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Cl^ASS OF 1889 



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Cornell University 

The original of tiiis book is in 
tine Cornell University Library. 

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the United States on the use of the text. 







And deeds of her Citizens, Governors and Other Military Officers, and State 
and National Legislators to suppress the Rebellion, 




Milwaukee: A. WHITTUMORE, 
New York : SHELDON & CO. 

I 866. 


Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1866, by 


In the Clerk's office of the District Court of the United States for the District of Wisconsin. 




Chubch, Goodman and Donnell"et, Printers. 


I HATE been profoundly grateful for the results of the war with the 
rebellion. I belong to Wisconsin, and have sincerely desired to honor 
all her sons who went forth to battle. This history is in p9,rt the 
fruit of that desire. 

I was unwilling to write merely some memoranda of Wisconsin 
regiments. Such, collected by themselves, would not do justice to the 
State. The services of Wisconsin troops deserved to be set forth in 
their relation to the war in all its parts. I wished to present them 
along-side the deeds of others. I desired to place them in the galaxy 
of the Nation. This accounts for so much general history in this 

I could not be satisfied with writing the history of each regiment 
consecutively by itself, thus giving the last part of the war in the 
first part of the book, repeating each battle and campaign as many 
times as there were Wisconsin regiments in it, and giving only snatches 
of history in each instance. Hence I have divided the book into parts, 
arranged according to chronology and geography, and have grouped 
together the services of the different Wisconsin regiments in the same 
important events. In the battle of Gettysburg, Wisconsin had six 
regiments and one company. Row many readers would ever learn 
how much Wisconsin performed in that great conflict, unless the his- 
torian should bring the services of her troops together by the side of 
those from other States ? In the battle of Stone Eiver, Wisconsin 
had five regiments and three batteries ; in the Vicksburg campaign, 
thirteen regiments and three batteries ;. in the Atlanta campaign, fif- 
teen regiments and two batteries. Ought not a history of Wisconsin 
soldiers to group together their extensive and very valuable services 
in those great events, and place them in prominent view in a general 
history of the war? Yet, the plan of grouping could not be adopted, 
and the consecutive history of each regiment by itself be preserved. 
But the matter of this book is so arranged that the complete history 


of every regiment can be perused in its due order by opening at differ- 
ent pages of the work. In general, each regiment has two chapters 
or sections — one for the early, and one for the later part of the war. 
The second or last chapter of each regiment or battery, contains a 
review of the preceding part, with the proper references to each other 
section or page. The Eegimental Index also shows at a glance 
where each part of the regimental history may be found. The part 
taken by any regiment or battery in any battle or campaign should be 
read in connection with the whole account, for a due appreciation of 
its action. 

In making this book it has been necessary to give the first part of the 
manuscript to the printer before the latter part was written. I had not, 
therefore, the best facility for graduating the length of the several 
parts to each other. I have also felt the need of writing for several 
classes of persons. First, it would have been an inexcusable neglect 
to have omitted all notice of the discussion of principles at home when 
the rebellion commenced. For, to settle principles is to determine 
great events. Next, some parts of the book needed to be adapted to 
the general reader of the history of "Wisconsin and the war. And 
thirdly, each soldier had a right to claim an account of his own regi- 
ment, with some statistical matter more interesting to himself and 
comrades than to others. And all who had lost near friends in the 
war, and the departed themselves, had almost the right to askfor an 
honorable enrollment of the dead. These facts account in part for the 
size of the book. 

The earlier events of the war are more minutely described than the 
later ones, because they then occupied more of the public attention, 
and had a wide influence or control over that which followed. Much 
of the space given to some of the early regiments is occupied by the 
general history of the nation at the time. 

The arrangement of the matter is such as to give first a history of 
events at the East to the battle of Gettysburg, and then at the "West 
to the same date, or the fall of Vicksburg ; then, at the "West to the 
close of the war, concluding the history of each regiment and battery 
that were not engaged at the East ; and finally, events at the East, 
with the completion of the history of such regiments and batteries as 
terminated. their active duties there. 

In preparing the work, I have been indebted to Moore's Bebellion 
Record, Greeley's American Conflict, Victor's History of the Southern 
Rebellion, first two volumes ; Abbott's History of Civil War in America, 
Headley's Great Rebellion, first volume ; the New American Cyclopadia, 
Coppee's Qrarvt and His Campaigns, Bowman & Irwin's Sherman and 


His Campaigns, The Annval Reports of the Adjviant Oeneral of Wisconsin, 
and Quiner's Military History of Wisconsin, though nearly all the mat- 
ter in common with the last named work has been derived from 
original sources through other channels. Many other books have been 

I am indebted in particular to the courtesy of Adjutant General 
Gaylord ; also to Assistant Adjutant General S. Nye Gibbs, Quarter- 
master and Commissary General James M. Lynch, Assistant Adjutant 
General Proudfit, to several clerks in the Adjutant General's office, 
particularly D. M. Sturges, and to Governors Lewis and Fairchild. 
In preparing the first chapter, I was much assisted by I. A. Lapham, 

In collecting and compiling matter and preparing it for the press, I 
have been aided, in the case of one regiment, by Eev. Edward Ebbs ; 
in that of two other and important ones, by Mrs. M. "W. Love; in the case 
of a few, by Kev. J. 0. Sloan ; in that of a considerable number, bv 
Eev. "W. E. Caldwell ; and in still more by John A. Owen, Esq., 
formerly Lieutenant of the First Cavalry. 

In relation to specific regiments, I am indebted for matter as follows: 
In the case of the First (three months) Regiment, to Sergeant Hiram M. 
Booth ; First Regiment (three years), to General Starkweather, and 
particularly to Lieutenant H. 0. Montague ; Second Regiment, to 
Governor Fairchild, and a journal kept by Lieutenant "William Noble 
■until he was killed, and then by Major Otis ; Third, General Hawley 
and Sergeant George P. Rowell ; Fifth, General Allen ; Sixth, Major 
General Cutler ; Seventh, much to Major Hoy t, and Serg. J. Harrison ■ 
Eighth, Colonel Brittan ; Ninth, Major General Salomon ; Thirteenth, 
L. P. Norcross ; Nineteenth, particularly to Colonel Yaughan ; Twen- 
tieth, specially to Chaplain Walter ; Twenty-first, particularly to Col. 
Pitch, also to Chaplain Clinton and General Hobart, and to the last 
for historical matter pertaining to other regiments ; Twenty-fourth, 
Colonel Mc Arthur, and James McAllister, Esq., and in one part espe- 
cially to Sanford J. "Williams ; Twenty-fifth, Chaplain Harwood ; 
Twenty sixth, General Winkler ; Twenty-seventh, Lieutenant Colonel 
Brown ; Twenty-ninth, Colonel Gill ; Thirtieth, Colonel Dill ; Thirty- 
first, Major Ball ; Thirty- third, particularly to Captain F. B. Burdick ; 
Thirty-sixth, specially to Colonel Warner ; Sharpshooters, very much 
to Lieutenant Stevens; First Cavalry, very much to J. R. Barnett, 
Lieutenant by commission, Colonel Daniels, Colonel La Grange, Major 
Jones, Stanley E. Lathrop ; Second Cavalry, Major General Wash- 
burn, Colonel Stephens, to General Washburn also for general his- 
tory ; Third Cavalry, John J. Jones ; Fourth Cavalry, General Bailey, 


Major Durgin, N. H. Culver; First- Heavy Artillery, Major Hubbell, 
Captain Jennings ; First Battery, Captain Webster ; Seventh Battery, 
especially to Sergeant John E. Warren; Ninth Battery, Captain 
Dodge ; Tenth Battery, very much to Lieutenant Fowler, to Captain 
Beebe, and Lieutenant Groesbeck ; Thirteenth Battery, to Lieutenants 
Bristoll and Perrine ; and to others credited on page's where their aid 
was received. 

The lists of the wounded, the best that could be obtained, have 
been found quite defective, and some, for want of space, have neces- 
sarily been omitted. 

The steel plate portraits provided for this book have been selected 
chiefly on the representative plan. Governors and Major Generals 
have been taken, for the former represented emphatically the State, 
and the latter the soldiers of the State. When the candidate for 
governor of one political party was selected, it seemed inappropriate 
not to select the candidate of the other party. The Secretary of State 
and a prominent member of Congress had both served long and well 
in the army, hence they were chosen. The commander of .the first 
Wisconsin regiment sent to the field, the one Wisconsin chaplain who 
became brevet brigadier general, and the youngest regimental com- 
manding officer of the State, perhaps of the Nation, have been selected. 
Several portraits of the worthy dead are given, and others would have 
been if obtained. I distinctly state that I believe many others were 
equally as brave and deserving as some that have been chosen, but the 
representative plan did not point to their selection, or I was not able 
to procure engravings of them. I reserve to myself the privilege of 
changes in the future. 

I am deeply conscious that this work has many imperfections. I 
can hardly bear to offer it to the public ; but I have taken much pains 
to have it thorough and reliable, and hope it may have some value to 
Wisconsin citizens. 

If errors are learned, corrections will be made in future editions if 




Face Title. 
- 209 

President Abraham Lincoln .... 

General Ulysses S. Grant 

Lieutenant General "William T. Sherman - - 698 

Major General Philip H. Sheridan 966 

GoTERNOH Alexander W. Eandall 423 

GoTERNOR Louis P. Hartet 431 

GoTERNOR Edward Salomon 669 

GoTERNOR James T. Lewis 929 

Major General Charles S. Hamilton - - - . 510 

Major General 0. 0. "Washburn 567 

Major General Carl Schurz 314 

Brevet Major General Lysander Cutler ... 414 

Bretet Major General Thomas H. Ettoer . - - 977 

Bretet Major General Frederick Salomon - - 663 

Brigadier General Halbert E. Paine, Member of Congress 527 

Brigadier General John 0. Starkweather . 448 

Brigadier General Lucius Fairchild, Governor - 805 
Brevet Brigadier General Thomas S. Allen, Sec'y of State 355 

Brevet Brigadier General Harrison C. Hobart - . 992 

Brevet Brigadier General Samuel Fallows - - . 874 

Colonel Sidney A. Bean - 547 

Colonel Frederick A. Boardman 910 

Brevet Colonel Arthur Mc Arthur 809 

Major Nathan Paine 740 

Mrs. Cordelia A. P. Harvey - .... 1045 

Brevet Major Isaac N. Earl, a noted Scout 
Horatio K. Foote, Chief op Scouts, First Cavalry 


diagrams or maps. 

Battle of Bull Eun 233 

The Seven Days' Battles 280 

Battle of Gettysburg 406 

New Madrid and Island Number Ten .... 466 

Battle of Stone Riveb 624 

Vicksburg: The Battles and Siege .... 63;7 

Battle of Chickamauga 676 





■Wisconsin — Eablt History, — Explorations. — Early Settlements and Eyents. — 
Pirst Things and Persons. — Indians and Treaties. — Territorial Eolations. — 
Territorial and State Organizations. — Improper Reduction of Territory 23 


Wisconsin — ^Extent, Growth, and Prospbritt. — Location and Extent. — Eleva- 
tion and Climate. — Lumber and Minerals. — Lands, — Agricultural Productions, 
Stock, and Manufactures. — Banks and Railroads. —^ Valuation of Property. — 
Population and its Increase. — Public Schools, School Funds, and Children. — 
Colleges and Seminaries. — Benevolent Institutions. — Funds for the War. — The 
Troops the State has Furnished; Service Performed; The Loss by Death. — The 
Extra Fay to Soldiers and their Families 28 


Slavery, as a Cause of the Rebellion. — Early History of American Slavery. — 
Testimony of "the Revolutionary Fathers against it. — An Apostaoy on the Sub- 
ject, — Anti-Slavery Guarantees Repealed. — Three Eras of Legislation. — Re-open- 
ing of the Slave Trade. — Corrupting and Despotic Power of Slavery 35 


State Rights, as Related to the Rebellion, — Jefferson Davis', Argument for 
Secession, — An Examination of It. — Alexander H, Stephens' Position, — Testi- 
mony of the Framers of the Constitution, — The Alien and Sedition Outbreak, — 
The Hartford Convention, — South Carohna Nullification, — The Indian Question 
in Georgia, — The Principles Underlying , 55 


The Opening- or the Rebellion, — The Presidential Election. — Southern Move- 
ments based on the Northern Triumph. — The Plea of the South for their Action. 
— ^Alexander H. Stephens Condemns Secession. — Senator Doolittle's Speech. — 

■'^l"' CONTENTS. 

The Action of President Buchanan and of Congress. — The Secession Ordinances 
of Southern States. — Formation of the Confederacy. — Inauguration of President 
Lincoln, and His Address. — The Confederate Commissioners and Secretary 
Seward's "Memorandum." — Special Session of the Senate. — Senator Howe's 
Speech. — Attack on Port Sumter, and its Surrender 83 

The TJp-Eisma op the People.— The Thrilling Xews, —The Shock,— The Deter- 
mination, — The Action, — The Presidential and Gubernatorial Proclamations, — 
The Enthusiastic Meetings,— The Plag-Raisings, — The Volunteering, — The G-ifts 
for Soldiers' Families,- The Unity of the People 121 


The Press op ■Wisconsin. — Its Office. — Daily Wisconsin, — Madison State Journal, 
^Milwaukee Sentinel, ^-Milwaukee News, — Chilton Times,- — State- Journal, — 
Janesville Gazette, — Beloit Journal and Courier, — Waupun Times, — Kenosha 
Telegraph, — Dodgeville Advocate, — La Crosse Union and Democrat, — Madison 
Patriot, — Fond du Lac Commonwealth, — Adams County Independent, — Dodge 
County Citizen, — Fox Lake Gazette, — Green Lake Spectator, — Madison 
Argus, — Madison Patriot, — Daily Life, — Monroe Sentinel, — "Wisconsin Puritan, 
— The Nameless, — Opposition Press , ,. 131 


Political Men and Contentions. — Political Affairs an Important Element of 
History,— Public Meeting in Milwaukee, — Speaker Cobb's Address to the Legis- 
lature. — Addresses by Mayor Brown, Matthew H. Carpenter, and Senator 
Doolittle, — Meeting in Calumet County, — Letter of Hon. J. T. Mills, in the 
Louisville Democrat, — Judge Hubbell's Address in Philadelphia, — Judge Byron 

Paine's Address at Madison, — Resolutions of Republican State Convention, 

Address by Judge McArthur, —War Meeting in Milwaukee, — Address by the 
Democracy of Wisconsin, and Matthew H. Carpenter's Review of It, Resolu- 
tions by a Democratic Convention, — The "Loyal Democratic State Conven- 
tion" at Janesville, — Hon. Winfield Smith's Address, — Address of Hon. E. D. 
Holton. 143 

The WiscONSii*. Pulpit. — The Principles that Generally Governed the Pulpit 
Relative to Rebellion and War, — Brief Extracts from Sermons of Fifty Ministers 
— -Action of Boclesiastioal State Bodies, and of Individual Churches 180 





The First Regiment — ^Fok Three Mouths. — Formation, — Encampment, — Roster, 
— ^Flag-StafiF 6f Port Sumter, — Mrs. George H. Walker's Address, — Prophetic 
Sermon, — Mustering, — Departure, — Compliments, — Disappointments, — Destruc- 
tion of Harper's Ferry, — ; General Patterson, — Howell Cobb's Prophecy, — 
Crossing the Potomac, — Battle of Falling Waters, — George Drake, — Sergeant 
Warren M. Graham, — Advance to Martinsburg, — Johnston Escapes and Joins 
the Rebel Army at Manassas, — Senator Chandler on Patterson, — On the Poto- 
mac, — General Banks in Command,T^Home'ward Bound, — Reception 211 


Second Infantry. — From Its Origin to Bull Bwn. — Formation, — Change from 
Three Months to Three Tears, — ^Original Roster, — Transferor Company K, — 
Early Privations and Hardships, — Departure and Movement to Washington, — 
Assigned to Colonel William T. Sherman's Brigade, — Orders to March to Manas- 
sas,— Action at Blackburn's Ford, — ^The First Battle of Bull Run 228 


Third Infantry. — From Its Origin to the Battle of Gedar Mountain. — Called Into 
Camp, — Origin of the Companies, — Officers in the Mexican War, — Regimental 
Roster, — Departure, — Movement to Harper's Ferry, — Arrest of the Maryland 
Secession Legislature, — Seizure of Corn, — Battle of Bolivar, — Sword Presenta- 
tion, — ^President Lincoln's Order to Advance, — Reorganization, — General Banks 
in Command in the Shenandoah Talley, — Advance on Winchester, — First Battle 
of Winchester, — Bravery of Company G, — Second Battle of Winchester, — 
Banks' Celebrated Retreat, — Up the Shenandoah Again, — Policy Toward the 
Inhabitants, — Advance to Culpepper, — General Pope in Command, — ^The Battle 
of Cedar Mountain 242 


Fifth Infantry. — Frmnlts Origin Through the Peninsular Campiign. — Organiza- 
tion, — At the Front, — Attached to Hancock's Brigade, — Camp Life and Diver- 
sions, — Goes to the Peninsula, — The Siege of Torktown, — General Hamilton 
and General McClellan, — The Battle of Williamsburg, — Pursuing the Enemy, — 
On the Chickahominy, — The Seven Days' Battle before Richmond 260 

Iron BEiaADB. — Frcmi Its Origin to the Battle of Gainesville. — Second Infantry, — 
from the Battle of Bull Eun to the Formation of the Brigade,— The Organization, 


Eoster, and Adyanoe of the Sixth Infantry, — The Organization, Eoster, and 
Adyanoe of the Seventh Infantry, — The Iron Brigade in McDowell's Corps, — 
General Pope's Campaign, — The Battle of Gainesville 288 

The Second Battle of Bitll Euir. — The Iron Brigade and Third and Fifth Infan- 
try. — General Halleck Commander-in-Chief. — General McOlellan Ordered to 
Leave the Peninsula and Reinforce General Pope. — The Opening of the Battle 
and Position of Forces, — Friday's Contest Favorable to the Unionists, — The 
Treacherous Conduct of General Porter, — The Failure of Expected Eeinforce- 
ments from McClellan, — The Iron Brigade in the Battle, — The Third and Fifth 
Infantry Near It.— The Unfavorable Issue 30t 


South Mottntaiit awd Antibtam. — The Third and Fifth Infantry and Iran Brigade. 
The Movement into Maryland, — General McClellan in Command, — The Eejoio- 
ing of His Troops, — The Slov^ness of His March, — The Battle of South Moun- 
tain, — The Battle of Crampton's Pass, — The Battle of Antietam 319 


Third and Fifth Infantry. — Third and Fifth Infantry from Antietam to Chancel- 
lorville. — Third Eegiment on the Upper Potomac, — On the Eapidan, — Engage in 
a Short Action with the Enemy, — Camp in The "'Wilderness," — Approach 
Chancellorville. — Fifth Eegiment in Maryland, — Death of Lieutenant Colonel 
Emery, — Proceed to Aqnia Creek, — Battle of Fredericksburg. — The "Mud Cam- 
paign," — Battle of Chancellorville 340 


God's Edlb of The Rebellion. — God^a Bute of The Rebellion in the Interest of 
Freedom. — The Interpretations of Providence by General Lee and Jefferson 
Davis, — Their Thanks for Success in Treason not well Considered, — Present 
Success in Iniquity the Precursor of Ultimate Defeat, — The Euling of Divine 
Providence to Exhaust the Rebels, and Plant the Federals on the Eock of Free- 
dom, — President Lincoln's Proclamation of September 22d, 1862, ^His Emanci- 
pation Proclamation 3g4 


The Ieon Brigade. — The Iron Brigade from Antietam to Gettyabwy. On the 

Maryland Side of the Potomac, — Cross to Virginia, — Proceed to Falmouth, 

Battle of Fredericksburg, — Go into Winter Quarters, — The " Mud Campaign," 

— Change in Commanders, — Gloom in the Army, — Forage Expeditions, Battle 

of Chancellorville,— Engagement at Brandy Station,— General Meade takes Com- 
mand,— Approach to Gettysburg S^jg 


Bebdan Shaepshootebs. — Company G, from its Origin to Gettysbarrg.—Hs Forma- 
tion, — At Weehawken, — At Washington,— In the Peninsular Campaign, — York- 
town,— Battle of Hanover Court House — "Seven Days' Battles," — ^Manassok 


and Antietam, — Snicker's Gap, — Fredericksbni^, — Battle at the " Cedars," 

GSianceUomlle, — ^Xo Get^burg 380 

NiNBiEKXTH ASB TwKSTT-stsiH IxPAXTRT. — From Ogir Origin to GMysburg. — 
Formation of the Xiueteenth, — Eoster, — Guarding Rebel Prisoners, — ^Movement 
to flie Potomac, — ^To the Peninsula, — Experience at Norfolk and Portsmouth, — 
Hea^ Marehii^ and Fatigue Duty, — ^Personal Incidents, — Sickness, — At New- 
port !Kews. — Twenty-sirth Ihfentiy, — Formation, — German Element, — ^itove- 
ment to Washington, — Ja General Sigel's Command, — March to Fredericksbni^, 
— Battle of Chancellorrille, — Movement to GetSysbuig 389 


The CAXFAigy op GEmSBiiK&. — The Iran Brigade, TJUrd, jR^iift, and J\centt)-sixth 
Infantry, aad'Berdan Shtap^oaters, Cmnpamj G. — ^MoTement toward Mairland, — 
Change of Commandeis, — The Rebel Raid into PennsylTania, — Concentration at 
GetTTsbuig, — ^Battles of the First, Second, and Third of Jnlj, — The Services of 
"Wisconsin Troops, — The Dead and "Wounded 403 


GoTKESOK RASDAii ASD Hjs Adhisisieatios. — His Important Serried at the 
Opening of the Rebellion, — His Discriminating language relatire to the Situa- 
tion, — TTia Snece^ in Calling for Troops, — IDs "Wise ProTision for their Wants, — 
"His Prominent Position among other Goremois, and his Influence at Washington, 
— His Appointment as Mimster to Italy, — His Address to the Pope-, — His Return 
to the United States, and Service as First Assistant Posnnaster General, — His 
Early life and Political Career previous to the "\rar 423 




GoTERSOR Haktet ahd Hb ADinsETBAiiox. — His XativitT and Early Life, — 
Self-Dependence, — Collegiate Education, — Succes as a Teacher, — Talent as an 
Editor, — FopularitT as a Politician, — Marriage, — ^Life as a Merchant, — Character 
as a Reformer, — Services as an Officer of the State, — "Words Concerning the 
Death of Senator Dov^las, — Eiecntive Menage, — Collection of SuppUes from 
flie Battle-Field, — "Tisil to Pittsburg landing, — Affecting Interview with the 
Soldiers — Death, — Ftmeral, — Mourning 431 

Thb OPEnxG OF "Was at thb "West. — Seee^on, — Refusal to Furnish Troops, — 
Disturbances in Misouri, — Patriotism and "Worth of General Lyon, — ^Battles of 
Carthage, Dig Springs, and Wilson's Creek, — ^Death of General Lyon, — General 

Fremont's Proclamation; — Modified by the President, — Battle at Leyirigton, — 
Zagonyi's Charge at Springfield, — Fremont succeeded by Hunter, and Hunter by 
Pope,— Battles of Belmont, "Wild Cat, Munfordsville, and Mill Spring,— Capture 
of Forts Henry and Donelson, by Grant and Foote, — Halleck relieving Grant 
of his Command,— The Dying Wisconsin Soldier at Fort Donelson 438 

First Infantry- Reorganized.— i^itrsi Year in the Ssrefe.— Eeorganization,— 
Roster, -Movement to Kentucky, —Winter Service at Munfordsville,— " On 
Picket,"— Battle at Munfordsville,— Movement to Nashville,— Severe Skirmish, 
—Movement to Columbia, Rogersville, and Florence,— Skirmish at Bainbridge 
Ferry, — At Chattanooga,- At Huntsville,— Return to Nashville,— To Perry- 
ville 448 


Eighth and Fifteenth Infantry: Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, and Twelfth Bat- 
teries.— i^rom their Origin to Islcmd No. Ten. — The Eighth Infantry, — Its Organiz- 
ation, — Roster, — Departure, — In St. Louis, — March to Pilot Knob, — Battle of 
Fredericktown, — At Sulpher Springs, — Advance to New Madrid. — The Fifteenth 
Infantry, — Its Organization, — Roster, — Departure from Madison, — Material, — 
Reception at Chicago, — At Bird's Point, Columbus, Hickman, Island Number 
Ten, — Expedition to Union City. — Fifth Battery, — Organization, — Roster, — 
Movement to New Madrid. — Sixth Battery, — Organization, — ^Roster, — Movement 
to Bird's Point, — To Sykestown, — March to New Madrid. — Seventh Baltery, — 
Organization, — Boater, — Movement. — Twelfth Battery, — Formation, — Officers, — 
A Portion to New Madrid. — Capture of New Madrid, — Reduction of Island 
Number Ten 456 

Fourteenth, Sixteenth, and Eighteenth Infantry. — Frmi tTwir Origin to the 
Battle of Pittsburg Landing. — Fourteenth Infantry, — Organi.zation, — Roster, — 
Movement to St. Louis, — Thence to Savannah. — Sixteenth Infantry, — Formation, 
— Discipline, — OfScers,— Movement to St. Louis, — Thence to Pittsbui^ Landing. 
— Eighteenth Infantry, — At Camp Holton, — Character of the Men, — Roster on 

Leaving the State, — Departure, — At Pittsburg Landing, — In the Advance. 

Battle of Pittsburg Landing 4115 

Corinthand Iitka. — The Eighth, Fourteenth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, and Eighteenth In- 
fantry, and the Fifth, Sixth, Eighth, Tenth and Twelfth Satteries. — The Seventeenth 

Infantry, — Origin, — Organization, — Advance to Pittsburg Landing, To Corinth. 

First and Second Battles of Farmington, Siege of Corinth, — Summer Employ- 
ment and Diversions, — Battle of luka, — Battle of Corinth, Biographical 

Sketches, — Major General Hamilton 493 

Fourth Infantry and Cavalry. — From its Origin to Port Hudson. — Results of the 

Fall of Corinth on the Opening of the Mississippi, — Naval Battle at Memphis, 

Formation of the Fourth Infantry, — Roster, — Movement to the Bast, — Services 
There,— Yoyage to the Gulf, -Capture of New Orleans, — Ascent of the Missis- 

CONTENTS. xiii. 

: :sippi, — Colonel Paine's Befusal to-Eeturn JFugitivea,—- Canal.Diggiag at Yioka- 
Durg, -r Battle ..of „ Baton Epuge J — General ISsw 0^'leans,-:T'Battl^ of 
tJamp Bisland, or Bayou TSohe. — On the Red Biver,.— Siege of Port Hudson, 

. doioD&l Bean 526 


E"«18t (Javaiet. — From its Origin to Nashville. — Formation, Roster, — ^Movement to 

Oat>e Grirardeau, — Battle of Chalk Bluff, — Battle of Hodge's Perry, — In Cane 

■ Brakes and Bayous, — At Helena,— .Sicknesa and Deaths, — Pursuit of Boone, — 

In'General Davidson's Command, — Capture of Colonel Phelan, — Gallant Charge 

of Phelps and Hubbs,'— At West Plains, — ^ At Pilot Knob, — At St. Geneyieve, 

-" ^— Back to Cape Girardeau,— In General! McNeill' 8 Command, — Advance and 

■Retreat, — Charge of Captain Shipmau and: .his Men, — Battle of Cape Girardeau, 

— Transfer to Nashville ■.• ^. ;, .. 553 

Second Cavalry. —JiVoW!; Us Origin <o Ficfeterj;— Formation j — The Commander 
with General Grant, — Roster, -^ Movement to St. Louis, and Thence to Spring- 
field, — Second and Third Battalions in Arkansas,— Battle of Cotton Plant, — At 
Helena, Sickness, --Dash Across the Mississippi,— Opening of the Tazoo Pass, 
— First Battalion in Missouri;-=-=Movement of Second and Third to Memphis, — 
Before Vioksburg, — In Pursuit of the. Enemy,, — On the Big Black River, and at 
Red Bone Church 561 


Third Cavalry and Ninth "and Twentieth Infantry.- i^Vom their Origin to the 
Fall of Yicksl/wrg. — Third Cava,rry, ^Origin, ^-Eoster,--Accident, — In Kansas, — 
Indian Regiment. — Ninth Infantry, ^Formation and Character, -^Officers, — Move- 
ment to Kansas, — Indian Expedition,^Colonel Salomon's Arrest of Colonel 
Wier, — Summer Marches. — Twentieth Infantry, — Origin. — Movement to the 
South-West, — Marches and Privations,-^ickhess, — At the Grave of General 
Xyon, — ^Battles of Honey Springs, Newtouia, Cane Hill, and Prairie Grove. — 
Battle of Pea Ridge,— Ninth Ihfaiiltlry to JxrlySth,- 1863,-:-^Twentieth Infantry to 
July 5th, 1863 5U 


Eleventh and Twelfth Infantry. — Prom thei/r Origin to the Siege of Vickslm/rg. — 
-' • Eleventh -Infantry, — .Formation,^^-s-'.Ro8ter, -^Movements, td St. ,Lbuis, Sulpher 
Springs,, and. Pilot Knob, — In General'Steete's Division, and General Curtis' Army, 
— Battle of Bayou Cache, — At Helena and Old-Town, — On Cotton Raids, — 
Return to Sulpher Springs and Pilot Knob, — ^before Ticksburg. — Twelfth Infan- 
try, — Formation, — Roster ,^Movement. to;, Weston, Missouri, — To Port Scott, 

' Lawrence, Fort Rileyj St. Louis, Columbus, and Humboldt, Tennessee, — Scout- 
ing and'i — Southward, — Northward, — Southward Again, — In the 
Trenches before Ticksburg - 592 

Tenth, Twenty-First, and Twenty-Fourth Infantry. — From their Origin to 
Chaplin Sills. — Tenth Infantry, — Organization, — ^Roster, — Movement to Louis- 
ville,-^To Bowling Green, — To Nashville, — ^To Murfreesboro, — To Huntsville, — 

Paint Sock Bridge, — General 0. M. Mitchell,— Eetrograde to Nashville and 
Louisville. — Twentyfirst Infantry, — Origin and Organization, — Movement to the 
Defence of Cincinnati, — Assigned to Duty by General P. H. Sheridan at louis- 
viUe,^Pursuit of General Bragg.— Twenty-fourth Infantry, — Origin and Organ- 
ization, — Movement to Jeffersonville, — To Cincinnati, — To Louisville, — ^Pursuit 
of Bragg 601 

Battle of Chaphn Ki-lus.— First, Tenth, Fifteenth, Twenty-first, ami Twenty-fourth 
Infantry, and the Third, Fifth, and Eighth Batteries. — The B.ebel and Union 
Armies Moving Northward, — Cincinnati and Louisville Threatened, — Movement 
Southward, — The Corps and Commanders of the Union Army, — Location of 'Wis- 
consua Infantry Regiments and Batteries, — The Battle, — The Losses, — The Suc- 
ceeding Movements 621 

Battle of Stone Ritee. — Mrst, Tenth, Fifteenth, Twenty-first, and Twenty-fourth 
Infantry, and the Third, Fifth and Eighth Batteries. — Movement from Nashville,. — 
The First and Twenty-first defeat Wheeler's Cavalry, — The Fifteenth in a 
Preliminary Engagement, — The Battle, — The Defeat, — The Victory, ^Regi- 
mental Movements, — ^Biographical Sketches 621 

ViOKSBUEG: The Battles, The Assaults, The Siege. — Eighth, Meiienth, Twelfth, 
Fomieenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Twentieth, Twenty-third, Twenty- fifth. Twenty- 
seventh, Twenty-ninth, and Thirty- Third Infantry; First, Sixth, and Twelfth Batte- 
ries, and Second Cavalry. — Opportunity Lost, — Attack on Haines' Bluff, — Arkansas 
Post, — "Williams' Canal, — ^Milliken's Bend and Lake Providence, — Tazoo Pass, — 
Steele's Bayou, — ^Passing the Batteries, — Battles of Anderson's Hill and Port 
Hudson, — Feint on Haines' Bluff, — ^Battles of Raymond and Jackson, — Of Cham- 
pion Hills, — Of Black River Bridge, — Investment arid Assaults, — Siege of 
Vicksburg, — Surrender, — Second Battle of Jackson, — Pall of Port Hudson, — 
Battle at Helena 638 

PART ly. 


GovBENOR Salomon- and His Administeation. — His Accession to the Executive 
Office,— The Peculiar and Arduous Character of his Services, — Organization of 
Regiments, — Drafting, and the Attendant Difficulties, — The Indian Excitement 

Suffrage -to Soldiers, — Provision for Their "Wants, — Rules of Promotion, 

Biographical Sketch ggg 

ChiokamauGA. — The First, Tenth, Fifteenth, Twenty-first, and Twenty-fourth Infantry 
the First Cavalry, and Third, Fifth, and Eighth Batteries. — Boseorans leaves Mur- 


freesboro, — ^Flanks Bragg at TuUahoma, — Grosses the Cumberland Mountain, — 
Kanks the Enemy out of Chattanooga, and Takes Possession, — Moves Beyond, — 
Battle of Chickamauga, — The Part taken by Wisconsin Troops, — ^Biographical 
Sketches G14 

Lookout MotrNiAiif and Missionabt Eidgb. — The First, Tenth, Fifteenth, 
Eighteenth, Twenty-first, Twenty-fourth, and Twenty-sixth Infantry, and Sixth and 
Eighth Batteries. — Grant in Command, — Battle of 'Wauhatchie, — Capture of 
Orchard Knob, — Positions of Thomas, Sherman, and Hooker, — Battle, — 
Storming of the Eidge, — ^Wisconsin Troops, — Biographical Sketches 691 

Sherman's Campakjn to Atlanta. — The First, Third, Tenth, Twelfth, Fifteenth, 
Sixteenth, Seventeenth, Twenty-first, Twenty-second, Twenty-fourth, Twenty-fifth, 
Twenty-sixth, Thirty-first, and Thirty-second Wisconsin Infantry, First Cavalry, 
and Fifth and Tenth Batteries, — Battles of Eesaca, Dallas, Kenesaw Moun- 
tain, Decatur, Peach Tree Creek, Jonesboro, Lovejoy Station, — Capture of 
Atianta 698 

Texas and Ebd Eiter Expeditions. — Eighth, Ninth, Fowrteemth, Twenty-tMrd, 
Twenty-seventh, Twenty ^inth, and Thirty- Third Wisconsin Infantry, a/nd First 
Battery. — General Banks in Command, — General Washburn moves the Thir- 
teenth Corps .to Ne-w Orleans,— General Pranklin at Sabine Pass, — March to 
Opelousas, — ^Battle of Grand Coteau, — Capture of Fori Esperanza, — Texas at 
Our Mercy, — ^Why Not Taken and Held, — Twenty-third and Twenty-ninth Wis- 
consin at Grand Coteau, — Red River Expedition, — Capture of Port De Eussy, — 
Battle of Sabine 'Cross Eoads, — Battle of Pleasant Hill,^— Eelease of Admiral 
Porter's Fleet by Colonel Baily, — General Steele's Movement from Little Rock 
toward Red Eiver, — Battle of Jenkins' Ferry, — General Salomon's Services in 
that Battle, — ^Biographical Sketches .>. 743 


FiEST, Eighth,' Ninth, Tenth, and Eleventh Infantry. — First Infantry. —-Review 

of History to June, 1863, — Movements from. Murfreesboro to Chattanooga, — 

From Chattanooga to Atlanta, — Muster Out,^ — Roster, — Biographical Notices. — 

Eighth Infantry, — Review, — Expeditions, — ^Vicksburg, — Subsequent Movements, 

Muster Out, — ^Roster, — Regimental Statistics. — Ninth Infantry, — Review, — 

Eemainder of History,— Muster Out, — Roster, — Statistics. — Tenth Infantry, — 
Review, — Subsequent History to the Close. — ^Eleventh Infantry, — ^Eeview, — 
Eemainder to the End '!61 

Thietbenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Infantry. — Thirteenth Infantry, — 
Organization, Roster, Marches; on the Western Borders, — AtDonelson, — Skirmish 
at Clarkvill6, — At Stevenson, — Veteranized, — At Huntsyille,— Pursuit of For- 
rest,— Invested by Hood,— In Texas,— Sufifering and Sickness,:— Chaplains, — 
■ Muster-Out. — Fourteenth Infantry; — ^Review,— Expeditions,-:— At Yioksburg, — 
Medals of Honor,— Re-enlistments. — Eed River Expeditions,— Battle of Tupelo, 


—At Mobile,— Close ' of' Service;.^^tatistics.— Pifteentla Irifantryj-JEevisvs'-, — 
From Island Number Ten to Chaplin Hills, — ^To Stone River, — Chickamauga and 
Missionary Ridge,— Tfience to Knoxville,-^To Atlanta, — Close. 'J81 

Twentieth, Twenty-Third, and Twenty-Fourth Infantry. — Twentieth Infan- 
try,— Review, — Services' Around Ticksburg after its Surrender, — ^Campaign to 
the Rio Grande, — Inhabitants, — Army Church, ^Mobile Expedition, ■:— The Close. 
-Twenty-Third Ihfantry,^Barly History, — Review, — Yicksburg, — Texas and 
Red River Expeditions, — At Mobile, — Close, — Biographical Sketches, — ^Twienty- 
Fourth Infantry,- — Review, — Chaplin Hills, — rStane River, —^ Chickamauga, — 
Mission Ridge, — Kuoxville, — Atlanta Campaign, — Battles of Franklin and Nash- 
ville, — Close, — Biographical Notices. 194 

Twenty-Seventh, Twenty-Eighth, and Twenty-Ninth IntantrYi — Twenty- 
seventh Infantry, — Origin, — At Columbus, — At Vicksburg, — Helena, — ^Little 
Rock, — In the Red River Expedition, — Battle of Jenkins' Ferry, ^Before, Mo- 
'•' bile,'^^In- Alabama, — ^In Texas, — Close.^ — Twentyreighth, Infantry, ^-rOrigin,- — In 
Kentucky, — At Helena, — White River Expedition, — ^Tazoo Pass Expedition, — 
In the Army of the Arkansas, — In tlae Thirteenth Corps, — At Mobile, — In 
Texas,^Close. — Twenty-ninth Infantry, — Origin, — ■Movements in Arkansas,^- 
Contraband Cotton Trade, — Tazoo Pass Expedition, — At Port Gibson, Champion 
Hills, and Vicksburg, — Battle of Grand Coteau, — Texas and Red River Expedi- 
tions, — Muster Out ,. . 814 


Thirtietij, Thirtt-Thirb, Thirty^Fouth, and Thirty- Fiith Infantry. —Thir- 
tieth Infantry,-^Origin, — Protecting Against IndianSj — Suppressing Draft Riots, 
'—Building Forts,— Guarding Trains; -Services in Kentucky,— Distributing Pris- 

oners,-^Companies Separated, — ^Muster Out. — Thirty-third Infantry; -^Ojigin, 

Movement to Memphis, — Expedition Towards Vicksburg, — Huijger,-r-In .the 
Sixteenth Corps, — Siege at Vicksburg,.— Battle at Jackson, — Meridian Expedi- 
tion, — Red River Expedition, — Battle of Tupelo,— West of the Mississippi, 

Battle of Nashville,— Close. — Thirty-fourtb Infantry, — Origin,^hort Service -r- 
In Kentucky,— Close.— Thirty-fifth Infantry,^Origin,— In Louisiana,— In Arkan- 
sas, — Before Mobile, — On the Rio Grande,— ^Olose ... .333 


-THiRTY-NiNTH AND Fiftt-Third Inpantry, .Inolusive. , — One -Hundred^Day 

- ^Troops: — Thirty-ninth Infantry, — At .Memphis. -7- Fortieth , . Infantry, — At 

Memphis.— Forty-first. Infantry,^ At Memphis. .-r- President Lincoln'^ Qrder 

Returning Thanks. One Tear Regiments.— Forty-second Infantry,— Garrison 

and Provost fiuties.— Forty^tHird Infantry,.i-In Kentucky and Tennessee,— 

Battle of Johnsonville.— Forty-fourth Infantry, — Battle of NashvilJe. ^Porty- 

fifth Infantry, — At Nashville. — Forty-sixth Iufantry,^Iu Alabama.— Forty- 
seventh Infantry, — Guard Duty in Tennesseej — Forty-eighth" Infantry, -^ In 
Kansas —Forty-Ninth Infantry,- In Missouri.^Fiftieth Infantry, ^In D^kotah. 
-Fifty-first Infantry,— In Missouri.-^Fifly^seeond InfantryjrrJn Missouri ,:and 
Kansas.'— ^FiftV-thirdMantry,— In Kansas .^, j.* , L 855 

OOSTTEIirtS.' . xv'u. 

'■> - ■ O'HA'PTBR-ST'i. ' 

TlEST, SecoIjD, Thiedaud Foubth CATAiET. — Pirst Cavalry, — ^Review, — M'Cook's 
Expedition,^ KnoSfville, — Battlfe Of Dandridge; — Wilaon's Expedition, — Biogra- 
phical Sketches. — Second Cayalry, — Review,— rBattaliona United at Vicksburg, 
— Battle, — Expeditions in Texas, — ^G-eneral Washbup. — Third Cavalry, — Review, 

. —Army pf the Frontier, -^Veterans, — Expeditions,— At Iji'ttle Rock, — Pursuit 
of Shelby,— In Missouri' and Kansas, — Close.— Fourth Cavalry,— Review, — 
Organization as Cavalry, — ^Expeditions,— Battles, — ^To the Gulf,^— Af Mobile, — 
To the Rio Grande, — Colonel Boardman 819 

First, Thied, SIzth, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth and Thieteen'th Lisht Ahtil- 
LBET. — Light Artillery,— First Battery, — Historical Narration. — Third Battei-y, — 
Origin, Review, and Completion. — Sixth Battery, — Review and Completion. — 
Seventh Battery, — Review and Completion.— Eighth Battery, — Origin, Review, 
and Close. — Ninth Battery, — From First to Last. — Thirteenth Baittery, — From 
Beginningto End 912 





G-OVERNOK Lewis and His administration. — Inaugural Address, — Recommenda- 
tions to the Legislature, — Earnest Support of the General-Government, — Forma- 
tion of Regiments, — ^Filling the Quotas of the State, — Attention to the Sol- 
diers, — Adjustment of Claims, — Constitutional Amendment, — Biographical 
Sketch '.;..,.; .i. V-. ... V'. V 930 

■I'eom: The Wildeeness to Peterseubs. -^Seamd, -Mfth,. Sixth,' Seventh;- Nineteenth, 
Thirty-siocth, Thvrty-sevemth, and Thirty eighth Regiments, and Fowrth Battery.-r- 
Potomac Army, — Battles of the Wilderness and Spotlsylvania, — Sheridan's Raid, 
— Butler Up the James, — Battles of North Anna, Cold Harbor, and Petersburg, — 
Explosion of The Mine, — Battles of "Weldon Railroad and Reams' Station, — 
Battles of Fair Oaks and Hatcher's Run 933 

Sherman's Great March. — Third, Twelfth, Si^eenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, 
Twenty -first, Twenty-second, Twenty-fifth, Twenty-sixth, Thirty-first, and Thirty- 
second Infantry, and Fifth, Tenth, and Twelfth Batteries. — March to the Sea, — 
Capture of Fort McAllister and Savannah, — Orders in Behalf of Preedmen, — 
Campaign of the Carolinas, — Battle of Pocotaligo, — Battle of Averysboro. — 
Battle of Bentonville. — Arrival at G<oldsboro 951 

Richmond's Fall and Lee's Surrender. — A Grand Assault, — Capture of Fort 
Steadman by the Rebels, — The Recapture, — The Position of Forces, — Battle at 


Five Forks, — Assault of April 2d, — ^Lee's Lines Broken, — Consternation in Rich- 
mond,— Condition and Spirit of the People, — Lee Surrenders, — Johnston Surren- 
ders, — Services of Wisconsin Troops 9^5 

Second, Sixth, Seventh, Third, Fifth, Twelfth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, 
EiG-HTEBNTH AND NINETEENTH Infantet. — Review and Close of Each Regi- 




Thibty-Seoond, Thirty-Sixth, Thirty-Seventh, Thirty-Eighth Infantry. — 
Twenty-first, — Review and Close. — Twenty-second, — ;Origin, Review, and Close. 
Twenty-fifth, — Origin, Review, and Close. — Twenty-sixth, — Review and Close. — 
Thirty-first, Thirty-second, Thirty-sixth, Thirty-seventh, Thirty-eighth, — Origin, 
Review, and Close. — Sharpshooters 991 

First Heavy Artillery; Second, Fourth, Fifth, Tenth, Eleventh, Twelfth 
Light Artillery ; In Other States; Addenda 1015 

Prisons, Legislation, Officials, Schools and Churches, Hospitals, Homes, 
Commissions. — Life in Rebel Prisons, — Votes on Constitutional Amendment, — 
Senators Howe and Doolittle, — Adjutant General Gaylord, — Surgeon General 
Wolcott, — War Statistics of Schools, Colleges, and Churches, — Army Hospitals, 
— Mrs. C. A. P. Harvey, — Soldiers' Home, — Soldiers' Orphans' Home, — Orphans' 
Institute of Reward, — Soldiers' Aid Society, — Freedmen's Aid Society, — Chris- 
tian Commission, — The Dying Wisconsin Soldier 1036 

The Roll of the Dead. 
,— Names 1055 


Three Months 211-227 

Eaelt Histort, 448-455; Chaplin Hills, 610, 
611, 615, 616 : to Nashville, 618 ; Jefferson and 
Stone River, 6'2T, 628 ; Ohiokamauga, 680-682 ; 
Mission Ridge, 694 ; Resaoa, TOO, 701 ; Dallas, 
707 ; Kenesaw, 715, 716, 721 ; Peach Tree Creek, 
723 ; Atlanta, 784. 
Emdue and close 761-765. 

Earlt Histoet, 228-241 ; in Iron Bngade, 228- 
290,294-808; Gainesville, 803-806; second Bull 
Run, 318-317; South Mountain, 828, 324; Antie- 
tam, 334^887: Fredericksburg, 847 ; Chanoellors- 
ville, 859, 860 ; from Antietam to Gettysburg, 376- 
879 ; at Gettysburg, 407-412 419, 420 ; Wilderness, 
934, 936 ; Spottsylvania, 986, 937 ; North Anna, 
939 ; Cold Harbor, 940 ; Petersburg, 945 ; Weldon 
Railroad, 950 ; Hatcher's Run, 952 ; second Hatch- 
nr's Run, 956 ; Gravelly Run, 967 ; Five Forks, 
968 first Bull Run, 1033, 1034. 
BecUfW and close 969, 970. 

EAKI.T HiSTOET, 242-249 ; second Bull Run, 815, 
816; Antietam, 8-33, 884; to Chancellorsville, 840- 
842; at Chancellorsville, 857-.'JB9 ; Gettysburg, 
414-416 ; in Sherman's army, 699 ; Resaca, 701 ; 
Dallas, 707, 703 ; Kenesaw, 716 ; Peach Tree 
Creek, 727 ; Atlanta, 734 ; to the Sea, 958, 959 ; 
Averysboro, 962, 968 ; Bentonville, 964. 
Besidue mid close 976-978. 

Early Histort, 260-287 ; to second Bull Run, 
815, 816 ; Crampton's Pass, 321, 825 ; Antietam, 
884; to Fredericksburg, 342-844; at Fredericks- 
burg, 844-360 ; Chancellorsville, 350-857 ; Gettys- 
burg, 415, 417; Wilderness, 935; Spottsylvania, 
937 ; Cold Harbor, 940 ; Petersburg, 945 ; Hatch- 
er's Run, 955; Petersburg, 968. 
BesidMe and dose 978-981. 

Early History, 290-308; Gainesville, 303-306 ; 
second Bull Run, .109, 818, 314, 816, 317 ; South 
Mountain, 328, 824; Antietam, 834-337; Fred,- 
erloksburg, 347 ; Chancellorsville, 859, 360 ; from 
Antietam to Gettysburg, 376-379 ; at Gettysburg, 
407-412, 419, 420; Wilderness, 984, 935; Spott- 
sylvania, 936, 937 ; North Anna, 939 ; Cold Har- 
bor, 940; Petersburg, 945; Weldon Railroad, 950; 
Catcher's Run, 952 ; second Hatcher's Run, 955 ; 
Gravelly Run, 967 ; Five Porks, 968. 
~ " '.andclose 971-974. 

Early History, 293-803; Gainesville 308-806; 
second Bull Run, 809, 818,814,816,817; South 
Mountain, 328, 324; Antietam, 834-337; Fred- 
ericksburg, 857 ; Chancellorsville, 849, 860 ; Antie- 
tam to Gettysburg, 376-379 ; Gettysburg, 407-412, 
419, 420; Wilderness, 934, 985; Spottsylvania, 
936 ; North Anna, 989 ; Cold Harbor, 940 ; Peters- 
burg, 945 ; Weldon Railroad, 950 ; Hatcher's Run, 

052; second Hatcher's Bun, 955; Gravelly Run, 
967; Five Forks, 968. 

~ " anadose 974-976. 

Early History, 456-461; Island Number Ten, 
471 ; Siege of Corinth, 497, 498, 500 ; to luka, 
502; battle of luka, 611 ; of Corinth, 517; Jaokr 
son, 647 ; Vicksburg, 655 ; Red River expedition, 
750-752, 780; items, 780., 
Rtsidiie and dose '. 765-770. 


Early Histoey, 578-581 ; Newtonia, 585 ; Cane 

Hill, 686; Prairie Grove, 587, 589, 590; Red 

River expedition, 756, 760. 

Residue and dose 770-772. 

Early History, 601-604; Chaplin Hills, 608, 612, 
613, 617; to Nashville, 618; Stone Elver, 622, 
626-628; Chickamauga, 678, 681, 688, 684; Mis- 
sion Ridge, 693, 694 ; in Sherman's army, 599 ; 
Dallas, 708 ; Kenesaw, 716 ; Peach Tree Creek, 
727, 728. 
Residue and dose 772-774. 

Early History, 592-696; Anderson Hill, 648, 
644 ; Port Gibson, 644, 645 ; Champion Hills, 649 j 
Big Black River, 652; Vicksburg, 656, 661. 
later History ■■■■■ 774-780. 

Early History, 596-600 ; Vicksburg, 656 ; second 
battle of Jackson, 662 ; in Sherman's army, 699 ; 
Kenesaw, 716 ; Bald Hill, 730, 731 ; Atlanta, 784 ; 
Jonesboro, 735 ; to the Sea, 959 ; Bentonville, 
■ Besidiie and dose 981-988. 

History 781-787. 

Early History, 475-477; Pittsburg Landing, 
488, 489 ; to Corinth, 504: battle of Corinth, 516, 
521 ; Champion Hills, 649 ; Big Black River, 652 ; 
Vicksburg, 656, 657. 
JLater History 787-790. • 

Early History, 461-468; Island Number Ten, 
471, 472; Chaplin Hills, 618, 614; to Nashville, 
618, 619 ; to Stone River, 622, 623 ; Battle of Stone 
River, 625, 628, 629, 634, 685 ; in Sherman's Army, 
699; Resaca, 701, 705; Dallas, 708, 712; Kene- 
saw, 717; Peach Tree Creek, 728; Atlanta, 785. 
~ ■' andclose 790-798. 

Early History, 477, 478 ; Pittsburg Landing, 
488-485, 489 ; Siege of Corinth, 499 ; Summer of 
1862, 608; at luka, 611 ; Corinth, 517 ; Kenesaw, 
717 ; Bald Hill, 780, 781 ; Atlanta and Jonesboro, 
735 ; to the Sea, 959 ; Bentonville, 964. 
Eesidue and close 986, 984. 




Early History, 498-495 ; Siege of Corinth 499 ; 
Summer of 1862, 603 ; Battle of Coi-intli, 615, 516; 
toward Vicksburg, 644 ; Champion Hills, 649 ; 
Big Black Eiver, 668 ; Vicksburg, 667 ; in Sher- 
man's Army, 699 ; Kerieaaw-,' TIT'^ Bald Hill, TSl • 
Atlanta and Jonesbcft-o; 735 ; To the Sea, 959, 964. 
Besidue and close 984-986. 


Eably Histdey, 479, 450 ; Pittsburg Landing, 
484,48.5, 490; Siege of Corinth, 499 ; Summei- of 
1862, 603, 504 ; Battle of Corinth, 516, 517 ; Jacls- 
son, 647 ; Champion Hills, 649 ; Big Black Kiver, 
658 ; Vicksburg, 657. 
later Eiatory 986-988. 

Eaelt History, 389-896; Petersburg, 945; Fair 
Oaks, 958, 954, 
BesUue and close 988-990. 

Early History, 531-584 ; Prairie Grove, 586-589, 
691; Succeeding History, 590, S91 ; Vicksburg, 
LaUrSistory 794-800. 


Early History, 604, 605; Chaplin Hills, 603, 
611, 612 ; to Nashville, 618 ; Jefferson and Stone 
Eiver, 622, 627, 623 ; Chickamauga, 878, 680-688, 
633 ; Mission Ridge, 698, 694 ; in Sherman's army, 
699; Resaca, 701, 702; Dallas, 709; Kenesaw, 
717,718; Peach Tree Creek, 727; Atlanta, 785; 
to the sea, 959 ; Averysboro, 962 ; BentonviUe, 
963; Morals, 1034, 5. 

- ■■ -.aridclose 991-993. 

Early History, 993, 994 ; in Sherman's Army, 
699 ; Kesaca, 702 ; Dallas, 709 ; Kenesaw, 718 ; 
Peach Tree Creek, 728, Atlanta, 786, 736; to the 
sea, 959, 960; Averysboro', 962;' BentonviUe, 
Smidue and close.,: 995. 

Early History, 800-803 ; Port Gibson, 643-646 ; 
Champion Hills, 649-651 ; Black River Bridge, 
663; Vicksburg, 653, 661, 662; Grand Coteau, 
746, 746 ; Red River E.xpedition, 752, 763. 
later History 808-806. 

Early History, 605, 606 ; Chaplin Hills, 614 ; 
to Nashville, 619 ; at Stone River, 622, 626, 629- 
632 ; Chiokamauga, 685-637 ; Mission Ridge, 694, 
695 ; in Sherman's Army, 669 ; Kesaca, 702, 708, 
706; Dallas, T09, 718; Kenesaw, 718, 719, 722; 
Peach Tree Creek, 728, 780 ; Atlanta, 786. 
later Ilistory 806-818. 

Early History, 996 ; Vicksburg, 658 ; in SherT 
man's army, 699 ; Resaca, 708 ; Dallas, 709 ; Ken- 
esaw, 719: Decatur, 782, 783; Atlanta, 736; to 
the sea, 960. 
Residue and close 997-998. 


Early History, 896-408 ; Gettysburg, 417, 418 ; 
Wauhatohie, 691, 692 ; Mission Ridge,695 ; Kesaca, 
708, 704 ; Dallas, 710 ; Kenesaw, 719 ; Peach 
Tree Creek, 728, 729 ; Atlanta, 736 ; to the sea, 
960 ; Averysboro, 692, 968 ; BentonviUe, 964. 
Besidue and close. 998, 699. 

History, 814-817 ; Snyder's Bluffs 658 ; Jenkins 
Ferry, 759, 760 ; Morals, 1084. 

History; 817-826; battle of Helena, 668, 664. 

History, 826-832 ; Port Gibson, 644, 646, Cham- 
pion Hills, 650, 651 ; Vicksburg, 668, 659 ; second 
battle of Jackson, 662 ; Texas Expedition, 748- 
746 ; Red River Expedition', 768, 755. 

History, 883-839. 


History, 1000-lt)02 ; Atlanta, 786, 737 ; to the sea, 
'960 ; Averysboro, 968 ; BentonviUe, 964. 

History, 1002-1006 ; in Sherman's army, 699 ; 
Atlanta and Jonesboro, 787,; to the Sea, 960, 961 ; 
BentonviUe, 964. 

History, 889-849 ; Vicksburg, 659, 660; Red River 
expedition, 753, 764. 

History 849,850. 

History ..850-854. 

History, 1006-1009; Spottsylvania, 938; North 
Anna 989 ; Cold Harbor, 940, 941 ; Petersbuj-g, 
945, 946; Malvern Hill, 949; Petersburg Mine, 
950 ; Deep Bottom, 950 ; Reams' Station, 951 J 
Hatcher's Run, 952, 958 ; Petersburg, 968. 

History, 1009-1011 ; Army of Potoinao, 941 ; 
Petersburg, 946, 947 ; Petersburg Mine, 949 ; 
Reams' Station, 951 ; Hatcher's Run, 953 ; Peters- 
burg, 968. 

History, 1011-1018 ; Petersburg, 947 ; Mine explo 
sion, 949 ; Weldon Railroad, 962 ; Hatcher's Run, 
988 ; assault at Petersburg, 968. 



















Eaelt History, 380-388; Gettysburg, 416; Wil- 
derness, 935 ; Spottsylvania, 938 ; North Anna) 
939; Cold Hai'bor, 941; Harris' Farm, 947; Deep 
Bottom, 9i9 ; Petersburg, 960. 
Residue and dose lOlS, 1014. 


Baklt Histokt, 568-666; Ohiokamauga, 687; in 
Sherman's army, 699 ; Buzzard's Roost and Re- 
saca, 704 ; Dallas, 710, 711 ; Keneaaw, 719, 720 ; 
Atlanta, 737-741 ; Bloomfield, 1083. 
Later Eistary '.. .879-891 


Eaklt Histokt, 566-573 ; Vicksburg, 660 ; Jack- 
son, 662. 



Eaklt Histokt 574-578; Honey Springs, 584; 
Newtonia, 585, 586 ; Cane Hill, 586 ; Prairie Grove, 
587. 688. 
Later Eiatmy 897-900. 


Eablt History 626,552. 

Later History 900-911. 

History 911. 


History, 912-915 ; Arkansas Post, 689, 640 ; Port 
Gibson, 646; Champion Hills, 651; Black River 
Bridge, 653 ; Viokstturg, 660 ; Jackson, 662. 

History 1019,1020. 


History, 915-917 ; Chaplin Hills, 609, 614 ; Stone 
Eiver, 622, 632, 633, 636 ; Ohiokamauga, 687. 


History, 1020-1022 ; Bermuda Hundred, 939 ; Pe- 
tersburg, 947, 950. 


Earit History, 468 ; Island Number Ten, 472 ; 
siege of Corinth, 498, 499 ; to Chaplin Hills, 604, 
606; battle of Chaplin Hills, 608, 614, 618; to 
Nashville, 619 ; Stone River, 622, 625, 632, 683, 
686 ; Ohiokamauga, 687, 688 : in Sherman's army, 
699; Resaca, 704; Dallas, 711; Kenesaw, 720, 
721 ; Peach Tree Creek, 729 : Atlanta, 787 ; 
Jonesboro, 787 ; to the Sea, 961 ; Bentonville. 
964. . . , 

Besidue and close 1022, 1028. 


Early History, 463, 464; Island Number Ten 
472 ; siege of Corinth, 499 ; summer of 1862, 505 
battle of Corinth, 517, 518, 825 ; Port Gibson, 645 . 
Raymond, 646 ; Jackson, 647 ; Champion Hiils^ 
651 ; Vicksburg, 660 ; Mission Ridge, 695. 
Later Mston/ 917-919. 

Early History, 464 ; Island Number Ten, 472-474; 
Memphis, 856, 857. 
Later iOstm/ 919-921. 

History, 921-923 ; Chaplin Hills, 608, 616 ; Stone 
Eiver, 622, 625, 633, 636 ; Mission Ridge, 695, 696. 




Early History, 601, 602 ; Summer of 1862, 505, 
506 ; Resaca, 704 ; Atlanta, 737. 
Later Ristory 1028,1026. 

