Amerigo Vespucci

ism

mMf^

MV^EVMoFTHEAnEUCAN INDIAN!

MARSHALL. H. SAVILLE COLLECTION

Case 5 Shuf' D

CORNELL UNIVERSITY LlBRAR'f

3 1924 094 665 308

Huntington Free Liurary

Native American
Collection

«-- ^ — ^.r^^

CORNELL UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Cornell University
Library

The original of tliis book is in
tine Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.

http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924094665308

HEROES OF
AMERICAN HISTORY

VESPUCCI

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

W AMERIGO VESPUCCI

T
T

Sf BY

W FREDERICK A. OBER

w
w

T

HEROES OF AMERICAN HISTORY

m
f

A
4

ILLUSTRATED

HARPER & BROTHERS PUBLISHERS

NEW YORK AND LONDON

1907

T
W

f

#
♦

¥

¥
¥

A

A
A

A
A

A

Copyright, 1907, by Harpbr & Brothers.

^il rights reserved.
Published February, 1907.

CONTENTS

I. Young Amerigo and his Family .

II. Amerigo's Friends and Teachers

III. Vespucci's Favorite Authors . .

IV. In the Service of Spain . . .

V. Conversations with Columbus .

VI. Vespucci's Debatable Voyage

VII. Vespucci's "Second" Voyage . .

VIII. With Ojeda the Fighter . . .

IX. Cannibals, Giants, and Pearls .

X. Famous Fellow-Voyagers . . .

XI. On the Coast of Brazil . . .

XII. The "Fourth Part op the Earth"

XIII. The Fourth Great Voyage . .

XIV. King Ferdinand's Friend . . .

XV. Pilot-Major op Spain

XVI. How America was Named . . .

PAGE

I

IS

32

45
59
76

lOI

126
138
148

165
179
194
209
221
237

ILLUSTRATIONS

AMERIGO VESPUCCI Frontispiece

A CONJECTURAL RESTORATION OP TOSCA-

NELLl'S MAP ... .... Facing p. 20

MARCO POLO ... " 40

OJEDA'S FIRST VOYAGE ... . " I30

ROUTES OF THE DISCOVERERS .... " 166
NORTH AMERICA FROM THE GLOBE OF

JOHANN SCHONBR " 244

AUTHORITIES

ON

Amerigo Vespucci

XVIth Century. Vespucci's letters to Soderini
and L. P. F. de' Medici, reproduced in this volume.

XVIIth Century. Herrera, in his Historia General
(etc.), Madrid, 1601; "probably followed Las Casas,
whose MSS. he had."

XVIIIth Century. Dandini, A. M., Vita e Lettere
di Amerigo Vespticci, Florence, 1745.

Canovai, Stanislac, Elogia di Amerigo Vespucci,
1778.

XIXth Century. Navarrete, M. F. de, Noticias
Exactas de Americo VesptKio, contained in his Colec-
cion, Madrid, 1825-1837.

Humboldt, Alexander von, Exam^n Critique de
I'Histoire de la Giographie de Nouveau Continent, Paris,
1836-1839.

Lester, C. Edwards, The Life and Voyages of Amer-
icus Vespitcius, New York, 1846; reprinted, in de luxe
edition, New York, 1903.

Vamhagen, F. A., Baron de Porto Seguro, Amerigo
Vespucci, son Caractkre, ses Ecrits (etc.), Lima, 1865;
Vienna, 1874. A collection of monographs called by
Fiske "the only intelligent modem treatise on the life
and voyages of this navigator."

Fiske, John, The Discovery of America, Boston, 1899;
contains an exhaustive critical examination of Ves-
pucci's voyages to which the reader should refer for
more extended information.

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

AMERIGO VESPUCCr

I

YOUNG AMERIGO AND HIS FAMILY
1451-1470

CRADLED in the valley of the Arno, its
noble architecture fitly supplementing
its nttmerous natural charms, lies the Tuscan
city of Florence, the birthplace of immortal
Dante, the early home of Michael Angelo,
the seat of the Florentine Medici, the scene
of Savonarola's triumphs and his tragic
end. Fame has come to many sons of Flor-
ence, as poets, statesmen, sculptors, painters,
travellers; but perhaps none has achieved

'This name is variously spelled, as, for example:
Albericus, Alberico, Almerigo, Americo, Americus,
Amerigo; Despuche, Vespiiche, Vespuchy, Vespuccio,
Vespucius, Vespucci. The best writers use either the
Italian, Amerigo Vespucci, or the Latinized, Americus
Vespucius, with good authority for both.

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

a distinction so unique, apart, and high as
the subject of this voltime, after whom the
continents of the western hemisphere were
named.

Amerigo Vespucci was bom in Florence,
March 9, 145 1, just one hundred and fifty
years after Dante was banished from the
city in which both first saw the light. The
Vespucci family had then resided in that
city more than two hundred years, having
come from Peretola, a little town adjacent,
where the name was highly regarded, as at-
tached to the most respected of the Italian
nobility. Following the custom of that
nobility, during the period of unrest in
Italy, the Vespuccis established themselves
in a stately mansion near one of the city
gates, which is known as the Porta del Prato.
Thus they were within touch of the gay
society of Florence, and could enjoy its ad-
vantages, while at the same time in a posi-
tion, in the event of an uprising, to flee to
their estates and stronghold in the country.

While the house in which Christopher Co-
lumbus was born remains unidentified, and
the year of his birth undecided, no such
ambiguity attaches to the place and year
of Vespucci's nativity. Above the door-

YOUNG AMERIGO AND HIS FAMILY

way of the mansion which "for centuries
before the discovery of America was the
dwelling-place of the ancestors of Amerigo
Vespucci, and his own birthplace," a marble
tablet was placed, in the second decade of
the eighteenth centtiry, bearing the follow-
ing inscription:

" To Americo Vespuccio, a noble Florentine,

Who, by the discovery of America,

Rendered his own and his Country's name illustrious,

[As] the Amplifier of the World.

Upon this ancient mansion of the Vespucci,

Inhabited by so great a man,

The holy fathers of Saint John of God

Have placed this Tablet, sacred to his memory.

A.D. 1719."

At that time, about midway between the
date of Vespucci's death and the present,
the evidence was strong and continuous as
to the residence in that building (which was
then used as a hospital) of the family whose
name it commemorates. Here was born, in
1 45 1, the third son of Anastasio and Eliza-
betta Vespucci, whose name, whether rightly
or not, was to be bestowed upon a part of
the world at that time tmknown.

The Vespuccis were then aristocrats, with
a long and boasted lineage, but without great
3

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

wealth to support their pretensions. They
were relatively poor; they were proud; but
they were not ashamed to engage in trade.
Some of their ancestors had filled the highest
offices within the gift of the state, such as
prions and gonjalonieres, or magistrates and
chief magistrates, while the first of the Ves-
puccis known to have borne the prasnomen
Amerigo was a secretary of the republic in

1336.

It is incontestable that Amerigo Vespucci
was well-bom, and in his youth received the
advantages of an education more thorough
than was usually enjoyed by the sons of
families which had "the respectability of
wealth acquired in trade," and even the
prestige of noble connections. No argument
is needed to show that the position of a
Florentine merchant was perfectly compati-
ble with great respectability, for the Medici
themselves, with the history of whose house
that of Florence is bound up most intimately,
were merchant princes. The vast wealth
they acquired in their mercantile operations
in various parts of Europe enabled them to
pose as patrons of art and literature, and
supported their pretensions to sovereign
power. The Florentine Medici attained to

4

YOUNG AMERIGO AND HIS FAMILY

greatest eminence during the latter half of
the centtary in which Amerigo Vespucci was
bom, and he was acquainted both with
Cosimo, that " Pater Patriae, who began the
glorious epoch of the family," and with
"Lorenzo the Magnificent," who died in
1492.

The Florentines, in fact, were known as
great Eiiropean traders or merchants as early
as the eleventh century, while their bankers
and capitaUsts not only controlled the finan-
cial affairs of several states, or nations, but
exerted a powerful influence in the realm of
statesmanship and diplomacy. The little
wealth the Vespucci enjoyed at the time of
Amerigo's advent was derived from an an-
cestor of the century previous, who, besides
providing endowments for chtirches and hos-
pitals, left a large fortune to his heirs. His
monument may be seen within the chapel
built by himself and his wife, and it bears
this inscription, in old Gothic characters:
"The tomb of Simone Piero Vespucci, a
merchant, and of his children and descend-
ants, and of his wife, who caused this chapel
to be erected and decorated — for the salva-
tion of her soul. Anno Dom. 1383."

The immediate ancestors, then, of Amerigo

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

Vespucci were highly respectable, and they
were honorable, having held many positions
of trust, with credit to themselves and profit
to the state. At the time of Amerigo's birth
his father, Anastasio Vespucci, was secretary
of the Signori, or senate of the republic ; an
uncle, Juliano, was Florentine ambassador
at Genoa; and a cousin, Piero Vespucci, so
ably commanded a fleet of galleys despatched
against the corsairs of the Barbary coast that
he was sent as ambassador to the King of
Naples, by whom he was specially honored.

Another member of the family, one Guido
Antonio, became locally famous as an ex-
potmder of the law and a diplomat. Re-
specting him an epitaph was composed, the
last two lines of which might, if applied to
Amerigo, have seemed almost prophetic:

"Here lies Guido Antonio, in this sepulchre —
He who should live forever,
Or else never have seen the light."

This epitaph was written of the lawyer, who
departed unknown and unwept by the world,
while his then obsctire kinsman, Amerigo,
subsequently achieved a fame that filled the
four quarters of the earth.

The youth of Amerigo is enshrouded in
6

YOUNG AMERIGO AND HIS FAMILY

the obsctirity which envelops that of the
average boy in whatever age, for no one
divined that he would become great or fa-
mous, and hence he was not provided with a
biographer. This is unfortunate, of course,
but we must console ourselves with the
thought that he was not unusually preco-
cious, and probably said little that would be
considered worth preserving. It happened
that after he became world-large in impor-
tance, tales and traditions respecting his
earliest years crept out in abundance; but
these may well be looked upon with suspi-
cion. We know scarcely more than that
his early years were happy, for he had a
loving mother, and a father wise enough to
direct him in the way he should travel.

It does not always follow that the course
the father prescribes is the best one in the
end, for sometimes a boy develops in un-
sttrmised directions; and this was the case
with Amerigo Vespucci. The fortunes of the
family being on the wane, he was selected as
the one to retrieve them, and of four sons was
the only one who did not receive a college
education. The other three were sent to the
University of Pisa, whence they returned with
their "honors" thick upon them, and soon
7

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

lapsed into obsciirity, from which they never
emerged. That is, they never "made a
mark" in the world; save one brother,
Girolamo, who made a pilgrimage to Pales-
tine, where he lived nine years, suffered
much, and lost what little fortune he carried
with him.

He may have thought, perhaps, in after
years, that if he had not belonged to a family
containing the world -famed navigator his
exploits would have brought him reputation ;
but it is more probable that if he had not
written a letter to his younger brother,
Amerigo, the world would never have heard
from him at all. However, he was the first
traveller in the family, and with his univer-
sity education he should have produced a
good account of his adventiires; but if he
ever did so it has not been preserved from
oblivion.

Amerigo was not given a college educa-
tion, but something — as it eventuated —
vastly better. His father had a brother, a
man of erudition for his time, who had
studied for the Church. This learned xmcle,
Georgio Antonio Vespucci, was then a Do-
minican friar, respected in Florence for his
piety and for his learning. About the year
8

YOUNG AMERIGO AND HIS FAMILY

1450, or not long before Amerigo was born,
he opened a school for the sons of nobles,
and in the garb of a monk pursued the call-
ing of the preceptor. His fame was such that
the school was always full, yet when his
brother's child, Amerigo, desired to attend,
having arrived at the age for receiving the
rudiments of an education, he was greeted
cordially and given a place in one of the
lower classes. It may be imagined that he
would have been favored by his uncle; but
such seems not to have been the case, for the
worthy friar was a disciplinarian first of all.
He had ever in mind, however, the kind of
education desired by his brother for Amerigo,
which was to be commercial, and grounded
him well in mathematics, languages, cosmog-
raphy, and astronomy. His curriculum even
embraced, it is said, statesmanship and the
finesse of diplomacy, for the merchants of
Vespucci's days were, like the Venetian con-
suls, "very important factors in developing
friendly international relations."

There was then a great rivalry between
Venice, Florence, Genoa, and Pisa for the
control of trading-posts in the Levant, which
carried with them the vast commerce of the
Orient, then conducted by way of the Medi-
9

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

terranean, the Black, and the Caspian seas,
and overland by caravans with India and
China. At the time our hero was growing
into manhood, in the latter half of the fif-
teenth century, Florence, "under the brill-
iant leadership of the Medici and other shrewd
merchant princes, gained control of strategic
trading-posts in all parts of the [then known]
world, and secured a practical monopoly in
the trade through Armenia and Rhodes. . . .
It was from banking, however, that Florence
derived most of her wealth. For some time
her bankers controlled the financial markets
of the world. Most of the great loans made
by sovereigns during this period, for carry-
ing on wars or for other purposes, were made
through the agency of Florentine bankers.
Even Venetian merchants were glad to ap-
peal to her banks for loans. In the fifteenth
century Florence had eighty great banking-
houses, many of which had branches in every
part of the world." '

It is evident, therefore, that the sagacious
Anastasio Vespucci had mapped out a great
career for the son whom he had chosen to re-
create the fortunes of his house. He was to

' From the General History of Commerce, by W. C.
Webster, Ph.D.

lO

YOUNG AMERIGO AND HIS FAMILY

be a banker, a diplomat ; eventually he might
attain, like the greatest of the Medici, to the
station and dignities of a merchant prince.
To this end the worthy Georgio Antonio ever
strove, and as he found his nephew a tract-
able and studious pupil, he congratulated
himself and his family that in Amerigo they
had the individual who was to restore the
prestige of their ancient name.

But alas! the sequel proved that Friar
Georgio was too ambitious, and had overshot
the mark. In his desire to turn out a fin-
ished product, a scholar that should be a
credit to his school and an ornament to his
family, he not only inculcated the essentials
for a commercial education, but, as has al-
ready been mentioned, led his eager follower
into the wider fields ot astronomy and cos-
mography. All he knew — and that included
all the ancients knew — of these abstruse
sciences he imparted to Amerigo, and in the
end, so far as we can judge, the young man
became more proficient in them than any
other person of his age and time. So it
eventuated that those studies, which were in-
tended merely as subsidiary to the more
serious pursuit, became the prime factors in
shaping his career. They were his stepping-

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

stones to greatness, as were his mercantile
transactions ; but, anticipating somewhat the
events of his later Kfe,we shall find that they
did not conduce to the acquisition of wealth.

"In Florence," says the author previously
quoted, " more than in any other Italian city
during the Middle Ages, was displayed ' the
direct influence of commerce upon the de-
velopments of all the finer elements of ma-
terial and immaterial civilization. She was
the Athens of Italy, and her art, literature,
and science was the brightest gleam of intel-
lectual light that was seen in Europe during
that age. It was from Florence, more than
from any other source, that came the awaken-
ing influence known as the Renaissance."

This truth we see exemplified in the forma-
tive period of Amerigo Vespucci's life, for, in
order to become quahfied to adorn the high
position of a prince of commerce, he was as
carefully trained as if to fill a prelate's chair
or grasp the helm of state. So reluctant was
his uncle, the good old monk Georgio, to re-
linquish his talented nephew to the world,
that we find them in company as late as
1 47 1, as attested by this letter, written in
Latin by Amerigo to his father, in October
of that year:

1?

YOUNG AMERIGO AND HIS FAMILY

"To the Excellent and Honorable Signer Anastasio
Vespucci.

"Honored Father, — Do not wonder that I
have not written to you within the last few days.
I thought that my uncle would have satisfied you
concerning me, and in his absence I scarcely dare
to address you in the Latin tongue, blushing even
at my deficiencies in my own language. I have,
besides, been industriously occupied of late in
stud5dng the rules of Latin composition, and will
show you my book on my return. Whatever
else I have accomplished, and how I have con-
ducted myself, you wUl have been able to learn
from my uncle, whose return I ardently desire,
that, under his and your own joint directions, I
may follow with greater facility both my studies
and your kind precepts.

"George Antonio, three or four days ago, gave a
number of letters to you to a good priest, Signor
Nerotto, to which he desires your answer. There
is nothing else that is new to relate, unless that
we all desire greatly to return to the city. The
day of our return is not yet fixed, but soon will
be, unless the pestilence should increase and occa-
sion greater alarm, which may God avert!

"He, George Antonio, commends to your con-
sideration a poor and wretched neighbor of his,
whose only reliance and means are in our house,
concerning which he addresses you in full. He
asks you, therefore, that you would attend to his
affairs, so that they may suffer as little as possible
in his absence.

"Farewell, then, honored father. Salute all the

13

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

family in my behalf, and commend me to my
mother and all my elder relatives.

"Your son, with due obedience,

"Amerigo Vespucci."'

The cause of Amerigo's absence from Flor-
ence was, it is said, the terrible plague which
swept over that city and for a time paralyzed
its activities. All who were able fled to the
country, and, Friar Georgio's school having
been broken up by the scattering of his pupils,
he and Amerigo retired to their family estate,
at or near Peretola, there to await the subsi-
dence of the epidemic.

• This letter was discovered by Signor Bandini, au-
thor of the Vita e Lettre di Amerigo Vespucci, 1745, in
the Strozzi Library. Harrisse says, "This, and two or
three signatures added to receipts, which were brought
to light by Navarrete, constitute the only autographs
of Vespucius known."

In the original paper he uses the Latin form, Ves-
pucius; but in a letter written in 1508, when he was
pilot-major of Spain, he signs Idmself "Amerigo
Vespucci."

II

Amerigo's friends and teachers
1470-1482

FLORENCE, in Vespucci's day, was the
home of genius, of culture, and of art.
Amerigo, doubtless, was acquainted with
some of her sons whose fame, like his own,
has endured to the present day, and will last
for all time. The great Michael Angelo, who
was bom at or near Florence in 1475, and
whose patron was Lorenzo the Magnificent,
was his contemporary, although the artist
and sculptor survived the discoverer more
than fifty years. Savonarola, who came to
Florence in 1482, was just a year the junior
of Amerigo, and is said to have been an
intimate friend of his uncle, who, like him-
self, belonged to the Dominican order. The
young man may not have been touched
by Buonarroti's art, nor have been moved
by Savonarola's preaching, but, like the
former, he possessed an artistic tempera-
15

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

ment, and, like the latter, he was an enthu-
siast.

The man, however, who, next to his uncle,
shaped Amerigo's career and turned him from
trade to exploration, was a learned Florentine
named Toscanelli. If you have followed the
fortunes of Christopher Columbus, reader,
you have seen this name before, for it was
Toscanelli who, in the year 1474, sent a letter
and a chart to the so-called discoverer of
America, which confirmed him in the impres-
sion that a route to India lay westward from
Europe across the "Sea of Darkness."

It is not known just when Amerigo first
met "Paul the Physicist," as Toscanelli was
called in Florence; but it may have been in
youth or early manhood, for aside from the
fact that "all the world" knew and rever-
enced the famous savant, there was the in-
clination arising from a mutual interest in
cosmography and astronomy. Toscanelli was
the foremost scientist of his age, and as he
was born in 1397, at the time Amerigo met
him he must have been a venerable man.
He lived, however, until the year 1482, and
as the younger man was in Florence during
the first forty years of his life, and the last
thirty of Toscanelli's, it is more than prob-
16

AMERIGO'S FRIENDS AND TEACHERS

able that their intercourse was long and
friendly.

It is known, at least, that they were ac-
quainted at the time the learned doctor
wrote Columbus, in 1474, and it does not
require a stretch of the imagination to fancy
them together, and wondering what effect
that letter would have upon a man who
entertained views similar to their own.
Columbus, it is thought, had then been pon-
dering several years over the possible dis-
covery of land, presumably the eastern coast
of India, by sailing westward. "It was in
the year 1474," writes a modem historian,
"that he had some correspondence with the
Italian savant, Toscanelli, regarding this dis-
covery of land. A beUef in such a discovery
was a natural corollary to the object which
Prince Henry of Portugal had in view by
circumnavigating Africa, in order to find a
way to the cotmtries of which Marco Polo had
given golden accounts. It was, in brief, to
substitute for the tedious indirection of the Af-
rican route a direct western passage — a belief
in the practicability of which was drawn from
a confidence in the sphericity of the earth."*

' Justin Winsor, in The Narrative and Critical History
of America.

17

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

Later in life Columbus seems to have for-
gotten his indebtedness to Toscanelli, and
"grew to imagine that he had been inde-
pendent of the influences of his time," ascrib-
ing his great discovery to the inspiration of
one chosen to accomplish the prophecy of
Isaiah. But the venerable Florentine had
pondered the problem many years before
Columbus thought of it. "Some ItaHan
writers even go to the extent of asserting
that the idea of a western passage to India
originated with Toscanelli, before it entered
the mind of Coliimbus; and it is highly
probable that this was the case."

There is this in favor of Toscanelli: He
was a learned man, while Columbus was
comparatively ignorant. He was then ad-
vanced in years, and had given the greater
portion of his life to the consideration of
just such questions, having had his atten-
tion called to them by reading the travels of
Marco Polo and comparing the information
therein contained with that derived from
Eastern merchants who had traded for many
years in the Orient. He was not a sailor,
nor a corsair — though Columbus had been
both, and had followed the sea for years —
but he was an astronomer, and he knew
i8

AMERIGO'S FRIENDS AND TEACHERS

more of the starry heavens, as well as of the
earth beneath them, than any other scientist
alive. "It was Toscanelli who erected the
famous solstitial gnomon at the cathedral of
Florence." For his learning he was honor-
ed, when but thirty years of age, with the
curatorship of the great Florentine library,
and for nearly sixty years thereafter he
passed his days amid books, charts, maps,
and globes.

As a speculative philosopher, he had ar-
rived at a correct conclusion respecting the
sphericity of the earth, and, with all the
generosity of a humanitarian, he freely com-
municated his ideas to others. Columbus
would have excluded every other human
being from participating in his thoughts,
and arrogated to himself alone the right to
navigate westerly. This was the difference
between the broad-minded philosopher and
the narrow-minded sailor who by accident
had stumbled upon a theory. The philoso-
pher said, "It belongs to the world!" The
ignorant sailor cried, "It is mine!"

Toscanelli advanced the theory, but it

was Coltimbus who put it to the test, and

reaped all the rewards, as well as suffered

for the mistakes. For mistakes there were,

19

AMERIGO VESPUCCf

and the chief error lay in supposing the
country "discovered" by Coltunbus per-
tained to the Indies. He died in that belief,
and also Toscanelli, who passed away ten
years before the first voyage made to that
land, subsequently known as America. In
one sense, perhaps, the Florentine doctor
was the means of that first voyage of Colum-
bus having been accomplished, for the chart
he sent him made the distance between
Europe and the western country seem so
short that it was undertaken with less re-
luctance, and persisted in more stubbornly,
than it might otherwise have been. But
this was a mistake in detail only, and not
in theory. A line was projected from about
the latitude of Lisbon, on the western coast
of Europe, to the "great city of Qtiinsai,"
as described by Marco Polo, on the opposite
shores of Asia. This line was divided into
twenty-six spaces, of two hundred and fifty
miles each, making the total distance be-
tween the two points sixty -five hundred
miles, which Toscanelli supposed to be one-
third of the earth's circumference.

In short, Toscanelli calculated the dis-
tance, made a conjecttiral chart embodying
the results of his readings of Aristotle, Strabo,

-u .

SF

^^

:..i..'

-nTW.T

rv\w

^.n^r^*^

^TTfm77^^^W?77

fr-^r /

1 TT,l.,fI.,i.,„.n;, .' ■ / , - ■ .

-J— I I - .—J'

^##^m^'

A CONJECTURAL RESTORATION OF TOSCANELLI S MAP

AMERIGO'S FRIENDS AND TEACHERS

and Ptolemy, of his conversations during
many years with Oriental travellers, and his
own observations. He sent this chart to
Columbus ; the latter adopted it as his guide,
and by means of it, faulty as it was, achieved
his great "discovery." Whose, then, is the
merit of this achievement? Does it not be-
long as much to Toscanelli as to Columbus?

To whomsoever the credit may be given —
whether to the man who conceived the idea,
or to him who developed it, and whether or
not Columbus intentionally appropriated the
honor and glory exclusively — ^by the irony of
fate, there stood a man at ToscaneUi's elbow,
as it were, when he wrote to the Genoese,
who was destined to rob him of his great
discovery's richest reward. This man was
Amerigo Vespucci, after whom — though un-
suggested by him and unknown to him — the
continents of America were named, by
strangers, before Christopher Coltmibus had
lain a year in his grave !

It is not at aU improbable that Vespucci
was aware of the correspondence between
Toscanelli and Columbus, as he was then
acquainted with the former, and at the age
of twenty-three was intensely interested in
the piu'suits of the learned physician. Next

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

to Toscanelli, in fact, he was probably the
best - informed man then Hving in Florence
as to the studies to which his friend had
devoted the better part of his life, and it is
not unreasonable to suppose that he saw
the letters before they were sent to Co-
lumbus.

But this is a trivial matter compared
with the importance of these letters, in a
consideration of the effect they produced
upon the mind of Colimibus, for, if they did
not suggest to him the idea of voyaging
westerly to discover the Indies, they cer-
tainly confirmed him in the opinion that
such a voyage could be successftdly made.
By a strange freak of fate these letters were
preserved in the Life of Columbus, writ-
ten by his son Fernando, and there can be
no question of their authenticity. They
breathe the spirit of benevolence for which
Toscanelli was noted, and indicate the great-
ness of the man — a greatness decidedly in
contrast to the mean and petty nature of
his correspondent, who would have perished
sooner than allow information so precious
to escape from him to the world.

ToscaneUi's first letter was written in
Florence, June 25, 1474, and is as follows:

AMERIGO'S FRIENDS AND TEACHERS

"To Christopher Columbus, Paul the Physicist
wishes health.
" I perceive your noble and earnest desire to sail
to those parts where the spice is produced, and
therefore, in answer to a letter of yours, I send
you another letter which, some days since, I wrote
to a friend of mine, a servant of the King of Portu-
gal before the wars of Castile, in answer to another
that he wrote me by his highness's order, upon
this same account. And I also send you another
sea-chart, like the one I sent to him, which will
satisfy your demands. This is a copy of the
letter :

'"To Ferdinand Martinez, Canon of Lisbon, Paul
the Physicist wishes health.

" ' I am very glad to hear of the familiarity you
enjoy with your most serene and magnificent king,
and though I have very often discoursed concern-
ing the short way there is from hence to the Indies,
where the spice is produced, by sea (which I look
upon to be shorter than that you take by the coast
of Guinea), yet you now tell me that his highness
wotdd have me make out and demonstrate it, so
that it may be understood and put in practice.

"'Therefore, though I could better show it to
him with a globe in my hand, and make him sensi-
ble of the figure of the world, yet I have resolved,
to make it more easy and intelligible, to show the
way on a chart, such as is used in navigation, and
therefore I send one to his majesty, made and
drawn with my own hand, wherein is set down
the utmost hounds of the earth, from Ireland in the
west to the farthest parts of Guinea, with all the
23

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

islands that lie in the way; opposite to which
western coast is described the beginning of the
Indies, with the islands and places whither you
may go, and how far you may bend from the
North Pole towards the Equinoctial, and for how
long a time — that is, how many leagues you may
sail before you come to those places most fruitful
in spices, jewels, and precious stones.

"'Do not wonder if I term that country where
the spice grows. West, that product being generally
ascribed to the East, because those who sail west-
ward will always find those countries in the west,
and those who travel by land eastward will always
find those countries in the east ! The straight lines
that lie lengthways in the chart show the distance
there is from west to east ; the others, which cross
them, show the distance from north to south. I
have also marked down in the chart several places
in India where ships might put in, upon any storms
or contrary winds, or other unforeseen accident.

"'Moreover, to give you full information of aU
those places which you are very desirous to know
about, you must tmderstand that none but traders
live and reside in all those islands, and that there
is as great a number of ships and seafaring peo-
ple, with merchandise, as in any other part of the
world, particularly in a most noble port called
Zaitun, where there are every year a hundred large
ships of pepper loaded and tinloaded, besides many
other ships that take in other spices. This coun-
try is mighty populous, and there are many prov-
inces and kingdoms, and innumerable cities, under
the dominion of a prince called the Grand Khan,
which name signifies king of kings, who for the
24

AMERIGO'S FRIENDS AND TEACHERS

most part resides in the province of Cathay. His
predecessors were very desirous to have commerce
and be in amity with Christians, and two htindred
years since sent ambassadors to the Pope, desiring
him to send them many learned men and doctors,
to teach them our faith; but by reason of some
obstacles the ambassadors met with they returned
back, without coming to Rome. Besides, there
came an ambassador to Pope Eugenius IV., who
told him of the great friendship there was between
those princes and their people, and the Christians.
/ discoursed with him a long while upon the several
matters of the grandeur of their royal structures,
and of the greatness, length, and breadth of their
rivers, and he told me many wonderful things of the
multitude of towns and cities along the banks of
the rivers, upon a single one of which there were
two hundred cities, with marble bridges of great
length and breadth, adorned with numerous pillars.
"'This country deserves as well as any other to
be discovered; and there may not only be great
profit made there, and many things of value found,
but also gold, silver, many sorts of precious stones,
and spices in abundance, which are not brought
into OUT ports. And it is certain that many wise
men, philosophers, astrologers, and other persons
skilled in all arts and very ingenious, govern that
mighty province and command their armies. From
Lisbon directly westward there are in the chart
twenty-six spaces, each of which contains two htin-
dred and fifty miles, to the most noble and vast city
of Quinsai, which is one hundred miles in compass
— that is, thirty-five leagues. In it there are ten
marble bridges. The name signifies a heavenly

25

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

city, of which wonderful things are reported, as to
the ingenuity of the people, the buildings, and the
revenues.

" 'This space above mentioned is almost the third
part of the globe. The city is in the province of
Mangi, bordering on that of Cathay, where the king
for the most part resides. From the island of
Antilla, which you call the Island of the Seven
Cities, and whereof you have some knowledge, to
the most noble island of Cipango are ten spaces,
which make two thousand five hvmdred miles.
This island abounds in gold, pearls, and precious
stones; and, you must understand, they cover
their temples and palaces with plates of pure gold ;
so that, for want of knowing the way, all these
things are concealed and hidden — and yet may be
gone to with safety.

"'Much more might be said; but having told
you what is most material, and you being wise and
judicious, I am satisfied there is nothing of it but
what you understand, and therefore will not be
more prolix. Thus much may serve to satisfy your
curiosity, it being as much as the shortness of time
and my business would permit me to say. So, I
remain most ready to satisfy and serve his High-
ness to the utmost, in all the commands he shall
lay upon me.'"

A second communication followed the re-
ply of Coltimbus, in which Toscanelli wrote :

"I received your letters with the things you
sent me, which I take as a great favor, and com-
mend your noble and ardent desire of sailing from
26

AMERIGO'S FRIENDS AND TEACHERS

east to west, as it is marked out in the chart I sent
you, which would demonstrate itself better in the
form of a globe. I am glad it is well tinderstood,
and that the voyage laid down is not only possible,
but certain, honorable, very advantageous, and
most glorious among all Christians. You cannot
be perfect in the knowledge of it but by experience
and practice, as I have had in great measure, and
by the solid and true information of worthy and
wise men, who are come from those parts to this
court of Rome, and from merchants who have
traded long in those parts and who are persons of
good reputation. So that, when the said voyage
is performed, it will be to powerful kingdoms, and
to most noble cities and provinces, rich, and abound-
ing in all things we stand in need of, particularly
all sorts of spice in great quantities, and stores of
jewels. This will, moreover, be grateful to those
kings and princes who are very desirous to con-
verse and trade with Christians, or else have com-
munication with the wise and ingenious men in
these parts, as well in point of religion as in all
sciences, because of the extraordinary account
they have of the kingdoms and government of
these parts. For which reasons, and many more
that might be alleged, I do not at all wonder that
you, who have a great heart, and all the Portuguese
nation, which has ever had notable men in all
tmdertakings, be eagerly bent upon performing
this voyage."

In these letters we have outUned by
ToscaneUi the very voyage that Columbus
27

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

took in 1492, eighteen years after he had
received this precious information. In his
journal of that voyage he makes mention of
"the islands marked on the chart"; he was
constantly seeking the island of Atlantis,
and hoped eventually to arrive at the great
and noble city of Qtiinsai, as well as at
Cipango and Cathay. As for the "Grand
Khan" — of whom he had been informed by
ToscaneUi, who obtained his information
from Marco Polo's works — he not only sent
an embassy in search of him, when in Cuba,
but was looking for him throughout all his
voyages.

It is well known that Colvimbus was not
aware that he had really discovered a new
world, but to the end of his days believed
he had merely arrived at the eastern coast of
India. So persistent was he in this belief
that he falsified documents, and forced his
crew to swear to what they did not know —
namely, that Cuba was a continent, and not
an island! He believed he had arrived at
Cipango, when he heard the Indian word,
cihao, on the coast of Hispaniola; and he
says, in a letter written to Luis Santangel
in 1493, "In Espanola there are gold-mines,
and thence to terra firma, as well as thence
28

AMERIGO'S FRIENDS AND TEACHERS

to the Grand Khan, ever3rthing is on a
splendid scale." Also, "When I arrived at
Juana [Cuba], I followed the coast to the
westward, and fotind it so extensive that I
considered it must be a continent and a
province of Cathay !"

Columbus, it has been said by some in-
vestigators, was a man of one idea — and
that idea not his own! "It is impossible,"
says Washington Irving, in his Life of Colum-
bus — ^which is, throughout, an elegant but
labored apology for its hero — " to determine
the precise time when Columbus first con-
ceived the design of seeking a western route
to India. It is certain, however, that he med-
itated it as early as the year 1474, though
as yet it lay crude and tinmatured in his
mind." '

The year 1474, as we know, was that in
which Toscanelli sent him the letter and the
chart. In that letter the route to India was
laid down, and on that chart it was made
clear to any seafaring man how Cathay
might be reached, by merely sailing west-
ward! By setting his helm, and persisting
in a westerly course, any one might reach
the coast that was supposed to lie opposite
to Etirope and Africa. Columbus did that,
29

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

according to directions received from Tos-
canelli eighteen years before. He did noth-
ing more, and he reached, not the coast of
India, but the outlying islands of a new
world since called America.

The idea, then, which Columbus claimed
as exclusively his own was conveyed to him
by Toscanelli — or, at least, it so appears —
and Toscanelli obtained it from the ancients.
For, says one having authority, "Eratos-
thenes, accepting the spherical theory, had
advanced the identical notion which nearly
seventeen himdred years later impelled Co-
lumbus to his voyage. He held the known
world to span one-third of the circuit of
the globe, as Strabo did at a later day,
leaving an unknown two -thirds of sea;
and if it were not that the vast extent
of the Atlantic Sea rendered it impossi-
ble, one might even sail from the coast of
Spain to that of India, along the same par-
allel."

And again : " An important element in the
problem was the statement of Marco Polo
regarding a large island, which he called
Cipango, and which he represented as lying
in the ocean off the eastern coast of Asia.
This carried the eastern verge of the Asiatic
30

AMERIGO'S FRIENDS AND TEACHERS

world farther than the ancients had known,
and, on the spherical theory, brought land
nearer westward from Europe than could
earlier have been supposed. . . . Humboldt
has pointed out that neither Christopher
Columbus nor his son Ferdinand mentions
Marco Polo; still, we know that the former
had read his book." '

' Narrative and Critical History of America.

