
redactors, a converted Jew, probably the author of 
the "Story of a Man of Jerusalem," sometimes at- 
tributed to Abraham, son of Maimonides. The Jew- 
ish tales themselves are probably extracted from 
a work of a Jewish convert to Islam, Wahb ibn 
Munabbih (638-738), entitled "Jewish Matters." 

The following are the tales of the "Arabian 
Nights " that appear from several investigations to 
be from Jewish sources. The numbers 
Tales from are those in W. F. Kirby's compara- 
Jewish tive list given in all forms of Burton's 
Sources, edition ; the letters in parentheses re- 
fer to the identifications by Perles : 
22. Ala Al-Din Abu Al-Shamat. 
41. Ali Shah and Zumurrud. 
52. Devout Israelite (F.). 

114. Angel of Death and the Proud King. 

115. Angel of Death and the Rich King. 

116. Angel of Death and the King of the Children 
of Israel. 

117. Izkander (Alexander the Great) and the Poor 

119. Jewish Kadh (Kadi) and His Pious Wife (A.). 
122. Devout, Tray-Maker and His Wife (J.). 

126. The Moslem Champion. 

127. The Christian King's Daughter. 

128. Prophet and Providence (C). 
130. Island King and Pious Israelite. 

132. Queen of Serpents : (a) Adventures of Bulu- 
kuia ; (b) Story of Jamshah. 
133 gg. The Seventh Voyage of Sindbad. 

136. Judar and His Brethren. 

137. A jib and Gharib. 
155. Hassan of Bassorah. 

161 k. The Blind Man and the Cripple (G.). 

163. Abdallah the Fisherman. 

168. Abdallah ibn Fazil and His Brothers. 

183 a. Harun al-Raschid and Tichfat al-Culoub. 

196. Story of Ali Cogia (K.— one of Galland's 

203. Sultan of Yemen and His Three Sons. 

256. Story of Abdallah (E.). 

Besides these stories, there are several others ob- 
viously inserted by the same hand. Thus, the whole 
collection from 114 to 132 appears to be by the hand 
of Wahb ibn Munabbih, while " The Blind Man and 
the Cripple " (161 k.) is part of a section of eighteen 
stories which are all told together under the title of 
"King Jali'ad of Hind." Altogether some forty- 
five stories — nearly one-ninth of the whole — can be 
traced to this Jewish editor of the Cairene edition, 
and Chauvin suggests that fifteen others were in- 
serted, though not written, by him. 

One of the tales can be traced to the Cairene re- 
daction by a reference to Jewish customs. In the 
" Ensorcelled Prince" (2 b) the Peri transforms the fish 
of different colors into the former inhabitants of the 
city, the yellow fish being turned into Jews because 
the Jews of Egypt wore yellow badges, owing to 
the pact of Omar (see Badge). 

Bibliography : Perles, Rabbinische Haagaclas in 1,001 Nacht, 
in Monatsschrift, xxii.; De Goeje, Thousand and One 
Nights, in Encyc. Brit.; Lane, Arabian Niflhts, with an In- 
troduction by Joseph Jacobs (London, 1896) ; V. Chauvin, La 
Recension Egypticnne des Mille et TJne Nuits (Brussels, 
1899) ; Israel Levi, in Rev. Et. Juives, xxxix. 141-143 (re- 
view of Chauvin). For parallel with Testament of Solomon, 
see Jew. Quart. Rev. xi. 14. See also Ahikar. 

View of: So thoroughly were the writings of 
Arabic-speaking Jews influenced by what may be 
termed Mosaism, that it is necessary to bear this 
constantly in mind when considering the peculiar 
contribution of these Jews to the history of philos- 
ophy. Mosaism from its outset could scarcely claim 
to be called a philosophy. It was, in the most 
pointed sense of the word, a religion of law. If, 
as is quite reasonable, the Decalogue be accepted as 
the oldest portion of the Biblical canon — as the re- 
ligious backbone, so to. speak, of Mosaism — it be- 
comes evident at once that a moral Will speaks 
therein with the "categorical imperative." The 
Mosaic religious system was therefore neither the 
product of cold intellect like the Greek religious 

Arabic-Jewish Philosophy 



philosophy, nor an ardent emotional evolution like 

Brahmanism or Buddhism; nor was it the result 

of over-subtle cogitationlike the teach- 

Mosaism ings of Confucius and Zoroaster. It 

a System consisted of the imperative commands 
of of au Omnipotent Will speaking in 

Mandates, mandatory accents. The religions of 
intellect addressed their followers in 
the subjunctive; emotional religions in the opta- 
tive; Mosaism, a Will- or Law-religion, admonished 
its believers in terse, unconditional imperatives. 

The sacred writings of no other of the great relig- 
ions contain so little speculative reflection as the Old 
Testament ; and if it be true that all religion is but 
imperfect philosophy — that is, philosophy in the 
guise of sentiment (Schleiermacher), and never in 
the form of the concept (Hegel) — then Mosaism 
affords a most imperfect system of metaphysics. 
History (Genesis as an attempt at the history of the 
world; Exodus as a national history, etc.), poetry 
(Deborah's Song, the Psalms, and the Prophetical 
writings), together with jurisprudence (Leviticus) — 
these are the vital elements in Mosaism. There is no 
room for philosophy. The philosophical tinge in the 
two books of the canon, Job and Ecclesiastes, is dis- 
tinctly due to foreign influences: the former plunges 
immediately into the angelology and demonology 
of Parseeism, and the latter is dyed in the somber 
hues of the Hellenism of Alexandria. 

Still more practical evidence of the aversion of 
Mosaism to philosophy is afforded by the fact that, 
when Jewish Hellenism in Alexandria evolved not 
only such fitful stars of small magnitude as Aristseus 
and Aristobulus, but also a great and enduring lu- 
minary like Philo, it was rudimentary Christianity 
that blossomed forth in response to the Jewish-Hel- 
lenic doctrine of the Logos : Judaism remained en- 
tirely uninfluenced by the Philonic 

Position philosophy. This accounts for the fact 
of that Maimonides — the sole Jewish phi- 

Philo. losopher of the Middle Ages with a full 
appreciation of the historical sequence 
of his faith — knew as little of the existence of Philo 
as of the works of Joseph us. Indeed, all medieval 
Judaism may be said to have remained in ignorance 
of Philo, the only philosopher produced by ancient 
Judaism, and the greatest one down to the present 
time, Spinoza alone excepted — a circumstance all the 
more significant when contrasted with the assiduous 
development of the historical sense in other fields. 
Even with Philo himself philosophy was not indig- 
enous : it was a product imported from other climes ; 
for Philo was absolutely dependent upon Plato, jiist 
as Maimonides and all Arabic-Jewish philosophers, 
with the exception of Ibn Gabirol, were upon Aris- 

The explanation of this remarkable phenomenon — 

the cold and almost hostile attitude of Judaism, as a 

religion, toward philosophy — may per- 

Authori- haps be found in the fact that every 
tative religion based upon law is thereby nee- 
Nature of essarily authoritative in its utterances. 
Mosaism. The Jews did not need to speculate 
upon the origin of all things. The Bab- 
ylonian legend of the creation was presented to them 
in Genesis as a dogma, as an unquestionable article 

of faith. All other religious systems had to think out 
for themselves a foundation for the world ; in Juda- 
ism one was ready to hand. Thus, what elsewhere 
was the aim and object of all speculative philosophy 
— the account of the origin of the universe — was in 
Judaism posited at the very beginning of the Bible. 
One other fact remains to be mentioned ; namely, 
that of all ancient religions Mosaism was the only 
optimistic one. All the others glorified death ; Mo- 
saism was alone in extolling life: D'TQ mrUl, 
"Choose life" (Deut. xxx. 19); "keep my statutes 
. . . which if a man do, he shall live in them" 
(Lev. xviii. 5). While pessimistic religions pro- 
claimed as their watchword, " Choose death, choose 
non-existence " (Nirvana), Mosaism, on the contrary, 
never ceased to enjoin, "Choose life." "Servo the 
Lord with gladness, come before His presence with 
singing, " j oyously exhorts the Psalmist (Ps. c. 2) ; "I 
shall not die, but live," he exults in the delirium of 
happy existence (Ps. cxviii. 17). Buddhism was a 
religion of commiseration ; Mosaism, one that shared 
the happiness and joy of all living creatures. Such 
a religion, whose God surveyed all creation with sat- 
isfaction, and emphasized each successive stage with 
the exclamation "It is good," "It is very good," 
needed no philosophy, and therefore produced none. 
All philosophy originates either in a puzzled incom- 
prehensibility of things (e-rrl to Bavjia^cLv, as Aristotle 
says) or in a deep dissatisfaction with the existing 
arrangement of the world. Neither of these motives 
obtained with the Jews ; for them there 
Optimistic was neither theoretical impulse nor 
Character practical inducement. For them, ac- 
of knowledging revelation as they did, 

Mosaism. there existed no mystery as to the or- 
igin of the universe ; nor was there 
anything in its government crying out for improve- 
ment. Their faith, on the one hand, and their ex- 
emplary fortitude in life, on the other — in short, their 
native optimism — sealed for them all the sources of 
philosophy. Thus there was never an original Jew- 
ish philosophy, but only, as with Philo, a Helleno- 
Jewish, or, as in the Middle Ages, an Arabic- Jewish, 
philosophical system. 

In the Arabic -Jewish philosophy four distinct 
types or tendencies may be discerned, all, however, 
dependent upon Greek models. 

(1) The first of these is the rabbinical Kal&m (the- 
ology or science of the word), appearing first with 
Saadia, attaining its highest point with Maimonides 
in literary development, and with Hasdai Crescas in 
speculative attainment, and sinking with Joseph 
Albo to the level of mere pulpit-rhetoric. The scien- 
tific models for this school were, among Arabian 
philosophers, the Motazilites (who denied all limiting 
attributes of the Deity, and were champions, there- 
fore, of His unity and justice); and, among Greeks, 
Porphyry and the so-called Aristotelian theology, that 
is, Plotinus' "Enneads." But as soon as Aristotle's 
actual writings became known, first through the me- 
dium of Arabic versions, and later through Hebrew 
translations, this Neoplatonic dilution of true Aris- 
totelianism began gradually to give way, and ap- 
proach was made to a purer form of it. As Boethius 
among Christian scholastic philosophers was alluded 
to as "the author," so Aristotle came to be termed 



Arabic-Jewish Philosophy 

SlIDlP^an, the philosopher par excellence among 
Arabic and Jewish thinkers. This tendency to- 
ward Aristotle was no less marked in the Byzan- 
tine and Latin-Christian scholasticism than in the 
Arabian and Jewish systems, the last of which con- 
formed to the Arabic. Among the Arabs there was a 
continual and gradual ascent through 
Tendencies Al-Kindi, Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, and Ibn 
of the Koshd toward an ever purer and ex- 
Phi- acter presentation of the genuine Ar- 
losophy. istotle; in the last the ascent was 
through Saadia, Bahya ben Joseph Ibn 
Pakuda, Judah ha-Levi, Abraham ibn Daud, Mai- 
monides, Gersonides, and Crescas. Throughout this 
school Aristotle remained the model and arbiter. 

(2) The second school was that of the Karaite dis- 
ciples of the Kalam. An analogous development 
is discernible with them. "While David ben Merwan 
al-Mokammez (about 900), and especially Joseph al- 
Basri, found their system exclusively upon the Mo- 
tazilite Kalam, the latest straggler of them all, the 
philosophizing Karaite, Aaron ben Elijah of Nico- 
media (fourteenth century), reverts, in his " 'Ez Hay- 
yim, " to Aristotle. 

(3) A place by himself must be assigned to Avice- 
bron (Avicebrol), long venerated as an authority by 
Christian scholasticism, but proved by Munk to be 
identical with the Jewish poet- philosopher Solomon 
ibn Gabirol (died about 1070). Gabirol was influenced 
by Plato exactly as Maimonides was by Aristotle. In 
Gabirol's work Plato is the only philosopher re- 
ferred to by name; while in Maimonides' "Moreh 
Nebukim," Plato is quoted only four times in the 
whole course of the book — once from the " Timseus " 
(II. ch. xiii. ; Munk, II. ch. cix.), probably the only 
Platonic work with which Maimonides was ac- 
quainted. Aristotle, on the contrary, whom Maimon- 
ides knows so thoroughly, is named at the outset 
(I. ch. v.) as D'DIDI^Sn E'SO ("The Chief of Philos- 
ophers"), and in II. ch. xvii. (Munk, II. ch. xxii. 
179) occurs the unqualified declaration that " every- 
thing that Aristotle teaches of sublunary matters is 
the unconditioned truth " (see also book II. ch. xix. 
and xxiv.). 

Ibn Gabirol's relation to Plato is similar to that 
of Philo, and that without his suspecting even the 
existence of the Alexandrian thinker. Characteris- 
tic of the philosophy of both is the conception of a 
Middle Being between God and the world, between 
species and individual. Aristotle had already for- 
mulated the objection to the Platonic theory of Ideas, 
that it lacked an intermediary or third 
Gabirol's being (Tpirog avBpuiroc) between God 
Conception and the universe, between form and 
of Inter- matter. This " third man," this link 
mediary between incorporeal substances (ideas) 
Beings, and idealess bodies (matter, the nv 6v), 
is, with Philo, the " Logos " ; with Gabi- 
rol it is the divine will. Philo gives the problem 
an intellectual aspect ; while Gabirol conceives it as 
a matter of volition, approximating thus to such mod- 
ern thinkers as Schopenhauer and Wundt. For the 
rest, Gabirol suffered precisely the same fate as his 
predecessor, Philo; his philosophy made not the 
slightest impression on Judaism. Among Jews he is 
esteemed as a poet; while Christian scholasticism, in 

the persons of its two chief representatives, Alber- 
tus Magnus and his pupil, Thomas Aquinas, defers 
to him quite as frequently and gratefully as in their 
time the Gnostics and the Church Fathers— particu- 
larly Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Ambrose 
—did to the Logos doctrine of Philo. 

(4) Cabala, or the Jewish mysticism. This " secret 
lore " has always claimed descent from ages of hoary 
antiquity. There is some slight warrant for this 
assertion, since faint traces of cabalistic modes of 
thought have been detected by Fran- 
Jewish kel and by Munk among the Essenes. 
Mysticism Nor may it be denied that the work 
and the that is at the foundation of the Zohar, 
Cabala. namely "Sefer Yezirah," the so-called 
" Book of Creation " (see article), con- 
tains material reaching back to an older tradition. 
In sequence of thought, the Cabala is as completely 
dominated by Pythagoras— or rather by the Neopy- 
thagorean school— as Jewish Hellenism was by Plato, 
or the Arabic-Jewish Philosophy by the sage of 
Stagira. It matters really little whether the rise of 
the Jewish Cabala and of Christian mysticism, the 
MvariK?/ Oeofoyia of Diony sius the Areopagite, be dated 
a few centuries back or forward ; its vital elements are 
always the Pythagorean number-symbolism on the 
one hand, and the Neoplatonic emanation-theory on 
the other. Its distinguishing feature is the combina- 
tion of both elements. The Cabala also looks for 
"middle beings," exactly as Philo and Gabirol do, 
upon whom it may be dependent. But while Philo 
found these intermediaries in the di- 
The Cabala vine Logos, and Gabirol in the divine 
and Num- will, the Cabala sought them in fan- 
ber-Sym- tastie arithmetic. The Unlimited (" En 
bolism. Sof"), or God, is the originally un- 
differentiated unity of the cosmos, en- 
tirely identical with the Indian Nirvana and the 
ndvra bjiov of the Greeks. Differentiation began with 
the archetypal Man (Adam Kadmok) compounded 
of ten light-circles, spheres, or intelligences (Seflrot: 
to wit, Keter, Hokhmah, Binah, Hesed, Din, Tiferet, 
Nezah, Hod, Yesod, Malkut). God dissolves Him- 
self into attributes. This feature is peculiar to the 
whole of the Middle Ages. Natural forces are 
transformed into attributes of God ; and attributive 
thought takes the place of substantive. While in 
antiquity every natural force was a divinity, and 
while Monotheism condensed all these divinities into 
one personality, recourse was now had to the expe- 
dient of degrading the forces of nature into at- 
tributes of God. Trinity, Tritheism, Logos-doctrine, 
and Seflrot are the stammering utterances of ancient 
and medieval thought, endeavoring to explain the 
relation of multiplicity to unity, of natural forces 
to nature itself, of the attributes of God to God 

The cabalists, however, occupied a proportionately 
small space in the history of Arabic-Jewish Philos- 
ophy. They were far more numerous in southern 
France or Languedoc than in Moorish Spain. There 
are no independent cabalistic works written in 
Arabic, though the philosophical works of the Ara- 
bic-Jewish philosophers were written in Arabic, the 
vernacular of every -day life in Moorish Spain. There 
seems to have been a certain system in the employ- 

Arabic-Jewish Philosophy 
Arabic Language Among' Jews 



ment of Hebrew and Arabic. For halakic decisions 

(Saadia Gaon and Maimonides), for religious poetry 

(Ha-Levi and Gabirol), and especially 

Arabic for Biblical exegesis (Ibn Daud, Ger- 

Suited to sonides, Ibn Ezra, and Abravanel) the 

Philosoph- Hebrew language was used ; while for 

ical Termi- philosophic writings the Arabic idiom 

nology. was currently employed. The vulgar 

tongue seemed most appropriate for 

things profane ; possessing as it did the advantage 

of a finely developed philosophical vocabulary, 

which the Hebrew acquired only after the school 

of the Tibbonides had accomplished their labors of 


A fundamental difference between the cabalists 
and the exponents of pure philosophy in the con- 
ception of the philosophical problem may be found 
in the position assigned by either to human Reason. 
The former rejected the authority of the conclusions 
of Reason, and relied upon tradition, inspiration, and 
intuition. Those thinkers, on the other hand, who 
based upon Reason considered inspiration and "in- 
tellectual intuition " as pertaining to prophets only ; 
for themselves and ordinary human beings Reason 
was the prior requisite for all perception and knowl- 

Saadia (892-942) in his "Emnnot we-De'ot " (The 
Principles of Faith and Knowledge) posits the ra- 
tionality of the Jewish faith with the 
Reason restriction that Reason must capitu- 
and late wherever it contradicts tradition. 

Tradition. Dogma must take precedence of Rea- 
son. Thus, for example, in the question 
concerning the eternity of the world, Reason teaches 
since Aristotle, that the world is without beginning ; 
that it was not created ; Dogma asserts a creation out 
of nothing. Again, Reason insists — also since the 
time of Aristotle — upon only a general immortality ; 
Dogma, on the contrary, maintains the immortality 
of the individual. Reason, therefore, must give 

While Bahya ben Joseph (eleventh century) in 
his " Hobot ha-Lebabot " (Duties of the Heart) — a 
book still popular among Eastern Jews — maintained 
an almost hostile attitude toward rationalistic 
thought and was satisfied with mere pulpit-morali- 
zing, the poet-philosopher Judah ha-Levi (twelfth 
century) in his religio-philosophical work " Cuzari " 
took the field with strenuous arguments against all 
philosophizing. He became thus the Jewish Alga- 
zali, whose " Destructio Philosophorum " was the 
model for the " Cuzari. " Against Mohammedanism 
and Christianity his antagonism is somewhat milder 
than against Peripatetic philosophy: he inclines 
rather toward Sufi's skeptical mysticism. Human 
reason does not count for much with him ; inward il- 
lumination, emotional vision, is eveiy- 
The thing. The " Cuzari " is interesting as 

"Cuzari." a literary type. It describes represent- 
atives of the different religions and 
of philosophy disputing before the king of the Khaz- 
ars concerning the respective merits of the systems 
they stand for, the palm of course being ultimately 
awarded to Judaism. Herein is the germ of those 
comparative studies of religion which the French- 
man, Jean Bodin (1530-96), developed in his"Hep- 

taplomeres" (partially translated into German by 
Guhrauer, 1841), and which has been still further 
continued in our age as the science of comparative 

But not even a Judah ha-Levi could bar the prog- 
ress of Aristotelianism among the Arabic-writing 
Jews. As among the Arabs, Ibn Sina and Ibn 
Roshd leaned more and more on Aristotle, so among 
the Jews did Abraham ibn Daud and Moses Maimon- 
ides, whose "Moreh Nebukim" has remained the 
text-book for Arabian-Jewish Aristotelianism. The 
commentaries on the " Guide for the Perplexed " 
are always in Hebrew (by Falaquera, Ibn Caspi, 
Moses Narboni, and Isaac Abravanel), and are beyond 
the scope of an article dealing with Arabian-Jewish 
philosophers; these thinkers do not belong to Moor- 
ish Spain, but to Provence or Portugal. For similar 
reasons, the Aristotelian, Levi ben Gerson (RaLBaG) 
(1288-1345) who wrote " Milhamot Adonai " (Wars 
of the Lord), can not be discussed 
Gersonides here : he was a denizen of Bagnols, in 
and southern France, and wrote in Hebrew. 

Hasdai Among all scholastics, Levi b. Gerson 

Crescas. (Gersonides) was by far the most ad- 
vanced ; for he, and he only, had the 
courage to place reason above tradition, or, to ex- 
press it differently, to oppose the theory of creation 
out of nothing. Similarly, Hasdai Crescas (1340- 
1410), another writer in Hebrew, combated another 
dogma of Judaism, the freedom of the will, so ener- 
getically that he may be considered a rara avis 
among Jews ; and so valiantly did he break a lance 
for fatalism that he enjoyed the honor of being ap- 
preciatively quoted by Spinoza. His " Or Adonai " 
(Light of the Lord) is one of the most original and 
independent works of scholasticism in general and 
not of Jewish scholasticism alone. Apart from its 
hardihood in openly and unreservedly attacking 
Maimonides' claims of infallibility for Aristotle in 
all matters pertaining to the sublunary world, it has 
the merit of projecting the problem of causes into 
the very foreground of philosophical thought. The 
mental heights of Crescas were by no means main- 
tained by his pupil Joseph Albo, the last Jewisk 
scholastic in the Spanish peninsula. In his " Tkka- 
rim" (Fundamental Doctrines) he sinks to the level 
of an ordinary philosophizing rhetorician and mor- 
alist. It is difficult perhaps to penetrate the depth of 
thought and deft language of Crescas ; but it is just as 
difficult to work one's way through the pitiful shal- 
lows of Albo's unctuous commonplaces. These last- 
named philosophers wrote in Hebrew, and therefore 
can hardly be reckoned among Arabic-Jewish phi- 
losophers. The chief representative of Arabic-Jew- 
ish scholasticism, Maimonides, must now receive 

Maimonides holds tenaciously, as against Aristotle, 
to the doctrine of creation out of nothing. God is 
not only the prime mover, the original form, as 
with Aristotle, but is as well the creator of matter. 
Herein Maimonides approaches more closely the 
Platonic " Timseus " than the Stagirite. Of God, the 
All-One, no positive attributes can be predicated. 
The number of His attributes would seem to preju- 
dice the unity of God. In order to preserve this 
doctrine undiminished, all anthropomorphic attri- 



Arabic-Jewish Philosophy 
Arabic Language Among Jews 

butes, such as existence, life, power, will, knowledge, 
— the usual positive attributes of God in the Kalitrn 
— must be avoided in speaking of 
Maimoni- Him. Between the attributes of God 
des the and those of man there is no other simi- 
Chief larity than one of words (homonymy), 
Scholastic, no similarity of essence ("Moreh," i. 
35, 56). The negative attributes imply 
that nothing can be known concerning the true be- 
ing of God, which is what Maimonides really means. 
Just as Kant declares the Thing-in-itself to be un- 
knowable, so Maimonides declares that of God it can 
only be said that He is, not what He is. 

Finally, it may be stated that in the question of 
universals — the chief problem of scholasticism — 
Maimonides takes strict Aristotelian ground 
("Moreh," i. 51, iii. 18; treatise on "Logic," ch. 
10), in so far as he denies reality to the human 
species, but admits its true essence to exist only in 
the individual (according to the formula " Univer- 
salia in re "). In his " Ethics " (as systematized by D. 
Rosin, 1876) he follows the Stagirite in consistently 
insisting upon the " fitting mean " (peofrnic) as well 
as in the elevation of the intellectual virtues over 
the ethical. Thus, the Arabic-Jewish philosophy 
presents the same endeavor as the contemporary 
Arabian, Byzantine, and Latin- Christian scholasti- 
cism, namely, to bring about from the standpoint 
of the knowledge of the day a reconciliation be- 
tween religion and science. 

However insignificant, compared with the fund of 
our present knowledge, this Arabic-Jewish philoso- 
phy may appear in its attitude toward the various 
problems and their solutions, two things must not 
be overlooked. In the first place, modern pride of 
culture should not prevent the confession that not 
a single step taken since the days of Maimonides 
has brought the solution of such problems any 
nearer. And, in the second place, it must not be for- 
gotten that the scholastics preserved the continuity 
of philosophical thought. Without the activity of 
these Arabic-Jewish philosophers, especially of those 
Jewish translators of whose work Steinschneider 
has treated so exhaustively, the mental culture of 
the Western world could scarcely have taken the 
direction it has, and certainly not at, 
Position in the rapid rate which was made pos- 
the History sible through the agency of the Hu- 
of Thought, manists and of the Renaissance. The 
Arabic-Jewish philosophers were the 
Humanists, the agents of culture, of the Middle Ages. 
They established and maintained the bond of union 
between the Arabic philosophers, physicians, and 
poets on the one hand, and the Latin-Christian 
world on the other. Gabirol, Maimonides, and Cres- 
cas are of eminent importance in the continuity of 
philosophy, for they not only illumined those giants 
of Christian scholasticism, Albertus Magnus and 
Thomas Aquinas, but their light has penetrated 
deeplv into the philosophy of modern times. Leibnitz 
speaks with no little respect of Maimonides, as does 
Spinoza of Crescas. Moses Mendelssohn and Solo- 
mon Maimon, the two Jewish friends of Tmmanuel 
Kant, took their point of departure from the Arabic- 
Jewish philosophy, as Baruch Spinoza had done. Suf- 
ficiently indicative of the bond of intellectual con- 
II.— 4 

tinuity is the fact that the same Solomon Maimon, 
who assumed the name Maimon simply out of rever- 
ence for Maimonides, was gratefully described by 
Kant in a letter to Marcus Herz as the critic who 
understood him best, and who had penetrated most 
deeply into his " Critique of Pure Reason. " 

Jews play merely a secondary role in the history 
of philosophy: they are transmitters of thought, 
apostles of culture, typical representatives of the 
intellectual continuity of the human race. The first 
Jew who was a real philosopher of prime mag- 
nitude, Spinoza, evolved his system not as a Jew; 
no more than Descartes framed his as a Frenchman 
and Catholic, or Leibnitz his as a Protestant and 
German. Philosophy has divested itself, more and 
more decisively, of all narrowing restraints of secta- 
rianism and nationalism, and, like science itself, has 
become more and more cosmopolitan. The Arabic- 
Jewish philosophy was the last that could be desig- 
nated Jewish. To-day there are still Jews who 
philosophize ; but there are no Jewish philosophers. 

Bibliography: There is a mine ol information in the annota- 
tions to Solomon Munk's Guide des Bgares ; as also in Stein- 
schneider's monumental Hebr. Uebers. Berlin, 1893. General 
treatises upon Arabic-Jewish philosophy exist only in the form 
ol sketches, such as that ol Munk, already mentioned, and in 
the manuals ol the history ol medieval philosophy by Bitter 
and Stockl ; Lasswitz, Gesch. der AtomistUt ; Prantl, Gesch. 
d. Logik ; also in the Encyclopedias ol Ersch-Gruber, Her- 
zog, and Encye. Britannica. Uselul lor the literary history is 
the Ueberweg-Heinze Grundriss der Gesch. d. Philosophic 
8th ed., 1898, ii. 237-253. The sketch ol I. S. Spiegler, Gesch. d. 
Philosophic d. Judenthums, 1881, is ol little practical value. 
Much that is valuable may be lound in the larger histories ol 
Jost, Graetz, and David Cassel. The essay on Jewish-religious 
philosophy by Philip Bloch in Winter- Wunsche, Jud. Lit. 1894, 
ii. 699-793, is thoroughly reliable, as is also G. Karpeles, Gesch. 
d. Jud. Lit. 1886, pp. 419 et seq. 01 monographs may be men- 
tioned : On the Cabala, Ad. Franck, Systeme de la Kabbale, 
1843, 2d ed., 1889 (German by A. Jellinek, 1844) ; D. H. Joel, Die 
ReligUmsphilosophie des Sohar, 1849. Among works deal- 
ing with special problems and individual exponents ol Arabic- 
Jewish philosophy, the most important are M. Joel, BcitrOge 
zur Gesch. d. Philosophic 1876, and David Kaulmann, Gesch. 
d. Attributenlehre in d. Jttd. Relwonsphitosophie, 1877. 
See also the studies by Moritz Eisler and A. Scbmiedl. Optimism 
and pessimism in Jewish religious philosophy have been treated 
by H. Goitein, 1890 ; the doctrine ol the Freedom ol the Will, 
by L Knoller, Das Problem der Willensfreiheit, 1884, and 
by L. Stein, Die Freiheit des Willens, 1882. J. Guttmann 
has famished excellent monographs upon Saadia, Ibn Gabirol, 
and Ibn Daud. A conclusive monograph upon Maimonides' 
philosophy has not yet been written ; but his " Ethics " has 
been luminously treated by Jaraczewsky, Zeitsehrift fVur 
Philosophic 1865, and by D. Rosin, 1876. 
K. L. S. 


USE OF : The precise period of the first settlement 
of Jews in Arabia is unknown, and it is therefore 
impossible to say when the Arabic language was 
first employed by them. Historical data concern- 
ing the Jews of Arabia do not reach further back 
than the first century of the common era; but, 
judging by the important positions which they oc- 
cupied then in parts of Arabia (compare Yakut, 
" Geog. WOrterbuch," ed. WUstenfeld, iv. 461 et seq.) 
and by the purely Arabic names which they bore, 
Jews must have already been settled in the country 
for several centuries. 

Among the ante-Islamic poets there were a number 
of Jews ; and a certain Sarah, a Jewess, wrote some 
Arabic verses, in which she poured forth her grief 
at the massacre of her tribe of Koraiza (Noldeke, 
"Beitrage zur Kenntniss der Poesie der Alten Ara- 
ber," p. 54). A Jew, named Al-Samau'al, made him- 
self as famous by his loyalty as by his poetry, and 

Arabic Language Among Jews 
Arabic Literature of the Jews 



the Arabs to-day still use the phrase, " as loyal as 
Al-Samau'al," to express unswerving fidelity (Prey- 
tag, "Proverbia Arabum," ii. 828). The son of Al- 
Samau'al, Shoreikh, also occupied an honorable place 
among ante-Islamic poets. 

In adopting the Arabic language, the Jews in- 
troduced into it a number of Hebrew words and 
expressions which, in certain portions of Arabia, 
where Jews were numerous and influential — as in 
the Yemen district, for example — have entered into 
the native vocabulary. It is owing to this that the 
Himyaritic inscriptions abound in Hebraisms and 
words which are altogether unintelligible to Arabs 
of other localities. 

With the conquests that began immediately after 
the death of Mohammed, the Arabic language 
crossed the frontiers of Arabia and spread rapidly 
among the Jews of other countries. In Egypt, 
Syria, Palestine, and Persia, which were conquered 
by the second calif, Omar, the Jews soon learned to 
use the language of the conquerors 

Adopted and adopted it as their mother- tongue. 
by Eastern As early as the beginning of the eighth 
Jews. century, scarcely fifty years after the 
conquest, a Babylonian Jew, Jawaih 
de Basso ra, translated a medical work from Syriac 
into Arabic ; it is thus evident that at that period 
the Babylonian Jews were already familiar with the 
Arabic language. As Babylonia then exercised a 
religious hegemony over the whole Jewish world, 
it became necessary for the Jews of other countries 
— at least for Jewish scholars — to understand the 
official language of Babylonia. Consequently, when 
Africa and Spain were conquered under Walid I., 
the Jews found no difficulty whatever in sustaining 
intercourse with the Arabs. 

The adoption of the Arabic language by the Jews 
residing in Moslem countries had a salutary ef- 
fect also upon the Hebrew tongue. The Arabs at- 
tached great importance to the correct use of their 
language ; and thus the Jews, who always cherished 
a deep love for the Hebrew tongue, were led to turn 
their attention to the deplorable state into which 
their own language had fallen. They set about 
polishing it, as it were, and created a grammar for 
it, modeled after that of the Arabic. Hebrew poetry, 
which in the seventh century resembled nothing so 
much as a lyre with broken strings — it was without 
rime or meter — began, under the influence of the 
study of Arabic poetry, to assume elegant rhythmic 
forms, and soon surpassed the latter in sonorousness 
and polish. 

But upon the written or literary Arabic language 

the Jews likewise exerted a special influence which 

was not so wholesome. Jewish writers, treating of 

subjects pertaining to religion and Judaism, were 

forced in some degree to conform to the culture of 

the people for whom they wrote, the great mass of 

whom, though speaking Arabic as' 

Char- their mother tongue, were not able to 

acteristics read it, and were unfamiliar with its 

of Jewish- niceties of style and complicated 

Arabic. grammar. Jewish authors were there- 
fore compelled to transliterate the 
Arabic into Hebrew characters and to simplif y the 
grammar. The system of transliteration was as 

follows: for each Arabic letter the corresponding 
Hebrew was given. The letters £ & c* -s ±_ &, 
which have no equivalents in Hebrew, were repre- 
sented by 1 b ¥ i 5 h , with dots above or below 
the letters. The vowel-points were rendered either 
by the same signs as used in the Arabic or by the 
vowel-letters iltf. In regard to grammar, the Jews 
avoided whatever could embarrass a reader who 
was not well versed in Arabic literature. Thus, for 
example, the broken-plural forms, so numerous in 
literary Arabic, were reduced to a minimum, only 
such being retained as were familiar to all. The 
purely orthographic signs, like the alif in the third 
person of the plural, were generally omitted. Con- 
trary to grammatical usage, the second or third rad- 
ical letter of a weak verb was generally retained in 
the conditional and imperative moods, to indicate to 
the reader the three radical letters of which the verb 
was composed. The rules of syntax were very much 
relaxed ; and the style of what may be conveniently 
termed "JudsBO- Arabic" often presents the same 
characteristics of disorder and confusion that are 
met with in the Hebrew vernacular literature of the 
Middle Ages. 

With the overthrow of the dynasty of the Almo- 
hades at the close of the thirteenth century, the 
Arabic language ceased to be spoken by the western 
Jews; but for many centuries it continued to be 
cultivated by Jewish scholars of all countries for the 
sake of the many beautiful literary relics which 
Jewish authors have left in that language. It is 
still spoken by the Jews of Algeria, Morocco, Tunis, 
Egypt, Tripoli, Yemen, and Syria. 

Bibliography : Steinsctmeider, in Jew. Quart. Rev. xiii. 

g. I. Br. 


From the time that the Arabs commenced to develop 
a culture of their own, Jews lived among them and 
spoke their language. Gradually they also em- 
ployed the latter in the pursuit of their studies, so 
that Jewish literature in Arabic extends over all the 
branches in which Jews took an interest. Indeed, 
the material is so vast that it is impossible to give a 
comprehensive survey of it in small compass ; and 
it is owing to this circumstance that there is no work 
on the subject, although one by Steinschneider has 
been in preparation for many years (see " Z. D. M. G. " 
liii. 418). 

1 . Early Literature : The earliest literary pro- 
ductions are not of a specifically Jewish character, 
but are similar to those of the Arabs. They consist 
of poems composed in celebration of public or pri- 
vate events, and date from the second half of the 
fifth century of the present era. The first was com- 
posed by a poetess of Medina named Sarah, who 
bewailed the slaughter of a number of her people 
by an Arab chief. The same event is alluded to in 

some other verses by an unknown 

First Poem poet. About the middle of the sixth 

Is by a century there flourished in North 

Woman. Arabia Al-Samau'al (Samuel) b. Adi- 

ya, whose name is often mentioned 
and whose verses are to be found in the most no- 
table compilations of ancient Arabic poetry. At the 



Arabic Language Among- Jews 
Arabic Literature of the Jews 

time of Mohammed there lived in Medina the poets 
Al-Rabi ibn Abi al-Hukaik, Ka'ab ibn Asad, 
Asma (a woman), Ka'ab ibn al-Ashraf (assassinated 
by order of Mohammed), Al-Sammak, Aus of Ku- 
raiza, Abu al-Diyal, Shuraih, Jabal ibn Jauwal, and 
finally Marhab of Khaibar. Toward the end of Mo- 
hammed's career the convert Al-Hnsain, who as- 
sumed the name Abd Allah ibn Salam, wrote homi- 
lies and sacred legends drawn from Jewish sources, 
thus furnishing the first elements of the " Hadith " 
(Moslem tradition). He was followed by Yamin ibn 
Yamin (Benjamin), Ka'ab ibn Ahbar, and Walib ibn 
Munabbikh (the last two hailing from Yemen), all 
of them converts to Islam. Of other literary pro- 
ductions by Arab Jews in this early epoch there is 
no record, except of the so-called "Kitab al-Ash- 
ma'at," mentioned by an anonymous author of the 
ninth century. This work, which Sprenger (" Leben 
und Lehre Mohammed, " i. 49) believes to have been 
an ancient book of revelation, was not an Arabic 
work, but was probably only a compendium of rab- 
binical discussions, which its author naturally styled 
" Shema'ata. " Abd Allah ibn Saba, who is supposed 
to have been a Jew, was the first to ascribe divine 
honors to the calif Ali. He founded the Shiite sect 
of the Sabaiyya. This ends the first period, a spe- 
cial feature of which is that all its literary produc- 
tions have been transmitted through Mohammedan 
channels (see Delitzsch, "Jild. Arabische Poesien 
aus Mohamm. Zeit," 1874; Noldeke, "Beitrage zur 
Kenntniss der Poesie der Alten Araber," pp. 52-86; 
Hirschfeld, "Essai sur l'Histoire des Juifs de Me- 
dine," in "Revue Etudes Juives," vii. 167-193, x. 

2. Karaites : It was in the second period that 
Arabic began to be used as a scientific language. 
The first to employ it for theological works were 
the Karaites. The founder and oldest teacher of 
this sect, indeed, still employed the rabbinic dialect ; 
but later on, when the gulf between the Karaites 
and the Rabbinites widened, the former employed 
Arabic, not merely on account of the spread of that 
language, but apparently out of spite to the Rab- 
binites, whom they wished to prevent from reading 
their books. It was evidently for the same reason 
that the Karaites afterward employed Arabic char- 
acters for Hebrew quotations and translations. 

There is not much variety in the Arabic writings 
of the Karaites, as they nearly all have the same 
tendency, and were composed in defense of narrow 
religious views. The branches chiefly dealt with 
are Biblical Exegesis, Halakah and Theology, Po- 
lemics against Rabbinites, and Linguistics. There 
is, however, still so much uncertainty as to many 
details, that final results can not in many cases be 
obtained till further researches shall have been made 
among the manuscripts in the various public libraries. 

With the beginning of the tenth century Karaite 

literature enters its fullest period. The struggle 

was reciprocal, and is no doubt largely 

Apogee of responsible for the growth of Arabic 

Karaite works among llabbinite Jews. There 

Literature, was hardly one prominent Karaite 

writer of this period who did not 

attack Saadia. The first claiming mention is Su- 

laiman ibn Ruhaim (Salomon b. Jeroham), who 

wrote commentaries on the Psalms, Lamentations, 
and Ecclesiastes (MSS. British Museum, 2515-17, 
2520; Hirschfeld, "Arab. Chrestom." pp. 103-109). 
Next to him must be mentioned Yusuf Kirkisani, 
whose "Kitab al-Anwar we al-Manakib" (D'H'IXn'D) 
forms an introduction to his commentary on the 
Pentateuch (Bacher, "Jew. Quart. Rev." vii. 687- 
710; Harkavy, "Mem. Russ. Arch. Soc. Sect. 
Orient." viii. 247-381; Poznanski, in Steinschneider, 
"Festschrift," pp. 195-218; idem, "Semitic Studies 
in Memory of A. Kohut," pp. 435-456; Hirschfeld, 
ib. pp. 116-121). The most fertile of all, however, 
is Jefeth ibn 'Ali ha-Levi (Hasan al-Basri) (Commen- 
tary on Daniel, ed. D. S. Margoliouth, Oxford, 1891). 
Besides his "Sefer ha-Mizwot," he wrote commen- 
taries on all the Biblical books, and paid more atten- 
tion to linguistic questions than his contemporaries. 
His son Levi (Abu Sa'id) commented on the Pen- 
tateuch and on Joshua, and composed a compendium 
of the " Agron " (dictionary) by David ben Abraham 
of Fez. David b. Boaz (993) wrote commentaries 
on the Pentateuch and on Ecclesiastes, and also a 
"Kitab al-TJsul." 

The beginning of the eleventh century is marked 
by Yusuf al-Basir (Ha-Ro'eh), who wrote several 
works on theology and halakah: for example, " Al 
Muhtawi" (The Comprehensive One), several re- 
sponsa, the "Kitab al-Istibsar," on the law of in- 
heritance, of which some fragments are still extant, 
and the "Kitab al-Isti'ana," of philosophic character 
(see P. F. Frankl, "EinMu'tazilit. Kalam," in"Sit- 
zungsber. der Wiener Acad." 1872, pp. 169 et seq.). 
About 1026 Abu al-Faraj Harun ibn al-Faraj com- 
pleted his grammatical work " Al-Mushtamil " (Poz- 
nanski, "Rev. Et. Juives," xxxiii. 24-39). He was 
also the author of a commentary on the Pentateuch. 
Ali b. Sulaiman, of the twelfth century, left, be- 
sides an exegetical work on the Pentateuch, an igron 
based on that of the above-named David ben Abra- 
ham. Karaite literature, after its de- 
Karaite cay in Asia, found a new home, in the 
Literature thirteenth century, in Egypt ; but its 
in productions were inferior to those of 

Egypt. the preceding epoch. Israel b. Sam- 
uel ha-Dayyan of Maghreb composed 
a treatise on " Six Articles of Creed," another on the 
ritual slaughter of animals, and, finall3 r , a " Sefer 
ha-Mizwot." A work similar to the last-named was 
written by his pupil, the physician Jefeth ibn Saghir 
(Al-Hakim al-Safi); and another is known as the 
" Siddur of Al-Fadhil " (Isaiah Cohen ben Uzziyahu) 
(Steinschneider, "Cat. Berlin," ii. 48; other ritual 
works, MSS. Brit. Mus. Or., 2531-32, 2536). Ju- 
dah ben Meir (also called Al-Hakim al-Thafi) wrote a 
commentary on Esther. Among commentators on 
the Pentateuch mention should be made of Al- 
Mu'allim Abu Ali (Sahl ben Mazliah al-Imam), 
Abu al Sari, Abu al-Faraj -Furkan, and Al-Mukad- 

The most important author of the fourteenth cen- 
tury is the physician Samuel of Maghreb, whose 
chief work was " Al-Murshid " (The Guide). Besides 
this, he wrote prolegomena to the Pentateuch. In 
1415 Elijah ha-Dayyan wrote a work on the calen- 
dar rules, of which a Hebrew translation exists in 
St. Petersburg. An important " Chronicle of Kara- 

Arabic Literature of the Jews THE JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA 


ite Doctors " was compiled at the beginning of the 
fifteenth century by Ibn al-Hiti (G. Margoliouth, 
"Jew. Quart. Rev.," ix. 429-443). As late as the 
seventeenth century David b. Moses Feiruz com- 
posed a treatise in imitation of Bahyah ibn Paku- 
dah's " Guide to the Duties of the Heart." Even at 
the present day, Arabic is used, although not largely, 
by Karaites in Egypt: in that language they read 
the Passover Haggadah (ed. Presburg, 1868). 

3. Saadia : The development of Arabic literature 
among Rabbinites is indirectly due to the Karaites. 
Saadia of Fayum (see Saadia Gaon) was the first 
to enter the lists against the latter with various po- 
lemical treatises, of which various fragments have 
lately come to light. His works not only extend 
over every branch of Jewish learning then in exist- 
ence, but he even created a new one ; namely, relig- 
ious philosophy. It was evidently his intention to 
prevent Rabbinite Jews from making use of Karaite 
writings of any kind. His translation and commen- 
taries on nearly the whole Bible earned for him the 
name of "The Commentator"; and his version of 
the Pentateuch in particular obtained such popular- 
ity that it was looked upon in the light of a Tar- 
gum, and is still so considered in Arabic-speaking 
countries. It is found in Yemen MSS. side by side 
with the Targum Onkelos. Under the title "Ag- 
ron," he also produced a philological work, the onlj- 
existing fragment of which has recently been pub- 
lished by Harkavy, together with the remains of 
his " Sefer ha-Galuy " (" Studien und Mittheilungen 
aus der Kaiserl. Bibl. zu St. Petersburg," v.). He 
also wrote a treatise on " Ninety [seventy] Unique 
or Rare Words in the Bible " (the original is lost, 
but the Hebrew version has been edited by A. Jelli- 
nek) and a large grammatical work. For liturgical 
purposes he provided a prayer-book, which he en- 
riched with many compositions of his own, whilst 
the directions were written in Arabic. He also 
wrote a chronological treatise, and another on the 
law of inheritance (H. Derenbourg and Mayer Lam- 
bert, ix., "Traitedes Successions, "etc., Paris, 1897). 
(For Saadia's philosophical writings see below.) To 
the number of pseudonymous writings under his 
name, belong a Midrash on the Decalogue (ed. Eisen- 
stadter, Vienna, 1868; Joseph Shabbethai Farkhi, 
1849) — which is, however, nothing but a paraphrase 
made for liturgical purposes — and a description of 
man (Steinschneider, "Cat. Berlin," i. 48). 

4. Bible : Having thus briefly sketched the man- 
ner in which Jewish-Arabic literature was brought 
into existence among Rabbinites, it will be best 
to outline its further development according to 
subject-matter. Next to Saadia, Gaon Samuel b. 
Hofni of Bagdad (died 1034) wrote commentaries 
on various Biblical books, but only part of them 
survive (Samuel b. Hofni, " Trium Sectionum Pos- 
teriorum Libri Genesis Versio Arabica," 1886). The 
decline of Jewish learning in Irak was followed by 
its rise in Spain; and Arabic appears as the favor- 
ite language for Jewish writings. H a f? al-Kuti, 
the Goth (1000-1050), composed a metrical para- 
phrase of the Psalms (A. Neubauer, " Revue Etudes 
juives," xxx. 65-69). Moses ha-Kohen Gikatilla of 
Cordova (1050-1080), stimulated by Abu al-Walid's 
grammatical and lexical writings, composed com- 

mentaries on the Pentateuch, the Prophets, Psalms, 
Job, Canticles, and Daniel; but only fragments 
of them have been preserved, in the form of 
quotations in the works of later authors (S. Poz- 
nanski, " Ibn Jiqatilla Nebst den Fragmenten Sei- 
ner Schriften," Leipsic, 1895). To the same period 
probably belong two anonymous translations of 
Ruth. Isaac ben Judah ben Ghayat (1039) left a 
version of Ecclesiastes (ed. J. Loewy, Leyden, 1884). 
A younger contemporary but very bitter opponent 
of Moses Gikatilla was Judah b. Balaam of Toledo 
(1070-1090). His commentaries on the Bible have 
likewise been but incompletely handed down (see 
Neubauer, "The Fifty-third Chapter of Isaiah," pp. 
384-385; Bacher, Stade's " Zeitschrift, " xiii. 129- 
155). Fragments of an anonymous commentary on 
the Psalms, dating from the twelfth century, are 
preserved in the library of St. Petersburg. In 1142 
the physician Hibat Allah (Nathanael) commented 
on Ecclesiastes. He subsequently embraced Islam. 
At the beginning of the thirteenth century Joseph 
b. Aknin, Maimonides' renowned pupil, is supposed 
to have written a commentary on Canticles and a 
treatise on Biblical measures (Munk, "Notice sur 
Joseph b. Jehoudah," in "Journal Asiatique," 1842, 
xiv. ; Steinschneider and Neubauer, in "Magazin," 
1888). A commentary of his on the Pentateuch is 
mentioned by Al-Mwakkit (MS. Brit. Mus. Add. 

27294, p. 166). Somewhat later Tan- 

Com- hum of Jerusalem composed commen- 

mentaries. taries on the Pentateuch and on many 

other parts of the Bible ("Commen- 
tary on Joshua," ed. Th. Haarbrilcker, Berlin, 1862; 
" Coram, on Judges," ed. Goldziher). Isaac b. Sam- 
uel ha-Sefardi (end of the fourteenth century), who 
commented on the Prophets, likewise lived in 
Palestine (Steinschneider, "Hebr. Bibl.," xix. 135, 
xx. 10). A commentary on the second book of Sam- 
uel was written by Isaac b. Samuel (Margoliouth, 
"Jew. Quart. Rev.," x. 385-403). Part of this com- 
mentary is to be found in the Bodleian Library, Ox- 
ford. In the fifteenth century there flourished in 
Yemen Abraham b. Solomon, who compiled notes 
on the Prophets (Poznanski, I.e. p. 68). A com- 
mentary on Esther, regarded as a pseudonymous 
work of Maimonides, was edited (Leghorn, 1759) 
by Abraham b. Daniel Lumbroso. It probably 
dates from the sixteenth century, and is written in 
the dialect of Maghreb. The last century has wit- 
nessed a new awakening of literary interest among 
the Jews of Asia and Africa; and the printing- 
presses of Leghorn, Cairo, Algiers, Oran, Jerusalem, 
Bombay, Poona, and Calcutta are busy with trans- 
lations, chiefly of those books of the Bible that 
are used in the liturgy, viz., Pentateuch, Haftarot, 
Psalms, the Five Scrolls, and Job ("Hebr. Bibl." 
xiii. 49). A translation of the whole Bible by Eze- 
kiel Shem-Tob David was printed in Bombay in 
1889, and one of the Apocrypha by Joseph David in 

Following in the wake of exegesis there sprang 
up a literature of Midrashic and homiletic explana- 
tion of the Bible. The British Museum possesses 
manuscripts (Or. 66-70) of discourses on the Penta- 
teuch, which are attributed to David b. Abraham, 
Maimonides' grandson. The bulk of the homiletic 


THE JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA Arabic Literature of the Jews 

literature belongs to Yemen. In the middle of the 
fourteenth century Nathanael ben Isaiah compiled 

a kind of Midrash under the title " Nur 

Mid- al Thulm," specimens of which are 

rashim and still extant (idem, xii. 59 ; Alexander 

Homilies. Kohut, "Light of Shade and Lamp 

of Wisdom," New York, 1894; Hirsch- 
feld, "Arab. Chrestom." pp. 11-14). The phy- 
sician Yahya b. Sulaiman (Zakariyya, about 1430) 
was the author of the Midrash Hefez, written 
in a mixture of Hebrew and Arabic (Steinschneider, 
"Cat. Berlin," i. 64, 71), a commentary on which 
exists under the title " Al-Durrah al-Muntakhaba " 
(MS. Brit. Mus. Or. 2746). A few decades later 
Sa'id b. Da'ud al-Adani wrote homilies on the Pen- 
tateuch under the title "Kitab najat al-gharikin" 
(ib. 2785). Abu Mansur al-Dhamari was the author 
of the "Siraj al-'Ukul" (see Kohut, "Aboo Manzur 
al-Dhamari, " New York, 1892) ; and, finally, David 
al-Lawani composed a Midrashic work, " Al-Wajiz 
al-Mughni." Glosses on the Decalogue were writ- 
ten by Moses b. Joseph al-Balidah (MS. Brit. Mus. 
Or. 2746). Various anonymous compilations, be- 
longing to the same class and written in vulgar 
dialect, also exist (Hirschfeld, I.e. pp. 14-19). 

5. Linguistics: Jewish philologists modeled 
their works on those of the Arabs. It is, therefore, 
not surprising that many of them were written in 
Arabic. The earliest Jewish grammarian is Judah 
b. Koraish, of Tahort, in North Africa (ed. BargSs, 
Paris, 1859). His " Risalah " (Epistle), exhorting the 
community of Fez not to neglect the study of the 
Targum, embodies the first attempt at a compara- 
tive study of Semitic languages. He is, however, 
far outranked by Saadia, who was the first to make 
philological studies a special science. Saadia's first 
work, styled " Agron," of which only 
Philology, some fragments have been preserved, 

was partly lexicographical, partly 
grammatical. More details on the latter subject 
were to be found in his chief work, " Book on the 
[Hebrew] Language," in twelve parts; but unfortu- 
nately this is not now in existence. The only two 
works of his that have been preserved are his ety- 
mological essay on "Ninety [seventy] Unique or 
Rare Words in the Bible," and his commentary on 
the "Sefer Yezirah," which contains grammatical 
paragraphs. In the middle of the tenth century 
there flourished in Kairwan Dunash ben Tamim. 
Soon after Saadia, Abu al-Faraj Harun of Jerusa- 
lem, the Karaite, composed a work on grammar and 
lexicography under the title '.' Al Mushtamil" (Poz- 
nanski, "Rev. Et. Juives," xxx. 24-39, 197-218). 

The oldest linguistic studies in Spain were not 
written in Arabic, but in Hebrew; and there is 
none of real importance till Judah Hayyuj (of Fez), 
who, at the beginning of the eleventh century, wit- 
nessed the famous struggle between the pupils of 
Menahem and Dunash hen Labrat. Hayyuj was 
followed by Abu al-Walid Merwan (Jonah) b. Ja- 
nah, whose writings are of a more comprehensive 
nature. The latter not only criticized and supple- 
mented Hayyuj, but wrote important grammatical 
works and a dictionary ("The Book of Hebrew- 
Roots," ed. A. Neubauer, Oxford, 1875; Hebrew 
version, ed. W. Bacher, Berlin, 1894). Judah b. 

Bal'am wrote on the accents of the first three books 
of the Hagiographa, on homonyms ("Kitab al-Taj- 
nis "), and several smaller treatises. Prominent 
alike as commentator of the Bible and grammarian 
was Moses Gikatilla, who wrote on the " Masculine 
and Feminine " ; but this work is lost. To the same 
century belongs Isaac b. Jashush, who was the au- 
thor of a work on Inflections ("Kitab al-Tasarif "). 
The twelfth century shows further development. 
Abu Ibrahim b. Barun wrote " Kitab al-Muwazana, " 
a treatise on comparative Hebrew and Arabic phi- 
losophy (ed, with a Russian introduction and annota- 
tions, by P. v. Kokovzow, St. Petersburg, 1893). 
Judah ha-Levi's "Alkhazari" has a grammatical 
chapter with interesting features (ed. Hirschfeld, pp. 
128-138). After this pei'iod Hebrew preponderated 
over Arabic for philological pursuits. In the four- 
teenth century there is only Tanhum of Jerusalem, 
who wrote a dictionary on the Mishnah (" Al Mur- 
shid ") in connection with Maimonides' commentary 
on the same. In the fifteenth century the African, 
Saadia ben Danan, composed a grammatical work 
and a Hebrew-Arabic dictionary. Another glossary 
on Maimonides' Mishnah commentary was compiled 
by David ben Yesha ha-Lewi of Aden (Steinschnei- 
der, "Cat. Berlin," No. 113). Of anonymous wri- 
tings mention may be made of a grammatical com- 
pendium attached to a Karaite prayer-book (MS. 
Brit. Mus. Or. 25-36), an Arabic-Persian vocabu- 
lary (MS. Brit. Mus. Add. 7701), a treatise on diffi- 
cult words in Bible and Mishnah (Hirschfeld, 
"Arab. Chrestom.," pp. 31-34), and a chapter on 
Biblical Aramaic (ib. pp. 54-60). 

6. Talmud and Halakah : It was but natural 
that in the Talmud and Halakah Arabic did not be- 
come so popular as in other branches of Jewish lit- 
erature. The rabbinic dialect for discussions on 
Halakah was too firmly established to suffer the in- 
trusion of Arabic ; and much that has been written 
on such subjects in Arabic has either perished, or 
has been chiefly studied in Hebrew versions. There 
is no sufficient evidence to prove that an Arabic ver- 
sion of the Mishnah by Saadia was ever written, 
since the short notice given by Pethahiah of Regens- 
burg is too scant to admit of any definite conclusions. 
Some of his Arabic responsa have been preserved. 
The translation made by Saadia's Spanish contempo- 
rary, Joseph ben Abi Thaur, was not made to sup- 
ply a want felt by Jews, but at the request of a bib- 
liophile ruler. It is therefore not surprising that, it 
should have been lost, as probably not more than 
one copy of it ever existed. 

Joseph b. Abraham b. Sheth and Isaac al-Faz 
wrote responsa in Arabic. Maimonides, while wri- 
ting his commentary on the Mishnah in Arabic, left 
the text untranslated ; and it was the Hebrew ver- 
sion of this commentary which became popular, 
although the original was also fre- 

Maimon- quently copied. Many portions of the 
ides. same exist in print ; and its study is 
of the utmost importance in the veri- 
fication of the version attached to present-day edi- 
tions of the Talmud. Maimonides also wrote a 
" Sefer ha-Mizwot " in Arabic, to serve as a kind of 
introduction to his Mishnah Torah (introduction and 
the first three paragraphs edited, with German trans- 

Arabic Literature of the Jews THE JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA 


lation, by M. Peritz, Breslau, 1882; the whole ed- 
ited, with French translation, by M. Bloch, Paris, 
1888). Lastly, he used Arabic for numerous re- 
sponsa ; and the autographs of a few of these arc 
fortunately still in existence (Margoliouth, "Re- 
sponsa of Maimonides in the Original Arabic," in 
"Jew. Quart. Rev." xi. 553; Simonsen, "Arabic 
Responsa," ib. xii. 134-137; "Hebr. Bibl." xix. 
113). His son Abraham, though not inheriting his 
father's genius, possessed much Talmudic learning, 
and endeavored to supplement the latter's writings 
by a work wherein religious observance was dis- 
cussed in a semi-philosophical manner (" Kitab al- 
Kifayah"). In a correspondence with David b. 
Hisdai of Bagdad ("Maase Nissim," edited by B. 
Goldberg, Paris, 1867), he defends the theories of his 
father. There also exists a collection of Arabic re- 
sponsa by him under the title " Megillat Setarim " 
(MS. Monteflore [Halberstam] , p. 56). Among the 
fragments brought from the Genizah in Egypt, there 
are a host of smaller Arabic essays and letters on 
matters of Halakah. Ritual commentaries in Arabic 
are attached to many prayer-books now in use in 
Asiatic and African communities. Samuel b. Jam' 
wrote on the slaughter of animals ("Karmel," iii. 
215; Geiger's " Jiid. Zeit." 1862). A volume on the 
laws to be observed by women was published by 
Jacob Ankawa (Algiers, 1855), who translated the 
"Sefer Dat Yehudit " (published Leghorn, 1827) 
from Spanish into Arabic. 

7. Liturgy : The employment of Arabic for li- 
turgical purposes commenced with the translation of 
such portions of the Bible as held a place in public 
worship. It has been stated above that Saadia sup- 
plemented his prayer-book with an Arabic text con- 
taining ritual regulations — a practise imitated in the 
Yemen prayer-books, the oldest of which date from 
the fifteenth century (" Hcbr. Bibl." xxi. 54; "Cat. 
Berlin," i. 69, 117-130; W. H. Greenburg, "The 
Haggadah According to the Rite of Yemen, " London, 
1896). Although in the prayer itself Hebrew was 
adhered to, Arabic began to encroach upon the piyyu- 
tim in the sixteenth century, and was subsequently 
very largely employed. Some of these piyyutim en- 
joy great popularity, as, for example, the Habdalah 
"Song of Elijah" (Hirschfeld, "Journal Royal Asi- 
atic Society," 1891, pp. 293-310), the 
Ritual. tale of Hannah (idem, " Jewish-Arabic 
Liturgies," in "Jew. Quart. Rev." vi. 
119-135, vii. 418-427), other "kinot," the Arabic ver- 
sion of Bar Yohai, etc. The prayer-books printed 
for use in Oriental and African communities have 
many Arabic piyyutim appended; and a survey 
of this neglected field of Jewish literature would 
well reward the labor bestowed on it, because it 
offers interesting linguistic problems besides. A 
special feature of these prayer-books is the (vulgar) 
Arabic version of the Aramaic Targums of some 
portions of the Pentateuch, such as the blessing of 
Jacob, the Song of Moses, and the Decalogue ; also 
prominent Haftarot, as that of the last day of Pass- 
over and the Ninth Day of Ab ; finally, of the Five 
Scrolls, and the Megillat Antiochus (idem, "Arab. 
Chrestom." pp. 1-6). Favorite subjects for trans- 
lation are Ibn Gabirol's" Azharot," Judah ha-Levi's 
famous piyyut, -pD3 <D (Alexandria, 1879), for the 

Sabbath before Purim, and a legendary paraphrase 
of Abot, v. 9 (nrQK> "W, Leghorn, 1846). Besides 
the last-named, the whole of the Pirke Abot (3311 
nmy, ed. Joseph Shabbethai Farhi, Leghorn, 1849) 
lias in many prayer-books its Arabic version side by 
side with the original. The Passover Haggadah has 
often been edited with Arabic translation and com- 
mentaries. Karaite prayer-books show similar fea- 
tures. Arabic directions are already to be found in 
Fadhil's (Isaiah Cohen b. Uzziyahu) "Siddur" (see 
above, par. 2), not to speak of later compilations. 
Isaac b. Solomon gave an Arabic version of "Ten 
Articles of Creed" (mp" 1 JUS, Eupatoria, 1840). 

8. Philosophy and Theology : The employ- 
ment of Arabic for philosophical discussion grew 
out of conditions that differed from those which 
affected most of the preceding branches. Jews 
would probably never have written on philoso- 
phy, had they not been impelled to do so by the 
Arabs, whose works formed their sole sources of 
information on this subject. These latter provided 
them with a terminology, for which the Hebrew 
language offered no facilities ; and their influence is 
so apparent that the Hebrew translations from Ara- 
bic, as well as works written originally in Hebrew, 
bear a thoroughly Arabic stamp. All Jewish philo- 
sophical works that were epoch-making are written 
in Arabic, and most of them are evidently meant for 
Arab readers also. 

Although not exactly the oldest philosophical au- 
thor, Saadia was the first to form his ideas on Jewish 
theology into a system. He was therefore the father 
of Jewish philosophy. His method is that of the 
class of Mohammedan philosophers known as Mota- 
zilites. Somewhat earlier than Saadia was Abu 
Ya'akub Ishak b. Sulaiman (Isaac Israeli the elder, 
died about 950), physician to Abu Muhammed 'Ubaid 
Allah al-Mahdi in Kairwan. He was 
Develop- the author of a " Book of Definitions " 
ment — probably the oldest of its kind — 
of Jewish preserved in a Hebrew version only 
Thought, (ed. H. Hirschfeld, pp. 233, 234; Stein- 
schneider, "Festschrift," pp. 131-141). 
The first period also includes Bahya b. Josef b. 
Pakodah (lived in Spain 1040), the author of " Duties 
of the Heart " and " Reflections of the Soul. " His 
contemporary, Solomon b. Gabirol, was the first to 
introduce Neoplatonic ideas into Jewish philosophy. 
His Arabic works are "The Source of Life," "Im- 
provement of Morals," and the ethical treatise 
" Choice of Pearls " (Munk, " Melanges de Philoso- 
phic Juive et Arabe," Paris, 1859). Judah ha-Levi 
(1140) treats Jewish theology from quite a different 
point of view. In his famous " Kitab Alkhazari " 
(ed. H. Hirschfeld, with the revised Hebrew ver- 
sion, Leipsic, 1887) he discards the method of the 
Kaltai as well as Aristotelianism in general, and 
takes his stand on tradition. He also vigorously 
attacks the doctrines of the Karaites. Joseph b. 
Zaddik of Cordova (died 1149), in his "Microcosm," 
discussed ideas fostered by Ibn Gabirol. Abraham 
ibn Daud (died 1180) paved the way toward abso- 
lute Aristotelianism in his "Emunah Ramah." 

Jewish philosophy reached its apogee in Moses 
Maimonides. Maimun (the father) himself was the 
author of the " Letter of Consolation " (ed. L. M. 


THE JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA Arabic Literature of the Jews 

Simmons, "Jew. Quart. Rev." ii. 335), in which he 
warned Jews not to forget their belief, although 
compelled to appear outwardly as Moslems. His 
son Moses, the greatest of Jewish thinkers, com- 
posed, when still young, a compendium of logic, 
and a treatise on the "Unity [of God]," in Arabic. 
The introduction to his commentary on Abot is also 
of philosophical character, and is known under the 
separate title, "Eight Chapters" (Pocock, "Porta 
Mosis," pp. 181 el xeq., ed. M. Wolff, with German 
translation, Leipsic, 1863). The commentary on 
" Helek, " the tenth chapter of Sanhe- 
Maimon- drin (ib. pp. 133 et seq.), contains the 
ides. " Thirteen Articles of Creed " formu- 
lated by him. A system of his theol- 
ogy is laid down in his chief work, " Guide of the 
Perplexed " (ed. S. Munk, with French translation, 
Paris, 1856-66; compare H. Hirschfeld, "Kritische 
Bemerkungen zu Munk's Ausgabe des Dalalat al- 
Hairin," in " Monatsschrif t, " xxxix. 404-413, 460- 
473). Another work of his is the "Consolatory 
Epistle, " sent to the Jews of Yemen. Maimonides 
was so exhaustive that after him not much was com- 
posed that could claim originality. Of those who 
followed in his steps, mention must first be made 
of his son Abraham, whose chief theological work 
has already been mentioned. His co-disciple, Joseph 
b. Judah b. Aknin (Abu al-Hajjaj Joseph b. Yahyah 
al Sabti al Maghrabi), to whom the "Guide" was 
dedicated, was himself the author of a work " Medi- 
cine of the Soul," and of another discovered by 
Munk. A kind of imitation of the " Moreh " is to 
be found in the anonymous work "Pearls of the 
Secrets." An abstract of Aristotelian philosophy 
in the style of Maimonides is given by Musa b. 
Tubi in his poem " Al-Sab'iniyyah," consisting of 
seventy verses (the original, with the Hebrew ver- 
sion and a commentary by Solomon b. Immanuel 
da Piera, edited and translated by H. Hirschfeld, 
Ramsgate, 1894). 

With the decline of Jewish philosophy the em- 
ployment of Arabic also diminishes. A commen- 
tary on Maimonides' " Sefer ha-Madda' " was written 
by 'Ala al-Din al-Muwakkit (MS. Brit. Mus. Add. 
27294). There still remains to be mentioned Judah 
b. Nissim b. Malka, whose work "Anas al-Gharib" 
contains a commentary on the " Sefer Yezirah " and 
the " Chapters on R. Eliezer " (Hirschfeld, " Arab. 
Chrestom." pp. 19-31), and several anonymous treat- 
ises on "Macrocosm and Microcosm" ("Cat. Ber- 
lin," ii. 105), which Steinschneider believes to be an 
abstract from Joseph Kirkisani's work mentioned 
above. An ethical treatise exists in manuscript in 
the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Neubauer, " Cat. Bodl. 
Hebr. MSS.," No. 1422). 

9. Polemics : Here may be recorded some works 
of a polemical character, because they are theological 
as well. These comprise not only the conflicts be- 
tween Rabbinites and Karaites, but also treatises 
written to repel the encroachments of philosophy 
and the dogmas of other creeds. Among these 
writers is David al-Mekammez, to whom is attributed 
a work entitled "Twenty Treatises" (Steinschnei- 
der, "Cat. Bodl." col. 880). The writings of Sulai- 
man b. Ruhaim and Jefeth (see above) abound in 
attacks upon the Rabbinites; but these were com- 

pletely defeated by Saadia. Further attacks were 
made by Samuel b. Hofni (ib. col. 1034; "Z. D. M. 
G." viii. 551, ix. 838), by Samuel ha-Nagid (who also 
criticized the Koran), and especially by Judah ha- 
Levi. Affiliated to the " Alkhazari " of the last- 
named, and written in defense of Judaism, was Sa'ad 
b. Mansur's (1280) " Tankih al-Abhath " (L. Hirsch- 
feld, " Sa'ad b. Mansuribn Kammuna," Leipsic, 1893 ; 
Goldziher, in "Steinschneider Festschrift," pp. 110- 
114). Pseudonymously attributed to Sa'ad is a 
work dealing with the " Differences Between the 
Rabbinites and the Karaites " (H. Hirschfeld, "Arab. 
Chrestom." pp. 69-103). Another anonymous work 
is the "Report of the Discussion with a Bishop." 
Finally, mention must not be omitted of two Jewish 
renegades, viz., Ibn Kusin, a physician in Mosul, 
and an anonymous writer who pretended to prove 
the truth of Mohammed's prophethood. 

10. Cabala: Arabic commentaries on the " Sefer 
Yezirah " were written by Isaac Israeli (Steinschnei- 
der, "Cat. Berlin," i. 55), Saadia (ed. with French 
translation by M. Lambert, Paris, 1891), and Judah 
b. Nissim b. Malkah (see above). Greater activity 
has been displayed in the present age. An Arabic 
translation of the " Sefer Yezirah " was made by 
Abraham David Ezekiel, in Bombay (Poona, 1888). 
He also translated into Arabic portions of the Zohar 
("Idra Zutta") (ib. 1887; Algiers, 1853), "Joseph 
Ergas" (Bombay, 1888), "Shomer Emunim,"and the 
sermons of Isaac Lopez of Aleppo (Bombay, 1888). 

11. Poetry and Tales : Many productions that 
come under this heading have already been noticed 
at the commencement of this article and in the 
paragraph on Liturgy. Several poems by Karaite 
authors have been published by Pinsker. Single 
Arabic verses are to be found in many of Ibn 
Ezra's Hebrew poems (Rosin, " Reime und Gedichte 
des Abraham ben Ezra," Breslau, 1888); and in 
one of Al-Harizi's Makamas (No. xi.) a poem is in- 
serted in which each verse is divided into Hebrew, 
Aramaic, and Arabic portions. The Makamas are 
preceded by an Arabic preface (Steinschneider, "La 
Prefazione Arabica delle Makamat di Giuda Al-Ha- 
rizi," etc., Florence, 1879). Abraham b. Sahl, al- 
though born a Jew, ranks among Mohammedan 
poets. The philosophical poem of Musa ben Tubi 
has already been mentioned. In the eighteenth cen- 
tury there flourished in Aden, Shalom b. Joseph 
Shabbezi (D"n fV 1SD, MS. Brit. Mus. Or. 4114), 
who compiled a diwan of Arabic poems, many of 
which are of his own composition. Of more recent 
works mention may be made of the interesting col- 
lection of epigrams, quatrains, and ditties, styled 
"Safinah Ma'luf," by Solomon b. Hayyim Bunan 
(Leghorn, 1877). For prose works on the subject of 
belles-lettres the chief place belongs to Moses ibn 
Ezra's "Kitab al-Muhadharah wal-Mudaharah " 
(Schreiner,' "Rev. Et. Juives," xxxi. 98-117, xxxii. 
62-81, 236-249; R. K. Kokowzow, " Kitab al-Muhad- 
harah," St. Petersburg, 1895: portions of Arabic text 
with Russian introduction; H. Hirschfeld, "Arab. 
Chrestom." pp. 61-63). A collection of proverbs 
was printed in Bombay in 1889. Isaac Crispin's 
ethical treatise was translated by Joseph b. Hasn. 
A translation of D'ota "ID10 'D. by Abu Yusuf 
Habib, was printed at Oran in 1889. There also 

Arabic Literature of the Jews 
Arabic Philosophy 



exists a rich literature of tales, mostly of sacred 
character, both originals and translations, namely, 
legendary biographies of the Patriarchs, of Joseph, 
of Moses, and of Solomon (Bombay, 1886). Of more 
secular character is a volume entitled D'yCJJtf r\&]}Q 
(Leghorn, 1868), which contains a version of Sind'a- 
bad's travels. An anonymous historical work was 
edited by Ad. Neubauer (" Medieval Jewish Chroni- 
cles," ii. 89 et seq.). 

12. Medicine: Jews distinguished themselves 
early in medicine, partly by translating from Greek 
and Syriuc, partly by independent works. The old- 
est is Meserjawaih (883), to whom Steinschneider has 
devoted a special article (" Z. D. M. G." liii. 428-434). 
The most prominent Jewish physician of the tenth 
century was Isaac Israeli (Wilstenfeld, "Gesch. 
d. Arab. Aerzte," p. 51; Steinschneider, "Hebr. 
Uebers." p. 761) of Kairwan, mentioned above, who 
made himself famous by his treatise on " Fevers. " 
Moses b. Eleazer al Israili ("Ibn Abi Oseibia," ed. 
A. Muller, ii. 87), as well as his sons Isaac and Ish- 
mael, and Jacob the son of the last-named, were 
physicians to the Vizier Muizz al-Din (end of the 
century). At the beginning of the twelfth century 
Jewish physicians in Spain also began to write in 
Arabic. Abu Ja'far Joseph Ahmad b. Hisdai (a 
friend of the philosopher Ibn Baja) {ib. p. 51) trans- 
lated the works of Hippocrates for Al-Ma'mun, 
vizier to the Egj r ptian calif, Amir bi ahkam Allah. 
Likewise in Cairo flourished (1161) the Karaite, Sa- 
did b. Abi al-Bayyan (Steinschneider, " Hebr. Bibl. " 
xiii . 61-63). Maimonides was distinguished as a med- 
ical author : among other works on medicine he wrote 
a commentary on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates 
(idem., "Z. D. M. G." xlviii. 218-234; idem, "Hebr. 
Uebers. " p. 769). His son Abraham (Wilstenfeld, ib. 
p. Ill), also, was a medical authority, and so was 
Joseph b. Judah (Munk, "Notice sur Joseph b. 
Jehouda," p. 58). In the middle of the twelfth 
century flourished Amram al-Israili ("Ibn Abi 
Oseibia," p. 213; Steinschneider, "Zwei Jiid. Aerzte 
Imran b. Sadaga und Muwaffak b. Sebua," in "Z. D. 
M. G." 1871), born in 1165 at Damascus; died 
1239 at Emesa (Hims). Samuel b. Judah b. Abbas 
(see Abbas) wrote a work styled " Kitab al-Mufid " 
(ib. p. 31). Abu al-Hayyaj Jusuf of Fez (ib. p. 213) 
studied under Maimonides. He lived later on in 
Aleppo and composed a commentary on Hippoc- 
rates, as well as a work on pharmacy. To the 
twelfth century belongs also Al-Asad al-Mahalli (b. 
Jacob ben Isaac), who lived in Egypt and afterward 
in Damascus (ib. p. 118). In the thirteenth century 
Ibn Abi al- Hasan al-Barkamani wrote on hygiene. 
A medical encyclopedia was compiled by Abu 
Mansur al-Haruni (end of the fourteenth century ; 
Steinschneider, " Cat. Berlin," ii. 98,102; see"Z. D. 
M. G." xlvii. 374) under the title " Al-Muntakib." 

13. Mathematics : The oldest Jewish mathema- 
tician was Mashallah (Steinschneider, "Z. D. M. G." 
xlviii. 434-440), who was a prolific writer. An 
anonymous work on astronomy by a Yemen Jew is 
described by Steinschneider ("Cat. Berlin," p. 80). 

Bibuography: Steinschneider, Hehr. TJebers. Berlin, 1893; 
idem. An Introduction to the Arabic Literature of the 
Jexcn, in Jewish Quarterly Review, ix.-xiii. 

e. H. Hie. 

ENCE ON JUDAISM : Arabic philosophy dates 
from the appearance of dissenting sects in Islam. A 
century had hardly elapsed after Mohammed re- 
vealed the Koran, when numerous germs of religious 
schism began to arise. Independent minds sought 
to investigate the doctrines of the Koran, which 
until then had been accepted in blind faith on the 
authority of divine revelation. The first independ- 
ent protest was that of the Kadar (from the Arabic 
kadara, to have power), whose partisans affirmed 
the freedom of the will, in contrast with the Jabar- 
ites (jabar, force, constraint), who maintained the 
belief in fatalism. 

In the second century of the Hegira, a schism 
arose in the theological schools of Bassora, over 
which Hasan al-Basri presided. A pupil, Wasil 
ibn Atha, who was expelled from the school because 
his answers were contrary to tradition, proclaimed 
himself leader of a new school, and systematized all 
the radical opinions of preceding sects, particularly 
those of the Kadarites. This new school or sect was 
called Motazilite (from itazala, to separate oneself, 
to dissent). Its principal dogmas were three: (1) 
God is an absolute unity, and no attribute can be 
ascribed to Him. (2) Man is a free agent. It is on 
account of these two principles that the Motazilites 
designate themselves the "Ashab al-'Adl w'al 
Tauhid " (The Partizans of Justice and Unity). (3) 
All knowledge necessary for the salva- 
Rise tion of man emanates from his reason ; 

of First he could acquire knowledge before as 

Radical well as after Revelation, by the sole 

School. light of reason — a fact which, there- 
fore, makes knowledge obligatory 
upon all men, at all times, and in all places. The 
Motazilites, compelled to defend their principles 
against the orthodox religious party, looked for sup- 
port to the doctrines of philosophy, and thus founded 
a rational theology, which they designated " Tlm-al- 
Kalam " (Science of the Word) ; and those professing 
it were called Motekallamin. This appellation, 
originally designating the Motazilites, soon became 
the common name for all seeking philosophical dem- 
onstration in confirmation of religious principles. 
The first Motekallamin had to combat both the ortho- 
dox and the infidel parties, between whom they oc- 
cupied the middle ground ; but the efforts of subse- 
quent generations were entirely concentrated against 
the philosophers. 

From the ninth century onward, owing to Calif 
al-Ma'mun and his successor, Greek philosophy was 
introduced among the Arabs, and the Peripatetic 
school began to find able representatives among 
them ; such were Al-Kindi, Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, and 
Ibn Roshd, all of whose fundamental principles were 
considered as heresies by the Motekallamin. 