History 1026,1027. 

Early History, 464, 465 ; Island Number Ten, 
473 ; Siege of Corinth, 600 ; Summer of 1862, 506; ' 
luka, 508, 610, 611 ; Corinth, 518, 521 ; Yazoo 
Pass, 641, 642; Port Gibson, 645 ; Jackson, 647 ; 
Champion Hills, 651 ; Vicksburg, 660 ; Allatoona 
Pass, 987; Bentonville, 964. 
Mesidiie and close 1028, 1029. 

History 926, 927. 

History 1015-1019. 


"We have passed through, an ordeal that ought to have a 
record; we have achieved a triumph that should receive a 
commemoration. Future years will give ampler opportunity 
for a perfect history ; but now, while we are fresh from the 
scenes of war, before any of the remaining witnesses depart 
from the earth, the historic page should be commenced. To 
picture well the difference between war and peace, we need to 
be in close proximity to both. These four long years of bloody 
war have been terrible. "We should have thought at first that 
we could never live through them. But strength has been 
given sufELcient to our day. Our bravery, and patriotism, and 
endurance, have far exceeded our own estimate. 

!N"ow, war has suddenly ceased. The long-protracted strug- 
gle of guerriliaism, feared by ourselves, and the dying in the 
last ditch, prophesied by our enemies, are cut short by their 
complete submission; and in place of them, the long proces- 
sions to the Capital, suing for pardon and restoration, tire our 
observation, and tempt to incredulity of their former treason. 
No more do we wait the events of long-anticipated battles — no 
more stand in trepidation lest the next telegraphic message or 
of&cial report shall reveal to us the names of our sons, or 
brothers, or fathers, in the list of the wounded or the dead. 
1^0 more do we look upon our young men with the fear that 
they miay be fated to go down into the dust before the warfare 
shall end. 'So more do we picture the ambulance returning 


from the battle-field, dripping with the flowing blood of the 
wounded and dying, borne to the rude and comfortless field 
hospital. ISTo more do we search our chests and di-awers for 
lint and bandages to check the oozing blood from gaping 
wounds, fresh from the field of carnage ; no more send out 
the messengers and delegates to minister to the sufltering ones 
spared alive from the gory contest. 

The battles fought baffle all our powers of description; their 
number palls our very memory. But now, all is over. A 
wonderful shifting of the scenery has taken place. The black 
clouds of war have all rolled away beyond the horizon, never 
more, we trust, to rise upon our vision. Surely, " This is the 
day which the Lord hath made ; we will rejoice and be glad 
in it." 

The part which Wisconsin has taken in this contest is the 
theme of this book. Wisconsin is our picture, but it needs 
the frame-work of the Union ; it is our gem, but it needs the 
setting of the whole war. What battle has there been in 
which Wisconsin troops have not borne a part; what cam- 
paign in which they have not been conspicuous? What fleet 
has not carried her soldiers to the assault or the siege ; Avhat 
Southern prison has not confined and starved her sons ; what 
hospital has not nursed her sick and wounded troops ; what 
cemetery does not contain their sleeping dust? Wisconsin 
in the War of the Rebellion, then, must set forth at least a 
summary of the history of the war. 

There are two modes of writing history. One produces the 
facts alone; the other embraces the causes of events also and 
the philosophical thread that u.nites them together. Herodotus 
was a distinguished exemplar of the former kind ; Moses be- 
longed rather to the latter class, for he sought for the beginning 
of Creation. Which of the two classes the writer of this book 
has sought for his model its pages will reveal. The fact of 
the difference is here noted, to indicate the reason for intro- 
ducing some topics embraced in the work. 


Fiction can never be history. Partial history often becomes 
fiction. Some events it were always better to leave untold; 
but to omit any to the prejudice of the truth or the injury 
of justice, to leave them unrecorded, when thereby a character 
or a series of events may wear an aspect too flattering or too 
derogatory, is a crime in a historian that God may forgive 
on his repentance, but which man must always impute to him 
as a blot on his work and his memory. Those who by promi- 
nent deeds put themselves in the way of public history, must 
seek the grace of modesty to bear meekly all just praise, or the 
equanimity and firmness of justice to suffer the criticisms of 
the truth. The historian may write of the living, but if he is 
worthy of his office he will write of them, with all the imparti- 
ality that would be easy and natural if both they and all their 
friends' were among the dead. True history deals with the 
dead and unchangeable past. It cannot alter the truth. It is 
absolutely impotent to change what has been done. Praise 
cannot flatter it, blame cannot deter it. May such be the 
character of these pages. 









To obtain an intelligent understanding of what Wisconsin has 
done, we need to consider what she is. To estimate what she 
is, we need to know her beginning; and some particulars ot 
her history it niay be "well to record in this place. 

Nicolet, a French missionary, first explored the country west 
of Lake Michigan, in 1639, only nineteen years after the land- 
ing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth. He visited G-reen Bay and 
the "Wisconsin Eiver. _ Two fur traders penetrated to Green 
Bay in 1654. In 1665 Claude Allouez established a mission 
at La Pointe, on Lake Superior. This was probably the first 
settlement of Wisconsin ; which was earlier than Charleston, 
S. C, was settled, and before William Penn founded Phila^ 
delphia. Nicholas Perrot made the first voyage along the 
west shores of Lake Michigan in 1670. The French took 
formal possession of the I*[orth-West in 1671, and in the same 
year held the first treaty in this territory with the Indians, at 
Sault de Ste. Marie, or St. Mary's Falls, which are in the strait 
connecting Lakes Superior and Huron. On June 17th, 1673, 
Marquette, a missionary and explorer, discovej-ed the Missis- 
sippi River ; and the same year, he, with Joliet, descended it to 
within three days' journey of its mouth, in the vicinitj^ of the 
point where De Soto and his party reached it in their explor- 


ations in 1541, Marquette also made two voyages from Green 
Bay to Chicago in 1674; and in 1679 the first sail craft, " The 
Griffin," made a trip to Green Bay, and was lost. 

lu 1679 La Salle made a voyage from Green Bay to St. 
Joseph's, opposite Chicago. Hennepin and DeLuth, in 1680, 
explored the Upper Mississippi. Probably the first military 
station in the territory now occupied by Wisconsin was estab- 
lished by Fonti, in 1680. Marquette's journal and a map of this 
part of the country were pabhshed in France in 1681. In 1683 
Le Seiir went down the Wisconsin Eiver to the Mississippi; 
and in 1695 he erected a fort on an island in the Mississippi, 
below the St. Croix. In 1699 Eev. John Buisson de St. 
Comez coasted Lake Michigan from Green Bay, and passed 
the mouth of the Milwaukee Eiver IS'ovember 10th. In the 
year 1700 Le Seur made a voyage up the Mississippi in search 
of copper ore, and in 1719 Francis Eenalt, with two hundred 
miners, explored the upper part of the river. The French 
built a fort at Green Bay in 1726. Prairie du Chien was first 
settled in the same year, and in 1755 the French established 
a fort there. 

In 1761 the English, under Lieutenant Gorell, occupied 
Green Bay ; and on February 10th, 1763, all of JSTew France 
surrendered to Great Britain. The laws of Canada wtere 
extended over the North- West in 1766, and in that year and 
the two following, Jonathan Carver traveled through the 
country; and afterwards twice sought to have confirmed to 
him a grant of territory by Congress, which was denied. The 
H'orth- Western Fur Company was organized in 1774 ; the first 
grist-mill was built, at Green Bay, in 1780. In 1786 Julian 
Dubuque explored the lead mines of the Upper Mississippi. 
The ordinance of Congress for the government of the North- 
Western Territory was passed July 13th, 1787, and in 1796 
the same year that Prairie du Chien surrendered to the 
Americans, the laws of the North-Western Territory were ex- 
tended over this part of the country. 

In 1815 the United States established a trading post at 
Prairie du Chien, and in 1818 the first grist-mill was built 
there. In 1819 the first saw-mill was erected, on Black Eiver 
by Constance A. Andrews; and in the same year Fort Snel- 


ling was built and occupied, October 26tlij 1818, the counties 
of Brown and Crawford were organized, covering tbe whole 
State, Thomas B'uttall, the botanist, explored Wisconsin in 
1809, The first Post Office in the Territory was established 
at Green Bay in 1821 ; the first Court was held in Brown 
county, July 12th, 1824, James D. Doty being appointed 
Judge the same year; the first term of the United States 
Court was held at Green Bay, October 4th, 1824; the first 
stpamboat appeared on Lake Michigan in 1826, although the 
first one at Chicago. was not till 1832; and the first newspaper 
(Grem Bay Intelligencer) was printed at Green Bay in 1833. 
Colonel Ebenezer Childs built the first frame house erected in 
"Wisconsin, at Green Bay (formerly ]!!iravarino) in 1825. It was 
for Judge Doty. In that year Colonel W. S. Hamilton, son of 
the distinguished Alexander Hamilton, drove the first cattle to 
Green Bay, for the use of the troops there. Mary C. Irwin 
afterwards Mrs. Mitchell, daughter of Robert Irwin and wife^ 
was the first American child born in what is now Wisconsin ; 
her mother (Mrs. Irwin) was from Erie, Pa. Charles Doty, 
son of Judge Doty, was probably the first American male child 
born within the boundaries of the State, 

A treaty with the Indians was made at St. Louis, iffovember 
3rd, 1804, in which Southern Wisconsin was purchased, but 
certain lands w-ere relinquished to them again in 1816, except- 
ing nine miles square around Prairie du Chien. In 1817 a 
treaty of peace and Mendship was made with the Menomonees, 
at St. Louis, and in 1826, at the same place, one with the 
Chippewas ; both of which afterward received amendments ; 
and in 1829 a treaty was made with the Winnebagos, at Prairie 
du. Chien. The Oneida and Stockbridge Indians settled near 
Qreen Bay in 1821, and in the subsequent year purchased 
lands in that vicinity. 

Early travelers in the territory found the Chippewas on 
lands near Lake Superior, and even then they were at war 
with the Sioux or Dacotah Indians, located at the head waters 
of the Mississippi. The Kickapoos, Mascontens, Menomo- 
nees, Miamis, and Winnebagos, were. also residents here; and 
later came the Pox, Sauk, and Potawatomies. Little Crow, the 
head chief of the Sioux Indians, and his son Little Crow, were 


famous Indians here ; and for once assisted the English, in 
1813, in their war against the Americans. Black Hawk made 
his home in Wisconsin for many years. His possessions were 
first along the Kock Eiver, in the southern part of the terri- 
tory; and afterward farther north, in Columbia County, 
extending westward to the Wisconsin Eiver. In that part 
was the scene of the Black Hawk war. One of the distin^ 
guished chiefs known by the name Hole-in-the-day, was also 
a resident here. Oshkosh was another noted Indian of the 
territory. When the Menomonee Indians came once to be 
without a chief, in consequence of the death of the last one 
in the hereditary male line, Oshkosh was selected by Governor 
Cass and Colonel McKinney to be the head chief For many 
years previous to his death, he came frequently, and with much 
delight, to the village, afterward the city called by his name. 

At Milwaukee (the Indian name being Manawahkiah) 
Jacques Vieux settled in 1816, and September 14th, 1818, 
Solomon Juneau established a trading post there, but not till 
1835 did the settlement of the place fully commence, and G. 
W. Jones was that year elected a delegate to Congress. The 
first legislature of the territory convened at Belmont, October 
25th, 1836, and the seat of government was established at 
Madison, December 3d, the same year. Belmont is situated 
in Lafayette County; in the south-western part of the State, 
and took its name from Belle Mountain, a high and beautiful 
spot near it. The Territorial Legislature passed a vote for a 
State Government, April 4th, 1846 ; Congress authorized such a 
government, August 6th, and a territorial Convention adopted 
a State Constitution, December 16th, the same year. In 
April, the following year, that Constitution was rejected by a 
vote of the people, and a new one was adopted in Convention, 
February 1st, 1848, and by the people the next month, March 
13th, when Wisconsin became the thirtieth of the Union of 
States, the seventeenth admitted under the federal Consti- 

The French had governmental possession here ninety-three 
years, from 1670 to 1763. From the last date to 1794, thirty- 
one years, the British had possession and rule. After that 
the State of Virginia held claim until she ceded all the " terri- 


tory north-west of the Ohio Eiver" to the United States, and 
"Wisconsin was a long time under the Territorial Government 
established in Ohio. In 1800, July 4th, the Indiana Territory 
was organized, and "Wisconsin was embraced in it until 1809, 
when Illinois Territory was organized, including Wisconsin ; 
and when Illinois became a State, April 18th, 1818, Wiscon- 
sin was attached to Michigan Territory, which was organized 
January 11th, 1805. In this relation she continued eighteen 
years, until July 4th, 1836, when the " Territory of Wisconsin" 
was organized, and Henry Dodge appointed Governor. As 
Dr. Lapham remarks, "Within the space of one hundred 
and sixty-six years, Wisconsin has been successively ruled by 
two kings, one State (Virginia), and four Territories. 

Wisconsin once embraced all that territory between the 
Mackinaw Straits and Lake Superior. But a difficulty arising 
between Ohio and Michigan, relative to the boundary line in 
the vicinity of Toledo and the Maumee River, Congress settled 
the question by giving Ohio all she wanted, and compensating 
Michigan by a grant of all she now possesses beyond her own 
peninsula, a large extent of country naturally belonging to 
Wisconsin. There was also a political motive at the time to 
bring Michigan into the Union. 

Furthermore, when the ISTorth-Western Territory was ceded 
by Yirginia, that State made the stipulation that among the 
States which might thereafter be formed from the territory, 
the dividing line should run through the southern extremity 
of Lake Michigan. But when the State of Illinois was carved 
out, by some management it was arranged that her northern 
boundary should lie about sixty miles north of the stipulated 
line. Thus was Wisconsin deprived of the site of Chicago. 
By these methods she has suffered an improper reduction of 
her size at each end, her loss being occasioned by the acquisi- 
tiveness of her two sister States, Ohio and Illinois, and by 
some Congressional political schemes. Governor Doty at- 
tempted in Congress to regain from Illinois the lost southern 
territory of Wisconsin, but in vain. 









"Wisconsin is situated between latitude 42° 30' and 47° I^ortli, 
and longitude 87° 30' and 92° 30' "West. The extreme ex- 
tent of the State, both east and west, and north and south, is 
about three hundred miles. It contains about 56,000 square 
miles, or 35,840,000 acres. It is divided into fifty-eight 

The State stands on a high table, or plain, without being 
anywhere mountainous. The lowest part of its surface is that 
of Lake Michigan, which is five hundred and seventy-eight 
feet above the level of the sea. The descent of the Missis- 
sippi river from Prescott, the northern point where it begins 
to bound the State on the west, through two hundred miles to 
the southern extremity, where it leaves the State, is on the 
average five inches per mile. 

At Portage City the "Wisconsin and Fox rivers nearly touch 
each other. Their waters sometimes intermingle, and a canal 
joins them. Thence the Wisconsin descends westward and 
southward, in obedience to the valley of the Mississippi ; from 
that point the Fox descends northward, falling one hundred 



and seventy feet from Lake "Winnebago to Green Bay ; and 
the Eoek river, rising in thai part of the State, thence takes 
its rapid southern course. ' All this gives a fine conformation 
of country, and insures a healthy climate. 

The land is well divided between prairie and timber, both 
plains and forests abounding in much beauty and grandeur. 
The pine regions yield immense quantities of lumber. The 
grains and grasses grow luxuriantly, and rich deposits of lead, 
and some copper and zinc, are found in parts of the State. 
Few States are capable of yielding such a variety of produc- 
tions; few are so well qualified by nature for becoming inde- 
pendent of other parts of the world, if that were desirable. 

According to the United States Census of 1860, there were 
3,746,036 acres of improved, and 4,153,134 acres of unim- 
proved lands, and this indicates, says Dr. Lapham, " that only 
about one-fifth of the whole area of the State has been appro- 
priated to farming purposes." Yet the yearly products^- 
agricultural, mineral, and manufacturing — are immensely 
large, as those of 1864, according to the census of 1865, will 
show. As this work is so particularly for Wisconsin readers, 
it may not be amiss to give the complete list. 

Apples, 113,649 bushels, valued at $119,619 ; wheat, 1,063,- 
338 acrfes, 8,842,466 bushels, $9,188,013 ; barley, 47,611 acres, 
386,047 bushels, $416,432 ; rye, 64,001 acres, 430,028 bushels, 
$374,116 ; oats, ' 412,183 acres, 9,563,480 bushels, $4,615,809 ; 
buckwheat, 18,064 acres, 246,048 bushels, $177,605; corn, 
307,837 acres, 7,210,434 bushels, $4,568,494; beans and peas, 
11,850 acres, 168,577 bushels, $193,852 ; cloverseed, 583,778 
pounds, $117,121 ; timothy and other grass seeds, 9,643 bush- 
els, $35,472; flax, 58,770 pounds, $17,317; flaxseed, 14,608 
bushels, $29,192; hemp, 20,439 pounds, $1,853; hay, 568,753 
acres, 611,247 tons, $6,066,714; potatoes, 63,790 acres, 4,092,- 
022 bushels, $1,779,754 ; butter, 10,302,728 pounds, $2,306,043; 
cheese, 1,097,808 pounds, $177,038; sorghum, 1,736 acres, 
yielding 17,802 pounds of sugar, valued at $2,216, and 138,607 
gallons of molasses, $151,346 ; maple sugar, 764,518 pounds, 
$146,574; molasses, 33,586 gallons, $41,429; honey, 320,735 
pounds, $78,666 ; grapes, 48,935 pounds, $7,946 ; wine, 
16,031 gallons, $21,261 ; cattle and calves, on hand, 447, 


head, $6,459,526— slaughtered, 94,057 head, $2,358,320 ; hogs, 
on hand, 327,234 -head, $1,144,565— slaughtered, 258,843 hea4, 
$4,984,965; horses and mules, 143,511 head, $10,069,160; 
sheep and lambs, on hand, 1,038,999 head, $2,550,802-slaugh- 
tered, 39,367 head, $129,375. 

Wool, 2,584,019 pounds, $1,915,248 ; woolen fabrics, 320,078 
yards, $359,294; leather, 1,150 pounds reported, $882,260; 
hoots and shoes, 240,158 pairs, $816,954; cotton goods, 
$19,360; paper, $396,565 ; linseed oil, 9,608 gallons, $13,949; 
whiskey, 396,871 gallons, $551,702; copper, $400, reported 
manufacturing valuation; iron, 2,154,944 pounds of pig, 
$128,456— castings, $470,384; lead, smelted, $272,900— raised, 
$783,209; earthen, ware, $48,220 — drain tile, 1000, $450; 
agricultural implements and machinery, $1,708,116 ; lumber, 
sawed, 223,810,452 feet, $2,588,846; shingles, 190,378,000 in 
number, $598,669 ; cabinet ware, $1,208,-305 ; wagons, 6,473, 
$487,847; wood and willow ware, $622,414; capital invested in 
manufactures, $5,524,241; beer, 2,080 barrels, reported, $24,- 
160 ; hops, 385,538 pounds, $135,127. 

The number of banks in the State October 1st, 1865, was 
twenty-one, with an aggregate capital of $801,000. The 
railroads reporting to the State are eight in number, having a 
total length af 1,638 miles. The capital actually subscribed 
for them was $33,849,473. Number of through passengers, 
280,205 ; number of way passengers, 1,622,688. Amount re- 
ceived for transportation, $10,139,517.69 ; amount received for 
passengers, $3,044,045.60; amount of taxes paid, $362,088.48. 
" Our railroads already within our own State draw the pro- 
ducts from 28,000 square miles. This extent of country is 
capable of sustaining, at a moderate rate per square mile, 
more than two millions of people."* 

From 1840 to 1860, twenty years, the cereal crop of the 
State grew from 1,020,000 bushels to 56,051,000 bushels. The 
cereal crop of 1861 was 31,414,000 bushels greater than the 
whole of that of all the l^Tew England States. Our wheat crop 
of that year was 3,000,000 bushels greater than that of Ohio, 
New York, and all the New England States combined, for 

* Hon. B. D. Holton, November 22d, 1858. 


1860, and more than the entire wheat crop of Canada. The 
area of our farms is more than that of the entire State of 
Massachusetts. The vahie of our farming lands increased from 
128,500,000 in 1850, to 1131^000,000 in 1860. In 1850 we had 
1,046,000 acres of lands under cultivation ; in 1860, 3,746,036 
acres. Our exports in 1840 were, in value, |53,000 ; in 1848 
they had risen to $3,328,000; and in 1862, to upward of 

The whole amount of taxable lands in the State, September 
80th, 1865, was 17,563,316.52 acres, the aggregate valua- 
tion of which was $91,453,693.54. The aggregrate valuation 
of city and village property was $33,151,291.10. The aggre- 
gate valuation of all real property was $124,604,984.64. 
. The population in 1830' was only 3,245. Ten years later it 
had increased to 30,945. In 1850 it was 305,391, and in 1860, 
776,455. The increase from 1830 to 1840 was 854 per cent. ; 
from 1840 to 1850, 887 per cent. ; and from 1850 to 1860, 154 
per cent. 'No State of the Union ever before grew as fast in 
population for ten years, as "Wisconsin did from 1840 to 1850. 
Illinois increased in that time only 79 per cent, and Iowa 346 
per cent, although the latter State is only two years older than 
Wisconsin. From 1810 to 1820 Indiana gained 500 per cent, 
and from 1830 to 1840 Michigan increased 571 per cent. 
These two States make the nearest approach to the increase 
of Wisconsin — 887 per ceiit from 1840 to 1850 — except Min- 
nesota since that decade. The ratio of increase in the United 
States from 1850 to 1860, was only 35J per cent; in the 
ISTorth-West, only 68 per cent. ; in Wisconsin, 150 per cent. ; 
and in Minnesota, 2,761 per cent. Wisconsin is the second 
State in the Union distinguished for rapidity of growth.* 

By the census of 1865, the whole number of inhabitants was 
868,937. Only 2,159 are enumerated as " colored," — less than 
one four hundredth part of the whole — and some of these 
ymy be Indians. The deaf and dumb persons are 183 males, 
123 females; the blind, 120 males, 78 females; the insane, 
103 males, 106 females; the idiotic, 130 males, 75 females. 
Of all these unfortunate classes 917 are white, one is black, 536 

* Hon, Thomas Whitney. 

32 wiscoiirsiiiF in the war. 

are natives of the United States, 50 of Great Britain, 83 of 
Ireland, 152 of Germany, 45 of ]S"orway, and 51 of other 

The provision of the State for public schools has been mag- 
nificent, and will hand down immeasurable blessings to future 
generations. " The school fund is derived from the proceeds 
of sales of lands granted to the State by Congress, being the 
sixteenth section (or square mile) of every township (of thirty- 
six square miles each) in the State ;. the grant of 500,000 acres, 
made on the admission of "Wisconsin as a State, in 1848 ; one- 
fourth of the proceeds of the sales of swamp lands ; five per 
cent, on the proceeds of the sales of government lands; and 
certain penalties, fines, and forfeitures." * 

The school fund income during the fiscal year ending 
September 30th, 1865, which was apportioned by the State 
Superintendent to the several counties of- the State for the 
support of common schools, was |163,281.48. The normal 
school fund income for the same year, was $12,225.24. The 
State university fund income was $11,757.77. 

The number of children in the State in 1865, over four and 
under twenty years of age, was 335,582. The number of 
pupils who attended public schools was 223,067. The number 
of children who did not attend public schools was 112,515. The 
number of teachers employed was 7,532. The average wages 
of male teachers per month was $36.45, the average wages of 
female teachers, $22,24. The State school fund apportioned 
was $151,816.34; total amount expended during the year for 
the support of public schools, $1,036,068.57 ; cash value of 
school houses and sites, $1,669,770.06. An act of Congress, 
passed July 2d, 1862, donates to Wisconsin 240,000 acres of 
land for the purpose of establishing an agricultural college, in 
which it is intended to join a military education with other parts. 

Other educational institutions, designed for more ■ advanced 
pupils, are Beloit College, at Beloit, founded in 1847 ; Law- 
rence University, at Appleton, founded in 1849 ; the State 
University, at Madison, founded in 1851 ; Racine College, at 
Racine; Ripon College,, at Ripon; Wayland University,' at 
Beaver Dam ; Milwaukee Female College, at Milwaukee ; and 
other academies and ladies' seminaries of a high grade. 

* Dr. Lapham, in " New American Cyclopedia." 


The institution for the education of the blind, at Jan6sville, 
was opened in 1850, at which no charge is made for hoard or 
tuition tOf pupils from the State. The institution for the deaf 
and dumb, at Delavan, was established in 1862, at which no 
charge for board and tuition is made to pupils from the State, 
between the ages of ten and thirty. , The hospital for the 
insane, near Madison, received patients as early as, 1860, 
though the buildings were' incomplete, and are still needing 
enlargement. The whole number of patients in the institution 
in 1864, was two hundred and fifty-seven. The State Reform 
School, at Waukesha, was opened in 1860, where boys under 
fifteen and girls under fourteen years are received, and 
generally with much profit.* The farm contains seventy acres. 
The whole number of children in the school in the fiscal year 
ending in 1864, was two hundred and forty-five, of which 
number ninety were discharged during the year. The State 
prison, at Waupun, was established in 1851, at which about 
seven hundred convicts were admitted during the first ten 
years, and one hundred and twenty were in confinement there 
October 1st, 1864. Its inmates will always be lessened by a 
judicious, healthy education in our public schools. 

Governor Fairchild states, in his message to the legislature, 
January 11th, 1866, that there has been paid out of the State 
treasury for war purposes, since the beginning of the rebellion 
to the first day of January, 1866, not less than $3,900,000. 
Also, that there has been raised by counties, cities, and towns, 
for war purposes, up to June 1st, 1865, $7,752,505.67; and that 
the total expended by the State is |11,652,605.67, of which 
sum $762,403.09 has been reimbursed by the General Gov- 
ernment. He also gives the following : 

The State has fuTnished, under all calls from the General Government, flfty-tWo 
regiments of infantry, four regiments and one company of cavalry, one regiment 
(of twelve batteries) of heavy artillery, thirteen hatteries of light artillery, one com- 
pany of sharpshooters, and throe brigade bands, besides recruits for the navy and 
United States organizations, numbering in all 91,319, of which number 19,934 
were voltmteers, and 11,44.5 drafted men and substitutes. 

* The building of this institution was burned on the night of January 10th, of 
the present year, but will soon be rebuilt. 


"The total quota of the State under all calls during the -war is 90,116. , 

"In the settlement of the accounts with the General Government, the State stands 
credited with 1,263 men, as an excess over all calls, a gratifying evidence of the 
devoted patriotism of the people of "Wisconsin. 

"The total military service from the State has been about equal to one in every 
nine of the entire population, or one in every Ave of the entire male population, 
and more than one from every two voters of the State. 

"The losses, by deaths alone, omitting aU other casualities, are 10,152, or about 
one in every eight in the service." 

Of the State expenditures for the fiscal year ending Septem- 
ber 30th, 1865, the sum of $200,900.00 was for extra pay to 
soldiers, and the sum of |1,030,537.36 for extra pay to soldiers 
supporting families, a disbursement it were ungrateful and 
wicked ever to regret. 

The whole amount of State debt, as given by Governor 
Pairchild, in his message of January 11th, 1866, is as follows : 
State bonds held by individuals, $747,700 ; State bonds held 
by trust funds, $194,100; certificates of indebtedness, trust 
funds, $700,000 ; temporary loan from trust funds, $663,000 ; 
currency receipts issued by the treasurer, $359,753 ; total, 
$2,664,553. Of which there is due, to the school fund, 
$1,156,100; to the normal school fund, $313,000; to the 
university fund, $88,000; whole amount due trust funds, 

The revenues of the State for the last fiscal year, were 
estimated as follows: Balance in State treasury, September 
30th, 1865,. $185,263.01; bank tax (estimated), $36,000; from 
railroads and insurance companies, $196,000; tax on suits, 
licenses, and boarding United States convicts, $4,500 ; trust 
funds available for war purposes, $200,000 ; State tax, 
$900,278.76; due from the United States, on war claims, 
probably to be paid the present year, $160,000; total revenues, 

A score of years in "Wisconsin has produced wonders; in a 
physical and intellectual sense a nation has been born in a day. 
The world's history has never seen the equal, unless in some 
other north-western State of the Union. But for rapidity and 
extent of growth, with the same amount of territory, it is be- 
lieved that even the north-west can not produce another such 







Theeb can be no thorougli acquaintance with any subject 
without understanding its causes. Before the outbreak of the 
rebellion, our country was in general enjoying a great degree 
of secular and social prosperity. "Why the rebellion arose, 
producing such a wonderful change in the avocations of so- 
ciety and the relations of man to man, is a question that will 
not be passed by. It will be examined and discussed until the 
thoughts of men are settled into nearly one opinion. There 
are two legitimate modes of investigating this or any other 
subject. One begins with the effects, and traces back to a 
cause ; the other commences with some supposed causes, and 
ascertains whether they have produced the effects. It will be 
in vain, at least in the outset, to assume that slavery has no 
relation to the causes of the rebellion. Old as this nation is, 
it is singular that the history of slavery has been no better 
understood. History always has instruction. He who studies 
it will acquire vsdsdom. Some one has suggested that history 
is God's commentary on the deeds of man. The history of 
slavery shows what the Almighty thinks of it. 'Eo complete 
knowledge of the late war can be gained without a review of 
the history of slavery in this country. 

Slavery existed in America before its discovery by Colum- 


bus. Ill Mexico, then the most removed from the savage state 
except Peru, the system of slavery was a special subject of 
legislation. The greater portion of the world then accepted 
of slavery. But the traffic in slaves had for some time been 
diminishing. In European countries there was not a wide 
disposition to import and employ African slaves, as their labor 
there was not deemed very profitable. But the discovery and 
opening of America gave a new field for the extension of this 
institution, and the English, the French, the Dutch, the Span- 
iards, and the Portuguese, eagerly engaged in the trade that 
should supply the new world with slave labor. Even royally- 
lusted with desire to share in the profits. Queen Elizabeth is 
charged with receiving a portion of the gains made by Sir 
John Hawkins, the first Englishman who commanded a regu- 
lar slaver. Charles II. and James II. were members of one 
of the four English companies chartered under the Stuarts for 
the purpose of carrying on the African slave trade. The first 
slaves brought to the territory afterwards occupied by the 
original thirteen States, were sold from a Dutch vessel at 
Jamestown, Virginia, in 1620, the same year that the pilgrim 
refugees from religious bondage landed on Plymouth Rock. 
Slavery was early introduced into most parts of the country. 
The Indians were enslaved as well as negroes. The son of 
King Philip was sold as a slave. Previous to 1776, it is sup- 
posed that 300,000 African slaves had been brought to the 
colonies. Some of the colonies had remonstrated against the 
introduction of more slaves, but were overruled by the mother 
country. The continental Congress passed a law in the year 
of the declaration of Independence, and in accordance with its 
spirit, forbidding the introduction of more slaves ; but so un- 
willing are mankind to give up all their sins, that when the 
Constitution was adopted, 1788, it was forbidden to terminate 
the slave- traffic before the year 1808. Vermont' abolished 
slavery in 1777, before she was admittfed to the Union. 
Georgia prohibited the slave trade in 1798. The United 
States were at that time in advance of other nations "in the 
spirit of opposition to slavery. Our nation began her history 
with a general aversion to slavery, and this feeling prevailed 
quite as much or more at the South, in some parts, than in 


portions of the i;rort]i. ' Some of the Southern States abolished 
the slave trade, while some IsTorthern States still continued it. 
In 1787, the year' previous to the adoption of the Constitution, 
an ordinance was passed excluding slavery from the north- 
western territory ; and that was supported by Southern men. 
Indeedj when the nation began its existence, the most dis* 
tinguished and more noble men all over the land regarded 
slavery as inconsistent with the principles of freedom adopted 
by the States, and on which they declared their independence, 
and as at war with the spirit and precepts of Ohristianity. 
They expected that before the shining, rising sun of intelli- 
gence and prosperity, slavery would sink into more and more 
ugliness in the common view, and finally disappear forever. 

In testimony of this, call up that most honored of all names 
in American history, George Washington. In a letter to the 
distinguished Robert Morris, he declared in regard to slavery, 
" There is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than 
I do to see a plan adopted for the ' abolition of it, and this, so 
far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting." He wrote 
to Lafayette, commending him for his anti-slavery views and 
practice, and then said, "Would to God a like spirit might 
diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this 
country." To John F. Mercer he wrote, " It being among 
my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in 
this country may be abolished by law." His practice measur- 
ably corresponded with his precepts. Washington could not 
bear to die and leave any whoon he had held in the relation of 
slave still subject to that bondage. He emancipated them all 
by will, expressing his regret that he had not been able to 
effect that object in his lifetime. 

When Washington became the first President of the United 
States he was in sentiment an abolitionist, as the term was 
then used, and as it properly means- still. Associated with 
him in that office was John Adams, as Vice-President, who 
had declared that " consenting to slavery is a sacriligious breach 
of trust." He was the second President. Thomas Jefferson, 
the third President, as early as 1774, in a document which he 
laid before the convention of his, own State (Virginia), affirmed 
that "the abolition of domestic slavery is the greatest object 


of desire in these colonies, where it was unhappily introduced 
in their infant state." That immortal document drawn by his 
pen, the Declaration of Independence, affirmed that " aK men 
are created free and equal, and endowed by their Creator with 
inalienable rights to life and liberty." Again, those words 
have been almost too often quoted to bear repetition, in, which 
Jefferson declared, " That he trembled for his country when he 
thought of her slavery, and remembered that Grod is just," 
How well he might have trembled had he known the terrible 
civil war to which slavery or some other cause has finally led ! 

In the debates on the adoption of the Constitution of this 
country, the fourth, President, James Madison, said he 
" thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea of 
property in man." A conspicuous name in our early history 
is that of Alexander Ha^milton. lie was a member and second 
president of the Manumission Society of IJfew York, and 
signed a solemn petition for those, as it was expressed, who, 
" though free by the laws of God, are held in slavery by the laws 
of the State." John Jay, who was the first president of the 
]^ew York Abolition Society, and was nominated by Wash- 
ington, and appointed by Congress the first Chief Justice of 
the United States — John Jay held that slavery was an "ini- 
quity," " a sin of crimson die," against which ministers of the 
gospel should preach, and (rovernment seek in every way to 
abolish. " Were I in the legislature," he wrote, " I would 
present a bill for the purpose with great care, and I would 
never cease moving it till it became a law, or I ceased to be a 
member. Till America comes into this measure, her prayers 
to Heaven will be impious." In the national convention 
Gouverneur Morris, of Pennsylvania, most emphatically 
affirmed that he " would never concur in upholding do- 
mestic slavery. It was a nefarious institution. It was the 
curse of Heaven." 

Another distinguished name of that day, who in his time 
stood at the head of the American bar, as "Webster did in his 
was Pinckney, of Maryland. He exclaimed in the House of 
Delegates of that State, " By the eternal principles of justice, 
no man in the State has a right to hold his slave for a single 
hour." And he went on to speak against slavery in a man- 


ner tibat, fifty years afterwards^ in any slave State, would have 
brougM upon him a mob, perhaps would have doomed him 
to a coats of tar and feathers, or to a halter on the next 
tree. Maryland has finally done honor to the name of Wil- 
liam Pinckney in adopting her anti-slavery constitution. The 
eloquent and immortal Patrick Henry, though himself a slave- 
holder, instead of justifying his conduct and attempting to 
bolster up the institution, said, "I will not, I can not justify 
it, ■ However culpable my conduct, I will so far pay my 
devoir to virtue as to own the excellence and rectitude of her 
precepts, and lament my want of conformity to them." 
He said, in his will, " I give to my slaves their freedom, to 
whichmy conscience tells me they are justly entitled." Concerning 
a conspicuous Iforthern man in Congress, he said, " Sir, I 
envy neither the head nor the heart of that man from the 
North who rises here to defend slavery upon principle." In 
1775 was formed the Pennsylvania, Abolition Society, still in 
existence a few years ago, of which Benjamin Franklin was 
the first president, and Benjamin Rush the first secretary. In 
1790 that society sent a memorial to Congress, bearing the 
official signature of "Benjamin Franklin, President," praying 
that body to " devise means for removing the inconsistency of 
slavery from the American people," and to " step to the very 
verge of its power for discouraging every species of traffic in 
the persons of our fellow men;" and entreating that body 
" that it would be pleased to countenance the restoration of 
liberty to those unhappy men who alone, in this land of free- 
dom, are degraded into perpetual bondage." In 1787 Dela- 
ware passed a law prohibiting the introduction of any "negro 
or mulatto slaves into the State for sale or otherwise;" and 
three years after that, , a slave hired in Maryland, and brought 
into the State, was declared free under that statute. In 1787 
the Synod of the Presbyterian Church, now called the General 
Assembly, in a pastoral letter to the churches they represented, 
" strongly recommended the abolition of slavery, with the in- 
struction of the negroes in literature and religion." 

Such were the sentiments of the fathers of this nation. 
They had great weight in effecting the abolition of slavery in 
the seven northern of the thirteen original States. And abo* 



lition societies existed in at least four of the remaining six, — 
viz., Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and JSTorth Carolina, and 
in Kentucky and Tennessee, when they were formed. 

But the country was doomed to suffer an apostacy on .this 
subject. Slowly, insidiously, there began to be a change. The 
state of society at the South, the absence of Puritan tastes and 
doctrines, and the existence of an old aristocratic sentiment 
there, the occupation of the people, and the climate of the 
territory, favored the continuance of slavery in the southern 
portion of the Union. But present profit was the mighty influ- 
ence. It was convenient and promising to wealth to own 
laborers. The traffic in human beings became profitable. A 
slave child at the South commanded treasure in the market, 
while at the North it could hardly be given away. The slave 
trade at the South having been cut off in 1808, slave breeding 
there became a source of profit. The Southern people began 
to recede from the anti-slavery sentiments that attended the 
wisdom of their fathers. The invention of the cotton gin 
prodigiously increased the value of cotton, and that the value 
of slaves ; and thus that which was given as a blessing was 
perverted to a curse. Two distinguished orators of this 
country have recently declared, that the cotton gin was the 
leading instrument in effecting a change of sentiment on the 
subject of slavery, from that of the fathers. That truth now 
is generally admitted; yet it is not a new argument. Twenty 
years ago the change of anti-slavery sentiment at the South 
was, here at the Iforth, attributed by many to the agitations 
of Abolitionists ; but even then it was replied that the rise in. 
the value of cotton was at the bottom of the reversion. How 
untrustworthy are the opinions of those who believe simply 
according to the profit — whose faith is in money and not 
principle ! 

Slavery was planted in the original colonies chiefly through 
■British influence and authority. It was to promote British 
commerce by giving wider extension to the execrable, nefarious 
slave trade. That was emphatically in the days of England's 
shame. Yor forty years the mass of the people in the colonies 
had resisted slavery, and prayed to be delivered from its 
curses; but the power of the maternal sovereign was too 


strong. WHen, at last, they set up for independeDce, it was 
the ardent hope of many that, gaining their own freedom, they 
would gain also freedom for their slaves. No doubt this hope 
in part led our fathers to march their slavies to the battle-fields, 
and led the slaves, many of them, to the first rank of heroes 
in those bloody combats. As soon as the war for indepen-- 
dence closed, the States began to move for the emancipation of 
their slaves. The reform was perfected in the l!iforth, but 
faltered and finally was reversed in the South. !N"ew territories 
arose, and the question of freedom or slavery ranged men on 
two sides. This extensive territory lying between the Ohio 
river on the south, and the grfeat lakes on the north, and 
between the original ITorthern States on the east, and the 
Mississippi on the west— now known as the five States of 
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and "Wisconsin — ^was acquired 
by the general government from the States of Virginia, Ifew 
York, and Gonneeticut. It was a choice land— the most 
grand area of the whole country. Should slavery be admitted 
there? That became a great question. Many wanted it. 
Virginia in particular might have claimed it, because a portion 
of the territory was once hers. But Thomas Jefierson, him- 
self a Virginian, drew up an ordinance for the territorial 
government. One particular provision of it was, that after 
the year 1800, no slavery should exist in any of the States to 
be formed out of said territory, nm- in any other States formed, 
from territory then ceded, or to he afterward ceded, to the Union. 
But this article, in that full form, failed of being enacted, not 
because there was not a large majority of the people and dele- 
gates in its favor, but because the majority was not large 
enough. If it had passed, and remained unrepealed, it would 
forever have put an end to the extension of slavery in this 
country. Alas ! there was some slave interest then as after- 
ward, and some apathy and delusion then as since. How the 
monster might have been throttled and slain then in its in- 
fancy ! Woe to those whose voices and votes were against it ! 
That proviso against slavery was afterward, in 1787, applied 
to the territory north-west of the Ohio, and five noble, pros- 
perous, great commonwealths were the &uit; and subsequently 


they stretelied out their mighty right arm against the rebellion, 
without which it could not have been crushed. 

When what is now the State of Tennessee was peded to the 
Union, it contained slavery; and lest the anti-slavery senti- 
ment of the country should abolish and exclude that institution 
there also, the slave interests of North Carolina deemed it 
necessary to make special stipulation that slavery be allowed 
to remain. That transaction shows ihat slavery propagandists 
did not then claim, as they afterward did, that their institution 
should have traveling papers for free scope throughout all 
the territories. They knew that slavery was regarded as an 
enormity— they knew that she was such themselves. They 
knew that the great voice of the country was against her; they 
expected that at least she would be hampered, confined, per- 
haps slain. The framing of the Constitution was in accordance 
with all this. The word " slave " or " slavery " was not allowed 
to enter it. Madison said, that the idea of pjroperty in man 
should find no place in the Constitution. That doctrine 
prevailed. It was simply so constructed as not to annul or 
interfere with slavery in the States where it existed. Even 
the fugitive article was intended, as Daniel "Webster himself 
once assented, only to allow slaveholders to pursue and arrest 
their runaway, slaves, without making the general government, 
or the free States, at all responsible for the act. 
■ But, by and by, when the Louisiana purchase was made, 
comprising the large area west of the Mississippi, and reaching 
from the Gulf of Mexico on the south, to the British posses- 
sions on the north, the settled portions of that territory lay 
along against the slave States, and slavery, without agency or 
license from the general government, had planted itself there 
in many sparse and almost unnoticed settlements. Silently, 
without, attracting public attention, it continued to extend, 
until, when Missouri knocked at the door of the Union for 
admittance, she brought slavery with her. Then an attempt 
was made to carry out the original policy of the government, 
to limit human bondage and exclude it from Missouri. But 
slavery, like every other evil in the human heart or in human 
society, had deepened her root and strengthened her trunk by 
sufferance. The growth of the sugar cane and the culture of 


cotton liad. become important interests witli the slaveholding 
people; they would not be satisfied with the gains of honest, 
well-paid toil; they must swell their coffers by the sweat of 
bondage, and glut their covetousness by the sinews and souls 
of their fellowmen. The friends of freedom were disappointed 
and saddened by title apposition they faet.. They were over- 
borne. Missouri came into the Union with slavery, but with 
the distinct compact, binding on all, that in the territory 
lying north of 36° 30' "Slavery and, involuntary servitude, other- 
wise than as the punishment of crimes, shall be and. is hereby 
for ever prohibited." Then followed ten years of almost total 
silence on the subject. The friends of freedom were not 
awake. About 1830 there was a revival of anti-slavery interest, 
even in some of the Southern States. The debates in the 
Virginia Legislature at that time were eminently able, and 
replete with sound sentiments of freedom ; but the opposing 
pariy was too strong to effect a reform. Texas was acquired 
in 1845, at an expense of ten millions, and slavery was estab^ 
lished there in defiance of the early principles of our own 
government, and of Mexican law that had before prevailed in 
that territory. That acquisition, according to Mr. Upshur, 
was to raise the price of slaves ; and it did, in Virginia, fifty 
per cent. : It was also shamelessly claimed by many. Southern- 
ers, as extending , the area of , freedom, which extension was 
finally given in a way they little contemplated then. In. 1848 
California and New Mexico were added to our domain, chiefly 
through the ambition of the Southern people to extend their 
slave territory, and keep an even balance with the free States. 
Biit much to the chagrin of the South, California insisted on 
coming into the Union as a free State, while Utah and N^ew 
Mexico, though free from slavery under Mexican law, were 
by United States statute left open to slavery. In 1850 the Fugi- 
tive Slave law was passed, making the general government the 
minister of slavery, to pursue, catch, and return her fugitive 
slaves — an unconstitutional act, and & violation of the intent 
of the founders of the government, who simply designed 
forbidding free States to enfranchise fiigitives from slave 
States. In 1854 the Missouri compromise, most sacredly bind- 
ing on the part of slaveholders, and their abettors, both at the 


SoutE and the ISTortb,, was repealed, and slavery was let loose 
upon the whole unbi*ganized territorj^ of the TJnion-^a territory 
whose boundaries, then, were over three thousand miles, and 
its area 500,000 square miles — susceptible of division into 
twelve States, each as large as Ohio. 

The first section of 'that territory which came under the 
creative and fashioning hand of civilization was Kansas. 
Emigrants from free States flocked in to become peaceable resi--" 
dents there, and to be among the first citizens of the new 
State soon to be organized. The slave party perceived that the 
coveted area they had marked out for human bondage, was in 
danger of being consecrated to freedom. They had not a 
sufficient number of peaceful, industrious citizens to siend 
there and outvote the servants of liberty, and therefore armed 
men from a border State to go into the new territory, and 
without gaining residence there, or intending to do so, 
eject all the judges of elections that refused to do their 
bidding, and install others in their places; go to the -ballot 
box themselves, and thrust in as many votes as would give 
their side a majority ; and with violence, grossest fraud, and 
bloodshed, inaugurate the "Border Euffian Legislature." 

A majority of the free settlers refused to acquiesce in this 
usurpation, and called a convention, appointed a delegate to Con- 
gress, and asked to be admitted as a State. The House of Rep- 
resentatives appointed a special committee to visit Kansas and 
examine into the difficulties there, whose majority reported in 
favor of the free State citizens. The House finally passed a 
bill to receive the Territory as a State, but it was summarily 
defeated by the Senate. Then followed a struggle of years 
over the Kansas question, slavery and its friends wishing to 
admit her to the Union, if she would come as a slave State, 
and refusin,g to receive her as a free State. Finally, on the 
very day that Jefferson Davis, Clement C. Clay, and others, 
left their seats in Congress to openly join the rebellion, Gov- 
ernor Seward called up in the Senate a bill to admit Kansas, 
which was promptly passed by that body, and a week later by 
the House. 

But going back to the inception of Kansas difficulties, we 
find the slave power strong and terrible. Events move on. Th« 


contest deepens. Troubles thicken. There is the Dred Scott 
decision added to the rest, by which it is declared that all 
restrictions on the diffusion of slavery in all territories of the 
Union are illegal — that even free negroes can not be citizens 
of the United States — ^that at the time of the declaration of 
Independence and the adoption of the Constitution, they were 
regarded, and must still be considered, "beings of an inferior 
order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race, 
either in social or political relations" — ^that then they " had 
no rights which the white man was bound to respect," and 
have none now. There comes also the Ostend manifesto, 
Messrs. Buchanan, Mason, and Soule, three United States 
envoys in Europe, at London, Paris, and Madrid, respectively, 
meeting at Ostend, in Belgium, by direction of President 
Pierce, to deliberate on the acquisition of Cuba, 'bj force, if not 
by purchase, and that, in order to promote the security of 
slavery and keep the equilibrium of slave States. And there 
was pending still another case in the United States Court, 
by whose decision it was anticipated that slaveholders would 
be allowed to carry their slaves where they wished in any free 
State, and still retain them as property, if yet claiming citizen- 
ship in a slave State. 

By this time the slave power becomes rampant. It will 
brook no restraint. It is impatient to open its plot for a sepa- 
rate government — one where the "greasy mechanics" and 
" mudsills of the ISTorth" shall have n.o authority to hinder 
the career of slaveholding gentlemen. The free voters of the 
ITorth are becoming incorrigible. The Southern leaders even 
wish for an election, and a President that will decide against the 
further extension of slavery, to give them a pretext for seces- 
sion. They have it, and the Confederacy leaps into pretended 
existence, and the war is begun. 

Tracing thus the historic page of our land, we find that with 
the nation slavery has -a^tempife^ what with the slaves it com- 
mitted — brought them into bondage. This, has been the aim 
and act of slavery, to bring the whole people of the land into 
subserviency and support of itself. Despotism with slaves, it 
was despotism everywhere. 
, Three clearly defined steps mark the legislative action of 


this country on the subject of slavery. In the beginning all 
was for restriction. The common territory, unoccupied by 
State jurisdiction, was all dedicated to freedom for ever. This 
was the action of the Fathers in 1787, and this was re-enacted 
in 1789. President Madison, the honored expounder of the 
Constitution, said the Constitution was formed in order tha,t 
the Government might save herself from the reproaches, and 
her posterity from the imbecilities, which are always attendant 
upon a country filled with slaves. The ancient General Lee, 
of Virginia, said the Constitution had done as much as it 
ought to, but he lamented that it had not contained some pro- 
vision for the gradual abolition of slavery. 

One third of a century passes. The second stage of legisla^ 
tive action opens in 1820, when the same question in regard 
to slavery in the territories comes up again. Witness the apos- 
tacy of those thirty-three years ! Half the territory — enough 
for a kingdom — is given to slavery, in order to secure the 
other half to freedom. What a change ! Still the right of the 
General Government to legislate in regard to slavery in the 
territories was not then denied, but universally assumed. 
Monroe was President when the Missouri Compromise passed. 
He, by signing that bill, sanctioned restrictions on slavery in 
the territories by the General Government. So did his whole 
Cabinet sanction it — John Quincy Adams, William H. Craw- 
ford, Smith Thompson, John C. Calhoun, and William Wirt. 
Nearly every President of the nation has sanctioned the 
principle of restricting slavery by the General Government, 
among them Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Polk. 

Another third of a century passes. In 1854 the Missouri 
compromise is repealed. The half given and guaranteed to 
freedom in 1820, was then taken back, and this on the ground 
that the General Government has no authority to meddle with 
slavery in the territories — the common property of the nation. 
Another stride in apostacy ! Then slavery marches forth to 
plant herself in new States. She must have more political 
power in the Union. And with every new slave State the 
representation of slave property by slaveholders is extended, 
and the crushed millions are made to vote their own bondage 
and the perpetuity of slavery to their children and children's 


children. And in the third historic stage it is sought to 
re-open the slave trade, to acquire more slave territory, even 
by the forcible possession of another nation's soil, and to give 
the slaveholder the right of going where he pleases with his 
slaves, even into free States, and still have over him and his 
slave property, the aegis of protection of the General Govern- 
ment. And yet the Southern leaders, not satisfied to trust 
always to such national apostate and degenerate steps, secretly 
plan and treasonably act to prepare the way for secession. 
They purposely produce division among their own supporters, 
to manufacture a pretended occasion for their open treason, 
which they hypocritically find in the election of a ISTorthern 
President, pledged to the restriction of slavery in the terri- 
tories. Their step of rebellion is taken— they are first to 
arm themselves, and first to shed blood. All these swarms of 
iniquities, clustering and hanging upon the nation like the 
vermin of Egypt, were the prolific effects, at least in part, of 
the same cause — slavery. 

The apostacy of the South from the doctrines of the fathers, 
on the subject of slavery, and her own estimate of the impor- 
tance of the institution, are made very clear from their own 
writings. Several years before the outbreak of the rebellion 
the Eichmond Examiner held the following language : 

There is no intelligent man of any party or section of tlie United States, who 
does not know or feel that the question of slavery is the vital question of this 
Espuhlic, — more important in its bearings upon the destiny of the American people 
than all other questions, moral, political, and religious, combined. 

In 1855 Senator Mason, of Virginia, in a published letter, 
strenuously advocated slavery for the South, assumed that it 
was convenient and best for them., and therefore justifiable, 
and employed these words: ""We are satisfied not only to 
retain it (slavery), but, as far as we can by fundamental law, to 
insure its perpetuation among us." 

George "Washington had said before him, " It is among my 
first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this 
country may be abolished hy law." Who waa the heretic? Who 
the apostate? 


About the year 1854, a Southern writer published an article 
in the Church Review a periodical of the Protestant Episcopal 
Church, in which he held this language : 

The agitation of this question (slavery), has caused the subject to be investigated, 
and the efifect of this investigation is the opinion now widely prevailing among 
the Southern people, that slavery, as it exists among them, is neither a great moral, 
national, nor political evil, but that the institution is a wise and benevolent one, 

and has the undoubted sanction of Holy Writ. 


In. the year 1853, the Presbyterian Synod of Mississippi 
adopted a report on the subject of slavery which maintained 
that "the Bible does not forbid the holding of slaves, and 
that it was tolerated in the primitive church." The Eev. 
Dr. Bachman, pastor of a Lutheran church in Charleston, 
South Carolina, a man of considerable science and learning, 
especially in the department of natural history, declared in 
pubhshed writings, that "their [the South' s] defence of slavery 
is contained in the Holy Scriptures," and assumed that in that 
conclusion there was a unanimity of sentiment at the South. 


The African slave trade was abolished by the United States 
Q-overnment in 1808. But the apostacy on the subject of 
slavery went so far, that for several years previous to the 
rebellion, the trade was both secretly and openly renewed, and 
much discussion was had at the South in regard to repealing the 
law that forbade it. Cargoes of slaves were frequently landed 
in the United States, along the shores of the Gulf of Mexico. 
IsTew Orleans papers announced the sailing of vessels for Africa, 
and contained accounts of the latest arrivals of Congo negroes. 
Advertisements offered three hundred dollars a head for every 
thousand negroes from Africa, landed on the southern coast 
of the United States. The Richmond Reporter (Texas), about 
the beginning of 1860, contained the following advertisement : 

Foe Sale— Pour hundred likely African negroes, lately landed upon the coast of 
Texas. Said negroes will be sold upon the most reasonable terms.' One-third 
dovni ; the remainder in one and two years, with eight per cent, interest. Por 
further information inquire of 0. K. 0., Houston, or L. R. G., Galveston." 


The Memphis Avalanche, of about the same date, had the 
following : 

Three of the six native Africans brought here a few days since were sold yesterday 
at the mart of Mr. "West, and brought, respectively, $150, $740, and $515. The 
latter sum was paid for a boy about fifteen years old, who seemed to possess more 
intelligence than any of the others. These negroes are a part of the cargo of the 
yacht "Wanderer, landed some months since. 

An eminent and long-tried missionary of the American 
Board affirmed that there could not be less than one hundred 
American vessels on the African coast, at the date of his 
writing, waiting to be freighted with slaves, and that at least 
sixty or seventy of them were destined to the American shores. 
Other missionaries testified that the African slave trade was 
on the increase. Rev. Messrs. Bushnell and Walker, of the 
G-aboon mission, agreed in the statement that all the mission- 
aries on the coast of Africa, from the entire Christian world, 
were not equal in number to the slave ships from the port of 
Ifew York alone, that yearly visited that coast fof slaves. 

The reopening of the slave trade was fast being made a 
political question at the South. Candidates for high offices 
were often tested as to their orthodoxy on the African com- 
. meree in slaves. "William L. Yancey, writing for the press from 
Montgomery, Alabama, said : 

further reflection has but confirmed me in the opinion then expressed, that the 
federal laws prohibiting the African slave trade, and punishing it as piracy, are 
unconstitutional, and are at war with the fundamental policy of the South, and 
therefore ought to be repealed. 

I am further satisfied that the agitation of this question is beneficial. It has 
already served to develop (not to create) much unsoundness in our midst upon the 
question, of slavery ; and one of the advantages of discussion would be to correct 
these erroneous views, and to warn pur people of those among us who are radi- 
cally unsound npon the principles which underlie that institution. It is wisdom to 
ascertain wherein we are weak, that we may fortify our position upon' that point, 
and use extra vigilance. 

Until within the last twenty-five or thirty years, there had prevailed an un- 
broken cahn in the South upon the moral aspect of the slavery question. Taking 
its rise in the wild and reckless radicalism of the Red Republican Prench school, 
the opinion had rooted itself in Virginia, and thence had spread over the whole 
South — and was taught in its religion — that slavery was morally wrong, was 
founded in kidnapping, and conducted in cruelty ; and it was defended solely upon 
the ground that it was impracticable to get rid of it. It was in the midst of this 



unhealthy state of the public mind that the federal laws declaring the African 
slave trade to be piracy, were enacted. 

For one, I am unwilling to see continued on the statute book the semi-abolition 
laws, but desire to see the subject of slavery taken from the grasp of the General 
Government, and that Government only be allowed to act upon it to protect it. 

Whether the African slave trade shall be carried on should not depend on that 
Government, but upon the will of each slaveholding State. To that tribunal alone 
should the question be submitted, and by the decision of that tribunal alone should 
the Southern people abide. 

Jefferson Davis, at about the opening of 1860, in a speech 

at Jackson, Mississippi, said : 

If considerations of public safety or interest warranted the termination of the 
[slave] trade, they could not justify the Government in branding as infamous the 
source from which the chief part of our laboring population was derived. It is this 
feature of the law which makes it offensive to, us, and stimulates us to strive for its 

He was sensitive under the existence of our treaty with 
Great Britain, by which we were obligated to keep a squadron 
on the African coast for the suppression of the slave trade. 
Relative to that he said : 

My friend, Senator Clay, of Alabama, (his services entitle himto. the friendship 
of the South,) as Chairman of the Committee of Commerce, instituted at the last 
session of Congress, an inquiry into the facts connected with the maintenance of 
our squadron on the coast of Africa, and I hope his energy and ability may lead to 
the amendment of a treaty which has been productive only of evil. 

Mr. L. W. Spratt, of Charleston, in an address at a recep- 
tion given him in Savannah, spoke as follows : 

But it is said we may not stoop to a measure forbidden by the law. It is not for 
us, so vested with the trusts of a great destiny, to scruple at the 'necessary means to 
its attainmmt. SitvMted as we are, we cannot abrogate tlie law ; and must we then 
forego our destiny for want of the legal means to its achievement ? 

Col. William B. Gaulden, on the evening of September 21st, 
1859, delivered an address at Waresboro, Georgia, at the con- 
clusion of which the following preamble and resolution were 
adopted by the meeting : 

In consequence of the high price of labor, the agricultural interests of the South 
are in a languishing condition : therefore, 

Eesolved, That in order to obtain the requisite supply, all laws. State and Fed- 
eral, forbidding the slave trade, ought to bo repealed. 

The Sea Coast Democrat, Mississippi, learned from good 


That a cargo' of African slavea is expected in the Ship Island harbor the latter 
part of the present month. They will, if they arriye safe, be landed without any 
attempt at secrecy, the consignees trusting. to the sentiment predominant in Missis- 
sippi, ah to the necessity of increasing -the number of laborers, for a triumpliant ac- 
quittal,, in the event of a G-overn"ment prosecution. 

Ex-Governor Adams, of South Carolina, in a letter rear! on 
the occasion of a dinner given to Senator Chesnut, laid down 
the three following propositions as " undeniable truths :" 

First, that the acts of Congress against the slave trade are a brand upon us, arid 
ought to be repealed. Second, that if slavery is right, the traffic in slaves ought 
not to be confined by degrees of latitude and longitude. ■ And third, if it is right 
to hold in servitude the slaves we now have, it is right to procure as many more as 
our necessities require. 

Mr. McRae, a Mississippian, held the following doctrine : 

I am in favor of re-opening the trade in slaves with Africa. I see no difference, 
morally, socially, or politically, in buying a slave in Africa, the original source 
of our supply, and buying one in the home market of our slaveholding States. 