Ill

Vespucci's favorite authors
1485-1490

BOOKS of any sort were few and pre-
cious during the youthful period of
Amerigo Vespucci's life, for the art of print-
ing by the use of movable type was invent-
ed about the time he was born, and most of
the great discoverers, including himself and
Colimibus, were to pass away before the
printing-press was introduced into America.'
In the library of Paul the Physicist, how-
ever, the ardent scholar, Vespucci, must
have seen many manuscripts which he was
permitted to read, and among them, doubt-
less, the account of Marco Polo's wonderful

' The first printing-press in America was set up in
Mexico in 1535, the first book printed on it was prob-
ably La Escala de San Juan Climaco, date 1536, and
the first printer was Juan Pablos. The oldest existing
example of this first Mexican printing is said to be the
Manual de Adulios, bearing date 1540.

32

VESPUCCI'S FAVORITE AUTHORS

journeys. It is thought that Toscanelli may
have possessed, indeed, one of the first copies
of Marco Polo ever printed, as it issued from
a German press in 1477; or at least of the
second edition, which appeared in 1481, the
year before he died. A copy of the first
Latin edition was once owned by Fernando
Columbus, and has marginal marks ascribed
to his father. This edition was printed in
1485, the year in which Hernando Cort6s
was bom, and when Vespucci was thirty-
four years old. Another Latin edition was
brought out in 1490, an Italian in 1496, and
a Portuguese in 1502, followed by many
others.

Marco Polo, the Venetian, exercised a
strong and lasting influence upon the minds
of ToscanelU, Columbus, Vespucci, and,
through them, upon others, although he
died in the first quarter of the century in
which the first-named of this distinguished
triad was bom. All these had this birth-
right in common: they were Italians; and,
moreover, it was in Genoa, the reputed
birthplace of Columbus, that Marco Polo's
adventtues were first shaped into coherent
narrative and given to the world.

These adventures have been stigmatized
33

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

as romances; but surely nothing could be
more romantic than the manner in which
they came to be published, finally, after ex-
isting many years in the crude form of notes
and journals made by the traveller dtiring his
journeyings. In the year 1298, three years
after he had returned from his wanderings
and settled down in Venice, Polo was called
upon to assist in the defence of Curzola,
during the hostilities which existed between
his own republic and that of Genoa. To
oppose the Genoese admiral, Doria, who
had invaded their seas with seventy galleys,
the Venetians fitted out a fleet under Andrea
Dandolo, and a great battle was fought off
the island of Curzola. Marco Polo com-
manded a galley of his own, and fought with
valor ; but, in common with the commanders
of more than eighty Venetian vessels, he
was defeated, the Genoese winning an over-
whelming victory.

Taken as a prisoner to Genoa, he was cast
into prison, where he remained immured for
a year. That was the year in which his
wonderful travels were woven into a story,
for the entertainment of the young Genoese
nobility, who, when they learned that the
famous Marco Polo was a prisoner, flocked
34

VESPUCCI'S FAVORITE AUTHORS

to his cell to see and converse with him.
Yielding to their solicitations, he sent to
Venice for his notes of travel, and during
the days of his captivity dictated an ac-
count of his experiences to a fellow-captive,
one Rusticiano, of Pisa.

The delighted young nobles devoured his
wonderful story with avidity, and they could
scarcely wait its unfolding from day to day,
for it was to them a veritable tale of the
Arabian Nights. From the Italian, in which
the traveller dictated his story, it was trans-
lated into Latin and French, and scattered
over Europe for others to enjoy. Thus
Marco Polo acquired fame through the mis-
fortune which befell him when fighting for
Venice, and long before printing was in-
vented his name became almost a household
word in Europe. As one who, though indi-
rectly, stimulated by his Oriental researches
the first great ventures into the Occident,
Marco Polo deserves a monument, or, at
least, should not be omitted from a memo-
rial group that contains such famous Italians
as Columbus, Vespucci, Toscanelli, and Ver-
razano. Admittedly, he deserves a chapter
in this biography, and we cannot do better,
perhaps, than glance at his history.
3S

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

If Marco had been consulted in the choice
of his immediate ancestry, he could not have
done better than fortune served him in the
person of his father, Nicolo Polo, who was
a nobleman and a merchant of Venice. He
was a traveller prior to the birth of his son,
for just previous to that event, which oc-
curred nearly two hundred years before
Amerigo Vespucci was born, he and his
brother set out for Constantinople. Thence
they went into Armenia, and aroimd the
south coast of the Caspian Sea to Bokhara,
where they met some Persian envoys who
were bound for Cathay, or China, and who
persuaded them to go along.

At Peking, it is supposed, they met the
great and powerful Kublai Khan, Emperor
of the Mongols, and Tartars, who received
them kindly and at whose court they re-
mained a year. They were the first Euro-
peans he had ever seen, and such was his
interest in their stories of strange peoples
and governments that he commissioned them
as envoys to the pope, giving them letters
in which he expressed his desire that Euro-
peans learned in the arts and sciences shoiild
be sent for the instruction of his people.
Then they were reluctantly dismissed, with
36

VESPUCCI'S FAVORITE AUTHORS

gifts of gold and spices, and after many
perilous adventures finally reached their
home in Venice. They had been gone al-
most ten years, and when Nicolo Polo first
saw his son, on his return to Venice, Marco
was a youth at school, well advanced in his
studies.

Two years later, when Marco was about
twelve, the three Polos set out on their re-
turn to Cathay, accompanied by two friars,
who were " endowed with ample powers and
privileges, the authority to ordain priests
and bishops, and to grant absolution in all
cases, as fully as if the pope were personally
present." They took with them rich pres-
ents for the khan, including a bottle of
precious oil from the holy sepiilchre in
Jerusalem, which was supposed to possess
miraculous virtues. The journey was com-
menced in or about the year 1271, but,
owing to innumerable and vexatious delays
on the way, the Polos did not reach the
cotirt of the grand khan until the spring of
1275. They were more than three years in
making the journey, but in spite of difficul-
ties and dangers these remarkable men per-
sisted until the object of their travels was
accomplished. The friars had become alarm-
4 37

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

ed at the prospect of peril to themselves, and
eariy in the undertaking beat a retreat to
Acre, so the three Venetians alone arrived
at Chambalu, and delivered to the grand
khan the letters and presents from the
pope. They were received with extreme
cordiality by the khan, who was especially
pleased with young Marco, and accepted
the presents with delight, the holy oil from
Jerusalem being reverently cherished.

Marco was introduced to the khan by
Nicolo, as "your majesty's servant and my
son"; but had he been a son of the ruler
himself he could not have received greater
honors than were bestowed upon him by
the emperor. Having a natural aptitude
for acquiring languages, he soon could read
and write four different dialects, and being
possessed of great intelligence and shrewd-
ness withal, he was sent by the khan on
important missions to various parts of his
kingdom. He acquitted himself so well on
these embassies, some of which required his
absence from the capital for many months,
and he brought back such interesting ac-
counts of the people he met and their cus-
toms, that he was constantly employed.

In this manner he acquired, during many
38

VESPUCCI'S FAVORITE AUTHORS

years of service in high positions, a most
intimate acquaintance with the khan's do-
minions, and became immensely rich. His
father and tmcle shared wealth and honors
with him, for they Hkewise were congenially
employed; but the time came at last when
their desire to revisit Venice became too
strong to resist. They craved the khan's
permission to depart; but when the old
monarch heard their request he flew into a
passion, declaring that he would never al-
low them to go. They should remain with
him and become the richest men in the
world.

Marco was sent off on another mission,
this time by sea, and, discovering that there
was direct communication between Cathay
and the Indies, he entreated the khan to
allow the Polos to go on a voyage, promising
faithfully that they would ret\u:n after a
short stay with their friends in Venice. The
old khan gave his consent reluctantly, over-
whelming them with gifts at their departure,
among other things giving them a tablet of
gold, on which were engraved his orders to
all the subjects in his vast dominions to pro-
vide gtiides, escorts, pilots — every conven-
ience for their voyage and journey — without
39

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

cost. He also authorized them to serve as
his ambassadors to the pope and other Euro-
pean potentates, presented them with many-
precious stones, including rubies of great
value, and money enough to defray their
expenses for at least two years. From all
this it will be seen that the grand khan was
a very mimificent prince, whose deeds must
have made a lasting impression upon the
minds of the generation in which he lived.

Fourteen large vessels were contained in
the fleet he furnished the Polos, for with
them was embarked, with a train of ambassa-
dors, a noble maiden of Cathay who was to
become the bride of a "king of the Indies"
known as Argon. The voyage was so pro-
tracted that the king had died before she
reached her destination, and whose bride
she became was never known to the Polos,
though they faithfully acquitted themselves
of their charge, and then continued on
towards the frontiers of Persia. Two years
had been constmied in voyaging to Java,
Sumatra, and along the coast of southern
India. Three more elapsed before they
finally reached their native city, in 1295,
after an absence of nearly twenty-five years.
Nobody in Venice knew them then, except
40

MARCO POLO

VESPUCCI'S FAVORITE AUTHORS

by name, for Niccolo and his brother were
advanced in age, and Marco had grown from
a boy to manhood, while in their dress and
manners they were more Hke Tartars than
Venetians, and had aknost completely lost
their native speech.

Many of their former friends and relations
were dead, and the survivors were at first
inclined to denounce them as impostors,
until the fertile imagination of Marco hit
upon an expedient. They were invited to
a magnificent banquet, at which the three
Polos appeared arrayed in robes of crimson
velvet, which, after their guests had arrived,
they threw off and gave to their attendants.
Then, after the last course was served, they
produced from their queer Tartarian gar-
ments, which they ripped open for the pur-
pose, precious gems by the handful, and
displayed them to the astonished guests as
their credentials.

They were promptly received into the
best Venetian society, Maffei, the uncle,
being appointed a magistrate, and Niccolo,
the father, espousing a beautiftil young lady.
Such Polos as still bear the name — if there
are any — must .have descended from the
children bom of this second marriage, for
41

AMERICO VESPUCCI

though Marco himself took a wife, several
years later, he left no male children to inherit
the vast wealth that gave him the title, in
Venice, of "Marco Millioni."

It was about three years after his rettirn
to Venice that Marco fell into the hands of
the Genoese, and a little later that, as nar-
rated, he wrote the story of his travels.
His books abound in romantic adventures,
and many, probably, that are fabulous; but
that it stamped itself upon the times in
which he lived and those of succeeding gen-
erations, has been shown already. Nearly
two hundred years after the story was writ-
ten, we find the Spaniards seeking the great
island of Cipango, of which the following is
Marco Polo's description:

"This is a very large island, fifteen hundred
miles from the continent [of Asia]. The people
are fair, handsome, and of agreeable manners.
They are idolaters, and live quite separate from
all other nations. Gold is very abundant, and
no man being allowed to export it, while no mer-
chant goes thence to the main - land, the people
accumulate a vast amount. But I, Marco Polo,
will give you a wonderful account of a very large
palace all covered with that metal, as otu- churches
are with lead. The pavements of its court, the
halls, windows, and every other part, have it laid
42

VESPUCCI'S FAVORITE AUTHORS

on two inches thick, so that the riches of this
palace are incalculable. Here are also pearls,
large and of equal value with the white, with
many other precious stones.

"Kublai, on hearing of this amazing wealth,
desired to conquer the island, and sent two of his
barons with a very large fleet containing warriors,
both horsemen and on foot. They sailed from
Zaitun and Quinsai, reached the isle, landed, and
took possession of the plain and of a number of
houses; but they were unable to take any city or
castle, when a sad misadventure occurred. A
storm threatened and some of the troops were
embarked; but about thirty thousand were left
upon a small and barren island by the sailing of
the ships. The sovereign and the people of the
larger island rejoiced greatly when they saw the
host thus scattered and many of them cast upon
the islet. As soon as the sea calmed they assem-
bled a great number of ships, sailed thither and
landed, hoping to captiire all those refugees. But
when the latter saw that their enemies had disem-
barked, leaving the vessels unguarded, they skil-
fully retreated to another quarter and continued
moving about till they reached the ships, when
they went aboard without any opposition. They
then sailed direct for the principal island, where
they hoisted its own standards and ensigns.

"On seeing these, the people believed their own
countrymen had returned, and allowed them to
enter the city. Finding it defended only by old
men, the Tartars soon drove them out, retaining
the women as slaves. When the king and his

43

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

warriors saw themselves thus deceived and their
city captured, they were like to die of grief; but
they assembled other ships, and invested it so
closely as to prevent all communication. The
Tartars maintained themselves thus seven months,
and planned day and night how they might con-
vey tidings to their master of their condition ; but
finding this impossible, they agreed with the be-
siegers to siurender, securing only their lives.
This took place in the year 1269.

The grand khan ordered one of the commanders
of the host that had returned to lose his head,
and the other to be sent to the isle where he had
caused the loss of so many men, and there put to
death. I have to relate, also, a very wonderful
thing: that these two barons took a number of
persons in a castle of Cipango, and because they
had refused to surrender ordered all their heads
to be cut off. But there were eight on whom they
could not execute this sentence, because these
wore consecrated stones in their arms, between
the skin and the flesh, which so enchanted them
that they could not die by steel. They were
therefore beaten to death with clubs, and the
stones, being extracted, were held very precious.
But I must leave this matter and go on with the
narrative."

IV

IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN
1490

BEFORE we revert to the real hero of
this biography, let us seek to identify
the various names we find in Marco Polo's
book, and in Toscanelli's letter to Columbus,
with the objects to which they were applied.
We win imagine otuselves with the first-
named in far Cathay, with the second in his
library at Florence, and with the third as
he gropes his way along the shores of islands
for the first time then revealed to European
eyes.

If Columbus had known — ^what we now
know — that thousands of miles intervened
between the places he was seeking and those
to which he misapplied their names, he would
not have died in the belief that he had dis-
covered a new way to the Old World. To
anticipate a Uttle what will be revealed
later in the unfolding of this story: it was
45

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

Amerigo Vespucci, and not Columbus, who
first applied to this newly discovered hemi-
sphere the title Mundus Novus, or New
World. However, we will not discuss that
question now, but merely remark that
Cathay was identical with northern China,
while Mangi was the southern territory of
that vast empire which, in Marco Polo's
time, was in possession of Kublai Khan.
Chambalu, or Peking, was its capital, while
the "most noble and vast city of Quinsay,"
or Cansay, is the ancient King-sze connected
with Peking by the grand canal.

The large island of Cipango, or Zipangu,
outlying upon the coast of Cathay, was prob-
ably Japan, or Formosa ; though its golden-
tiled temples may never have been seen by
the Polos, nor its red pearls have come into
their hands. Forty years after Columbus
began his vain search, Pizarro foimd and
plundered the gold-plated temples of Cuzco,
which were as rich as any described by
Marco Polo in his account of Cipango; and
in the Bahamas archipelago, through which
the Spaniards passed in the voyage of 1492,
precious pink pearls have been discovered
in great niimbers and of surpassing beauty.

Vasco da Gama, in 1497, was to open the
46

IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN

way by water to the vast Oriental seas — to
Calicut and Cathay — but until the last quar-
ter of the fifteenth centtiry the commerce
of the eastern hemisphere depended mainly
upon transportation by land. "Voyages of
much extent were almost unknown, and the
mariner confined himself to inland waters,
or hovered along the shores of the great
Western Ocean, without venturing out of
sight of land. . . . The thriving republics of
Italy were the carriers of the world. For
many centuries their citizens were almost
the only agents for commercial communica-
tion with the countries of the East. Venice
and Genoa maintained establishments on
the farthest shores of the Mediterranean and
Black seas.

"Immense caravans crossed the deserts
of Arabia and Egypt, their camels laden
with the costly fabrics of the Indies, which
were received by the Italian traders from
the hands of the Mahometans and distributed
over Europe. Here and there upon the
deserts a green oasis, with its bubbling
spring or rippling rivulet, served these
mighty trains for a resting-place, where
man and beast halted to recover from the
fatigues of their weary journeys. Occa-
47

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

sionally, on these spots where the soil was
of sufficient fertility to sustain a popula-
tion, villages grew up. In rarer instances
and in earlier ages, large cities had been
built upon these stopping -places and were
for the time' the centres of the traffic. . . .
Travellers of the present day occasionally
visit their sites, and tell wonderful tales of
the gigantic ruins of some Baalbec or Pal-
myra of the wilderness.

"It was not to be supposed that the
shrewd spirit of mercantile enterprise and
speculation would remain dormant in this
state of affairs. Traders in every part of
Europe were alive to the advantages to be
derived from the discovery of a new route
of transportation. Several efforts were made,
and in some cases attended with immense
profit and success, to communicate with
India by the long and arduous journey
round the Black Sea, and through the al-
most imexplored regions of Circassia and
Georgia. The far-off shores of the Caspian
were reached by some travelling traders,
and the geographical knowledge they circu-
lated on their return gave a new impulse
to the growing spirit of adventiu-e. Apoc-
ryphal as the narratives of Marco Polo and
48

IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN

Mandeville appeared, there was a stifficient
mixture of truth with exaggeration to
stimulate the minds of men, ever greedy
of gain, and the endless wealth of the grand
khan and his people were the subjects of
many eager and longing anticipations." '

The Polos were merely the forerunners,
the pioneers, to the far Cathay, and in the
foiurteenth century missionaries and mer-
chants followed on their trail with varying
success. The death of Kublai Khan had
relieved them from their obligation to return ;
but soon after they had reached Venice, in
1295, a Franciscan monk, John of Monte
Corvino, penetrated to Chambalu and es-
tablished missions there. In the year 1338
an ambassador arrived at Avignon from
the then reigning Khan of Cathay, and
in return John de Marignoli, a Florentine,
was sent to the court at Chambalu, where
he remained four years as legate of the
holy see. Commercial travellers followed
after them, and about 1340 a guide-book
was written by another Florentine, Fran-
cesco Pelotti, who was a clerk in. the great
trading - house of Bardi, or Berardi, with

' The Life and Voyages of Americus Vespucius, by C.
Edwards Lester, 1845.

49

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

which, at a later date, Amerigo Vespucci
was connected in Spain.

"When the throne of the degenerate de-
scendants of Ghengis Khan began to totter
to its fall, missions and merchants alike
disappeared from the field. Islam, with all
its jealousies and exclusiveness, had recover-
ed its grasp over Central Asia. Night again
descended upon the farther East, covering
Cathay, with those cities of which the old
travellers had told such marvels, Chambalu
and Cansay, Zaitun and Chinkalan. And
when the veil rose before the Portuguese and
Spanish explorers of the sixteenth century
those names were heard of no more. . . .

" But for a long time all but a sagacious
few continued to regard Cathay as a region
distinct from any of the new-found Indies;
while map-makers, well on into the seven-
teenth century, continued to represent it as
a great country lying entirely to the north
of China and stretching to the Arctic Sea.
It was Cathay, with its outlying island of
Zipangu, that Coltimbus sought to reach by
sailing westward, penetrated as he was by
his intense conviction of the smallness of
the earth and of the vast extension of Asia
to the eastward. To the day of his death
so

IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN

he was full of the imagination of the prox-
imity of the domain of the grand khan to
the islands and coasts which he had dis-
covered. And such imaginations are curi-
ously embodied in some maps of the early
sixteenth century, which intermingle on the
same coast -line the new discoveries, from
Labrador to Brazil, with the provinces and
rivers of Marco Polo's Cathay." '

Having shown the state of European geo-
graphical knowledge in the fifteenth century,
in the hope thereby of throwing light upon
the conditions which surroimded Vespucci
at the time, we will now follow as closely as
possible the career which was then opening
before him. He was, as we have stated,
keenly alive to what was taking place in
the world around him, and especially inter-
ested in geographical discoveries. Although
it is not likely that he had an abundance of
ready money, having been so many years
engaged in preparation for his great pursuit,
without immediate recompense of any sort,
yet we learn from the records of his life
that he was already making a collection of
all the charts, maps, and globes that he could

* Article, " China," in the Encyclopczdia Britannica.
SI

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

find. He had assembled the best works of
the most distinguished projectors, and for
one of the finest then available, "a map of
sea and land," made in 1439 by one Gabriel
de Valesca, he paid the large sum of one
hundred and thirty ducats, equivalent to
more than five hundred dollars at the pres-
ent day. There was danger then, his parents
and friends thought, of the abstruse and un-
profitable science of cosmography absorb-
ing him entirely; but, though he may have
indulged in the hope of devoting his life to
the studies which had so enriched the mind
of his friend Toscanelli, he was rudely awak-
ened from his day-dream by a family ca-
tastrophe.

Mention has been made of one of his
brothers, Girolamo, who, about the year
1480, left home and went to Asia Minor,
including in his travels a trip to Palestine.
He finally established himself in one of the
Grecian cities, and, being of a hopeful turn,
sent for and obtained the greater portion of
his father's money, with which he engaged
in trade. All went well for a time, and the
Vespuccis congratulated themselves upon
having a son of the family finally embarked
on the full tide of commercial prosperity.
52

IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN

Nine years went by, and nothing but
good news came from the absent Girolamo;
but one day, in 1489, disastrous tidings
arrived. A Florentine pilgrim, returning
from a pious visit to the holy sepulchre in
Jerusalem, brought Amerigo a letter from
his brother. It was dated July 24th, and
contained information to the effect that
while Girolamo was attending religious ser-
vices at a convent in his neighborhood his
house was broken open and robbed. "At
one fell swoop," he wrote, he had been de-
prived of all his earnings during those nine
years of toil, besides the money his father
had sent him, which represented the acciunu-
lations of a lifetime.

He did not explain how his entire capital
was in cash at the time, when he was sup-
posed to be in trade; but even if derelict,
he was too far away to be sought out and
his story investigated, so the loss was ac-
cepted by the family as an indication that
Providence was not inclined to smile upon
the substitution of the eldest for the young-
est son as a retriever of the Vespucci fort-
unes. All looked now towards Amerigo to
take up the distasteful business of money-
making, for which he had been so long in
5 S3

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

training, but which hitherto he had so suc-
cessfully evaded. In sorrow, it is said, but
without a murmur, he turned his back upon
his maps, globes, books, and astrolabes and
faced the situation manfully.

A position had long been open to him
with the great trading-house of Lorenzo de
Medici, who was own cousin to the world-
famous Lorenzo the Magnificent, and he had
only to apply in order to receive it. For
the Medici well knew the value of men — good
and faithful men — trained, as Amerigo was,
in the diplomacy as well as the routine of
commercial life in that age. They needed
just such a man as he in their foreign agency,
and bidding farewell to his family he set
sail from Leghorn for the Spanish city of
Barcelona.

The Iberian peninsula afforded at that
time a most attractive field for commercial
as well as military adventure. The pro-
tracted wars with the Moors, which had
been carried on for generations, were draw-
ing to a close, but they had taken thither
many a man athirst for glory, and the de-
mand for supplies gave the merchants great
opportunities for profits. The commerce of
that day was, as we have seen, mainly in
S4

IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN

the hands of Italian merchants, and as
early as i486 the Florentine trader, Juan
Berardi, obtained a safe conduct from Bar-
celona to Seville, where, a few years later,
we find Amerigo busily engaged in outfit-
ting vessels for the Spanish voyages of dis-
covery.

It was in the year 1490, or 1491, that
Amerigo Vespucci went to Spain, accom-
panied by his nephew Giovanni, and several
other young Florentines, who were placed
in his charge by their parents that they
might receive the benefit of his experience
and the advantages of foreign travel. Gio-
vanni, or Juan, was greatly attached to his
uncle, and subsequently went with him on
his voyages to America. Many years later
the historian, Peter Martyr, wrote of him:
" Yoimg Vespucius is one to whom Americus,
his uncle, left the exact knowledge of the
mariner's faculties, as it were by inheritance,
after his death, for he is a very expert mas-
ter in the knowledge of the compass and the
elevation of the pole star by the quadrant.
He is my particular friend, a witty young
man in whose company I take great pleasure,
and therefore have him often for my guest."

Whether Giovanni was associated with
SS

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

Amerigo in business is not exactly known,
nor can we tell just when the latter removed
from Barcelona into southern Spain; but
there is a letter extant, written at Cadiz in
1492, signed jointly by himself and a young
Florentine, Donato Nicollini, as agents either
of the Medici or the house of Berardi. The
following extract was copied by his biog-
rapher, Bandidi, from this manuscript in
Amerigo's handwriting:

"As it is necessary for one of us, either Amerigo
or Donato, to proceed in a short time to Florence,
we shall be able to give you better information on
all points by word of mouth than can possibly be
done by letter. As yet, it has been impossible to
do anything respecting the freight of salt, for want
of a vessel, as for some time past, we are sorry to
say, no ship has arrived here which was not char-
tered. Be assured that if one arrives we shall be
active for your interests.

"You will have learned from the elder Donato
the good-fortune which has happened to his high-
ness the king. Assuredly the most high God has
given him His aid; but I cannot relate it in full.
God preserve him many years — and us with him.

"There is nothing new to communicate. Christ
preserve you.

"Donato Nicollini.
"Amerigo Vespucci.

" We date this January 30, 1492."
56

IN THE SERVICE OF SPAIN

The last decade of the fifteenth century,
which Amerigo was to pass chiefly in Spain,
has been termed by historians the most
important epoch in modern history. It was,
admittedly, the most important for Spain,
also for that country (then unknown) which
her sailors were to discover and explore, and
which was to receive the name of the Floren-
tine merchant then living obscurely in Cadiz
or Seville.

"The foreign intercourse of the country,"
says the renowned author of Ferdinand and
Isabella, "was every day more widely ex-
tended. Her agents and consuls were to be
fotind in all the ports of the Mediterranean
and the Baltic. The Spanish mariner, in-
stead of creeping along the beaten track of
inland navigation, now struck boldly across
the great Western Ocean. The new discov-
eries had converted the land trade with In-
dia into a sea trade, and the nations of the
peninsula, which had hitherto lain remote
from the great highways of commerce, now
became the factors and carriers of Europe.

"The flourishing condition of the nation

was seen in the wealth and population of

its cities, the revenue of which, augmented in

all to a surprising extent, had increased in

57

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

some forty and even fifty fold beyond what
they were at the commencement of Ferdi-
nand and Isabella's reign: the ancient and
lordly Toledo; Biorgos, with its bustling in-
dustrious traders; Valladolid, sending forth
thirty thousand warriors from its gates;
Cordova, in the south, and the magnificent
Granada, naturalizing in Europe the arts
and luxuries of the East; Saragossa, 'the
abundant,' as she was called from her fruit-
ful territory ; Valencia, 'the beautiful'; Bar-
celona, rivalling in independence and mari-
time enterprise the proudest of the Italian
republics; Medina del Campo, whose fairs
were already the great mart for the commer-
cial exchanges of the peninsula; and Seville,
the golden gate of the Indies, whose quays
began to be thronged with merchants from
the most distant countries of Europe."

V

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS
1492 OR 1493

WHILE we cannot afiirm that Christo-
pher Columbus and Vespucci were ac-
quainted previous to the voyage which made
America known to Europe, it is well estab-
lished that Amerigo was in Spain when his
favored rival sailed from Palos, in August,

1492, and also when he returned, in March,

1493. In the very month of January, 1492,
in which Vespucci wrote the letter quoted
in the previous chapter, Coltimbus and the
Spanish sovereigns signed the "capitula-
tion" that set forth the demands of the
discoverer and the concessions of the king
and queen. That paper was signed and
sealed in the palace of the Alhambra, not
far distant from Cadiz, and still nearer to
Seville, whither Vespucci removed soon
after. He may have been there when
Columbus passed through the latter city

59

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

on his way to Palos, Seville being in the
direct route between Granada and the Rio
Tinto; but if he then saw and conversed
with him there is no record of the fact.

What must have been his feelings, though,
when he learned of the transaction between
Columbus and the sovereigns? Columbus
had gained permission to make — ^what he
himself was far better equipped for — a voy-
age across the Sea of Darkness, to the isl-
ands that lay on the route of Marco Polo's
Cathay. And Columbus had merely corre-
sponded with his master, Toscanelli, at whose
feet he, Vespucci, had sat, and during days
and hours discussed the problem that his
rival was now going forth to solve !

While Vespucci plodded, almost hopelessly,
at Cadiz and Seville, Columbus pushed for-
ward preparations for his voyage, and finally
set sail. Did not Amerigo, then, send a sigh
after him and his caravels, and think regret-
fully of his maps, his charts, globes, and
nautical instruments lying dusty and dis-
used in Florence? They were more to him
than anything else in the world. With their
aid, and countenanced by royal favor, he
might have been the fortunate one to ad-
venture upon the ocean, and seek the un-
60

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS

known regions which he was positive lay-
there veiled from htiman sight. But he was
pledged to repair the family forttine, he was
committed to the interests of his employers,
and even if the suggestion of embarking on
a voyage of discovery came to him he could
not entertain it for an instant. He could
not then; but perhaps opportunity might
yet offer, he thought, and so sent for his
books, charts, and instrtiments, in order to
perfect himself in cosmography and nauti-
cal science. He became so proficient that
some years after he was appointed by
King Ferdinand pilot-major of Spain, and
even the charts that Columbus made were
brought to him for correction or verifica-
tion.

The months went by, spent by Columbus
in "making history," by Vespucci in lading
ships for others to sail in, and in the intervals
of business poring over his books and charts.
At last, in the spring of 1493, one day a
courier came dashing into Seville with the
news of Columbus's return, by way of Port-
ugal, a letter having arrived from Lisbon
addressed to the sovereigns, and another
for Santangel, secretary to the king. Then
Vespucci knew his opportunity had taken
61

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

flight, for the New World had been dis-
covered, the glory belonged to Columbus !

Soon after the return of the voyagers to
Palos, he may have seen the triumphal pro-
cession led by Columbus to Barcelona, and
probably had speech with him and with
some of his saUors. He saw the six Indians
who had been made captive in the islands
and were brought to Seville, for they re-
mained there some time while Columbus
was awaiting orders from Barcelona. A
letter from the sovereigns came at last, ad-
dressed to "Don Cristobal Colon, Admiral
of the Ocean Sea and Viceroy of the Indies,"
which probably Amerigo himself perused —
with what a sickening of heart may be
imagined — for it contained a memorandum
from the sovereigns referring to the equip-
ment of a sec'ond expedition, and his firm
received the contract. Vespucci was then
connected with the house of Berardi (having
left the employ of the Medici), either as
contracting agent or partner. Whatever re-
lation he stood in to the firm, it was a most
responsible one, for to him was committed
the furnishing of a large fleet without
delay.

It was about the last of March, or early
62

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS

in April, that Columbus delivered to him the
order from the king and queen, and then
set out for Barcelona overland. He arrived
there duly, to be received with almost royal
honors, and meanwhile the house of Berardi,
tmder the active supervision of Vespucci,
was busy with the preparation of the fleet.
Ships were sought and chartered; caravels
btdlt, bought, and repaired; munitions pro-
vided and crews of saUors assembled, which
Vespucci was obliged to hold and keep to-
gether against the sailing of the squadron.

And what was the personal appearance of
these two great navigators, thus so strangely
brought into business relations, and whose
fame in after times was to fill the world?
Although there is no portrait existing of
Coliunbus which we can affirm to be authen-
tic, still verbal portraits have been left by
his contemporaries which convey to us the
impression that the "Admiral" was tall and
stalwart, dignified in bearing, with fair com-
plexion, blue eyes, and hair then silvery
gray.

Amerigo Vespucci was his exact opposite,
in superficial characteristics, for he was un-
der rather than above the middle height,
"thick-set and brawny," with a dark com-
63

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

plexion, black hair mixed with gray, and
flashing black eyes. An authentic portrait,
painted at a later date, shows him with head
nearly bald, encircled only by a fringe of
hair, prominent cheek-bones, aquiline nose,
a firm, sweet mouth, and without the thick
black beard he wore when he first met
Columbus. His temper was mild, while that
of Coltmibus was hasty, though firmly con-
trolled, save on a few occasions when, tried
beyond measure, it burst its bounds and
swept away all opposition. But both great
men were courteous in speech, the dignified
demeanor of Columbus commanding admira-
tion, while the modesty of Vespucci won the
friendship of all with whom he came in
contact.

The following dialogue between the two,
or the piirport of it, is thought to have taken
place soon after the return of Columbus from
Barcelona, either at Cadiz or Seville. It
was but natural that the two should meet,
that they shovild exchange views and com-
pare notes, for, while Columbus had made
the great discovery — through having been
the first to apply the theories of Toscanelli
and the ancients — Vespucci had for many
years been thinking on the subject, and had
64

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS

enjoyed the friendship of the physicist, whom
both revered. Whether this conversation is
apocryphal or not, at least it embodies the
divergent views of the two, and does no vio-
lence to their sentiments, as can be shown
by their writings. It is adapted from Lester's
Americus Vespucius.

Having with him, it is believed, the charts
and books from which he deduced his
theories, Vespucci probably invited Colum-
bus to his lodgings, where the two spent
many an hour in good-natured controversy.
Nearly twenty years had elapsed since the
learned doctor sent the chart and letter to
Columbus, and now the latter, with the
laurels of the great "discovery" on his brow,
was to engage in argtmient with the person
best acquainted with his life-work — who had
followed it from its very inception, and who
was to enjoy its usufruct forever.

Let us try to imagine them within the
walls of Vespucci's house — ^whether in gold-
en Seville or crystal Cadiz cannot be told;
but it is easy to find one like it to-day, for
the architecture of neither city has changed
much since that time. The house is of
stone, with thick white walls and roof of
tiles. The rooms are large and dreary, but
65

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

Open on a court, or Moorish patio, around
which they are ranged, and where a fountain
tinkles merrily. The floor of Vespucci's
room is tiled and damp, the furniture is
scanty, but in the centre of the apartment
is a large and massive table, upon which are
spread his charts, while a globe — perhaps one
of Behaim's, recently constructed — stands
in a corner.

The arrival of the distinguished stranger
at Vespucci's modest lodgings causes a flut-
ter of excitement, not only in the household,
but in the street, which is lined with gaping
citizens, anxious to see the new admiral,
who has already taken on the dignities of
his station, is costximed in velvet, wears a
sword at his side, and is accompanied by a
retinue of hired retainers. Vespucci, on the
contrary, shows no ostentation in his garb,
for he is but a man of business, and, entirely
unconscious of any discrepancy in their ap-
parel, conducts his guest to the room where
lie his treasures.

To the credit of Columbus, it should be
said, he sees in Vespucci only the man of
scien"°, the student, the cosmographer, and,
with the gentle dignity inseparable from
this man who had appeared before kings
66

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS

and at courts, he compliments his host upon
his collection. They are soon in earnest
consultation, scanning the sea-charts, quot-
ing authorities, advancing theories, becom-
ing so absorbed as to ignore the yawning
hangers-on of the admiral's staff, who soon
retire, one after another, leaving the two
geographers alone.

Finally, Coliimbus says, looking up from
the chart upon which he had been sketching
the route of his voyage :

" It grieves me much, worthy Signor Ves-
pucci, to learn from our friend the Signor
Berardi that you do not estimate as I do
the result of our recent navigation to the
west. With your well-known skill in cosmog-
raphy, I fear me, you corabine more of doubt
than would be becoming to a Christian navi-
gator."