Aristotle, the prince of the philosophers, demon- 
strated the unity of God; but from the view which 
he maintained, that matter was eternal, it followed 
that God could not be the Creator of the world. 
Again, to assert, as the Peripatetics did, that God's 
knowledge extends only to the general laws of the 
universe, and not to individual and accidental things, 
is tantamount to giving denial to prophecy. One 
other point shocked the faith of the Motekallamin— 



Arabic Literature of the Jews 
Arabic Philosophy 

the theory of the intellect. The Peripatetics taught 
that the human soul was only an aptitude — a faculty 
capable of attaining every variety of passive perfec- 
tion — and that through information and virtue it 
became qualified for union with the active intellect, 
which latter emanates from God. To admit this 
theory would-be to deny the immortality of the soul 
(see Alexander of Aphkodisias). Wherefore the 
Motekallamin had, before anything else, to establish 
a system of philosophy to demonstrate the creation 
of matter, and they adopted to that end the theory 
of atoms as enunciated by Democritus. They taught 
that atoms possess neither quantity nor extension. 
Originally atoms were created by God, and are 
created now as occasion seems to re- 
Argument quire. Bodies come into existence or 
for die, through the aggregation or the 

Creation, sunderance of these atoms. But this 
theory did not remove the objections 
of philosophy to a creation of matter. For, indeed, 
if it be supposed that God commenced His work at 
a certain definite time by His "will," and for a cer- 
tain definite object, it must be admitted that He was 
imperfect before accomplishing His will, or before 
attaining His object. In order to obviate this diffi- 
culty, the Motekallamin extended their theory of the 
atoms to Time, and claimed that just as Space is con- 
stituted of atoms and vacuum, Time, likewise, is con- 
stituted of small indivisible moments. The creation 
of the world once established, it was an easy matter 
for them to demonstrate the existence of a Creator, 
and that He is unique, omnipotent, and omniscient. 
Toward the middle of the eighth century a dis- 
senting sect — still in existence to-day — called Ka- 
raites, arose in Judaism. In order to give a philo- 
sophical tinge to their polemics with their opponents, 
they borrowed the dialectic forms of the Motekal- 
lamin, and even adopted their name (Mas'udi, in 
"Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Biblio- 
theque Royale," viii. 349-351) , and thus transplanted 
the Kalam gradually to Jewish soil, to undergo the 
same transformations there as among the Arabs. 

The oldest religio-philosophical work preserved 
is that of Saadia (893-942), "Emunot we-De'ot" 
(Book of Beliefs and Opinions). In 
Saadia. this work Saadia treats of the ques- 
tions that interested the Motekallamin 
so deeply — such as the creation of matter, the unity 
of God, the divine attributes, the soul, etc.— and he 
criticizes the philosophers severely. For to Saadia 
there is no problem as to creation: God created the 
world ex nilrilo, just as Scripture attests; and he con- 
tests the theory of the Motekallamin in reference to 
atoms, which theory, he declares, is just as contrary 
to reason and religion as the theory of the philoso- 
phers professing the eternity of matter. To prove 
the unity of God, Saadia uses the demonstrations of 
the Motekallamin. Only the attributes of essence 
(sifat-al-datiat) can be ascribed to God, but not the 
attributes of action (sifat-al-af 'aliyat). The soul is a 
substance more delicate even than that of the celes- 
tial spheres. Here Saadia controverts the Motekal- 
lamin, who considered the soul an "accident" (com- 
pare "Moreh," i. 74), and employs the following one 
of their premises to justify his position: "Only a 
substance can be the substratum of an accident" 

(that is, of a non-essential property of things). Saa- 
dia argues: "If the soul be an accident only, it can 
itself have no such accidents as wisdom, joy, love," 
etc. Saadia was thus in every way a supporter of 
the Kalam; and if at times he deviated from its doc- 
trines, it was owing to his religious views; just as 
the Jewish and Moslem Peripatetics stopped short in 
their respective Aristotelianism whenever there was 
danger of wounding orthodox religion. 

Jewish philosophy entered upon a new period in 
the eleventh century. The works of the Peripatetics 
■ — Al-Farabi and Ibn Sina (Avicenna) — on the one 
side, and the " Encyclopedia of the Brethren of Pu- 
rity " — a transformed Kalam founded on Neoplatonic 
theories — on the other side, exercised considerable 
influence upon Jewish thinkers of that age. The 
two leading philosophers of the pe- 
The riod are Ibn Gabirol (Avicebron) and 

Neopla- Bahya ben Joseph ibn Pakuda — the 
tonic former standing upon a purely philo- 
Philoso- sophical platform, the latter upon a 
phy. religio-philosophical one; and both 
attaining similar results. Both be- 
lieve in a universal matter as the substratum of all 
(except God) that exists ; but Bahya goes further and 
determines what that matter is: it is Darkness 
(" Ma'ani al-Nafs," translated by Broyde, p. 17). But 
this matter did not exist from all eternity, as the 
Peripatetics claimed. It is easy to perceive here the 
growth of the Peripatetic ideas as to substance and 
form ; but influenced by religion, these ideas are so 
shaped as to admit the non-eternity of matter. In 
all that pertains to the soul and its action, Gabi- 
rol and Bahya are undoubtedly influenced by the 
"Brethren of Purity." Man (the microcosm) is in 
every way like the celestial spheres (the macrocosm). 
Just as the heavenly spheres receive their motion 
from the universal soul — which is a simple substance 
emanating from God — so man receives his motion 
from the rational soul — another simple substance 
emanating from Him (i.e., p. 60; Munk, "Melanges 
de Philosophie," p. 266). In fact, creation came 
through emanation, and in the following sequence : 
(1) The active intellect; (2) the universal soul— 
which moves the heavenly sphere ; (3) nature ; (4) 
darkness— which at the beginning was but a capac- 
ity to receive form ; (5) the celestial spheres ; (6; the 
heavenly bodies; (7) fire; (8) air; (9) water; (10) 
earth ("Ma'ani al-Nafs," 72; compare Munk, I.e., p. 
201). But as regards the question of the attributes 
which occupy the Jewish and Moslem theologians 
so much, Bahya, in his work on ethics, "Hobot 
ha-Lebabot," written in. Arabic under the title 
of "Kitab al-Hidayat fi faraidh al Kulub" (The 
Duties of the Heart), is of the same opinion as the 
Motazilites, that the attributes by which one at- 
tempts to describe God should be taken in a nega- 
tive sense, as excluding the opposite attributes. 
With reference to Gabirol, a positive opinion can 
not be given on this point, as his " Fons Vita: " does 
not deal with the question ; but there is reason to 
believe that he felt the influence of the Asharites, 
who admitted attributes. In fact, in his poetical 
philosophy, entitled "Keter Malkut" (The Crown 
of Royalty), Gabirol uses numerous attributes in 
describing God. 

Arabic Philosophy 
Arabic Poetry 



By way of a general statement, one may say that 
the Neoplatonic philosophy among the Jews of the 
eleventh century marks a transitional epoch, leading 
either to the pure philosophy of the Peripatetics or 
to the mysticism of the Cabala. 

The twelfth century saw the apotheosis of pure 

philosophy and the decline of the Kalam, which 

latter, being attacked by both the philosophers and 

the orthodox, perished for lack of champions. This 

supreme exaltation of philosophy was due, in great 

measure, to Gazzali (1005-1111) among the Arabs, 

and to Judah ha-Levi (1140) among the Jews. In 

fact, the attacks directed against the philosophers 

by Gazzali in his work, " Tuhfat al-Falasafa " (The 

Destruction of the Philosophers), not 

The only produced, by reaction, a current 

Apotheosis favorable to philosophy, but induced 

of the philosophers themselves to profit 

Phi- by his criticism, they thereafter ma- 

losophy. king their theories clearer and their 
logic closer. The influence of this reac- 
tion brought forth the two greatest philosophers that 
the Arabic Peripatetic school ever produced, name- 
ly, Ibn Baja (Aven Pace) and Ibn Roshd (Averroes), 
both of whom undertook the defense of philosophy. 

Since no idea and no literary or philosophical 
movement ever germinated on Arabian soil without 
leaving its impress on the Jews, Gazzali found an 
imitator in the person of Judah ha-Levi. This illus- 
trious poet took upon himself to free religion from 
the shackles of speculative philosophy, and to this 
end wrote the "Cuzari," in which he sought to dis- 
credit all schools of philosophy alike. He passes 
severe censure upon the Motekallamin for seeking 
to support religion by philosophy. He says, "I 
consider him to have attained the highest degree of 
perfection who is convinced of religious truths with- 
out having scrutinized them and reasoned over 
them" ("Cuzari," v.). Then he reduced the chief 
propositions of the Motekallamin, to prove the unity 
of God, to ten in number, describing them at length, 
and concluding in these terms : " Does the Kalam 
give us more information concerning God and His 
attributes than the prophet did?" (lb. iii. and iv.) 
Aristotelianism finds no favor in his eyes, for it is 
no less given to details and criticism ; Neoplatonism 
alone suited him somewhat, owing to its appeal to 
his poetic temperament. 

But the Hebrew Gazzali was no more successful 
than his Arabian prototype; and his attacks, al- 
though they certainly helped to discredit the Kalam — 
for which no one cared any longer — were altogether 
powerless against Peripatetic philosophy, which 
soon found numerous defenders. In fact, soon after 
the " Cuzari " made its appearance, Abraham ibn 
Daud published his "Emunah Ramah" (The Sub- 
lime Faith), wherein he recapitulated the teach- 
ings of the Peripatetics, Al-Parabi and Ibn Sina, 
upon the physics and metaphysics of Aristotle, and 
sought to demonstrate that these theories were in 
perfect harmony with the doctrines of Judaism. 
"It is an error generally current," says Ibn Daud in 
the preface of his book, " that the study of specula- 
tive philosophy is dangerous to religion. True 
philosophy not only does not harm religion, it con- 
firms and strengthens it. " 

The authority of Ibn Daud, however, did not 
suffice to give permanence to Aristotelianism in 
Judaism. This accomplishment was reserved for 
Maimonides, who endeavored to harmonize the phi- 
losophy of Aristotle with Judaism ; and to this end 
the author of the " Yad ha-Hazakah" composed his 

immortal work, "Dalalat al-Hairin" 
Maimon- (Guide of the Perplexed) — known bet- 
ides, ter under its Hebrew title "Moreh 

Nebukim " — which served for many 
centuries as the subject of discussion and comment 
by Jewish thinkers. In this work, Maimonides, 
after refuting the propositions of the Motekallamin, 
considers Creation, the Unity of God, the Attributes 
of God, the Soul, etc., and treats them in accordance 
with the theories of Aristotle to the extent in which 
these latter do not conflict with religion. For ex- 
ample, while accepting the teachings of Aristotle 
upon matter and form, he pronounces against the 
eternity of matter. Nor does he accept Aristotle's 
theory that God can have a knowledge of universals 
only, and not of particulars. If He had no knowl- 
edge of particulars, He would be subject to constant 
change. Maimonides argues: "God perceives fu- 
ture events before they happen, and this perception 
never fails Him. Therefore there are no new ideas 
to present themselves to Him. He knows that such 
and such an individual does not yet exist, but that 
he will be born at such a time, exist for such a 
period, and then return into non-existence. When 
then this individual comes into being, God does 
not learn any new fact ; nothing has happened that 
He knew not of, for He knew this individual, such 
as he is now, before his birth" ("Moreh," i. 20). 
While seeking thus to avoid the troublesome conse- 
quences certain Aristotelian theories would entail 
upon religion, Maimonides could not altogether 
escape those involved in Aristotle's idea of the unity 
of souls ; and herein he laid himself open to the at- 
tacks of the orthodox. 

Ibn Koshd (Averroes), the contemporary . of Mai- 
monides, closes the philosophical era of the Arabs. 

The boldness of this great commenta- 
Averroism. tor of Aristotle aroused the full fury 

of the orthodox, who, in their zeal, 
attacked all philosophers indiscriminately, and had 
all philosophical writings committed to the flames. 
The theories of Ibn Roshd do not differ fundamen- 
tally from those of Ibn Baja and Ibn Tufail, who 
only follow the teachings of Ibn Sina and Al-Farabi. 
Like all Arabic Peripatetics, Ibn Roshd admits the 
hypothesis of the intelligence of the spheres and the 
hypothesis of universal emanation, through which 
motion is communicated from place to place to all 
parts of the universe as far as the supreme world — 
hypotheses which, in the mind of the Arabic phi- 
losophers, did away with the dualism involved in 
Aristotle's doctrine of pure energy and eternal 
matter. But while Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, and other 
Arab philosophers hurried, so to speak, over sub- 
jects that trenched on religious dogmas, Ibn Roshd 
delighted in dwelling upon them with full particu- 
larity and stress. Thus he says, " Not only is mat- 
ter eternal, but form is potentially inherent in mat- 
ter; otherwise, it were a creation ex nihilo (Munk, 
"Melanges," p. 444). According to this theory, 



Arabic Philosophy 
Arabic Poetry 

therefore, the existence of this world is not only a 
possibility, as Ibn Sina declared— in order to make 
concessions to the orthodox— but also a necessity. 
Driven from the Arabian schools, Arabic philosophy 
found a refuge with the Jews, to whom belongs 
the honor of having transmitted it to the Christian 
world. A series of eminent men— such as the Tib- 
bons, Narboni, Gersonides — joined in translating the 
Arabic philosophical works into Hebrew and com- 
menting upon them. The works of Ibn Roshd espe- 
cially became the subject of their study, due in great 
measure to Maimonides, who, in a letter addressed 
to his pupil Joseph ibn Aknin, spoke in the highest 
terms of Ibn Roshd's commentary. 

The influence which the Arabic intellect exercised 
over Jewish thought was not confined to philosophy ; 
it left an indelible impress on the field of Biblical 

exegesis also. Saadia's commentary 

Influence on the Bible bears the stamp of the 

on Motazilites; and its author, while not 

Exegesis, admitting any positive attributes of 

God, except those of essence, endeav- 
ors to interpret Biblical passages in such a way as 
to rid them of anthropomorphism. The celebrated 
commentator, Abraham ibn Ezra, explains the Bib- 
lical account of Creation and other Scriptural pas- 
sages in a philosophical sense. Nahmanides, too, 
and other commentators, show the influence of the 
philosophical ideas current in their respective 
epochs. This salutary inspiration, which lasted for 
five consecutive centuries, yielded to that other in- 
fluence alone that came from the neglected depths 
of Jewish and of Neoplatonic mysticism, and which 
took the name of Cabala. 

Bibliography : For Arabic philosophy, see Ritter, Gesch. der 
Philosophic, yii. viii.; Wenrich, De Auctorum Grcecorum 
Versionibus, Leipsic, 1842 ; Brucker, Hfet. Crit. Philos. viii. ; 
Munk, Mela7iges de Philosophic Juive et Arabe, 1859 ; Hau- 
reau, De la Philosophic Scolastique ; Jourdain, Recherches 
sur les Traductions d'Aristote ; Renan, Averroes et VAver- 
roisme, Paris, 1862 ; Steinschneider, Al-Farabi. For Jewish 
philosophy, see Scbmiedl, Studien ilber JUdische Philoso- 
phic 1869 ; Kaufmann.IWe Attributenlehre in der Jttdisehen 
Religionsphil/jsophie, 1877; idem. Die Spuren Al-Bat- 
layusVs in der Jttdisehen Religionsphilosophie, 1880; Joel, 
Ibn GabiroVs Bedeutung filr die Geschichte der Phi- 
losophies in Beitr&ge zur Gesch. der Philosophic (Anhang), 
1876 ; Scheyer, Psychologie des Maimonides : J. Guttmaim, 
Die Religionsphilosophie des Saadia, 1882 ; idem. Die Phi- 
losophic des Solomon ibn Gabirol, 1889 ; idem, Die Philoso- 
phic des Abraham ibn Daud. The best monograph on 
Arabic Philosophy is : Worms, Die Lehre von der Anfangs- 
losigkeit der Welt b. d. Arab. Philosophcn, in BeitrUgc 
«. Geschichte der Philosophic des Mittelalters, vol. iii. 
Heft iv. 

K. I. Bk. 

ARABIC POETRY: The poetic literature of 
the Arab Jews, to judge from the specimens handed 
down, must be about as old as Arabic Poetry in gen- 
eral, and in the main is of the same form and stamp. 
Two epochs may be distinguished; viz.: (1) The 
pre-Islamic or lyrical, and (2) that which is coeval 
with Mohammed and entirely polemical. Of the 
first epoch the oldest verses known are by the poet- 
ess Sarah, of the tribe of the Banu Kuraiza, who, 
in a short dirge, bewailed the treacherous slaughter 
by an Arab chief of many of her compatriots. This 
incident, which took place toward the end of the 
fifth century, is also alluded to in a verse of an un- 
known Jewish poet. The Jewish poetry of this 
epoch culminates in the songs of the famous Al- 
Samau'al (Samuel) b. Adiya, who inhabited the 

castle Al-Ablak in Taima (middle of sixth century). 

Among Arab authors of all ages he is the prototype 

of fidelity; having sacrificed his son's 

Pre- life in order to keep a pledge given to 

Islamic a friend, who was no other than Imr 

Poetry. al-Kais, the most eminent of the old 
Arab poets. The poem composed by 
Samau'al on the incident has often been printed, both 
in the original and in different translations, although 
various recensions obscure the true text. Another 
poem attributed to him is of doubtful authenticity. 
Samau'al's son Jarid is also said to have been a poet. 

At the time of the birth of Mohammed there flour- 
ished in Medina the poet Al-Rabi ibn Abu Al- 
Hukaik, of the Banu al-Nadhir, of whose poems sev- 
eral are still extant. In one of them the sentence 
occurs: "There is a remedy for every illness; but 
folly is incurable." 

The poet Shuraih, whose epoch is uncertain, is 
the author of a fine distich of which the following 
is a translation : 

" Associate thyself to the noble, if thou And a way to their 
brotherhood ; 
And drink from their cup, though thou shouldest drink two- 
fold poison." 

To the pre-Islamic period belongs also a poet 
named Abu al-Diyal, who was not, however, a Jew 
by birth. 

A great change is noticeable in Jewish poetry in 
the second period, when Mohammed had settled in 
Medina. After the expulsion of the Banu Kainuka, 
the poet Ka'ab ibn al-Ashraf, of the Banu al-Nadhir, 
recognized the danger which now threatened all the 
Medinian Jews. He traveled to Mecca and incited 
the Kuraish in poems to revenge themselves for the 
defeat suffered at Badr. It appears that Mohammed 
alluded to Ka'ab's polemic poetry in 

Poetry of the simile of "a dog which, if thou 

Moham- drive him away, putteth forth his 
med's Time, tongue, or, if thou let him alone, put- 
teth forth his tongue also " (Koran, 
vii. 174). The points of the simile are not only the 
alliteration of " Ka'ab " and " kalb " (dog), but also 
the putting forth of the tongue, which was regarded 
as a symbol of poetic satire. Ka'ab was soon after- 
ward assassinated at the instigation of Mohammed. 
His poems have been preserved by Moslem biogra- 
phers of Mohammed ; and his death was bewailed in 
verse by another Jewish poet, Al-Sammak, whose 
effusions are also still in existence. 

Shortly before Mohammed attacked the Banu 
Kuraiza — the last remaining Jewish tribe in Medina 
— a woman of this tribe embraced Islam. Her hus- 
band, named Aus, tried to entice her to return, and 
addressed a few lines of entreaty to her which are 
still extant. The murder of Hujaij, rabbi of the 
Banu al-Nadhir, was lamented in a poem by Jabal 
ibn Jauwal, who also bewailed the fate of the ex- 
pelled and massacred tribes. The last poet of this 
class was Marhab. He was a native of Yemen who 
had adopted Judaism, and fought against the Mos- 
lems when they attacked Khaibar, the last Jewish 
stronghold. In a poem of three verses he challenged 
one of Mohammed's heroes to single combat, and 
fell in the contest. This closes the list of Arabic- 
Jewish poets of ancient times. The next centuries 

Arabic Philosophy 
Arabic Poetry 



By way of a general statement, one may say that 
the Neoplatonic philosophy among the Jews of the 
eleventh century marks a transitional epoch, leading 
either to the pure philosophy of the Peripatetics or 
to the mysticism of the Cabala. 

The twelfth century saw the apotheosis of pure 

philosophy and the decline of the Kalam, which 

latter, being attacked by both the philosophers and 

the orthodox, perished for lack of champions. This 

supreme exaltation of philosophy was due, in great 

measure, to Gazzali (1005-1111) among the Arabs, 

and to Judah ha-Levi (1140) among the Jews. In 

fact, the attacks directed against the philosophers 

by Gazzali in his work, " Tuhfat al-Falasafa " (The 

Destruction of the Philosophers), not 

The only produced, by reaction, a current 

Apotheosis favorable to philosophy, but induced 

of the philosophers themselves to profit 

Phi- by his criticism, they thereafter ma- 

losophy. king their theories clearer and their 
logic closer. The influence of this reac- 
tion brought forth the two greatest philosophers that 
the Arabic Peripatetic school ever produced, name- 
ly, Ibn Baja (Aven Pace) and Ibn Roshd (Averroes), 
both of whom undertook the defense of philosophy. 

Since no idea and no literary or philosophical 
movement ever germinated on Arabian soil without 
leaving its impress on the Jews, Gazzali found an 
imitator in the person of Judah ha-Levi. This illus- 
trious poet took upon himself to free religion from 
the shackles of speculative philosophy, and to this 
end wrote the "Cuzari," in which he sought to dis- 
credit all schools of philosophy alike. He passes 
severe censure upon the Motekallamin for seeking 
to support religion by philosophy. He says, "I 
consider him to have attained the highest degree of 
perfection who is convinced of religious truths with- 
out having scrutinized them and reasoned over 
them" ("Cuzari," v.). Then he reduced the chief 
propositions of the Motekallamin, to prove the unity 
of God, to ten in number, describing them at length, 
and concluding in these terms: "Does the Kalam 
give us more information concerning God and His 
attributes than the prophet did?" (lb. iii. and iv.) 
Aristotelianism finds no favor in his eyes, for it is 
no less given to details and criticism; Neoplatonism 
alone suited him somewhat, owing to its appeal to 
his poetic temperament. 

But the Hebrew Gazzali was no more successful 
than his Arabian prototype; and his attacks, al- 
though they certainly helped to discredit the Kalam — 
for which no one cared any longer — were altogether 
powerless against Peripatetic philosophy, which 
soon found numerous defenders. In fact, soon after 
the " Cuzari " made its appearance, Abraham ibn 
Daud published his "Emunah Raman" (The Sub- 
lime Faith), wherein he recapitulated the teach- 
ings of the Peripatetics, Al-Farabi and Ibn Sina, 
upon the physics and metaphysics of Aristotle, and 
sought to demonstrate that these theories were in 
perfect harmony with the doctrines of Judaism. 
"It is an error generally current," says Ibn Daud in 
the preface of his book, " that the study of specula- 
tive philosophy is dangerous to religion. True 
philosophy not only does not harm religion, it con- 
firms and strengthens it." 

The authority of Ibn Daud, however, did not 
suffice to give permanence to Aristotelianism in 
Judaism. This accomplishment was reserved for 
Maimonides, who endeavored to harmonize the phi- 
losophy of Aristotle with Judaism ; and to this end 
the author of the " Yad ha-Hazakah" composed his 

immortal work, "Dalalat al-Hairin" 
Maimon- (Guide of the Perplexed) — known bet- 
ides, ter under its Hebrew title "Moreh 

Nebukim " — which served for many 
centuries as the subject of discussion and comment 
by Jewish thinkers. In this work, Maimonides, 
after refuting the propositions of the Motekallamin, 
considers Creation, the Unity of God, the Attributes 
of God, the Soul, etc., and treats them in accordance 
with the theories of Aristotle to the extent in which 
these latter do not conflict with religion. For ex- 
ample, while accepting the teachings of Aristotle 
upon matter and form, he pronounces against the 
eternity of matter. Nor does he accept Aristotle's 
theory that God can have a knowledge of universals 
only, and not of particulars. If He had no knowl- 
edge of particulars, He would be subject to constant 
change. Maimonides argues: "God perceives fu- 
ture events before they happen, and this perception 
never fails Him. Therefore there are no new ideas 
to present themselves to Him. He knows that such 
and such an individual does not yet exist, but that 
he will be born at such a time, exist for such a 
period, and then return into non-existence. When 
then this individual comes into being, God does 
not learn any new fact ; nothing has happened that 
He knew not of, for He knew this individual, such 
as he is now, before his birth" ("Moreh," i. 20). 
While seeking thus to avoid the troublesome conse- 
quences certain Aristotelian theories would entail 
upon religion, Maimonides could not altogether 
escape those involved in Aristotle's idea of the unity 
of souls ; and herein he laid himself open to the at- 
tacks of the orthodox. 

Ibn Roshd (Averroes), the contemporary, of Mai- 
monides, closes the philosophical era of the Arabs. 

The boldness of this great commenta- 
Averroism. tor of Aristotle aroused the full fury 

of the orthodox, who, in their zeal, 
attacked all philosophers indiscriminately, and had 
all philosophical writings committed to the flames. 
The theories of Ibn Roshd do not differ fundamen- 
tally from those of Ibn Baja and Ibn Tufail, who 
only follow the teachings of Ibn Sina and Al-Farabi. 
Like all Arabic Peripatetics, Ibn Roshd admits the 
hypothesis of the intelligence of the spheres and the 
hypothesis of universal emanation, through which 
motion is communicated from place to place to all 
parts of the universe as far as the supreme world — 
hypotheses which, in the mind of the Arabic phi- 
losophers, did away with the dualism involved in 
Aristotle's doctrine of pure energy and eternal 
matter. But while Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, and other 
Arab philosophers hurried, so to speak, over sub- 
jects that trenched on religious dogmas, Ibn Roshd 
delighted in dwelling upon them with full particu- 
larity and stress. Thus he says, " Not only is mat- 
ter eternal, but form is potentially inherent in mat- 
ter; otherwise, it were a creation ex nihilo (Munk, 
"Melanges," p. 444). According to this theory, 



Arabic Philosophy 
Arabic Poetry 

therefore, the existence of this world is not only a 
possibility, as Ibn Sina declared — in order to make 
concessions to the orthodox — but also a necessity. 
Driven from the Arabian schools, Arabic philosophy 
found a refuge with the Jews, to whom belongs 
the honor of having transmitted it to the Christian 
world. A series of eminent men — such as the Tib- 
bons, Narboni, Gersonides — joined in translating the 
Arabic philosophical works into Hebrew and com- 
menting upon them. The works of Ibn Roshd espe- 
cially became the subject of their study, due in great 
measure to Maimonides, who, in a letter addressed 
to his pupil Joseph ibn Aknin, spoke in the highest 
terms of Ibn Eoshd's commentary. 

The influence which the Arabic intellect exercised 
over Jewish thought was not confined to philosophy ; 
it left an indelible impress on the field of Biblical 
exegesis also. Saadia's commentary 
Influence on the Bible bears the stamp of the 
on Motazilites; and its author, while not 

Exegesis, admitting any positive attributes of 
God, except those of essence, endeav- 
ors to interpret Biblical passages in such a way as 
to rid them of anthropomorphism. The celebrated 
commentator, Abraham ibn Ezra, explains the Bib- 
lical account of Creation and other Scriptural pas- 
sages in a philosophical sense. Nahmanides, too, 
and other commentators, show the influence of the 
philosophical ideas current in their respective 
epochs. This salutary inspiration, which lasted for 
five consecutive centuries, yielded to that other in- 
fluence alone that came from the neglected depths 
of Jewish and of Neoplatonic mysticism, and which 
took the name of Cabala. 

Bibliography : For Arabic philosophy, see Ritter, Gesch. der 
Philosophie, vil. vili.; Wenrlch, De Auctnrum Qrmcorum 
Versionibus, Leipsle, 1842; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos. vlll. ; 
Munk, Melanges de Philosophic Juive et Arabe, 1859 ; Hau- 
reau, De la Philosophic Scolastique ; Jourdaln, Rccherches 
sur les Traductions d'Aristote ; Renan, Avcrroes et VAvcr- 
roteme, Paris, 1862 ; Steinschneider, Al-Farabi. For Jewish 
philosophy, see Scbmiedl, Studien ilber Jilddsche Philoso- 
phic, 1869 ; Kauf mann.ZKe Attributenlehrc in der Jlldischcn 
Reliaionsphilosophie, 1877; idem, Die Spuren Al-Bat- 
layiusVs in der Jlldischcn ReUgionsphilosophie, 1880; Joel, 
Ibn GdbiroVs Bcdeutuna fttr die Gesehiehtc der Phi- 
losophie, in BeitrUae zur Gesch. der Philosophic (Anbang), 
1876; Seheyer, Psychologic des Maimonides; J. Guttmann, 
Die Reliyionsphilosophie des Saadia, 1882 ; idem, Die Phv- 
losophie des Solomon ibn Qabirol, 1889; idem, Die Philoso- 
phic des Abraham ibn Daud. The best monograph on 
Arabic Philosophy is: Worms, Die Lehre von der Anfanas- 
losigkeit der Welt b. d. Arab. Philosophen, in BeitrUae 
z. Geschichte der Philosophic des Mittclalters, vol. iii. 
Heft iv. 
k. I- Br. 

ARABIC POETRY: The poetic literature of 
the Arab Jews, to judge from the specimens handed 
down, must be about as old as Arabic Poetry in gen- 
eral, and in the main is of the same form and stamp. 
Two epochs may be distinguished; viz.: (1) The 
pre-Islamic or lyrical, and (2) that which is coeval 
with Mohammed and entirely polemical. Of the 
first epoch the oldest verses known are by the poet- 
ess Sarah, of the tribe of the Banu Kuraiza, who, 
in a short dirge, bewailed the treacherous slaughter 
by an Arab chief of many of her compatriots. This 
incident, which took place toward the end of the 
fifth century, is also alluded to in a verse of an un- 
known Jewish poet. The Jewish poetry of this 
epoch culminates in the songs of the famous Al- 
Samau'al (Samuel) b. Adiya, who inhabited the 

castle Al-Ablak in Taima (middle of sixth century). 

Among Arab authors of all ages he is the prototype 

of fidelity ; having sacrificed his son's 

Pre- life in order to keep a pledge given to 

Islamic a friend, who was no other than Imr 

Poetry. al-Kais, the most eminent of the old 
Arab poets. The poem composed by 
Samau'al on the incident has often been printed, both 
in the original and in different translations, although 
various recensions obscure the true text. Another 
poem attributed to him is of doubtful authenticity. 
Samau'al's son Jarid is also said to have been a poet. 

At the time of the birth of Mohammed there flour- 
ished in Medina the poet Al-Rabi ibn Abu Al- 
Hukaik, of the Banu al-Nadhir, of whose poems sev- 
eral are still extant. In one of them the sentence 
occurs: "There is a remedy for every illness ; but 
folly is incurable." 

The poet Shuraih, whose epoch is uncertain, is 
the author of a fine distich of which the following 
is a translation : 

" Associate thyself to the noble, If thou And a way to their 
brotherhood ; 
And drink from their cup, though thou shouldest drink two- 
fold poison." 

To the pre-Islamic period belongs also a poet 
named Abu al-Diyal, who was not, however, a Jew 
by birth. 

A great change is noticeable in Jewish poetry in 
the second period, when Mohammed had settled in 
Medina. After the expulsion of the Banu Kainuka, 
the poet Ka'ab ibn al-Ashraf, of the Banu al-Nadhir, 
recognized the danger which now threatened all the 
Medinian Jews. He traveled to Mecca and incited 
the Kuraish in poems to revenge themselves for the 
defeat suffered at Badr. It appears that Mohammed 
alluded to Ka'ab's polemic poetry in 

Poetry of the simile of "a dog which, if thou 

Moham- drive him away, putteth forth his 
med's Time, tongue, or, if thou let him alone, put- 
teth forth his tongue also" (Koran, 
vii. 174). The points of the simile are not only the 
alliteration of "Ka'ab" and "kalb" (dog), but also 
the putting forth of the tongue, which was regarded 
as a symbol of poetic satire. Ka'ab was soon after- 
ward assassinated at the instigation of Mohammed. 
His poems have been preserved by Moslem biogra- 
phers of Mohammed ; and his death was bewailed in 
verse by another Jewish poet, Al-Sammak, whose 
effusions are also still in existence. 

Shortly before Mohammed attacked the Banu 
Kuraiza— the last remaining Jewish tribe in Medina 
—a woman of this tribe embraced Islam. Her hus- 
band, named Aus, tried to entice her to return, and 
addressed a few lines of entreaty to her which are 
still extant. The murder of Hujaij, rabbi of the 
Banu al-Nadhir, was lamented in a poem by Jabal 
ibjt Jauwal, who also bewailed the fate of the ex- 
pelled and massacred tribes. The last poet of this 
class was Marhab. He was a native of Yemen who 
had adopted Judaism, and fought against the Mos- 
lems when they attacked Khaibar, the last Jewish 
stronghold. In a poem of three verses he challenged 
one of Mohammed's heroes to single combat, and 
fell in the contest. This closes the list of Arabic- 
Jewish poets of ancient times. The next centuries 

Arabic Script 



did not develop Jewish poetry in Arabia, save a few- 
lines in one of Hariri'smakamas(xi.)and Ibn Ezra's 
poems. At the beginning of the fourteenth century 
there lived in Seville Musa B. Tubi, who wrote a 
philosophic poem styled " Al-Sab'iniyya " (poem of 
seventy verses), following the lines of Maimonidean 

A number of Jewish poets writing in Arabic lived 
in Spain ; but, unfortunately, hardly more than their 
names have come down. Among them are : Moses 
ben Samuel ibn Gikatilla (eleventh century; see Poz- 
nanski, "Ibn Gikatilla," p. 23, Berlin, 1895); Abra- 
ham ibn Sahl (Seville, thirteenth century); Nasim 
al-Israili (Seville); Abraham Alfakar (thirteenth 
century, Toledo); Ismail al-Yahudi and his daugh- 
ter Kasmunah. All of these wrote Muwashshah 
poetry (Hartmann, "Das Arabische Strophenge- 
dicht," pp. 45, 63, 73, 74, 225, 244). 

A kind of revival took place in Arabic-speaking 
countries at the end of the Middle Ages ; but the 
poetry of this epoch is almost entirely 
Revival at of a liturgical character, and the Ian- 
Close guage is not classical, but is modeled 
of Middle on the dialect of the country in which 
Ages. the Jews happened to live. Many of 
these are printed among the collections 
of piyyutim for Maghrebine and Eastern rites; but a 
comprehensive and critical study of them has yet to 
be undertaken. 

Within the last decades have come to light the , 
collections of poems of the Yemenian poet Shalom 
b. Joseph Shabbezi, who largely made use of the 
later forms of Arabic poetry, notably the " Muwash- 
shah " (girdle rime). 

Bibliography : Noldeke, Beitrct-ge zur Kenntniss der Poesie 
der Alien Araber, pp. 52-86 ; Delitzscli, Jlldiseh-Arab. Poe- 
sien aus Vormohamedanischer Zeit, 1874; Ihn Hisharn., 
ed. Wiistenfeld, passim ; Hirschfeld, Essai sur VHistoire des 
Juifs d.e Medine, in Revue Etudes Juives, vii. 167-193, x. 10- 
31; idem, AssabHniyya with the Hebrew transl. by Solomon 
b. Immanuel Dapiere, edited and translated in Report of Mon- 
tefriyre College, Ramsgate, 1894; idem, Contrilmtion to the 
Study of the Jewish-Arabic Dialect of the Maghreb, in 
Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1891, pp. 293-310 {Song 
of Elijah) ; idem, Jewish-Arabic Liturgies, in Jewish 
Quarterly Review, vi. 119-185, vii. 418-427. 

g. H. Hik.— G. 

ARABIC SCRIPT. See Arabic Language. 


See Bible Translations. 

ARAD : 1. Son of Beriah in the genealogical list 
of Benjamin (I Chron. viii. 15). 

2. A Canaanite city in the wilderness of Judah 
(Judges i. 16), against which the Jews fought suc- 
cessfully (Num. xxi. 1, xxxiii. 40). Later it was in- 
habited by the Kenites (Judges i. 16). The site has 
been identified by Robinson with Tell Arad, south- 
east of Hebron. 

Bibliography : Buhl, Geographic des Alten Palttstina, pp. 96, 
182 ; G. A. Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 
pp. 277, 278. 

j. jr. G. B. L. 

ARAD (ALT-ARAD) : A royal free city and 
market town of Hungary, on the Maros, 145 miles 
southeast of Budapest. Among the Jewish com- 
munities of Hungary that of Arad holds a prominent 
place. Its history begins in the first half of the 
eighteenth century. The passport issued by Lieut. 

Field-Marshal Baron Cosa, May 1, 1717, to two Jews 

residing in the suburbs, is, so far as is known, the 

oldest historical document containing information 

concerning the Jewish community 

Early there. In 1741 there lived in Arad 

History, only one Jew, named Mandel, who 

purchased the right to sell, at first 

groceries, and then liquors, under the protection of 

Colonel Horvath of the boundary guard. Other 

Interior of the Synagogue at Arad. 

(From a photograph.) 

Jews soon settled there. A- census taken in 1743 
showed that six of them lived in their own houses. 
The congregation, together with its associated "He- 
brah Kaddishah," was organized about this time. 
In 1754 there were 24 Jewish families residing in 
Arad ; among them Jacob Isaac, rabbi and teacher, 
with an annual salary of 36 florins. The year 1789 
marks the turning-point in the history of the Arad 
community. In May of that year Aron Chorin 
entered upon his duties as rabbi of 
Aron the congregation. The whole history 
Chorin and of the community and its struggles, 
Moses its successes, and its renown thence- 
Hirschl. forth center in him. With touching 
devotion and patriarchal sentiment he 
applied himself to its elevation, and organized most 
of the benevolent institutions that are its pride to-day. 
Another man who, with the rabbi, deserved well of 
the congregation was Moses Hirschl, who for sev- 
eral decades devoted his attention mainly to its educa- 
tional interests. Together with the principal, Lazar 
Skreinka, he succeeded in raising the intellectual 
grade of the school to the satisfaction of the govern- 
mental authorities. Of especial importance, how- 
ever, for the true development of the congregation 
was the success attending Chorin's efforts to induce 
the youths in the community to acquire a knowl- 



Arabic Script 


edge of handicrafts. The Arad congregation led 
those of Hungary, both in the number of its me- 
chanics and iu the variety of trades represented. 
The inspiration of the movement originated with 
Chorin, who in this matter took his stand upon Tal- 
mudic precepts. "From this congregation," lie 
wrote in 1831, " seventy-eight young men have gone 
forth to follow various handicrafts, and in addition 
several have devoted themselves to such professions 
as the law permits. Some of these latter already 
have large practises as physicians and surgeons." 
In a letter to Gabriel Ullmann, president of the Pesth 

congregation, he names the trades that 
Diversity were followed by the Jews of Arad : 
of there were goldsmiths, tanners, con- 

Trades, fectioners, furriers, coopers, watchcase- 

makers, braid-makers, soap-boilers, 
horseshoe-makers, smiths, locksmiths, gunsmiths, 
bookbinders, painters, tailors, pipe-mounters, gla- 
ziers, shoemakers, saddlers, etc. 

Philanthropic interests were taken charge of by 
the Humanitatsverein, founded in 1830, and en- 
larged later by a women's society with similar aims; 
their special charge being the excellent Jewish hos- 
pital, a creation of the Hebrah Kaddishah, which was 
first organized in 1790 by Chorin. After Chorin's 
death, 1844, the Arad congregation, which in 1839 
aggregated 812 souls, called Jacob Steinhardt as 
their temporary rabbi and school-superintendent. 
A year and a half later he became chief rabbi, and 
was followed in 1885 by Alexander Rosenberg, pre- 
viously rabbi in Kaposvar. During the whole of 
the last half of the nineteenth century the Arad con- 
gregation developed and prospered. All branches 
of congregational activity kept pace with the nu- 
merical growth of the congregation, which in 1860 
aggregated 2,700 souls, and which since then has 
doubled. The affairs of the congregation are con- 
ducted according to well-devised rules ; schools have 
been reorganized ; additional benevolent institutions 
have been established, of which the Orphan Home 
deserves especial mention ; and a home for pensioned 
employees of the congregation has been opened. 

Bibliography: Jahrbuch iXur die Israelitisclien Kultusge- 
meinden in TJngovrn,i.\H\ Ben-Chananja, vi. 133 et seq. 

D. E. K 

ARADUS (Arados, I Mace. xv. 23) : A Pheni- 

cian city on the island now called Ruad, eighty miles 

north of Sidon. It is the Arvad of Ezek. xxvii. 8, 

11, the Armad of Tiglath-pileser III., and is also 

mentioned on the Egyptian monuments. Jews had 

migrated thither in Maccabean times (I Mace. xv. 

23). See Arvad. 

Bibliography : W. Max MUller, Asien und Europa, p. 186 ; 
Pietschmann, Geschichte der PlUinizier, pp. 36 et seq. 

j. jk. G. A. B. 

ABAG (ARA.K) : Village in the district of Ky- 
urin, Daghestan, Transcaucasia, Russia. When the 
traveler Judah Chorny visited the place in 1868, he 
found eighty Jewish families there, who lived in a 
separate part of the village. Their chief occupation 
was the cultivation of tobacco on land rented from 
their Mohammedan neighbors. They had a syna- 
gogue, and used the Sephardic rite. Fifty school- 
children were instructed in religion and Hebrew by 

two teachers. Their language was a mixed dialect 
of Tataric and Persian. Under the rule of the Tatar 
Khans they were burdened with heavy taxes, their 
position being almost that of slaves. With the an- 
nexation of the province by Russia their condition 
improved somewhat. In 1900 the Jewish popula- 
tion of Arag was 710. 

Polygamy is still practised among the inhabitants. 
Up to 1868 the names of the rabbis (who had suc- 
ceeded one another) were: Moses, Mattithiah, Bez- 
alel, Hanukah, Johai, Moses of Gursi, and Ezekiel, 
who was still holding office. Among their names 
the following are Caucasian : Valbikah, Vanavsha, 
Gulbahar, Desdeyul, Zarungul, Momari, Mamali, 
Tzaatchair, Kuztaman, Luzergal, Shachatav, Taza- 
gil, Tavriz. 

Bibliography: Judah Chorny, Sefer ha^Massaot, pp. 256- 
262 : Budushchnost, 1900, No. 52. 

H. R. 

ARAGON : An independent medieval kingdom, 
later a province of Spain, in the northeastern part 
of the Iberian peninsula. Its population included 
Jews as early as the ninth century. In' Saragossa 
(which until 1118 was under the rule of the Moors), 
in Jaca, Huesca, Barbastro, Daroca, Tarazona, Calat- 
ayud, Monzon, Lerida, and other cities of Aragon, 
the Jews in early times lived under special fueros 
or laws. Aragon passed through the same phases of 
church development and culture as southern France, 
until the time of Jaime I. ; and the circumstances of 
the Jews there corresponded exactly with those of 
their French brethren. Their industry, learning, and 
wealth secured for them the protection and favor of 
their rulers. Pedro II. of Aragon, who, owing to 
his frequent wars, was usually in debt, was often 
compelled to borrow money of his Jewish subjects, 
and to mortgage the greater portion 

Position of his possessions and revenues to 
Under them. Under Pedro's son and suc- 

Jaime I. cessor, Jaime I. , surnamed " el Batalla- 
dor" (the Fighter) and "el Conquista- 
dor " (the Conqueror), the political and legal position 
of the Jews was an enviable one. Jaime I. issued 
the following decree : " All Jews and Saracens dwell- 
ing in our domains belong to the king and are, with 
all their possessions, under the king's especial pro- 
tection. Any one of them who shall place himself 
under the protection of a nobleman shall lose his 
head; and all his possessions, wherever they be, 
shall be forfeited to the king." As a consequence, 
no Jew or Saracen could become a bondman to any 
nobleman; nor could Jews or Saracens be called 
prisoners or serfs (captivi or servi) even of the king, 
because, according to the law, they had full liberty 
of movement. 

The Jews of Aragon thus stood in direct relation 
with the king and under the jurisdiction of the crown, 
as represented by the haile-general, under whose 
authority stood the bailes of all the towns and ham- 
lets of the country. They were permitted to buy and 
sell among themselves ; but for trade with Christians 
a special permission from the baile was necessary. 
Similarly, Christians were prohibited from buying or 
taking in pledge the goods of Jews. The Jews lived 
in the " Juderias, " or Jews' quarters, outside of which 
they could not dwell without royal permission ; nor 




were they at liberty to change the city of their abode. 
The permission of the king was also necessary to 
build synagogues, establish cemeteries, open schools, 
purchase or export wheat, and even to bake Passover 
bread. Besides the poll-tax, Jews were required to 
pay special taxes and to contribute toward the repair 
of walls and fortifications, as well as to the equipment 
of the fleet and the general expenses of war. When- 
ever the king visited a city, the Jews there had to 
provide beds for him and his retinue. The assessment 
of individual taxes was made by the representatives 
of the Jews, chosen by themselves and confirmed by 
the king. The division of the taxes among the vari- 
ous congregations was determined by the king, upon 
consultation with these representatives of the syna- 
gogue. Sometimes the king remitted these taxes for 
a time, as in the cases of Uncastillo and Montcluz, to 
which a respite was given by Jaime I. Some Jews 
received special privileges from the king. They were 
permitted to take four denarii per pound as weekly 
interest (about 86 per cent, per annum). But they 
were forbidden to lend to students. Frequently the 
king released all debtors of the Jews from their obli- 
gations, and declared the Jewish claims void. There 
existed for the Jews of Aragon two special forms of 
oath : one, upon the law of Moses ; the other, much 
more formidable, called "the oath of curses." All 
such oaths had to be taken in the synagogue or other 
places of worship. 

In their social relations a sharp line of demarca- 
tion was drawn between Jews and Christians. Jews 
were forbidden to keep Christian slaves and servants, 
or to have Christian women in their houses in any 
capacity whatever. Christians and Jews were not 
permitted to dwell together; even Jewish prisoners 
were separated from Christians. Jaime I., whose 
confessor was the zealous missionary 
Enforced Raymundo de Pefiaforte, ardently fa- 
Social Iso- vored the conversion of the Jews to 
lation of Christianity — conversion to Islam was 
Jews. prohibited — and gave his assistance to 
the work in every way. In 1249 he 
repealed an ordinance, then operative in many prov- 
inces, to the effect that Jews embracing Christianity 
must surrender their property, or most of it, to the 
treasury. The law protected those who had embraced 
Christianity from insult at the hands of their former 
coreligionists; and it was forbidden to call them 
renegades, turncoats, or any such disparaging names. 
Whenever a prelate, or a brother of one of the orders, 
announced a missionary sermon in a place where 
Jews resided, the latter were compelled by the king's 
officers to listen to it ; and no excuse for absence was 
accepted, save a special royal dispensation, such as 
was granted to the Jews of Lerida. Baptized chil- 
dren of Jews could not reside with their parents. In 
1263, in order further to facilitate the 
Religious conversion of the Jews, Jaime I. ar- 
Disputa- ranged a public debate at the royal 
tion at palace in Barcelona, under the presi- 
Barcelona. dency of Pefiaforte, between the mis- 
sionary Pra Paolo (or Pablo Christiani), 
a baptized Jew, and the eminent Spanish rabbi, Moses 
ben Nahman (Bonastruc de Porta). 

Aside from these clerical annoyances, the position 
of the Aragonian Jews under Jaime I. was not an 

unhappy one. They owned houses and estates, were 
permitted to farm the royal grist-mills, and to follow 
agriculture and trades, and, though they could not 
occupy judicial positions, other honorable posts were 
open to them. When Jaime conquered Majorca he 
was attended by Don Bahyel as his private secre- 
tary ; and when he besieged Murcia he employed Don 
Astruc Bonsentor as his interpreter of Arabic to 
negotiate with the inhabitants of the town. Jehu- 
dano de Cavalleria, the wealthiest and most influen- 
tial Jew of Aragon, was head bailiff and royal treas- 
urer ; Bondia and a certain Abraham were bailiffs in 
Saragossa, and Vidal Solomon was bailiff of Barce- 
lona. Maestros David and Solomon were the king's 
body-physicians ; and Maestro Samson was physician 
to the queen. Pope Clement IV. in vain requested 
Jaime to remove Jews from all public offices; but his 
son, Pedro III. , yielding to the stormy demands of the 
Cortes in Saragossa, decreed that no 

Jews in Jew should thenceforth occupy the 
High Pub- position of bailiff. Pedro and his suc- 
lic Offices, cessors took the Jews under their pro- 
tection , possibly for their own interests. 
In the wars of Africa and Sicily the material aid of 
the Jews was indispensable, and large sums were 
exacted from them for the equipment of the fleet 
and the conduct of the war. 

Although Jaime II., like his grandfather, earnestly 
desired the conversion of the Jews, he showed him- 
self tolerant toward them. He permitted a certain 
number of Jewish refugees from Prance to settle in 
Barcelona and other places ; and, in recognition of 
their liberal contributions toward the equipment of 
the fleet, he released the Jewish congregations for 
several years from all taxes, according at the same 
time special privileges to the congregations of Bar- 
celona, Saragossa, and Huesca. The king protected 
them, but the populace, repeatedly aroused by the 
clergy, continually annoyed them. In Barcelona in 
1285, one Berenguer Oiler, supported by several other 
ordinary citizens, instigated a serious riot against the 
Jews. On a certain day of Passover he announced 
that he would kill all the barons and the Jews and 
plunder their houses; but he was prevented from 
carrying out his plans through the timely interven- 
tion of the king. 

The Jews of Aragon proved themselves generous 
and self-sacrificing in every emergency. When in 
1323 the Infante Alfonso (afterward Alfonso IV.) 
embarked upon the conquest of Sardinia, they 
placed large sums of money at his disposal ; and the 
congregation of Tortosa hired sailors to man the 
galleys furnished by the city. Alfonso IV. in re- 
turn showed himself favorably inclined toward his 
Jewish subjects. He accorded special privileges to 
the Jews of Fraga, Barcelona, and Gerona, and put 
down the insurrection of the shepherds, which had 
extended to parts of Aragon. When a large number 
of Jews desired to leave the country, he attempted to 
retain them by reducing their taxes. Under his suc- 
cessor Don Pedro IV. , who was devoted to astrology, 
which he studied under his body-physician Don 
Rabbi Menahem, the condition of the Jews was a very 
painful one, owing to the contest between the Ara- 
gonian Unionists and the king, and to the war be- 
tween Aragon and Castile. The congregations of 




Murviedro, Gerona, Tarazona, Daroca, and Calata- 
yud were especially ill-treated. 

The great persecution of 1391, which began in 
Seville, affected the Jews of Aragon and Catalonia 
severely ; entire communities, such as those of Valen- 
cia, Lerida, and Barcelona, were wiped out; thou- 
sands of Jews were slain; and 100,000 professed to 
embrace Christianity. The resulting large number 
of pseudo-Christians, or Maranos, was 

Massacre materially increased twenty years 

of 1391. later by the exertions of the fanatical 
preacher Vicente Ferrer. All Jews 
who remained faithful to their ancestral religion were 
ordered by King Martin of Aragon to wear a mark of 
identification. Another public disputation took place 
between the rabbis of the more important congrega- 
tions of Aragon, on the one side, and Joshua ha-Lorki, 
named after his conversion Jerome de Santa Fe, as- 
sisted by the converts, Andres Beltran and Garcia 
Alvarez de Alarcon, on the other. This discussion, 
which had the effect of still further increasing the 
number of pseudo-Christians, was held at Tortosa in 
1413 in the presence of Pope Benedict XIII. Severer 
sufferings were in store for the Jews of Aragon in the 
last eighty years of their sojourn in the province. 
After the Tortosan disputation, Pope Benedict issued 
the bull, " Etsi Doctoribus Gentium " (see De los Rios, 
ii. 627), which was promulgated throughout Aragon 
in 1415. It interdicted the study or the reading of the 
Talmud and similar works, every copy 

Persecu- of which was to be surrendered and 

tions Under destroyed. Jews were not allowed to 

Pope possess antichristian literature. They 

Benedict were debarred from holding any office 
XIII. or from following the vocations of phy- 
sician, surgeon, accoucheur, apothe- 
cary, broker, marriage-agent, or merchant. Christians 
were forbidden to live in the same house with Jews, 
to eat or bathe with them, to renderthem any services, 
such as the baking of Passover bread, or to buy from 
or sell for them meat prescribed by the Jewish law. 
Each congregation was permitted to have only a 
small and scantily furnished synagogue, and new 
synagogues were not allowed to be built or old ones 
repaired. Finally, all Jews of either sex over the 
age of twelve years were compelled to listen to three 
Christian sermons every year. 

To all these sufferings were added the terrible 
epidemics of the plague which scourged Aragon in 
1429, 1439, 1448, 1450, 1452, and 1457. Commerce and 
trade in the formerly flourishing cities of Saragossa, 
Huesca, and Daroca came to a standstill; the Jew- 
ish merchants and their trade became impoverished 
and could no longer pay taxes. In order to prevent 
their emigration, however, Queen Maria, consort 
of Alfonso V. , and queen regent in his absence, re- 
duced the royal imposts considerably. For instance, 
the Jewish congregation of Barbastro had only 400 
sueldos jaqueses to pay; Calatayud and Monzon, 
350; Saragossa and Huesca, 300; and Fraga and 
Tarazona, 200. The very wealthy Marano families 
of Saragossa, Huesca, Calatayud, and Daroca — the 
Caballerias, Santangels, Villanovas, Paternoys, Ca- 
breros, Zaportas, Rivas, and others — occupied influ- 
ential positions in the Cortes, in public life, and at the 
court of Juan II. , and often intermarried with aris- 

tocratic families, and even with the Infantas. After 
Juan's death in 1479, the two kingdoms, Aragon and 
Castile, were united into one under the rule of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella; and henceforward the history of 
the Jews of Aragon becomes one with that of all the 
other Jews of Spain. 

The Aragonian Jews possessed a special ritual- 
liturgy (Mahzor Aragon), which was preserved 
for a long time in several cities of the Orient by 
communities of fugitive Jews from Aragon. (See 

Bibliography : J. Amador de los Rios, Hisloria de !os Judios 
de Espafla, passim ; Ersch and Gruber, Encyklopddie, ii. 
27, 210 ; Tourtoulon, Jaime I., U Conquerant, Boi d' Aragon, 
vol. ii. Montpellier, 1867 ; Swift, Jamesl. of Aragon, Oxford, 
1894 ; Zunz, Bitus, p. 41. On the many documents relating to 
the Jews of Aragon now in the "Archiv. de la Corona de 
Aragon " in Barcelona, see Jacobs, Sources of Spanish- 
Jewish History, xv. 9 et seq. 
a- M. K. 

•ARAKIN (p1$), " estimations " ; the German- 
Polish Jews use the Aramaic form p3"1J7, pronounced 
by them 'Erchin or 'Erechin): A treatise of the 
Mishnah, the Tosefta, and the Babylonian Talmud 
in the order Kodashim. 

In the Mishnah the treatise Arakin consists of 
nine chapters (perakim), forming in all fifty para- 
graphs (mishnayot). It deals chiefly 

Analysis with an exact determination of the 
of the regulations in Lev. xxvii. 2-29, con- 
Mishnah. cerning the redemption, according to 
fixed rates (-py, " estimation "), of per- 
sons or things consecrated to the sanctuary by a 
vow. It is presupposed by the Halakah that the 
above-mentioned Bible passage refers to the conse- 
cration not only of persons that belong to the one 
who consecrates them, but of any person ; for the 
consecration of a person signifies nothing more than 
a vow to dedicate to the sanctuary the value which 
that person represents. Consequently, the first chap- 
ter treats of the persons capable of making such a 
vow, as well as of the qualifications of those whose 
value must be paid by the consecrator. 

Following exactly the order of the Bible, the sec- 
ond chapter discusses the maximum and the mini- 
mum of the amount to be given to the sanctuary, 
according to the financial condition of the dedicator. 
The mention of this special case of a maximum and 
a minimum gives occasion for discussing the maxi- 
mum and the minimum for various religious pre- 
cepts. Incidentally, many an interesting item of in- 
formation is imparted concerning Temple affairs ; as, 
for instance, certain details about the Temple music. 

In a similar way, the third chapter, discussing the 
uniformity of assessment of values of dedicated lands 
irrespective of their mercantile values, takes occasion 
to group together all such cases of indemnity for 
which the Biblical law prescribes a fixed amount to 
be paid, regardless of attendant conditions. 

After this digression, the fourth chapter lays down 
detailed rules for the various "estimations" men- 
tioned in Lev. xxvii. 2-8, and at the same time inti- 
mates wherein these rules differ from those applying 
to sacrificial vows and gifts. 

The fifth chapter treats of particular instances; 
for example, the consideration of cases wherein the 
weight or the value of a limb of a person or a por- 
tion of his value is dedicated. This brings to an 




end the Halakot dealing with estimations put upon 

The sixth chapter is to be regarded as an appen- 
dix. It gives minute precepts relative to assess- 
ments in general, called "shum " (D1K>, in contradis- 
tinction to "pjrt, and concerning distraint for debts 
incurred by dedication. 

After this exhaustive treatment of the estimation 
of persons, chapters vii. and viii. give a fuller ex- 
planation of the estimation of consecrated land found 
in Lev. xxvii. 16, and in addition — as in the Bible — 
the Halakot concerning Herem ("devoted thing)," 
that is voted to be the irredeemable property of the 
sanctuary or of the priests (Lev. xxvii. 28). 

The ninth and last chapter consists chiefly of the 
regulations concerning the redemption in the jubilee 
year of landed property that has been sold (Lev. 
xxv. 25-34). These rules are given in this connec- 
tion because they have points of contact with the 
valuation of a consecrated piece of ground. 

The Tosefta to this treatise, comprising five chap- 
ters, is of great value for the comprehension of the 
single articles of the Mishnah, as well 
The as for their composition. Thus To- 

Tosefta. sef ta i. 1 illustrates the exegetical basis 
(Midrash) for the proposition in Mish- 
nah i. 2; and, according to the reading of Tosefta 
iii. 1, the difficulty in Mishnah v. 1, which provides 
the Gemara 19a with much matter for discussion, is 
removed. This treatise of the Tosefta contains also 
a number of explanatory amplifications of the Mish- 
nah, as well as many points not touched in the latter. 

The Tosefta also gives to some extent many a val- 
uable intimation for distinguishing the older and the 
more recent constituent elements or 

Mishnah strata of the Mishnah. Beginning 
in the with the first chapter, a comparison of 

Light of the Mishnah 1-4 and the Tosefta 1-4 

Tosefta. shows that of these paragraphs only 
1 and 4 belong to the older Mishnah 
compilation, and that 2 and 3 emanate from a school 
later than Akiba. Similarly, the second chapter be- 
trays the work of two redactors. The compilation 
of the maxima and the minima in this section is 
probably to be ascribed to Akiba, who was the first 
to attempt such an arrangement of the halakie ma- 
terial. To the later redaction, however, is to be 
attributed the discussion in Mishnah 1, between R. 
Mei'r and the Hakamim (sages). Likewise, Mishnah 
4 and the second half of Mishnah 6 must be regarded 
as later additions.' 

The whole of the third chapter must be regarded 
as belonging to the older Mishnah compilation, with 
the exception, however, of the second half of Mish- 
nah 2, where " Eleazar [ben Shammua] " should be 
read instead of "Eliezer [ben Hyrcanus]." 

It is noteworthy that in this chapter (Mishnah 2) 
the gardens of Sebaste (Samaria) are represented as 
very fruitful, a characteristic which could apply 
only to the time previous to Bar Kokba. For this 
reason R. Judah in the Tosefta (ii. 8) speaks of the 
gardens of Jericho instead of those of Sebaste. 

The fourth chapter of the Mishnah seems to be- 
long wholly to the more recent redaction. In the 
fifth chapter it is difficult to distinguish old and 
new. Here the beginning is derived from the time 

before Akiba, possibly even from the period during 
the existence of the Temple, or, at all events, not 
long after; but the second half of the very same 
Mishnah is of a much later date, whereas the Tosefta 
(iii. 2) preserves the old form of theHalakah, to which 
the Mishnah bears the relation of an explanation and 
discussion. Chapters vi.-ix. also contain various 
compilations of Halakot, which were so much altered 
by the redactor that attempts to trace them back to 
their sources have been unsuccessful. 

In the present article an analysis of the Gemara, 

which comprises thirty-four pages, can be given 

only in brief outline. Starting from 

The the word >3H (" all ") , with which the 

Gemara. treatise begins, the discussion brings 
into array nearly all tannaitic Halakot, 
commencing with that word, to prove that this word 
is used to intimate that the tanna desires to include 
in the rule a class of subjects that otherwise would 
have been excluded. 

This introduction to the treatise 'Arakin (pp. 2-4a) 
probably comes from the time of the Saboraim. Of 
importance are the elaborations of the Gemara on 
Mishnah i. 2, in regard to the sacrifices and gifts 
of the heathen (D"13J?) (pp. 5J-6J). 

In regard to the second chapter, special reference 
must be made to pp. 8J-13J, in which, along with 
explanations of the Mishnah, many details are given 
in regard to the construction of the calendar and to 
customs in the Temple service. 

The third chapter of the Gemara is the only one 
in the treatise in which haggadic material is treated 
at length. Pages 15a to 17a contain admonitions and 
precepts concerning "the evil tongue," in which it 
is urged that man must be careful of speech. 

Chapters iv. and v. contain chiefly elucidations 
and explanations of the corresponding Mishnayot. 

Basing itself on the Mishnah, chapter vi. gives 
many important regulations concerning compulsory 
auctions and the legal procedure in regard to them, 
and with regard to legal attachments (pp. 21i-24a). 

Chapter vii. is devoted to the regulations regard- 
ing the year of jubilee at a time when this Biblical 
institution is enforced (24a-27a). 

Chapter viii. treats of the regulations governing 
landed estate devoted to the sanctuary, when the 
law of the jubilee year is no longer in force (27«-29a). 

The last chapter deals mainly with the laws for 
the sale and redemption of land and houses that have 
been sold, on which subject the Mishnah in the cor- 
responding chapter contains only a few particulars. 

Bibliography : Mordecai Eliezer b. David Weber, Erek Dal 
(commentary), Jerusalem, 1885; Latin translation of the 
treatise 'Araliin by Magnus Ronnow, Utrecht, 1690 (only a 
part printed). 

J. se. L. G. 

ARAM. — Biblical Data : The name of a group 
of kindred tribes scattered over portions of Syria, 
Mesopotamia, and Arabia. It is not the name of a 
country or of a politically independent people ; for 
the Aramaic peoples were never all independent 

at the same period; neither did they 
Location, form a large independent state. They 

are mentioned by Tiglath-pileser I., 
about 1110 b.c. (Schrader " K. B." i. 33), as dwell- 
ing east of the Euphrates ; also by Shalmaneser II. 



' Arakln 

(ib. i. 165). Tiglath-pileser III. describes them as 
extending from the Tigris, the Euphrates, and the 
Surappi to the River Ukni at the shore of the Persian 
Gulf (ib. ii. 11). Sargon and Sennacherib attest this 
in part by stating that on their return from Baby- 
lon to Assyria they conquered various Aramaic tribes 
(compare Schrader,"K. G. F." pp. 109 etseq.); and 
the presence of Aramaic inscriptions in Assyria and 
Babylonia from the eighth to the third century B.C. 
confirms these statements (compare "0. I. S." ii.). 
The inscriptions found at Zenjirli and Nerab prove 
that Aramaic was spoken in the northern part of 
Syria as early as the seventh century B.C., though 
this region was largely occupied by Hittites. Ara- 
maic tribes appear to have extended as far as the 
Taurus valleys, including Armenia and Cilicia (com- 
pare Dillmann, on Gen. x. 23). Aramaic inscriptions 
have been found in Arabia as far south as Teima, 
which date from about 500 B.C. These tribes had 
therefore penetrated Arabia at that date. 

The part of this territory known in the Old Testa- 
ment as Aram is the portion west of the Euphrates, 
to various parts of which were given different names, 
as described below (Abam-Zobah, Akam-Maaciiah, 
etc.). Greek writers applied to tlie people of this 
region the term "Syrians" — perhaps a corruption of 
Assyrians; hence the name "Syria." 

In Gen. x. 22 Aram is described as a son of Shem. 
Gen. xxii. 21 makes him a grandson of Nahor, Abra- 
ham's brother. The Aramaic dialects 
Aramaic form a well-defined group of the lan- 
and guages classed as Semitic, and thus at- 
Hebrew. test the fact, for which these traditions 
stand, that the Aramcans were akin to 
the Hebrews. From II Kings xviii. 26 and Isa. 
xxxvi. 11 it would seem that by the end of the eighth 
century b.c Aramaic had become the language of 
international communication between the nations of 
western Asia. Its influence on Hebrew diction may 
be detected in some of the books composed before the 
Exile, while in Esther, Ecclesiastes, and some of the 
Psalms the form of expression is largely Aramaic. 
Parts of Daniel and Ezra are extant only in this 
tongue, which before the beginning of the common 
era had quite displaced Hebrew in popular usage. 
The Aramaic peoples of northern Arabia introduced 
writing into that country some centuries before the 
Arabs of the region had their own system of wri- 
ting ; and the Aramaic inscriptions found by Euting 
in the Sinaitic peninsula, and shown to have been 
the work of Arabs, prove that for a time it was the 
language used for written communication in north 
Arabia. The Nabatseans, who were in reality Ara- 
bians, have also left in the neighborhood of Palmyra 
many Aramaic inscriptions dating back to about the 
beginning of the common era. 

Josephus calls Aram the grandson of Nahor, Abra- 
ham's brother (Gen. xxii. 21), and afterward defines 
his locality as Aram Naharaim (Gen. 
Aram in xxiv. 10). Gen. xxviii. 10 says that 
the Penta- Jacob fled to Haran, where lie went 
teuch. to his mother's kindred, thus making 
Aram Naharaim a region beyond the 
Euphrates. In the Pentateuch the country about 
Haran is no doubt the region designated. That Abra- 
ham resided in Haran is definitely stated in the Pen- 
II— 5 

tateuch (Gen. xii. 4, 5). The place to which Jacob fled 
is called Padan-Aram (Gen. xxviii. 6, R. V.). "Pa- 
dana" in Aramaic 'signifies "yoke," or "plow, "and 
may also have meant, as in some other tongues, " culti- 
vated land. " Some find in this meaning the origin of 
the name " Padan " in Genesis, and have supposed 
that "the field of Aram" (Hosea xii. 13 [A.V. 12]) is 
a Hebrew translation. It is tempting to identify it 
with the Aramaic " Paddana " ("Wright, " Catalogue 
Syriac Manuscripts," 1127a), called in Greek < 
(Sozomen, vi. 33), and in Arabic " Faddain " (Yakut) ; 
but this town was situated in the Hauran, and can 
not have been the Padan of the Bible, unless it was 
there intended to say that Laban, like Abraham, had 
migrated far from Haran. It may be, as Noldeke 
suggests, that this name arose from a localization of 
the patriarchal tradition by the early Christians. That 
a place in the neighborhood of Haran, or in that 
region, was intended, there can be little doubt. All 
the sources place the Aram of the patriarchs in the 
direction of Haran. Deuteronomy mentions Aram 
only when Jacob is called an Aramean (Deut. xxvi. 5). 
By far the most important part of Aram, so far as 
the Hebrews were concerned, was Damascus. Amos 
(i. 5) and Isaiah (vii. 8) indicate this; 
Damascus, the one by equating Aram with Da- 
mascus, the other by declaring that 
Damascus is the head of Aram. The name occurs 
in a list of cities conquered by Thothmes III. (W. 
Max Milller, " Asien unci Europa, " p. 227), and in two 
of the El-Amarna letters (139, 63 and 142, 21) of the 
fifteenth century B.C. David, some centuries later, 
made it tributary to himself (II Sam. viii. 6), and its 
kings, Rezin, Ben-hadad I., Ben-hadad II., Hazael, 
and Ben-hadad III., were at various times in conflict 
with the kings of Israel and Judah. Compare 
Damascus, David, Ben-hadad, Hazael, and Rez- 
in. See also Akam-Geshur, Akam-Maaciiah, Akam- 
Naharaim, Abam-Rehob, and Aram-Zobah. 

Bibliography: N51deke, DieNamcn der Aramtliachen Na- 
tion unci Sprache, in Z. D. M. G. 1871, xxv. 113 et seq.; 
Schrader, K. G. F. 1878, pp. 109 et seq.; C. I. 0. T. pp. 110 et 
seq.; Friedrich Delitzsch, Wo Lag (las Taraiiiesl 1881, pp. 
257-259; Dillmann, Commentary to Genesis, x. 22, 23. 
j. jr. G. A. B. 

In Rabbinical Literature : " Aramean " was 

from the earliest times the equivalent of " heathen " 
in the Jewish vernacular, because the heathen neigh- 
bors of the Jews used the Aramean tongue. An old 
Targum, mentioned by the Mishnah (Meg. iv. 9), 
employs the word " Aramiyu-uta " in the sense of hea- 
thendom; as does also R. Ishmael in the first half of 
the second century (Yer. Meg. iv. 75c). In Pales- 
tine the word " Aramean " was so tabooed that the 
Jews preferred to use the Greek word " Syriac " to 
designate their mother-tongue, rather than call it 
" Aramean. " This usage also passed over to the Ara- 
bian-Jewish authors, as, for instance, Judah b. Ko- 
reish,who calls the Arameans of the Bible and of the 
Targum " Syrians. " But to avoid misconception, in 
translating the Bible into Aramean, the word Ara- 
%nm (after the Hebrew " Arami ") was employed for 
the national sense and Armaa for the religious sense 
of the word. 

It is of historical interest to note that after the 
conversion of the Arameans to Christianity, the 
former Jewish significance attached to the word 

Arama, Meir 



" Aramean'' was also given to it by Christians. With 
the Syrians, even in the Peshitta, " Armaia " means 
"heathen," -while "Aramaia" means "one of the 
people of Aram. " In Palestinian sources the terms 
" Aram " and " Arameans " are used to designate 
Rome and the Romans ; the Palestinian pronuncia- 
tion of the word " Aromi " may have served to screen 
what they dared not say against the Romans. In 
most cases, however, D"IX, for Rome, is a mistake of 
the copyist; it should read DlIX, Edom. 

Bibliography : NMdeke, Z. D. 31. Q. xxv. 115-120 ; Dictionaries 
of Levy, Kohut, and Jastrow. 

j. sr. L. G. 

ARAM-GESHUR : An Aramean district and a 
small kingdom near Maachah (II Sam. xv. 8) (see 
Aram-Maachah), and associated with it in Josh. xiii. 
13. David married the daughter of its king (II Sam. 
iii. 3). She became the mother of Absalom, who 
fled thither after killing his brother Amnon (II Sam. 
xiii. 38). 

j. jr. G. A. B. 

ARAM-MAACHAH (I Chron. xix. 6): A dis- 
trict south of Damascus, bordering on the trans- 
Jordanic territory of Manasseh. Maachah is said in 
Gen. xxii. 24 to have been a descendant of Nahor, 
Abraham's brother, and the territory called after him 
is declared in Josh. xiii. 13 not to have been con- 
quered in the first Israelitish settlement of Canaan. 
David made its petty king tributary (II Sam. x.6-8), 
and by the time of the chronicler, Maachah was 
regarded as an ancestress of a Manassite clan 
(I Chron. vii. 16). Strangely enough, II Sam. x. 6 
has "king Maacah," which makes it doubtful if 
Aram-Maachah is the correct form. 

j jr. G. A. B. 

ARAM-NAHARAIM (translated as " Meso- 
potamia "in A. V.): A region somewhat ill-defined, 
mentioned six times in the Bible. In the title of Ps. 
l.\., and in I Chron. xix. 6, it is used for the region 
beyond the Euphrates (compare II Sam. x. 16). It is 
stated in Judges iii. 8, 10, that the king of Aram- 
Naharaim invaded Palestine. Gen. xxiv. 10 calls 
the region of Haran, Aram-Naharaim (compare Gen. 
xxviii. 10); while Deut. xxiii. 5 calls Pethor, the 
home of Balaam, a city of Aram-Naharaim. Pethor 
appears as a city of the region near the Euphrates in 
a list of Thothmes III. in the fifteenth century B.C. 
(compare Muller, " Asien und Europa," p. 267), and 
in an inscription of Shalmaneser II. of the ninth cen- 
tury B.C. (compare Schrader, "K. B." ii. 163) as a 
city west of that river. 

Aram-Naharaim, literally, "Aram of the two riv- 
ers," suggested to the ancients the region between 
the Euphrates and the Tigris ; to some moderns, that 
between the Euphrates and Chaboras (Habur) (see 
Kiepert, "Lehrbuchder AlteuGeographie," p. 154); 
to others, the Euphrates and Orontes (Howorth, in 
"Academy," Jan. 17, 1891, p. 65); while still others 
select different rivers. Meyer (" Gesch. iEgyptens," 
p. 227), Muller (" Asien und Europa, " pp. 249 etseq.), 
and Moore (Commentary on Judges, pp. 87, 89) are 
probably right in regarding the Hebrew dual as ficti- 
tious. If plural, it was no doubt the country called 
by the Egyptians "Naharin," an Aramaic name, 
meaning "the land of the rivers." It embraced a 

considerable extent on both sides of the Euphrates, 
extending east as far as the Tigris and west to the 
Orontes, running south not only to Hamath, but to 
Kadesh (compare Muller, ib. pp. 249-267). All the 
Biblical references are to places in this region. The 
name is not found in Babylonian or Assyrian inscrip- 
tions, but occurs as Nahrima in three of the El- 
Amama letters. Nahrima is associated with the 
Hittites— a fact which confirms the view taken 
j. jr. G. A. B. 

ABAM-REHOB (II Sam. x. 6, 8): A district of 
Syria, of which the chief city was Rehob or Beth- 
Rehob, associated with Aram-Zobah as hostile to 
David. Num. xiii. 21 and Judges xviii. 28 place a 
Beth-Rehob in the Lebanon region near Dan. Moore 
(Commentary on Judges, p." 399) conjecturally iden- 
tifies it with Panbas. 

j. jr. G. A. B. 

ARAM-ZOBAH (Ps. lx., title): The capital of 
an Aramean state, at one time of considerable im- 
portance. The statement in I Sam. xiv. 47, that its 
king fought with Saul, has hitherto been uncon- 
firmed. No such doubt, however, attaches to the 
account of the war of its king Hadadezer with 
David, who made the kingdom tributary to Israel 
(II Sam. x.). In this war Hadadezer brought to his 
help Arameans from beyond the Euphrates (II Sam. 
x. 16). Upon the accession of Solomon, Zobah be- 
came independent of Israel (compare I Kings xi. 23 
et seq.). Berothai, a city belonging to Hadadezer 
(II Sam. viii. 8) is identified by many with Berothah 
(Ezek. xlvii. 16), which was between Hamath and 
Damascus. Zobah was probably located near this 
city, though Halevy claims to have identified Zobah 
with Chalkis. 

After the tenth century, Zobah is not mentioned in 
the Bible, but the city of Subiti, which is mentioned 
in the annals of Assurbanipal as having been con- 
quered by him in the seventh century, is probably 
identical with it (compare Schrader, " K. B. " ii. 217). 
The same city is mentioned in some broken cunei- 
form lists of towns in connection with Hamath and 

Bibliography : Schrader, K. B. ii. 121 et seq.; Delitzsch, Wo 
Lag das Parodies i pp. 279 et seq. 

j. jr. G. A. B. 

binical author, born in Turkey, 1525 ; lived in Salo- 
nica. When barely twenty years old, he published 
" Perush 'al Sefer Mishneh Torah," a commentary 
on Maimonides' Yad ha-Hazakah (Salonica, 1546- 
1572 ; second edition, Amsterdam, 1706). He also is 
the author of "Teshubot," consisting of a commen- 
tary on difficult Talmudic passages (Constantino- 
ple, 1579), which seems to be entirely lost. 

Bibliography: Michael, Or ha-Hayyim, No. 694; Steln- 
schneider, Cat. Bodl. No. 4790. 

L. g. G. A. D. 

ARAMA, ISAAC BEN MOSES : Spanish rabbi 
and author ; born about 1420 ; died in Naples 1494. 
He was at first principal of a rabbinical academy at 
Zamora (probably his birthplace) ; then he received 
a call as rabbi and preacher from the community at 




Arama, Melr 

Tarragona, and later from that of Traga in Aragon. 
He officiated finally in Calatayud as rabbi and head 
of the Talmudical academy. Upon the expulsion of 
the Jews in 1492, Arama settled in Naples, where 
he died. 

Arama is the author of " 'Akedat Yizhak " (Offer- 
ing of Isaac), a lengthy philosophical commentary on 
the Pentateuch, homiletic in style. Prom this work 
he is frequently spoken of as the "Ba'al 'Akedah" 
(author of the " 'Akedah"). He also wrote a commen- 
tary upon the Pive Rolls, and a work called " Hazut 
Kashah " (A Burdensome Vision), upon the relation 
of philosophy to theology ; also " Yad Abshalom " 
(The Hand of Absalom), a commentary on Proverbs, 
written in memory of his son-in-law, Absalom, who 
died shortly after his marriage. 

Arama was the very type of the Spanish-Jewish 
scholar of the second half of the fifteenth century. 
First of all he was a Talmudist. The study of the 
Talmud was of the utmost importance to him; so 
that he lamented deeply when his rabbinical pupils 
could not follow him from Zamora to Tarragona, 
because the latter community was unable to support 
them. In the next place, he was a philosopher. The 
study of philosophy was so universal in Spain at 
that period that no one could assume 
As Talmud- a public position who had not devoted 
ist and himself to it. Arama had paid par- 
Phi- ticular attention to Maimonides; but 
losopher. independent philosophical thought is 
hardly to be found in his work. His 
remarks concerning the nature of the soul (" 'Ake- 
dah," chap, vi.) are noteworthy. After a detailed 
account of the various theories about the soul which 
had prevailed, he comes to the conclusion that the 
first germ of the soul, common to the whole human 
race, has its origin with and in the body. His theory 
is that of Alexander of Aphrodisias — that the soul 
is the " form " of the organic body — but Arama is 
able to adduce support for it from Talmud and Cab- 
ala. The third element in Arama's mental compo- 
sition was Cabala as expounded in the Zohar, which 
he believed to have been written by Simon ben Yohai. 
He did not, however, occupy himself so much with 
the mystical side of Cabala as with its philosophy. 