It must be acknowledged that these men, on this subject, 
were logical and consistent. Holding to the trafSc in slaves 
in America, they might as well hold to it between Africa, and 
America. Holding that American slavery was just, they could 
as well hold that there should be no law against the slave 
trade. But how had they departed from the doctrines of the 
fathers ! Such a change of sentiment inevitably led to shock- 
ing results. 

Mr. Davis, in his inaugural, after being elected President 
of the Confederacy, cautiously indicated that there was a dif- 
ference in, the state of society between the South and JSTorth, 
■^hich became a cause of the separation, and that that differ- 
ence pertained to slavery. His language is this : 

With a Constitution differing only from that of our fathers in so far as it is ex- 
planatory of their well-known intent, freed from sectional conflicts, which have in- 
terfered with the pursuit of the general welfare, it is not unreasonable to expect 
that the States from which we have parted may seek to unite tlieir fortunes to ours 
under the' government which we have instituted. For this your Constitution 
makes adequate provision ; but beyond this, if I mistake not, the judgment 
and will of the people are that union with the States from which they 
have separated is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase the power, 
develop the resources, and promote the happiness of the Confederacy, it is requi- 
site there should be so much homogeneity that the welfare of every portion 


should be the aim of the whole. "Where this does not exist, antagonisms are 
engendered, which must and should result in separation. 

But Alexander H. Stephens, the Vice President of the Con- 
federacy, boldly set forth the difference of the two systems of 
society in a slave and a free country, in a speech made at 
Savannah, March 21st, 1861. It is so marked and pointed in 
its character, and so unequivocally declares that slavery was 
the immediate cause of the rupture and revolution between 
the ISTorth and the South, that it deserves full selections in 
this place, and should always hereafter be familiar to every 
reader of American history. 


But, not to be tedious in enumerating the numerous changes for the better, 
allow me to allude to one other — though last, not least : the new Constitution has 
put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institution — 
African slavery, as it exists among us — the proper statzts of the negro in our form 
of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rwptwe and the present revolu- 
tion. Jefferson in his forecast had anticipated this, as the "rock upon which the 
old Union would split." He was right. What was conjecture with him is now 
a realized fact. But whether he comprehended the great truth upon which that 
rock stood and stands may be doubted. T/ie prevailing ideas entertained by him and 
most of the hading statesjnen at the time of the formation of the old Oonstituiion were 
that the enslavem.ent of tlie African was in violation of the laws of nature ; thai 
it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they 
knew not well how to deal with ; but the general opinion of the men of 
that day was, that somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution 
would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the 
Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, it is true 
secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last ■ and 
hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional gftarantees thus 
secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, Iwwever, were 
fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the; assumption of the equality of races. 'This 
was an error. It was a sandy foundation ; and the idea of a government built upon 
it — when the storm came and the wind blew, it fell. 

Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas; its founda- 
tions are laid, its corner stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to 
th£ white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is liis natural and nor- 
mal condition. [Applause.] This, our new Government, is the first in tlw his- 
tory of the morld based upon this great physical, phUosophical, and moral truth 
This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like all othm 
truths in the various departments of science. It is so, even amongst us. Many 
who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well that this truth. was not generally admit 
ted, even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many" 
so late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors 


with a zeal aboTe kBOVKledge, we justly denominate fanaties. All fanaticism springs 
from an aberration of the mind — from a defect in reasoning. It is a species of in- 
sanity. One of; the most striking characteristics of insanity, in many instances, is 
forming correct oonclusiousfrom fancied or erroneous premises ; so with the anti- 
slavery &natics — their conclusions are right, df iitheir premises are. They assume 
that the negro is equal, and hence conclude that he is entitled to equal privileges 
and rights with the white man. If their premises were correct, their conclusions 
would-be logical and just ; taut their premises being wrong, their whole argument 
fails. I recollect once of having heard a gentleman from one of the Northern 
States, -of great power and ability, announce in the House of Representatives, with 
imposing effect, that we of the South would be compelled ultimately to yield upon 
this subject of slavery ; that it was impossible to war successfully against a prin- 
ciple in poUtios, as it. was in physics or mechanics — that the principle would 
ultimately prevail — that we, in maintaining slavery as it now exists with us, were 
warring against a principle — a principle founded in nature — the principle of the 
equality of man. The reply I made to him was, that, upon his own grounds, we 
should succeed ; that he and his associates in their crusade against our institutions 
would ultimately fail. The truth announced, that it was as impossible to war suc- 
cessfully against a principle in politics as in physics and mechanics, I admitted, but 
told him it was he and those acting with him who were warring against a prin- 
ciple. They were attempting to make things equal which the Creator had made 

In the •conflict thus far success has been on our side complete, throughout the 
length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, 
our social fabric is firmly planted ; and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate 
success of a full recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlight- 
ened world. 

As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all 
truths are and ever have been, in the various branches of science. It was so 
with the principles announced by Galileo. It was so with Adam Smith, and his 
principles of political economy. It was so with Harvey, and his theory of the cir- 
culation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profession 
living at the time of the announcement of the truths made by him admitted them. 
Now the}' are universally acknowledged. May we not, therefore, look with confi- 
dence to the ultimate universal acknowledgment of the truths upon which our system 
rests? It is the first government ever instituted upon principles in strict conformity 
with ua,ture and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the materials of human 
society. Many governments have been founded upon the principle of enslaving 
certain classes ; but the classes thus enslaved were of the same race, and their 
enslavement in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such vio- 
lation of nature's laws. The negro by nature, or the curse against Canaan, is fitted 
for that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect, in the construc- 
tion of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper material — the granite — then 
comes the brick or_ the marble. The substratum of mr society is made of the 
material fitted by nature for it ; and by experience we know that it is the best, not 
only for the superior, but for the inferior race, that it should bo so. It is, indeed, 
in conformity with the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of Ms 
ordinances or to question them. For his own purposes he has made one race to 
differ from another, as he has made " ono star to differ from another m glory." 


The great objects of humanity are best attained when conformed to His luMt 
and decrees — in the formation of governments, as well as in all things else. Our 
Confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This 
stone, which was rejected by the first builders, "is ieccnne the chief stone of the cor- 
TOr" in our new edifice. [Applause.] 

I have been asked, "What of the future ? It has been apprehended by some 
that we would have arrayed against us the civilized world. I care not who or 
how many tliey may be ; when we stand upon the eternal principles of truth, we 
are obliged to and must triumph. [Immense applause.] 

JSTo one, after taking a candid review of American slavery, 
and of tlie American apostacy in regard to it — no one, after 
reading the foregoing address of Mr. Stephens, and consider- 
ing his important position at the South and in the so-called 
Confederacy, can doubt for a moment that slavery was a pri- 
mal if not the sole cause of the rebellion. 

Slavery, in its nature, is such that it necessarily becomes the 
contaminator of private and public morals. It breeds caste, 
pride, and despotism; it stupefies the conscience, perverts the 
judgment, and promotes falsehood, perjury, cruelty, and trea^ 
son. Slavery, that gives the lie to the very doctrines that 
brought us as a nation into existence; that denies the reality 
of human rights ; that proclaims that all men are not of one 
blood, and so takes its stand against Holy Writ; slavery, that 
breaks up the family relation, and abrogates marital and 
parental rights ; that denies the printed page of the "Word of 
God to three and a half millions, and shuts them away from 
all the avenues, and even by-ways and lanes, to human know- 
ledge; slavery, the most high-handed and extensive system 
of fraud and robbery ever known in a world of sinners for six 
thousand years, wresting alike from the weak and the strong 
the hard earnings of honest hands, and by violence and all the 
barricaded powers of law wrenching away "the rights of 
millions to themselves ; slavery, that sprinkled all the equa^ 
torial Atlantic with the black ships of piracy in human bodies 
and souls, and joined hands with the barbarian kings of 
Africa to reduce God's freemen to bondage, and drag them 
away from home and kindred to compulsory and unpaid servi- 
tude in a foreign land ; such a system was equal to foment- 
ing, preparing, and executing such a rebellion as that through 
which this nation has passed. 








If the Constitlition gives the right of secession to the States, 
then there has been no rebellion, and the war on the part of the 
United States Government to put down the so-called rebellion, 
has been vsTong. Jefferson Davis, in his message to the Con- 
federate Congress, January 12th, 1863, in which he sought 
especially to justify secession to the states of Europe, offers no 
other plea for the seceding portion of the Union than that of 
State rights. His language is the following : 

In this connection, the occasion seems not unsuitable for some reference to 
the relations between the Confederacy and the neutral powers of Europe, since 
the separation of these States from the former Union. Pour of the States now 
members of the Confederacy were recognized by name as independent sovereignties 
in a treaty of peace conoludedin the year 1183, with one of the two great maritime 
powers of Western Europe, and- had been, prior to that period, allies in war of the 
other. In the year 1118 they formed a union with nine other States under Articles 
of Confederation. Dissatisfied with that Union, three of them — Virginia, Carolina, 
and Georgia — ^together with eight of the States now meicbers of the United States, 
seceded from it in 1189, and these eleven seceding States formed a second Union, 
although by the terms of the Articles of Confederation express provision was made 
that the first Union should be perpetual. Their right to secede, notwithstanding 
this provision, was never contested by the States from which they separated, nor 
made the subject of discussion with any third power. When, at a later period, 
North Carolina acceded to that second Union, and when, still later, the other sevon 
States now members of this Confederacy, became also members of the same Union, 
it was upon the recognized footing of equal and independent sovereignties ; nor 
had it then entered into the minds of men that sovereign States could be compelled 
by force to remain members of a confederation into which they had entered of 


their own free will, if at a subsequent period the defence of their safety and honor 
should, in their judgment, justify withdrawal. 

The experience of the past had evinced the futility of any renunciation of such 
inherent rights, and accordingly the provision for perpetuity contained in the 
Articles of Confederation of 1778 was emitted to the Constitution of 1789. "When, 
therefore, in 1861, eleven of the States again thought proper, for reasons satis- 
factory to themselves, to secede from the second Union, and to form a third one, 
under an amended Constitution, they exercised a right which, being inherent, 
required no justification to foreign nations, and which international law did not 
permit them to question. 

ISTo better argument than this is set forth to justify seces- 
sion. The best aspect is given to it that is possible. The 
argument needs some examination. 1. The recognition given 
to " four of the States, in a treaty of peace concluded in the 
year 1783," does not touch the question of their relation 
under the Constitution. "We shall see what were their obliga- 
tions under that instrument. 2. That the States became 
dissatisfied with the ineffectiveness of their relation and powers 
" under Articles of Confederation," and sought and formed a 
closer union under the present Constitution, is no justification 
for violating the articles of that Constitution. 3. Even if the 
agreement, that the " first Union should be perpetual," was 
violated, that does not justify the violation of the articles of the 
" second. Union." One act of treason never justifies a second. 
But, 4. K"one of the States ever seceded from the first Union. 
In passing from the Confederation to the Constitutional 
Union, they universally came into closer relations and cen- 
tralized their power for the general and particular good. It 
was, in substance, an amendment of their Constitution — ^there 
was no secession about it. The first Union was never broken 
up, but more closely cemented. Mr. Davis knowingly or 
ignorantly falsifies history. 

President James Madison, in the Federalist, gives the State 
of l^few York the credit of having taken the first step which 
led to calling the convention that prepared the new Constitu- 
tion. The paper adopted by the Legislature of that State 
proposes, not that the Confederation be broken up, but that 
certain " defects be without loss of time repaired," and " the 
powers of Congress extended." ISText, the Governor and Legis- 
lature of Massachusetts recommended a convention of dele- 


gates, " to consider and determine -whaA, further powers ought 
to be vested in Congress." On November 23rd, 1786, the 
Legislature of Virginia passed an act for the appointment of 
delegates to meet deputies from other States, "to join with 
therd in devising and discussing all such alterations and further 
provisions as m.ay be necess&.ry to render the Federal Con- 
stitution adequate to the exigencies of the Union." In 
accordance with these and other recommendations the Con- 
vention assembled, which prepared the document afterward 
duly adopted as the Constitution of the United States. 
Washington, as presidetit of the Convention, in transmitting 
its proceedings and the new Constitution to the Congress of 
the Confederation, terms their deliberations and action as an 
endeavor to effect " the greatest interest of every true Ameri- 
can — the consolidation of our Union." The preamble of the 
Constitution itself embraces the phraseology, " in order to 
form a more perfect Union," which forbids the idea that the 
old Union was dissolved. "Washington does not speak as Mr. 
Davis does, of a " first Union," and a " second Union," but of 
one Union to be consolidated. He had no thought of secession. 
There was nothing like " withdrawal " from the Union. As 
well say that the late constitutional amendment forever ex- 
cluding slavery, was preceded by a secession from the Union 
on the part of all the States that adopted it. Mr. Davis' repre- 
sentations are so contrary to the truth that they seem to forbid 
all belief in his honesty. 

5.' Mr. Davis acknowledges that " by the terms of the Arti- 
cles of Confederation express provision was made that the first 
Union should be perpetual." Since that Union has never 
been annulled, but " consolidated " and made " more perfect," 
it follows that it is binding still, and that attempted secession is 
treason. 6. That the States are " equal," none deny. That 
they are " independent sovereignties," in the sense of being 
sovereign and superior to the Union, is untrue, for the reason 
that the Constitution expressly and repeatedly says, that " no 
State shall, without the consent of Congress, enter into any 
agreement or compact with another State, lay any imposts or 
duties," etc., etc. The Congress of the Union is superior to 


the State, except where the State has certain constitutional 
powers, among which is no article for secession. 

Mr. A. H, Stephens, who held the second place in the rebel 
Confederacy, said, in a speech at the South, that each State 
in the Union was, at the time of the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion, left to her own choice whether to resume her sovereign 
and independent powers. 1. Admit that there was such 
general consent on the part of all the States, that does not 
justify secession where no such consent is given. 2. But it does 
not appear that there was any such liberty. If they had not 
adopted the new Constitution, the laws of the Confederation 
were still binding. 3. All the States did adopt the Constitu- 
tion, and the question is, whether there was any reserved 
power to leave the Union. On this the testimony of such men 
as "Washington, Madison, Hamilton, and others, principal 
actors in the formation and adoption of the Constitution, must 
be final. At one time, Hamilton, of K"ew York, feared that 
his State would not accept of the Constitution vsdthout the 
reservation that she might recede from the Union if she sub- 
sequently desired. He thought that if* she once adopted the 
new plan of government she would never dislike it; and, 
accordingly, wrote hurriedly to Madison, inquiring if he 
regarded such an acceptance of the Constitution as allowable. 
Mr. Madison replied decidedly in the negative, saying that 
the Constitution must be adopted in toto, and forever, or it was 
no adoption. 

Hainilton himself wrote, in his day, that the " Union was a 
number of political societies entering into a larger political 
society, the laws of which the latter may enact." He argued 
conclusively that the government of the Union must be supreme 
over that of the States on all questions pertaining to the gov- 
ernment of the whole, that the Union was not a treaty but a 
compact, and that if States could leave the nation at their own. 
option, there would be nothing left " but the wretched miseries 
of unceasing discord." Patrick Henry for a long time 
opposed the adoption of the Constitution, but when he found 
the majority of his State, and of all the States, would probably 
be against him, he said, " If I shall be in the minority, I shall 
have those painful sensations which arise from a conviction of 


being overpowered in a good cause. Yet I will be a peaceable 
citizen." With sucli a doctrine we never should have had 

I The Constitution was adopted originally by all the thirteen 
States, for the very purpose of forming a. strong and sovereign 
government, something better and different from the weak 
and divided confederate condition that existed before. The 
question of adopting the Constituti6n was debated in all the 
States, on the very point as to whether they should have one 
sovereign general government, in which all should be united, 
by which all should be bound. And did the puerile idea then 
prevail, that any State, after enjoying aifc its leisure all the 
constitutional blessings of the Union through some dozens or 
scores of years^ might, when it had fed itself sufficiently at 
the public expense, withdraw from the compact and set up a 
kingdom by itself, right in the heart, or, on any verge of the 
Union ? Against such an absurd claim stands not only the 
authorities of the time of the adoption of the Constitution, but 
also those of every year since. 

Turning to the Constitution itself, does it contain the grant 
of power to, secede from the Union ? ITot one word of it. As 
well expect a . clause in a marriage ceremony allowing the 
right of separation the next day. As well look for a clause 
in a note of hand releasing the giver from all obligation to 
pay the sum due, at his option. All the States united to form 
the Union — it will forever require them all to dissolve it, or to 
grant liberty to any State to leave it. 

Will it be claimed that the rebel States had a right of 
secession on the ground of the violation of the Constitution by 
the other States ? The rebel States themselves never seriously 
claimed it. If any State does violate the Constitution, there is 
provided in that document itself a judicial power, vested in one 
supreme court, V^hich can decide (in the language of the Con- 
stitution), " all eases of law and equity, arising under this Constitu- 
tion." The very creation of such a court implies that there is 
, no right of secession. It is expressly provided, that " all con- 
troversies between two or more States, or between a State and 
citizens of another State, or . between citizens of different 
States, shall be decided by the Supreme Court." If the South 


had grievances, to that court should have been their appeal. 
Even the question of secession should have been decided there. 
Kthe right had been granted by that court, they could have 
gone; otherwise not. There never was a clearer truth than 
that the Constitution gives no right of secession whatever. 

But what if they did secede? What if they did take up arms 
against the G-overnment ? What then does the Constitution 
say ? " Treason against the United States shall consist only 
in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, 
giving them aid and comfort." What less than treason was 
firing on Port Sumter ? What less than levying war against 
the IJnited States ? 

There were four instances in the history of the nation, 
previous to the rebellion of 1861, when State rights were 
unwarrantably advocated as sovereign to the rights of the 
G-eneral Government. It will be instructive to examine 


The aid received from the French in the war of the Revolu- 
tion, produced a strong sympathy in this country in their favor. 
Jefferson's long residence in France, as minister there, aided 
and enhanced that sentiment. When the French Revolution 
broke out, some French residents and their particular friends 
in this country grew violent, and determined that more aid 
should be given from these shores for the revolutionary party 
in that country. But the French Government had allowed 
their vessels to prey upon our commerce, and refused adequate 
remuneration for just claims. Some of our agents abroad had 
been insulted by their officials, and the offensive acts had not 
been disavowed by the appointing power. As a consequence, 
the Federalists, or party in office at that time in this country, 
were inclined to be watchful and strict against French influence 
and interference in our national affairs. John Adams being 
elected President in opposition to Jefferson, it was received in 
France as a non-recognition of their revolutionary govern- 
ment, and their conduct then, in regard to our commerce and 
ministers, grew more offensive. 


lu this state of affairs Congress passed an act known as the 
''Alien" law. It empowered the President to compel all 
persons to leave the country whose presence here was deemed 
dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States. It 
was aimed expressly at French residents, and was limited to 
two years. 

Soon after an act passed Congress, called the " Sedition " 
law. First, it forbade all persons to conspire against the Gov- 
ernment, or to promote any sedition, insurrection, or riot to 
hinder the execution of the laws; secondly, it forbade the 
publication of any false, scandalous, or malicious writings 
against the G-overnment, the President, or Congress ; the first 
enactment having a penalty for offence of five thousand dollars, 
and the second of two thousand dollars. 

The passage of these bills was strongly opposed in Congress, 
and excited much opposition among the "Anti-Federalists " in 
the country. As a result, some resolutions, (the original draft 
of which is still preserved,) in Jefferson's hand-writing, were 
passed in the Kentuclcy Legislature, which contained the 
doctrine that the States have the right to pronounce upon the 
acts of Congress, both as to their legality and the mode of 
redress under its constitutional laws. This was really the 
doctrine of State rights, as sovereign over Congress, though 
embracing no thought of the right of secession. The Ken- 
tucky senators aad representatives were instructed to report 
these resolutions to Congress, and the Governor to forward a 
copy to the Legislature of each of the other States. 

Mr. Madison introduced soon after, December 24th, 1798, 
similar resolutions into the Legislature of Virginia, and the 
next month they were coupled with an address and sent to the 
several States; but none of the other States responded favor- 
ably to these documents. On the contrary, 'Sew Hampshire, 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, 'New York, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, rejected the 
doctrine of the right of State Legislatures to pronounce on the 
validity of the acts of Congress. The constitutionality of its 
laws was to be decided by the United States Supreme Court. 

The Alien law was never put in force by the President, 
though some restless ^nd perhaps dangerous Frenchmen left 


our country in consequence of the enactment. Edward 
Everett says of the action of the Kentucky and Virginia 
Legislature : 

But the resoliitlong did their work— all they were intended or expected to do— 
by shaking the administration. At the ensuing election, Mr. Jefferson, at whose 
instance the entire movement was made, was chosen President by a very smaU 
majority ; Mr. Ma&ison was placed at the head of his administration as Secretary of 
State ; the obnoxious laws expired by their own limitation ; and Mr. Jefferson pro- 
ceeded to administer the government upon constitutional principles quite as lax, to 
say the least, as those of his predecessors. 

The Alien and Sedition laws were doubtless unnecessary for 
the actual safety of the country, and no conspicuous good ever 
resulted from them. The former was unexecuted, and the 
latter was little different from the common law of libel. On 
the other hand, the resolutions were doubtless designed simply 
as an expression of opinion, although announcing a dangerous 
doctrine relative to State authority. 


In the Alien and Sedition controversy the Anti-Federalists 
trenched closely upon an unauthorized doctrine of State rights. 
According to the circular movement of affairs, so natural to 
human society, some Federalists in the noted Hartford Con- 
vention, at least bordered full as much on the State-right 
heresy, and by their action there destroyed their own political 
party. The embargo act of 1809 interfered with the com- 
merce of Kew England, and produced a strong opposition, to 
^the Grovernment. The declaration of war against Great 
Britain, in 1812, intensified the dissatisfaction, and a " peace 
party," which threw unjustifiable obstacles in the way of the 
G-overnment, was the result. The Massachusetts Legislature 
finally called for a convention to take measures for " some 
mode of defence suitable to those [the K'ew England] States," 
against what were regarded as undue encroachments of the 
General Government. That action of the Legislature was 
earnestly opposed by many in that body and in the State, as 
tending toward treason. But a small convention was convened 
at Hartford, Connecticut, December 1.5th, 1814; twelve dele- 
gates &om Massachusetts, seven from Connecticut, four from 


Rhode Island, two from Few Hampshire, and one from Ver- 
mont, having been appointed. Twenty of the twenty-six were 
lawyers. Their sessions were secret, and continued twenty 
days. Two weeks after their adjournment, their proceedings 
were published, and contain this passage : 

In cases of deliberate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of the Constitution, 
affecting the sovereignty of a State and the liberties of the people, it is not only the , 
right, but the duty of such State to interpose its authority for the protection, in 
the manner best calculated to secure that end. When emergencies occur -which 
are either beyond the reach of the judicial tribunals, or too pressing to admit of 
the delay incident to their forms. States which have no common umpire must be 
their own judges and execute their own decisions. 

This language was very similar to that of Jefferson's cele- 
brated Kentucky resolutions of 1798, concerning the rights of 
States, which contain these words : 

As in other cases of compact between parties having no common judge, each 
party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and 
measwe of redress. 

The mass of the people of IsTew England herself condemned 
the action of the convention that had been held in one of her 
cities. It was regarded as disorganizing and dangerous. The 
opponents of the embargo and the war still more opposed the 
recommendations of the convention. That body never renewed 
its sessions; the reaction among the people was so great, that 
soon after no place would have been allowed for its further 
deliberations in IsTew England. 


The central and Southern States indignantly opposed the 
Hartford Convention movement. But how soon South Carolina 
did worse, and Virginia, Georgia, and Alabama, took legis- 
lative action in sympathy with her ! The high protective tariff 
of 1^28, on iron, hemp, wool, and other heavy or bulky com- 
modities was the immediate exciting cause of the nullification 
movement in South Carolina. The want of prosperity at the 
South, really attributable in great degree to slavery, was 
charged by her citizens to the high protection on M"orthern 
staples. Mr. Hayne, United States Senator from South Caro- 


Una, in the year 1830, pronounced the existing tariff unconsti- 
tutional, and therefore not binding on the States. Daniel 
Webster, Senator from Massachusetts, made a reply to Mr. 
Hayne, which won high honor for himself, unanswerably 
refuted the State rights doctrine, and killed nullification for 
the time being. He said : 

"I understand the gentleman to maintain, that, without revolution, without civil 
commotion, without rebellion, a remedy for supposed ahuse and transgression of 
the powers of the General G-overnment lies in a direct appeal to the interference of 
the State Governments." 

Mr. Hayne here rose and said : " He did not contend for the mere right of 
revolution, but for the rig?it of constitutional resistance. Wliat he maintained was 
that, in case of a plain, palpable violation of the Constitution by the General Gov- 
ernment, a State may interpose, and that this interposition is constitutional." 

Mr. Webster resumed : — "So, sir, I imderstood the gentleman, and am happy 
to find that I did not misunderstand him. What he contends for is, that it is con- 
stitutional to interrupt the administration of the Constitution itself, in the hands of 
those who are chosen and sworn to administer it, by the direct interference, in 

.form of law, of the States, in virtue of their sovereign capacity. The Inherent right 
of the people to reform their government, I do not deny ; and they have another 
right, and that is, to resist unconstitutional laws, without overturning the Govern- 
ment. It is no doctrine of mine that unconstitutional laws bind the people. The 
great question is, ' Whose prerogative is it to decide on the constitutionality or 

. unconstitutionality of the laws ?' On that the main debate hinges. The proposi- 
tion that, in case of a supposed violation of the Constitution by Congress, the States 
have a constitutional right to interfere and annul the law of Congress, is the propo- 
sition of the gentleman. I do not admit it. If the gentleman had intended no 
more than to assert the right of revolution for justifiable cause, he would have said 
only what all agree to. But I cannot conceive that there can be a middle course 
between submission to the laws, when regularly pronounced constitutional, on the 
one hand, and open resistance, which is revolution or rebellion, on the other. I 
say, the right of a State to annul a law of Congress cannot be maintained, but on 
the ground of the ina,lienable right of man to resist oppression ; that is to say, upon 
the ground of revolution. I admit that there is an ultimate violent remedy, above 
the Constitution and in defiance of the Constitution, which may be resorted to 
when a revolution is to be Justified. But I do Tiot admit that, under the Constitu- 
tion, and in conformity with it, there is any mode in which a State Government, as 
a member of the Union, can interfere and stop the progress of the general move- 
ment, by force of her own laws, under any circumstances whatever. * * * gir 
the human mind is so constituted that the merits of both sides of a controversy 

. appear very clear, and very palpable, to those who respectively espouse them ; 
and both sides usually grow clearer as the controversy advances. Soxith Carolina 
sees unconstitutionality in the tariff ; she sees oppression there also ; and she sees 
danger. Pennsylvania, with a vision not less sharp, looks at the same tarift, and 
sees no such thing in it ; she sees it all constitutional, all useful, all safe. The 
faith of South Carolina is strengthened by opposition, and she now not only sees, 


but resolves, that the tariff is palpably unconstitutional, oppressive, and dangerous ; 
but Pennsylyania, not to be behind her neighbors, and equally willing to strengthen 
her own faith by a confident asseveration, resolves also, and gives to every warm, 
affirmative of South Carolina a plain, downright, Pennsylvania negative. South 
Carolina, to show the strength and unity of her opinion, brings her assembly to a 
unanimity, within seven voices ; Pennsylvania, not to be outdone in this respect 
any more than in others, reduces her dissentient fraction to a single vote. Now, 
sir, again I ask the gentleman, "What is to be done 1 Are these States both right ? 
If not, which is in the wrong ? or, rather, which has the best right to decide ? 
And if he, and if I, are not to know what the Constitution means, and what it is, till 
those two State Legislatures, and the twenty- two others, shall agree in its eonstrnc- 
tion, what have we _ sworn to when we have sworn to maintain it ? I was forcibly 
struck,' sir, with one reflection, as the gentleman went on in his speech. He 
quoted Mr, Madison's resolutions* to prove that a State may interfere, in a case of 
deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of a power not granted. The honor- 
able member supposes the tariff law to be such an exercise of power ; and that, 
consequently, a case has arisen in which the State may, if it see fit, interfere by 
its own law. Now, it so happens, nevertheless, that Mr. Madison deems this same 
tariff law quite constitutional 1 Instead of a clear and palpable violation, it is, ia 
his judgment, no violation at all. So that while they use his authority for a 
hypothetical case, they reject it in the very case before them. All this, sir, shows 
the inherent futility — I had almost used a stronger word — of conceding this power 
of interference to the States, and then attempting to secure it from abuse by impos- 
ing qualifications of which the States themselves are to judge. One of two things 
is true : either the laws of the Union are beyond the discretion and beyond the 
control of the States ; or else we have no constitution of General Sovemment, and 
are thrust^back again to the days of the Confederation, * * * 

"Sir, if I were to concede to the gentleman his principal proposition, namely, 
that the Constitution is a compact between States, the question would still be. 
What provision is made in this compact to settle points of disputed construction, or 
contested power, that shall come into controversy 'I And this question would still 
be answered, and conclusively answered, by the Constitution itself. While the 
gentleman is contending against construction, he himself is setting up the most 
dangerous and loose construction. The Constitution declares that, the laws of Congress 
passed in pursuance of the Constitution shall be the law of the land. No construction is 
necessary here. It declares also, with equal plainness and precision, tlicct the judi- 
cial power of the United, States shall extend to every case arising vmder the-laws of Congress. 
This needs no construction. Here is a law, then, which is declared to be supreme ; 
and here is a power established, which is to interpret that law. Now, sir, how 
has the gentleman met this ? Suppose the Constitution to be a compact, yet here are 
its terms ; and -how does the gentleman get rid of them ? He cannot argue the seal off 
the Ixmd, nor the words out of the instrument. Here they are ; what answer does he 
give to them" None in the world, sir, except, that the effect of this would be to 
place the States in a condition of inferiority ; and that it results from the very 
nature of things, there being no superior, that the parties must be their own judges ! 
Thus closely and cogently does the honorable gentleman reason on the words of 
the Constitution I The gentleman says, if there be such a power of final decision 

: ' * The Vu-ginia Resolves of 1199. 


in the General Government, he asks for the grant of that power. Well, sir, I show 
him the grant. I turn him to the very words. I show him that the laws of Con- 
gress are made supreme ; and that the judicial power extends, by express words, 
to the interpretation of these laws. Instead of answering this, he retreats into the 
general reflection, that it must result from the natwre of things, that the States, heing 
parties, must judge for themselves. 

"I have admitted, that if the Constitution were to be considered as the creature 
of the State governments, it might be modified, interpreted, or construed according 
to their pleasure. But, even in that case, it would be necessary that they should 
agree. One alone could not interpret it conclusively ; one alone could not construe 
it ; one alone could not modiiy it. Tet the gentleman's doctrine is, that Carolina 
alone may construe and interpret that compact, which equally binds all, and gives 
equal rights to all. 

" So, then, sir, even supposing the Constitution to be a compact between the 
States, the gentleman's doctrine, nevertheless, is not maintainable ; because, first, 
the General Government is not a party to the compact, but a government established 
by it, and vested by it with the powers of trying and deciding doubtful questions ; 
and, secondly, because, if the Constitution be regarded as a compact, not one State 
only, but all the States, are parties to that compact, and one can have no right to 
fix upon it her own peculiar construction." 

But in two years after, in part through the animosity exist- 
ing between President Andrew Jackson and Vice-President 
John C. Calhoun, the nullification movement was resumed. 
Various discussions and legislative acts were had at the South 
on the subject. Some approach to concessions on the part of 
Congress, relative to the Tariff, added to their courage and 
fanned the flame. South Carolina was proud of her influence 
and power. A convention assembled in that State ITovember 
19th, 1832, and declared that the Tariff was " null, void, and 
no law, nor binding on this State, its officers, or citizens." It 
forbade the payment of the duties on imports imposed by that 
law, after February Ist following. It declared that no appeal 
of the question to the United States Court should be allowed. 
If the Federal G-overnment should undertake to enforce the 
Tariff law. South Carolina would no longer consider herself a 
member of the Union. Their ordinance on this point was : 

The people of this State will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from all fur- 
ther obligation to maintain or preserve their political connection with the people 
of the other States, and wUl henceforth proceed to organize a separate government, 
and do all other acts and things which sovereign, and independent States may of 
right do. 

Senator Hayne was appointed Governor of the State, and 


Mr. Oallioun resigned tlie Vice-Presidency of the nation, and 
entered the United States Senate as representative from South 
Carolina. But Jackson was a different President from the 
one in office twenty-eight years later, early in 1861. He took 
decisive measures^ — determined to crush the nullification by 
force of arms, if it became necessary. G-eneral Scott slipped 
into Fort Moultrie before the Charlestonians thought of it, and 
so pointed the cannon that the customs should be collected by 
the United States revenue officers without molestation. Sol- 
diers were made ready to march against the nullifying State. 
Jackson was dissuaded by Webster and others from arresting 
Calhoun, when he returned to the Senate, and trying and 
hanging him for treason. lie issued a strong proclamation, 
however, in which occurred this passage : 

To say that any State uiay at pleasure -secede from the tTnion, is to aay< that the 
United States are npt.a nation, hecause it would be a solecism to contend that any 
part of a uatipn might dissolve its connection with the other part, to their injury or 
ruin, without committing any offence. 

Soon after Congress leisurely took up the Tariff, with the 
view of some revision. This Was seized upon by South Caro- 
lina leaders to defer their seceding act. Webster urged that 
no concessions be made to the nullifying State. But Mr. Clay 
finally came forward with a compromise Tariff, which pro- 
posed to reduce the existing one by one-tenth of the excess 
over twenty per cent., and by another reduction of one-tenth 
two years thereafter, and so on until 1842. This was but a 
small reduction, yet sufficient for an excuse for the South 
Carolinians to decline an act of secession that they knew 
would bring upon them instantly an all-crushing nailitary 
power. Mr. Calhoun, and other nuUifiers, in Congress, ac- 
cepted the change ; the State Delegates in South Carolina ac- 
ceded to it as a " highly satisfactory ai'rangement," resolved 
that the principle of State sovereignty was established, and 

The spirit of secession was thus only humbled, not de- 
stroyed. President Jackson was highly dissatisfied with the 
concession and the result. He insisted that it was an ambitious 
restlessness, and not the Tariff, that incited nullification, and 


the next year wrote to a friend in Georgia, that " the Tarifi 
was but a pretext," and prophetically added, " The next will he 
the slavery or negro question." 


General Jackson was an invaluable man in the right place 
at the time of the South Carolina E'ullification. But like most 
other men he was once, at least, lamentably inconsistent with 
his own principles. The Creek, Choctaw, Chicasaw, and 
Cherokee Indians, held immense tracts of land in the territory 
now known as Georgia, Alabama, and Missouri. They were 
not only the original possessors, but the United States Govern- 
ment had acknowledged their right to it by treaties with them, 
which prescribed limits to the possessions of either party. As 
the settlements of the white man advanced upon the wilder- 
ness, difficulties arose that it was not easy to control. The 
Indians had already parted with much of their territory, their 
hunting grounds and the graves of their fathers were dear 
to them, and they resolved, finally, not to sell any more of 
their soil. The penalty of death even was affixed to the law 
against any further treaty of sale. 

When Georgia came into the Union the General Government 
promised to extinguish the Indian titles within the boundaries 
of the State, as soon as it could be done " peaceably and on 
reasonable terms." But unjust and unmanly measures were 
sometimes resorted to for the accomplishment of this object. 
In 1825, after some failures to effect a further purchase of the 
Indians, certain governmental commissioners bribed a minor 
portion of them, including a chief named Mcintosh, to sign a 
document ceding other lands to the whites. The great 
majority of the Indians disowned the sale, and visited the 
penalty of death upon Mcintosh and another chief. But the 
fraudulent treaty was hurriedly taken to Washington, and 
stealthily pushed through the Senate just at the close of its 
session, when there was no time for investigation and correc- 
tion. The Governor of Georgia proceeded to enforce the 
treaty, and the Indians applied to President J. Q. Adams for 
redress. He examined the case, decided that the Indians were 


fight, and even ordered a body of troops to that vicinity to 
prevent forcible ejectment of the Indians by the Georgians. 
The President's act was treasured against him, and many 
Southerners promised themselves that he should not be re- 
elected to the presidential chair. Jackson succeeded him 
in 1829. He took ' the side opposed to the Indians. lie 
represented that they were attempting to '■'■erect an independ- 
ent government within the limits of Greorgia and Alabama," 
when they only asked their rights according to treaties made 
with the General Government. He announced that the 
Indians must be subject to the laws of Georgia. The contest 
now wa,s entirely with the Cherokees, sonie arrangements 
having been made with the others. The State abrogated all 
the laws of the Indians, made them amenable to State laws, 
denied them the right of being even a witness in court, or a 
party to any suit where a wlite man was a party, and finally 
ordered them to leave her boundaries. The Indians were 
indisposed to obey, and two missionaries among them also 
refusing to go, (and that in consonance with the opinion of 
the Secretaries of the American Board of Commissioners for 
Foreign Missions,) were arrested, charged with inciting the 
Indians to resist the State enactrhents, tried, and imprisoned 
for several years. The issue of the battle of " Mission Ridge," 
where those missionaries labored, seems to have' been & judg- 
ment on the State for her conduct then. An appeal in their be- 
half went to the Supreme Court of the United States, and Chief 
Justice Marshall decided in favor of the missionaries and the 
Indians, and that Georgia had no State rights that could set 
aside the treaties made by the United States with the Indian 

But President Jackson reftised to enforce the judicial 
decision. Mr. Greely learned, he says, from the late Governor 
George l^JT. Briggs, of Massachusetts, who was then in "Wash- 
ington, a member of Congress, that the President said, "Well, 
John Marshall has made his decision; now let him enforce it." 
In 1838 the Indians were driven from the State, contrary to 
the judgment of the highest court of the nation, expressly 
empowered by the Constitution to decide all such cases of 
disagreement. This was the first and only instance in the 


kistory of the nation where the State rights doctrine has 
triumphed, and that by the fault of the highest executive 
officer of the land. The historical facts have been variously 
understood; but being as stated in the foregoing paragraphs, 
the nation herself, to-day, would decide against the State of 
Georgia, and for the supremacy of United States laws. 

The Dorr (Ehode Island) rebellion, in 1842, was not a 
question of State rights as sovereign to the General Govern- 
ment, but a contest between two parties in the State. The 
Democratic people sought to overthrow a party, and change 
the laws which disfranchised two-thirds of the citizens. At 
first they used illegal means, and were defeated, a national 
military force aiding the State authorities. But in a more 
peacefiil way the end they sought was finally attained. 

The noted "Whiskey Insurrection, of 1791-4, was not a case 
of State rights forced against United Stat&s authority, but of 
the rebellion of a portion of the citizens of a State against an 
excise law of the General Government. "Western Pennsyl- 
vanians refused to pay a tax on distilleries. "Washington, as 
President, made them pay it. They yielded gracefully when 
they saw the troops coming. 

The Shays' Rebellion occurred before the adoption of the 
Constitution, and was no conflict between the State and Gene- 
ral Government. Daniel Shays, a captain in the revolutionary 
war, was not the first mover, but the chosen leader of the 
insurgents. They were residents of Massachusetts, and com- 
plained that the Governor's salary was too large, the Senate 
aristocratic, the lawyers extortionate, and the taxes unreason- 
ably burdensome. They demanded the issue of paper money 
for relief The cost of collections was diminished, and certain 
taxes and debts were made payable in produce, but without 
their satisfaction. They interrupted the sessions of courts, 
even in Springfield and Worcester. In January, 1787, Shays, 
at the head of two thousand men, marched to capture the 
arsenal at Springfield. The State militia opposing, they fled, 
leaving three killed and one wounded. One hundred and 
fifty were taken prisoners; fourteen were tried, condemned, 
and pardoned. Shays himself escaped to Vermont, wa,s after- 


ward pardoned, and sutseqiiently lived some years, and died, 
in Mount Morris, New York. 


The " Personal Liberty " laws of the Northern States, 
enacted as some defence against the abuses, or the execution, 
of the Fugitive Slave act, were complained of by some at the 
South. That law in Wisconsin had the following provisions : 

For the issuing of the Habeas Corpus in favor of persons 
claimed as fngitive slaves ; for a trial of the same by jury ; for 
fining one thousand dollars, and imprisoning not more than 
five years nor less than one, any person who should malici- 
ously declare, represent, or pretend, that any free person in 
the State was a slave, or owed service,' with the intent to 
forcibly remove such person from the State; for requiring 
two witnesses to prove a person to be a slave ; for excluding 
depositions, in the place of living witnesses, for evidence ; and 
for preventing judgments under the Fugitive act from becom'- 
ing liens upon real estate. "Whether there was just cause for 
complaints against these laws in Wisconsin, readers can judge. 
They were similar in other Northern States. 

The Fugitive Slave law of 1860 gave great dissatisfaction, 
and probably in no State more than in Wisconsin. It was 
claimed that it was unconstitutional, and that it required some 
offices of free citizens particularly inhuman and demeaning. 
What wonder if with the reaction against it there were some 
excesses. The case in connection with it which particularly 
brought forward the question of State rights, was that of 
Sherman M. Booth, of Milwaukee. He was complained of 
for violating the Fugitive act by aiding in the escape of Joshua 
Glover from the custody of Charles C. Gotten, Deputy Marshal 
of the United States, on the 11th of March, 1854. The United 
States Commissioner, Winfield Smith, Esq., before whom he 
was examined, required him to give bail in the sum of two thou- 
sand dollars, to appear at the next term of the United States 
District Court for trial. The bail was given, and Mr. Booth 
petitioned for a writ of Habeas Corpus, and for release from 


- The case was tried before the Hon. A. D. Smith, Associate 
Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of Wisconsin. Byi'on 
Paine, Esq., counsel for Mr. Booth, made a long and ahle 
argument, claiming release for the prisoner chiefly on the 
ground of the unconstitutionality of the Fugitive act. His 
three leading positions were these : 

Pirst, that Congress had no power to legislate upon the subject at all. 

Second, admitting such a power, the act is unconstitutional in providing that 
any person claimed as a fugitive, may be reduced to a state of slavery without a 
trial, by jury. 

Third, that it is unconstitutional, because it vests the judicial power of the 
United States in Court Commissioners, contrary to the provisions of the Cpn- 

Mr. Sharpstein, the District Attorney, replied; Mr. "Watkins, 
associate counsel with Mr. Paine, followed; Mr. Paine made 
his closing argument; and a week later, June 7th, 1854, Justice 
Smith delivered his opinion, and discharged the prisoner — ^first, 
on the ground that the writ against him for violating the law 
was defective ; and secondly, that the Fugitive Slave act of 
September 18th, 1850, was unconstitutional. The writ was 
pronounced defective, because it did not show that Garland, 
the declared owner of the fugitive, had claimed Grlover, or that 
any one else had claimed him ; and because it did not show 
that Glover was a fugitive from labor; and every doubt or 
omission was to be interpreted in favor of liberty. 

He argued the unconstitutionality of the Fugitive act on the 
ground, first, that the constitutional provision for the return 
of fugitives from service or labor, was given by a compact of 
the States, and that in such case the parties to the compact—- 
the States themselves — were obligated to enforce the law, and 
Congress had no right to legislate upon the subject; secondly, 
that the provision of the Fugitive act, for the trial of persons 
claimed and arrested by commissioners, and not constitutional 
judicial officers, was a violation of the compact, and hence 
void ; thirdly, that the act violates the provision for all trials 
relative to life, liberty, or property, by due process of law, 
passing judgment upon a person summarily, without his " day 
in court," and alluding also to the denial of the right of trial 
by jury. 


Reviewing tte history of the article in the Constitution for 
the return of fugitives, he says : 

Plan after plan for the organization of the government was made and presented, 
resolution upon resolution offered and discussed, embracing the whole ground of 
Federal and State rights and powers, without one word being mentioned about 
fugitive slaves ; and when it did occur to the minds of some members, suggested 
unquestionably by the, clause in regard to fugitives from justice,, it is quietly agreed 
that the States would deliver up such fugitives from labor. No power was asked 
for the Federal G-overiiment to seize them ; no such power was dreamed of ; the 
proposition that the States should respectively deliver them up was acquiesced in 
without any, dissent. Tet we are tol4, arguendo, by judicial authority, that without 
such a clause, the tTuiou could not have been formed, and that this provision was 
one of the essential compromises between the South and the North. In point of 
fact, it did not enter in the slighest degree into the compromises between the North 
and the South. 

On the illegality of federal legislation on the subject, he 
said : 

Can it be supposed for a moment, that had the framers of the Constitution 
imagined, that under this provision the Federal Government would assume to over- 
ride the State, authorities, appoint subordinate tribunals in every county in every 
State, invested with jurisdiction beyond the reach or inquiry of the State judiciary, 
to multiply executive ofi&cers ad infinitum, wholly independent of, and irresponsible 
to the police regulations of the State, and that the whole army and navy of the 
Union could be sent into a State, without the request and against the remonstrance 
of the legislature thereof: nay, that even under its operations the efficacy of the 
writ of Habeas Corpus could be destroyed, if the privileges thereof were not wholly 
suspended ; if the inembers of the Convention had dreamed that they were incor- 
porating Such a power into the Constitution, does any one believe that it would 
have been adopted without opposition and without debate ? And if these results 
had suggested themselves to the States on its adoption, would it have been passed 
by them, siib silentio, jealous as they were of State rights and State sovereignty ? 
The idea is preposterous. The Union would never have been formed upon such 
a basis. i 

Regarding the obligation of the States to obey the article of 
the Constitution, he observed : 

To my mind, therefore, it is apparent that Congress has no constitutional power 
to legislate on this subject. It is equally apparent, that the several States can pass no 
jaw's, nor adopt any regulatiohs, by which the fugitive may be discharged from ser- 
vice.. All such laws and regulations must be declared void whenever they are brought 
to the test of judicial scrutiny. State or national. It is equally apparent, that it is 
the duty of the respective States to make laws and regulations for the faithftil 
observance of this compact. ^They have generally done so, and doubtless would 


have continued so to do, but for tlie decision of the .United States Supreme Court, 
in the case of Prigg vs. CommonweaWh of Pennsylvania. It is still their duty so 
to do. 

Again, it is to my mind apparent, that the provision of the Constitution in 
regard to fugitives from labor or service, contemplates a judicial determination of 
the lawfulness of the claim -which may be made. 

* * ** » * * » * * 

Contemporaneous history, contemporaneous exposition, early and long-con- 
tinued acquiescence, all go to show the interpretation given to this provision of the 
Constitution by the States and the people. The slave States passed acts to execute 
the compact. The free States did the same. The action of the several States, or 
many of them, shows conclusively that they interpreted the provision as a compact 
merely addressed to the good faith of the States. The slave States appealed to the 
free States for legislative action to carry into effect this provision of the Federal 
Constitution, and demanded of the latter the stem exercise of a power which it is 
now sought to wrest from them. In 182-6, the State of Maryland appointed com- 
missioners to attend upon the session of the Legislature of Pennsylvania and induce 
the latter to pass an act to facilitate the reclamation of fugitive slaves. Their 
mission was succesSfal. Pennsylvania yielded to the solicitations of Maryland's 
commissioners, and passed the act of 1826, which was afterwards declared void by 
the Supreme Court of the United States, in Prigg vs. Peniisylvania, at the suit of 
Maryland. In 1836 or 1837, similar commissioners were appointed by the State of 
Kentucky to the State of Ohio, whose mission resulted in the passage]of a most strin- 
gent fugitive act by the Legislature of Ohio. So also about the same time in regard 
to Indiana, and, I believe, Illinois. Up to 1831, the States esteemed it their duty, 
and slave States demanded its performance, to provide by law for the execution 
and faithful observance of this compact. All seemed to regard it as a compact, and 
nothing else ; binding, it is true, and operative as law equally upon aU, but still a 
compact only. ^ 

He concluded Ms argument, wMcli has been highly regarded 
by some of the best legal minds of the country, as follows : 

What then is to be done ? Let the free States return to their duty if they have 
departed from it, and be faithful to the compact in the true spirit in which it was 
conceived and adopted. Let the slave States be content with such an execution of 
the compact as the framers of it contetaplated. Let the Federal Government return 
to the exercise of the just powers conferred by the Constitution, and few, very few, 
will be found to disturb the tranquillity of the nation or to oppose by word or deed 
the duo execution of the laws. But until this is done, I solemnly believe, that 
there will be no peace for the States or the nation, but that agitation, acrimony, 
,and hostility will mark our progress, even if we escape a more dread calamity, 
which I will not even mention. 

However this may be, well knowing the cost, I feel a grateful consciousness 
of having discharged my duty, and full duty ; of having been true to the sovereign 
rights of my State, which has honored me with its confidence, and to the Constitution 
of my country, which has blessed me with its protection ; and though I may stana 
alone, I hope I may stand approved of my God, as I know I do of my conscience. 


After tliis decision, the case was carried to the full bench of 
the Supreme Court, at its July term, where, by a unanimous 
decision, the discharge of the prisoner was confirmed, on the 
ground of a defective writ; and in regard to the constitu- 
tionality of the Fugitive act, Chief Justice Whiton agreeing 
with Justice Smith, and Jtistice Crawford dissenting from his 
opinion. The Chief Justice gave a lengthy and able decision, 
in one passage expressing himself thus : 

We are of opinion that so much of the act of Congress in question as refers to 
the commissioners for decision, the questions of fact which are to he established by 
evidence before the alleged fugitive can be delivered up to the claimant, is repugnant 
to the Constitution of the United States, and therefore void for two reasons, — first, 
because it attempts to confer upon those ofSoers judicial powers ; and second, 
because it is a denial of the right of the alleged fugitive to have those questions tried 
and decided by a jury which, we think, is given him by the Constitution of the 
United States. 

Justice Crawford was understood to be opposed to the 
Fugitive Slave act in principle, but he was not prepared to 
pronounce the act of 1850 unconstitutional, because the United 
States Supreme Court, in the Prigg case, concerning the Fugi- 
tive act of 1793, decided tha^ Congress had power to enact a 
fugitive law. 

Soon after Mr. Booth, and others, were arrested under an 
indictment found by the United States District Court. His 
former bail was refused; he declined to give any other and 
went to jail, the State Court denying a writ of Habeas Corpus, 
on the ground that now the case was in the Federal Court. 

At the session of the United States Supreme Court in 1858 
and 1859, it assumed control of Mr. Booth's case, (though the 
Supreme Court of the State had refused to send its papers to 
that body,) and sent down its order to the State Court to 
review its decision, discharging the prisoner, and to remand 
him to federal custody. This the Supreme Court declined 
doing, on the ground that the United States Supreme Court 
had no rightful jurisdiction over its proceedings. The United 
States Court affirmed the validity of the Fugitive Slave law, 
and acknowledged that a State Court might properly grant a 
Habeas Corpus for one imprisoned by a Federal Court, but that 
when it was duly informed by the federal officer that the 


prisoner was held by federal authority it was bound to desist 
from further action; its sovereignty extending to that point, 
but no farther. There the subject was left by the courts, 
Wisconsin having been conspicuous before the nation in 
respect to judicial action on the subject, and in regard to the 
instance on which the final decision was made. 

Mr. Booth was released from prison through a pardon by 
Mr. Buchanan, granted two days before he vacated the presi- 
dential chair, though not received by the prisoner until six 
days after Mr. Lincoln's inauguration. The assigned reason 
of the pardon was, Mr. Booth's claim that he was unable to 
pay the fine of one thousand dollars and costs, and the sup- 
posed vindication of the law. Civil suits in the case are still 

The Legislature of the State, in March, 1858, passed resolu- 
tions condemnatory of the Supreme Court of the United States, 
which had the approval of the Governor. They were doubt- 
less entitled to their opinion, and thus far right. But when 
they recommended resistance to the Federal Court and Gov- 
ernment on this subject, did it not imply an untenable doctrine 
of State rights? There must be supreme authority some- 
where. If it is in the States, then there is no Federal Govern- 
ment. If in the Federal Government, then there must be, not 
always an acquiesence of opinion, but submission to govern- 
mental action. They may agitate, influence, vote, until they 
have changed the Government, and finally the Supreme Court 
of the nation itself. No other course is left, unless aggressions 
and oppressions from the federal authority become so great 
and are persisted in so long, that the right of revolution is the 
last and the justifiable resort, and the despotic power is 
thrown off — occasion for which may God ever prevent in this 

The judicial power, by the Constitution, extends to all cases 
arising under the laws of Congress. And " the judicial power 
of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court 
and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to 
time ordain and establish." The slave trade had actually 
been reopened at the South before the outbreak of the 
rebellion. If Northern States may interpret constitutional 


questions independent of the United States Supreme Court, 
then Southern States might equally well have interpreted the 
constitutional power to _ abolish the slave trade to suit their 
own practice, and the rebellion itself might have found justifi- 
cation. Opinions- and liberties to others equal to those we 
ask for ourselves is a cardinal principle, no matter i how 
corrupted and wrong our fellow men may have become. 

The right course of conduct under the Fugitive Slave law 
was, to seek to change it by every possible legitimate means, 
to refuse active obedience to any of its requirements contrary 
to gospel love for our neighbor, and suffer the penalty, to take 
every consistent advantage, in favor of liberty, of its defective 
administration, and to offer no resistance to the law unless the 
right of revolution had come, when the State could properly 
separate itself from the federal authority. The Supreme Court 
of the State could lawfully give its opinion, grant the Habeas 
Corpus, and stay unconstitutional proceedings within its juris- 
diction, even under a law of Congress, until the United States 
Supreme Court should sustain the federal law. Then the 
laborious and patient, but peaceful, agitation for a change 
should commence. Such was the opinion of some before the 
war. Such will be the general opinion now. 


It is not legitimate tp say that the doctrine of. State rights 
was a cause of the rebellion, except that it furnished an occasion 
or opportunity for it. There were one or more reasons under- 
lying State rights. One historian (Victor) says, that it was 
" the numerical preponderance of the ISTorth, and, under the 
Constitution, its ability hereafter to control the legislation of 
Congress by-virtue of its resistless majority." But this does 
not sufficiently probe the subject to fi,nal causes. What is it 
that created the desire to be rid of that majority? The l^Torth' 
West does not desire a secession from the nation, though in 
itself a minority. lyTor does 'New England, though destined to 
be always inferior in numbers and territory to the rest. Once 
it was said, that the protective policy was the real incitement 
to the South Carolina Nullification. But there was a deeper 


cause, as General Jackson intimated when he denied that it 
was the tariff. 

One of the principle causes, if not the ultimate one, had but 
a small beginning, and that chiefly or wholly with one man — 
John 0. Calhoun. He had an insatiate ambition. A steady, 
persistent pride reigned and reveled in his heart. If he, 
instead of Andrew Jackson, had been elected President in 
1828, it is possible the rebellion had never occurred. His 
selfishness might have been sufficiently gratified without his 
seeking a southern kingdom. Had he been subsequently 
elected instead of Martin Van Buren, whom he so much hated 
and despised, had he been willing to do the little thing of 
calling upbn the wife of Major Eaton, Jackson's Secretary of 
"War, and thus help to makfe her " a person of reputation," 
which was readily done by Mr. Van Buren, he might have been 
the successor of President Jackson, and thus his ambition been 
satisfied. But history tells us that his disappointment took 
the turn toward nullification. Early in life he was a more 
honorable man than in later years. On entering Congress he 
was a model of sobriety and good morals. While many 
others drank and gambled, jested and quarreled, he did none 
of them, but with courage and courteous mien kept on more 
in sympathy than in after years, with the nation from which 
he hoped to receive the highest civic honor. But baffled in 
his plans for that, he preferred, at last, to give, and partly did 
"give up all for his own brave, magnanimous little State 
of South Carolina." Yet Mr. Calhoun was always before 

In this mental condition he gravitated toward nullification, 
which he termed a " reserved power." That was once tried 
and failed. Colonel Benton says, (" Thirty Years," vol. ii., 
page 786,) that on his returning home from that defeat, he 
declared " that the South could never be united against the 
ISTorth on the tariff question; that the sugar interest of 
Louisiana would keep her out ; and that the basis of Southern 
union must be shifted to the slave question." " The South 
micst be against the JSTorth," and " must be united." Hence 
he devoted himself with great assiduity to the slave interests. 
His plans and acts did more for slavery aggressions and 


agitations, than perhaps all things else. He wanted to make 
the South mighty through slavery. For that end he wanted 
Texas and the territories, and he did not want the right of 
petition in Congress. With the whole South and a portion 
of the North, he could be President. His ambition and plans 
were designedly and inevitably communicated to others ; and 
when he died they were the inheritance of his friends and 
worshipers through all the South. This is an instance where 
one man gives bias to millions. Just as Mr. Jefferson, by 
some of his early views, gave universal prejudice to the 
Southern States against manufactures.* His subsequent 
change of opinion did not change the current he had given. 

Just so was a single book, the " Social Contract," by 
Rosseau, that may be said to have produced the French 
Eevolution. It did it by adopting the false theory, that the 
whole foundation of human society is the mere choice of man- 
kind — not at all in any will or authority of Cod. 

The general ambition and peculiar state of society at the 
South nurtured the doctrine of State rights. She never was 
cured of that heresy. The moral atmosphere at the Worth 
was such that one Hartford Convention sufficed ; but among 
Southei'n people it was a disease in the blood, never cast out. 
The grandfather of Ceneral Robert E. Lee, of the Rebellion, 
was Robert B. Lee, of Virginia, three-fourths of a century 
since, who, in 1790, just after the adoption of the Constitution, 
wrote the following : 

The Southern States are too weak at present to stand by themselves, and a general 
government will certainly be advantageous to us, as it produces no other effect 
than protection from hostilities and uniform commercial regulations.- And when we 
shall attain mm- natural degree of population, I flatter myself we slwll have the power to 
do owrselves justice, with dissolving the iond which binds us together. It is better to 
put up with these little inconveniences than to run the hazard of greater calamities, f 

Such was his dishonest plan to reap the advantages of both a 
Federal government and State sovereignty. It was false to those 
with whom the union was made. It was treason in the essence. 
The same idea Calhoun revived and nurtured. During the 

* Jefferson's Notes on Virginia. 

t "The Federalist." Edition of 1864, by J. C. Hamilton ; page 18. . 


war of 1812, lie said to Commodore Charles Stewart, " When 
we thus cease to control this nation, through a disjointed 
democracy, or any material obstacle in that party which shall 
tend to throw us out of that rule and control, we shall then 
resort to the dissolution of the Union." He tried his plan in the 
South Carolina Nullification, and failed. He then left it to 
others to try. " In the news that the men of California had 
chosen freedom, Calhoun heard the knell of parting slavery; 
and on his death-bed he counseled secession."* 

The Partisan Leader, a novel, prophetic of secession, by Beverly 
Tucker, Professor in Wilham and Mary College, Virginia, 
was issued in 1836. General John A. Quitman, formerly of 
the United States army, once Governor of Mississippi, wrote 
in March, 1851, to Colonel Preston, of South Carolina, as 
follows : 

I believe, then, from present indications, that Mississippi, if her propositions [in 
the Union] are not promptly acceded to, will invite her neighboring sister Slates 
tofm-mwifh her a new Confederacy. She may, from her weakness, and the incon- 
venience of her position, withhold the final act until one of her immediate neigh- 
bors shall also be willing to join her. 