"Your excellency mistakes my views
greatly, or has been misinformed of them,"
replies Vespucci, courteously. "Far from
undervaluing the effect of the discoveries
which your genius has accomplished, I am
the rather disposed to place a greater esti-
mate upon them than does the Admiral
Colon himself. If I judged them in the light
in which they are viewed by the most of
67

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

those who hope to profit by them, then,
indeed, the imputation would be just; but
I look not to such things, and well I know
that your own mind is above them."

"In that respect you only do me justice.
If I look for gain in aught that I have imder-
taken, it is only that I may devote it to a
holy purpose. Have I not, even within the
last few days, recorded my solemn oath that
I would, in the event of my prosperous
arrival at the court of the grand khan —
whom, by the favor of God, I hope to con-
vert to the true faith — employ the riches I
shall acquire in the equipment of a force of
four thousand horse and fifty thousand foot,
for the recovery of the holy sepulchre from
the hands of the infidels? I am unwilling
to think that yoiir speech tends to the end
of imputing to me mercenary motives; but
wherein do we differ ? Is not the way open-
ed, and will not the intercovirse I mean to
establish with the pagan monarch contribute
greatly to the purpose I keep ever in view?
The holy father at Rome himself lends me
encouragement in my xmdertaking, and re-
gards with approbation my efforts to lead
into the true Church so mighty a potentate."

"With all the deference that is due to your
68

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS

excellency's superior wisdom and experience,
I wotdd state that therein lies the very point
of our difference. I deem it by no means
certain that your ships have touched the
territories of the grand khan at all, but
rather land that has hitherto been alike
unknown to him and to us. Thousands of
leagues may yet intervene between that
land and his dominions, whether of sea or
earth remains to be discovered ; and I judge
in this wise as well from the accounts of
cosmographers who have written on the
subject, as from the description of the bar-
barous natives which you yourself have
fallen in with in recent discoveries.

The accounts of those who have penetrat-
ed to distant regions of the East lead us to
tmderstand that the subjects of the grand
khan live in the midst of the most profuse
wealth and liixury; and bedeck themselves
with superfine garments, gold, and jewelry.
These people, however, are wild and naked,
little if any superior to the beasts, and can-
not, I think, be in any wise connected with
a monarch of such magnificence. My own
thoughts carry me to the conviction that
there exists near unto the lands you have
visited an immense cotuitry, which may
6 69

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

possibly belong to and be part of the grand
khan's dominions, though I doubt if such
be the case. Marco Polo himself speaks of
an island lying far out in the ocean which
washes the eastern shores of Asia — the great
Cipango, abounding in riches and precious
stones, which has never been subdued by
the sovereign of Cathay, although he has
made attempts to conquer it. This island
I deem it necessary to discover, in the first
place ; then, even after it is circumnavigated
or passed over — and the last may be the
easier way — a voyage of long duration will
still have to be accomplished before the
empire of Cathay is reached. When I speak
of a passage over this unknown island, I do
so in view of its great extent, as I estimate
it to be of such size that it might more
properly be designated Terra Firma,^ being,
according to my calctilations, as large as, if
not larger than, the whole of Europe. And
herein do I estimate most highly the worth
of the discoveries which your excellency
has made, and their importance to this
realm, as it will now be comparatively easy

' In this sense, the main-land, or continent, as op-
posed to islands, the Latin form, terra, is almost in-
variably used by the Spaniards, instead of tierra.
70

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS

to pass the lands you have fallen in with by-
sailing either in a more northerly or a more
southerly direction, in either case striking
the cotmtry I have in my mind."

"Nay, nay, good Signor Vespucci. I
have the confidence in my heart that you
are mistaken. I feel, indeed, persuaded, by
the many and wonderful manifestations of
divine Providence in my especial favor, that
I am the chosen instrument of God in bring-
ing to pass a great event: no less than the
conversion of millions who are now existing
in the darkness of paganism. I wotild, in-
deed, provide for the good of the poor natives
we have already met, as well by building
cities on their islands and ctiltivating their
lands, as by the erection of churches and
the establishment of Christian worship. But
I would by no means forget the greater end
in view — namely, that of bringing to bear
upon the infidels the wealth and power of
the vast kingdom of Cathay, that thus being
encompassed, by the armies from Europe on
the one side, and by the innvimerable hosts
of Asia on the other, they may be utterly
destroyed, and the tomb of otir Lord be
again placed in the possession of the true
believers. ... In these things I marvel much
71

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

at your incredulity, Signer Vespucci, seeing
that you have often had opportunities of
conversing with the learned physicist Paolo,
yotir own countryman — peace to his ashes ! —
who in his lifetime so nearly coincided with
me in opinion."

"I have, indeed, as your excellency ob-
serves, oftentimes disputed and argued with
the venerable Toscanelli, and to him is due
much of the little knowledge I have been
able to acquire in cosmography and astron-
omy. But from him I also learned that the
descriptions which are given by Marco Polo
were considered by many wise men as not
altogether beyond the reach of doubt. If,
then, he is in error in some particulars, how
shall we draw the line, and say wherein he
speaks the truth of his own knowledge?
And how could he know the distance which
exists between Cathay and the western
shores of Europe, save by hearsay, and the
reports of mariners on that unknown shore,
who themselves must have been falsifiers,
as it is well known that not one of them has
ever appeared here who might have esti-
mated the distance? I cannot, then, think
that we are so near to Cathay as your ex-
cellency supposes, and had much rather fol-
72

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS

low the opinion that you have possibly ap-
proached the shore that has been hitherto
represented as inaccessible to mortals."

"You speak of the paradise, which so
many sound and able divines assert to be
still in existence on earth."

"I do, though not so firmly believing in
the relation as they do. If there be such a
place existing, as described by the learned
St. Basil, methinks it must be near unto
those balmy isles which you have discovered,
so similar in climate and in verdancy."

" Such, in sooth, has often been my opin-
ion, and I deem it not to be inconsistent with
the other, which holds to the proximity of
Cathay. Oh, that I might, through the grace
of God and intercession of the saints, ever
arrive at that blessed spot, where all is hap-
piness and beauty; where the harmonious
songs of birds ever faU gratefully on the ear ;
where the air is filled with the fragrance of
flowers, and a perpetual spring, combining
with its own beauties those of every other
season of the year, continually prevails;
where the limpid waters flow smoothly and
gently, or gush forth in purest fountains;
where all is suggestive of perennial youth,
and decay and death are unknown !
73

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

But I perceive, Signer, that you are in-
credulous, as to this region of bliss, and
even smile at my belief. Remember, then,
that herein I only follow the opinions of the
wise and learned fathers of our Church, but
that in regard to Cathay I am supported by
ample proof, from the discoveries of travel-
lers and the relations of cosmographers."

" I am ever willing to yield to proofs ; but
methinks that the fotmdation of the error
under which your excellency seems to labor
is this: that you do not make sufficient
allowance for exaggeration in the accounts
of the great traveller Marco Polo. It ap-
pears to me that he has deceived himself as
to the extent to which he penetrated Cathay,
and that he has thereby carried out the
eastern coast too far into the ocean. That
being so, the learned Paolo, my countryman,
in following him, finds it necessary to shorten
the extent of ocean which intervenes between
Cathay and Europe, in order to render ac-
curate his estimate of the circumference of
the globe."

" I note your objections, but cannot deem

them correct, and yet hope to deliver the

letters of my sovereigns, with which I was

charged in my recent voyage, to the grand

74

CONVERSATIONS WITH COLUMBUS

klian in person. But let us examine this
question of longitude, for therein I am inter-
ested deeply, and have small doubt that I
can turn you to my opinions."

"Most gladly will I do so, most noble
admiral, for I am strongly moved to tempt
the ocean myself, in the hope of adding
something to the knowledge of mariners."

Within four or five years from the con-
jectural date of this dialogue, Vespucci made
his first voyage, and saw for himself some
of those "isles of paradise" which had so
charmed Columbus. This was either in the
year 1497 o^ i499> depending upon whether
we accept his own statement or the opinion
of those who have challenged the authentic-
ity of his narrative.

VI

Vespucci's debatable voyage
1497-1498

IT has been said that the house of Berardi,
with which Vespucci was connected as a
partner, outfitted the large fleet for the
second voyage of Columbus in 1493; t)^^
this is true only in the sense that it served
the crown in the capacity of sub-contractor.
The real head of Indian affairs was the arch-
deacon of Seville, Juan Rodriguez de Fon-
seca, who first rose to prominence at this
time as general superintendent of all the
New-World business, and for thirty years
controlled the same. Invested by King
Ferdinand with great, almost iinlimited,
power, he has the credit of having founded
the royal India house, which was of such
importance in the colonizing of new terri-
tory, and by the favor of which alone any
voyage of discovery could be projected and
carried to a successful conclusion,
76

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

Fonesca has been held up to obloquy by
the admirable eulogist of Columbus, Mr.
Irving, "as a warning example of those per-
fidious beings in office, who too often lie
like worms at the root of honorable enter-
prise, blighting by their unseen influence the
fruits of glorious action and disappointing
the hopes of nations." This denunciation he
incurred by thwarting the schemes of Colum-
bus, in their minor details at first, after-
wards becoming his open and determined
enemy. The first instance in which the two
great men fell out occurred when Ponseca
opposed the pretensions of Columbus and
attempted to check his extravagance in the
matter of personal retinue. Among other
requisitions which Columbus sent in, those
for ten footmen and twenty menials for his
domestic establishment were objected to by
the superintendent as superfluous.

In connection with the treasurer, Francis-
co Pinelo, and the contador, Juan de Soria,
Fonseca used his utmost efforts to raise the
necessary funds for the expedition, to pro-
vide for the vast expenses of which, says
Mr. Irving himself, "the royal revenue aris-
ing from two-thirds of the Church tithes was
placed at the disposition of Pinelo; and
77

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

other funds were drawn from a disgraceful
source — from the jewels and other valuables,
the sequestrated property of the unfortunate
Jews, banished from the kingdom according
to a bigoted edict of the previous year. As
these sources were still inadequate, Pinelo
was authorized to supply the deficiency by
a loan. Requisitions were likewise made for
provisions of all kinds, as well as for artillery,
powder, muskets, lances, corselets, and cross-
bows. . . . The military stores which had ac-
cumulated during the war with the Moors
of Granada furnished a great part of these
supplies."

Having great difficulty, therefore, in meet-
ing the really needful demands of the expe-
dition, it was quite natural that Fonseca
should desire to cut down those he deemed
extravagant, and it must be admitted that
among these he might rightfully class the
requisitions of Coliunbus intended merely to
support his newly acquired dignity as ad-
miral and grandee. He was supported by
the sovereigns, however, and Fonseca was
rebuked for denying him anything he de-
sired. He was reminded that the expedi-
tion was intended solely to extend the
power and prestige of the crown, and that
78

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

but for Columbus it would never have been
assembled, hence he was to study his wishes
and comply with his demands. This implied
reproof cut the haughty prelate to the heart,
and from these trivial differences, remarks
Mr. Irving, "we must date the rise of that
singular hostility which he ever afterwards
manifested towards Columbus, which every
year increased in rancor, and which he grati-
fied in the most invidious manner by secret-
ly multiplying impediments and vexations
in his path."

But for the fact that this enmity existing
between Fonseca and Columbus made pos-
sible the first voyage of Amerigo Vespucci,
we shoidd not feel called upon to more
than mention the first named in connection
with an expedition in which all three were
so deeply interested. The fleet finally sailed
away, ptirsued by the maledictions of Fon-
seca, and followed by the heart-felt longings
of Vespucci. Some historians have stated
that the Florentine sailed with Columbus on
this second voyage ; but there are no records
to prove this assertion, and he himself never
made the claim. We have every reason for
believing that he continued in his employ-
ment as ptirveyor to the crown and con-
79

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

tractor for the furnishing of fleets, with his
residence sometimes at Seville and some-
times at Cadiz, as occasion demanded, the
office of the India house being at the former
city, and the port of customs and sailing at
the latter. He was, undoubtedly, brought
into more or less intimate contact with
Fonseca, whose supervision of colonial af-
fairs and control of expeditionary fleets de-
manded his constant attention for many
years. He probably appreciated such a
man as Vespucci, whose even temper and
mastery of detail, combined with great
sagacity and learning, were invaluable to
the man who was building up a government
beyond the ocean. They were nearly of the
same age — Fonseca having been born in
1 441 — and at this time in the fulness of their
natural powers.

Just what Vespucci was doing in the two
years succeeding to the departtire of Colum-
bus is not definitely known; but in Decem-
ber, 1495, we find him actively engaged in
settling the estate of Juan Berardi, who had
died in that month and year. He was then,
it appears, the most influential if not the
sole member of the firm then resident in
Spain, and after Berardi's death he imder-
80

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

took and carried out the contracts entered
into by the senior partner with the govern-
ment.

About three himdred years after the death
of Vespucci, some ancient documents were
discovered by a Spanish historian, in which
it was shoAmn that on January 12, 1496, the
royal treasurer, Pinelo, had paid to Vespucci
the sum of ten thousand maravedis on ac-
count. He advanced pay and furnished sub-
sistence for the mariners of an expedition
which sailed on February 3, 1496, and was
wrecked two weeks later, with the loss of
several lives. The fragmentary records also
show, apparently, that in the year 1497 ^^^
the early part of 1498, Vespucci was "bus-
ily engaged at Seville and San Lucar, in the
equipment of the fleet with which Coliunbus
sailed on his third voyage " ; and yet, accord-
ing to a letter which he wrote a former friend
in 1504, he was himself upon the ocean at
that very time, seeking to rival Columbus in
the discovery of a continent!

The exact truth may never be learned as
to this reputed voyage of Vespucci, which
he calls his "first," and which his enemies
say was never made! It seems incredible
that he should be the "sole authority" for
81

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

this voyage, and that all contemporary his-
tory "is absolutely silent in regard to it";
yet, so far as we can ascertain, it is the
truth. Leaving for future discussion, how-
ever, the proof and disproof of this voyage
— merely pausing to remark that at the
period mentioned a man holding his rela-
tions to Fonseca would have had no diffi-
culty in obtaining permission to make such
a voyage, even without the sanction of royal
authority — we will now peruse the famous
letter. It is addressed to " Piero Soderini,
Perpetual Gonfaloniere of the Republic of
Florence," and was written in 1504.

"Most excellent Sir, — . . . The principal rea-
son why I am induced to write is the request of the
bearer, Benvenuto Benvenuti, the devoted servant
of your Excellency and my particular friend. He
happened to be here in this city of Lisbon, and re-
quested that I would impart to yovir Excellency
a description of the things seen by me in various
climes, in the course of four voyages which I have
made for the discovery of new lands, two by the
authority and command of Don Ferdinand, King
of Castile, in the great Western Ocean, and the
other two by order of Dom Manuel, King of Por-
tugal, towards the south. So I resolved to write,
as requested, and set about the performance of my
task, because I am certain that your Excellency
counts me among the number of your most devoted
82

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

servants, remembering that in the time of our
youth, we were friends, going daily to study the
rudiments of grammar, under the excellent in-
struction of the venerable brother of St. Mark,
Friar Georgio Antonio Vespucci, my imcle, whose
counsels would to God I had followed! for then,
as Petrarch says, I should have been a different
man from what I am.

"... Yotir Excellency will please to observe that
I came into the kingdom of Spain for the purpose
of engaging in mercantile affairs, and that I con-
tinued to be thus employed about four years [six
or seven], during which I saw and experienced the
fickle movements of fortune, and how she ordered
the changes of these transitory and perishing
worldly goods, at one time sustaining a man at
the top of the wheel, and at another returning him
to the lowest part thereof, and depriving him of
her favors, which may truly be said to be lent.
Thus having experienced the continual labor of
one who would acquire her favors, subjecting my-
self to very many inconveniences and dangers, I
concluded to abandon mercantile affairs and direct
my attention to something more laudable and
stable. For this purpose I prepared myself to
visit various parts of the world, and see the won-
derful things which might be found therein. Time
and place were very opportunely offered me when
I came to this conclusion.

"King Ferdinand of Castile had ordered four
ships to go in search of new lands, and I was
selected by his highness to go in that fleet, in
order to assist in the discoveries. We sailed from
the port of Cadiz on the loth of May, a.d. 1497.
&3

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

and steering our course through the great Western
Ocean, spent eighteen months in our expedition,
discovering much land and a great number of
islands, the largest part of which were inhabited.
As these are not spoken of by the ancient writers,
I presume they were ignorant of them. If I am
not mistaken, I well remember to have read in
one of their books, which I possessed, that this
ocean was considered unpeopled. In this voyage
I saw many astonishing things, as your Excellency
will perceive by the following relation.

"We had sailed so rapidly that at the end of
twenty-seven days we came in sight of land, which
we judged to be a continent, being about a thou-
sand leagues west of the Fortunate Islands, now
called the Grand Canaries. Here we anchored our
ships at a league and a half from the shore, and,
having cast oflE our boats and filled them with men
and arms, proceeded to land. Before we landed
we were much cheered by the sight of many people
rambling along the shore. We found that they
were all in a state of nudity, and they appeared
to be afraid of us, as I suppose from seeing us
clothed and of a different stature from themselves.
They retreated to a mountain, and, notwithstand-
ing all the signs of peace and friendship we could
make, we could not bring them to parley with us;
so, as the night was coming on and the ships were
anchored in an insecvire place, we agreed to leave
there and go in search of some port or bay where
we could place our ships in safety.

"We sailed two days along the coast, and on the
morning of the third day, as dawn appeared, we
saw on shore a great number of men, with their
84

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

wives and children, all laden with provisions. Be-
fore we reached the land many of them swam to
meet us, the distance of a bow-shot into the sea
(as they are most excellent swimmers), and they
treated us with as much confidence as if we had
had intercourse with them for a long time, which
gratified us much. All that we know of their life
and manners is that they go entirely naked, not
having the slightest covering whatever; they are
of middling stature and very well proportioned,
and their flesh is a reddish color, like the skin of
a lion ; but I think if they had been accustomed to
wear clothing they would have been as white as
we are. They have no hair on the body, except
very long hair on the head; but the women espe-
cially derive attractiveness from this. Their coun-
tenances are not handsome, as they have large
faces, which might be compared with those of the
Tartars. Both men and women are very agile,
easy in their carriage, and swift in running or walk-
ing, so that the women think nothing of speeding
a league or two, as we have many a time beheld.

"Their weapons are bows and arrows beauti-
fully wrought, but unfurnished with iron or any
other hard metal, in place of which they make use
of the teeth of animals, or fish, or sometimes a
slip of hard-wood, made harder at the point by
fire. They are sure marksmen, who hit whatever
they wish, and in some parts the women also use
the bow with dexterity. They have other arms,
such as lances and staves, with heads finely
wrought. When they make war they take their
wives with them — not to fight, but to carry pro-
visions on their backs, a woman frequently carry-
7 8s

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

ing a bttrden in this manner for thirty or forty-
leagues, which the strongest man among them
could not do, as we have witnessed many times.

"These people have no captains, neither do they
march in order, but each one is his own master.
The cause of their wars is not a love of conquest,
or of enlarging their boundaries, neither are they
incited to engage in them by inordinate covetous-
ness [unlike the Spaniards], but from ancient en-
mity which has existed among them in times past ;
and having been asked why they made war, they
could give us no other reason than that they did
it to avenge the deaths of their ancestors. Neither
have these people kings or lords, nor do they obey
any one, but live in their own entire liberty; and
the manner in which they are incited to go to war
is this: when their enemies have killed or taken
prisoners any of their people, the oldest relative
rises and goes about proclaiming his wrongs aloud,
and calling upon them to go with him to avenge
the death of his relation. Thereupon they are
moved with sympathy and make ready for the
fight.

"They have no tribunals of justice, neither do
they punish malefactors ; and what is still more
astonishing, neither father nor mother chastises
the children when they do wrong; yet, astoimding
as it may seem, there is no strife between them;
or, to say the least, we never saw any. They ap-
pear simple in speech, but in reality are very
shrewd and cunning in any matter which interests
them. They speak but little, and that little in a
low tone of voice, using the same accentuation that
we use, and forming the words with the palate,
86

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

teeth, and lips; but they have a different mode
of diction. There is a great diversity of language
among them, inasmuch as every hundred leagues
or so we found people who could not understand
one another. Their mode of life is most barbarous ;
they do not eat at regular intervals; but it is a
matter of indifference to them whether appetite
comes at midnight or at mid-day, and they eat upon
the ground at all hours, without napkin or table-
cloth, having their food in earthen basins, which
they manufacture, or in half-gourd shells or cala-
bashes. They sleep in nets of cotton, very large
and suspended in the air; and although this may
seem a very bad way of sleeping, I can vouch for
the fact that it is extremely pleasant, and one
sleeps better thus than on a mattress. They are
neat and clean in their persons, which is a natural
consequence of their perpetual bathing; but some
of their habits are unmentionable. . . .

"... We are not aware that these people have
any laws. Neither are they like Moors or Jews,
but worse than Gentiles or Pagans, because we have
never seen them offer any sacrifice, and they have
no houses of prayer. From their voluptuous man-
ner of life, I consider them as Epicureans. Their
dwellings are in communities and their houses are
in the form of huts, but strongly built of large tree-
trunks and covered with palm leaves, secure from
winds and storms. In some places they are of such
great length that in a single house we saw six hun-
dred people, and we found that the population of
thirteen houses only amounted to four thousand.
They change their location every seven or eight
years, and on being asked why they did so they
87

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

said it was on account of the intense heat of the
sun upon the soil, which by that time became in-
fected and corrupted, and caused pains in their
bodies, which seemed to us reasonable.

"The riches of these people consist in birds'
feathers of beautiful colors, of beads, which they
fabricate from fish-bones or colored stones, with
which they decorate their cheeks, lips, and ears, and
of many other things which are held in little or no
esteem by us. They carry on no commerce, nei-
ther buying nor selling, and, in short, live content-
edly with what nature gives them. The riches
which we esteem so highly in Europe and other
parts — such as gold, jewels, pearls, and other
wealth — they have no regard for at all. They
are liberal in giving, never denying one anything,
and, on the other hand, are just as free in ask-
ing. . . .

"In case of death they make use of various
funeral obsequies. Some bury their dead with
water and provisions placed at their heads, think-
ing they may have occasion to eat and drink, but
they make no parade in the way of funeral cere-
monies. In some places they have a most barbar-
ous mode of interment, which is thus: When one
is sick or infirm, and nearly at the point of death,
his relatives carry him into a large forest, and there
attaching one of their sleeping-hammocks to two
trees, they place the sick person in it, and continue
to swing him about for a whole day, and when
night comes, after placing at his head water and
provisions sufficient to sustain him for five or six
days, they return to their village. If the sick per-
son can help himself to eat and drink, and recovers
88

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

sufficiently to be able to return to the village, his
people receive him again with great ceremony; but
few are they who escape this mode of treatment,
as most of them die without being visited, and that
is their only burial.

"They use in their diseases various kinds of
medicines, so different from any in vogue with us
that we are astonished that any escaped. I often
saw, for instance, that when a person was sick with
a fever, which was increasing upon him, they
bathed him from head to foot with cold water, and
making a great fire around him, they made him
turn round in a circle for about an hotir or two,
ttntil they fatigued him and left him to sleep.
Many were cured in this way. They also observe
a strict diet, eating nothing for three or four days.
They practise blood-letting ; not on the arm, unless
in the arm-pit, but generally taking it from the
thighs and haunches. Their blood or phlegm is
much disordered on account of their food, which
consists mainly of the roots of herbs, of fruit, and
fish. They have no wheat or other grain, but in-
stead make use of the root of a tree [shrub] from
which they manufacture flour, which is very good
and called huca [yucca] ; the flotu" from another root
is called kazabi, and from another igname.

"They eat little meat except human flesh, and
you will notice that in this particular they are more
savage than beasts, because all their enemies who
are killed or taken prisoners, whether male or
female, are devoured with so much fierceness that
it seems disgusting to relate, much more to see it
done, as I, with my own eyes, have many times
witnessed this proof of their inhumanity. Indeed,
89

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

they marvelled much to hear us say that we did
not eat our enemies.

"And your Excellency may rest assured that
their other barbarous customs are so numerous
that it is impossible herein to describe them all.
As in these voyages I have witnessed so many
things at variance with our own customs, I pre-
pared myself to write a collection, which I call
The Four Voyages, in which I have related the
major part of the things I saw as clearly as my
feeble capacity would permit. This work is not
yet published, though many advise me to publish
it. In it everjrthing will appear minutely, there-
fore I shall not enlarge any more in this letter, be-
cause in the course of it we shall see many things
which are peculiar. Let this suffice for matters
in general.

' ' In this commencement of discoveries we did
not see anything of much profit in the country, ow-
ing as I think to our ignorance of the language, ex-
cept some few indications of gold. We concluded
to leave this place and go onward, and coasted
along the shore, making many stops, and holding
discourses with many people, until after some days
we came into a harbor, where we fell into a very
great danger, from which it pleased the Holy Spirit
to deliver us. It happened in this manner: We
landed in a port where we found a village built over
the water, like Venice. There were about forty-
four houses, shaped like bells, built upon very large
piles, having entrances by means of draw-bridges,
so that by laying the bridges from house to house
the inhabitants could pass through the whole.

"When the people saw us they appeared to be
90

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

afraid of us, and, to protect themselves, suddenly
raised all their bridges and shut themselves up in
their houses. While we were looking at them and
wondering at this proceeding, we saw, coming in
from the sea, about two and twenty canoes, which
are the boats they make use of, and are carved out
of a single tree. They came directly towards our
boats, appearing to be astonished at our figures
and dress, and keeping at a little distance from us.
This being the case, we made signals of friendship
to induce them to approach, endeavoring to reas-
sure them by every token of kindness ; but seeing
that they did not come we went towards them.
They would not wait for us, however, but fled to
the land, making signs to us to wait, and giving us
to understand that they would return. They fled
to a mountain, but did not tarry long there, and
when they returned brought with them sixteen of
their young maidens, and entering into their canoes
came near and put four of them into each boat, at
which we were very much astonished, as your
Excellency may well imagine. Then they mingled
with their canoes among our boats, and we con-
sidered their coming to us in this manner to be a
token of friendship. Taking this for granted, we
saw a great crowd of people swimming towards us
from the houses without any suspicion. At this
junctiire some old women showed themselves at the
doorways of the huts, wailing and tearing their
hair, as if in great distress. From this we began
to be suspicious, and had recourse to our weap-
ons, when suddenly the young girls, who were in
our boats, threw themselves into the sea, and
the canoes at the same time moved away, the
91

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

people in them assailing us with their bows and
arrows.

"Those who came swimming towards us brought
each a lance, concealed as much as possible under
the water, and their treachery being thus dis-
covered, we began not only to defend ourselves,
but to act severely on the defensive. We over-
turned many of the canoes with our boats, and
making considerable slaughter among them they
soon abandoned the canoes altogether and swam
for the shore. Fifteen or twenty were killed, and
many wounded, on their side, while on ours five
were slightly wounded, all the rest escaping by
divine Providence, and these five being quickly
cured. We took prisoners two of their girls and
three men, and on entering their huts found one
sick man and two old women. Returning to our
boats and thence to the ships, with the five prison-
ers, we put irons upon the feet of each, excepting
the two young females; yet when night came the
two girls and one of the men escaped, in the most
artful manner in the world.

"The next day we concluded to depart from this
port, and at length came to anchor at about eighty
leagues distance, and found another tribe of people
whose customs and language were very different
from those we had last seen. We determined to
land, seeing there a great multitude numbering
about four thousand. They did not wait to receive
us, but fled precipitately to the woods, abandoning
all their things. We leaped ashore, and taking the
path which led to the wood, found their tents
within the space of a bow-shot, where they had
made a great fire and two of them were cook-
92

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

ing their food, roasting many animals of various
kinds.

"We noticed that they were roasting a certain
animal that looked like a serpent ; it had no wings,
and was so disgusting in appearance that we were
astonished at its deformity. As we went through
their huts or tents, we found many of these serpents
alive. Their feet were tied, and they had a cord
about their snouts so that they could not open
their mouths, as dogs are sometimes muzzled so
they may not bite. These animals had such a
savage appearance that none of us durst turn one
over, thinking they might be poisonous.' They
are about the size of a kid, about the length and
a half of a man's arm, and have long, coarse feet
armed with large nails. Their skin is hard, and
they are of various colors. They have the snout
and face of a serpent, and from the nose there runs
a crest, passing over the middle of the back to the
root of the tail. We finally concluded that they
were serpents, and poisonous; yet, nevertheless,
they were eaten by the natives.

"... Finally these people became very friendly,
told us that this was not their place of dwelling, but
that they had come there only to carry on their
fishery. They importuned us so much to go to
their village that, having taken counsel, twenty-
three of us Christians concluded to go with them,
well prepared, and with firm resolution to die man-
fully if such was to be our fate. Three leagues

' These "serpents" were iguanas, and were seen and
described by Christopher and Bartholomew Columbus,
long before Vespucci made his voyages.

93

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

from the coast we arrived at a well-peopled village,
where we were received with so many and such
barbarous ceremonies that no pen is equal to the
task of describing them. There was dancing and
singing, weeping mingled with rejoicing, and great
feasting. After having passed the night and half
of the next day, an immense number of people vis-
iting us from motives of curiosity, we determined
to proceed still farther inland, having been de-
sired to visit other villages. And it is impossible
to tell how much honor they did us there. We
visited so many villages that we spent nine days in
the journey. On our return we were accompanied
by a wonderful number of both sexes, quite to the
sea-shore; and when any of us grew weary with
walking, they carried us in their hammocks, much
at our ease. Many of them were laden with the
presents they made us, consisting of very rich
plumage, many bows and arrows, and an infinite
variety of parrots, beautiful and varied in colors.
Others carried loads of provisions and animals.
For a greater wonder, I will tell your Excellency
that when we had to cross a river they carried us
on their backs.

"Having arrived at the sea and entered the
boats, which had come ashore for us, we are aston-
ished at the crowd which endeavored to get into
the boats to go to see our ships, for they were so
overloaded that they were ofttimes on the point
of sinking. We carried as many as we could on
board, and so many more came by swimming that
we were quite troubled at the multitude, although
they were all naked and unarmed. They marvel-
led greatly at the size of our ships, our equipments,
94

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

and implements. Here quite a laughable occur-
rence took place, at their expense. We concluded
to try the effect of discharging some of our artillery,
and when they heard the thimderous report the
greater part of them jumped into the sea from
fright, acting like frogs sitting on a bank, who
plunge into the water on the approach of anything
that alarms them. Those who remained on the
ship were so timorous that we repented of hav-
ing done this. However, we reassured them by
telling them that these were our arms, with which
we killed our enemies. After they had amused
themselves on the ship all day, we told them that
they must go, as we wished to depart in the night ;
so they took leave of us with many demonstrations
of friendship, even affection, and went ashore.

"I saw more of the manners and customs of
these people while in their country than I care to
dwell on here. Your Excellency will notice that
in each of my voyages I have noted the most ex-
traordinary things which have occurred, and have
compiled the whole into one volume, in the style
of a geography, and entitled it The Four Voyages.
In this work will be found a minute description of
the things which I saw; but, as there is no copy
of it yet published, owing to my being obliged to
examine it carefully and make corrections, it be-
comes necessary for me to impart them to you
herein.

"This country is full of inhabitants and con-
tains a great many rivers. Very few of the animals
are similar to ours, excepting the lions, panthers,
stags, hogs, goats, and deer, and even these are a
little different in form. They have neithes horses,

95

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

mules, nor asses ; neither cows, dogs, nor any kind
of domestic animals. Their other animals, how-
ever, are so very numerous that it is impossible to
count them, and all of them so wild that they can-
not be employed for serviceable uses. But what
shall I say of the birds, which are so numerous and
of so many species and varieties of plumage that
it is astounding to behold them ? The country is
pleasant and fruitful, full of woods and forests
which are always green, as they never lose their
foliage. The fruits are numberless and totally
different from ours. The land lies within the torrid
zone, under the parallel which describes the Tropic
of Cancer, where the pole is elevated twenty-three
degrees above the horizon.

"A great many people came to see us and were
astonished at our features and the whiteness of
otir skins. They asked us where we came from,
and we gave them to understand that we came
from heaven, with the view of visiting the world,
and they believed us. In this country we estab-
lished a baptismal font, and great numbers were
baptized. They called us, in their language,
Carabi, which means men of great wisdom. The
natives call this province Lariab. We left the port
and sailed along the coast, in sight of land, until
we had run, calculating our advances and retro-
gressions, eight hundred and seventy leagues tow-
ards the northwest, making many stops by the way
and having intercourse with many people. In some
places we found traces of gold, but in small quan-
tities, it being sufficient for us to have discovered
the country and to know that there was gold in it.

"We had now been thirteen months on the voy-
96

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

age, and the ships and rigging were much worn,
the men very weary. So by common consent we
agreed to careen our ships on the beach in order
to calk and pitch them anew, as they leaked badly,
and then to return to Spain. When we took this
resolution we were near one of the best harbors in
the world, entering which we found a vast number
of people, who received us most kindly. We made
a breastwork on shore with our boats and casks,
and placed our artillery so it would play over them ;
then, having unloaded and lightened our ships, we
hauled them to land and repaired them wherever
they needed it. The natives were of great assist-
ance to us, continually providing food, so that in
this port we consumed very little of our own.
This served us a very good turn, for our provisions
were poor and the stock so much reduced at this
time that we feared it would hardly last us on our
return to Spain.

"Having stayed here thirty-seven days, visiting
their villages many times, where they paid us the
highest honors, we wished to depart on our voyage.
Before we set sail the natives complained to us that
at certain times in the year there came from the
sea into their territory a very cruel tribe, who,
either by treachery or force, killed many of them
and captured others, whom they ate, for they were
man-eaters. They signified to us that this tribe
were islanders, and lived at about one hundred
leagues distance at sea. They narrated this to us
with so much simplicity and feeling that we credit-
ed their story and promised to avenge their great
injuries; whereat they were rejoiced, and many
offered to go with us. We did not wish to take
97

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

them for many reasons, and only carried seven, on
the condition that they should come back in their
own canoes, for we could not enter into obligations
to return them to their own country. With this
they were content, and then we parted from these
gentle people, leaving them very well disposed
towards us.

"Our ships having been repaired, we set sail on
our return, taking a northeasterly course, and at
the end of seven days fell in with some islands.
There were a great many of them, some peopled,
others uninhabited. We landed at one of them,
where we saw many people, who called the island
Iti. Having filled our boats with good men, and
put three rounds of shot in each boat, we proceeded
towards the land, where we saw about four hun-
dred men and many women, all naked, like those
we had seen before. They were of good stature
and appeared to be very warlike men, being armed
with bows and arrows and lances. The greater
part of them carried staves of a square form, at-
tached to their persons in such a manner that they
were not prevented from drawing the bow. As we
approached within bow-shot of the shore, they all
leaped into the water and shot their arrows at us
to prevent our landing. They were painted with
various colors and plumed with feathers, and the
interpreters with us said that when they were thus
painted and plumed they showed a wish to fight.
They persisted so much in their endeavors to deter
us from landing that we were at last compelled to
fire on them with our artillery. Hearing the thun-
der of our cannon and seeing some of their people
fall dead, they all retreated to the shore. Having
98

VESPUCCI'S DEBATABLE VOYAGE

consulted together, forty of us resolved to leap
ashore and, if they waited for us, to fight them.
Proceeding thus, they attacked us and we fought
about two ho\irs, with little advantage, except that
our bow-men and gunners killed some of their peo-
ple and they wounded some of ours. This was be-
cause we could not get a chance to use lance or
sword. We finally, by desperate exertion, were
enabled to flash our swords, and as soon as they
had a taste of our weapons they fled to the woods
and mountains, leaving us masters of the field, with
many of their people killed or wounded. This day
we did not pursue them, because we were much
fatigued, but returned to our ships, the seven men
who had come with us being highly rejoiced.