His earliest work, the "Hazut Kashah," present- 
ing in a certain sense an enunciation of Arama's re- 
ligious philosophy, includes also much that is inter- 
esting pertaining to the history of the Jews in Spain 
prior to their expulsion. The aim of the work was 
to furnish a rejoinder to the missionary sermons of 
the Church, to which, under the laws then preva- 
lent, the Jews were compelled to listen. Hence his 
polemic against the Christian dogma of Grace is the 
resume of an oral disputation between Arama and a 
Christian scholar. In support of his attack upon 
this Christian dogma, Arama adduces the doctrine 
of the freedom of the will as formulated by Aris- 
totle, and the consideration of God's transcendent 
justice, which would make Grace to consist of noth- 
ing but the exercise of the will of a despot. Be- 
sides this instance of his polemics, his treatment of 
the Deluge contains several attacks upon Christian- 
ity. The greater portion of the work, however, is 
devoted to the confutation of that philosophy which 
refuses to recognize Jewish revelation, or recognizes 

it only as identical with philosophy. Por his exten- 
sive use of the allegorical mode of interpretation, see 

Arama's chief work, which exercised great influ- 
ence upon Jewish thought, and is still much read, is 
the " 'Akedat Yizhak." This is considered by many 
as the classical work upon Jewish homiletics. The 
form of the sermons contained therein was closely 
imitated by the Darshanim. The old sermon was 
either didactic — among Germans, upon ritual mat- 
ters; among Spanish and Provencal Jews, upon phi- 
losophy — or else it was of an edifying, moralizing 
nature, such as the Haggadot. Arama's sermons in 
this work were the first attempt to unite both these 
tendencies. Though not artistic, he 
Sermons should not be reproached therefor, but 
Models for should rather he commended for hav- 
Future ing established a model for genera- 
Preachers, tions of darshanim and modern Jewish 
preachers. Beginning with a Biblical 
text, Arama constructs his sermon along the lines 
of some saying of the Haggadah, the connection of 
which with the text is expounded by means of a 
philosophic disquisition, popularly told, and inter- 
spersed with specifically rabbinical interpretations; 
each sermon thus satisfied the lovers of philosophy 
as well as of the Talmud. His commentary on the 
Five Scrolls partakes of the same philosophical and 
homiletic nature as the " 'Akedat Yizhak " ; it has 
not, however, received much attention at the hands 
of moderns. 

Arama also attempted to write poetry, and is the 
author of a Bakkasliah (supplication), which, al- 
though of no poetic excellence, has a certain charm. 
Arama's writings enjoyed universal esteem imme- 
diately upon their appearance, to such an extent in- 
deed that Isaac Abravanel, a younger contemporary 
of his, did not scruple to embody long passages in 
his own works. Arama himself, however, very often 
copied from Rabbi Abraham Bibago without men- 
tioning him, as J. S. Del Medigo pointed out in his 
"Mazref la-Hokmah" (Crucible for Wisdom). Ar- 
ama's works were likewise esteemed by the Christian 
world ; for in 1729 an academical dissertation by M. 
A. J. van der Hardt, of the University of Helmstedt, 
was published under the title " Dissertatio Rabbinica 
de Usu Linguae in Akedat Ischak, " treating of sec- 
tion 62 of Arama's work, giving it in Hebrew with 
Latin translation. 

Bibliography : Havyim Jos. Pollak, in his edition ol the 'Ake- 
dat Yizhak, Presburg, 1849, i. 2-7 ; Literaturblatt des Ori- 
ents, iv.' 688; Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl. s.v. ; Benjacob, 
Ozar ha-Sefarim, under the respective titles ; Van Straalen, 
Cat. Brit. Mm. (Suppl.), pp. 114, 125, 137; Winter and 
Wiinsche, Jlld. Lit. ii. 618-631 ; S. I. Fuenn, Kencset 1 Israel. 
647, 648 ; Zunz, S. P., p. 528 ; M. L. Kohn, BiographicnHer- 
vnrragender Rahbiniselur Avturitiltcn, pp. i-M. id, -HI; 
Kaufmann, Die Sinne, Index, s.v. 

1j. Of. 

ARAMA, MEIB, BEN ISAAC : Philosopher 
and Biblical commentator ; born at Saragossa at the 
end of the fifteenth oentury; died about 1556 in 
Salonica. His father was exiled from Spain in 1492 
and died in Naples. Melr Arama, who had gone 
thither with his father, remained there until the 
French army invaded Naples in 1495. He then 
went to Salonica and settled there, devoting himself 
to literary pursuits. 

Aramaic Language 



Arama is the author of the following works : (1) 
" Urim we-Tumim " (Light and Perfection), a philo- 
sophical commentary on Isaiah and Jeremiah, pub- 
lished by Menaliein Jacob ben Eliezer Judah, Venice, 
1603; (3) "Me'ii- Iyyob " (The Illuminator of Job), 
commentary on Job written in lolHi, and published, 
togetlier with the text, at Salonica, 1517; (3) " Men- 
Tehillot " (The Illuminator of the Psalms), commen- 
tary on the Psalms, written in 1512, and published, 
together with the text, at Venice, 1590 ; (4) " Perush, " 
commentary on Song of Songs, published in the 
Bible of Amsterdam 1724-27, which latter bears the 
title " Kehillot Mosheh " ; (5) commentary upon 
Esther, still extant in manuscript (Codex Rossi, No. 
727). Arama quotes in his works a commentary of 
his on the Pentateuch. It is no longer in existence. 
The commentaries of Arama are, like those of his 
father Isaac, full of allegories and moral aphorisms. 
He wrote also a pamphlet against Isaac Abravanel, 
accusing him of plagiarizing the works of his father, 
which pamphlet was republished recently by Gabriel 

Bibliography : Rossi, Dizimwri ftturieo, German translation, 
2d ed., p. 45 ; Steinschneider, Cat. BtulL cols. 1693-94 ; Azulai, 
Shem hOrGeditlim, p. 120. 
k. I. Br. 

JEWS : Of all Semitic languages the Aramaic is 
most closely related to the Hebrew, and forms with 
it, and possibly with the Assyrian, the northern 
group of Semitic languages. Aramaic, nevertheless, 
was considered by the ancient Hebrews as a foreign 
tongue; and a hundred years before the Babylonian 
exile it was understood only by people of culture in 
Jerusalem. Thus the ambassador of the Assyrian 
king who delivered an insolent message from his 
master in the Hebrew language and in the hearing 
of the people sitting upon the wall, 
Considered was requested by the high officials of 
Foreign by King Hezekiah not to speak in He- 
Ancient brew, but in the " Syrian language, " 
Hebrews, which they alone understood (II Kings 
xviii. 26; Isa. xxxvi. 11). In the early 
Hebrew literature an Aramaic expression occurs 
once. In the narrative of the covenant between 
Jacob and Laban it is stated that each of them 
named in his own language the stone-heap built in 
testimony of their amity. Jacob called it " Galeed " ; 
Laban used the Aramaic equivalent, "Jegar sahad- 
utha " (Gen. xxxi. 47). This statement undoubtedly 
betrays a knowledge of the linguistic differences be- 
tween Hebrews and Arameans, whose kinship is else- 
where frequently insisted on, as for instance in the 
genealogical tables, and in the narratives of the ear- 
liest ages. One of the genealogies mentions Aram 
among the sons of Shem as a brother of Arphaxad, 
one of the ancestors of the Hebrews (Gen. x. 23). In 
another, Kemuel, a son of Nahor, the brother of 
Abraham, is called " the father of Aram " (Gen. 
xxii. 21). Other descendants of this brother of the 
Hebrew Abraham (Gen. xiv. 13) are termed Ara- 
means; as, for instance, Bethuel, Rebekah's father 
(Gen. xxv. 20, xxviii. 5), and Laban, the father of 
Rachel and Leah (Gen. xxv. 20; xxxi. 20, 24). The 
earliest history of Israel is thus connected with the 

Arameans of the East, and even Jacob himself is 
called in one passage " a wandering Aramean " (Deut. 
xx vi. 5). During the whole period of the kings, 
Israel sustained relations both warlike and friendly 
with the Arameans of the west,, whose country, later 
called Syria, borders Palestine on the north and 
northeast. Traces of this intercourse were left upon 
the language of Israel, such as the Aramaisms in the 
vocabulary of the older Biblical books.* 

Aramaic was destined to become Israel's vernacu- 
lar tongue; but before this could come about it was 
necessary that the national independence should be 
destroyed and the people removed from their own 
home. These events prepared the way for that great 
change by which the Jewish nation parted with its 
national tongue and replaced it, in some districts en- 
tirely by Aramaic, in others by the adoption of Ar- 
amaized-Hebrew forms. The immediate causes of 
this linguistic metamorphosis are no longer histor- 
ically evident. The event of the Exile 
Aramaic itself was by no means a decisive fac- 
Displaces tor, for the prophets that spoke to the 
Hebrew, people during the Exile and after the 
Return in the time of Cyrus, spoke in 
their own Hebrew tongue. The single Aramaic sen- 
tence in Jer. x. 11 was intended for the in formation of 
non-Jews. But, although the living words of prophet 
and poet still resounded in the time-honored lan- 
guage, and although Hebrew literature during this 
period may be said to have actually flourished, 
nevertheless among the large masses of the Jewish 
people a linguistic change was in progress. The 
Aramaic, already the vernacular of international in- 
tercourse in Asia Minor in the time of Assyrian and 
Babylonian domination, took hold more and more of 
the Jewish populations of Palestine and of Babylonia, 
bereft as they were of their own national conscious- 
ness. Under the Achoemenid&\ Aramaic became the 
official tongue in the provinces between the Eu- 
phrates and the Mediterranean (see Ezra iv. 7) ; there-' 
fore the Jews could still less resist the growing 
importance and spread of this language. Hebrew dis- 
appeared from their daily intercourse and from their 
homes ; and Nehemiah — this is the only certain infor- 
mation respecting the process of linguistic change — 
once expressed his disapproval of the fact that the 
children of those living in " mixed marriage " could 
no longer "speak in the Jews' language'' (Neh. 
xiii. 24). 

How long this process of Aramaization lasted is not 
known. About the year 300 b.c. Aramaic makes 
its appearance in Jewish literature. The author of 
Chronicles uses a source in which not only documents 
concerning the history of the Second Temple are 
reproduced in the original Aramaic (Ezra iv. 8-22; 
v. 1-6, 12; vii. 12-26), but the connecting narrative 
itself is written in Aramaic (Ezraiv. 23, v. 5, vi. 13- 
18). In the time of Autiochus Epiphanes, the author 

* [Modern Bible critics have endeavored to determine accu- 
rately the influence oi Aramaic upon the various authors of Bib- 
lical books, and to use the results thus obtained in determining 
the age and authorship of the books (see, for example, Konig, 
" Einleitung in das Alte Test." p. 149 ; Holzinger, " Einleltung 
in den Hexateuch," passim ; D. Cilesebrecht," Zur Hexateucb- 
Kritlk," in Stade's " Zeitschrift," i. 177 et seq. ; and compare 
xiii. 309, xiv. 143 ; 8. R. Driver, " Journal of Philology," xi. 
201-236) .— o.] 



Aramaic Language 

of the Book of Daniel begins his narrative in Hebrew, 
but when he introduces the Babylonian sages and 
scholars as speaking Aramaic to the king, as if only 
awaiting this opportunity, he continues his history 
in Aramaic (Dan. ii. 4, vii. 28).* The employment 
of the two languages in these Biblical books well 
illustrates their use in those circles in which and for 
which the books were written. In point of fact, at 
the time of the Second Temple, both languages were 
in common use in Palestine : the Hebrew in the acad- 
emies and in the circles of the learned, the Aramaic 
among the lower classes in the intercourse of daily 
life. But the Aramaic continued to spread, and be- 
came the customary popular idiom ; not, however, to 
the complete exclusion of the Hebrew. Nevertheless, 
while Hebrew survived in the schools and among 
the learned — being rooted, as it were, in the national 
mind — it was continuously exposed to the influence 
of Aramaic. Under this influence a new form of 
Hebrew was developed, which has been preserved in 
the tannaitic literature embodying the traditions of 
the last two or three centuries before the common 
era. So that even in those fields where Hebrew re- 
mained the dominant tongue, it was closely pressed 
by Aramaic. There is extant an almost unique 
halakic utterance in Aramaic ('Eduy. viii. 4) of 
Yose b. Joezer, a contemporary of the author of 
Daniel. Legal forms for various public documents, 
such as marriage-contracts, bills of divorce, etc., 
were then drawn up in Aramaic. Official mes- 
sages from Jerusalem to the provinces were couched 
in the same language. The " List of the Past-Days " 
(Megixlat Ta'anit), edited before the destruction 
of the Temple, was written in Aramaic. Josephus 
considers Aramaic so thoroughly identical with 
Hebrew that he quotes Aramaic words as Hebrew 
("Ant." iii. 10, § 6), and describes the language 
in which Titus' proposals to the Jerusalemites ■were 
made (which certainly were in Aramaic) as Hebrew 
("B. J." vi. 2, § 1). It was in Aramaic that Jo- 
sephus had written his book on the "Jewish War,'' 
as he himself informs us in the introduction, before 
he wrote it in Greek. That he meant the Aramaic is 
evident from the reason he assigns, namely, that he 
desired to make this first attempt intelligible to the 
Parthians, Babylonians, Arabs, the Jews living be- 
yond the Euphrates, and the inhabitants of Adia- 
bene. That the Babylonian diaspora was linguistic- 
ally Aramaized is shown by the fact that Hillel loved 
to frame his maxims in that language. 

The oldest literary monument of the Aramaization 
of Israel would be the Tahgum, the Aramaic version 
of the Scriptures, were it not that this received its 
final revision in a somewhat later age. The Tar- 
gum, as an institution, reaches back to the earliest 
centuries of the Second Temple. Ezra may not have 
been, as tradition alleges, the inaugurator of the Tar- 
gum ; but it could not have been much after his day 

* [Other explanations have been attempted in order to ac- 
count for the appearance of both Aramaic and Hebrew in Dan- 
iel and Ezra. Prof. Paul Haupt supposes that Daniel was origi- 
nally written in Hebrew, that portions of it were lost, and that 
these portions were supplied later from an Aramaic translation. 
See A. Kamphausen, " The Book of Daniel " ("8. B. 0. T."), p. 
16 ; J. Marquart, " Fundamente der Israel, und Jiid. Gesch." 
p. 72.-0.] 

that the necessity made itself felt for the supple- 
menting of the public reading of the Hebrew text of 
Scripture in the synagogue by a trans- 
The Tar- lation of it into the Aramaic vernac- 
gum, the ular. The tannaitic Halakah speaks of 
Aramaic the Targum as an institution closely 
Version connected with the public Bible-read- 
of the ing, and one of long-established stand- 
Scriptures, ing. But, just as the translation of the 
Scripture lesson for the benefit of the 
assembled people in the synagogue had to be in 
Aramaic, so all addresses and homilies hinging upon 
the Scripture had to be in the same language. Thus 
Jesus and his nearest disciples spoke Aramaic and 
taught in it (see Dalman, "Die Worte Jesu "). 

When the Second Temple was destroyed, and the 
last remains of national independence had perished, 
the Jewish people, thus entering upon a new phase 
of historical life, had become almost completely an 
Aramaic-speaking people. A small section of the 
diaspora spoke Greek; in the Arabian peninsula 
Jewish tribes had formed who spoke Arabic; and 
in different countries there were small Jewish com- 
munities that still spoke the ancient language of 
their home ; but the great mass of the Jewish popu- 
lation in Palestine and in Babylonia spoke Aramaic. 
It was likewise the language of that majority of the 
Jewish race that was of historical importance — those 
with whom Jewish law and tradition survived and 
developed. The Greek-speaking Jews succumbed 
more and more to the influence of Christianity, while 
the Jews who spoke other languages were soon lost 
in the obscurity of an existence without any history 

In these centuries, in which Israel's national lan- 
guage became superseded by the Aramaic, the liter- 
ature of Tradition arose, in which Aramaic was pre- 
dominant by the side of Hebrew ; it was a species of 
bilingual literature, expressing the double idioms of 
the circles in which it originated. In the academies 
— which, on the destruction of Jerusalem, became 
the true foci of Jewish intellectual life — the He- 
brew language, in its new form (Mishnaic Hebrew), 
became the language of instruction and of religious 
debate. With but few exceptions, all literary ma- 
terial, written and oral, of the tannaitic age, whether 
of a halakic or non-halakic description, was handed 
down in Hebrew. Hence the whole. 
Language tannaitic literature is strongly distin- 
of guished from the post-tannaitic by 

Amoraim. this Hebrew garb. The Hebrew lan- 
guage was also the language of prayer, 
both of the authorized ritual prayers and of private 
devotion, as handed down in the cases of individual 
sages and pious men. According to a tannaitic Ha- 
lakah (Tosef. Hag., beginning; compare Bab. Suk. 
42a), every father was bound to teach his child He- 
brew as soon as it began to speak. It is no doubt 
true that there was a knowledge of Hebrew in non- 
scholarly circles of the Jewish people besides that of 
the Aramaic vernacular ; indeed, attempts were not 
lacking to depose Aramaic altogether as the lan- 
guage of daily intercourse, and to restore Hebrew in 
its stead. In the house of the patriarch Judah I., 
the female house-servant 'spoke Hebrew (Meg. 18a). 
The same Judah is reported to have said that in the 

Aramaic Language 



land of Israel the use of the Syriac (Aramaic) lan- 
guage was unjustifiable; people should speak either 
Hebrew or Greek (Sotah 49J ; B. K. 83a). This re- 
mained of course only a pious wish, exactly as that 
deliverance of Joseph, the Babylonian amora in the 
fourth century, who said that in Babylon the Ara- 
maic language should no longer be used, but instead 
the Hebrew or the Persian (ib.). 

When the Mishnah of Judah I. provided new sub- 
ject-matter for the studies in the academies of Pales- 
tine and Babylonia, the Aramaic language was not 
slow in penetrating likewise to those seats of Jewish 
scholarship. As shown in the two Talmuds — those 
faithful " minutes " of the debates, lectures, and de- 
liberations of the colleges — the Amoraim partially 
adhered to the Hebrew form of expression for their 
propositions and explanations: but the debates and 
lectures in the academies, together with the deliber- 
ations and discussions of their members, were, as a 
rule, in Aramaic ; and even the terminology of their 
exegeses and dialectics was Aramaized. The older 
collections of haggadic Midrash also evidence the 
fact that the language of the synagogue addresses 
and of the Scripture explanation in the amoraic time 
was, for the greater part, Aramaic. As a justifica- 
tion for the preponderance thus given to Aramaic 
within a field formerly reserved for Hebrew, Jo- 
hanan, the great amora of Palestine, said: "Let not 
the Syriac (Aramaic) language be despised in thine 
eyes ; for in all three portions of sacred Scripture — 
in the Law, the Prophets, and the Holy Writings — 
this language is employed." He then quoted the 
Aramaic fragments in Gen. xxxi. 47 ; Jer. x. 11 ; and 
Dan. ii. (Ter. Sotah vii. 21c). The same idea is prob- 
ably intended to be conveyed by Rab, the great 
amora of Babylonia, when he says that Adam, the 
first man, spoke Aramaic, which, therefore, was not 
inferior to Hebrew in point of antiquity (Sanh. 38b). 
But the same Johanan felt it his duty to oppose the 
possibility that Aramaic should ever become the lan- 
guage of prayer, by declaring that " He who recites 
his prayers in the Aramaic tongue, will receive no 
assistance from the angels in waiting; for they 
understand no Aramaic " (Shab. 12a ; Sotah 33«). 
This utterance, however, did not prevent the Kad- 
dish-prayer — said at the close of the public addresses, 
and later of more general employment — from being 
recited in amoraic times in the Aramaic language, 
or the insertion, later, of other Aramaic portions in 
the prayer-ritual. 

For more than a thousand years Aramaic remained 
the vernacular of Israel, until the conquests of the 
Arabs produced another linguistic change, as a 
sequel of which a third Semitic language became 
the popular tongue for a large portion of the Jew- 
ish race, and the vehicle of their thought. The 
spread of Arabian supremacy over the whole country 
formerly dominated by the Aramaic 

Arabic tongue produced with extraordinary 
Displaces rapidity and completeness an Arabi- 
Aramaic. zing of both the Christian and Jewish 
populations of western Asia, who had 
hitherto spoken Aramaic (Syriac). At the beginning 
of the ninth century, in districts where the Jews 
had previously spoken Aramaic, only Arabic-speak- 
ing Jews were ,to be found; Arabic, as the daily 

language of the Jews, held sway even beyond the 
territory formerly occupied by Aramaic, as far as 
the coasts of the Atlantic Ocean ; and Aramaic then 
became, in a certain measure, a second holy tongue, 
next to Hebrew, in the religious and literary life of 
the Jewish people.* It was especially to the Ara- 
maic Targum that religious sentiment paid the 
highest regard, even after it had ceased to be useful 
as a vernacular translation of the Hebrew original 
— serving only as the subject of pious perusal or of 
learned study — and had itself come to require trans- 
lation. In the ritual of public worship the custom 
survived of accompanying the reading from the 
Scriptures with the Targum upon the passage read, 
a custom observed for certain festival -readings down 
to the very latest centuries. To these Targum se- 
lections were added Aramaic poems, some of which 
have retained their places in the festival-liturgies. 
Aramaic, as the language of the Babylonian Tal- 
mud, of course always remained the principal idiom 
of halakic literature, which regarded the Babylonian 
Talmud as the source for all religio-legal decisions 
and as the proper subject for explanatory commen- 
taries. In richer and more independent form this 
idiom of Aramaic appears in the Halakah in the re- 
sponsa of the Geonim; whereas in the still later lit- 
erature, the so-called rabbinical idiom is entirely de- 
pendent upon the language of the Talmud, although 
it but possesses a copious admixture of Hebrew ele- 
ments. In the haggadic literature, which developed 
wonderfully from the close of the amoraic age until 
after the termination of the gaonic period, Aramaic 
predominated at first ; but in the course of time it 
was entirely displaced by Hebrew. 

A new field was suddenly conquered by Aramaic 
when the Zohar, with its assumed antiquity of 
origin, made its entrance into Jewish spiritual life. 
This book, which became the most important text- 
book of the Cabala, made itself the Holy Bible of all 
mystical speculation, and owed not a little of its 

influence to the mystic-sounding and 
The Zohar. peculiarly sonorous pathos of the 

Aramaic tongue, in which it is mainly 
written. The Aramaic of the Zohar itself — a clever 
reproduction and imitation of an ancient tongue — 
served in its turn as a model ; and its phraseology 
exerted a very marked influence over other than 
cabalistic writers. An Aramaic extract from the 
Zohar found its way into the prayer-book (Berik 
Shemeh), and is recited before the reading from the 
Law in the majority of synagogues of Ashkenazic 
ritual. In poetic literature, however, both liturgic 
and secular, Aramaic, apart from the above-men- 
tioned poems belonging to the Targum, occupied 
a steadily " decreasing place. Masters of Hebrew 
versification, especially under the influence of the 
Cabala, tried their skill now and then on Aramaic 
poems. An Aramaic poem by Israel Nagara ("Yah 
Ribbon 'Olam ") is still widely sung at table after the 
Sabbath meal. 

* In northern Mesopotamia, in Kurdistan, west of Lake Ur- 
mia, Aramaic dialects are still spoken by Christians and occa- 
sionally by the Jews, which dialects are termed "Neo-Syriac." 
[The Jews in those regions call their Aramaic tongue " Leshon 
Galut." For the literature on the subject, see B. Gottheil, " The 
Judaeo-AramEean Dialect of Salamas," in "Journal of Amer. 
Orient. Soc." xv. 397 et seq.— G.] 



Aramaic Language 

In Hebrew philology, Aramaic was especially use- 
ful in the explanation of Hebrew words in the Bible ; 
and it served as the foundation for a comparative 
philology of the Semitic languages inaugurated by 
Judah ibn Koreish and Saadia. Nevertheless, Ara- 
maic was never treated either grammatically or lex- 
icographically by the Jews of Spain, in spite of the 
high development to which they otherwise carried 
philology. In Nathan ben Jehiel's Talmudical lexi- 
con, the 'Aruk— which covers also the Targumini — 
Aramaic naturally occupies the most prominent 
place. The first Aramaic lexicon limited to the Tar- 
gumim was compiled by Elijah Levita. Among 
Jewish scholars of the nineteenth century, Aramaic 
grammars have been written by Luzzatto, Filrst, 
Blucher, and C. Levias ; Jacob Levy published a com- 
pendious lexicon of the Targums as well. as a large 
dictionary of the Talmudic and Midrashic literature, 
which distinguishes throughout between Hebrew 
and Aramaic ; G. Dalman has published a full glos- 
sary, and Marcus Jastrow has nearly completed a, 
similar work. 

The Hebrew word "Aramit," employed in the 
Bible (Dan. ii. 4—" Syriac " in A. V. — and elsewhere) 
to designate the Aramaic language, is similarly used 
in later times, particularly in Babylonia ; while in Pal- 
estine as early as the tannaitic period, the Aramaic lan- 
guage is also called Sursi by reason of the Greek des- 
ignation of the Arameans as Syrians. The second book 
of Maccabees calls it " the Syriac tongue " (?) y.vpiaK7j 
ipavfj) ; and the Septuagint translates " Aramit " (Dan. 
ii. 4, etc.) by avpiari ; compare Yer. Ned. x. 42a, where 
read pQD'IlD for ptWTiD- Among Christian Ara- 
means, Syriac is the exclusive appellation for their 
language ; and the Arabic form of this term, " Sur- 
yani," was the usual designation for Aramaic among 
the Arabic-speaking Jews. In addition to these two 
chief names for Aramaic, other terms were also em- 
ployed in Jewish circles : Targum (lit- 
Names and erally " translation " of the Bible, spe- 
Dialects cifically the Aramaic version) denoted 
of Aramaic, the language of the Aramaic portions 
of the Bible. But the Syrian inhabi- 
tants of the town lying below the monastery on Mount 
Sinai were described by Benjamin of Tudela as speak- 
ing the " Targum language " (leshon Targum). The 
Aramaic of the Bible (Daniel and Ezra) was called the 
Chaldaic language because of Dan. i. 4(Masora upon 
Onkelos ; Saadia) ; Jerome, too, calls it " Chaldaicus 
Sermo. " The term " Chaldaic " for the Biblical Ara- 
maic, and indeed for Aramaic generally, is a mis- 
nomer, persisted in, moreover, until the present day. 
It is also called " Nabataan "—denoting, according to 
Bar-Hebraeus, the dialect of certain mountaineers of 
Assyria and of villagers in Mesopotamia— which is the 
term used by Saadia to denote Aramaic in his trans- 
lation of Isa. xxxvi. 11. Likewise in his introduction 
to the book " Sefer ha-Galui " he complains that the 
Hebrew of his Jewish contemporaries had become 
corrupted by the Arabic and "Nabatsean." This 
designation is due to Arabic influence ("Jew. Quart. 
Rev." xii. 517). 

Aramaic contributions to Jewish literature belong 
to both the eastern and the western branches of the 
language. West Aramaic are the Aramaic portions 
of the Bible, the Palestinian Targumim, the Ara- 

maic portions of the Palestinian Talmud, and the 
Palestinian Midrashim. In Palestinian Aramaic the 
dialect of Galilee was different from that of Judea, 
and as a result of the religious separation of the 
Jews and the Samaritans, a special Samaritan dia- 
lect was evolved, but its literature can not be con- 
sidered Jewish. To the eastern Aramaic, whose 
most distinctive point of difference is •' n " in place 
of " y " as the prefix for the third person masculine 
of the imperfect tense of the verb, belong the idioms 
of the Babylonian Talmud, which most closely agree 
with the language of the Mandamn writings. The 
dialect of Edessa, which, owing to the Bible version 
made in it, became the literary language of the 
Christian Arameans — bearing preeminently the title 
of Syriac — was certainly also employed in ancient 
times by Jews. This Syriac translation of the Bible, 
the so-called Peshitta, was made partly by Jews and 
was intended for the use of Jews; and one book 
from it has been adopted bodily into Targumic lit- 
erature, as the Targum upon Proverbs. 

For detailed information concerning the Aramaic 
literature of the Jews, see the respective articles. 
Only a summary is proper here, as follows : 

(1) The Aramaic portions of the Bible already 

(2) The Targum literature includes : (a) The two 
Targums to the Pentateuch and to the Prophets 
respectively, which received the official sanction of 
the Babylonian academic authorities. Both orig- 
inated in Palestine, and received their final form in 
the Babylonian colleges of the third and fourth cen- 
turies. That to the Pentateuch, owing to the mis- 
understanding of a statement concerning the Bible 
translation made by Akylas (Aquila), was denomi- 
nated the Targum of Onkelos ('Akylas). That to the 
Prophets is ascribed by ancient tradition to a disciple 
of Hillel, Jonathan b.TJzziel: (b) The Palestinian Tar- 
gum to the Pentateuch, the full text of which has 
come down to us only in a late recension, where it 
has been combined with the Targum Onkelos. In- 
stead of being called by its proper name, Targum Ye- 
rushalmi, this full text had erroneously been called by 
the name of Jonathan. A less interpolated form of 
the Targum Yerushalmi to the Pentateuch revealed 
numerous fragments that must have been collected 
at an early period. There are also Palestinian frag- 
ments of the Targum to the Prophets. * (o) The Tar- 
gums to the Hagiographa vary greatly in character. 

A special group is formed by those of 
Extent the Psalms and Job. According to 
of Aramaic well-founded tradition there was as 
Literature, early as the first half of the first cen- 
tury of the common era a Targum to 
Job. The Targum to Proverbs belongs, as already 
mentioned, to the Syrian version of the Bible. The 
Five Rolls had their own Targums; the Book of 
Esther several of them. The Targum to Chronicles 
was discovered latest of all. 

(3) Aramaic Apocrypha: There was at least a par- 
tial Aramaic translation of the book of Sirach as early 
as the time of the Amoraim. A portion of the Ara- 
maic sentences of Sirach, intermingled with other 

* [On a peculiar Targum to the Haftarot, see R. Gotthell, " Jour- 
nal of Amer. Orient Soc. Proceedings," xiv. 43; Abrahams, 
" Jew. Quart. Rev." xi. 295 ; " Monatsschrift," xxxix. 394— G.] 

Aramaic Language 



matter, is extant in the " Alphabet of Ben Sira. " The 
Aramaic " Book of the Hasmonean House, " also en- 
titled " Antiochus' Roll," contains a narrative of the 
Maccabeans' struggles, and was known in the early 
gaonic period. A " Chaldaic " Book of Tobit Was 
utilized by Jerome, but the Aramaic Book of Tobit 
found by Neubauer, and published in 1878, is a later 
revision of the older text. An Aramaic Apocryphal 
addition to Esther is the "Dream of Mordecai," of 
Palestinian origin. 

(4) Megillat Ta'anit, the Fast Roll, is a list of the 
historically " memorable days, " drawn up in almanac 
form. It was compiled before the destruction of the 
Second Temple, edited in the Hadrianic period, and 
later on augmented by various Hebrew annotations 
mostly of the tannaitic age. 

(5) The Palestinian Talmud (Talmud Yerushalmi), 
completed in the beginning of the fifth century. 

(6) The Babylonian Talmud (Talmud Babli), com- 
pleted at the end of the fifth century. The Aramaic 
contents of both Talmuds are the most important and 
also the most abundant remains of the Aramaic idiom 
used by the Jews of Palestine and Babylonia respect- 
ively. The numerous stories, legends, anecdotes, con- 
versations, and proverbs reveal faithfully the actual 
language of the popular usage. Neither Talmud is, 
however, entirely an Aramaic work. As the utter- 
ances of the Amoraim and their halakic discussions 
retain a great deal of the New Hebrew idiom of the 
tannaitic literature, both idioms were employed in the 
academies. Moreover, a large proportion of the ma- 
terial contained in the Talmud is composed of the ut- 
terances of tannaitic tradition that were couched only 
in Hebrew. 

(7) The Midrash Literature: Of this branch the 
following are especially rich in Aramaic elements: 
Genesis Rabbah, Leviticus Rabbah, Lamentations 
Rabbati, the Midrash H az ita upon the Song of Songs, 
and the old Pesikta. The Rabbot Midrashim on Ruth, 
Esther, and Ecclesiastes, and the Midrash on the 
Psalms, contain also much Aramaic. The younger 
Midrashim, especially those belonging to the Yelam- 
denu (or Tanhuma) group, are, in part, the Hebrew 
revisions of originally Aramaic portions. The Ara- 
maic parts of the older Midrashim are linguistically 
allied most closely to the idiom of the Palestinian 

(8) The Masorah. The terminology of the Masorah, 
which, in its beginnings, belongs to the amoraic 
period, and the language of the oldest Masoretic an- 
notations and statements, are Aramaic. 

(9) The Gaonic Literature : The legal decisions of 
the Geonim were for the greater part written in Ara- 
maic, in harmony with the language of the Babylo- 
nian Talmud ; but they possessed this advantage, at 
least in the first few centuries, that this was likewise 
the living language of the people. The same is true 
concerning those two works of the older gaonic pe- 
riod, the "She'eltot" and the "Halakot Gedolot," 
which contain some material not found in the vo- 
cabulary of the Talmud. 

(10) Liturgical Literature : In addition to the Kad- 
dish already mentioned, several liturgical pieces 
originating in Babylon received general acceptance 
throughout the diaspora. Such were the two prayers 
beginning " Yekum Purkan " in the Sabbath-morning 

service, the introductory sentences of the Passover 
Haggadah, and certain older portions of the liturgy 
for penitential days.* The Aramaic poems intro- 
ducing certain Targumic selections from the Penta- 
teuch have been mentioned above. 

(11) Cabalistic Literature: The revival of Ara- 
maic as the literary language of the Cabala by the 
Zohar has already been mentioned. 

(12) Rabbinical Literature : The Aramaic coloring 
of a large proportion of the works commenting upon 
the Babylonian Talmud, as well as of other produc- 
tions of halakic lore continuing the literature of the 
gaonic age, was derived from the Babylonian Tal- 
mud, from which the terminology and phraseology 
were adopted at the same time as the contents. 

Bibliography : Th. Noldeke, Die Semitisehen Spraclwn, 3d 
ed., Leipsic, 1899 ; G. Dalman, Einleltung zu einer Gram- 
matik cles Jttdisch-PaMstinensischen Aramttlsch, Leipsic, 
1894 ; idem, Die Worte Jesu, pp. 60 et seq., Leipsic, 1898 ; A. 
Biichler, Die Priester und der Cultus, Vienna,1895 ; S. Krauss, 
Jew. Qua/rt. Rev. viii. 67. Upon the liturgical Aramaic lit- 
erature, see Zunz, Literaturgesch. pp. 18-23; Bacher, in 
Monatsschrift, 1873, xxii, 330-328. 

a. W. B. 


ARANDA, PEDRO DE : Bishop of Calahorra 
and president of the council of Castile in the latter 
part of the fifteenth century ; was a victim of the 
Marano persecutions. His father, Gonzalo Alonzo, 
who was one of the Jews that embraced Christianity 
in the period of Vicente Ferrer's missionary propa- 
ganda during the early years of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, adopted the life of an ecclesiastic. Aranda's 
brother, too, earned episcopal honors, being placed 
at Montreal, Sicily. 

Torquemada, the inquisitor-general, in the course 
of the Marano persecutions, brought against Pedro 
the charge that his father had died a Marano. A 
similar accusation was made at the same time 
against another bishop, Juan Arias Davila, of Sego- 
via. The inquisitor-general demanded, therefore, 
not only that the bones of the deceased suspects 
should be exhumed and burned, but that their sons, 
too, should be disgraced and deprived of their es- 
tates. Sixtus IV. , however, resented such summary 
degradation of high ecclesiastics, fearing that it 
would lead to the dishonor of the Church. He fur- 
ther set forth in a letter directed against Torque- 
mada's exaggerated zeal, that, in accordance With 
an old tradition, distinguished personages of the 
Church could only be tried for heresy by specially 
appointed apostolic commissions. It was ordered 
that specifications of the charges against Davila and 
Aranda be forwarded to Rome; and an extraor- 
dinary papal nuncio, Antonio Palavicini, was sent 
to Castile to institute investigations. As a result, 
both bishops were summoned to Rome, where subse- 
quently several distinctions were accorded to Davila, 
who during the remainder of his life enjoyed high 

* It is curious to note that the Yemen Siddur contains a larger 
quantity ol Aramaic than the Siddurim ol other countries. A 
unique Targum of the 'Amidah (Teflllah) is to he found in a 
Yemen MS. (Gaster, No. 61) of the seventeenth or eighteenth 
century ; it has been printed in the " Monatsschrift," xxxix. 79 
et seq.—G. 



Aramaic Lau oiiigo 

Aranda, too, at the outset won apostolic favor, 
and was even advanced to the office of prothonotary ; 
but on account of his wealth he soon fell a victim 
to the cupidity of the pope. He was arraigned for 
having taken food before mass and for having dese- 
crated, by scratching, a crucifix and other holy 
images. Moreover, a delegation of seven Maranos 
from Portugal happened to be in Rome at the time 
for the avowed purpose of purchasing for their con- 
stituents the good-will of the pope and his advisers. 
They had managed to win the favorable considera- 
tion of the papal court, but their efforts were reso- 
lutely opposed by Garcilaso, the ambassador of Fer- 
dinand and Isabella. Observing the pope's resolve 
to imprison Aranda, Garcilaso pointed out the sus- 
picion that was likely to arise in the popular mind 

to the Hungarian Diet. The German family name is 

Bibliography : Szinuyci Magyar Irlik Tdra, 1. ; OnzdgyU- 
lesi Almanach, 1897. 

s. M. W. 

ARARAT : A district in eastern Armenia lying 
between the lakes Van and Urmia and the river 
Araxes. The Biblical name corresponds to the Assyr- 
ian Urartu, a land invaded and partially conquered by 
Asshurnazir-pal and Shalmaneser II. The Assyrian 
cuneiform characters were introduced into the land of 
Urartu as early as the ninth century B.C., and many 
monumental inscriptions have been discovered within 
its boundaries. About the middle of the ninth cen- 
tury a strong native dynasty was established, and con- 

MouiNT Ararat. 

(From a photograph taken by special permission of the Russian government.) 

from the anomalous incarceration of Aranda while 
the Marano delegates, indubitable heretics, were 
granted favor and freedom. As a consequence, 
Aranda and five of the Maranos were arrested and 
thrown into prison ; Pedro Essecuator and Aleman 
Eljurado, the two leading members of the delega- 
tion, succeeded in escaping (April 20, 1497). Thus 
bereft of his worldly and ecclesiastic estate, Aranda 
ended his days at the San Angelo. 

Bibliography : Gratz, Gesch. der Juden, 3d ed., vill. 318, 385. 
G . H. G. E. 

ARANYI, MIKSA: Hungarian writer; born 
at Trencsen, May 13, 1858. He graduated from the 
university in Budapest, and was sent to Paris by 
the secretary of state for education to finish his 
studies. He returned to Budapest in 1884, where 
he edited the " Gazette de Hongrie " till 1887. He 
translated several economic works from Hungarian 
into French, and up to the year 1901 was deputy 

tinued to rule until the Assyrian power was revived 
by Tiglath-pileser III. , about 740 b. c. For a genera- 
tion Urartu was invaded by Assyrian armies, until at 
last it again attained independence. This it retained 
until it was overrun by the Scythians about the end 
of the seventh century. Thus from the ninth to the 
sixth century B.C., the land of Urartu or Ararat oc- 
cupied a prominent place among the minor states of 
southwestern Asia, and is referred to four times in 
the Biblical narrative. In II Kings xix. 37 (= Isa. 
xxxvii. 38) the fact is recorded that the assassins of 
the Assyrian king Sennacherib fled to the land of 
Ararat, where they found refuge with the reigning 
king Erimenas. In Jer. li. 27, Ararat is mentioned 
first among the hostile nations which are called upon 
to advance from the north and overthrow the power 
of Babylon. The most familiar reference, however, 
is that of Gen. viii. 4 : "In the seventh month, on the 
seventeenth day of the month, the ark rested upon 
the mountains of Ararat." 

Arba' Kanfot 



In the older Babylonian story of the flood the ark 
(or " ship ") is represented as resting on a peak of " the 
mountain of Nizir," situated east of the land of As- 
syria. Berosus, the Chaldean priest, in his history 
fixes the site in " the mountain of the Kordyseans " 
or Kurds, northeast of Mosul, in the direction of 
Urumiah (Josephus, "Ant." i. 3, § 6); and Nicolaus 
of Damascus states that the ark rested on a great 
mountain in Armenia, somewhere near the boundary 
between that land and Kurdistan. The principle de- 
termining these various identifications seems to have 
been that the ark rested on the highest point on the 
earth, which was, therefore, the first to emerge from 
the waters of the flood. Thus the peoples living 
between the Tigris and the Euphrates naturally de- 
cided that it was on the lofty mountains to the north- 
east in the land of the Kurds. This belief of the 
Babylonians, quoted by Josephus, is still held by 
the Nestorians and Moslems. The Biblical reference 
is indefinite; but of all the mountains in the ancient 
land of Ararat, the lofty peak which towers 14,000 
feet above the encircling plain, reaching a total 
height of 17,000 feet above sea-level, is without a 
rival. Its steepness emphasizes its great elevation, 
and may well have impressed upon the minds of 
travelers of antiquity the fact that it was higher than 
the Kurdish mountains two hundred miles away. It 
may also explain why the writer in Genesis appar- 
ently abandoned the older conflicting Babylonian 
traditions and fixed upon this imposing, solitary peak 
far to the northwest. 

The mountain itself is known as Ararat only 
among Occidental geographers. The Armenians 
call it Massis, the Turks Aghri Dagh, and the Per- 
sians Koh i Nuh, or " the mountain of Noah. " Thus 
far it has been impossible to trace back to an early 
date an independent native tradition. Apparently 
the local legends which have clothed it with mys- 
tery, and which would place upon it the remains of 
the original ark, are based upon the passage in Gen- 
esis, and have been largely induced in comparatively 
recent times by the influence of Western Christianity. 
Superstitious fear and natural difficulties prevent 
the natives from attempting the ascent of the moun- 
tain ; but its top has repeatedly been reached by Eu- 
ropeans, and its geological peculiarities have been 
noted. Its cone is the crater of an extinct volcano, 
and because of its great height it is snow-capped 
throughout the year. 

Bibliography: For the geography of Urartu, see Sayce, Cunei- 
form Inscriptions of Van, in Journal Royal Asiatic Society, 
vol. xiv.; Schrader, C. I. O. T., Index, s.v.; idem, K. O.F., 
Index, s.v. 

J. JR. 

C. F. K. 

ARARAT.— A City of Refuge : A proposed 
city planned by Mordecai Manuel Noah in 1825. 
The reactionary policy adopted by many European 
governments after the battle of Waterloo led to the 
reimposition in many places of Jewish disabilities ; 
and Jews laboring under them turned eagerly to 
emigration for relief. Mordecai M. Noah, in his jour- 
neys to and from his post of United States consul at 
Tunis, had occasion to familiarize himself with the 
conditions of Jews in various parts of Europe and 
Africa ; and he could not refrain from contrasting the 
civil and political restrictions placed on the Jews 

abroad with the equality of rights and opportuni- 
ties for enterprise and worldly success accorded to 
them in America. The consequence was that, in 
1825, less than a decade after his return to New 
York, he conceived and published a plan for the 
establishment of "a city of refuge for the Jews," 
on a site which he selected upon Grand Island, in 
the Niagara river, near Niagara Falls, not far from 
Buffalo, N. Y. To this proposed city he gave the 
name "Ararat," thereby linking it with his own 
name and personality, and at the same time suggest- 
ing the nature of his scheme. 

At that time Noah was perhaps the most distin- 
guished Jewish resident of America ; and his success- 
ful and varied activities as lawyer and editor, poli- 
tician and playwright, diplomat and sheriff of New 
York, lent to his project considerable importance. 
Accordingly, he induced a wealthy Christian friend 
to purchase several thousand acres of land on Grand 
Island for this purpose. The tract was chosen with 
particular reference to its promising commercial 
prospects (being close to the Great Lakes and oppo- 
site the newly constructed Erie Canal); and Noah 
deemed it "preeminently calculated to become, in 
time, the greatest trading and commercial depot in 
the new and better world. " Buffalo, at that time, 
had not grown to its present commercial importance, 
and Noah, in sober earnest, anticipated Carlyle's sa- 
tirical prediction by describing the Falls of Niagara 
as " affording the greatest water-power in the world 
for manufacturing purposes. " After heralding this 
project for some time in his own newspaper and 
in the press, religious and secular, generally, Noah 

Foundation-Stone of the Proposed City of Ararat. 

selected Sept. 2, 1825, as the date for laying the 
foundation-stone of the new city. According to 
plan, impressive ceremonies, ushered in by the 
firing of cannon, were held, and participated in by 
state and federal officials, Christian clergymen, Ma- 
sonic officers, and even American Indians, whom 
Noah identified as the " lost tribes " of Israel, and 
who were also to find refuge at this new "Ararat." 
Circumstances made it inconvenient to hold the 
exercises on Grand Island; so they were held in- 
stead in an Episcopal church at Buffalo. Noah was 
naturally the central figure ; and, after having ap- 
pointed himself "judge and governor" of Israel, he 
issued a " proclamation " in that official capacity. In 
this " state paper, " he announced the restoration of 
a Jewish state on Grand Island, preliminarily to a 
restoration of a Palestinian state ; commanded that 
a census of the Jews be taken throughout the world ; 
levied a poll-tax of three shekels in silver per an- 
num, to be paid into his treasury by Jews every- 
where ; graciously permitted such Jews as wished to 



Arba' Kanfot 

remain in their adopted homes to stay there ; directed 
Jewish soldiers in European armies to remain in such 
service till further " orders " ; ordained certain relig- 
ious reforms; made provision for the election every 
four years of a "judge of Israel," with deputies 
in each country; commanded the Jews throughout 
the world to cooperate with him, and appointed as 
his commissioners a number of distinguished Euro- 
pean Jews. 

Nothing came of the plan. The proposed city was 
never built, and it is even doubtful if Noah himself 
ever set foot on Grand Island. The letters of some 
of those nominated as European commissioners, de- 
clining the proffered appointments, have been handed 
down through the medium of the press of that day, 
which freely ridiculed the whole project. In the 
course of one of these letters, the grand rabbi of 
Paris said : 

" We declare that, according to our dogmas, God alone knows 
the epoch of the Israelitish restoration ; that He alone will make 
it known to the whole universe by signs entirely unequivocal ; 
and that every attempt on our part to reassemble with any polit- 
ical national design is forbidden as an act of high treason against 
the Divine Majesty. Mr. Noah has doubtless forgotten that the 
Israelites, faithful to the principles of their belief, are too much 
attached to the countries where they dwell, and devoted to the 
governments under which they enjoy liberty and protection, not 
to treat as a mere jest the chimerical consulate of a pseudo- 

To-day, the only tangible relic of the entire proj- 
ect is the foundation-stone of the proposed city, 
preserved in the rooms of the Buffalo Historical 
Society, with the inscription of 1825 still legible 
upon its face. It is but fair to Noah to state that 
his plan was to establish "Ararat" as a merely 
temporary city of refuge for the Jews, until in the 
fulness of time a Palestinian restoration could be 
effected ; and that he developed plans and projects 
for such Palestinian restoration both a few years 
before and twenty years after the year 1825, in 
which year this "Ararat" project began and ended. 

Bibliography : Lewis F. Allen, Founding of the City nf Ara- 
rat on Grand Island by Mordeeai M. Noah, in Buffalo His- 
torical Society Publications, vol. i., reprinted as an appendix 
to Some Early American Zionist Projects, by Max J. Kohler 
(Am. Jew. Hist. Soc. Publications, No. 8); Daly, Set- 
tlement of the Jews in North America, 1893; Simon Wolf, 
Mordeeai Manuel Noah, A Biographical Sketch, 1897; 
Jost, Neuere Qeschichte der Juden, ii. 227-235, Berlin, 18i7. 
An interesting account of the project, in the guise of Action, 
is furnished by Israel Zangwill in They that Walk in Dark- 
ness (1899), in Noah's Ark. 

A. M. J. K. 

ARAUN AH : A Jebusite whose threshing-floor 
in Jerusalem was pointed out to David by the 
prophet Gad as a fitting place for the erection of an 
altar of burnt offering to Jehovah after the great 
plague had been stayed, since it was there that the 
destroying angel was standing when the pestilence 
was checked (II Sam. xxiv. 16 et seg. ; I Chron. xxi. 
15 etseq. ). David then went to Araunah, and for fifty 
pieces of silver bought the property and erected the 
altar. It is remarkable that Chronicles give the form 
Oman for the Jebusite's name. A conjecture by 
Cheyne, founded on the slight emendation of "i to 1, 
makes the true form of the name to be Adonijah. 
According to I Chron. xxi. 31, Hebr. ; xxii. 1, A.V., 
the threshing-floor must have been Mt. Moriah. 

j. jb. J. F. McC. 

in the seventeenth century. He was a member of a 
poetical academy in Amsterdam, Holland, in 1682, a 
good mathematician, and aroused the admiration of 
his associates by his clever solution of riddles 

G - M. K. 

ARATJXO, DANIEL : Physician. Lived in the 
seventeenth century in the city of Amsterdam. In 
the year 1655 he composed an elegy on the martyr 
Isaac de Almeyda Bernal. 

G - M. K 

ARBA : The hero of the Anakim, who lived at 
Kirjath-arba, a city named in his honor (Josh. xiv. 
15). In Josh. xv. 13 and xxi. 11 he is called the 
father of Anak, which evidently means that he was 
regarded as the ancestor of the Anakim. 

J- JE. G. B. L. 

ARBA' ARAZOT. See Council op the Foub 

ARBA' KANFOT (" four corners ") : The " four- 
cornered garment"; a rectangular piece of cloth, 
usually of wool, about three feet long and one foot 
wide, with an aperture in the center sufficient to let 
it pass over the head, so that part falls in front and 
part behind. To its four corners are fastened the 
fringes (Zizit) in the same manner as to the 
It is therefore also called the " small tallit " (tallit 

The Arba' Kanfot, like the tallit, is worn by male 
persons in pursuance of the commandment, as record- 
ed in Num. xv. 37-41 and Deut. xxii. 
The Arba' 12, to wear a garment with fringes. But 
Kanfot and while the tallit is thrown over the up- 
the Tallit. per garments only in the morning serv- 
ice, the Arba' Kanfot is worn under 
the upper garments during the whole day. In put- 
ting on the tallit the benediction to be pronounced 
reads: "Blessed art Thou, Lord our God, King of the 
universe, who hath commanded us to wrap ourselves 
in fringes " (TWXa f)Dj;nn^). The conclusion of the 
benediction on the Arba' Kanfot reads: "... and 
hath commanded us the commandment of fringes " 
(Shulhan 'Aruk, Orah Hayyim, 8, 12). Among the 
Ashkenazim the tallit is used by males over thirteen, 
while the Arba' Kanfot is provided also for children 
as soon as they are able to put on their clothes with- 
out assistance. 

There is no trace of the Arba' Kanfot among the 

Oriental Jews of the Middle Ages (compare Leopold 

Low, "Gesammelte Schriften,"ii. 320, 

Origin of Szegedin, 1890; Israel Abrahams, 

the Arba' "Jewish Life in the Middle Ages," p. 

Kanfot. 287, Philadelphia, 1897). It may be 
assumed that it was adopted by the 
European Jews in the times of persecution, when 
they had to refrain from exhibiting the garment with 
fringes. The wearing of such a garment as an outer 
robe was therefore limited to the synagogue, while 
the precept to wear fringes at all times was fulfilled 
in the wearing of the Arba' Kanfot. Some super- 
stitions have gathered round the wearing of the 
Arba' Kanfot in Eastern districts; the placing of a 
piece of "atikomen" in one of the corners of the 
Arba' Kanfot was supposed to avert the evil eye 

Arba' Kanfot 



(see Afixomen). In Moravia the Arba' Kanfot is 
often left on the body in the grave. 

[The oldest mention of the Arba' Kanfot is found 

Arba' Kanfot. 

(Reproduced by permission from the collection in the United States National 

in the code of Jacob ben Asher, about 1350 (Tur Orali 

Hayyim, xxiv.). who refers to Mordecai as quoted in 

the "Bet Yosef "), where, however, the custom is 

merely alluded to (Mordecai's annotations to Alfasi, 

§ 945, ed. Vienna, vol. i., 82c.).— D.] 

Bibliography: Men. 38 et seq.; Maimonides, Yad ha-Haza- 
Tmh, %izit ; Shulhan 'Aruk, Orah Hayyim, 8-LO. 

A. J. M. C. 


Drtjcker, H ayyim: b - Jacob. 
ARBACHSHTER. See Ardasher. 

ARBATTIS : A place mentioned in I Mace. v. 
23 in connection with Galilee, from both of which 
districts Simon Maccabeus brought back some cap- 
tive Jews to Jerusalem. 

j. jr. G. B. L. 

ARBEL. See Beth-Arbel. 

ARBELA.— Biblical Data : In I Mace. ix. 2, 

' Arbela is the district in which Mesaloth was situated, 

and through which ran the road to Gilgal (for which 

Josephus, "Ant." xii. 11, § 1, gives Galilee). It is 

probably to be identified with the modern " Irbid. " 

Bibliography : Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy 

Land, p. 427. 

j. jr. G. B. L. 
In Rabbinical Literature : Arbela is men- 
tioned in rabbinical sources as the home of a scholar 
named Mtai (Mattai), who lived in the middle of the 
second century before the common era (Abot i. 6). 
The Galilean Arbela, not far from Lake Gennesaret, 
is intended, where, in the twelfth century, this schol- 
ar's grave was still pointed out (Pethahiah of Be- 
gensburg, "Travels," ed. Margolin, p. 53). Accord- 
ing to an old Baraita, familiar to the poet Eliezer 
Kalir, Arbela was a priests' city at the time of the 
destruction of the Temple, and even in later cen- 
turies it seems to have been an important town. 
Mention is made of Arbelan linen (Gen. B. xix., be- 
ginning), which was of inferior quality; also, of 
Arbelan spindles (Tosef., Parah xii. 16). Talmud 
and Midrash speak frequently of the Valley of 
Arbela. Josephus also mentions the caves in the 

Medieval Jewish literature often refers to the ruins 
of the synagogue of Arbela (Carmoly, " Itineraires 
de la Terre Sainte," p. 259), which are preserved to- 
day in the village of Irbid, as the Arabic form of the 
name runs. This Arbela, however, is undoubtedly 
distinct from the Arbela where the exilarch Mar 
Dkba dwelt (Yer. Sotah iv. 19(f), seeing that that 
scholar could hardly have ever been in Palestine. 
Accordingly, the Arbela in Adiabene, between the 
Lycus and the Caprus, 600 stadia (69 miles) from 
Gaugamela, must be understood ; and it is probable 
that to this city Benjamin of Tudela refers ("Itin- 
erary," ed. Asher, i. 52, below). 

Bibliography: Jastrow, Dictionary, ii. 114; Kobut, Aruch 
Completum, i. 268 ; Pauly-WIssowa, Real-Encycloptictie, ii. 
407 ; Rapoport, ' Erek Millin, pp. 191, 192 ; Sehiirer, Gesch. 
des Jlldischen Volkes, i. 290, ii. 369 ; Neubauer, G. T. pp. 
219, 220, 374; Hirachensonn, Sheha' Hokmot, p. 43, Lem- 
berg, 1883. 

L. G. 

ARBIB, EDTJARDO : Italian deputy and au- 
thor ; born at Florence, July 27, 1840. On the death of 
his father he was obliged to discontinue his studies 
and earn his livelihood as compositor and corrector 



Arba' Kanfot 

for the press. In 1859 be enlisted as a volunteer in 
the Piedmontese regiment of Alpine chasseurs, and 
took part in the war for independence. The war 
over, he returned to the printing-house, which 
he left again to follow Garibaldi to Sicily in 1860. 
He was promoted to the rank of lieutenant on 
the battle-field of Milazzo, and entered the regular 
army with the same grade. Arbib served in the 
campaign against Austria in 1866, and on the cessa- 
tion of hostilities he retired from the army and found 
employment on the staff of "La Nazione," a news- 
paper published in Florence; subsequently he be- 
came editor-in-chief of the " Gazzetta del Popolo " in 
the same city. Ultimately he removed to Rome, 
where in 1870 he founded a daily newspaper, "La 
Liberta." His political career began in 1880, when 
he was elected by the citizens of Viterbo as their 
representative in the Chamber of Deputies ; and some 
time later he was elected to the Chamber by the peo- 
ple of Perugia. His contributions to Italian litera- 
ture are: (1) "L'Esercito Italiano alia Campagna del 
1866 " ; (2) " Baconti Militari " (1870), in the " Biblio- 
teca Amena" (vol. lxv.); (3) " Guerra in Famiglia " 
{1871); (4) "LaMoglieNera" (1874); (5) "Rabagas 
Bandiere " (1878). 
s. M. K.— F. H. V. 

ARBIB, ISAAC. See Akroya, Isaac ben 

ARBUES, PEDRO: Spanish canon and inquisi- 
tor; called by certain Jews "the creature and dar- 
ling of Torquemada " ; born about 1441 at Epila, 
Aragon (hence sometimes styled " master of Epila ") ; 
died Sept. 17, 1485. He was appointed canon of 
Saragossa in 1474; and ten years later Torquemada 
appointed him and the Dominican Gaspar Juglar 
inquisitors for the province of Aragon. The zeal 
exhibited by Torquemada in his religious persecu- 
tions was emulated by Arbues, who in the first 
month of his office held two autos da f e, at which 
several Maranos were executed, and others were con- 
demned to penance and loss of property. Though 
no record of further trials exists, he must have con- 
tinued to be active in persecution, as the Maranos 
were so enraged that his assassination was deter- 
mined upon. The offer of enormous sums to Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella to induce them to limit the activity 
of the Inquisition and the confiscation of property 
had been fruitless, and, after consultation with 
newly converted Jews — some of whom were men of 
high rank, like Gabriel Sanchez, the king's treasurer 
— the extreme step was taken by two wealthy Ma- 
ranos, Juan de la Abadia and Juan Esperandeu, with 
the hired help of an assassin, the latter's French 
servant, Vidal, probably a Jew. Abadia's incentive 
was doubtless the execution of his sister and the 
condemnation of his father by the Inquisition. An 
attempt to enter Arbues' bedchamber failed ; but the 
design was accomplished while he was attending 
mass. Two days later he died from his wounds. 

The retaliation on the Maranos, not all of whom 
were implicated, .was awful. Vidal and Esperandeu 
were cruelly put to death; and Abadia made an 
attempt at suicide while awaiting his auto da fe. 
On Arbues' death, popular belief invested him with 
miraculous power. A Jewess saved herself from 

death by proving that from Catholic zeal she had 
dipped her handkerchief in his blood. His canoni- 
zation by Pius IX. (1867) aroused protests not only 
from Jews, but from Christians. The general senti- 
ment against the act is illustrated by the well-known 
charcoal drawing of Kaulbach, "Peter Arbues Burn- 
ing a Heretic Family." Arbues is represented as old 
and decrepit, and taking fiendish delight in the suf- 
ferings of his victims, who are probably Maranos. 

Bibliography : H. C. Lea, Publications of the American 
Hist. Assn. December, 1888; Chapters from the Religious 
History of Spain, pp. 374 et seq.; Dublin Univ. Mag. 1874, 
lxxxiv. 334 et seq. 
a. M. K.— W. M. 

ARCADIUS : Byzantine emperor from 395 to 
408. He was too weak a ruler to be able to with- 
stand the influence exerted by his court favorites 
upon his policy toward the Jews. Such privileges 
as were accorded them were due to his privy coun- 
selor, Eutropius (396-399), who easily allowed him- 
self to be bribed into favoring the Jews. (See 
Pauly-Wissowa, " Realencyclopadie der Class. Al- 
terthumswissensch. " s.v.) The laws curtailing the 
various favors already granted to the Jews are sup- 
posed by Gratz ("Gesch. der Juden," 3ded., iv: 359) 
to have been promulgated after the death of Eutro- 
pius. A law of the year 396 forbids, under penalty 
of imprisonment, any imperial officer from fixing the 
price on Jewish merchandise brought to market ; the 
privilege is left to the Jews themselves (Codex Theo- 
dosianus, xvi. 8, 10). Still, in this law no reference 
is had to Jewish market-inspectors, as Gratz infers. 
It is a matter relating solely to the non-liability of 
the Jews to the law, Depretio rerum venalium,which 
was already in existence in the reign of Diocletian. 
The same spirit of justice manifests itself in another 
law of Arcadius : " It is sufficiently well known that 
the sect of the Jews is not limited in its rights by 
any law " (ib. xvi. 8, 9). In the same year (396), Arca- 
dius issued an edict addressed to Claudianus, the 
"comes" of the Orient, wherein he is ordered to pro- 
tect the "illustrious patriarch " against insult (§ 11). 
He also commanded the prefect of Illyria (in 397) to 
prevent any ill treatment of the Jews, and to guard 
their synagogues against any disturbance "of their 
wonted peaceful condition " (§ 12). Moreover, the 
Jewish patriarchs, as well as all of their legal func- 
tionaries, such as the archisynagogoi and presbyters, 
were to enjoy the same privileges as the Christian 
clergy, and be relieved of curial taxes. In the last 
clause, Arcadius refers to the measures of the emper- 
ors, Constantine the Great, Constantius, Valentinian, 
and Valens; but Gothofredus remarks concerning 
this law (§ 13) that the privilege was suspended 
under Valens in 383. In 404 Arcadius again con- 
firmed these privileges to the patriarchs and other 
officials of the Jewish communities, and once more 
with reference to his father, the legislator, the em- 
peror Theodosius (§ 14). All of these laws may be 
found chronologically arranged in the section of the 
Digest, "De Judseis, Coelicolis et Samaritanis. " But 
laws concerning the Jews emanating from Arcadius 
are also found in other portions of the codex of Theo- 
dosius. In February, 398, Arcadius ordered that in 
all civil contests, if both parties agreed, the Jews 
might elect their patriarchs or any other officers as 




judges; but the execution of their sentences was 
placed in the hands of Roman officials appointed for 
that purpose. In all matters not pertaining to re- 
ligion, the Jews had to conform to the requirements 
of the Roman law ("Corpus," II. i. 10). The ordi- 
nance of 399 does not read as Griltz has it, that all 
Jews, including their religious officials, are subject 
to the curial taxation, but refers to all the Jews (qui- 
cunque ex Judsis), with the exception, of course, of 
the functionaries of the synagogues (xii. 1. 165); and 
thus this ordinance does not conflict with the other 
similar one. The so-called shipping law of the year 
390, regulating the transactions of the Jews and Sa- 
maritans in Alexandria (xiii. 5, 18), was signed by 
Arcadius as well as by Valentinian and Theodosius; 
but at that time Arcadius was scarcely more than a 
child. Among the laws of Arcadius deserving par- 
ticular mention is the one which gives warning 
against those baptized Jews who rush to the chuich 
from dishonest motives (xvi. 8, 2; Jost, "Gesch." 
iv. 226). 
g. S. Kr. 

ARCHA or ABC A (" chest ") : Technical name in 
old English Treasury documents for the repository 
in which Chirographs and other deeds were pre- 
served. By the " Ordinances of the Jewry " in 1194 
it was arranged that "all deeds, pledges, mort- 
gages, lands, houses, rents, and possessions of the 
Jews should be registered " ; that only at six or 
seven towns contracts could be made in duplicate, 
one part to remain with the Jewish creditor, the 
other to remain in the Archa ; and that the contents 
of the archa? were there to be recorded on a roll of 
transcripts so that the king by this means should 
know every transaction made by any Jew in the 
kingdom. From time to time a " scrutiny " of the 
Archa took place, when either the Archa itself, or 
more probably the roll or transcript, was sent up to 
Westminster to be examined by the treasurer there. 
Many deeds showing copies of the rolls made at 
these " scrutinies " still exist at Westminster Abbey 
and at the record office (Memoranda of the Queen's 
Remembrances — Jews' Rolls, Nos. 556 [3, 12], 557 
[1, 7, 8, 10, 13-23]). 

During the thirteenth century there appear to 
have been twenty-six towns in England at which 
archas were kept; and it was only at these towns 
that any business could be legally transacted with 
Jews. These towns have been enumerated by Dr. 
Gross as follows: Bedford, Berkhampstead, Bristol, 
Cambridge, Canterbury, Colchester, Devizes, Exe- 
ter, Gloucester, Hereford, Huntingdon, Lincoln, 
London, Marlborough, Northampton, Norwich, Not- 
tingham, Oxford, Stamford, Sudbury, Wallingford, 
Warwick, Wilton, Winchester, Worcester, and York. 

Jews were allowed to dwell in towns only where 
there was an Archa, though exemptions were some- 
times made. On J A an. 28, 1284, a royal mandate 
was issued ordering' a general closure of the arctise, 
but commissioners were appointed to reopen the 
London Archa on Feb. 28, 1286 (Rigg, "Select 
Pleas of the Exchequer of the Jews," 1902, p. lxi.). 
Bibliography : C. Gross, in Papers of the Anglo-Jewish His- 
torical Exhibition, pp. 182-190. 

G. J. 

ARCHAGATHUS. See C^ecilius op Kalaktb. 

ARCHELAUS: Son of Herod I. ; kingofJudea; 
born about 21 B.C., his mother being the Samaritan 
Malthace. At the age of fourteen he was sent to 
Rome for education, and, after a stay of two or three 
years, returned home with his brothers Antipas and 
Philip, who likewise had attended the schools of the 
Imperial City. His return was possibly hastened by 
the intrigues of Antipater, who by means of forged 

Copper Coin of Herod Archelaus. 

Obverse : hpoaoy. A bunch of grapes and leaf. Reverse : 
EONAPXOY. A helmet with tuft of feathers : in Held to left 
a caduceus. 

(After Madden, " History of Jewish Coinage.") 

letters and similar devices calumniated him to his 
father, in the hope of insuring for him the same 
sanguinary fate he had prepared for his brothers 
Aristobulus and Alexander. As a result of these 
slanders, Herod designated Antipas, his youngest 
son, as his successor, changing his will to that effect. 
On his death-bed, however, four days before his 
demise, the king relinquished his determination and 
appointed Archelaus to the throne, while Antipas 
and Philip were made tetrarchs merely. Nothing 
is known definitely of the occasion for this change, 
though there may be some foundation for the state- 
ment of Archelaus' opponents, that the dying king, 
in his enfeebled condition, had yielded to some pal- 
ace intrigue in the latter's favor. 

Archelaus thus attained the crown with little dif- 
ficulty at the early age of eighteen. That aged 
plotter Salome found it convenient to abet Arche- 
laus, and secured for him the adherence of the army ; 
hence there was no opposition when he figured as 
the new ruler at the interment of Herod. The peo- 
ple, glad of the death of the tyrant, were well dis- 
posed toward Archelaus, and in the public assembly 
in the Temple the new king promised to have re- 
gard to the wishes of his subjects. It very soon 
became manifest, however, how little he intended to 
keep his word. Popular sentiment, molded by the 
Pharisees, demanded the removal of the Sadducean 
high priest Joezer (of the Boethus family), and the 
punishment of those former councilors of Herod who 
had brought about the martyrdom of the Pharisees 
Mattathias and Judas. Archelaus, professing al- 
ways profound respect for the popular demand, 
pointed out that he could not well take any such 
extreme measures before he had been confirmed by 
the Roman emperor, Augustus, in his sovereignty : 
just as soon as this confirmation should be received, 
he declared himself willing to grant the people's 
desire. His subjects, however, seem not to have 
had confidence in his assurances ; and when, on the 
day before Passover — a day when all Palestine, so 
to speak, was in Jerusalem — they became so insist- 
ent in their demand for immediate action, that the 




king felt himself compelled to send a detachment 
of the Herodian soldiery against them into the 

Temple courts ; and when this detach- 
His Harsh, ment proved unable to master the en- 
Treatment raged populace, he ordered out the 
of the whole available garrison. In the mas- 
People, sacre that ensued, three thousand were 

left dead upon the Temple pavements. 
As soon as the tumult had been somewhat allayed, 
Archelaus hastened to Rome to secure the required 
confirmation of his succession from Augustus. He 
found that he had to encounter opposition from two 
sides. His brother Antipas, supported by many 
members of the Herodian house resident in Rome, 
claimed formal acknowledgment for Herod's second 
will, that nominated him king. Besides, the Jews 
of Palestine sent a deputation of fifty persons — who 
were supported by about 8,000 Jewish residents of 
Rome — and petitioned for the exclusion of the Hero- 
dians from any share whatever in the government 
of the land, and for the incorporation of Judea in 
the province of Syria. Such was the disloyalty 
among the Herodians, that many members of the 
family secretly favored this latter popular demand. 
But Augustus, with statesman-like insight, con- 
cluded that it was better for Roman interests to 
make of Judea a monarchy, governed by its own 
kings tributary to Rome, than to leave it a Roman 
province administered by Romans, in which latter 
case there would certainly be repeated insurrections 
against the foreign administration. As it would 
be more prudent to make such a monarchy as 
small and powerless as possible, he decided to divide 

Herod's somewhat extensive empire 

Division into three portions. Archelaus was 

of the accordingly appointed ethnarch — not 

Kingdom king — of Judea, Samaria, and Idumea, 

by Rome, with the exception of the important 

cities of Gaza, Gadara, and Hippus, 
which latter were joined to the province of Syria. 
Antipas and Philip were made tetrarchs of the re- 
maining provinces, the former receiving Galilee and 
Perea, and the latter the other lands east of the Jor- 

While these negotiations were pending in Rome, 
new troubles broke out in Palestine. The people, 
worked up almost iuto a state of frenzy by the mas- 
sacres brought about by Herod and Archelaus, broke 
into open revolt in the absence of their ruler. The 
actual outbreak was without doubt directly caused 
by Sabinus— the procurator appointed by Augustus 
to assume charge pending the settlement of the suc- 
cession — owing to his merciless oppression of the 
people. On the day of Pentecost in the year 4 B.C., 
a collision took place in the Temple precincts be- 
tween the troops of Sabinus and the populace. Sa- 
binus utilized his initial success in dispersing the 
people by proceeding to rob the Temple treasury. 
But disorders broke out all over the province, and 

his forces were not sufficient to repress 

Insurrec- them. Judas, son of the revolutionary 

tionary Hezekiah in Galilee, a certain Simon 

Outbreaks, in Perea, Athkonges and his four 

brothers in other parts of the land, 
headed more or less serious uprisings. It was only 
when charge was assumed by Varus, the Roman 

legate in Syria, with his numerous legions, assisted, 
moreover, by Aretas, king of the Arabs, and his aux- 
iliaries, that any measure of peace was restored to 
the land, and this not without the loss of several 
thousand Roman troops. What the loss on the 
Jewish side must have been may perhaps be sur- 
mised from the rabbinical tradition that the outbreak 
under Varus was one of the most terrible in Jewish 

Archelaus returned to Jerusalem shortly after 
Varus suppressed the insurrection. Very little is 
known of the further events of his reign, which 
lasted nine years; but so much is clear, that instead 
of seeking to heal the wounds brought upon the 
country by himself and his house, he did much to 
accelerate the ultimate overthrow of 

Banish- Judean independence. In the year 6 
ment and of the common era, a deputation of 
Death. the Jewish and Samaritan aristocracy 
waited upon Augustus in Rome, to 
prefer charges against Archelaus, with the result 
that he was immediately summoned to Rome, de- 
prived of his crown, and banished to Vienne in 
Gaul, where — according to Dion Cassius Coccei- 
anus, "Hist. Roma," lv. 27 — he lived for the re- 
mainder of his days. 

Archelaus was a veritable Herodian, but without 
the statesman -like ability of his father. He was 
cruel and tyrannical, sensual in the extreme, a hj'po- 
crite and a plotter. He observed the customary 
seven days of mourniDg for his father, but in the 
midst of them gave to his boon companions a con- 
gratulatory banquet upon his accession. He care- 
fully avoided placing his image upon his coinage in 
deference to pharisaic susceptibilities; but he never- 
theless allowed his passion for his widowed sister-in- 
law, Glaphyra, to master him, and married her in 
defiance of the sentiment of the people and the 
Pharisees, who regarded the union as incestuous 
(Lev. xviii. 16, xx. 21). He deposed the high priest 
Joezer on his return from Rome, not in obedience to 
popular complaint, but for a money consideration. 
Joezer's brother was his successor, although the 
latter was of exactly the same type. Indeed, Arche- 
laus, in his short reign, deposed three high priests 
for purposes of profit. Against this serious list of 
evils there is hardly anything good to set in con- 
trast, beyond perhaps the fact that he inherited from 
his father a certain love of splendor and a taste for 
building. He restored the royal palace at Jericho 
in magnificent style, surrounding it with groves of 
palms ; and also founded a city, that he called in 
his own honor Archelais. 
BIBLIOGRAPHY : Gratz, Gesch. d. Juden, iii. passim ; Ewald, 

Oeseh. des Volkes Israel, iv. passim ; Hitzig, Gcsch. des 

Volkes Israel, ii. passim; Schiirer, Gesch. i. passim, and 

the literature therein indicated. On coinage, see Schurer, \h. 

p. 375, note 4 ; and Madden, Coins of the Jews, pp. 114-118. 

g. L. G. 

archeology that has for its province a scientific pres- 
entation of the domestic, civil, and religious insti- 
tutions of the Hebrews, in the lauds of the Bible, 
especially in Palestine. It deals with these for the 
whole stretch of Judaic history down to the fall of 
Jerusalem in the year 70, the end of Judaism as a 
power in Palestine. The term " Archeology " was used 




by Joseplius in his great work, 'lovdaim) ' ApxcuoXoyla 
(literally "Judaic Archeology," but usually trans- 
lated " Antiquities of the Jews "), to cover the entire 
history of his people, their life, customs, religious in- 
stitutions, and literature. This comprehensive sense 
remained current until the time of the Reformation. 
Indeed, writers like Eusebius, Jerome, and Epipha- 
nius, while they produced neither history nor arche- 
ology as such, contributed material valuable for the 
enrichment of both. It is safe to say that no treatise 
on Biblical Archeology proper made its appearance 
until after the Middle Ages. 

It was not until the sixteenth century that Carlo Si- 
gonius (died 1584) gathered up and presented in his 
" Be Republica Hebrreorum " a discus- 
First sion of sacred places, persons, and rites. 

Meaning This classification seemed to furnish 
of Biblical scholars with a clue to what should be 

Arche- included in the term " Archeology " as 
ology. applied to the Bible ; so that De Wette 
(in 1814), followed byEwald(in 1844), 
gives the first really systematic classification of the 
material that, up to the present time, is regarded as 
belonging to the field Of Biblical Archeology. Even 
as late as Keil's work (1875), the main divisions of the 
subject are treated in the following order: (1) sacred 
antiquities ; (2) domestic antiquities ; and (3) civil an- 

The historico-critical method of investigating Old 
Testament history claims to have rectified a former 
error. It is now generally maintained that many of 
the records of the history of Israel originated at a date 
later than was formerly supposed, and that conse- 
quently many of the religious institutions, customs, 
and rites current among the Jews bear the marks of 
later ideas, conditions, and environments. It is fur- 
ther claimed that religious rites and customs owe 
their character largely to the domestic life and sur- 
roundings of a people. The recognition of this fact 
necessitates a reversal of the order of the themes 
usually included in the term "Biblical Archeology." 
Accordingly the present order of treatment is: (I.) 
Domestic Antiquities; (II.) Civil Antiquities; and 
(III.) Sacred Antiquities; but, as will be seen, there 
is still another section to add on the land of Palestine 

In the treatment of this topic, as of many other 

topics relating to ancient times, no hard-and-fast 

line can be drawn. History proper 

Arche- should cover the entire religious and 
ology and political life of a people. It should 

History, present their laws, customs, and man- 
ners. It should also, when occasion 
requires, include their relations to neighboring peo- 
ples, politically, socially, and commercially. Arche- 
ology has to do with but a part of this material. 
It concerns itself with the interrelationships of the 
people in domestic, civil, and religious life. It goes 
further, and includes in itself a consideration of the 
character of the land where they live, and of their 
social, industrial, artistic, and literary organizations 
and features. 

Biblical Archeology depends for its material upon 
a mass of ancient literature and antiquities. It will 
be impossible for the student of archeology to util- 
ize to advantage the literary material, especially of 

the Old Testament, without due regard to the liter- 
ary processes by which it was prepared. Much of the 
available material of archeology is secured from liter- 
ature, but only after it has been subjected to the most 
searching critical processes. In fine, archeology at 
large finds in literature one of its best sources of in- 
formation and one the testimony of which can not 
be set aside. Nevertheless, at the bottom, beneath 
all the literary activity of the people, lie, of course, 
the conditions under which the Israelites produced 
their literature. Hence, while much that is of value 
to archeology is found in Israel's literature, a knowl- 
edge of archeology will include information con- 
cerning the land which nourished that literature. 
There is, consequently, a kind of necessary inter- 
dependence between these two branches of knowl- 
edge — literature and its native soil. 

The religious system of the Old Testament em- 
braces both literary and archeological material ; both 
ancient documents and monuments. 
Arche- Biblical Archeology includes only so 
ology and much of this material as bears upon 
Religion, sacred places, persons, feasts, vessels, 
and ritual. It does not discuss religious 
ideas, either in their origin or their development. It 
does not present a systematized religio-legal system, 
nor the relations of that system to civil processes. 
Neither does it discuss the relation of Israel's rites 
and ceremonies to those of surrounding nations. 
These themes, proper in modern scientific subdivi- 
sions of material touching the ancient Jews, fall 
under the head of religion or of comparative re- 

The soil of the Orient is the treasure-house of one 
of the two great sources of Biblical Archeology. 
Palestinian ruins at Jerusalem, at Lachish, at Gaza, 
at the Dead Sea, and in the tombs on the hillsides, 
are all instructive teachers concerning the life and 
times of the ancient Jews. Fragments of docu- 
ments of this people and of their neighbors are re- 
plete with information bearing upon the Archeology 
of the Bible. The Moabite Stone, for the ninth 
pre-Christian century, and the Siloam Inscription 
are valuable evidences of the character of the wri- 
ting and of some of the customs of those early days 
(see Alphabet). The numerous small inscriptions 
from Phenician sources tell a fascinating story of 
tragical times contemporaneous with Israel. From 
Palestinian ruins, likewise, come many voices of the 
later periods, as the scattered and broken Greek and 
Latin inscriptions are deciphered and interpreted. 
Coins also tell their tale of the past, often with grati- 
fying precision. 

The revelations from the mounds of Babylonia 
and Assyria, made within the last half-century, 
vitally touch the people of Israel . The cl ose relation- 
ship existing between the social, political, and relig- 
ious systems of that ancient West and East has now 
been clearly ascertained. The close racial kinship 
existing between Israel and the great powers cen- 
tered on the Tigris and the Euphrates 
Monumen- gives special significance to the antiq- 
tal Sources, uities exhumed from those eastern 
plains. The fact that Israel's ancestors 
migrated from Eastern centers, carrying with them 
the characteristics of their early home-land and peo- 




pie, points likewise to the essential importance of 
the " finds " brought from Mesopotamia. 