I concur with you in the opinion that the political equality of the slaveholding 
States is incompatible with the present confederation, as construed and acted on 
by the majority, and that the present Union and slavery cannot coexist. * * * To 
those two States. [South Carolina and Mississippi] alone, then, can we look for any 
efficient action. The latter is not yet fully prepared for filial action ; she has less 
capital, is younger and weaker than the former, and has no seaport. The former 
should, then, take the lead, and fearlessly and confidently act for herself. Thi3 would 
prevent practical issues from her neighbors. Mississippi would, I feel assured, take 
position by her side, and soon all the adjoining States would follow her example. 
* * * If, therefore, the people of South Carolina have made up their minds to 
withdraw from the Union at all events, whether joined by other States or not, my 
advice would be to do so without waiting for the action of any other State, as I 
believe there would be more probability of favorable action on the part of the 
other Southern States after her secession than before. So long as the several 
aggrieved States wait for one another, their action will be over cautious and timid. 
Great political movements, to be successful, must be bold, and must present prac- 
tical and simple issues. * * * The secession of a So\ithern State would startle 
the whole South, and force other States to meet the issue plainly ; it would present 
practical issues, and exhibit everywhere a wider-spread discontent than politicians 
have imagined. In less than two years all the States south of you [South Caro- 
lina] would unite their destiny to yours. Should the Federal Govei-nment attempt 
to employ force, an active and cordial union of the whole South would be instantly effected, 
and a complete Southern Confederacy < 

* Bancroft's Oration on the martyred President Lincoln. 


"The Union, and slavery," he said, "gotiM not co-exist." 
Slavery is naade the chief or only cause of the contemplated 
" secession." 

The cause of the rebellion has sometimes been assigned to 
the fact that the South were an agricultural and not a manu- 
facturing people. Carey, Montesquieu, Buckle, and even 
Oicero, are quoted to show that agriculture tends to accretion 
of estates, to ignorance, to aristocracy, to despotism, and 
enslavement of the masses.* Yet the West is devoted to agri- 
culture, and has been equally patriotic with the East. Large 
estates do indeed tend to ignorance by rendering the common 
free school less practicable; richness of soil may incite covet- 
ousness, and that may produce poverty and ignorance with the 
masses ; the warm climate of the South favors indolence, and 
that favors power with the few, and serfdom with the many; 
but neither agriculture, soil, nor climate, nor all combined, are 
sufficient causes to produce either slavery or rebellion. They 
have furnished some circumstances favorable to slavery. 
Slavery has been more easily preserved and extended at the 
South than it could have been at the JJiforth ; but crime and 
oppression do not spring out of the ground or the atmosphere. 
The question is asked, why the Southern people clung to 
slavery while the IsTorthern people banished it? Neither 
climate, soil, products, nor business can answer the inquiry. 
There must have been a reason beyond all these. Slavery 
never had so strong a hold at the ISTorth as at the South, and 
hence was more easily uprooted. Besides, it had in IsTew 
England and the Central States, a stronger moral force against 
it. The statesmen at the South who testified against slavery, 
annulled much of their testimony by their practice of it. 
l^ot so much was it so at the ISTorth. Further, the South 
never had that strong and persistent influence against slavery 
from the pulpit, which such able and consistent men as Doctor 
Hopkins and the younger Doctor Edwards gave at the ISTorth ; 
men whose disquisitions on that subject remain still among 
the most complete and powerful of all arguments against hold- 
ing a fellow man as property. 

* Nortli Amerioan Review, No. cox., page 29. 



A portion of the ITortliern press had some responsibility in 
fostering the pride of the South, in encouraging their preten- 
sions, and in misinforming them of the true temper of the 
people at the JSTorth, and of the probahle issue of -any con- 
flict that might occur; all which favored their, apostate and 
treasonable spirit. 

The rebellion could hardly have put on the face of apology 
even to itself, loithout a false doctrine of State rights. But it 
required more than State rights, more than the most craving 
thirst for power, more than climate or pursuits ; it required a 
corrupted state of society, and a corrupting and iniquitous 
present object to be secured, to give an adequate base on 
which to originate, and project on its mad tvay, the late 

The chief plank in that foundation was slavery. Others 
were, ambition, love of power, State rights, climate, pursuits. 
But slavery fed ambition, enhanced the love of power, 
cherished and propagated the doctrine of State rights, luxuri- 
ated in the warm climate, condemned manufacturers, and 
craved large agricultural estates, all which fostered and fat- 
tened herself, and produced a state of society inimical to free- 
dom. Yet freedom girt her about with strong chains. Liberty 
was not liberty for slavery. She would not brook even the 
moral restraint. She would break away from control ; hence 
the rebellion. The doctrine of State rights was not the underly- 
ing cause, but the justifying plea and the rallying standard of the 






speech. — ^the action op president buchanan and op con- 
gress. the secession ordinances of southern states. forma- 
tion of the confederacy.— inauguration of president lincoln, 
and his address.' — the confederate commissioners and secretary 
Seward's "memorandum." — special session of the senate. — 
SENATOR Howe's speech. — attack on fort sumter, and its 

The election of Abraham Lincoln to the presidency was a 
coveted object with the secession party at the South. It would 
give them the largest semblance of excuse for the accomplish- 
ment of their designs. Yet, if Mr. Douglas had been elected, 
they probably would not have been deterred, though possibly 
delayed. But his election they had strenuously endeavored to 
prevent, by withdrawing from the Charleston Democratic 
nominating convention, and supporting Breckenridge for that 
office. At a secret convention of Southern G-overnors, in 
Ealeigh, North Carolina, October, 1856, it was decided, that 
in case General Fremont was elected President, Governor 
Wise, of Virginia, should march with twenty thousand men 
to "Washington, and prevent his inauguration at that place. 
In 1860 the plans were more mature and direct to accomplish 
secession. October 25th, 1860, at a meeting of South Carolina 
politicians, it was unanimously decided that in case Mr. 
Lincoln was elected, an event confidently expected, their State 
should secede from the Union. Similar meetings were held 
in other Southern States, with like resolves. The day before 


the election, Governor Gist, of South Carolina, delivered his 
annual message to the Legislature of that State, in which he 
said: "I would earnestly recommend that, in the event of 
Abraham Lincoln's election to the presidency, a convention 
of the people of this State he immediately called, to consider 
and determine for themselves the mode and measure of 
redress." Public speakers of the State indicated, before the 
election, that that redress would he secession. The Legisla- 
ture called a convention, to meet December 17th, with the 
avowed intention to withdraw from the Union. A military 
convention in Georgia, ISTovember 12th, passed resolves for the 
same action by that State. Governors of other Southern 
States called conventions for the same purpose. Southern 
senators and representatives in Congress begin to resign their 
places. The Georgia Legislature appropriates |1,000,000 "to 
arm and equip the State." The Louisiana Legislature votes 
$500,000 for the same object, and other States take similar 

And what, more definitely, was the plea on the part of the 
South for this course of proceeding ? The first and probably 
the fullest declaration of causes for their action was made at 
a secession meeting in Mobile, November 15th. The more 
important passages are as follows : 

It [the Federal G-OYernment] claims to abolish slavery in the districts, forts, 
arsenals, dockyards, and other places ceded to the United States. To abolish the 
inter-State slave trade, and thus out off the Northern Slave States from their profits 
of production, and tho Southern from their resources of supply of labor. 

It claims to forbid all equality and competition of settlement in the common 
territories, by the citizens of slave States. 

It repels all further admission of new slave States. 

It has nullified the Slave act in the majority of the free States. 

It has denied the extradition of murderers, and marauders, and other felons. 

It has concealed and shielded the murderer of masters or owners in pursuit of 
fugitive slaves. 

It has refused to prevent or punish by State authority the spoliation of slave 
property ; but, on the contrary, it has made it a criminal offence in the citizens of 
several States to obey the laws of the Union for the protection of slave property. 

It has advocated negro equality, and made it the ground of "positive legislation 
hostile to the Southern States. 

It opposes protection to slave property on the high seas, and has justified piracy 
itself in tho case of the Creole. 


• It has kept in 'OUr midst emiasaries of incendiarism to corrupt our slaves and 
induce them to run off, or incite them to rebellion and insurrection. 

It has run off millions' of slave property, by a system Of what are called " under- 
ground railroads," and has made its tenure so precarious in the border slave States 
as nearly to have abolitionized two of them — Ma-ryland and Missouri; and it is 
making similar inroads ooastaatly upon Virginia and Kentucky. 

It has invaded a territory by arms furnished by Emigrant Aid Societies, under 
State patronage, and by funds furnished by foreign' enemies, in Canada and Q-reat 

It has invaded Virginia and shed the blood of her citizens on her o^n soil. 

It has repudiated the decisions of the Supreme Court. 

It assails us from the pulpit, the press, and the school room. It divides all 
sects and religions, as well as parties. It denounces slaveholders as degraded by 
the lowest immoralities, insults them in every form, and holds them up to the scorn 
of mankind. 

It has already a majority of the States under its domination ; has infected the 
Federal as well as the State Judiciary ; will, ere long, have a majority of the House 
of Representatives of the Congress of the United States ; will soon have, by the 
new census, a majority of the Senate ; and before it obtains the Senate, certainly 
will obtain the chief executive power of the United States. 

It has announced its purpose of total abolition in, the States and everywhere, 
as well as in the Territories and districts, and other places ceded. 

It has proplaimed an ' ' irresistible conflict ' ' of higher law with the Federal 
Constitution itself ! 

Its candidate elect to the Chief Magistracy has proclaimed that " the Govern- 
ment cannot . endure half slave and half free " — that there is an "irrepressible 
conflict between opposing and enduring forces — that the United States must and 
will, sooner or later, -become a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor 
nation. ' ' 

Concerning these charges it is to be said, that some of them 
were not true of the Grovernment, of the ll^orth, or of any- 
party. Offending individuals were amenable to the laws and 
the Constitution, and redress, if desired, should have been 
persistently sought there. Some questions had indeed been 
decided against the South; but by a legal majority, and in 
accordance with the doctrines of the fathers previous to the 
apostacy in the nation on the subject of slavery. Some of the 
charges pertain merely to matters of opinion and moral suasion, 
with no violation of the Constitution, as in the case of Mr. 
Lincoln's anti-slavery doctrines. And in some part of the 
charges the South had reasonable complaint against a small 
portion of the IsTorth, according to the Constitution. But there 
was like and more cause of complaint on the part of the 
l^orth, for constitutional infractions by and in favor of the 


South. The arbiters, in either case, were Congress and 
the Supreme Court, and not the repetition of offences, or, 

But the real chief complaint was the fact, that they had lost 
their control of the nation, which was evinced, they assumed, 
by the election of Mr. Lincoln. And to that cause for seces- 
sion it may be said to the South, " Out of thine own mouth do 
I condemn thee." At the opening of the Legislature in 
Georgia, which assembled at Milledgeville, !N'ovember 8th, 
1860, Mr. A. H. Stephens boldly and ably spoke as follows : 

The flrat question that presents itself is, Shall the people of the South secede 
from the Union in consequence of the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of 
the United States? My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly, and earnestly, 
that I do not think that they ought. In my judgment, the election of no man, 
constitutionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause for any State to 
separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still In maintaining the Con- 
stitution of the country. To make a point of resistance to the Government;^ — to 
withdraw from it, because a man has been constitutionally elected — puts us in the 
wrong. We are pledged to maintain the Constitution. Many of us have sworn 
to support it. Can we, therefore, for the mere election of a man to the Presidency 
— and that, too, in accordance with the prescribed forms of the Constitution — 
make a point of resistance to the Government, and, without becoming the 
breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves, withdraw ourselves from it? Would 
we not be in the wrong ? Whatever fate is to befall this country, let it never be 
laid to the charge of the people of the South, and especially of the people of 
Georgia, that we were untrue to our national engagements. Let the fault and the 
wrong rest upon others. If all our hopes are to be blasted, if the Republic is to go 
down, let us be found to the last moment standing on the deck, with the Constitu- 
tion of the United States waving over our heads. (Applause.) Let the fanatics of 
the North break the Constitution, if such is their fell purpose. Let the responsi- 
bility be upon them. I shall speak presently more of their acts ; but let not the 
South, let us not be the ones to commit the aggression. We went into the election 
with this people ; the result was different from what we wished, but the election 
has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the 
Government, and go out of the Union on that account, the record would be made 
up hereafter against us. 

But, it is said, Mr. Lincoln's policy and principled are against the Constitution, 
and that, if he carries them out, it will be destructive of our rights. Let us not 
anticipate a threatened evil. If he violates the Constitution, then will come our time 
to act Do not let us break it, because, forsooth, he may. If he does, that is the 
time for us to strike. (Applause.) I think it would be injudicious and unwise to 
do this sooner. I do not anticipate that Mr. Lincoln will do anything to jeopardize 
our safety or security, whatever'may be his spirit to do it ; for he is bound by the 
constitutional checks which are thrown around him, which, at this time render 
him powerless to do any groat mischief. This shows the wisdom of our system. 


The President of th'e United States is no emperor, no dictator — he is clothed with 
no absolute power. He can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. 
The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him. In the 
Senate he will also be powerless. There will be a majority of four against him. 
This, after the loss of Biglsjr, Fitch, and others, by the unfortunate dissensions of 
the Democratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an officer with- 
out the' consent of the Senate — he cannot form a Cabinet without the same consent. 
He'will be in the condition of G-eorge ITI: (the embodiment of Toryism), who had 
to ask the "Whigs to appoint his Ministers, and was compelled to receive a Cabinet 
utterly opposed to his views ; and' so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to ask of thd 
Senate to choose for him a Cabinet, if the Democracy of that body choose to put 
him on such terms. He will be compelled to do this, or let the G-oVernment stop, 
if the National Democratic men — for that is their name at the North — ^the conserva- 
tive men in the' Senate — should so determine. Then, how can Mr. Lincoln obtain 
a Cabinet which would aid him, or allow him, to violate the Constitution? 

Why, then, I say, should we disrupt the bonds of the Union, when his hands are 
tied — when he can do nothing against us ? 

At a later date, in January, 1861, Mr. Stephens made a still 
stronger speecli against secession, and showed in a striking 
manner the many superior advantages which the South had 
always had in the Union. The address was delivered in the 
Georgia State Convention, which finally voted to secede. He 
spoke ks follows : 

This step (of secession) once taken can never be recalled ; and all the baneful 
and withering, consequences that must follow will rest on the convention for all 
coming time. When we and our posterity shall see the lovely South desolated by 
the demon of war, which this act of yours will inevitably invite and call forth ; when 
our green fields of waving harvest shall be trodden down by the murderous soldiery 
and fiery car of war sweeping over our land ; our temples of justice laid in ashes ; 
all the horrors and desolations of war upon us ; who hut this convention will be helH 
responsible for it ? and who but him who shall have given his vote for this unwise 
and lU-timed measure, as I honestly think and believe, sliall be held to strict accownt. 
for this suicidal act by the present generation^ and probably cursed and exeerated by pos- 
terity, for alt coming time, for the wide and desolating ruin that wiU inevitably follow 
this act you now propose to perpetrate 1 

Pause, I entreat you, and consider for a moment what reasons you can give that 
will even satisfy yourselves in calmer moments — what reason can you give to your 
fellow-sufferers in the calamity that it will bring upon us ? What reasons can you give to 
the nations of the earth to justify it f They will be tlie calm and deliberate judges in the 
case ; and what cause, or one overt act, can you name or point to on which to rest the 
plea of justification ? What right has the North assailed ? What interest of the South has 
been invaded? A¥hat justice, has been denied? and what claim, founded in justice 
and right, has been withheld? Can either of you to-day name one governmental 
act of wrong, deliberately and purposely done by the Government of Washington, 
of which the South has a right to complain? I challenge the answer. While on 
the other hand, let me show the fact (and believe me, gentlemen, I am not here 


the advocate of the North ; but I am here the friend, the firm friend and lover of 
the South and her institutions, and for this reason I speak thus plainly and faithfully 
for yours, mine, and every other man's interest, the words of truth and soberness,) 
of which I wish you to judge, and I will only state facts, which are clear and 
undeniable, and which now stand as records authentic in the history of our 

"When we of the South demanded the slave trade, or the importation of Africans 
for the cultivation of our lands, did they not yield the right for twenty years? 
"When we asked a three-fifths representation in Congress for our slaves, was it 
&ot granted? "When we asked and demanded the return of any fugitive from 
justice, or the recovery of those persons owing labor or service, was i*- not incor- 
porated in the Constitution, and again ratified and strengthened by the fugitive slave 
law of 1850 ? But do you reply that in many instances they have violated the com- 
pact, and liave not been faithful to their engagements? As individuals and local 
communities they may have done so, but not by the sanction of Government, for 
that has always been true to Southern interests. 

Again, gentlemen, look at another fact : when we have asked that more territory 
should be added, that we might spread the institution of slavery, have they not 
yielded to our demands in giving us Louisiana, Florida, and Texas, out of which 
four States have been carved, and ample territory for four more to be added in due 
time, if you, by this unwise and impolitic act, do not destroy this hope, and, per- 
haps, by it lose all, and have your last slave wrenched from you by stern military 
rule, as South America and Mexico were ; or by the vindictive decree of a 
universal emancipation, which may reasonably be expected to follow ? 

But, again, gentlemen, what have we to gain by this proposed change of our 
relations to the General Government? "We have always had the control, and can 
yet, if we remain in it, and are as united as we have been. "We have had a majority 
of the Presidents chosen from the South, as well as the control and management 
of, most of those chosen from the North. "We have had sixty years of Southern 
Presidents to their twenty-four, thus controlling the executive department. So 
of the Judges of the Supreme Court, we have had eighteen from the South aud but 
eleven from the North ; although nearly four-fifths of the judicial business has arisen 
in the free States, yet a majority of the court has always been from the South. This 
we have required so as to guard against any interpretation of the Constitution 
unfavorable to us. In like manner we have been equally watchful to guard our 
interests in the legislative branch of Government. In choosing the presiding presi- 
dents (pro. tern.) of the Senate, we have had twenty-four to their eleven. Speakers 
of the House, wa have had twenty-three, and they twelve. "While the majority of 
the representatives, from their greater population, have always been from the 
North, we have so generally secured the Speaker, because he, to- a greater extent, 
sliapes and controls the legislation of the country. 

Nor have we had less control in every other department of the General Govern- 
ment. Attorney Generals we have liad fourteen, while the North have had but 
five. Foreign ministers we have had eighty-six, and they but fifty-four. "While 
three-fourths of the business which demands diplomatic agents abroad is clearly 
from the free States, from their greater commercial interests, yet we have had 
the principal embassies, so as to secure the world markets for cotton, tobacco, and 
sugar, on the best possible terms. "We have had a vast majority of the higher 
officers of both army and navy, while a large proportion of the soldiers and sailors 


were drawn, from the North. Equally so of clerks, auditors, and comptrollers 
filling tho; executive department, the records show for the last fifteen years that of 
three thousand thus employed we have had.more than two-thirds of the same, while 
we have but one- third of the white population of the EepuWic. 

Again, look at another Item, and one, be assured, in which we have a great and 
vital interest ; it is that of revenue, or means of supporting S-overnment. Prom 
of&cial documents we learn that a fraction, over three-fowrths of the revmue collected for 
the support of the Oove/rnment has uniformly been raised from the North. 
II- Pause -now while you can, gentlemen, and contemplate carefuDy and can- 
didly these important items. Leaving out of view, for the present, the count- 
less millions of dollars you , must expend in a war with the North, with ten 
thousands of your sons, and brothers slain in battle, and offered up as saerifices 
upon the altar of your, ambition — and for what ? ,we ask, again. It is for the over- 
throw of the American G-overnment, established by our common ancestry, cemented 
and built up by their sweat and blood, and founded on the broad principle of right, 
justice, and humanity. And as such, I must declare here, as I have often done be- 
fore, and which has been repeated by the greatest and wisest of statesmen amd patriots 
in this and other lands, thai it is the test and freest Government — the most equal in its 
rights, the most just in its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, and the most 
aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of man that the sun of heaven ever shone upon. 
Now for you to attempt to overthrow such a Government as this- under which we 
have lived for more than three-quarters of a century — in which we have gained 
our wealth, our standing as a nation, our domestic safety while the elements of 
peril are around us, with peace and tranquillity, accompanied with unbounded 
prosperity and rights unassailed — is the height of madness, folly, and wickedness, to 
which I can neither lend my sanction nor my vote. 

!N"otwit]istanding this truthful and eloquent defence of the 
North, Mr. Stephens had imbibed the pestilent State rights 
heresy, and declared in one of his speeches, " Should Georgia 
determine to go out of the Union, * * * * whatever the 
result may be, I shall bow to the will of the people." Georgia 
rebelled, and he with her. On the question of the right of 
secession for the reasons alleged, there was another judge, 
whose testimony, in the circumstances that surrounded him, is 
fentitled to very great credit, and reflects honor upon his 
memory. It was the voice of Mr. Douglas, who, while the 
chief opponent of Mr. Lincoln for the Presidency, in a can- 
vassing speech made at STorfolk, Virginia, declared, in reply 
to an inquiry, that should Mr. Lincoln be chosen President, he 
would not consider that a cause for resistance, but should 
adhere to and uphold the Union. 

Just previous — December 27th — Mr. Doolittle, in the 
United States Senate, showed the absurdity of the right of 
secession in a striking light. He said : 


The Constitution of the United States speaks in language clear enough that it is 
not in the power of one out of ten, or of one hundred, or of all the citizens of a 
State, to.annul an act of Congress, because the Constitution of the United States, 
and an act in pursuance of it, is a supreme law of that State, and binding upon every 
citizen of that State, and every citizen must act at his peril. Now if this doctrine 
is true, that a State by its own mere motioa can assemble in oonventiott a mass 
of its citizens, by resolutions dissolve its connection with the Federal Govern- 
ment, and put an end to the supremacy of the Constitution and laws of the United 
States, several other consequences must follow. If one State can secede from all 
the rest, I sunpose the Senator from Louisiana will not deny but that all the rest 
can secede from one, and that of necessity gives to this aovernment tie power to 
expel a State. Tour right of secession involves the right of expulsion. 

Let us go a little further, and see how this doctrine would apply in time of war. 
"We were" engaged in a war with Great Britain in 1812, and the New England 
States, it is said, were rather disaffected, and met in convention at Hartford. Now, 
if the doctrine of the gentleman is correct, any of the New England States could 
have resolved itself out at its pleasure, and gone over to the enemy. Our fortresses 
in Boston harbor, which we had manned, built, and filled with munitions and guns, 
they might have withdrawn from and surrendered to the enemy, and turned our 
own guns upon us. 

This is the consequence of this doctrine. But, again, take it in time of peace. 
Apply the doctrine to Pennsylvania, that she, by a simple resolution of her people, 
can withdraw from the United States. She could cut off aU the mail routes going 
across Pennsylvania, and we could not go from Virginia to New York without 
going across a foreign country. So, too, with Illinois ; if this doctrine is correct, 
we of the North-West could be cut off entirely from the East ; and especially if the 
Union is to be broken up, we could not go to New York except by leave of Illinois, 
or without going through the State of Kentucky, and you propose to make that a 
foreign jurisdiction. 

Apply this doctrine further. How is it with Florida, a little State of the Gulf 
that has 16,686 white inhabitants — almost as many as some of the counties in the 
State where I live? "VVe purchased this peninsula, and paid for it, to get rid of the 
foreign jurisdiction over it — also to get possession of the key, and command the en- 
trance to the Gulf "We paid $35,000,000 to take the Seminoles from it ; and now 
these 16,686 people, whom the good people of the United States permitted to go 
tliere and settle their territories — they had hardly population enough to be admitted 
as a State, but we have admitted them to full fellowship — Florida now attempts, 
by mere resolution of her people gathered together, to resolve herself out of the 
Union, and take all those fortresses, which we have spent thousands of dollars to 
make, with all our own guns, and turn them against us I 

How is it with Louisiana? The Government of the United States, upon wise 
national principles of great national policy, purchased from the Emperor of France, 
or the First Consul, the Territory of Louisiana, at an expense of $15,000,000. "We 
purchased it to obtain possession of the great valley of the Mississippi, and above 
all things, to hold the mouth of that river which controls all its commofce,. and 
discharges it upon the high seas of the world. Now, can it be contended here that 
because the people whom the Federal Government has permitted to go in there, 
and occupy its lands, and permitted to be introduced into the family of this reunion 
that she, in a moment of passion and excitement, by the mere resolution of her 


citizens, can resolve herself outside of the Confederacy, declare that she Is a foreign 
power, and take with her the control of the mouths of the Mississippi 7 I tell you, 
Mr. President, and I tell the Senator from Louisiana, that if any such doctrine had 
ijeen understood when Louisiana was admitted, she would never have been ad- 
mitted. I tell you, sir, if any such doctrine had been asserted, her people would 
never have been permitted to take possession of the swamps of Louisiana. They 
will not willingly consent , that she should hold the mouths of the Mississippi, and 
thus cpntrol the commerce that goes out into the Sulf. 

How has it been with Texas ? The Federal Government admitted Texas at a 
time when she had a sparse population, and there were many debts against her 
treasury, and her credit was impaired and broken. 'Vfe took her, as one of the 
States, into this Confederacy.; The result of her annexation brought the Mexican 
war, which cost us 40,000 lives and nearly $100,000,000. Now, when we have 
made her a good State, built fortifications, paid her debts, and raised her to a 
position of a State in this Confederacy, with prospects as glorious, perhaps more 
so than any other Southern State, is she now, in a single hour or moment of passion, 
to resolve herself out of the Union, andbecome a foreign power ? Suppose we had 
paid $200,000,000 for Cuba, and acquired her, with all her fortiflcations, she could 
now go out, and turn our own guns against us ? What is all our great boasted 
nationality ? Is it a farce and a delusion 1 

Gentlemen sometimes complain that the Republican party are disposed to do 
injustice to tlie citizens of the South, and to their social institutions especially. 
But what has been the history of the Government since it was formed under the 
Constitution ? "We have acquired Florida, Louisiana, Texas, and the territory from 
Mexico. We have surrendered a part of Maine, and given up our claim to a large 
part of Oregon. Florida cost us $40,000,000. It has been given up to the social 
Institutions of the South. We purchased Louisiana Territory, and two-thirds of 
the good land has been given up to the social institutions of the South. The an- 
nexation of Texas, the war with Mexico, and the acquisition of all those territories 
from Mexico, may be regarded as one transaction. Now I ask you, gentlemen, in 
all fairness and candor, to say whether we have not surrendered to your social 
institutions, your full share, comparing the number of persons who are employed 
in your system ot labor, with the free white citizens of the United States ? When 
I you speak of injustice, it is without foundation. Tou have had your fuU share, and 
more than your full share, of the territories we, have .acquired from the beginning 
up to this hour. 

I am sick and tired of hearing gentlemen stand up here and complain of the 
injustice done to this institution of the South. There is no foundation for it in our 
history — none whatever. * * * "What do we deny to you that we do not deny 
to ourselves? What single right have I in New Mexico that, you- have not? Tou 
say this law excludes your social institution. So it excludes pur banking institu- 
tions and our manufacturing corporations. Tour social institution is a kind of close 
corporation, existing under the laws of your States, not existing by the common law 
of the country. We deny yon no right which we do not deny ourselves. * * * 
If we acquire territory, .you are asking too niuch when you ask us to convert it to 
slave territory. It is impossible that we can have peace upon any such doctrine as 
that. Tou must allow the free territories to remain free. We will not interfere 
with your institution where it exists. Sir, that is peace. I repeat, that non- 
interference by the General Government or by the free-State men, with slavery in 


the States, and non-interference lay the General Government or by the slayeliolders, 
against freedom in the territories, is peace. 

Cougress assembled December 3rd. President Buchanan's 
message was strongly conciliatory toward the South, and dis- 
paraging of the I^orth for her aggressions on slavery. It 
denied the right of secession, but deprecated coercion. The 
next day, instead of acting as Jackson did in the time of l^J'ulli- 
fication, he sent a messenger (not troops) to South Carolina, 
to urge a postponement of action in regard to secession until 
Congress should have time to act on compromises. December 
7th, he declared his determination to send no more troops to 
Charleston, and to avoid on his part a collision. December 
13th, in a Cabinet meeting, he opposed the reinforcement of Fort 
Moultrie, and the determination being made to adhere to that 
policy, on the 14th General Cass, Secretary of State, resigned. 
On the 18th, Mr. Crittenden introduced into the Senate his cele- 
brated sompromise resolutions, which proposed to renew the Mis- 
souri Compromise line, prohibiting slavery in the territory north 
of 36° 30', and protecting it south of that latitude ; to admit new 
States with or without slavery, as their constitution shall pro- 
vide ; to prohibit the abolition of slavery by Congress in the 
States (which no considerable party ever claimed the right to 
do) ; to prohibit its abolition in the District of Columbia while 
Virginia and Maryland are slaveholding States ; to permit the 
transportation of slaves in any of the States, by land or water ; 
to provide for the payment for fugitive slaves when rescued ; 
to repeal the inequality of the fee to the Commissioner for 
remanding fugitives to slavery ; to ask the repeal of all Per- 
sonal Liberty bills in the northern States ; and to submit these 
propositions to the people for amendments to the Constitution, 
which should never be changed or annulled. 

On the same day, and the next, Andrew Johnson, Senator 
from Tennessee, now chief magistrate of the nation, spoke on 
these resolutions, denying the right of secession, calling on the 
President to enforce the laws, whatever the results, and pro- 
nouncing resistance to the federal laws treason. December 
20th, the South Carolina Legislature voted unanimously to 
secede from the IJnion, and the Methodist Conference of that 
State voted sympathy with the movement. Charleston and 


many localities at the South are now almost frantic with 
delight — the stars and stripes are taken down — the Palmetto 
and other State flags are floating on the breeze. The North 
moves on, little disturbed, little noticing these events. 

On the night of December 26th, Major Anderson evacuated 
Fort Moultrie, and the next day found him, with his small 
force of eighty men, in Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor. 
But he had not raised his country's flag there without first 
haying knelt reverently down before G-od in the presence of 
his men, while his chaplain fervently led in prayer. 

His retreat from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, an event so 
portentous, thrilled excitement through the country. Troops 
in Charleston were ordered out ; troops were tendered to South 
Carolina from other Southern States. The next day Fort 
Moultrie and Castle Pinckney were occupied by military of 
the State, and the State authorities took possession of the 
custom house and post office. Soldiers poured into Charles- 
ton; the Federal flag was nowhere seen, except over Fort 
Sumter. December 29th, John B. Floyd resigned his place 
as Secretary of "War, assigning the impudent reason, that the 
President refused to withdraw Major Anderson from Charles- 
ton Harbor entirely. But he did not leave until he had dis- 
tributed the few soldiers of the nation chiefly in the far west, 
leaving the fortresses in the Southern States well nigh defence- 
less, that they might be easily captured. He had trans- 
ferred one hundred and fifteen thousand stand of arms from 
Springfield, Massachusetts, and "Watervliet, Ifew York, 
to arsenals in the slave States. Seventy thousand" were in 
the arsenal at Charleston alone. He had sold to southern 
purchasers a large number of United States muskets, at $2.50 
each, worth $12 each. He had forwarded to the South a large 
amount of cannon, mortars, shell, ball, and powder. Moreover, 
under Secretary Isaac Toucey, of the Navy, our fleet of ninety 
vessels had been dispersed, leaving only two vessels, carrying 
twenty-seven guns and two hundred and eighty men, in 
northern ports. Under Secretary Howell Cobb, upwards of 
six millions of dollars had been stolen from the Treasury. 

Near the close of the year, "Washington city was supposed 
to be in danger of seizure by secession soldiers, who had a 


long time been secretly drilling for some military purpose. 
G-eneral Scott took measures for defence. Three South Caro- 
lina commissioners were sent to Washington, to treat with the 
United States Government. Mr. Buchanan declined to receive 
them as such, and they went home very indignant. 

At the earnest solicitation of others. President Buchanan 
sent the unarmed steamer " Star of the' West" with provisions 
and two hundred and fifty men, for the relief of the beleaguered 
fort. On the morning of the 9th of January she entered Charles- 
ton Harbor. But Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary 
of the Interior at Washington, had informed his fellow con- 
spirators at the South of the plan adopted, and when the 
steamer came near Morris Island heavy cannon opened upon 
her. She had no guns with which to defend herself or her 
cause, and turning about, steamed out of the harbor. Thiis 
were shameful insult and defiance hurled upon the nation. 

In Congress Senator Benjamin, of Louisiana, made a flam- 
ing secession speech. Senator Baker, of Oregon, made a 
masterly reply. Mr. Douglas spoke in favor of a compromise 
with the South, by giving constitutional guarantees, and charged 
the cause of the present troubles on the Republican party. In 
the extra session of the Senate he said to Senator Howe : " K I 
had succeeded in defeating your party at the presidential elec- 
tion, thereby rendering it certain that the policy of that party 
was not to be carried into efifect, the people of the Southern 
States would have rested in security that they were safe, and 
the Union never would have been dissolved." That was 
possible only by yielding the whole question on the subject of 
slavery. The South were determined to rule. The apostacy 
had become despotism. 

Mr. Seward, soon to enter the new cabinet, made a highly 
conciliatory speech. Mr. Crittenden's resolutions were lost in 
the Senate. A committee of thirty-three was appointed in the 
House, as there had been of thirteen in the Senate, to consider 
the state of the Union. Mr. Corwin, as chairman, reported^ — 
that all attempts on the part of State Legislatures to hinder 
the recovery and surrender of fugitives from labor were un- 
constitutional, and that the States be requested to revise their 
laws in that regard ; that Congress has no authority to inter- 


fere witli slavery in the States; that all attempts to rescue 
fugitive slaves should be discountenanced ; that it is the duty 
of the Government to enforce the federal laws and preserve 
the TJnioD, ; and recommended some other action designed to 
soothe the South. Mr. Corwin also reported a joint resolution 
proposing an amendment of the Constitution, to the effect that 
Congress shall never have power over slavery in the States. 
The resolutions were adopted, and the proposed amendment 
was first rejected and then adopted by the House of Repre- 
sentatives, February' 28th, 1861, by a vote of one hundred and 
thirty-three to sixty-five; and subsequently by the Senate, by 
a vote of tweniy-four to twelve. The resolution was as 
follows : 

Article 13.' No amendment shall be made to the Oonatltutlon which will 
authorize ^r give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, 
with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or 
service by the laws of said State. 

Among those who voted for that amendment were such 
well-known names as Charles Francis Adams, Schuyler 
Colfax, "William A. Howard, of Michigan, John Sherman, and 
many less prominent Eepublicans. Had not the secessionists 
pressed the country into a war, there is great reason to believe 
that the necessary number of States would have ratified the 
proposed amendment, and thus made it possible for all States 
so disposed to continue slavery while the nation lasted, or, 
having once abolished it, to resume it again at pleasure. The 
nation, as such, could then never become, by constitutional 
law, anti-slavery. On looking back now, it seems hardly 
possible that such a resolution could have passed Congress ; 
yet many members of that body, who were regarded as among 
the most trustworthy friends of freedom, were so overawed 
by the threats and terrors held out by the South, that they 
gave their sanction to the measure. 

The more to be commended are Mr. C. 0. Washburn, of 
"Wisconsin, and Mr. M. W. Tappan, of E'ew Hampshire, of the 
same committee of thirty-three, who presented a minority 
report. It was able and valuable in itself, but demands special 
notice here, because it was the production of Mr. Washburn, 


who searched in vain to find any one besides Mr. Tappan to 
join him in its presentation. The closing part of the report 
was as follows : 

Having tliiis expressed our views on all the propositions of the committee- that 
contemplate any action, we feel compelled to say, that in our judgment they are 
one and all powerless for permanent good. The dissatisfaction and discontent do_ 
not arise from the fact that the North has passed Personal Liberty bills, or that the 
Fugitive Slave law is not faithfully executed, neither do they arise from an appre- 
hension that the north proposes to interfere with slavery in the States where it 

The treasonable purposes of South Carolina are not of recent origin. In the 
recent convention of that State leading members made use of the following 
language, in the debate on the passage of the Ordinance of Secession. 

Mr. Parker. — "Mr. President, it appears to me, with great deference to the 
opinions that have been expressed, that the public mind is fully made up to the 
great occasion that now awaits us. It is no spasmodic effort that has come suddenly 
upon us, but it has been gradually culminating for a long series of years, until at 
last it has come to that point when we may say the matter is entirely right." 

Mr. Inglis. — " Mr. President, if there is any gentleman present who wishes to 
debate this matter, of course this body will hear him ; but as to delay for the pur- 
pose of discussion, I, for one, am opposed to it. As my friend (Mr. Parker) has 
said, most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years, 
and I presume we have by this time, arrived at a decision upon the subject." 

Mr. Keitt. — "Sir, we are performing a great act, whicli involves not only the 
stirring present, but embraces the wliole great future for ages to come. I have 
been engaged in this great movement ever since I entered political life. I am con- 
tent with what has been done to-day, and content with what will take place 
to-morrow. We have carried the body of this Union to its last resting place, and 
now we will drop the flag over its grave. After that is done, I am ready to adjourn, 
and leave the remaining ceremonies for to-morrow." 

Mr. Rhett. — "The secession of South Carolina is not an event of a day. It is 
not anything produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by non-execution of the Fugi- 
tive Slave law. It has been a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years. 
The election of Lincoln and Hamlin was the last straw on the back of the camel. 
But it was not the only one. The back was nearly broken before. The point 
upon which I now differ from my friend, is this : He says lie tlaought it expedient 
for us to put this great question before the world upon this simple matter of wrongs 
on the question of slavery, and that question turned upon the Fugitive Slave law. 
Now, in regard to the Fugitive Slave law, I myself doubt its constitutionality, and 
I doubted it on the floor of the. Senate when I was a member of that body. The 
States, acting in their sovereign capacity, should be responsible for the rendition 
of fugitive slaves. This was our best security." 

Such sentiments, expressing the opinions of leading representative men in the 
South Carolina movement, ought to satisfy, it seems to us, any reasonable man, 
that the proposed measures of the majority of the committee will be powerless for 

South Carolina is our "sick man," that is laboring under the influence of the 
most distressing of maladies. A morbid disease which has been preying upon that 
State for a long series of years has at last assumed the character of acute mania, 
and has extended to other members of the Confederacy, and to think of restoring 
the patient to health by the nostrums proposed, is, in our judgment, perfectly 

But we hear it said, "something mnst be done or the Union will be dissolved." 
Wo do not care to go into a nice calculation of the benefits and disadvantases to 


the Several , States arising from, the tTnion, with a view of striking a balance be- 
tween them. Should we do so, we are oonvineed that that balance would largely 
favor the Southern section of the Confederacy. 

The North has never felt inclined to calculate the value of the Union. It may 
not be improper to inquire, in this connection, whether the State of South Caro- 
lina and the other ultra secession States have been so oppressed by our G-overn- 
ment as to render their continuance in th« Union intolerable to their citizens. 

It is not pretended that they ever lose fugitive slaves, or that any escaping from 
those States have not been delivered up when demanded ; nor is it pretended that 
the Personal Liberty bills of any State have practically affected any of their citizens. 
Neither do they complain that they cannot now go with their slaves into any 
territory of the United States. The Supreme Court has decided that they have 
that right. 

Is it, then, complained that their citizens, under the operation of the Federal 
laws, are co-mpellod to contribute an undue proportion of the means to maintain the 
Grovernment ? If so, and the complaint is well founded, it is deserving of notice. 

But it is not true in point of fact. We could easily demonstrate, by ofBcial 
figures, that the G-bvernment of the United States annually expends, for the exclusive 
use and benefit of South Carolina, a much larger sum than that State contributes for 
the support of the Government. This same rule will hold true in regard to, moat of 
the States- that are now so anxious to dissolve their connection with the Union. 

Florida, which contains less than one five-hundredth part of the white popula- 
tion of the Union, and a State which has cost us, directly and indirectly, not less 
than $40,000,000, and upon which the General Government annually expends sums 
of money for her benefit, more than four times in excess of her contributions to 
the support of the Government, has raised her arm against the power which 
has so liberally sustained her. 

But we wiU not pursue this subject further. The Union of these States is a 
necessity, and will be preserved long after the misguided men who seek its over- 
throw are dead and forgotten, or if not forgotten, only remembered as the 
attempted destroyers of the fairest fabric erected for the preservation of human 
liberty that the world ever saw. 

it is not to be preserved by compromises or sacrifices of principles. South 
Carolina, it is believed, is fast learning the value of the Union, and the experience 
she is now acquiring wiU be of immeasurable value to her and her sister States, 
when she shall return to her, allegiance. If other States insist upon the purchase 
of that knowledge in the school of experience at the price paid by South Carolina, 
while we may deprecate their folly, we cannot doubt its lasting value to them. 

Regarding the present discontent and hostility in the South as wholly without 
just cause, we submit the following resolution, which is the same as that recently 
offered in the United States Senate by Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire : 

' ' Resolved, That the provisions of the Constitution are ample for the preservation 
of the Union, and the protection of all the material interests of the country ; that 
it needs to be obeyed rather than amended, and our extrication from present 
difficulties is to be looked for in efforts to preserve and protect the public property 
and enforce the laws, rather than in new guarantees for particular interests, or 
Compromises,' or concessions to unreasonable demands." 

(Signed)' C.C.WASHBURN, 



In the course of tte debates, Mr. Charles H. Larrabee, 
representative from 'Wisconsin, proposed a convention of 
States to settle the difficulties. 

And while these measures were pending in Congress, on 
the evening of February 4th, an important and very large 
Union meeting was held in Milwaukee, which reflected to 
some extent the sentiments of the State. Alexander Mitchell 
was the presiding officer, and George W. Allen reported a 
series of resolutions. They were in effect, that in the integrity 
of the Union center our warmest attachments, and that in its 
dismemberment we see go down our present greatness and 
prosperity; that we approve the action of our Legislature in 
offering the power and credit of the State to assist in the 
enforcement of the Federal laws; that we recommend to the 
Legislature the repeal of all unconstitutional laws, however 
inoperative they may be ; that we disavow all intention of 
interfering with the local institutions of Southern States ; that 
we recommend the modification of the Fugitive act, so as to 
deprive it of certain odious features without impairing its 
efficiency ; that we will approve any constitutional measures 
of Congress to avert the impending calamities of disnnion 
and civil war; and that we recommend our Legislature to 
send delegates to Washington, in compliance with the request 
of Virginia, to harmonize the different sections- of the country. 

Mr. 0. H. Waldo then presented resolutions which he 
intended as a substitute in part for those of the committee, and 
which so aptly expressed the existing feelings of most of the 
assembly, at that stage of public affairs, as to elicit frequent 
and prolonged applause. Even many who had restrained their 
real indignation at the secessionists, by acquiescence in the 
first series of resolves, heartily endorsed Mr. Waldo's, which 
were as follows : 

Besolved, That we are satisfied with, the Constitution of the United States as the 
fathers framed it — that in the true spirit of the fathers of the Republic, we are 
wiUing, in good faith, to abide by its concessions and compromises, and- to keep 5ill its 
guarantees — that, in our opinion, the chief hope of the American patriot, in this 
time of peril, must rest upon the loyalty of the people to the TJnion of these States, 
upon the firm maintenance of the Constitution, as it is, and upon the forbearing but 
energetic and.faithful execution of the laws. 


Resolved, THat the seizure of Federal forts, and the confiscation of Federal pro- 
perty ; the' siege of garrisons posted for ' the defence of the coast line and harbors 
of our country ; the Tiolation of the commerce of the States upon the Mississippi 
highway ; the nullification of the laws for the collection of revenue ; the attempted 
secession from the Union of the extreme Southern States, a large part of whose 
territory has been bought and defended by the blood and gold of the people of the 
whole country ; the threats of armed outrage upon the Federal capital itself, and 
the schemes and acts of prominent politicians, statesmen, and officials, as shown by 
public rumor and authorized investigation, disclose the existence of a wide-spread, 
treasonable scheme to subvert the Constitution and destroy the Union, and make it 
our first and prime duty to uphold and enforce the supremacy of the laws. 

Resolved, That it is the duty of the executive of the United States to enforce the 
Federal laws throughout the country ; to defend and preserve the Federal property, 
and to protect citizens of the United States in all their constitutional rights, at every 
hazard, and with all the power of the Government, on land and on sea ; and as 
citizens of the State of. Wisconsin, we pledge our cordial and untiring support, with 
purse or witli sword, of all measures tending to the observance of these high 
constitutional obligations. 

Resolved, That while we recognize the propriety, under ordinary circumstances, 
of thew'hole people consulting in convention or otherwise, in a constitutional way, 
upon the necessity or wisdom of adding such new provisions as experience may 
have shown to be wanting, whenever any considerable portion of the people desire 
it, and while we are reminded by impending dangers of the duty of carefully 
scrutinizing the acts of our own State government, and of modifying or repealing 
such (if any such there are) as are in conflict with either the letter or the spirit of 
.the Federal, compact, jet we are not in favor of amending the Constitution or of 
so much as consulting upon the propriety of any such amendments, at the behest 
of trailers or rebels in arms, or as a condition of their return to loyalty and 

Resolved, That the asserted claim of the right of peaceable secession, without 
consent or consultation, is a blow struck at the root of all constitutioiial government 
in America ; that, in our opinion, the assertion of that claim should be resisted, 
(prudently, indeed, and with the greatest degree of forbearance that is consistent 
with the maintenance of authority,) but persistently, and at any expense and at all 

President Buchanan appointed a fast day for the nation, 
among other things calling on Northern offenders to repent 
of their sins against the South; hut the rebellion went on. 
According to the suggestion 'of General Quitman, ten years 
before, South Carolina took the lead in secession, and Missis- 
sippi was the first to follow. Her Convention passed the 
ordinance of secession January 9th, 1861, by a vote of eighty- 
four to fifteen. On the 10th the Florida Convention followed, 
by a vote of sixty-two to seven. On the 11th the Alabama 
Convention passed the same, ordinance, by a vote of sixty-one 


to thirty. On the 19th the Georgia State Convention did the 
same, by a vote of two hundred and eight to eighty-nine. On 
the 25th Louisiana passed the act of secession — one hundred 
and thirteen to seventeen. February 1st, Texas did likewise 
— ^one hundred and sixty-six to seven. Eebel leaders in other 
Southern States were preparing the way for the same step. 
January 18th, the Massachusetts Legislature passed resolves 
tendering the President the aid of the State in men and 
money, and declaring the action of South Carolina an act of 
war. On the 25th Rhode Island repealed her Personal Liberty 
law. The United States Southern arsenals, containing one 
thousand two hundred cannon, that cost more than six millions 
of dollars, were seized by the seceding States, and also the 
Custom Houses, and the Mint at JN'ew Orleans. _ 

Unquestionably, in some of the Southern States, the act of 
secession was passed contrary to the will of the majority. 
Political maneuvering and dishonesty accomplished what 
openness and fairness would never have done. And after 
these acts were passed, an unscrupulous and cruel system was 
adopted toward those who were known still to adhere to the 
Union. Peaceable men were arrested and imprisoned on 
suspicion of not favoring the Confederacy. Some were hung 
on the charge of talking to slaves about liberty. Others were 
slain on the ground of speaking against noted secessionists 
and their deeds. Some were shot because it was reported that 
they were abolitionists. The cruel espionage held over men 
who in heart were still loyal to their rightful Government, may 
be partially conjectured from the following document, the 
original of which the author of this book 'found in the depart- 
ments of General John H. Winder, Provost Marshal of Rich- 
mond, a few days after the evacuation of that city by the rebel 
army. The office rooms had then been turned over to the 
delegates of the Christian Commission. The writer of the 
letter, it will be seen, was a traitor and deserter from the 
United States service. 

Photost Marshal's Office, 

Columbia, South Carolina, 
General: September 11th, 1863. 

I have the honor respectfully to report that I have arrested three suspi- ' 
cious characters (civilians). One is a telegraphic operator — one Steven- 


son-- the other two are lithographers,, one named Donaldson and the other 
Pugh. Stevenson and Donaldson have been carrying on a suspicious 
correspondence "by telegraph, and I caught them in several falsehoods 
in relation to the matter. Pugh is an engraver in Keatinge and Ball's 
establishment, and was reported to me. a few days since. He has been 
in the habit, as I understand, of advancing abolition sentiments in the 
presence of negroes who are working in Keatinge and Ball's ofBce. 
When, the news of the evacuation of Battery "Wagner arrived here, 
this individual commenced singing the "Star Spangled Banner." I 
would respectfully request to know what I shall do with these persons. 
I was appointed Provost Marshal for this place some time since, but 
I would represent to you that I am very much cramped in my duties 
for want of a proper guard. I have represented that fact to Major 0. 
D. Melton, commanding this post, but as yet have received no answer 
from him upon the subject. I should like very much to obtain a guard, 
as this is a central place and many suspicious individuals and deserters 
are lurking about here, whom I am unable to arrest on account of 
want of proper forces. 

I am, General, very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

Major and Acting Adjutant General, Provost .Marshal, 

(Late of the First U. S. Infantry.) 

Major General John H. Winder, 
Provost Marshal General, 
Richmond, ViaaiNiA. 

The Congress of the Southern seceded States met at Mont- 
gomery, Alabama, February 4th, A Provisional Constitution 
was adopted on the 9th, which was superseded, March 11th, 
by a permanent one, substantially like that of the United 
States, with specific provisions for holding, transporting, and 
capturing slaves in all States and territories. Jefferson Davis, 
of Mississippi, was unanimonsly elected President, and A. 
H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President. Their inaugural 
addresses recognized the difference between their government 
and state of society on the subject of slavery, and those of the 
]!^orth, as the extracts from both in the chapter on " Slavery, 
as a cause of the Rebellion," will show. 

Mr. Davis' journey to the new seat of Government, (he had 
previously resigned his seat in the United States Senate,) was 
represented as one continued ovation. He made twenty-five 
speeches to gathering crowds on the route. A letter, subse- 
quently found, from him to his wife, expressed regret that 
their children had not witnessed the fine display of military 


that greeted him on the way, as they might never have another 
opportunity. How slight his conception then of the war and 
bloodshed that were to follow, and, finally, of his ignominious 
defeat, capture, and imprisonment ! 

On the same day that this Southern rebel Congress met at 
Montgomery, the Virginia Conference, or "Peace Conven- 
tion," assembled at Washington. It consisted of five delegates 
from each State (Wisconsin not represented), appointed by the 
Grovernors, and its object was to invent some plan of adjust- 
ment. Ex-President Tyler, of Virginia, was its president. 
It adopted the Crittenden Compromise vsdth some modificar 
tions, which was rejected by the Senate, and not acted on by 
the House; Mr. Corwin's report being preferred by both 

In the Peace Convention, a proposition to call a convention 
of the States, which was known to be favored by Mr. Lincoln, 
and many others of all parties at the Iforth, was voted down 
by aid of the slaveholding States. After the secessionists left 
Congress, three territories were organized — Colorado, l^fevada, 
and Dakotah, without any stipulation excluding slavery. 
Both houses passed a resolve for a constitutional amendment 
that should forever forbid any action of Congress to abolish 
slavery in any State that desired to retain it. 

In the extra session of the Senate, Mr. Douglas, in a debate 
with Senator Breckenridge, (claiming that the Eepublieans 
had changed their position,) said : 

From the beginning of this Government down to 1859, slavery was prohibited 
hy Gmgress, in some portion of the territories of the United States. But now, for 
the first time in the history of this Government, iheire is no foot of gronmd in America 
where slavery is proMMted Try ad of Congress. * * * * There never has been a 
time since the Government was founded, when the right of slaveholders to emigrate 
to the territories, to carry with them their slaves, and to hold them on equal footing 
With all other property, was as fully and distinctly recognized in all the territories, as 
at this time, <md that, too, ly the unanimous vote of the Bepublican party in hath houses 
of Gangress. 

Senator Doolittle, of Wisconsin, on the floor of the Senate, 
March 2d, made the following remarks : 

Mr. President, I have some knowledge of the feehngs of the people in tlie 
Northern States on this subject, both of the Democratic party and the Republican 


party, and I declare toyop, the-represeatativeS of the slave States, that I never 
saw an individual member of the Republican party -who ever claimed the right, or 
who ever expressed the -wish, that Congress should have the power to interfere 
with your domestic institutions, any more than they would allow you to interfere 
with our domestic institutions, with our relations of husband and wife, or master 
and apprentice, or parent and child. I' have sworn to support the Constitution. 
The doctrine of State rights, as I understand it, reserving to ' the States sovereign 
power over their domestic institutions and' all their local affairs, is a doctrine which 
I have cherished all my life. I believe it, and would cling to It as to a part of my 
religious failh. I would sooner yield my life than allow the Federal Government 
to usurp the power to control the domestic institutions of the States. This Govern- 
ment would be changed in its fundamental idea by having such a power conferred, 
and it would become a consolidated despotism, if any such power be usurped — a 
complete revolution. 

But nothing would suffice with the leading secessionists but 
secession. They had now come just where they could pluck 
the fruit they had long been cultivating. Why should they 
be despoiled the opportunity ? They boasted that they had a 
basis for society and government irreconcilable with that of 
the North. They claimed that they organized on nature's 
clear distinction between the two races — one being designed 
for freedom, the other for slavery. They would throw a flood 
of light on this question ! They would amaze the world with 
their experiment ! 

Infatuated men ! Whom the gods would destroy they first 
make mad, is the ancient proverb. The true God gave them 
up to their own devices. ISTothing, then, could have stayed 
them in their purpose but an actual and complete surrender, 
by the majority at the Iforth, of all their cherished principles 
of freedom, l^o action against slavery, no liberty of speech 
against it, would have been granted. And yet, the mass of 
the Southern people, excepting the chiefs of the rebellion, 
anticipated no long separation. They believed the North 
would bow.the knee, crave their pardon, give up the old 
Union, and ask the . privilege of entering theirs. They 
musingly, cheerfully considered whom they would receive — 
whom reject. 

• February 11th, Mr. Lincoln, the president elect, commenced 
his journey to Washington. His brief address to his neigh- 
bors,, at the depot in Springfield, Illinois, was impressive then, 


and is made more so now by the sad event of his death. He 
said : 

Mt Prienm : — No one not in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel at 
this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a 
quarter of a century ; here ray children were born, and here one of them hea 
buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves upon me 
which is, perhaps, greater than that which has devolved upon any other man since 
the days of "Washington. He never would have succeeded except for the aid of 
Divine Providence, upon which he at all times reUed. I feel that I cannot succeed 
without the same divine aid which sustained him ; on the same Almighty Being I 
place my reliance for support, and I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may 
receive that divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed ; but with whioh 
success is certain. Again, I bid you all an affectionate farewell." 

His route to the capital was by the way of Indianapolis, 
Cincinnati, Columbus, Pittsbui-g, Cleveland, Buffalo (where he 
spent the Sabbath), Albany, ISTew York City, Trenton, Philadel- 
phia, Harrisburg, and Baltimore. He was entertained in all 
these cities by the authorities or the State Legislatures. A gr&d 
ovation attended him everywhere, the people manifesting their 
attachment to the iTnion by their attentions to its chief magis- 
trate elect ; and thus, also, expressing their hope that by his 
wisdom and energy the nation would be safely guided through 
the perilous storm that was impending. In l*J"ew York City, 
200,000 people hailed him on the streets. But, arriving at 
Harrisburg, he and his friends received evidence of a plot to 
create a riot in Baltimore, as he passed through by appoint- 
ment on the 23rd, and, in the confusion, to assassinate him. 
Abruptly and secretly, by the urgency of friends, he left the 
capital of Pennsylvania, and early on the morning of the 23rd 
entered Washington. Two days after, intelligence came 
that Brigadier General Twiggs, Commandant in Texas, had 
betrayed his country, surrendered the soldiers, and given the 
whole of the United States property in his department to the 
Texan State authorities. The inauguration at Washington 
was not trusted to ordinary provision and precaution. Gene- 
rals Scott and Wool distributed military forces throughout the 
city, and President Buchanan lent a graceful efficiency in 
making all suitable preparations for the peaceful installation 
of his successor. 


A smiling sun greeted the crowds in Washington on the 
morning of the 4th of March, 1861. The sixteenth President 
of the United States was to be inaugurated. But the many- 
threats that he should never enter upon that office, had filled 
the loyal nation with extreme solicitude in regard to the con- 
templated event. A great multitude thronged the capital city. 
Resistance to the act were vain and suicidal, and none was 
attempted. Mr. Lincoln's inaugural address, bearing exclu- 
sively on the peculiar state of the nation, and being so tem- 
pered with kindness toward the South, and so declaratory of 
the unoffending principles which he designed for his adminis- 
tration, deserves a repetition in every history of that time. 
Having reached the platform in the eastern portico of the 
Capitol, and being introduced by Senator Baker, of Oregon, 
to the vast multitude that stood before him and received him, 
the most in silence, some with cheers, he unrolled his manu- 
script, and read as follows : 


Fellow citizens of the United States : 

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I 
appear Before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, 
the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be 
taken by the President before he enters on the execution of his office. 

I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those 
matters of administration about which there is no special anziety or 
excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the 
Southern States, that, by the accession of a Republican Administration, 
their property, and their peace and personal security are to be endan- 
gered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehen- 
sion. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the 
while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly 
all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but 
quote from one of those speeches, when I declare that "I have no 
purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of 
slavery ill the States where it exists." I believe I have no lawful 
right to do so ; ^and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nomi- 
nated and elected me, did so with the full knowledge that I had made 
this, and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. 
And, more than this, they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, 
and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolu- 
tion which I now read : 

" Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, 
and especially the right of each State to order and control its own 

106 : ,., ,. WrSCONSIN IN THE WAK. > , / , ■ uT 

domestic institutions according to its, own judgment exclusiyelj, is 
essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endur- 
ance of our political fabric depend'; and we denounce the lawless 
invasion by ^ armed- force of the soil of any State or Territory, no 
matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." 

I now reiterate these sentiments ; and, in doing so, I only press 
Upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the 
case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section 
are to be in any wise endangered by the now in-coming Adminis- 

I add, too,' that all the protection which, consistently with the Con- 
stitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the 
States, when lawfully demanded, foj: whatever cause, as cheerfully to 
one section as to another. 

There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from 
service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly writteii in the 
Constitution as any other of its provisions : 

"No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws 
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or 
regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall 
be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor 
may be due." 

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those 
who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves ; and 
the intention of the lawgiver is the law. 

All members of Congress swear their , support to "the whole Consti- 
tution — to. this provision as well as, any other. To the proposition, 
then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause 
" shall be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they 
would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly 
equal unanimity, frame and pass a. law by means of which to keep^ good 
that unanimous oath ? 

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be 
enforced by National or by State authority ; but surely that difference 
is not a very material one. If the slave is. to be surrendered, it can 
be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it 
is done ; and should any one, in any case, be content that this oath 
shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it 
shall be kept? 

Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards 
of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be intro- 
duced, so that a free man be noty in any case, surrendered as a slave ? 
And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the 
ejiforcement.of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that 
,':' the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and 
immunities of .citizens in the several States ?" 

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations,' and with 
no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypocriticai 
rules ; and,, while I dp not choose, now to specify particular acts of Con- 
gress as proper to be, enforced, I do suggest, that it will be much safei 


for all, both in official and private stations, to Qonform to and abide by 
all those acts "which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, 
trusting to iind impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. 

It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President 
under our National Constitution. , During that period, fifteen different 
and very distinguished citizens have in succession administered the 
executive branch of the government. . They have conducted it through 
many perils,, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this 
scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief 
constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulties. 

A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now 
formidably attempted. I hold that, in, the contemplation of universal 
law and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. 
Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all 
national governments. It is safe to assert tha,t no, government proper 
ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Con- 
tinue to- execute all the . express, provisions of our national Consti- 
tution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to 
destroy, it. except by some action not provided for in the instrument 

Again, if the United States be not a government , proper, but an 
association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a 
contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made 
it? One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak ; 
bjit does it not require all to lawfully :rescind it ? Descending from 
these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal con-tern^ 
plation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union 

The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in 
fact, by the Articles of Association, in 1774. It was matured and 
continued in the Declaration of Independence, in 1776. It was further 
matuiedj-and the .faith of all the then thirteen States expressly 
plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of 
Confederation, in 1778; and finally, in 1787, one of the declared 
objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to form a 
more perfect union. But, if the destruction of the Union by one or by 
a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less than 
before, the Constitution having lost .the vital. element of perpetuity. 