' ' The next day we saw a great number of people
coming through the country, still offering us signs
of battle, sounding horns and shells, and all painted
and plumed, which gave them a strange and fero-
cious appearance.* Whereupon all in the ships
held a grand coimcil, and it was determined that,
since these people were determined to be at enmity
with us, we should go to meet them and do every-
thing to engage their friendship ; but in case they
would not receive it, resolved to treat them as
enemies and to make slaves of all we could capture.
Having armed ourselves in the best manner possi-
ble, we immediately rowed ashore, where they did
not resist our landing, from fear, as I think, of our

'The fierce islanders, so accurately described by
Vespucci, were doubtless the Caribs, and the numerous
islands were probably Grenada and the Grenadines,
perhaps including St. Vincent, in the north, where de-
scendants of those Caribs live to-day.

99

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

bombardment. We disembarked in four squares,
being fifty-seven men, each captain with his own
men, and then engaged them in battle. After a
protracted fight, having killed many, we put them
to fiight and pursued them to their village, taking
about two hundred and fifty prisoners. We then
burned the village and returned victorious to the
ships with our prisoners, leaving many killed and
wounded on their side, while on ours only one died
and not more than twenty-two were wounded.
The rest all escaped unhurt, for which God be
thanked !

"We soon arranged for our departure, and the
seven men, of whom five were wounded, took a
canoe from the island and, with three male and
four female prisoners that we gave them, returned
to their own country, very merry and greatly
astonished at oiar power. We also set sail for
Spain, with two hundred and twenty-three prison-
ers, and arrived at the port of Cadiz on October
iS, 1498, where we were well received and found a
market for our slaves. This is what happened to
me on this, my first voyage, that may be con-
sidered worth relating."

VII

I499-I500

THAT letter from Vespucci to the friend of
his youth, Soderini, purporting to narrate
the events of his first voyage, has proved a
prolific source of doubt and perplexity. Al-
though it was written before Columbus died,
and although it was published while most
of the actors therein mentioned were yet
living, its authenticity was unchallenged
until nearly a century after its appearance.
Herrera, it is believed, was the first to accuse
Vespucci of "artfully and wilfully falsifying
in his narrative, with a view to stealing from
Columbus the honor of being the discoverer
of America." This charge was made public
in his work on the West Indies, published
in 1 60 1, and ever since Vespucci has been
stigmatized as an impostor.

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

There is no ofificial record of the voyage
he claimed to have made in 1497-1498, and
historians are silent as to his actions, in fact,
during the period between 1496 and 1504.
This signifies little, according to the histo-
rian Gomara, who says: "Learning that the
territories which Columbus had discovered
were very extensive, many persons proceed-
ed to continue the exploration of them.
Some went at their own expense, others at
that of the king, all thinking to enrich
themselves, to acquire honor, and to gain
the royal approbation. But, as most of
these persons did nothing but discover,
memorials of them all have not come to my
knowledge, especially of those who went in
the direction of Paria, from the year 1495
to the year 1500."

Some writers have sought to "establish
an alibi" by showing that Vespucci was in
Spain throughout the period which, he says,
was passed by him at sea, on this "first"
voyage; but they have not been successful
in doing so. Some, again, have declared
that the narrative of the "four" voyages,
beginning in May, 1497, was made up of
that on which Vespucci certainly sailed with
Ojeda, in May, 1499. "The points of re-
102

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

semblance" — as the reader may see for him-
self — "are so many and so striking as to
seem not only conclusive, but to preclude
any other theory," says Alexander Hum-
boldt, who, in his Examen Critique, made
an exhaustive research into the Vespucci let-
ters. Humboldt completely vindicated the
character of Vespucci, leaving no shade of
doubt upon his integrity, but he did not
unravel the mystery.

How happens it that Vespucci could make
a voyage of which no record exists or was
ever known to exist ? Why did he not men-
tion the names of the fleet's commander?
Why do his descriptions of scenery and peo-
ple so closely resemble those of scenery and
people seen on the second voyage? He
alludes several times to his forthcoming
book, The Four Voyages (Quattro Giornate);
but no trace has ever been found of that
book, while the fragmentary letters to his
"patrons," Soderini and Francesco de Me-
dici, have survived to the present day.

Men of the keenest acimien and perfect-
ly equipped for historical research, such
as Humboldt, Irving, and Navarrete, have
devoted themselves to the solution of this
problem, but without complete success.
103

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

The first and the last named have cleared
his name from the aspersions of centuries;
the second and third, in their endeavors to
magnify Coltmibus by belittling Vespucci,
have not convinced posterity that the
Florentine was a liar and a villain. He
was neither one nor the other; and that he
was far more humane than his friend Co-
ltmibus has been amply shown in his treat-
ment of the Indians. He and his compan-
ions made a few slaves; they attacked the
cannibals in behalf of rival natives ; but they
did not, in their lust for gold, put Indians to
the torture, enslave whole tribes and com-
munities, and commit massacres.

Vespucci's character is comparatively free
from the stain of blood-guiltiness; from his
dealings with men at all times, we infer him
upright and honorable; yet he rests under
a cloud of suspicion, because that so-called
first voyage, which he says he took in 1497-
1498, cannot be explained. Suspicion also
attaches to his name because it was chosen
as an appellation for the New World, which
Columbus was the means of revealing to
Europe; but for this (as will be shown in a
succeeding chapter) he was not accountable.

Professor Fiske, following Vespucci's ardent
104

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

defender, the Viscovint Vamhagen, deduces
from the vague generalizations in this letter
that the voyage was made chiefly along the
Honduras, Yucatan, Mexican, and Florida
coasts, as far north, perhaps, as Chesapeake
Bay. The caimibals attacked by the Span-
iards were found, he says, in the Bermudas —
where no Indians were ever seen, so far as
known, and no cannibals inhabit, save,
perhaps, the great Shakespeare's "Caliban."
He accounts for the lost voyage by declaring
that it may have been taken with Pinzon
and SoKs, who were said to have been on
the coast of Honduras in 1506. There is no
certainty as to that date, and the voyage
may as well have been made in 1497-1498,
as indirectly shown by a passage in Oviedo's
history, as follows: "Some persons have
attributed the discovery of the bay of
Honduras to Don Christopher Coltimbus,
the first admiral; but this is not true, for
it was discovered by the pilots Vicente
Yanez Pinzon, Juan Diaz de Solis, and
Pedro de Ledesma, with three caravels; and
that was before Vicente Yanez had discov-
ered the river Amazon."

The Amazon and a portion of the Brazil
coast were discovered by Pinzon in January,
105

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

1500; and as the historian has proved to
his own satisfaction that the gallant Vicente
Yanez was in Spain during the years 1505
and 1506, it is probable that Oviedo is right.
It is also probable, or at least possible, that
Vespucci was with Pinzon on that Hondiiras
voyage as consulting navigator, having been
sent by the king, as he says, to "assist,"
in his capacity of astronomer and cosmog-
rapher. In this capacity, in fact, he went on
all his voyages, for he rarely, if ever, held
command. Captains, commanders, chief
mates, and admirals there might be in plen-
ty, but such a pilot and navigator as Ves-
pucci was hard to find.

It is not unreasonable to presume that
they were together, for the one was a skilful
sailor, the other a great navigator, and both
renowned for their hardihood and daring.
King Ferdinand had no more loyal servants
than these two, and as they had served him
faithfully in their respective professions, the
one on land, the other at sea, and inasmuch
as both were intimately acquainted with
Columbus and his plans, it was like the crafty
old king to send them off to scour the seas
his exacting "Admiral" claimed to control.
Thereafter — whether Pinzon and Vespucci
106

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

sailed together or not — their voyages alter-
nated along the coast of South America, first
one and then the other, and in 1 505-1 506 an
expedition was actually projected, in which
the king intended both should share. It did
not sail, because the Portuguese objected,
as its object was the exploration of the
Brazilian coast south of the Tropic of Capri-
corn, to all which the great rivals of the
Spaniards then made claim.

A seeming confirmation of this voyage is
found in the map Juan de la Cosa made, in
the year 1500, after he had been in com-
pany with Ojeda and Vespucci to the coast
of pearls. He was with Columbus, in 1494,
when the Admiral forced all his men to
swear that Cuba was, to the best of their
belief, part of the Asian continent. Yet,
within six years, La Cosa depicts it on his
map as an island — and that was before
Ocampo had proved it one, by sailing
aro\and it, in 1508. It is thought that La
Cosa obtained his information as to the in-
svlar character of Cuba from Vespucci, when
they voyaged together on the coast of Terra
Firma, which we now know as the northern
shores of South America.

Admitting, still, the critics say, that Ves-
107

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

pucci made the voyage he claimed, with
Pinzon or with some one else, in 1497-1498,
how does that affect the claim of Coliimbus ?
It does not affect it at all, for, though Ves-
pucci may have discovered the continent a
few months previous to his rival — and he
never put forth the claim that he did so —
Colimibus, by his voyages of 1492 and 1493,
led the way thither. If Vespucci, as some
have asserted, claimed to have sailed in
1497, in order to establish a priority of dis-
covery, he did it in a very bungling manner,
and at a time when it might easily have
been refuted, so many of his companions
were then living. Besides, though his name
was bestowed upon the newly discovered
continent — perhaps as a consequence of the
writing of this very letter — it was done with-
out his knowledge and without the remotest
suggestion of such a thing from him. This
should be made clear: that Amerigo Ves-
pucci had no thought of depriving his friend,
Christopher Columbus, of a single leaf of
his laurels, hard-won and well-deserved as
he knew them to be.

There is no doubt whatever that Vespucci
made a voyage in 1499-1500, along with
Alonzo de Ojeda and the great pilot Juan
108

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

de la Cosa, but whether this may be styled
his first or his second must be left to the
intelligence of the reader, for the historians
are at odds themselves, and it might seem
presumptuous in the biographer to assume
to decide. This voyage was narrated by him
in the following letter, written within a month
of his return, to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco
de Medici, of Florence. It is dated, "Se-
ville, July 1 8, 1500," and has been called by
one of his countrymen "the oldest known
writing of Amerigo relating to his voyages
to the New World." Mr. John Fiske, in The
Discovery of America, denounces this letter
as a forgery; but why, and for what reason
it shotdd have been written by another, he
does not state.

"Most excellent and dear Lord, — It is a long
time since I have written to your Excellency, and
for no other reason than that nothing has oc-
curred to me worthy of being commemorated.
This present letter will inform you that about a
month ago I arrived from the Indies, by way of
the great ocean, brought by the grace of God
safely to this city of Seville. I think your Ex-
cellency will be gratified to learn the results of
my voyage, and the most surprising things which
have been presented to my observation. If I am
somewhat tedious, let my letter be read in your
109

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

more idle hours, as fruit is eaten after the cloth is
removed from the table.

"You will please to note that, commissioned by
his highness the King of Spain, I set out with two
small ships, the i8th of May, 1499, on a voyage of
discovery to the southwest, by way of the Fortunate
Isles, which are now called the Canaries. After
having provided ourselves there with all things
necessary, first offering our prayers to God, we set
sail from an island which is called Gomera, and,
turning our prows southwardly, sailed twenty-four
days with a fresh wind, without seeing any land.
At the end of that time we came within sight of
land, and found that we had sailed about thirteen
hundred leagues, and were at that distance from
the city of Cadiz, in a southwesterly direction.
When we saw the land we gave thanks to God, and
then launched our boats and, with sixteen men,
went to the shore, which we found thickly cov-
ered with trees, astonishing both on account of
their size and their verdure, for they never lose
their foliage. The sweet odors which they exhaled
(for they were all aromatic) highly delighted us,
and we were rejoiced in regaling our senses.

' ' We rowed along the shore in the boats to see
if we could find any suitable place for landing ; but,
after toiling from morning till night, we found no
way of passage, the land being low and densely
covered with trees. We concluded, therefore, to
return to the ships and make an attempt to land
at some other spot.

"One very remarkable circumstance we observed
in these seas, which was that, at fifteen leagues dis-
tance from the land, we found the water fresh, like

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

that of a river, and we filled all our empty casks
with it. Sailing in a southerly direction, still along
the coast, we saw two larger rivers issuing from the
land ; and I think that these two rivers, by reason
of their magnitude, caused the freshness of the
water in the sea adjoining. Seeing that the coast
was invariably low, we determined to enter one of
these rivers with the boats, and did so, after fur-
nishing them with provisions for four days, and
twenty men well armed. We entered the river and
rowed up it nearly two days, making a distance of
about eighteen leagues ; but we found the low land
still continuing and so thickly covered with trees
that a bird could scarcely fly through them.

' ' We saw signs that the inland parts of the coun-
try were inhabited; nevertheless, as our vessels
were anchored in a dangerous place, in case an
adverse wind should arise, at the end of two days
we concluded to rettun. Here we saw an immense
number of birds, including parrots in great variety,
some crimson in color, others green and lemon,
others entirely green, and others again that were
black and flesh-colored [these last were probably
toucans]. And oh! the songs of other species of
birds, so sweet and so melodious, as we heard them
among the trees, that we often lingered, listening
to their charming music. The trees, too, were so
beautiftd and smelled so sweetly that we almost
imagined ourselves in a terrestrial paradise; yet
none of those trees, or the fruit of them, were
similar to an3rthing in our part of the world.

" On our way back we saw many people of vari-
ous descriptions fishing in the river. Having ar-
rived at our ships, we raised anchor and set sail in

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

a southerly direction, standing off to sea about
forty leagues. While sailing on this course, we
encountered a current running from southeast to
northwest, so strong and furious that we were put
into great fear and were exposed to imminent peril.
This current was so strong that the Strait of
Gibraltar and that of the Faro of Messina appeared
to us like mere stagnant water in comparison with
it. We could scarcely make headway against it,
though we had the wind fresh and fair; so, seeing
that we made no progress, or but very little, we
determined to turn our prows to the northwest.'

"As, if I remember aright, your Excellency un-
derstands something of cosmography, I intend to
describe to you our progress in our navigation by
the latitude and longitude. We sailed so far to the
south that we entered the torrid zone and pene-
trated the circle of Cancer. . . . Having passed the
equinoctial line and sailed six degrees to the south
of it, we lost sight of the north star altogether,
and even the stars of Ursa Major — or, to speak
better, the guardians which revolve about the
firmament — were scarcely seen. Very desirous of
being the author who should designate the other
polar star of the firmament, I lost, many a time,
my night's sleep, while contemplating the move-
ment of the stars about the southern pole. I de-
sired to ascertain which had the least motion, and
which might be nearest to the firmament; but I
was not able to accomplish it with such poor instru-

' The river was the Orinoco, the currents caused by
which set with great force in the direction given by
Vespucci.

112

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

ments as I used, which were the quadrant and
astrolabe. I could not distinguish a star which
had less than ten degrees of motion ; so that I was
not satisfied, within myself, to name any particular
one for the pole of the meridian, on account of the
large revolution which they all made around the
firmament.

" While I was arriving at this conclusion, I recol-
lected a verse of our poet Dante, which may be
found in the first chapter of his "Purgatory,"
where he imagines he is leaving this hemisphere
to repair to the other and attempting to describe
the antarctic pole, and says:

" ' To the right hand I turned, and fixed my mind
On the other pole attentive, where I saw

Four stars ne'er seen before, save by the ken
Of our first parents. Heaven of their rays

Seemed joyous. O ! thou northern site, bereft
Indeed, and widowed, since of these deprived!'

" It seems to me that the poet wished to describe
in these verses, by the four stars, the pole of the
other firmament, and I have little doubt, even now,
that what he says may be true. I observed four
stars in the figure of an almond which had but little
motion ; and if God gives me life and health I hope
to go again into that hemisphere and not to return
without observing the pole. In conclusion I wotdd
remark that we extended our navigation so far
south that our difference in latitude from the city
of Cadiz was sixty degrees and a half, because, at
that city, the pole is elevated thirty-five degrees
and a half, and we had passed six degrees beyond
the equinoctial line. Let this suffice as to our
113

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

latitude. You must observe that this our naviga-
tion was in the months of July, August, and Sep-
tember, when, as you know, the sun is longest above
the horizon in our hemisphere and describes the
greatest arch in the day and the least in the night.
On the contrary, while we were at the equinoctial
line, or near it, the difference between the day and
night was not perceptible. They were of equal
length, or very nearly so. . . .

"It appears to me, most excellent Lorenzo, that
by this voyage most of the philosophers are con-
troverted who say that the torrid zone cannot be
inhabited on account of the great heat. I have
found the case to be quite the contrary. The air
is fresher and more temperate in that region than
beyond it, and the inhabitants are more numerous
here than they are in the other zones, for reasons
which will be given below. Thus, it is certain,
that practice is more valuable than theory.

"Thus far I have related the navigation I ac-
complished in the South and West. It now re-
mains for me to inform you of the appearance of
the country we discovered, the nature of the in-
habitants and their customs, the animals we saw,
and of many other things worthy of remembrance
which fell under my observation. After we turned
our course to the north, the first land we fotjnd
inhabited was an island at ten degrees distant from
the equinoctial line [island of Trinidad]. When we
arrived at it we saw on the sea-shore a great many
people, who stood looking at us with astonish-
ment.

"We anchored within about a mile of land,
fitted out the boats, and twenty -two men, well
114

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

armed, made for the land. The people, when they
saw us landing and perceived that we were different
from themselves (because they have no beards and
wear no clothing of any description, being also of
a different color — brown, while we were white),
began to be afraid of us and all ran into the woods.
With great exertion, by means of signs, we reas-
sured them and found that they were a race called
cannibals, the greater part, or all of whom, live on
human flesh. Your Excellency may be assured of
this fact. They do not eat one another, but, navi-
gating with certain barks which they call canoes,
they bring their prey from the neighboring islands or
countries inhabited by those who are their enemies,
or of a different tribe from their own. They never
eat any women, unless they consider them as out-
casts. These things we verified in many places
where we found similar people. We often saw the
bones and heads of those who had been eaten, and
they who had made the repast admitted the fact
and said that their enemies stood in greater fear of
them on that account.

"Still, they are a people of gentle disposition and
fine stature, of great activity and much courage.
They go entirely naked, and the arms which they
carry are rare bows, arrows, and spears, with which
they are excellent marksmen. In fine, we held
much intercourse with them, and they took us to
one of their villages, about two leagues inland, and
gave us our breakfast. They gave whatever was
asked of them, though I think more through fear
than affection; and after having been with them
all one day we returned to the ships, sailing along
the coasts, and finding another large village of the
IIS

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

same tribe. We landed in the boats and found
they were waiting for us, all loaded with provisions,
and they gave us enough to make a very good
breakfast, according to their ideas.

"Seeing they were such kind people and treated
us so well, we did not take anything from them,
but made sail until we arrived at a body of water
which is called the Gulf of Paria. We anchored
off the mouth of a great river, which causes the
gulf to be fresh, and saw a large village close to the
sea. We were surprised at the great number of
people to be seen there, though they were without
weapons and peaceably disposed. We went ashore
with the boats, and they received us with great
friendship and took us to their houses, where they
had made good preparations for a feast. Here
they gave us three sorts of wine to drink ; not the
juice of the grape, but made of fruits, like beer,
and they were excellent. Here, also, we ate many
fresh acorns, a most royal fruit, and also others,
all different from ours, and all of aromatic flavor.

"What was more, they gave us some small pearls
and eleven large ones, telling us that if we would
wait some days they would go and fish for them
and bring us many of the kind. We did not wish
to be detained, so, with many parrots of different
colors, and in good friendship, we parted from
them. From these people it was we learned that
those of the before-mentioned island were canni-
bals and ate human flesh. We issued from the
gulf and sailed along the coast, seeing continually
great numbers of people; and when we were so
disposed we treated with them, and they gave us
everything we desired. They all go as naked as
ii6

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

they were bom, without being ashamed, and if all
were related concerning the little shame they have
it would be bordering on impropriety, therefore it
is better to suppress it.

"After having sailed about four hundred leagues,
continually along the coast, we concluded that this
land was a continent, which might be bounded by
the eastern parts of Asia, this being the commence-
ment of the western parts of the continent, be-
cause it happened that we saw divers animals, such
as lions, stags, goats, wild hogs, rabbits, and other
land animals which are not found in islands, but
only on the main-land. Going inland one day with
twenty men, we saw a serpent all of twenty-four
feet in length and as large in girth as myself. We
were very much afraid, and the sight of it caused
us to retiu-n immediately to the sea. Ofttimes, in-
deed, I saw many ferocious animals and enormous
serpents. When we had navigated four hundred
leagues along the coast, we began to find people
who did not wish for our friendship, but stood
waiting for us with their bows and arrows. When
we went ashore they disputed our landing in such
a manner that we were obliged to fight them, and
at the end of the battle they foiuid they had the
worst of it, for, as they were naked, we always made
great slaughter. Many times not more than six-
teen of us fought with no less than two thousand,
in the end defeating them, killing many, and
plundering their houses.

"One day we saw a great crowd of savages, all

posted in battle array, to prevent our landing.

We fitted out twenty-six men, well armed, and

covered the boats on account of the arrows which

9 117

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

were shot at us and which always wounded some
before we landed. After they had hindered us as
long as they could, we leaped on shore and fought
a hard battle with them. The reason why they
had so much courage and made such great exertion
against us was that they did not know what kind
of a weapon the sword was, or how it cuts! So
great was the multitude of people who charged
upon us, discharging at us such a cloud of arrows
that we could not withstand the assault, and,
nearly abandoning the hope of life, we turned our
backs and ran for the boats. While thus dis-
heartened and flying, one of our sailors, a Portu-
guese, who had remained to guard the boats, seeing
the danger we were in, leaped on shore and with a
loud voice called out to us : ' Face to the enemy,
sons, and God will give you the victory!' Throw-
ing himself upon his knees, he made a prayer, then
rushed furiously upon the savages, and we all
joined him, wounded as we were. On that they
turned their backs and began to flee; and finally
we routed them, killing more than a hundred and
fifty. We burned their houses also — at least one
hundred and eighty in number. Then, as we were
badly wounded and weary, we went into a harbor
to recruit, where we stayed twenty days, solely that
the physician might cure us. All escaped save one,
who was wounded in the left breast and died.

"After we were cured we recommenced our
navigation; and through the same cause we were
often obliged to fight with a great many people,
and always had the victory over them. Thus con-
tinuing our voyage, we came to an island fifteen
leagues distant from the main-land. As at our
ii8

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

arrival we saw no collection of people, eleven of us
landed. Finding a path inland, we walked nearly
two leagues and came to a village of about twelve
houses, in which were seven women who were so
large that there was not one among them who was
not a span and a half taller than myself. When
they saw us they were very much frightened, and
the principal one among them, who seemed cer-
tainly a discreet woman, led us by signs into a
house and had refreshments prepared for us. They
were such large women that we were about deter-
mining to carry off two of the younger ones as a
present to our king; but while we were debating
this subject, thirty-six men entered the hut where
we were drinking. They were of such great stature
that each one was taller when upon his knees than
I when standing erect. In fact, they were giants ;
each of the women appeared a Penthesilia, and the
men Antei. When they came in, some of our num-
ber were so frightened that they did not consider
themselves safe, for they were armed with very
large bows and arrows, besides immense clubs
made in the form of swords. Seeing that we were
small of stature they began to converse with us,
in order to learn who we were and from what parts
we came. We gave them fair words, and answered
them, by signs, that we were men of peace and
intent only upon seeing the world. Finally, we
held it our wisest course to part from them with-
out questioning in our turn ; so we returned by the
same path in which we had come — they accom-
panying us quite to the sea-shore, till we went
aboard the ships.

"Nearly half the trees on this island are of dye-
119

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

woods, as good as any from the East. Going from
this island to another in the vicinity, at ten leagues
distance, we found a very large village, the houses
of which were buUt over the sea, like those of
Venice, with much ingenuity. While we were
struck with admiration at this circumstance, we
determined to go to see them ; and as we went into
their houses the people owning them attempted to
prevent us. They found out at last the sharpness
of our swords, and thought it best to let us enter.
Then we foimd these houses filled with the finest
cotton, and the beams of their dwellings are made
of dye-woods. In all the parts where we landed
we found a great quantity of cotton, and the coun-
try filled with cotton-trees. All the vessels of the
world, in fact, might be laden in these parts with
cotton and dye-wood.

"We sailed three hundred leagues farther along
this coast, constantly finding savage but brave
people, and very often fighting with and vanquish-
ing them. We found seven different languages
among them, each of which was not understood by
those who spoke the others. It is said that there
are not more than seventy-seven languages in the
world ; but I say that there are more than a thou-
sand, as there are more than forty which I have
heard myself. After having sailed seven hundred
leagues or more our ships became leaky, so that we
could hardly keep them free, with two pumps go-
ing. The men also were much fatigued, and the
provisions growing short. We were then within a
hundred and twenty leagues of the island called
Hispaniola, discovered by the Admiral Columbus
six [eight] years before. So we determined to pro-

I20

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

ceed to it and, as it was inhabited by Christians, to
repair our ships there, allow our men a little repose,
and recruit our stock of provisions; because, from
this island to Castile there are three hundred
leagues of ocean, without any land intervening.
In seven days we arrived at this island, where we
stayed two months, refitted our ships, and obtained
a supply of provisions.

" We afterwards sailed through a shoal of islands,
more than a thousand in number. "We sailed in
this sea nearly two hundred leagues, directly north,
until our people had become worn with fatigue,
through having been already nearly a year at sea.
Their allowance per diem, was only six ounces of
bread for eating, and three small measures of
water for drinking. Whereupon we concluded to
take some prisoners as slaves, and loading the ships
with them to return at once to Spain. Going,
therefore, to certain islands, we possessed ourselves
by force of two hundred and thirty-two, and then
steered our course for Castile. In sixty-seven days
we crossed the ocean, arriving at the Azores, thence
sailed by way of the Canary Islands and the Ma-
deiras to Cadiz.

"We were absent thirteen months on this voy-
age, exposing ourselves to awful dangers, discover-
ing a very large country of Asia, and a great many
islands, the largest of them all inhabited. Accord-
ing to the calculations I have made with the com-
pass, we have sailed about five thousand leagues.
. . . We discovered immense regions, saw a vast
number of people, all naked, and speaking various
languages, numerous wild animals, various kinds
of birds, and an infinite quantity of trees, all

121

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

aromatic. We brought home pearls in their grow-
ing state, and gold in the grain; we brought two
stones, one of emerald color, the other of amethyst,
which was very hard, at least half a span long, and
three fingers thick. The sovereigns esteem them
most highly and have preserved them among their
jewels. We brought home also a piece of crystal,
which some jewelers say is beryl, and, according to
what the Indians told us, they had a great quan-
tity of the same. We brought fovurteen flesh-col-
ored pearls, with which the queen was highly de-
lighted. We brought many other stones which
appeared beautiful to us; but of all these we did
not bring a large number, as we were continually
busied in our investigations and did not tarry long
in any place.

"When we arrived at Cadiz we sold many slaves,
two hundred then remaining to us, the others hav-
ing died at sea. After deducting the expense of
transportation we gained only about five hundred
ducats, which, having to be divided into fifty-five
parts, made the share of each very small. How-
ever, we contented ourselves with life, and rendered
thanks to God that during the whole voyage, out
of fifty-seven Christian men, which was our num-
ber, only two had died, they having been killed by
Indians. I have had two quartan agues since my
return ; but I hope, by the favor of God, to be well
soon, as they do not continue long now and are
without chills. I have passed over many things
worthy of being remembered, in order not to be
more tedious than necessary, all of which are re-
served for the pen, and in the memory,

"They are fitting out three ships for me here,

122

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

that I may go on a new voyage of discovery, and I
think they will be ready by the middle of Septem-
ber. May it please our Lord to give me health and
a good voyage, as I hope again to bring very great
news and discover the island of Trapobana, which is
between the Indian Ocean and the Sea of Ganges.
Afterwards I intend to return to my country and
seek repose in the days of my old age. ... I have
resolved, most excellent Lorenzo, that as I have
thus given you an account by letter of what has
occurred to me, to send you two plans and descrip-
tions of the world, made and arranged by my own
hand and skill. There will be a map on a plain
surface, and the other a view of the world in a
spherical form, which I intend to send you by sea,
in care of one Francesco Lotti, a Florentine, who
is here. I think you will be pleased with them,
particularly the globe, as I made one, not long
since, for these sovereigns, and they esteem it
highly. I could have wished to come with them
personally; but my new departure for making
other discoveries will not permit me that great
pleasure. . . .

"I suppose yotir excellency has heard the news
brought by the fleet which the King of Portugal
sent two years ago to make discoveries on the coast
of Guinea. I do not call such a voyage as that one
of discovery, but only a visit to discovered lands;
because, as you will see by the map, their navi-
gation was continually within sight of land, and
they sailed round the whole southern part of the
continent of Africa, which is proceeding by a
way spoken of by all cosmographical authors. It
is true that the navigation has been very profit-
123

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

able, which is a matter of great consideration here
in this kingdom, where inordinate covetousness
reigns.

"I understand they passed from the Red Sea
and extended their voyage into the Persian Gulf,
to a city called Calicut, which is situated between
the Persian Gulf and the river Indus. More lately,
the King of Portugal has received from sea twelve
ships very richly laden, and he has sent them again
to those parts, where they will certainly do a profit-
able business, if they arrive in safety.

"May our Lord preserve and increase the exalted
state of your excellency, as I desire.

"Amerigo Vespucci.

"July i8th, 1500."

Respecting the letter in which the so-called
first voyage is described, the same great au-
thority, Mr. Fiske, from whom we have al-
ready quoted, says: "The perplexity sur-
rounding the account of the first voyage of
Vespucius is chiefly due to the lack of in-
telligence with which it has been read.
There is no reason for imagining dishonesty
in his narrative, and no reason for not
admitting it as evidence on the same terms
upon which we admit other contemporary
documents." Perhaps we may be allowed
to claim the same privilege for the foregoing
letter; yet another historian, the amiable
biographer of Columbus, Mr. Irving, while
124

VESPUCCI'S "SECOND" VOYAGE

freely quoting from it, in his account of the
voyage made with Alonzo de Ojeda, by
imputation discredits it, and loses no occa-
sion to disparage its author.

In order that nothing may be lacking,
for the purpose of forming an accurate esti-
mate of Vespucci's character and doings,
Mr. Irving's account of the Ojeda voyage,
somewhat condensed, is presented in the
succeeding chapter. In constructing this
story he, to use his own words, "collated
the narratives of Vespucci, Las Casas,
Herrera, and Peter Martyr, and the evidence
given in the lawsuit of Diego Columbus,
and has endeavored as much as possible to
reconcile them." That he did not alto-
gether succeed is the opinion of Mr. Fiske,
who says, rather caustically, that "from its
mixing the first and second voyages of
Vespucci [the account] is so full of bltmders
as to be worse than worthless to the general
reader."

However this may be, the story is inter-
esting, and in a sense valuable, as it cor-
roborates the statements of one to whom
Mr. Irving was not favorably inclined.

VIII

WITH OJEDA THE FIGHTER
1499

THOSE who have read the History of
Columbus will doubtless remember the
character and exploits of Alonzo de Ojeda.
He was about twenty-one years of age when
he accompanied Columbus on his second
voyage (1493); he had, however, already
distinguished himself by his enterprising
spirit and headlong valor, and his exploits
during that voyage contributed to enhance
his reputation. He returned to Spain with
the Admiral, but did not go with him on his
third voyage, in 1498. He had a cousin-
german of his own name. Padre Alonzo de
Ojeda, a Dominican friar, who was a great
favorite with the Spanish sovereigns, and
on intimate terms with Don Juan Rodriguez
Fonseca, who had the chief management of
affairs in the Indies.

Through the good offices of this cousin,
126

WITH OJEDA THE FIGHTER

young Alonzo was introduced to Fonseca,
to whose especial favor and patronage he
was warmly recommended. While Ojeda
was lingering about the court, letters were
received from Coliimbus giving an account
of the events of his third (1498) voyage,
accompanied by charts descriptive of his
route, specimens of pearls, gold, etc., in
order to impress the sovereigns with the
great value of his most recent discovery.
The Admiral had good and sufficient reasons
for making the most of this discovery, as
his enemies in Spain and in the West Indies
were seeking to belittle his great deeds,
hence his indiscretion in placing the proofs
of his achievement in the hands of his
implacable foe. Bishop Fonseca. He could
not return at that time, owing to the terri-
ble condition of affairs in Hispaniola, which
demanded his continued presence there — as
narrated in his Life.

The tidings he sent caused a great sensa-
tion among the maritime adventurers of
Spain; but no one was more excited by
them than Alonzo de Ojeda, who, from his
intimacy with Fonseca, had full access to
the charts and correspondence of Columbus,
and who immediately conceived the project
127

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

of making a voyage in the route thus marked
out by the Adiniral, and of seizing upon the
first fruits of discovery which he had left
tmgathered. This scheme met with ready
encouragement from Fonseca, who, as has
heretofore been shown, was opposed to
Columbus and willing to promote any
measure that might injure or molest him.
The bishop accordingly granted a commis-
sion to Ojeda, authorizing him to fit out an
armament and proceed on a voyage of dis-
covery, with the proviso merely that he
should not visit any territories appertaining
to Portugal, or any of the lands discovered
in the name of Spain previous to the year
1495. The latter part of this provision
appears to have been craftily worded by
the bishop, so as to leave the coast of Paria
and its pearl fisheries open to Ojeda, they
having been recently discovered by Colum-
bus in 1498.

The commission was signed by Fonseca
alone, in virtue of general powers vested in
him for such purposes; but the signature of
the sovereigns did not appear on the instru-
ment, and it is doubtful whether their
sanction was sought on the occasion. He
knew that Columbus had recently remon-
128

WITH OJEDA THE FIGHTER

strated against a royal mandate issued in
1495, permitting voyages of discovery by
private adventurers, and that the sovereigns
had in consequence revoked that mandate
wherever it might be deemed prejudicial to
the stipulated privileges of the Admiral. . . .
Having thus obtained permission to make
the voyage, the next consideration with
Ojeda was to find the means. He was a
young adventurer, a mere soldier of fortune,
and destitute of wealth; but he had a high
reputation for courage and enterprise, and
hence had no difficulty in finding moneyed
associates among the rich merchants of
Seville, who, in that age of discovery, were
ever ready to stake their property upon the
schemes of roving navigators. With such as-
sistance he soon equipped a squadron of four
vessels, at Port St. Mary, opposite Cadiz.

Among the seamen who engaged with him
were several who had just returned from
accompanying Columbus in his voyage to
this very coast of Paria. The principal
associate of Ojeda, and one on whom he
placed great reliance, was Juan de la Cosa,
who went with him as first mate, or, as it
was termed, chief pilot. This was a bold
Biscayan who may be regarded as a disciple
129

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

of Columbus, with whom he had sailed on
his second voyage, when he coasted Cuba
and Jamaica, and he had also accompanied
Rodrigo de Bastidas, in his expedition along
the coast of Terra Firma. The hardy vet-
eran was looked up to by his contemporaries
as an oracle of the seas, and was pronounced
one of the most able mariners of the day.
He may be excused, therefore, if in his harm-
less vanity he considered himself on a par
even with Columbus.