Many items of considerable value to Biblical Arche- 
ology are discovered in the community of religious 
requirements and customs between Israel and her 
overland Eastern neighbors. The aggressiveness of 
Eastern political influence and power toward the 
West, in the later periods of Israel's history, earned 
with it other forces that largely affected the social 
and commercial fabric of the Palestinian kingdoms. 
Consequently, there is no land outside of Palestine 
whose ancient history and antiquities have a more 
noteworthy significance for Biblical Archeology than 
the great Mesopotamian region. 

The imperishable character of the remains of an- 
cient life found in the sands and tombs of Egypt, 
the proximity of that land to Palestine, and the 
association of that people and that land with Israel's 
history make the territory in question a fascinating 
field to the archeologist. The influence of Egypt's 
civilization upon the literature and life of the Jews 
is especially marked during the patriarchal, the 
bondage, and the wilderness periods. At intervals 
during the later stages of history — for example, in 
Isaiah's day — Egypt exercised no small influence 
over the life of the Israelites. While many points 
are still in dispute, some genuine increments of value 
from Egyptian monumental sources may be even 
now discovered. 

The most fruitful sources of information germane 
to the subject are of course the literatures of the Old 
and New Testaments. As has been 
Literary noted above, due regard must be had 
Sources, from the beginning to the assured re- 
sults of Biblical criticism. The Old 
Testament material must be so used as to gain there- 
from full advantage of the best-established results 
of the scholarship of to-day. It must be remem- 
bered, however, that a systematic archeology for 
each period of history can not yet be presented; 
merely the origin and growth of rites and customs 
through the entire stretch of time are all that have 
been traced. Uncertainty as to the dates of some of 
the books of the Bible aggravates the difficulties of 
the archeologist. 

The New Testament material, less indefinite as to 
time, furnishes valuable data regarding the Jews of 
the first century, particularly those in Palestine. 
Certain rites and ceremonies prevalent among the 
sects of that age are relevant and instructive mate- 
rial. Even the circumstances that led up to the 
death of Jesus are full of interest for the student 
of archeology. The experiences undergone by Paul 
and other apostles in the establishment of the Chris- 
tian Church often illuminate this subject. 

The writings of Josephus, compiled, as they were, 
from many and uncertain sources, possess, neverthe- 
less, because of their immense sweep through time, 
a multitude of apposite data. Josephus' partiality 
for his own people, and his desire to magnify their 
importance throughout their history, have to be 
guarded against ; but he provides much material for 
the portrayal of the life of the ancient Jews. 

The inter-Biblical apocryphal books, such as I and 
II Maccabees, III and IV Esdras, Judith, the Letter 
of Jeremiah, etc. , abound in hints and items of im- 
II.— 6 

portance in a systematic study of Biblical Archeol- 
ogy. Philo of Alexandria, though strongly influ- 
enced by Greek thought, was a serviceable chronicler 
of many things Jewish. This mass of literature 
yields much of genuine value to the archeologist of 
Sacred Scripture. 

The early centuries of the Christian era have left 
several pertinent documents. The great mass of 
rabbinical literature (the two Talmuds and the 
Midrashic collections) is full of facts, statements, 
and hints concerning the life of the Jewish people. 
These are often of significant, illustrative impor- 
tance in the elucidation of Old Testament conditions. 
The compilations of Manetho, Berosus, and Philo 
of Byblus yield facts that add materially to some 
phases of Biblical Archeology. The habits, customs, 
and religious characteristics of the Jews, as described 
in early Christian and Greek writings, are also of 
value. Arabic literature and antiquities reveal the 
common Semitic character of ancient times, and 
consequently some elements of Jewish life. 

The unchangeable and permanent elements of the 
Oriental Semitic personality are surprisingly illustra- 
tive of the ancient Jewish character of the Bible. The 
habits, customs, and rites of the inhabitants of the 
East, and their mode of existence as a whole, are a 
living commentary on many passages of Scripture, 
the thought and significance of which are wholly 
foreign to a modern Occidental.' Such portions of 
the Semitic world as are least modified by the ag- 
gressions of civilization, like those in the interior of 
Arabia, seem to maintain in their pristine purity the 
traits of two or three millenniums ago. The closer 
one gets to the primitive Semitic man, the nearer in 
many cases is the approach to a true understanding 
of his life as it appears in Holy Writ. 

Out of the material already indicated, Biblical 
Archeology claims for itself four general divisions, 
under which it may best be treated; they are (1) the 
land and people of Palestine ; (2) domestic or indi- 
vidual antiquities; (3) public or civil antiquities; 
and (4) sacred or religious antiquities. 

I. Palestine : The character of any land is an 
essential element in the determination of the charac- 
teristics of its inhabitants. The mountains and plains, 
the valleys and ravines, and the inspiring scenery of 
adjacent regions made Palestine a land of pleasing 
variety and of ever-refreshing beauty. Her wide 
range of climate, her immense list of fauna and 
flora, satisfied every reasonable demand of her rest- 
less people. Her comparative isolation, her natural 
defensive strength, and her relation to the great 
civilizations of the East and the West, especially 
during Israel's national history, emphasize her im- 
portance to the people that dwelt within her borders. 

Palestine was already the home of ancient peoples 
when the Patriarchs first trod upon her soil. The 
tribes of Israel settled down to live in close proximity 
to several different minor peoples. So close were 
their relations that intermarriages re- 
The Land suited, and an intermingling of every 

and Its element of domestic, public, and relig- 

People. ious life. The nation of Israel, built 

upon such a foundation as this, 

was a strange conglomeration of diverse elements. 

Clashes with her minor neighbors, and commercial 




and political relations with the great empires that 
oppressed her, affected domestic, civil, and sacred 

II. Domestic Antiquities : The cvery-day life 
of each person involves a large number of items. 
These embrace the food available and used, the mate- 
rial accessible for clothing and the method of its man- 
ufacture, as well as the usual clothing worn by the 
people, and the method of preparing and wearing 
the head-gear. The individual lived also in a dwell- 
ing of some kind ; either in a hole in the rocks, a tent, 
a hut, a house, or in an elaborate structure in a city. 
How were these various dwellings prepared, and 
what was their internal arrangement? What led to 
the aggregation of such buildings, which later be- 
came cities? The replies to these questions will be 
of supreme moment in following the growth of in- 
dividual rights and privileges. 

The Jewish family has a most interesting history. 
The family formed the next step upward from the 
individual, and was probably the basis of the clan. 
The laws of marriage and their binding character 
were essentials in the perpetuity of the nation. The 
position and rights of the woman before and after 
marriage, in the condition of monogamy and of 
polygamy, and in case of divorce, fall under this 
theme. The relations of the children to the individ- 
ual parents, the methods of naming them, the observ- 
ance of the rite of circumcision, their training and 
education in and out of the home, must be noted. 
The constitution of the Oriental family involved 
slaves, with certain laws of purchase and retention, 
both Israelitish and foreign. Certain diseases also 
often attacked, and sometimes found victims in, the 
family. The treatment of the aged and infirm, of 
the helpless and unfortunate members of the house- 
hold, is of especial interest. Death in the family 
was attended by peculiar national observances. See 
Family, Marriage, Patriarchate, Slavery. 

Families and individuals maintained a certain 
amount of social intercourse. These relations de- 
veloped certain social obligations; established the 
respective rights and privileges of host 
Society and and guest, and the methods of conver- 

Amuse- sation and entertainment. Social gath- 
ments. erings at feasts likewise inaugurated 
special customs and requirements. 
These functions, as well as the more elaborate festi- 
vals of their heathen neighbors, were occasions for 
the forming of relations that to a large extent de- 
termined the character of Israel. The introduction 
of foreign customs gradually modified society in 
Israel, until, by the downfall of the northern king- 
dom, it assumed quite another complexion. The 
origin, organization, and conduct of society form an 
interesting theme in the department of Biblical Ar- 
cheology. See Etiquette, Precedence, etc. 

There is slight evidence that the Jews in early 
times, aside from banquets attended by musical in- 
struments of various kinds, enjoyed any indoor 
amusement. Neither is there any extended descrip- 
tion of outdoor sports, either for princes or populace. 
But the prevalence of many terms employed in 
hunting, such as the names of traps arj 1 weapons 
used in taking animals and birds, and tJe names of 
wild animals used for food, is evidence that this 

sport was commonly indulged in, and to good pur- 
pose. Several hints are also found in the Prophets, 
especially as to the sport (or possibly occupation) of 
fishing. Both of these out-door amusements, so pop- 
ular in Egypt and in the East, were turned to good 
account by the Israelites. See Games, Sports, Pas- 

The earliest records of the patriarchs and of the 
Israelites show them following the life of nomads. 
They raised herds of large and flocks of small cattle, 
and moved about according to the demands for new 
pasturage. The character of the country and their 
slight tenure of the soil led to such a mode of exist- 
ence. Even when they settled down as occupants 
of Palestine and their life was mainly devoted to 
other things, they nevertheless reared extensive 
herds and flocks, comprising cattle, asses, sheep, and 
goats. The hills of some parts of Palestine were best 
adapted for such pursuits. See Animals, Cattle. 

Israel's occupation of the new territory made 

possible another vocation besides cattle-raising. 

Permanent settlement led to the culti- 

Pasture vation of the soil, to the planting of 
and vines and fruit-trees. Wheat, barley, 

Agricul- and rye became staple products, and 
ture. by irrigation all parts of the land 

yielded profitable returns to the in- 
dustrious husbandman. The methods of agriculture, 
the influence of this mode of life on the nation, and 
the importance of this industry on international re- 
lations occupy no mean place in the history of the 
life of ancient Israel. See Agriculture. 

From the earliest times there are hints at the trades 
that were current among the Israelites. After their 
settlement in the land of Canaan especially, they be- 
came acquainted with methods of producing tools 
for the cultivation of the soil, and weapons for war- 
fare. Carpenters and stone-masons were numerous 
at the time of the construction of Solomon's public 
buildings. Workers in metals of different kinds are 
found occasionally in the course of Israel's history. 
The ironsmith, the goldsmith, and the worker in 
bronze were not uncommon in Palestine. The prep- 
aration of skins for use as bottles and for sandals, 
the manufacture of the bow and of the different 
pieces of armor for the warrior called for skilful 
labor. The preparation of flax and wool for clothing 
required a method which in later years developed into 
great weaving establishments. The vessels of clay 
in use in Palestine in ancient times indicate that the 
potter's art had reached a high state of perfection. 
These crafts doubtless received many useful sugges- 
tions from Israel's neighbors in the different periods 
of her history. See Artisans, Handicrafts. 

Exchange of commodities is one of the oldest oc- 
cupations of men. Israel's continual contact with 
neighbors of all kinds, whose methods of life were as 
varied as their peculiarities, naturally led to some 
commercial activity. The caravans that crossed 
Canaan in Israel's day traded in Ca- 
Commerce naanitish cities, and furnished markets 

and Its for Palestinian products in Egypt 

Methods, and in Babylonia. Israel exchanged 

her products of the soil for the wares 

of Phenicia and the perfumes of the south country. 

Commerce reached its climax in Solomon's day, when 




it extended as far as the undetermined port of Ophir, 
and brought back for him the gold, silver, apes, pea- 
cocks, and other luxuries and curiosities of distant 
climes. Phenicia was Israel's great trading -mart ; for 
thence she secured much of the material and many 
of the workmen that made Jerusalem what it was in 
Solomon's reign. 

The activity of exchange during the dual kingdom 
is shown on several occasions. When Ahab defeated 
Ben-Hadad at Aphek, one of the items in the treaty 
was the granting to Israel of " streets " [bazaars for 
trading] in Damascus, as Syria had formerly had 
"streets" in Samaria (I Kings xx. 34). The numer- 
ous references in Hosea are evidence that Israel in 
that period en j oyed the products of all lands. Egypt 
was likewise on the most intimate commercial terms 
with Palestine ; and some of her choicest food and 
clothing was purchased by Israel. But it was not 
until after Israel's overthrow as a nation that she 
seemed almost entirely to abandon husbandry and 
many of the crafts, and to give her whole life to the 
pursuit of commerce. See Commerce, Trade. 

The most convenient exchange was that of com- 
modities for gold or silver or for some other precious 
article. This was accomplished at first by means of 
certain standards of weight for the metals, standards 
of capacity for grains, and the like, and standards of 
measurement (length, breadth, or thickness) for cloth, 
leather, stone, etc. The same tricks of trade as are 
found to-day — the light weight, the small measure, 
and the short line — appear in the charges that follow 
the arraignments of the Prophets. Late in history 
the metals were stamped or coined, thus greatly sim- 
plifying one of the most common articles of ex- 
change. See Coin, Monet. 

Israel's growth as a nation was accompanied by a 
corresponding cultivation of the arts. The first no- 
table exhibition is that seen in the elaborate architec- 
ture of the Solomonic era. Whether it was borrowed 
wholly from one nation or jointly from the leading 
nations of that day is immaterial. Israel adopted 
and executed some of the choicest specimens of an- 
cient architecture. The pillars and their ornamen- 
tation, though executed by Phenicians, were accord- 
ing to the tastes and desires of Israel's 
Art in king. Plastic art likewise received at- 

Israel. tention from the leaders in Israel, as is 
seen in the numerous fragments ex- 
humed from Palestinian soil. Sculpture and fine 
stone-cutting added their part to the beautifying of 
the great Temple of the Lord. Painting is scarcely 
mentioned in the Old Testament (Ezek. viii. 10, 
xxiii. 14), in strange contrast with the evidence seen 
in Egyptian tombs. Music, on the contrary, re- 
ceived much attention from the leaders, and even 
from the common people. The shepherds in the 
mountains, the prophets on the hills, the singers in 
the Temple, made frequent and extensive use of 
many kinds of musical instruments. See Music, 

Writing is almost as old as the race. Every nation 
around Israel had its method. The people of Israel, 
kin of these people by blood and language, had their 
own particular system of writing. The letters of 
the Hebrew alphabet had each a significance that 
helped to hold it in mind. The Israelites wrote on 

skins and clay, and carefully preserved their records 
for later generations. This work was done, how- 
ever, by a particular class of men, who were later on 
designated as scribes. The different kinds of writing 
materials, and the tools wherewith this art was ex- 
ecuted, were not unlike those of the great contem- 
poraneous nations. See Alphabet, Scribes, Wri- 

III. Civil Antiquities : The earliest show of au- 
thority is seen in the constitution of the family, with 
the father as head and chief. Several heads made 
up the body of elders, by whose decision affairs af- 
fecting several families were administered. Gradu- 
ally these elders became a regularly established or- 
der, by or through whom the entire civil business of 
the community was conducted. In the time of the 
Egyptian bondage a class of men is found termed 
" officers," who though apparently scribes, were like- 
wise underlings of their Egyptian taskmasters. The 
appointment of seventy elders in the wilderness was 
an extension of the earlier and possibly of the bond- 
age scheme on a more elaborate scale. The method 
of government in vogue during the period of the 
judges was a modification of the same general plan 
under which Israel lived in the wilderness. The de- 
tails of these systems are brought out with due 
faithfulness in the records of these periods. See 

The system of government current among the 
great and small nations of Israel's day was that of 
monarchy. Every foreign influence that touched this 
people emanated from the environment of regal ad- 
ministration. These powerful tendencies finally crys- 
tallized into a demand by Israel for a king. A king, 
with all the paraphernalia of a monarchy, was finally 
established. The prerogatives of the ruler, the law of 
succession, and the whole administration of govern- 
ment henceforth accorded substantially with those 
of other nations. Sufficient events and items of the 
king's conduct are narrated to give a good picture 
of Israel's monarch. See King. 

On the return of a body of Jews from the vari- 
ous lands into which they had been scattered, a new 
method of government was adopted. 
Post- The province of which Judea was a 

exilian part was ruled by a Persian satrap. 

Govern- Israel's new territory was ruled by a 
ment. governor, Zerubbabel, and later by 
Ezra and Nehemiah, etc. These sub- 
rulers paid tribute to Persia; and only on especial 
appointments were they granted extraordinary pre- 
rogatives, for example, Ezra. How far down into 
the so-called inter-Biblical period these conditions 
prevailed, it is not yet possible to affirm. The Mac- 
cabean revolt against the Hellenizing edicts of the 
Seleucid rulers was a forcible protest against a viola- 
tion of the favorable treatment accorded the Jews by 
Alexander the Great. Nearly one hundred years of 
practical independence resulted in the downfall of 
Jewish authority, brought about by Pompey in 63 
u. c. Thenceforth Palestine as part of a province be- 
came subordinate to a Roman governor. Information 
as to the line of demarcation between the rights of the 
Jews and Roman authority, the methods of admin- 
istration adopted by Roman appointees, and a multi- 
tude of other questions of local interest is abundantly 





supplied in the documents of this period. See Gov- 
ernment, Procurators, Rome, Sanhedrin. 

References to law and its administration are found 
even in the patriarchal period, when the head of one 
family and his associates were supreme 
Public Ad- in authority. Legal processes were 
ministra- simple and effective. In the period 
tion of of the judges, the so-called judge was 
Justice. the court of final appeal. But after the 
establishment of the kingdom the king 
occupied the supreme bench. In postexilian times the 
people elected their own judges. Numerous state- 
ments distributed in different periods of history are 
found as to the purpose, the method, and the re- 
sults of various penalties inflicted by authority. The 
laws concerning all of these specifications are codified 
in the Pentateuch. See Courts, Judge, etc. 

As a subject of the state, each individual had cer- 
tain property rights. When the tribes settled as hus- 
bandmen on their newly won territory, each family 
occupied its own land. This was its permanent pos- 
session. It could lease the same ; but in the year of 
jubilee the land reverted to its first owners. The 
forfeiture of property rights for political offenses, 
such as is mentioned in Ezra, was unusual. Marriage 
also carried with it certain rights, carefully specified 
in the law. Personal property, the rights to buy and 
sell, regulations concerning debts, restitution, inher- 
itance, etc., were amply protected or prescribed in 
the legal provisions of Israel. See Civil Proce- 
dure, Property, Sale. 

This condition met Israel very early in her history. 
The division of the host in the wilderness into com- 
panies of different numbers for inter- 
Warfare, nal civil convenience was doubtless 
the basis of army divisions. The mili- 
tary equipment of the armies of Palestine, east and 
west of the Jordan, and their power of resistance to 
Israel's aggression, are meagerlyset forth in the Old 
Testament. Israel's method of levying and supply- 
ing troops, and almost uniform success in Joshua's 
day, add importance to the study of her military or- 
ganization. The perfection of army methods in the 
regal period, and the great amount of money and en- 
ergy devoted to the maintenance of the army, give 
added impetus to the investigation of military science 
among the great nations of Egypt and Mesopotamia. 
This investigation covers the kinds of armor and 
weapons used, methods of drilling and marching, 
encampments, movements for attack and battle, 
methods of sieges and defenses of fortresses and 
cities, and the treatment of prisoners. See War- 
fare, Weapons. 

IV. Sacred Antiquities : The earliest records 
of Israelitish ancestors refer to special places devoted 
to worship. While the Israelites were on the march 
through the wilderness, they were accompanied by 
a sacred tent. As soon as they had settled in the 
land of Canaan they adopted numerous sacred high 
places. There were also sacred trees, stones, foun- 
tains, etc. Altars, obelisks, and the Asherah were 
accompaniments of these places. At these shrines 
Israelites met to do homage to their Preserver and 
God. Solomon's Temple was a partial centraliza- 
tion of worship, which, however, did not become 
complete until the reign of Josiah. The captivity 

and the exile of the Israelites divorced them from 
such shrines. On the return, Zerubbabel's Temple 
once again made Jerusalem the actual center of 
worship. See Altar, Ashebaii, Bamah, Tem- 
ple, etc. 

The original purpose of the priest is not absolutely 

settled. He was probably the attendant on a heathen 

image, who uttered oracles on occa- 

Sacred sion, to instruct the worshipers. Grad- 

Persons, ually he became the offerer of the sac- 
Places, and rifice, and therein stood as a kind of 
Offerings, mediator between God and the person 
seeking a message. The functions of 
priest were apportioned between the priests proper, 
who stood nearest God, and the Levites, who were 
practically their servants. Later still, the priestly 
duties were narrowed down to sacrifice only, leaving 
to the Prophets the matter of oracular speaking and 
teaching. The various steps to these different func- 
tions, and the special devotees in service about these 
places, are found in numerous cases mentioned in the 
Old Testament. See Levites, Priests. 

The original purpose of the sacred offerings is 
wrapped in obscurity. For the non-bloody offering, 
the peace-offering, the burnt offering, the sin-offer- 
ing, and the trespass-offering there are specific reg- 
ulations and significance. The condition of the 
offering itself, the process of offering, and the result 
of the same upon the giver are all laid down in the 
codified rules of the Pentateuch. Few if any of the 
things connected with the life of Israel are so fully 
treated in the Old Testament as the subject of 
"offering." See Sacrifice. 

Like their neighbors, the Israelites had sacred feast- 
times. These are seen very early in the history. Hints 
and more are found of the feasts of the new moon and 
the Sabbaths. The yearly feasts were the Passover, 
the First-Fruits, and the Tabernacles or Ingathering. 
Each of these had its special regulations as to time, 
duration, and attendants. Upon the centralization 
of worship at Jerusalem, certain modifications took 
place both in the accompaniments of the festival 
days and in the places where they were formerly . 
held. As time went by the number of such days 
increased. See Festivals. 

Israel was put under strict discipline in the matter 
of personal cleanliness, both in reference to worship 
and to every-day life Obedience to these demands 
secured immunity from certain diseases and prevented 
the spread of others. Such discipline attached a 
wholesome sacredness to worship and enhanced the 
value of human life and health. It prepared the na- 
tion to conceive of a holy God, and to render Him a 
clean service. See Clean and Unclean. 

The preceding sections have indicated merely in 
outline the main subdivisions of Biblical Archeology 
on the basis of the latest investigators. They point 
the reader to certain skeleton facts, which may be 
clothed with flesh and blood by careful painstaking 
research on the Old Testament. 

For archeology in post-Biblical times, see Badge, 

Bath, Ceremonies, Costume, Numismatics, Music, 

Synagogue, etc. 

Bibliography: Fenton, Early Hebrew Life, 1880; Benzin- 
ger, Arch. 1894 ; Bissell, Biblical Antiquities, 1888 ; Ewald, 
Die AltertMlmer des Volkes Israel, 3d ed., 1866 ; Keil,Handb. 
der Biblisehen Archaeoloaie, 2d ed., 1875; Nowack, Hebr. 




Archaeologie, 1894; Schflrer, Gesch. 2d ed., 1890; Stade, 
Gesch. des Volkes Israel, 2d ed., 1889, especially vol. 1., book 
Yii., pp. 358-518. For the bearings of extra-Biblical material on 
Biblical Archeology, see Ball, Light, from the Bast, London, 
1899; Schrader, C. I. 0. T. 1888 ; Vlgouroux, La Bible et les 
Decouvertes Modernes, 5th ed., Paris, 1889; Boscawen, The 
Bible and the Monuments, London, 1895 ; Evetts, New Light 
onthe Holy Land, London, 1891 ; Recent Research, in Bible 
Lands, edited by H. V. Hilprecht, Philadelphia, 1890; 
McCurdy, History, Prophecy, and Monuments, 1896, ii. vii. 
chaps, i.-iv.; Sayce, The Egypt of the Hebrews, London, 1895 ; 
idem, PatHarclial Palestine, London, 1895 ; idem. Races of 
the Old Testament, London, 1891 ; Price, The Monument* 
and the Old Testament, Chicago, 1900. 
J. JK. I. M. P. 

ARCHER, ARCHERY: The bow as a weapon 
in war and the chase was familiar to the Hebrews 
from patriarchal times (Gen. xxi. 20, xxvii'. 3, xlviii. 
22). Jonathan and Jehu were expert archers (II 
Sam. i. 22 ; II Kings ix. 24) ; the tribe of Benjamin 
was renowned for its sons' skill with the bow (I 
Chron. viii. 40, xii. 2) ; and David, after the battle 
of Gilboa, sought to encourage archery practise in 
Judah (II Sam. i. 18). The impulse thus given 
seems to have taken root, so that 250 years later the 
prophet Hosea speaks of the bow as representing 
Israel's military power (ch. i. 5). 

From the figures extant in Assyrian monuments it 
appears that the usual tactics with the bow were to 
overwhelm the enemy with repeated showers of 
arrows, and then close in with sword and spear upon 
the harassed ranks. In Ps. cxx. 4 there is a refer- 
ence to the practise of affixing burning material to 
the arrow-head, no doubt for setting fire to a be- 
sieged town. For further details and Hebrew terms 
in connection with Archery, see Army ; Weapons. 

e. c. F. de S. M. 

ARCHEVITES (ii:riK): A people whom Asnap- 
per brought from Erech or Uruk, a political and re- 
ligious center of Babylonia, and settled in Samaria. 
They wrote to Artaxerxes concerning the building 
of the Temple at Jerusalem and had the work on it 
stopped (Ezra iv. 9). Erech (Uruk) is mentioned in 
Gen. x. 10. 

J. JK. G. B. L. 

NAN ISAAC : Italian grammarian, and poet of 
the sixteenth century. Many of his piyyutim were 

embodied in the Italian liturgy, notably his " Song on 
Circumcision. " He was an excellent Talmudist, and, 
when quite young, reedited or rather supplied with 
extensive textual references, the Aruk of Nathan b. 
Jehiel under the title "Sefer ha-' Aruk" (Venice, 
1531). His book " Degel Ahabah " (The Banner of 
Love), an ethical work with commentaries, was 
printed in Venice (1551). The most notable of his 
works are (1) "'Arugat ha-Bosem" (The Bed of 
Spices), a Hebrew grammar (Venice, 1602 ; reprinted, 
Amsterdam, 1730), and (2) "Ma'yan Gannim" (A 
Fountain of Gardens), fifty metrical letters, designed 
to be models for students of this form of composition 
(Venice, 1553). Of these two books the more im- 
portant is the Hebrew grammar, because the subject 
is exhaustively and originally treated. Twenty-five 
out of the thirty-two chapters are devoted to the rudi- 
ments of the language. Chapters twenty-six and 
twenty -seven treat of Hebrew accentuation ; chapters 
twenty -eight and twenty -nine discuss perfect style ; 
chapter thirty treats of steganography and Biblical 
cryptography, and chapters thirty-one and thirty- 
two treat of the nco-Hebraic meter, with original 
models of style and method. The last chapter pleased 
John Buxtorf the younger to such an extent that he 
translated it into Latin, appending it to his transla- 
tion of the Cuzari (1660). Archevolti, who loved the 
Hebrew language and delighted in its poetical phra- 
sing and shading, was disinclined to uphold the ideas 
advanced by Judah ha-Levi, who, though one of the 
greatest Hebrew poets, did not care to treat Biblical 
subjects poetically, maintaining that they did not 
readily lend themselves to such treatment. Arche- 
volti held the opposite view, and in respectful terms 
wrote against his famous predecessor, employing the 
Talmudic bit of satire, " The dough must be bad in- 
deed if the baker says it is. " 

Bibliography : Fiirst, Bibl. Jud. s.v. ; Steinschneider, Cat. 
Bodl. No. 7001 ; Delitzsch, Zur Gesch. d. Hebr. Poesle, p. 6. 

g. G. A. D. 

ARCHIMEDES : The greatest mathematician 
of antiquity ; born in Syracuse about 287 B.C. His in- 
fluence on Jewish literature was not extensive. Only 
two of his works have come clown 
to us in a Hebrew translation. Ka- 

Company of Egyptian archers at Deir el-Bahari. 

(After Wilkinson, " Ancient Egyptians.") 





lonymusben Kalonymus (after 1306) twice turned the 
treatise " On Conoids and Spheroids " into Hebrew, 
under the title NJllQVNm -in32. He is said to have 
made use of an Arabic translation of Costa ben 
Luca, though Arabic bibliographers know nothing 
of such a translation. An unknown author — whom 
Steinschneider surmises to have been the same 
Kalonymus — translated mVAod iiABrjaiQ under the title 
ilMJJjn niTCCO Dn^DOIN ")3D, from the Arabic 

^tfl I Jl\ 

pk i m .1.. 

Archers as Body-Guard of Darius. 

(From Maspero, " Passing of the Empires.") 

of Thabit ibn Kurrah (the Hebrew title is to be cor- 
rected to fO'E'DD,. which means "extension," and 
corresponds exactly to the Arabic "Masahat"). 

Abraham bar Hiyyah shows a perfect knowledge 
of the theories of Archimedes in his " Encyclopedia 
of Mathematical Sciences " (compare Steinschneider, 
"Hebr. Bibl." vii. 92); and the same is true of Abra- 
ham ibn Ezra, in his astronomical work "Reshit 
Hokmah. " 

Bibliography: Steinschneider, Hebr. Uebers.%310; Z.D.M. 
G. 1. 173 et seq. 
G. I. BB. 

ARCHIPHERECITES (apxKpcpeKirai) : Grecized 
form of the Aramaic XpIS Wl = "heads of the 
school" (pirka, literally "chapter," hence "dis- 
course"). The name occurs in Justinian's "No- 

vella," No. 146, Uspl 'Eppaiuv, of the year 553, in 
which the Archipherecites, the elders, and the teach- 
ers are forbidden to use their power of anathema in 
order to prevent the reading of the Greek version of 
the Bible in place of the Midrashic or Targumic in- 

Bibliography: Gratz, Gesch. der Jude n, iii. 359, note7; Krie- 
gel, Corpus Juris, iii. 640. Compare Academies in Pales- 


ARCHISYNAGOGUE (apxtawayuyoc; Heb. 
JlDJ3n Wi): Synagogue-chief. The use of this 
name as the title of the officer who supervised mat- 
ters pertaining to the religious services of the syna- 
gogue can be traced from the time of Jesus to about 
the year 300 (Pes. 496). It occurs several times in 
the New Testament. The distinctive function of the 
Archisynagogue was to select suitable men for 
the reading of the Law, the reciting of prayers, and 
for preaching ; since in ancient times the synagogue 
did not have regularly appointed officers for the 
performance of these duties. Despite the specific- 
ally Jewish character of the functions of the Archi- 
synagogue, however, the name is borrowed from 
the Greek, and was therefore used throughout the 
Roman Empire where Jews were settled, but not in 
Babylonia. Hence, the Babylonian Talmud, when 
mentioning the Archisynagogue, finds it necessary 
to translate the word by DJ1D flvet. 84; compare 
Yer. Ber. iii. 1, 6b). Prom the Jerusalem Talmud 
{I.e.) it further appears that in cases of necessity the 
Archisynagogue of a community had to act as its 
reader. In consonance with the nature of his office, 
the Archisynagogue was chosen for his piety and good 
moral character, while in the case of an archon the 
essential requirements were social position and in- 
fluence. The Pharisees therefore regarded the Archi- 
synagogues as inferior only to the O'D^n 'HWn 
("disciples of the wise "), the Jewish scholars (Pes. 
495. This passage is, however, of Palestinian origin). 
Like most of the offices of the pharisaic Jews, that 
of the Archisynagogue was not limited as to time, 
but was usually held for life, and not infrequently 
■was hereditary; the Pharisees holding (see Torat 
Kohanim Ahare Mot viii. , ed. Weiss, p. 8'da) that the 
son had a claim upon his father's office unless he had 
shown himself unworthy. This explains why the 
title Archisynagogue was sometimes attached to the 
names of the wife and the children, as found on some 
Greek inscriptions. It was used, no doubt, to indi- 
cate that they were members of an archisynagogal . 

Bibliography: Schurer, Gesch. ii. 364-367, 519 ; Gemeindever- 
fassuny, pp. 35-28 ; Weinberg, M. G. W. 1897, p. 657. 

a. L. G. 

ARCHITE : Inhabitant of a town or district on 
the southern border of Judah probably connected 
with the Erech (A. V. Archi) of Josh. xvi. 2. 
Hushai, David's friend, was from that region (II 
Sam. xv. 32). It would appear to be somewhere in 
the neighborhood of Ataroth, but has not been 
identified with any certainty. 

t. J. 

America, Jewish Architecture in ; Ark ; Ceme- 




terles; Gallebles; Gravestones; Hospitals; 
Mausoleums; Synagogues, Ancient; Syn \gogues, 
Modern; Tombs, etc. 

ish review, founded in 1840 by Samuel Cahen, author 
of a French translation of the Hebrew Bible. The 
first number appeared in January, 1840, as an octavo 
pamphlet of sixty -four pages, entitled, "Archives 
Israelites de France: Revue Mensuelle Historique, 
Biographique, Bibliographique, Litteraire." Some 
of its first contributors were G. "Weil (Ben-Levi), O. 
Terquem, Solomon Munk, Gerson Levy, Rabbi M. 
Charleville, Ph. Luzzatto, Albert Cohn, A. Darme- 
steter, A. Widal, and E. Carmoly. In 1860 Isidore 
Cahen, son of the founder of the paper, became its 

The "Archives" has several times changed the 
periods of its appearance, its form, and its title. It 
has been a monthly and a semi-monthly; and in 1879 
it became a weekly. It is now a quarto, more in 
the nature of a journal than of a review; short arti- 
cles on topics of the day taking the place of longer 
articles. Isidore Cahen continued to be the " direc- 
teur " until his death, March 6, 1902 ; editor-in-chief 
is H. Prague. 

In 1890 the " Archives " celebrated its fiftieth an- 
niversary by the publication of a collection of essays, 
reminiscences, and letters, under the title " La Gerbe " 
(The Sheaf). 
Bibliography : La Gerbe, 1890. 

G. J. W. 

GATION. See Memorbuch ; Pinkes. 

TEIA) : The title of a member of the governing 
body in the independent Jewish communities 
throughout the Roman empire, as in Alexandria, 
Antioch, Berenice in Cyrenaica, Rome, Tlos in Lycia, 
and other cities. In Alexandria, where Emperor 
Augustus established a Gerusia (Philo, " In Flac- 
cum," § 10; compare Josephus, "Ant." xix. 5, § 2; 
Schilrer, "Gesch." 3d ed., iii. 41) instead of a single 
Ethnarch for the Jews, the archons constituted the 
gerusia (Philo, I.e.), as is especially evident from the 
construction of the sentence rove apxovrac, ttjv yepov- 
aiav, di nal yepuc nal rifirjg elaiv kwuwp.01 (see Alex- 
andria for the contrary view, see Schilrer, I.e.). 
At the end of the first century of the common era, 
nine archons were at the head of the community in 
Berenice in North Africa ; in Alexandria, more than 
thirty-eight; while in Rome there were several com- 
munities each with its Archon, as appears from their 
epitaphs. At Rome, the archons were chosen in the 
month of Tishri, about the Jewish New-Year; in 
Berenice, probably during the Feast of Tabernacles. 
Besides those elected for a term, there were archons 
for life. The mere title was sometimes bestowed on 
women and children. 

It may be generally accepted that the functions 
of the Archon were the same as those that Strabo 
ascribes to the Alexandrian ethnarchs (Strabo, quoted 
by Josephus in "Ant." xiv. 7, § 2), and those dele- 
gated to the gerusia under Augustus: "He governs 
the nation, metes out justice to them, and takes 
care of their contracts and of the laws belonging to 

them." The archons conducted political affairs; 
while religious matters were managed by the heads 
of the synagogue, who, at the same time, might be 
archons. Yet the gerusia probably met at the syna- 
gogue, the court of which was the place for public 
distinctions adj udged by the gerusia (compare Philo, 
" Legatio ad Cajum," § 20). These archons must be 
distinguished from those of cities in Palestine organ- 
ized on the Greek plan ; as at Tiberias, for instance, 
where the Archon was the head of a Boule consist- 
ing of 600 members (Josephus, "Vita," §§27, 53, 54, 
57; idem, "B. J." ii. 21, § 3). 
Bibliography : Schurer, Qeseh. 3d ed., iii. 38-52. 
G- A. Btt. 

ARCTURtTS. See Constellation. 

ARDASHAR: Village in the government of 
Erivan, Transcaucasia, Russia, about 16 miles south- 
southeast from the capital of Erivan ; the site of the 
old Armenian capital Artaxata, or Artashat ; Artaxata 
is said to have been built for King Artaxias I. (189- 
159 B.C.), by Hannibal, 180 b.c. It was destroyed 
by Nero's army, and was restored by Artashes (85-127 
of the common era), who transplanted thither cap- 
tive Jews from Palestine. When the Persians des- 
troyed the city in 370, they took away as .prisoners 
40,000 Armenian and 9,000 Jewish families from 
Artaxata. See Armenia. 

Bibliography : Reaesty i Naclpisi, No. 1&5, St. Petersburg, 
1899; EntzUilopeiliclieslii Slorar, ii., s.v., St. Petersburg, 

H. R. 


Parthia, Jews op. 

ARDIT (t3H-|N) or ARDOT (D1T1K) : The name 
of a family that emigrated from Aragon to Turkey, 
where their descendants still live. The following 
members are known : 

1 . Abraham Ardit : Lived in 1483 at Barcelona. 

2. Ephraim Ardit: Lived in Smyrna; wrote, 
under the title "Matteh Ephrayim" (Ephraim's 
Staff), a commentary on Maimonides' "Mishneh 
Torah." It was published in 1791 at Salonica, to- 
gether with several of his responsa and sermons. 

3. Hayyim Abraham Ardit : A resident of 
Smyrna ; wrote additional notes to the work of his 
uncle, Ephraim Ardit (No. 2), and appended several 
sermons of his own. 

4. Hayyim Moses Ardit : Was in possession 
(at Smyrna) of a manuscript of Joseph Caro's " Re- 
sponsa," which collection was printed under the 
title " Abkat Rokel " in 1791 at Salonica, 2d edition, 
Leipsic, 1859, very probably at Ardit's initiative. 

5. Isaac Abraham Ardit : Possibly a son of 
No. 1 ; embraced Christianity, but retained the name 
of Ardit ("Rev. Et. Juives," iv. 59, 62). 

6. Isaac b. Solomon Ardit : Author of a vo- 
luminous commentary on the Talmudic treatise 
'Arakin (Salonica, 1823). 

7. Raphael Ardit : Wrote " Marpeh Lashon " 
(Healing for the Tongue), a commentary on the Tal- 
mudic treatise Shebu'ot, with an appendix contain- 
ing novelise to Maimonides' "Mishneh Torah" (Salo- 
nica, 1826). 

8. Raphael Solomon Ardit : A relative of 
No. 6, to whose commentary he added some notes. 





9. Solomon ben Jacob Ardit : Cabalist, of 
Smyrna. Wrote, under the title "Lehem Shelo- 
moh" (Solomon's Bread), a commentary on the 
Pentateuch; also novella?, etc., -which were pub- 
lished in 1751 at Salonica, together with the writings 
of Mei'r Bekkayam, who, before he died, set apart 
money sufficient to cover the expenses of printing. 
Solomon was also in possession of a manuscript of 
Nahmanides' novellas to the Talmudic treatise, Baba 
Mezi'a (Steinschneider, "Die Hebr. Handschriften 
der K. Bibliothek zu Berlin," i. 44). 

Ardot, with the prefix Cohen, is the name of a 
family which also migrated from Aragon, and 
among whose members were the following: 

10. Abraham Cohen Ardot : The learned son 
of Asher Cohen Ardot (No. 11 ) ; died 1634. 

1 1 . Asher Cohen Ardot : Great-grandson of 
Isaac Arama ; lived at Salonica in the first half of 
the seventeenth century ; died 1645. He was taught 
the Talmud by A. Brudo, and was instructed in 
other branches of Jewish learning by David ibn 
Shushan. Wealthy and learned, he presided over 
the Talmudic college at Salonica, and maintained a 
correspondence with several ■ learned rabbis of his 

12. Eleazar Cohen Ardot : A physician of the 
fourteenth century at Majorat . where he was on 
friendly terms • with Joseph Oaspi (Kayserling, 
"Gesch. der Juden in Spanienu-d Portugal," i. 168). 

13. Joseph Ardot was delegated by the com- 
munity of Alcaniz to the disputation with Gero- 
nimo de Santa Fe at Tortosa in 1413 (Ibn Verga, 
"Shebet Yehudah," fc? xl.). 

14. Meshullam ben Solomon Cohen Ardot : 
A contemporary of Solomon ben Adret; lived at 
Barcelona toward the end of the thirteenth century 
(Solomon Adret, "Responsa," i. No. 415 et seq.). 

15. Solomon Cohen Ardot : Lived about 1500 
at Arta. 

Bibliography: In addition to the authorities cited above, see 
Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl. No. 7119. 

g. M. K. 

BEN ISAAC: Spanish poet; flourished at Soria 
in the beginning of the fourteenth century. The 
name PX^ITIX has been wrongly transcribed as 
Androtil, Adrutil, Ardothiel. Steinschneider con- 
nects the name with Ardot; the ending "ial" hav- 
ing either a relative or a diminutive significance. 
Shem-Tob was the author of the following works : 
"Milhamot ha-'Am weha-Misparim " (Wars of the 
People and the Numbers), containing short liter- 
ary and poetical articles; "Ma'aseh," an ethical 
story, published in the collection " Dibre Hakamim," 
Metz, 1849; "Yam Kohelet" (Sea of the 'Preacher), 
a prayer of two thousand words, each of which 
begins with the letter D (mem) ; several piyyutim 
printed in the Mahzor according to the Spanish 
rite. Under the title " Mizwot Zemaniyot " (Tem- 
porary Injunctions), he translated into Hebrew an 
Arabic work of Israel Israeli of Toledo on the ritual, 
which is still extant in manuscript. 

Bibliography: Zunz, Z. O. p. 426; idem, Literaturgesch. 
p. 503; Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl. No. 7119; idem, Hebr. 
Vebers. § 547 ; Ha-Karmel, vi. 85. 
G. I. Br. 

AREKA. See Abba Abika. 

ARELIM. See Angelology. 

ARENDAR. See Randar. 

ARENDT, OTTO : German economist, author, 
and member of the Prussian Diet ; born in Berlin, 
Oct. 10, 1854. He graduated as Ph.D. from the 
Berlin University and soon entered on a literary 
career, identifying himself with the Ultraconserva- 
tive elements of Prussia. He was the foremost ad- 
vocate of bimetalism, protective tariffs, and of that 
policy generally the trend of which is toward pres- 
ervation of the quasi -feudal remnants of the Prussian 
State. So unswerving was his loyalty to the Con- 
servatives that he abandoned his religion, embraced 
Christianity, and sometimes employed anti-Semitic 
phraseology. Arendt was editor of the " Deutsche 
Wochenblatt " and the author of many works and 
pamphlets, of which the following may be men- 
tioned: (1) " Vertragsmassige Doppelwahrung " 
(1878) ; (2) " Deutschland's Internationale Bilanz " 
(1881); (3) "Restitution des Silbers" (1881); (4) 
" Wider Soetbeer " (1882) ; (5) " Borsensteuer " (1885) ; 
(6) "Ziele Deutscher Kolonialpolitik " (1886); (7) 
"Erhohung der Getreidezolle" (1887); (8) "Kaiser 
Friedrich und Filrst Bismarck" (1889); (9) "Leit- 
faden der Wahrungspolitik " (1893); (10) "Die Ur- 
sache der Silberentwerthung " (1899), etc. Some of 
these books went through several editions; the 
" Leitfaden " as many as seventeen. 

His wife, Olga Arendt, daughter of Lina Mor- 
genstern, was a teacher of elocution, and wrote: 
" Dramatisches Marchenbilderbuch" (1891); "Sylves- 
ternacht " (1893) ; second edition, 1900 ; and " Freund- 
schaftstag " (1894). 

Bibliography : Kurschner, Deutscher Literatur-Kalender. 
s. M. B. 

ARENS, LOUIS: Operatic singer (tenor); born 
in Mitau, Russia, March 23, 1865. He was educated 
at the Riga Gymnasium and studied music at the 
Imperial Conservatory of Moscow under the direc- 
tion of Tschaikovsky, graduating in 1890. Arens 
sang at the Imperial Opera of Moscow, in Berlin, 
Milan, Naples, Turin, and at the Theater Royal, 
Covent Garden, London (1894), where he has since 
given many concerts. He is author of "The- Quar- 
tet," a children's pantomime (for orchestra), and a 
song, " Die Erinnerung " (for tenor). 

Bibliography : Jewish Chronicle, December, 1899. 


YOM-TOB : Commentator on the Bible, lived in 
Safed and Salonica in the sixteenth century. He is 
author of the following books: "Imrot Eloah" 
(God's Sayings), homilies on the Pentateuch (Venice) ; 
" Wa'ad la-Hakamim"(The Assembly of the Wise), 
a commentary on the prayer-book (Venice); "Leb 
Hakam " (The Heart of the Wise), a commentary on 
Ecclesiastes (Constantinople, 1586); "Mizmor le-To- 
dah " (A Song of Thanks), a commentary on Ps. cxix. 
and the fifteen " Songs of Degrees " (Venice, 1576) ; 
" Sar Shalom " (The Prince of Peace), a commentary 
on Canticles (Safed, 1579); finally he published 




"Agudat Shemuel" (Samuel's Collection), consist- 
ing of extracts from his previously mentioned works 
(Venice, 1576). 

Bibliography : Cat. Bodl. col. 2408 ; Benjacob, Ozar ha- 
Sefarim, p. 7. 
g. M. L. M. 

ABET AS (in Aramaic nmn) IV.: Nabatasan 
king; reigned from 9 B.C. to 40 of the common 
era. His full title, as given in the inscriptions, was 
" Aretas, King of the Nabataeans, Friend of his Peo- 
ple." Being the most powerful neighbor of Judea, 
he frequently took part in the state affairs of that 
country, and was influential in shaping the destiny 
of its rulers. While on not particularly good terms 
with Rome — as intimated by his surname, " Friend 
of his People," which is in direct opposition to the 
prevalent <pAop£>iiawQ (" Friend of the Romans ") and 

Bronze Coin of Aretas IV. Philodeme of Nabathsea, with In- 
scription—. . . laaj iSd nm[n] . . . iw— "Aretas King of 
Nabathsea . . . Year ..." 

(After Vigouroux, " Dictionnaire da la Bible.") 

QMnaioap (" Friend of the Emperor") — and though it 
was only after great hesitation that Augustus recog- 
nized him as king, nevertheless he took part in the 
expedition of Varus against the Jews in the year 4 
b.c. (see Archelaus and Varus), and placed a con- 
siderable army at the disposal of the Roman general. 
It appears, however, that his relations with the Jews, 
or at least with the reigning family, became later 
more friendly; and Herod Antipas married his 
daughter. This marriage, however, led to a war 
between Aretas and Herod ; the latter having con- 
ceived a fatal passion for his sister-in-law, Herodias, 
and having repudiated his wife, thus aroused the 
hatred of the Nabataean king. Soon afterward there 
arose a quarrel between Aretas and Herod concern- 
ing the boundary of Gilead, which led to open war- 
fare. In a battle between the two armies, Herod 
Antipas was defeated, and would have been com- 
pletely overthrown but for the interference of Rome : 
it was against Roman interests to permit the spread 
of the power of Aretas. The emperor Tiberius 
commanded Vitellius, governor of Syria, to punish 
Aretas for his independent action. On account of 
the emperor's death (37), however, his order was 
never carried out. 

Aretas IV. is probably identical with the Aretas 
whose governor at Damascus attempted to imprison 
Paul the apostle while the latter was on his mission- 
ary journey (II Cor. xi. 32). Since in a parallel 
passage (Acts ix. 23 et seq.) the Jews of Damascus 
are mentioned as lying in wait for Paul, it is very 
probable that Aretas made the attempt to capture 
Paul at the request of the Jews. From this it fol- 

lows that the Jews must have been influential in 
the Nabatsean kingdom; otherwise the Nabataeans 
would have been careful to avoid any interference 
with Paul, who was a Roman citizen. 

Bibliography : A. von Gutschroid, in Euting, Nahataische 
Inschriften, p. 84, Berlin, 1885 ; Rchurer, Gesch. i. 617-619, 
and the bibliography cited; Paul Ewald, in Bealenciiclop. 
filr Protest. Thebloffie, 3d ed., i. 795 et seq.; Wilcken, in 
Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encvclopttdie, s.v.; and the commen- 
taries upon the New Testament passages quoted. 
g. L. G. 

ARGENS, MAROUIS D\ See Mendelssohn, 

tural Colonies in America, Buenos Ayres. 

ARGOB : 1 . A district in Bashan which was taken 
from Og by the Jews (Deut. iii. 4), and together with 
the district of Gilead, was handed over to the half- 
tribe of Manasseh (Deut. iii. 14). One account of the 
renaming of the land is given in Deut. iii. 15, and 
another in Judges x. 3, 5. The latter account is to 
be preferred, since Deuteronomy speaks of Havoth 
Jair and Argob as identical, and it is known from 
I Kings iv. 13 that Havoth Jair was in Gilead. The 
district of Argob has not been located accurately, but 
a steady line of tradition points to the modern Leja, 
known to the Romans as Trachonitis, which is the 
word the Targums use in translating Argob. The 
land is of lava formation and very rocky ; it is sepa- 
rated sharply from the surrounding fertile lands by 
a line of rocks and stones. This fact may explain 
the term, "cord of Argob." 2. A place or a person 
mentioned in II Kings xv. 25. The passage is very 
obscure. Rashi holds that Argob was the royal pal- 
ace. Others consider that the name refers to an ac- 
complice of Pekah in the murder of Pekahiali. Still 
others are of opinion that Argob was an officer of 
Pekahiah who, with his master and one Arieh, was 
assassinated by Pekah. 

Bibliography: Buhl, QeograpMe des Alten PaUtstina, p. 118. 
j. jr. G. B. L. 

ARIA, LEWIS: Merchant and philanthropist; 
died at Portsea in 1874. Of a Sephardic family, he 
was trained to business and devoted the fortune he 
made during a long career to the foundation of a 
theological college for the training of Jewish youth 
for the ministry. This was established at Portsea 
and has turned out several Jewish ministers. By a 
curious provision of the will, preference is to be 
given to candidates for admission that have resided 
in Hampshire, the county in which Portsea is situ- 
ated. The incumbent of the post of principal of 
Aria College is Rev. I. S. Meisels. 

Bibliography : Jacobs, Jewish Year-Bnok, 5661. 

J . 

ARIANISM : A heresy of the Christian Church, 
started by Anus, bishop of Alexandria (d. 336), who 
taught that the Son is not equivalent to the Father 
(dfiooimoc = consubstantialis), thereby provoking a se- 
rious schism in the Christian Church, which in turn 
affected the fortunes of the Jews in many countries. 
In view of the fact that most Germanic peoples- 
such as the eastern and western Goths, as also the 
Franks, the Lombards, the Suevi, and the Vandals— 




were baptized into Arian Christianity, and that 
these tribes settled in widely spread districts of the 
old Roman empire, a large number of Jews, already 
resident in those lands, fell under Arian domination. 
In contrast with the domination of the orthodox 
church, the Arian was distinguished by a wise toler- 
ance and a mild treatment of the population of other 
faiths, conduct mainty attributable to the unsophis- 
ticated sense of justice characterizing the children 
of nature, but also traceable in some degree to cer- 
tain points of agreement between the Arian doctrine 
and Judaism, points totally absent in the ortho- 
dox confession. The very insistence upon the more 
subordinate relationship of the Son — that is, the 
Messiah — 'to the God-father is much nearer to the 
Jewish doctrine of the Messiah than to the concep- 
tion of the full divinity of the Son, as enunciated 
at Nicrea. This, the Germanic form of Arianism, 
which deviates essentially from the Egyptian- 
Syriac, is hardly more Jewish than it is heathen 
(Helferich, "Der West-Gothische Arianismus," p. 
16, Berlin, 1860; " Monatsschrif t, " ix. 117, 1860). 
Still, Borozus of Sardica, about the year 390, was 
accused of " Judaizing" (" Dionysius,"ed. Benedict, 
ii. 11, 68). To the Catholic Gregory of Tours ("Hist. 
Franc. " v. 43) the Arian bishop Agila replied : " Blas- 
pheme not a doctrine which is not thine. We on our 

part, although we do not believe what 

Among ye believe, nevertheless do not curse it. 

tlie For we do not consider it a crime to 

Goths. think either thus or so." "To such 

noble sentiment," remarks Helferich 
(ib. p. 50), "the Jews owed the humane treatment 
which they received at the hands of the West-Gothic 
Arians." But the laws of the Visigoths ("Lex Visi- 
gothorum," Madrid, 1815), formulated under Rec- 
cared (584) and his successors', when the tribes had 
become converted to Catholic Christianity, give evi- 
dence of a most bitter feeling against the Jews; and 
the enactments for the persecution of Israel present 
a striking picture, strongly contrasting with the 
former happy circumstances of the Jews in the em- 
pire of the Visigoths of Spain and France, while 
these Visigoths were still Arians. The Jews were 
not then the downtrodden people which the harsh 
and exceptional laws of the Roman Christian em- 
peror made of them. In Spain they formed a dis- 
tinct nation beside Goths, Romans, Syrians, and 
Greeks (enumerated in the " Concilium Narbonense," 
iv.), and as such were in the main upon exactly the 
same footing as all others. Indeed, the ruling Visi- 
goths may have preferred the Jews to the Catholics, 
for the latter were politically Romans, and confes- 
sionally adherents of the Nicene Creed (Gratz, "Die 
West-Gothische Gesetzgebung," p. 6), while from 
the former they had to fear neither political enmity 
nor the fanaticism of the conversionist. Marriages 
between Arian Christians and Jews were not infre- 
quent (compare canon xvi. of the Synod at Elvira, 
Hefele, " Conciliengesch. " i. 162); and it appears 
that the Jews exercised some sort of jurisdiction over 
the Catholics (Helferich, ib. p. 6), although Hel- 
ferich's supposition that the Catholics were openly 
opposed by the allied Arians and Jews has been 
amply disproved by Felix Dahn (" Die KOnige der 
Germanen," vi. 413, 2d ed.). 

The Ostrogoths were similarly disposed, and, upon 
t-heir attainment to power in Italy, they treated the 
Jews there according to the laws of justice and 
equity. The golden words of Theodoric the Great 
are familiar: "We can not command religion, for 
no man can be compelled to believe anything against 
his will." As clearly appears from his decrees, the 
religion of the Jews was certainly no less odious to 
the Arian king than was the Catholic; but his duty 
as king demanded that he should treat his Jewish 
subjects as human beings. Theodoric's decrees in 
favor of the Jews are, therefore, not the outcome of 
his Arianism, and appertain to the general history 
of the Jews rather than to the subject of this article. 
The persecutions of the Jews by the Catholics in 
Milan, Genoa, and Ravenna are, however, in so far 
connected with the religious circumstances of the 
country, that the Catholics thereby designed to re- 
venge themselves for their own oppression by the 
Arians. The enmity between both Christian parties 
was so great that King Theodoric is said to have 
harbored the design, at the instigation of a Jew, to 
uproot Catholicism in Italy with the sword. A 
fanatical source calls Triva, the propositus cubiculi 
(captain of the dormitory) of the emperor, "a 
heretic and a friend of the Jews " (Sar- 
Theodosius. torius, "De Occup. Provinciarum Ro- 
man, per Barbaross." p. 108; Dahn, 
ib. ii. 201). The Arian creed no doubt contributed 
somewhat to the fact that Theodoric's successor, 
Theodosius, maintained a Jewish sorcerer (Proco- 
pius, " De Bello Ad v. Gothos. " i. 9). It is no wonder, 
therefore, that in 537 the Jews sided with their pro- 
tectors, the Ostrogoths, in their courageous defense 
of Naples against the besieging armies of the Roman 
emperor (Jost, "Gesch. der Israeliten," v. 57; Gratz, 
" Gesch. d. Juden," v. 50). A senseless story has it 
that the Jews fought against the Arian Christians at 
the Battle of Pollentia, on Easter, 403, being urged 
thereto by Stilicho, the opponent of Alaric. This 
legend owes its origin to the fact that the general of 
Honorius happened to be named Saul, although he is 
expressly stated (see " Orosius," vii. 37) to have been 
a heathen (Jost, "Geschichte der Israeliten," v. 330; 
J. Bernays, "Gesammelte Abhandlungen," ii. 128, 
n. 48, Berlin, 1885). On the other hand, the Jews 
took an active part in the defense of the town of 
Aries in Gaul, possession of which, in 508, was dis- 
puted with the Visigoths by Clovis, king of the 
Franks, who had become a Catholic (Jost, ib. v. 48). 
They also successfully defended for the Visigoths 
the passes of the Pyrenees against the hostile Franks 
and Burgundians (deduced from " Concilium Tole- 
tanum," xvii. 6; Gratz, "Gesch." v. 72). 

The legislation of the Arian Lombards made no 
distinction between Jews and non-Jews. Further 
than this nothing is known of the history of the 
Jews among them; nor is there any information 
concerning the life of the Jews in North Africa 
under the Vandals, who were likewise Arians, and 
who treated the Catholics with great severity (Dahn, 
" Westgothische Konige," i. 251). In the speech of 
Augustine, Jews, heathens, and Arians were equally 
abused (" Concio ad Catechumenos Contra Judaeos, 
Paganos, et Arianos " ; " Sitzungsberichte der Wiener 
Academie," 1889, cxix. 63); but this speech, from 




"which some information of earlier times might have 

been gleaned, is, unfortunately, no longer extant. 

Bibliography : Helferich, Westgothiseher Arianismus und 
die Spanische KetzergescliicMe, 1860; Gratz, Die West- 
gothUche Gesetzgebung in Betreff der Juden, 1858, In 
Jahresbericht des Jild. Theologischen Seminars in Breslau. 

K. S. Kr. 


rano litterateur ; flourished in the latter part of the 

seventeenth century. He belonged to the literary 

coterie of Joseph Penso, the dramatist, and held a 

high commission in the Spanish army at Brussels. 

He attained the rank of captain and was at one 

time adjutant to Colonel Nicolas Oliver y Pullano. 

He is heard of in Brussels and in other Dutch cities 

as the companion of the poet De Barrios. He is 

better known, however, from his translation into 

Spanish of Josephus' "Contra Apionem," which 

appeared in Amsterdam, 1687, under the title, 

"Repuesta de Josepho Contra Apion Alexandrino, 

Traduzida por el Capitan Joseph Semah Arias." 

The translation was dedicated to Isaac Orobio de 

Castro,' and was printed with the approbation of 

Isaac Aboab de Ponseca. 

Bibliography: Gratz, Gesch. der Juden, 3d ed., x. 181; Kay- 
serling, Sephardim, pp. 253, 351 ; idem, Bilil. Esp.-Port.-Jud. 
p. 13. 

H G. E.— G. 


Spanish priest and Orientalist ; born in 1527 at Frese- 
enal, Estremadura; died 1598 at Seville. Philip 
II. entrusted him with the editing of the Polyglot 
Bible which was printed in Antwerp (1568-1572) 
under the title, "Biblia Sacra, Hebraice, Chaldaice, 
Grace, et Latine, Philippi II., Regis Catholici Pie- 
tate et Studio ad Sacrosancta? Ecclesia? Usum Chph. 
Plantinus Excudebat. " Arias was accused of Judai- 
zing, on account of his insertion in the Polyglot of 
certain Aramaic paraphrases tending to confirm the 
Jews in their claims ; but he was acquitted of the 
charge through a favorable report on the matter 
by the inquisitor, P. Mariana (1580). He translated 
Benjamin of Tudela's "Masa'ot" into Latin (1575, 
1636, 1764), and was the author of " Antiquitatum 
Judaicarum " (published, with engravings, in Ley- 
den, 1593), and many other works. 

Bibliography : McClintock and Strong, Cijclopedia, s.v.; La 
Grande Encyclopedie, s. v.; Tomas Gonzalez Carbajol, in Me- 
moires de VAcademie Royale de Madrid, vii. ; Herzog- 
Hauck, RealencyKlopildie, s.v. Montanus. 

g. T. S. 

ARIEL— Biblical Data : 1. Proper name of a 
man (Ezra viii. 16). The name is recognizable in the 
name of the Gadite clan Areli(Gen. xlvi. 16; Num. 
xxvi. 17, Ariel in LXX.), and occurs also in II Sam. 
xxiii. 20, R. V., and in I Chron. xi. 22, R. V. The 
text is corrupt. LXX. in Samuel has " two sons of 
Ariel"; Targ. "two mighty men." Proposed emen- 
dations are: "two lions (or, lion whelps)" or "two 
sons of Uriel." The reference may be to persons or 
to beasts. Form and meaning are uncertain. Sug- 
gested interpretations are: "lion of God," or,, by 
change of vowel, "light of God," or "God is my 
light. " 2 . Poetic name for Jerusalem (Isa. x xi x . 1 , 2, 
7), variously explained (Targ. " altar "). The illustra- 
tion in verse 2 (" Ariel . . . shall be unto me as Ariel, " 
the city shall reek with blood, like an altar) suggests 

that the second "Ariel" equals "altar" or "altar 
hearth " ; so probably in Ezek. xliii. 15, 16, and in the 
inscription of Mesha, line 12. Por a proposed sense, 
" cresset " or " candelabrum, " see note on Ezek. xl. 49 
in "Sacred Books of the O. T." (ed. Haupt). The 
etymology of the word is uncertain, possibly mx, 
"hearth," with ■> formative. The name of the city 
will then be an imitation of the name " Jerusalem " 
(perhaps properly Urushalem, " city of Shalom "), 
" city of God " (Uriel or Uruel). It is otherwise in- 
terpreted as " altar-hearth of God " ; that is, the place 
devoted to the worship of God. 
j. jr. T. 

In Rabbinical Literature : The name Ariel 

(" Lion of God ") was applied not only to the altar 
(Targum, Isa. xxix. 1), but also to the whole Temple. 
The Talmud (Mid. iv. 7) points out that the Temple 
— that is, the Hekal — resembled a lion in being 
broad in front and tapering toward the rear. Con- 
cerning the name Ariel, a Midrash remarks that the 
Temple is called "lion" (Isa. I.e.), and so also is the 
house of David (Ezek. xix. 2-7) and Judah (Gen. 
xlix. 9). Nebuchadnezzar, likewise, is called " lion " 
(Jer. iv. 7) ; and it was this lion that destroyed the 
Temple, deposed the house of David, and carried 
Judah into captivity (Ex. R. xxix. 9). 
j. sr. L. G. 

op Arimath^a. 

ARIOCH— Biblical Data : 1. King of Ellasar, 
one of the four kings who invaded Palestine in the 
days of Abraham (Gen. xiv. 1, 9) . The style of the 
chapter in Genesis is such as to make it probable that 
the narrative, though embellished, rests on some his- 
torical tradition. Midrash Gen. R. xlii. seeks to iden- 
tify Arioch with Yawan (changed by the censor into 
Antiochus), and remarks further that coins the name 
of which bore some resemblance to the name Ellasar 
were still in circulation. It is now, however, gener- 
ally held that Arioch, king of Ellasar, is identical 
with Eri-aku, king of Larsa, found in cuneiform in- 
scriptions, though it should be added that no ac- 
count of Eri-aku's campaign has as yet been discov- 
ered, so that only the identity of the two names 
can be maintained with certainty. We know that 
Eri-aku was conquered by Hammurabi, the Amra- 
phel of Gen. xiv. 1, and that he became a vassal to 
him. The ruins of Larsa cover the site known as 

Bibliography : Schrader, K. A. T. 2d ed., p. 135, Eng. ed., 
p. 121 : Hommel, Ancient Hebrew Tradition, index, s.v. Eri- 
ahu ; Jensen, In Z. D. M. G. 1. 247 et seq. 

2. Captain of Nebuchadnezzar's guard, men- 
tioned in Dan. ii. 14, 15. 

3. A king of the Elymeseans (Elamites) in alli- 
ance with Nebuchadnezzar (Judith i. 6). 

j. jr. C. B. L. 
In Rabbinical Literature : In Arioch of El- 
lasar the Midrash finds an indication of the fate of 
the Jews under Antiochus Epiphanes [Arioch being 
construed as Antioch(us)] (Gen. R. xlii. 4). In the 
other Arioch, "the captain of the king's guard" 
(Dan. ii. 14), the Rabbis recognize Nebuzaradan, 
who was given this name because he roared like a 
lion (HK) against the captured Jews (Lam. R. v. 5; 




the reason for the identification is found in II Kings 
xxv. 8, which offers a parallel to Dan. ii. 14). It 
may be mentioned that the amora Samuel is often 
called by the name of Arioch (Shab. 53«, and else- 
where), which, however, is derived from the Old 
Persian arjak ("ruler "). 

J. SR. L. G. 

ARISTAI (abbreviated form of ARIST-ffiUS): 

A Palestinian scholar of the third amoraic generation 
(third century) ; colleague of R. Samuel b. Naiiman. 
The latter, commenting on Gen. xix. 24, " The Lord 
rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone 
and fire from the Lord out of heaven, " remarks : " Wo 
unto the wicked who cause the seat of mercy to be- 
come a place of punishment! For inPs. cxlviii. 1-6, 
David exhorts, 'Praise ye the Lord from the heav- 
ens, ' and does not mention either fire or hail or brim- 
stone as included in the heavens. Our colleague, R. 
Aristai, confirmsour view by citing Ps. xcvi.6, 'Hon- 
or and majesty are before Him : strength and beauty 
are in His sanctuary ' " (Tan. , Wayera, ed. Buber, 
23). R. Aristai reports the following observation of 
R. Berechiah in reference to the Iladrianic persecu- 
tions : " Isaiah cries unto the Lord, 'Let thy dead live ' 
(Isa. xxvi. 19), meaning ' those who have died for 
thee.' One man has been crucified; why? because 
he circumcised his son ; another has been burnt ; why ? 
because he kept the Sabbath ; a third was slain ; why ? 
because he was found studying the Torah. God's 
answer is: (Isa. I.e.) ' My dead shall arise ' " (Tan., ed. 
Buber, p. 19; Bacher, " Ag. Pal. Amor." hi. 660). 
j. sr. S. M. 

Jewish history mentioned in Eusebius, "Prsep. Ev." 
ix. 25, who quotes from Alexander .Poly histor's col- 
lection of fragments, a passage from a work of Aris- 
teas (in many manuscripts " Aristaios "), entitled Kepi 
'lovdaiuv, which contains the history of Job almost 
as it is given in the Biblical narrative, but offers much 
that is noteworthy in regard to the names of per- 
sonages. Job's original name was " Jobab " ; that is, 
Aristeas identifies Job with the Jobab mentioned in 
Gen. xxxvi. 33, a great-grandson of Esau. He bases 
his identification on the fact that Eliphaz recurs in 
the generations of Esau in Gen. xxxvi. 10, 11 ; that 
his appellation "Temanite" (Job ii. 11) is found in 
Gen. xxxvi. 11, 34; that Job's dwelling-place, Uz, is 
suggested by Gen. xxxvi. 28; and that Zophar oc- 
curs at least in Septuagint of Gen. xxxvi. 11, 15. In 
point of fact, the author of Job simply borrowed the 
names from Genesis. Now, in the Septuagint " ad- 
ditions " to Job, which agree almost word for word 
with Aristeas, are found the same substitutions; Jo- 
bab stands for Job, Uz is placed in Idumea, and Job's 
friends are called kings. If the " addition " to Gen. 
xxxvi. 33, 'Iu/3a/5 vibe Zapa e/c Boaoppac, designates 
Job's parents, mistaking the last name for that of 
his mother, it enables us to remedy an error, not of 
Aristeas, but of Alexander (tov 'Raav yr/uavra Baaaapav 
ev E&ju yevvijaai 'Iu/3) (Preudenthal, p. 138). Freu- 
denthal holds it for certain that the author of the 
" additions " made use of Aristeas. Possibly the re- 
verse is more likely, that the translator supplemented 
his work with these "additions," as he himself says, 
ck Tijc Tiupiaxnc fiipVwv, from the Syriac, and that they 

were used by Aristeas. For, in the first place, all 
uncial manuscripts contain the "additions," and we 
have no tradition that any one has ever denied that 
they belonged to the Septuagint (Field, "Hexapla," 
ii. 82); secondly, Freudcnthal (p. 137) points out that 
when the translator, in Job ii. 11, makes Job's 
friends kings, in opposition to the original text, he 
takes a liberty similar to many which appear in the 
"additions of the Septuagint." 

Aristeas' era must be placed between the time of 
the translation of Job and the epoch of Alexander 
Polyhistor, probably, therefore, in the second cen- 
tury. Aristeas' work bears no relation to the Letter 
of Aristeas, although the author of the letter very 
probably borrows his name from the historian. 

Bibliography : The text of his work is given by C. Milller, Fraq- 
menta HMorienrum Qrmcorum, iii. 230; Freudenthal, Al- 
exander PolyhMor, 1875, p. 231, compare pp. 136-143; 
Schiirer, Geseh. 4th ed., iii. 356, 357. 

K. P. W. 

ARISTEAS, LETTER OF : In the guise of a 
letter to a brother Philokrates, " Aristeas " writes . 

" By the advice of Demetrius Phalereus, chief librarian of Ptol- 
emy Philadelphus, the king decided to include in his library a 
translation of the Jewish Lawbook. To secure the cooperation 
of the high priest Eleazar at Jerusalem, Aristeas advises him to 
purchase and set free the numerous Jews who had been sold 
Into slavery after his father's campaign against them (312) . He 
sends Andreas, a captain of his body-guard, and Aristeas, laden 
with rich presents, and entrusted with a letter, asking Eleazar 
to send him seventy-two elders to undertake the translation. 
The envoys see Jerusalem, inspect the Temple and the citadel, 
and admire the high priest and his assistants at their service in 
the sanctuary ; they are instructed, moreover, by Eleazar in the 

deeper moral meaning of the dietary laws, and 

Contents return, with the seventy-two elders, to A lexan- 

of the dria. The king receives the Jewish sages with 

Letter. distinction, and holds a seven-day banquet, at 

which he addresses searching questions to 
them daily, always receiving appropriate answers. The wis- 
dom of their replies, though it seems to the modern reader 
rather trivial, arouses general astonishment. Three days after 
the feast, Demetrius conducts the sages to the island of Pharos, 
where in seventy-two days of joint labor they complete their 
work. Demetrius reads the translation aloud in a solemn assem- 
bly of the Jewish congregation ; it Is accepted and sanctioned 
by them, and any change therein officially forbidden. The 
king, to whom the translation is also read, admires the spirit of 
the Law-giver, and dismisses the translators with costly gifts." 

The author of this letter declares himself (§ 16) a 
heathen ; as such, in §§ 128, 129, he asks Eleazar con- 
cerning the purport of the Jewish dietary laws ; and 
in § 306 consults the translators about the meaning 
of the ceremony of washing the hands before prayer 
(see Schurer, ii. 444, note 57). But it is universally 
recognized that in point of fact his panegyrizing tend- 
ency towai'd Judaism throughout shows him to be a 
Jew (Kautzsch, "Die Apokryphen,"i. 16); it is also 
certain that he can not have lived in the time of Phila- 
delphus. However important and reliable his gen- 
eral information may be concerning Egyptian affairs, 
government, and court-ceremonial in the times of the 
Ptolemies (Wilcken, in " Philologus," iii. Ill), his his- 
torical statements about the time of Philadelphus are 
unreliable. In § 180 he changes Philadelphus' defeat 
at Cos into a victory ; he does not know that Deme- 
trius was banished on the accession of 
Errors in Philadelphus, or that the latter's mar- 
the Letter, riage with his sister was childless (§§ 
41, 185) ; he transplants the philosopher 
Menedemus arbitrarily to the court of the Ptolemies 
(§ 201), and lets the historian Theopompus and the 




tragedian Theodektes relate incredible stories to De- 
metrius (§§ 314, 315). Of Theodektes, who died before 
333 B.C., Demetrius can scarcely have had cognizance. 

Opinions about the date of the letter vary consid- 
erably. Schtlrer (" Geschichte des Jildischen Volkes 
im Zeitalter Jesu Christi," ii. 468) assigns it to about 
200 b.c. He bases his opinion upon the acknowledged 
use made of the letter by Aristobulus, but Aristobu- 
lus' time is also a matter of divergent opinion (see 
Aristobulus). Schilrer thinks that in every aspect 
the letter presupposes the situation before the con- 
quest of Palestine by the Seleucids (Syrians), when it 
stood in a state of lax dependence on Egypt. But 
this can not be proved ; Palestine appears to have 
been in no way dependent upon Egypt. The high 
priest is represented as an independent ruler, with 
whom the king of Egypt negotiates as with an inde- 
pendent sovereign. He maintains a strong garrison 
in the citadel,* and gives the translators military es- 
cort (§ 172). 

Although the title of king is not mentioned, Philo, 
who reproduces closely the contents of the letter, does 
speak of fiaaiXevs. Schilrer has to allow that if the 
period of the letter is conceived to be that of the 
Hasmonean independence, it is superfluous to sug- 
gest the hypothesis of " an artificial reproduction of 
bygone circumstances. " And in truth, 
The there are many indications pointing to 

Question the later Maccabean times. Can it be 

of Sate, only chance that the names Judas, Si- 
mon, and Jonathan appear three times 
each, and Mattathias once, among the names of the 
translators (§§ 47 et seq.)">. The names Sosibius and 
Dositheus (§§ 12, 50) are borrowed probably from 
Philopator's minister and from the Jewish general. 
It is also extremely probable that Aristeas borrows 
even his own name from the Jewish historian Aris- 
teas, of whose work, Hepl 'lovdaiov, a fragment exists 
in Eusebius' "Prreparatio Evangelica," ix. 25). Ex- 
amination of the parallelism with the verbal usages 
of the Septuagint cited in the index to Wendland's 
edition of Aristeas' letter will show by the multi- 
tude of the resemblances that the letter was written 
at a period in which the translation of the whole 
Bible (not only that of the Law) had already exerted 
wide influence. Of special importance, however, is 
a passage in the prologue to Jesus Sirach, wherein 
the latter's grandson excuses the imperfections of 
his translation by stating that the Greek translation 
of the Law, the Prophets, and the other books varies 
considerably from the original Hebrew. If the Greek 
translation had still enjoyed, in the year 130 (when 
the translation of Sirach was probably made), that 
esteem which Aristeas (according to Schilrer, seventy 
years earlier) presupposes, such condemnatory criti- 
cism could not have been offered to Egyptian Jews. 
All of this is testimony in favor of the later Macca- 
bean age ; and the possession of Samaria and parts 
of Idumea by the Jewish state (§ 107) proves the era 

* Nothing concerning tbe date can be learned from the de- 
scription of the citadel. It is certain only that it lay north of 
the Temple. Schiirer (in private correspondence) takes it to be 
the tower mentioned in Neh. ii. 8, vii. 2 ; Josephus, " Ant." 
xii. §§ 133, 138 ; II Mace. Iv. 12, 27; v. 5 ; while Wendland under- 
stands it to be the large building Oip's) built by the Hasmo- 
neans, also north of the Temple. Schiirer (p. 470) is right in 
holding that the mention of the harbors proves nothing. 

to have been at least the time of John Hyrcanus. 
One can, therefore, readily understand how it is that 
Alexander Polyhistor was unacquainted with the 
work, if written in the first century b.c. That it was 
written before the invasion of Palestine by Pompey 
(63) and the loss of Jewish independence can not be 
doubted. These facts are sufficient to contradict the 
theory advanced by Gratz ("Gesch. der Juden," iii. 
379, 582) that it was written in the time of Tiberius. 
The fact that, according to Aristeas (§ 301), the 
island of Pharos was built upon and inhabited, gives 
a definite date against Gratz, for according to Strabo, 
xvii. 6, Pharos remained waste and desolate after 
Caesar's war. The k/jQaviarai, "informers," men- 
tioned by Aristeas (§ 167), whom Gratz imagines 
to be the Roman delators, are mentioned in early 
papyri of the Ptolemies. The visit which, in Aris- 
teas (§ 304), the translators pay every morning of 
their seventy-two working days to the king, does 
not necessarily refer to the "salutatio matutina" of 
the Roman imperial court. This detail may well 
have been founded upon the court ceremonial of the 
Ptolemies, about which we know little, but which, 
as we learn from Aristeas himself (§ 175), was very 
elaborate. Nor does Gratz prove convincingly that 
Aristeas' description of the Temple and of the cita- 
del refers to the Herodian Temple and the Antonia. 
That the author lived in Egypt has been mentioned ; 
and it accounts for the rather superficial influence of 
philosophy upon him. His references to the Epi- 
curean doctrine of pleasure (§§ 108, 223, 277), the 
recommendation of the fisTpwrradeia — 
Its Philos- restraint of the passions — (§ 197), and 
ophy Only many parallels to Greek proverbial 
Common- wisdom, never rise above the plati- 
place. tudes and commonplaces of an ordi- 
nary education. When Aristeas says 
(§ 132) that God's power reveals itself in everything, 
because His dominion fills the whole world (com- 
pare § 143), only strong prejudice would discern 
the conception of intermediary beings, or would in- 
terpret, as applied to " angels, " the various attributes 
applied to God really only in their Biblical con- 
ceptions (Gfrorer and Dahne). To consider Aristeas 
the disciple of an Alexandrian school of philosophy 
is to do him too much honor. When he deems that 
the heathens pray to the one God, only under other 
names (§ 16), and interprets the dietary laws in the 
fashion of the allegorical Midrash, he shows simply 
how attenuated his Judaism has become. And if 
one fancies Biblical resemblances are to be detected 
in the sayings of the translators, doubt is awakened 
by their superficial conception, or by coincident re- 
semblance to Greek proverbial wisdom, showing only 
how every characteristic and national feature had be- 
come reduced to vagueness. 