It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, 
can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to 
that effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence within any State 
or States,, against the authority of the United States, are insurrec- 
tionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. 

I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the 
Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, 
as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of 
the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, 
which I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly 
perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, the 
Arnerican people, shall withhold the requisite power, or in some 
authoritative manner direct the contrary. 


I trust this will not be regarded as a mfinace, but only as the declared 
purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain 

In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there 
shall be none unless it is forced upon the national authority. 

The power confided to me mil he used to hold, occupy, avB possess the 
property and places helonging to the Government, and collect the duties and 
imposts; but, beyond what maybe necessary for these objects, there 
will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people 

Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and so 
universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the 
Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers 
among the people for that object. While the strict legal right may 
exist of the Government to enforce the exercise of these ofBces, the 
attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable 
withal, that I deem it better to forego for the time tite uses of such 

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts 
of the Union. 

So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of 
perfect security which is most favorable to 'calm thought and' re- 

The course here indicated will be followed, unless current evenis 
and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper ; and 
in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised accord- 
ing to the circumstances actually existing, and with a view and hope 
of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of 
fraternal sympathies and affections. 

That there are persons, in one section or another, who seek to 
destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, 
I will neither affirm nor deny. But, if therg be such, I need address 
no word to them. 

To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak? 
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our 
national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would 
it not be well to ascertain why we do it ? Will you hazard so desperate 
a step, while any portion of the ills you fly from have no real exist- 
ence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all 
the real ones you fly from — ^will you risk the commission of so fearful 
a mistake ? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitu- 
tional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, 
plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. 
Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to 
the audacity of doing this. 

Thinlc, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written 
provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere 
force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly 
written constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify 
revolution; it certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But 
such is not our case. 


All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly 
assured to them hj affirmations' and negations, guarantees and pro- 
hibitions, in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning 
them. But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifi- 
cally applicable' to every question which may occur in practical admin- 
istration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable 
length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall 
fugitives from labor be surrendered by National or by State authority? 
The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect 
slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. 
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, 
and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. 

If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Gov- 
ernment must cease. There is no alternative for continuing the Gov- 
ernment but acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a minority 
in such a case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent 
which in turn will ruin and divide them, for a minority of their own 
will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by 
such a minority. For instance, why not any portion of a new con- 
federacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as 
portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it 7 All who 
cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact 
temper of doing this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among 
the States to compose a new Union as , to produce harmony only, and 
prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of secession is 
the essence of anarchy. 

A majority held in restraint by constitutional check and limitation, 
and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions 
and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever 
rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unan- 
iinity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrange- 
ment, is wholly inadmissible. So that, rejecting the majority prin- 
ciple, anai'chy or despotism in some form is all that is left. 

. I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional 
questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that 
such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit, 
as to -the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very 
high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other depart- 
ments of the Government ; and while it is obviously possible that such 
decision may be erroneous in any given. case, still, the evil effect 
following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that 
it may be overruled, and never become a precedent for other cases, 
can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. 

At the same time, the candid citizen must confess tha,t, if the policy 
of the Government upon the vital questions affecting the whole people 
is to be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme Court, the 
instant they are made, as in ordinary litigation between parties in 
personal actions, the people will have ceased to be their own masters, 
having to that extent practically resigned their government into the 
hands of that, eminent tribunal. 

Nor is. there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. 


It is a duty from -w-hicli they may not shrink, to decide cases properly 
brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn 
their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country 
believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while^ the other 
believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended ; and this is the only 
substantial dispute ; and the fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, 
and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as 
well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where 
the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. 
The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both 
cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be per- 
fectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation 
of the sections than before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly 
suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in one 
section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would 
not be surrendered at all by the other. 

Physically speaking, we cannot separate — we cannot remove our 
respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall 
between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of 
the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the diiferent 
parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to 
face; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue 
between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more 
advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can 
aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties 
be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among 
friends ? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, 
after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fight- 
ing, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon 

This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit 
it. "Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Q-overnment, 
they can exercise their constitutional right of amending, or their revo? 
lutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant 
of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of 
having the national Constitution amended. "While I make no recom- 
mendation of amendment, I fully recognize the full authority of the 
people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes 
prescribed in the instrument itself ; and I should, under existing cir- 
cumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opporttinity being afforded 
the people to act upon it. , 

I will venture to add, that to me the convention mode seems prefer- 
able, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people them- 
selves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions 
originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which 
might not be precisely such as they would wish either to accept or 
refuse. ■ I understand that a proposed amendment to the Constitution 
(which amendment, however, I have not seen) has passed Congress, to 
the effect that the Federal G-overnment shall never interfere with the 
domestic institutions of States, including that of persons held to 
service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from 


my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say 
that, lioldingrsueh a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I 
have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable. 

Tie chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and 
they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms for the separation 
of the States. The people themselves, also, can do this if they choose, 
but the executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to 
administer the present G-overnment as it came to his hands, and to 
transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there 
not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of .the people? Is 
there any better or equal hope in the world ? In our present differ- 
ences, is either party without faith of beiiig in the right 7 If the 
Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on 
your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that 
justice will surely, prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal — the 
Anierican people. By the frame of the Government under which we 
live, this same people have wisely given their public servants but little 
power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provrded for the return 
of that little "to their own hands at very short intervals. While the 
people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any ex- 
treme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the Government 
in the short space of four years. 

My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole 
subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. 

If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste, to a step 
which you would neveir take deliberately, that object will be frustrated 
by taking time-, but. nq. good object can be frustrated by it. 

Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution 
unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing 
under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, would, to, change either. 

If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side 
in the dispute, there is single reason for precipitate action. 
Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity ,'and a firm reliance on Hirii who 
has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, 
in the best way, all our present difficulties. 

In' your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, 
is the momentous- issue of civil war. The Government will not assail 

^You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. 
You can have no oath registered in heaven to destroy .the Govern- 
ment, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, 
and deifend" it. 

I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must 
not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break 
our bonds of affection. 

The mystic chords of metnory, stretching from every battle-field and 
patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad 
land,, will yet swell the ahorus of the Union, when again touched, as 
surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. 


There is joy at the North that the inamguration occurred 
without any disturbance. There is hope that the peaceful 
tenor of the inaugural address will have a mollifying influ- 
ence on the South. But at Montgomery it is proBOuncfed a 
"war declaration;" and such becomes the echo throughout all 
the States involved in the rebellion. It did not comede seces- 
sion, nor recognize the lawful existence of the Confederacy, 
nor acknowledge that the North was wholly wrong and the 
South wholly right in this controversy, therefore it meant 
resistance to their claims, and warfare. 

On March 4th, the Confederate flag is unfui-led from the 
Capitol in Montgomery. It has three broad bars, red, white, 
and red, with a blue field and seven stars, and room for more 
stars. The Confederate Congress passes an army bill to call 
60,000 troops to the field immediately. Grenel-al Twiggs 
enjoys a public reception in New Orleans, and the Louisiana 
Legislature commends his traitorous conduct, Alabama 
turns over to the Confederate States the forts, arms, muni- 
tions, etc., she has seized from the United States. G-eorgia 
does likeAvise. March 12th, two Confederate Commissioners 
having repaired to Washington, communicate their mission, 
by letter, to Secretary Seward, pronouncing, their seven. States 
an . " independent nation, de facto and de jure" with a " Gov- 
ernment perfect in all its parts, and endowed with all the 
means of self-support." They ask that a day may be ap- 
pointed when they may present their credentials to the Presi- 
dent. On the 15th Mr. Seward makes a " memorandum " of 
their communication, but declines to address them, or in. any 
way recognize them in the capacity they claim. The " memo- 
randum " has the approval of the President, and is laid aside, 
not being called for by the " Commissioners" until April 
8th, who then distinctly understand, that they are denied 
recognition. Brigadier General Beauregard, in the Confede- 
rate service, is appointed to the command of all troops in and 
ai'ound Charleston. Braxton Bragg and William J. Hardee, 
formerly United States officers, are also found to be traitors, 
the former being commissioned brigadier general, and the 
latter colonel in the Confederate army. Texas joins the Con- 
federacy, Governor Houston refusing, and being deposed. 


The Missouri Senate votes to instruct the Congressmen of the 
State to oppose the coercion of the seceded States, and to 
retire from that hody if that measure is adopted. The Ohio 
Legislature passes a resolution asking Congress to call a 
national convention. Illinois, Kentucky, and ^ew Jersey, do 
the same, fot proposing amendments to the Constitution. 

The great question in the Senate and the country was, will 
the Government proceed to coerce the Confederate States? 
Even some Republicans had been in favor of allowing them 
peaceably to withdraw, if with proper provisions. Some 
governmental officers, perhaps the President, doubted whether 
to withdraw Major Anderson from Fort Sumter, or reinforce 
him. Mr. Douglas gave his voice at this time against co- 
ercion. It would be difficult or impossible. There were 
constitutional difficulties, he claimed, in the way of the 
President's using the war power effectively. We were bound 
to make concessions and amendments for peace. Concerning 
the surrender of Southern fortresses, he said in the Senate : 

We certainly cannat justify the holding of forts there, muoh less the recap- 
turing of those which have been taken, unless we intend to reduce those 
■States themselves into subjection. * * * We cannot deny that there is a 
Southern Confederacy, de facto, in existence, with its capital at Montgomery. We 
may regret it. / regret it most profoundly ; but I cannot deny the truth of the fact, 
painful and mortifying as it is. 

Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, offered the following 
resolution in the Senate: 

Resolved, That, in the opinion of the Senate, it is expedient that the President 
withdraw all Federal troops from the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, 
Alabama, Mississippi, Texas, and Louisiana, and abstain from all attempts to collect 
revenue in these States. • 

Mr. Breckinridge, hand in hand then with the traitors, 
offered the following : 

Besolved, That the Senate recommend and advise the removal of the United 
States troops from the limits of the Confederate States. 

The Senate adjourned too soon for action on either. At all 

this hesitation the South took courage. They generally 

believed the ]!*5"orth were too selfish or too cowardly to fight. 

The ISTew Orleans Bee of March 10th, contained the following: 



The Black Republicans are a cowardly set,, .after alL They have not the courage 
oftheir own convictions. They tamper with their principles. Loathing slavery, 
they are wiUing to incur almost any sacrifice rather than surrender the Border 
States. Appearances mdicate their disposition even to forego the exquisite dehght 
of sending armies and fleets to make war on the Confederate States, rather than 
run the risk of forfeiting the allegiance of the frontier slave States. , We see by this 
how hollow and perfidious is their policy, and how inconsistent are their acts with 
their professions. The truth is, they abhor slavery ; but they are fully alive to the 
danger of losing their power and influence, should they drive Tirginia and the 
other Border States out of the Union. They chafe, doubtless, at the hard necessity 
of permitting South Carolina and her sisters to escape from their thraldom ; but it 
is a necessity, and they must, perforce, submit to it. 

The United States Senate was convened in extra session 
March 6th, and on the 6th the senatorial standing committees 
were appointed ; the ITorth, for the first time in the history of 
the nation, having a majority of the chairmanships. Senator 
Doolittle, of Wisconsin, was appointed chairman of the com- 
mittee on Indian afiEairs. The same day Mr. Clingman, of 
North Carolina, assailed the President's inaugural, and Mr. 
Douglas ably, and contrary to the expectation of many, 
defended it, and pronounced it a declaration for peace, and 
not for war. Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, having declared that he 
held no allegiance to the "United States Grovernment, Mr. 
Foster, of Connecticut, moved his expulsion. In the debate 
on this question. Senators Mason and Hunter, of Virginia, 
developed their State rights doctrine by affirming and arguing 
that they held no allegiance to the United States G-overnment, 
but to Virginia only. Virginia was their sovereign, not the 
United States. March 13th, Senator Douglas presented a 
resolution of inquiry relative to Southern forts, arsenals, and 
military operations, aiming to draw out fhe plans and purposes 
of the Administration. It led to a variety of discussion. On 
the 22d, Senator Howe, of "Wisconsin, who had hut recently 
entered that body, made an able speech, and giving way for 
an executive session, resumed and completed it three days 
thereafter. In one passage, deprecating the disparaging views 
of the strength of the G-overnment, expressed by Messrs. 
Douglas, Maynard, and Breckinridge, he said : * 

* Congressional Globe, Thirty-sixth Congress, page 1491. 


I wish to note this peculiarity and thia characteristic attending them all : there 
is a general, a studied, a deliberate dwarflug and belittling of the Government of 
the United States, and of the people of the United States. "We hear every day that 
this thing cannot be done ; that the nation is not equal to this emergency, to that 
enterprise, to the other endeavor ; you must surrender that post, you cannot hold 
it ; you must abandon that section, you are not strong enough to stay there ; it is 
witliin your jurisdiction, but you have not force enough to hold it. The Senator 
from Kentucky [Mr. Breckinridge] remarked to us, a few days ago, " Tou must 
abandon all the States which abjure the authority of this nation.' ' Why ? Because 
you have not force enough to maintain your authority there, and not enough to 
do more than to irritate the people there I It does seem to me that th's is strange 
lang-uage tO' be used by the representatives of the people of the United States, here 
or elsewhere. It would do for our enemies to say such things. I hardly think — 
and I say it with the utmost respect — that it is becoming in our friends to say those 
things. We have not been accustomed to hear them. Our notion has been here- 
tofore, that the authority of the United States extended to its utmost limits, and that 
the power of the United States was sufficient to defend its authority anywhere 
within those limits, and was quite equal to sustaining it against any nationality or 
any power in the world. 

Replying to Mr. Breckinridge, lie remarked : 

The Senator from Kentucky, the other day, as I understood him, declared, very 
frankly, that this form of government, when administered in accordance with the 
terms of the Constitution, he believed was the best form of government upon earth. 
Why, then, seek to change it? Why, then, seek to disturb it? Has it not been 
administered in accordance with tlie forms of the Constitution? If so, whose fault 
is it? Not, certainly, the fault of the Republican party ; not the fault of the friends 
of the Administration now in power. We never administered it a day until the 4th 
of March, and are scarcely administering it to-day. We are scarcely intrusted with 
the administration of the G-overnment, but only with the administration of one 
departmfent of the Government ; and that is, the executive. The laws upon the 
statute book, which the President announces his purpose to execute, are not laws 
of our dictation, not laws of Republican devising. The only right which the 
Executive challenges is the right to execute laws which he finds upon the 
statute book, not those which he places upon the statute book ; and I do not know 
of a single statute upon the books affecting this question of slavery which has been 
passed by Republican dictation ; I do not know of one which has not been passed 
in defiance of Republican direction. 

And again, responding to statements from the same Senator, 
lie remarked : 

Sir, the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Breckinridge] indulged, the other day, iu 
most gratifying reflections. He turned us all back to the period when the citizens 
of his own State fought the battles of our common country upon the plains of the 
North-West. We have not forgotten that passage in our history — not a word of it, 
not a syllable of it. That blood is all gathered up there, and is still circulating 
there. We cannot carry back those bones which, he told us, were bleaching 


there, but we can teU him this : that if ever a foreign enemy, or a domestic enemy, 
assail the peace or assault the honor of the State of Kentucky, we will bring our 
own bones there, and pay him in kind. Sir, I fear we do not remember that 
the people of the United States have gathered within them the blood which free- 
dom has shed upon all her battle fields, from Marathon to Torktown. Do not try 
to subdue them. Slow to a controversy, they are difficult to give it up. They have 
not forgotten how to die, they never knew how to surrender. 

Senator Howe had also an encounter with Mr. Clingman, 
of ISTorth Carolina, as follows : 

I am not advocating or assenting to the policy, tie justice, or the expediency of 
allowing slavery to go into the territories of the United States. I do not remember 
a time when I have ever been willing to assent to it myself. I do not anticipate 
a time when I shall be willing to assent to it ; nor do I anticipate any contingency 
which will make me assent to it ; but whether it shall or shall not go into the 
territories of the United States, I say, and we say, is a question which should be 
submitted to the people of the United States. As when the people of the United 
States have decided against us over and over again heretofore, we have submitted, 
so if the people shall decide against them hereafter, we ask and demand that 
they shall submit also. 

Mr. Clingman. — I wish to see if I understand the honorable Senator. By "the 
people of the United States," what people does he mean? Does he mean the 
people of the territories who have an interest in it ? Is he willing to adopt the 
popular sovereignty view of the Senator from Illinois, or does he mean that the 
people in North Carolina or Massachusetts, for example, should determine what 
New Mexico is to do with this question ? 

Mr. Howe. — Mr. President, I did not suppose there could be any mistake about 
the identity of the people of the United States. There never has been until within 
a few months. [Laughter.] But let me answer him more directly. I am not 
willing that the people of North Carolina shall say whether slavery shall or shall 
not exist in the Territory of Nevada. He asks me, am I willing that the people of 
the Territory of Nevada shall determine that question for themselves? No, sir ; 
for this plain reason, the people of the Territory of Nevada do not own the Terri- 
tory of Nevada. 

Mr. Clingman. — ^Well — 

Mr. Howe. — Let me finish the answer. The people of the United States own 
it ; and I have as much confidence in their intelligence, and in their justice, and in 
their capacity to determine that question, as I have in the people of any one of the 
territories ; and I think it is the better tribunal of the two, because they have 
the first, the heaviest, and the more direct interest in the right decision of the 

Mr. Clingman. — The Senator says the people of North Carolina have no right to 
determine it. What better right, then, have the people of his State or of any other 
State ? 

Mr. Howe. — Not any better, but precisely the same. The people of North 
Carolina and the people of the thirty- three other States constitute exactly the tribu- 
nal that I want to submit this question to — the tribunal to whose decision I want 
the people of all these States to submit. I beg the Senator not to understand that 


I want to monopolize the decision of this question for tile people of 'Wisconsin, 
which I in part represent here ; that I want to usurp jurisdiction over it on behalf 
of the people ofany one section of the country. I want it to be submitted to the 
intelligence, the wisdom, the patriotism, and the justice of the people of all the 
States ; and then I want the patriotism and the loyalty of the people of all the 
States to recognize the decision when it is made. Is that unreasonable V Is that 
unjust ? 

Sir, I did' not mean to be drawn into a discussion of the qufestion whether it is wise 
or unwise that slavery should be permitted to go into the territories. That question 
is not pending before the people of the United States ; it is not pending before this 
body. The question, if any question be here, is, whether you will submit to thg 
authority of the people of the United States on that and other matters? Admit, if 
you please, that it be wise that slavery should go there ; that it be just that a 
citizen of North Carolina should have the right to take that class of property there 
when he sees fit to go himself ; the question I propound to the Senators on the 
other sidejs this : because they are, or are not, permitted to do that thing, is that 
a reason why they should not contribute to the revenues of the United States, 
which revenues are' to be expended for their protection? Because a citizen of 
North Carolina is not allowed to take slaves into Kansas, is that a reason why your 
forts must be surrendered — why your troops must .be driven back — why your 
treasury shah be plundered— why your flag shall be trailed in the dust ? 

On Marcli 27tli, Colonel Ward H. Lanion, the Presideilt's 
messenger, reported favorably of the condition of the garrison 
at Sumter, but positively that reinforcements could not be 
introduced -without conflict, -which might result in a Federal 
defeat. Meantime quiet but extensive preparations were 
being made in 'New York city, and the na-vy yards still held 
by the Union, for reinforcing the Southern forts. Every avail- 
able government vessel was put in requisition. On the 6th 
and 7th of April, several steamers loaded with naval stores 
and munitions, left the port of New York. The intelligence 
flashed to the South, and produced great excitement. On the 
6th, General Beauregard announced to Major Anderson that 
he -would be allowed no further communication with the land — 
a step toward, demanding Ms surrender. Lieutenant Talbot, 
who had borne messages from Major Anderson to the Presi; 
dent, ■was, on the 8th of April, sent back to Charleston to give 
notice to Governor Pickens that Port Sumter 'would be 
supplied with provisions at all hazards. He was denied access 
to Major Anderson, but Beauregard telegraphed his message 
to Montgomery, and on the 10th received orders to demand 
the evacuation of Fort Sumter, and if that was refused, to 


reduce it. On the llth lie made the demand, and Major 
Anderson promptly refused, though indicating that without 
additional provisions he could not hold out long. At eleven 
P. M. of the same day, or one A. M. of the 12th, Beauregard, 
still further instructed from Montgomery, inquired of Major 
Anderson at what time he would evacuate the fort if he were 
not fired upon. Major Anderson replied that he would do so 
at noon on the 15th, if prior to that time he did not receive 
additional supplies, or controlling instructions from his Gov- 
ernment. That indicated a purpose never to yield if able to 
hold out, and at twenty minutes past three that morning, Beau- 
regard sent word to him that firing would be opened on the fort 
in one hour. The hour had just expired, when the first gun 
belched forth her flame on that fortress of the United States, and 
the war instituted by treason was begun. Quickly the first shot 
was succeeded by others ; a circle of fifty cannon around the 
harbor poured in their heavy balls and shells upon the walls, 
and roof, and open space, of the beleaguered fortress, creating 
a terrible storm of fire. It was a deed commenced in dark- 
ness, and that was suitable to its nature. ' Major Anderson, 
after receiving warning of the attack, hoisted the good old 
flag to its place, it having been lowered for the night, closed 
up the entrances to the fort, called in the sentmels from their 
posts, and sat down with his men to await that threatened 
event that would begin the deluge of the land with blood. 
After their scanty morning meal, consisting only of rice, 
coffee, and salt pork, at five minutes before seven o'clock, 
Major Anderson opened his guns on the rebels — eighty men 
against seven thousand. The firing became furious, "the 
walls of the fort were broken; stone and brick were flying in 
a thousand directions ; cannon balls and bursting shells came 
crashing into the inclosure ; scarcely a moment of all the day 
was free from the plunging deadly missiles ; three times the 
wooden sti'uctures of the fort were set on fire, and three times 
brave men in much danger extinguished the flames. 

In the morning the soldiers had partaken sparingly of their 
scanty provisions ; at noon they ate their last piece of bread ; 
at night they lay down to rest from their weariness, while 
fresh gunners in the rebel forts still poured the storm of war 


upon them. During the firat day, about two thousand five 
hundred shots had taken eflfect on the fort. 

With the morning of Saturday, April 13th, they renew 
their defence, though faint from want of food, and seeing as 
yet no appearance of succor in the conflict. Their country's 
ships stand out at sea, and now and then dip their flags 
to the defenders of the fortress, in recognition of their 
bravery, but dare not come within range of the traitdrs' guns. 
While Sumter's flag is dipped in return. Sergeant Hart sees 
it lowered, as though by the shot of the enemy, and springs 
to lift it to its place again. The fourth time on the morning 
of Saturday, the wooden structures take flre, and finding that 
kot ball and shell were being fired upon them, to put out the 
flame is deemed impossible. The conflagration becomes 
general; the magazine is in danger of explosion ; the whole 
garrison set to work to roll out the barrels of powder through 
the flames; ninety-six are brought forth, when the heat 
becomes so intense that the work ceases ; the wind drives the 
heat and smoke upon the men, until they are almost blinded 
and stifled, and they fling wet cloths upon their faces, and 
throw themselves upon the earth to get breath and protection. 

On Friday their cartridges gave out, and they made more of 
their shirt sleeves. On Saturday they were nearly gone again, 
and the flring from the fort became less. But as the con- 
flagration increased, and became visible to the enemy, his 
firing befcame more frequent and intense. An explosion of 
some shell and ammunition occurred, with fearful results. Bar- 
rels of powder that had been protected by wet covex'ing, were 
so endangered that they threw them into the sea; and the 
whole fort became so intensely heated, that no safe breath 
could be obtained except through wet cloths. Only three 
cartridges are now left. The fiag-staflf is shot down ; Lieu- 
tenant Hall rushes forward and brings the loved emblem 
away. It is planted on the ramparts in the midst of the 
enemy's firing. But seeing it fall, the Texas Senator, Wigfall, 
comes in a skiff to an embrasure of the fort, inquires the 
meaning of the lowered flag, and is promptly told it is not 
down. He urges a surrender, because resistance is useless. 
Messengers come from Beauregard. Major Anderson tells 


them that his only terms of surrender are the same that he 
gave before. They are accepted, and the battle is over. 
The exulting inhabitants of Charleston, who had been stream- 
ing out these two days to witness the scene, now, turn back 
to their dwellings with great exultation, far from suspecting 
that before this opened strife shall have closed, their own city 
will fall, as Sumter had fallen, and the wrath of long years 
of war will bring desolation, anguish, and despair to all their 

According to rebel authorities, their forces suffered no loss in 
killed during the battle. iN'one had occurred in the fort ; but 
in the process of evacuation, the explosion of a shell killed 
one, David Hough, and wounded three ; and two or three had 
been wounded before. The heroic and noble Major Anderson 
and his men embarked on the Federal steamship Baltic, for 
New York, where he immediately reported to his Government 
as follows : 

Steamship Baltic, off Sandy Hook, ) 
April I8th, ISei. f 

The Hon. S. Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington, D. 0. 

Sir: Having defended Fort Sumter for thirty-four hours, until the 
quarters were entirely burned, the main gates destroyed, the gorge- 
wall seriously injured, the magazine surrounded by flames, and its door 
closed from the effects of the heat, four barrels and three cartridges of 
powder only being available, and no provisions but pork remaining, I 
accepted terms of evacuation offered by General Beauregard (being 
the same offered by him on the 11th instant, prior to the commence- 
ment of hostilities), and marched out of the fort on Sunday after- 
noon, the 14th instant, with colors flying and drums beating, bringing 
away company and private property, and saluting my flag with fifty 


Major First Artillery. 








The fall of Sumter sent an amazing thrill through the 
nation. At the north it was one of terrible disappointment 
and indignation ; at the South, of surprise and delight. Men 
are sometimes shocked by the very things that they desire and 
expect. The change is greater than they had conceived. The 
results are more fruitful and extensive than they had calcu- 
lated. So it was at the South. It threw an activity into their 
society that for a moment broke up the spell of their commer- 
cial dullness, which had gradually succeeded the beginning of 
open secession five months before. The promised prosperity 
made by the Confederacy had not been realized. Banks had 
suspended, trade had fallen off, employment had received less 
demand, and the seceded States needed already a new impetus 
or era, or their fortunes would falter and fail. The announce- 
ment that Sumter had surrendered to the great Confederacy, 
produced wild excitement and flattering hopes every where 
at the South, and on their bosom all things were tossed into 

But at the North, there was first a staggering 'unbelief and 
oonfasion, then a sullen but rising determination under disap- 
pointment and indignation ; and as soon as men had had a few 
hours for assurance of the facts, and interchange of opinions, 
a profound and almost universal enthusiasm of love and devo- 
tion for the IJiiion. " To arms !" " Sumter shall be retaken !" 


"The dishonor to the old flag shall be avenged!" were the 
cries of the people. 

The evacuation of Fort Sumter took place on the Sabbath. 
While the sad process was transpiring, the electric wires run- 
ning over the country, were carrying the intelligence of the 
suri^ender — strange and doubtful news to most. On Sabbath 
evening some are in the house of worship, praying about the 
uncertain story, to the God who knew perfectly the whole 
scene of the nation; some discourse to the people in troub- 
lous fears, about the value and cost of the Union, the neces- 
sity of Government and the duty of war at times to sustain it ; 
some at a late hour watch the telegraphic messages to know 
what has been done that day thousands of miles distant, and 
to know what the nation is thinking of; and millions lie down 
on their beds that night with hearts heavier than a pillow of 

The next morning they wonder whether it is a nightmare 
dream or a reality that makes them so thoughtful and serious. 
They take up the newspaper brought to their door, or they 
hurry away to the neighboring village, and all doubts reluc- 
tantly disappear at the following : 


Whereas, the laws of the United States have been for some time 
past, and now are, opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in 
the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, 
Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed 
by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested 
in the marshals by law ; now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the 
Constitution and the laws, have thought fit to call forth the militia of 
the several States of the Union to the aggregate number of seventy- 
five thousand, in order to suppress said combinations, and to cause the 
laws to be duly executed. 

The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the 
State authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal 
citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor 
the integrity, and existence of our national Union, and the perpetuity 
of popular government, and to redress wrongs already long enough 
endured. I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the 
forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, 
places,' and property which have been seized from the Union; and in 
every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with tho 


objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or inter- 
ference with, property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens of any 
part of tbe country; and I hereby command the persons composing 
the combinations aforesaid, io disperse and retire peaceably to their 
respective abodes^ within twenty days from this date. 

Deeming, that the present condition of public affairs presents an 
extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me 
vested by the Constitution, convene both houses of Congress. The 
senators and representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at 
their respective! chambers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the 4th 
day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such meas- 
ures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to 
demand. ' ■ , 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this 15th day of April, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the 
independence of the United States the eighty -fiftn. 

Abeaham Lincoln. 
By the President : 

"Wm. H. Sewaed, Seardary of State. 

Many had doubted whetlier the President would so interpret 
his power as to call out soldiers for war. His prompt action 
gave an impetus to the spirit and energy of the people. Then 
was the wonderful spectacle of nineteen millions swayed by 
one impulse of patriotism. The whole loyal II^Torth through 
thousands of miles rocked with excitement. The roar of 
their awakened enthusiasm went up to the heavens as the cho- 
rus of the waves from the mighty ocean. The South had long 
supposed that no power would dare attempt their " coercion." 
On the basis of this supposition they had built their Confede- 
racy. They calculated that their professions of war, their 
military swagger and bravado spirit would intimidate their op- 
ponents into all desirable concessions. They had fought duels, 
they could fight battles, and none would dare measure with 
them the strength of arms. They had ruled the nation in 
peace, they would rule it in war if that were attempted. 

But only a few days after the Presidential Proclamation was 
issued another spirit came over their dreams. They saw 
a rousing to arms at the ISTorth that portended darkness to 
their future. Their well known sympathizers at the ISTorth 
were hushed and humbled into silence. Party walls were bro- 


ken down. The loyalists swept the field, l^one evinced 
heart or courage to defend those who had madly stricken 
down the American Flag, l^one dared to say that a just pro- 
vocation had been given to the rebels for their deed. It was 
patent to the world that the United States Government had 
desired peace. Het chief magistrate, the leader of the people, 
had done nothing but notify the traitors that he intended to 
feed and protect four score of loyal soldiers in Fort Sumter. 
He had done nothing but assume that he was set for the legit- 
imate use of the property of the nation, and the manful 
defence of her citizens. The United States were to remain 
united until some higher power thaii his own decreed their 

The justice of his position none could question. The spirits 
of millions had chafed and languished under the preceding 
executive, for want of some such bold and decided declaration. 
The sail for troops fitted to their aching hearts as the flame 
to the tinder. It set them on fire with a lofty, enthusiastic 

So early as the next day after the proclamation of the Presi- 
dent there was issued another, nearer home to "Wisconsin, 


To the Loyal Citizens of Wisconsin : 

For the first time in the history of this Federal Government, organ- 
ized treason has manifested itself within several States of the UnioHj 
and armed rebels are making war against it. The Proclamation of the 
President of the United States tells of unlawful combinations too 
powe'rful to be suppressed in the ordinary manner, and calls for military 
forces to suppress such comlsinations, and to sustain him in executing 
the laws. The treasures of the country must no longer be plundered ; 
the public property must be protected from aggressive violence ; that 
already seized must be retaken, and the laws must be executed in 
every State of the Union alike. ' 

, A demand made upon Wisconsin by the President' of the United 
States for aid to sustain the Federal arm, must meet with a prompt 
response. _ One regiment of the militia of this State will be required 
for immediate service, and further service will be required as the 
exigencies of the Government may demand. It is a time when, against 
the civil and religious liberties of the people, and against the integrity 
of the Government of the United States, parties, and politicians, and 
platforms, must be as dust in the balance. All good citizens every- 
where, must join in making common cause against a common enemy. 


Opportunities will be immediately offered to all existing military 
companies, tinder the direction of the proper authorities of the State, 
■for enlistment to fill the demand of the Federal Government, and I 
herehj invite the patriotic citizens of the State to enroll themselves 
into companies of seventy-eight men each, and to advise the Executive 
of their readiness to be mustered into service immediately. Detailed 
instructions will be furnished on the acceptance of companies, and the 
commissioned officers of each regimenj; will nominate their own field 

In times of public danger bad men grow bold and reckless. The 
property of the citizen becomes unsafe, and both public and private 
rights are liable to be jeopardized. I enjoin upon all administrative and 
peace officers within the State renewed vigilance in the maintenance 
and execution of the laws, and in guarding against excesses leading to 
disorder among the people. 

Given under my hand and the Great Seal of the 
[l. S.J State of "Wisconsin, this 16th day of April, A. D. 

By the Governor, ALEXANDER W. E AND ALL. 

L. P. Harvbt, Secretary of State. 

This determined whether our professions were founded in 
integrity. It took hut a few hours to decide the question. 
Scores and hundreds of men from towns and cities offered 
themselves for war instanter. The telegraph quickly flashed 
the bravery of many hearts to the Executive's office at the 
Capital. The one regiment was full before the distant parts 
of the State knew that it was called for. The eagerness of 
men was repressed by the tidings that there was no room for 
them. Fathers said to their only sons, " Gro !" Mothers 
offered their darling boys on the altar of their country. Sons 
came in from the town or the field, convinced that they 
ought now to bear arms for the Government. Sisters 
delighted to do all imaginable suitable things to furnish their 
eager brothers for the war. And lady lovers evinced that 
they loved their country not less for loving some of her sons. 
The national banner leaped into notice and popularity beyond 
what it had ever won before. Its stars, colors, and field, 
received a wondrous study and interpretation. It was alike 
the theme of the school-boy's composition and the orator's 
discourse. It adorned the horses on the streets, and the par- 
lors of the most cultivated ladies. It floated from halls, stores, 
and dwellings, from school rooms and churches, from doors, 
windows, pulpits, and dining tables. Every child must sport 


a badge of red, white, and blue. Tbe school yards were con- 
verted into miniature camping grounds. The boys were 
equipped, drilling, marching, countermarching. All day long 
the noise of their little drums resounded through the streets. 
War became a study. Military tactics were the great theme. 
War books were swept out of the book stores as fast as the 
pleased merchants could procure them. The " Star-Spangled 
Banner" was the universal song. The great throng of the 
people, through a vast extent of territory, was moved by one 
common impulse of patriotism. The love of one's country is 
a mighty power, when stirred to its depths. 

Almost spontaneous assemblings of the people soon became 
the order of the day. War meetings filled up the evenings, 
and military processions almost daily filled the streets. Men 
incited each other to bravery and self-denial by the mutual 
expression of their thoughts — the commingling of their senti- 
ments. There was seldom diminution by opposition. Unity 
added fervor to the flame. If ever there was a murmur, it 
was a breeze to kindle, not a blast to extinguish. 

On Monday evening, the 15th, the earliest time after the 
fall of Sumter became known, very large and enthusiastic 
meetings were held in Milwaxikee, Janesville, and other 
places. In the first named, Dr. Weeks was chairman. Various 
citizens made impromptu patriotic speeches, and the follow- 
ing resolutions, introduced by J. B. D. Cogswell, Esq., as 
chairman of a committee, were passed amid frequent outbursts 
of applause: 

Resolved, That the citizens of Milwaukee receive the intelligence of the bombard- 
ment and surrender of IJ'ort Sumter with emotions of profound regret and humiha- 
tion. We regard it as a national disaster, that the flag of our country has been 
struck at the behest of traitors. 

Resolved, That the action of the so-called Southern Confederacy in refusing 
supplies to, and opening fire upon a small and insulated, though gallant, garrison, 
reduced to the verge of destitution, is an outrage which must meet the condemnation 
of the civilized world. 

Resolved That the events of the 13th and 14th of April should satisfy all men 
that it is vain longer to attempt to oonoihate the seceded States by soft words and 
submission to repeated insults. 

Resolved, That forgetting former party differences, and burying recriminations 
for the past, we recognize it as the imperative duty of all good citizens to sustain 
and support the President of the United States in Ms efforts to suppress treasonable 


combinations', to sustain ,and enforce the laws, and to repossess the forts and pro- 
perty of the tlnion, and that we approve of the Governor's recommendation to the 
State Legislature to prepare for the exigencies of the struggle. 

At Janesville, resolutions were adopted pledging her citi- 
zens, without distinction of party, to the support of the Grov- 
ernment : " Henceforth, and until the present conflict is ended, 
there can he but two parties — patriots and traitom." "]^a- 
tional honor demands that all the forts which have been seized 
by traitors should immediately be retaken, and we will aid to 
bring about that result." Gn the 16th, the Legislature, in 
session at Madison, passed a bill placing $2.00,000 at the dis- 
posal of the Governor, for the purpose of responding to the 
call for troops by the President. The same day, a large and 
enthusiastic meeting was held at Elkhorn, General S. "Walling 
presiding. Resolutions were adopted endorsing the policy of 
the administration to maintain and repossess the United States 
forts, and affirniing that the people of the State would promptly 
respond to any call for men or means. On the 17th, a large 
Union meeting was held at Hacine. Senator Doolittle, "W". P. 
Lyon, Thomas Falvey, H. S. Durand, H. G. Winslow, and 
other prominent Democrats and Republicans addressed the 
peoplft. But one sentiment prevailed, which was the deter- 
mination to rally around the stars and stripes. On the ISth, 
an immense meeting was held at Beaver dam, II. D. Patch 
being moderator. The most strong and patriotic resolutions 
were adopted. 

At noon on the 19th, Mr. William Young presented a flag 
to the Chamber of Commerce, in the presence of a great 
multitude of citizens, and after a presentation speech by him- 
self, was followed by James S. Brown, Esq., Mayor of the 
city, and Matthew H. Carpenter, Esq. , During Mr. Carpen- 
ter's beautiful and eloquent address the audience rose to the 
highest pitch of excitement and enthusiasm. Col. Walker, 
Judge Hubbell, Colonel Starkweather, Captain Starkweather, 
S. Park Coon, J. LaDue, and others, followed in patriotic and 
fervid speeches ; and at the Ifewhall House, on the occasion 
of receiving Governor Seymour, of New York, Jonathan E. 
Arnold Esq., made a short but thrilling address. 

But on that day a more thrilling scene is being enacted in Bal- 


timore. Tlie Sixth. Massachusetts Eegiment of State Militia, 
the first complete regiment of the conntry to respond to the 
requisition for troops, while passing through that city is attacked 
by a mob, and two of them killed and eleven wounded — one 
mortally. Eleven of the mob are killed, and four wounded. 

This caused a tremendous excitement there and throughout 
the country. Governor Hicks, of Maryland, informed the Presi- 
dent that no more troops could pass through Baltimore without, 
fighting their way. The railroad track was torn up, and bridges 
destroyed. The Fourth Pennsylvania Eegiment, in passing 
unarmed through the city the same day, was compelled to 
disband and return to Philadelphia. There it was met by the 
New York Seventh Eegiment, and the route through Balti- 
more being deemed impracticable, transports were furnished 
by which they proceeded to Annapolis; thence marched to 
Annapolis Junction, the railroad track being torn up, and 
from that point proceeded by cars to "Washington. 

On the 19th of April, 1775, Massachusetts men, at Lexing- 
ton, poured out the first blood shed in the Eevolution. On 
the 19th of April, 1861, Massachusetts men, at Baltimore, 
made the same first offering for their country in the second 
Eevolution. The first soldier that fell in Baltimore — the first 
victim of the rebellion — was a youth of seventeen, a native 
of New Hampshire, a resident of Lowell, Massachusetts, 
where a monument now stands to perpetuate his memory. 

The bloody, traitorous scene in Baltimore gave intenser feel- 
ing to the subsequent war meetings in Wisconsin. An early 
question was that of providing for the families of men who 
joined the army. At the regular meeting of the Chamber of 
Commerce in Milwaukee, on Saturday, the 19th, only one 
half the members being present, $11,175 were subscribed m 
ten or fifteen minutes, to support the families of volunteers. 
The following is the subscription list : 

Daniel Newhall, $600 ; W. B. Hibbard, $500 ; Marshall & Ilslev, 
$1,000 ; B. D. Holton, $tCO ; Angus Smith & Co., $500 ; E Sander- 
son, $500 ; a. D. Norris, $500 ; S. T. Hooker, $500 ; J. Nazro & 
Co , $500; Kellogg & Strong, $500; D. Ferguson, $250; E. D Cha- 
pin, $200; Nichols, Britt, & Co., $200 ; Miles & Armour, $200 • Hor- 
ton & Fowler, $2.00 ; Vankirk & McGeoch, $200 ; R. Elliott, $200 • 


Huntington & Co., $200; 0. J. Hale, $150 ; H. Berthelett, $100 
Berthelett & Woolly, $100 ; D. Vandercook, $100 ; G. Pfeil, $100 
H. H. Harrison, $100 ; R. Read, $100 ; J. Lewis, $100 ; J. C. Mont 
gomery, $125 ; G. H. Lamberton, $100 ; R. P. Fitzgerald, $100 ; J 
J. Tallmadge, $100 ; .George' 0. Stephens, $100 ; Bertschy & Kern 
$100 ; J. H. Seely, Jr., $100 ; Tibbits & Starkweather, $100 ; J. M 
Holmes, $100 ; P. R. Storm, $250 ; A. L. Hutchinson, $100 ; W 
Young, $100; 0. H. "Wheeler, $100 ; Mann Brothers, $100; H. T 
Thompson, $100; T. Hibbard, $100 ; J. Peck, $100; M. C. Hoyt 
$100 ; D. G. Conkey, $100 ; A. M. Sweet, $50 ; C. Holland, $50 ; L, 
Pierson, $50; Keeler & Willard, $50; George H.' Sawyer, $50 
Buttrick Brothers, $50 ; D. M. Brigham, $26 ; F. W. Frieze, $25 
S. Ferguson, $25 ; George Godfrey, $25 ; L. L. Crounse, $25 ; H. H. 
Smith, $25; J. Bryden, $25. 

Another meeting was held in the evening of the same day, 
Alexander Mitchell presiding, and Governor Eandall, Judge 
McArthur, and Judge Huhbell delivering addresses. "William 
Hool^er read the names of suhseribers at the regular session 
of the Chamber of Commerce, and John ll^azro read a sub- 
scription of merchants as follows : 

Wisconsin Leather Co., $1,000; Bradford Brothers, $500; John 
Nazro & Co., $500 ; Hassett & Chapman, $100 ; Warren & Hewett, 
$200; J. A. Dutoher & Co., $200; C. R. Baker, $100; Inbusch 
Brothers, $500 ; Isham & Co, $100 ; Lansing Bonnell, $12 per month 
as long as the war lasts. Haney & De Bow, $200; G. Pfeister & 
Co., $300; George Dyer & Co. ,$500; Bradley & Metcalf, $500 
Hunn & Crosby, $50; G.. Bremer & Co., $200 ; E. E. Fairbanks, per 
month, $12; Atkins^ Steele and White, $200; J. L. Davis, $300 
Sexton Brothers & Co., $500 ; J. M. Durand, $500 ; Greene & Button 
$200; Young & French, $200; John Rice, $100; Edward Truslow 
$100 ; Wm. M. Sinclair, $200 ; H. Bosworth & Sons, $300 ; J. Dahl 
man & Co. ,,$500 ; Blair & Persons, $250 ; Strickland & Co., $100 
T. P. CoUingbourne, $25; Goodrich & Terry, $200; Otto Bro-thersj 

Then the following subscriptions were made on the spot by 
men in the audience : 

L. Hubbell, $50; Waite King & Co., $25; J. Lookwood, $100; 
J. B. Frost, $10; P. Lawrence, $10; C. H. Larkin, $100; Jason 
Thompson, $100; Samuel Haight, $100 ; John Black, $100 ; H. Lud- 
ington, $200; Armstrong &' Spink, $100; J. La Due, $200; W. 
Fink, $25 ; John Sercomb, $25 ; G. "Van Deutsch, $100 ; N. Brick, 
$100; S. Weatherbee,' $100;, L. Blake, $50; James Heath, $25; 
Henly Williams, $100; F, Raymond, $5 ; J. B. D. Cogswell, $100 ; 
J. Duncan, $5 per month ; C. A. Hinde, $30 ; G. D. Dousman, $100; 


J. Stark, $100; P. L. Mossih, $3 per month; John Eugee, $20; 
Hans Eees, $200 ; T. Rutledge, $30 ; E. H. Brodhead, $500 ; M. M. 
Lealey, $20; J. N". Silkman, $100 ; S. Field, $100; A. D. Seaman, 
$25 per month ; J. H. Tesoh, $50 ; A. Games, $5 ; George Brown, 

$10 ; P. O'Conner, $10 ; Burchard, $5 per month ; R. Parkinson, 

$5 per month; W. Wesley, $5 per month; James S. Brown, $100; 
J. H. Jones, $10 ; Blanchard & Arnold, $100; A. N. Dickson, $100. 

Other subscriptions were afterward added. These are given 
to indicate the spirit of the hour. 

A subsequent statement says that Alexander Mitchell, the 
moderator of that meeting, gave |1,000, and that a few days 
after, about $30,000 had been raised in Milwaukee alone. 

In Madison, at a meeting held on the evening previous — the 
18th — similar action was taken. Judge Orton served as chair- 
man. A resolution was passed to maintain the families of the 
volunteers from Madison and vicinity. Great enthusiasm was 
added to the meeting by the entrance of a company of volun- 
teers. Amid the gift-making and speech-making, one Lucius 
Fairchild gave fifty dollars, and himself to go to the war. Daniel 
Lincoln, another volunteer, gave the same. Simeon Mills 
pledged fifty dollars per month as long as the war should last, 
and when the Silver G-rays were called on, would go himself. 
Judge Paine, of the Supreme Court, gave fifty dollars, and T. 

B. Muldoon, a blacksmith, fifty dollars. Colonel Ebenezer 
Brigham, the first white settler of Dane County, subscribed 
one hundred dollars. A resolution was passed to give each 
young man without a family ten dollars, on the day of his 
departure to the seat of war, but the young men subsequently 
nobly declined the gift in favor of the families of volunteers. 
The meeting was so brisk and earnest with subscriptions that 
the audience would not tolerate speeches. The subscriptions 
at that meeting amounted to $7,490, to which additions were 
subsequently made. Charles Gr. Mayers, the secretary of the 
meeting, gave the following a& the list of subscriptions at the 
time : 

Governor Eandall, $50 ; B. F. Hopkins, $200 ; William Welsh, $50 : 
H.S. Orton, $100; W. W. Tredway, $50 ; The State Bank, $500; D. 

C. Bush, $100 ; J. 0. Hopkins, $200 ; W. B. Jervis, $100 ; W. J. Ells- 
worth, $25; George B. Seekell, $50 ; Thomas B. Taylor, $10 ; H. 0, 
Jaquish, $25; George B. Smith, $100; Chauncey Abhott, $100; 


Neely Gray, $100 ; E. E. Hale, $25 ; Ezra Squires, llO ; James E, 
Fisher, $26 ; V. W. Roth, $20; Wm. A. Jones, $25; Z. Eamsdale 
$25 ; J. 0. Tucker, $25 ; C. J. Palme, $25 ; T. D. Plumb, $25 ; W 
H. Watson, $25; A. C. Eandall,$10; H. Rublee, $25 ; W. T.Ward, $25 
James Cameck, $25 ; William Pomeroy, $25 ; W. H. Waterman, $8 
per month for twelve months^-paid for first month ; W. S. Main, '$25 

A. Plesch, $3 per month for twelve months ; O.L: Spooner, $40 ; W. 
H. Askew, $25; M. M. Jackson, $25: S. G. Abbott, Oregon, $25 
T. Chynoweth, $30 ; J. H. McParland, $10 ; Edw. Jussen, $25 ; Lud- 
wig Jones, $25 ; John McGregor, $25 ; William Pyncheon $25 ; J. 
W. Potter, Christiana, $10; J. B. Williams, $25 ; Harrison Eeed, 
$25 ; C. Corneliusen, $25 ; James S. Hill, $50 ; J. C. Gregory, $50; 
M. Maudner, $10 ; C. T. Wake%, $25 ; Thaddeus Dean, $100 ; N. 
W. Dean, $250 ; G. P. Hastings, $50 ; H. M. Page, $25 ; Matthew 
Eoach, $25 ; James Jack, $50 ; A. G. Davis, $50 ; Dorn & Brownell, 
$50 ; G. Dutcher & Co., Capital House, $50 ; D. McFarland, $20 
T. B.Muldoon, $50; Clerks in the State Treasurer's Department, $100 

B. H. Huntington, $25 ; D. Worthington, $50 ; L. P. Harvey. $100 
John D. Welch, $100 ; Butcher, per Mr. Bemis, $50; J. T. Marston 
$50; David Atwood, $100; T. Reynolds, $50 ; Lucius Pairchild, $50 

P. 0. Pestner, $50; Harlock, $10; The clerks in School Land 

Office, $100 ; A. A. McGourjal, $50 ; A. Warren, $50 ; Ebenezer 
Brigham, $100; H. G. Bliss, $100 ; J. B. Bowen, $100 ; A. Pickarts, 
$25 ; C. J. Mears, $100 ; J. S. Clark, $500 ; P. Mohr & Co., $60 
Mosely & Brothers, $25 ; J. A. Johnson, $50; S. E. Pox,,$50 ; C 
P. Solberg, $50 ; M. H. Orton, $25; Jacob Lenz, $50; Samuel Klauber 
$100 ; Samuel Engle, $50 ; Bvron Paine, $50 ; ' John A. Byrne, one 
hundred bushels of wheat ; W. P. Towers, $25 ; D. K. Tenney, $100 
A. G. Darwin. $200 ; Simeon Mills, $50 per month to the close of the 
war ; A. Sherwin, $100 ; J. W. Harvey, $100 ; Eobert Nichols, $25 
J. W. Hoyt, $25 ; H. P. Hall, $50 ; H. W. Tenney, $50 ; P. J 
Lauler. $50; J. 0. Pord, $50 ; Isaac Klauber, $25 ; Segmund Klau- 
ber, $25 ; Breeze J. Stevens, $100 ; John D. Gurnee, $100 ; George 
Paine, $100 ; M. E. Puller, $100, C. L. Williams, $100 ; J. H. Hill, 
$50 ; W. A- Briard, $100 ; N". J. Moody, $25 ; D. Lincoln, $50 ; M. 
Kohner, $50 ; R. L. Garlick, $25 ; Sharp & Oakley, $50 ; D. Pitch, 
$25 ; B. W. Suckow, $25 ; P. D. Pilkins, $25 ; Rev. J. B. Britton, $25; 
E. Gibbs (paid), $5 ; S. E. Pearson, $10 ; J. S. Puller (paid), $10 ; 
Joseph Hobbins, M. D., $25, and professional services gratis to any 
family; Rev. Mr. Howe, $10 ; S. D. Hastings, $100. 

In Waupun a Bimilar meeting was held, and the subscrip- 
tions for tlie benefit of the families of volunteers amounted to 
about $3,000. The following is a list of the subscribers to the 
fund, as given in the Waupun limes, of April 26th. 

Hans 0. Heg, $50; N. H. Palmer, $25; Selah Matthews, $25; 
Martin Mitchell, $15; D. B. WiUard, $10; A. Hall, $10; D. G. 
Brooks, $10 ; G. G. Woodruff, $10 ; William Booth, $10 ; James 


McNaughton, §510; A. E. Schmidt, ?plO ; J. Bardwell, ^10 ;_^D. 
Ghristemon, $10; J. Wongender, $10; F.. HDmiston $10 ; A Gas- 
man, $10 ; H. I. A. Holman, $10 ; H. K. De Moe, $10 ; Hans Wood, 
$10; C. J. KralDT, $10; H. Daniels, $10; Sheldoji Atkins, $10; 
A. Skofstad, $10; D. W. Moore, $10; B Carrington, $5 ; M B. 
Prince, $5 ; W. H. Carrier, $5 ;, D. Graves, $10 ; A. P, Phelps, $5 ; 
J Coffman, $10; B. 0. Sawyer, $10; James Crowther, $15; John 
Bryce, $10; L. Eaton, $10 ; Z. Burr, $10 ; H. E. Scovil, $10 ; A. 
S. Grant, $5; E. M. Thorpe, $10; "William Swick, $10; W. S. 
Wilkes, $6 ; L. Updike, $5 ; W. B. Poster, $10 ; G. R. Bartsoh, 
$10 ; L. Lomdon, $10; J. 0. Hillebert, $10; G. Gasman, $10; Joel 
Taylor, $10; B. Whiting, $10 ; I. Merriam, $10; L. Thompson, $10 ; 
K. Helgenon, $10 ; Benjamin Crawford, $10 ; George Diddock, $10 ; 
S. Clark, $10; J.Wilkes, $5; A. Carter, $10; N. B. Cleveland, 
$10; T. Carpenter, $50; W. H. Taylor, $25; J. M. Sohweck, $10; 
J. H. Brinkerhoff, $30; N. J. Newton, $25; D. C. Fairbank, $25; 
Almon Atwood, $25 ; M. K. Dahl, $25 ;. William Ware, $25 ; R. W. 
Wells, $25 ; D. Andrews, $15 ;, A. D. Allis, $25 ; G. Howland, $25 ; D. 
Ferguson, $50 ; M. Nivison, $25 ; W. W. Hatcher, $20 ; G. Babcock, 
$25 ; H. Lamphire, $25 ; A. H. Rounseville, $25 ; M. J. Althouse, $50 ; 

C. S. Kneeland, $25; John Ware, $25; E. Hillyer, $25 ; J. Johnson 
& Bro., $25 ; Kimball & Bro., $25 ; A. Walker, $25 ; 0. F. Gee, $25 ; 
T. B. Ketchum, $25; S. W. Keyes, $15; Whit. Young, $10; 
William Simpson, $10; B. H. Young, $5; S. G. Clough, $5; John 
Mosher, $10; F; Goodrich, $5; J. H. MoDaniels, $5; A IngersoU, 
$10 ; E. M. Dodgeon, $10 ; George Wirt, $10 ; William Parsons, $10; 
J. C. Cleveland, $5; L. D. Henikley, $10; E. Van Wie, $5; H. 
Lawrence, $5 ; N. Carey, $5 ; E. Miller, $10 ; A. F. Clark, $10 ; L. 

D. Converse, 20 bushels of wheat ; M. Nichols, $5 ; L. N. Wells, $5 ; 
W. Sperry, $10 ; L. Town, $5 ; S. Bronson, $10 ; N. Cobb, $5 ; Jos. 
Johnson, $6; C. Hart, $5 ; Starkweather & E., $60 ; E. U. Judd, 
$10; D. Bruce, $10; D. D. Tompkins, $10; H. Weage, $25; S. 
Trowbridge, $15; A. Robinson, $10; D. Cheney, $5; M. R. Jineing, 
$5 ; J. S. Clark, $10 ; I. W. Preston, $10 ; A. Burnham, $15 ; W. H. 
Tompkins, $10 ; A.Bruce, $5 ; I. M. Wilbur, $10 ; M. Spilane, $10 ; 
D. Pierce, $5 ; A. A. Greenman, $10 ; R. H. Ferris, $3 ; P. Dono- 
van, $5; H. L. Butterfield, $50; D. P. Norton, $50; R. Smith, $10; 
A. Benson, $5 ; N. Merlan, $10 ; C. L. Loveland,- $10 ; R. Damonde, 
$10 ; Doctor Snyder, $5 ; Rank & Manz, $25 ; M. L. Coe, $25 ; R. P. 
Beardsley, $5; T. S. Bustad, $5; S. H. Harris, $10; L. G. Alger, 
$s; S. Amadon, $25; 0. A. Morse, $10; A. D. Ellsworth, $25; M. 
L Lanbom, S5 , C. Mord, $5; A. P. Bixby, $25; L. J. Hollister, 
$io; J. Jacobs, $2; S.Wilcox, $15; D. L.Bancroft, $25; R. C. 
Dodge, $5 ;B. Banker, $5; S. Pebbles, $15 ; T, C Sanborn, $25; 

d-T^f- ^tl^'" f/^^ ^- ^'^^*^^' ^^0; J- Jackson. $60; W. G 
McElroy $25 M. Richardson, $10; J. Howard, $15; W Greene, 

month to family o^oL^^^J,^'^^^^^^/^ 
(Faithfully done.— Editor, February 12th, 1^66.) 


In Kenosha the feeling was reported as intense, never before 
equaled. Colonel Lane telegraphed to G-overnor Randall, 
offering the " Park City Grays ;" and the people claimed that 
they had furnished the first company toward the required 
regiment from Wisconsin. The ministers, as in most other 
places, preached on the subject of the rebellion, and the St. 
Marks (Catholic) Church had the honor of being the first church 
to throw out the national flag to the breeze from the steeple 
of its house of worship. At a meeting held on the evening 
of April 19th, Rev. John Gridley in the chair, a subscription 
was opened to aid in the equipment of volunteers, and for 
their comfort while absent, and the welfare of their families 
at home. In one hour the sum of $8,543 was pledged, as 
follows : 

C. 0. Sholes, $200; Hon. Charles Durkee, $120; Harvey Durkee, 
$100 ; Z. G. Simmons, $100; Michael O'Donnell, $5 ; E. Bain, $100; 
H. B. Towslee, $200 ; S. Y. Brande, $25 ; C. J. Parker, $25 ; Eev. 
Jo-hn Gridley, $25 ; Rev. J. McNamara, $25 ; M. H. Pettit, $50 ; J. 
M. Stebbins, $25 ; JST. B. Hyde, $25; 0. Shend, $5 ; Peter Grosh, Jr., 
$5 ; J. & P. English, $25 ; A. H. Thompson, $25 ; Brown & Weeks, 
$50; P. H. Wood, $50; Rous Simmons, $50; H. F. Schoff, $25; 
R. H. Slosson, $25; M. O'Brien, $10; Cyrus Briggs, $25; Schoff & 
Winegar, $25; John T. Shepherd, $5; H. McDermofct, $10 ; C. S. 
Bronson, $25; A. Campbell, $100; 0. S. Head, $100; Gerken & 
Ernst, $25; Prank H. Head, $50; John Nicoll, $20; Rev. J. T. 
Matthews, $25 ; J. G. Buddie, $5 ; Walter Cook, $3 ; M. Frank, $30 
Ezra Simmons, $15 ; L. S. Kellogg, $15 ; H. H. Tarbe.ll, $20 ; J. B, 
Starkweather,- $10; A. 0. Foster, $5; N. G. Backus, $20; I. W, 
Webster, $10; A. D. Sawtell, $5; L. B. Emmons, $10; S. McAfee 
$5 ; A. J. Hale, $5; Lyman, Bent & Mowry, $50 ; Dean & Hawley 
$135; James M. Kellogg, $5; Valentine Bauer, $5 ; Matthias Huck 
$5 ; C. A. Mathewson, $5 ; Gurdin GiUet, $15 ; P. Willard, $5 
David Bone, $25; J. H. Kimball, $100; Thomas Scott, $10; L. P 
Shears, $25; J. Brockett, $5; Wallace Mygatt, $25; P. T. Briggs 
$10; T. D. Persons, $10; Hays McKinley, $25; A. Parr, $50 
JosiahBond, $50; John Turk, $5; John Wier, $10; H. W. Hub- 
bard, $50 ; Peter Boesen, $5 ; S. S. Hastings, $5 ; Wheeler & Clark, 
$25 ; E. J. Pierce, $5 ; George Bennett, $25 ; Herman Reinold, $10 
W. & J. Lindeman, $5 ; William P. Halliday, $10 ; N. R. Allen, $25 
Rev. P. B. Pease, $10; T. J. Conatty, $26 ; Chapman & Nott, $50 
R. 0. Gottfredsen, $15; T. D. Bond, $15; Levi Grant, $25; J. J, 
Pettit, (paid $20) $25; Luther. Whitney, $20; Frederick Robinson 
$50; S. H. Sweet, $25; William Osborn, $10; R. B. Winsor, $10 
David Crosit, $20; Samuel Francis, (paid) $5; S. C. Johnson, $15 
George Yule, $20; Samuel Jones, $20; J. G. McKindley, $25 


Orlando Foster, $20 ; E.P.Lewis, $10; E. F. Morris, $25; Isaac 
George, $10; Eev. H. S-lade, $5; Charles F. Mather, $25; Lewis 
Bain, $25;, James P. G16ver, $20; L. Whitmore, $10; Edward H. 
Rudd, $10; Miss H. M. Dresser, half the profits of a lecture ; Joseph 
Vale, profits of bakery for one year; J. Sullivan, $10 ; P. Hutchinson, 
$G; Lansing B. Nichols, $20 ; Philip Carey, $10; W. E. Eeed, $10; 
C. B. Lewis, $15 ; Peter Eook, $5 ; J. B. Doolittle, $10 ; Nelson 
Stebbins, $10; John B. Jilsun, $25; E. E. Hugunin, $25 ; C. H. 
Comstock,^10 ; Head & Campbell, $50 ; W. L. Porter, $10. 