Another conspicuous associate of Ojeda
on this voyage was Amerigo Vespucci, a
Florentine merchant, induced by broken fort-
unes and a rambling disposition to seek ad-
ventures in the New World. Whether he had
any pecuniary interest in the expedition,
and in what capacity he sailed, does not
appear. His importance has entirely arisen
from subsequent circumstances — from his
having written and published a narrative
of his voyages, and from his name having
eventually been given to the New World.

Ojeda sailed from Port St. Mary on May
20, 1499, and, having touched for supplies
at the Canaries, took a departure from
Gomera, pursuing the route of Coltimbus
in his third voyage, being guided by the
130

ojeda's first voyage

WITH OJEDA THE FIGHTER

chart he had sent home, as well as by the
mariners who had accompanied him on that
occasion. At the end of twenty-four days
he reached the continent of the New World,
about two hundred leagues farther south
than the part discovered by Columbus,
being, as it is supposed, on the coast of
Surinam. Hence he ran along the coast to
the Gulf of Paria, passing the mouths of
many rivers, but especially those of the
Esquivo and the Orinoco. These, to the
astonishment of the Spaniards, unaccustom-
ed as yet to the mighty rivers of the New
World, potired forth such a prodigious voltime
of water as to freshen the sea for a great
extent. They beheld none of the natives
imtil they arrived at the island of Trinidad,
on which island they met with traces of the
recent visit of Coltmibus. Vespucci, in his
letters, gives a long description of the people
of this island and of the coast of Paria, who
were of the Carib race, tall, well-made, and
vigorous, and expert with the bow, the lance,
and the buckler. His description in general
resembles those which have frequently been
given of the aboriginals of the New World ;
there are two or three particulars, however,
worthy of citation. [Here follows the narra-
131

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

tive of Vespucci, as given in the preceding
chapters, pages 82-124.]

After touching at various parts of Trinidad
and the Gulf of Paria, Ojeda passed through
the strait of the Boca del Drago, or Dragon's
Mouth, which Columbus had found so for-
midable, and then steered his course along
the coast of Terra Firma, landing occasion-
ally until he arrived at Curiana, or the Gulf
of Pearls. From hence he stood to the
opposite island of Margarita, previously dis-
covered by Columbus, and since renowned
for its pearl fishery. This, as well as several
adjacent islands, he visited and explored,
after which he returned to the main-land,
and touched at Cumana and Maracapana,
where he found the rivers infested with
alligators resembling the crocodiles of the
Nile. Finding a convenient harbor at Mara-
capana, he unloaded and careened his ves-
sels there, and built a small brigantine.
The natives came to him in great numbers,
bringing abiuidance of venison, fish, and
cassava bread, and aiding the seamen in
their labors. Their hospitality was not cer-
tainly disinterested, for they sought to gain
the protection of the Spaniards, whom they
reverenced as superhuman beings.
132

WITH OJEDA THE FIGHTER

When they thought they had sufficiently se-
cured their favor, they represented to Ojeda
that their coast was subject to invasion from
a distant island, the inhabitants of which were
cannibals, and carried their people into cap-
tivity, to be devotired at their unnattiral ban-
quets. They besought Ojeda, therefore, to
avenge them upon these ferocious enemies.
The request was gratifying to the fighting
propensities of Alonzo de Ojeda, and to his
love of adventure, and was readily granted.
Taking seven of the natives on board of his
vessels, therefore, as guides, he set sail in
quest of the cannibals. After sailing for
seven days he came to a chain of islands,
some of which were peopled, others unin-
habited, and which are supposed to have
been the Caribbee Islands. [Then ensues
Vespucci's accotmt of the fight, with the
substitution of Ojeda as captain in com-
mand.]

His crew being refreshed, and the wounded
stifficiently recovered, Ojeda made saU and
touched at the island of Curagao, which,
according to the accounts of Vespucci, was
inhabited by a race of giants, " every woman
appearing a PenthesUia, and every man an
Antei." As Vespucci was a scholar, and as
^33

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

he supposed himself exploring the regions
of the extreme East, the ancient realm of
fable, it is probable his imagination deceived
him, and construed the formidable accotmts
given by the Indians of their cannibal neigh-
bors of the islands into something according
with his recollections of classic fable. Cer-
tain it is that the reports of subsequent voy-
agers proved the inhabitants of the island
to be of the ordinary size.

Proceeding along the coast, he arrived at
a vast, deep gulf, resembling a tranquil lake,
entering which he beheld, on the eastern
side, a village, the construction of which
struck him with surprise. It consisted of
twenty large houses, shaped like bells, and
built on piles driven into the bottom of the
lake, which in this part was limpid and of
but little depth. Each house was provided
with a draw-bridge, and with canoes, by
which the communication was carried on.
From these resemblances to the Italian
city, Ojeda gave to the bay the name of the
Gulf of Venice, and it is called at the present
day Venezuela, or Little Venice. The Ind-
ian name was Coqmbacoa. [In this connec-
tion Irving quotes freely from Vespucci's
account of the Lake Dwellers, and also gives
134

WITH OJEDA THE FIGHTER

entire his description of the Spaniards' en-
tertainment by Indians of the interior.]

Continuing to explore this gulf, Ojeda
penetrated to a port or harbor, to which he
gave the name of St. Bartholomew, sup-
posed to be the same at present known by
the original Indian name of Maracaibo. . . .
The Spaniards brought away with them
several of the beautiful and hospitable
females of this place, one of whom, named
by them Isabel, was much prized by Ojeda,
and accompanied him on a subsequent voy-
age. Leaving the friendly port of Coqui-
bacoa, Ojeda continued along the western
shores of the Venezuelan gulf, and standing
out to sea, doubling Cape Maracaibo, he
pursued his voyage from port to port, and
promontory to promontory, of this unknown
continent, tmtil he reached that long stretch-
ing headland called Cape de la Vela, or Cape
of the Sail. There the state of his vessels —
and perhaps the disappointment of his hopes
at not meeting with abundant sources of
immediate wealth — induced him to abandon
all iurther voyaging along the coast, and,
changing his course, he stood across the
Caribbean Sea for Hispaniola. The tenor
of his commission forbade his visiting that
135

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

island; but Ojeda was not a man to stand
upon trifles when his interests or incHna-
tions prompted him to the contrary. He
trusted to excuse the infraction of his or-
ders by the alleged necessity of touching at
the island to calk and refit his vessels and
to procure provisions; but his true object
is supposed to have been to cut dye-wood,
which abounds in Hispaniola.

Columbus, at that time, held command
of the island, and, hearing of this unlicensed
intrusion, despatched Francesco Roldan, the
quondam rebel, to call Ojeda to account.
The contest of stratagem and management
that took place between these two adroit
and daring adventurers has already been
detailed. Roldan was eventually successful,
and Ojeda, being obliged to leave Hispaniola,
resumed his rambling voyage. He at length
arrived at Cadiz, in June, 1 500, his ships crowd-
ed with captives, whom he sold as slaves. So
meagre, however, was the result of this ex-
pedition that we are told [by Vespucci] that
when all the expenses were deducted but
five hundred ducats remained to be divided
between fifty-five adventurers. What made
this result the more mortifying was that a petty
armament, which had sailed some time after
136

WITH OJEDA THE FIGHTER

that of Ojeba, had returned two months be-
fore him rich with the spoils of the New World.

The successful armament alluded to was
that of Pedro Nino, who had sailed with
Columbus on his first voyage and on his
third. With a caravel of only fifty tons,
and a crew of thirty-three men, he sailed
from Palos in Jvine, 1499, returning in April,
1500, with a richer cargo of pearls than any
other that had been brought from the new
country. He had steered directly for the
Pearl Coast, and at or near Cumana and Mar-
garita, had amassed a fortune from the sea.

In this connection it should be mentioned,
that the country adjacent to the Pearl Coast,
opposite Cumana, was known to the natives
as Amaraca-pan; that the name Amaraca oc-
ctirs frequently in this region, as (A)mar-aca-
iho, the great gulf where the Lake-Dwellers
live. It is regarded only as a coincidence
that a name so nearly like that which was
bestowed upon the continent by Europeans
should be found applied to portions of that
continent by the aborigines; but some en-
thusiasts have undertaken to show that it
was from this native appellation the cartog-
raphers and cosmographers derived the first
"America" placed upon the maps.
137

IX

CANNIBALS, GIANTS, AND PEARLS
1499-150O

BESIDES the letter written by Vespucci
to Lorenzo de Medici, he sent an ac-
count of the second voyage to his friend
Soderini, in which are some incidents not
mentioned in the first, with very little rep-
etition of others. He wrote :

"We set out from the port of Cadiz, three ships
in company, on the i8th of May, and steered di-
rectly for the Cape de Verdes, passing within sight
of the Grand Canary, and soon arriving at an isl-
and called De Fuego, or Fire Island, whence, hav-
ing taken wood and water, we proceeded on our
voyage to the southwest. In forty-four days we
arrived at a new land, which we judged to be
a continent, and a continuation of that mentioned
in my former voyage. It was situated within the
torrid zone, south of the equinoctial line, where the
south pole is elevated five degrees and distant
from said island, bearing south, about five hun-
dred leagues. Here we found the days and nights
138

CANNIBALS, GIANTS, AND PEARLS

equal on the 27th of June, when the sun is near
the tropic of Cancer.

"We did not see any people here, and, having
anchored our ships and cast off our boats, we pro-
ceeded to the land, which we found to be inun-
dated by very large rivers. We attempted to enter
these at many points, but from the immense quan-
tity of water brought down by them we could find
no place, after hard toiling, that was not over-
flowed. We saw many signs of the country's being
inhabited, but as we were unable to enter it we
concluded to return to the ships and make the
attempt on some other part of the coast. We
raised our anchors accordingly, and sailed along
southeast by east, continually coasting the land
which ran in that direction. We found the cur-
rents so strong on this part of the coast that they
actually obstructed our sailing, and they all ran
from the southeast to the northwest. Seeing our
navigation was attended with so many inconven-
iences, we concluded to turn our course to the
northwest; and having sailed some time in this
direction we arrived at a very beautiful harbor,
which was made by a large island at the entrance,
inside of which was a very large bay. While sail-
ing along parallel with the island with a view of
entering the harbor, we saw many people on shore,
and, being much cheered, we manoeuvred our ships
for the purpose of anchoring and landing where
they appeared. We might have been then about
four leagues out at sea. While proceeding on our
course for this purpose, we saw a canoe quite out
at sea, in which were several natives, and made
sail on our ships in order to come up with and take
139

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

possession of them, steering so as not to run them
down. We saw that they stood with their oars
raised — I think either through astonishment at
beholding our ships, or by way of giving us to
understand that they meant to wait for and resist
us; but as we neared them they dropped the oars
and began to row towards the land.

' ' Having in our fleet a small vessel of forty-five
tons, a very fast sailer, she took a favorable wind
and bore down for the canoe. When the people in
it found themselves embarrassed between the
schooner and the boats we had lowered for the
pvirpose of pursuing them, they all jumped into
the sea, being about twenty men, and at the dis-
tance of two leagues from the shore. We followed
them the whole day with our boats, and could only
take two, which was for them an extraordinary
feat ; all the rest escaped to the shore. Four boys
remained in the canoe who were not of their tribe,
but had been taken prisoners by them, and brought
from another country. We were much surprised
at the gross injuries they had inflicted upon these
boys, and, having been taken on board the ships,
they told us they had been captured in order to
be eaten. Accordingly, we knew that those people
were cannibals, who eat human flesh.

"We proceeded with the ships, taking the canoe
with us astern, and following the course which they
pursued, anchored at half a league from the shore.
As we saw many people on the shore, we landed in
the boats, carrying with us the two men we had
taken. When we reached the beach all the people
fled into the woods, and we sent one of the men to
negotiate with them, giving them several trifles as
140

CANNIBALS, GIANTS, AND PEARLS

tokens of friendship — such as little bells, buttons,
and looking-glasses — and telling them that we wish-
ed to be their friends. He brought the people all
back with him, of whom there were about four
hundred men and many women, who came un-
armed to the place where we lay with the boats.
Having established friendship with them, we sur-
rendered the other prisoner and sent to the ships
for the canoe, which we restored. This canoe was
twenty-six yards long and six feet wide, made out
of a single tree and very well wrought. When they
had carried it into a river near by, and put it in a
secure place, they all fled, and would have nothing
more to do with us, which appeared to us a very
barbarous act, and we judged them to be a faith-
less and evil-disposed people. We saw among them
a little gold, which they wore in their ears.

"Leaving this place, we sailed about eighty
leagues along the coast and entered a bay, where
we found a surprising niimber of people, with whom
we formed a friendship. Many of us went to their
village, in great safety, and were received with
much courtesy and confidence. In this place we
procured a hundred and fifty pearls (as they sold
them to us for a trifle) and some little gold, which
they gave us gratuitously. We noticed that in
this country they drank wine made of their fruits
and seeds, which looked like beer, both white and
red; the best was made from acorns, and was very
good. We ate a great many of these acorns and
found them a very good fruit, savory to the taste
and healthy to the body. The country abounded
with means of nourishment, and the people were
well disposed and pacific.
141

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

"We remained at this port seventeen days, with
great pleasiire, and every day some new tribe of
people came to see us from inland parts of the
country, who were greatly storprised at our figures,
at the whiteness of our skins, at our clothes, at
our arms, and the form and size of our ships. We
were informed by them of the existence of another
tribe, still farther west, who were their enemies,
and that they had great quantities of pearls. They
said that those which they had in their possession
were some they had taken from this other tribe in
war. They told us how they fished for pearls, and
in what manner they grew, and we found that they
told us the truth — as your excellency shall hear.

"Sailing along the coast again, and finding an
island about fifteen leagues from it at sea, we
resolved to see if it were inhabited. We found on
this island the most bestial and filthy people that
were ever seen, but at the same time extremely
pacific, so that I am able to describe their habits
and customs. Their manners and their faces were
filthy, and they all had their cheeks stuffed full of
a green herb which they were continually chewing,
as beasts chew the cud, so that they were scarcely
able to speak. Each one of them wore, hanging
at the neck, two dried gourd-shells, one of which
was filled with the same kind of herb they had in
their mouths, and the other with a white meal,
which appeared to be chalk-dust. They also car-
ried with them a small stick, which they wetted
in their mouths from time to time and then put
in the meal, afterwards putting it into the herb
with which both cheeks were filled, and mixing the
meal with it. We were surprised at their conduct,
142

CANNIBALS, GIANTS, AND PEARLS

and could not understand for what purpose they
indulged in the strange practice.

"As soon as these people saw us, they came to
us with as much familiarity as if we had been old
friends. Walking with them along the shore, and
wishing to find some fresh water to drink, they
made us to understand by signs that they had none,
and offered us some of their herbs and meal ; hence
we concluded that water was very scarce in this isl-
and, and that they kept these herbs in their mouth
in order to allay their thirst. We walked about
the island a day and a half without finding any
living water, and noticed that all they had to drink
was the dew which fell in the night upon certain
leaves that looked like asses' ears. These leaves
being filled with dew-water the islanders use it for
their drink, and most excellent water it was; but
there were many places where the leaves were not
to be found.

They had no victuals or roots, such as we found
on the main-land, but lived on fish, which they
caught in the sea, of which there was an abundance,
and they were very expert fishermen. They pre-
sented us with many turtles, and many large and
very good fish. The women did not chew the herb
as the men did, but carried a gourd with water in
it, of which they drank. They had no villages,
houses, or cottages, except some arbors which de-
fended them from the sun, but not from the rain;
this appearing needless, for I think it very seldom
rained on that island. When they were fishing out
at sea, they each wore on the head a very large leaf,
so broad that they were covered by its shade. They
fixed these leaves also in the groimd on shore, and
143

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

as the sun moved turned them about, so as to keep
within the shadow. The island contained many-
animals of various kinds, all of which drank the
muddy water of the marshes.

"Seeing there was no gain in staying there, we
left and went to another island, which we found
inhabited by people of very large stature. Going
into the coxmtry in search of fresh water, without
thinking the island inhabited (as we saw no people),
as we were passing along the shore we remarked
very large footprints on the sands. We concluded
that if the other members corresponded with the
feet they must be very large men. While occupied
with these conjectures, we struck a path which led
us inland, and after we had gone about a league we
saw in a valley five huts or cottages which ap-
peared to be inhabited. On going to them we
found only five women, two quite old, and three
girls, all so tall in stature that we regarded them
with astonishment. When they saw us they be-
came so frightened that they had not even courage
to flee, and the two old women began to invite us
into the huts, and to bring us many things to eat,
with many signs of friendship. They were taller
than a tall man, and as large-bodied as Francisco
of Albizzi, but better proportioned than we are.
While we were consulting as to the expediency of
taking the three girls by force and bringing them
to Castile to exhibit as wonders, there entered the
door of the hut thirty-six men, much larger than
the women, and so well made that it was a pleasure
to look at them. They put us in such perturbation,
however, that we would much rather have been in
the ships than have found ourselves with such
144

CANNIBALS, GIANTS, AND PEARLS

people. They carried immense bows and arrows,
and large-headed clubs, and talked among them-
selves in a tone which led us to think they were
deliberating about attacking us.

"Seeing we were in such danger, we formed
various opinions on the subject. Some were for
falling upon them in the hut, others thought it
would be better to attack them in the field, and
others that we should not commence the strife
until we saw what they wished to do. We agreed,
at length, to go out of the hut and take our way
quietly to the ships. As soon as we did this they
followed at a stone's - throw behind us, talking
earnestly among themselves, and I think no less
afraid of us than we were of them; for whenever
we stopped they did the same, never coming nearer
to us. In this way we at length arrived at the
shore, where the boats were waiting for us. We
entered them, and as we were going off in the dis-
tance they leaped forward and shot many arrows
after us ; but we had little fear of them now. We
discharged two arquebuses at them, but more to
frighten them than injure, and on hearing the re-
port they all fled to the mountain. Thus we parted
from them, and it appeared to us that we had
escaped a perilous day's work. These people were
quite naked, like the others we had seen, and on
account of their large stature I called this island
the Island of Giants. We proceeded onward in a
direction parallel with the main-land, on which it
happened that we were frequently obliged to fight
with the people, who were not willing to let us take
anything away.

"When we had been at sea about a year, our

145

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

minds were fully prepared for returning to Castile,
as we had then but little provision left, and that
little damaged, in consequence of the great heat
through which we had passed. From the time we
left Cape de Verde until then we had been sailing
continually in the torrid zone, having twice crossed
the equinoctial line (as before stated) , having been
five degrees beyond it to the south, and then fifteen
degrees north of it. Being thus disposed for our
return, it pleased the Holy Spirit to give us some
repose from our great labors.

"Going in search of a harbor, in order to repair
our ships, we fell in with a people who received us
with friendship, and we found that they had a
great quantity of Oriental pearls, which were very
good. We remained with them forty-seven days
and procured from them one hundred knd nineteen
marks of pearls, in exchange for mere trifles of our
merchandise, which I think did not cost us the value
of forty ducats. We gave them nothing whatever
but bells, looking-glasses, beads, and brass plates;
for a bell one would give all he had.

"We learned from them how and where they
fished for these pearls, and they gave us many oys-
ters in which they grew. We procured one oyster
in which a hundred and thirty pearls were grow-
ing, but in others there were less number. The
one with the hundred and thirty the queen took
from me, but the others I kept to myself, that she
might not see them. Your excellency must know
that if the pearls are not ripe and loose in the shell
they do not last, because they are soon spoiled.
Of this I have seen many examples. When they
are ripe they are loose in the oyster, mingled with
146

CANNIBALS, GIANTS, AND PEARLS

the flesh, and then are good. Even the bad ones
which they had, which for the most part were
rough, were nevertheless worth a considerable
sum.

"At the end of forty-seven days we left these
people, in great friendship with us, and from the
want of provisions went to the island of Antilla
[meaning Hispaniola], which was discovered some
years before by Christopher Columbus. Here we
obtained many supplies and stayed two months and
seventeen days. We passed through many dan-
gers and troubles with the Christians, who were
settled in this island with Columbus (I think
through their envy) , the relation of which, in order
not to be tedious, I omit. We left there on the
2 2d of April, and, after sailing a month and a half,
entered the port of Cadiz, where we were received
with much honor on the 8th day of June. Thus
terminated, by the favor of God, my second voy-
age."

X

FAMOUS FELLOW-VOYAGERS
1497-1500

THOUGH Amerigo Vespucci was on oc-
casions intimately associated with Chris-
topher Columbus, conversed with him, cor-
responded, and had much to do with the
outfitting of his ships, it cannot be shown
that the two ever went on a voyage to-
gether. Some have asserted that the Floren-
tine accompanied the Genoese on his second
voyage, in 1493, but such is not the case.
From the friendship that existed between
the two, it would doubtless have been grati-
fying to both could they have explored the
New World in company, for each was a com-
plement of the other, and much might have
resiilted from their conjoined efforts.

Still, while the great Admiral himself was

not favored by the presence of Vespucci on

any of his voyages, it chanced that several

of those who were with him at different times

148

FAMOUS FELLOW-VOYAGERS

afterwards accompanied his rival, either as
captains or pilots of his expeditions. Nota-
ble among these was Vicente Yanez Pinzon,
one of the noble family that came to the
rescue of Coliimbus when in straits at Palos,
and furnished the funds with which the
impecunious navigator provided and equip-
ped the vessel he had promised his sovereigns
to contribute. The Pinzons actually pro-
vided and manned this vessel, the Nina,
though Columbus had the credit of it, and
Vicente Yanez was its captain throughout
the first voyage to America, in 1 492-1 493.

The eldest of the three brothers, who
" risked their lives and fortunes with Colum-
bus in his doubtful enterprise," the first
voyage to the unknown hemisphere, was
Martin Alonzo, who commanded the Pinta.
He ran counter to the commands of Colum-
bus when off the coast of Cuba, and as a
result fell into disgrace with the Spanish
sovereigns, and died of chagrin soon after
the first voyage was over. Columbus seem-
ed to consider himself released from any
obligations to the Pinzons, owing to the
defection of Martin Alonzo, and they never
received a single maravedi for their assist-
ance at the most critical jtmcttire of the Ad-

II 149

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

miral's fortunes. As captain of the Niiia,
Vicente Yanez, the younger brother, stood
by Columbus loyally, all through the voy-
age, and after the wreck of the flag-ship,
off the north coast of Haiti, took his com-
mander aboard the little caravel and brought
him safely back to Spain.

He seems to have received no recognition
from Columbus, either for his pecuniary aid
or loyal support to him in time of disaster,
and after the voyage was accomplished he
sank out of sight for a while, to emerge
again in 1494 or 1495. About that time,
says a learned historian, "Ferdinand and
Isabella began to feel somewhat disappoint-
ed at the meagre results obtained by Colum-
bus. The wealth of Cathay and Cipango
had not been found; the colonists who had
expected to meet with pearls and gold grow-
ing on bushes were sick and angry; Friar
Boyle was preaching that the Admiral was
a humbug, and the expensive work of dis-
covery was going on at a snail's pace.
Meanwhile, Vicente Yanez Pinzon and other
bold spirits were grumbling at the monopoly
granted to Columbus, and begging to be
allowed to make ventures themselves.

"Now, in this connection, several docu-
150

FAMOUS FELLOW-VOYAGERS

ments preserved in the archives of the
Indies at Seville are very significant. On
April 9, 1495, the sovereigns issued their
letter of credentials to Juan Aguado, whom
they were about sending to Hispaniola
to inquire into the charges against Colum-
bus. On that very day they signed the
contract with Berardi [Vespucci's partner],
whereby the latter bound himself to furnish
twelve vessels, four to be ready at once,
four in June, and four in September. On
the next day they issued the decree throw-
ing open the navigation to the Indies and
granting to all native Spaniards, on certain
prescribed conditions, the privilege of mak-
ing voyages to the newly found coasts.

"On the 12th they instructed Fonseca to
put Aguado in command of the first four
caravels, . . . and it started off in August.
The second squadron of iovix, which was to
have been ready in June, was not yet fully
equipped in December, when Berardi died.
Then Vespucci, representing the house of
Berardi, took up the work, and sent the foiir
caravels to sea February 3, 1496. They
were only two days out when a frightful
storm overtook and wrecked them, though
most of the crews were saved. The third
151

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

squadron of four caravels was, I believe,
that which finally sailed May lo, 1497.
While it was getting ready, Vicente Yanez
Pinzon returned from the Levant, whither
he had been sent on important business by
the sovereigns in December, 1495. Colum-
bus, who had returned to Spain in June,

1496, protested against what he considered
an invasion of his monopoly, and on June 2,

1497, the sovereigns issued a decree which
for the moment was practically equivalent
to a revocation of the general license accord-
ed to navigators by the decree of April 10,
1495. Observe that this revocation was
not issued until after the third squadron
had sailed. The sovereigns were not going
to be balked in the little scheme which they
had set on foot two years before, and for
which they had paid out, through Vespucci,
so many thousand maravedis. So the expe-
dition sailed, with Pinzon chief in command
and Solis second; with Ledesma for one of
the pilots, and Vespucci as pilot and cos-
mographer."

In the foregoing the historian accounts

for the sailing of Pinzon and Vespucci in

company, on that "debatable voyage"

described in chapter VI. In the year 1499

152

FAMOUS FELLOW-VOYAGERS

both Pinzon and Vespucci were to sail —
though in separate fleets — for the coasts of
the continent which Columbus had accident-
ally revealed in his voyage of 1498. Ves-
pucci was to coast its northern shores,
while Pinzon, with a confidence born of
successive ventures on the ocean, was to
strike farther southward than any had done
before him (in the western hemisphere),
cross the equinoctial line, and reveal to the
knowledge of civilized man the great riv-
er, afterwards called the Amazon, and the
coxmtry of Brazil. The fleet in which Ves-
pucci took passage left Spain in the month
of May, 1499, that commanded by Pinzon
left in December; and it is still a moot
question whether the first or the second
was the first to arrive on the coast of Brazil.
But Pinzon sailed beyond Vespucci on that
voyage, though he was to be surpassed,
the next year, in the generous rivalry that
existed for making the "farthest south."

Another companion of Vespucci worthy
of note is the man called by Las Casas the
best pilot of his day, Juan de la Cosa. He
had been with Columbus on his first voyage,
as owner and pilot of the Santa Maria, and
also on his second, and may have had good
153

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

grounds for believing himself as good a
navigator as the Admiral, while as a cos-
mographer he was probably his superior.
The historian, Peter Martyr, asserts that
La Cosa and another pilot, Andres Morales,
"were thought to be more cunning in that
part of cosmography which teacheth the
description and measurement of the sea"
than any others in the world. In truth,
the first map of importance made within a
decade of the discovery of 1492 was that
produced by La Cosa, in the summer of
1500, after his return from the voyage (his
third to the New World) with Ojeda and
Vespucci. It is thought that he embodied
in that map the results of Vespucci's voyage
of 1497-1498, as communicated to him dur-
ing their intimate companionship of thirteen
months. La Cosa, the Biscayan pilot, was a
man cast in the same generous mould as Ves-
pucci, and shared none of the narrow notions
of Columbus. His great regard for Colum-
bus is shown in the vignette to his map,
which represents the giant Christopher (the
"Christ-bearer") carrying the infant Jesus
on his shoulders. Beneath this vignette is
the legend, "Juan de la Cosa made this map,
in the port of Santa Maria [near Cadiz], year
IS4

FAMOUS FELLOW-VOYAGERS

1500." It is the best map that had been
put forth up to that date, and for a long
time thereafter remained as a guide to
mariners.

His services were in great request at that
time, and in the month of October, 1500,
he was engaged by Rodrigo Bastidas, a
lawyer of Seville, to pilot a small expedition
he had fitted out to search for gold and
pearls. This was the expedition in which
Vasco Nunez de Balboa first embarked for
the New World, and which was so profit-
able that the leaders returned (though their
vessels had sunk at their anchors in a har-
bor of Haiti) with sufficient pearls to give
them each a fortune. If they had been
content to live at ease in Spain, they might
have done so during the remainder of their
days; but both Bastidas and La Cosa were
lured back to the coast of Terra Firma by
the prospect of further enrichment, and
there they came to untimely ends.

La Cosa was created alguazil mayor of the
territory he and Vespucci had coasted, and
finding Ojeda in want — ^both of money and
an opportunity to display his prowess as a
fighter — he generously shared his fortune
with him and fitted out a fleet containing a
15s

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

ship and two small brigantines. Thence-
forth, as fate willed it, the great-hearted
pilot and the fiery cavalier were inseparable
until cut down by death. In the month of
November, 1509, they set sail from Santo
Domingo with their three vessels and three
hundred men. La Cosa piloted the little
fleet into a safe harbor, as he knew the coast
well from two previous visits to Terra
Firma, but he endeavored to induce Ojeda
to attempt a settlement farther on towards
the Isthmus of Darien, as the Indians of this
region were very ferocious and used poisoned
arrows.

Ojeda, however, would not be turned from
his purpose, which was to acquire a large
number of slaves, either by stratagem or
force. After the monks who accompanied
his command had read a requisition to the
savages, requiring them to submit gracefully
and be converted, if they did not wish to
incur the vengeance of the King of Spain,
the Pope of Rome, and their emissaries there
assembled, finding them obdurate, Ojeda
gave the command to attack. The Indians,
by this time, had assembled in great force,
and if they understood the message (which
was not likely, as it was in Spanish, a lan-
156

FAMOUS FELLOW-VOYAGERS

guage they had never heard before) they
manifested no inclination to heed its warn-
ings. They brandished their spears, shot
their arrows, and yelled defiance to the
invaders. This was more than the rash
Ojeda cotdd endure, and he dashed head-
long at the naked enemy without waiting
for his men to follow.

Only the gallant La Cosa was with him
at first, continually remonstrating with his
friend for his temerity, but fighting bravely
at his side. The old pilot was a man of
peace, but he was destined to die a violent
and a horrible death. While pressing for-
ward in advance of their men, the retreat of
Ojeda and La Cosa was cut off by the wily
savages, who had pretended to retire to the
hiUs, whence they soon returned in great
force. La Cosa took refuge in a hut, where
he gallantly defended himself until a poison-
ed arrow pierced his breast and he fell to
the ground. One companion survived, to
whom he said, as he felt the chiU of death
creeping over him, " Brother, since God hath
protected thee from harm, sally out and fly;
and if ever thou shouldst see Alonzo de
Ojeda, tell him of my fate."

Thus expired Juan de la Cosa, former
157

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

companion of Columbus and Vespucci, able
pilot, skilled cartographer, loyal till death
to the man who had led him into the forest
where he met that fatal arrow.

It is claimed by some that Vespucci and
La Cosa made two voyages together, in the
years 1505 and 1507, but this is doubtful.
After their return from the voyage of 1499-
1500 they separated, Amerigo to take ser-
vice with the King of Portugal, and La Cosa,
upon the completion of his chart and after
his return from the Bastidas expedition of
1500-1501, settling down to the enjoyment
of his fortxane. The third famous member of
the trio, Alonzo de Ojeda, obtained author-
ity from the king to colonize Coquibacoa,
on the coast of Terra Firma, and received in
addition a grant of land six leagues square
in the island of Hispaniola.

The former venture had not been con-
sidered a success, but the merchants of
Seville and Cadiz were persuaded to once
more try their fortunes with the brave cava-
lier Ojeda, and fitted out for him a fleet of
four large vessels. In command of these he
set sail, in the year 1502, and after touching
at Cumana, where he pillaged the Indians
and took many prisoners, he proceeded to
158

FAMOUS FELLOW-VOYAGERS

Coquibacoa. Finding the place unsuited for
a settlement, he went farther westward and
attempted a colony at Bahia Honda, build-
ing there a fortress and huts for his people.
The Indians were hostile at first, but gold
was foxind in abundance — so much of it, in
fact, that the adventurers began to quarrel
over it, and soon came to blows. Ojeda, as
usual, was foremost in the fight that fol-
lowed, and, as his company turned against
him, he was entrapped on one of the cara-
vels and placed in irons. Then the entire
company sailed for Hispaniola, intending to
submit the cause of their dissension, which
was their strong-box full of gold, to the
courts of that island for a decision. They
arrived at a port on the western coast of
Hispaniola, and in the night the manacled
Ojeda slipped overboard into the water,
intending to swim ashore and make his
escape. The fetters on his feet were heavy,
however, though his arms were free, and he
was nearly drowned before his companions,
hearing his cries for help, pulled him out of
the water and again confined him in the
hold of the vessel.

Taken to the city of Santo Domingo, he
was placed on trial for attempting to defraud
IS9

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

the government, and the decision was against
him. He was not only deprived of his lands,
but was stripped of everything he owned.
For several years thereafter he roamed about
the island, and made occasional voyages,
but as a penniless, rather than an influential,
adventurer. His good friend, the "ungodly
bishop," Fonseca, was stUl in power, but
inaccessible through the great distance that
separated them. One happy day, however,
Ojeda met La Cosa, who was then in the
enjoyment of a considerable fortune, and
who, with the reckless generosity for which
sailors are proverbial, placed all his means
at his disposal. He went to Spain, where he
saw the bishop, secured a fleet (as already
mentioned), and in it sailed for Santo Do-
mingo, where he was met by his partner, and
together the soldier and the sailor set out
for Terra Firma.

Before they left the island, however,
Ojeda must needs plunge himself into an-
other difficulty by picking a quarrel with a
rival discoverer, Nicuesa, whom he chal-
lenged to fight a duel. It seems that King
Ferdinand had granted territory in Terra
Firma to both these men; and, though there
was certainly room enough and to spare in
1 60

FAMOUS FELLOW-VOYAGERS

that vast region, they began to dispute over
their perspective botindaries before they had
staked them out. The hot-headed Ojeda
was a skilled swordsman, but Nicuesa was
artful enough to avoid an encounter, in which
there was little doubt he woiild be killed, by
insisting that each contestant should deposit
five thousand castellanos with an umpire
before engaging in the fight. As this was a
larger sum than poor Ojeda could raise —
which, of course, Nicuesa knew full well —
the irate cavalier was obliged to sail without
having obtained satisfaction.

This was the expedition that ended so dis-
astrously, as narrated in a previous chap-
ter. The Spaniard who was charged with
La Cosa's last message to Ojeda was the
only stirvivor of seventy who had followed
the rash commander in his headlong attack.
What had become of Ojeda himself none of
the survivors cotild tell, for several days
passed without news of him. His body was
not to be fotmd among the slain, and no one
who knew him believed that the Indians
could have captured him alive. He had
fought like a tiger to reach and defend his
friend La Cosa, but had been borne back
by the thronging savages, and since then
i6i

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

nothing had been heard of him. The woods
and shore were searched by scouts, and he
was finally found extended on some mangrove
roots on the borders of the forest. He was
in such an exhausted state that he could not
speak, but, intrepid to the last, still clung
to his buckler, and in his right hand grasped
the good sword with which he had cut his
way through the savage hordes.

Although famished, and so weak that he
could not stand, it was discovered that he
had not received a single wound; but on
his shield were seen the dents made by more
than three hundred arrows. His rescue had
scarcely been effected before the ships of his
deadly rival, Nicuesa, sailed into the harbor;
but, instead of taking advantage of Ojeda's
defenceless condition, the high-minded hidal-
go offered to join with him in an attack upon
the savages, in order to avenge his defeat.
Combining their forces, the two erstwhile
enemies fell upon the Indians while they
were asleep, slaughtered an immense num-
ber, and then, after plunderiag their dwellings
set them on fire.