The legend which forms the framework of the 
book has attained great importance in the Christian 
Church. However much the Jewish writer's fancy 
may have given itself play in its embellishment— as, 
for instance, in the quasi-legal style of the reports 
of the deliberations, and in the clumsy imitations of 
the accustomed forms of dinner-table philosophy- 
still the legend in its main features may easily have 
reached Aristeas through the channel of popular 
tradition. The threefold cooperation of king, high 

Aristobulus I. 



priest, and Palestinian sages, and especially the sol- 
emn sanction of the Greek translation, have for their 
sole objects the legitimation of the version, and the 
obtaining for it of equal authority with the original 
text. Philo, who otherwise follows Aristeas, goes 
beyond him in attributing divine inspiration to the 
translators, and in making them by divine influence 
produce an identical translation, and in calling them 
prophets ("Vita Mosis," ii. 7). This exaggeration 
must be considered simply as a popular develop- 
ment of the legend, and Philo's regard in his ex- 
egesis for the translation as a holy text testifies to 
the general appreciation in which it was held. When 
the use of the Septuagint in the synagogue service 
speedily surrounded it with an atmosphere of sanc- 
tity.pious belief easilyaccommodateditself to amyth, 
the material and form of which closely resembled the 
familiar legend of the restoration of the holy books 
by Ezra under divine inspiration ; a legend which is 
found for the first time in IV Esdras, but which is 
certainly far older. The Christian Church received 
the Septuagint from the Jews as a divine revelation, 
and quite innocently employed it as a basis for Scrip- 
tural interpretation. Only when Jewish polemics 
assailed it was the Church compelled to investigate 
the true relationship of the translation 

Influence to the original. Origen perceived the 
of insufficiency of the Septuagint, and, in 

Aristeas. his "Hexapla," collected material for 
a thorough revision of it. But the leg- 
end long adhered closely to the Septuagint and was 
further embellished by the Church. Not only were 
" the Seventy " (the usual expression instead of Sev- 
enty-two) credited with having translated all the Sa- 
cred Scriptures instead of the Law only (according 
to Epiphanius, a whole mass of Apocrypha besides), 
but the miraculous element increased. At one time 
we are told the translators were shut up in seventy 
cells in strictest seclusion (pseudo-Justin and others) ; 
at another, in thirty -six cells, in couples. Epiphanius 
in his work, " De Mensuris et Ponderibus " (written 
392), furnishes the most highly elaborated and most 
widely accepted form of the story. The legend be- 
came a weapon in the battle which was waged around 
the Bible of the Church ; the " inspired " Septuagint 
was not easily surrendered. The rigid orthodoxy 
of the fourth century, which resulted in the ruin of 
all knowledge in the Church, did not scruple to set 
this legend in its crassest form in opposition to the 
promising beginnings by Origen of a proper Bib- 
lical text criticism, and so to arrest the latter com- 
pletely at the start. Only Jerome, who as a philol- 
ogist understood the value of Origen's work, made 
use of his material, and in the Vulgate preserved 
for the Western Church this most precious legacy, 
exercising, consistently with his usage, a rational 
criticism upon the legend. 

Thus Aristeas plays a great, even a fateful, role 
in the Church. The varying opinions as to this leg- 
end very often reflect dogmatic views about the 
Bible in general, and the understanding, or the 
misunderstanding, of his critics concerning textual 

Bibliography : Various editions : The ed. princeps of the 
Greek text, by S. Schard, Basel, 1561, upon which all subse- 
quent editions are based. M. Schmidt's ed. in Merx, Archiv 
f. WtesenschaftUrhe Erforschung des A. T. (Halle, 1868), 

241-312; Ar intern ad Philocratem Epistula, cum Ceteris de 
Oriuine Vertsioiiis LXX Interpretum cum Testimoniis ex 
L. Mendctxsiiluiii Schedti, ed. P. Wendland, Leipsic, 1900. 
Schmidt depends mainly upon one Paris manuscript, but Men- 
delssohn compared all manuscripts extant. Wendland's index 
shows the importance of Aristeas for the study of Hellenistic 
Greek, by comparison with the LXX, with inscriptions, papyri 
in the Ptolemaic age, and Polybius. Paragraph references in 
the above article are those in Wendland's edition. Wend- 
land, German translation with introduction, in E. Kautszch, 
Die Apoltrjiphen und Pseudepigraphen des A. T. ii. 1- 
81, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1899. Other literature is quoted by 
Schilrer, Qesch. des Judischen Volkes, 3d ed., in. 470. 

T. P. W. 


Christian apologist ; lived about the middle of the 
second century. He is described by Jerome as having 
been a most eloquent man. Both the author and his 
work — a defense of Christianity addressed to the 
emperor, Antoninus Pius — are, so to speak, new dis- 
coveries. Beyond a brief notice of Aristides and his 
"Apology" by Eusebius ("Hist. Eccl." iv. 3; id. 
"Chron. Ann." 2140), he remained until recently 
entirely unknown. Some Armenian fragments of 
the " Apology " had been published, in 1878, when, in 
1891, Harris surprised the learned world with a 
complete Syrian text of the work ; and at the same 
time Robinson pointed out the interesting fact that 
in "Barlaam and Josaphat" the Greek text of the 
" Apology " had been almost wholly preserved. 

The " Apology " which he presented to the Emper- 
or Hadrian between the years 123 and 126, is of great 
interest, not only for the early history of Christianity, 
but also for Judaism. For Aristides is one of the few 
Christian apologists, of ancient or modern times, who 
strive to be just to the Jews ; and this not alone con- 
cerning their monotheistic faith — which he charac- 
terizes as the true one — but also as regards their re- 
ligious practises, of which he remarks : " They imitate 
God by the philanthropy that prevails among them ; 
for they have compassion on the poor, release the 
captives, bury the dead, and do such things as these, 
which are acceptable before God and well-pleasing 
also to man " (Syrian text, xiv.). The only thing to 
which he takes exception is that their ceremonial 
practises do not propitiate God — whom they wish to 
serve by them — but the angels (I.e.). 

This complaint against the Jews is not made from 
actual observation of their life, but rests solely on a 
theory borrowed from the New Testament (Col. ii. 18; 
Gal. ii. 8, 10), and the New Testament Apocrypha 
Kr/pvynaUhpov; see Clement of Alexandria, "Strom." 
vi. 41). What Aristides defends so ably and so elo- 
quently in his " Apology " is not specifically Chris- 
tian doctrine, much less dogmatic Christianism, but 
the moral side of the religion, which, according to 
his own words, represents an excellence not to be 
denied to Judaism likewise. Aristides seems to be 
strongly influenced in his apologetics by the Jewish 
" Didache " ; and his argument for monotheism (see 
chaps, i., ii., iii.) recalls the favorite Jewish Hagga- 
dot touching the conversion of Abraham to the time 
faith (see Abraham in the Apocrypha and in 
Rabbinical, Literature). Directly or indirectly, 
Aristides must have learned of these traditions. His 
remarks upon the religious life of the Jews in Greece 
in his time (ch. xiv.) are interesting: he states that 
they do not observe the ceremonial laws as they 
should. These remarks perhaps refer to the results 
of the edict of persecution issued by Hadrian, when 



Aristooulus I. 

the Jews were compelled to transgress the Jewish 
ceremonial laws. 

Bibliography : Harris and Robinson, in Texts and Studies, i. 
1 ; Raabe, in Texte und Untersucliungen, ix. 1 (German 
translation of the Syriac version) ; Seeberg, in Zahn's For- 
schungen, v. 159 et seq.; contains a German translation ol the 
reconstructed Greek original ; D. M. Kali, English transla- 
tion, in Ante-Nicene Fathers, ix. 259 et seq.: Harnack, in 
BeaUncyklopddie fUr Protestantisclie Theol. 3d edition, ii. 
46 ; see also Otto, Corpus Apologetorum, ix. 342. 
k. L. G. 

ARISTO OF PELLA (in the Decapolis) : A 
Christian controversialist who wrote against Juda- 
ism in the second century (135-170). He is the au- 
thor of a '' Dialogue Between Jason and Papiscus. " 
The former is supposed to be a Jewish Christian, 
the latter an Alexandrian Jew. So overcome is the 
latter by his antagonist's arguments, that in the end 
he becomes a con vert to Christianity. This dialogue 
was a favorite in the third century ; " was known to 
almost everybody in the year 500 " (Harnack, " Texte 
und Untersuchungen," i. 3 et seq.); and still existed 
in the sev- 
enth cen- 
tury, but it 
has now 
ed. Al- 
this dia- 
logue is 
in great 
part in the 
similar Lat- 
in composi- 
tion, "Al- 
tercatio Si- 

monis Judaei et Theophili Christiani," it is im- 
possible for any one to form a correct idea of its 
contents. It probably contained the information, 
attributed to Aristo by Eusebius, that by the pro- 
hibition of Hadrian the Jews were not permitted to 
touch the soil of Jerusalem (" Historia Ecclesiastica," 
iv. 6). It is also interesting to notice that Jerome 
claims to have read in the dialogue, that in the 
Hebrew text, Gen. i. 1, these words are to be found : 
"Through His son, God created heaven and earth" 
("QusestionesHebraeicffiLibri Genesis, "i. 1, and com- 
mentary to Gal. iii. 13). This alleged Hebrew text, 
as Ginzberg explains, is nothing but an exegetical 
mistranslation of the first word in the Targum 
(fllMrn, "with wisdom " = Adyoc). 
Bibliography : Harnack, as above ; Zahn, Forschungen, pp. 
308 et seq.; Corssen, Altercatio Slmonis et Theophili; Har- 
nack, Geschichte AltchrMl. Lit. (1893), i. 72 et seq.; and 
Ginzberg, Die Haggada h. d. Kirchenvdiern, p. 3 ; compare 
Otto, Corpus Apotoqetorwm, ix. 349 et seq. 
T. L. G. 

ARISTOBTJXTJS I. (called Judah in Hebrew): 
King of Judea, eldest son of John Hyrcanus ; born 
about 140 B.C. ; died 104. He succeeded his father 
in the office of high priest, while his mother (or, 
according to Wellhausen, his stepmother) was, by 
the will of his father, to rule as queen. Immedi- 
ately after the death of his father, Aristobulus 
threw his mother into prison, where she was starved 
to death ; and to secure himself against further dan- 

Copper Coins of Judas Aristobulus. 
Obverse: Olive wreath, round (S'Trd'fi lam Sn; jm mw) \-i -aniSi SjjnDn iini ( 
High Priest, and the Confederation of the Jews"). Reverse: Two cornua-copiae 
middle a poppy-head. 

(After Madden, " HiBtory of Jewish Coinage.") 

ger from his family, he imprisoned three of his 
brothers. Then he ascended the throne, and became 
the first Jewish king after the Babylonian exile— an 
interval of nearly five hundred years. 

Aristobulus was not content with the mere title 
of king, but endeavored, in the brief period of his 
reign, to prove himself worthy of his position. He 
made war on Iturea, subjugated a large portion of 
the people, strove to convert them to Judaism, and 
forced circumcision upon them. This fact, which 
Josephus derives from Timogenes, a heathen writer, 
admits of no doubt, although it is not known exactly 
what territory of the Itureans was conquered for 
Judea by Aristobulus. 

Successful as was his public, career, Aristobulus 
was extremely unfortunate in his family relations. 
Being of feeble health, he gradually came under the 
complete control of a clique, at the head of which 
stood Alexandra Salome, the queen. Through its 
machinations, he was led to suspect his favorite 

— whom he 
had en - 
t r u s t ed 
with a 
share in 
the govern- 
ment, and 
whom h e 
treated al- 
most as a 
coregent — 
o f designs 
him, and 
was finally 

induced to order his execution, though unwit- 
tingly, it is claimed. After this deed Aristo- 
bulus is said to have been seized with such bitter 
remorse at having caused the death 
Palace of his mother and brother, that he 
Intrigues, broke down completely and died of 
grief, 104 B.C. If the account of Jose- 
phus concerning the family history be true, Aristobu- 
lus is the darkest figure in the Hasmonean dynasty ; 
but not much credence can be attached to this portion 
of his narrative, by reason of the amount of legend 
that has gathered about it. It must be observed 
that it was out of regard for the Pharisees that he 
used only Hebrew inscriptions upon his coinage, 
and caused himself to be represented upon it as a 
high priest, because according to the Pharisees only 
a member of the house of David could legitimately 
hold the throne. Although strongly inclined toward 
Hellenism himself, he was careful, even in such 
comparatively small matters, not to offend the Phar- 
isees; it is therefore highly improbable that he 
should have risked their certain antagonism by the 
murders imputed to him. See articles Alexandra 
Salome and Antigonus, Son of John Hvecanus. 
Bibliography : Josephus, Ant. xiii. 11 ; Eusebius, Historia 
Ecclesiastica, Eng. ed., v. 353, 385, 386 ; Gr&tz, Gesch. der Ju- 
den, 2d ed., ii. 102-105 ; Hitzig, Gesch. des Jildischen Volkes, 
ii. 473-475; Sehttrer, Gesch. i. 216-219; Wellhausen, I. J. G. pp. 
275, 276. For chronology, compare Niese, in Hermes, 1893, pp. 
216 et seq. ; and for coins, Madden, Coins of the Jews, pp. 81-83. 
g. L. G. 

in the 

Aristobulus II. 
Aristobulus of Paneas 



ARISTOBULUS II. : King of Judea ; born about 
100 B.C.; died 49b.c. Ho was the youngest son 
of Alexander Jannseus, whose political and religious 
predilections he inherited, while his elder brother, 
Hyrcanus II. , seems to have leaned to the side of 
his mother. Although he had no rightful claim to 
the throne, he entertained designs upon it, even dur- 
ing the life of his mother. He courted the nobles 
and military party by constituting himself the patron 
of the Sadducees and bringing their cause before 
the queen. The many fortresses which the queen 
placed at the disposal of the Sadducees, ostensibly 
for their defense against the Pharisees, constituted in 
reality one of the preparatory moves of Aristobulus 
for the usurpation of the government. 
Supports The queen sought to direct his mili- 
the Sad- tary zeal outside Judea, and sent him 
ducees. (70-69) against Ptolemy Menncei ; but 
when the undertaking failed, Aristo- 
bulus resumed his political intrigues. He left Jeru- 
salem secretly and betook himself to his friends, who 
controlled the largest number of fortified places, with 
the intention of making war against his aged mother. 
But the queen, died at the critical moment,, and he 
immediately turned his weapons against his brother 
Hyrcanus, the legitimate heir to the throne. The 
war resulted in victory for Aristobulus. After a 
reign of three months, Hyrcanus abandoned the royal 
title in favor of his brother, in return for which Aris- 
tobulus allowed him the unlimited use of his sources 
of revenue. 

This easily acquired peace did not long endure. 
Hyrcanus was prevailed upon by Antipater to in- 
duce Aretas, king of Arabia, to make war against 
Aristobulus. In consequence of the victory of Are- 
tas, added to the abandonment of Aristobulus by 
the Pharisees — the most powerful party in Jerusa- 
lem — who had gone over to Hyrcanus, Aristobulus 
was compelled to withdraw to the Temple Mount. 
The distressing siege which followed, about which 
most wonderful stories are told (see Honi ha-Me' ag- 
gel and Hyrcanus II.), led to no decisive result. 
A third party — Rome — was therefore called in to 
unravel the complicated situation, and the effects of 
this intercession proved not only inju- 
Appeal to rious to the brothers, but in the end 
Rome. brought about the destruction of the 
Jewish state. At that time (65) Pom- 
pey had already brought under subjugation nearly 
the whole of Asia, and had sent his legate, Scaurus, 
to Syria, to take possession of the heritage of the 
Seleucids. Ambassadors from both the Judean par- 
ties waited upon Scaurus, requesting his assist- 
ance. A gift of four hundred talents (three hun- 
dred, according to some) from Aristobulus turned 
the scale in his favor. Aretas was notified to aban- 
don the siege of the Temple Mount. Aristobulus was 
victorious, and Hyrcanus retained but an insignifi- 
cant portion of his power. The victorious brother 
had even the satisfaction of avenging himself upon 
Aretas; as the latter was withdrawing with his 
forces from Jerusalem, Aristobulus followed and in- 
flicted severe losses upon him. But the spirit which 
he had conjured could not easily be laid, and the 
favor of the Romans, to which he had looked with 
so much confidence, soon became a factor in Jewish 

politics which worked most detrimentally against 
himself. When Pompey appeared in Syria (64), 
affairs took a turn quite different from the an- 
ticipations of Aristobulus. The golden vine, valued 
at five hundred talents, which Aristobulus presented 
to Pompey, and which excited the admiration of 
the Romans even in later generations, had no effect 
upon him ; and when, in the year 63, the still hostile 
brothers, as well as delegates of the people's party, 
who desired the complete abolition of the Hasmo- 
nean dynasty, appeared before him, he refused to 
give any immediate decision. He had at that time 
contemplated the utter destruction of Jewish inde- 
pendence. Aristobulus saw through 
Aristobulus the aims of the Roman general, but al- 
and though powerless to offer effective re- 
Pompey. sistance, his pride did not permit him 
to 3'ield without a show of opposition. 
He left Pompey in a burst of indignation, and betook 
himself to the citadel of Alexandrion. Pompey fol- 
lowed liim and demanded the surrender of all the 
forts. Aristobulus capitulated, but straightway pro- 
ceeded to Jerusalem to prepare himself for resistance 
there. When he saw, however, that Pompey pressed 
on against him, his courage failed him, and he came 
to the general's camp, and promised him gold and 
the surrender of Jerusalem if hostilities were sus- 
pended. But promises alone were of no avail with 
Pompey. He detained Aristobulus in the camp, and 
sent his captain Gabinius to take possession of the 
city. The war party in Jerusalem refused to sur- 
render, and Aristobulus was made prisoner by, Pom- 
pey, who proceeded to besiege the city. The capture 
of Jerusalem and of the Temple Mount, which fol- 
lowed, ended the independence of Judea as well .as 
the reign of Aristobulus. In the triumph celebrated 
by Pompey in Rome (61), the Jewish prince and high 
priest was compelled to march in front of the chariot 
of the conqueror. The Pharisees saw in this circum- 
stance a just punishment for the Sadducean proclivi- 
ties of Aristobulus (see the apocryphal Psalms of 
Solomon i. and ii.). But a severer fate even than 
captivity was in store for this descendant of the 
Hasmoneans. In the year 56, he succeeded in es- 
caping from prison in Rome, and, proceeding to 
Judea, stirred up a revolt. He was recaptured by 
the Romans and again taken to Rome. In 49 he 
was liberated by CaBsar, and sent at the head of two 
legions against Pompey in Syria, but on his way 
thither was poisoned by friends of the latter. 

Bibliography : Josephus, Ant. xill. 16, §8 1-6 ; xlv. 1, §8 1-4 ; 6, 
§ 1 ; 7, 8 4 : B. J. 1. 5, 88 1-4 ; Dion Cassius xii. 18: Ewald, 
History of the People, of Israel, Eng. ed., v. 393-404 ; Gratz, 
Geseh. tier Juden, lil. 128, 133, la5, 141-148 ; Hitzig, Gesch. 
des Volltes Israel, ii. 430-500: Schilrer, Oeseh. i. 331-343; 
Wellhausen, I. J. O. 384-387. 

g. L. G. 

ARISTOBULUS III.: Last scion of the Hasmo- 
nean royal house ; brother of Mariamne and paternal 
grandson of Aristobulus II. He was a favorite of 
the people on account of his noble descent and hand- 
some presence, and thus became an object of fear to 
Herod, who at first sought to ignore him entirely by 
debarring him from the high-priesthood. But his 
mother, Alexandra, through intercession with Cleo- 
patra and Antony, compelled Herod to remove Ananel 
from the office of high priest and appoint Aristobu- 



Aristobulus II. 

Aristobulus of Paneas 

lus instead. To secure himself against danger from 
Aristobulus, Herod instituted a system of espionage 
over him and his mother. This surveillance proved 
so onerous that they sought to gain their freedom by 
taking refuge with Cleopatra. But their plans were 
betrayed, and the disclosure had the effect of greatly 
increasing Herod's suspicions against his brother in- 
law. As he dared not resort to open violence, he 
caused him to be drowned while he was bathing in 
Jericho (35 B.C.). 

Bibliography : Josephus, Ant. xv. 2, §§ 5-7; 3, §§ 1-3 ; Schiirer, 
Gesch. i. 395. 
g, L. G. 

ARISTOBULUS : Youngest brother of Agrip- 
pa I.; son of Herod's son Aristobulus; flourished 
during the first half of the first century. He was 
left an infant, together with his two brotneis, 
Agrippa and Herod, when his father was executed 
(7 B.C.). He married Jotape, the daughter of Samp- 
sigeram (D'UCDtJ'), king of Emesa (Josephus. " Ant. " 
xviii. 5, § 4). With his brother Agrippa he lived 
on bad terms ; and when the latter came to the court 
of Flaccus, the governor of Syria, to find refuge 
after his escapades at Rome, Aristobulus managed 
to cause his banishment. Flaccus had been appealed 
to as judge in a dispute between the inhabitants 
of Damascus and those of Sidon concerning their 
boundary. The Damascenes, it appears, bribed 
Agrippa to intercede on their behalf with his patron. 
This intrigue was discovered by Aristobulus, who 
forthwith disclosed it to Flaccus; as a consequence 
Agrippa was bidden to leave the court (" Ant. " xviii. 
6, § 3). Aristobulus made an eloquent and success- 
ful plea also before Publius Petronius (40), the gov- 
ernor of Syria, against the erection of Caligula's 
statue at the Temple of Jerusalem ("Ant." xviii. 8, 

G .. H. G. E. 

ARISTOBULUS : Son of Herod the Great and 
Mariamne the Hasmonean; born about 35 B.C. ; died 
7 B.C. Both he and his elder brother Alexander, 
by reason of their Hasmonean origin, were educated 
by Herod as successors to his throne ; and for that 
purpose were sent to Rome (23 B.C.). Upon their 
return to Jerusalem (18 B.C.) they became an eye- 
sore to the anti-Hasmonean faction at court. Herod's 
sister Salome, and brother Pheroras, who had been 
instrumental in the execution of Mariamne, were 
particularly apprehensive lest the two princes should 
succeed their father, as they would undoubtedly 
take vengeance upon the murderers of their mother. 
To prevent this, attempts were made at estranging 
the princes from their father by means of calumnies. 
Herod tried to discredit the evil rumors; and, to 
fasten the ties of affection, he procured distinguished 
alliances for both sons, Aristobulus being married 
to Berenice, the daughter of Salome. 

This, however, failed to put an end to Salome's 
intrigues; and Herod, at last, was induced to recall 
to court Antipater, his repudiated son by Doris. 
Seizing his opportunity, Antipater straightway be- 
gan, by means of hypocrisy, slander, and flattery, 
to supplant Aristobulus and Alexander in the esteem 
of their father, and ere long became the likeliest 
successor to the throne. Being sent to Rome, in 
II.— 7 

order to gain the favor of Augustus, he continued 
thence to calumniate his brothers; so persistently 
that Herod at last resolved to arraign them before 
the emperor. Meeting Augustus at Aquileia, the 
capital of the province of Venetia (12 B.C.), he 
charged his sons with contemplated parricide. Au- 
gustus, convinced of their innocence, effected a rec- 
onciliation. Owing, however, to the ceaseless in- 
trigues of Antipater, Salome, and Pheroras, and the 
strange relation of Glaphyra and Berenice, the posi- 
tion of the two brothers became more and more pre- 
carious. Finally, a number of the princes' followers 
were tortured into a public admission of the exist- 
ence of a plot against the king's life. The real de- 
sign of Aristobulus and Alexander was to flee for 
protection to the court of Archelaus. Herod suc- 
ceeded in securing permission from Augustus to con- 
vene, at Berytus, a council, including C. Sentius 
Saturninus, the governor of Syria, to sit in judg- 
ment on the accused princes. The council, consist- 
ing of 150 of Herod's trusted friends, gave no oppor- 
tunity of defense to the accused, who were detained 
in a neighboring village, Platana, and condemned 
them to death. Alexander and Aristobulus were 
brought to Sebaste and strangled in the year 7 B.C. 
Their bodies were taken for burial to Alexandrium, 
the burial-place of their maternal ancestors. 

Bibliography: Josephus, Ant. xvi. ; idem, B. J. i. 33-37; 

Scourer, Gesch. i. 336 et xeq. 

o. H G. E. 

Peripatetic philosopher; lived in the third or second 
centur}'B.c. The period of his life is doubtful, Ana- 
tolius (270) placing him in the time of Ptolemy Phiia- 
delphus (third century b.c), Gercke in the time of 
Philometor II. Lathyrus (latter part of second century 
b.c; see Pauly-Wissowa's " Realencyklopadie der 
Klassischen Alterthumswissenschaft," iii. 919) ; while 
more reliable testimony indicates that he was a con- 
temporary of Ptolemy Philometor (middle of second 
century b.c; see Schiirer, "Gesch." iii. 384). He 
is the author of a book the exact title of which is not 
certain, although there is sufficient evidence to prove 
that it was an exposition of the Law. Eusebius 
("Praep. Ev." viii. 10, xiii. 12) has preserved two 
fair-sized fragments of it, in which are found all 
the quotations from Aristobulus made by Clement. 
In addition, there is extant a small passage concern- 
ing the time of the Passover festival, quoted by Ana- 
tolius (Eusebius, "Historia Ecelesiastica," vii. 32, 

Following are the contents of the fragments of Aristobulus ex- 
tant. In the first fragment he discourses, at the " king's " sug- 
gestion, on the anthropomorphic expressions in the Bible, and 
shows that they do not conflict with his previous definitions of the 
nature of God (Eusebius, " Prap. Ev." viii. 10). 
The Extant Interpreting these expressions in their true 
Fragments sense (*uaucSs), and not mythically, one can 
of Aristobu- but admire Moses' wisdom, from whom indeed 
lus' Work, philosophers and poets have learned ^rnuch. 
" God's hand " means God's might. " God's 
resting " denotes the maintenance of the order of the universe. 
God's "coming down " to give the Law (Ex. xix. 18) was not a 
descent in a physical sense, but expresses God's condescension 
in sending down His law; the fire on the mountain, which burned 
but consumed nothing; the trumpet-sounds without human 
instruments («>.), are outward manifestations of the Divine 

Power (Svvafi.L<;) . 

Aristobulus of Paneas 
Aristotle in Jewish Literature 



The second fragment (" Praep. Ev." xiii. 12) deduces from 
certain previous discussions (no longer extant) that both Plato 
and Pythagoras drew upon a translation of the Mosaic Law be- 
fore the time of Demetrius of Phalerus (and this before the 
Septuagint ; Aristeas, 8 311, also refers to an older transla- 
tion) . God's creative " words " are stated to denote simply His 
activities. Similarly, Pythagoras, Socrates, and Plato, when they 
claim to hear " the voice of God," mean this creative power. 
Then follows, in testimony of the Geia SvVap.19, the spurious 
Orphic quotation, in which the Stoic idea of God's permeating 
the world (v. 11, Abel) is especially remarkable (fragm. 6, Abel). 
The u quotation " is taken from the spurious poems of the forger 
Hecateus (Schiirer, ib. iii. 453 et seq.), as many resemblances 
indicate, but is considerably elaborated. Thus in fragm. 10, Abel, 
Aristobulus eliminates the original's pantheistic idea ; in v. 11, 12, 
he substitutes for the inscrutability of God the Platonic concept 
of the knowledge of God through the vovt, reason, and inter- 
polates this idea also in v. 40. In v. 13 et seq. he reverses the 
deduction of " evil " from " God." V. 14 should read <h)t<ks Se 
«' epis, as in the Theosophy of Aristokritos. Against Schiirer's 
putting Hecateus in the third century B.C. is to be remarked, 
as Elter has pointed out, that v. 8 of the .<Eschylus quotation «ai 

■ a Trrjyri Ka'i voaroq (TvaTr\iLa.Ta. is identical With Ezekie], in EUSe- 
blUS, " PrEep. Ev." ix. 29, 13, irvjyai re naaai /cat voarutv crucrTijuaTa. 

Since Ezekiel connects this verse with Ex. viii. 19, it must be 
said to have originated with him; and, therefore, Ezekiel's drama 
would also have to be placed in the third century before Chris- 
tianity, along with pseudo-Hecateus ! This agrees with Aratus' 
pantheism (in the discussion of which Aristobulus admits that 
he has substituted God for Zeus), which he adopts in order to 
show that God's power penetrates and permeates all things. 
Reverent conceptions of God are demanded by all philosophers 
and especially by >? «a0' ai'peo-is, "our school," by which he 
no doubt means Judaism, not Peripatetic philosophy ; for he im- 
mediately points out the earnest inculcation of virtue by the 
Jewish law. 

In the next excerpt in Eusebius, the meaning of the Sabbath 
(c/3Sojllt7> is discussed, designated also as the first day. The 
Sabbath is, as it were, the birthday of light and also of wisdom, 
for out of wisdom comes all light. Quite similarly to this, Peri- 
patetic philosophers call wisdom a light (or lamp), and Solomon 
(Prov. viii. 22) teaches the existence of wisdom before creation. 
God's resting on the seventh day does not denote idleness, but 
the stable order of the universe ; so the results of the creative 
acts do not signify the mere temporal results, but the lasting 
value of the creations. The e/356p.7j (Sabbath) has also its deeper 
significance, because the human " Logos," called the €/35o/no?, is 
its symbol. The number "seven," moreover, exerts great in- 
fluence upon the development of living beings and plants. 
Verses (genuine as well as spurious ; see Schiirer, ib. p. 461) 
from Homer, Hesiod, Linos, attest its holiness. When Homer 
says, €/35o/xaT7) 5' rjol Kiiro^v poov tff 'AxepovToy, he means that 
through the Aoyos as e'060^09 man frees himself from forgetful- 
ness and from the wickedness of the soul, and attains to a per- 
ception of truth. 

It is to be supposed that Aristobulus was familiar 
with the abstract Platonic and Aristotelian idea of 
God. This conception necessarily implies a special 
Divine Power, acting on the world and in the world. 
In addition to this he makes use of the Pythagorean 
doctrine of numbers. The statement that he belonged 
to the Peripatetic school may be ascribed to the fact 
that, in xiii. 12, 10, he cites from a Peripatetic source 
(Schiirer, p. 387). Taking into consideration again 
his reference to Orpheus and other poets, it is seen 
that he was an eclectic, the first partial approach to 
which is to be met with in Posidonius (Ilepl k6o/m>v), 
in the first century B.C., but which can not be traced 
to an earlier date (see Alexandrian Philosophy). 

The desultory style of the work of Aristobulus, 
and the intentionally obscure and mystical mode of 
expression, offer considerable difficulty to the reader. 
This is not to be attributed to those who quote from 
it, but to the author himself, and has frequently led 
to grave misconceptions. 

A further examination of the works attributed 
to Aristobulus confirms the suspicion as to their genu- 

ineness aroused by their eclectic character. The ex- 
change of thought between the king — who sug- 
gests the problems — and the Jewish scholar on the 
Torah is quite impossible. But if it is as fictitious 
as the reputed colloquy between the king and the 
"Seventy," narrated by Aristeas, a contemporary 
of Philometor can not have been its author, as also 
the pseudo-Orphic poetry in Aristobulus shows. A 
somewhat shorter and more original form of the 
same has been preserved among a large number of 
forgeries, all traceable to one source, the pseudo- 
Hecatseus, named by Clemens on first quoting him. 
This Orphic fragment (" De Gnomologiorum Graeco- 
rum Historia atque Origine," parts v.-ix. ; Program 
of Bonn University, 1894-95) betrays a strong resem- 
blance to the Sibylline Books (Abel, 23. 24; John, 
i. 18). That Aristobulus made use of Philo — a refer- 
ence to whose works is the only means of rendering 
intelligible many of the passages — has been pointed 
out by Elter (" Sp. " 229-234). Grounds for doubting 
Schiirer's belief that the literary forger 
Quotations Hecatams flourished in the third cen- 
Probably tury b.c. are given in the "Byzan- 
Spurious. tinische Zeitschrift, " vii. 449, and the 
belief is expressed that Hecatasus and 
Aristobulus belong to the second century of the com- 
mon era. The name of Aristobulus may have been 
taken from II Mace. i. 10. Schlatter's suggestion 
that the commentator of Ecclesiasticus derives his 
philosophy from Aristobulus ("Das Neugefundene 
Hebraische Stuck des Sirach," pp. 103 el seq., Gilters- 
loh, 1897) is not convincing, for the agreement be- 
tween them exists only in opinions which can not 
with certainty be ascribed to Aristobulus. Most his- 
torians, however, adhere to Schiirer's view. 

Bibliography : For the list of writers upon this topic, see 
Schiirer, Geseh. 3d ed., iii. 391, 392. 

a. P. W. 


the Greek who most impressed his influence upon the 
development of the Jewish mind, Aristotle is one of 
the few Gentiles with whom Jewish legend concerns 
itself. Some 200 years b.c, the Jewish philosopher 
Aristobulus, made the positive assertion that Jewish 
revelation and Aristotelian philosophy were identical. 
Hardly had 200 years elapsed before this opinion 
was modified to such an extent that it was claimed 
that Aristotle derived his doctrine directly from Ju- 
daism. Josephus on this point says (" Contra Api- 
onem," ii. 17): "I do not now explain how these no- 
tions of God are the sentiments of the wisest among 
the Grecians, and how they were reared upon the 
principles that he [Moses] afforded them." Of Aris- 
totle himself Josephus has preserved ("Contra Api- 
onem," i. 22) a very interesting passage from the 
writings of Clearchus, the pupil of Aristotle, the au- 
thenticity of which is maintained by such authorities 
as Lobeck, Bernays, von Gutschmid (" Kleine Schrif- 
ten, " i v. 578), and Theo. Reinach (" Textes d' Auteurs 
Grecs et Romains Relatifs au Judaisme," 1895, pp. 
10-12). This passage, prefaced by the remark of Jo- 
sephus, is as follows: 

" In his first book on Sleep he relates of Aristotle, his master, 
that he had a discourse with a Jew ; and his own account was 
that what this Jew said merited admiration and showed philo- 



Aristobulus of Paueas 
Aristotle in Jewish Literature 

sophical erudition. To speak of the race first, the man was a 

Jew by birth and came from Coelesyria [Palestine]. These 

Jews are derived from the philosophers of 

Fragment India. In India the philosophers call them- 
of selves Kalanl, and in Syria Jews, taking their 

Clearchus. name from the country they Inhabit, which is 
Judea ; the name of their capital is rather di- 
fficult to pronounce : they call it Jerusalem. Now this man, who 
had been the guest of many people, had come down from the 
highland to the seashore [Pergamus] . He was a Greek not only 
In language, but in soul ; so much so that, when we happened to 
be in Asia In about the same places whither he came, he conversed 
with us and with other persons of learning In order to test our 
wisdom. And as he had had intercourse with a large number 
of sages, he imparted to us more knowledge of his own." 

This is Aristotle's own account as recorded by Clear- 
chus, and he adds more specific observations regard- 
ing his great and wonderful fortitude in diet and 
continent mode of living. Obviously it was the Jew's 
strict observance of the dietary laws that struck Ar- 
istotle. Gutschmid (pp. 579-585) thinks that the Jew 
here spoken of is the same wonder-working magician 
(exorcist; see Josephus, "Ant." viii. 2, § 5) who, by 
some sort of hypnotism, drew the soul out of the 
body of a sleeping child and brought it back again 
with his rod in the presence of Aristotle (Proclus, 
Commentary on Plato's Republic, x.), which part 
of the narrative Josephus intentionally omitted. 

In the circles where the antagonism of Judaism 
and Hellenism was known and understood, Aristotle 
was reported by tradition to have said : " I do not 
deny the revelation of the Jews, seeing that I am 
not acquainted with it ; I am occupied with human 
knowledge only and not with divine" (Judah ha-Levi, 
"Cuzari," iv. 13; v. 14). But when Aristotelian- 
ism became harmonized with Judaism 
Regarded by Maimonides, it was an easy step 

as a Jew. to make Aristotle himself a Jew. Jo- 
seph b. Shem-Tob assures his reader 
that he had seen it written in an old book that Aris- 
totle at the end of his life had become a proselyte 
("ger zedek"). The reputed statement of Clear- 
chus is repeated by Abraham Bibago in the guise of 
the information that Aristotle was a Jew of the tribe 
of Benjamin, born in Jerusalem, and belonging to 
the family of Kolaiah (Neh. xi. 7). As authority for 
it Eusebius is cited, who, however, has merely the 
above statement of Josephus. 

According to another version, Aristotle owed his 
philosophy to the writings of King Solomon, which 
were presented to him by his royal pupil Alexander, 
the latter having obtained them on his conquest of 
Jerusalem. "With this legend of Alexander is asso- 
ciated the celebrated " Letter of Aristotle " to that 
monarch. Herein Aristotle is made to recant all his 
previous philosophic teachings, having been con- 
vinced of their incorrectness by a Jewish sage. He 
acknowledges as his chief error the claim that truth 
is to be ascertained by the reasoning faculty only, 
inasmuch as divine revelation is the sole way to 
truth. This " letter " is the conclusion of an alleged 
book of Aristotle, " two hands thick, " in which he 
withdraws, on the authority of a Jew, Simeon, his 
views with regard to the immortality of the soul, to 
the eternity of the world, and similar tenets. The 
existence of this book is mentioned for the first time 
about 1370 by Hayyim of Briviesca, who expressly 
declares that he heard from Abraham ibn Zarza that 
the latter received it from the vizir Ibn al-Khatib (d. 

1370). He does not state whether this apocrypha 
was written in Arabic or Hebrew ; the Hebrew " Let- 
ter," as received, does not appear like a translation. 
It is safe to assume with Hayyim, that the Simeon 
mentioned was none other than Simeon the Just, 
about whose supposed relations to Alexander the 
Great the oldest Jewish sources give us informa- 
tion (Yoma, 69a; see Alexander the Great). 
Identical with this letter is the prayer of Aristotle 
which the Polish Bahurim had in their prayer-books 
during the sixteenth century (Isserles, Responsa No. 
6; ed. Hanau, 10a. 

A second " Letter " by Aristotle to Alexander con- 
tains wise counsel on politics; he advises the mon- 
arch that he must endeavor to conquer the hearts, 
and not simply the bodies, of his subjects (preface 
to " Sod ha-Sodot "). See Samter, " Monatsschrift," 
(1901) p. 453. 

The essay entitled " The Apple, " also ascribed to 
Aristotle, is tinged with a similar tendency. In it 
Aristotle refers to Noah and to Abraham, " the first 
philosopher." It was these spurious writings of Ar- 
istotle which gained for him the esteem of the caba- 
lists, as evidenced by the very flattering utterances 
of Moses Botarel (Commentary on "Yezirah," 26J). 
The story of the love-affair between Aristotle and 
Alexander's wife, in which the former comes off very 
badly — current in the Middle Ages (see Peter Al- 
fonsi, "Disciplina Clericalis, " vii.) and originating 
in a Hindoo fable (see "Pantschatantra,"ed. Benfey, 
ii. 462) — was also told in Jewish circles, and exists in 
manuscript by Judah b. Solomon Cohen (thirteenth 
century), in Spirgati's catalogue, No. 76 (1900), p. 18. 

Bibliography: Abraham Bibago, Derek Emuna, p. 46; Aza- 
ria de Rossi, Meor 'Enayim, ed. Benjacob, p. 236 ; Gedaliah 
ibn Yahyah, ShaUhelet ha-lyahhala, ed. Warsaw,1889, pp. 139, 
140, under the beading of IJaltme Yawan ; Steinschnelder, 
Hebr. Uehers. i. 229-273, contains an almost complete list of 
the pseudo-Aristotelian writings ; Modlinger, Hayye Aristo. 
Vienna, 1883 ; A. J. Glassberg, Zihron Berit, pp. 280, 281. 

k. L. G. 


One thousand years after his death, Aristotle, as his 
pupil Alexander had aforetime done, began to con- 
quer the East, and finally ascended to the supreme 
rulership of the entire realm of medieval thought. 
Many writings of the Stagirite were translated from 
their Greek originals or from their Syrian versions 
into Arabic (especially by the Nestorian Christian 
Honein ibn IshSk [809-873], and his son Ishak), in 
which language they were eagerly studied by Jews 
in all Arabic-speaking countries. Aristotle's influ- 
ence upon Jewish thinkers, however, varied in dif- 
ferent ages. Abraham ibn Daud (1160) was the first 
Jewish philosopher to acknowledge the supremacy 
of Aristotelianism. Earlier thinkers unquestionably 
were acquainted with Aristotle's philosophy, but 
the systems of Plato and other pre-Aristotelian phi- 
losophers then held the field. From Abraham ibn 
Daud until long after Maimonides' time (1135-1204), 
Aristotelian philosophy entered and maintained the 
foreground, only again to yield its position gradu- 
ally to Platonism, under the growing influence of 
the Cabala. 

Aristotle's name is found in the scanty details that 
have been handed down of the philosophy of David 
al-Mokammez (about 920), whom the Karaites include 

Aristotle in Jewish Literature THE JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA 


in their sect (see Pollak, "Halikot Kedem," p. 73; 

"Orient," 1847, pp. 630 e t seq. ■ and judah Barzilai, 

" Yezirah-Commentar, " ed. Berlin, pp. 65 el seq. ). For 

Mokammez, as also for Isaac Israeli (who died about 

950), Aristotle is always " the philosopher " par c.rcel- 

hnee (Steinsclmeider,"Hebr. Uebers." p. 391). Saadia 

Gaon (933) displays a minute acquaintance with the 

Stagirite's writings, though the name of Aristotle is 

not to be found in his works. But it is not his custom 

to mention his authorities, and he is 

Saadia familiar, for example, with Aristotle's 

and definition of space and adopts it. In 

Gabirol. the third chapter of the first book of the 
" Emunot " he protests vehemently 
against the Aristotelian cosmology. He here omits 
the name of the Stagirite with evident intention, 
being unwilling to give the name of the philosopher 
who, claiming the existence of the world from eter- 
nity, opposes the Biblical account of Creation. In 
order to counteract the spreading influence of the 
Aristotelian theory of Creation, he is most careful to 
elucidate its weak points. But all these polemics do 
not hinder Saadia, whose philosophy is indeed of an 
eclectic nature, from accepting the Aristotelian defi- 
nition of the soul as his own ("Emunot," iii. 5); his 
indebtedness to Aristotle's book, Tlepl fvxvs, betray- 
ing itself clearly in his "Treatise on the Soul." 

It can be shown that Saadia does not disclose a 
very accurate knowledge of Aristotle in those works 
that precede his "Emunot," traces of Aristotelian 
methods appearing in his great work only. The 
Arab philosopher Alfarabi (died 950) popularized 
the Greek philosopher by his translation and com- 
mentaries, the reputation of which soon extended to 
Spain. The first representative of Arabian philos- 
ophy in Spain, and indeed in western countries in 
general, was not an Arab, but a Jew, Solomon ibn 
Gabirol. His " Mckor Hayyim" shows a consistent 
amalgamation of Aristotelian principles with Neo- 
Platonic conceptions of the universe. But in spite 
of the unmistakable traces of Aristotelian philosophy 
in the "Mekor Hayyim," the Greek's name is not 
mentioned. Aristotle is mentioned, however, in 
Gabirol's "Tikkun Middot ha-Nefesh." 

When the Stagirite's scientific works were pre- 
pared for Western readers, it was held necessary to 
popularize them. There is a work, written in Ara- 
bic, containing many moral maxims collected from 
Greek philosophers. This book, " The Dicta of the 
Philosophers," by the above-mentioned translator, 
Honein ibn Ishak, afforded those to whom the study 
of exact philosophy was too difficult the possibility 
of familiarizing themselves with the best thoughts 
of the Greek philosophers, and it thus contributed 
much to Aristotle's popularity in Jewish circles. 
(Concerning this work and its influence upon litera- 
ture, see LOwenthal, "Honein ibn Ishak's ' Sinn- 
sprilche der Philosophen,' " Berlin, 1896.) Unques- 
tionably, it was from this book that Gabirol took the 
aphorisms that are quoted in the "Tikkun" as by 
Aristotle. In the Tikkun also, without mention of 
the author, are found several passages on the Aristo- 
telian doctrine of the "ethical mean." 

In the period following Gabirol, the writings of 
Avicenna, a commentator upon Aristotle, became 
widely known throughout Europe, leading to the 

displacement of the older philosophy based upon 
Plato and Neo-Platonism. The Arabic expounders 
of Aristotle leavened his views more and more with 
monotheism ; and thus through new interpretations 
and constructions the heathen character of his phi- 
losophy was gradually refined away. Then, too, 
many works passed under Aristotle's name that a 
more critical age would immediately 

Pseudo- have detected as spurious. But the 
Aris- lack of all critical sense in the Middle 

totelian Ages, and the general prejudice in 
Writing's, favor of Aristotle, whose genuine 
writings contain many passages in 
which he rises from heathenism to almost pure mono- 
theism, blinded even the most discerning to the fact 
that many of the works ascribed to him could not 
possibly have been his. The most important works 
of this character are "Aristotle's Theology " (ed. by 
Dicterici) and " Liber de Causis " (ed. by Barden- 
hewer). Modern scholars have discovered the 
former to be a mere collection of extracts from the 
"Enneacles" of Plotinus; in the Arabic version of 
which passages antagonistic to monotheism are par- 
aphrased or entirely omitted. Similarly the " Liber 
de Causis " is nothing but an extract from the Stoi- 
XtiuciC deuXnytKy by Proclus. 

One of the consequences of the false ascription of 
these works to Aristotle was that real Aristotelian- 
ism never prevailed lastingly with Arabs and Jews. 
Only isolated doctrines of Aristotle were of prepon- 
derating significance in the Arabic and Jewish 
thought of the Middle Ages. The first reaction 
against the influence of the Sage of 
Judah. Stagira is noticed toward the middle 

ha-Levi of the twelfth century, when Judah 

Against ha-Levi admonished his contempo- 
Aristotle. raries with all the fervor of his ardent 
religious soul, not to be ensnared by 
the wisdom of the Greek at the cost of their own 
hereditary faith. True to his Arabic prototype, 
Ghazzali, he showed that Aristotle was not to be 
relied on in his scientific statements. Ha-Levi be- 
trayed a curiously vacillating mind, distracted be- 
tween veneration for the great sage and abhorrence 
for the false doctrines of his mighty intellect. He can 
not forbear maintaining that if Aristotle had, like 
the Jews, been possessed of tradition, he would not 
have set forth the impossibility of the creation of 
the world. Ha-Levi warns his readers against Aris- 
totle's recognition of the unity of God ; for the God 
for whom the spirit longs is a very different God 
from the one attained by cold speculative thought. 

Twenty years after the completion of the " Cuzari," 
Abraham ibn Daud wrote his " Ha-Emunah Ramah " 
(The Exalted Faith). A dauntless philosopher, he 
controverted in fullestmeasureHa-Levi's standpoint: 
" The study of the philosophy of religion is very detri- 
mental to the true faith" ("Cuzari," v. 16). Abra- 
ham believed just the contrary : that the thoughtful 
one would find his faith strengthened by the study of 
philosophy. He is a rigid Aristotelian, following 
in the footsteps of Avicenna, and protesting with all 
his might against the disparagement of philosophy 
by Ghazzali. His book, published in 1160, is one of 
the first attempts at a compromise between Juda- 
ism and the Peripatetic philosophy of the Arabs. 


THE JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA Aristotle in Jewish Literature 

While the Arabs preferred Aristotle's logical and 
metaphysical works, Maimonides devoted his atten- 
tion to his moral philosophy and sought to harmo- 
nize it with revelation. In his " Shemonah Perakim " 
(Eight Chapters), Maimonides adopts the Aristote- 
lian four faculties of the soul. Both alike teach that 
two perfections dwell in the soul — the 
Maimon- moral and the intellectual. The source 
ides and of virtue and vice lies, with both phi- 
Aristotle, losophers, in the capability of thought 
and desire. The most weighty of the 
" Eight Chapters " is the fourth. In accordance with 
Aristotle, Maimonides defines virtue as the desired 
action " in tlie mean. " Moral acts are those that hold 
the " mean " between two harmful "extremes," be- 
tween the "too much" and the "too little." When 
the soul is sick and falls into one extreme, it can be 
cured only by bringing it into the other extreme. 
As regards the problems of the aim of mankind and 
the purpose of human existence, the Jewish philoso- 
pher necessarily differs from the Greek. According 
to Aristotle, true happiness consists in virtue ; but 
with Maimonides the aim of mankind is divine per- 
fection. Man must endeavor to approach the essence 
of the Deity as far as possible. What Maimonides 
expresses in the most exalted diction is found in the 
saying of the sages, " Let all thy actions be done in 
the name of Heaven ! " 

This theory of moral theology is the introduction 
to Maimonides' philosophical system as presented in 
the " Moreh Nebukim " (Guide for the Perplexed). 
Following generally in the footsteps of Aristotle, he 
deserts him only when approaching the domain of 
God's law. But here, too, it is Aristotelian doc- 
trine, coinciding, it is true, with Revelation in the 
basic principle that men are incapable of compre- 
hending God's being fully, on account of their 
imperfection and His perfection. Concerning the 
sphere of metaphysical thought, absolute truth 
must lie in Revelation; that is, in Judaism. All 
that Plato and Aristotle thought out had been al- 
ready correctly and more deeply taught by the phil- 
osophical oral law, of the possession of which by 
the Prophets Maimonides is convinced ("Moreh," i. 
71, ii. 11). While everything that Aristotle wrote 
concerning nature, from the moon down to the cen- 
ter of the earth, was founded upon positive proof 
and is therefore sure and irrefragable, all his ideas 
concerning the character of the higher spheres par- 
take rather of the nature of opinions than of philo- 
sophical certainties ("Moreh," ii. 22). Aristotle 
posits the eternity of the world, but can not demon- 
strate it. It being thus a matter of conflicting opin- 
ions, the supposition of an actual commencement of 
the world in time is far more intelligible. Maimon- 
ides thus appears as a sharp critic of Aristotle in 
theology, and refuses allegiance to him whenever 
he treats the statements of religion with disdain. 
Recognizing the divine origin of the Law, he neces- 
sarily arrays himself in strong opposition to Aris- 
totle, who sees in the law of nature the highest and 
immutable law ; for it is the corollary of his accept- 
ance of the eternity of the world. Consequently, 
Aristotle recognizes no miracles and no revelation, no 
selection by God of a peculiar people, no mission to an 
individual, no choice of any one particular age. Mai- 

monides expressly mentions that Aristotle denies all 
Special Providence, which certainly contradicts what 
Aristotle himself says in his " Nicomachean Ethics," 
x. 9. Maimonides' work evoked, as is well known, 
considerable party -strife, which ended, however, in 
the acknowledgment by all parties of his authority. 
The distinction of having completed Maimonides' 
endeavor may be accorded to Levi ben Gerson (d. 
about 1344) of Provence, who possessed accurate 
knowledge of the Aristotelian and other philosoph- 
ical writings. He took the commentator Averroes as 
his guide in expounding the Stagirite. Neverthe- 
less, Levi is a decidedly independent thinker, by no 
means blindly " swearing to the words of his master. " 
He holds that there is in a force tend- 
Levi ben ing toward humanity an impulse not 
Gerson, operating in a circle so as to return 
an Aristo- constantly to the point of departure, 
telian. but manifesting itself rather as a stead- 
ily ascending spiral. Accordingly, no 
older solution of a problem can claim unconditional 
acceptance as the truth, if later research conflict 
with it. He is thus an opponent of the Aristo- 
telian conception of the eternity of the world. Had 
the world existed from eternity, the comparative 
youth of the various sciences could not be ex- 
plained (and he maintains their comparative youth 
in opposition to the above-quoted opinion of Mai- 
monides), inasmuch as striving after knowledge is 
an original characteristic of mankind. His innate 
acumen, which induces him to subject individual 
doctrines of Aristotle to close criticism, in order to 
advance his own views against him, and to sub- 
stantiate them when necessary, is not inconsistent 
with a devoted and thorough study of the Stagirite. 
He is so thoroughly at home in Aristotle, that though, 
for instance, unable to quote any authentic passage 
from his master concerning immortality, he is yet 
able to formulate something entirely in harmony 
with his views (Joel, "Levi ben Gerson," p. 22). For 
Maimonides, and his successor Levi ben Gerson, Aris- 
totle is throughout an undeniable authority. His 
deliverances are to them generally as unassailable 
and as indisputable as those of the Bible itself. This 
attitude sometimes led these two devoted Aristote- 
lians to misinterpret certain Scriptural passages that 
seemed to conflict with the Stagirite. With all Mai- 
monides' magnificent attempts to harmonize Judaism 
and Aristotelianism, and with all the achievements 
in this direction by Ben Gerson, they could not fail 
to awaken in discerning minds the conviction that 
all such endeavors started from vain premises. Levi 
ben Gerson's effort to reconcile the " creatio ex nihilo" 
(the creation out of nothing) with Aristotle's view, 
by claiming boldly the eternity of the Original Mat- 
ter, only served, like other compromises, to expose 
the impossibilities of the undertaking. 

The first to shatter with daring hand the idola- 
try that the Middle Ages had paid to the Stagirite, 
was Hasdai Crescas of Saragossa(1377- 
Crescas At- 1410). He made the first noteworthy 
tacks attempt to demonstrate the unten- 
Aristotle. ableness of the Aristotelian concep- 
tions. He especially protests against 
his statement of the finiteness of the world, and, 
starting from the supposition that an infinite retro- 

Aristotle in Jewish Literature 
Ark of the Covenant 



gression of causes is unthinkable, proves the exist- 
ence of a "primus motor," the existence of God 
therefore. He further contradicts Aristotle's view 
that God's happiness consists in the recognition of 
Himself, for knowledge has only value when it is 
preceded by ignorance, and where there never has 
been ignorance there can be nothing pleasurable. 
Crescas, though independent herein, was still only 
a continuator of those early attempts whicli were 
undertaken by Judah ha-Levi in the " Cuzari, " to 
secure full recognition for Judaism. In the age fol- 
lowing Hasdai Crescas all traces of Aristotelianism 
gradually disappeared from Jewish philosophical 
literature; and in the cabalistic movement, which 
little by little assumed dominance, the characteristics 
of Platonism came more and more into prominence. 
The " Ethics " of Aristotle occupies an important 
place in the history of Jewish literature, although 
attention was directed to it comparatively late. The 

Jews possessed in their own relig- 
Aristotle's ious writings an abundance of practi- 
" Ethics." cal rules which rendered Aristotle's 

" Ethics " superfluous. Only when his 
system came to be studied as a whole was any at- 
tention paid to the "Ethics." The " Mcomachean 
Ethics," which alone of all Aristotle's ethical wri- 
tings was known to the Middle Ages, was trans- 
lated into Hebrew from a Latin version in the begin- 
ning of the fifteenth century. The translator, Don 
Mei'r Alguadez, expresses the opinion in his preface 
that Aristotle's ethical writings contain an explana- 
tion of certain precepts of the Torah. A commen- 
tary upon this translation was written in 1584 by 
Moses Almosnino. But Aristotle was by no means 
unknown to the Jews of much earlier ages as an 
ethical writer. An "Ethical Letter," found among 
the ethical epistles of the physician Ali ibn Rodh- 
wan (contained in Al-Harizi's translation, in " De- 
barim ' Attikim, " edited by Benjacob), was ascribed to 
him. Shem-Tob Palquera also reproduces the " Let- 
ter of Aristotle " in his " Ha-Mebakesh. " The Stag- 
irite's name is frequently met elsewhere in Jewish 
ethical literature. The ethical aphorisms quoted by 
Honein ibn Ishak in his work already mentioned 
found their way into many specimens of popular 
literature. Aristotle's relations with Alexander the 
Great are frequently mentioned in this literature as 
exemplary in their way, and Jews eagerly accepted 
the legendary accounts of the conversion of Aristotle 
to the true faith, and of the repudiation by him of 
his theory of Creation. But Immanuel ben Solomon 
(about 1320), in his imitation of the " Divina Corn- 
media," nevertheless locates Aristotle in the infernal 
regions, because he taught the existence of the world 
from eternity. Gedaliah ibn Yahyah (sixteenth cen- 
tury) claimed to have found a book in which Aris- 
totle recanted all his errors. People were easily per- 
suaded to believe that " the wisest of the wise " had 
given in his allegiance to the doctrines of the Torah ; 
that Simon the Just, whose acquaintance he is said 
to have made upon the occasion of Alexander's visit 
to Jerusalem, had convinced him of his errors. (See 
Aristotle in Jewish Legend.) Prayers said to have 
been written by Aristotle have frequently been print- 
ed in devotional works of recent centuries ; as, for 
instance, one handed down by Honein ibn Ishftk (see 

Lowenthal, "Honein's Sinnspruehe der Philoso- 
pher!," p. 112).' 

Aristotle was almost universally held in esteem by 
the Jews; at one time for his intelligence and mental 
power, at another as a penitent sinner. 
Apprecia- The following is Maimonides' verdict 
tion of concerning him ; " The words of Plato, 
Aristotle. Aristotle's teacher, are obscure and 
figurative : they are superfluous to the 
man of intelligence, inasmuch as Aristotle supplanted 
all his predecessors. The thorough understanding 
of Aristotle is the highest achievement to which man 
can attain, with the sole exception of the under- 
standing of the Prophets. " Shem-Tob ben Isaac of 
Tortosa (1261) styles Aristotle " the master of all phi- 
losophers. " Elijah b. Eliezer of Candia, who edited 
the " Logic " about the end of the fourteenth century, 
calls Aristotle "the divine," because, having been 
endowed by nature with a sacredly superior intellect, 
he could understand of himself what others could 
receive only from the instruction of their teachers. 
See Akistotle in Jewish Legend, 
th. A. L6. 

ARITHMETIC : The art of reckoning. This 
must have been familiar to the ancient Hebrews. 
The sacred books mention large amounts, showing 
that the people were acquainted with the art of 
computation. Expressions are found even for frac- 
tions (see Gesenius, " Lehrgebaude, " 704). 

The Hebrews, like the Greeks and other people of 
antiquity, made use of the letters of the alphabet 
for figures. According to their alphabetical order, 
the letters were made to express the units, tens, and 
hundreds, as high as 400. In a later period, proba- 
bly after contact with the Arabs, the final letters "] 
v f) | D were added, so as to furnish numerals up to 
900 ; mention of this fact is made in many cabalistic 
writings, but seemingly they were not generally 

The question arises whether, in computations with 
these letters, the ancient Hebrews had any fixed sys- 
tem taught in the schools, or whether each calcula- 
tor was left to his own manipulation of them. The 
probabilities are in favor of the former hypothesis, 
in view of the high degree of mathematical knowl- 
edge found here and there in the Mishnah and Ge- 
mara. Nothing of such a system has, however, 
come down to us from the Talmudic times. Skilful 
Jewish arithmeticians are first mentioned in the 
eighth century. Sahl Rabban al-Tabari, the teacher 
of the physician Razi's father, was known as an ex- 
cellent arithmetician (Wustenfeld, " Aerzte," p. 20). 
About 997 the Jewish mathematician Bisher ben 
Pinhas ben Shubeib wrote an arithmetical treatise. 
At the same epoch lived Josephus Hispanus, or 
Sapiens, from whom Gerbert (Pope Sylvester II.) 
borrowed his system of multiplication and division 
(see Cajori, "History of Elementary Mathematics," 
p. 179), and who is believed to have been the intro- 
ducer of the so-called Arabic numerals into Europe 
(see Weissenborn, "Einfiihrung der Jetzigen Ziffern 
in Europa," pp. 74 et seg.). In the beginning of the 
eleventh century there flourished Abraham ben 
Hiyya, who wrote an encyclopedia of mathematical 
sciences ; he used Arabic numerals, but knew nothing 



Aristotle in Jewish Literature 
Ark of the Covenant 

of the zero. In the first volume of this encyclopedia 
he makes use of the Arithmetic of Nicomachus of 
Gerasa, a disciple of Pythagoras, which, translated 
from the Greek into Arabic under the title "Al- 
madhal ila 'ilm al-Adad," was held in great esteem 
by the Jews. Joseph ibn Aknin recommends this 
Arithmetic, and it was translated into Hebrew in 
the fourteenth century by Kalonymus ben Kalony- 
mus. Abraham ibn Ezra composed an arithmetical 
treatise under the title " Sef er ha-Mispar " ; he makes 
use of the zero, calling it in Hebrew " 'iggul." His 
Arithmetic is the oldest extant in Jewish literature. 
Abraham ibn Ezra found many imitators, the most 
celebrated of whom were Levi ben Gershon and 
Elijah Misrahi. To-day Hebrew literature contains 
about twenty arithmetical treatises. (See Mathe- 

Bibliography: Steinscnneider, Bibliotheca Mathematica, 
1896 ; Edinburgh Review, xviii. 87 et seq. 

a. I. Br. 

JYliV JVQ, etc. : for the complete list of names of the 
Ark, see below). — Biblical Data : The first mention 

Ark of the Covenant. 

(After Calmet.) 

of the Ark in the Bible is in Ex. xxv. 10 etseq., where 
Moses on Mount Sinai is told to have an Ark of 
shittim-wood made for the Commandments which 
are about to be delivered. Minute directions are 
given for the plan of the Ark. It is to be 2£ cubits 
in length, 1^ in breadth, and H m height. It is to 
be overlaid within and without with gold, and a 
crown or molding of gold is to be put around it. 
Four rings of gold are to be put into its corners — 
two on each side — and through these 
Dimensions rings staves of shittim-wood overlaid 
and Con- with gold for carrying the Ark are to 
struction. be inserted ; and these are not to be re- 
moved. A golden cover (Hebr. n"lS3 ; 
A. V., "mercy-seat"), adorned with golden cheru- 
bim, is to be placed above the Ark ; and from here 
the Lord says He will speak to Moses (Ex. xxv. 
10-22). The Ark is to be placed behind a veil, a 
full description of which is given (ib. xxvi. 31-38). 

Even Aaron was forbidden to enter this place of 
the Ark too often; and he was enjoined to perform 
certain ceremonies when entering there (Lev. xvi. 2 
el seq.). Moses was directed to consecrate the Ark, 
when completed, with the oil of holy ointment (Ex. 

xxx. 23-26); and he was also directed to have the 
Ark made by Bezaleel, the son of Uri of the tribe of 
Judah, and by Aholiab, the son of 
Sanctity Ahisamach of the tribe of Dan (ib. 
and Conse- xxxi. 2-7). These instructions Moses 
cration. carried out, calling upon " every wise- 
hearted " one among the people to 
assist in the work (ib. xxxv. 10-12). Bezaleel made 
the Ark (ib. xxxvii. 1); and Moses approved the 
work (ib. xxxix. 43), put the testimony in the Ark, 
and installed it (ib. xl. 20, 21). 

In Deut. x. 1-5 a rather different account of the 
making of the Ark is given. Moses is made to say 
that he constructed the Ark before going upon 
Mount Sinai to receive the second set of tables. The 
charge of carrying the Ark and the rest of the holy 
utensils was given to the family of Kohath, of the 
tribe of Levi ; but they were not to touch any of the 
holy things until after the latter had been covered 
by Aaron (Num. iv. 2-15). 

In the march from Sinai, and at the crossing of 
the Jordan, the Ark preceded the people and was 
the signal for their advance (Num. x. 
A Movable 33 ; Josh. iii. 3, 6). During the cross- 
Sanctuary, ing of the Jordan the river grew dry 
as soon as the feet of the priests carry- 
ing the Ark touched its waters, and remained so 
until the priests, with the Ark, left the river, after 
the people had passed over (Josh. iii. 15-17; iv. 10, 
11, 18). As memorials, twelve stones were taken 
from the Jordan at the place where the priests had 
stood (ib. iv. 1-9). During the ceremonies prece- 
ding the capture of Jericho, the Ark was carried 
round the city in the daily procession, preceded by 
the armed men and by seven priests bearing seven 
trumpets of rams' horns (ib. vi. 6-15). After th6 
defeat at Ai, Joshua lamented before the Ark (ib. vii. 
6-9). When Joshua read the Law to the people be- 
tween Mount Gerizim and Mount Ebal, they stood 
on each side of the Ark (ib. viii. 33). The Ark was 
set up by Joshua at Shiloh (ib. xviii. 1) ; but when 
the Israelites fought against Benjamin at Gibeah, 
they had the Ark with them, and consulted it after 
their defeat (Judges xx. 27). 

The Ark is next spoken of as being in the Temple 
at Shiloh during Samuel's apprenticeship (I Sam. 
iii. 3). After their first defeat at Eben-ezer, the 
Israelites had the Ark brought from Shiloh, and 
welcomed its coming with great rejoicing. In the 
second battle the Israelites were again defeated, and 
the Philistines captured the Ark (ib. iv. 3-5, 10, 11). 
The news of its capture was at once taken to Shiloh 
by a messenger " with his clothes rent, 
Captured and with earth upon his head." The 
by the old priest, Eli, fell dead when he heard 
Philistines, it; and his daughter-in-law, bearing 
a son at the time the news of the cap- 
ture of the Ark was received, named him Ichabod— 
explained as " Where is glory? " in reference to the 
loss of the Ark (ib. iv. 12-22). 

The Philistines took the Ark to several places in 
their country, and at each place misfortune resulted 
to them (ib. v. 1-6). At Ashdod it was placed in the 
temple of Dagon. The next morning Dagon was 
found prostrate before it; and on being restored 
to his place, he was on the following morning again 

Ark of the Covenant 



found prostrate and broken. The people of Ashdod 
were smitten with boils (Hebr. D^Qj;, A. V. " em- 
rods "—that is, hemorrhoids) ; and a plague of mice 
was sent over the land (ib. vi. 5; the Septuagint, v. 
6). The affliction of boils was also visited upon the 
people of Gath and of Ekron, whither the Ark was 
successively removed (ib. v. 8-12). After the Ark 
had been among them seven months, the Philistines, 
on the advice of their diviners, returned it to the 
Israelites, accompanying its return with an offering 
consisting of golden images of the boils and mice 
with which they had been afflicted. The Ark was 
put down in the field of Joshua the Beth-shemite, 
and the Beth-shemites offered sacrifices and burnt 
offerings (ib. vi. 1-15). Out of curiosity the men of 
Beth-shemesh gazed at [A. V. "looked into"] the 
Ark; and as a punishment over fifty thousand of 
them were smitten by the Lord (ib. 19). The Beth- 
shemites sent to Kirjath-jearim, or Baal-Judah, 
to have the Ark removed (ib. 21) ; and it was taken 
thither to the house of Abinadab, whose son Eleazar 
was sanctified to keep it (ib. vii. 1). Kirjath-jearim 
was the abode of' the Ark for twenty years (ib. 2). 
Under Saul the Ark was with the army before he 
first met the Philistines, but the king was too im- 
patient to consult it before engaging in the battle 
(ib. xiv. 18, 19). In I Chron. xiii. 3 it is stated that 
the people were not accustomed to consult the Ark 
in the days of Saul. 

At the very beginning of his reign David removed 
the Ark from Kirjath-jearim amid great rejoicing. 
On the way to Zion, Uzzah, one of the drivers of the 
cart on which the Ark was carried, put out his hand 
to steady the Ark, and was smitten by the Lord for 
touching it. David in fear carried the Ark aside 
into the house of Obed-edom the Gittite, instead of 
carrying it on to Zion, and here it 
In the Days stayed three months (II Sam. vi. 1-11; 
of David. I Chron. xiii. 1-13). On hearing that 
the Lord had blessed Obed-edom be- 
cause of the presence of the Ark in his house, David 
had the Ark brought to Zion by the Levites, while 
he himself, "girded with a linen ephod," "danced 
before the Lord with all his might " — a performance 
for which he was despised and rebuked by Saul's 
daughter Michal (II Sam. vi. 12-16, 20-22; I Chron. 
xv.). In Zion he put the Ark in the tabernacle he 
had prepared for it, offered sacrifices, distributed 
food, and blessed the people and his own household 
(II Sam. vi. 17-20; I Chron. xvi. 1-3; II Chron. i. 
4). Levites were appointed to minister before the 
Ark (I Chron. xvi. 4). David's plan of building a 
temple for the Ark was stopped at the advice of God 
(II Sam. vii. 1-17; I Chron. xvii. 1-15; xxviii. 2, 3). 
The Ark was with the army during the siege of 
Kabbah (II Sam. xi. 11); and when David fled from 
Jerusalem at the time of Absalom's conspiracy, the 
Ark was carried along with him until he ordered 
Zadok the priest to return it to Jerusalem (II Sam. 
xv. 24-29). 

When Abiathar was dismissed from the priest- 
hood by Solomon for having taken part in Adoni- 
jah's conspiracy against David, his life was spared 
because he had formerly borne the Ark (I Kings ii. 
26). Solomon worshiped before the Ark after the 
dream in which the Lord promised him wisdom (ib. 

iii. 15). In Solomon 's Temple a Holy of Holies (Hebr. 
Tai, A. V., "oracle") was prepared to receive the 
Ark (ib. vi. 19); and when the Temple was dedi- 
cated, the Ark, containing nothing but the two 
Mosaic tables of stone, was placed therein (ib. viii. 
1-9; II Chron. v. 1-10). When the 

In Solo- priests came out of the holy place 
mon's after placing the Ark there, the Tem- 

Temple. pie was filled by a cloud, "for the 
glory of the Lord had filled the house 
of the Lord" (I Kings viii. 10-11; II Chron. v. 13, 
14). When Solomon married Pharaoh's daughter, 
he caused her to dwell in a house outside Zion, as 
Zion was consecrated because of its containing the 
Ark (II Chron. viii. 11). King Josiah had the Ark 
put into the Temple (II Chron. xxxv. 3), from which 
it appears that it had again been removed by some 

The only mention of the Ark in the Prophets is 
the reference to it by Jeremiah, who, speaking in the 
days of Josiah (Jer. iii. 16), prophesies a time when 
the Ark will no longer be needed because of the 
righteousness of the people. 

In the Psalms the Ark is twice referred to. In 
Ps. lxxviii. 61 its capture by the Philistines is 
spoken of, and the Ark is called " the strength and 
glory of God " ; and in Ps. exxxii. 8, it is spoken of 
as "the ark of the strength of the Lord." The Ark 
is mentioned in only one passage in the Apocrypha 
(II Mace. ii. 4-10), which contains a legend to the 
effect that the prophet Jeremiah, "being warned of 
God," took the Ark, and the tabernacle, and the altar 
of incense, and buried them in a cave on Mount 
Sinai, informing those of his followers who wished 
to find the place that it should remain unknown 
" until the time that God should gather His people 
again together, and receive them unto mercy." 

The Ark is called by several names in the Bible, 
as follows: 

I. " The ark " (p-iNn) : Ex. xxv. 14 et al; Lev. xvt. 2 ; Num. 
Iii. 31 et al; Deut. x. ^ et al.; Josh. iii. 15 et at.; I Sam. 
vi. 13 et al; II Sam. vi. 4 et al; I Kings viii. 3 et al.; I 
Chron. vi. 16 et al; II Chron. v. 4 et al. 
II. " The ark ol the testimony " (1. rnyS p«n) : Ex. xxxi. 7 ; 
(2. myn p-itO : Ex. xxv. 22etat.; Num. iv. 5ctai.; Josh, 
iv. 16. 
III. a "The ark of the covenant" (1. mian piN) : Josh. iii. 6 
etal.; (2. nnan pi«n) : Josh. iii. 14. 
6 "The ark of the covenant of the Lord" [Yhwh] ; com- 
pare IV. a (1. mm nnj jn«) : Num. x. '33 et al; 
Deut. x. 8 et al; Josh. iv. 7 et al.; I Sam. iv. 3 et al; I 
Kings iii. 15 et al.; I Chron. xv. 25 et al; II Chron. v. 2 
et al.: Jer. iii. 16 ; (2. mm nn: p-iNn) : Josh. iii. 17. 
<*• " The ark wherein is the covenant of the Lord, which he 
made with our fathers, when he brought them out of the 
land of Egypt " (m: ii^n mm nnj db> iick p-iNn 
onjD pm dpn lN'Xina Ionian Dp) : 1 Kings viii. 21. 
d " The ark wherein is the covenant of the Lord, that he 
made with the children of Israel" (nna oie> "iipn jvwn 
Sn-u!" *ja Dj) ma iit'N mm) : II Chron. vi. 11. 
e " The ark of the covenant of the Lord of all the earth " ; 
compare IV. h (purr Sa pi« man p-iN) : Josh. iii. 11. 
/ "The ark of the covenant of the Lord of hosts [or Yhwh 
of hosts], who dwelleth between the cherubim " ; com- 
pare IV. i,j (a'anan att" niNax mm nna jn») : I Sam. 
iv. 4. 
g "The ark of the covenant of the Lord [or Yhwh] your 
God"; compareIV.c,e (DanSt* mm nna pi«) : Deut. 
xxxi. 26; Josh. iii. 3). 
h " The ark of the covenant of God " ; compare IV. /, a 
(DTi^n nna pnN) : Judges xx. 27 ; I Sam. Iv. 4 ; II 
Sam. xv. 24 ; I Chron. xvi. 6. 



Ark of the Covenant 

IV. a "The ark of the Lord [Yhwh] " ; compare III. b (jnx 
mm) : Josh. iv. 11 et al.; I Sam. iv. 6 et a!.; II Sam. vi. 9 
et al.; I Ohron. xv. 3 et al.; II Chron. viii. 11. 

b " The ark of the Lord [Yhwii], the Lord of all the earth " ; 
compare 111. e (yisn Sd jhn mm |n«) : Josh. 111. 13. 

c " The ark of the Lord God [or Yiiwh] " ; compare III. g 
(mm 'JIN jra) : I Kings 11. 26. 

d "The ark of the Lord [or Yi-iwi-i] God of Israel" (jtin 
Sn-\2>i tiHji ni.m) : I Chron. xv. 12 et al. 

' "The ark of the Lord [or Yhwh] your God " ; compare 
III. y (aj'n^N mm jn(0 : Josh. iv. 5. 

/ "The ark of God" ; compare III. h (1. otiSn jnN) : I. 
Sam. ill. 3 ct al.; (2. O'nSxn ji-in) : I Sam. iv. 13 et al.; 
II Sam. vi. 3 et al.; I Chron. xiii. 5 et al.; II Chron. 1. 4. 

8 "The ark of our God " ; compare III. h (utiSn jnx) : I. 
Chron. xlli. 3. 

h " The ark of the God of Israel " (Snie" V1V?N p-|N):ISam. 
v. 8 et al. 

i "The ark of God which is called by the Name, the name 
of the Lord [or Yhwh] of hosts who dwelleth hetween 
the cherubim" ; compare III. / (N"ipntI>N DTi^Nn jnN 
rSj D'a-un iv mtos mm dc dip) ■■ II Sam. vi. 2, R. V. 

j "The ark of God, the Lord [or Yhwh], who dwelleth 
between the cherubim, which is called the Name " [lit- 
eral translation] ; compare III. / (mm nin^Nn jnx 
dip Nnp}""MS'N D'^idh tov) : I Chron. xiil. 6. 
V. " The holy ark " (i»ipn"jnN) : II Chron. xxxv. 3. 
VI. "The ark of thy [God's] strength" <-)iy |nn) : Ps. cxxxii. 
8 ; II Chron. vi. 41. 

Different names for the Ark predominate in differ- 
ent books, as follows: In Exodus, Nos. I. and II. 2; 
in Numbers, Nos. II. 2 and III. b,l; in Deuteron- 
omy, No. III. b, 1 ; in Joshua, Nos. IV. a and III. 

a, 1; in I Samuel, Nos. IV. a and/, 2; in II Sam- 
uel, Nos. IV. a and/, 2; in I Kings, Nos. I. and III. 

b, 1 ; in I Chronicles, Nos. I. and III. 6, 1 ; and in 
II Chronicles, Nos. I. and III. b, 1. 

j. jb. C. J. M. 

In Rabbinical Literature: The Ark, by reason 

of its prominence in the Bible, forms an important 
subject of discussion by the Rabbis, a great many 
sayings relating to it being found throughout the 
Talmud and the Midrashim. They discuss the di- 
mensions, position, material, contents, miraculous 
powers, final disposition, and various incidents di- 
rectly or indirectly connected with the Ark. Such 
discussions at times embody popular legends, and 
are also of interest as reflecting the poetical spirit 
which animated many of the rabbis. 

Thus it is related (B. B. 99«) that the available 
space in the Holy of Holies was not in the least 
diminished by the Ark and the cherubim — that is to 
say, that through the working of a miracle the Ark 
and the cherubim transcended the limitations of 
space. With regard to the position of the Ark in 
the Holy of Holies, there is the following picturesque 
saying in Tanhuma, Kedoshim, x. : 

" Palestine is the center of the world, Jerusalem the center of 
Palestine, the Temple the center of Jerusalem, the Holy of Holies 
the center of the Temple, the Ark the center of the Holy of 
Holies; and in front of the Ark was a stone called mnie> p«, 
the foundation stone of the world." 

In Yoma 726, and Yer. Shek. vi. 49<Z, it is recorded 
that Bezalcel made three arks which he put inside of 
one another. The outside and inside ones were made 
of gold, and measured respectively ten cubits and a 
fraction and eight cubits, while the middle one was 
of wood and measured nine cubits. Again, accord- 
ing to one opinion (Yer. Shek. vi. 49c), there were two 
arks traveling with the Israelites in the wilderness. 
One contained the Law, in addition to the tablets of 
the Ten Commandments, and the other the tables of 

stone which Moses had broken. The one that con- 
tained the Law was placed in the " tent of meeting " ; 
the other, containing the broken tables, accompanied 
the Israelites in their various excursions, and some- 
times appeared on the battle-field. According to 
still another view (I.e.), there was only one Ark, and 
it contained both the Law and the broken tables (Ber. 
8b ; B. B. 144). R. Jolianan in the name of Simon ben 
Yohai, basing his opinion on the repetition of the 
word "name" (Q{j>) in II Sam. vi. 2, maintains that 
the Ark contained the Ineffable Name and all other 
epithetsof Cod (B. B. I.e. ; Num. R. iv. 20). Marching 
in the vanguard of the Israelites, the Ark leveled the 
hills before them (Ber. 546 ; see Ahnon). It carried 
the priests, who in turn were to carry it in the passage 
of the Jordan (Sotah 35a). When King David had 
the Ark brought from the house of Abinadab and 
carried upon a new cart, the two sons of the latter, 
driving the cart, were tossed by an invisible agency 
into the air and flung to the ground again and again, 
until Ahitophel explained to David that this was ow- 
ing to the transgression of the Law, which enjoined 
upon the sons of Kohath to carry the Ark upon their 
shoulders (Num. vii. 9; Yer. Sanh. x. 29a). When 
the Philistines despatched the Ark upon a cart drawn 
by two milch-kine without a driver, the kine not only 
took the Ark straightway to Beth-shemesh (I Sam. 
vi. 8-12), but they also sang a song (taking " wayish- 
sliarnali, " v. 12, " and they took the straight way, " as 
derived from shirah, "a song"). According to R. 
Mel'r, their song was the verse, " I will sing unto the 
Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously " (Ex. xv. 1) ; 
according toR. Johanan, " Give thanks unto the Lord, 
call upon his name" (Ps. cv. 1); others suggest Ps. 
xciii., xcvii., xcviii., xcix., or cvi. ; but R. Isaac 
Nappaha has a tradition, preserved in Tanna debe 
Eliyahu, xi. (compare 'Ab. Zarah 246), that they 
sang the following processional hymn: 

" Rise, O rise, thou acacia chest ! 
Move along, move along in thy great beauty 1 
Skilfully wrought with thy golden adornments I 
Highly revered in the sanctuary's recesses ! 
O'ershadowed between the twin Cherubim ! " 

— Midr. Sam. xii.; 'Ab. Zarah I.e.; Gen. R. liv. 