A like patriotic meeting was held in Fond du Lac, and 
$4,000 were subscribed at tbe time for the support of volun- 
teers and their families, l^o list has been received. 

At Beaver Darn, as early as on the evening of the 18th, an 
immense meeting was held, H. D. Patch presiding, and one 
hundred and fifty men enrolling as volunteers. The last of a 
series of glowing resolutions was the following ; the first part 
nobly fulfilled at once, the last at length : 

Besolved, That we will support the present poHcy of the G-overnment of the 
United States, with men and money, and that the glorious old banner of onr nation 
shall again wave on the walls of Fort Sumter, and every other fort, arsenal, dock 
yard, and navy yard which belong to this nation. 

On the evening of the same day, the 18th, an enthusiastic 
meeting was held in Columbus, which passed strong resolu- 
tions to sustain the Government. 

At Janesville the relief fund was early carried up to $5,380, 
a company was soon formed, and a large meeting of Rock 
County citizens was held the 25th. 

In Beloit, leading citizens — among them college professors 
— addressed enthusiastic meetings; two companies were soon 
formed, and another was in progress ; there it is recorded that 
a merchant, Mr. A. P. Waterman, ofifered to allow his clerks, 
who volunteered, full salaries during the war; the star-spangled 
banner floated over the college walls ; some students enlisted 
at once, and others formed themselves into a company for 
drill ; on motion of Senator Bennett, the citizens • pledged 
themselves to take all necessary and proper care of the 
families of volunteers, and as early as April 25th, nearly $2,400 
had been raised for that purpose; no noisy demonstrations 
were made on the Sabbath; and the Beloit Journal and Courier 
of April 18th, describing the state of the city, said : 


, 'Volunteers have been enrolled by hundreds, and the most liberal contributions have 
been made for the support of the families of recruits, and the equipment of volun- 
teer corps. All classes, from the gray-haired veterans to the boys in the streets — 
clergymen, professional men, business men, have all been wrought up with patriotic 
emotion. The women of the city, withal, are in the field. With true female 
devotion, they are engaged in furnishing blankets, bandages, hnt, etc., for the 
necessity and comfort of the troops who leave this place. 

Indeed, never in the history of this city has thore ever been manifested such a 
depth and glow of feeling as has been exhibited since the issue of the President's 
Proclamation ; and whether the contest be long or short, Beloit will not be found 
wanting in energy and attachment to the cause. 

As early as tlie 27tli, the town of Clinton had $2,500 sTib- 
scribed for soldiers' families; in Oshkosh the mayor of the city 
offered , to equip a full company for the war ; at Whitewater 
more wished to volunteer than could be received; at Sheboygan 
a meeting of the citizens of the county was early called; at 
Platteville they had an enthusiastic war meeting on an hour's 
notice, and brought in lists of volunteers from the surround- 
ing towns ; and in Portage City they pledged themselves to 
give all necessary aid to soldiers' families, and adopted this 
resolution : 

Besolved, That in the great contest before us we wiU' recognize but two parties 
-M;he Union and the Disunion party ; that we will render aU of our assistance to aid 
the one and destroy the other. 

In Salem a subscription was made for the benefit of soldiers 
and their families. Previous to May 1st, citizens of the town 
of Palmyra had subscribed $1,600 for the relief of soldiers' 
families, and five dollars for each volunteer. The citizens of 
Wilmot and vicinity closed a series of resolutions with the 
following : 

Besolved, That we, as citizens of Wisconsin, will maintain the flag of our 
country — that it shall remain the flag oi owr whole cmmtry, and that not a "star" 
shall be torn from it by secession, rebellion, or aggression. 

In many farming communities no efforts were made at the 
opening of the war to provide for soldiers' families,- for the 
reason that none seemed to be needed. The town of Burling- 
ton may illustrate the fact with many . other communities. 
There they sent more volunteers than their strict quota at the 
first call-of the President. But those who enlisted were sons of 
parents in prosperous circumstances, and for that reason no 


aid was needed or given, except the private gifts of individual 
citizens to their own friends for their personal use, and of 
such no account was kept.* 

Sdme counties pursued the course adopted by Green County, 
where the families of volunteers were provided for as far as 
seemed to be needful, but by a uniform special tax, which, 
during the war, amounted to $56,000, beside the aid granted 

by the State, f 

In Adams County, and perhaps others, the mode adopted 
was this: enthusiastic meetings were held, and citizens not 
enlisting themselves made their individual pecuniary offers for 
volunteers, the spirit and the bids rising from point to point 
until a sufficient number was obtained.f 

In other communities no contributions were felt to be 
necessary during the first year of the rebellion, as in Polk 
County, where, subsequently, before the close of the war, 
$9,000 were raised by private effort.§ 

Such, imperfectly given, was the uprising of the people in 
Wisconsin. Patriotism was glowing throughout the State. 
The unity of the people on the one question of defending the 
national flag, was encouraging, inspiring. The love of country 
was deeper than words. Money flowed like water for the 
purposes of the Government. Many gave more than all 
money— they gave themselves. Multitudes, whose own selves 
were an unsuitable gift, gave husbands, sons, and brothers ; 
and gave them, many, never to be received back again in this 

* L. P. Smith, Editor of Burlington Standard. 

f General James Biutliff, late Editor of the Monroe Seniind. 

j: Lieutenant S. W. Piorce, Editor of the Adams County Press. 

§ Samuel S. Pifleld, Jun., Editor of the Osceola Press. 
Note. — The lists of subscribers for the aid of volunteers' families, given in the 
foregoing Chapter, are not intended as a complete account of the benevolence of 
the people, but as some indication of the interest felt at that time by the mass. 
Many in these lists gave much more afterwards, and many not- in these lists -were 
among the most benevolent contributors. 









The newspaper press is the pulse, but not tlie heart of the 
people. It shows the character of the life, but is not the life- 
beating power. Sometimes it is so virtuous and staunch that 
it sends a backward current powerful enough to modify or 
control the centre — the heart itself. It at least propels the 
blood through the lungs of the political system, where it 
secretes in itself a healthy atmospheric element or noxious 

What Wisconsin has been in the War of the Rebellion 
cannot be told without a notice of the press. What the people 
believed cannot be well known without what the press declared. 
A few sentences from each of a few newspapers of the State, 
at the^ early date of the rebellion, will be worth depositing 
in the historic urn. In future days they will possess more 
interest to the curious, perhaps will be more suggestive and 
instructive, than now. 

The Daily Wisconsin, of Milwaukee, on Saturday, April 
13th, 1861, had this announcement: 

The rebels of Charleston have finally Inaugurated oivil war by oommoncing tha 
bombardment of Fort Sumter. It is thus that the war is commenced against our 


country by the conspirators. "We trust in God that the United States fleet -will he 
able to reheve Major Anderson, and then give the South CaroUna traitors such a 
lesson as will render their fate memorable in the history of great crimes. * * * 

On Monday, the 15tli, it said : 

There is not a loyal American 

" Prom St. Lawrence's icy main . 
■ To Nevada's golden mountain," 

who, when he learns of the bombardment and surrender of Port Sumter to the 
rebels of South Carolina, will not feel humiUated. That this great country could 
not, on its own soil, reinforce its defenders has become one of the blistering truths 
of history. * * * * 

On H'ovem'ber the 15th, the day the news of the fall of Fort 
Sumter, anii the call of the President for 75,000 men were 
received, the Madison Daily State Journal said: 

* * * We entreat the Legislature to show no niggardly or stinting spirit in 
responding to the President's call. The people of the State will not justify it. The 
bill which is now in course of preparation should reflect the pubHc spirit and the 
loyal generosity of Wisconsin. If o(ir proportion be only 1,500, let us treble or quad- 
ruple the number. There will be no difficulty in raising volunteers in such a cause ; 
and it is due to the people of the State, and due to the country, that our action at 
this time should correspond with the prevailing sentiment. The Southern revolt 
is founded on the idea thiit the population of the free States is composed of cowards 
and shopkeepers, of money worshipers and mudsills, too timid or too venal, too 
selfish or too abject, to defend their honor and maintain their rights. The time has 
come when the delusion must be dissipated, and we want Wisconsin to show that 
she is as ready to incur hazards and make sacrifices in support of the cause of the 
Union as any of her sister States. 

The Milwaukee Smtinel of April 17th contains the following 
on the war : 

We regard war as among the greatest calamities that can befall a nation, and in 
the present emergency of this nation have been willing and desirous that everythiig 
possible should be done to avoid it. Such, too, has recently been the spirit of the 
Government. It has carefully refrained from even the appearance of a purpose to 
strike a blow at the South. Its late mission to Sumter was only one of common 
humanity — of mercy. Indeed, to its extreme care in this respect is to be attributed 
its defeat in the first passage at arms with the traitors. But the hopes and prayers 
of the men of peace, and the peaceable spirit of the Government, have availed 
nothing. Animated by the infernal spirit which prompted this rebellion, the South 
has needlessly opened this war. Let the Government now draw the sword and 
throw away the scabbard. Let us hear no more ol peace till it comes in appeal from 
the trembling lips of cpnq^uered traitors. 


"What may be the duration of this strife we cannot tell. How many lives — how 
much sacrifice of treasure it may iilYolve, the future alone can reveal. But the 
man who doubts that the fiual'result will be to crush out this treason, and strengthen 
this Go vermeut, ' is weak of faith and judgment. 

The Milwaukee News on Sunday, April 14tli, said : 

The telegraph brings us the startling intelligence that hostilities have com- 
menced at Port Sumter, and we confidently predict that before this number of our 
paper goes to press we shall have the news tha.t the Fort has been surrendered to 
the Confederate troops. In any event what is the excuse and what the object of 
this inauguration of this war ? "To protect the public property, ' ' say the 
defenders of the policy. If it is a mere question of property, is it worth what it 
will cost ? "To maintain the Union, ' ' says another. No intelligent man believes 
that the Union can be maintained by force. "To enforce the laws," says a tliird. 
The only way in which the laws of the United States can be constitutionally 
enforced is through the operation of the courts ; to attempt to enforce the laws by 
miUtary coercion, before the violation of the same has been established by the 
courts, is to supersede the civil authority by military usurpation, in utter violation 
of the Constitution, and subversive of our system of Government. " To collect the 
revenues, ' ' says a fourth. This can only be done by law, or in violation of law. 
If the courts of the States refuse or neglect to enforce the collection of the 
revenues, the Federal authorities have no more legal authority to do it than they 
have to legalize piracy or highway robbery. » * » * 

The Chilton Times, as early as December 1st, 1860, in an 
editorial by Harrison C. Hobart, Esq., said: 

"When a State shall attempt to secede from the Union, we believe it to be the 
duty of the President of the United States, imposed upon him by the Constitution, 
to regard the act as rebellious,, and to summon the army and navy to crush out the 
rebellion. If the impending danger is alarming, the PresideQt should be equal to 
the emergency, and promptly arouse the country to a sense of its peril, and call for 
a force sufficient to protect the integrity of the Union. Let Mr. Buchanan do that 
early, and there will be an earthquake tread of freemen that will startle every rebel 
in the cotton States. We have not been among those who have been ready to clap 
their hands at every word which malice, hatred, and revenge have uttered against 
the present Chief Magistrate, although we are free to concede that he has com- 
mitted errors ; yet, if he does not resist the attempt to break the Union, with every 
power placed in his hands by the Constitution and laws of his country, we hope 
the sword of power will fall from his palsied hand, and his name be consigned to 
the darkest roll of infamy. "We believe he will meet the crisis boldly and vigor- 
ously, and that every patriot will be ready to respond to the call of his country, 
whether the helm of State is held by Buchanan or Lincoln. If Napoleon could 
afford to sacrifice a hundred thousand lives^j resist the encroachments of Austria, 
the United States can afford to sacrifice t* hundred thousand to preserve the 
integrity of the Union. Again we say : One country — or a 1 


The Madison State Journal, April 17th, in an editorial 
respecting a despatch by Governor Eandall to the Secretaiy 
of War, asking that the State be allowed to rais^ two or three 
additional regiments, said : 

The time has come when the majesty of insulted laws must he vindicated. The 
loyalty of the people is thoroughly aroused. Forbearance, and patience, and lenity 
are no longer virtues. The full power of the Government should be called in 
requisition to crush this insurrection without delay. In mercy to the traitors, and 
in justice to ourselves, let this conflict be brief and conclusive, at whatever sacrifice 
of life or property. Let the President but say they are needed, and such a swarm 
as never yet the populous North poured from her teeming loins, will flock around 
the banner of the country, and plant it again upon the blackened walls of Sumter, 
and unroll it once more over every plundered arsenal and fort where treason now 
shows its brazen front. 

The Janesville Daily Gazette of April 15th : 

The traitors who have so long plotted the destruction of the Government have 
commenced the war by attacking Fort Sumter. The Administration has not been 
the aggressor. Time has been given — too much lime in the opinion of some — to 
the misguided people of the South to reconsider their action. They have been 
treated with every leniency possible under the circumstances. Instead of inducing 
them to return to the support of the common Government, which has never treated 
them harshly, never tyrannized over them, never turned a deaf ear to any just 
demand, they have conspired against it, and now seek by war upon the nation to 
overwhelm it. 

This is, then, the crisis of the fate of republican institutions in America, and 
throughout the world. All that we hold dear on earth is at stake. The blood of 
our revolutionary fathers was shed in vain, if we now falter in our determination to 
put down this rebellion. The importance of the occasion is greater than the revo- 
lution of 1716. If our fathers had failed then, liberty would not have been lost, 
but could have risen again ; but now the temple of freedom has been reared, and, 
if it falls, it will be a ruin not to be repaired for generations to come, and not 
without the shedding of rivers of blood, and untold misery. 

Let it be borne in mind and sink deeply into every heart, that this is no occasion 
for entertaining any feelings of a party nature. All party is swallowed up in a 
patriotic desire to save the country and our democratic, republican institutions. 

The Beloit Journal and Courier of April 18th : 

The star-spangled banner has been humbled, and traitors have mockingly 
trodden its folds in the dust. A voice from every patriot's grave in the land 
demands that its honor be retrieved. Let the patriots of this day, vow to redeem 
the proud old banner from dishonor. Our national existence, indeed, is once more 
at stake. No man with a true American heart in his breast will fail to respond to 
the call to arms. Let there be no divisions amongst us. Let us rally heart and 
hand as loyal Americans, and swear at the altar of liberty that the Government of 
our fathers shall be maintained. Let the triumphing of the enemy be short. Be 
" God and our country," the watchword of patriot hearts', and let foul treason be 


crushed at a grasp. God is with the right, and the God of battles- grant that the 
flag of the Union shall forever float in triumph over its foes. 

April 18th, tlie "Wanpun rimes discoursed : 

■Uncertainty has given plAoe to reality — civil war has been inaugurated. The 
rebels have done an overt act — they have fired upon and captured, by force of arms, 
a Federal fort, and there remains to the Government no resource but to maintain its 
rights and its power as a nation. ' There is no room, for doubt and hesitation — men can 
no longer be Republicans or Democrats — party is nowhere in this issue — every 
man must choose for himself between the proud title of patriot or the disgraceful 
name of traitor — ^must rally to the support of the flag of the Union, the glorious 
stars and stripes, or join the rebel clan beneath the folds of that venomous reptile, 
the emblem of sin, which so fitly adorns their banner. In Wisconsin there will be 
few who will not stand close by the Government, and that few will soon learn 
that they will better display tlieir wisdom by maintaining a " dignified silence."' 

The Kenosha TeUgrafh, of the 25th : 

To glance back at first causes, it is patent to all that the question of slavery has 
been the fruitful source of the existing strife,. The slaveholders have seen the free 
States growing and expanding in all elements of greatness, increasing in population, 
and growing in wealth at a rate, when compared with their own sluggish and 
imperceptible advancement, actually supernatural. Instead of growing emulous, 
they have grown envious, and to satisfy, in a measure, their envy and malice, have 
charged the blight that has rested upon their prosperity to Northern aggression and 
usurpation of the rights and frauohises of the South. They have persisted in shut- 
ting their eyes to the real difSculty in the way of their own advauceSjent, and that 
effectually prevented them from keeping pace with the free States. They have 
been taught to look upon our prosperity, not as the legitimate result of fi'ee labor 
of a portion of their own country, in which they are almost equally interested with 
ourselves, but rather as rivals and enemies. Thus taught, they have sought to find 
cause for quarrel and contention in every measure started for the benefit and 
advancement of the whole country. In common with almost every civilized nation 
on the earth, the people of the free States have disliked and condemned African 
slavery, and have sought by constitutional means to prevent its spread into new and 
free territory. This has been in no spirit of enmity or ill will toward our brethren of 
the slaveholding States. It has been from conscientious and patriotic motives ; to 
prevent the spread of what we believed to be a great evil morally, and, what we 
Jcnew to be a great drawback — a perfect incubus on the growth, prosperity,, and 
welfare of our common country. In urging upon the country the principles which 
we were satisfied would tend to the national welfare and prosperity, we have always 
been careful not to infringe on any constitutional right of the South, and at all 
times to d.isclaim any intention or wish to interfere with the institution in any State 
where it was already established. But this forbearance and toleration of what we con- 
scientiously believed to be a great evil and a stain on our national escutcheon, did 
not suit nor satisfy our slaveholdiug neighbors. They wanted to compel us to fall in 
love with slavery and to give it the highest places in tlje nation always. To this we 
objected by appeals to the wisdom and. patriotism of the people, until a majority of 
this great nation have acknowledged the. righteousness of our cause, and as a con- 


sequence we elected a Republican President. This is all we have done to bring on 
this war. We have exercised the freeman's greatest privilege— the right of suf- 
frage, and, as we expected to do, have defeated our opponents at the ballot box. 
This triumph has been followed by no demonstration against the institutions of the 
South ; still, we are now involved in civil war, for no other reason than that we 
commanded the greatest number of votes last fall. 

The Dodgeville Advocate (now the Chronicle) on February 
28t]i, 1861, had the follovMng : 

So far the Peace Congress, sitting with closed doors at Washington, have recom- 
mended nothing which is likely to restrain the border States, or bring back the 
rebels of Cottondom to their former love. It was expected by the country that 
some acceptable ground of compromise would soon be proposed by the well-known 
Union-loving men who comprise the convention, but nothing beyond the' re-estab- 
lishment of the Missouri Compromise has yet been offered. Like Hamlet, Congress 
and the Peace Conference, in the present exigency, seem to exclaim — 

" The time is out of joint, oh ! cursed spite, 
That ever I wag born to set it right." 

* * * In any event, slavery upon this continent has had its day of power ; 
but let us recollect that although it has ceased to control, it has yet left vigor enough 
to destroy. , Republicanism, as we understand it, is not based upon devotion to tlie 
negro, but it regards the greatness of the Repubhc. 

The only true ground of making opposition to slavery national, in this Govern- 
ment, and under our Constitution, is for the reason that slavery is opposed to the 
highest development of the nation's greatness. Mere sympathy for the black 
man in the present crisis, is imbecile ; and if the Bible be taken aa our standard of 
morality, no man's conscience need comdemn him for loving his country better 
than an inferior race, which the God of nature has condemned to barbarism. 

Doubtless the Eepublican party wonld decline to be respon- 
sible for the last part of the last sentence of the foregoing. 
Certainly many persons have a very different idea of the Bible 
and of the God of nature. 

The La Crosse Union and Democrat : 

•■ There is a grand old storm coming up— there will be such fighting as this 
country has never yet seen, and that right soon. This is no time for wavering. 
The star spangled banner forever ! That piece of bunting is too proud ever to trail 
in the dust. Under its sacred shadow our forefathers fought, and watched all 
through oppression's dark night. On its field of white, fair fingers toiled early 
and late with beating hearts. Wrapped in its honored folds too many a brave 
and gallant man has gone to an honored grave for it to be deserted now 1 Where 
ever it floats let America's sons gather, regardless of past differences- let it be 
protected with the blood of patriotic men, and may our arms seek not for rest till 
every insult given it has been punished. 

The Madison Patriot : 


Now that war is begun, take our advice and push it to its hitter end. Let 
nothing be left undone. Strike your blows thick and fast, and leave nothing to 
chance. The only parties we know of are unionists and disunionsts. "We belong 
to the former, thank God, and all who stand by us in that belong to " our party." 
All others are aot only the enemies of our common country, but our enemies. 

The Fond du Lac Commonwealth : 

If wo must fight to maintain the authority of the nation, and to keep it from 
tumbling into anarchy — which might be, comparatively speaking, a blessing — and 
to keep it from being swayed by the meanest oligarchs that ever drew a blade 
for despotism, then let liberty blaze brightly upon our banners ; and if the falchion 
for freedom must glitter in the sunlight, when it faUa let tyrants feel the blow. 

The Adams County Independent : 

It is war forced upon the people of the free States by a set of the most arrant 
knaves that ever cursed a nation with their existence, and should they meet their 
just deserts, they will be reduced to the necessity of paying the price of every slave 
for the support of their own folly. 

The Dodge County Oitizen : 

The Government must be sustained. It is the cause of justice and truth. It is 
the cause of God. Popular liberty, for this and future generations, on this and 
other continents, must stand or fall by the Constitution of these United States. Let 
the war come : lei every man do his duty, and may God defend the right. 

The Fox Lake Gazette: 

This is no time for backing down — the stars and stripes are in danger. Let us all 
be steady to do our duty as men, as patriots, as Americans, and strike for the 

The Grreen Lake Spectator : 

We hope the Government will adopt no half-way measure. Let there be men 
enough called out to make short work of this rebellion. We must overpower them 
with numbers, or else submit to a lingering, exhaustive war for the next ten years. 

The Madison Argus : 

"The good old Flag and Union forever." 
Above is the flag [a cut of it was published above this paragraph], und-er which, 
for eighty-five years, this country has existed and prospered. It is now assailed by 
traitors, and the Chief Magistrate of the Union calls for seventy-five thousand men 
to uphold it. True men of "Wisconsin, let us respond to the call in a manner that 
wiU. prove to the world that we are worthy the privileges we enjoy. 

The Daily Life, of Milwaukee, in its first number, first 
volume, August 17th, 1861 : 

* * * Wo are in the midst of a war which may be long and exhausting, and 


wMoh will be expensive and bloody, and we should nerve ourselves to meet all its 
exigencies. We may be called on to make great sacrifices, and we should be ready 
to make them cheerfully. While our friends are periling their lives in the camp, in 
the weary march, in the midst of hunger and thirst, and on the battle-field, to main- 
tain our rights and liberties, we should be ready to give freely of our substance J 
and of our earnings, to sustain them in their conflicts. It is not simply the army 
in the field that is waging this war. It is the people behind them, and the holy 
cause for which they fight will give courage and triumph in the hour of battle. In 
every possible way, then, let us give them assurance of our sympathies, our confi- 
dence, and our fellowship. It is (mr cause as much as theirs. It is our rights they 
are maintaining. It is for us they risk health and life ; and if time has hallowed 
the maxim, "It is glorious to die for one's country," it is not less true that it is 
glorious to live and to sufi'er for one's cojuntry. * * * * 

The Monroe Sentinel, of October 16tli, made the following 
expression : 

We are in the midst of a great social, moral, and political revolution, which will 
stand out in bold relief upon the historic page, as the most remarkable contest 
which, up to this time, the world has ever witnessed. Xever before, since G-od 
commanded Pharaoh to let the Children of Israel go, has the issue between the 
privileged class, who in all time have disregarded the inherent rights of human 
nature, and have assume'd to govern by divine authority, and the friends of human 
progress, been so clearly made. And never before has any people, engaged in a 
holy cause, and compelled to fight God's battles in behalf of down-trodden 
humanity, so persistently labored to deny and avoid that issue, as have the people 
of the loyal States. Thousands of brave men are going forth to fight the enemies 
of our G-overnment, who indignantly repel the idea that they are fighting against 
slavery. And nine-tenths of the presses of the North are filling their columns with 
elaborate essays to prove that we are not fighting against slavery, but to sustain 
the Constitution and Government of our country. What is the Constitution of our 
country, but a charter of freedom, based upon the only clearly defined and authori- 
tative declaration of the rights of man, as man, that has ever been made by a great 
people ? And what is this attempt to subvert the Constitution and overthrow the ■ 

Government, if it is not an organized effort of the enemies of free institutions of 

the champions of human slavery, who, in obedience to the spirit of their cherished 
institution, are challenging to mortal combat all the citizens of this Government 
who prefer freedom to slavery? 

The Wisconsin Puritan, in its first issue, October, 1862 : 

The first number of' the Wisconsin Puritan hails with delight President Lin- 
coln's proclamation in behalf of freedom. So new-born children of many genera- 
tions will rejoice in its light and glory. It marks another era of progress for civil 
and religious liberty. It is a decision for freedom that the nations waited for. 
Such as have not had principle enough for such an act themselves, have known 
that the avowed principles of our nation justified it, and now., thank God, thejr have 
not looked in vain. There are two faults in it : one, it is nominally made too much 
in the interest of policy, rather than justice ; the other, it tempts good men too 
much to desire the protraction of the war till January, 1863. 


"We are not betrayed into the vain opinion that the coming declaration of the 
abolition of slavery in the rebel States will do the work. "We know that it only 
initiates it. But the aunounoemont of the proclamation gives us our position ; it 
settles many questions. It supersedes the necessity of much argument. It tosses 
to the winds ten thousand doubts and qu'eries whether slavery misht be abolished ; 
whether it were right to attempt emancipation ; whether the destruction of all 
slavery on United States soil were to be thought of. It gives an answer to millions 
of prayers long offered, and encourages prayer for all time to come. 

One editor, whose name and press shall here be nameless, 
has furnished the following historical item concerning one of 
the newspapers of Wisconsin : 

"Was opposed to the war from the beginning to the end. Can see no good 
results from it, and never voluntarily contributed one cent toward its prosecution. 
Printed no lists [of contributors], but can furnish you an account of the mobs that 
threate^ied the destruction of my office, because I dared, at all times, to express my 
honest sentiments. If this information will be of any benefit to you, it is at your 

The foregoing extracts will give a fair illustration of the sen- 
timents of the press of "Wisconsin, at the opening of the war. 
If any were adverse to taking up arms against the rebels, their 
proportion to the rest must have been as small as these extracts 
will indicate. Th-e pai;ri&tic expressions of a large portion of 
the press of the State are not here given, because, after con- 
siderable endeavor, they have not come within the author's 
reach. And those that are given are not selected on account 
of any special preeminence over many others, but as specimen 
newspaper literature current in the State at that time. To 
follow the history of the press through the entire war would 
occupy too much space in this volume. 

But it should be distinctly and emphatically said, that at a later 
date, and through the greater part of the war, some newspapers, of 
the State, both English and German, violently opposed the just and 
proper prosecution of belligerent measures to suppress the rebellion, 
often misrepresenting the real questions at issue, slandering the Govern- 
ment, opposing the draft, discouraging enlistments, magnifying errors 
and defeats, seeking for and rejoicing over faults in the Administra- 
tion, and partially justifying the rebels, fostering their hopes, and en- 
dowiTig them with courage. Behold, they have their reward ! 













smith's ADDRESS. 

Political men and conventions emphatically reflect more or 
less the sentiments of the people, whether right or wrong. 
Politics, properly studied and followed, is a scientific pursuit, 
needful to true statesmanship. The demagogue is usually a 
heartless panderer to popular prejudices, and a practitioner of 
deceitful arts, corrupt himself, and a corrupter of others. A 
political demagogue is worthy of universal reprobation. "Wis- 
dom will not ignore politics, but use it as a science, on whose 
principles just government and national prosperity may be 
built. The doctrines and practices of the political men of any 
country must always constitute a portion of the elements of its 

The first public meetings, after receiving the news of the fall 
of Port Sumter, aside from those of the preceding Sabbath, to 
be elsewhere considered, were held on Monday evening, April 
15th. There was a spontaneous assembling in every populous 


community, although the stunning effects of the alarming in- 
telligence inclined men to reflection, and moderate, subdued 
conversation, rather than to stirring address. They had not 
as yet recovered and roused themselves for defence and valor. 
They spoke to the multitude more from a sense of duty than 
of inclination. 

In Milwaukee, on that Monday evening, a meeting was held 
in the Chamber of Commerce. G-eorge W. Allen was called 
for, and spoke in substance as follows : 

He liad no particular sentiments to utter. He was not filled with sentiments, but 
with emotion. Our Government had been attacked. Men in the employ and 
under the protection of the Government had been stricken down by armed force. 
It remains now for the people to say whether the Government shall be maintained. 
It remains for the people to demonstrate whether we have a government or not. 
[Loud applause.] Our Government, it is true, is.based on public opinion, yet that 
opinion can be brought to bear for the maintenance of that Government. Since 
the Declaration of Independence, the Ariierioans were never called upon to delib- 
erate on such an exigency as this. Gentlemen, if we had been summoned to rally 
around our flag to repel or attack a foreign foe, we surely would have responded 
with one heart. But when in the bosom of our country, we have traitors who 
trample our flag in the dust, then we have a double motive and duty to rally for 
the Government. [Applause.] * * * 

E. H. Broadhead was next called upon, who said he was no speaker : that he 
had been a Democrat, and tried to defeat Mr. Lincoln, but that he was for his 
country, and that he would sustain the Government under any and all circum- 
stances. [Applause.] 

Dr. James Johnson .said, in a few remarks, that the Government should be main- 
tained at all hazards. This had been his opinion from the beginning. So long as 
Mr. Lincoln is President, so long he should be supported. Ours is a sad spectacle. 
Italy is growing united as a free country, while here we are tearing ourselves to 
pieces. There are really no grievances presented by the South. They do not com- 
plain that the present Government is tyrannical. But, as Jackson said that nulli- 
fication was only an excuse for them to set up a separate form of government, so 
the negro is now ofily an excuse for them to secede. « * * * 

In many places in the State, patriotic meetings were held 
on this and the few subsequent evenings, but they were im- 
promptu assemblings, and the speeches were so far extempo- 
raneous that but little record was made of them. At Madison, 
on the 17th, at the finall adjournment of the Legislature, 
Speaker Cobb made a pointed valedictory address. A 
message had been received from the Grovernor, announcjng 
that he had signed and deposited in the office of Secretary of 


State, tlie bill in regard to the rigiits afid, privileges of persons 
enlisting in the service of the country. 

Speaker Cobb then rose and said in substance : 

Gentlemen.:— The hour has been reached when it becomes my duty to give effect 
to tho resolution for final adjournment. Before doing so, allow me to return my 
profound thanks for the uniform kindness and courtesy which have characterized 
your intercourse with me. It is pleasant, in this time of misfortune, this time of 
war and trouble, to be surrounded by gentlemen in whose countenances I see so 
much of kindness, ao much of patriotism, as is exhibited in those of the members 
of this House. .And let us, as patriots, as soldiers of the country, now, while strife 
and difficulty are impending, though we may feel sad at heart, see that we show it 
not upon our faces. And let us meet this emergency with an assumed if not a real 
willingness, and master it as our forefathers met and mastered the troubles and 
dangers by which they were surrounded. * * * * 

At mid-day, on the 19th, at the raising of a flag over the 
Chamber of Commerce,, Milwaukee, the Mayor of the city, 
James S. Brown, spoke as follows : 

Fdlow-dtizens : — There [pointing to the flag] is the flag of our country. Ho who 
can gaze upon it as it floats in the free air, without a thrill of reverence or affection, 
is a traitor. I little envy either tlie heart or the head of that American who, 
under any circumstances, would without sorrow see that flag dishonored. lean 
well imagine causes whicli might induce even the loyal State of Wisconsin, smart- 
ing under Congressional tyranny, to oppose the General Government, and raise the 
standard of rebellion. But that flag has waved over every battle-field that has 
secured liberty to our country ; and wherever, in any part of the world, that flag 
floated in the breeze, it has heralded (o the nations civil and religious liberty. 
And even if forced by circumstances to act in defiance of the Government particu- 
larly represented by that flag, I should feel that its dishonor was my shame. No 
where in Europe have the oppressed raised the standard of independence without 
pointing to the United States, as a demonstration that liberty was synonymous with 
order and prosperity. But within the past year a wondrous change has been 
wrought. That Government which, one year ago, claimed its duration as co- 
existent with the earth, already is divided by civil dissensions. The ma,chiiiations 
of traitors have succeeded in arraying the North against the South. Even in the 
Cabinet of the President treason has flourished. * * * « 

Matthew ,H. Carpenter, Esq., then made probably the most 
elaborate and finished, though not lengthy address, that to 
that time had been made in the State, on the subject of the 
rebellion, after the fall of Sumter. And few if any such were 
earlier delivered in the country. He said : 


Nearly forty years of profound public tranquility have passed over and blessed 


our laud." "We have forgotten to use the weapons of war, and have cultivated the 
arts of peace. "We have engrossed oar thoughts and enlisted our hearts in the pur- 
suits of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, and in advancing the arts and 
sciences most useful to man. donation has been so blessed — none has so pros- 
pered. "While we have been thus improving all our mutual interests, amassing 
wealth at home and accumulating honors abroad, other nations have been vexed 
and worried with the " dogs of war ;" the war cloud has darkened the sunny sky 
of Italy ; armies have trampled the vine-clad fields of France ; and the recruiting 
drum has been heard on the green hills and in the sweet valleys of merry England. 
It has seemed that we alone were to be exempt from the terrible calamities which 
have desolated the hearth and wrung the heart in other lands. Our remote situa- 
tion, the circumstances of our nationality, and the habits of our people, and above 
all, our reverence for the hereditary policy of our country, seemed sufficient to in- 
sure our continued peace and prosperity. But now, when we were least looking 
for it, our trial time has come. Our prosperity has debauched our people and cor- 
rupted our G-overnment. "We have grown rich, have waxed fat ; and as a nation 
have become proud and wicked.; 

" fot swinish gluttony 

Ne'er looks to Heaven amid his gorgeous feasts, 
But with besotted, base ingratitude, 
Crams, and blasphemes his feeder." 

"With everything to fill the hearts of the American people with thanks to God, 
and love toward each other, G-od has been forgotten, and brother is in arms against 
brother. The union of these States, to accomplish which our fkthers sacrificed so 
much, and which has been rendered sacred, as the nation thought, by the efforts 
of statesmen of all grades of intellect, and every shade, of political sentiment, to 
preserve and protect, the union is menaced with sacrilegious violence, and armies 
are marching on American, soil to destroy our country, and our country's flag has 
been displaced on. the battlements of a, national fortress for the treasonable banner 
that flouts the Southern breeze. 

To quiet this unholy rebellion, to avenge this unendurable insult to our national 
flag, oiu: people are rising as one man, and every man feels insulted by this insult 
to his country. 

"When the country is at peace, when no storm lowers in the horizon, no Wind 
frets the sails, we may safely trust the ship of State to the guidance of demagogues ; 
and if now and then some trifling thing goes wrong, our pride, our conscious great- 
ness, wiE bear us unruffled above, it. Old tottering Spain may now and then pre- 
sume upon her imbecility, and, slight our flag, and our careless and generous people 
will say with Berengaria, " 'Tis but a silken banner neglected ;" but when a whole 
State forgets her allegiance, when organized traitors levy war upon the National 
Government, and our national colors are lowered to the rags of treason, we all feel 
this is a stain upon our honor which no man has a right to forgive, and which the 
State must punish. 

The Chamber of Commerce, the organized business men of Milwaukee, desire to 
testify their"adherence to the national flag,- their devotion to the Constitution as it 
is,, and, their determination to stand by the Union of the States. Differences of 
political sentiment are entertained by the men who come here to raise the stars and 
itripes over this hall ; but they feel that when robbers are at the gate, it is no time 
to settle domestic troubles. If the South has wrongs to complain of , they are 


■wrongs which the hallot box can correct, and which the sober second-thought of 
the people will redress. (Applause.) To that peaceful arbitrament the South 
must submit. 

Secession is not a remedy for evils, but is the sum of all evils ; it is a heresy that 
must be drowned in blood (great applause); it -cannot be reasoned down; and 
much as we all do and must regret it, there is but one of two things left us — we 
must crush it or it will crush us. Such is the state of feeling in the South, that 
nothing but the sword oan remedy it ; and. it becomes our duty as good citizens, and 
Christian men, to prosecute this war so effectually, and end it so speedily, -that 
secession shall know no resurrection. (Cheers.) The South once more reduced to 
obedience, may ask an amendment to the Constitution, which we may grant. In 
my opinion, the Constitution of the so-called Southern Confederacy has many 
valuable improvements upon ours ; but until this theory of secession is extirpated, 
of what value is any Constitution? It is but a contract to bind one side, it binds 
the faithful and obedient, but lays no obligation upon the mischievous and traitor- 
ous. This theory is akin to Hobbes' theory of the divine right of kings, in which 
it is admitted there is no hope of contriving any constitution of government that 
shall abide a month. Suppose, in a reconstruction of the Union, as some talk about, 
it were expressed in the new Constitution that no State should secede without con- 
sent of two-thirds of the other States. A sovereign State may as well secede from 
such a government as any other. No Constitution can be formed which, with this 
theory admitted, can bind an unwilling State. 

The State, when it enters into the Union , and plights its faith to obey the Con- 
stitution, and not secede, does so with a mental reservation in behalf of her 
sovereigutj', from this clause, as well as the others, and may secede, notwithstand- 
ing. Indeed, according to this theory, it is impossible for a State to bind itself 
to anything. This creed is the lion in the path of our future progress as a nation, 
and we must destroy it, or it will devour us. And no expenditure of blood or 
treasure should be spared to accomplish this result. Our prosperity is checked ; 
our bright prospects as a nation darkened ; we must pass through rivers of blood 
before we again repose in peaceful fields. (Cheers.) 

We hang out our banner ; no dusty rag representing the twilight of seven 
stars, but the old banner that has floated triumphantly in every breeze ; the 
banner Decatur unfurled to the Barba,ry States ; that Jackson held over New 
Orleans ; that Scott carried to the halls of the Montezumas ; and thereby we mean 
to say, in no spirit of defiance, but with the firmness of manly resolution, this 
flag shall wave while an American lives to protect it. And God grant it may 
float over a peaceful land, long after the followers of the seven fallen stars shall 
have hung on gibbets or rotted in dungeons. 

On Sunday, April 21st, a Union prayer meeting, of all 
denominations, was lield in Racine, and addresses were deliv- 
ered by Senator Doolittle, Judge "Wording, and other promi- 
nent citizens. 'The meeting was very large, and the scene 
impressive. Mr. Doolittle's address was preserved in the 
Eacine Advocate, and was as follows : 


Friends, MigTibors, amd' Fellow Citizens :* 

The extraordinary state of our beloved country is my only afology for respond- 
ing to your invitation to speak upon tliat subject in this pte,ce and upon this holy 
Sabbath day. 

• We are in the beginning of a new crisis in American affairs — pii great crisis, the 
end of which God only knows. We stand in the presence of great events. We 
are, indeed, enacting a history^ and for all time. We are about to settle the great 
problem of man's capacity for self-government, and to settle it forever. It is not 
therefore a party question, at all, upon which I speak to-day. It lies deeper, far 
deeper. , It is no less than whether the Union and the Constitution can be main 
tained ; whether we now have or ever have had a government under which any 
man should desire to live, or for which he should dare to die ; whether the will of 
the people, constitutionally expressed, shall rule ; in short, whether Presidents shall 
be chosen by the peaceful ballot, or be forced upon us by the bloody bayonet. That's 
the question ; and upon that, I rejoice to say, Wiscbnsin speaks but one voice to-day. 
Erom town and hamlet, from native and foreign born, from old and young, from Re- 
publican and Democrat, there comes but one response, " The Constitution and Union 
must be maintained ; liberty and Union shall be one and inseparable, now and 
forever ; \vhatever stands in the way of their preservation, by God's help, we will 
trample in pieces." 

Before such an issue, all mere party issues sink out of sight. Mere political ties 
are sundered like flax at the touch of fire. Henceforth there can be but one issue, for 
or against the Union and Constitution, and upon that there is, and there can be, no 
neutrality. He that' is not for them is against them. Without trespassing, certainly 
without intending to trespass upon the feelings of any one, I may be permitted to 
say, what all must now concede . that for more than two-thirds of the last year of 
Buchanan's administration, vacillation and- imbecility,, to use no harsher term, 
presided at thfe White House. Traitors sat in Cabinet Council — aye, traitors, com- 
pared with whom Burr and ATnold were patriots and saints. Treason, open- 
mouthed, defiant, and unrebuked, stalked the streets of the Federal capital; 
infested eVery Department ; and at times, in language not unsuited to Pandemonium, 
belched out its insolent ravings in both houses of Congress. Our forts and arsenals 
wer^ left unprotecteii, in utter disregard of the prophetic warnings and earnest 
remonstrances of General Scott. . Large quantities of arms and ammunition were 
sent South on purpose to be seized by the rebels. The army was posted beyond 
reach ; the army in Texas placed in command of a traitor ; every ship of war ready 
for service, except the Brooklyn,- was sent to distant seas ; and even the gallant 
Anderson, when pent up in Fort Sumter, was held powerless, while traitors were 
binding him fast, and with the arms stolen from the Government, girding him all 
around with batteries to destroy him. That compelled him to evacuate. 

Oh, my feUow-citizens, no language can give utterance to those emotions which 
swell every true American heart at the evacuation of that fortress ; at the taking 
down of the stars and stripes that floated over it, and suffering it to go into the 
possession of traitors. But, great as is that calamity, it has done a still greater 
good. It has opened, at last, to the eyes, and brought home to the hearts of the 
American people, of aU'parties, in all its length and breadth and depth, that damn- 
ing Calhoun treason, ■ which, for years, has been plotting the overthrow of the best 
government upon earth, and, with it, the last hope of constitutional liberty for 


mankind. Let us not deceive ourselves, 'fhia thing is not the growth of a day or a 
year ; it is the stucjjed and persistent work of many years. Its leaders now throw 
off all disguises, and declare that for more than thirty years they have been 
steadily at this work. * * « * 

That new idea is that slavery is the common law of the Constitution — ^the natural 
and best relation of capital and labor^-the most safe and stable basis for free insti- 
tutions in the world. This Calhounism, entering into and taking possession of his 
followers, inspired them with the wildest fanaticism. Claiming slavery to be a 
positive good, it became, of necessity, aggressive. It demanded, at once, a 
reversal of the teachings of the Southern pulpit, and they were reversed. It 
demanded a reversal of the teachings of their public schools, and it was done — ^a 
reversal of the doctrines of .the press, and of the creeds of political parties, and it 
was done. Upon the same demand it has reversed'the decisions of their courts ; the 
acts and resolutioris of their legislative bodies. It admits of no question. It tolerates 
no other opinion. It reigns supreme, despotic and intolerant as the Spanish Inqui- 
sition, in the seceding States, and controls the leading politicians in all the slave 
States. Not content, however, with controlling State action, and all domestic, it 
also demanded the control of every department of the Federal Government, of 
Congress, of the President, and of the Supreme Court. It demanded of Congress 
the repeal of the Missouri Conipromise, and it was repealed. It demanded the 
invasion and subjugation of Kansas by five thousand men in arms, and it was done. 
It demanded the enforcement of the bloody Border Buffian Code, and it was 
enforced. It demanded the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, 
though it camcj covered all over — reeking .with fraud and. perjury, and, as aU the 
world knows, voted down by almost ten thousand majority. In that, however, for 
the first time it failed ; and, thank God, Kansas is free. It demanded the Dred 
Scott decision, reversing all the decisions of the Supreme Court, and of every State 
court. North and South, and of every Administration from Washington to Polk, 
and that decision was made. Last winter, made still bolder by this decision, it 
demanded a reconstruction of the Government itself — a new Constitution, by the 
express provisions of which, this Calhoun idea should be adopted, and the institution 
of human slavery spread all over the free territories of-Mexioo and Central America, 
just as fast as we should acquire them. And what was more insolent than all else, 
it declared that even if this last demand were granted to save the Union, there was 
to be no 0nion after all ; for it would still spurn with contempt the idea that the 
Coiistitution gives to the Federal Government any power to enforce its laws in any 
seceding State. But all these acts and usurpations, the natural precursors of what 
we now see, belong to the past. They are now swallowed up in the fact that, with 
arms in their hands, these conspirators have seized our forts and arsenals, robbed 
oOr treasury, insulted and iired upon Our flag ; and, to crown the catalogue of their 
crimes, they have inaugurated actual war against the Government, and thre^iten to 
advance upon and seize the Federal capital itself. * * * That point, beyond 
which forbearance ceases to be a virtue, has been reached ..and passed long, too 
long ago, already. * * * i would hope, and pray, and labor still for a peaceful 
solution of this great national trouble ; but if blood must flow, if it be His will that 
we must " tread the winepress of the fierceness of His wrath ' ' before we reach the 

end, be it so I We stand for the Union and the Constitution of our fathers for 

the right and glory of nations. We stand for constitutional liberty and equal justice 
to all mankind. In such a struggle, if true to ourselves, God, the Almigjity, must 


be with. us. Go on then, young men ;. not a day, not an hour should he lost ; fill 
up tie muster-roll of your company, ready to make a part of the first regiment from 
"Vfisoousin. * * * * 

On "Wednesday evening, the 24tli of April, a large meeting 
■was held at Gravesville, Calumet County, J. E". Stone being 
chairman. Hon. H. C. Hobart, now brevet general, said in 
an address : " It is now no time to dispute as to who or what 
has brought about this disturbance. It is enough to know 
that this country is in danger, and action, prompt and decisive, 
is what is wanted. I would rather fill a soldier's grave than 
stay at home a coward." 

H. M. Gibbs, treasurer of the county, said: "I will appoint 
a deputy who is unable to bear arms, and will join the com- 
pany. A family of small children need my assistance, but I 
cannot falter when my country calls for aid." He went; was 
captain of Company " E," in the Twenty-first Wisconsin Regi- 
ment ; was mortally wounded in the battle of Chaplin Hills, 
October 8th, and died the 15th, 1862. 

The chairman, J. IST. Stone, editor of the Sepublican, in that 
county, afterwards a captain in the Mneteenth Wisconsin 
Regiment, addressed the meeting : 

I am filled with love and enthusiasm for the good old flag that waves its folds 
about me, and also with anxiety for its safety. It has never been so dear to me as 
now, in the hour of its peril. I am trying to arrange my affairs so as to join the 
gallantpioneer company from Calumet. Citizens of Gtravesville, you have been as 
a ;Unit denuueiatiug the course of the South, and foremost in expressing a determiur 
ation to sustain the National administration. Will you falter now, when the Union 
is in danger 1 I think not. Having volunteered myself, I can call upon you to do 
so. . They who accuse the Sovjth of cowardice know not what they utter.' They 
are traitors, but not cowards, and we must figlU them. If any think there is to be 
mere boy's play in this matter they had better take their names from the list. I 
commend the ladies of our place for their noble heroism in urging on this move- 

At the conclusion of the meeting, sixteen citizens came for- 
ward and enrolled their names. 

The Louisville (Ky.) Democrat, so early as April 25th, 1861, 
contained a letter, addressed to its editor, John H. Haney, 
from Hon. J. T. Mills, of Grant county, "Wisconsin. Its keen 
and prophetic language may well find record here : 

* * * We enter upon the great apocalyptic war hopefully, joyfully, enthusi- 
astically, believing the contest which the Southern people have precipitated in 


their blindness, will he the richest boon to them that Heaven can grant. Though 
blind, they have seen clearly. In her wild delirium, the patient has called for a 
medicine more efficacious than any that the soundest doctor could have prescribed. 
In her calmest mood, the South expelled Yankee pedlars, and hung preachers, 
under the suspicion of abolitionism, as she termed it. In her "fine madness," she 
has called down the armed legions of abolition to overrun and take possession pf 
her fields, her ports, her cities — to emphasize their heresies with the ro ar of cannon, 
and dignify them with all the " pomp and circumstance of war. ' ' Nay, they have 
not separated from the North, for its armies will bivouac in her very bowels. * * 
* * The reasoning of the South is contemptible, but her madness is divine I Her 
reasoning deified human slavery, and built a temple for its worship, and wrote out 
a ritual enjoining every knee to bow to it, and punishing every thought against it as 
unpardonable blasphemy ; but her wiser madness has called down the hosts of in- 
fidels to set fire to her temple, dash the grim idol from his throne, grind its frag- 
ments into powder before her face, as " red battle stamps his boot. " Tes, the 
dense darkness of the South has led her to eternal day ; her apostasy has brought 
her into the presence of the true God — even as she falls she rises. Arrayed against 
a people now whose arts and manufactures have suppUed her with the implements 
of battle, whose Aires and forges can melt mountains of ore into every form that 
peace or war require ; though borne down by the weight of mightier forces — 
though staggering beneath the volleyed thunder belched from engines foreign to 
her clime — though she sinks beneath the fiery billows and descends to the abysses 
of death — 'tis not long. She ascends with the bloom of immortality on her cheek, 
and the joy of eternity in her eye — her dross all consumed, her weakness and her 
fever departed. The lost Pleiad has returned to its sisters brighter than before — 
the ' ' Queen of the South, ' ' the ' ' Paragon of Nations. " No longer the new Da- 
homey, or Congo, but the world's witness in behalf of freedom against slavery 
Free labor shall renovate her fields, and with her will be the spoils and fruits, if 
not the shout of victory. Though she must yield her sword to the invaders, she 
receives in turn the key of power — the great truth that freedom alone can unlock 
the citadel of greatness, that peace and not war can impart the distinction which 
she covets. Grod alone is great, and great while he is alone ; man is strong only 
in the fellowship of his race and the good-will of his species. 

"When Judge Levi Hubbell, of Milwaukee, was on a journey 
to Washington, in April, 1861, h.e was obliged to stop for some 
days at Pbiladelpbia, on account of the rebel demonstrations 
that closed the roads beyond Baltimore. Baltimore was held 
by the mob, which, on the Sunday previous, had attacked the 
Massachusetts troops passing through the city to Washington. 
Large numbers of the best citizens had been driven out by the 
mob, because they would not raise or shout for the " Con- 
federate flag." On Thursday evening, April 25th (probably), 
a meeting was called in Chestnut street, in front of the Con- 
tinental Hotel (opposite the Girard House), which was then 
filled by two to three thousand persons (mostly females, mak- 


ing soldiers' clothes), to hear addresses from certain prominent 
gentlemen who were there, refugees from Baltimore. 

They made stirring speeches to an immense gathering, call- 
ing on the people of Pennsylvania to arm and march to Balti- 
more, giving them a place only in the ranks, and to compel 
that city to submit to the Government of the United States, 
or burn it to ashes. 

The addresses were short, and the crowd called for more. 
Some person discovering that " a gentleman from "Wisconsin" 
was present, announced the fact, and Judge Hubbell was 
called upon to speak. Having commented on the state of 
affairs in Baltimore, he further said, as reported in the Phila- 
delphia Journal : 

I .have been one of those who supposed, from -what had occurred in my section 
of the country, that the people of the South had some just causes of complaint ; 
causes which ought to be, and would be, removed, and that, being removed, har- 
mony and fraternity would be restored. But I must confess myself deceived. We 
have all been deceived. While the South complained of petty grievances she was 
arming, at all points, for strife. While she charged ' the North with infractions of 
the Constitution, she was plotting its entire overthrow. While she clamored for a 
more perfect administration of the Government; she was rank with treason against 
the G-overnment itself. I call you to witness, that we have borne with the inso- 
lence and Outrages of our Southern brethren as long as forbearance was a virtue — 
insolence and outrages whichj coming from any other quarter, would not have 
been tolerated a moment. 

She has driven peaceable Northern men from their Southern homes and property; 
has stripped and lashed them like dogs; hung them, like felons, or covered them 
with tar and cotton, and hooted them out of her society, like outlaws. She has 
plundered the National Mint, taken forcible possession of Custom Houses,. Post 
0ffic6.s, seized upon public Armories and Arsenals, arrested the United States 
Mails and violated private letters. She has assailed, with all the elements of war, 
a fortress in Charleston harbor, built with the National treasure, occupied by the 
National troops, and has driven out the National troops, shot down the National 
flag, and hoisted a hostile banner in its place. She is now marching her armies 
toward the seat of the National Government. Murder in her eyes, treason in her 
heart, and plunder in her hands, with the full design of driving out the President 
of the people, destroying the Government, and proclaiming from the Capitol the 
institution of a new government upon its ruins. She is about to inaugurate a new 
era in the world's history. She is about to overthrow a government established 
to secure liberty, and to establish a government designed to secure slavery — a 
governmentrwhere all laboring men shall be, Slaves, and all the voting men shall 
be slaveholders ; and she is preparing to hurl off the free States as pestilent 
incumbrances upon her new empire ; to hurl them off in fragments, broken, dis- 
evered, denationalized, existing like the republics of South America, at war among 
themselves, without power, wanting in self-respect, and the respect of mankind. 


Could overt acts of treason be more marked, more damnable than these ? And 
in view of such acts, could the people of the North remain longer passive ? I tell 
you, had we dared to hesitate, under these circumstances, the spirits of the gallant 
dead from the battle fields of the revolution— Bunker Hill, Saratoga, Monmouth, 
Brandy wine, Trenton — would have come forth and charged us with treason, or 
rebuked us for our cowardice. * * * 

Thank God, the spirit of revolutionary sires still lives in their sons. The capture 
of Fort Sumter roused the people of the North like an earthquake shock. The 
telegraphic wires no swifter bore the news than the thrill of patriotism electrified 
the astonished and indignant masses. Hand grasped hand, voice responded to 
voice, heart leaped to heart, in every State, city, village, and rural district, there 
was but one feeling, one resolve, and that was to sustain the Government and 
punish the traitors, at any cost and at all hazards. Thus, feUow-citizens, we are at 
war; a war inaugurated, forced upon us, by the infatuated people of the Southern 
States. In such a contest we have but one duty, and that is to fight. We should 
have but one thought, and that is to fight as hard as we can; fight constantly, fight 
to the end. We need not aspire to the boasting, nor stoop to the thievery of Jefi'. 
Davis and his " chivalry;" but with all the means, and all the energy God and nature 
have given us, we should assail the foe. * * * * 

We must cover with our troops the whole line of Maryland, and, if need be, the 
entire lines of Kentucky and Missouri. We must surround with our ships the At- 
lantic and Gulf coasts; we must blockade the Southern ports, and keep "King 
Cotton" from going out, and Queen Merchandise from going in. We must take 
possession of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, and prevent wheat, and flour, and 
com, from going down to feed the rebels, whether slaves or slave masters. Nay, 
more, if the war continues we must use the elements nature gives us. We must 
send down an army to open the "crevasses," and restore New Orleans to its native 
marshes, then march across the country, burn Montgomery to ashes, and serve 
Charleston in the same way. What are three cities destroyed, compared with the 
Union saved ? Let them sink like Sodom and Gomorrah, and mark by their deso- 
lation, through all time to come, the spots where the traitors to liberty perished. 
We must starve, drown, burn, shoot the traitors. If Jeft'. Davis and his crew sur- 
vive the field, they must die on the gibbet or rot in a dungeon. 

Our eloquent friends from Baltimore have told us what has occurred during the 
" reign of terror" in that city. There is no palliation for the outrage committed 
upon your brave troops and those of Massachusetts, marching lieaceably to the 
defence of the National Capital, by order of the National Executive. But I rejoioe 
that they bore it so heroically, so magnanimously. I rejoice that they did not 
punish on the spot the assaults of the mobs as they deserved. In the result the 
best portion of the noble city might have suffered for the lawless acts of the worst. 
There is yet hope that the sober second thought of the people may yet hoW Balti- 
more firmly in the Union. She has enterprise, mechanical skill, mercantile and 
commercial interests, too vast to be sacrificed to the Moloch of secession. But she 
must choose her fate, and quickly. If she wishes to die soon, she will join the 
traitors. But if better counsels prevail, as I hope they may — if she adheres to the 
Union, and sustains the Government, she will come forth from the dim and wicked 
ocUpse of the past week, and once more shine in honor and prosperity. 

Fellow citizens of Philadelphia, I beg you to accept my thanks for listening so 
long and so kindly to the voice of a stranger. I will detain you but to add, as a, 


citizen of the Northwest, that the people of 'WiaQonsin, of Illinois, of Iowa, and 
Minnesota, are as ardent, , as patriotic, as ' energetic in this cause as you are. Dis- 
tinctions of party, of sect, of locality and nationality, have been forgotten. Our 
adopted citizens, the Germans, Irish, English^ Scotch, are vieing with the native 
Ijorn in the promptness of their action and the liberality of their contribution. Of 
"Wisconsin, where I live, I can say that her population of eight hundred thousand 
men, women and children, are ready to defend the Union, the. Government, and 
the stars and stripes, until that glorious flag shall wave again in triumph and peace 
over every foot of American soil. 

Judge Hubbell's remarks were responded to with great 
enthusiasm, and a general spirit of patriotism prevailed. 

Before the close, of April, at a meeting in Milwaukee, Judge 
Arthur McArthur made an address, in which, after reviewing 
the various steps of secession until the fall of Sumter, he 

The great question now for us to determine is one of tremendous importance, 
and that is, "have we a government?" Could ever a people exist without one? 
Can a people be called civilized and entitled to the respect of Christendom who 
have no government able to malic its emblems and insignia respected, its function- 
aries obeyed, and its laws executed ? Are we living under a compact so loose and 
fragile that the authorities we delegate to government cannot bind us by treaty or 
by law, and that our institutions have no power or force on our citizens ? Can our 
standard be taken from us with impunity, and may others assume our flag ; and is 
it to mean so little that all men maj' tear it from our bastions and fight with it upon 
our own soil? And yet all this, and much more that is dishonorable and destructive 
must follow, if we submit to treason, or discard the principle of Union, and admit 
in its place that of secession. The doctrine of peaceful and voluntary separation 
must lead to the direst conflicts and calamities. It may be confinednto a hostile 
array of the North and South to-day, but its success will be followed by the dis- 
organizing experiment in other quarters, as caprice or passion may rule. It is a 
form of political or national action fraught with the deepest and deadliest dangers 
to the unity and freedom of our country, and is the pathway to heavier woes than 
all the evils it seeks to remove. It must be resisted as we value the blessings We 
enjoy, or would transmit for the good of future generations. We are adjured in the 
holy name of liberty, and in the generous one of humanity, to look to the Union 
and to preserve our Government. 

Honorable Byron Paine, Judge of the Supreme Court of 
the State, in a Fourth of July address at Madison, in 1861, 

Between that mission and an institution which was fastened upon us from our birth, 
like the vulture on Prometheus, who stole fire from heaven for the benefit of men, 
there has existed an " irrepressible conflict,' ' I am aware that I tread on volcanic 
ground. But we must tread that ground, though the earth heaves beneath us, and 


our pathway leads through molten firee. I shall revive no oontroversiea of the 
past. I look only to the past to see what voice it sends us for the present. What- 
ever opinion any man may have had as to the causes or the remedies of this con- 
flict, that the conflict has itself existed no one can deny. The Government has 
been,, for, the most part, in the possession and under the control of the slave power. 
Since the poUoy was adopted of extending that power, concession after con- 
cession has been demanded for its benefit. Dissatisfaction, strife, bitterness, and 
animosity have been engendered, voices of protest and warning have been uttered 
from time to time, but the practical solution of the difficulty has in each instance 
thus far been, to yield some part of their demands, which the mass of the people 
have adopted as a settlement of the question, in the hope that such settlement 
might be final, and the country go on in quiet, delivered from the disturbing cause. 