Thus the unfortunate pilot and his com-
rades were avenged, and the ships sailed on,
leaving behind hundreds of mangled corpses
162

FAMOUS FELLOW-VOYAGERS

and huts reduced to ashes. It was not
strange, then, that the surviving savages
should ceaselessly attack the settlement soon
after founded by Ojeda on their coast, and
with such persistency that finally it had to
be abandoned. It was in one of these at-
tacks that Ojeda received his first wound.
He had hitherto considered himself invul-
nerable, but, falling into an Indian ambush,
a poisoned arrow pierced his thigh. After
wrenching it from the wound, he ordered his
surgeon, on pain of death for refusal, to burn
out the venom with red-hot irons, and by
this means, though his life was saved, he re-
ceived injuries that made him permanently
lame.

At last conditions in the settlement be-
came so desperate that Ojeda seized the
occasion of a pirate ship touching there to
depart for Hispaniola in search of assistance.
Leaving his company in charge of Francisco
Pizarro — who in this manner began his con-
quering career — he embarked in the pirate
ship, but had hardly cleared the harbor
before he began a fierce quarrel with the
commander, Talavera, by whose orders he
was seized and fettered. Even when chained
to the deck, the undaunted cavalier dared
163

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

Talavera and his crew to fight him, two at
a time, and when they refused denounced
them all as cowards.

A violent gale arose, with the result that
their ship was wrecked on the southern
coast of Cuba. Escaping to shore, they
endtired terrible sufferings for weeks, wan-
dering half famished in forests and through
swamps, until finally rescued by a tribe of
Indians who had not heard of Spanish
atrocities and who gave them freely all the
provisions they needed. A canoe was de-
spatched to Jamaica with the tidings of
disaster, and in the end Ojeda reached
Hispaniola, where he had the satisfaction of
seeing his late companions hung for their
crimes, and where he passed the remainder
of his life in poverty. He died in 15 15, so
poor, says Bishop Las Casas, "that he did
not leave money enough to provide for his
interment, and so broken in spirit that,
with his last breath, he entreated his body
might be buried in the monastery of San
Francisco [the ruins of which may still be
seen in Santo Domingo], just at the portal,
in htmible expiation of his past pride, 'that
every one who entered might tread upon
his grave.'"

164

XI

ON THE COAST OF BRAZIL
1501-1502

THE New World, subsequently to be called
America, did not reveal itself to navi-
gators during the lifetime of any one of those
first engaged in its discovery. Its islands
and coast-lines were brought to view one by
one, and bit by bit, so that many years
elapsed between the voyage of Coltimbus, in
1492, and that which finally enabled the
map-makers to complete the outlines of the
continents. It is interesting and instructive
to trace the movements of the explorers, and
note how, after the initial work of Columbus,
they emiilate one another in pushing farther
and farther into the great ocean of darkness,
their voyages overlapping at times, but ever
extending, until at last the islands of the
West Indies are all revealed and the vast
southern continent is circumnavigated.
Columbus, in his first three voyages,
" 165

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

brought to view most of those islands now
known as the Antilles, and on his fotirth and
last he skirted the eastern coast of Central
America; but he left gaps here and there
which it took many years to fill. On his
third voyage, in 1498, he discovered the
island of Trinidad and the pearl islands off
the coast of Ciimana; but he did not pro-
ceed, as he should have done, along the
coast of Terra Firma, and hence Ojeda,
Vespucci, and La Cosa slipped in, guided
by the very chart made by him and so
treacherously furnished them by Fonseca.

While doubts may be entertained as to
the "first" voyage of Vespucci, none can
exist as to that made by him in 1499-1500,
as we have the sworn testimony to that
effect by Ojeda himself, who, when called
to give the same, in the great suit brought
by Diego Columbus against the crown, de-
clared that he had with him on that voyage
both La Cosa and the Florentine. This
testimony was given in 15 13, a year after
Vespucci's death, and its object was to
show that the coast of Terra Firma, so
called, had been first seen by Columbus.
By establishing the fact of his priority, it
disposed of any claim Vespucci or his friends
166

ROUTES OF THE DISCOVERERS

ON THE COAST OF BRAZIL

may have made, as he and Ojeda were sail-
ing with the track-chart of Columbus as
their guide. Thus they picked up the route
pursued by the Admiral, and extended it
several degrees, Bastidas and La Cosa, the
next year, carrying it still farther.

In December, 1499, in June of which year
Ojeda and Vespucci had set out together,
Vicente Pinzon sailed along the Brazilian
coast to a point eight degrees south of the
equinoctial line. He returned to Spain in
September, 1500, and in April of that year
Pedro Alvarez Cabral, in command of a
Portuguese fleet boimd for the Spice Islands,
over the route discovered by Da Gama,
accidentally came in sight of land on the coast
of the country since known as Brazil, in
latitude sixteen degrees south of the line.
Unable to prosecute explorations there, as
he was bound for the East, arotmd the Cape
of Good Hope and along the west coast of
Africa, Cabral sent a vessel of his fleet back
to Portugal with the news, and proceeded
on his way.

Casting about for a navigator eminently
qualified as pilot and cosmographer to pur-
sue the exploration indicated by Cabral,
along the coast of the country he had so
167

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

strangely revealed, King Emanuel of Portu-
gal made up his mind that Amerigo Vespucci
was the man he wanted. Just when he came
to this decision, and when Vespucci shifted
his allegiance from Spain to Portugal, is not
exactly known, but it was probably late in
the year 1500, after his rettirn, of course,
from the voyage with Ojeda and La Cosa.
The particulars of this transaction we will
let him relate in the following letter con-
tained in this chapter. He does not quite
satisfactorily explain how he came to break
with King Ferdinand, especially as both the
sovereign and Fonseca had received him
with marked attention, the latter having
presented him at court, where he was con-
sulted as to new expeditions, and "his ac-
counts of what he had already seen listened
to with the greatest interest." The affair
is aU the more inexplicable from the fact
that during the interval between his return
from the second voyage and his going to
Portugal he was married to a charming lady
of Seville. This lady. Dona Maria Cerezo,
was his betrothed during the time he was
engaged with the house of Berardi, but the
mania for exploring having seized him, their
marriage was not consvimmated until after
168

ON THE COAST OF BRAZIL

the two voyages had been made. She went
with him to the court, sharing there the
honors heaped upon him by the king; but
after this little is heard of her, though it is
known that she siirvived him several years,
and on accotmt of his distinguished services
to Spain received a liberal pension from the
government.

Leaving his newly wedded wife in Seville,
Vespucci went to Portugal, "where he was
received with open arms by King Emanuel,
and commenced with ardor the preparation
of the fleet." Respecting his sudden de-
part\ire from Spain, his Italian eulogist,
Canovai, has this to say: "It does not ap-
pear that King Ferdinand considered him-
self wronged by the sudden flight and, to
say the least, apparent discourtesy of Amer-
igo in leaving the kingdom and the king,
his patron, without salutation or leave-tak-
ing. It was probably looked upon as a trait
of his reserved character, or an evidence of
his aversion to idle and slanderous riunors,
which he was unwilling to take the pains to
contradict. Rumors and whisperings soon
die away when they have nothing to feed
upon, and when Vespucci returned, as
though from a journey, the slight was for-
169

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

gotten, and he was treated with greater
honor than before."

To what cause King Emanuel owed this
acquisition of King Ferdinand's skilled navi-
gator does not appear; but he was not to
retain him very long. He made, however,
two voyages under the flag of Portugal, the
first of which is outlined in this letter to
his friend, the Gonfaloniere of Florence,
Piero Soderini:

"I was reposing myself in Seville, after the many
toils I had undergone in the two voyages to the
Indies, made for his Serene Highness Ferdinand,
King of Castile, yet indulging in a willingness to
return to the Land of Pearls, when Fortune, not
seeming to be satisfied with my former labors,
inspired the mind of his Majesty Emanuel, King
of Portugal (I know not through what circum-
stances), to attempt to avail himself of my ser-
vices. There came to me a royal lett r from his maj-
esty, containing a solicitation that I would come
to Lisbon to speak with him, he promising to show
me many favors. I did not at once determine to
go, and argued with the messenger, telling him I
was ill and indisposed for the undertaking, but
that when recovered, if his highness wished me to
serve him, I would do whatever he might com-
mand.

"Seeing that he could not obtain me thus, he
sent Juliano di Bartolomeo del Giocondo, who at
that time resided in Lisbon, with a commission to
170

ON THE COAST OF BRAZIL

use every means to bring me back with him.
Juliano came to Seville, and on his arrival, and
induced by his urgent entreaties, I was persuaded
to go, though my going was looked upon with
ill favor by all who knew me. It was thus re-
garded by my friends, because I had abandoned
Castile, where I had been honored, and because
they thought the king had rightful possession of
me; and it was considered still worse that I de-
parted without taking leave of my host.

" Having, however, presented myself at the court
of King Emanuel, he appeared to be highly
pleased with my coming, and requested that I
would accompany his three ships, which were then
ready to set out for the discovery of new lands.
Thus esteeming a request from a king as equiva-
lent to a command, I was obliged to consent to
whatever he asked of me.

"We set sail from the port of Lisbon with three
ships in company, on the 13th of May, 1501, and
steered our course directly for the Grand Canary
Islands, which we passed without stopping, and
coasted along the western shores of Africa. On
this coast we found excellent fishing, taking fish
called porgies, and were detained three days.
From there we went to the coast of Ethiopia,
arriving at a port called Beseneghe, within the
torrid zone, and situated on the fo-urteenth degree
of north latitude, in the first climate. Here we re-
mained eleven days, taking in wood and water —
as it was my intention to sail south through the
great Atlantic Ocean. Leaving this port of Ethi-
opia, we sailed on our course, bearing a quarter
south, and in ninety-seven days we made land, at
171

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

a distance of seven hundred leagues from said
port.

"In those ninety-seven days we had the worst
weather that ever man experienced who navigated
the ocean, in a succession of drenching rains,
showers, and tempests. The season was very un-
propitious, as our navigation was continually draw-
ing us nearer the equinoctial line, where, in the
month of June, it is winter, and where we found
the days and nights of equal length, and our
shadows falling continually towards the south.
It pleased God, however, to show us new land, on
the 17th day of August, at half a league distance
from which we anchored. We launched our boats
and went ashore, to see if the country was inhab-
ited, and, if so, by what kind of people, and we
fo\ind at length a population far more degraded
than brutes.

"It should be understood that at first we did
not see any inhabitants, though we knew very well,
by the many signs we saw, that the country was
peopled. We took possession of it, in the name
of his most serene majesty, and found it to be
pleasant and verdant, and situated five degrees
south of the equinoctial line. This much we ascer-
tained and then returned to the ships. On the
next day, while we were ashore, we saw people
looking at us from the summit of a mountain, but
they did not venture to descend. They were
naked, and of the same color and figure as those
heretofore discovered by me for the King of Spain.
We made much exertion to persuade them to come
and speak with us, but could not assure them
sufficiently to trust us. Seeing their obstinacy,
172

ON THE COAST OF BRAZIL

as it was growing late we returned to the ships,
leaving on shore for them many bells, looking-
glasses, and other things, in places where they
could find them. When we had gone away they
descended from the mountain and took possession
of the things we had left, appearing to be filled
with wonder while viewing them. The next morn-
ing we saw from the ships that the people of the
land were making many bonfires, and, taking them
for signals to go ashore, we went and found that
many had arrived; but they kept always at a
distance, though they made signs that they wished
us to accompany them inland. Whereupon two
Christians were induced to ask the captain's per-
mission to brave the danger and go with them, in
order to see what kind of people they were, and
whether they had any kind of riches, spices, or
drugs. They importuned him so much that he
finally consented, and after having been fitted out
with many articles for trade they left us, with
orders not to be absent more than five days, as we
should expect them with great anxiety. So they
took their way into the country, and we returned
to the ships to wait for them, which we did for
six days; but they never came back, though
nearly every day there came people to the shore,
who would not, however, speak with us.

" On the seventh day we landed and found that
they had brought their wives with them, whom
they commanded, as we reached the shore, to
speak with us. We observed that they hesitated
to obey the order, and accordingly determined to
send one of our people, a very courageous young
man, to address them. In order to encourage

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

them, we entered the boats while he went to speak
with the women. When he arrived they formed
themselves into a great circle around him, touch-
ing and looking at him as with astonishment.
While all this was going on, we saw a woman com-
ing from the mountains carrying a large club in
her hands. When she arrived where our young
Christian stood she came up behind him and, rais-
ing the bludgeon, gave him such a blow with it
that she laid him dead on the spot, and immedi-
ately the other women took him by the feet and
dragged him away towards the mountain. The
men ran towards the shore forthwith and began
to assail us with their arrows, throwing our people
into a great fright, in consequence of the boats
having grounded, many arrows reaching them.
No one resorted to arms, but for a time all was
terror and panic. After a while, however, we dis-
charged four swivels at them, which had no other
effect than to make them flee towards the moun-
tain, when they heard the report. There we saw
that the women had already cut the young Chris-
tian in pieces, and at a great fire which they had
made were roasting him in our sight, showing us
the several pieces as they ate them. The men
also made signs to us indicating that they had
killed the other two Christians and eaten them in
the same manner, which grieved us very much.

"... We departed from this place and sailed
along in a southeasterly direction, on a line parallel
with the coast, making many landings, but never
finding any people with whom to converse. Con-
tinuing in this manner, we found at length that
the line of the coast made a turn to the south,
174

ON THE COAST OF BRAZIL

and after doubling a cape, which we called St.
Augustine, we began to sail in a southerly direc-
tion. This cape is a hundred and fifty leagues
distant, easterly, from the aforementioned land
where the three Christians were murdered, and
eight degrees south of the equinoctial line. While
sailing on this course, we one day saw many peo-
ple standing on the shore, apparently in great
wonder at the sight of our ships. We directed
our coiirse towards them, and, having anchored in
a good place, proceeded to land in the boats, and
found the people better disposed than those we had
passed. Though it cost us some exertion to tame
them, we nevertheless made them our friends
and treated with them. In this place we stayed
five days, and here we found cassia - stems very
large and green, and some already dried on the
tops of the trees. We determined to take a
couple of men from the place, in order that they
might learn the language, and three of them came
with us voluntarily, wishing to visit Portugal.

' ' Being already wearied with so much writing,
I will delay no longer the information that we left
this port and sailed continually in a southerly
direction in sight of the shore, making frequent
landings and treating with a great number of
people. We went so far to the south that we were
beyond the tropic of Capricorn, where the south
pole is elevated thirty - two degrees above the
horizon. We had then entirely lost sight of Ursa
Minor, and even Ursa Major was very low, nearly
on the edge of the horizon; so we steered by the
stars of the south pole, which are many, and much
brighter than those of the north. I drew the
I7S

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

figures of the greater part of them, particularly
those of the first and second magnitude, with a
description of the circles which they made around
the pole, and an account of their diameters and
semi - diameters, as may be seen in my Quattro
Giomate, or Four Journeys.

' ' We ran on this coast about seven hundred and
fifty leagues: one hundred and fifty from Cape
St. Augustine towards the west, and six hundred
towards the south. If I were to relate all the
things that I saw on this coast, and others that
we passed, as many more sheets as I have already
written upon would not be sufficient for the pur-
pose. We saw nothing of utility here, save a great
number of dye-wood and cassia trees, and also
of those trees which produce m5TTh. There were,
however, many nattiral curiosities, which cannot
be recounted.

"Having been already full ten months on the
voyage, and seeing that we had found no minerals
in the country, we concluded to take leave of it,
and attempt the ocean in some other part. It
was determined in cotmcil to pursue whatever
course of navigation appeared best to me, and I
was invested with full command of the fleet. I
ordered that all the people and the fleet should
be provided with wood and water for six months —
as much as the officers of the ship should deem
prudent to sail with. Having laid in our provi-
sions, we commenced our navigation with a south-
easterly wind, on the 15th of February, when the
sun was already approaching the equinoctial line,
and tending towards this, our northern hemisphere.
We were in such high southern latitude at this time
176

ON THE COAST OF BRAZIL

that the south pole was elevated fifty-two degrees
above the horizon, and we no longer saw the stars
either of Ursa Minor or Major.

"On the 3d of April we had sailed five hun-
dred leagues from the port we had left, and on
this day commenced a storm so violent that we
had to take in all our sails and run under bare
poles. It was so furious that the whole fleet was
in apprehension. The nights were very long, be-
ing fifteen hours in diiration, the sun then being
in Aries, and winter prevailing in this region.
While driven by this storm, on the 7th of April,
we came in sight of new land, and ran within
twenty leagues of it, finding the coast wild, and
seeing neither harbor nor inhabitants. The cold
was so severe that no one in the fleet could with-
stand or endure it — which I conceive to be the
reason for this want of population. Finding our-
selves in great danger, and the storm so violent
that we could scarce distinguish one ship from
another, on account of the high seas that were
running and the misty darkness of the weather,
we agreed that the superior captain should make
signals to the fleet to turn about, leave the coun-
try, and steer direct for Portugal.

"This proved to be very good counsel, for cer-
tain it is, if we had delayed that night, we should
all have been lost. We took the wind aft, and
during the night and next day the storm increased
so much that we were apprehensive for our safety,
and made many vows of pilgrimage, and the per-
formance of other ceremonies usual with [super-
stitious] mariners in such weather. We ran five
days, making about two hundred and fifty leagues,
177

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

and continually approaching the equinoctial line,
finding the air more mild and the sea less boister-
ous ; till at last it pleased God to deliver us from
this our great danger.

"It was our intention to go and reconnoitre the
coast of Ethiopia, which was thirteen hundred
leagues distant from us, thiough the great Atlantic
sea, and by the grace of God we arrived at it,
touching at a southern port called Sierra Leone,
where we stayed fifteen days, obtaining refresh-
ments. From this place we steered for the Azore
Islands, about seven hundred and fifty leagues
distant, where we arrived in the latter part of
July, and stayed another fifteen days, taking some
recreation. Then we departed for Lisbon, three
hundred leagues farther, which port we entered
on the 7th of September, 1502 — for which the All-
Powerful be thanked! — with only two ships, hav-
ing bUmed the other in Sierra Leone because it
was no longer sea-worthy.

"In this voyage we were absent about fifteen
months, and sailed eleven of them without seeing
the north star, or either of the constellations Ursa
Major and Minoi' (which are called the "horn"),
steering meanwhile by the stars of the other pole.
The above is what I saw in this my third voy-
age, made for his Serene Highness the King of
Portugal."

XII

THE "fourth part OF THE EARTH "

THE following letter from Vespucci to
Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de Medici, his
friend and patron in Florence, was probably
written in the spring of 1503.

"To my most Excellent Patron, Lorenzo :

"My last letter to yotir excellency was written
from a place on the coast of Guinea called Cape
Verde, and in it you were informed of the com-
mencement of my voyage. The present letter will
advise you of its continuation and termination.

"We started from the above-mentioned cape,
having first taken in all necessary supplies of
wood, water, etc., to discover new lands in the
ocean. We sailed on a southwesterly course un-
til, at the end of sixty -four days, we discovered
land, which, on many accounts, we concluded to
be Terra Firma. We coasted this land about eight
hundred leagues, in a direction west by south. It
was well inhabited, and I noticed many remarkable
things, which I will attempt to narrate.

"We sailed in those seas until we entered the
torrid zone, and passed to the south of the equi-
noctial line and the tropic of Capricorn, so that
179

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

we were fifty degrees south of the line. We nav-
igated four months and twenty -seven days, see-
ing neither the arctic pole nor Ursa Major or
Minor. We discovered here many beautiful con-
stellations, invisible in the northern hemisphere,
and noted their marvellous movements and their
grandeur. . . . To proceed, now, to a description
of the country, the plants therein, and of the
customs of the inhabitants, I would observe that
this region is most delightful, and covered with
immense forests which never lose their foliage,
and throughout the year yield aromatic odors and
produce an infinite variety of fruit, grateful to
the taste and healthful for the body. In the
fields flourish so many sweet flowers and herbs,
and the fruits are so delicious and fragrant, that
I fancied myself near the terrestrial paradise.
What shall I tell you of the birds and the brilliant
colors of their plumage? What of their variety,
their sweet songs, and their beauty? I dare not
enlarge upon this theme, for I fear I should not
be believed. How shall I enumerate the infinite
variety of sylvan animals : lions, catamounts, pan-
thers — though not like those of our regions — ^wolves,
stags, and baboons of all kinds ? We saw more wild
animals — such as wild hogs, kids, deer, hares, and
rabbits — than could ever have entered the ark of
Noah; but we saw no domestic animals whatever.
"Now, consider reasoning animals. We found
the whole region inhabited by people who were
entirely naked, both men and women. Tney were
well proportioned in body, with black, coarse hair,
and little or no beard. I labored much to investi-
gate their customs, remaining twenty-seven days
1 80

THE "FOURTH PART OF THE EARTH"

for that purpose, and the following is the informa-
tion I acquired. They have no laws and no relig-
ious beliefs, but live according to the dictates of
nature alone. They know nothing of the immor-
tality of the soul; they have no private property,
but everything in common ; they have no bounda-
ries of kingdom or province; they obey no king
or lord, for it is wholly tmnecessary, as they have
no laws, and each one is his own master. They
dwell together in houses made like bells, in the
construction of which they use neither iron nor
any other metal. This is very remarkable, for I
have seen houses two hundred and twenty feet
long and thirty feet wide, built with much skill,
and containing five or six hundred people. , They
sleep in hammocks made of cotton, suspended in
the air, without any covering ; they eat seated upon
the ground, and their food consists of roots and
herbs, fruits and fish. They eat also lobsters,
crabs, oysters, and many other kinds of mussels
and shell-fish which are found in the sea. As to
their meat, it is principally human flesh. It is
true that they devour the flesh of four-footed
animals and birds; but they do not catch many,
because they have no dogs, and the woods are
thick and so filled with wild beasts that they do
not care to go into them, except in large bodies
and armed. The men are in the habit of decorat-
ing their lips and cheeks with bones and stones,
which they suspend from holes they bore in them.
I have seen some of them with three, seven, and
even as many as nine holes, filled with white or
green alabaster — a most barbarous custom, which
they follow in order, as they say, to make them-
13 181

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

selves appear ferocious. . . . They are a people of
great longevity, for we met with many who had
descendants of the fourth degree. Not knowing
how to compute time, and counting neither days,
months, nor years — excepting in so far as they count
the lunar months — when they wanted to signify
to us any particular duration of time, they did it
by showing us a stone for each moon; and, com-
puting in this manner, we discovered that the age
of one man that we saw was seventeen hundred
moons, or about one hundred and thirty-two years,
reckoning thirteen moons to the year.

"They are a warlike race and extremely cruel.
All their weapons are, as Petrarch says, "commit-
ted to the winds" — for they consist of spears,
arrows, stones, and javelins. They use no shields
for the body, going to battle almost wholly naked.
There is no order or discipline in their fights, ex-
cept that they follow the counsels of the old men.
Most cruelly do they combat, and those who con-
quer in the field bury their own dead, but cut up
and eat the dead of their enemies. Some who are
taken prisoners are carried to their villages for
slaves. Females taken in war they frequently
marry, and sometimes the male prisoners are
allowed to marry the daughters of the tribe; but
occasionally a diabolical fury seems to come over
them, and, calling together their relations and the
people, they sacrifice these slaves, the children
with the parents, accompanied by barbarous cer-
emonies. This we know of a certainty, for we
found much human flesh in their huts, hung up
to smoke, and we purchased ten poor creatures
from them, both men and women, whom they were
182

THE "FOURTH PART OF THE EARTH"

about to sacrifice, to save them from such a fate.
Much as we reproached them on this account, I
cannot say that they amended at all. The most
astoimding thing in all their wars and cruelty was
that we could not find out any reason for them.
They made war against each other, although they
had neither kings, kingdoms, nor property of any
kind, without any apparent desire to plunder, and
without any lust for power — which always appear-
ed to me to be the moving causes of wars and
anarchy. When we asked them about this they
gave no reason other than that they did so to
avenge the murder of their ancestors. To con-
clude this disgusting subject: one man confessed
to me that he had eaten of the fiesh of over two
hundred bodies, and I believe it was the truth.

" In regard to the climate of this region, I should
say it was extremely pleasant and healthful; for
in all the time that we were there, which was ten
months, not one of us died, and only a few were
sick. They suffer from no infirmity, pestilence, or
corruption of the atmosphere, and die only natu-
ral deaths, unless they fall by their own hands or
in consequence of accident. In fact, physicians
would have a bad time in such a place.

"As we went solely to make discoveries, and
started with that view from Lisbon, without in-
tending to look for any profit, we did not trouble
ourselves to explore the country much, and found
nothing of great value; though I am inclined to
believe that it is capable, from its climate and
general appearance, of containing every kind of
natural wealth. It is not to be wondered at that
we did not discover at once everything that might
183

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

be turned to profit there, for the inhabitants think
nothing of gold or silver or precious stones, and
value only feathers and bones. But I hope that
I shall be sent again by the king to visit these
regions, and that many years will not elapse be-
fore they will bring immense profits and revenue
to the kingdom of Portugal.

"We found great quantities of dye-wood, enough
to load all the ships that float, and costing noth-
ing. The same may be said of cassia, crystals,
spices, and drugs; but the qualities of the last
are unknown. The inhabitants of the country
tell of gold and other metals; but I am one of
those who, like St. Thomas, are slow to believe.
Time will show all, however. Most of the time
of our stay the heavens were serene and adorned
with numerous bright and beautiful stars, many
of which I observed, with their revolutions.

"This may be considered a schedule, or, as it
were, a capita rerunt, of the things which I have
seen in these parts. Many things are omitted
which are worthy of being mentioned, in order to
avoid prolixity, and because they are foimd in my
account of the voyage. As yet I tarry at Lisbon,
waiting the pleasure of the king to determine what
I shall do. May it please God that I do whatever is
most to His glory and the salvation of my soul. "

A third and fuller accotint of the third
voyage, written to Lorenzo di Pier Fran-
cesco de Medici:

"In days past I gave your excellency a full
accotmt of my return, and, if I remember aright,
184

THE "FOURTH PART OF THE EARTH"

wrote you a description of all those parts of the
New World which I had visited in the ships of
his Highness the King of Portugal. Carefully-
considered, they appear truly to form another
world, and therefore we have, not without reason,
called it the New World.

"Not one of all the ancients had any knowledge
of it, and the things which have been lately ascer-
tained by us transcend all their ideas. They
thought there was nothing south of the equinoctial
line but an immense sea and some poor and bar-
ren islands. The sea they called the Atlantic,
and if sometimes they confessed that there might
be land in that region, they contended that it
must be sterile, and could not be otherwise than
uninhabitable. The present navigation has con-
troverted their opinions, and openly demonstrated
to all that they were very far from the truth. For,
beyond the equinoctial line I found countries more
fertile and more densely inhabited than I have
ever found anywhere else, even in Asia, Africa,
and Etirope — as will be more fully manifested by
duly attending to the following narration. Setting
aside all minor matters, I shall relate only those
of the greatest importance, which are well worthy
of commemoration, and those which I have per-
sonally seen, or heard of from men of credibility.
I shall now speak with much care concerning those
parts most recently discovered, and without any
romantic addition to the truth.

"With happy omens of success, we sailed from

Lisbon with three armed caravels, on the 13th of

May, 1501, to explore, by command of the king,

the regions of the New World. Steering a south-

185

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

west course, we sailed twenty months in a manner
which I shall now relate. In the first place, we
went to the Fortunate Islands, which are now
called the Grand Canaries. After navigating the
ocean we ran along the coast of Africa and the
country of the blacks as far as the promontory
which is called by Ptolemy Etiopia, by our people
Cape Verde, and by the negroes Biseneghe, while
the inhabitants themselves call it Madanghan.
The country is situated within the torrid zone, in
about fourteen degrees south latitude, and is
inhabited by the blacks. Here we reposed awhile
to refresh ourselves, took in every kind of provision,
and set sail, directing our course towards the ant-
arctic pole. . . .

"To shorten my relation as much as possible,
your excellency must know that we sailed ninety-
seven days, experiencing harsh and cruel fort-
une. During forty-four days the heavens v/ere in
great commotion, and we had nothing but thunder
and lightning and drenching rains. Dark clouds
covered the sky, so that by day we could see but
little better than we could in ordinary nights with-
out moonshine. The fear of death came over us,
and the hope of life almost deserted us. After all
these heavy afflictions at last it pleased God in
His mercy to have compassion on us and save our
lives. On a sudden, the land appeared in view,
and at the sight of it our courage, which had fallen
very low, and our strength, which had become
weakness, immediately revived. Thus it usually
happens to those who have passed through great
afflictions, and especially to those who have been
preserved from the rage of evil fortune.
i86

THE "FOURTH PART OF THE EARTH"

"On the 17th of August, in the year 1501, we
anchored by the shore of that country, and ren-
dered to the Supreme Being our most sincere
thanks, according to the Christian custom. The
land we discovered did not appear to be an island,
but a continent, as it extended far away in the
distance, without any appearance of termination.
It was beautifully fertile and very thickly inhabit-
ed, while all sorts of wild animals, which are un-
known in our parts, were there found in abun-
dance. . . . We were unanimously of the opinion
that our navigation should be continued along
this coast and that we should not lose sight of it.
We sailed, therefore, till we arrived at a certain
cape, which makes a turn to the south, and which
is perhaps three hundred leagues distant from the
place where we first saw land. In sailing this
distance we often landed and held intercourse with
the natives, and I have omitted to state that this
newly discovered land is about seven hundred
leagues distant from Cape Verde, though I was
persuaded that we had sailed at least eight hun-
dred. This was partly owing to a severe storm,
our frequent accidents, and partly to the ignorance
of the pilot.

"We had arrived at a place which, if I had not
possessed some knowledge of cosmography, by the
negligence of the pilot would have finished the
course of our lives. There was no pilot who knew
our situation within fifty leagues, and we went
rambling about, and should not have known
whither we were going if I had not provided, in
season for my own safety and that of my com-
panions, the astrolabe and quadrant, my astrolog-
187

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

ical instruments. On this occasion I acquired no
little glory for myself, so that from that time for-
ward I was held in such estimation by my com-
panions as the learned are held in by people of
quality. . . .

"This continent commences at eight degrees
south of the equinoctial line, and we sailed so far
along the coast that we passed seventeen degrees
beyond the winter tropic, towards the antarctic
pole, which was here elevated fifty degrees above
the horizon. The things which I saw here are un-
known to the men of our times. That is, the peo-
ple, their customs, their hiimanity, the fertility of
the soil, the mildness of the atmosphere, the celes-
tial bodies, and, above all, the fixed stars of the
eighth sphere, of which no mention has ever been
made. In fact, until now they have never been
known, even by the most learned of the ancients,
and I shall speak of them, therefore, more par-
ticularly. . . . The climate is very temperate and
the country supremely delightful. Although it
has many hills, yet it is watered by a great number
of springs and rivers, and the forests are so closely
studded that one cannot pass through them, on
account of the thickly standing trees. Among
these ramble ferocious animals of various kinds.
. . . The country produces no metal except gold;
and though we in this first voyage have brought
home none, yet all the people certified to the fact,
affirming that the region aboimded in gold, and
saying that among them it was little esteemed and
nearly valueless. They have many pearls and
precious stones, as we have recorded before. Now,
though I should be willing to describe all these

THE "FOURTH PART OF THE EARTH"

things particularly, yet, from the great number of
them and their diverse nature, this history would
become too extensive a work. Pliny, a most
learned man, who compiled histories of many
things, did not imagine the thousandth part of
these. If he had treated of each one of them, he
would have made a much larger but in truth a
very perfect work. . . .

"If there is a terrestrial paradise in the world,
it cannot be far from this region. The country, as
I have said before, facing the south, has such a
temperate climate that in winter they have no
cold and in summer are not troubled with heat.
The sky and atmosphere are seldom overshadowed
with clouds, and the days are almost always se-
rene. Dew sometimes falls, but very lightly, and
only for the space of three or four hours, and
then vanishes like mist. They have scarcely any
vapors, and the sky is splendidly adorned with
stars unknown to us, of which I have retained a
particular remembrance, and have enumerated as
many as twenty whose brightness is equal to that
of Venus or Jupiter. I considered also their cir-
cuit and their various motions, and, having a
knowledge of geometry, I easily measured their
circumference and diameter, and am certain, there-
fore, that they are of much greater magnitude
than men imagine. Among the others, I saw three
Canopi, two being very bright, while the third was
dim and unlike the others.

"The antarctic pole has not the Ursa Major

and Minor, which can be seen at our arctic pole;

neither are there any bright stars touching the

pole, but of those which revolve around it there

189

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

are four, in the form of a quadrangle. While these
are rising, there is seen at the left a brilliant
Canopus, of admirable magnitude, which, having
reached mid-sky, forms the figure of a triangle.
To these succeed three other brilliant stars, of
which the one placed in the centre has twelve
degrees of circumference. In the midst of them
is another brilliant Canopus. After these follow
six other bright stars, whose splendor surpasses
that of all others in the eighth sphere. . . . These
are all to be seen in the Milky Way, and when they
arrive at the meridian show the figure of a triangle,
but have two sides longer than the other. I saw
there many other stars, and carefully observed
their various motions, composing a book which
treats of them particularly. In this book I have
related almost all the remarkable things which I
have encountered in the course of my navigation,
and with which I have become acquainted. The
book is at present in the possession of the king,
and I hope he will return it soon into my hands.

' ' I examined some things in that hemisphere
very diligently, which enables me to contradict
the opinions of philosophers. Among other things,
I saw the rainbow — that is, the celestial arch —
which is white near midnight. Now, in the opinion
of some, it takes the color of the four elements:
the red from fire, the green from the earth, the
white from the air, and blue from the water.
Aristotle, in his book entitled Meteors, is of a very
different opinion. He says: 'The celestial arch is
a repercussion of the sun's rays in the vapors of
the clouds where they meet, as brightness reflected
from the water upon the wall returns to itself.
190

THE "FOURTH PART OF THE EARTH"

By its interposition it tempers the heat of the
stin; by resolving itself into rain it fertilizes the
earth, and by its splendor beautifies the heavens.
It demonstrates that the atmosphere is filled with
humidity, which will disappear forty years before
the end of the world, which will be an indication
of the dryness of the elements. It announces
peace between God and man, is always opposite
the sun, is never seen at noon, because the sun is
never in the north.'

" But Pliny says that after the autumnal equinox
it appears every hour. This I have extracted
from the Comments of Landino on the fourth book
of the Mneid, and I mention it that no man may
be deprived of the fruits of his labors, and that due
honors may be rendered to every one. I saw this
bow two or three times ; neither am I alone in my
reflections upon this subject, for many mariners
are also of my opinion. We saw also the new
moon at mid-day, as it came into conjunction with
the sun. There were seen also, every night, vapors
and burning flames flashing across the sky. A
little above, I called this region by the name of
hemisphere, which, if we would not speak im-
properly, cannot be so called when comparing it
with our own. It appeared to present that form
only partially, and it seemed to us speaking im-
properly to call it a 'hemisphere.'