"When Solomon brought the Ark into the Temple, all the 
golden trees that were in the Temple were filled with moisture 
and produced abundant fruit, to the great profit and enjoyment 
of the priestly gild ; until King Manasseh put an image of an 
idol in the Temple, which resulted in the departure of the Di- 
vine Presence and the drying up of the fruit " (Tan., Terumah, 
xi.; also with slight variations, Yoma 39b). 

The Ark was not merely a receptacle for the Law ; 
it was a protection against the enemies of the Israel- 
ites, and cleared the roads in the wilder- 

A Van- ness for them. Two sparks, tradition 

guard in relates, came out from between the two 
the Desert, cherubim, which killed all serpents 
and scorpions, and burned the thorns, 
the smoke of which as it curled upward sent a sweet 
fragrance throughout the world, and the nations of 
the earth exclaimed in wonder and admiration (Cant, 
iii. 6), "What is this that cometh up from the wil- 
derness like pillars of smoke ?" (Tan. , Wayakhel, vii. ) 

Opinions are divided as to what finally became of 
the Ark when the Temple was destroyed. Some, 
basing their views on II Chron. xxxvi. 10, and Isa. 
xxxix. 6, declare (Yoma 536) that it was taken to 

A.rk of the Covenant 
Ark of the Law 



Babylonia, while according to others (ib.) it was 
not taken into captivity, but was hidden away in 
the Temple, in the apartment where 
Its Ulti- the wood for fuel was kept ; and it is 
mate Fate, related thatacertainpriest,whiledoing 
his work in that apartment, noticed 
that some of the stones in the paved floor projected 
above the others. He no sooner began to tell the 
story to a fellow-priest than he expired. That was 
regarded as a sure sign that the Ark had been buried 
in that place (Yer. Shek. vi. 49c). Another tradition 
records that it was King Josiah who hid the Ark 
and other sacred vessels, for fear that if they were 
taken to Babylonia they would never be brought 
back (ib. ). 

"Why was a distance of 2,000 cubits always 
maintained between the Ark and the people? In 
order that when the march was stopped upon eacli 
Sabbath day, all the people might travel as far as the 
Ark to offer their prayers " (Num. R. ii. 9). " One 
son of Obed-edom betokens by his name, ' Peulthai, 
for God blessed him ' (I Chron. xxvi. 5), the blessing 
brought upon his father's house; he honored the 
Ark by placing a new candle before it every morn- 
ing and evening" (Num. R. iv. 20.). 

Ark is used figuratively for a teacher of the Law 
in a farewell address; "If Obed-edom was blessed 
greatly for keeping the Ark in his house, how much 
more should he be blessed who shows hospitality to 
students of the Law? " (Ber. 63J.) 

j. sh. I. Hu. 

In Mohammedan Literature : In the Koran 

the Ark of the Covenant and Moses' ark of bul- 
rushes are both indicated by the one word " tabut, " 
which term certainly comes from the Hebrew 
"tebah," through the Jewish- Aramaic "tebuta." 
The reference in the Koran to the Ark of the Cove- 
nant occurs in the middle of the story of the choice 
of Saul to be king. There the people demand a sign 
that God has chosen him, and the narrative continues 
(ii. 249) : " and their prophet said unto them, ' Lo, 
the sign of his kingship will be that the ark [tabut] 
will come unto you with a " Sakinah " in it from 
your Lord, and with a remnant of that which the 
family of Moses and the family of Aaron left — 
angels bearing it. Lo, in that is verily a sign for 
you if ye are believers ! ' " Baidawi (ad loc. ) explains 
" tabut " as derived from the root tub (return), and 
as thus meaning a chest to which a 

Tabut, thing taken from it was sure to re- 

Sakinah, turn. It was the chest in which the 

and Law (Tauraf) was kept, and was about 

Remnant, three cubits by two, and made of 

gilded box-wood. "Sakinah," he 

says, means "rest," "tranquillity"; and it came to 

the Israelites in the coming of the Ark to them, or 

it was the Taurat itself, brought in the Ark and 

calming them by its presence (see Shekinah). 

Moses was wont to make it go on before in battle, 

and it would steady the Israelites and prevent them 


Others said that there was in the Ark a figure of 
chrysolite or ruby with the head and tail of a she- 
cat and with two wings. It would utter a moaning 
sound, and the Ark would rush toward the enemy 
with the Israelites following it. When it stayed, 

they stood and were at ease, and victory came. By 

the " remnant " in it is meant the fragments of the 

broken tables, the staff and clothes 

Composi- of Moses, and the turban of Aaron. 

tion After Moses died, God took it up to 

of "Rem- Himself, and the angels now brought 

nant." it down again. But others said that 

it remained with the prophets that 

succeeded Moses, and that they gained victories 

by means of it until they acted corruptly and the 

unbelievers took it from them. So it remained in 

the country of Goliath until God made Saul king. 

He then brought calamity upon the Philistines 

and destroyed five cities. Perceiving that this was 

through the Ark, they placed it on two bulls, and 

the angels led it to Saul. 

Al-Tha'labi, in his "Kisas al-Anbiyya" (p. 150 of 
cd. of Cairo, A. H. 1314), gives details as to the 
earlier and later history of the Ark. He brings it 
into connection with the important Moslem doctrine 
of the Light of Mohammed, the first 
History of all created things, for the sake of 
of the which God created the worlds. The 
Ark. Ark was sent down by God from par- 
adise with Adam when he fell. In it, 
cut out of a ruby, were figures of all the proph- 
ets that were to come, especially of Mohammed 
and his first four califs and immediate followers. 
At the death of Adam it passed to Seth, and so 
down to Abraham. Prom Abraham, Ishmael re- 
ceived it as the eldest of his sons. It passed then 
to Ishmael's son, Kedar, but was claimed from him 
by Jacob. Kedar refused to relinquish it, but was 
divinely commanded to give it up, as it must remain 
in the line of the prophets of God, which was now 
that of Israel. On the other hand, the Light of 
Mohammed, which shone on the forehead of every 
lineal ancestor of his, remained in the Arab line of 
Kedar. So the Ark passed down to Moses. How 
and when it was lost, the Moslem historians do not 
state. According to Ibn 'Abbas, a cousin of Mo- 
hammed and the founder of Koranic exegesis, it, 
with the rod of Moses, is now lying in the Lake of 
Tiberias, and will be brought forth at the last day. 
The story of the image with the cat's head and tail 
is traced back to Wahb ibn Munabbih, who was of 
Jewish birth. It has probably some Midrashic 
origin. What is apparently an earlier 
Earlier form of this latter legend is given in 
Form the " Hhamis " of Al-Diyarbakri (i. 24 
of Legend, et seq. ; compare ed. of Cairo, 1302). 
In it the chest with images of the 
prophets is not connected with the Ark of the Cov- 
enant. The chest, called also tabut, which had been 
given to Adam as above stated, was in the possession 
of the emperor Heraclius, and was shown by him 
to ambassadors from Abu Bakr, the first calif. It 
had been brought from the extreme West (Maghreb) 
by Alexander, and so had passed to the Roman 
emperors. D. B. M. 

Critical View : A classification of the passages 

in which the Ark is mentioned (compare Seyring, in 
Stade's "Zeitschrift," xi. 115), shows that in the 
older sources (J., E., and Samuel) the Ark is called 
simply "the ark," "the ark of Yhwh," or "the 



Ark of the Covenant 
Ark of the Law 

ark of God. " In Deuteronomy, and in writers under 
Deuteronomic influence, it is called " the ark of the 
covenant of Yhwh"; while the priestly sections 
call it " the ark of the testimony. " In I Sam. iv. the 
Ark is taken into battle, and both Israelites and 
Philistines are affected by it as though Yhwh Him- 
self were there. 

As the Egyptians, Babylonians, and other nations 
had similar structures for carrying their idols about 
(compare Wilkinson, "Ancient Egyptians," iii. 289; 
Delitzsch, " Handworterbuch, " under " elippu " ; and 
"Isaiah," in "S. B. O. T." 
p. 78), critical scholars hold 
that the Ark was in the 
earliest time a kind of mov- 
able sanctuary (see Well- 
hausen, " Prolegomena, " 5th 
ed., p. 46, note; Stade, 
"Gesch." i. 457; Nowack, 
"Archaologie," ii. 3; Ben- 
zinger, " Archaologie, " 367 ; 
Winckler, "Gesch. Israels," 
i. 70; Couard, in Stade's 
"Zeitschrift," xii. 53; and 
Guthe, " Geschichte d e s 
Volkes Israel," p. 31). As 
the corresponding shrines 
of other nations contained 
idols, so late tradition has it 
that the Ark contained the 
tables of the Decalogue (I 
Kings viii. 9, 21). As the 
two versions of the Deca- 
logue, that of E. in Ex. xx., 
and that of J. in Ex. xxxiv., 
differ so radically, critics 
hold also that there could 
have been no authoritative 
version of the Command- 
ments deposited in the Ark, 
but believe that it contained 
an aerolite or sacred stone 
— similar to the sacred stone 
of the Kaaba at Mecca — 
which was regarded as a 
fetish. The fact that in J. 
(the Judean source) the Ark 
is not prominent, Yhwh 

being consistently represented as dwelling at Sinai 
while his angel goes before Israel (Ex. xxxiii. 2), and 
that in E. (the Ephraimitic source) the Ark plays a 
conspicuous part, led Wellhausen and Stade to be- 
lieve that it was originally the movable sanctuary of 
the Joseph tribes, from whom, after the union of the 
tribes, it was adopted by the nation. This view has 
been generally adopted by other critics (see refer- 
ences above). 

In the historical books the Ark plays no part after 
the time of Solomon, when it was placed in the 
Temple. Couard believes that it was carried from 
Jerusalem in the days of Rehoboam by the Egyptian 
king Shishak (Stade's "Zeitschrift," xii. 84). That 
would adequately explain its disappearance from 
history. While the Ark figures in Deuteronomy and 
in the priestly legislation, there is, as Couard points 
out, no evidence that it was actually in existence as 

an object in the cult at the time that those codes 
were combined ; it appears to represent merely an 
ideal in the minds of the compilers. 

Bibliography : W. Lotz, Die Bundetiade, Lelpsic, 1901 : J. 
Meinhold, Die Lade Jahweh's in Theol. Arbetten cms d. 
Rhemlscnen Wissenschaftlichen Predigerverein, Bonn 

J. JR. 

G. A. B. 

ARK OF THE LAW — In the Synagogue 

(CJHpn piK) : A closet or chest in which are kept 
the Torah scrolls used in the public worship of the 
synagogue. The Ark 
is placed in or against 
the wall of the syna- 
gogue, toward which ' 
the worshipers turn in 
the solemn parts of the 
liturgy— the wall in the 
direction of Jerusalem. 

Supposed Earliest Representation ol an Ark of the Law, in the Museo Borgiano at Rome. 

(From Garrucci, "Arte Christiana.") 

placed a few feet above the floor of the nave and is 
reached by steps. As the Torah is the most sacred 
and precious possession of the Jew, so is the chest 
which holds it the most important and ornate part of 
the synagogue. It is called " Aron ha-Kodesh " (the 
Holy Ark) after the Ark of the Covenant in the Tab- 
ernacle and the Temple (Ex. xxv. 10 etseg., xxxvii. 
1 etseq.). The perpetual lamp(TDn 1J) is usually 
hung in front of it. From the platform near it the 
priests pronounce their benediction on festivals (com- 
pare the expression pnS> rbv< R - H. 31* ; Shab. 118ft), 
and in modern Ashkenazic synagogues the bimah or 
almemar — the platform from which the prayers are 
recited and the lessons of the Torah read by the pre- 
centor — is placed near it (compare in the Talmud the 
expressions ravin ^sb "13V and mvin 'JE& TV 
("Ber. v. 4; R. H. iv. 7, 34ft], for performing the func- 
tion of precentor). Whenever the Ark is opened the 

Ark of the Law 



Ark ok the Law of the Sephardic Synagogue at Amsterdam. 

(After Picart.) 

congregation rises in reverence for the Torali it holds, 
and when it is empty, as on the Feast of the Rejoi- 
cing of the Law (Simhat Torah), when all the Torah 
scrolls are taken out to be carried in procession, a 

Symbolic Representation of an Ark of the Law on a Glass Dish 
in the Museo Borgiano at Rome. 

(From Garrucci, " Arte Christiana.") 

burning candle is placed in it. Before the Ark there 
is frequently placed a curtain of costly material, 
called paroket after the curtain which in the Taber- 
nacle and Temple screened the Holy of Holies (Ex 
xxvii. 21, xxxvi. 35, xl. 21). 

It may be safely assumed that the Ark constituted 
from the first an integral part of the synagogue 
edifice. The synagogue was considered a sanctuary 
next to the Temple (Meg. 29a ; see Targum to Ezek. 
xi. 16), and the Ark as corresponding to the third 
division of the Temple, the Holy of Holies. The ap- 
plication of the term ioTI to the Ark is therefore not 
appropriate, as this name was given to the second or 
middle division of the Temple (I Kings vi. 5, 17; vii. 
50). It is equally certain that the Ark served from 
the beginning as a receptacle for the sacred scrolls 
used in the service of the synagogue, although the 
older accounts do not expressly mention it. This 
may be inferred from the analogy with the Ark of 
the Covenant in which, according to tradition (Deut. 
x. 2 et seq. ; I Kings viii. 9; II Chron. v. 10), the tab- 
lets of the covenant, or the Decalogue, were de- 
posited, and the place of which was taken by the 
Ark and the Torah. 

In the Mishnah the Ark is referred to not as JVlN, 
but as mTI, the word used in the Old Testament 
(spelled without i) for the Ark of Noah (Gen. vi.- 
viii.) and the Ark in which Moses was hidden (Ex. ii. 
3, 5). Its preference for the term " Tebah " may be 
duo to a desire to distinguish between the Ark of the 



Ark of the Law 

Tabernacle and Temple, and that of the synagogue 
(compare, however, the Baraita). The vulgar crowd 
commit a deadly sin in calling the sacred shrine simply 
" chest " (Shab. 32a). In Megillah iii. 1 this gradation 
of sacredness is given : From the proceeds of the sale 
of a synagogue an Ark may be purchased ; from those 
of an Ark, wrappers (for the Torah scroll) ; from those 

dentally that the sacred books were kept in the syna- 
gogue (oappaTciov); Chrysostom (347-407) refers in 
"Oratio Ad versus Juclwos," vi. 7 ("Opera," ed.Mont- 
faucon, vol. i.), to the Ark (/u/fordf, the word by 
which the Septuagint renders the Hebrew p"iK) and 
in "Orat." i. 5 to the "Law " and the "Prophets" 
which were kept in the synagogues. Itis only Mai- 

Akk of the Law in the Synagogue at Gibraltar. 

(From ;i photograph in the collection of Hon. Mayer Sulzberger.) 

of wrappers, books (that signifies, according to Mai- 
monides' Yad ha-Hazakah, Hilkot Tefillah, xi. 14, 
the Pentateuch and other parts of the Old Testa- 
ment in book form) ; from those of books, a Torah 
scroll (compare also Shulhan ' Aruk, Orah Hayyim, § 
153, 2). According to Ta'anit ii. 1 the Ark was port- 
able. Josephus ("Ant." xvi. 6, § 2) mentions inci- 

monides (Yad ha-Hazakah, Hilkot Tefillah, x. [xi.] 
3) and Bertinoro (to Ta'anit ii. 1) who state ex- 
plicitly that the sacred scrolls were preserved in the 
A . J. M. C. 

Architecturally Considered : In earlier times 

and in less important synagogues the Ark was 

Ark of the Law 
Ark of Noah 



generally a movable pieceof furniture, so that in case 
of disturbance or danger it could be readily removed 
with its contents. In its most rudimentary form it 
was merely a wooden case or closet, raised from the 
floor sufficiently high for the congregation to see the 
scrolls of the Law when the doors were open. 

Sometimes the Ark is fashioned as a recess or 
niche in the wall, and the design is then very properly 
considered in connection with the architectural 
treatment of the interior of the synagogue. When 
this method is adopted it is generally ornamented 
with columns, cornices, and arches; 
and when built of stone or other rich 
materials, presents an appearance of 
great dignity. Examples may be 
found to-day in some of the London 
synagogues, a particularly notable one 
being that in Great St. Helens, which 
itself is a fine piece of classic design. 
In this structure the Ark is a cur- 
tained recess in a semicircular wall. It 
is flanked with pilasters and coupled 
Corinthian columns, 
which are surmounted by 
other columns and arches 
supporting a half-dome, 
a fine effect of stateliness 
being attained by this sim 
pie treatment. 

A more modern example 
is found in the synagogue 
Mickve Israel, of Phila- 
delphia, where the Ark 
occupies practically the 
entire eastern end of the 
building. Here, also, it 
takes the form of a recess 
in the wall ; and it is 
framed with columns and 
pilasters supporting 
a round arch, in the 
tympanum of which 
are the tables of the 
Law surrounded by 
stained glass. When 
the doors are opened, 
a base of white mar- 
ble is disclosed, and 
on this rest the scrol Is. 

In the synagogue 
at Amsterdam there is an extremely beautiful Ark 
treated architecturally with Ionic columns, cornices, 
and pediments; the central portion is raised higher 
than the sides and contains the tables of the Law 
elaborately framed and surrounded by carving. 
This Ark is specially notable from the fact that 
it is divided vertically into five parts, each having 
separate compartments with doors, and all con- 
taining scrolls. Notwithstanding its elaboration, 
however, it has no relation to the interior design 
of the building, and must be considered rather as 
a handsome piece of furniture placed in the position 
of honor. 

In many of the important synagogues in Europe 
the Ark is treated in' the same way. In Wiesbaden, 
Florence, and Paris are three instances of this. 

Ark of the Law In the Synagogue at Pogrehishche, Russia. 

(From Bersohn, " Kilka Slow.") 

The Ark in the synagogue in each of these cities is 
a superb structure made of stone, marble, and rich 
metal work ; but the main line of the walls against 
which it is placed has been recognized in its design, 
and while it is a separate structure, it still forms 
a consonant part of the interior and harmonizes with 
it without losing its distinctive importance. 

The Ark in the Temple Emanu-El in New York 
is an unusually elaborate piece of Moresque design. 
It is richly carved, entirely constructed of wood, 
and colored in the manner of the Alhambra. 

In the Temple Beth-El, New York, 
the Ark is made of onyx and colored 
marbles, and is placed against a semi- 
circular background of marble and 
mosaic. Richly wrought and gilded 
bronze is used for capitals and other 
ornamental parts, and for the doors — 
which latter are counterweighted, and 
rise instead of sliding to the sides. 
These doors are of open design, so 
that, even when they are closed, the 
scrolls may be seen, as the 
interior is illuminated with 
electric lights. 

The approach to the Ark 
of the West End Syna- 
gogue, New York, is by 
four steps from the main 
floor, giving upon a broad 
platform extending nearly 
the whole width of the 
building ; from the center 
of the rear of this again, 
rise four semicircular steps 
leading to the actual Ark. 
This is of elaborate Mo- 
resque design and work- 
manship, in which strong 
relief is obtained by 
the use of light oak 
fretwork, embedded 
in black walnut 
panels, in the central 
sliding doors which 
conceal the scrolls. 
Handsome walnut 
pillars, which repro- 
duce the form of 
those of stone that 
support the portico of the exterior of the building, 
and of those of onyx that uphold the galleries, 
flank the Ark. The whole structure is set in an 
arched recess in the south wall of the building, and 
receives light in the daytime from rows of Mo- 
resque windows of stained glass, placed close to- 
gether and filling the extent of the arch. By night, 
concealed gas or electric lights are skilfully adjusted 
to illuminate the salient points of the design. The 
pulpit and the reading-desk, occupying their custo- 
mary positions, repeat the mosaic ornamentation of 
the combined oak and walnut, characteristic of the 
Ark. An equally elaborate Ark is that of the " She- 
arith Israel " congregation in New York, the Sephar- 
dic place of worship ; a colored plate of it forms the 
frontispiece of vol. i. of this Encyclopedia. 



Ark of the Law 
Ark of Noah 

The Ark is always surmounted by a representation 
of the two tables of the Law, while a perpetual 
lamp hangs in front ; silver and bronze lamps of rich 
workmanship are often placed at the sides. The 

Ark of the Law from the Synagogue at Modena, Dated 
A.M. 5365 = 1505 C.E. 

(From the Muaee de Cluny.) 

doors, except in the Sephardic synagogues, are cov- 
ered by curtains, and the walls of the interior are 
also adorned with rich hangings. 

The Ark is approached always by at least three 
steps, but sometimes many more are used, and — as 
in the case of the Paris synagogues — a tine effect is 
obtained by marble steps and balustrades. 

a. A. W. B. 

ARK OF MOSES ("tebah"): For three months 
Moses was kept hidden by his mother, and when she 
could no longer conceal him, she made a box and 
launched it on the Nile river (Ex. ii. 2-3). The box 
was made of rushes, and was lined with slime and 
pitch to make it water-tight. Midr. R. to Ex. i. 21 
says that the pitch was placed on the outside of the 
box, so that its odor should not be offensive to the 

j. jh. G. B. L. 

ARK OF NOAH.— Biblical Data : The vessel 
occupied by Noah and his family during the Deluge 
(Gen. vi. 14, vii., viii.). 

The English name should not be confounded with 
the Ark of the Covenant. The Hebrew name, nan, 
is the same as that of the chest in which the infant 
Moses was placed on the banks of the Nile. It was a 
box-like structure made of gopher-wood, a species 
of pine-tree not found in Babylonia, but brought, as 
was frequently done, from the Mediterranean coast 
land. It had three stories and a roof. In the paral- 
lel Babylonian flood-story no mention is made of the 
material; but in the main the descriptions agree. 
In either case the vessel was made water-tight with 
bitumen and provided with cells or rooms. The pro- 
portions, as given in Genesis, show regard for safety 
and rapid movement under steering. The huge 
dimensions of the Ark — 300 cubits long, 50 cubits 
broad, and 30 cubits high — were never reached in 
the construction of ancient vessels, but would have 
been necessary for the accommodation of all the ani- 
mals that survived the Deluge. It was really a great 
house set afloat, and was so called in the Babylonian 
version ("Flood Story," line 91). Its purpose, ac- 
cording to both accounts, was to accommodate Noah 
and his family and the animals of every kind that 
were to populate the earth after the waters subsided. 
In the Babylonian account the Ark rested on Mount 
Nisir, east of the Lower Zab river, therefore not far 
from the starting-point; and the high water lasted 
but a week. Noah's Ark, after tossing about for a 
year, rested in the highlands of Ararat or Armenia, 
and stories have been current at various times to the 
effect that remains of it had been found in that re- 
gion, as, for example, in Josephus, "Ant." i. 3, § 6 
(see An a rat and Flood). See Schrader, "Cunei- 
form Inscriptions and the Old Testament," i. 46-60. 

j. jh. J. F. McC. 

In Rabbinical Literature : One hundred and 

twenty years before the Deluge, Noah planted cedars 
from which he afterward made the Ark (Gen. R. 
xxx. 7; compare Christian parallels; Ginzberg, 
"Monatsschrift," xliii. 411). This lengthy period 
was requisite, partly in order to urge the sinful peo- 
ple to amend their ways, and partly to allow suffi- 
cient time for the erection of the Ark, which was of 
very large proportions. According to one view the 

Coin of Apamea, with Supposed Eepresentatlon of Noah's Ark. 

(From Maspero, " Dawn of Civilization.") 

Ark consisted of three hundred and sixty cells, each 
ten yards long by ten yards wide ; according to an- 
other it consisted of nine hundred cells, each six 
yards long by six yards wide (Gen. R. xxxi. 11 : 
compare commentaries on the passage for the exact 
mathematical computations). The lowest of these 

Ark of Noah 



stories was used as a depositary for refuse ; in the 
second the human beings and the " clean " beasts 
were lodged, and the uppermost was reserved for the 
"unclean" beasts. A differing opinion reverses the 
order, so that the refuse was deposited in the third 

The Ark ot Noah Afloat. 

(From the Sarajevo Hajrgadah.) 

story, from which it was shoveled into the sea 
through a sortof trap-door (xarapiKTr/g ; Gen. R. I.e.). 
For purposes of illumination, Noah used precious 
stones, bright as the sun at noonday (Sanh. 108S; 
Yer. Pes. i. 27b; Gen. It. I.e.), which shone by night 
and were dull by day. The stones were the sole 
light in the Ark, since the stars and planets did not 
fulfil their functions during the Deluge (Gen. R. 
xxxiv. 11). Another miracle witnessed by the occu- 
pants of the Ark was the entrance of the animals. 
They were not led in by Noah, a task which would 
have been impossible for any human being ; but God 
caused them, as well as the spirits of those whose 
bodies were yet uncreated, to gather there from all 
sides (Gen. R. xxxi. 13, xxxii. 8; Zeb. 116«; for 
Christian parallels see Ginzberg, "Monatsschrift," 
xliii. 414). Another Midrash says that the an- 
gels appointed over the various species of animals 
brought each his allotted animal with its necessary 
fodder (Pirke R. El. xxiii.). In regard to the feed- 
ing of the animals, the greater number of Haggadot 
say that each received suitable food at the usual 
time (Tan.,ed. Buber, Noah ii. ; Gen. R. xxxi. 14); 
and since Noah was constantly employed in feeding 
them, he did not sleep for a moment during the year 
in the Ark. As Noah was an exception among his 
contemporaries, so also were the animals that were 
destined to be saved. They were the best of their 
species, and, unlike the other animals of the time, 
they remained true to their proper natures, with- 
out overstepping the limitations which nature had. 
prescribed for them (Tanhuma, I.e. v. ; Gen. R. 
xxviii. 8; Sanh. 108r«). Besides the regular occu- 
pants, the Ark supported Og, king of Bashan, and 
the immense animal "Regm," neither of whom, 
owing to their enormous size, could get into the 
Ark, but held fast to it, remaining alongside (Pirke 
R. El. xxiii. ; Gen. R. xxxi. 13). In order that Noah 
on his entrance into the Ark might not be molested 
by the wicked people, lions and other wild animals 
were placed to guard it. A beam of the Ark was 
found by Sennacherib, and he made an idol of it 

(Sanh. 96a). Another beam of the Ark was used as 
the gallows for Haman, according to Midrash Abba 
Gorion, iv. ; ed. Buber, 19« (see Deluge in Rab- 
binical Literature). 

j. sn. L. G. 

In Mohammedan Literature : Mohammed's 

conception of the Ark of Noah was of an ordinary 
ship. He refers to it frequently in speaking of 
Noah, and in all but two cases uses the word " fulk," 
which is elsewhere his usual word for a ship. In 
one passage (sura liv. 14) he calls it " a thing of 
boards and nails " ; in another (xxix. 14), "saflnah," 
which he also uses elsewhere of a ship. 

There is, therefore, little Koranic material that 
need be considered under this rubric. A curious 
expression in the Koran (xi, 43), "And he said, 
' Ride ye in it ; in the Name of God it moves and 
sta}rs, ' " probably means only that at all times it was 
under the care of God. But some commentators 
(Baidawi, ad loc.) have thought the meaning to be 
that Noah said, " In the Name of God ! " when he 
wished it to move, and the same when he wished it 
to stand still. 

It is mentioned (xi. 46) that it settled on al-Judi. 
This name must go back to a flood-legend current 
among the Syrians of the east Tigris, in which the 
Ark settled on the mountains of Gordyoea. But in 
Moslem tradition this has become a specific moun- 
tain, lofty and long in shape, near the town called 
Jazirat ibn 'Umar, on the east bank of the Tigris, 
in the province of Mosul. So Yakut (s.v. ii. 144), 
and Ibn Batuta passed it on his travels (ii. 139). 
Mas'udi ("Golden Meadows," i. 74) states that the 
place where the Ark grounded could be seen to his 
day, but there do not seem to be current among 
Moslems any of those tales so common in Jewish 
and Christian legend of remains found by adventur- 
ous travelers. Probably the Moslem al-Judi was 
much too accessible. According to Yakut a mosque 
built by Noah was still to be found there. 

The Ark Resting on Mt. Ararat. 

(From the Saraje' 

On the dimensions and plan of the Ark there was 
much difference of opinion. It is evident that Mo- 
hammed's conception of a simple ship had been 
changed by outside influence. Baidawi (I.e.) gives 
the Biblical dimensions of 300 cubits by 50 by 30, 
and expands only in explaining that in the first of 



Ark of Noah 

the three stories wild and domesticated animals were 
lodged, in the second were human beings, and in 
the third the birds. But other professed legend- 
gatherers go much farther. Al-Tha'labi in his 
"Kisas al-Anbiyya" (pp. 31 et seq.) and al-Diyar- 
bakri in his "Khamls" give stories of how Noah, 
under the direction of Gabriel, built a " house " of 
teak-wood — after having first grown the trees for 
the purpose — with dimensions of 80 cubits by 50 by 
30 ; or, according to others, 660 by 330 by 33 ; or, 
again — and this on the authority of Jesus, who raised 
up Shem to give the information to his disciples — • 
1,200 by 600. On every plank was the name of a 
prophet, and the body of Adam was carried in the 
middle to divide the men from the women. When 
Noah came near the end of his building, he found 
that three planks, symbolizing three prophets, were 
missing, and that he could not complete the "house " 
without them. These planks were in Egypt and 
were brought from there to Noah by Og, son of 
Anak, the only one of the giants who was permitted 
to survive the Flood. The last of the Ark seems to 
have been that Noah locked it up and gave the key 
to Shem (Ibn Wadih, i. 12). 
j. jk. D. B. M. 

ARKANSAS : One of the South-central states 
of the United States; admitted June 15, 1836; seced- 
ed May 6, 1861 ; and was readmitted June 22, 1868. 
Arkansas has about three thousand Jews. Though 
their settlement in different parts of the state can 
be traced to comparatively early days, their com- 
munal activity is of but recent development. A 
curious item of circumstantial evidence in this mat- 
ter is the old marriage law of Arkansas (Statutes of 
1838), which was so worded as to exclude Jewish 
ministers from performing the ceremony. This law 
remained unchanged until 1873, when, through the 
exertions of M. A. Colin of Little Rock, the blunder 
was corrected in the revised statutes. There are in 
the state but five congregations of sufficient size 
and means to employ a permanent minister and to 
hold regular services; namely, Little Rock, Pine 
Bluff, Fort Smith, Hot Springs, and Jonesboro. The 
communities next in size are Texarkana, Helena, 
and Camden. 

The most important Jewish community in the 
state is Little Rock ; it is the oldest as well as the 
largest. The first Jewish settlers there that can be 
traced were the Mitchell family (three brothers), 
who came from Cracow, Galicia, in 
Little 1838. From that year until the Civil 
Bock. War there was little Jewish immigra- 
tion ; but during the war and imme- 
diately afterward the influx was comparatively 
large. In 1866 a congregation was formed and in- 
corporated with M. Navra as president. On March 
18, 1867, a charter was granted to it under the name 
"Congregation B'nai Israel of Little Rock." The 
members worshiped in the Masonic Temple under 
the leadership of a hazan, S. Peck of Cincinnati, 
who resigned in 1870. In 1872 J. Bloch was elected 
rabbi ; and the congregation moved into a hall, pre- 
paratory to building a temple. This temple was 
completed and dedicated in September, 1873. Bloch 
served until 1880, and was succeeded by I. W. Ben- 
son, who held office from 1881 to 1883; he was fol- 
II.— 8 

lowed by M. Eisenberg, who occupied the pulpit 
for the remainder of the year. He was followed by 
Joseph Stolz as rabbi, who was at the time a student 
in the Hebrew Union College of Cincinnati. The 
rabbis succeeding him were: Emanuel Schreiber 
(1889-1891), Charles Rubenstein (1891-1897), Harry 
H. Mayer (1897-1899), and Louis Wolsey, the pres- 
ent incumbent. The membership (Sept., 1899) is 
170; and the Sabbath-school has 100 pupils and 5 
teachers. The building now occupied was built 
during the ministry of Rev. C. Rubenstein, and was 
dedicated in May, 1897, by him and Rabbis Wise, 
Samfield, and Stolz. Recently there has also been 
established an Orthodox congregation, having a 
membership of 13. Their present leader is a hazan, 
S. Carmel. With the growth of the community and 
congregation the following societies were organized : 

Synagogue at Little Rock, Arkansas. 

(From a photograph.) 

The Concordia Club (social, 1868); The Hebrew 
Ladies' Benevolent Society (for the relief of the 
poor, 1869) ; Little Rock Lodge, No. 158, 1. O. B. B. 
(1871); Kesher Shel Barzel (1876); Hebrew Relief 
Society (1892) ; The Temple Aid Society (formed by 
Rabbi Rubenstein in 1892, to aid in building the 

Many Little Rock Jews have been prominent in 
public life. One of the earliest settlers, Jonas Levy, 
was mayor from 1860 to 1865, and Jacob Erb (now 
in Chicago) occupied a position as county judge 
from 1890 to 1894, while Jacob Trieber is at present 
the judge of the United States Circuit Court. 

The estimated population is 40.000, of whom the 
Jews number 900. The latter include many mer- 
chants, a banker, lawyer, school-teacher, sash and 
blind manufacturer, photographer, and pawnbroker. 
Jews are also engaged in the following trades : baker, 
barber, confectioner, laundryman, musician, restau- 
rateur, and tailor. It is perhaps worthy of note that 




many of the Jews of Little Rock and other Arkansas 
cities were members of the Confederate Army. 

Pine Bluff has a Jewish community almost as 
large as that of Little Rock. The proportion of 
Jews to the total population being greater, they are 
more influential in public affairs. Between 1845 
and 1850, a Jew named Wolf — now in the New 
Orleans home — came to Pine Bluff. From that date 
the influx of Jews continued until to- 
Pine Bluff, day (1902) there is a Jewish popula- 
tion of some 700 or 800. In 1867 the 
congregation Anshe Emeth was organized with 20 
members. Bloch, a teacher in the public schools, 
was rabbi, and M. Aschaffenberg, president. In 
1871 Bloch resigned and was succeeded by Flugel, 
who retained office for four years. His successor 
was M. Greeneblatt, at whose death (1885) Rev. 
Isaac Rubenstein was appointed. He held office but 
one year, and was succeeded in 1887 by the Rev. 
Ferdinand Becker. During his long term the con- 
gregation increased to its present membership, 76; 
and he conducted a most successful Sabbath- school. 
On his retirement in 1898 he was succeeded by the 
present incumbent, Rabbi Joseph Kornfeld. 

The population of Pine Bluff is estimated at 
12,000, of whom 800 are Jews. The majority of 
the Jewish inhabitants are merchants ; and there are 
several lawyers, a physician, and a school-teacher. 
The trades followed by Jews are : carpenter, laun- 
dry, printer, and tailor. 

Fort Smith, the community next in size, is con- 
siderably smaller than Little Rock or Pine Bluff. 
Although there were Jews here as 
Fort Smith., early as 1845, it was not till much 
later that there were enough to form 
a congregation. The earliest settler that can be 
traced was Edward Czarnickow, who came to Fort 
Smith from Posen in 1842. He was followed by 
Morris Price (1843), Michael Charles (1844), and his 
brother, Louis Czarnickow, and Leopold Loewen- 
thal (1845). From 1845 to 1865 several business 
houses were established, and the greater part of the 
business done was carried on with the Indians that 
flocked to Fort Smith. 

The first organization was the Cemetery Associa- 
tion. It was established in 1871, and the next year 
it purchased a plot for a cemetery. Louis Tilles 
was president. The Hebrew Ladies' Benevolent 
Society was also organized in that year. From its 
inception it has been a great power for good ; reliev- 
ing the poor, and contributing generously to the 
building of the temple. In 1890, through the efforts 
of Rabbi Messing of St. Louis, a congregation, 
consisting of about 25 members, was formed. A. 
Traugott was appointed minister. With the aid of 
the Ladies' Benevolent Society a lot was bought and 
a temple erected. In 1895 Traugott retired and was 
succeeded in 1896 by Max Moses. During the min- 
istry of the latter the debt on the temple was almost 
entirely liquidated. In 1898 Moses was succeeded 
by Max C. Currick, who served till the end of 1901. 
The membership has greatly increased, there being 
now (1902) 44 full members and 25 associate mem- 
bers; of these about 10 live in neighboring towns. 
The Sabbath-school, which has 40 pupils and 3 
teachers, is in a most prosperous condition. Besides 

the organizations mentioned, there are the Progress 
Club (social), witli 40 members (1899); and a local 
lodge of the I. O. B. B. (1879), at one time very 
prosperous, the membership of which has fallen 
from 30 to 7. 

The total population of Fort Smith is estimated 
at 20,000, of whom 230 are Jews. The only trades 
pursued are: tailor, cutter, photographer, and up- 

Van Buren, a suburb of Fort Smith, contains a 
few Jewish families, most of whom are members of 
the Fort Smith congregation. 

Hot Springs has a Jewish population of 170 in 
10,000. There have been Jews in Hot Springs since 
1856, when Jacob Kempner came there from Cra- 
cow, Galicia. The congregation was organized in 
1878. F. L. Rosenthal was the first rabbi, and was 
succeeded by the present incumbent, 
Hot Louis Schreiber. On account of the 

Springs, large numbers of sick poor that flock 

to Hot Springs, the demand upon the 

community is very heavy ; and to meet it the Society 

for the Relief of the Sick Poor was organized in 


The first Jewish settler in Jonesboro was Morris 
Berger, who arrived in 1882. In 1897 there were 
enough Jews to form a congregation. In Septem- 
ber of that year Rabbi Isaac Rubenstein was called 
to the ministry. Through his untiring efforts the 
temple was completed, and was dedicated on Jan. 2, 
1898. He died in Jan., 1899. In August of the 
same year Adolph Marx began his 
Jonesboro, ministry, and served until 1900, when 
Texarkana, he was succeeded by J. Ellinger. 

Helena, The total population of Jonesboro is 

Camden. 5,000, of whom 125 are Jews. Both 
in Hot Springs and Jonesboro the only 
trades pursued by Jews are those of tailor and 

Texarkana, Helena, and Camden have Jewish com- 
munities of about the same size, numbering each 
between 100 and 140. None of them has either a 
permanent rabbi or regular services; but they all 
have services during the autumn holidays, generally 
conducted by a student of the Hebrew Union Col- 
lege. The oldest of these communities is Helena, its 
congregation having been organized as far back as 
1869. It had permanent rabbis until 1887. They 
were: A. Meyer (1880-1881), L. Weiss (1882-1884), 
A. M. Block (1885), and A. Gustmann (1886-1887). 
Abraham Brill served as rabbi from 1900 till 1901. 
Each of these communities has a social club, a so- 
ciety for the relief of the poor, a literary society, 
and a local lodge of the I. O. B. B. 

Scattered through the remainder of the state, in 
the towns of Brinkley, Batesville, Conway, Ozark, 
Paragould, Malvern, Newport, Paris, Fayetteville, 
Searcy, and Dardanelle, there are some four or five 
hundred Jews. They are in no greater groups than 
five families to a town ; with the exception of New- 
port and Conway, which have each about 55 Jews. 

A. M. C. C. 

ABKITE(S) : Ancient people of northwestern 
Palestine. In Gen. x. 17, I Chron. i. 15, the Arkite 
('piyn) is mentioned as a son of Canaan and opens 




the series of the chief Phenician cities. The city of 
Arka, from which the name is derived, is the modern 
ruin Tell 'Arka in the Lebanon, northeast of Tripo- 
lis, on a brook called River of 'Arka (not the Sabbati- 
cal River of Josephus!). The city occurs in Egyp- 
tian inscriptions, about 1500 B.C., as '(I)rkan{a)tu 
(W. 31. Muller, " Asien und Europa," p. 247); in the 
Amarna Letters (122 et seq. ) as Irgata, Irganatu. The 
Assyrians mention Irkanat as hostile under Shalman- 
eser II. ; Tiglath-pileser III. subjected Arka (De- 
litzsch, "Paradies," pp. 272, 284; Schrader, "Cunei- 
form Inscriptions and the Old Testament, " i. 87, 246). 
In Roman times Arka (Arke, etc.) was an important 
town, called Csesarea Libani. It was a Roman colony 
and famous for the cult of Venus Arcitis {Macrobius). 
As a fortress it played a prominent part in the Cru- 

The strange form Ariki in the Septuagint, in Jose- 
phus, and in the Samaritan text is not intelligible, 
j. je. W. M. M. 

ARKOVY, JOSEPH: Professor of clinical 
dentistry at the University of Budapest; born in 
Budapest, February 8, 1851. He graduated in 1876 
from the university of his native city, and then 
went to London, where for several years he prac- 
tised in the German Hospital. In 1881 he estab- 
lished a clinical hospital at Budapest, which was 
amalgamated in 1890 with the general clinics as the 
"' Department of Dentistry. " Arkovy is the pioneer 
of scientific dentistry in Hungary, and the author of 
several works on the subject, the more important 
of which are: "A Fogak Gondozasa" (1881); "A 
Fogbel es Gyokhartya Bantalmak" (1884); and 
" Diagnostic der Zahnkrankheiten " (1885). He has 
also published several essays in Hungarian, German, 
and English dental journals. Arkovy has been bap- 

Bibliography : Acta Reg. Scient. Univ. Hung., 1883-1885 ; 
Pallas, Lexikon, I. 

s. M. W. 

ARLES (Latin Arelas or Arelate, Hebrew ta'fnx, 

•\b-\a, ninx, kHn, nxbnx, h^-in, i!nx, ^-ik, 

"IN^HIK ■aintf): City of France, in the department 
of Bouches du Rh6ne ; ancient capital of Provence. 
The date of the settlement of the Jews in Aries is 
lost in antiquity. According to a legend, the em- 
peror Vespasian placed Jews on three vessels, which 
were abandoned by their captains in the open sea. 
One of these came to Aries, another landed at Bor- 
deaux, and the third reached Lyons (" Siddur," Roe- 
delheim, 1868, ed. Baer, p. 112). 

This legend makes it probable that there were 
Jews in Aries during the first centuries of the com- 
mon era. But the first official docu- 
Early ment concerning them dates from 425. 
Settlement. In that year the emperor Valentinian 
III. addressed to the pretor of Gaul, 
and to Patroclus, bishop of Aries, a decree, enjoin- 
ing them to forbid Jews and heathens to take up the 
career of arms, to enter the magistracy, or to possess 
Christian slaves (Papon, " Histoire Generate de Pro- 
vence," i. ii.). These restrictions, however, were 
not carried out, or, at any rate, did not last long; 
for some years later the bishopric of Aries was oc- 

cupied by Saint Hilary (429-449), who cherished the 
most kindly feelings toward Jews in general, and 
especially toward those of Aries. 

In 476 the Roman dominion in Gaul came to an 
end, and Provence fell into the hands of the Visi- 
goths. Euric conquered Aries, where he settled for 
a long time. So long as the Visigoths remained at- 
tached to Arianism, the Jews enjoyed all civic rights. 
In 508, when Aries was besieged by the Franks and 
Burgundians, the Jewish inhabitants valorously de- 
fended the city. Aries fell into the hands of Clovis, 
and Bishop Ctesarius was openly accused by the 
Jews of treason. The bishop's adherents, however, 
accused a Jewish soldier of having thrown a letter 
to the besiegers, inviting them to climb the wall at 
a certain place. The soldier was put to death, and 
the bishop was acquitted. But this relatively happy 
state ■ of the Jews did not last. Aries, like most 
towns of southern France, fell under the dominion 
of the Merovingian kings, whose fanaticism weighed 
heavily upon the French Jews. The bishops were 
encouraged by Chilperic himself (561-584) to attempt 
the conversion of the Jews; and Virgilius, bishop of 
Aries, displayed such zeal for the salvation of Jew- 
ish souls, that even Pope Gregory the Great thought 
it necessary to moderate it by a stern rebuke (see"i3. 
Gregorii Papte I. Magni EpistolaV' ii. lxv.). 

With the death of Dagobert I. (638), on which 
occasion the power passed into the hands of the 
Carlovingian dynasty, the state of the 
Under French Jews in general considerably 
the Carlo- improved. The Carlovingian princes 
vingians. efficaciously protected them from the 
attacks of the clergy. Jewish history 
has nothing to record of this happy period. It takes 
up the thread again with the death of Louis le D6bon- 
naire (814-840), when Boso, count of Provence, sup- 
ported by Pope John VIII. and the clergy, founded 
the kingdom of Burgundy with Aries for capital. 
In 850, the Jewish communities of Lyons, CMlon, 
Macon, and Vienne, to save their children from bap- 
tism, sent them to Aries, where Bishop Roland 
showed himself most favorably disposed toward the 
Jews. The usurper (879-888), as a token of his grat- 
itude toward the clergy, transferred his rights over 
the Jews of Aries to Rostang, archbishop of this 
town. Boso's son and successor did the same in 
921 to Bishop Manasse. This form of transfer was 
sanctioned later by the German emperors, who ac- 
quired rights of suzerainty over Provence. Thus 
Conrad III., in 1147, granted to the archbishop of 
Aries, Raymond of Montredon, among other of his 
regal prerogatives, the jurisdiction over the Jews of 
his diocese. Frederick Barbarossa in 1 154 confirmed 
and extended these privileges. The archbishop un- 
derstood how to make the most of the power be- 
stowed upon him, and laid heavy taxes upon the 
Jews of Aries. And yet their state was tolerably 
favorable in comparison with that of the Jews of 
other towns in France, who suffered much from the 
Crusaders. The archbishop watched carefully over 
his property, and permitted none to interfere with 
his Jews. 

According to Benjamin of Tudela, the Jewish 
community of Aries counted at the second half of 
the twelfth century about 200 families. At their 




head were six rabbis : Moses, Tobias, Isaiah, Solo- 
mon, Abba Mari, and Nathan (see Benjamin of 
Tudela, "Travels,'' i. 5). They lived in a separate 
quarter of the town, and had their synagogue in 
RueNeuve (Noble de la Laugiere, "Abrege Chrono- 
logique de l'Histoire d' Aries," pp. 301, 312). Then- 
chief trade consisted in selling kermes, which is 
used in dry-salting. In 1315 Archbishop Michel de 
Moriere regulated the administration of the Jewish 
community of Aries. On every Feast of Tabernacles 
the Jews had to elect three members, who were to 
administer the community. The elected members as- 
sumed the title of " rectors, " and they 
Rectors. were invested by the archbishop with 
full power. The rectors were responsi- 
ble for their acts to the archbishop. The first rec- 
tors assigned by the archbishop himself were : Dn- 
rantus (Durant), Salvetus (Salves), and Ferrerius 
(Ferrier). Trinquetaille, a suburb of Aries, also pos- 
sessed quite an important community, which disap- 
peared in 1300, when this suburb was united with 
the town. 

The counts of Provence gradually established 
their power in Aries, owing to the incessant conflicts 
between the archbishop and the Christian inhabitants 
of the city ; and the state of the Arlesian Jews ac- 
cordingly changed. Thus Charles I. of Anjou offi- 
cially deprived the archbishop Bertrand of Malferrat 
of his rights over the Jews (1276). This circum- 
stance occasioned much suffering among the Jews 
of Aries ; for the clergy could now undisturbedly 
excite the fanaticism of the Christian inhabitants 
against them. Charles I. of Anjou, it is true, ac- 
corded to all his Jewish subjects every kind of pro- 
tection ; and on one occasion energetically took their 
part against the Dominican friars, who tried to in- 
troduce the Inquisition into Provence. But Charles' 
successor had not his energy, and the state of the 
Jews of Aries gradually grew worse. Thus Charles 
II. (1285-1309), incited by the clergy, issued ordi- 
nances, according to which the Jews were forbidden, 
on pain of a fine of two silver marks, to employ a 
Christian servant, to hold a public office, or to lay 
aside the distinguishing yellow badge. 

The first half of the fourteenth century was a 
relatively happy epoch for the Jews of Aries under 
the reign of Robert of Anjou, who 
The cherished kindly feeling toward them ; 

Fourteenth but the second half was just the re- 
and verse. The presence of Joanna on the 

Fifteenth throne of Provence gave scope to the 
Centuries, enemies of the Jews, and the most 
odious restrictions were placed upon 
them. Jews could not, for instance, testify against 
a Christian ; nor were they allowed to visit the pub- 
lic baths on any day during the week but Friday, 
which was set aside for their exclusive use ; they 
were forbidden to do work on Sundays; no Jew 
could embark for Alexandria, and only four could 
take passage by the same boat for any of the other 
parts of the Levant. 

In 1344 the Jews of Aries had much to suffer from 
the riots following the blood accusation against 
Samson of Reylhane. Such riots were repeated 
every few years, and Louis III. (1417-1434) saw the 
necessity of appointing special officials for the pro- 

tection of the Jews. These functionaries, called 
"conservators," exercised jurisdiction over the Jews 
and maintained order in the communities. In 1436 
the mob attacked the Jews of Aries, and maltreated 
even the conservators. King Rene (1434-1480) sup- 
pressed the functions of these guardians; and by the 
ordinance of May 18, 1454, granted to the Jews the 
right to retain their ancient customs. He, likewise, 
authorized them to build a fortress in their quarter, 
in order to protect themselves from the attacks of 
the populace during Holy Week (Noble de la Lau- 
giere, ib. p. 301). 

With the death of King Rene (1434-1480) the Jews 
lost their last protector. On the 13th of Nisan, 5244 
(April 8, 1484), when Provence was annexed to 
France, a band of laborers from Dauphin, Auvergn- 
ois, and the mountain districts of Provence, driven 
by misery, attacked the Jews of Aries, ransacked 
their houses, killed several women, and compelled 
about fifty persons to embrace Christianity. These 
violent outbursts were repeated in the summer of 
1485 (S. Kahn, in "Rev. Et. Juives," xxxix. 110). 
In 1488 the Jews were definitively expelled from 
Aries, to which place they never returned. 

Among the eminent persons associated with the 
town of Aries may be mentioned : R. Moses (tenth 
century); Judah ben Moses of Aries 
Prominent (eleventh century) ; Judah ben Tobias 
Jews (twelfth century); Abraham ben Da- 
in Aries, vid of Posquieres, called also Abraham 
ibn Daud (twelfth century); Samuel 
ben Judah ibn Tibbon, Mei'r and his son Kalony- 
mus, Isaac ben Jacob Cohen, Gerson ben Solomon 
(thirteenth century); Levi ben Abraham, who took 
part in the religious controversy of 1303-1306; Jo- 
seph Kaspi, Kalonymus ben Kalonymus, Don Com- 
prad of Aries, Kalonymus ben David ben Todros, 
Isaac ben Joseph Kimhi, Tanhum ben Moses (four- 
teenth century) ; Nathan ben Nehemia Kaspi, Isaac 
Nathan ben Kalonymus ben Judah ben Solomon 
(fifteenth century). 

The following physicians of Aries may also be 

mentioned : Maestro Bendit, probably identical with 

Bendich Ahin, physician to Queen Joanna in 1369; 

Benedit du Canet, one of the physicians of Louis 

XI. ; Maestro Salves Vidal of Bourrin, and Asher 

ben Moses of the family Valabregue (1468). 

Bibliography : Papon, Histoire Generate de Provence, I. ii. 
etseq.; Depping, Les Juifs dans le Moyen Age, p. 108; 
Nostradamus, Histoire et Chronique de Provence, passim; 
Gross, In Monatsschrlft, 1878, 1880, 1882; idem, Gallia Ju- 
daica, pp. 73 et seq. ; Rev. Et. Juives, xl. 71 ; xli. 62, 154. 

G. S. K.— I. Br. 


See Joseph of Arles. 


uel of Arles. 

ARMAVIR : The old capital of Armenia, on the 
southeastern slope of Mount Ahaghoz, said to have 
been founded by King Armais in 1980 B.C. Moses 
of Chorene (fifth century) has the tradition that 
when King Vaharshak settled in Armavir (149 b.c), 
he built a temple there and asked his favorite, the 
Jew Shambu Bagarat (Bagratuni), to give up his re- 
ligion and worship idols. Shambu refused compli- 
ance. Moses also relates that when King Tigranes 
II. (90-36 b.c), in order to take revenge on Queen 




Cleopatra of Egypt, sent an expedition to Palestine, 
he carried a great number of Jews into captivity, 
and settled them in Armavir and in Vardges. He 
goes on to state that later they were transferred 
from Armavir to Ernanda; and under King Ar- 
saces (85-127) again transferred into the new capital 
Artashat. When King Sapor II. of Persia invaded 
Armenia (360-370), he led away from Artashat 30,000 
Armenian and 9,000 Jewish families, the latter 
brought by King Tigranes from Palestine, and then 
completely destroyed the city. 

Bibliography: Faushis de Byzance in Langlois, Collection 
&es Histoires Armeniennes, i. 274, 275 ; Regesty i Nadpisi 
(Regests and Inscriptions), pub. by the Society lor the Pro- 
motion of Education Among the Jews of Russia, pp. 37 et seq., 
St. Petersburg, 1899. 
6. H. R. 

ARMENIA: Formerly a kingdom of western 
Asia, now (1902) apportioned among Russia, Tur- 
key, and Persia. According to the Peshitta and 
Targum Onkelos, the " Minni " of the Bible (Jer. li. 
27) is Armenia — or rather a part of that country, as 
Ararat is also mentioned (Isa. xxxvii. 38; II Kings 
xix. 37) as a part of Armenia. The 
In cuneiform inscriptions speak of " Man- 

the Bible, nai " in the same neighborhood (Schra- 
der, "K. A. T." 2d ed., p. 423). In 
ancient times the Armenians were in communication 
with Tyre and other Phenician cities, in which they 
traded with horses and mules (Ezek. xxvii. 14). 
The Meshech mentioned in Ezek. xxvii. 13; xxxii. 
26; xxxviii. 2, 3; xxxix. 1, and in Ps. cxx. 5, are 
probably the Moschi (Assyrian, Mushku and Musku), 
the inhabitants of the Moschian mountains, between 
the Black and the Caspian seas, which contained rich 
copper mines. " Tubal " (Assyrian, Tdbal), which is 
always mentioned in connection with Meshech, is 
the name of the Tibareni, who lived to the south- 
east of the Black sea. The name of the Moschi is 
perhaps preserved in Mzchet, the ancient capital 
of Iberia (Georgia), now a small village and station 
on the Transcaucasian railroad, about fourteen Eng- 
lish miles from Tiflis. 

Descendants of the Jewish captives who were 
carried away from Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar 
have lived in great numbers in the Parthian and 
Persian countries adjoining Armenia, and, occupy- 
ing themselves with agriculture and handicrafts, at- 
tained wealth and lived peacefully under the rule 
of their " Princes of the Diaspora " (" resh galuta "), 
who were supposed to be descendants of David 
(M. Brann and D. Chwolson, in the article " Yevrei," 
in Entziklopedicheski Slovar," vol. xi., s.v., St. 
Petersburg, 1894). 

According to Moses of Chorene (fifth century), 
King Hratchai (Fiery -Eye) obtained from Nebuchad- 
nezzar, king of Babylon, a distin- 
Early guished Jewish captive, named Sham- 
Settlement, bat (which name, according to A. 
Harkavy, is identical with " Sabbat "), 
whom he loaded with honors. From Shambat de- 
scended the family of Bagratuni (or Bagration), 
which heads the list of the Russian nobility (see 
Bobrinski, "Dvoryanskie Rody," i. 1, St. Peters- 
burg, 1890). When Vagharshak, brother of the Par- 
thian king Mithridates I., and the founder of the 
Arshak dynasty, ascended the throne of Armenia 

150 b.c, he introduced a new rule in the govern- 
ment of the country, nominating the Jew Bagarat, 
a descendant of Shambat, hereditary viceroy {naha- 
rar, satrap), and coronator (aspet) ; that is, the official 
charged with the duty of placing the crown on the 
head of the ruler. This dignity and duty remained 
with the Bagratuni family until the end of the 
Arshak dynasty in 433. The coronation, thence- 
forth, depended for its validity upon the perform- 
ance of this act (N. O. Emm, "Minutes of the Sixth 
Session of the Fifth Russian Archeological Con- 
gress," held at Tiflis, September, 1881, to be found 
in "Russische Revue," xviii. 309-311). But accord- 
ing to modern critics (Gutschmid and others) the 
work of Moses of Chorene is of a later date and his 
statements are open to question. 

During his expedition to Palestine, to take venge- 
ance on Queen Cleopatra of Egypt, Tigranes took 
a great number of Jews captive. He settled them 
in Armavir and in the city of Vardges, on the river 
Ksakh, which subsequently became a large commer- 
cial center. King Arsham, the brother of Tigranes, 
imprisoned the coronator Hanania, and deprived 
him of all honors, because he liberated from bond- 
age the Jewish high priest Hyrcanus. Josephus 
relates that Cleopatra took part in Antony's expe- 
dition to Armenia, when Antony subdued Armenia 
and " sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds, 
with his children and procurators, to Egypt " (" Ant. " 
xv. 4, § 3). He also states that the Herodian house 
was related to the royal house of Armenia ("Ant." 
xviii. 5, § 4; ib. xiii. 16, § 4). 

Many captive Jews were removed by Arsaces 
(85-127 of the common era) from the city of Ernanda 
and settled by him in the capital of Artashat. Ac- 
cording to tradition, the family of Amatuni, which 
was of Jewish origin, came from Oriental Aryan 
countries to Armenia in the reign of Arsaces. 

At the end of the reign of Arshak, during his 
iniquitous persecution, the Persian king Sapor II. 
(about 360) ordered the destruction of the fortifica- 
tions surrounding all the Armenian 

Carried cities, and also commanded that all the 

Away by Jews and Judaizers of the city of Van, 

Persians, who had been transferred to that city 

during the reign of Tigranes, should 

be taken into captivity and settled in Aspahan. 

Faustus, the Byzantine (4th century), in descri- 
bing the invasion of the Persians in the time of King 
Sapor II. (310-380), relates that the Persians re- 
moved from the city of Artashat 40,000 Armenian 
and 9,000 Jewish families; from Ernandashat 20,000 
Armenian and 30,000 Jewish ; from Zeragavan 5,000 
Armenian and 8,000 Jewish; from Zarishat 14,000 
Armenian and 10,000 Jewish; from Van 5,000 Ar- 
menian and 18,000 Jewish; and from Nakhichevan 
2,000 Armenian and 16, 000 Jewish families (360-370). 
This great mass of Jews, according to Faustus, had 
originally been transported from Palestine by King 
Tigranes Arshakuni. While these figures may be 
exaggerated, there can be hardly any doubt that 
Armenia at that time possessed a large Jewish pop- 
ulation (see Ersch and Gruber, " Encyklopadie, " 
xxvii. 440 et seq.; Gratz, "Gesch. der Juden," iv. 
422; Jost, "Gesch. der Israel.," ii. 128, Leipsic, 
1858; Harkavy, "Vyestnik Russkikh Yevreyev," 





1871; "Razsvyet," 1882-83; P. Lazarus, in Briill's 
"Jahrbuch," x. 34, 35). 

In the Talmud (Yer. Git. vi. 48«) a rabbi, Jacob of 
Armenia, and the Academy of Nisibis are referred 
to, which goes to prove that Jewish 
In Jewish scholarship flourished there. In the 
Literature, second century Jewish prisoners of 
war were brought from Armenia to 
Antiochia, and were ransomed by the Jews there 
(Yeb. 45a). To the question (Bab. Sanh. 94rt) 
whither were the Ten Tribes driven, Mar Zutra (third 
century) answers ; " To Africa ;" and Rabbi Hanina : 
"To the Slug [3"l?D] mountains." Africa is said to 
be Iberia (Georgia), and Slug may be, as Harkavy 
suggests, Cilici, between Assyria and Armenia (A. 
Harkavy, "Ha-Yehudim u-Sefat ha-Slavim," pp. 
105-109, and his reply to Steinschneider, H.B. ix. 15, 
52 in " Roman ob Alexandrye," 1892, p. 32, note). 

Armenia is also mentioned in the Midrashim: 
" God said, if I let them pass through the deserts, 
they will die of starvation. Therefore I lead them 
by the road of Armenia, where they will find cities 
and fortresses and plenty of provisions " (Lam. R. i. 
14). See also Cant. It., Amsterdam ed., p. 198. 

The Karaite Ibu Yusuf Ya'kub al-Kirkisani, in 
treating of Jewish sects in his Arabic work, written 
in 937, speaks of the sect founded by Musa al-Za'fa- 
rani. Musa — known under the name of Abu-Imran 
of Tiflis — lived in the ninth century. He was born 
in Bagdad, but settled in the Armenian city of Tiflis, 
where he found followers, who spread all over Ar- 
menia, and under the name of "Tiflisites" (Tifli- 
siyim), still existed in Kirkisani's time. "It is in- 
teresting to know, by the way," says Harkavy, 
" that in the ninth and tenth centuries such a large 
Jewish community existed in Tiflis, in which a 
separate sect could be formed" (A. Harkavy, in 
"Zapiski Vostochnavo Otdyeleniya Imperatorskavo 
Russkavo Archeologicheskavo Obshchestva," viii. 
247; idem, in "Voskhod," 1896, ii. 35, 36). 

Hasdai ben Isaac, in his letters to the king of the 
Chazars (about 960), says that it was his intention to 
send his letters by way of Jerusalem, Nisibis, Ar- 
menia, and Bardaa, which fact is proof of the exist- 
ence at that time of Jewish communities in Armenia 
(see A. Harkavy, " Soobshcheniya o Chazarakh," in 
" Yevreiskaya Biblioteka," vii. 143-153). 

Benjamin of Tudela in his "Travels" (Mas'ot: 
1160-1173) says that the power of the Prince of the 
Exile (Exilarch) extends itself over all the com- 
munities in the following countries: Mesopotamia, 
Persia, all of Armenia, and the country of Kota, 
near Mr. Ararat. In Nisibis — "a large city, richly 
watered " — he found a Jewish community of about 
1,000 souls. Pethahiah of Regensburg, in his " Sib- 
bub ha-'Olam" (1175-1185), narrates that from Cha- 
zaria he traversed the land of Togarma, and from To- 
garma entered into the land of Ararat (Armenia), 
reaching Nisibis in eight days. In another passage 
he speaks of large Armenian cities, containing few 
Jews. " In ancient times the Jewish population [of 
these cities] was large ; but owing to internal strife, 
their numbers were greatly reduced. They scat- 
tered and went to various cities of Babylon, Media, 
Persia, and Rush." 

In 1646 the Spanish adventurer Don Juan Me- 

nesses came to Constantinople to offer Turkey the 
dominion of a whole Armenian province inhabited by 
Jews (Hammer, "Gesch. des Osmanischen Reiches," 
v. 392). For modern history, reference may be 
made to the respective cities and countries. 
Bibliography: For the main tacts ol this article Moses of 
Chorene baa been relied upon. Moses Cborenesis, ed. Whis- 
ton, London, 1736; Iatariya Armenii Moixeua Chorenskavn, 
transl. bv N. O. Emln, pp. 36-37, 54-56, 60-69, 75, 82, 98, 104- 
105, 109-110, 113, 172; Langlois, Collection dot Histolres Ar- 
meniennes; Faustus de Byzance, i. 274-275: Drevnostl, 
Trudy Mosluwskavo Arch colon ■icheskavo Ohshchestva, 
18S0, supplement, p. 100 ; Megestu i Nadplsi, Nos. 134, 135, 
136; Schurer, Geschichte, 3d ed., iii. 1-38 ; A. Harkavy, Ob 
etc.,' St. Petersburg, 1865, and tbe above-mentioned works; 
Hamburger, B. B. T. ii. 72, 1281-1286, 1307-1310, 1883, iii. 9-24, 
1892 ; Jost, Gesch. des Judenthums, I. 336-340, Leipslc, 1857 ; 
Mommsen, ROmische Gesch. v. 489, Berlin, 1894; M. I. Saint- 
Martin, Memoircs Hintoriques et Giograplviques sur VAr- 
menis, i. passim, Paris, 1818; Neubauer, Gf. T. 370, 400- 
407, Paris, 1868 ; and works mentioned in the text. 
g. H. R. 

In Rabbinical Literature : According to an 

old tradition, which has found striking verification 
in recent discoveries in Assyria, Mt. Ararat (Gen. 
viii. 4) was held to be an Armenian locality (Targ. 
Yer. ad loe. ; Josephus, "Ant." i. 35). The render- 
ing of "Minni" (Jer. Ii. 27) by "Armenia," as given 
in the Targum, has also been verified. On the other 
hand, the identification of Harmonah ("Harmon," 
Amos iv. 3, R. V.) with Armenia (Targum, ad loe.) 
is probably based upon the false etymology of 
njIDin, as if the word were composed of har (moun- 
tain) and monah CO'D) (Armenia). 

It is probably on this false etymology that the 
Haggadah bases the statement that upon their jour- 
ney from Palestine to the places whither they were 
deported, the Ten Tribes passed through Armenia. 
"This," adds the Midrash, "was probably ordained 
by God in order that the Israelites might pass 
through cultivated regions where they could easily 
procure food and drink, and not through the desert, 
where they would suffer from hunger and thirst " 
(Lam. R. to I, 14). Apart from Nisibis, which can 
not well be included in its limits, the Talmudic and 
Midrashic sources know almost nothing of Armenia. 
An amora, Jacob Armenaya by name, is mentioned 
(Yer. Git. vi. 48a, below) ; yet it is doubtful whether 
the epithet " Armenaya " here really signifies " Arme- 
nian. " Equally doubtful is the import of the passage 
(Yeb. 45a), where Jewish captives are mentioned as 
having been transported from Armon to Tiberias. 
This Armon, contrary to the statements of Rapoport 
and Neubauer, can not be identical with Armenia. 
Bibliography : Neubauer, G. T. pp. 370 et sec?.; Eapoport, 
' Ereli Millin, pp. 205, 206 ; Keren Homed, v, 213, vi. 172. 

L. G. 

MENT. See Bible Translation. 

ARMILUS : In later Jewish eschatology and 
legend, a king who will arise at the end of time 
against the Messiah, and will be conquered by him 
after having brought much distress upon Israel. 
The origin of this Jewish Antichrist (as he can well 
be styled in view of his relation to the Messiah) is as 
much involved in doubt as the different phases of 
his development, and his relation to the Christian 
legend and doctrine. 

Saadia (born 892 ; died 942) is the earliest trust- 
worthy authority that speaks of Armilus. He men- 
tions the following as a tradition of the ancients, 





hence of the eighth century at the latest: If the 
Jews do not prove themselves worthy of Messianic 
salvation, God will force them to re- 
Saadia's pentance by terrible persecutions. In 
Tradition consequence of these persecutions, a 
of scion of the tribe of Joseph will arise 

Armilus. and wrest Jerusalem from the hands of 
the Edomites, that is, from the Chris- 
tians; the Arabic text of Landauer, p. 239, has cor- 
rectly "Jerusalem," and not "Temple, "as in the He- 
brew translation, which has it owing to an erroneous 
interpretation of the Arabic "al bait al mukaddas." 
Thereupon the king, Armilus, will conquer and sack 
the Holy City, kill the inhabitants together with 
" the man [Messiah] of the tribe of Joseph, " and then 
begin a general campaign against the Jews, forcing 
them to flee into the desert, where they will suffer 
untold misery. When they have been purified by 
sorrow and pain, the Messiah will appear, wrest 
Jerusalem from Armilus, slay him, and thereby 
bring the true salvation. 

Armilus is for Saadia, or rather for Saadia's 
sources, nothing more or less than the last power- 
ful an ti- Jewish king, the Gog of the 
Armilus prophets under another name (com- 
in the pare "Emunot we-De'ot," ed. Eischel, 
Apoc- viii. 152-154; ed. Landauer, pp. 239- 
alyptic 241). The same thing is said of Gog 
Mid- that Saadia says of Armilus in " Agga- 
rashim. dot Mashiah " in Jellinek, "B. H." iii. 
141 ; but the r61e ascribed there to the 
Messiah, son of Joseph, shows that this Midrash is 
not Saadia's source. 

However, an entirely different shape and meaning 
are given to Armilus in some smaller Midrashim deal- 
ing with the "latter days." In the "Midrash wa- 
Yosha' " — which comes nearest to Saadia's concep- 
tion — Armilus is taken to be Gog's successor; but is 
represented as a monstrosity, bald-headed, with one 
large and one small eye, deaf in the right ear and 
maimed in the right arm, while the left arm is two 
and one-half ells long. His battle with and his de- 
feat by the Messiah, son of Joseph, correspond with 
Saadia's account (Jellinek, "B. H." i. 56; Targ. on 
Isa. xi. 4; but see Steinschneider, "Hebr. Bibl. " 
xiv. 45). A similar description of Armilus is found 
in " ISTistarot R. Simon b. Yohai " (Secrets of Simon 
b. Yohai), a pseudepigraph, the latest redaction of 
which can not antedate the first crusade (Stein- 
schneider, "Z. D. M. G." xx viii. 646). (See Apoca- 
lyptic Literature, Neo-Hebraic, 10.) The state- 
ment found there that Armilus is the son of Satan and 
of a stone (Jellinek, "B. H." iii. 80) is an interpola- 
tion from another source, written in Aramaic, while 
the book itself is in Hebrew ; nor is this curious origin 
of Armilus mentioned anywhere else in the book. 
An entirely different conception of Armilus is found 
in the pseudepigraphs : " Zerubbabel, " 
Armilus " Otot ha-Mashiah" (Signs of the Mes- 
and siah) and " Tefillat R. Simon b. Yohai " 

Satan. (Prayer of R. Simon b. Yohai). Aside 
from a few unimportant variants in 
these three versions — the Zerubbabel seems to show 
the earlier, shorter form — they agree in the follow- 
ing description of Armilus: In Rome there is a 
splendid marble statue of a beautiful girl which 

God Himself made in the beginning of the world 
(JT'CXID , D' 1 DK'B'D), according to the version given 
in " Tefillat R. Simon." Through sexual intercourse 
of evil men, or even of Satan himself, with this statue, 
a terrible creature in human form was produced, 
whose dimensions as well as shape were equally 
monstrous. This creature, Armilus by name— the 
Gentiles called him Antichrist, says the "Otot"— 
will set himself up as Messiah, even as God Himself, 
being recognized as such by the sons of Esau, that 
is, by the Christians. He agrees to accept as his 
doctrine the Gospels, which the Christians lay be- 
fore him ("B. H." ii. 60; tiflalam— not tefilloiam— 
signifying something offensive, morally as well 
as religiously, whereas tefillotam signifies their 
prayers). Then he turns to the Jews, especially to 
their leader, Nehemiah b. Hushiel, saying, "Bring 
your Torah and acknowledge that I am God. " Ne- 
hemiah and his followers open the Torah and read 
to Armilus, " I am the Lord, thy God ; thou shalt 
have no other gods before me." But as Armilus 
nevertheless insists upon being recognized as God by 
the Jews, and they cry out to him that he is Satan 
and not God, a bitter battle breaks out between 
Armilus with an immense heathen army on the one 
side, and Nehemiah with 30,000 Jewish heroes on 
the other. This unequal combat ends in the death 
of the "Epbraimite Messiah" and a million Jews. 
After an interval of forty-five days, during which the 
Jews unworthy of the Messianic glory die out (com- 
pare the similar statement in reference to the liber- 
ation from Egypt found already in the old Haggadah, 
Mekilta, Beshallah, i., ed. Weiss, p. 29), and the rem- 
nant have shown their true worth in sore trials and 
bitter sufferings in the desert whither they will have 
fled, Michael will blow his trumpet ; then the Mes- 
siah and Elijah will appear, gather the dispersed of 
Israel, and proceed to Jerusalem. Armilus, inflamed 
against the Jews, will march against the Messiah. 
But now God Himself will war against Armilus and 
his army and destroy them ; or the Messiah, as one 
version has it, will slay Armilus by the breath of 
his mouth (Jellinek, "B. H." ii. 51, line 3, where the 
text is probably corrupt ; compare II Thess. ii. 8). 
According to a Roman legend (see Eusebius, " Chron- 
icon," I. xlvi. 7, ed. Migne, pp. 283, 284, and Book 
II. anno 1145), it was an Armilus who presumed 
to war with Jupiter, and was slain by the latter's 
thunderbolt. In the Armilus legend the Messiah 
take^the place of Jupiter, and here also Armilus is 
slafi'by fire and sulphur from heaven (Jellinek, 
"B. H."ii. 62). 

The alleged descent of Armilus from a stone is a 
Jewish version of the wide-spread legend connected 
with the name of Virgil and referring 
The Later to a statue that became a courte- 
Armilus zan among the Romans (Giidemann, 
Legend. "Gcsch. desErziehungswesens . . . der 
Juden in Italien," pp. 221 et seq., 332, 
333). It is indeed not improbable that this borrowing 
from the Virgil legend was due to Christian influence. 
The antithesis, Christ and Antichrist, which is the 
distinctive feature in the Christian legend of the An- 
tichrist, led already in the tenth century to the \ 
opinion that Antichrist also would be the offspring ' .\ 
of a virgin and, of course, of Satan (see Bousset, 





"Antichrist," p. 93, and the description of St. Hilde- 
garde, lib. iii., visio xi., ed. Migne, pp. 716 et seq.). 
As to the origin of the name Armilus, whether it 
is derived from Romulus, the founder of Rome, or 
from Ahriman, the evil principle of the Persians, 
Arimainyus = Armalgus (Targ. Isa. xi. 4 and Targ. 
Yer. Deut. xxxiv. 3), see Ahriman, Antichrist, 
and Romulus. 

Bibliography : Bousset, Der Antichrist, especially pp. 66-70, 
88-99 ; English translation by A. H. Keane, pp. 104-112 and 
138-146 ; Briill, in Kobak's Jeschurun, vii. ll ; Frankel, in Z. 
D. M. G. iii. 295; Gratz, in Wertheimer's Jahrb. f-Ur Israel- 
iten, 1864, p. 339 ; and Genchichte, 3d ed., iy. 412; Griinbaum, 
in Z. D. M. O. xxxi. 300 ; Giidemann, Gesch. des Erziehunas- 
wesens der Juden in Italien, pp. 221 et seq., 332-333; Horo- 
witz, Bet 'Efted ha-Aggcuiot, p. 25 ; D. Kaulmann, in Monats- 
sehrift, xl. 135, 136 ; Kobler, in Z. D. M. G. xxiii. 693 ; Kohut, 
Aruch Completum, i. 29i-292; Krauss, Griechischc und 
Lateinische LehnwCirter, i. 241-243; Jellinek, Introduction 
to Bet lia-Midrash, ii. 21-23, iii. 17-20 ; Schiirer, Geschichte, 
3d ed., ii. 532, 533 ; Vogelstein and Rieper, Gesch. der Juden 
in Bom, i. 155 et seq.; Zunz, G. V. 2d ed., p. 295. 
k. L. G. 

persecutions by a band of marauders who in 1338-39 
massacred a large number of Jews in Alsace. In 
1336 a nobleman of Franconia, pretending that an 
angel had commissioned him to do so, gathered a 
band of desperadoes and pillaged and murdered the 
Jews. These assassins styled themselves " Juden - 
schlager " (Jewbeaters). Somewhat later John 
Zimberlin, an innkeeper of Upper Alsace, followed 
the example set in Franconia. He tied pieces of 
leather round his arms and bade his followers do 
the same. This gave rise to the name " Armleder. " 
Their leader was called " King Armleder, " and 
under him they marched through Alsace, killing 
many Jews. 

Those who were fortunate enough to escape fled 
to Colmar, where the citizens protected them. 
Armleder, whom success had intoxicated, besieged 
the city and devastated the surrounding country. 
The citizens asked Emperor Louis of Bavaria to 
assist them. When Armleder heard that the im- 
perial troops were approaching, he fled to France. 
No sooner had the emperor left the country, how- 
ever, than Armleder again appeared. 

The lords of Alsace, under the leadership of the 
bishop of Strasburg, formed an alliance (May 17, 
1338), the members of which pledged themselves to 
pursue Armleder and fifteen of his most prominent 
followers. But it was very difficult to attack Arin- 
leder's adherents; and in the following year a 
knight, Rudolph of Andlau, made an agreement 
with " King Armleder," granting an amnesty to him 
and his followers, provided that for the next ten 
years they would refrain from molesting the Jews. 
Though attacks ceased for a short time, the Jews, 
during the ten years of armistice, never lived in 
security ; and in 1349 there occurred the terrible mas- 
sacres on the occasion of the Black Death, to which 
the attacks of Armleder had been the prelude. 

Bibliography: Scheid, Histoire des Juifs <T Alsace, Paris, 
1887, pp. 23 et seq.; Schudt, JiXdische MefkwurdigUeiten, 
Frankforton-tbe-Main, i. 455, 1714, wbom Gratz {Gesch. der 
Juden, 3d ed., vii. 326) follows, is very inaccurate. 
G. D. 

ARMORY : A word occurring only three times 
in the A. V. In Jer. 1. 25 it is used figuratively 
("The Lord hath opened his armory and brought 
forth the weapons of his indignation "). In Song 

of Songs iv. 4 reference is made to a tower of David, 
built for an Armory, on the walls of which there 
"hang a thousand bucklers, all shields of mighty 
men." In Neh. iii. 19 Ezer, son of Jeshua, under- 
took the repair of the city wall opposite the entrance 
to the "armory at the turning " (of the wall). Thus 
there seem to have been one or more buildings de- 
voted to the storage of arms, as it is mentioned in 
I Kings x. 17 that Solomon kept five hundred golden 
shields " in the house of the forest of Lebanon. " 
j. jr. F. db S. M. 

ARMS. See Weapons. 

ARMY. — Biblical Data : This term, here used 
to designate the defensive force of Israel at all stages 
of the nation's history, embraces widely dissimilar 
aggregations of men. The Hebrew vocabulary 
scarcely indicates these distinctions fully. Thus, 
the most comprehensive Hebrew term is yn (" force" 
or " forces ") ; SOX, a much more common designation, 
is properly " an army in the field " ; while CD"IJ?D 
means " an army in order of battle. " As the char- 
acter of any fighting body depends upon its com- 
position and organization, the subject will here be 
treated from this point of view. The decisive his- 
torical dividing-point is the institution of a standing 
Army in the time of King David, an epoch coeval 
with the establishment of the kingdom. 