But travelers in the arctic seas tell us that the ice mountains, whose foundations 
sink to the mighty under-currents of the ocean, are sometimes seen moving steadily 
to the North, crashing through the ice upon the surface, and driving against the 
storms that howl down upon them from the pole. So it has been with this ques- 
tion. * * * * 

Final settlement after final settlement has been made. Religious organizations 
have attempted to repress it. Political parties, hostile upon everything else, have 
joined together upon this, and resolved that agitation should cease, and never 
again rufSe the smooth surface of political concord. But the "irrepressible con- 
flict," moved as it is by the mightiest under-currents in human nature, has moved 
steadily on in its gigantic power, bursting the bonds of religious fellowship, grinding 
political parties to powder, and crushing the mightiest individuals, with all their 
hopes, like insects in its path. At the last election, neither of the great parties 
could yield enough" to satisfy the slavery propagandists, and they ran a candidate 
of their own, and when defeated, they grasped the sword to overturn the Govern- 
ment, and win by force or fraud what by right they could not. 

I do not wish to dwell upon the hideous details of this treason, upon the violation 
of all faith and honor displayed in using the very offices of the Government to plot 
secretly for its destruction. 

At the meeting of the Eepublican State Convention, in 
Madison,, September 25th, 1861, the following resolutions were 
contained in the series adopted : 

Besolvedj—lhai the present war is and must be prosecuted for the sole purpose 
of suppressing treason and maintaining the Constitution and laws of the Union, and 
that the destruction of the lives, property, or institutions of the people of the South 
can only be justified when indispensable as a means to secure that end ; when so 
necessary, the Government must not falter in the path of duty. If it must be let 
the sword or the gibbet destroy the last traitor in tlie land, and the victorious 
legions of the North tread under foot the cherished idol of the South ; but the 
Union must and shall be preserved. 

Seiolved, That the Republican party should not be confined, in the present 
crisis, to its own party in making nominations for offioo, but loyal and uncon- 
ditional Union men of other parties are equally entitled to its confidence and 


In the spring of 1862, Judge McArfchur, in a public address, 

I think it does not require much forethought to see that the duration of this war 
is uncertain, and that we may be" called upon to hold the rebellious States, or por- 
tions of them, by military occupation for years. * * * * 

They absolutely desire to pursue a war of conquest, and not alone one of; self- 
preservation. It ia doubtftil, even, if the leaders were willing to restore Federal 
relations as they formerly existed, whether they have the power to do so now ; for 
the South is belligerent and faotionary within itself, and were they to proclaim a 
cessation of hostilities to-morrow, the flames of provincial war would, in all likeli- 
hood, burst over the plains of Texas and the mountain fortresses of Georgia and 
Arkansas. The war is not of the nature of civil contests that have wrapt older 
communities in flames. It is not a strife to dethrone a king or ursurp a crown. It 
is not which party shall be dominant, pr who shall be the representative men of 
the age and country. The contention is, shall slavery become the " order of ages. " 

At a very large and enthusiastic war meeting held on the 
evening of July 19th, 1862, in Milwaukee, Mr. E. H. Brodhead 
was chosen moderator, and on taiking the chair he said : 

That although, when the war first broke out, he was disposed to advocate as 
pacificatory a course as possible toward the rebels, yet he had long since become 
convinced that this was perfect folly, and that the more we continued to be lenient 
to them, the more we strengthened them and weakened ourselves. He said he 
was therefore in favor of taking the slaves of rebels as we would take any other 
property of theirs, and he was in favor of using them in our armies to perform labor, 
and, if thought best, to arm them for their own defence and to aid us. This, he 
said, was his position, not because he was a member of any particular party, (for 
he had been a Democrat all his lifetime,) but because he loved his country, because 
ho sustained an earnest prosecution of the war, and was anxious to have it termin- 
ated as soon as possible by crushing out the rebellion. , 

Jonathan E. Arnold, Esq., also a Democrat, spoke, and was 
reported * as follows : 

There has been too much sque^mishness, and we have favored the South too 
much. In protecting their property we have lost 100,000 lives, and expended 
nearly a thousand millions of dollars. The only question now is, if we are at war, 
wo must bring to bear upon the enemy all the means of aggression known to 
civilized warfare. I would attack them al every point. We have waited upon 
them long enough. We must take their property, slaves and all. (Immense 
applause.) This is the true policy as well as justice to ourselves. Slavery is their 
strongest point. The negroes stay at home and till the farms, while Ihe men go to 
war. If necessary, he would use the slaves as Jackson did the bales of cotton, 
make ramparts of them, placing them for that purpose in tha van of the army, and 
then let the rebels destroy their property if they will. He would not stand upon 

* Daily Wisconsin. 


constitutional rights in such au emergency. He would do what he proposes by the 
laws of war. He would use the slaves to dig ditches, or in any manner the com- 
manders thought they could most aid us. "When the war is over, then let the rebels 
find their slaves — if they can. He said he didn't believe that the call for 300,000 
men was large enough. If loyal men are true, the men and money will be had in 
abundance, and the rebellion will be put down. "We must volunteer at once, or 
other means will have to be resorted to. This duty of to-day falls upon us aU, and 
not alone upon the poor; It falls as well upon men of property — ^men who have 
vast interests at stalie. 

Judge McArthur responded to Mr. Arnold. " They have 
worse fanatics in South Carolina than we ever had here. They 
have been plotting treason for twenty years past. But we 
have never drawn a sword by which to force an interpretation 
of the Constitution." He also alluded to Mr. Arnold's idea of 
" using the negroes as Jackson did the cotton bales, and wanted 
to Icnow if it wasn't bettor, while placing them so in the van, 
to give them a musket, and let them take a crack at their old 
rebel masters." (Great applause.) The Judge said that his 
friend, Mr. Arnold, accepted the amendment. (Applause.) 

0. H. Waldo, Esq., as chairman of a committee to report 
resolutions, read a series, deprecating the appearance of cap- 
tious or impatient complaint against our rulers, and declaring 
that the power of the Government must be exerted at once if 
the nation were to be saved ; that the existing rulers must exert 
the power, and hence should be sustained; that to refuse to 
support the nation was to abet treason ; that Wisconsin would 
remain firmly, thoroughly, and unconditionally loyal to the Federal 
Constitution and to the Federal IJnion, and would furnish her 
proportion of troops : that no interference of a foreign power 
in our domestic difficulties should be tolerated for a moment; 
that for the establishment of peace we must look for the return 
of a deluded fed mistaken people to loyalty, but that that 
would never be effected until it was the fixed and declared 
policy of the Government to render it as dangerous to be a 
traitor as our enemies have made it to be a loyal citizen in that 
region, and concluded with the following : 

Resolved, That the very leading object in war is to weaken the enemy, and 
deprive him of the power to do us harm ; that for that purpose we do not hesitate 
to even take his life, and after that to stumble on imaginary points as to his legal or 
constitutional rights of property during his life is puerile ; that one of the best 


established rigKts of a belligerent in war is, to take advantage of and derive aid from 
the dissensions, iijternal grievaneeSj and dissatisfactions which' may exist in the 
enemy's country; and while we duly appreciate the motives of prudence and 
moderation which have actuated the Government in that regard at the beginning 
of the war, while we do not demand empty proclamations from the Government 
Which it has no power to enforce, and we fully recognize the truth that military law 
has no force beyond the region of country which is under actual military sway ; yet 
we deem it now not only the right but the imperative duty of the Government, in 
all those places which are or shall be actually occupied, controlled, and possessed 
by our mdlitai'y force, where we have the power to protect, as well as to proclaim 
and employ, to call to our aid (in all ways in which it shall be found that they can 
aid us with effect,) the loyal Mack mm who are the slaves of rebels ; to systematically 
organize, and train them; to withdraw them absolutely from giving support to the 
enemy; to employ them in supplying the wants and in relieving the toil of our men; 
and, so fast as they can be taught the duties of tlie soldier, to arm them for our aid 
and their own defence; and that to all those, who shall thus legally and faithfully 
help themselves, and make common cause with us, it should pledge the national 
faith, to their perpetval freedom. 

Mr. Waldo supported the resolutions with some remarks, 
reported as follows : 

After reading them he made a few remarks, in effect that the people must rise 
up td the magnitude of the great work before them. One year ago he said that it 
would cost one hundred thousand lives and^a thousand millions to crush the rebel- 
lion. That sacrifice has been made, and still the work is not done. The Govern- 
ment ha'3 under-estimated the power opposed to them. He thought it was right 
for the people to criticise and talk to a certain extent, so that the Government 
might know the spirit and demands of the people. Their voices will strengthen 
the Government- He had wished that before Congress adjourned, some one had 
arisen and said in the American Senate that no foreign interference would be toler- 
ated.. (Applause.) The nation would rise against it instantly. (Enthusiasm.) I 
religiously believe that we have the power, when aroused, to resist any force. The 
Senate is regarded with respect by foreign powers. Would that Clay, Webster, Ben- 
ton, or Douglas, had been there to give such a warning! On another point he said 
■that we are fast losing our constitutional sornples. We must use all our strength 
against the united, and desperate South. . Thewhole argument is, that we are at war, 
and not engaged in a trial of constitutional rights,. Are armies, when about to 
meet in. battle, to stop and discuss their constitutional obligations before the blow 
is struck ? I know that it is difBoUlt for sonie to come suddfenty to the idea of 
employing negroes. Before long it will be far less dishonorable to be an abolitionist 
than to be a traitor. 

Judge Hubbell (a Democrat) remarked : 

We owe it to the brave soldiers, on the field who have died for us, that every 

man and every press at home should support and encourage those living, and 

honor those dead. (Loud and continued applause.) I thought at first that we 

might conciliate the rebels, but I do not now, and I said months ago, in Albany 



Hall, wliat my friends now say — that we must fight our enemies with all the 
weapons we can ohtain possession of. We have got to fight, or die as a nation I 
Tlie instrumentalities used by the white rebels are four millions of black men who 
would be on our side if they could. We have no millions of blacks to till our soil, 
fill shops, and occupy exchanges and stores; but while we are obliged to fill these 
places, we are also taxed to support our armies, while the rebels take whatever 
they can find and need to support their armies and destroy the Government. Is it 
sensible to carry on the G-overnment for the purpose of protecting rebels, while we 
are sacrificing so many lives and sinking beneath the weight of taxes ? The great 
mistake is that we have treated them as friends, while they have shown themselves 
to be thieves and murderers. But we cannot conquer seven millions of whites and 
at the same time preserve four millions of slaves. 

August 9th, 1862, 0. H. Waldo, Esq., addressed a lengthy 
and able (published) letter to Governor Salomon, on the " Con- 
duct of the "War," with the view of bringing the same to the 
attention of the President through the Governor. The early 
date of the communication is worthy of notice. 

Karl Schurz, in a speech on " The Doom of Slavery," de- 
livered in Verandah Hall, St. Louis, August 1st, 1860, said : 

Slavery demands for its protection and perpetuation, a system of policy which 
ia utterly incompatible with the principles upon which the organization of free 
labor society rests. There is the antagonism. That is the essence of the "irre- 
pressible conflict." * * * Mr. Douglas boasted that he could repress it with police 
measures ; he might as well try to fetter the winds with a rope. The South mean 
to repress it with decisions of the Supreme Court ; they might as well, like Xerxes 
try to subdue the waves of the ocean by throwing chains into the water. 

On September 3rd, 1862, there was adopted, in a State con- 
vention at Milwaukee, an " Address to the People by the 
Democracy of "Wisconsin." E. G. Eyan, Esq., of Milwaukee, 
presented it. It criticised the Government in various respects, 
especially for the exercise of military power in parts of the 
land not overrun by the armies of the enemy, and for suspend- 
ing the exercise of some i-ights which are enjoyed in time of 
peace. It professed to find justification for this complaint in 
the principles of the Constitution. It was at least an artful 
and able document, probably not surpassed, or even equaled, 
by anything on that side of the question that appeared during 
the war. It expressly condemned the rebellion, and yet adopted 


principles and preferred complaints that tended to paralyze 
the power of the administration, and to create sympathy in 
some respects for the traitorous enemies of the country. One 
passage on constitutional rights and liberties is the following: 

Our State Constitution, asserting the inviolable right of liberty of political disous- 
sion, adopts an American maxim as old as American Independence, when it declares 
that ' ' the blessings of a free government can only be maintained by frequent recur- 
rence to fundamental principles." And wliosoever, in whatsoever position, asserts 
that there has come a time in American history when freedom of speech should be 
suppressed, when the safeguard of political opposition should be abandoned, and 
the voice of all parties except one should be silenced, when the administration of 
the government should pass uncensured and unquestioned, when loyalty to the insti- 
tutions of our country should give way to passive submission to our rulers, has 
little sympathy with the spirit of the liberty won by the valor of our fathers, or of 
the free institutions established by their wisdom. In a free country, the freedom of 
the people abides in peace and war, in domestic tranquillity and civil discord. The 
Constitution of the United States, and the constitutions of the several States, pro- 
vide alike for all the exigencies of peace at home and. abroad, of foreign war and 
of domestic insurrection. The Constitution of the United States, and the laws 
enacted in pursuance of it, are the supreme law of the land in all conditions of the 
country. The Constitution is inviolate in all circumstances of the people and the 
Government. State necessity has no power to suspend the Constitution or abridge 
the freedom of the people. State necessity, as an excuse for invading popular 
liberty, has been in all history the tyrant's plea. When popular liberty succumbs 
to the cry of state necessity, the land has already ceased to be free. 

Loyalty, in America, is the franchise of no ofSce or oCScer. American loyalty is 
due to the Constitution alone. Fidelity to the Constitution is loyalty to the Union. 
There is no Union outside the Constitution. The Constitution is the Union. And 
whatever man, officer or party, assumes to be true to the Union, and not to the 
Constitution as our forefathers made it and our fathers enjoyed it, is disloyal to 
both. Blind submission to the administration of the Government is not devotion to 
the country or the Constitution. The administration is not the Government. The 
Government is established by the Constitution, and rests in its provisions. The 
administration is as subject to the Constitution, and as responsible for its observ- 
ance, as the people. The administration may err, but the Constitution does not 
change. And when the administration violates the Constitution, loyalty to the 
administration may become disloyalty to the Union. Devotion to the Constitution 
is the only American loyalty. 

After a laudatory passage concerning the Democratic party, 
Mr. Ryan said : 

The defeat of the Democratic party in 1860, has been followed by the revolt of 
several of the States from the Union and by the present terrible civil war, because it 
was defeated by a sectional party. We reprobate that revolt as unnecessary, unjus- 
tifiable, unholy. Devoted to the Constitution, we invoke the vengeance of God upon 
all who raise their sacrilegious hands against it, whether wearing the soft gloves 


of peaoo or the bloody gauntlets of war. But we affirm that the revolt and cbnaer 
quent civil war were a long foretold and probable roault of the acoesaion to power 
of a sectional party, because their success was the defeat of the spirit of the 
Constitution. * * « « 

But the Constitution left to the several States the exclusive control of their 
domestic concerns ; and had the spirit of the Constitution prevailed, differences of 
domestic institutions would never have disturbed the peaceful relations of the States 
m the Union. The slavery of the African race formed from the beginning the most 
important and dangerous of these differences. The Constitution was a compact of 
compromises, and in no instance more wisely or generously so than in relation to 
the institution of slavery. And had the several States of the Union abided in their 
politics by that necessary and magnanimous spirit of compromise, the Union Would 
now be undisturbed, and ancient harmony and prosperity would reign where civil 
war now rages. 

Having enunciated some principles concerning fanaiicism, 
he then applied the subject to "political abolition," and 
expressed himself in regard to slavery thus : 

It finally found employment fatal to the peace of the country in political aboli- 
tion. The North had rid itself of the incubus of slavery. The North was as respon- 
sible for slavery in the South as the South itself is. But fanaticism became offended 
with Southern slavery ; and overlooking home evils and home reforms, it devoted 
itself to the discussion of the evils of African slavery, clamoring against its crimi- 
nality and urging its abolition. It disregarded the Constitution, and denounced its 
guarantees of the rights of slavery as a compact of sin and shame. Many of its 
teachers openly advocated disunion ; and many more proclaimed an irrepressible 
conflict between the domestic systems of the North and the South, arguing that the 
States of the Union must become all free or all slave. 

These dangerous and revolutionary doctrines have always been combated by the 
Democratic party. The democracy has no apology to make for Southern slavery. 
We regard it as a great social evil. But we regard it as a misfortune, not a 
crime. The crime is in the presence of the African race upon the continent. That 
is a crime of the past, not of the present. And even in the past it was less the 
crime of the South than of those who grew rich in the slave trade, and who now 
clamor for the abolition of slavery which they themselves planted. "We hold thLs 
country to be the possession of the white race, and this Government to be instituted 
by white men for white men. Wo commiserate the condition of the slave ; but 
we are unwilling to violate the Constitution in his behalf, or to disturb society by 
emancipating four millions of an inferior race in a land possessed by a superior race. 
It is the sin of history that the African race is here ; once here in great numbers 
the proper condition of the African was subjection in some form to the white. 
Equality was impossible. Nature has made social equality impossible without 
fatally sinning against her laws, and without social equality pohtical equality is 
impossible. Nature never placed the races together ; when brought together, the 
servitude of the- inferior is the best condition for both races; a necessary ' evil 
resulting from the violation of natural law in bringing them together. But fanati- 
cism did not so see it. Fanaticism at the North, unembarrassed by the presence 
of slavery, did not see slavery as a necessary evil, but only as an abstract wrong. 


It could make no allowanoe for the , condition of the South, and had no alteration 
for the compromises of the Constitution,, or the safeguards which it extended to the 
institutions of the South. For a long time the abolition party was a weak political 
minority ; hut it was from the beginning in energetic and dangerous apostle of 
unconstitutional doctrines and of sectional jealousies and distrust. * * * * 

The results so wisely foretold, necessarily followed. The denunciation of the 
South at the North was met by denunciation of the North at the South. Hostility 
in the North to the institutions of the South provoked hostility in the South to 
the people of the North. The great mass of the people of the South were loyal to 
the Union ; but a class 6f public men 'in the South had for some time been tainted 
with disloyalty, and aimed to separate the Southern States from the Union, when- 
ever an opportunity should arise to carry the people of the South with them. 
These men zealously contributed to foment the abolition excitement at the Nor;th, 
and exaggerated its power and importance, at the South. Thus faction hegot faction ; 
and the abolition party at the North produced the disunion party at the South. The 
spirit of Northern abolition and of Southern disunion insensibly grew together for 
years, until the period of the last presidential election, when a bitter animosity 
existed between large and powerful factions in the North and in the South. 

It is true that the Republican party avows its abolition tendencies less manfully 
than the old abolition party. They assume to interfere with slavery in the territories 
and other places subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, only, and not in 
the States. This thin disguise of their real policy, is fully exposed by the uniform 
tone of their discussions of slavery, by their resistance of the Fugitive Slave law, 
by their avowal of an irrepressible conflict between the institutions of the North 
and the South, and by the whole tenor of their legislation wherever and whenever 
they have been in power. That a large and respectable body of the party have no 
sympathy with its abolition proclivities, is perhaps true ; but there is no room for 
doubt that the abolition element in that party is its largest, most energetic, and 
Influential element. With the strength and influence of the Republican party 
grew the strength and influence of the party of secession. Both were sectional ; 
both were revolutionary. It would be idle to show the revolutionary character of 
the secession party. Its revolutionary purposes were avowed. The Republican 
party was no less revolutionary, though its revolutionary tendencies were less 

In almost every State of the Union, in which the Republican party had the 
power, they enacted laws impeding the execution of laws of the United States. Such 
laws were passed by them in this State. A Republican judiciary in this State 
nullified acts of Congress, assumed to overrule the decisions of the Supreme Court 
of the United States in cases arising under the Constitution and laws of the Union, 
disobeyed its mandates, and sanctioned by judicial decision the forcible rescue of 
prisoners held under the judicial process of the United States. But not content 
with this measure of disloyalty, the Republican Legislature of this State passed, in 
1859, and has ever since refused to rescind, resolutions setting at defiance the 
authority of the United States, and asserting the doctrine of secession as broadly as 
it has ever been asserted by any Southern States. 

It will be acknowledged by many, that the autboi' of the 
address had some reason for criticism, as it respects the action 
of the Wisconsm Legislature in intimating defiance toward 


the General Governmeiit. But the address does not state, 
as it should, that the resolutions referred to in the pro- 
ceedings of the Legislature are nearly word for word taken 
from the celebrated Jefferson resolutions of 1798. If the 
Wisconsin liegislature was wrong, Jefferson was wrong. 

The address abounds in patriotic sentiments and paragraphs 
touching the iniquity of the rebellion, and the justice and 
necessity of prosecuting the war, but it interposes objections 
like the following : 

But we have a right to demand, it is our duty to demand, and we do demand, 
that this war be carried on by the Government far the Constitution alone, and 
under the Constitution alone. To that end, amongst others, we retain our political 
organization, and will use our best efforts from time to time and at all times, to 
regain for the Democratic party, under the forms and sanctions of the Constitution, 
the control of the legislative and executive departments of the Government of the 
United States. * * » * 

But war is not our whole duty. We owe a political debt to the Constitution, 
and that, too, must be paid. We adopt the language of General Jackson, that war 
alone cannot preserve the Constitution against disiraion. War can, and we hope 
speedily will, subdue the armies of the revolted States. War can, and we hope 
speedily will, disarm every traitor, possess every place of strength, and uphold the 
grand old flag on every flag-staff in the United States. But when war shall have 
accomplished all that war can do, the Union will not be fully restored. The par- 
ticipation of the revolted States in the government of the Union must of necessity 
be voluntary. War has no power to compel such voluntary action. The peace 
and permanency of the restored Union will depend, in a great measure, in the confi- 
dence of the people of the recovered States, in the justice of the General Government, 
and in the faithful observance of their constitutional rights. War has no power to in- 
spire this confidence. The stability of the Union then, as in times past, will need the 
mutual good- will and affection of the people of the several States. War has no power 
to control the affections. The people of the South will return to the Union, when 
they do return, wounded in their pride and embittered in their feeling. When they 
return, they will return as brethren, and merit the treatment of brethren. The 
law may demand its victims, but those guiltless of the war, and those forgiven by 
the law, will again be our political brothers. The restored States will return to 
the Union with all the rights of other States. To win baclc the confidence and 
affection of their people, and to restore the Union in the spirit of the Constitution, 
the sectional party at the North must be vigorously c'ombated, and in due time 
overthrown, at the ballot-box, by the Democratic party, the only national, consti- 
tutionaf party left in the land. 

We claim the right, as free and loyal American citizens, to discuss the conduct 
of the Administration, and' to censure it when we deem it worthy of censure. 
Our fathers won and established this right, and we will not surrender it. We 
utterly deny to the executive of the United States the power assumed by Con- 
gress in the Sedition act of 1798 to suppress opposition to the Administration, or 
restrict the full freedom of political discussion in the loyal States. This would ba 

CAKPBNTER'S review of the RYAN ADDRESS. 167 

to assume a power, above the Constitution. The Administration has no more power 
to suspend the Constitution, than have the people. 

The reference in the last paragraph to the Sedition Act of 
Congress, of 1798, pertains precisely to the congressional 
action of which Jefferson complained in his noted Kentucky- 
resolutions ; and yet, in this same address, the author, while 
seeming expressly to sympathize with Jefferson's complaints, 
condemns the Wisconsin Legislature for adopting Jefferson's 

The address continues : 

We denounce the abolition of. slavery in the District of Columbia, at the cost of 
the United States, as unconstitutional, and peculiarly mischievous at this time in 
giving force to the distrust of the North in all the slave States. We denounce the 
sweeping and indiscriminate measures of confiscation and emancipation, as uncon- 
stitutional, and as having a strong tendency to unite the whole South against the 
Union as one man. * * * * 

We deny the power of the Executive to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in the 
loyal States. We deny that this act, materially changing the laws of the land, is an 
executive act. We have the authority of the Supreme Court of the United States, 
pronounced by the voice of Chief Justice Marshall as long ago as 1801, and affirmed 
by every commentator on the Constitution since, that under the Constitution of the 
United States it is a legislative' power. No king has assumed such a power in 
England since the revolution. 

We deny the power of the Executive to make arrests in the loyal States. The 
suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, if validly done, would not authorize this. 
There are Federal Courts in all the loyal States with full power and jurisdiction to 
punish all crimes against the United States. * * * * 

We deny the power of the Executive to trammel the freedom of the press by the 
suppression of newspapers. The press is judicially responsible for abuses ; but the 
freedom of the press, subject to judicial remedies, is essential to the freedom of the 

Soon after the publication of the so-called Eyan address, 
M. H. Carpenter, Esq., of Milwaukee, reviewed it. He, too, 
and many others sympathizing with him, claimed to be Demo- 
crats. Mr. Carpenter had supported President Buchanan, and 
in the presidential canvass which resulted in Mr. Lincoln's 
election, had taken an active part as a political speaker in favor 
of Mr. Douglas. But when the war came, he made, as stated 
in a previous chapter, the first, or one of the first, studied 
orations in favor of a vigorous war for the Constitution. And 
both he and many others of like political affinities, never 
faltered in that course until Lee and Johnson surrendered, 


and our flag floated in unqueBtioned supremacy from the lakes 
to the Gulf, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. 

Mr. Carpenter's view of the position of the Democratic party 
in regard to slavery, and, on the other hand, of Mr. Ryan's 
exposition of the subject,' is set forth in the following passage : 

The Democratic party has been called bj its enemies the pro-slavery party. This 
has been repelled as a slander by all the Democrats of Wisconsin. They have said 
that with slavery we had nothing to do ; that it was a local institution, protected 
in the States by the Constitution ; that the provisions of the Constitution in relation 
to slavery were a- part of the compromises upon which that instrument was based ; 
and that it was our duty to obey every provision, whether we approved or dis- 
a,pproved. The Baltimore Convention, in 1840, set forth the Democratic creed 
upon the slavery question. 

Mr. Carpenter then quotes the Democratic resolution and 
proceeds : 

This resolution was re-adopted by the National Democratic Conventions of 1844 
and 1848, and pledged the democracy to let slavery alone, as a thing it had no right 
to interfere with. It is believed that no Democratic Convention, in a free State, ever 
went beyond this, to a jastification of slaveryper se. Jefferson pronounced slavery 
a curse and a sin. But hear what Mr. Ryan says : 

" Nature never placed the races together. When brought together, the servi- 
tude of the inferior is the best condition of both races ; a necessary evil resulting 
from the violation of a natural law in bringing them together. But fanaticism did 
not so see it," etc. 

Mr. Jefferson did not so see it ; nobody in a free State, except Mr. Eyan, ever 
did see it so, nor was it ever heard of in a slave State until Mr. Calhoun promul- 
gated the infamous dogma, to the astonishment of the Christian world. The 
Spaniards have been universally execrated in history for enslaving the Indians. 
But according to Mr. Ryan, this was perfectly right. The sin was in the white 
race coming here. "Nature never placed the races together." But when the 
white man had committed the sin against nature of discovering and settling upon 
this continent, then inhabited by an inferior race, he was perfectly justified in 
enslaving it. ^' It is the best amditim far loth races." Is this democracy ? * *' * 

This address dommits the very fault the Democrats have so long condemned in 
the abolitionists. It assumes to interfere with slavery in the States, by discussing 
ita merits,, and concludes with the implied advice that it should never be abolished. 
"It is the best condition for both races." The abolitionist reasons over the same 
ground and ends with the advice that it should be abohshed, because it is the worst 
condition for both races. Now while the two extremes differ in their advice, they 
concur to violate the principle of political faith, announced in the Baltimore plat- 
form, that the States are "the sole and proper judges of everything pertaining to their 
own affairs." 

It should here be said, that the abolitionists, while holding 
to freedom of speech, and the right and even duty to discuss 

carpenter's review m THE RYAN ADDRESS. 169 

all moral questions pertaining to tlie welfare of man in any- 
country or state of society, never, in general, held to the right 
of the Federal Government to abolish slavery in the slave 
States, though claiming that right in behalf of the territories 
and the District of Columbia. 

The following passages from Mr. Carpenter's review indi- 
cate the views of many Democrats in regard to a complaining 
and fault-finding spirit toward the Government : 

But a far more. objeotLonable, because more dangerous part of the address, is its 
manifest apology for the rebellion, and its labored efforts to throw the blame of it 
upon the North. Paragraph is piled upon paragraph to show that the abolitionists 
are really, answerable for this war ; and the occasional express repudiation of the 
necessary inference from all its, statements and arguments, cannot redeem it with 
any intelligent reader. A skillful lawyer, , wishing to apologize for a murderer,, 
would say, ' ' Now, gentlemen of the jury, I do not justify my client, but you shoul^ 
consider the circumstances of his offence. My client was an honest, peaceable 
man, pursuing his own calling; on his own premises; the deceased came there; 
came with insulting language ^nd menacing gestures ; my .client declined any dis- 
cussion with him and requested him to go away; but the deceased became more 
rude and insolent, hea,ping upon my unfortunate client every, kind of offensive 
epithet, until finally overpowered with the anger the deceased had inspired, he 
struck a fatal blow, a blow the law cannot justify, ' ' etc. Now read this long 
address, and see if it is not in this spirit and of this character throughout. The 
trick of oratory, to pretend one thing while , really accomplishing another, and 
exactly the reverse, is not new with . Mr. Eyan. Anthony practiced the same art 
in his consummate oration to the Roman citizens after the death of Caesar, in which 
every school-boy knows how he protested that Brutus was "an honorable man," 
and at the same time convinced the people that he was the vilest pf malefactors. 
* * * * * » * * * 

The differences between the North and South have swollen beyond the reach 
of argument^ a terrible exertion of physical strength must settle the question. If 
the South were conquered, if this rebellion were crushed out, then it would be 
proper to discuss what should be her treatment. But at this time, when rebel 
artillery is belching on the capital, the direct ,and only effect of such an address is 
to make our people doubt the justice of theii- cause, and thus enfeeble and unnerve 
the arm of the Government. It is matter of unfeigned astonishment and regret that 
any man could be found vvilling, at such a time, to perform this -task; and it is not 
less astonishing that any man who has invited and urged his neighbors and friends 
to volunteer to fight in this war on the part of the North, should after they had moved 
to the battle-field, give hfe voice for a formal address to be promulgated ex cathedra, 
tending to show that these volunteers are engaged in a war which, to say the least 
of it, had been brought on lyy the aggressions of the North wpan the Smth. 

Mr. Qarpenter then proceeds to defend the exercise of the 
war power, in all the States, to suppress the rebellion : 


But, there is one position not argued, but assumed as a premise, the invention of 
■which cannot be charged upon Mr. Ryan. It is this: 

"The Constitution of the United States and the constitutions of the several 
Slates, provide aUlse for all the exigencies of peace at home and abroad, of foreign 
war and domestic insurrection. " 

The traitor Breckinridge, shortly before joining the rebel army, maintained in the 
Senate and in public speeches, substantially the same doctrine. And if he could 
have convinced others of its soundness, he probably would stiU have remained in 
the Senate, and there have contributed more effective aid to the South than he 
can with his sword in the field. Mr. Tancey, lately writing to the people of one 
of the revolted States, expressed his surprise at the resources the North had been 
able to command, and his utter astonishment and horror at the disregard shown in 
Congress for the Constitution. 

This language seems more appropriate in a traitor's letter than in the address of 
a Northern democratic convention, but comes to the same practical end. If the 
Constitution does indeed provide "for all the exigencies of peace at home and 
abroad, of foreign war and domestic insurrection, ' ' then it is certain that the South 
will succeed, if we heed the Constitution ; and it would tend very much to dis- 
courage the North in this contest to convince them that they are daily violating the 
Constitution they supposed they were fighting to maintain. But fortunately for us, 
and for all that is at stake in this controversy, the doctrine here announced cannot 
be maintained. 

The Constitution is the chart of civil government, and as such provides for the 
raising of armies and navies, and that the President shall be commauder-in-ohief, 
etc. All this is part of the machinery of the civil state. It is not very certain what 
is meant by ' ' provides for all the exigencies of foreign war.' ' The address is 
extremely general and oracular at this point. One of the exigencies of foreign war 
placed G-eneral Scott and his array in the city of Mexico. Now is it meant that 
the Constitution provides for such a case, and directs what General Scott might or 
might not do in an enemy's capital? If it means any thing it means this, and yet 
how unfounded is the assertion. The Constitution no where directs when, where, 
or how a battle shall be fought, or city be taken; and if General Scott had looked 
to its provisions, he would have found not one word applicable to the subject, or 
that any one has ever pretended was applicable. When our army marched to 
Mexico, it went, not under the Constitution of the United States, but under the law 
of nations and the usages of war, and had precisely the same rights and duties as 
an army of Great Britain or Russia in the same situation. * « » » 

But because the civil powers of 'the Government are limited by the Constitution 
alike in war or peace, it by no means follows that the war power is defined, 
limited, or controlled by the Constitution. It is a very artful feature of this address 
— one borrowed from the methods of Mr. Calhoun — that it passes over the really 
debatable ground upon this subject, and, without argument or discussion, assumes 
as premises the very points in controversy. It is asserted that the Constitution 
provides for all the exigencies of war, and thence it is argued irresistibly, that the 
Constitution is being violated in the prosecution of the war. But the premises 
assumed are totally denied. The great fallacy in this part of the address is at the 
starting point, and in what is assumed with perfect confidence as an axiom. If a 
man were to commence an argument by assuming that the moon is made of green 


cheese, he would have little difficulty in proving that its presence would not 
"illumine the night." 

But to return: if there is any meaning in this part of the address, it means that 
the pfo visions of the Constitution apply to the persons ' against whom the war is 
waged, and regulate the extent to wliioh the war may be carried, as against such 
persons. A few examples will put this pretence at rest. The Constitution pro- 
vides, for instance, that no man shall be deprived of life without due process of 
law. Does this provision apply to the conduct of the war, and can no rebel be 
killed till he has been first tried and convicted by a jury 1 Then every rebel slain 
on the battle-field is murdered. So we may take up the provisions of the Consti- 
tution one by one, and show that no one of them applies, or pretends to apply, to 
the conduct of the war. "War is entirely outside the Constitution; the Constitution 
makes preparation for it, but is silent as to its management. It furnishes the instru- 
inentalities, but does not direct their use. This is as true of domestic as of foreign 
war. The Constitution commands the President to take care that the laws are 
faithfully executed, and gives him the army and navy for that purpose. And the 
President, and the military and naval officers under him, must of necessity judgo 
iu the first instance of the exigencies of the war, and prosecute it in all places till 
the principal otiject be accomplished. The power to arrest is as undoubted as the 
power to kill, and is as necessary an exercise of the war power. ' The power to 
destroy property, if necessary to the successful prosecution of the war, is of the same 
undoubted nature. It is worthy of notice, that iu the Constitution the protection 
of life, liberty and property, are united in the same provision as follows : No person 
shall " be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law ;" and 
all stand upon the same footing so far as this discussion is concerned. An exercise 
of the war power may sweep them all away, and the Constitution no more pretends 
to protect one than the other, as against the war power. "Would it be pretended 
that if a spy came within the military lines, under such circumstances as are for- 
bidden by the usages of war, that the President or his servants could not arrest him 
without warrant? And could it make any difference that the spy, whose character 
was clearly ascertained, should be found in one of the loyal States? Suppose the 
Government should be collecting at Cincinnati a large force for a particular pur- 
pose, and a soldier from the rebel army should be sent in disguise within our 
camps to spy out the number, condition, and destination of the troops, would there 
be the slightest doubt of the right and duty of the President, or his military subor- 
dinates, summarily to arrest such person, and subject him to military trial and pun- 
ishment as a spy ? 

Yet the address says, in most charming generality of expression: 

' ' "We deny the power of the Executive to make arrests to the loyal States. * * 
There are Federal courts in all the loyal States, with full power and jurisdiction 
to punish all crimes against the United States." 

Again : suppose the success of a particular campaign should be found to depend 
upon entire secrecy, yet some newspaper in New York should persist in publishing 
day after day full particulars of all preparations and plans of the campaign, thus 
acqpainting the rebels with the information necessary to render it a failure, wOuld 
any man dou'bt that this was, if done knowingly and wickedly, giving aid to the 
rebellion? "Would it not, under such circumstances be the duty of the President, 
or his military agents or ofiScers, to arrest such editor, and suppress such news- 
paper, with artillery, if it could not otherwise be suppressed. Yet this address 


says, without any qualification whatever, " we deny ihe power of the Executive to 
trammel the iVeedom of the press by the suppression of newspapers," etc. * * * 
And every lawyer knows that wherever a power is lodged, there rests also with 
it the right to judge whether the proper case is presented for its exercise ; this is. 
absolutely necessary to the utility of the power. The President and his military 
subordinates must therefore judge, answerable to public opinion and on their con- 
sciences to their -God, whether the proper case exists to make a military arrest, to 
batter down a fort, or blow up a newspaper. The President must judge of the con- 
duct of men, and of the character of the publications, and say whether they are of 
a class to be proceeded against in the courts or with bayonets. 

On the 25th of June, 1863, a State convention was held at 
Milwaukee, composed of those in general who sympathized 
with the address presented by Mr. Ryan at a convention in the 
same city, September 3rd previous. Some of the resolutions 
passed by that body are the following : 

2. Resolved, That a war maintained by the Federal Government in defence of 
the Union as our fathers established it, carried on under the sanction and subject 
to the guarantee of the Constitution, is a war enlisting the holiest sympathies of 
mankind, and meriting, as far as mortal work can merit or mortal man can see, the 
blessing of the almighty God of battles ; but that war waged by the Federal Gov- 
ernment to reduce sovereign States to provincial dependency, or to subvert rights 
secured by the Constitution to the several States and the people thereof, under a 
pretence of maintaining both, would be as unholy a war as ambition could devise 
or tyranny inflict. 

3. Resolved, That while we believe that the slaveholding States had received 
long and grievous provocation, by assaults upon their constitutional rights by 
Northern abolitionism, the original and accursed cause of the terrible civil war now 
raging, yet we believe the revolt of the Southern States to have been without any 
justification or excuse at all adequate to the terrible extremity of the dissolution 
of the Union. We believe the war to have been forced upon the general body of 
the people of the South, as well as upon the Federal Government, by the mad and 
guilty ambition of public men in the Southern Stales, banded in a conspiracy 
counter to the mad and guilty fanaticism of aSTorthern abolitionists. We hold the 
Southern revolt to have been from the beginning wholly unjustifiable, a crime 
against the laws of God and man, against the best government ever established by 
human wisdom, and against the cause of civil and religious liberty throughout the 

4. Resolved, That the end does not justify the means ; and that no cause, how- 
ever sacred, can justify a disregard of public and private rights secured by the 
fundamental law of the government ; that the usurpations of Federal ofScers, civil 
and military, against the constitutional rights of the States and people remaining 
loyal to the Union, have been and are unwarranted, unnecessary, wanton and 
criminal ; and that the present Federal administration, in conducting the present 
war, has left the world in doubt whether their principal object is to restore the 
Constitution at the South or to subvert it at Ihe North. The history of the world 
has rarely shown a grosser, or more systematic abuse of delegated and limited 


powers, or a more insolent aasumptioaof arbitrary power by the constitutional 
servants of the people. 

5. Besolved, That while we .will sustain to our utmost ability a war for the resto- 
ration of the Union as long as a reasonable hope for its success may remain, we will 
owe no support to a war waged against the Constitution or the rights guaranteed 
by it. Our fathers founded the Constitution, and if those charged with the admin- 
istration of the Federal G-overnment should be so insane and guilty as to turn 
their power against the rights of the States and the people of the North, we fully 
believe that they will find the great masses of the Northern people, without dis- 
tinction of party, worthy of the Constitution by supporting it, and worthy of the 
fathers who founded it, by imitating their example under lawless oppression. 

6. Resolved, That we will consent to no dismemberment of the Union, and to no 
abrogation or suspension of the Constitution. The one is as holy and binding a 
duty as the other. The Union is strength, the Constitution is freedom. Better 
liberty and right out of the Union than a government above the Constitution and 
the laws. " , ^ 

These guarantees [freedom of speech and of press, the right to keep and bear 
arms, and freedom from unreasonable searches and seizures] have been systemati- 
cally violated by the present Federal Administration. Not by accident, not by 
mistake, but upon the deliberate assumption of the President of the United States and 
his subordinates, civil and military, that they may of right violate them whenever 
in their judgment it may seem expedient. ' 

****** ***** 

And we hold that every deliberate violation, of the popular liberty or private 
righjt by the President or his subordinates is a crime against the Constitution, 
wl^ich will be followed by just constitutional punishment, if peace and constitu- 
tional order should ever again reign in our distracted country. 

At the EepuMican State Convention, held at Madison, 
August 19th, 1863, Mr. Doolittle, frora the Committee on 
[Resolutions, presented the following, which were adopted : 

Resolved,, That this Convention cordially approves the following propositions 
contained in the call under which it assembles. That the Union be preserved in its 
integrity ; that the Constitution and laws of the United States be enforced through- 
ont the whole national domain ; that tire rebellion be suppressed, not by compromises 
with, or concessions to traitors, but by the sword, whose agency they have in- 
voked ; that the National Administration should be heartily and generously 
supported in it efforts to put down the rebellion. * * * * 

Resolved, That we deplore the partizan hostility which has been awakened 
against the Government by interested politicians and designing demagogues of the 
North, believing that it can only tend, by encouraging rebels, to protract the war ; 
and instead of kindhng the patriotism, to arouse the animosities of our people, and 
to occasion elsewhere the same riotous, diabolical, and anarchical scenes which 
have already disgraced the commercial metropolis of the nation. 

Resolved, That the warmest thanks of the- loyal people are due and are hereby 
tendered to the brave and devoted soldiers who have rallied in defence of the old 


flag, and nobly and persistently fought the battles of the country, and met and 
vanquished on so many fields the hosts of rebellion seeking to destroy our national 
life ; and that we pledge ourselves, before Heaven, to sustain them by filling up 
their thinned ranks in the most expeditious manner, until the end of this rebellion 
shall come, and peace be restored to the land. 

Resolved, That we admire and reverence the steadfast loyalty of the Union men 
of the South, which, amid so many temptations and persecutions, has kept them 
faithful to the old flag ; that in their sufi'erings they have our profound sympathy, 
and that it is the duty of the Government, at the earliest possible moment, to deliver 
them from rebel oppression. 

Resolved, That we recommend to the loyal people of the several districts and 
counties of the State such a, reorganization of committees as will ensure a more 
perfect Union organization between Republicans and Democrats in political 
action. * * * * 

J. B. Smith proposed tlie following, wMch was unanimously 
adopted : 

Resolved, That the soldiers who have lost their health or been maimed in the 
service of our country, in its struggle for self-existence, should be selected for 
places within the gift of the Government, either State or national, wherever they 
have the necessary and eq\ial qualifications, in preference to those who have taken 
no part in the struggle in the field. 

On September 17th, 1863, a " Loyal Democratic State Con- 
vention" was held in Janesville, which had much significance 
and importance as related to the Union sentiment and action 
of the State. Many of the ablest and most prominent men of 
that party were present, and took part in the convention. 
Judge Hubbell, as chairman of the committee on resolutions, 
presented a report, which was read by the Honorable M. H. 
Carpenter. The following are several of the resolutions 
adopted : 

Resolved, That the Constitution vests in the President "the executive power" of 
the Government, creates him " Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the 
United States, and of the militia of the several States when called into the actual 
service of the United States," and commands him to "take care that the laws be 
faithfully executed," without defining the manner in which any of these enacted 
powers shall be exerted ; it becomes his duty under his responsibilities to Heaven, 
to the people whom he represents, and to the laws of civilized nations, " to judge," 
in times of war and of great national peril, "what degree of force the crisis 
demands," and to select from the known usages of civilized warfare Such measures 
as he deems most efficacious ; and it becomes the corresponding duty of all loyal 
citizens to yield to all such measures their ready and hearty support. 

Resolved, That the present rebellion was commenced and is prosecuted for the 
dismemberment of the National Union, and the destruction of the Constitution and 


Govemmeiit of the ITnited States ; that in view of the vast armies now arrayed by 
the rebels for the commission of this national murder, no individual and no party 
can stand indifferently^ by and witness the perpetration of the crime, without be- 
coming a participator in the bloody treason. 

Resolved, That, as Democrats, we support the Government in this war prosecuted 
agaiiist it by the rebel States, with no purpose either to protect or destroy the 
institution of slavery; but, as the slaveholding States have causelessly and recklessly 
attempted the subversion of our common. Government, if in the foray that Govern- 
ment is unable to protect either their lives or their property, upon their own heads 
must rest the blame. Tet, as citizens of a free State, we are utterly opposed to 
the admission of the black population of the South among us, so as to disturb our 
domestic peace, or create competition; with white labor. 

Resolved, That we recur with undiminished pride to the past history of the Demo- 
cratic party — a history interwoven alike with the triumph of popular liberty, and 
the defence and glory of the Government ; that we cannot forget that the opponents 
of this ever-loyal party, in the war of 1812, refused to support the measures of the 
National Administration, and burnt blue lights, along the coast, as beacons to our 
enemies, and in the Mexican war factiously withheld supplies from our brave 
troops in the field, commending them to the " bloody hands and hospitable graves' ' 
of the foe^ that we have no wish now, amid the bloodiest and most unprovoked 
war that ■ ever imperiled the Government, to imitate these bad examples, and, by 
denouncing the measures and motives of the Administration, by discouraging enlist- 
ments into the army, and decrying its victories, by spreading throughout the loyal 
States the firebrands of faction, and by giving aid and comfort to traitors in arms, 
thus to sink the Democratic Party to the odious level and fasten upon it the endless 
shame of Hartford Contention Federalism. 

The address, at that convention, " by the loyal Democracy 
of Wisconsin to the people of the State," was delivered by 
Judge Arthur McArthur. Justice to the theme of this chapter 
requires the selection of a few passages : 

We cannot be blind to the fact that self-constituted expounders have warranted 
public opinion' in attributing to the Democratic party a want of zeal and devotion 
in a crisis when the Government can only be preserved by force of arms ; nor can we 
observe, without anxiety,. the construction which a reasoning world places upon 
the resolutions and popular harangues which assume to utter its sentiments and 
embody its spirit. It is beyond denial that the burden and substance, during the 
last twelve months, of all these addresses, resolutions, and pseudo-platforms are 
fraught with disaffection to the national authorities, and the most terrible predictions 
of their evil designs. 

We may ask how deeply do these spurious text books, attempting to exemphfy 
the Democratic creed, enter into the duties we owe our beloved and shattered 
commonwealth — what exhortation do they breathe to follow its banner? What 
sacrifice do they encourage for its salvation ? Where do they compare the appalr 
ling evils of defeat, to the minor sufferings and evils and trials through which 
victory must be achieved ? From what stand has a popular mouth-piece uttered a 
sentence for the last twelve months which betokens an approval of the moat 


fortunate administrative measure or conduct? In what phraseology has one of this 
class encouraged a hope that the rebellion will be crushed by executive or mihtary 
vigor? Or has one of them, upon any occasion, suggested or approved of a single 
expedient by which our success has been achieved, our -arndies advanced, and the 
South driven to the wall ? 

In an examination of tlie address adopted by the " Democ- 
racy of Wisconsin" in September, 1862, and of the resolutions 
adopted by the same class of Wisconsin citizens, in June, 1863, 
the address by the "Loyal Democracy" contains the following: 

The resolutions * * * inform us that the aboUtioniste were the original 
and accursed cause of the civil war now raging. And the learned and able gentleman 
who was the presiding officer of the nominating Convention declared that our own 
Government drew the first fire from Southern guns by a preconcerted trick to 
initiate a civil war. * * * * 

But these inconsistencies and historical perversions would not have been endorsed 
by the delegates if they had for a moment thought of the past. Many years before 
the "Abolitionists" or "Republicans" had a voice. South CaroUna (to whom the 
term ' ' original and accursed cause ' ' of this rebellion is far more applicable than 
where we find it) refused to vote at the presidential election at all ; and in 1832, 
this State had levied armies and prepared every thing for resistance to the laws, 
as much as if a foreign invasion was about to enter her territory. She adopted au 
ordinance of conditional secession, and such was the indomitable spirit that ap- 
peared to prevail, and the determination not to permit the laws of the United States 
to be executed, that an act of com[)romise was effected solely to avert the conse- 
quences her threats of civil war predicted. General Jackson was President at the 
time, and he was about to give an appalling explanation of what he considered 
"treasonable practices." 

He considered that Calhoun had incurred the penalty of death, death by the 
gallows, without an overt act of violence ; and in the presence of the Great Eternal 
he avowed his solemn determination that he should speedily be brought to ju$tice. 
He did not stop to palaver with South Carolina through platforms about their having 
received long and grievous provocation, by assaults upon their constitutional rights, 
on account of the revenue laws which they affirmed to be sectional for the benefit 
of the North. The dispute was ended by compromising the protective system ; and 
every national measure for the last thirty years that the South has found too long 
or too short for their views, has been denounced as sectional, and such, no doubt, 
do they regard even the bombardment of Charleston itself. * * * * 

That portion of the address relating to slavery is one of the most singular passages 
to be found in political literature. It rivals any of the tortured defences which 
bondage calls to its aid ; for although we are told that " the democracy have no 
apology for Southern slavery, ' ' yet a considerable space is devoted to its vindica- 
tion. Within a quarter of a century, although slavery had put forth more apologies 
for its own existence and extension than any other subject of criticism in the circle 
of human affairs, yet the democracy have never been so unwise as to make a 
defence of slavery an element of party, wisdom, and piety. We have alwa.ys 
regarded the institution as within the protection of the constitutional compromises ; 
and even Southern Democrats of the most extreme opinions never asked us to 


defend it outside of tlie Constitution. But while the masters and partizans of slavery 
have had no little anxiety in disposing of it's imputed criminality Within their own 
conscience, and before the world, the terrible question is disposed of by the con- 
science-keepers of the Wisconsin democracy, by declaring; as an abstract proposition, 
"that the proper condition of the African was subjection in some form to the 
white; * * * when brought together, the servitude of the inferior is the best 
condition for both races." * * * " Nature has made social equality impossible 
■Without fatally sinning -against her laws." * * * This state of things is pro- 
nounced " a misfortune, not a crime ;" "a necessary evil resulting from the viola- 
tion of natural law in bringing them together," etc. This goes far beyond the 
serious opinions of reasonable Southerners, and the philanthropist of the address 
should not have withheld the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, whom we have always 
regarded as the best possible authority, who, upon this especial subject in the 
abstract, has said that the Almighty has no attribute that can take sides with the 
slave master. The attempt is now made, we believe, for the first time, to make 
this dogma not a mere expression of opinion, but an article of political faith ; and 
perhaps we should not ' be surprised that the attempt to discredit the war and' its 
active powers should be coupled with a vindication of the peculiar institution our 
enemies uphold as the basis of their government, and which has led to the blood 
and ashes of this rebellion. 

Honoral)le Jonathan E. Arnold, the president of that con- 
vention, made an address in the course of its sessions, and in 
it said : 

But, fellow citizens, no matter what may have been the causes of the rebellion, 
it is upon us, and must be disposed of or it will dispose of us. Upon one thing I 
think air may agree, and that is, that this rebellion is utterly unjust and utterly 
wrong, and that the South are pursuing a war of aggression, and that upon the 
part of the North this war is just, religious, and self- defensive. This proposition, I 
beg leave to remark ere passant, is one of the propositions of the Ryan address which 
I most heartily appi'ove of. It asserts that this war, upon the part of the South, 
is aggressive and wrong, and upon the part of the North, it is just and defensive. 
But taking this proposition to be true, do not two consequences necessarily follow 
from it? First, if this war be wrong and aggressive on the part of the South, and 
just and defensive on the part of the North', docs it not follow that it is the boundeu 
duty of every man in the North to be true and loyal to the Government? Ought 
there not to be a state of complete and perfect unity of feeling and action on the 
part of Government and people in crushing this unholy and aggressive rebellion? 
(Applause.) Another proposition follows, which is just as true, and that is, that the 
whole constitutional power of the Executive is invoked, and may and should be 
properly exercised in the work of crushing the rebellion. 

This, fellow-'citizens; is not a war declared by the Congress of the United States 
or by the Constitution. The power is vested in Congress to declare war to a limited 
extent, and to limit the means by which it shall be carried on. But we have here 
no declaration Of war by Congress. We have a war forced upon us— an aggressive 
war — a war in which we are fighting in self-defence for the very preservation of 
the Government. 



These men talk of Southern rights, that must not be inYaded. Thej are very 
careful about Southern rights, which must be protected. Pray, what rights haye 
they, if they be rebels to this Government ? What rights have they to be respected 
more than those of the antagonist who has you by the throat, and is attempting to 
take your life? I do not understand what this language means. Does it mean 
their slave property? Is that the rights that is meant which we are to respect? 
They have forfeited all their rights. All the means and laws known to Christian 
warfare are now at our disposal to capture and appropriate one. kind of Southern 
property as well as another, even if we take their negroes, togetlier with their 
ships, cotton, and grain. But they say again, that you propose to carry on this 
war, not for the legitimate purposes for which it was first adopted, but for the pur- 
pose of freeing the negro ; that is what the Administration is prosecuting the war. 
for. Who is authorized to say that? Who knows it? When this subject was 
broached to Mr. Lincoln he is said to have replied that by the time the rebellion 
should be crushed, it would be time enough to uiquire about that matter. I think 
so too. Let us go on and crush, the rebellion. If they have lost slave property,, it, is 
the conseiiuence of their own acts ; and if, by the force of our armies, we shall 
free every slave and exterminate slavery in the South, I for one shall shed no tears 
over it. (Applause.) 

Honorable Winfield Smitli, Attorney-General of Wisconsin, 
delivered an address in the Spring-street Congregational 
Church, Milwaukee, on Washington's birth-day, February 
22d, 1862, in which he uttered some prophecies now being- 
fulfilled : 

When this rebellion shall be subdued, when "unconditional surrender" shall 
be the "compromise" accepted by all armed rebels, when our heroes that have 
gone forth in hope and courage shall return in triumph and honor, when the founda- 
tions of our G-overnment shall have been laid deeper and broader by their hands, 
and they and we shall rejoice over the noble work — think not that we shall accept 
the past as the measure of the future I The Constitution may be the same, but the 
mode of expounding it cannot but be Kberahzed., The Government will remain, 
but it will be administered in a spirit of greater freedom and more perfect equality.- 
The Northmen, thus conquerors, will not tamely bow their necks to the old yoke, 
nor reconstruct that fabric of pohtioal tyranny which they are now about to 
destroy. The evils they have put under foot they will never again endure. They 
will not vanquish the enemies of the Union to yield them renewed homage. 

We shall have time enough to break the old spells. The dispersion of the 
armies of the foe, the laying down of arms will not, we fear, close the struggle. 
We may have peace with the honest. masses of the South— wo may teach them to 
chant the glories of the Union; but their leaders will entertain eternal hostility to 
the Government they are striving to overthrow. 

Pride, revenge, ambition, will never cease to struggle, and only the firm, hand 
of power wiU keep them in restraint. The loyalty of the BngUsh Jacobins outUyed 
generations. Southern aristocrats will hardly be less faithful to their long-cherished 
traditions. They will never consent to be our subjects, nor our equals. You will 


take care that they shall never again be our eulees. The States -will be long in 
growing; together; the materials will not be the same, and the conditions of the 
new Union must be different. 

On the Vtli of November, 1861, a national flag was presented 
by the State to the Tenth Wisconsin Regiment, in Camp Hol- 
ton, Milwaukee, and Honorable E. D. Holton, of that city, 
made the presentation address, linear the ' conclusion he said : 

What, then, is the deep-seated, wide-spread, all-permeating oattsb of this rebel- 
lion against the most benign and blessed government the world has ever seen ? 
Slavery — chattel slavery^ the right of property in man, that old sin, the child of 
the dead, by which one man seeks to subjugate his brother man to his own behests. 
That is the cause. And what is the remedy? Would you have so humble a person 
as myself offer you an opinion as to what that remedy is ? 

Emancipation — freedom to all'^ — to be wisely and prudently given. In the 
light of this rebellion the slaveholders, with rare exceptions, are its leaders. 
They have not only forfeited their property, but their lives ; and you go forth to 
take their lives. But now let us be merciful. Let us spare their lives, but confis- 
cate their property ;, and if there be Ipyal paen among them, fully compensate them, 
at the public expense, for any just claim. None, I believe, deny the legal right of 
this course, as a war measure ; and when it is adopted, as sooner or later it must 
be, we shall have a victory worth conquering. Then shall peace, a perm'anetit 
peace, founded, as it should over have been founded, upon the rights of man, pre- 
vail throughout our whole country.. Then shall not only the common blessings 
which follow peace come upon those now disturbed rebellious States, but the cause 
of rebellion being removed, then shall come in its stead the dignity and the glory 
of free labor. 

Such is a limited view of the sentiments of political men 
and conventions in Wisconsin, at the opening and during the 
earlier part of the war. It is given with the design of imparti- 
ality. The principle has been adopted to let men speak for 
themselves. They discoursed often of great principles, often 
of great undeveloped events. All along, here and there, many 
spoke with true prophetic tongue. And yet in their dimness 
of vision they often saw " men as trees walking," pnly,; they 
often trod along the boundaries of invisible realms of reality, 
without knowing whither their feet were tending, or how soon 
they would be crowded into wonderful and mighty events of 
the future. 

Note. -^ The last two selections would have been put in' their chronological 
place if they had been obtained in time for it, , OtheSr selections would have been 
•given if the author had succeeded in finding them. 








The pulpit of Wisconsin, in most religious denominations, 
gave an early and decided expression against tlie rebellion and 
in favor of the war waged by the Government. Its own jus- 
tification, and the principles which governed its course, were 
as follows : Lawful government is an institution ordained of 
Heaven. " The powers that be are ordained of God. Whoso- 
ever, therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of 
God."* Whosoever rebels against lawful governnjent is a 
transgressor against both God and men. The author of right- 
ful government has appointed penalty against transgressors. 
" But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid ; for he beareth not 
the sword in vain;-\ for he is the minister of God, a revenger to 
execute wrath upon him that doeth evil." War, then, is justi- 
fiable when necessary to overcome the enemies of lawful gov- 

Moreover, whether war is ever justifiable is a moral question, 
and therefore its discussion comes within the sphere of the 
pulpit. All moral truths belong to religion. 'Eo religious 
question can properly be excluded from the Sabbath or the 
sanctuary. A. mere political or civil question — one which is 
purely secular— has no lawful place in the pulpit. The 
church has no right with mere state affairs, and the state or 
politics' has no exelusive right to any moral subject. The right 

* Eomans xiii: 1, 2. •]• Romans xin: 4. 


of the pulpit to all moral truths and questions is even before 
that of the state, inasmuch as the pulpit has the most direct 
relation to God and his word. When a moral topic connects 
itself with the state, or enters the arena of polities, it is not 
the duty of the pulpit on that account to ignore it ; but it is 
bound to abstain from all mere secular issues, from all par- 
tizan expression, from all political feeling and prejudice. 