" As I have before stated, we sailed from Lisbon
— which is nearly forty degrees distant from the
equinoctial line towards the north — to this coun-
try, which is fifty degrees on the other side of the
line. The simi of these degrees is ninety, and is
the fourth part of the circumference of the globe,
191

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

according to the true reckoning of the ancients.
It is therefore manifest to all that we measured the
fourth part of the earth. ^

"We who reside in Lisbon, nearly forty degrees
north of the equinoctial line, are distant from those
who reside on the other side of the line, in angxilar
meridional length, ninety degrees — that is, oblique-
ly. In order that the case may be more plainly
understood, I woxild observe that a perpendicular
line starting from that part in the heavens which
is our zenith strikes those obliquely who are fifty
degrees beyond the equinoctial line: whence it
appears that we are in the direct line, and they,
in comparison with us, are in the oblique one, and
this situation forms the figure of a right-angled
triangle, of which we have the direct lines, as the
figure more clearly demonstrates.

"Such are the things which in this, my last
navigation, I have considered worthy of being
made known; nor have I, without reason, called
this work my Third Journey. I have before com-
posed two other books on navigation which, by
command of Ferdinand, King of Castile, I per-
formed in the West, in which many things not
unworthy of being made known are particularly
described: especially those which appertain to the
glory of our Saviour, who, with marvellous skill,
built this machine, the world. And, in truth, who
can ever sufficiently praise God? I have related
marvellous things concerning him in the aforesaid
work. I have stated briefly that which relates to
the position and ornaments of the globe, so that

' See Chapter XVI,
192

THE "FOURTH PART OF THE EARTH"

when I shall be more at leisure I may be able to
write out, with greater care, a work upon cosmog-
raphy, in order that future ages may bear me in
remembrance. Such works teach me more fully,
from day to day, to honor the Supreme God, and
finally to arrive at the knowledge of those things
with which our ancestors and the ancient fathers
had no acquaintance. With most humble prayers
I supplicate our Saviour, whose province it is to
have compassion upon mortals, that he prolong
my life sufficiently for me to perform what I have
pxirposed to do."

XIII

THE FOURTH GREAT VOYAGE
1503-1504

DOUBTLESS otir readers share our wish
that the personality of Vespucci cotild.
appear more strongly depicted than it has
been presented in this volume; but that is
a fault, not of the biographer so much as
the hero of this biography. It must have
been noticed, indeed, that Vespucci says
little or nothing of his companions on these
voyages, not even mentioning the com-
manders; but at the same time he makes
rare mention of himself; so we cannot
ascribe it to a desire for making himself
prominent at their expense. It is simply a
fault of style, or a result of his endeavor to
be concise, and bring forward the most
interesting events of the voyages and dis-
coveries, with the least waste of time and
effort.

He was engaged in exploring new regions ;
194

THE FOURTH GREAT VOYAGE

his time was occupied in noting the salient
features of the scenery, the traits of the
barbaric peoples, and especially closely ob-
serving and enumerating the stars. Astron-
omy was a passion with him, and he passed
many nights without sleep, during both
voyages to the southern hemisphere, in
rapt contemplation of the glorious constel-
lations. As he rightly observed in one of
his letters, his observations would siorely
bring him fame, and no worthier object
cotild claim his attention, even to the ex-
clusion of all other work. So it is as the
self-absorbed astronomer, the open-minded
man o£ science, seeking to penetrate the
secrets of nature and achieve immortal
fame, that we must regard our hero at this
time.

On his return from the third voyage,
Vespucci was royally received by King
Emanuel, even though he had come back
almost empty-handed, without gold or gems,
silver, spices, or pearls. He had sailed far-
ther south than any of his predecessors, hav-
ing gone beyond the latitude of the Cape of
Good Hope, discovered the beautiful bay
which he called Rio de Janeiro, and perhaps
looked into the mouth of the River de la
I9S

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

Plata. He had not discovered the "secret
of the strait" — that passage through the
land-mass which confronted all the voyagers
from Coliimbus to Magellan; nor was it re-
vealed until the last-named, in 1520, pene-
trated the great strait that now bears his
name, and sailed through into the Pacific.

It may be argued that not Vespucci, but
another (name unknown), was the com-
mander of this expedition; but while this
other was nominally in command, the
Florentine was the chief pilot, the navi-
gator, and directed the ships along their
courses without mishap. In fact, one of
his biographers has pointed out that the
navigating of this fleet, especially the sail-
ing in almost a straight line from the north-
ern coast of Brazil to Sierra Leone, on the
northwest coast of Africa, was a tritmiph of
scientific navigation. There is no question
that Amerigo Vespucci was the greatest
navigator of his time, and a recognition of
this fact is found in his appointment by
King Ferdinand, a few years later, as the
chief pilot of his kingdom.

Not alone King Emanuel and his court
recognized the genius of Vespucci, but the
people of Portugal and of Florence. He
196

THE FOURTH GREAT VOYAGE

was received in Lisbon with transports of
enthusiasm, and one of his ships, which had
worn itself out in the voyage, was dis-
mantled, "and portions of it were carried
in solemn procession to a church, where
they were suspended as precious relics."
His fame extended far and wide, and in
Florence, the city of his birth, public cere-
monies were held, and honors bestowed upon
his family.

He returned to Lisbon in September,
1502, and eight months later, at the urgent
request of the king, started on another
voyage in continuation of the last, in the
hope of finally finding a strait through the
continent by which India might be reached.
About this time two events took place which
are worthy of note. His patron, Lorenzo,
died in June, 1503, and a year later a Latin
version of his letter to him was published un-
der the title Mundus Novus, or New World.

We must not lose sight of this title and
this publication, for (as will be more fully
explained in a succeeding chapter) they had
much to do with the future defamation of
Vespucci. He, it will be observed, was pur-
suing his voyage to, or from, that "New
World," while that little quarto of only
14 197

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

four leaves, with its significant title, was
being printed and circtdated in Europe.
Both Vespucci and Columbus were then
absent from Europe, and both engaged in
a desperate struggle with adverse elements,
at the time this pamphlet was published:
the one on the coast of Brazil, the other on
his last voyage to the West Indies, in which
he suffered shipwreck and nearly perished of
starvation.

Both Columbus and Vespucci were inno-
cent of promulgating this title, or this
pamphlet, except that the latter had used
the term "new world" as possibly applving
to his discoveries in the south Atlantic.
But, while they were perilling their lives in
the service of their sovereigns, each striving
for a common goal, though neither envious
of the other, capricious Fame was weaving
a web in which both were to be enmeshed,
and from which Vespucci was not to escape
until after the lapse of centtiries.

The inscription in this pamphlet states:
"The interpreter Giocondo translated this
letter from the Italian into the Latin lan-
guage, that all who are versed in the latter
may learn how many wonderful things are
being discovered every day, and that the
198

THE FOURTH GREAT VOYAGE

temerity of those who want to probe the
Heavens and their majesty, and to know
more than is allowed to know, be confound-
ed: as, notwithstanding the long time since
the world began to exist, the vastness of the
earth and what it contains is still unknown."
This inscription meant that Vespucci's
letter had opened the eyes of even the
clerics to the fact that there was much in
the world then undiscovered, and existing
contrary to their preconceived notions. The
interpreter was a Dominican friar of erudi-
tion for his trmes, one Giovanni Giocondo,
an eminent mathematician of Verona, and
an architect, who was then living in Paris,
where, it is said, he was engaged in building
the bridge of Notre Dame. It was a Gio-
condo, and perhaps this same man, who was
sent by King Emanuel to persuade Ves-
pucci to enlist in his service (as told by him
on page 170) ; but whether the same, or one
of his family, he was intimately acquainted
with the famous Florentines, including Ves-
pucci, the Medici, and Piero Soderini. He,
doubtless, saw the letters written by Ves-
pucci when in manuscript, and condensed
them into his narration, giving full credit
to the author in his publication. He was
199

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

the tinconscious cause of an injustice to
Columbus, perhaps, and also of undue promi-
nence being given to the name of Amerigo
Vespucci, for it was through the issue of his
book that, in a roundabout way, the appel-
lation America came to be bestowed upon
the western continents.

We will elaborate this argument in another
chapter; but (requesting the reader mean-
while to retain these premises in his mind)
we will first foUow Vespucci on his fourth,
and last, important voyage to the southern
hemisphere. In a passage appended to the
letter quoted in the previous chapter, and
which we herewith reproduce, Vespucci
says :

"My three journeys I think I shall defer writing
about in full until another time. Probably when
I have retximed safe and sound to my native
country, with the aid and counsel of learned men,
and the encouragement of friends, I shall write
with care a larger work than this. Your excel-
lency [Lorenzo de Medici] will pardon me for not
having sent you the journals which I kept from
day to day in this my last navigation, as I had
promised to do. The king has been the cause of
it, and he still retains my manuscripts. But, since,
I have delayed performing this work until the
present day, perhaps I shall add a fourth journey;

THE FOURTH GREAT VOYAGE

for I contemplate going again to explore that
southern part of the New World, and for the
purpose of carrying out such intention two vessels
are already armed, equipped, and supplied with
provisions. I shall first go eastward, before mak-
ing the voyage south; I shall then sail to the
southwest, and when arrived there shall do many
things for the praise and glory of God, the benefit
of my country, the perpetual memory of my name,
and particularly for the honor and solace of my
old age, which has nearly come upon me.

' ' There is nothing wanting in this affair but the
leave of the king, and when this is obtained, as it
soon will be, we shall sail on a long voyage; and
may it please God to give it a happy termination!"

This voyage was tindertaken in the spring,
or early summer, of 1503, and extended
over twelve months, only terminating with
the return to Lisbon on June 18, 1504. It
was, perhaps, the least satisfactory of any
Vespucci had undertaken, and his disgust
is plainly apparent in the following account
of it, contained in a letter to Piero Soderini,
written in Lisbon a few months after his
return :

"It remains for me to relate the things which
were seen by me in my fourth voyage; and by
reason that I have now become wearied, and also
because this voyage did not result according to
my wishes (in consequence of a misfortune which

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

happened in the Atlantic Sea), I shall endeavor
to be brief.

"We set sail from this port of Lisbon, six ships
in company, for the purpose of making discoveries
with regard to an island in the east called Malacca,
which is reported very rich. It is, as it were, the
warehouse of all the ships which come from the
Sea of Ganges and the Indian Ocean, as Cadiz is
the storehouse for all ships that pass from east to
west, and from west to east, by way of Calcutta.
This Malacca is farther east, and much farther
south, than Calcutta, because we know that it is
situated at the parallel of three degrees north lat-
itude.

"We set out on the loth of May, 1503, and
sailed directly for the Cape Verde Islands, where
we made up our cargo, taking in every kind of
refreshment. After remaining here three days,
we departed on our voyage, sailing in a southerly
direction. Our superior captain [Coelho] was a
presumptuous and very obstinate man; he would
insist upon going to reconnoitre Sierra Leone, a
southern country of Ethiopia, without there being
any necessity for it, unless to exhibit himself as
the captain of six vessels. He acted contrary to
the wishes of all our captains in pursuing this
course. Sailing in this direction, when we arrived
off the coast of this country we had such bad
weather that though we remained in sight of the
coast four days, it did not permit us to land. We
were compelled at length to leave the country,
sailing from there to the south, and bearing south-
west.

"When we had sailed three hundred leagues
202

THE FOURTH GREAT VOYAGE

through the Great Sea, being then three degrees
south of the equinoctial line, land was discovered,
which might have been twenty-two leagues dis-
tant from us, and which we found to be an island
in the midst of the sea. We were filled with won-
der at beholding it, considering it a natural curi-
osity, as it was very high, and not more than two
leagues in length by one in width. This island was
not inhabited by any people, and was an evil island
for the whole fleet, because, by the evil counsel
and bad management of our superior captain, he
lost his ship here. He ran her upon a rock, and
she split open and went to the bottom, on the
night of the loth of August, and nothing was
saved from her except the crew. She was a car-
rack of three hundred tons, and carried ever3rthing
of most importance in the fleet.

"As the whole fleet was compelled to labor for
the common benefit, the captain ordered me to
go with my ship to the aforesaid island and look
for a good harbor, where all the ships might anchor.
As my boat, filled with nine of my mariners, was
of service, and helped to keep up a communication
between the ships, he did not wish me to take it,
telling me they would bring it to me at the island.
So I left the fleet, as he ordered me, without a
small boat, and with less than half my men, and
went to the said island, about four leagues distant.
There I found a very good harbor, where all the
ships might have anchored in perfect safety. I
waited for the captain and the fleet full eight days,
but they never came ; so that we were very much
dissatisfied, and the people who remained with me
in the ship were in such great fear that I could not
203

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

console them. On the eighth day we saw the ship
coming, off at sea, and for fear those on board
might not see us, we raised anchor and went
towards it, thinking they might bring me my boat
and men. When we arrived alongside, after the
usual salutations, they told us that the captain
had gone to the bottom, that all the crew had been
saved, and that my boat and men remained with
the fleet, which had gone farther to sea. This was
a grievous thing to us, as your magnificence may
well think, for it was no trifle to find ourselves far
distant from Lisbon, in mid-ocean, with so few
men. However, we bore up under adverse fortune,
and, returning to the island, supplied ourselves with
wood and water, using the boat of my consort.

"This island we found uninhabited. It had
plenty of fresh water, and an abundance of trees
filled with countless numbers of land and marine
birds, which were so simple that they suffered
themselves to be taken with the hand. We took
so many that we loaded a boat with them. We
saw no other animals, except some very large
rats, some snakes, and lizards with two tails.
Having taken in our supplies we departed for the
southwest, as we had an order from the king that
if any vessel of the fleet, or its captain, should
be lost, I should make for the land of my last
voyage. We discovered a harbor which we called
the bay of All Saints, and it pleased God to give
us such good weather that we arrived at it in
seventeen days. It was distant three hundred
leagues from the island we had left, and we found
neither our captain nor any other ship of the fleet
in the course of the voyage. We waited full two
204

THE FOURTH GREAT VOYAGE

months and four days in this harbor, and, seeing
that no orders came for us, we agreed, my consort
and myself, to run along the coast. We sailed
two hundred and sixty leagues farther and arrived
at a harbor, where we determined to build a fort-
ress. This we accomplished, and left in it the
twenty-four men that my consort had received
from the captain's ship that was lost.

In this port we stayed five months, building the
fortress and loading our ships with dye-woods.
We could not proceed farther for want of men,
and besides, I was destitute of many equipments.
Thus, having finished our labors, we determined to
return to Portugal, leaving the twenty-four men
in the fortress, with provisions for six months,
with twelve pieces of cannon, and many other
arms. We made peace with all the people of the
country — who have not been mentioned in this
voyage, but not because we did not see and treat
with a great number of them. As many as thirtj'
men of us went forty leagues inland, where we
saw so many things that I omit to relate them,
reserving them for my Four Journeys.

"This country is situated eighteen deg^rees south
of the equinoctial line, and fifty - seven degrees
farther west than Lisbon, as our instruments
showed us. All this being performed, we bade
farewell to the Christians we left behind us, and
to the country, and commenced our navigation on
a northeast course, with the intention of sailing
directly to this city of Lisbon. In seventy-seven
days, after many toils and dangers, we entered
this port on the i8th of Jime, 1504 — for which
God be praised! We were well received, although
205

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

altogether unexpected, as the whole city had given
us up for lost. All the other ships of the fleet had
been lost, through the pride and folly of our com-
mander, and thus it is that God rewards haughti-
ness and vanity.

"At present, I find myself here in Lisbon again,
and I do not know what the king wishes me to do,
but I am very desirous of obtaining repose. The
bearer of this, who is Benvenuto di Domenico
Benvenuti, will tell your magnificence of my con-
dition, and of any other things which have been
omitted, to avoid prolixity, but which I have seen
and experienced. I have abbreviated the letter
as much as I could, and omitted to say many
things very natural to be told, that I might not
be tedious.

"Allow me to commend to you Sr. Antonio
Vespucci, my brother, and all my family. I re-
main, praying God that he may prolong your life,
and prosper that exalted republic of Florence,
"Your very humble servant,

"Amerigo Vespucci.

"Lisbon, 4th September, 1504."

This was the last letter, so far as we can
ascertain, written by Vespucci concerning
his voyages — or, at least, the last that has
been brought to light; though it is hoped
that his manuscript journals, to which he
repeatedly refers, may yet be found. They
are, doubtless, btiried in the secret archives
of either the crown of Portugal or of Spain,
206

THE FOURTH GREAT VOYAGE

as at different times he alludes to them as
being in the hands of the kings, from whom
he hopes to receive them at their pleasure.
Both King Emanuel and King Ferdinand
held Vespucci in great esteem; but, as con-
sideration for their subjects, whether high
or low, never entered their minds, they prob-
ably retained the manuscripts for years, and
eventually these precious documents may
have been buried beneath the vast accumu-
lation of papers relating to the voyages and
discoveries in both hemispheres.

Vespucci was in error respecting the re-
maining ships of the fleet engaged in his
fotirth voyage, for a few months later they
came back to Lisbon in a shattered condi-
tion, but, so far as known, with their crews
intact. They had sailed farther to the
south than Vespucci went on this voyage,
probably as far as the mouth of the great
river La Plata, which Solis has the credit of
discovering a few years later. It had been
learned by that time that the coasts brought
to view by the constantly lengthening voy-
ages into the south were situated to the
west of the great line of demarcation sep-
arating the discoveries of Spain and Portugal,
and hence belonged to the former. This
207

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

fact has a bearing upon the departure of
Vespucci and other noted captains from
Portugal about this time, as, if they would
ptirsue these explorations to their logical
conclusion, they must enlist beneath the
banner of King Ferdinand. Hence we find
our hero, towards the end of 1504, once
again in Spain, and in high favor with the
king.

XIV

KING Ferdinand's friend
1505-1508

THE Slimmer of 1504 Vespucci passed in
Portugal, attending to matters connect-
ed with his last voyage, which had such
an unsatisfactory ending; but in the latter
part of that year we find him once again in
Seville. It is prestimed he was warmly wel-
comed by his wife, after this long absence
of nearly four years; but nothing exists at
all to indicate his marital relations, and so
far as furnishing material for his biographers
is concerned, he might as well have remained
single all his life. In point of fact, Amerigo
Vespucci, though sterling in his friendships,
ardent and even affectionate, was a true
celibate. He was wedded to Science, his
whole nature was absorbed by the pursuits
to which he had, perhaps fortuitously, de-
voted his maturer years. If we contrast
him with Columbus, in respect to the higher
209

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

qualities of his character, we cannot but be
impressed by the difference between these
two, for, while the latter was weak, impres-
sionable, if not passionate, the former was
strong, flawless in his morals, devoted ever
to the star-eyed goddess in whose service he
had enlisted for life.

He was humane, generous, unselfish, while
Coltmibus, though of more heroic propor-
tions than his rival, was at times selfish,
ungenerous, cruel — as witness his treatment
of the Pinzons, his claiming the reward for
the discovery of land, which rightly be-
longed to Rodrigo de Triana, his massacres
of Indians in Hispaniola and enslavement
of the survivors. Against Amerigo Vespucci
no such charges of immorality, cruelty, and
bigotry can be brought as against Coltmi-
bus, and the sole accusation against him,
of falsifying the date of his "first" voyage,
has not been sustained by the evidence.

His eulogist, Canovai, says of him, in
somewhat extravagant terms; "Behold the
transport of that lively emulation which
springs from the indisputable consciousness
of talents, and is nourished by the pure and
delicate essence of virtue, which shines tm-
contaminated in every footstep of the hero.

KING FERDINAND'S FRIEND

It seems enmity, but is laudable strife; it
seems envy, but is a generous ambition.
If Coltimbus had fovind rivals and enemies
resembling Amerigo, I should not see, as
now, the magnificent scene of his triumph
so suddenly changed into mourning and
horror, the gloomy night of ignominy and
mockery succeed the brief light of ephemeral
happiness, and that invincible leader, who
redoubled the power and dominions of un-
grateful Castile, groaning under the weight
of infamous chains, while he asks for nothing
but liberty to carry her arms to the most
distant shores of the West.

" Go now, and turning yotir eyes from the
atrocious metamorphosis, exclaim it is chance
— it is fate ; arbitrary sounds and sterile syl-
lables, with which no distinct idea can ever
be associated. Alas! are there not imper-
ceptible threads by which a regulating hand
guides us through a crooked labyrinth from
causes to effects, and prepares in silence the
events of the universe? Prostrated by im-
placable vengeance, and despoiled of the
exclusive right to discoveries and honors,
Columbus pines in inaction; but no new
columns of Hercules, beyond which the pilot
dares not pass, stand erect before the shores

211

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

of Mexico. Amerigo Vespucci reunites the
web of fortunate events. Amerigo succeeds
Columbus!"

In simpler diction, Coltimbus brought all
his troubles upon himself. He dared much,
but he demanded more than he was, by
merit of mere achievement, entitled to re-
ceive. He was constantly warring for his
alleged rights — ^with the king, with Fonseca,
with his fellow-explorers, and especially with
such commanders of ships or expeditions
as might by their discoveries belittle his
accomplishments. Hence resvdted untold
misery to the natives of the New World,
consequent upon the crushing despotism
he inaugiirated in order to gain gold with
which to vindicate himself to his sovereigns.
Hence came BodadHla and Ovando, sent
out to investigate his doings, one of whom
despatched him in fetters to Spain, and the
other hastened the extinction of the Indians,
already begun by Columbus himself.

The aggressive insistence of Columbus in
the matter of honors and privileges, which
were in their nature but temporary, are in
decided contrast to the modesty and sim-
plicity of Vespucci, who indeed was ambi-
tious to acquire an honorable name which

212

KING FERDINAND'S FRIEND

should be "the comfort and solace of his
old age," but who, "by his quiet and un-
obtrusive manners, made friends even among
his rivals." He was scrupulously regardful
of the rights of others, treating the helpless
natives with especial tenderness. This state-
ment may seem to be disproved by the fact
that on two of his voyages he took home
gangs of Indians to be sold as slaves; but
it is not known that he himself was respon-
sible for this, as he was not the real com-
mander of the expeditions, though the actual
scientific head and navigator.

He was as deeply devout as Columbus
himself, always rendering thanks to the
Almighty for His favors, but was by no
means a fanatic in religion. While Colimi-
bus ascribes his discoveries to the especial
favor of some particular saint, on occasions,
or his deliverance from danger to the direct
interposition of Providence, Vespucci makes
no such superstitious claims for himself,
though acknowledging his dependence upon
God and expressing gratitude for divine
support. He beUeved, evidently, in the
precept of the Golden Rule — "Do unto
others as you wotild have them do to you";
and this, alas, cannot be said of Christopher
IS 213

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

Columbus. Though he married late in life,
and had no children of his own, Vespucci
"was full of affectionate feeling for his
family, as his care and attention to the edu-
cation and advancement of his nephew, and
his memory of relatives in Florence, from
whom he had been so long absent, amply
testify."

Finally, the structure which Coliimbus
fain would have raised has crumbled to
ruins, while that built by Vespucci, who
labored without thought of himself, or hope
of reward, has been strengthened by the
lapse of time, and will stand so long as the
world endtires. Vespucci htmibled himself,
and was exalted, for the name bestowed upon
the hemisphere which these two were instru-
mental in revealing to Europe was suggest-
ed by utter strangers to the Florentine —
men of penetrating mind, who perceived an
eternal fitness in calling it America.

These reflections arise from the fact that,
soon after the return of Vespucci to Seville,
he met, and was probably entertained by,
Christopher Columbus. The old Admiral
had but recently returned from his fourth
ahd last voyage to the West Indies, where
he had escaped death by a miracle, and
214

KING FERDINAND'S FRIEND

had suffered hiuniliation at the hands of the
atrocious Ovando. He had come back to
Spain to find his friend and protectress,
Isabella, on a bed of death; to encounter
the ingratitude of Ferdinand and meet the
charges of his enemies. He was never to
make another voyage until he embarked on
that last long journey into the world un-
known.

Broken in fortune, worn by the ills of
advancing age, crushed beneath the calum-
nies of his foes, Columbus felt the end ap-
proaching, probably, and perhaps looked
upon Vespucci as, in a sense, his successor.
At least he perceived that the latter 's star
was in the ascendant, for he knew him as a
friend of King Ferdinand, who, mistrustful
ever of the man who had discovered a new
empire for him to rule, yet was inclined to
favor Vespucci, whose sterling qualities he
appreciated. He had always liked the Flor-
entine for his manly, modest bearing, his
sturdy good sense, his industry, patience,
erudition, and eminent abilities in general.
Here was a man ■yv^ho made voyages by
which the pathways were opened to new
countries, without stipulating in advance
that he should be rewarded with the ad-

2IS

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

miralty of the Ocean Sea, without bargain-
ing for the viceroyship of the cotintries he
discovered, or for a tenth of all their re-
sotirces and trade. He seemed to have no
thought of himself, so absorbed was he in
performing a work which, he had every
reason to believe, would redound to the
honor of the land he was born in and the
sovereigns he served.

He had, to be sure, carried his talents to
a rival sovereign, and served him as faith-
fully as he had King Ferdinand; but the
latter bore him no ill-will for that. It is
not certain, in truth, that he had not con-
nived at Vespucci's entering the service of
Portugal for a time, as, in view of his return
to Spain, he received all the benefit of his
experience. It was by means of Vespucci's
voyage, most probably, that it was definitely
ascertained how far Portugal had encroached
upon territory assigned by the pope to her
great rival, Spain. Deep and crafty was the
diplomacy of King Ferdinand, and it is
within the bounds of probability that he
himself sent the silent, observant, faithful
Vespucci to take service with King Eman-
uel for a season.

The overlapping voyages of Vespucci and
216

KING FERDINAND'S FRIEND

Pinzon, in 1499, 150O1 1501, and 1503, had
decided the question of sovereignty in South
America — at least its northern coasts — in
favor of Spain. These two, then, were soon
commissioned by Ferdinand to equip a fleet,
of which they were to be the joint command-
ers. This fleet was to sail for Brazil, and
thence, after establishing colonies, or forts,
continue the explorations they had severally
so auspiciously begun. On April 11, 1505
(it is on record), the king made Vespucci a
grant of twelve thousand maravedis, and
on the 24th of the same month letters of
naturalization were issued in his behalf, "in
consideration of Amerigo Vespucci's fidel-
ity, and his many valuable services to the
crown."

Before proceeding to relate the story of
Vespucci's renewed service with King Fer-
dinand, let us, however, return to the sub-
ject of his intercourse with Columbus, with
whom, as there is strong evidence in proof,
he was on terms of intimate friendship.
This proof is found in a letter written by
Columbus, at a time (as already mentioned)
when he was in disfavor at court, and after
his return from the last and most unfort-
lonate voyage. It furnishes evidence of the
217

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

most positive character that Vespucci and
Coltimbus did not consider themselves as ri-
vals, but were actually on the best of terms.
It was written nearly a year after the first
publication of Vespucci's letter to Lorenzo
de Medici, alluded to in the previous chap-
ter; yet the relations between the two dis-
coverers were such as might have existed be-
tween men vuiited by fraternal ties.

"To my very dear Son, Don Diego Columbus — at
the Court.

"My dear Son, — "Diego Mendez departed
from' this place on Monday, the 3d of this month.
After his departure I held converse with Amer-
igo Vespucci, the bearer of this letter, who goes to
court on some business connected with navigation.
He has always been desirous of serving me, and is
an honorable man, though fortune has been unpro-
pitious to him, as to many others; and his labors
have not been as profitable as he deserves. He
goes on my account, and with a great desire to do
something which may redound to my advantage,
if it is in his power.

"I know not here what instructions to give him
that will benefit me, because I am ignorant of
what will be required there; but he goes deter-
mined to do for me all that is possible. See what
can be done to advantage there, and labor for it,
that he may know and speak of everything, and
deVote himself to the work ; and let everything be
218

KING FERDINAND'S FRIEND

done with secrecy, that no suspicions may arise.
I have said to him all that I can say touching the
business, and have informed him of all payments
which have been made me, and what is due.

' ' This letter is also intended for the adelantado
[Don Bartholomew, Christopher's brother], that he
may avail himself of any advantage and a4vice on
the subject. His highness believes that the ships
were in the best and richest portion of the Indies,
and if he desires to know anything more on the
subject, I will satisfy him by word of mouth, for
it is impossible for me to tell him by letter.

"May the Lord have you in His holy keeping.

"Done at Seville, the sth of February, 1505.

"Thy father, who loves thee better than him-
self, Christopher Columbus.
"S.
" S. A. S.
" X. M. Y.
" Xpo. Ferens."

This precious document was found in the
archives of Spain by Navarrete, whose vol-
umes constitute a veritable mine of Span-
ish history. The superscription at the foot
of the letter was adopted by Coltmibus
after he became a "Don," and is supposed
to mean: "Servus, Supplex Altissimi Salva-
tori; Christus, Maria, Josephus"; or, in
English: "Humble Servant of the most
high Saviour; Christ, Mary, Joseph." The
219

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

original letter is contained in the collection
of an indirect descendant of Columbus, the
Duke of Veragua. It bears ample testimony
to the important fact that, whUe the great
Columbus was not permitted to present
himself at court, his friend Vespucci not
only had access to the throne but strong
influence there.

XV

PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN
1508-1512

IF Vespucci had been as heedful of post-
humous fame as Columbus, who lost no
opportunity for trumpeting his deeds to the
world, we should be better prepared to pre-
sent a continuous narrative of his life than
it is possible to gather from the fragmentary
material he has left behind him. "The
transactions of Vespucci at cotu-t," says Mr.
Fiske, the eminent historian, "and the nat-
ure of the maritime enterprises that were
set on foot or carried to completion during
the next few years, are to be gathered chiefly
from old account-books, contracts, and other
business documents, unearthed by the in-
defatigable Navarrete, and printed in his
great collection. . . . Unfortunately, account-
books and legal documents, having been
written for other piu-poses than the grati-
fication of the historian, are — like the 'geo-

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

logical record' — imperfect. Too many links
are missing, to enable us to determine with
certainty just how the work was shared
among these mariners (Vespucci, La Cosa,
Pinzon, and Solis), or just how many voy-
ages were undertaken. But it is clear that
the first enterprise contemplated (by King
Ferdinand) was a voyage by Pinzon, in
company with either Solis or Vespucci, or
both, for the ptirpose of finding an end to
the continent or a passage into the Indian
Ocean. What Vespucci had failed to do in
his last voyage for Portugal, he now proposed
to do in a voyage for Spain."

While the large fieet for this purpose was
being prepared, it is believed, Vespucci and
La Cosa made two voyages, one in 1505 and
another in 1507, to Darien and the Pearl
Coast, which resulted more profitably to
them than any others they had undertaken.
As these voyages were simply for commer-
cial purposes, and as Vespucci seems to have
held in contempt the mere acquisition of
riches, especially when the promotion of
discovery was not the aim of his expeditions,
he makes no mention of them whatever.
In truth, but for the finding of two letters,
sent to the Venetian senate by its diplo-

PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN

matic agents in Spain, dated 1505 and 1507,
these fifth and sixth voyages of Vespucci
wotdd have been overlooked entirely. The
omission illustrates his carelessness in re-
spect to the chronicling of his deeds, his
heedlessness as to fame and glory. As one
of his eulogists truly says : "In none of his
writings does Vespucci claim for himself
advancement, honor, or emolument, nor
does he seek to delude his patrons with
visions of untold wealth. His letters are the
easy effusions of a great mind filled with
admiration at the fertile regions, balmy
climate, and primitive races of the New
World. Ever modest, he merges himself
in the greatness of his undertaking; and
if the civilized world with one accord gave
his name to the regions he was the first in
modern times to visit, it was a tribute which
it deemed just and paid unasked."

Owing to the protests of Portugal, it is
thought, the great fleet intended for the
extension of discovery along the southern
coast of Brazil was dispersed and its vessels
diverted to other seas. Vespucci had been
active in its equipment, and during the un-
certainty existing in Spain after the death
of Queen Isabella, and the consequent de-
223

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

rangement of affairs at court, he appears
prominently in the business. He was de-
spatched to court by the board of trade of
Seville, especially commissioned to extricate
them from the dilemma in which they found
themselves: unable to determine whether
they were to act in the name of the crazy
princess, Juana, her foreign consort, Philip,
or the old king, Ferdinand. In order to be
able to meet any emergency, Vespucci was
furnished with three different letters and
sets of instructions. "You will take," wrote
the president of the board of trade to
Amerigo, "three letters: for the king, Vila,
his grand chamberlain, and the secretary,
Gricio, besides five memorials: one upon
the despatch of the armament, two others
received from Hispaniola concerning the
tower which King Ferdinand commanded
to be built upon the Pearl Coast, and the
remaining two upon the caravels which are
on service in Hispaniola, and concerning
what things are necessary for the fortress
which is building there. If Gricio is at court,
and attends to the affairs of the Indies, give
him the letter, show him the memorials, and
he will guide you to the ear of the king and
obtain for you good despatch. We are in-
224

PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN

formed, however, that the king has intrusted
the business of the Indies to M. de Vila, his
grand chamberlain, and if that is the case
go directly to him. What we principally
desire is a full understanding of the agree-
ment which has been entered into between
the king, our lord (Philip, the consort of
Juana Loca), and King Ferdinand, in order
that we may be able to give to each prince
that which is his."

Without going further into the affairs of
court at this period — ^merely pausing to re-
mark that after the death of Philip the old
king soon extricated his kingdom from the
state of embarrassment into which it had
been plunged — we cannot but note that
Amerigo Vespucci must have been a man of
weight and influence to be selected for such
a mission. It was a visit to the court previ-
otis to this which Columbus had in mind
when he gave him the letter to his son Don
Diego. The biographer of Columbus, Mr.
Irving, has tried to make it appear that he
was used by Columbus to further his own
ends, for he says: "Among the persons
whom Columbus employed at this time in
his missions to the coiu-t was Amerigo Ves-
pucci. He describes him as a worthy but

225

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

unfortunate man, who had not profited as
much as he deserves by his undertakings,
and who had always been disposed to render
him a service. His object in employing him
appears to have been to prove the value of
his last voyage, and that he had been in the
most opulent parts of the New World, Ves-
pucci having since touched upon the same
coast, in a voyage with Alonzo de Ojeda."

Now, this amiable apologist, in his per-
sistent efforts to thrust Amerigo Vespucci
into positions subordinate to Columbus,
defeats his own purpose and disparages his
own hero, for by his very words can he be
discredited. He himself says: "The inces-
sant applications of Coliimbus [at court],
both by letter and by the intervention of
friends, appear to have been listened to
with cool indifference. No compliance was
yielded to his requests, and no deference
paid to his opinions. ... In short, he was
not in any way consulted in the affairs of
the New World."

And this was at about the time that
Amerigo Vespucci was intrusted with most
important business at court by the board
of trade of Seville; about the time that
he was called to court and highly honored
226

PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN

by the king; just before the time that he
was made captain of a fleet, with a salary
of thirty thousand maravedis per annum.
There was, in truth, no man in the employ
of Spain more highly regarded than Ves-
pucci for his talents, for his honesty, for his
loyalty to the government. At the settle-
ment of accounts pertaining to the fleet
which had been intended for South Amer-
ica, more than five million maravedis pass-
ed through his hands — and he was never
charged with having diverted a single cen-
tavo to himself.