In the old tribal days levies were made by the 
chief of each clan, to be employed either in the gen- 
eral cause or in the interests of the 
In Tribal clan itself. As typical of this custom 
Days. may be cited the levy of Abraham, 
mentioned in Gen. xiv. Abraham 
here musters his own well-tried servants — heredi- 
tary retainers, not chattels of questionable loyalty — 
and these constitute a military body prepared to 
operate in the maneuvers of the brief campaign 
(xiv. 14). In verse 24 of the same chapter a sugges- 
tion is given of the readiness with which kindred or 
friendly clans fell in with a movement to help the 
general cause. The "army " here consists of all re- 
liable, able-bodied men, who possess no other dis- 
cipline than that acquired in the vicissitudes of 
semi-nomadic life. The same conditions apply to 
the deeds recorded in Gen. xxxiv. 25, xlviii. 22, and 
virtually remain unchanged during the desert wan- 
derings of the tribes. The encounter with Amalek 
(Ex. xvii. 8-13) is an example of these frequent 
conflicts with alien peoples, which are also vividly 
exemplified in the gradual subjugation of the Ca- 
naanites by the Hebrew confederacy, detailed in 
Judges i. 1 — ii. 5, where the attack is described as 
being made either by single clans or by a combina- 
tion of tribes. Here the fighters include all those 
capable of bearing arms, the division of forces de- 
pending solely upon the exigencies of the occasion. 
A slightly different system prevailed after the 
settlement had been fairly established. The neces- 
sity of defending territory once ac- 
After the quired led to the formation of a kind 
Settlement of irregular militia in each consid- 
in Canaan, crable district. Combinations for 
the common defense against external 
and internal enemies naturally followed ; and these 
gradually led to the formation of an elementary 




Army organization, in which the unit consisted of 
a military body or company (TfU) of no fixed nu- 
merical standard, but accustomed to act together 
and to obey a popular leader. The existence of 
such companies is already indicated in the Song of 
Deborah (Judges v. 14, Hebr.), where it is said: 
"From Machir came down the troop-leaders [A. V. 
"governors"], and from Zebulon those marching 
with the baton of the captain " ; the captain here be- 
ing "the writer" (see A. V.), or the man who kept 
the muster-roll of his troop — a duty later delegated 
to a special officer (Jer. lii. 25). Such companies 
consisted of volunteers, many of whom in course of 
time took up the business as a permanent occupation. 
In periods of national or local danger these men were 

the landed proprietor furnished his contingent of 
fighting-men in proportion to his wealth; and his 
military reputation ordinarily depend- 
Elements ed upon such display of force. This 
for a was one of the reasons why Gideon, 
General the most stable of the judges, was 
Levy. chosen to take the lead against the 
Midianites. In the later period of 
the Judges there were three elements in a general 
levy: (1) casual recruits, a more or less irrespon- 
sible body ; (2) the freemen of the family or house- 
hold, with their bondmen; (3) irregular troopers 
of the guerrilla order. Gideon's sifting process on 
the march (Judges vii. 2 et seq. ) illustrates the various 
grades of quality in his motley Army. 

. . .. .v\/WWfc 


An Assyrian Army Marching through a Wooded Region. 

(From Layard, " Nineveh.") 

of great service to their people ; but when no great 
occasion demanded their interference, they were apt 
to become a species of licensed freebooters. Both 
Jephthah and Samson seem to have been typical 
leaders of such free-lances, whose capacity for mis- 
chief, in the event of a wide-spread discontent with 
the existing order of things, was exemplified by 
David's band of outlaws. 

While some of the ruder and rougher of the judges 
thus became leaders of semi-professional warriors, 
an entirely different order of soldiery was being de- 
veloped in a more regular way. As the clan and 
family chiefs of the earlier days put their men into 
the field and led them, so in more settled times the 
great landholders furnished their respective quotas 
for the common defense. Thus the term {jTI TDJ 
{gibbor hayil) in some cases came to signify both " man 
of valor " and " man of property " — that is to say, 

The reign of Saul constituted a stage of transition 
in the military as well as in all the other affairs of 

Israel. During this regime the Phi- 
Reign of listines, the most military people of 
Saul. Palestine, had become a constant 

menace to the Hebrews, and had 
thereby revealed the imperative necessity both of a 
stable government and of a standing Army for the 
national defense. It was merely an unclassified levy 
that Saul had with difficulty raised against the Am- 
monites (I Sam. xi. 7 et seq.). After the repulse of 
those tribes, however, he dismissed the greater part 
of the host, retaining 3,000 to hold points of vantage 
in Bethel and Gibeah against the Philistines (I Sam. 
xiii. 2 et seq.). Naturally, the king and the crown 
prince Jonathan divided the command between 
them; the former selecting for his special service 
any man distinguished for personal prowess (I Sam. 




xiv. 52). But the changing fortunes of the war and 
the king's mental troubles precluded any further 
development. Thus, while a standing force was 
recognized as necessary, the soldier was still any 

one capable of bearing arms. Such a militia, nat- 
urally, provided its own supplies (compare I Sam. 
xvii. 17), and received no pay. 

The decisive advance made by David consisted in 
his having at the capital, and indeed as an append- 

age to the court, a small body of chosen troops 
who wore strictly professionals, were equipped with 
a regular commissariat, and received fixed wages 
(compare I Kings iv. 27). These were not chosen, 
like the old levies, by tribal representation, but were 
recruited from the best available 
Reign of sources. Some had doubtless been 
David. members of David's former band of 
outlaws, while others were Philis- 
tines; and it was from the latter that the whole 
body derived its name, 'rfeni 'man (" Cherethites 
and Pelethites "). At the same time, the general 
militia was still maintained and extended (II Sam. 
xviii. 1; II Kings i. 9; xi. 4, 19). Upon the death 
of David's old general Joab, the captain of the 
guard Benaiah became commander of the whole 
Army ; and it may be assumed that thenceforth the 
two positions were usually vested in the same officer. 
All hopes that Israel would continue to be a great 
military nation came to an end through the misgov- 
ernment in the later years of Solomon, and the schism 
which it occasioned ; nor had the Army under David 
attained to an equality with the re- 
Decline spective military forces of other lead- 
TTnder ing Eastern nations of the period. In 
Solomon; David's time, cavalry formed no part 
Cavalry, of the service. Introduced by Solo- 
mon, it had to be abandoned by the 
immediate successors of that ruler. Both horses 
and chariots, however, were employed during and 
after the Syrian wars. According to the report of 
Shalmaneser II. of Assyria, who fought against him 
in 854 B.C., Ahab had 2,000 chariots; andtiie decline 
of the military power of northern Israel was marked 
by the reduction to which the successors of the latter 
had to submit (II Kings vii. 13, xiii. 7). Thus, 
Hezekiah of Judah was ridiculed by an Assyrian 
legate because of his lack of war-horses and riders 
(II Kings xviii. 23). All branches of the service 
were most fully developed in the military era of 
Jeroboam II. and Uzziah (Azariah). It is certain 
that the permanent maintenance of a large cavalry 
force was made difficult for Israel by reason of the 
rugged nature of the ground. Moreover, the Proph- 
ets opposed cavalry as a foreign innovation, and 
as tending to encourage relations with Egypt, the 
country from which most of the war-horses were 
furnished (Isa. xxxi. 1); and the service was further 
condemned as fostering a reliance upon mere human 
force (compare Ps. xx. 7, xxxiii. 7, cxlvii. 10). 

Bibliography : Apart from the data furnished by the Bible it- 
self, some casual information is given in Jos'ephus (Ant.). 
The inscriptional accounts of Assyrian wars in Syria and Pal- 
estine afford a few details. For the army operations of 
antiquity in the Orient, the Egyptian and the Assyrian monu- 
mental sculptures — especially the latter — are of high value. 
Special treatises are : Gleichgross, De Re Militarl Hebrm- 
ornm, lf>90: Zachariae, under the same title, 1735, and the 
articles in the Bible dictionaries, among the best of which is 
that of Bennett in the Encyc. Bihlica. See also Spitzer, 
Das Heer- unci Wehr-Geseta der Alien Israeliten, 2d ed., 
1879; Nowack, Hehrtlixclte Archtlologie, i. 359 et seq.; F. 
Schwally, Semitische KrleaxaUerthtimer, vol. i., Leipsic, 
.7. JR. J. F. McC. 

Ancient and Medieval : Of peaceful disposi- 
tion, the Jews at all times have shown bravery in war. 
As the terms for virtue among the Greeks and Ro- 
mans, aperr/ and virtus respectively, are derived from 
military prowess, so the nobleman among the He- 




brews is called " ish hayil " (the man of [military] 
strength; warrior). Abraham, the prototype of 
the nation, while guided by the words, " Let there 
be no strife, I pray thee, between me and thee, . . . 
for we are brethren " (Gen. xiii. 8, R. V.), goes 
courageously to war against the four mighty kings 
to rescue his nephew, and refuses to take a portion 
of the spoils after having liberated the land of 

Sodom (Gen. xiv. 14-23). It fell to 

Spirit Esau's, not to Jacob's, lot to " live by 

of Bravery, the sword " (Gen. xxvii. 40) ; yet no 

sooner did Simeon and Levi, the sons 
of Jacob, learn of the villainy (not "folly," as in A. 
V. and R. V.) which Shechem, the son of Hamor, 
had wrought with regard to their sister Dinah, than 

Persian Foot-Soldiers. 

(After Coste and Flandin, " La Perse Ancienne.") 

they " took each man his sword, and came upon the 
city boldly, and slew all the males" (Gen. xxxiv.). 
The Mosaic laws on warfare, which insist that peace 
should be offered to a city before it be besieged 
(Deut. xx. 10), are framed on the presumption that 
f aint-heartedness is rare among the people ; since the 
officers are enjoined to issue before the battle the 
proclamation : " What man is there that is fearful 
and faint-hearted? let him go and return unto his 
house lest his brethren's heart faint as well as his 
heart " (Deut. xx. 8 ; compare Josephus, " Ant. " iv. 
8, § 41 ; Sotah viii. 1). Indeed, the Song of Deborah 
echoes the spirit of heroic warfare, while it upbraids 
the tribes and clans that abode by the sheepfolds 
and would not come to the help of the Lord against 
the mighty (Judges v. 8etseg., 16, 23). Thus the 
battle of Gideon (ib. vii.) was a battle of heroes. So 
do the feats of Saul (I Sam. xi. 7-11), of Jonathan 
(ib. xiv. 13-45; compare II Sam. i. 22), of David 
(I Sam. xvii., xviii. 7) and his men (II Sam. xxiii.), 
and the warlike psalms (Ps. xx., xlviii., lxviii., ex., 
cxlix.) testify to the value laid on prowess by the 
Hebrew nation. The religious enthusiasm of the 
Hasmoneans lent to their patriotism in war still 
greater intensity, and made of the people a race 
of heroes (1 Mace. iii. 21, iv. 8 et seg., v. 31 et seq., 
vi. 42). 
Under the Hasmonean dynasty a regular Army 

was formed (I Mace. xiv. 32), the soldiers receiving 
payment. Jews served as mercenaries in the Syrian 
Army also (I Mace. x. 36). Hyrcanus I. was the 
earliest to maintain foreign mercenaries (Josephus, 
"Ant." xiii. 8, § 4); Alexander Jannaeus did like- 
wise (Josephus, "B. J." i. 4, § 3). 

One of the chief obstacles in Jewish warfare at 
the beginning of the Hasmonean uprising was that 
the Jews were prevented from carrying arms on 
the Sabbath. This exposed them to the peril of 
being attacked without being able to defend them- 
selves (see I Mace. ii. 38; Josephus, "B. J." i. 7, § 3; 
ii. 16, § 4; idem, "Ant." xviii. 9, § 2); but it was 
decided that in defense, and in sieges as well, when 
the warriors were regarded as carrying out special 
divine ordinances, fighting on the Sabbath day was 
permitted (I Mace. ii. 41; Sifre, Deut. 204; Shab. 
19a). Whether arms may be carried on the Sabbath 
as an ornament of the warrior, or not, is a matter of 
dispute between Eliezer— who stands on the affirma- 
tive side — and the other tannaim, 
righting who see in weapons of war a neces- 
on sary evil that the Messianic time, the 

Sabbath, world's great Sabbath, will do away 
with (Shab. vi. 4). "Nor did our 
forefathers," says Josephus ("Contra Ap." i. 12), 
" betake themselves, as did some others, to robbery ; 
nor did they, in order to gain more wealth, fall into 
foreign wars, although our country contained many 
ten thousands of men of courage sufficient for that 
purpose." Of the heroic valor displayed by the 
Jews at the siege of Jerusalem, the last three books 
of Josephus on the wars of the Jews, and the Mid- 
rashim, give ample testimony. It filled Titus and 
his soldiers with admiration. And yet, despite the 
terrible losses and cruel tortures inflicted upon the 
nation by the victor, the war spirit did not die out 
in the Jewish people. Bar Kokba's Army, which 
tradition places at 200,000 men, performed wonders 
of heroism (Git. 57<s ; Lam. R. ii. 2; Yer. Ta'anit, iv. 
69a; Pesik. R. 29, 30 [ed. Friedmann, p. 13% et seq.]). 
The story of Anilai (Hanilai) and Asinai (Hasi- 
nai), the Jewish robber generals, whose Army filled 
the lands of Babylonia and Parthia with fear, forms 
a strange chapter in the history of the Jews of the 
East (see Josephus, "Ant." xviii. 9, |§l-9). 

But not only in their own country did the Jews 
prove to be brave soldiers. Josephus ("Ant." xi. 8, 
§ 5) records that many Jews enlisted of their own 
accord in the Army of Alexander the Great, and that 
Ptolemy I., recognizing their bravery and loyalty, 
took many Jews and distributed them into garrisons 
(ib. xii. 1). Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleo- 
patra committed their whole kingdom to Onias and 
Dositheus, the two Jewish generals of the whole 
Army, whose bravery and loyalty were the safe- 
guards of the queen in times of great 
Classical peril (Josephus, "Contra Ap." ii. 5). 
Times. Helkias and Ananias, two Jewish gen- 
erals of Cleopatra, saved her throne 
from the onslaughts of her own son, Ptolemy Lathy - 
rus (idem, "Ant." xiii. 13, § 1). 

Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus, his grandson, 
kings of Syria, received aid from the Jews in their 
wars, and in recognition endowed them with many 
privileges of citizenship (ib. xii. 3, §§ 1-3). The 




Jews aided the Romans, also, in their 'wars. Espe- 
cially did Julius Caasar speak in terms of high praise 
of the valor displayed by the fifteen hundred Jewish 
soldiers engaged in his wars against Egypt and 
against Mithridates of Pergamus; and in recognition 
of their services he conferred especial favors on 
Hyrcanus, the high priest, and on the Jewish people 
(ib. xiv. 8-10). Mark Antony received assistance 
from Jewish soldiers, Herod having formed an Army 
of five Jewish and five Roman cohorts (ib. xiv. 15, 
§ 3). On the other hand, Mark Antony, at the request 
of Hyrcanus, exempted the Jews from service in the 
armies because they were not allowed to carry arms 
or to travel on the Sabbath (ib. xiv. 10, §§ 12, 13). 

It was reserved for the Christian emperor Honorius 
to issue (418) a decree — renewed by Theodosius, by 
Clotaire II., and by the Byzantine emperors — forbid- 
ding Jews and Samaritans to enlist in the Roman 
army (Codex Theodosianus, xvi. t. 8, 16), probably 
in view of their Sabbath observance, asDohm("Die 
Bilrgerliche Verbesserung der Juden," i. 151) sug- 
gested; but, as he contended (ib. p. 154), this does not 
afford sufficient reason (see also " Protocolle der Drit- 
ten Rabbiner-Versammlung zu Breslau," 1846, p. 
196; " Judcn-Emancipation," in Ersch and Gruber, 
"Encyklopadie," p. 297, note 49). 

Of the military spirit of the Jews of Babylonia 
the following fact bears testimony : Twelve thou- 
sand Jews had fought in defense of 
Babylonia. Caesarea Mazaca against Sapor I., only 
to be defeated and massacred; and 
when the news reached Samuel, the great teacher of 
Nehardea and friend of the new dynasty, he would 
not show signs of mourning, as his patriotic feel- 
ing was stronger than his love for his coreligionists 
(M.K. 26a). 

Of the warlike spirit of the Jews in Arabia, the 
story of Dhu-Nowas and the chivalry of Samatj'al 
ibn-Adiya are by themselves sufficient testimony. 
When Mohammed came to Medina he found the 
whole country full of Jews ready to resist him with 
arms in hand, and he was anxious to make them his 
allies. They refused. But though they were noted 
for being brave and sturdy fighters, they lacked 
strategic skill and organization. First the Banu 
Kainuka were surrounded, captured, and allowed 
to leave the country for the Holy Land ; then the 
Banu Nadhir, part of whom were massacred, the 
rest emigrating also to Palestine; lastly 

Arabia. the Jews of Khaibar, after having 
fought like lions, surrendered and 
emigrated to Babylonia (628). " The sword which 
the Hasmoneans had wielded in defense of their re- 
ligion, and which was in turn used by the Zealots 
and the Arabian Jews fin the cause of freedom], was 
wrung from the hands of the last Jewish heroes of 
Khaibar" (Graetz, "History of the Jews," iii. 83). 
Benjamin of Tudela (twelfth century) found an in- 
dependent Jewish warrior tribe living in the high- 
lands of Khorasan near Nisapur, numbering many 
thousand families, regarding themselves as descend- 
ants of Dan, Zebulun, Asher, and Naphtali, under 
a Jewish prince of the name of Joseph Amarkala 
ha-Levi (Benjamin of Tudela, ed. Asher, pp. 83 
et seg.). Another independent Jewish tribe bent 
upon warlike expeditions is mentioned by Benjamin 

as living in the district of Tehama in Yemen (ib. 
p. 70). 

When the city of Naples was besieged in 536 by 
Belisarius, the general of the emperor Justinian, the 
Jews, besides supplying the city with all necessaries 
during the siege, fought so bravely in defense of 

the part of the city nearest the sea. 

In that the enemy did not venture to at- 

Southern tack that quarter; and when Belisa- 

Europe. rius at last forced his entrance, they 

still offered heroic resistance, accord- 
ing to the contemporary testimony of Procopius (" De 
Bello Gothicorum," i. 9; Graetz, "History of the 
Jews," iii. 31 et seg. ; Glidemann, "Gesch. des Erzie- 
hungswesen der Juden in Italien," p. 2). When 
Aries was besieged by the generals of Theodoric 
(508), the Jews, loyal and grateful to Clovis, their 
king, took an active part in the defense of the city 
(Gratz, "Gesch. der Juden," v. 56; Eng. transl., 
iii. 36). 

Jewish soldiers assisted Childeric in his war against 
Wamba. The Moors are said to have entrusted to 
Jews the guardianship of the conquered cities of 
Spain. Under King Alfonso VI of Castile, in 1068, 

40,000 Jews fought against Yusuf ibn 
In Spain. Teshufin in the battle of Zalaka, with 

such heroism that the battle-field was 
covered with their bodies. Under Alfonso VIII. 
(1166-1214) there were many warriors among the 
wealthy and cultured Jews of Toledo that fought 
bravely against the. Moors (Graetz, "History of the 
Jews," iii. 386; Geiman ed., vi. 229). Alfonso X., 
called "the Wise," while infante, had many Jews in 
his army ; and in the capture of Seville (1298) the 
Jewish warriors distinguished themselves so highly 
that, in compensation for their services, Alfonso 
allotted to them certain lands for the formation of a 
Jewish village. He also transferred to them three 
mosques which they turned into synagogues. The 
cruel fanaticism of the Moors had alienated the 
Jews, who were now won over to the Christians by 
the tolerant rule of the latter (Graetz, ib. iii. 592 ; Ger- 
man ed., vii. 136). Jews fought bravely at the side 
of Pedro the Cruel in defense of the cities of Toledo, 
Briviesca, and Burgos, against Henry de Trastamara, 
his brother, and had to pay for their loyalty to their 
king either with their lives and the lives of their 
undefended wives and children, or, as the Jews of 
Burgos had to do, with a heavy ransom to the re- 
lentless victor (Graetz, ib. iv. 123 etseg. ; German ed., 
vii. 424). 

According to Brisch ("Gesch. der Juden in Coin," 
i. 77), the Jews of Cologne carried arms. They 
were enjoined to take active part in the military 
service and to defend the city in case of war (" Coi- 
ner Geschichtsquellen," ii. 256, 311); the rabbis on 
the Rhine permitted the Jews to do so in case of 
siege. When excommunicated by Pope Gregory 
VII., Henry IV. was deserted by princes and priests, 
states and cities, but the Jews of Worms in com- 
mon with their Christian fellow citizens stood by 
him and defended him with arms in hand. The em- 
peror showed his recognition in the shape of decrees 
releasing them from paying toll in Prankfort-on-the- 
Main, Dortmund, Nuremberg, and other centers of 
commerce (Gratz, " Gesch. der Juden," vi. 88). Jews 




defended the city of Prague against the Swedes in 
the Thirty Years' War (Gratz, ib. x. 50; English ed., 
iv. 707) ; and in 1686, as loyal subjects of Turkey, 
they defended the city of Of en against 
Germany the victorious armies of Austria (Gratz, 
and ib. x. 286). Under BoleslavIL, in the 

Austria, tenth century, the Jews fought side 
by side with their Bohemian fellow - 
citizens against the pagan Slavs (see Lbw, in " Ben 
Chananja," 1866, p. 348) . The Jews of Worms and 
of Prague were practised in bearing arms. On the 
other hand, the Jews of Angevin England were pro- 
hibited from possessing arms by the Assize of Arms, 
1181 (Jacobs, "Jews of Angevin England," p. 75). 

Under Ferdinand II. and Maria Theresa, Jews 
served in the Austrian Army (Wolf, in " Ben Cha- 
nanja," 1862, p. 61). In 1742-43 Rabbi Jonathan 
Eibenschlitz, in common with other rabbis of Prague, 
allowed the Jews to fight in defense of the fortifica- 
tions of the city of Prague against the attacks of the 
French Army, he himself standing among them to 
cheer and encourage them. This is stated in a 
memorandum of the Austrian Jews, dated 1790, 
where many rabbinical arguments are given in favor 
of performing military service on the Sabbath in be- 
half of their country (Wolf, ib. 1862, pp. 62 et seg.). 

Dohm ("Blirgerliche Verbesserung der Juden," ii. 
239) relates that in the naval battle between the 
British and the Dutch, Aug. 15, 1781, a Dutch Jew 
fought with such heroism that many other Jews 
were induced to follow his example and join the 
navy ; and the chief rabbi of Amsterdam not only 
gave them his permission and his blessing, but ex- 
cused them from the observance of the Sabbath and 
the dietary laws as far as their military duties would 
interfere with it. Jewish soldiers in the Dutch navy 
excelled in courage and zeal in the conquest of 
Brazil (Kohut, in Simon Wolf's "The American Jew 
as Patriot, Soldier, and Citizen," p. 443; Graetz, 
"History of the Jews," iv. 693). Jews, encouraged 
by their rabbi, Isaac Aboab, defended the fort of 
Recife, near Pcrnambuco, against the Portuguese 
with such remarkable skill and heroism as to evoke 
the praise and gratitude of the government; for, 
without their dauntless resistance, the garrison would 
have been compelled to surrender (Graetz, I.e. pp. 
693, 694). When the French fleet, under Admiral 
Cassard, made a sudden attack on the Jewish colony 
of Surinam in 1689, it was met with brave resist- 
ance ; and, despite the fact that it was a Sabbath day, 
the Jews fought valiantly for their colony (Kohut, 
I.e. p. 460). Of this bravery they gave proof a sec- 
ond time, in 1712, when Cassard again attacked Su- 
rinam, on which occasion one of the Pintos defended 
the fort single-handed, until, overwhelmed by su- 
perior force, he was compelled to surrender (Kohut, 
I.e. pp. 454-61). Especially did David Nasi distin- 
guish himself by his heroic valor and skilful general- 
ship. He died in 1743 on the battle-field, in his 
thirty-first campaign against the Maroons (Kohut, 
I.e. p. 466). 

The Jews of Poland were, like their fellow citi- 
zens, enjoined to do military service. In Lithuania 
and the Ukraine they fought alongside their Chris- 
tian brethren. In the rebellion of the Cossacks 
(1648-1653) the Jews fought with the noblemen 

against the rebels. Among those that fell at Ostrog 
and Zaslav, under Marshal Firley, there were many 
hundreds of Jewish soldiers. John III. Sobieski, by 
a decree of 1679, exempted the Jews from military 
service ; nevertheless, they fought in times of peril 

for their country. When, in 1794, the 
Poland. population of Warsaw rose in arms, 

Jews were among them ; and a whole 
Jewish regiment fought under Colonel Bbkko near 
Praga against Suwarow (Sternberg, "Gesch. der 
Juden in Polen," pp. 54, 55; Ph. Bloch, in "Oester- 
reichische Wochenschrift, " 1900, p. 280 (see Russian 
Akmy, below). 

G. K. 

Modern : There is no record of Jews serving in 

the mercenary forces employed by the Continental 
monarchs after the decay of the feudal system and 
before the introduction of national armies and navies 
after the French Revolution. But they have always 
been found among their countrymen when the patri- 
otic spirit has been roused. The record of the Dutch 
Jews in the colonial forces continues a high one to 
the present day. In the Alt-Neu-Schule, the ancient 
synagogue of Prague, hangs a banner said to have 
been presented by Emperor Ferdinand III. to the Bo- 
hemian Jews for their gallant share in the defense of 
Prague against the Swedes in 1648, notably that of a 
special company formed to extinguish fires caused 
by the enemy's artillery. 

In Europe, prior to the Napoleonic campaigns, 
Jews were often in evidence in military affairs as 
Army contractors. Joseph Cortissos (1656-1742), to 
whom Marlborough owed much of his success, is per- 
haps the most prominent of these. The Jews of Hoi - 
land, of Britain, and, later on, of America, did good 
service in the armies and navies of the free countries 
during the eighteenth century. An English officer, 
Aaron Hart, born in London in 1724, was among the 
first British settlers in Canada. Isaac Myers, of New 
York, organized a company of " bateau-men" during 
the French and Indian war in 1754. 

American Jews most readily took up arms in the 

Revolutionary war. Forty-six names are known, 

twenty-four of them being those of of- 

American fleers, prominent among whom is Col. 

Jews in Isaac Franks. Col. David Salisbury 
the Revolu- Franks, who was of English birth, was 

tionary prominent in resistance to the British. 
War. At that time there were scarcely 3,000 
Jews in all North America. In the 
War of 1812, 44 Jews took part, from Brig. -Gen. Jo- 
seph Bloomfiold and 8 other officers, down to Private 
Judah Touro ; in the Mexican war of 1846, 60 Jews 
served, 12 of them officers, among whom was David 
de Leon (afterward surgeon-general of the Confeder- 
ate armies), who twice received the thanks of Con- 
gress. Over 100 Jews have served in the small 
regular Army of the United States (including Major 
Alfred Mordecai, attache during the Crimean war, 
and the author of works on ordnance and explosives ; 
and Col. Alfred Mordecai, Jr. , recently chief of the 
National Armory, Springfield, Mass.). Three naval 
officers have been particularly distinguished ; namely, 
Commodore Uriah Phillips Levy (died 1862), who se- 
cured the abolition of corporal punishment and rose 
to the highest rank in his day; Capt. Levi Myers 




Harby (died 1870); and Commander Adolf Marix at a 
recent date. 

But it was the great Civil war that gave to the 
Jews of the United States their greatest opportunity 
of proving their military ardor and capacity. Then 
patriotism and gallantry shone out most brilliantly. 
Fourteen families alone contributed 53 men to the 
ranks; and 7 men have been traced 
Jews in the who received from President Lincoln 
Civil War. '' medals of honor " for conspicuous 
gallantry. Simon Wolf gives a list of 
Jews serving on the Union and the Confederate sides, 
which exhibits 40 staff officers (including a commis- 
sioned hospital chaplain, the Rev. Jacob Frankel), 
11 naval officers, and a total of 7,878 of other ranks, 
out of a Jewish population of less than 150,000 souls. 
Among these were at least 9 generals (Brevet Maj.- 
Gen. Frederick Knefler of Indianapolis being the 
highest in rank), 18 colonels, 8 lieutenant-colonels, 
40 majors, 205 captains, 325 lieutenants, 48 adjutants, 
etc., and 25 surgeons. 

In the recent war with Spain (1898) American Jews 
were equally active. It has been asserted that the 
first volunteer to enroll and the first to fall were 
alike Jews. It is certain that Jews served in both 
the navy and the Army to an extent far beyond their 
due numerical proportion, and that they 
Jews in the behaved with zeal and valor. The num- 

Spanish- bers of officers engaged were as follows : 

American Army 32; navy 27; non-commissioned 

War. officers and men — Army 2,451 ; navy 

42. These figures are based upon the 

preliminary lists given in the "American Jewish 

Year-Book" for 1900-1. 

Before the armies of their native lands were open 
to them, adventurous Jews not seldom became sol- 
diers of fortune. Such was Perez Lachman (better 
known as General Loustannan), who held high com- 
mand in the Mahratta army. Dr. Joseph Wolff, the 
missionary, when visiting central Asia and northern 
India in 1829, found a number of Jews of leading 
military rank in the armies of native princes. 

But it was especially through the forces of the 
French republic, consulate, and empire that the 
Jews became active as soldiers or sailors. It has been 
alleged, but on nebulous grounds, that the great mar- 
shals, Soult and Massena, were them- 
Jews Serve selves Jews. Be this as it may, there 
Under were 797 men serving in 1808 out of 
Napoleon. 77,000 French Jews; and many a Po- 
lish community for the first time be- 
held a foreign Israelite in the person of some soldier 
of Napoleon. Two decorated Jewish soldiers, Jean 
Louis May and Simon Mayer, sat in the Sanhedrin 
of 1806. A Jewish officer,, Lazarus Mayer Marx, was 
appointed to the marine artillery in 1810. A Jew- 
ish regiment under one Berko was among Koscius- 
ko's forces in the Polish revolt. Berko became a 
colonel in the French Army, and died during the 
campaign of 1811. Many Jews were also in the na- 
tional armies assembled against Napoleon. Joshua 
Montefiore (1752-1843), uncle of the late Sir Moses 
Montefiore, served in the British Army, and, as an 
officer of the East Yorkshire Regiment, was pres- 
ent in 1809 at the capture of Martinique and Gua- 
daloupe. The duke of Wellington is reported to 

have said, in 1833, that not less than fifteen Jewish 
officers had served under him at Waterloo. Among 
these was Cornet Albert Goldsmid (1794-1861), who 
afterward rose to the rank of major- 
Jews general in the British service. He 
Under Well- had been preceded in the rank of gen- 

ington. eral by Sir Jacob Adolphus, M.D. 
(1770), inspector-general of hospitals; 
Sir Alexander Schomberg, Royal Navy (1716-1804) ; 
Lieut. -Gen. Sir David Ximenes (died 1848); and has 
been followed by Lieut. -Gen. Sir George d'Aguilar, 
K.C.B., and Maj.-Gen. George Salis-Schwabe, not 
to mention a singularly large number of gallant gen- 
tlemen of less immediate Jewish origin. 

The names are known of 125 Jewish soldiers of 
the Prussian Army who served in the campaigns of 
1813-15, 20 of them officers, one a drum-major. 
Sixteen of these received the Iron Cross for valor. 
Altogether 343 Jews served in the Prussian Army at 
that time, of whom only 80 were conscripts and no 
less than 263 volunteers. At the conclusion of the 
war there were 731 Prussian Jews serving. Among 
these may be mentioned Lehmann Cohn, a sergeant 
of the Second Cuirassiers, who earned the Iron Cross 
at Leipsic, and fought in La Haye Sainte at Water- 
loo. One of his sons fought as a captain in Italy 
in the fateful year 1848; and another, still living 
in London, earned his medal under the walls of 
Delhi in 1857. Mention must also be made of that 
remarkable woman, Louise Grafemus (really Esther 
Manuel), who, in search of her husband who was in 
the Russian Army, disguised herself and served in 
the Second Konigsberg Uhlans, was wounded twice, 
and rose to be sergeant-major, and received from 
Billow the Iron Cross. She found her husband in 
1814 under the walls of Paris, only to 
A Jewess see him fall in action the next day, 
Sergeant- when grief betrayed her sex. She 

Major. was then thirty years of age, and was 
sent back to her two children at 
Hanau, her home, with great honor. 

Jews served in the Austrian Army from the year 
1781. Emmanuel Eppinger became an officer in 1811, 
and earned decorations from two monarchs. In 1809 
Von HOnigsberg was made lieutenant on the battle- 
field of Aspern, and several sons of Herz Homberg, 
the Bible commentator, were officers (see Werthei- 
mer, " Jahrbueh," i. 16, ii. 187 and 237). The Dutch 
Jews behaved particularly well in 1813-15. They 
had been recognized as brothers-in-arms since 1793. 

In considering the naval and military services of 
European Jews after the Napoleonic campaigns, it 
must be remembered that Jews have not been treated 
more indulgently than their Gentile neighbors in the 
matter of military duty where universal service is 
the rule, especially where, as in Russia, and particu- 
larly Rumania, they are still exposed to civil disa- 
bilities. In Russia, indeed, 38 per cent of the Jews 
liable to serve in the Army are called out, as against 
30 per cent of the general population; but this is 
due to the retention on the books of the names of 
absentees and possibly of deceased persons also, 
whenever these happen to be Jews. In this way it 
is made to appear that an overwhelming proportion 
of Jews seek to escape their military duties ; but the 
experience of every other country would suffice to 




expose the inaccuracy of this proposition. A quar- 
ter of a million Jews are on the hooks of the active 
and reserve forces of the Russian empire, 75,000 of 
whom serve on the peace strength. 

Turning to Germany, where service in the Army 
is equally compulsory on all Jewish as on other 
German citizens, it is interesting to find that mem- 
bers of 1,101 congregations, to the number of 4,703, 
have been traced by name who served 
Jews in against France in the campaigns of 
Modern 1870-71. Of these German Jews 483 
European were killed and wounded, and no less 
Armies and than 411 were decorated for conspicu- 
Navies. ous gallantry. Owing to the privilege 
enjoyed by the officers of German reg- 
iments of reserving commands to their own social 
class, there are no Jewish officers in the active Ger- 
man Army, with the exception of the Bavarian con- 
tingent, and none in the navy. 

In Austria-Hungary matters are different. As 
early as 1855 there were 157 Jewish officers, many in 
the medical corps. In 1893 Austria-Hungary had 
40,344 of her Jewish citizens enrolled in all branches 
of her Army and 325 in her navy. Besides these 
there were as many as 2,179 Jewish military, and 2 
naval, active officers, exclusive of those in the reserve 
contingents. These numbers were considerably above 

8 per cent of the total Jewish population. 

In France, again, 10 Jews have reached the rank 
of general officer. In the beginning of 1895 there 
were serving also in the active Army 9 colonels, 

9 lieutenant-colonels, 46 majors, 90 captains, 89 lieu- 
tenants, and 104 sublieutenants of Jewish birth., 
The Jewish officers of the reserve in 1883 numbered 
820. These contingents are largely in excess of the 
mere proportional representation for which the Jew- 
ish population of France would call. 

The Italian Jews, comparatively few in number, 
have a particularly brilliant military reputation. 
Two hundred and thirty -five Jews volunteered for 
the Piedmontese Army in 1848. In the one Tuscan 
battalion, which bore off the honors at Curtatone 
and Montanaro, no less than 45 Jews, 
High from Pisa and Leghorn, were serving 
Reputation at the time. In the Crimean war 
of Italian Sardinian as well as French, British, 
Jews. and Russian Jews took part. Fully 
260 Jewish volunteers came forward 
in 1859, and 127 of them followed Garibaldi at Na- 
ples in 1860. Among the renowned " Thousand of 
Marsala," too, there were 11 Jews. In 1866, when 
there were but 36,000 Jews in all Italy, 380 volun- 
teered for active service. In the Royal Italian Army 
that marched into Rome in 1870, there were 256 
Jews. General Ottolenghi has reached high com- 
mand, and is decorated with several orders for dis- 
tinguished service. Other Jewish officers of lower 
rank in 1894 numbered 204 in the active Army, and 
457 in the various reserve forces; that is to say, 
about seventeen times the proportional quota of Ital- 
ian Jewry. 

Among the smaller states, the Jewish soldiers of 
Bulgaria, and even those of Rumania, have behaved 
with singular gallantry. Forty Jewish volunteers 
received medals from the sultan of Turkey after the 
recent Greek war. 

There remain only the British Army and navy to 
be spoken of. Service in these is a superlative test 
of Jewish patriotism and aptitude for military duty, 
since such service is absolutely voluntary, and in- 
cludes the tedium of tropical garrison duty far 
oftener than the excitement of war. Some families 
of less immediate Jewish descent, such as the Barrows 
and Ricardos, contribute many officers of distinction. 
But reckoning only gentlemen of Jewish birth, there 
were in Jan., 1902, 12 naval and marine officers, 
39 officers of the regular Army (including Col. Al- 
bert E. W. Goldsmid, late assistant adjutant-general; 
Lieut. -Col. J. J. Leverson, C. M. G., the diplomat; 
and Major F. L. Nathan, superintendent of the 
Royal Explosives Factory), 17 officers of British 
militia, and 86 officers of British volunteers. Add- 
ing colonial Jewish officers of militia 
Jews in the and volunteers, Canada provided 2, 

British Fiji 2, Jamaica 2, Australia 27, New 
Army and Zealand 8, South Africa 43, and India 

Navy. 1, making a total of 239 Jewish offi- 
cers in the British forces. The colo- 
nial Jews have done particularly good service, Capt. 
Joshua Norden (1847), of Natal, being the first Jew 
to fall in South Africa, where Col. David Harris 
in 1896 concluded a stiff little campaign near Kim- 
berley. Official returns exist of the religion of the 
non-commissioned officers and rank and file of the 
British regular Army and militia ; but these are noto- 
riously unreliable. The recruits on and after enlist- 
ment incline to regard their religious denomination 
as a private and personal matter, and therefore ex- 
hibit a preference for the all-embracing "Church of 
England," to which three of every four private sol- 
diers elect to belong. Exclusive of officers, there 
were on Jan. 1, 1899, 82 Jews reported in the 
ranks of the Army and 46 in the militia; but the 
progress of the South African campaign led to the 
identification of many more Jewish sailors and sol- 
diers, of whom over 2,000 have taken part, with 
distinct credit to their race, in the Transvaal war. 
There were serving in Jan., 1902, not less than the 
following numbers of British Jews, every one, it 
must be repeated, enrolled of his own free will and 
accord: Royal navy and marines, 120; regular Army, 
550 ; British militia, 180 ; British yeomanry and vol- 
unteers, 800; and colonial militia and volunteers, 
500, a goodly proportion of the Jews in the British 
empire. For there are also Jews in India, the Beni 
Israel, who for over a century have contributed 
gallant and faithful soldiers to the Sepoy infantry. 
In 1869, from that small community there were serv- 
ing in the Bombay Army 36 native officers and 231 
soldiers. "With the introduction of " class regiments " 
formed entirely of men of the chief warlike races of 
India, the military career of the Beni Israel became 
restricted, until they entered the hospital corps and 
armed police of that great Eastern dependency. 

Bearing in mind the universal liability to military 
service in Continental states, and comparing the Jew- 
ish with the Gentile population of each country, it 
may be calculated that there are now serving on the 
active peace strength of the undermentioned regular 
armies and navies of Europe the following numbers 
of Jewish citizens: Russia, 75,000; Austria-Hungary, 
11,700; Germany, 6,400; France, 1,400; Italy, 850; 





Rumania, 750 ; Great Britain and Ireland, 650 ; other 
states, 1,350 ; making a total of 98,000 European Jews 
who may be termed for the time being professional 
soldiers and sailors. But including the Jews who 
would be called out to bring up to war strength the 
various auxiliary and reserve forces of European 
countries, it would be found that their nine millions 
of Jewish subjects would place under arms some 
350,000 soldiers of well-proved military quality. 
See Russian Army. 

Bibliography : For America : Simon Wolf, The American 
Jeio an Patriot, Soldier, and Citizen, Philadelphia, 1895 ; 
American Jewish Year-Book, 1900-1, pp. 525-623; and pub- 
lications of the American Jewish Historical Society. For Con- 
tinental Europe : P. Nathan, Die Juden als Soldaten (pub. by 
the Gesellschaf t zur Abwehr Antisemitischer AngrifCe) , Berlin, 
1896; AUqemeine Zeitung des Judenthums, 1888, p. 680, 
reprint from Pesther Lloyd ; Mitteihinflcn , aus dem Vercin 
zurAhwthr des Antisemilismus, 1899, p. 222; Jewish Year- 
Booh, 1901, pp. 195-212; 1902, pp. 205-210; 1903; M. Bloch, 
Jjcs Vertus Militaires des Juifs, in Aetes et Conferences, 
Rev. Et. Juives, xxxiv. ; J. Loeb, Reflexions sur les Juifs, 
in Rev. Et. Juives, xxxix. 15-17. 


F. L. C. 

Jews served in the armies of the Chazars and in 

the Jewish dukedom of Taman as early as the ninth 

and tenth centuries (Chwolson, "Ibn 

Russian. Dast,"p. 17; Mordtmann, "Isztachri," 
p. 103). Records are extant concern- 
ing two Jewish envoys, Saul and Joseph, who 
served the Slavonian czar about 960 (A. Harkavy, 
"Juden und Slavische Sprachen," pp. 143-153); 
concerning Anbal the Jassin, who, in 1175, served 
under Prince Bogolyubski of Kiev ("Polnoe So- 
branie Russkikh Lyetopisei," ii. and v.); and con- 
cerning Zachariah Guil-Gursis (probably Guizolfi), 
prince of Taman, who in 1487 offered Czar Ivan 
Vasilyevick of Moscow "to come to him and to 
serve him with his whole household, or first alone, 
with only a few of his men," which offer was ac- 
cepted by the czar in a letter, dated March 18, 1488 ; 
but for certain reasons he did not go to Russia 
(" Sbornik Imperatorskavo Russk. Istor. Obshchest- 
va," xxxv. 41, 42, 43). In the responsa of Rabbi 
Meir of Lublin (Venice, 1638), p. 1036, mention 
is made of Bbrachah, " the Hero, " who was killed 
in the Polish war against Russia, near Moscow, 
in 1610. Prom a document discovered in 1900 at 
the Archives of the St. Petersburg Archeological 
Institute it is evident that among the " Children of 
Boyars " who enlisted in the Russian military serv- 
ice in 1680 two were Lithuanian Jews, Samoilo 
Abramov Vistizki and his son Juri (Goldstein, in 
" Voskhod, " 1900, No. 30). The warlike Jews of the 
Caucasus also deserve mention. 

When the old kingdom of Poland came under 
Russian rule, Jews were not admitted into actual 
service in the Russian Army, but instead had to pay 
a special military tax. 

By an edict of Emperor Nicholas I., issued Aug. 
26, 1827, the Jews were ordered to perform actual 
military service on the basis of a special and very 
severe statute. According to the regulations of this 
statute, the authorities were permitted to take re- 
cruits from Jews at the ages of 12 to 25 (see Canton- 
ists), and "supernumerary" recruits (bezzachotnye) 
even up to the age of 35. The practical application 
of these regulations gave rise to direful abuses and 
corruption The Jews were subjected to heavier 

duties in performing military service than the rest 
of the population, being compelled to furnish 10 re- 
cruits per 1,000 inhabitants every year, while non- 
Jews were to furnish 7 per 1,000 every alternate 
year (Mysli, "Rukovodstvo k. Ruskkim Zakonam 
o Yevreyakh," p. 411). For arrears in taxes Jews 
had to furnish one additional recruit for every 2,000 
rubles. The Karaites, who applied to the czar in 
1828, were exempt from military service ("Vosk- 
hod," 1896, vii. 2). 

In 1853 temporary regulations were issued, per- 
mitting Jewish communities and private individuals 
to present substitutes from among those of their 
coreligionists that had been detected without pass- 
ports. Great atrocities and corruption resulted 
from these regulations, which were abolished by the 
emperor-reformer, Alexander II., who, on Sept. 10, 
1856 (Complete Russian Code, 2d ed., V. xxxi., No. 
30,888), ordered that henceforth recruits from Jews 
should be taken on the general basis ; thus prohibit- 
ing the recruitment of minors and of " supernumer- 
aries " (see Poimanniki). 

The following table, derived from official sources, 
will show the number of recruits enlisted, and also 
that of the alleged arrears : 


Jews Enlisted. 







1878 . 



































In the law of Jan. 13, 1874, enacting universal 
military service, no special regulations concerning 
the Jews are mentioned. Various exceptional rules 
as to their duties in the military service were formu- 
lated later, and are contained in the laws of Feb. 
15, 1876; Jan. 9, 1877; May 9, 1878; April 12, 1886, 
etc. By the law of May 9, 1878, the Jews who had 
enjoyed the privilege of the first grade — that is, in 
being exempt from service on account of certain 
family conditions — were deprived of their privileges 
in case of deficiency of Jewish recruits in the other 
grades. By the law of 1886 the family of a Jew 
who evaded military service was fined 300 rubles. 
For the detection of such a refractory conscript a 
premium of 50 rubles was offered. Since the en- 
actment of 1874 great prejudice was manifested by 
Russian Gentiles against the Jews as soldiers, espe- 
cially as regards the arrears in Jewish recruits ; but 
official reports show that from 1876 to 1897, 240,345 
Jews were taken into the Russian Army, and the 
number of uncomplying conscripts did not exceed 

tvi \ju\jj. mu±t± 


36, 993 for the twenty -one years. It has been proven, 
however, that a larger proportion of Jewish recruits 
were enlisted, compared with the general popula- 
tion, the apparent discrepancy being accounted for 
by the irregular registration of deaths in the death 
registers, and also by the large emigration of Jews 
from Russia. 

In addition to the statistics furnished in the fore- 
going table, Jewish recruits to the number of 8 were 
enlisted in 1874 and 1875. The fact must be taken 
into account that service in the Russian Army en- 
tails more hardships upon the Jews than upon non- 
Jews, for the following reasons: (a) In military 
service the Jews are often prevented from observing 
the laws of their religion, as, for instance, concern- 
ing kosher food; (b) the relation between Jewish 
and Christian soldiers is not very pleasant, and the 
treatment of the Jews in the Army is most unsatis- 
factory ; (c) the military service does not give any 
privileges to the Jewish soldier, who is compelled 
to leave the place of service for the pale of Jewish 
settlement immediately after the completion of his 
term of service. "Under such circumstances," says 
Mysh, " one should be surprised rather at the com- 
paratively small number of arrears among the Jew- 
ish recruits." 

Russian military authorities — among them General 
Yermolov in his "Diary," published in the "Artil- 
leriski Zhurnal " of 1794 ; General Lebedev in " Rus- 
ski Invalid," 1858 (No. 39); and Major-General Ku- 
ropatkin in " Voyenny Sbornik" (Military Collection), 
1883, clii. 7, 8, 50 — have often testified to the real 
patriotism and bravery of the Russian Jewish sol- 
dier. The daring deeds of Goldstein in the war 
for the liberation of the Slavonians (in 1876), of 
Geetzov, near Erzerum (in 1878), and of Leib Fai- 
genbaum (see Faigenbatjh, Leib), near Plevna (in 
1878), will be long remembered. L. Orshanski was 
in the emperor's guard for 54 years, and was buried 
with military honors in St. Petersburg in 1899 
("Jew. Chron." March 17, 1899). 

Bibliography : M. J. Mysh, Bukovodstvo 7c. Busskim Zakn- 
nam o Yevreyaklt, 2d ed., St. Petersburg, 1898; M. Brauda, 
in Kohelet (collection of articles in Hebrew), published by 
Zederbaum and Goldenblum, St. Petersburg, 1881; J. M. 
Grusheyski, YuridlcUeskaya Praktika, etc. in Voskhod, 
1899, 111. 30-46; Sbornik Tmperatorskavo Busskavo Isto- 
richeskavo Ohshchestva, xli. 74 ; Ibn Dastah, Account of the 
Chazars, Burtass, etc., Russian translation by D. Chwolson, 
p. 17, St. Petersburg, 1869 ; Isztachri, Das Buck der Lander, 
translated by Von Mordtmann, 1875, 103-105 ; Epiznd iz Ote- 
chestvennoi Voiny 1812, in Den, 1870, No. 40; V. I. Nemiro- 
vich-Danchenko, Voinstvu uush chi Izrail, St. Petersburg, 1880, 
No. 8, 49-50; O. M. Lerner, ZapisM Grazhdanina, Odessa, 
1877; Navoye Vrernya, 1876. p. 190; S. Kronhold, in Russfci 
Yevrei, 1879. No. 7, p. 11; St. PetersburqsMya, Vyedomosti, 
1879, 287 ; Alia. Zeit. den Jud. 1877, No. 37 ; 1878, No. 4, 42 ; H. 
M. Eabinowich, Statisticheskie Etyudy, St. Petersburg, 1886. 

H. R. 

ABNHEIM, FISCHEL : Bavarian deputy and 
lawyer; born at Baireuth, Bavaria, Feb. 23, 1812; 
died there Jan. 31, 1864. He was destined by his 
parents for a commercial career. They gave him 
a thorough Jewish education, and he was at a very 
early age proficient in Bible and Talmud. But his 
love for science induced him to prepare himself for 
the gymnasium, the highest class of which he en- 
tered atthe age of seventeen. Arnheim subsequently 
studied law at the universities of Munich and Er- 
langen; and in 1848 he was appointed royal attorney 
II— 9 

at law at Naila, and later in his native town, Bay- 

Owing to his wide reputation as a lawyer, Arn- 
heim was elected by the cities of Hof and Miinch- 
berg to the Bavarian legislature, where his juridical 
knowledge and unbiased and independent attitude 
made an impression. In appreciation of his services 
the freedom of the city of Hof was conferred upon 
him, and his reelection on four occasions to the leg- 
islature was never opposed. 

He was the only Jew in his electoral district. He 
remained a deputy until his death. Being a student 
of Bible and Talmud, Arnheim successfully defended 
his coreligionists against accusations raised by anti- 
Semitic members of the legislature. 

Bibliography: Kayserling, Oedenkhliltter, p. 2; Alia. Zeit. 
des Jud. 1869, pp. 115-116. 

s. M. B. 

ARNHEIM, HEYMANN; German rabbi; 
born at Wongrowitz, Prussia, Feb. 6, 1796; died 
there Sept. 22, 1865. While still a child he was left 
fatherless, and from the age of twelve was compelled 
to earn his own living. Notwithstanding these un- 
favorable conditions, he acquired a knowledge of 
Latin and Greek, and, more especially, of the Ger- 
man language and literature. He first became a 
private teacher at Neu-Strelitz ; then (1824) a school- 
teacher at Fraustadt, and finally (1827) occupied a 
similar position at Glogau. There he published 
(1830) his first work, " Leitfaden beim Unterricht in 
der Mosaischen Religion." In 1836 he translated 
into German and commented on the Book of Job. 
This translation was highly appreciated by the 
learned world, and Arnheim was invited by Zunz 
and Sachs to collaborate in the translation of the 
Bible that they were preparing. To this work 
Arnheim furnished the following books ; The first 
four books of the Pentateuch, Kings, Ezekiel, Hosea, 
Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Zechariah, Prov- 
erbs, Job, Ruth, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Nehemiah, and 
Jeremiah — this last in collaboration with Sachs. 

In 1840 Arnheim became head teacher (OberleJi- 
rer) at Glogau, and commenced to preach in the 
great synagogue. The same 3 r ear he published a 
translation of the Sabbath prayers and of the Yoze- 
rot for Purim, with notes in which ho displayed a 
great knowledge of Midrashic literature. In 1849 
he became rabbi of the Zeller Institution. 

Arnheim was a contributor to many scientific 
journals, such as the "Hallische Jahrbucher" and 
the "Magazin fur die Literatur des Auslandes." 

Bibliography: Monatssclirift, 1894, p. 508 ; Fuenn, Keneset 
Yisrael, p. 156. 
s. I. Bu. 

ARNHEM : A city of Holland, situated on the 
Rhine about fifty miles southeast of Amsterdam. No 
Jews are mentioned in the records of the city prior 
to 1404. In that year two Jews are mentioned as 
having passed through Arnhem on a royal errand to 
Zutphen, and as having been detained on their return 
by floods in the former place, where the city authori- 
ties provided for their maintenance. A curious state- 
ment of the supplies granted them is found in Van 
Hasselt, "Geldersche Oudheden," i. 66, § 21. The 
city archives also reveal the facts that about the mid- 


Arnold of Citeaux 



die of the fifteenth century a Jew was appointed city 
physician, and in 1449 a riot took place in Arnhem 
before the house of a Jew, in which 
Early the Jew Isaac was so energetically de- 
History, fended that the authorities, fearing re- 
moval from office, agreed to resign in a 
body if any one of them were dismissed. On Ash 
Wednesday, 1450, a Jew was baptized in Arnhem, and 
in 1460 it was announced that all meat sold by Jews 
must be provided with a little yellow marker ; disobe- 
dience entailed a fine of ten groschen (" Alle vleesch 
dat de Joeden gehandelt hebben, en sal men nyet ver- 
koopen, daer en sy een gheel Vaenken by den vleesch 
daer men 't mercliken bi kennen mach. Die anders 
dede verloer 10 gr."). On September 21, 1451, Car- 
dinal Nicolaus de Cusa preached in Arnhem on ab- 
solution, and declared that none should ever receive 
absolution who permitted a Jew practising usury to 
dwell alongside of or below him. At the same time 
he ordered, under penalty of expulsion, that all Jews 
should register at the burgomaster's office, and in 
future wear a Jew -badge upon their outer garment. 
They were not allowed to exact interest on pledges, 
nor henceforth to lend money to Christians at all ; 
every transgression of this regulation was punishable 
with a fine of 4 g. to be paid byboth Jew and Christian. 
Within the space of a year all existing loan-offices 
must be closed without stringency upon borrowers; 
and Jews must leave the city, unless they earn their 
bread by labor and honest commerce without usury, 
and wear a badge for recognition by all (" Oir broet 
met hoeren Arbeide verdienen of regtveerdige koo- 
manschap sonder woekeren, doen wolden, en mits zy 
dat Teyken boven heur Cleeden dragen, daer men se 
bi kennen mach "). Meanwhile it was ordered that 
no one should do them any injury by day or night, 
openly or secretly ("dat nyemant an den Joeden 
enich arch sou keeren by dage off by nacht, heymelich 
off openbaer"). On Jan. 10, 1571, Alba notified the 
authorities of Arnhem that all Jews living there, and 
all their property — of which an inventory was to be 
made — should be seized and held inward until further 
disposition be made. This demand was, 
Jews but as far as is known, not complied with 
Tolerated, by the authorities of Arnhem, while 
the authorities of Zutphen replied that 
no Jews lived there. Probably as a result of Charles 
V. 's cruelty the Jews left Holland ; they returned, 
however, in the seventeenth century, when Jews were 
found in the eastern portion of Gelderland and Hol- 
land. Immigrants from Poland also arrived, usually 
by sea, and settled preferably in the western harbor- 
towns. Not until the end of the seventeenth cen- 
tury were traces of Jews again found in Arnhem. A 
resolution dated March 20, 1663, denied citizenship 
to Jews, and forbade them to follow the butcher's 
trade ; it shows that they had at least the right to 
settle there. 

The first mention of a synagogue was made in 
1735, when the physician Levi Heymans registered a 
complaint with the burgomaster and the assessors, 
in which he petitioned that the congregation " be 
compelled to afford him peaceable possession of his 
sitting in the Jewish synagogue. " On Feb. 7, 1765, 
three Jews, as wardens of the Jewish congregation, 
presented a petition stating that the congregation 

had greatly increased in numbers, and that their 
meeting-place for prayer in the house of Solomon 
Cohen, which they had used a number of years, had 
become too small. In response they were requested 
to prepare a plan and submit a con- 
Syna- stitution and by-laws for the govern- 

gogues. ment of an incorporated congrega- 
tion. The plan submitted was officially 
approved April 17, 1765, the congregation was estab- 
lished, wardens were elected, and the constitution 
was read at a meeting of the congregation. Among 
the first wardens was Samuel Jacob Hanau, who was 
associated with a Catholic named Kerkhoff in a large 
china and pottery factory, the products of which 
were used by the city authorities and were famous 
for taste and finish. In the Walstraat, close to the 
town wall, a house was set aside for the synagogue ; 
the approach to it was by a narrow lane which still 
bears the name " Joedengang " (Jews' way). It was 
leased for twelve years, from April 1, 1769 ; and in 
1782 another house close to the wall, by the Velper- 
poort, was hired and fitted up as the synagogue. 

At first the Jews of Arnhem buried their dead in 
the neighboring village of Huizen. Later they used 
the more distant cemetery in Wageningen, where 
a considerable Jewish congregation existed. Two 
Jews, Solomon Cohen Jacobs and Samuel Levie, on 
Sept. 22, 1755, petitioned the authorities for a suit- 
able burial-place. By a resolution of 
Cemeteries. Oct. 13, 1755, a lot forty feet by one 
hundred was assigned to them, to be 
fenced in by them, but otherwise free of all expense. 
On April 11, 1808, a larger tract was purchased (ad- 
joining this), and continued in use till 1865, when a 
general city cemetery was laid out, and a distinct 
portion was assigned to the Jews. An agreement 
was made that the Jews should not alienate their 
part of the cemetery, and that the city should never 
disinter the bodies. 

A benevolent society was established, possibly 
only a burial society, although, according to a pro- 
vision of the by-laws, all fines collected were to be 
paid partly to the town hospital, partly to the Jew- 
ish poor. When the congregation became too large 
for this synagogue, a site for a new building was 
purchased in the Kerkstraat for 5,000 florins in 1798. 
It is evident that at the end of the eighteenth century 
the congregation of Arnhem was prosperous, and 
that it contained many wealthy Jews. This fact is 
shown by an event mentioned in only one place (Van 
der Aa, " Aardrykskundig Woordenboek, " under 
" Arnhem "). In 1783 a riot took place in Arnhem 
because the city authorities sold a portion of the 
old burial-place surrounding the large church on 
the " Marktplein " to a Jew, who erected thereon a 
mansion. Public indignation was allayed only by the 
restoration of the cemetery, properly fenced in, to its 
original purpose. In 1852 another site was pur- 
chased, upon which the present synagogue stands, 
the former building being used for a school. On 
Aug. 19, 1853, a new synagogue was consecrated. A 
model bath-house was established in 1885 through 
the efforts of Chief Rabbi T. Tal. In 1891 the school 
was removed to an elegantly appointed building 
belonging to the congregation, adjacent to the syna 




Arnold of Citeaux 

After the time of the French consistorial division of 
the country, Nymegen was the seat of the rabbinate 
for the province of Gelderland. But on the death of 
Jacob Lehmans, in 1881, the seat was transferred to 
Arnhem ; and on June 26 of the same year Tobias Tal, 
a graduate of the Amsterdam rabbinical seminary, 
was elected chief rabbi. He remained until he was 
called to The Hague in 1895 ; and his brother-in-law, 
Louis Wagenaar, formerly chief rabbi in Leeuwarden 
and of the province of Friesland, was appointed his 
successor in Arnhem. Other learned men, with at 
least local reputation, were : Joel Frankfort, teacher 
from 1836 to 1866, esteemed for Talmudic learning ; 
J. Waterman, translator of Fiirst's He- 
Chief Per- brew lexicon into Dutch, and a leader 
sonalities. of the reform movement in Dutch Ju- 
daism which reached fullest develop- 
ment about I860. In 1780, the jurist Jonas Daniel 
Meyer was born in a house situated where the syna- 
gogue now stands. The Dutch poetess, Estella Herz- 
feld, wife of Mr. Hymans, passed a portion of her 
life in Arnhem. 

Besides the burial and charitable societies that 
exist in every Jewish congregation, Arnhem has the 
following: (1) Hizzuk Emunoh, an association for 
the study of rabbinical literature; (2) Berit Abra- 
ham, a society that gives pecuniary aid to lying-in 
women, and toward expenses attendant on the cere- 
mony of circumcision; (3) Sa'adas Ahim, an asso- 
ciation composed of small traders, for mutual assist- 
ance in times of sickness and mourning ; (4) a charity 
association, and an association for lending money 
without interest to small traders, and several others. 
The Home for the Aged was removed to a new and 
better house in 1899, and steps were taken to es- 
tablish an orphan home in Arnhem for the whole 
province. In addition there is a society for dower- 
ing respectable girls, and for providing poor school 
children with clothing, especially on their attaining 
the thirteenth year ; also a fund for remitting money 
to Palestine. 

The Jewish population in 1898, according to the 
rather unreliable "Provinciaal Verslag," was 1,390 
in a total population of 56,413 — about 2.5 per cent. 
There were 30 births in 1898, a rather small propor- 
tion; but the death statistics were more favorable, 
seeing that, while the mortality in the whole popula- 
tion of the town was 1,029 (18J per thousand), among 
the Jews there were only 19 deaths (13f per thousand). 
This mortality is the highest of recent years, the aver- 
age number of deaths being 16. The Jews of Arnhem 
support themselves mainly as small traders in cloth- 
ing and woolen goods. The meat business affords 
employment to a number of Jews, who may be said to 
control the trade. Several large stores 

Statistics, are maintained by Jews. There is only 
one Jewish lawyer, who is a member 
of the citj T council, and maintains a banking-house ; 
he and a Jewish member of the bar, with a few teachers, 
compose the academically educated Jewish popula- 
tion of Arnhem. Nevertheless, the congregation may 
be accounted one of the most prosperous in Holland. 

Bibliography : For the older history of Arnhem, besides the 
manuscript in the Archives, see Van Wyn, Huiszittend Leven, 
i. 206,572,650,651; V. Hasselt, Geldersche Oudheden; idem, 
Arnhemsche Oudheden; Nyhofl, Onrkonden van Gelder- 
land ; idem, Wandelingen door cen Deel van Gelderland ; 

Van der Aa, Aardrylcskundig Woordenhoek ; Koenen, Ge- 
schiedenis der Joderi in Nederland. For its later history, 
Waterman's Oration, to have been delivered at the dedication 
ol the New Synagogue, Arnhem, 1853, but printed and circula- 
ted only— now very rare— is valuable. 

G. J. Vr. 

ARNOLD: Cardinal-bishop of Cologne; died 
April 3, 1151. One of the few prelates who, during 
the Crusa.d'es, protected the Jews from the violence 
of the mob. When, during the Second Crusade, the 
inflammatory sermons of the French monk Ro- 
dolphe caused the populace throughout the Rhine 
provinces to attack the Jews, and torture and kill 
such of them as would not accept baptism, this car- 
dinal-bishop was persuaded by a gift of money to 
set aside the castle of Wolkenburg, Lorraine, near 
Konigswinter, as an asylum for the Jews, and to 
allow the many Jews that fled thither to defend 
themselves with arms against the aggressors. The 
property that the Jews left behind was turned over 
to the bishop. This occurred on Sept. 23 and 24, 
1146. Toward the end of that month two Jews, 
Abraham and Samuel, were murdered on their way 
up to the castle. Moved by a second present from 
the Jews, the bishop had the murderer cruelly put 
to death. 

Bibliography : Aronius, Begesten zur Gesch. der Juden im 
Frttnkischen und Deutsche n Beiche, Nos. 236, 237, 250; 
Brisch, Gesch. der Juden in C6ln, 1879, p. 146. The author- 
ity for these statements is Ephraim ben Jacob, who was one 
of those shut up in Wolkenburg. Besides his account, see 
Neubauer and Stern, Hebr. Berichte uber die Juden-Ver- 
folgungen Withrend der Kreuzzilge, 1892, pp. 60, 190 ; Gratz, 
Gesch. der Juden, vi. 179. 


ARNOLD OF cf TEATJX : Cistercian monk, 
who, with the sanction of Pope Innocent III. (1198— 
1216), incited a crusade against the Albigenses and 
Jews of southern France, and occasioned the attack 
of Simon de Montfort on Viscount Raymund Roger. 
The latter was stigmatized as a patron of Jews and 
Albigenses, and on this account his beautiful capital, 
Beziers, was besieged by De Montfort, and on its 
fall (July 22, 1209) was well-nigh totally destroyed. 
According to Arnold's report to the pope, about 
twenty thousand perished by the sword regardless 
of caste, age, and sex; after which the city was 
looted and burned, so that "the vengeance of Ood 
raged therein in a wondrous way." The flourishing 
and cultured Jewish congregation of Beziers was 
almost exterminated ; two hundred persons lost their 
lives, and a great many others were taken captive. 
" The year of mourning " is the name by which that 
year is designated in the Jewish chronicles; the 
Hebrew word for " mourning " having appropri- 
ately the numerical value of the date (\)i> = 69 = 
4969, or 1209 of the common era). 

From southern France, Arnold carried his murder- 
ous fanaticism to Spain under the following circum- 
stances : Mohammed al-Nasir, the Almohade prince 
from the northwest of Africa, apprehending the 
success of the Christians in Mohammedan Spain, 
transported a vast army to Andalusia to make war 
on the advancing religion. The Christian princes 
of Spain immediately ceased their habitual inter- 
necine hostilities for the sake of united resistance, 
and appealed to Innocent III. to inspire a general 
crusade against the Crescent. The pope acceded ; 
and among the multitudes crossing the Pyrenees, 

Aril on 



Arnold and his followers were foremost. These 
ultramontane swordsmen, as they were designated 
in contrast to the Spaniards, were deeply affronted 
"by the comparative prosperity and freedom that the 
Jews enjoyed in the Castilian capital Toledo; and 
Arnold instigated a sudden onslaught upon them 
(June. 1212). At that particular juncture the Jewish 
population of Toledo, in addition to being the most 
representative and flourishing in Spain, had been 
swelled by the accession of fugitives from Salva- 
tierra, the first city captured by the Mohammedan 
invaders (Sept., 1211). The fate of the Jews of 
Toledo would have been sealed had not Alfonso the 
Noble, king of Castile, and the Christian knights of 
the city, promptly protected them ; thus terminating 
auspiciously what was in Castile an importation of 
foreign fanaticism, the first persecution of Jews. 

Bibliography : Ibn Verga, Shehet Yehudali, ed. Wiener, 
p. 112 ; Gratz, Gesch. der Juden, 3d'ed., vi. 333, 339 ; vii. 9, 13. 
g. H. G. E. 

ARNON. — Biblical Data: A river and wady 
of eastern Palestine, the modern Wady Mojib (or 

Gorge of the Elver Anion Near Its Mouth. 

(From Stade, " Gescliichte dea Volkes Israel.") 

Wady el -Mo jib). The name means perhaps " noisy, " 
a term which well describes the latter part of the 
course of the river. Its length is about 45 miles, from 
its rise in the desert to its entrance into the Dead 
Sea. It spreads out to a breadth of 100 feet here 
and there, but for the most part is narrow ; and 

though low in summer, in the winter season it is in 
places 8 or 10 feet deep. It runs at first northwest- 
erly, but afterward its course becomes westerly. 
Its striking feature is the steepness and narrowness 
of the ravine through which it passes shortly before 
it empties into the lake, opposite Engedi. Between 
the lofty limestone hills, which cause this precipitous 
descent, and the lake, the river expands into a shal- 
low estuary nearly 100 feet wide. 

The Arnon has always been an important bound- 
ary-line. Before the Hebrew period it separated, 
for a time at least, the Moabites from the Amorites 
(Num. xxi. 13, 26; Deut. iii. 8; Judges xi. 18). 
After the Hebrew settlement it divided, theoretically 
at least, Moab from the tribes of Reuben and Gad 
(Deut. iii. 12, 16). But in fact Moab lay as much to 
the north as it did to the south of the Arnon. To the 
north, for example, were Aroer, Dibon, Medeba, and 
other Moabite towns. Even under Omri and Ahab, 
who held part of the Moabite territory, Israel did 
not hold sway farther south than Ataroth, about ten 
miles north of the Arnon. Mesha in his inscription 
(Moabite Stone, line 10) says that the Gadites (not the 
Reubenites) formerly occupied Ataroth, whence he 
in turn expelled the people of Israel. He mentions 
(line 26) his having constructed a road along the Ar- 
non. The ancient importance of the river and of the 
towns in its neighborhood is attested by the numer- 
ous ruins of bridges, forts, and buildings found upon 
or near it. Its fords are alluded to by Isaiah (xvi. 2). 
Its " heights, " crowned with the castles of chiefs, 
were also celebrated in verse (Num. xxi. 28). 

J. je. J. F. McC. 

In Rabbinical Literature: The Haggadah 

tells the following story of a miracle witnessed at 
the Arnon, which seems to be alluded to in the Bible 
(Num. xxi. 14, 15). The mountains bordering on 
the Arnon consist of two lofty ranges, with a valley, 
seven miles wide, between them. When on the way 
to the promised land, the Israelites, after having 
crossed the first range, prepared to cross the second, 
the Amorites hid in the caves, intending to attack 
the unsuspecting travelers. But the Ark of the Cov- 
enant, which preceded the Israelites, caused the 
heights to sink and the valley to rise, with the re- 
sult that the concealed Amorites were crushed in the 
caves. The miracle would have been unnoticed by 
the Israelites, had not God 'caused the well which 
accompanied them to throw up portions of the 
corpses. Then it was that all Israel sang the Song 
of the Well (Num. xxi. 17 et seq.). In commemora- 
tion of this miracle the Rabbis decided that a special 
benediction be uttered upon seeing the Arnon (Ber. 
54a et seq. ; Num. R. xix. 25; Tan., Hukkat., xx.). 
J- sk. L. G. 

ARNST ADT : Capital of the German principality 
of Schwarzburg-Sondershausen, on the River Gera. 
In 1264 (Aug. 5 and 7) there were outbreaks here 
against the Jews, in which five were slain (the learned 
R. Shabbethai ben Samuel ; Joseph and Kasser, sons 
of R. Jehiel bar Hakim ; R. David Cohen, of Mayence ; 
and the boy Eliezer, son of R. Simson, of France). 
In Feb., 1349, the Black Death raged in the town. 
In 1441 the Jews were expelled from the town. In 
1466 another expulsion took place, "because they 




[the Jews] would not be baptized." In 1521 Jews 
are still mentioned as dwelling there, and as pos- 
sessing a synagogue, which occupied the site later 
covered by the Bartholomew Cloister. Their cemetery 
in the Ichterhauser-strasse is also mentioned. In the 
seventeenth century there were no Jews in Arnstadt, 
though in the nineteenth century a congregation was 
again formed there. In 1900, in a population of about 
14,000, there were 97 Jews. 

Bibliography : Aronius, Begesten zur Oesch. der Juden, p. 
287, No. 695 ; Salfeld, Das Martyrolngium des NUrnberger 
Memorbuches, pp. 99, 143, 355, 268, 274, 284. 


A. F. 

playwright, grandson of the famous Vienna banker 
Adam Isaac von Arnstein ; born in Vienna Oct. 15, 
1765; died there in 1840. In 1782 he entered his 
grandfather's banking-house, but left in 1786 to 
undertake a series of travels which enabled him to 
make the acquaintance of many distinguished wri- 
ters of his time. From association with Alinger and 
Liebel he learned to appreciate the Greek and Roman 
classics. Such men as Retzer, Schrey vogel, Kotze- 
bue, Ratschky, and Zeon exercised a powerful influ- 
ence upon him. He published: "Eine Jildische 
Familienscene, " 1782; " Dramatische Versuche," 
1778; "Die Kleinodien," drama, 1796; "Die Maske," 
comedy, 1796; "Die Pflegetochter, " drama, 1798; 
"Das Billet," comedy, 1800; "Das Geschenk," 1801. 

Bibliography: Wurzbach, Biographisehes Lexikon der 
Oesterreiehtech-TJngarischen Monarchic; Fr. Graefter, 
Kleine Wiener Memoiren, ii. 1845 ; Oesterreichisclie Na- 
tionalencykkrpa'die, i. 123. 



leader of society in Vienna; born in Berlin Sep- 
tember 29, 1757; died near Vienna June 8, 1818. 
Daniel Itzig, the wealthy and generous banker, 
and head of the Jewish community of Berlin, 
was her father. She was one of a family of nine 
daughters and four sons. Itzig being a man of culture, 
and surrounded by an attractive family, his house 
became a social center. Close relation existed with 
the Mendelssohn circle, even before Fanny's brother- 
in-law David Friedlander came to Berlin, and two of 
Mendelssohn's sons married members of her family. 
Henriette Herz, Rahel, Dorothea, and Henriette 
Mendelssohn, Marianne Meyer, and the other repre- 
sentatives of the Jewish salon period were her inti- 
mate friends. On her early marriage with the 
banker Nathan Adam von Arnstein she carried the 
social influences of Berlin, as molded by Frederick 
the Great, to the Vienna of Joseph II. To wide read- 
ing and unusual linguistic attainments she joined an 
attractive exterior, tact, grace, and distinguished 
bearing, and, above all, extraordinary kindness of 
heart. The Von Arnstein mansion at Vienna and her 
villas at SchOnbrunn and Baden were daily thronged 
with guests ; and her easy hospitality, of which Rahel 
writes in her letters, embraced alike the prosperous 
and the poor. Her benefactions, private and public, 
were endless ; she was especially active in ameliora- 
ting the destitution that followed the disasters of 
1809. Ladies of rank united to care for the needy; 
and, though a Jewess and of the inferior nobility, she 
was invited to join them on account of her executive 
ability and sagacity. When the same association 

founded a hospital at Baden, near Vienna, she col- 
lected 7,000 florins among her coreligionists; and in 
1813 she sent supplies to Rahel, then engaged in 
relief -work at Prague. Love of her adopted coun- 
try filled her soul ; and the opinion she had con- 

Fanny yon Arnstein. 

(From Kohut, " Geschichte der Deutschen Juden.") 

ceived of Napoleon and the French, on her visit to 
Paris during the Consulate, did not tend to lessen 
her almost personal grief over Austrian and Prus- 
sian reverses. The Frenchmen who freely gathered 
round her were never left in doubt as to her feelings. 
On the other hand, the German victories of 1813-14 
gave her the keenest delight ; and the Vienna Con- 
gress saw her at the zenith of social success. Her 
salon was frequented by the celebrities assembled at 
the capital — Wellington, Talleyrand, Hardenberg, 
Capo dTstrias, Varnhagen von Ense, his wife, the 
Schlegels, Justinus Kerner, Karoline Pichler, and 
Zacharias Werner. For over a generation she exer- 
cised an influence upon Austrian art and literature. 
She was one of the founders of the Gesellschaft der 
Musikfreunde. Only one shadow fell upon her life. 
During her widowhood her beauty attracted admirers 
and suitors, whom she successfully kept at a distance. 
Prince Karl von Lichtenstein was particularly assid- 
uous in his attentions. A rival, Freiherr von Weichs, 
ascribing his own lack of success to Frau von Arn- 
stein's preference for Lichtenstein, challenged and 
killed him. Though the first families of Vienna 
were concerned, Frau von Arnstein was wholly ex- 
onerated, and continued to enjoy her popularity. 
Despite the distractions of society, she was a devoted 
mother to her only daughter, Henrietta, Baroness 
Pereira- Arnstein, who inherited her intellect, grace, 
beauty, and goodness. 

Bibliography : Varnnagen yon Ense, Ausgewilhltc Schriften, 
xyil. 328-335 ; Wurzbach, Blogra i>h inch cs Lexikon des Kaiser- 
thums Oesterreich, Vienna, 1750-1850 ; M. Kayserling, Die 
Jiidischen Frauen, 1879, pp. 220-226 ; A. fle la Garde, Fetes et 
Souvenirs du Congres de Vienne, 1843, i. 439 ; Fr. Grafter, 
Kleine Wiener Memoiren, I. 249, 111. 247; Oesterreichische 
National Encyklopddie, i. 121 ; Iris, 1854, p. 51 ; Blatter fiXr 
Musik, Theater, und Kunst, published by L. A. Zellner, 1855, 
vol. i. No. 89. 
s. H. S. 


Arnstein, Fanny von. 




AROER : A name probably meaning " busbes of 
dwarf juniper" (Lagarde, "Scm." i. 30), which is 
applied in the Old Testament to three distinct local- 

1 . " Aroer, which is on the edge of the valley of 
Anion " (Deut. ii. 36, R. V.), is probably represented 
by the present ruins of 'Ara'ir on the north bank of 
the Arnon ravine, about eleven miles from the mouth 
of the river (Tristram, "Moab," pp. 129-131). The 
city was still standing in the time of Eusebius. This 
place was usually described by its situation, in order 
to distinguish it from other localities of the same 
name (Deut. iii. 12, iv. 48 ; Josh. xii. 2, xiii. 9 ; Judges 
xi. 26 ; II Sam. xxiv. 5). It appears first as having 
been captured by the Amorite king Sihon from Moab 
(compare Num. xxi. 26). It should be noted that in 
the Mesha inscription, 1. 26, it is mentioned as having 
been built by the Moabites. After Israel's attack 
on the Amorites, it was assigned as part of the terri- 
tory of the tribe of Reuben, whose southern frontier 
it marked. This is the city mentioned in Num. 
xxxii. 34, with the southern towns, as having been 
built by the children of Gad before the distribution 
of the land. When Hazael and his Syrians took 
from Israel the territory across the Jordan, Aroer is 
given as its southern limit (II Kings x. 33). It is 
clear, from Jer. xlviii. 19, that the Moabites ulti- 
mately recovered it from the Israelites. 

2. A city in the territory of the tribe of Judah 
(I Sam. xxx. 28, and probably Josh. xv. 22). It has 
been identified with the ruins of 'Ar'ara, twenty 
miles south of Hebron and twelve miles southeast 
from Beer-sheba. David sent to the elders of this 
city a share of the booty taken from the Amalekites 
who had attacked Ziklag (I Sam. xxx. 28). 

3. A town east of Rabbath-Ammon (Josh. xiii. 25) 
in the territory of the tribe of Gad, originally an 
Ammonite city (Judges xi. 33). It has not yet been 
identified. According to Jerome ("Onomasticon Sa- 
crum," 96, 5), it was on a mountain, twenty Roman 
miles north of Jerusalem. 

The reading " the cities of Aroer are forsaken " (Isa. 
xvii. 2) is probably incorrect, as it presents many 
geographical difficulties, occurring as it does in con- 
nection with " the burden of Damascus. " While it is 
possible that there may have been another Aroer 
near Damascus, it is more likely that the passage 
should be rendered " the cities thereof shall be for- 
saken. " This emendation, proposed by Lagarde, has 
been quite generally accepted by modern scholars. 

The Gentile name from Aroer is Aroerite (I Chron. 
xi. 44). 

j. jr. J. D. P. 

ARON HA-KODESH : Hebrew name for the 
Ark in the synagogue. See Ark op the Law. 

ARON, ARNATJD : Chief rabbi of Strasburg, 
Alsace ; born March 11, 1807, in Sulz unterm Walde, 
Alsace, and died April 3, 1890. Destined for a rab- 
binical career, he began his Talmudic studies at an 
early age at Hagenau and continued them at Frank - 
fort-on-the-Main. In 1830 he became rabbi of the 
small community of Hegenheim in Upper Alsace; 
and the more important Jewish community of Stras- 
burg called him to be its spiritual head in 1833. As 
he was under thirty, the age prescribed by law, he 

Arnaud Aron. 

required a special dispensation to qualify for the 
office. In Strasburg Aron acquired the reputation 
of an eloquent and inspiring preacher and a zeal- 
ous communal worker. He assisted in founding the 
School of Arts and 
Trades and took active 
interest in other useful 
institutions. In 1855 
he convened an assem- 
bly of the rabbis of the 
department of the 
Lower Rhine for the 
consideration of relig- 
ious questions. 

Aron is the author 
of a devotional work 
which enjoys great 
popularity among 
French Israelites. This 
is "Prieres d'un Coeur 
Israelite," a collection of prayers, partly original and 
partly drawn from Biblical and other Jewish sources. 
In this work he had the assistance of Ennery. Arn- 
aud Aron was the author of the catechism used for 
confirmation as prescribed by the Consistory of Lower 
Alsace. In 1866 the French government acknowl- 
edged his services by appointing him a Knight of 
the Legion of Honor. In 1870, while Strasburg was 
besieged, it was he, together with the archbishop, 
who raised the white flag on the cathedral. Subse- 
quently he was decorated by the German emperor. 

s. I. B. 

ARON, EMIL : German physician ; born at 
Stettin, Pomerania, March 12, 1864. He received 
his education at the Werdersehe Gymnasium at Ber- 
lin, and the universities of Berlin, Munich, and Heid- 
elberg, being graduated from the last-mentioned 
with the degree of doctor of medicine in 1888. After 
a tour to Vienna, Paris, and London, Aron in 1890 
established himself as a physician in Berlin. He 
was assistant physician in the Jewish Hospital in 
that city from 1891 to 1896, becoming specialist in 
laryngology. Aron has been a contributor to the 
" Berliner Klinische Wochenschrif t " ("ZurKasuistik 
der Halsrippen," 1892, etc.), Virchow's "Archiv fur 
Pathologische Anatomie und Physiologie und fur 
Klinische Medizin" (" Ueber die EinwirkungVerdich- 
teter und Verdiinnter Luft auf den Intratracheal 
DruckbeimMenschen," 1892, etc.), "Deutsche Med- 
izinische Wochenschrif t " ("Zur Behandlung des 
Pneumothorax," 1896, etc.), and other medical 

Bibliography: Wrede, Das Geislige Berlin, s.t., Berlin, 
s. F. T. H. 

ARON, HENRY: French publicist; born in 
Paris, Nov. 11, 1842; died there Nov. 13, 1885. He 
was a pupil of the Ecole Normale and obtained a 
fellowship there in 1865, but soon gave up teaching 
to join the staff of the "Journal des Debats," and 
also collaborated in the "Revue Politique et Litte- 
raire. " Aron afterward became secretary of the " Re- 
vue des Deux Mondes. " In 1876 he was entrusted 
by Ernest Picard, minister of the interior, with the 
management of the "Journal Officiel" and of the 
"Bulletin Francais," but on the resignation of the 





ministry he relinquished his charge, which he re- 
sumed upon the reelection of a Republican majority, 
Oct. 14, 1877. He was decorated with the Legion 
of Honor Jan. 30, 1870, but resigned again when 
the "Journal" came under state control, on Jan. 
1, 1881. He reentered the "Journal des Debats" as 
art critic. Though not a Hebraist, he became, in 
1880, one of the founders of the " Revue des Etudes 

s. J. W. 

ARONIUS, JULIUS : German historian ; born 
Feb. 5, 1861, at Rastenburg, Germany; died June 
29, 1893. After completing the gymnasium course, 
he entered the University of Berlin, where he stud- 
ied history, philology, and later went to the Uni- 
versity of Konigsberg. He was graduated from the 
latter as Ph.D. in 1883, on which occasion he wrote 
a thesis, " Studien iiber die Alteren Angelsachsischen 
Urkunden." Aronius became instructor at the Ber- 
lin Real'gymnasium, at the same time devoting him- 
self to the study of Jewish history. Entrusted by 
the Historische Commission with a preparation of a 
history of the Jews in Germany during the Middle 
Ages, he began the work, under the title " Reges- 
ten zur Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland " (Ber- 
lin, 1893). This work gives in chronological order, 
under each date, an abstract of every entry in the 
medieval chronicles and documents relating to the 
Jews of Germany. Its publication was interrupted 
by the death of Aronius, and was completed by 

s. I. Br. 

ARONS, LEO : German physicist and Social- 
ist. Though privat-docent at the University of Ber- 
lin he took part in the Socialist movement, and was 
in consequence suspended from his office by the 
minister of education, Bosse, April, 1899. Being 
wealthy, he spent in 1895 large sums of money to 
advance the interests of his party. In 1897 he car- 
ried a resolution at the Socialist convention of Ham- 
burg, in virtue of which the Socialists would no 
longer abstain from voting at the elections for the 
Prussian Diet. 

Arons' scientific works belong to the field of theo- 
retic as well as of experimental physics, with espe- 
cial reference to electricity. Among the many 
works published by him may be mentioned the fol- 
lowing: "Bestimmung der Verdet'schen Constante 
im Absoluten Masse," in "Annalen derPhysik und 
Chemie," new series, 1885, xiv. 161; " Jnterferenz- 
streifen im Spectrum," ib. p. 669; " Verdiinnungs- 
warme und Warmekapacitat von Salzlosungen," ib. 
xxv. 408; "Methode zur Messung der Elektromo- 
torischen Gegenkraft im Elektrischen Lichtbogen," 
ib. xxx. 95; "Ueber den Elektrischen Rtickstand," 
ib. xxxv. 291; " Beobachtungen an Elektrisch Pola- 
risirten Platinspiegeln, " ib. xli. 473; "Ein Elektro- 
lytischer Versuch," ib. xlv. 383; "Ein Demonstra- 
tionsversuch mit Elektrischen Schwingungen," ib. 
p. 553 ; " Die Elektricitatsconstanten und Optischen 
Brechungsexponenten in Salzen," ib. liii. 95; "Elek- 
trische Lichtbogen," ib. lvii. 185; " Polarisations- 
Erscheinungen in Dilnnen Metallmembranen," ib. 
lvii. 201 ; " Versuche ilber Elektroly tische Polarisa- 
tion," in " Verhandlungen der Physikalischen Gesell- 

schaft zu Berlin," xi. 3; "Ueber einen Quecksilber- 
Lichtbogen," ib. p. 6. 

Bibliography : Die Nation, 1897-98, p. 18 ; 1898-99, p. 422. 
s. I. Ber. 

ARONSON, RUDOLPH : Composer and the- 
atrical manager ; born in New York, April 8, 1856. 
He early manifested talent for music, and after his 
graduation from the New York high school was sent 
to the Vienna Conservatory. After completing his 
course there, he entered the Paris Conservatoire, de- 
voting himself to a careful study of the French 
composers. He had a strong predilection for the 
lyrical genre, and it was the popular rather than the 
classic compositions that he strove to master in re 
gard to style and method. 

Returning to America, Aronson first came promi 
nently before the public as the director of fashion- 
able concerts in Madison Square Garden, New York ; 
and such was the success of these concerts that 
he built a concert-hall at Forty-first street and 
Broadway, opened May 27, 1880. In connection 
with this enterprise, the now popular " roof -garden " 
was first introduced as a summer feature. 

He subsequently secured capital for a theater to 
be devoted solely to the elaborate performance of 
light operas — the Casino, a fine specimen of Moor- 
ish architecture, opened Oct. 22, 1882, which was 
the first permanent home of light opera in America. 

Aronson has composed over 150 dances, marches, 
and various other orchestral pieces, many of which 
have been successfully performed by Gilmore, 
Cappa, Eduard Strauss, Theodore Thomas, and 
other prominent orchestral leaders. 

Bibliography : Dramatic Mirror, New York ; Boston Times, 
Feb. 26, 1888; New York Herald, May 28, 1880; Who's Who 
in America, 1901. 
A. J. SO. 

physician and medical writer; born in 1774; died 
June 12, 1807; obtained his degree of M.D. in 1800; 
and subsequently became teacher at the Berlin 
University. Of his various publications may be 
mentioned: (1) " Medicinische Gesch. der Franzo- 
sischen Armee in St. Domingo im Jahre 1803, oder 
Ueber dasGelbe Fieber," Berlin, 1805 (translation of 
a French work by N. P. Gilbert, treating of the yel- 
low fever) ; (2) " Die Kunst des Zahnarztes oder Voll- 
standiger Theoretischer und Praktischer Unterricht 
iiber der an den ZahnenVorkommenden Chirurgischen 
Operationen, die Einsetzung KunstlicherZahne, Ob- 
duratoren und Kilnstlicher Gaumen" (translated from 
the French by L. Laforgne, with illustrations, Ber- 
lin, 1803) ; (3) " Vollstandige Abhandlung Aller Vene- 
rischen Krankhciten," with annotations by F. W. 
Wolf, Jr., Berlin, 1808; (4) "Grundliche Anleitung 
zur Zweckmassigen Einrichtung der Apotheken," 
with illustrations, Berlin, 1804 ; (5) " Die Kunst das 
Leben des Schonen Geschlechts zu Verlangern," 
with illustrations, Berlin, 1804; 2d ed., 1807; (6) 
" Rechtfertigung der Schutzblattern, oder Kuhpoc- 
kenimpfung," Berlin, 1801; (7) " Toilettenkunst- 
Recepte, 64 Wohlfeile, Bewiihrte, nach Chemischen 
und Diiitischen Grundsiitzen Abgefasst, zur Befor- 
derung und Erhaltung der Schonheit," Berlin, 1805. 

Bibliography : Fttrst, Bihl. Jud.; J. S. Meusel, Das Oelehrte 
Teutschland im Men Jahrhundert, xlii. 36; A. C. P. Callis- 





sen, Merfizininclicx SchriftsteUer-Lexicim derjetzt Leben- 
den Aerzlc, Wuiulaerzte, etc., 1830, i. 244. 

s. F. T. H. 

physician; born at Metz May 2, 1793; died at 
Strasburg Sept. 8, 1861. His father, Jacques Arons- 
sohn (died 1845), practised medicine at the garrison 
of Pont-a-Mousson. Aronssohn went to Strasburg 
in 1809 to matriculate at the Faculte de Medecine. 
He took his degree as doctor in 1816 ; became assist- 
ant surgeon at the municipal hospital in 1823; and 
resigned this position two years later to go to Eng- 
land to finish his studies. In London he made the 
acquaintance of some of the most prominent physi- 
cians and surgeons, as, for instance, Astley Cooper, 
Lawrence Brodie, and Tyrrell. After his return to 
France he established himself as a physician at 
Strasburg ; and during his twenty -five years of prac- 
tise he was regarded as one of the most efficient of 
doctors. In 1838, suffering from a chronic irritation 
of the larynx, lie went to Italy to seek a milder cli- 
mate. At Pisa he was requested by the French 
ambassador to take part in the autopsy on the body 
of the daughter of King Louis Philippe. Scarcely 
had this work been finished, when he was sum- 
moned to Florence by the widow of King Murat. 

During 1832, while the cholera raged in France, 
Aronssohn was requested to organize one of the 
provisory hospitals. Later he was appointed a 
member of the Central Sanitary Commission ; of the 
board of health ; of the committee of primary instruc- 
tion; of the commission for the inspection of the 
asylum at Stephansfeld ; and physician to the East- 
ern Railway Company. From 1849 he was presi- 
dent of the Societe de Medecine de Strasbourg and 
a member of several French and foreign scientific 
societies. The Legion of Honor was bestowed on 
him in 1839; at the same time he was appointed as- 
sistant physician to the king, which for him was 
merely a title. It brought him in contact, however, 
with the ro3 r al family and the eminent men of that 
epoch. As early as 1823 he was authorized by the 
Royal Council of Public Instruction to establish a 
course of surgical instruction. Pie took an active 
part in the foundation of the institution for the ex- 
amination of fellowship ; and when Professor Lob- 
stein died Aronssohn remained in charge of the med- 
ical clinic for six months. 

Aronssohn was not eloquent ; his lectures resem- 
bled his conversation ; they were informal talks, at- 
tractive, and so presented that they held the atten- 
tion of the pupils. 

The grief he suffered at the death of an adopted 
son, the severe illness of his beloved daughter, and 
the loss of a dear friend, brought on the heart-fail- 
ure that ended his useful life. 

Aronssohn is the author of: 

" Les Tumeurs De veloppees dans les Nerfs, " inaug- 
ural dissertation, 1822; "Appreciez les Progres Re- 
cents du Diagnostic," 1836; "Memoires et Observa- 
tions de Medecine et de Chirurgie Pratiques " ; 1st 
Memoire: "LTnstruction des Vers dans les Voies 
Aeriennes"; 2d and 3d Memoires: " Quelques Points 
de I'Histoire des Hernies " ; " Tetanos " ; " Lotion 
Chaudes des Terebentliine dans les Brulures " ; 
" Compte Rendu de la Clinique Medicate de la Fac- 

ulte"; "L'Introduction au Traite sur les Eaux 
Minerales du Duche de Nassau" (translated from 
Kaula); "L'Infiammation et les Scrofules." 

Besides these works Aronssohn wrote a number of 
reports for different societies and committees of 
which he was a member; for instance, "Pro jet de 
Loi d' Organisation Medicate." 

Bibliography : Gazette Medicate de Strasbourg, 1863, pp. 
s. A. 

ARONSTEIN, L. : German chemist ; born May 
25, 1841, at Telgte, Westphalia; graduated from the 
University of Gottingen in 1864 with the degree of 
Ph.D. Two years later he became assistant in the 
physical department of the University of Leyden, 
Holland, and in 1867 accepted the post of director 
at the high school (Hi/here Biirgerschule) of Breda, 
Brabant, where he also taught the natural sciences. 
In 1876 Aronstein was appointed professor of chem- 
istry at the Royal Military Academy of Breda, and 
in 1894 was offered a similar appointment in the 
Royal Polytechnic School, Delft. He accepted the 
invitation, and has continued to occupy the position 
ever since. His papers, which are of a distinctly 
technical character, have appeared on the pages of 
Liebig's " Annalen der Chemie," published in Leip- 
sic and Heidelberg ; in the " Berichte der Deutschen 
Chemischen Gesellshaft," the "Recueil des Travaux 
Chimiques des Pays-Bas, " etc. Brief notices and re- 
views of Aronstein's contributions to chemistry may 
be found in the " Jahresbericht uber die Fortschritte 
der Chemie," edited by F. Fittica, Brunswick. 

Bibliography: Poggendorff, Biographisch-Literarlsehes 
Handwdrterbuch, Leipsic, 1898. 
s. A. S. 0. 

ARONSTEIN, PHILIPP (pen-name Arn- 
stein) : German school-teacher and author; born 
Dec. 4, 1862, at Halver, province of Westphalia, 
Prussia. Aronstein received his education at the 
gymnasium in Soest, the universities of Berlin and 
Bonn, and the Academy of Miinster, whence he was 
graduated as doctor of philosophy. After having 
taught at different schools in England and Germany, 
he at present (1902) holds the position of Oberlehrer 
at the Progymnasium at Myslowitz, province of 
Silesia, Prussia. He has been a contributor to sev- 
eral well-known German magazines and newspapers ; 
e.g., "Neue Deutsche Rundschau," "Anglia" ("Ben 
Jonson's Theorie dor Lustspiele," 1894; "Dickens- 
Studien," 1896), "Englische Studien" ("John Mars- 
ten als Dramatiker," 1894; "Die Entwicklung der 
Lokalverwaltung in England," 1895), "Neuere 
Sprachen" ("England um die Mitte des 18tcn Jahr- 
hunderts," 1895), and has written principally upon 
education in England, and English history and liter- 
ature. Aronstein's chief independent works are: 
"Benjamin Disraeli's Leben und Dichterische 
Werke," 1895, and "Die Entwicklung der Hoheren 
Knabenschulen in England," 1897. He also trans- 
lated from the English into German Bishop Mandell 
Creighton's "Age of Queen Elizabeth," 1900.. 

s. F. T. H. 

ARPAD : A city of northern Syria, the modern 
Tell-Erfad, thirteen miles northwest of Aleppo. It 




is mentioned in II Kings xviii. 34, xix. 13; Isa. x. 9, 
xxxvi. 19, xxxvii. 13; Jev. xlix. 23. Rammannirari 
III. fought against it (Schrader, " Keilinschriftliche 
Bibliotliek, " i. 209), and Tiglath-pileser III. besieged 
it for two years and captured it about 740 B.C. (ib. i. 
213, and Isa. x. 9). 
j. jr. G. A. B. 

AKPHAXAD (ne>3S"iK): According to Gen. x. 
22, 24; xi. 10-13; and I Cliron. i. 17, 18, the third son 
of Shem. Bochart's identification (" Phaleg, " ii. 4) of 
this name with the Arrapachitis of the Greeks, an 
Armenian region, north of Assyria, adjacent to the 
Great or Upper Zab river, has long prevailed. The 
Arrapachitis, however, did not belong to the Semitic 
world ; and it would be difficult to account for the 
element " -shad " (very improbably explained as an 
Armenian element, "-shat," by Lagarde, "Sym."i. 
54). Still more improbable is the Kurdish Albag. 
Delitzsch's ("Paradies," 256) explanation from the 
Assyrian " arba-kishshati " (the four quarters of the 
world), has not been confirmed. More recently, the 
view of Michaelis, anticipated by Josephus (" Ant. " 
i. 6, § 4), that Arpakshad contains the name of the 
Kasdim or Chaldeans, has become predominant. The 
explanations of Gesenius, etc. , " boundary [" Arp "] of 
Chaldea " (Keshad); of Cheyne, " Arpakh " and "ke- 
shad," written together by mistake ("Expositor," 
1897, p. 145), etc. , are now superseded by the observa- 
tion of Hommel (" Ancient Hebrew Traditions," 294) 
that Arpakshad is the same as " Ur of the Chaldeans " 
( Ur-kasdini). Both names agree in the consonants 
except one, and also in meaning, as Arpakshad is the 
father of Shelah, grandfather of Eber and ancestor of 
Terah, Nahor, and Abraham, who came from Ur 
(Gen. xi. 12). The inserted " p " of Arpakshad has so 
far not been explained — Hommel has recourse even to 
Egyptian — but it is doubtless due to some graphic 
error (see Ur). In Judith i. 1, etc., Arphaxad, a 
king of the Medians in Ecbatana, is mentioned, con- 
quered by Nebuchadnezzar II. of Assyria and put 
to death. The name has clearly been borrowed 
from Gen. x. by the writer. 

J. jr. W. M. M. 

ARRAGEL, MOSES: Spanish rabbi; flour- 
ished in the first half of the fifteenth century at 
Maqueda and Guadalfajara, Castile. The name is 
the Arabic al-Rijal (Steinschneider, "Jew. Quart. 
Rev."xi. 610); according to H. Derenbourg ("Jour- 
nal des Savants," November, 1898), it is derived 
from the Hebrew "ha-Ragil " (the expert). 

When in 1422 Don Luis de Guzman, grand mas- 
ter of the Order of Calatrava, was preparing in 
Toledo to make war upon the Moors, he seems to 
have suffered a change of heart ; and, tired of the 
chase, of playing chess, and of reading romances of 
chivalry, he felt the need of a good translation of 
the Bible in Spanish, with a commentary thereon. 
He asked Rabbi Moses Arragel to undertake this 
work (April 5). At first the rabbi declined the in- 
vitation, feeling how impossible it was for a Jew to 
translate, or comment upon, the Bible in a manner 
to satisfy a Catholic. Don Luis, however, insisted ; 
and he assigned Friar Arias de Enciena, custos of 
the Franciscans in Toledo, to make known to Moses 

his particular wishes in regard to the matter. The 

translation of the Old Testament in the Castilian 

language is one of several which were 

Translates made at this time; and the coopera- 

the Old tion of the Jewish rabbi with Catho- 
Testament. lie dignitaries in its production is one 
of the signs of the comparative relig- 
ious tolerance then prevailing in Castile. 

It took Arragel many years to finish this work. 
When completed (June 2, 1430) it was presented 
by him with much ceremony to Don Luis in Toledo, 
in the presence of a concourse of prominent and 
learned men. The head of the Order of St. Francis, 
replying to the presentation address, expressed him- 
self as follows : " Rest assured that if, please God, 
the interior of the Bible as regards its substance is 
equal to its exterior, it will be the most beautiful 
and the most famous work to be found in many a 
kingdom. " These and other details are found pre- 
fixed to the translation, accompanying which is the 
whole correspondence between Don Luisde Guzman 
and Moses Arragel. Luis' letter commences as fol- 
lows : " We, Master of Calatrava, send many saluta- 
tions to you, Raby Moses Arragel, our vassal in our 
city of Maqueda. Know, O Raby Moses! that we 
desire to possess a Bible with glosses and comments ; 
and we are told that you can do the work well. " 

It- is interesting to notice that this translation into 
old Castilian follows the order of books according to 
the Hebrew canon. This was the express desire of 
Jerome; and indeed his translation seems to have 
formed, in a measure, the basis for this new transla- 
tion, which was made with the help of the Hebrew 
original. Wherever the Latin text of Jerome agreed 
with the Hebrew, Moses followed both; where they 
differed, he followed the Hebrew exclusively. A 
surprising freedom of speech is also shown by Moses 
in the glosses that he has attached to the text. He 
does not scruple to differ from the interpretation of 
his own coreligionists. When he comes in conflict 
with the dogmas of the established church, he says 
plainly : " This is the opinion of the Christians ; but 
the Jews hold just the opposite view." He often 
cites the view of the grand master, Don Luis, him- 
self, but never controverts him. He is decidedly 
rational in his own views on many points, and does 
not scruple to declare many expressions figurative. 
The glosses are not simply dry explanations, for 
Moses has inserted here and there a number of Jew- 
ish tales, fables, and proverbs. The authorities cited 
are numerous. Of classic authors, we find Aristotle, 
Euclid, Ptolemoeus, and Pliny; of Christian scholars, 
Saint Bernard, Saint Udefonso, and Nicholas de 
Lyra. His remarks on Christian theology are drawn 
from the " Tratado sobre la Justicia de la Vida Es- 
pirituel " of Don Pedro, archbishop of Seville. He 
mentions byname the Talmud, the Midrash (Midras 
or "los Prabot"), the cabalists "rabi Tanhuma," 
"rabi Salomon" (Rashi), "rabi Abraham Aben 
Ezra," "rabi Moysen de Egipto" (Maimonides), 
"rabi Nicun (Nissim) de Barcelona," "rabi Jaco" 
(Jacob ben A slier), "rabi Joseph," "el Camhy" 
(Kimhi), etc. 

On the whole, this work of Arragel's shows him 
to have been a man of vast learning, of fine liter- 
ary taste, and of a breadth of view hardly to be 




expected in a Spanish rabbi of that time. According 
to S. Berger, Arragel used some previous attempts 
at translating the Bible into Castilian. As such he 
notes MS. Escurial, i.j. 3, and for the prophets, a 
manuscript of the fifteenth century preserved in the 
Library of the Academy of History at Madrid. 

The manuscript of this translation, called the 
"Bible of Olivares," is preserved in the Palace of 
Liria at Madrid, belonging to the duchess of Ber- 
wick and of Alba. It was given in 1624 to Don 
Gaspar de Guzman, count of Olivares, by Don 
Andres Pachico, the grand-inquisitor, because of 
the services rendered by himself and his father, the 
ambassador at Rome. It passed by marriage into 
the possession of the fifth duke of Alba, Don Fran- 
cisco Alvarez of Toledo. There are 515 folios, the 
text being in two columns, surrounded by the 
glosses, which are written in very minute script. 

It is interesting from another point of view: it is 

filled with miniatures which make it one of the 

treasures of the Casa de Alba. The 

Its illustrations (334 in number, of which 

Careful 6 are full-page), however, have a 

Illustra- particular Jewish interest; for, in ad - 
tions. dition to the pictures in it of indubi- 
tably Christian origin, and copied from 
other Bibles in the Cathedral library of Toledo, there 
are others which have a thoroughly Jewish tinge, 
and on account of which the supposition is justified 
that Moses Arragel, if he did not himself assist in 
the painting, at least gave directions to the Toledo 
artists who did the work. In one picture the inte- 
rior of a synagogue is reproduced with the greatest 
care and exactness. Moses is represented as holding 
the Law in his hands, the Law being written on a 
large marble plate. The frontispiece, which is here 
reproduced, represents the grand master upon his 
throne, covered with a white mantle upon which is 
seen the red cross of the Order of Calatrava ; around 
him are vassals and knights ; by his side are a Fran- 
ciscan and a Dominican (Friar Arias de Encinas and 
Juan de Zamora); and in front of him is Babbi 
Moses himself, on his knees, presenting his work to 
his lord and master. The Jew-badge can be plainly 
recognized on his right arm. He is surrounded by 
the knights of the order ; while immediately below 
the throne a scene is depicted in which the knights 
are seen feeding, clothing, and otherwise succoring 
the Jews. 

Bibliography : De Rossi, Histnr. WCyrterb. p. 47 ; Nepi-Ghi- 
rondi, P- 260- A description of the manuscript, together with 
extracts, was given in 1899 by Senor Paz y Melia in an article 
entitled La Biblia Puesta en Romance por Rabi Mose 
Arragel de Guadalfajara, contained in a collection pub- 
lished in honor of Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, Madrid, 

1899, vol. ii. pp. 1 et sea;., an account of which article will be 
found in Bloeh's Oesterreiehische Wochensehrift, May 11, 

1900, p. 356. A detailed account has been given by Samuel 
Berger in the Bulletin des Antiquaires, 1898, pp. 239-244 
(an abstract of which article can be found in the Rev. Et. 
Juives, xxxviii. 309-311) , and in Romania, xxviii. 521. Com- 
pare also Catalogo de las Colecciones Expuestas del Palacio 
de Liria, Madrid, 1898, p. 40, and Reuss and Berger in the 
RealeneyeltnMdie fur ProtestanUsehe Theologie, 3d ed., 
p. 143, reprinted in Urtext und Uebersetzungen der Bibel, 
Leipsic, 1897, p. 203. 


ARRAS : Chief city of the department of Pas- 
de-Calais, capital of the ancient Artois, France. 
According to Gross, the name of this city appears 
in a very curious Hebrew document (De Rossi, MS. 

No. 563, 23), which relates that Robert the Pious, 
king of France (996-1031), together with his vassals 
and neighboring princes, having decreed the exter- 
mination of the Jews who refused baptism, a cer- 
tain Jacob b. Jekuthiel went to Rome to invoke for 
his coreligionists the protection of the pope. The 
pope sent a high dignitary to put a stop to the per- 
secution. Jacob went from Rome to Lorraine, and 
thence to Flanders, about 1023. He died there at 
r""IX (i.e., Arras), on the banks of a river, probably 
the Scarpe. His sons conveyed his body to Rheims. 

It does not follow from this text that there was a 
Jewish community at Arras at this time; and the 
identification of the Hebrew word in question with 
Arras is very problematic. Jews probably were liv- 
ing at Arras, as in the whole surrounding region, in 
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries ; but nothing 
whatever is known of their history. 
Bibliography : Gross, Gallia Judaiea, pp. 71 et seq. 

G. I. L. 

ARROWS. See Weapons. 

lonika toward the end of the sixteenth century. He 
wrote " Makhil Kohelet " (The Preacher Preaching) 
and "Tanhumot El" (Consolations of God), philo- 
sophical expositions of .Ecclesiastes and the Penta- 
teuch (Salonica, 1597, 1573). 

a. M. L. M. 

ARSACES : Parthian king ; according to some 
scholars, the sixth of that name, mentioned in I Mace, 
xiv. 2-3, as having entrapped Demetrius, who had 
rebelled against him. Demetrius married a daughter 
of Arsaces and, according to Josephus (" Ant. " xiii. 5, 
§ 11), died in captivity. He is further mentioned — in 
I Mace. xv. 22 — in the number of kings to whom 
Rome sent the edict which forbade the persecution 
of the Jews. He is also known as Mithridates I. 

a. G. B. L. 

BREWS : Material for the formation of an opinion 
on the art of the ancient Hebrews is extremely 
scanty, as the vestiges are limited 
to certain specimens of pottery and 
of the glyptic art, including inci- 
dental references in Hebrew liter- 
ature, touching mainly the Temple 
at Jerusalem. 

The potter's art reverts to the 
earliest days. After their settle- 
ment in Canaan, the Israelites no 
doubt soon learned this art from 
the inhabitants, although for a 
long time thereafter the Pheni- 
cians, who carried their earthen- 
ware to far-off lands, still continued to supply the 
interior of Palestine. Excavations in Jerusalem and 
Tell el-Hesy (probably the ancient 

Pottery. Lachish) have yielded a proportion- 
ately rich fund of material, sufficient, 
according to Flinders Petrie, to trace the history of 
Palestinian pottery. Petrie distinguishes an Amorite, 
a Phenician, and a Jewish period, each having its own 
characteristic style. It is undoubtedly true that the 
art of pottery among the Hebrews was developed 

Shekel of Simon 
Maccabeus. (Ex- 
act size.) 

(From the collection of J. 
D. Eisensteio.) 

Moses Akragel Presenting His Castilian Translation of the Bible to Don Luis de Guzman. 

(From " Estudios de Erudicion Espaiiola.") 




under Phenician influence, for its forms are always 
coarse imitations of Phenician models. The older 
finds, especially those of Jerusalem, exhibit forms 

Hebrew Pottery. 

(From Warren, " Recovery of Jerusalem,") 

that are in use to-day throughout Palestine and 
Syria. See Pottery. 

Glyptics dates hack to remote antiquity. If tra- 
dition assumes that signet-rings were worn by the 
Patriarchs (Gen. xxxviii. 18), and that the genera- 
tion of the wilderness-journey was skilled in engra- 
ving on precious stones, it points at least to the an- 
tiquity of the art. The Hebrews were taught this 
kind of engraving by the Cauaanites, who, in their 
turn, had received it from the Phenicians. Origi- 
nally, this art of engraving came from the East; for 
in the Euphrates district it had been the custom 
since remotest time to attest all the more important 
business transactions by written con- 
Seal- tracts, to which the seals of the parties 
Engraving 1 , interested were affixed. The northern 
Syrians and Phenicians no doubt 
adopted the custom through their frequent inter- 
course with this district; and, with the custom, they 
doubtless learned also the art of making the seals. 
The devices upon these seals point likewise to their 
Eastern derivation (see Perrot and Chipiez, " Histoire 
de l'Art dans l'Antiquite," vol. hi., "La Phenicie," 
p. 240). It is, however, always difficult to decide 
whether any particular seal among those preserved 
belonged to the Hebrews or to 
some neighboring nation, unless 
it contain some distinctive name. 
Even when the name is indubi- 
tably Jewish, it is always possible 
that it may have been made by 
Phenicians. The Hebrew and 
Phenician seals resemble each other 
Seal of Elishegib bat very closely in shape, script, and 
Elisbama cut in ornamentation. As to ornamen- 
jasper. tation, there are found devices 

(In the Brit!* Mu-ua,.) Qf p henic j an origin; mch ag the 

palm-leaf, garland of poppy-heads or pomegranates, 
winged spheres, etc., and those of Egyptian, such 
as Hathor's insignia, the eye of Osiris, etc. (see the 
illustrations in Benzinger, "Hebraische Archaolo- 
gie," pp. 258 et seq. ; and see article Seals). 

Of metal-work there are no remains extant. The 
description of Solomon's Temple is the main source 
of information upon this point, the notable fact in 
which is that it was a Tyrian artificer, named Hiram 
(I Kings vii. 13) or Huram Abi, as the chronicler 
calls him (II Chron. ii. 13), who made the necessary 
utensils for the sanctuary. The Jews themselves 
evidently had not yet mastered the art of casting in 
bronze or brass, certainly not to the extent necessary 
for this work. The account of the building in 
I Kings vii. affords only the merest outlines of the 
larger art- works manufactured for its use, such as 
pillars, the brazen sea, portable lavers, or basins, 
etc. The shapes of the smaller utensils, vessels, and 
vases of gold and silver were undoubtedly molded 

after Phenician models. It was espe- 

Metal- cially in the manufacture of such arti- 

Casting. cles that the Phenicians excelled ; and 

their products ruled the market, par- 
ticularly in Egypt. Even if the Jewish metal- 
workers under Hiram learned enough to make the 
smaller articles themselves (compare II Kings xvi. 
10), they still were constructed upon Phenician lines. 
The same is true of the ornaments employed, which 
exhibit the Phenician composite style. Thus, in ad- 
dition to native flowers, are found the palm-leaf of 
Assyria, the lotus-flower of Egypt, and especially 
pomegranates and colocynths. Figures of animals, 
so frequently found on Phenician vases, were among 
the decorations of the borders of the brazen sea. In 
religious symbolism, likewise, the same Egyptian 
and Jewish forms are found alongside each other: 
the lotus, the eye of Osiris, Hathor, and Horus upon 
seal, all of Egyptian origin — the original meaning 

Fragment of a Glass Vase, with Representation of the Temple. 

(From Vigouroux, " Dictionnaire de la Bible.") 

of these symbols was of course lost to the Syrian 
artists — while the most frequent device of Baby- 
lonian origin among the Hebrews was the cherub 
(I Kings vi. 23-28, 32, 35; vii. 36; see Cherub). 
Older than the art of metal-casting among the 




Jews was another species of metal-work — overlay- 
ing with metal plate. The very ancient Ephod re- 
ceived its name no doubt from the fact that it con- 
sisted of a figure of wood or other material, overlaid 
with gold or silver foil. The " calves of gold " at 
Dan and Beth-el were probably only idols thus over- 
laid, and not entirely composed of solid metal 
(I Kings xii. 28). Later accounts of the building of 
the Temple specify that the walls and doors, and 
even the floor, were overlaid with gold-leaf. 

The plastic art was the one that had the least 
opportunity for development. Sculpture in stone 
hardly existed at all among the Jews: they pos- 
sessed neither clay idols — the "mazebah" was al- 
ways a plain stone pillar — nor sarcophagi, which 

latter, in Phenicia and Egypt, af- 
Sculpture. forded opportunity for art-display; 

nor are any sculptured decorations of 
their stone houses known. They evidently lacked 
during all this period the ability to execute artistic 
work in stone. 

Ivory- and wood-carving, on the other hand, were 
practised by the Jews from ancient times. The 
above-mentioned overlaying with metal involved, 
as a necessary condition, that the underlying wood 
had been wrought into proper shape. The old tera- 
phim seem to have been of human form, or at least 
to have possessed a human head (I Sam. xix. 13). 
The cherubim for the Holy of Holies were carved 
out of olive-wood. The wood-work of the walls 
and doors of the Temple was ornamented with 
carvings (I Kings vi. 18, 29, 35). Solomon's throne 
of state is mentioned as an important product of the 
carver's art (in ivory) (I Kings x. 18-20); but un- 
fortunately it is not stated whether it was made by 
Jewish or by Phenician artificers. 

It was the religion of the Jews that precluded the 
full development of the art of sculpture, and so con- 
fined it within the above-mentioned narrow limits. 
In the most ancient times, when images were not 
proscribed, the technical ability to make them artis- 
tically was lacking ; and when in later periods this 
artistic skill might have been acquired from others, 
images were forbidden. The persistent fight of the 

Prophets against images was waged 

Religion with such success that in the end not 

as an only was any representation of the 

Opponent Deity forbidden, but even the por- 

of the traiture of living beings in general, 

Plastic man or beast. Such a command as 

Art. that of the Decalogue (Ex. xx. 4; 

Deut. v. 8) would have been impos- 
sible to a nation possessed of such artistic gifts as 
the Greeks, and was carried to its ultimate conse- 
quences — as to-day in Islam — only because the peo- 
ple lacked artistic inclination, with its creative 
power and formative imagination. 

The same reason, to which is to be added a defect- 
ive sense of color (see Delitzsch, "Iris, Farbenstu- 
dien und Blumenstiicke," pp. 43 et seg. ; Benzinger, 
"Hebi\ Archaologie, " pp. 268 et seg.), prevented any 
development of painting. Attempts in this direc- 
tion are found in the earliest times in the custom of 
decorating with colors jars, vases, and articles of 
similar character. Objects found at Tell el-Hesy 
show such attempts of a somewhat rude fashion; 

those found'in Jerusalem exhibit them executed in 
a more careful and finished manner. The question, 
of course, still remains whether these 
Painting, latter objects are native products or im- 
ported articles. In either case the 
painting amounts to but a simple form of ornamenta- 
tion by means of colored lines, in which geometrical 
figures predominate, with parallel lines and lines at 

Robinson's Area, Jerusalem. 

(From a photograph by BoDfihj.) 

right angles, zigzag and waving lines, all forming a 
sort of band around the neck or body of the vessel. 
In the Old Testament, painting is not mentioned: 
when Ezekiel (xxiii. 14) speaks of " men portrayed 
upon the wall, the images of the Chaldeans por- 
trayed with vermilion," it is not painting that is re- 
ferred to, but probably outline drawings with a col- 
ored pencil, the contours being then filled in with 
color. See Cherub, House, Sanctuary, Syna- 
gogues, Temple, Pottery, Seals. 

Bibliography : Herzfeld, Zwei Yortrllge Uber die Kunstlei- 
stungen der Hebrtier und Alien Jurten, 1864 ; Bliss, Tell 
el-Hesy, a Mmnd of Many Cities, 1894; Perrot et Chipiez, 
History of Ancient Art, vol. iv.; Flinders-Petrie, Tell el- 
Hesy, 1891 ; Benzinger, HebrMsche ArehOologie, 1894, pp. 
249 et seg.; Nowaok, Lehrbuch der Hebrtlischen Archii- 
ologie, 1894, pp. 259 et seq. 
J. jr. I. Be. 

WARD : Art, the working out of the laws of beauty 
in the construction of things, is regarded in the Bible 
as wisdom resulting from divine inspiration (Ex. 
xxxi. 1-6, xxxv. 30-35, xxxvi.-4), and is called in 
the Talmud " hokmah " (wisdom), in distinction from 




labor (rDK'ta nrfctt HD3n, R. H. 29*; Shab. 131ft). 
It is, however, somewhat incorrect to speak of 
Jewish art. "Whether in Biblical or in post-Biblical 
times, Jewish workmanship was influenced, if not 
altogether guided, by non-Jewish art. Roman ar- 
chitecture was invoked in the building of Herod's 
Temple just as Phenician architecture was in the 
construction of those of Solomon and of Zerubbabel 
(I Kings vii. 13; Ezra iii. 7). Plastic art in general 
was discouraged by the Law ; the prohibition of idols 
in the Decalogue (Ex. xx. 4) being in olden times 
applied to all images, whether they were made ob- 
jects of worship or not (see Josephus, "Ant." xvii. 
6, § 2; xviii. 3, § 1; ib. "B. J." i. 33, § 2; ii. 9, § 2; 
10, § 4). In accordance with this view the pious in 
Talmudical times even avoided gazing at the pic- 
tures engraved on Roman coins (Ab. Zarah 50a; 
Pes. 104a; Yer. Meg. iii. 2 [74a]; Hippolytus, "Ref- 
utation of All Heresies," ix. 21). It is possible, how- 
ever, that these figures formed an exception because 
they were, as a rule, representations of kings or em- 
perors worshiped as gods by the Romans. 

Rabbinical tradition, however, follows more ra- 
tional rules in interpreting the law prohibiting 
images. Referring the law, Ex. xx. 23, "Ye shall 
not make with me gods of silver, neither shall ye 
make unto you gods of gold," to beings beheld by 
prophetic vision at the throne of God, or to anthro- 
pomorphic visions of God himself, the Rabbis for- 
bade only the fashioning of the four figures of Eze- 
kiel as a whole or of any other angelic being, and 
especially the making of human figures, as these 
might be made objects of worship (Mek., Yitro, x. ; 
'Ab Zarah 42b, 43b). In view, however, of the 

fact that only carved figures or statues 

Influence were, as a rule, objects of worship, 

of the prohibition was not applied to im- 

Idolatry. ages not projecting (Ab. Zarah 436). 

Portrait-painting, therefore, was never 
forbidden by the Law. As a matter of fact, far 
more potent than the Law was the spirit of the 
Jewish faith in putting a check on plastic art. In 
the same measure as polytheism, whether Semitic 
or Aryan, greatly aided in developing art as far as 
it endeavored to bring the deity in ever more beau- 
tiful form before the eye of the worshiper, Judaism 
was determined to lift God above the realm of the 
sensual and corporeal and to represent Him as Spirit 
only. In particular, the lewdness of the Astarte 
worship, which still exerted its evil influence in post- 
exilic times (Isa. lvii. 3 et seq.), offended the Jewish 
sense of chastity, so that idolatry was termed " to 
go a whoring" (Num. xv. 39; Hosea i. 2, and else- 
where). Nor was the Syrian or the Greco-Roman 
idolatry any purer in the judgment of the Rabbis, 
as may be learned from Ab. Zarah ii. 1, where it is 
stated that the heathen in Mishnaic times were still 
suspected of sexual intercourse with beasts. They 
saw too often in artistic beauty the means of moral 
depravation, and insisted, therefore, on the mutila- 
tion or destruction of every idol (ib. iv. 5). And 
whatever the Church did during the Middle Ages 
toward developing art, in the eyes of Judaism the 
images of Jesus and the Virgin, of the apostles and 
the saints, presented a relapse into pagan idolatry, 
warning the Jew all the more strongly against the 

cultivation of the plastic arts, since both the making 
of or the trading with any such images as might be 
used for the Christian cult was forbidden (Shulhan 
Aruk, Yoreh De'ah, 141, 3). In all probability the 
extensive use made by the Church of symbolic fig- 
ures caused the Jew to shun applying them. 

Still, both ecclesiastical and secular art existed to 
some extent among the Jews of the Middle Ages. 
While it was a rule not to decorate the walls of the 
synagogue with figures, lest the devotion of the 
worshiper should be distracted by the sight, the 
doors of the synagogue and the Ark were frequently 

ornamented with representations of 

In animals (among which the lion was a 

the Middle favorite subject), occasionally also of 

Ages. birds and snakes, and of plants (such 

as flowers, vines, and the like). In all 
cases where fear of idolatrous worship by non-Jews 
was excluded, liberal-minded rabbis saw no reason 
for prohibiting such ornamentation, whereas rigor- 
ists would discourage it altogether (see Berliner, 
" Aus dem Inneren Leben der Deutsehen Juden im 
Mittelalter, " p. 117; D. Kaufmann, in "Jew. Quart. 
Rev." ix. 254 et seq.; Abrahams, "Jewish Life in 
the Middle Ages," p. 29). 

Of home utensils, cups and lamps used for Sab- 
bath and festival days were occasionally, despite the 
opinion of rabbinical authorities, embossed with fig- 
ured designs. Platters painted and inlaid, table- 
covers embroidered with golden birds and fishes, 
wooden vessels edged and figured, were in common 
use (Abrahams, I.e. p. 146). The walls of the 
houses of the rich were sometimes decorated with 
paintings of Old Testament scenes, and on the out- 
side secular subjects were portrayed (Berliner, I.e. 
p. 35; Abrahams, ib.). Portrait-painting, though 
not common, was not unknown among the Jews of 
Germany in the eighteenth century ; while in Italy 
it existed as early as the fifteenth century. Espe- 
cially was the illumination of manuscripts and the 
artistic binding of books carried to great proficiency 
by Jews, who probably acquired the art from the 
monks (Abrahams, I.e. p. 220). According to 
Lecky "(Rationalism in Europe," ii. 237, note 2), 
many of the goldsmiths of Venice who cultivated 
the art of carving were Jews. Of recent years 
greater attention has been paid to the subject of 
Jewish ecclesiastical art, especially since the Anglo- 
Jewish Historical Exhibition of 1887. Societies 
have been founded at Vienna, Hamburg, and Frank- 
fort-on-the-Main devoted to the collection and study 
of artistic objects used in Jewish acts of worship, 
whether in the synagogue or the home. In bibliog- 
raphy, also, attention is now being paid to title- 
pages, illustrations, initials, and the like, in which 
Jewish taste has had an influence. 

Modern Jewish art no longer bears the specific 
character of the Jewish genius, but must be classi- 
fied among the various nations to which the Jewish 
artists belong. See America, Architecture in; 
Almemar; Ark; Cemetery; Coins and Medals; 
Megillaii; Sefer Torah; Synagogue. 

Bibliography : David Kaufmann, Zur Geseh. der Kunst in 
SynagnQcn, in Erster Jahresberieht der Geselltchaft fllr 
Sammlung von Kunstdenhmttlcr des Judenthums, Vien- 
na, 1897 ; M. Giideniann, Das Judenthum und die Bilden- 
den KUnste, in Zweitcr Jahreshericht, ib. 1898; Schudt, 




J'OMsclie MerkwUrdigkeiten. 1. 252 et seq.; A. Freimann, Die 
Abtheilung der Isr. Ritualgegenstdnde im StUdt. Histnr. 
Museum zu Frankfurt-am-Main (privately printed, 1900); 
S. J. Solomon, Art and Judaism, in Jew. Quart- Rev. xiii. 
553-566 ; D. H. Muller, Die Hagada von Sera<jevo. 

J. K. 

Art in the Synagogue: This is restricted 

for the reason that it distracts the thought of the 
worshiper at prayer. A prohibition against copy- 
ing the forms of the cherubim of the sanctuary or 
the four animals of the Chariot for synagogue use 
was deduced from the words of the Decalogue, " Ye 
shall not make 'with me ' " (Mek., Yitro, 10; 'Ab. 
Zarah 43a), but it was held not to apply to the lion 
alone, when shown without the other animals of the 
Chariot group; hence this animal was extensively 
used as an ornament on the Ark and as the ensign 
of Judah. The synagogue of Ascoli in Italy had 
an Ark of gilt walnut with two life-size lions, 
carved out at the bottom, flanking the steps leading 
to the doors behind which the scrolls were deposited. 
After the expulsion of the Jews in 1569 the Ark was 
removed to Pesaro (D. Kauf mann, in " Jew. Quart. 
Rev." ix. 254-269). R. Moses Trani, in answer to 
an inquiry, decided that a bas-relief sculpture of a 
lion should not be permitted to remain within an 
Ark of the Lord (Responsa, i. 30, quoted in "Leket 
ha-Kemah," p. 366). 

David ibn Zimra, in the case of one who built a 
synagogue in Crete and wished to place a crowned 
lion on the top of the Ark — the design of his coat of 
arms — decided against it (Responsa, No. 107). 

Judah Minz of Padua would not allow Hertz 
Werth, a rich member of his congregation, to place 
before the Ark an embroidered curtain with a bas- 
relief of a deer set in pearls, being his coat of arms, 
while other rabbis permitted it. Finally, a com- 
promise was reached by Rabbi Isaac Castiglione, 
who allowed the figure of the deer to be embroid- 
ered on the curtain without forming a bas-relief (J. 
Caro, "Abkat Rokel," Responsa, No. 65). Joseph 
Caro, in reply to a question, permitted figures of 
birds to be embroidered on the curtain (ib. No. 
66). While R. Eliakim ordered paintings of lions 
and snakes to be erased from the walls of the syna- 
gogue at Cologne, R. Ephraim permitted the paint- 
ing of horses and birds on the walls of the syna- 
gogue (Mordecai, 'Ab. Zarah hi. ; "Bet Joseph" to 
Tur Yoreh De'ah, § 141). Indeed, curtains embroid- 
ered with figures are in use in almost every country 
where the Jews are scattered, without any fear of 
disturbing the thought of worshipers in the syna- 
gogue, for the reason that artistic decoration in honor 
of the Torah is regarded as appropriate, and the 
worshiper, if he be disturbed by it, needs not ob- 
serve the figures, as he can shut his eyes during 
prayer ("Abkat Rokel," Responsa, No. 66). 

On the other hand, Elijah Capsali decided against 
any decoration in the synagogue which employed 
figures of animals as part of the design. R. Samuel 
Archevolti objected to the decorations, of the Safed 
synagogue, and his opinion received the approba- 
tion of Moses Alsheik and R. Jacob BeRab ("Jew. 
Quart. Rev." ib.). Moses Sofer ruled against a 
stained-glass window above the Ark bearing the fig- 
ure of the sun with rays and inscribed : " From the 
rising of the sun even to the going down of the same 

theLord'sname is to be praised,"on the ground that 
the people bowing to the Ark, on entering the syna- 
gogue, would be worshiping the sun ("Hatam So- 
fer," Responsa, No. 129). 

A case occurred where a representation of a " meno- 
rah " (Hanukkah lamp) had been painted on the Ark, 
with a different verse of the Seventy-seventh Psalm 
for each of the seven branches, and on the occasion 
of its renovation the ambitious artist signed his 
name to it. R. David ibn Zimra (Responsa, No. 
107) said he had no objection to the replacement of 
the old design by a more artistic painting; but he 
ordered the signature to be erased, as that innova- 
tion was likely to attract attention, and was disre- 
spectful in a synagogue. The same decision is 
rendered by Mendel Krochmal ("Zemah Zedek," 
Responsa, No. 50). 

k. J. D. E. 

ARTA or LARTA: Chief city of the nomarehy 
of Arthamania, Greece ; situated on the Arta, about 
7 miles from its mouth. It is the ancient Ambra- 
cia, called by the casuists of the sixteenth century 
Acarnania, and assigned to the Morea. In 1890 it 
contained 4,328 inhabitants, of whom about 200 
were Jews. Little is known of the early history of 
the community. The casuists of the sixteenth cen- 
tury speak of an old synagogue "of the Corfiotes" 
(called also "of the natives," D'OE'in hilp), which 
leads to the supposition that Jews from Corfu set- 
tled at Arta when Roger I. of Sicily took possession 
of that Ionian island. Moreover, Benjamin of Tu- 
dela (about 1170, under Manuel I. Comnenus) men- 
tions 100 Jews (or Jewish families?), whose leaders 
were R. Solomon and R. Heracles. 

At the time of Scanderbeg (1404-67), Arta was 
already under Turkish rule. Upon their expulsion 
from the Spanish dominions, the Jews, 
Fifteenth, coming from Calabria, Apulia, and 
Century. Sicily, formed congregations and es- 
tablished a college. The earliest lead- 
ers of the latter were Rabbi Caleb (a name which 
frequently occurs among both Rabbinites and Ka- 
raites, and was later used by the Sephardim as a 
family name), Solomon Hamy, and Benjamin b. 
Shemariah, and, later, Abraham Obadiah Sephardi 
(died at an advanced age before 1529), who be- 
queathed his whole fortune to the poor of the Cor- 
fiote and Apulian synagogues; and finally Benjamin 
b. Mattathias (died before 1539), the author of " Bin- 
yan Ze'eb. " The last-named, a loyal and modest 
character, was engaged in commerce in addition to 
his studies. He corresponded with the rabbis of 
Venice, of Constantinople (Elijah Mizrabi), and of 
Salonica (Joseph Taytazak), and engaged in disputes 
with David Cohen of Corfu. His son-in-law, Sam- 
uel b. Moses Calai (still living in 1574), author of 
"Mishpete Shemuel" (Venice, 1599), was the con- 
temporary and rival of Isaac (b. Shabbethai?) Co- 
hen, Solomon b. Baruch, Abraham b. Moses, and 
others. Somewhat earlier lived the notary Shabbe- 
thai b. Moses Russo (1525). About that time (be- 
fore 1534) certain new ordinances were instituted. 
It appears that the Jewish youth of both sexes had 
somewhat scandalized the community of Arta by 
holding dancing parties. The heads of the commu- 

Artaxerxes I. 



nity not only put an end to such entertainments, 

but also forbade betrothed young men to visit their 

fiancees before marriage, as was the 

Internal ancient custom of the natives. This 
Dis- last measure caused dissensions in the 

sensions. community. The Jews originally 
from Apulia, numbering about thirty 
families, especially protested, under the leadership 
of the heads of the community, Shabbethai b. Caleb 
and Moses b. Shabbethai Clevi (Clevois?), Judah b. 
Jacob, and David b. Solomon Mioni, Herero b. Sol- 
omon Pichon, Mordecai b. Mazaltob Maca, Matta- 
thias b. Leon, Mattathias b. Solomon Benjamin 
Haliczi (probably from Halicz in Qalicia), and Shab- 
bethai b. Abraham Fidelo. In order to avoid future 
scandal and to secure the sanctity of the home, it 
was decreed (about 1521) that betrothals should be 
entered into only in the presence of ten laymen and 
one rabbi. Moreover (before 1561), dice or any other 
games of chance were forbidden except on the semi- 
holidays, Purim, and the fast preceding it. 

The Jewish population of Arta comprised at this 
period about 300 families, who were, however, not 
completely assimilated; for the Greek Jews had 
not yet yielded altogether to the Spanish. In addi- 
tion to the occurrence mentioned above, the Jews 
had other causes for dissension among them, chiefly 
in regard to the apportioning of the taxes. In this 
latter case the difficulties were adjusted by the syn- 
dics. But disputes arose among the permanent resi- 
dents of Arta, or between them and strangers who 
came to the city, like the Jews of Patras who had 
left their native town to escape some great danger. 
Arta itself, where they sought refuge, did not always 
afford protection. In one instance the governor of 
the city cast all the Jewish inhabitants into prison 
during the Feast of Tabernacles in order to extort 
from them the sum of 3,000 florins. 

The Jews on the highways were even less secure 
than in the cities: the casuists of this epoch record 
several assassinations of Jews; e.g., that of Moses 
Soussi. The principal occupation of the Jews being 
commerce, they traveled a good deal, either to Corfu 
or to Janina (45 miles from Arta), where they sold 
Venetian wares or fabrics, or to neighboring villages 
and other places. They also followed various 
trades, even women being engaged in dyeing silk. 
There were also Jewish physicians at Arta (Jacob 
Rofe, Moses Polastro), who at times charged the 
comparatively large sum of 50 ducats for treating 
a patient. 

The moral tone of the community, though marked 
on the whole by devotion and even an austere piety, 
was lowered in individual cases through lack of 
central administration. Thus, a certain Shemariah 
b. Abraham dared to maltreat the rabbi Benjamin 
b. Shemariah and even to say things prejudicial to 
the community. Another, Solomon by name, stig- 
matized as apostates the Maranos who, fleeing from 
Apulia, sought refuge at Arta. Finally, a certain 
Manoah Politzer (? iV'i'E)), with the assistance of 
two false witnesses, Abraham Turkia and Abraham 
Tobiel, appropriated (about 1529) the legacy of R. 
Abraham Sephardi mentioned on page 143. In con- 
trast to this darker side is the solidarity which 
united not only the Jews living in Arta, but also the 

latter with those of the neighboring towns. Thus it 
is recounted that when some pirates robbed a cer- 
tain Eliezer of Pola ("6lQD) and sold their booty to 
the Jews of En-Mavra, a notification from the rab- 
binical body of Arta was sufficient to cause the pur- 
chasers to restore the property to the owner in con- 
sideration of the expenses involved. 

Rabbinic studies declined here as in the Orient 

generally. By the seventeenth century the rabbis — 

for example, Eliezer Menahem — were 

Decadence obliged to seek their knowledge at the 

in Seven- colleges of Salonica, as probably also 
teenth. R. Moses Jacob, Raphael Cohen, 

Century. Abraham Tton (ptij?), and Shabbethai 
Russo, contemporaries of the chroni- 
cler David Conforte. This decadence was doubtless 
due in part to the political vicissitudes which suc- 
cessively befell Arta, such as the invasions of the 
Venetians (1688), of the French (1797), of Tepede- 
lenli Ali, pasha of Janina (1798), of the Greeks (1821), 
and lastly of the Turks (1821). 

Between 1854 — when the town revolted against 
the Turks, who reconquered it after a few months 
• — and June, 1880, nothing of note occurred among 
the Jews of Arta. Then, at the instance of some 
public-spirited men, the Talmud Torah was reor- 
ganized so as to include both secular and religious 
instruction. This reform went into 

Modern effect a year later (June, 1881), accord- 
Times, ing to regulations written in three 
languages (Hebrew, Greek, and Ital- 
ian), dated March 17, 1880, and signed by Julius 
(Shabbethai Ezra) Besso (president), Jacob Raphael 
Mioni (vice-president), Moses Daniel Yerushalmi 
(treasurer), Michel Shabbethai Besso (secretary), and 
the inspectors Elie Joseph Cane, Moses Solomon 
Battino, Moses Zaffo, and Abraham Shabbethai 
(printed by Nacamulli, Corfu). Mention is also 
made of two benefactors of the institutions, citizens 
of Corfu: (1) Abraham Tchaki, who contributed 
much toward the success of the work, and (2) espe- 
cially Solomon Abraham, who, in addition to funds, 
gave a building of the value of 1,000 francs, which 
he owned at Arta. Nicole Zanetti is mentioned as 
professor of Greek. 

Some time after (1881), Arta was ceded by the 
Turks to the kingdoni of Greece, conformably to 
the Treaty of Berlin. 

g. A. D. 

ARTABAN V.: Last of the Parthian kings; 
died in the year 227. He was the son of Volageses V. , 
whose throne he ascended about 216, after a struggle 
with his brother Volageses VI. For many years he 
successfully conducted a war against the Romans, 
defeating both Caracalla and his successor Mac- 
rinus. He lost his life, however, in his conflicts with 
the Persians, 227. 

This last ruler of the house of the Arsacids was 
well inclined toward the Jews; Abba Arika, the 
head of the academy of Sura, received signal marks 
of his friendliness. Thus he once sent to him a 
number of valuable pearls as a gift, and received 
in return from Abba Arika a mezuzah (door-post in- 
scription), with the remark that the word of God 
was of a higher value than all the gems of earth 



Artaxerxes I. 

(Yer. Peah i. 1, p. 15d; Gen. R. xxxv., end; in both 

places " Rabbi " is erroneously given in place of the 

original " Rab "). 

When Artaban died Rab exclaimed in sorrow, " The 

bond of friendship has been sundered! " ('Ab. Zarah 

lOfi. The text has pYlK; read pns (Persian Ar- 

dewan); Kohut, " Aruch Completum," i. 280). 

Bibliography : Gutschmid, Gesch. Iran's,, pp. 154 et sea., 
1888: Jost, Oesch. des Judenthums, ii. 139; Gratz, Gesch. 
der Juden, 2d ed., iv. 281. 

g. L. G. 

ART AP ANUS : Historian-; lived in Alexandria 
in the second century B.C. He wrote a history of 
the Jews, parts of which have been preserved in the 
writings of the church-fathers Eusebius (" Praspara- 
tio Evangelica," ix. 18, 23) and Clement of Alexan- 
dria ("Stromata," i. 23, 154), as well as in those of 
some later authors. Freudenthal shows that both 
Alexander Polyhistor and Josephus made use of 
Artapanus' work. The fragments that have sur- 
vived enable one to form an opinion — not a very 
flattering one — as to the merits of their author. 
Artapanus evidently belonged to that narrow- 
minded circle of Hellenizing Jews that were unable 
to grasp what was truly great in Judaism, and, 
therefore, in their mistaken apologetic zeal — for 
even in those early days Judaism had its opponents 
among the Hellenes — set about glorifying Judaism 
to the outer world by inventing all manner of fables 
concerning the Jews. As an illustration of this 
method, the following account of Moses will serve. 
According to Artapanus (Eusebius, ibid. ix. 27), 
Moses is he whom the Greeks called Musseus ; he 
was, however, not (as in the Greek legend) the pupil, 
but the teacher, of Orpheus. Wherefore Moses is 
not only the inventor of many useful appliances and 
arts, such as navigation, architecture, military strat- 
egy, and of philosophy, but is also — this is peculiar 
to Artapanus — the real founder of the Greek -Egyp- 
tian worship. By the Egyptians, whose political 
system he organized, Moses was called Hermes Sia 
ryv tuv iepuv ypa/ifiaruv kpfirivEiav ("because he ex- 
pounded the writings of the priests "). 

The departure from Egypt is then recounted, with 
many haggadic additions and embellishments. The 
astounding assertion, that Moses and the Patriarchs 
were the founders of the Egyptian religion, led 
Freudenthal to the assumption that "Artapanus" 
must be a pseudonym assumed by some Jewish wri- 
ter who desired to be taken for an Egyptian priest, 
in order to give greater weight to his words. This 
supposition, however, as Schurer points out, is 
highly improbable, and fails to explain the remark- 
able phenomenon of a Jew ascribing a Jewish origin 
to the Egyptian pantheon. It is much more proba- 
ble that Artapanus belonged to a syncretistic circle 
of philosophers that saw no such grave objection to 
a moderate idolatry as to prevent its being accepted 
as of Jewish origin. Having adopted the Greek 
fables that derived the Egyptian cult from Grecian 
heroes, and having identified these heroes with Bib- 
lical personages, he had no alternative but- to trace 
the idolatry of Egypt to a Jewish source. 

[Or, Artapanus' position may have been some- 
what as follows: Thinking it necessary for the honor 
of the Jewish people that they should be regarded 
II.— 10 

as the source of all religion, he chose to attribute to 
them the origin of the Egyptian religion in spite of 
difficulties that he may have felt in connection with 
its idolatry. — t.] 

Bibliography : Diihne, GescMchtl. Darstelluna, ii. 200-203; 
Freudenthal, Alexander Polyhistor, pp. 143-174, 215, 231 et 
seq.; Susemlhl, Gesch. der Griechischen Literatur, ii. 646 et 
seq.; Gratz, Gesch. der Juden, ill. 606; Willrich, Juden wild 
Griechen, p. 160; Schurer, Gesch. iii. 354-357, who gives 
further references. 

t. L. G. 

ARTAXERXES I. (surnamed Longimanus— 

" Long-Hand ") : King of Persia ; ascended the throne 
in 465 b. c. , and died in 425 b. c. In the Persian name 
Artakhshathra ("he whose empire is perfected ") the 
"thr" (written with a special sign in Persian) is pro- 
nounced with a hissing sound, and is therefore repre- 
sented in other languages by a sibilant. Thus in Bab- 
3 r lonian, Artakshatsu, Artakhshassu, and numerous 
variations ; in Susie, Irtakshashsha ; Egyptian, Artakh- 
shasha; Hebrew, NncwnmK and NnDtJTimN (that 
is, Artakhshasta) ; in Greek, ' Apraf effo^r (inscription in 
Tralles' " Corpus Inscriptionum Grajcarum," 2919), 
and by assimilation with the name Xerxes ' Aprafcpf *?c 
and ' ApTogepgrjc. According to the chronographic lists 
of the Babylonians and of the Ptolemaic Canon, Artax- 
erxes I. reigned forty-one 3'ears, which includes the 
short reign of his son Xerxes II., murdered after a 
reign of six weeks. Some Greek authorities give him 
only forty years ; thus Diodorus, xi. 69, 
Sources of xii. 64. (Concerning the chronology, 
Infor- compare Meyer, " Porschungen zur 

mation. Alten Geschichte, " 1899, ii. 482. ) From 
this period many dated archives are ex- 
tant, found throughout Babylonia, but particularly 
in Nippur, by the expedition of the University of 
Pennsylvania (published by Hilprecht and Clay, 
"The Babylonian Expedition of the University of 
Pennsylvania," vol. ix., 1898). But there are no ar- 
cheological remains of the reign of Artaxerxes I. with 
the exception of a single inscription on a building in 
Susa and an alabaster vase in Paris which bears his 
name in Persian, Susian, Babylonian cuneiform, and 
in hieroglyphs. All information concerning him is 
derived from the accounts of Greek writers, especially 
the fragments of Ctesias, and from the statements of 
the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. Josephus wrong- 
fully claims that the Ahasuerus (Xerxes) of the Book 
of Esther is this Artaxerxes I., and also that the Ar- 
taxerxes of Ezra and Nehemiah is Xerxes. 

Artaxerxes was the second son of Xerxes, who was 
murdered in the summer of 465 by his all-powerful 
vizir Artaban. The murderer accused the king's 
eldest son Darius of the crime, with the result that 
Darius was slain by his younger brother Artaxerxes, 
who then mounted the throne. But Artaban sought 
the crown for himself, and therefore aimed at the life 
of the young king ; the latter, it is stated, warned 
by Megabyzus, his brother-in-law, rid himself of the 
murderer by slaying him, with all his household and 
party, in open combat (Ctesias, "Persica," 29; Dio- 
dorus, xi. 69; Justin, iii. 1, according to Dinon; but 
Aristotle, "Politics," viii. 8, 14 has a different ver- 
sion). The murder of Xerxes is mentioned also by 
jElian (" Varise Historise," xiii. 3), and in an Egyptian 
inscription of the time of Ptolemy I., which ascribes 
the deed to the vengeance of an Egyptian god on the 

Artaxerxes I. 
Arthur Legend 



foreign king. The Greek chronologists, evidently 
through a misunderstanding, make of Artaban a Per- 
sian king and state that he reigned seven months. 
The Greeks gave Artaxerxes the surname Mmpd- 
xetp (Longimanus, Long-Hand), asserting, probably 
correctly, that his right hand was longer than his 
left. They uniformly describe him as a brave and 
handsome man, a kindly and magnanimous ruler (Ne- 
pos, "De Regibus," eh. i. ; Plutarch, "Artaxerxes, " 
eh. i.). The authentic narrative of Nehemiah gives an 
accurate picture, showing him to have been a kindly 
monarch, who, noticing the sadness of his cupbearer, 
asked him his wish and granted it. This charac- 
terization does not deny that he was 
His susceptible to harem-influence or that 

Character, he could become very angry when smy 
one appeared presumptuous. Ctesias 
relates that he once sought to decapitate Megabyzus 
because, on a hunting expedition, when a lion was 
about to spring upon the king, Megabyzus slew 
him without awaiting the royal spear-thrust. The 
women of the court interceded for the offender, and 
his sentence was commuted to long exile upon an 
island in the Persian gulf, whence he finally suc- 
ceeded in escaping. He afterward secured the king's 
pardon. The reverence with which the Persians re- 
garded Artaxerxes may be seen in the fact that two 
of his successors adopted his name. 

His long reign was generally tranquil, the system 
of government introduced by Darius working sat- 
isfactorily. A few satraps who rebelled now and 
again (as, for instance, at the very beginning of the 
reign, the governor of Bactria), were speedily sub- 
dued. On the borderlands and in the mountainous 
districts the authority of the government may not 
have been vigorously sustained, but every other re- 
ligion under his sway in Asia may be said to have 
enjoyed a period of peaceful growth. Artaxerxes I. 
was, however, not a creative genius. 

Fuller details are known concerning his relationship 

to the Jews, toward whose development at a critical 

juncture he contributed efficiently. Two documents 

are contained in the Book of Ezra, ch. iv. (albeit 

wrongfully placed by the editor of that work) ; and 

there are also fragments of the memoirs of Ezra and 

Neliemiah themselves. Both documents in ch. iv. and 

the decree containing Ezra's appointment in ch. vii. 

have been declared spurious. In addi- 

His Rela- tion, the attempt has been made fre- 

tions to trie quently to place Ezra's journey and 

Jews. reforms in the reign of Artaxerxes II. ; 

but all such endeavors are critically 

untenable (compare Meyer, " Entstehung des Juden- 

thums," 1896). 

In the seventh year of Artaxerxes I. (458 B.C.) the 
Babylonian Jews requested that permission should 
be given to the priest Ezra to visit Palestine, with 
full power over the Jews there, and to enforce the 
book of the Law as the will of the king. How the 
king acceded to this request, and how Ezra endeav- 
ored to carry out his mission, are well known. Ezra 
first took strong measures against the mixed mar- 
riages, coming thereby into conflict with " the peo- 
ple of the land," the Samaritans and their allies. To 
protect himself against them, Ezra undertook to 
rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. Permission for this 

was not contained in the commission he had received 
from the king; accordingly the Samaritans and their 
governor, Rehum, interfered and addressed a letter 
to the king, given in Ezra iv. 7. The king, who had 
no doubt been informed of the former importance of 
the rebellious city and the danger which its reforti- 
rication might threaten to his revenues, issued orders 
that the rebuilding of the walls must stop (iv. 17). 
The triumph of the Samaritans was complete ; the 
walls were torn down, and the gates were burnt (Neh. 
i. 3). Such was the condition of the city when, in 
Kislew of the twentieth year (December, 446), Nehe- 
miah, the king's cupbearer, received information 
from his brethren concerning it. The Bible narra- 
tive tells how he succeeded in being sent as governor 
to Judea, and how he immediately (summer of 445) 
set energetically to work to restore the fortifications, 
thus enabling Ezra, through the influence of his 
authority, to establish the book of the Torah as the 
law binding upon the Jews. Neliemiah returned to 
court in 433 (Neh. v. 14, xiii. 6), but was despatched 
to Judea a second time to counteract certain evils 
which had arisen. 
a. E. Me. 

ARTAXERXES II. (originally Arsakes, sur- 
named Mnemon by the Greeks) : The eldest son of 
Darius II. ; succeeded his father in 404 B.C. (Dio- 
dorus, xiii. 108), and adopted the name of his grand- 
father Artaxerxes. He reigned until 359; that is, 46 

Artaxerxes II. seems to have been of a noble dis- 
position; but, despite personal bravery, he was 
feeble in character, and under subjection to his im- 
perious mother, Parysatis, who favored her younger 
son Cyrus to the extent of desiring the throne for 
him. After Cyrus' rebellion, and his death in the 
battle of Cunaxa (401 B.C.), Parysatis ruled the king 
completely and led him into the gravest crimes. 
Owing to his weakness, he was not the man to save 
the effete and dying Persian empire. Immediately 
upon his accession Egypt declared and maintained 
its independence. His whole reign was filled with 
rebellions and uprisings by satraps, especially in 
Asia Minor and Syria, though Palestine, then under 
the rule of the high priests, seems to have steered 
clear of any participation. Nevertheless, the inter- 
nal distractions of the Greek world enabled him to 
succeed in the main in asserting that supremacy 
over Greece that Darius and Xerxes had vainly 
aimed at. After having diverted the attack of the 
Spartans by inciting their war against Corinth, he 
succeeded, through conjunction with Sparta and 
Dionysus I. of Sicily, in imposing his will upon the 
Greeks by the celebrated "Peace of the King," 
in 387 B.C. For decades thereafter, this "King's 
Peace" was the law in Greece, against which no 
state dared rebel. 

Bibliography: Greek histories, especially Plutarch's biog- 
raphy of this king, are full of information concerning Artax- 
erxes II.; hut the suggested connection with the history of 
Ezra, made by some historians, is without foundation. 
g- E. Me. 

ARTAXERXES III.: A son of Artaxerxes II. 
He originally bore a name which in Babylonian 
was written " Umasu " (and therefore in the Ptole- 
maic canon, as given by Elias of Nisibis, the form 



Artaxerxes I. 
Arthur Legend 

D1D8 is found). He was called Ochus by the Greeks. 
After he had rid himself of the rightful successor, 
Darius, he mounted his father's throne in the autumn 
of 359 B.C., and reigned until the summer of 338. 
Hence the Babylonians and the Ptolemaic canon as- 
sign twenty-one years to his reign, while Diodorus 
(xv. 93; xvii. 5), together with the Greek chronolo- 
gies, wrongly extends his reign by some years (see 
Meyer, " Forschungen zur Alten Geschichte," ii. 466, 
488 etseq., 496 et seq.). 

Artaxerxes III. Ochus was a cruel and bloodthirsty 
despot. He began his reign by murdering all rela- 
tives who might become dangerous to him. He was, 
however, a most energetic ruler, who allowed him- 
self to be discouraged by no obstacle 
His or failure, but ruthlessly prosecuted his 

Character, purposes. With the assistance of the 
unscrupulous eunuch Bagoas and his 
Rhodian captains of mercenaries, Mentor and Mem- 
non — fitting tools for his schemes — he succeeded in 
cementing the rapidly disintegrating empire of Per- 
sia by bloodshed, treachery, and fraud. He crushed 
several insurrections, notably that of the rebellious 
Sidonian in 345-344; and after many unsuccessful 
attempts he succeeded, in 343 or 342, in subduing 
Egypt also, and made it suffer severely for its 

A certain conflict with his Jewish subjects seems 
to have been connected with these struggles. Jose- 
phus ('' Ant." xi. 7, § 1) relates that when the high 
priest Judas (Joiada) was succeeded by his son Joha- 
nan (Jonathan or John ; compare Neh. xii. 11, 22), his 
brother Jesus (Joshua) sought to deprive him of the 
office. Jesus relied for support upon Bagoses, Ar- 
taxerxes' general (the Bagoas previously mentioned), 
and so enraged Johanan that the latter struck him 
down in the Temple. Bagoses seven years later 
avenged the murder of Jesus by exacting of the Jews 
a tax of 50 drachmas for each lamb offered at the daily 
sacrifices. He also unlawfully and 

Connec- forcibly entered the Temple precincts, 
tion with, claiming that he was purer than the 

Jewish murdering high priest Johanan. There 

History, is no reason to consider this account as 
being in its essentials untrue (Willrich, 
" Juden und Griechen vor der Makkabaischen Erhe- 
bung," p. 89, declares the episode to be a misunder- 
standing of events which happened under Antiochus 
Epiphanes). It is probably to this episode that Eu- 
sebius refers in his " Chronicle " (under date of 1657 
from Abraham — that is, 360 B.C. — which date is cer- 
tainly erroneous; he is followed by Jerome; by 
Syncellus, p. 486; and by Orosius, iii. 76), when he 
relates that Artaxerxes III., upon his march against 
Egypt, carried a number of Jews into exile in Hyr- 
cania and Babylonia. Possibly one of the uprisings 
alluded to above may have included a portion of 
Judea. This is possibly also the explanation of the 
strange statement of Justin (xxxvi. 3) that Xerxes, 
the king of the Persians, conquered the Jews. Neither 
of these statements is particularly reliable. The sug- 
gestion that the story of Judith is a reflection of these 
events lacks all foundation. The statement of Solinus 
(xxxv. 4) that Jericho was besieged by Artaxerxes 
and destroyed by him, has been explained by Theo- 
dore Reinach ("Semitic Studies in Memory of A. 

Kohut," pp. 44*7 et seq.) to refer to the conquests of i: 
the Sassanian king Artaxerxes I. (226-241). 

In 338 Artaxerxes III. , with most of his sons, was 
murdered by Bagoas; one of his sons, Arses, was 
elevated to the throne ; but after a reign of two or 
three years he also was put to death by the mur- 
derer of his father. 

«• E. Mb. 

ARTEMION : Leader of the Jewish insurrection 

in Cyprus against Trajan, 117. There are but scanty 

details of this revolt. According to Roman sources, 

the Jews destroyed the capital of the island of Sala- 

mis and slew 240,000 Greeks. The revolt was quelled 

by Trajan's general Martius Turbo; and to judge 

by the atrocities committed by him, the suppression 

was attended with very sanguinary results for the 

Jews. The law passed in Cyprus after the revolt, 

that no Jew should set foot on the island, and that, 

if cast there by shipwreck, he should suffer death, 

shows the hatred felt by the Greek Cypriotes toward 

the Jews. 

Bibliography : Dion Cassius, History, lxviii. 323 ; Gratz, 
Oesch. der Juden, it. 137-129. 

&. L. G. 

ARTHUR LEGEND : The cycle of stories clus- 
tering around the semi-mythical hero King Arthur 
of England, and which finds its place in Jewish lit- 
erature in a Hebrew translation entitled 10K>n "1SD 
Timlin n^ivn ("The Book of the Destruction of 
the Round Table"), composed in 1279 by an author 
whose name can not be ascertained. Only a few 
fragments exist in the Vatican manuscript edited 
by A. Berliner in "Ozar Tob," 1885, pp. 1-11. 
These include passages from " The Life of Lancelot " 
(ph bl DI^IXJ?), "The Birth of Arthur," "The Quest 
of the Grail " 6tfin:iJD i>H KV&p !m TO^). The 
original seems to have concluded with a sermon on 
repentance, to which the translator refers in his pref- 
ace as one of his two motives for translating the 
work, the other motive being to drive away his own 
melancholy. From the nature of the translation, 
which includes several Italian words, Steinschneider 
concludes that the original was in Italian and that 
the writer lived in Italy. But the source from which 
the author drew his form of the story is no longer 
extant; it was obviously merely a short abridgment 
of the voluminous romance of chivalry out of which 
the Arthur Legend has been composed. While the 
book throws no light upon the origin of the legend, 
or even upon its later literary history, it isinterest- 
ing for the contrast it presents between the scenes of 
bloodshed and unchastity that constitute the ro- 
mance and the Jewish ideals so opposed to these. 
"The Quest of the Grail," though possibly in its 
origin a Celtic legend, has become inextricably 
associated with the Christian sacrament of the mass; 
and it is therefore extremely curious to find it 
treated in Hebrew. The translator seems to have 
felt this, and gives a somewhat elaborate apology 
for translating it. A Judaeo-German version of the 
legend also exists among the manuscripts in the 
library of the city of Hamburg. 
Bibliography : Steinschneider, Hebr. Uebers. pp. 967-969 ; 

idem, Hebr. Bibl. viii. 16 ; idem, Cat. Hamburg Library, 

No. 228 and p. 183. 
A. J. 

Articles of Faith 



ARTICLES OF FAITH : In the same sense as 
'Christianity or Islam, Judaism can not be credited 
with the possession of Articles of Faith. Many at- 
tempts have indeed been made at systematizing and 
reducing to a fixed phraseology and sequence the 
■contents of the Jewish religion. But these have al- 
ways lacked the one essential element : authoritative 
■■sanction on the part of a supreme ecclesiastical body. 
And for this reason they have not been recognized 
as final or regarded as of universally binding force. 
Though to a certain extent incorporated in the lit- 
urgy and utilized for purposes of iustruction, these 
formulations of the cardinal tenets of Judaism car- 
ried no greater weight than that imparted to them 

by the fame and scholarship of their 

No respective authors. None of them 

Fixed had a character analogous to that 

Dogmas, given in the Church to its three great 

formulas (the so-called Apostles' 
Creed, the Nicene or Constantinopolitan, and the 
Athanasian), or even to the "Kalimat As-Shahadat" 
of the Mohammedans. The recital of this "Kali- 
mah " is the first of the five pillars of practical relig- 
ion in Islam, and every one converted to Islam must 
repeat it verbatim ; so that among the conditions re- 
quired of every believer with reference to confession 
is the duty to repeat it aloud at least once in a life-