Nothing can so abundantly testify to the
respect in which Vespucci was held as his
relations with King Ferdinand. While he
has the unique honor of being almost the
only man that Columbus never quarrelled
with, it is also to his credit that he acquired,
and retained to the last, the respect and
confidence of the king. Ferdinand was
always mistrustftd of Columbus, and with
good reason, but never refused Vespucci a
favor — if he asked one — or hesitated to give
him an audience. The reason was, most
probably, that, aside from his deceitfulness
(which was a quality the crafty Ferdinand
could tolerate in no one but himself) , Colum-
227

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

bus was constantly importtining him for
further honors and emoluments; while Ves-
pucci rarely, if ever, craved glory or riches
for himself. Nothing came of Vespucci's
intercession at court for Columbus, and
soon the latter dropped out of sight. He
died in 1506, utterly neglected by the cotirt
and king, and in such obscurity that he was
unnoticed in the local annals of the day.

In the mean time, Amerigo Vespucci was
at the height of his career, trusted by the
sovereign and honored by all with whom
he came in contact. On the return of King
Ferdinand to absolute power in Spain,
through the death of his son-in-law Philip
and the regency for his insane daughter
Juana, he called Vespucci and La Cosa to
court in order to consult with them re-
specting nautical affairs and futiire dis-
coveries. In February, 1508, Vespucci, Pin-
zon, and Solis, who, together with La Cosa,
were then the most highly honored naviga-
tors in Spanish employ, were charged with
the safe conduct to the king's treasury of
six thousand ducats in gold, for which ser-
vice they received six thousand maravedis
each.

Another consultation was held with the
228

PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN

king, whose favorable opinion of Vespucci
was so strengthened that the year following
he created for him the office of pilot-major,
as the most eminent navigator in his king-
dom. This position was given him in March,
1508, and from that time till his death, in
February, 1512, he received a salary of
seventy-five thousand maravedis per annum.
He was charged to examine and instruct all
pilots in the use of the astrolabe "to as-
certain whether their practical knowledge
equalled their theoretical, and also to revise
maps, and to make one of the new lands
which should be regarded as the standard. . . .
He was to correct the errors carried into the
charts by the teachings and the maps of
Columbus and others. The inaccuracy of
the Columbus charts was so notorious that
their use was subsequently prohibited, and
a penalty imposed upon the pilot who
should sail by them." Vespucci was at the
head of a government department pertain-
ing to pilotage, navigation, and charts. It
was then unique in the world, and the weight
of authority behind it was adverse to the
use of charts made by Columbus; notwith-
standing which Mr. Irving says: "When
the passion for maritime discovery was
16 229

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

seeking to facilitate its enterprises, the
knowledge and skill of an able cosmog-
rapher like Columbus would be properly
appreciated, and the superior correctness [?]
of his maps and charts would give him noto-
riety among men of science."

The importance of this position created
for Vespucci will appear from the royal
order, or commission, which reads: "... We
command that all pilots of our kingdom
and lordships, who now are, shall hence-
forward be, or desire to be, pilots on the
routes to the said islands and terra firma
which we hold in the Indies, and other
parts of the ocean sea, shall be instructed
in and possess all necessary knowledge of
the use of the quadrant and astrolabe; and
in order that they may unite practice with
theory, and profit thereby in the said voy-
ages which they may make to the said
lands, they shall not be able to embark as
pilots in the said vessels, nor receive wages
for pilotage, nor shall merchants be able
to negotiate with them as such, nor cap-
tains receive them aboard their ships, with-
out their having been first examined by you,
Amerigo Despuchi, our pilot-major, and re-
ceived from you a certificate of examination
230

PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN

and approbation, certifying that they are
possessed, each one, of the knowledge afore-
said; holding which certificate, we com-
mend that they be held and received as
expert pilots, wherever they shall show
themselves — for it is our will and pleasxire
that you should be examiner of said pilots.
And that those who do not possess the
required knowledge shall the more easily
acquire it, we command that you shall
instruct, at your residence in Seville, all
such as shall be desirous of learning and
remtmerating you for the trouble. . . . And
as it has been told us that there are many
different charts, by different captains, of
the lands and islands of the Indies belong-
ing to us, which charts differ greatly from
each other — therefore, that there may be
order in all things, it is otir will and pleastire
that a standard chart shall be made; and
that it may be the more correct, we com-
mand the officers of otir board of trade in
Seville to call an assembly of our most able
pilots that shall at that time be in the
country, and, in the presence of you, Amer-
igo Despuchi, our pilot-major, there shall
be planned and drawn a chart of all the
lands and islands of the Indies, which have
231

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

hitherto been discovered belonging to our
kingdom; and upon this consultation, sub-
ject to the approval of you, our pilot-major,
a standard chart shall be drawn which shall
be called the Royal Chart, by which all
pilots must direct and govern themselves.
This shall remain in the possession of our
said officers, and of you, our said pilot-
major; and no pilot shall use any other
chart, without inctirring a penalty of fifty
doubloons, to be paid to the board of trade
in the city of Seville. . . . And it is our will
and pleasure that, in virtue of the above,
you, the said Amerigo Despuchi, shall use
and exercise the said functions of our pilot-
major, and shall be able to do, and shall do,
all things pertaining to that office con-
tained in this our letter." '

The remainder of Amerigo Vespucci's life
may almost be summed up in the state-
ment that he held this responsible post
during the four years succeeding to his ap-
pointment, for he received his commission
on March 22, 1508, and died on February 22,
1512. It was an onerous position, "and his
appointment to it by Ferdinand was the

' From Navarrete's Coleccion de los Viajes y Descu-
brimientos.

232

PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN

highest proof of the estimation in which he
was held by that monarch that could have
been bestowed upon him." It was a rec-
ognition of his supereminent qualities, as
cosmographer and navigator, at a time
when Spanish enterprise was reaching out
to every part of the western world; and
as he discharged its duties with fidelity and
skill, confining himself closely to his desk,
no leisiire was afforded him for further
voyaging, for writing out the long -deferred
accounts of his travels, or for recreation
of any sort. He made one short visit to
Florence, where he was received with hon-
or, as the most distinguished son of a
city world-famous for its great men, and
where the portrait was painted which has
been imiversally accepted as authentic, rep-
resenting him as advanced in years.

As already mentioned, authentic informa-
tion relating to the latter years of Vespucci
is of a fragmentary character, and is con-
tained mainly in the official papers found
in the archives of Simancas and Seville, by
Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, to
whom the biographers of Columbus were so
deeply indebted. The date of the first of
these papers is July, 1494, and relates to
233

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

payments made to Berardi, as outfitter of
the ships for the voyages of Columbus. By
royal decree, April ii, 1505, the queen's
treasurer is commanded to pay to Vespucci
twelve thousand maravedis. Another de-
cree, of March 22, 1508, grants Vespucci, as
chief pilot of the kingdom, a salary of fifty
thousand maravedis, subsequently increased
to seventy-five thousand. Then follows the
royal declaration (from which we have
quoted), setting forth the duties of the
pilot-major, which was issued during the
regency of the crazy queen, Juana, and
addressed to "Amerigo Despuchi."

There is no reference to the date and place
of Vespucci's death; but this is not con-
sidered singular, in view of the fact that the
demise of Columbus was officially unnoticed
at the time. There is, rather, no direct
reference ; though confirmation of that event
occurs in the continuation of his accounts to
the day of his death, and after, one of which
relates to the payment of ten thousand nine
htmdred and thirty-seven maravedis to Man-
uel Catano, a canon of Seville, as the execu-
tor of Vespucci's will, "that amount being
the balance of his salary due at the date of
his death."

234

PILOT-MAJOR OF SPAIN

One of the very few references to the wife
of Vespucci is contained in a royal decree
of May 22, 1512, which grants a pension
for life to his widow, Maria Cerezo, of ten
thousand maravedis per anntun. By a later
decree, this pension is declared a fixed
charge against the salary of the chief pilot
and his successors. These were, in order of
succession, Juan Diaz de Solis and Sebas-
tian Cabot, after whom came others not so
famous as these great navigators.

These papers are cited to show that Amer-
igo Vespucci was not looked upon as an
adventurer by the dignitaries of Spain;
that, on the contrary, he was held in great
esteem, honored with the highest office in
the gift of the king, in which his great ac-
complishments could have fuU scope. He
filled that office with eminent ability, to the
complete satisfaction of King Ferdinand,
and when he died, on February 22, 1512,
he left behind a name untarnished, a rep-
utation for probity imsullied. Despite the
honors accorded him by the kings of
Spain and Portugal, however, and the
high positions he occupied, he left no
fortime for his heirs. His valuable papers
were bequeathed to his nephew, Juan Ves-
23s

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

pucci, whom he loved like a son; but his
widow was left in circumstances so strait-
ened that she was actually dependent upon
the pension granted her by the crown.

XVI

HOW AMERICA "WAS NAMED
I 504-1 541

IF, in the foregoing narrative, the author
has seemed to champion his hero unduly,
going perhaps tumecessarily into the details
of his voyages, it may have been owing to
anticipated opposition on the part of his
readers. There has always been a wide
divergence of opinion respecting the merits
of Amerigo Vespucci, and the world has
never reconciled itself to his so-called usur-
pation of the glory rightly belonging to
Coltunbus.

Even so great a writer as Emerson allowed
himself to say: "Strange that broad Amer-
ica must wear the name of a thief! Amerigo
Vespucci, the pickle-dealer at Seville, who
went out in 1499, a subaltern with Hojeda,
and whose highest naval rank was boat-
swain's mate, in an expedition that never
sailed, managed in this lying world to sup-
237

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

plant Columbus, and baptize half the earth
with his own dishonest name!"

We, who have followed the career of
Amerigo Vespucci from its beginning to its
ending, know that he was not a thief; that
— except by implication, as having been a
purveyor of naval stores — he was not a
"pickle -dealer"; that he held a far higher
rank than boatswain's mate — as attested by
the royal proclamation we have cited, nam-
ing him to be chief pilot of Spain ; and that,
so far as the evidence of his contemporaries
and his own letters show, he made no attempt
whatever to thrust his personality upon the
world.

He did not "baptize half the earth with
his own dishonest name," though it is true
that the appellation by which a hemisphere
. is known to-day was derived from Americus,
Amerigo, or Americo — whether we speak it
in Latin, in Italian, or in Spanish.

How comes it then, the reader may well
ask, that America derived its name from
the Florentine, Vespucci, when it should,
by right of "discovery," have been called
after the Genoese, Columbus? The answer
to this question involves the following of
clews centuries old, through a labyrinth of
238

HOW AMERICA WAS NAMED

falsehood and misstatement that was built
up three h'lmdred years ago. The first clew
may be found on page 197 of this biography,
where mention is made of the translation of
Vespucci's letter to Lorenzo de Medici, by
Giocondo, in 1504, and issued by him under
the title Mundus Novus. This letter is said
to have been first published in Lisbon and
Augsbtirg in 1504, and in Strasbtirg in 1505.
Pick up this book and nail it to the wall,
where it may be observed by all, for it was
the very beginning of Vespucci's posthu-
mous troubles. We have read the letter and
known it to have been a plain, unvarnished
account of Vespucci's third voyage, in which
he chanced to say that he thought he had
discovered the fourth part of the globe, and
proposed to call it Mundus Novus, or the
New World. He was quite right, and with-
in boimds, when he did this, for he was think-
ing only of that portion of the southern hemi-
sphere which he had fotmd, and not of the
entire western hemisphere. He did not ex-
tend the term to cover the northern regions,
discovered by Columbus, for the latter had
no idea that they pertained to a new world;
in fact — as we know — ^believed to the last
that they belonged to Asia or India.
239

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

"At no time during the life of Columbus,
nor for some years after his death," says a
learned historian, "did anybody use the
phrase ' New World ' with conscious reference
to his discoveries. At the time of his death
their true significance had not yet begun to
dawn upon the mind of any voyager or any
writer. It was supposed that he had fotmd
a new route to the Indies by sailing west,
and that in the course of this achievement
he had discovered some new islands," etc.

We must, then, acquit Vespucci of any
intention of depriving Columbus of his
laurels, when he said he believed he had
found a new world, for he referred only to
that portion of South America now known
as Brazil. Nor, so far as we know, was he
either responsible for, or aware of, the publi-
cation of his letters to Medici and Soderini —
for those to the latter were afterwards trans-
lated and printed — as he was, at that time,
on the ocean. In truth, as the letters were
merely epistles to friends, who would natu-
rally be interested in his discoveries, and of
course overlook any defects of diction, he
openly stated that he was only waiting leis-
ure for improving and elaborating them for
issue in pamphlet form. He never acquired
240

HOW AMERICA WAS NAMED

this leisure, and the world, tired of waiting,
seized upon his material and brought it out
in print, without so much as saying "by
yotir leave."

The second person to take liberties with
Vespucci's name was one Matthias Ring-
mann, a student in Paris, who was acquaint-
ed with Friar Giocondo, and of course saw
the Mundus Novus, which he published in
Strasburg in 1505. That same year he was
offered the professorship of Latin in a col-
lege at Saint -Die, a charming little town
in the Vosges Mountains, which had long
been a seat of learning. It is said to have
been strangely associated with the discovery
of America, from the fact that here was
written, about 1410, the book called Imago
Mundi, which Coliimbus read and probably
took to sea with him on his first great voy-
age. In a double sense, this obsctire town
and college, nestling in a little-known valley
of the Franco-German mountains, is known
in connection with the name America, as
will now be shown.

Yotmg Professor Ringmann f otmd at Saint-
Die a select and distinguished company of
scholars, composed of Martin Waldseemuller,
professor of geography ; Jean Basin de Senda-
241

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

coiir, canon and Latinist ; Walter Lud, secre-
tary to Duke Ren6, patron of literature, and
especially of the college of Saint-Die, which was
to him as the apple of his eye. He was the
reigning Duke of Lorraine, and titular "King
of Sicily and Jerusalem," but had never
strayed far from his own picturesque prov-
ince, though he had won a great victory over
Charles the Bold in 1477. He is, no doubt,
worthy an extended biographical sketch,
but in this connection can only be referred
to as the patron of these great teachers in
Saint-Di6, who, soon after the appearance of
Ringmann among them, conceived the plan
of printing a new edition of Ptolemy.

One of them, Walter Lud, was blessed
with riches, and as he had introduced a
printing-press, about the year 1500, the
college was amply equipped. So many dis-
coveries had been made since the last edi-
tions of Ptolemy had appeared, that the
Saint-Die coterie felt the need of new works
on the subject, and sent Ringmann to Italy
hunting for the same. He, it is thought,
brought back, among other "finds" of great
value, the letter written by Vespucci to
Soderini from Lisbon, in September, 1504, a
certified manuscript copy of which was made
242

HOW AMERICA WAS NAMED

in February, 1505, and printed at Florence
before midstimmer, 1506.

No extended explanation is needed now
to elucidate the scheme by which Vespucci's
letters were incorporated in the treatise pub-
lished by those wise men of Saint -Di6,
entitled Cosmographie Introductio, or " Rudi-
ments of Geography," and taken from the
press on April 25, 1507.

It was a small pamphlet, with engravings
of the crudest sort, but it made a stir in the
world such as has been caused by but few
books since. But one copy of this first
edition is said to be extant, and that is in
the Lenox Library, New York City. It
caused a flutter in cosmographical circles,
not alone at the time of its issue, but for
centuries thereafter, for in it first occurs in
print the suggestion that the "fourth part
of the world," discovered by Amerigo Ves-
pucci, should be called America.*

Professor Martin Waldseemtiller was the
culprit, and not Amerigo Vespucci, for he
says, in Latin, which herewith find ttirned
into English: "But now these parts have

» For an excellent article on Saint-Di6 and the nam-
ing of America, see Harper's Magazine, vol. Ixxxiv., p.
909 (1892).

243

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

been more extensively explored and another
fourth part has been discovered by Americus
Vespucius (as will appear in what foUows):
wherefore I do not see what is rightly to hinder
us from calling it Amerige, or America — i.e.,
the land of Americus, after its discoverer,
Americus, a man of sagacious mind, since
both Etirope and Asia have got their names
from women. Its situation and the man-
ners and customs of its people will be clearly
understood from the twice two voyages of
Americus, which follow."

It was a suggestion, merely, and by one
who was a perfect stranger to Vespucci ; but
it promptly "took," for the word America
was euphonious, it seemed applicable, and,
moreover, it was to be applied only to that
quarter in the southern hemisphere which
had been revealed by Amerigo Vespucci.
It was a suggestion innocently made, with-
out any sort of communication from Amerigo
himself, intended to influence the opinion of
contemporaries or the verdict of posterity.

"But for these nine lines written by an
obscure geographer in a little village of the
Vosges," says Henry Harrisse, "the western
hemisphere might have been called 'The
Land of the Holy Cross,' or 'Atlantis,' or
244

HOW AMERICA WAS NAMED

'Columbia,' 'Hesperides,' 'Iberia,' 'New In-
dia,' or simply 'The Indies,' as it is desig-
nated officially in Spain to this day.". . . " As
it was, however," says another writer, "the
suggestion by WaldseemuUer was immediate-
ly adopted by geographers everywhere; the
new land beyond the Atlantic had, by a stroke
of a pen, been christened for all time to come. "

The full title of the Cosmographie Intro-
ductio reads: "An Introduction to Cosmog-
raphy, together with some principles of
Geometry necessary to the purpose. Also
four voyages of Americus Vespucius. A
description of universal Cosmography, both
stereometrical and planometrical, together
with what was imknown to Ptolemy and
has been recently discovered."

Notwithstanding the name was " promptly
adopted" by the geographers, at the same
time it "came slowly into use," for geo-
graphical knowledge was then in an incho-
ate state, especially as respected the New
World. It is said to have first appeared on
a map ascribed to Leonardo da Vinci in
1 5 14; but in a pamphlet accompanying "the
earliest known globe of Johann Schoner,"
made in 1515, the new region is described as
the "fourth part of the globe named after
17 24s

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

its discoverer, Americus Vespucius, who
found it in 1497." Vespucci did not find it,
and he never made the claim that he dis-
covered more than is given in his letters;
but this misstatement by another caused
him to be accused of falsifying the dates of
his voyages in order to rob Columbus of
his deserts.

It will be perceived, however, that the
name was not applied at first to the entire
land masses of America, but merely to that
portion now known as Brazil, called by
Cabral "Terra SanctcB Crucis," or "Land of
the Holy Cross," and by Vespucci, who con-
tinued his explorations, " Mundus Novus."
Further than this Vespucci never went, and,
moreover, he passed away "before his name
was applied to the new discoveries on any
published map." He was living, of course,
when the Cosmographie appeared, and may
have seen a copy of the book ; but the argu-
ment advanced by some that he dedicated
this work to Duke Ren6 of Lorraine, and
hence must have written it, falls to the
grotmd when that dedication is examined.
The worthy canon who translated Vespucci's
letter to Soderini into Latin, copied the
dedication in the original, which was ad-
246

HOW AMERICA WAS NAMED

dressed to " His Magnificence, Piero Soderini,
etc.," but substituted for the last-named his
patron, Duke Ren6. This is proved by the
title "His Magnificence," which was used
in addressing the Gonfaloniere of Florence,
and never in connection with Duke Rene of
Lorraine.

It was not until near the middle of the
sixteenth century that "America" was rec-
ognized "as the established continental
name," when, after Mexico had been con-
quered by Cortes, Peru by Pizarro, and the
Pacific revealed by Balboa and Magellan, it
first appears on the great Mercator map of
1 54 1. The appellation "America" had su-
perseded Mundus Novus on several maps
previous to this, but only as a term applied
to restricted regions. "The stage of devel-
opment," says the learned author of the
Discovery of America, "consisted of five dis-
tinct steps. ... I. Americus called the regions
visited by him beyond the equator a 'New
World,' because they were unknown to the
ancients; 2. Giocondo made this striking
phrase, Mundus Novus, into a title for his
translation of the letter, which he published
at Paris (1504) while the author was absent
from Europe, and probably without his
247

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

knowledge; 3. The name Mundus Novus
got placed upon several maps as an equiva-
lent for Terra SanctcB Crucis, or what we
call Brazil; 4. The suggestion was made
that Mundus Novus was the Fourth Part of
the Earth, and might properly be named
America, after its discoverer; 5. The name
America thus got placed upon several maps
as an equivalent for what we call Brazil,
and sometimes came to stand alone for what
we call South America, but still signified
only a part of the dry land beyond the Atlantic
to which Columbus had led the way."

That there was no evil intention on Ves-
pucci's part is amply proved by the fact that,
while he himself lived four years after the
Introductio was published, a certain contem-
porary of his, one Ferdinand Colimibus, who
was most acutely interested in seeing justice
done the name and deeds of his father, sur-
vived Vespucci twenty -seven years. He not
only saw this book, but owned a copy, which,
according to an autograph note on the fly-
leaf, he had bought in Venice in July, 1521,
"for five sueldos." This book is still con-
tained in the library he founded at Seville,
and as it was copiously annotated by him,
it must have been carefully read; yet,
248

HOW AMERICA WAS NAMED

though he has the credit of having written
a life of his father, Christopher Columbus,
he makes no mention whatever of the "usur-
pation" by Vespucci.

Ferdinand Columbus knew the Florentine,
and was an intimate friend of his nephew,
Juan Vespucci; yet the question seems
never to have arisen between them as to
the great discoverers' respective shares of
glory. The explanation lies in this fact:
that Vespucci's name had been bestowed
upon a region far remote from that explored
by his father, who had never sailed south of
the equator. Notwithstanding the good
feeling that prevailed between them, how-
ever, long after Ferdinand's death, when the
name America had become of almost uni-
versal application, the veteran Las Casas,
in writing his great history, marvels that
the son of the old Admiral could overlook
the "theft and usurpation" of Vespucci.
The old man's indignation was great, for he
was a stanch friend of Columbus, and re-
vered his memory. He made out a very
strong case against Vespucci — being in igno-
rance of the manner in which his name came
to be given to the lands discovered by
Columbus — and when, in 1601, the histo-
249

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

rian Herrera, who made use of the Las
Casas manuscripts, repeated his statements
as those of a contemporary, all the world
gave him credence.

Vespucci's name rested tmder suspicion
during more than three centuries, and was
not even partially cleared until 1837, when
Alexander von Humboldt imdertook the
gigantic task of vindication. It was not so
much to vindicate Vespucci, however, as to
ascertain the truth, that Htmiboldt made
the critical and exhaustive examination
which appeared in his Examen Critique de
VHistoire de la Geographie de Nouveau Con-
tinent.

Even Humboldt, however, did not secure
all the evidence available, but by the dis-
covery of valuable documents the missing
links in the chain were supplied : by Varn-
hagen, Vespucci's ardent eulogist, by Har-
risse, and finally by Fiske. The last-
named truthfully says: "No competent
scholar anywhere will now be foimd to dis-
sent from the emphatic statement of M.
Harrisse — 'After a diligent study of all the
original documents, we feel constrained to
say that there is not a particle of evidence,
direct or indirect, implicating Amerigo Ves-
250

HOW AMERICA WAS NAMED

pucci in an attempt to foist his name on this
continent.'" And moreover, "no shade of
doubt is left upon the integrity of Vespucci.
So truth is strong, and prevails at last."

This is the conclusion arrived at by the
impartial historian, who, without disparaging
the deeds of Coltmibus, without detracting
in any manner from his great discoveries,
has restored Amerigo Vespucci to the niche in
which he was placed by the German geog-
raphers four hundred years ago, and from
which he was torn by injudicious icono-
clasts, fearful for the fame of Spain's great
Admiral.

It is enough for Columbus to have dis-
covered America; it was far more than
Amerigo Vespucci deserved to have this
discovery given his name, by which it will
be known forever; but this honor, though
unmerited, was at the same time unsought.

INDEX

Aborigines, described by
Vespucci, 84-95; seen
in Vespucci's third voy-
age, 180-183.

Aguado, Juan, 151.

Amaraca, aboriginal name
of province in South
America, 137.

Amaraca-pan, the land of
Amaraca, 137.

Amazon River discovered
by Pinzon, 105.

America, may have been
derived from Amaraca,
137 ; when bestowed
upon western continents,
200; derivation of name,
238 ; first applied to
continents in 1507, 243,
244.

Antilla, island of, 26.

Amo, valley of the, i.

Bahia Honda, reference
to, 159.

Bastidas, Rodrigo de, ref-
erence to, 130; expedi-
tion of, 155.

Berardi, trading-house of,
49, 76; estate of Juan,
80.

Book, the first printed in
America, 32.

Cabral, Pedro Alvarez,
coasts South America,
167.

Cannibals, giants, and
pearls, chap. ix.

Canopi seen by Vespucci,
189.

Canovai eulogizes Ves-
pucci, 210, 211.

Carabi, aboriginal word,
96.

Caravans of the desert, 47.

Carib Indians described,
99.

Cathay, kingdom of, 26, 29,
36, 39, 46, so.

Cerezo, Maria, married to
Vespucci, 168, 23 s; de-
pendent upon pension,

237-

Chambalu, or Peking, 38,
46, 49, 50.

Cibao, Indian word of
Haiti, 28.

Cipango, island of, 26, 28,
30, 42, 44, 50.

Coelho, Gonfalo, reference
to, 202.

Columbus, Christopher,
compared with Tosca-
nelli, 18; usesToscanelli's
chart in crossing Atlan-
tic, 1492, 22; letter to,

253

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

from Toscanelli, 23-27;
adopts Toscanelli 's ideas,
30; conversations with,
chap, v.; personal ap-
pearance of, 63 ; sec-
ond voyage of, 76; ex-
travagances of, 77; and
Bishop Fonseca, 77-79;
and the Pinzons, 149,
150; in friendly rivalry
with Vespucci, 198; and
Vespucci contrasted,
210-214; misfortunes of,
215; letter written by,
with reference to Ves-
pucci, 218.

Columbus, Diego, suit of,
against the crown, 166.

Columbus, Ferdinand,
books owned by, 268;
acquainted with Juan
Vespucci, 249.

Commerce, European, of
the fifteenth century, 47,
48; of Spain, fifteenth
century, 57, 58.

Constellations of the south-
em hemisphere, 189,190.

Coquibacoa, coast of Vene-
zuela, 134, 13s, 158, 159.

Cosa, Juan de la, with
Columbus in Cuba, 107;
sails with Ojeda, 129;
the great pilot, 153;
chart made by, in year
1500, 154; sails with
Bastidas, 155; second
voyage with Ojeda, 156;
horrible death of, 157.

Cosmographie IntroducHo,
the first book containing
name of America, 243,
245-

Cumana, on coast of Vene-
zuela, 132, 137.

Curiana, or Gulf of Pearls,
132.

Dragon's Mouth, strait of
the, 132.

Emanuel, King of Portu-
gal, 168; invites Ves-
pucci to Portugal, 169;
receives Vespucci at
court, 171; sends him on
two voyages to the In-
dies, 170; recognizes his
genius, 196, 207.

Emerson, R. W., calls Ves-
pucci a ' ' thief and pickle-
dealer," 237.

Examen Critique, the, by
Humboldt, 103, 250.

Ferdinand, King of Spain,
and Fonseca, 76; parts
with Vespucci, 168, 169;
diplomacy of, 216; pre-
fers Vespucci to Colum-
bus, 227; calls Vespucci
to court, 228; appoints
him pilot-major, 229.

Fiske, John, explains "de-
batable voyage," 104;
on Vespucci's letter of
July, 1500, 109; quota-
tions from, 124, 125; on
historical records, 221.

Florence, Vespucci's birth-
place, 2,3; in the Middle
Ages, 12.

Florentines, the, as mer-
chants in fifteenth cen-
tury, s.

Fonseca, Bishop, reference

254

INDEX

to, 76, 77, 79, 82, 126,
127; authorizes Ojeda's
voyage, 128.

Fort'jnate Islands, or
Grand Canaries, 186.

Four Voyages, or Journeys,
of Vespucci, 90, 95 ; no
trace of book containing
the, 103; further refer-
ence to, 176, 200, 205.

"Fourth Part of the
Earth," the, chap. ii.

Ghengis Khan, 50.

Giacondo, Giovanni, trans-
lator of Vespucci's letter,
1504, 198, 109.

Giants seen in Curafao, 119.

Gomara, historian, on ex-
plorations, 102.

Harrisse, Henry, obser-
vations on the naming
of America, 244.

Herrera, Antonio de, ac-
cuses Vespucci of steal-
ing from Columbus, loi.

Humboldt, Alexander von,
vindicates Vespucci, 103.

IGNAME, Indian word, 89.

Iguana, described by Ves-
pucci, 93.

Imago Mundi, book owned
by Colvimbus, 241.

India house, the great, 80.

Irving, Washington, and
his Life of Columbus, 29 ;
denounces Fonseca, 77;
narrates Vespucci's voy-
age with Ojeda, 125;
seeks to disparage Ves-
pucci, 225, 226.

Iti, an island in the Carib-
bean Sea, 98.

Kazabi, or cassava, 89.
Khan, the Grand, 24, 28.
Kublai Khan, Mongol em-
peror, 36-40, 49.

Lake Dwellers, the, de-
scribed by Vespucci, 90-

9S. i2°-

Lariab, conjectural prov-
ince of, 96.

Las Casas denounces Ves-
pucci, 249.

Lud, Walter, 242.

Mandeville, Sir John, 49.

Mangi, province of, 26, 46.

Maracaibo, Gulf of, dis-
covered by Ojeda, 135.

Maracapana (see Amaraca-
pan), 132, 137.

Marco Polo's Travels, 33.

Marignoli, John de, travel-
ler, 49.

Medici, the Florentine, 4,

S. i°-

Medici, Lorenzo de, letter
written to, by Vespucci
in 1501, 109; ini5o3, 179.

Michael Angelo, birthplace
of, 15.

Monte Corvino, John of, 49.

Mundus Novus, or New
World, 46, 239, 246, 248;
title of pamphlet con-
taining first accoxint of
Vespucci's voyage, 197;
when published, 239.

Navarrete, Spanish histo-
rian, 219, 221, 232, 233.

255

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

New World, the, southern
hemisphere of America,
so called by Vespucci,
185.

Nicollini, Donato, Vespuc-
ci's friend, 56.

Nicuesa, explorer, quarrels
with Ojeda, 160; whom
he rescues, 162.

Nino, Pedro, successful
voyage of, 137.

OjBDA THE Fighter, chap,
viii. ; with Columbus,
126; friend of Fonseca,
127; receives authority
for a voyage, 128; ac-
companied by Vespucci,
130; visits Trinidad,
Pearl Islands, and Cura-
sao, 132, 133; finds Lake
Dwellers, 134; takes car-
go of slaves to Spain,
136; second voyage of
(1502), 158; placed in
irons, 159; makes third
voyage (1509), 156, 160;
wounded by poisoned
arrow, 163; poverty and
death of, 164.

Oviedo, historian, on dis-
covery of Bay of Hon-
duras, 105.

Paria, Gulp of, 131, 132.

Paul the Physicist, 16.

Pearls, Gulf of, 132.

Pearls obtained by Ves-
pucci, 122, 141, 146.

Pelotti, Francesco, 49.

Peretola, home of the Ves-
puccis, 2.

Pinelo, Francisco, 77, 78, 81.

Pinzon brothers, the, 149,
150, 152.

Pinzon, Vicente Yanez, dis-
covers the Amazon, 167.

Pliny quoted by Vespucci,
191.

Polo, Marco, Vespucci's
countryman, 33 ; taken
captive, 34; Travels, ^6-
42.

Polo, Maffei, 41.

Polo, Nicolo, 36.

Prescott, historian, quota-
tion from, 57.

Printing-press, the first in
America, 32.

Ptolemy, an improved, 242.

QUATTRO GlORNATE (Four

Journeys), 176.
Qmnsai, city of, 25, 43,
46.

Rene, Duke of Lorraine,
242, 246, 247.

Ringmann, Matthias, con-
temporary of Vespucci,
241.

Roldan, Francesco, com-
bats Ojeda, 136.

Saint-Die, town in which
pamphlet was printed
containing first reference
to America, 241, 242.

Savonarola, mention of, 15.

Schoner, Johann, globe
made by, 245.

Sierra Leone, 178.

Soderini, Piero, letter writ-
ten to, by Vespucci, 82,
1 01; second letter, 170;
third letter, 201.

256

INDEX

Terra Firm a, definition of
term, 70; coast of, 166.

Terra SancttB Crucis, 246,
248.

Toscanelli, Florentine as-
tronomer, 16; friendly
with Vespucci, 1 6 ; great
attainments of, 19; cor-
responds with Columbus,
17, 23-27; sends chart
to Columbus, 2 1 ; ideas
of, adopted by Colum-
bus, 30.

Trapobana, island of, 123.

Trinidad, visited by Co-
lumbus, 131; by Ves-
pucci, 132.

Varnhagen, Viscount,
explains Vespucci's ' ' sec-
ond" voyage, 105.

Vela, Cape de la, 135.

Venezuela, origin of name,

134-

Veragfua, Duke of, 220.

Vespucci, Amerigo, spell-
ing of the name, i ; birth-
place of, 2; parents, 3, 4;
ancestors, s> 6; youth, 7,
8, 9, 12-14; favorite au-
thors, chap. iii. ; begins
his career, 5 1 ; enters
service with the Medici,
54; goes to Spain, 55;
letter of, from Spain, 56;
personal appearance of,
63 ; characteristics of,
64 ; debatable voyage of,
chap. vi. ; outfits fleet
for Columbus, 76; in
pay of Spain, 81; letter
of, on alleged first voy-
age, 82-100; letters to

Soderini, 82, loi, 170,
201; his Four Voyages,
90; accused of purloin-
ing from Columbus, loi;
vindicated by Humboldt,
1 03 ; more humane than
Columbus, 104; second
voyage of, chap, vii.;
oldest known writing re-
lating to his voyages,
109; describes constella-
tions of southern hemi-
sphere, 112, 113; in fight
with Indians, 117, 118;
mentions giants, 119;
discovers Lake Dwellers,
120; takes slaves to
Spain, 121, 122; with
Ojeda in 1499, 13°; quot-
ed by Irving, 134 ; aborig-
ines seen by, 140-144;
finds pearls, 146; fellow-
voyagers of, chap. X.;
head of house of Berardi,
151; projected voyage
with Pinzon, 153; in-
vited to Portugal, 168;
married to Maria Cerezo,
168; leaves Spain for
Portugal, 1 69 ; makes
two voyages under Port-
uguese flag, 170; ac-
count of third voyage,
170 - 177; encounters
cannibals, 180-183; calls
his discovery the New
World, 185; royally re-
ceived in Portugal, 195;
renowned navigator,
196; first-published let-
ter of, 197; makes a
"fourth" voyage to
America, 200; returns

257

AMERIGO VESPUCCI

to Spain, 209; contrast-
ed with Columbus, 209-
214; mentioned in a
letter by Columbus, 218;
pilot-major of Spain,
chap. XV. ; at court, 224;
corrects charts made by
Columbus, 229; official
papers relating to, 233;
last will and testament,
234; death of, 235.

Vespucci, Anastasio, Amer-
igo's father, 3, 6.

Vespucci, Elizabetta,
Amerigo's mother, 3.

Vespucci, Georgio Antonio,
8, II.

Vespucci, Giovanni, or
Juan, Amerigo's nephew,

55; is bequeathed his
uncle's valuable papers,

235-

Vespucci, Girolamo, Amer-
igo's brother, 52, 53.

Vespucci, Guido Antonio,
epitaph of, 6.

Waldseemuller, Martin,
German geographer, who
gave the name to Amer-
ica, 241-243.

Yucca, fiour made from,
89.

Zaitun, city of Cathay, 43,

5°-
Zipangu. See Cipango.

THE END

'W

■illiiiiir