The Redeemer of men declares that he came not to send 
peace, but a sword, and yet, he said to his disciples, " My; 
peace I give unto you."* He came to bring peace on earth 
and good-will to men, wherever men will receive the blessing. 
The sword is the world's perversion of his own offered peace. 
His truth is a sword because of sin. The peace which He does 
not come to bring is a false peace — peace in iniquity. The 
peace which He does come to bring is a peace allied to furUy^- 
" first pure, then peaceable."t The sword of Christ does not 
tnake war as an end, but as a means to true peace. 

The religious ministers of Wisconsin, in general, early saw 
that if the Government were wrong on the question of defend- 
ing its existence by the sword, it was a great crime knowingly 
and voluntarily to support it ; and that if its course were right 
on that question, it was an equal crime, with an understanding 
of the subject, to refuse to support it; and they saw that in 
either case the pulpit ought not to be silent. ISTor were those 
ministers long in deciding that there was no right of secession 
in this Government, that there was no State sovereignty 
superior to the Federal sovereignty concerning the Union of 
these States, nor that the Confederacy was guiltj' of treason. 

Brief extracts from sermons preached, nearly all immediately 
or soon after the opening of the war, by Wisconsin ministers 
of various denominations, are as follows : 

On April 2l8t, the first Sabbath after the surrender of Fort 
Sumter, Reverend C. D. Helmer, of the Plymouth Church, 
Milwaukee, preached from Zephaniah i: 12, on " Signs of our 
JS'ational Atheism," and in his introduction said : 

These are days when the noise of tumultuous events breaks over into the 
qiiietude of the Sabbath. As it sometimes happens with our lake, which lies out 

* John xiv: 21. f James iii: It. 


here behind the bluffs: when there is a powerful and persistent sweep of the winds 
across the water, you will hear the roar of the excited billows reverberating along 
the shore, and breaking, in softened thunder, over into the city, pouring the echoes 
of the storm down the streets, through the windows and doors of our houses, even 
into the sacred silence of the inmost chamber — so is it now with the tempestuous 
roar that comes up from the stormy deep of this turbulent nation. The low thunder 
and the shrill hiss of this popular whirlwind break in upon every sphere of life, 
resounding through the shop, the counting-room, the office, the court-house, the 
exchange, the market, the. school, penetrating the very vestibule of religion, and 
invading even its inmost temple. * * * * 

Now, it is in vain to talk of holding back the popular mind from thinking upon 
this inflammatory subject. Only dead men, and such as are as good as dead — I 
mean such as are morally, politically, and patriotically fast asleep — only such men 
will remain without a touch of excitement amid this national tumult. And it is in 
vain, moreover, to talk of excluding the theme from the house of Sod. I should 
like to see you shut out from this consecrated audience room the atmosphere, and 
the Ught, aud the echoes of the noisy street. If you did, you would have a vacuum 
in which no man could live, a darkness in which no eye could see, and the empty- 
silence of sepulchres. 

On the 28tli of April, he i^reached from Isaiah xiii : 2-4, 
on " The "War Begun," and said : 

It has been proposed, in Italy, I think, to extinguish a volcano by turning the 
sea into it. These volcanoes, you know, are often troublesome and devastating 
creatures in the lands infested by them. They will have their earthquake revels 
and their irruption jubilees, though at the expense of cities, green fields, luxuriant 
vineyards and multitudes of human lives. So it has been proposed to queiich one 
of these fiery and obnoxious spirits of the subterranean by opening the gates and 
letting in the sea upon his fires. I know not whether this will be found practic- 
able or not ; but I think the American people now have the opportunity to 
extinguish the ever-restless volcano of slavery. I do not mean by this, immediate 
and unqualified abolition ; but that, as a servile institution, opposed in nature and 
vital spirit to our national liberties and our highest prosperity, it shall lose its 
aggressive and dictatorial temper, and, restrained within its present limits, live 
upon itself, if it can, or die, if it cannot. To this end let the gates be opened, and 
the sea of freedom begin to flow with extinguishing streams into the crater of 

Both of Mr. Ilelmer's sermons were published in one pam- 

April 21st, Reverend P. B. Pease, of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, preached at Kenosha, from James iv : 1, and said : 

Extraordinary times demand special subjects. No ordinary theme would satisfy 
us in these days of intense excitement and deepest anxiety. Nations are haughty 
and irritable in their intercourse with each other. They seek to gratify ambition, 
and subserve State purposes. These may have an indirect bearing upon the present 

EEV. DR. miller's SERMON. 183 

outbreak, but tlie prime moving cause lying at the bottom of the difficulty can all 
be summed up in one w'ord-^dark, hateful-, hellish slavery; Two things raay be 
obnsidered in relation to it : I. It was i reluctantly admitted into the G-overnment, 
under the hope that it would die out. Sad mistake 1 The general public sentiment 
was against it. This wAs'true of tlie church, especially the Methodist Episcopal 
Church. 2. An attempt to harmonize this antagoriistic principle with the genius of 
the Government. This has been insisted on by the Soutli until the nation is demoral- 
ized, and the Government well-nigh undermined. * * * - * 

"We have permitted the tree to grow until its roots have struck deep in the soil, 
and its branches to spread so far that nothing can thrive in its poisonous shade. 
We took the young dragon to the national bosom and nursed him, till he grew to a 
monster, and now threatens to swallow us. We must grapple with him, and 
although the strife be fierce and deadly, it must be .met All is at stake. We are 
to regard it as a war of truth against error — light against darkness ; the mighty 
struggle^ the- last death-throe of human oppression upon' Our fair soil. The eyes 
of the world are upon us. The issues of this war ' may fix the destinies of other 
nations for ages. Must we fail, and our Government prove a short-lived, futile 
experiment? Never! So, never/ 

April 21^ Reverend W. G. Miller, D. D., preached at the 
fepring-street Methodist Church of Milwaukee, and frbm that 
sermon the following passage is taken. The author states that 
the prediction of the terrible struggle to .follow was received 
with incredulity at the time. 

But, ladies and gentlemen, the war is inevitable. Its coming may be hastened 
or retarded by the shaping of events during the next thirty days, but that war is 
upon us, and a civil war, of a most frightful Character and most alarming prepara- 
tions, is to my mind no longer a question. Tou can no more prevent it than you 
can stay the leaping floods of Niagara, or quench the king of day in the palm of 
your hand. It is the legitimate offspring of an ' ' irrepressible conflict' ' of ideas as 
antagonistic as light and darkness, as diametrically opposed to each other as right 
and wrong, truth and error. The Bible declaration, that God hath made of one 
blood all the nations of men to dwell oii all the face of the eartli, so beautifully set 
forth ill our Declaration of Independencej and teaching the great lesson of universal 
equality and universal freedom, forms the corner-stone of our institutions . But a 
plague spot is found in the opposing doctrine of caste and privileged classes, which 
finds illustration in American slavery. This war of principles has already culmin- 
ated in a coUision'at Port Sumter, and it would be contrary to all history to arrest 
the tide of war at this stage. The antagonism is too direct and the; conflict too 
heated to quench the flame till rivers of blood shall pass over it. The act of the 
South in firing on Sumter is none other than a rebellion, and that of the most inex- 
cusable and wicked character, against the best government on earth; and I am free 
to confess that I am filled with horror when I contemplate the result of this suicidal 
act on their part, an act that must lead to years of war as far as human ken can 
see, and the most fearful desolations in its train. But, gentlemen, there is no alter- 
native. The glove is thrown to us, and we must accept it. If our principles are 
right, and we believe they are, we would be unworthy of our noble paternity if 


we were to shrink from the issue. Let there, then, be no shrinking from the con- 
test. The battle is for human liberty, and it were better, that every man should, 
go down, and every dollar be sacrificed, than that we should transmit to the com- 
ing millions of this land other than a legacy of freedom. Were it not that good 
men have gone down into the dust and smoke of.battle again and again, there 
would not be to-day a government on the face of the globe under which a good 
man could well live. And since God in his providence has brought us to this hour, 
I trust by his help we shall not prove unworthy of the trust — the noblest ever given 
toman — committed to our keeping. There can be no question as to the result. 
We shall triumph, and with it we shall win a glorious national destiny. 

Reverend C. W. Camp, April 21st, preached in the Congre- 
gational Church of Sheboygan, from Psalms cxxii : 6, a sermon 
which was soon published, from the conclusion of which the 
following passage is selected : 

We must pray for our country; have we anything else to do? Sincere prayer is 
a pledge of our willingness to do whatever lies in our power to accomplish the 
object for which we pray. If we rightly pray for daily bread we shall be willing 
to work for it ; if we say "Thy will be done," we must endeavoJ^to do it. What 
have we to do for the welfare of our country at the present hour to show that our 
prayers are earnest ? 

The proclamation of the President of the United States calUng for men to sustain 
the Government with their strong arms, and to meet the perils of war in its behalf, 
must be honored with a full and prompt response. The necessity is upon us and 
must be met, and the whole people must heartily consent to the hardships and 
troubles of the occasion, and endure hardness as good soldiers. 

We shall find we have something else to ' do this summer than to make money, 
to build railroads, or to project new towns and cities. The providence of God is 
summoning us to another work. We have looked back to the revolution as our 
.heroic age, and have hardly felt that the spirit of the fathers could be needed again, 
but we seem to be in a graver crisis now — we need to be as courageous, as self- 
devoting, as enduring as they. All that they left us is in peril, and God and the 
interests of our children demand that we meet the peril bravely. We must not 
suffer the Government to be demoralized and go to wreck, and if we sustain it and 
have a truly free country, though we are impoverished, though we lose many lives, 
we shall do well. 

Some of us must be willing to go and meet the enemies of our country in battle 
and others of us must give up friends at this call of duty and consent to have them 
go. It is a serious thing for a man to decide that he must go into battle, and nothing 
has touched my heart more nearly for a long time than the fact that some of you are 
feeling this constraint, and that these families are alarmed and distressed at the pros- 
pect.. Tet I have nothing to say to hinder the decision. Some must go. Let them 
understand that they lay life upon the altar of the country, and that, there is great 
reason to expect that the offering of their blood for her ransom will be accepted 
Let them go under a sacred sense of duty to God. Let them go prepared for death. 


April 2l8t, Reverend J. GoUie, of the Congregational 
CMrcli of Delavan, said : 

Having ttais shown that God has fitted us, aa a nation, to do a work for the 
elevation of ma,n Which we have not yet completed, I maintain that we owe it to 
God, as well as to ourselves, to defend our national existence till that work is 
done ; to pursue that work through all dif6culties,_.and at all costs. True, it may 
he that we have already proved ourselves unfitted to accomplish the high service 
to which we have been called, and that the God of nations is about to close up 
our unworthy career within the narrow bounds of some eighty six years. But I 
cannot accept this explanation of the fearful calamity which begins to descend 
upon us. The fact that the war now forced upon us leads right in the direction of 
our true destiny, right in the line of the work which God has given us to do, affords 
ground of hope that it is to be only an instrument to enable us to fulfill our heaven- 
appointed service, and not a means of destruction. If, then, as a nation, and as an 
instrument chosen and fashioned of God, we have a right to exist, a right to show 
our &ce above ground, then is our cause in -the coming struggle a just one, . 

If we look at this matter a little more particularly its Justice will still appear. 
This outbreaking war is virtually another attempt, on the part of the system of 
slavery,, to break over all boundaries, and rise above, all law, and to spread itself, 
with all its attendant crimes and woes, over the length and breadth of our land :; 
apd if in this mad the South, shall insist on an appeal to the issues of war, 
then God grant us a brave heart, good cannon, and a speedy victory. How can, a 
great and free people, under such circumstances, better employ, their resources and 
fill up their history, than by cleaving a way with the sword through the obstacles 
which treason has thrown in their path? 

Reverend W. W. WTiitcomb, now pastor of the Baptist 
Church of Oshkosh, in a sermon, said : 

War, in itself considered, is rightly accounted a scourge to any people ; and yet, 
in the han3fe of God,, it becomes a mighty reformer. It brings to the surface of the 
body-politic those foul vapors and corruptions that often accumulate in and around 
the national heart. God now seuds us this terrible remedy. We need it. But 
many are heard to ?ay, " this is Lincoln's war — unjustifiable, cruel, murderous, — 
it must be stopped at all hazards." No, my friends, it is God's war to purge away 
slavery. " The Lord reigneth — ^let the, earth rejoice." 

April- 2l8t, Reverend A. Clark, of the Congregational 
Church of Hartford, said in his introduction : 

Although Christ's mission to the earth was a mission of peace, yet the principles 
of love and peace he put into the world, as the leaven leavening the mass, stir 
wicked men up to war. * * * .Jq tJig present exigency,^ something more than 
the grasping and holdihg of a little temporal power is at stake. Great principles 
are involved in the conflict. A defence of just principles, of liberty, of righteous law, 
is demanded. This should be well considered. This should govern the actions of 
men, and not the frenzy of the moment, or passion, or a selfish ambition. There is 
a divine providence. There is a God who sits upon the throne of the universe. 


He liM a goYemment among men on earth. ,To him we need, to look at the present 
time. We need hia aid. * * * Acting in accordance with his will, we need 
not be over anxious nor troubled. He has told ua that righteousness shall finally 
triumph in the earth. Though wickedness may for awhile gain the ascendency— 
though oppressors may for awhUe triumph, it is only as the wave pressing geaward, 
while just principles, like the tide, are setting in, resistless in their march. 

In a sermon preached September 22d, he said : 

If ever there was a call upon men to go to war for the defence of their own 
national existence, institutions, liberties, and rights— for the continuance of their 
government, and the exercise of its authority over the people of the land— then the 
call which comes from our acknowledged civil head is such an one ; to support a 
government, in most respects the most benign that ever existed on earth, under 
w-hich we have grown to be a prosperous and a happy people, an asylum for the 
poor and the oppressed of all nations, save one enslaved race. 

April 21st, Eeverend W. H. Burnard preached in the Con- 
gregational churches of Shopiere and Clinton as follows : 

Why must we fight? Wliy engage in deadly strife with those whom we have 
been wont to regard a? countrymen and fellow citizens ? Slavery is at the bottom 
of this matter, and the successful oppression of the black man requires the subju- 
gation of the white man. It was said in Congress, " we will subdue you ;" and 
the threat is about to be put into execution. We must flght them because our con- 
sciences, which are themselves exponents of the moral law of the universe — vice- 
gerents of God in the soul — will not yield at the behest of oppressors. Distinctly 
have we been told by distinguished leaders of the secession movement, that the 
thing they complain of is the moral sentiment of the Northern people against 
slavery. So we are not obliged to flght because we violate the compromises said to 
be in the Constitution ; not because some of the States have passed personal liberty 
laws ; not because we did not return the fugitive to his master — alas ! we did it too 
willingly ; not because we will not compromise ; but because we do not see beauty 
and divinity in Southern slavery, but are forced to regard it as the " sum of all 
villainies." * * « * 

We must fight as men of glorious memory have done before us, for the rights of 
conscience, for unfettered thought, and free speech. We must marshal our hosts 
to convince the South that of the two alternatives offered us — that of stifling our 
mature conscientious convictions, or the overthrow of our Government — ^we will 
accept neither ; but tliat write, and speak, and preach, and sing, and pray against 
slavery we will, all under the sanction of the Constitution, in the name of God, 
and protected by the stars and stripes. 

Eeverend John McNamara, then Eector of the Episcopal 
Church in Kenosha, preached, April 21st, from Jeremiah 
iv : 19 : 

The Rubicon is crossed ! The suspense is over. Peace is no longer possible. 
They who are not satisfied with the fundamental law of the land as it is, nor with 
the officers chosen under and in accordance with that law, have had recourse to the 


uUiTna ratio of kings — direful war-^and thia might ^setter be called the ultima demen- 
tia — the last stage of madness, or the extreme of folly. "We have boasted that rea- 
son, knowledge, and universal suffrage would preserve us from a resort to arms ; that 
an army and a. navy were but the 'instruments of tyrants and despota. We have now 
learned that tliey are necessary to uphold a constitution' made by the wisest of 
freemen — freemen and patriots, unawed by the fear of kings and courts. * » * 
The unmistakable conduct, then, of our countrymen at the South has been to 
compel the present constitutional G-overnment to vacate its place- and betray its 
trust, or enter on a bloody war 1 Let us suppose that it shall be an united South, 
and an united Nortli ; the one to defend slavery, and the other to perpetuate the 
Union knd the Constitution. This is surely the issue at present. I would that they 
should come together, and agree to live under the Constitution. And let the South, 
as the weaker, ask simply for. tlie toleration which the Constitution extends" to her 
Slaveholding ; permitting tlie free element to rule, but to rule in love. 
■ The forcible abolition of slavery is an issue which the selflshness of either great 
party will not permit it to attempt. But if the South desires to destroy freedom, 
freedom will assuredly get the bettor in the struggle ; and it may be that it cannot 
be restrained from exterminating its antagonist. If the gladiators are to fight for 
the ascendency — slavery itself challenging to mortal combat — flur sympathies are 
just where they ought to be, however much my soul is alarmed at the sound of 
the trumpet and the clangor of war ! 

Eeverend A. H. "Walters, Methodist, Chaplain of the Wis- 
consin Legislature, on the Sabbath following the fall of 
Sumter, said : 

The call for seventy-five thousand should have been for half a million. The South 
are in earnest and well prepared, and before the war waked by the firing on Sum- 
ter closes, more than half a million will be required. Eiaise an overwhelming force, 
for peaceable secession ia impossible, and this country cannot be two. "We must 
have the mouth of the Mississippi river, and will cut our way to it. We have 
preached, prayed, and labored for peace — were willing for anything but dishonor- 
Now we say war — war on a large scale. 

E-everend "W. Cockran, Congregational minister, now of 
Baraboo, in 1860, uttered in a sermon the following sentences, 
which had the prophecy of true philosophy : 

The eternal principles of truth are as unchanging as their Q-reat Author ; and 
their straight; parallel lines, in their endless stretch, never yield to error. Rest- 
less and tortuous error is sure, sooner or later, to strike' them at some point. In 
the collision error, and not truth, must suffer. Never were there two greater 
antagonisms than freedom and American slavery ; the former being innate, and of 
heavenly origin— the latter, earthly, selfish, sensuall, devilish. These two antago- 
nisms are ae sure, to meet as two continued, converging, straight lines. The par- 
ticular nature and attending circumstances of this conflict none can, with certainty, 
predict ; but come it must. And when it comes, it wiU be as terrible as slavery ia 


abominable and freedom is valuable in the sight. of God. And who shall abide the 
day of its coming 1 ' 

Reverend N". A. Staples, pastor of the Unitarian churcli, of 
Milwaukee, preached, extemporaneously, on the rebellion 
and the war, April 21st, the first Sabbath after the fall of 
Sumter; and on the 28th preached again, and from his. sermon 
at that time the following extracts are taken : 

Oh, where is the people whom God has so highly favored since the world began I 
He intended that we should realize the angel promise of peace on earth and good 
will to men. All the elements of the great result are clearly within our reach. 
Why, then, this war, do you ask ? Why such daily oast of brazen cannon ? Why such 
impress of ship-wrights, whose sore task does not divide the Sunday from the 
week? As well ask why there are showers, or droughts, or floods I It comes 
upon us like one of nature's great changes. You cannot suppress a natural process 
in one direction, without producing violence in some other direction. As geologists 
tell us, that when a volcanic mountain which has long belched forth fire and smoke 
from the centre of the earth, suddenly ceases and becomes peaceful, then the 
inhabitants of southern climes expect soon to hear of a fearful earthquake, which is 
sure to follow swift on the closing of a crater — so is it in the life of nations : sup- 
press the natural flow of justice, quench the bright flame of a nation's religion, 
suppress the natural outgoing of her charities and sympathies, while the hot fires 
of her passions grow fiercer at heart, and you may then expect that God will rift 
the thin crust which habit has built over such horrid wrongs, and allow the molten 
floods of the primeval passions to deluge the land with a richer and more fruitful 

Now the dead political air can be breathed no longer by freemen. It is poisoned 
with insult, it is thick with shame, and the storm is gathering. In one week its 
black curtain rolled over the Northern sky. What deadly bolts are wrapped in its 
frowning folds 1— what threatening thunder mutters along its base I — what terrific 
unity 1 It bears everything down before it ! We had lived so unworthily that we 
had over-estimated our forefathers. We thought them moved by a grand impulse 
which we were incapable of. But now the grand reality is upon ua, our cant is 
ended, our jealousies forgotten ; the lust for gold is over-ridden by a love of honor | 
the smith drops his hammer at the forge, the farmer leaves his plow, the merchant 
his goods, the lawyer his desk, the minister his flock, that they may conquer a 
peace which shall be good-will to men. 

Reverend A. L. Chapin, D.D., of Beloit College, on the 
second Sabbath after the fall of Fort Sumter, April 28th, 
delivered a sermon in Beloit, from which the following selec- 
tion is made : 

Our fathers, under the guidance of the Holy Ghost, drew from God's Holy 
Word «erta*h fundamental trutlis respecting civil liberty, the rights of man and the 
law of Christian love. They incorporated these principles into the Constitution 


of a free Christian; republic; These prmciples are the very essence of that 

But in course of time the nation became recreant to these principles. The word 
of God, even, was perverted in defence of oppression, and now suddenly has 
hurst ilpon' us the visitation of judgment, through the open, violent rebellion of 
men wjio long misguided the administration of our Government. While we bow in 
all humility under the chastening rod, we ask what God would have us do I "We 
receiv'e no doubtful answer. Prom all our past history-^from the dangers of the 
present hour — ^from the hidden depths of the future — from the down-trodden 
millions of an oppressed world — from conscience within — ^from the Word and 
Spirit of God — ^from Him who is King in Zion — from all^ come voices as with one 
utterance, saying,_ " Turn unto God, your fathers' God. , Seek him with all your 
heart. Rise, and in his name stand for the principles committed to you. Defend, 
maintain the Constitution in which they are embodied — the government which finds 
in them its life. In the fear of the Lord find your strong confidence, and by his 
favor shall you surely triumph. Cursed be he who cometh not up now to the 
help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty. 

Eeverend E. J. Goodspeed, then Pastor of the Baptist 
Church of Janesville, on the 28th, from Ecclesiastes iii : 8, 
said : 

The war is necessary to preserve the integrity of the Government, and thereby 
save us from anarchy, overawe rebellious spirits in all future time, command the 
respect of foreign nations, establish the ability of men for self-government in a 
republic, perpetuate the blessings of civil and religious liberty to the generations 
that shall follow. The Government is powerless, to carry on this contest without 
the co-operation of its loyal subjects. It becomes the duty of every good citizen to 
cast aside 'partizan feeling and local prejudice, to listen attentively to the proclama- 
tions of the Executive, and prepare himself, as they did in the days of the revo- 
lution, to devote means and life upon the altar of the country. If I understand the 
duties of 3, Christian, no law forbids him to fight the battles of his country when 
they are waged for principle. Some of the brightest examples of fidelity to Christ 
have bpen produced in the camp. Gardiner, Havelook, Ticars, are immortalized 
in the hearts of Christians by their holy steadfastness amidst the excitements and 
temptations of war. Should any of my brethren feel constrained to obey the call 
of the President, let me exhort you not to forget your God and Saviour. Let 
religion attend you, rather, invest you, shine in all your conduct, and exalt you 
into the position of preachers of salvation to your fellow-soldiers. Praying men 
make good fighting men when their cause is just. Sir Colin Campbell said that 
when any difBcult enterprise was to be performed, he ordered out "Havelock's 
Saints," as his men were termed. They were never drunk nor demoralized, but 
ready for duty. History has immortalized the piety of Cromwell's Puritan soldiers, 
who went into camp with their Bibles, and into battle with prayer and psalm 

Eeverend "Walter McParlane, of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, now of Horicon, uttered, in 1858, tkese prophetic words, 


in a discourse on " The Origin of the Human family :" " The 
negro is a man, and his manhood will yet be demonstrated in 
this country. It is for us, as a nation, to say in what way this 
demonstration shall be made— in peace, or by force of arms." 
April 28th, 1861, in a sermon from Zechariah iv : 6, he said : 

Our national temple of liberty is threatened with ruin. Why ? Because as a 
hation we have sinned, and' as nations have no existence beyond time, national 
sins bring national punishments ; ours is upon us. Slavery is the sin for which God 
now calls us to account. Let us put away the evil thing. As the South has appealed 
to arms for the purpose of defending this institution, we have no course left us but 
to conquer a peace, and by tlie help of God drive this plague-spot from the land. 

Soon after the opening of the war, when so many were 
calling for peace, he preached from Isaiah xxxii: 17 — "The 
work of righteousness shall be peace." 

Slavery is the cause of this war, let the Forth or - South say what they will. 
The abolitionists are no more the cause of this war than the man who calls " Stop 
thief!" is the cause of, or responsible for, a riot which may be raised in order to 
release said criminal. Slavery is a sin, so if we desire peace and the favor of God, 
we must put away all sin. 

We hear many say, ' ' Has God no other way by which to purge this pation but 
by so much bloodshed ?" Yes, he has many ways, but this is the way chosen by the 
South. So in this case we must answer a fool according to his folly. The South 
has assumed the emblem and character of the serpent, and tell me, if you can, 
who is to blame should it meet a serpent's fate. 

" Should we not pray for peace ?" Yes, and laborfor it, conquer it, and thereby 
prove to the world that we are a nation of sharp eyes, clear heads, strong arms, 
and true, brave hearts. 
No rest, then, till this is done, and traitors are taught that treason is death. 

Extract from a sermon preached by Reverend E. J. Monta- 
gue, pastor of the Congregational Church in Oconomowoc, 
April 28th, 1861, from the text, Matthew x : 34 : 

This strange state of things follows immediately after the most earnest, united, 
and believing prayer for the nation that probably was ever offered. Christian 
people at the North have prayed, for these years past, for the country, for" our 
rulers, and for dehverance from national sins, in a manner and spirit altogether 
unusual. In thousands of sanctuaries on Sabbath days, in daily and weekly 
prayer-meetings, in tens of thousands of families and olosetts, have earnest and con- 
tinual prayers been offered to the God of our fathers that he would interpose for 
our deliverance in a time when human wisdom has failed. * * * * 

Wo have expected "answers. of peace," but He is answering us as he has often 
answered the prayers of his people, " by iemWe things in righteousness." We 
ought to understand that there are woi-se evils for a nation to suffer than war in 


defene.e"of righteous principle and just government. Anarchy and treason stalking 
abroad iinoheoked are worse : social and political corruption, sapping the very 
foundations of government, is worse': high-handed wrong, sanctioned by law, and 
wrought into the very fabric of society, is Worse. Weought not to be surprised 
therefore, that God is answering the prayers of his people in the present manner. 

The one sole cause of the present terrible Collision is slavery, and especially the 
deiiiand, not only that it shall exist in the States choosing to have it, but that the • 
Government of the United States shall be. administered in its interests. And 
because this demand has been resisted by the people in a lawful manner^ not by 
violence, but peaceably, at the polls — anarchy and treason have madly determined 
to dismember the rep"ublic. It has beSii the growing sentiment of the people that 
the system of slavery is one great moral wrong, inconsistent with the spirit of our 
free institutions, and contrary 'to the spirit of the gospel of Jesus Christ. And this 
'sentiment has spoken out at length in authoritative tones through the- ballot-box, 
saying, ' ' This government shall be administered henceforth in the interests of free- 
dom, and not of slavery : slavery must be an institution of the State, and not of 
the nation: it must stayat home: it shall not be allowed to spread itself over the 
broad doma,in of our republic, wherever it may choose to go." And who will say 
that this voice of the people is not the voice of God, as it certainly is the voice of 
humanity, of justice, and of patriotism ? , 

Reverend A. C. Manwell, of tlie Methodist Episcopal Church, 
at Racine, April 28th : 

Let it not be said that thoughts like , these are prostitutions of the pulpit, or 
deviations from our sacred official character. It is as much the duty of the Christian 
minister to love his country, to pray for her rulers, and to teach the people their 
duty to government, as to perform any other part of his work . We pity the min- 
ister who is so cowardly as not to speak for his country and Constitution, under 
which he enjoys religious freedom. We come forward, not for party. We come 
forward because we believe it to be the duty of every good citizen, in the present 
critical and alarming circumstances of the country, because it were treason not to 
speak. We speak because rit is the cause of patriotism. It is the cause of civil 
and religious liberty. It' is the cause of that Christian liberty transmitted to us 
by our ancestors, and purchased with their blood. We must speak. Treason-is in 
open rebellion against the best government the sun ever shone upon. The glorious 
flag of mj country is torn down by ruthless hands and trails in the dust ! 

Reverend D. C. Curtiss, in the Congregational Church, at 
Fort Atkinson, April 28th, from Joshua v : 13 — 15 : 

If the rebellion which' has sprung up against the Government of these United 
States is wrong, then we must believe it to be. the will of the Lord that it should be 
suppressed, and that the sword, which he has put into the hand of the magistrate 
for such a purpose, should be used, and used' ^as a solemn trust which cannot be 
put off. In the discharge of this duty the whole country must suffer. So does a 
whole family suffer when a rebellious sou is brought to punishment ; so does the 
whole man suffer when the surgedn's knife is. put into the diseased limb. But all 
such suffering is for the good that is to come out of it. Good will come out of this 


■war if the liand of God is seen and properly acknowledged. It will be like the 
purifier's fire and the fuller's soap to the nation, purging out existing evils, humbling 
it before God, and bringing about a better state of things. But if God is not 
suitably acknowledged we may expect our troubles to multiply, tiU the Govern- 
ment falls to pieces and the Union into fragments. 

Let us, then, in the openmg of this strife, humble ourselves before God, con- 
fessing our individual sins and our sins as a people, and do what we have to do in 
the matter as a solemn religious duty. Let ua see^ in that Providence which has 
brought things to this pass and us to the eve of war, what Joshua saw in the form 
of a man — a divine messenger, with a drawn sword in his hand — and put, as it 
were, the shoes from off our feet, knowing that the ground we stand on is holy. 

Eeverend E. G. Miner, of "Whitewater, May 5th, from 
Psalm ii : 3 : 

But, fellow citizens and brethren in this sacred cause, it is a dangerous thing to 
trample upon liberty. It cannot die, and will avenge. This work of our enemies 
will recoil upon their own heads, and at no distant day. Our loyal people are 
ready for the defence. Never before has a nation witnessed such spontaneous 
uprising. The fate of our Massachusetts men at Baltimore, on the 19th of April, 
1861, tells of ultimate victory as certainly as the battle of Lexington did on the 19th 
of April, 1176. The events of the last month have rekindled that old spirit of 
freedom. The signs of the hour are not equivocal. We already see we are a 
united people, and our Union is our strength. And more than this, our cause 
is righteous, and the God of righteousness loves it and sanctions it. And " if God 
be for us, who can be against us ?" * * * * 

The movement of the world is toward that for which we fight ; and this terri- 
tory, on which the seeds of liberty have been so thickly sown, is not now going 
back to years of despotism and darkness. God means not this. God means that 
the harvest-song of freedom shall be sung in this land, and by the voices of all the 

Reverend J. Silshy, at Prairie du Sac, May 5th, from Pro- 
verbs xiv : 34 : 

Let us be wise to discern the signs of the times. Let us not walk in sparks 
of our own kindling, but let us follow where God leads. The present attitude 
of the public mind is truly a miraculous result. Old questions that had floated upon 
the surface of things, as of apparent moment, are entirely swallowed up by the 
great issue that God in his providence has sprung upon us. The deep current of 
honest patriotism that, thank God, yet wells from the heart of tho great mass of the 
people of all parties, is now reached by a great question that overbears all party 
issues, leaving only here and there a solitary individual who may be yet unable to 
escape old entanglements. The hearts of the children of men are in God's hands. 
Let us reverently follow where he leads. He has promised to make crooked ways 
straight before us, and to cause the light to shine more and more unto the perfect 
day. The multitudes of the faithful all over the North are pledges of God's favor, 
and iftho present exigency be bravely met, our future duties wUl be made plain in 
(}ue time. 


Reverend Jolin 0. Slierwin, of "West Salem, preached at tlie 
request, and in the presence, of the La Crosse Light Q-uards, 
on the Sabbath preceding their departure, early in May. In 
his introduction he said : 

It is with a sad spirit, my friends, that I am here this morning to address you. 

I am sad because there is an occasion for your military services in defending the 
hynm and the laws of your country. I am sad because the separation from your 
intimate friends, caused by this ready response to a call of duty, may be, as is often 
the case in the strife of battle, a final separation. I am sad, too, and most of 
all, because the service to which you are called is a death-struggle of brothera with 
brothers. . Tou are to defend the laws of your country against the force of those 
who have, for eighty years, been ready with you to maintain them inviolate against 
any foreign usurpation. Every thoughtful patriot must feel sad as he thinks of the 
present distracted state of his country. But there is hope. There is great signifi- 
cance in the rapid merging of party distinctions into a strong Union sentiment — a 
determination to maintain the Constitution, and the oneness of the whole country. 

Reverend H. H. Benson preached, by request, to the 
" Miners' Guards," at Mineral Point, May 5th, from Romans 
xiii : 12 : 

The principle involved on the part of the Government in this contest is one of 
self-defence. Our Government is the attacked and injured party. It has borne 
with the greatest patience wrongs and injuries, hoping for a return to reason and 
duty on the part of the offenders. This forbearance has only been made an occasion 
of still more exorbitant demands, till war has actually been commenced against it. 

But our cause is a righteous one, and we may expect the blessing of Heaven on 
our efforts. We may justly look for the sympathy and prayers of good men throughout 
the world for our success. I know that many are filled with fear as they look upon 
the future of our country, and see our political heavens gathering blackness. Trials 
still greater may be before us ; yet I believe the nation will successfully meet and 
overcome them all. I trust, still, that brighter and better days are before our 
nation, and the lehoh of it as a vimted nation. What is a principle or government 
good for that cannot endure trial? 

Ton are preparing to discharge a solemn duty. Tou are to aid in protecting 
the Government of the nation, and, it may be, yOur friends, your families, and 
^our firesides. Tou may therefore ask and hope for the blessing of God on your 
efforts. Be assured that many who remain behind will not forget to pray for 

Reverend C. 0. Cadwell, of Bloomfield, May 5th, from 
Judges XX : 27, 28 : 

And since the trump has been sounded in Zion, and the men of Israel are 

gathered to the high places of the nation, does not God say to us, go up 7 Tes I 

and this is more distinct, if possible, than was that given to our fathers of the 

Bevolufion. . Our response to that call should be, not the instinct of animal nature 



stirred by the trump of battles, not the enthusiasm of passion aroused by appeals to 
honor and bravery, not alone the lofty sentiment of patriotism kindled by the peril 
of our native land, not the spirit of revenge agaiust base and cowardly outrages ; 
but a deep-seated purpose to honor God, and to bless humanity by defending those 
great principles which regulate society and bless the nations of the ^arth. And 
this we may do rightly against organized injustice and wrong, vaunting itself in 
treason and cruel war. These are sentiments which lie above the region of selfish- 
ness — ^in the atmosphere of philanthrophy and benevolence. 

Reverend J. C. Robbins, at the Spring-street Metbodist 
Cbureb, Milwaukee, May 12th, from Daniel w : 25 — 28 : 

1. God hath numbered the Southern Confederacy and finished it. 2. It is 
weighed in the balance and found wanting. 3. It is to be divided and given back 
to the Union. 

On July 20th, 1862, from Jonah i : 15 : 

1. The passengers and crew on Jonah's vessel became frightened. 2. They 
threw overboard the freight. 3. They held a prayer meeting. 4. Searched for 
the cause of the storm. K. Tried to row to the shore with Jonah on board. 6. 
Held another prayer meeting. Y. Threw Jonah overboard and saved the ship. 

AppLiCATioif ; — 1. Our Government became frightened. 2. Tried to lighten the 
ship of state by a compromise, through a committee of thirty-three. 3. Held Presi- 
dent Lincoln's prayer meeting, i. Searched for the cause of the storm. 5. Tried 
to row ashore with slavery on board. 6. Held another prayer meeting. 1. Will 
be obliged to put slavery overboard to save the ship of state. 

Lessos : — Pear God rather than man. 

Reverend S. A. Dwinnell, Oongregationaliet, of Reedsburg, 
in May, 1861, from Judges xx : 23 : 

In, a war like the present, begun by the rebels to strengthen and perpetuate 
slavery, it is clearly the duty of the President of the United States to exercise Me 
war power, and proclaim liberty throughout all the, land. There is no national 
safety while slavery exists. Retributive justice will follow us. Our immediate duty 
Is to break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free. The cries of the slave have 
entered the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth — their prayer " How long, Lord, holy 
and true, dost thou not judge and avenge our blood 1" has been heard in heaven, 
And God has come down to deal with us. Our only safety is in obeying him. . 

Reverend L. Clapp, Congregationalist, of Wauwatosa, in 
June, 1861, from Micah vi : 2 : 

The Lord hath a controversy with his people. Lo I when he riseth up the 
mountains tremble, and the hills smoke. It is a day portentous and gloomy ; the lurid 
battle clouds are fiying north and south ; a great crisis is upon us ; the foundations 
are breakmgup. Shall wS not view passing events in the light of God's Word 
the key to the book of his Providence ? It interprets the events of to-day which are 


soon to pass into history. Now we know that. the Bible, from one end to the other, 
is like a constant blaze of lightning against oppression. In the time , of national 
convulsion and civil war, I, in this sacred place, do solemnly declare that slavery 
is responsible for this war ; that there is no way for the present G-overnment of the 
nation to ?iYoid the contest except by sacrificing the rights and liberties of the whole 
people to anarchists and despots, and provoking the hot vengeance of the Almighty 
against us. 

But the country is not ready yet to say the word, that slavery must die. The 
Government hesitates, considering that the majority of the people are not pre- 
pared to fight against the real cause of all our troubles. Thus G-od has a controversy 
with ua, because, though slavery is seeking our lives, we are tender of its life, 
and mean carefully to spare the old serpent, and only prevent its destroying the 
Union just yet. 

I do not doubt that G-dd is greatly pleased to see the grand uprising of the 
country to sustain its &overnment. If we expect God to help us, let us not refuse 
to avail ourselves of this glorious providential opportunity to rid ourselves and our 
children, and our insane brethren at the South and their children, of the blighting 
curse of slavery. 

Reverend H. C. Tilton, then Presiding Elder of the Janes- 
ville District of the Wisconsin, Conference of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, addressed a meeting of citizens at the Court 
House of that city, on the Monday evening following the bom- 
bardment of Fort Sumter, and made this remark : 

Whatever our party relations or our views of slavery, there being no justification 
for this assault on the Government, it becomes the duty of every citizen to sustain 
the Government, even at the cost of his fortune and his life. To doubt of the right 
of Government to protect its own life is treason. And I now predict that this 
rebellion will be utterly crushed, and that the Government will come through the 
storm strengthened, and will then be better prepared to maintain its proud position 
among the nations of the earth. 

On Sabbath evening, June 2d, by invitation of several 
leading citizens of Janesville, he preached in the Methodist 
Church, from Romans xiii: 1 — 7, on the "Philosophy of the 
Rebellion," and said : 

I have now shown you that to commit or to intend to commit crime, or to 
apologize for those who do so, debauches the character, and this holds true of 
States. The South, having so long committed a crime against God and humanity, 
and our national authorities having so long either winked at or aided in that crime, 
.political depravity is the result, and the rebellion comes as its legitimate out- 

I have also shown you that concessions to injustice never satisfy,, but increase 
its demands. I have shown in how many instance's we have compromised with 
the South, each time sacrificing the rights of man and the honor .of the nation. 


The South, emboldened hj such uniform liberality, finally took the angel of liberty 
by the throat and demanded her virtue or her life. 

I have further shown you that the commission of crime against innocence in- 
duces hatred of the party wronged. This explains the deep malignity of the South 
against the negro, the "Yankees," and the Government. And as the contest in- 
tensifies, that malignity will deepen into a barbarism of the most diabolical char- 

On June 16th, Reverend "William E. Merriman preached to 
a very large audience in the Presbyterian Church, in Green 
Bay, from Psalms Ixxxiii : 5 : 

1. Secession is rebellion. It is fbunded on no legal right : the tTnion is not a 
partnership of States bound together by a compact, but a nation. It is constituted 
a nation by the Constitution, and that which constitutes it does not, and cannot, 
provide for its dissolution. 2. This rebellion cannot be justified . by the right of 
revolution. 3. The successful secession of the slave States would endanger nation- 
ality, liberty, and every human interest in the remainder of the nation. 

But secession is supported by arms, and can be resisted only by arms. "War is 
a dread resort ; our country must not fake the sword without a righteous cause. 
But the defence of our nationality is a sufficient justification ; not because mere 
nationality is the chief interest in the contest — for human organizations,- in church 
and state, are valuable only as they accord with the plans of God, and promote 
liberty, righteousness, religion, and all the great interests of humanity — but 
because our nation is committed to these interests, has them all to sustain in this 
very contest, and will subserve them better when it is ended. The welfare of man- 
kind is identified with our nation in this conflict. It is not a quarrel of States over 
some minor interest, or an effort to divide the nation and establish a new one. It 
is a conflict of principles. "What is the real cause of the war? It is said that it 
sprang from false and pernicious notions of State rights, or from the aiUbition and 
disappointment of Southern political leaders, or from the success of a party to which 
the South was opposed. But these are only pertinents of the case, or the inci- 
dental causes ; when we go to the root of the matter, it is manifest that the real 
cause, the cause of causes, is slavery. 

On June 23rd, Eeverend E. D. Under-wood, pastor of the 
Baptist Church of Wau-watosa : 

Ten years ago this very month I preached to you from this desk, from the text, 
"On the side of the oppressor there was power." (Ecclesiastes iv: 1.) It was 
then shown that also on the side of the oppressed there was power — a power hold- 
ing to a rigid accountability every oppressing community — a power in the voice 
of history calling the nation to Nineveh's remedy, "Repent!" and if we would 
escape the judgment denounced, to break every yoke. 

But if this remedy should be cast aside, a strict and impartial rendering will be re- 
quired. God has seen the blood and life of the slave, as they have been drawn from 
him by the powerof the oppressor. But why recall these things at the present hour 7 
It is to correct what appears to me to be a miaapprehenaion of the demands of the 
hour. "With^others, I then thought that the death of this great national sin would 


come down over all the land like the liglit of the jnpming, first ohangjng into glory 
the hill-top, and. then filling every vaUey. We thought of and prayed only for 
repentance, and that G-od, who loves to be merciful, would come down in a jubilee 
of freedom throughout all the land. But the hour of repentance given was not 
improved. The time of reckoning is come, and war is upon us. And now two 
things must be taken into account. 1st. Let it be settled that this war arni slavery 
will end at the same time, and the diflereuoe is this — if we prosecute the war 
with this in view, I am full of hope that I shall live to see a free press, a free 
gospel, and free schools in every State of the Union ; but if on the principle that 
slavery shall be saved, slavery will perish, for God has not drawn the sword in 
vain, but the Union will perish with it. 2d. The character and continuance of 
this war are not to be measured wholly by numbers or resources on the one or the 
other side, but by the sum of God's reckoning with us. Measure the untold millions 
due and withheld from the slave — a witness against ua. Measure the griefs of but 
one family under the sting of the lash, or the forced separation of husband and wife, 
mothers and children, endowed with all the noble and tender sensibilities of your own 
natures, then multiply this by thousands, until the catalogue numbers four millions 
of our comnj on brotherhood — and this witnesses against us. For these things an 
atonement must be made. * * * * Clouds and darkness drape the future. To 
go back is ruin — on either side there is no escape — to stand still, we cannotr. The 
crimson sea must be crossed. On the other side is sunshine and triumph, for in 
this sea shall be swallowed up for ever slavery and rebellion! 

July 21st, Eeverend H. Foote, of "Waukesha, from Isaiah 
xxi: 11: 

Among all the wars of ancient or modern times, I read of none like this. It 
was so unprovoked, commenced by those to whom were compiitted our highest 
trusts ; commenced by plundering our treasury, our arsenals, and alLour govern- 
mental property upon which they could lay their hands. Its preliminaries had 
been carried on for months under the guise of friendship, its traitorous meshes 
being wound around officers, in the army and navy, in the cabinet, and on- the 
judicial bench. It had poisoned also the fountain-heads of thought, and feeling, 
and patriotism, among the leading men at the South, and prepared, the masses, 
trained under the blighting influences of slavery, for bandits and highwaymen, and 
blood-thirsty monsters. And then the blow has been aimed at the existence of the 
best nation on the globe, one which Providence had raised up to perform a mission 
second to none since the creation. The eyes of oppressed millions in the old world 
were turned to us as models ; hoary-headed tyranny grew pal,e at our prosperity, 
and the 'cause of human freedom throughout the world seemed wrapped up in the 
problem here being solved. The blow which those rebels are now striking is 
aimed not against Abraham Lincoln, or the party which placed him in power, nor 
ycf simply at the Constitution and flag which have so long protected them; but it is 
a blow struck at the heart of liberty, an insane and demoniac effort made to place 
freedom under the heel of slavery, and to inaugurate a despotism such as never 
before cursed our world. 

July 28th, Reverend 0. B. Pillsbury, Methodist, preached in 
Eacine a sermon, afterward published : 


No human power can hush this storm. It is a war of the very elements. Light 
is contending with darlcness. Truth is battling with error. Freedom is resisting 
tyranny. Crushed rights are rising and grappling with the oppressor. Our plains may 
be whitened with bones, and our rivers may be tinged with blood 1 but this storm will 
sweep on, regarding neither the sighs of the living nor the groans of the dying. * * 

When the Government is induced, honestly and frankly, to confess the real 
cause of our present calamities, and boldly and firmly resolves to put away the evil, 
and public sentiment is brought to sustain the Government, the great battle will 
have been fought, and this position wiU be' reached. There is a God in the 
heavens I His hand was visible around Port Sumter, and when that fort fell, His 
fingers produced harmony among discordant Northern nerves. His hand still 
guides the war-cloud that hangs over this land. If necessary. He will intensify 
Northern feeling, and warm up Northern blood, by a repetition of Manassas cal- 

This is the day of our nation's trial. Dark clouds hang over us, and storms are 
gathering over us thick and fast. Sealed orders are issued from Heaven. The 
highways upon which we march are new and strange to us ; we may not see the 
end; we cannot number the steps, count the cost, nor measure the blood required to 
reach it. But let us recognize our divine commander, listen to his voice in the 
darkest hour, and obey his orders in the fiercest of the conflict. The plans of 
Heaven will open as the column moves on. 

Rev. E. D. Seward, in July, at Lake Mills, from 2 Chronicles, 
siii : 13 : 

Thus the children of Israel were brought under at that time ; and the children of 
Judah prevailed, because they relied onthe Lord God of their fathers. Consider 
the revolt of the ten tribes under Jeroboam, and his master stroke of policy in setting 
aside a part of the Mosaic Law, erecting golden calves, ordaining priests, and 
appointing new feasts to keep his people from going up to Jerusalem to worship !' 

This victory and the cause assigned, are full of significance to us at this crisis in 
onr national affairs. Israel and Judah had a common history, a common religion, 
a common origin ; so have we. North and South. We stood togetlier in our weak- 
ness and became powerful ; social ties, commercial interests, and lines of travel 
making us every year more truly one and inseparable. Why then, upon the eighty- 
fifth anniversary of our independence, are nearly 500,000 men under arms, not to 
repel a foreign foe, but to secure or avert the breaking up of the Government of 
these United States ? The true lovers of tlieir country and its free institutions did 
not provoke the contest. No Southern State had been robbed of a dollar or a 
right. But as Jeroboam, when he could not be king where Rehoboam reigned, 
cried, "To your tents, Israel," and set up a new kingdom ; so the siave power, 
defeated at the polls, resolved to rule by fair means or foul ; seceding peaceably if 
they could — forcibly, if they must I 

On September 8th, 1861, Reverend Henry Stone, minister 
of the Unitarian Society, of Fond du Lac,, from 1 Samuel 
XXX : 24: 

What shall they who guard the fireside and the family do, in order that they 


may deserve an equal, share with those who ward off, or repel, the danger, long 
ere it reach that heart at which it strikes ; for it is not merely at the life of the 
loyal soldier that the armed rebel strikes, in his blind and wicked madness ; -but 
it is at the very centre and heart of the life of civilization and truth itself. It is not 
agiainst this or that administration, or this or that man engaged in defending his 
country, that this base conspiracy which now shakes the land is organized and 
upheld ; it is against the existence of all those things which have made humanity 
nobler and mankind wiser, and nature itself kinder and more fruitful, that this 
gigantic evil— breathing out fire, and threatening despotism. — now rears its snaky 
head. * * » * 

Keverend A. S. Allen, pastor of the Congregational Cinirch 
at Black Earth, was one of the early preachers against slavery. 
He was taught the anti-slavery doctrine by his father, and 
taught it to his own children. On the occasion of the national 
fast, September 26th, 1861, from Jonah 3; 5 : 

The cause for which we contend is a just one. It will assuredly triumph. Free- 
dom will come to the oppressed, whether by the action of the President, Congress, 
or the army, or in spite of all these, and over the ruin of those who stand in the 
way. I am not prepared to blame our President, or his Cabinet, for the action on 
the Proclama-tion of Fremont in Missouri ; yet I think it was a mistake, and we are 
now suffering for it, and we shall have to suffer more until there is a retraction of 
the error. I cannot see but that that proclamation was in perfect agreement with 
the Spirit, if not with the very letter, of the act of Congress oohfiscating the 
property of rebels. 

Reverend Alfred C. Lathrop, in the Congregational Church 
at Westfield, on Thanksgiving Day, November 28th, from 
Colossians iii : 15 : 

The fearful storm is growing heavier, darker, and broader every day, threaten- 
ing the overthrow and ruin of our beloved country. God evidently has a contro- 
versy with us, .and it may end only in the destruction of our nation, as of others 
in Oays of yore. Many may think we have little occasion for thanksgiving in the 
midst of the severe trials that have' come upon us. Providence seems to present a 
picture that has a forbidding phase, that shows a dark broadside to us. When we 
look at these things alone, we may be ready to say with Mayor Wood, of New 
York city, " There is little to be thankful for at this time." But let us remember, 
while we behold and bewail these things, that they are by no means equal to our 
Just deserts. 

There is another and' brighter side to the picture held to our sorrowing eyes by 
divine Providence. We have long looked oil the dark side, let us contemplate the 
sunny side. We Should be grateful that our trials are no greater, and that the 
scone may soon be changed. The blackest storm has a bright side to it, where the 
sun shines fair. We may not only see the silver lining and golden fringes of the 
storm-cloud, but as it passes see the other side, and on it behold the matchless, 
the mahy-hued bow of promise; all the more brilliant at d beautiful because of the 


retiring storm. The darkest olou(& often have loop-holes-openings through which 
may be seen the fair blue sky, the smiling sun, and. pencU rays streaming down, 
lighting up here and there the shaded landscape. 

Reverend W. G. Bancroft, at Stevens' Point", in the autumn 
of 1861: 

I believe this government was raised up for grand providential purposes, and 
that God wUl hold us responsible for the maintenance of this government in ita 
freedom and its unity. Because slavery, "the sum of all villamies, ' ' has been toler- 
ated so long, and because that great principle embodied in our Constitution, "that 
all men were created equal," has, by the masses, been either unheeded or totally 
denied; God, after long forbearance, seeing no fruit of repentance, at last let fall 
hia chastening rod, by permitting the outbreaking of this unholy rebellion. It 
behooves us now to put away this great evil, this accursed sin of slavery, from 
among us, humbly to confess our sins, and trustingly look to him for direction in 
this great crisis. 

If we of the North fulfill our obligations as citizens, give our hearty support to 
the Administration, rally with true patriotism around the standard of our country, 
earnestly look to God to direct in all our national councils, and faithfully trust him 
for success, wettall ere long rejoice to know that this accursed thing is removed 
from our land, witness the final triumph of our army and navy, and be able to 
bequeath to posterity a land— not in name only, but in fact— a land of " Liberty and 

Reverend N. D. Graves, of Beloit, in December, from Isaiah 
xliv : lY : 

It is the unnaturalness and wickedness of the rebellion that makes the war so 
terrible — our foes are those of our own household. A revolt in heaven could be 
no more unnatural. It is this that deepens the stain upon the soul of the leaders in 
this plot against the life of the nation. And surely there must be some where in 
the hidden mystery of God's avenging providence, bolts heated with unusual wrath, 
with which he will in due time smite the wretches. " Let death seize upon them; 
let them go down quickly into hell, for wickedness is in their dwelUhg." 

Reverend "William H. Sampson, of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, in 1861, at Racine : 

The war is a conflict between the aristocracy and the republicanism of our 
country — ^between monarchical and free institutions. The States how free were 
settled by the enterprising, energetic Teutons, of the Puritan stamp, They pre- 
ferred their own free labor to slave labor, yielded to the convictions of right, and 
made early arrangements to liberate the slaves entailed upon them at the organiza- 
tion of our Government. They demonstrated the nobility of labor, and the superi- 
ority of truly republican institutions. On the other hand, the South was settled by 
the descendants of aristocratic fam ilies, and not having wealth sufficient to sustain 
them in idleness, they depended on their slaves to support them. The prosperity 
of the North, the triumph of freedom, was encroaching upon them ; hud already 


destroyed their prestige of power,, amd their treason was the .result of a detenni- 
flation to maintain their ancestral aristocracy., - 

Reverend Professor J. Emerson, of Beloit College, on Feb- 
ruary 28tli, 1862, delivered an address (afterward published) 
before the "Axcbeean Union" of that institution, on "Our 
Nation," and near the close said : 

Hbwtobetrue to our principles at home is now, as it always has been, and 
always will be, the great and difficult problem. How to do justice to that race 
which is Ufting to us that appeal, "Am I not a man and a brother ?" in aU the 
associations which God has placed us to work oiit this experiment of a free govern- 
ment, is a question, which has engaged the earneststudy of the wisest, and the 
earnest prayer of the best, since we were a nation. , There are very many men, 
and very many women, who see (ihrough it all, and are consumed with impatience 
because our Statesmen do not see through it too, and cut the Gordian knot with 
the sword. But we must be content to wait. The cause in which is the heart 
alike of God and of man is a safe cause ; and if God can wait as well as work, so 
may we. In the mean time, it is a great thing for us to know, and for the world to 
see, that this great nation is laboring through this great war, simply because there 
was in it an honest heart, which would not be false to the cauge of man. We 
must labor through to the deliverance in the way that God leads us. Let us bear 
the burden with all consideration for the slow judgments, the fears, the errors, 
even the faults of one another. Meanwhile let the world reproach us as well as 
praise us. It may not be best that they should exercise for us that forbearance 
which we ought to feel for one another. Let them show us our faults. Let them 
strike us wheresoever we are -tender. It is fair that they shoiild require that the 
nation which is to lead' them all should be a perfect nation. 

Reverend A. B. Green, minister of the Baptist Church, 
preached at Eau Claire, just after General Pope's retreat in 
Virginia, in 1862, from Romans viii: 31, making his subject, 
" The Battle-cry of God's Elect:" 

That cry should be the nation's. It should even now come from every patriot 
heart. The proof of safety to the people of God is not always in present pros- 
perity ; not wholly in military achievements now. "Whom the Lord loveih he 
chasteneth." The prosperity of the wicked was too painful for David until he 
went into the sanctuary of God. Then he cried, "Surely thou didst set them in 
slippery places." God's chosen wandered forty years in the wilderness. Our foes 
are wrong, and have been from the begmning; hence God is for us. 

Reverend I). H. MuUer, Methodist, a native of Maryland, 
but an intense loyalist, on a national fast day in 1862, in the 
city of Oshkosh : 

Every nation has a mission to perform. As nations increase in wealth and 
power they assume airs, and through vanity and selfishness prove faithless to their 


trust. In our hands God has placed all that is dear to Christianity, liberty and 
humanity. We have boasted of our birth, growth, strength, arid glory. Let us 
not forget that these blessings were conferred to be used for these principles, now 
at stake. Called to expend our treasures of blood and money, let us not withhold 
either, until the supremacy of the Government is established, and the wrongs that 
call upon us these evils shall be redressed ; when the surging waves of enslaved 
humanity, that have lashed and struggled for two centuries, shall be hushed by the 
voice of justice, speaking for this nation, according rights denied to them — then, 
and then only, may we expect deliverance from Him who winks not at unrighteous- 

Reverend Samuel Fallows, who was subsequently chaplain 
of the Thirty-second Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
Fortieth, and Colonel of the Forty-ninth, in July, 1862, at the 
Methodist Episcopal Church at Oshkosh : 

The sacramentwm of the Roman soldier must now interpret the meaning of our 
sacrament — the highest self-sacrifice for our country's good. With one hand upon 
the altar of his country, the other uplifted to heaven, he sware by him that sat 
upon the Olympian mount eternal fidelity to the State. So we, before our country's 
altar, calling upon a mightier than Jove to witness our vow, swear unfalteruig 
allegiance to the land of our adoption and birth. 

Until the last vestige of this rebellion is wiped out we must not give up the 
struggle. If need be, ministers and members must enter the militant Vanks. Our 
pulpit may have to be the seat of war — our auditors the rebellious South — ^the 
singing of our choir the battle-cry of freedom — our prayers the skyward rocket and 
the whizzing shell — our sermons the sharp and piercing bullet, and our benediction 
the bending of the forest of glistening steel, and the resistless charge of the bay- 
onet. ' 

Reverend Joseph H. Towne, D. D., pastor of the First Pres- 
byterian Church of Milwaukee, on the Thanksgiving day of 
1862, preached from Leviticus xxiii : 39, a sermon (afterward 
published)-, on " The Harvest Festival," and in speaking of the 
state of the country, said : 

But it is a war not of our initiating. On the part of our enemies, it is a war 
without the semblance of an apology. For the sake of peace and fraternal amity, 
we had made concessions, until nothing was left us to concede but our very man- 
hood. We may thank God that we did not yield that. Indeed it is fearful to 
think what might have been the consequences, if the policy of compromise had 
further prevailed, and thus afforded time for a proud, insolent, oppressive oligarchy 
to mature their conspiracy. We might then have witnessed the Union broken in 
pieces like brittle glass, and the stars fall on the earth even as a fig-tree casteth 
her untimely figs. If the oonfiiot between slavery and freedom was inevitable, it 
could hardly have come in a time more favorable to us. 


Eeverend H. M. Robertson, pastor of the Presbyterian 
Churcb in Fond dn Lac,, preached at a Union meeting on Fast 
Day, September 27th, 1861, from Exodus xxxii : 26—28 : 

Shame on those who at such time wouW weaken the energies of the nation by 
craven cries of peace, when we all know there can te no peace but at the price of 
dishonor and ruin. Shame on those who would distract and agitate and draw 
away attention by side issues and unnecessary complications, or who would saori- 
floe the best interests of their country to their own petty quarrels or the strifes of 
personal ambition for place and power! , 

I believe, as firmly as I believe there is a sun in heaven, that the first cannon 
ball that struck the walls of Fort Sumter, struck the death knell of American 
slavery ; and 1 arti glad it was not Northern abolitionism but Southern fanaticism 
that-fired that cannon. They have the responsibility of, beginning the contest and 
they must abide the issue — what that issue shall be, cannot be doubtful. Slavery 
underlies this conflict, and it will be crushed to death in the struggle. If this war 
is prosecuted vigorously and successfully, , slavery will surely go down before the 
advancing columns of tlie Northern army, like the prairie grass before the autumnal 
fires— and there I am willing to leave it. 

Eeverend J. W. Healy, of the Hanover Street Congrega- 
tional Church, Milwaukee, in a sermon in 1861, on the justice 
of defensive war, said : 

If resistance were ever right, then is ours the cause of God. ' Upon its issue is 
hinged the fate of our chtirches and free schools, free speech and unfettered 
thought, a pure Protestantism and the glorious experiment of a Republican govern- 
ment. It is an' issue that attracts the anxious gaze of nations across the waters, and 
upon it is hinged material destinies. If of God," let our sympathies cluster around 
it, let our prayers be uplifted for it, and let us bend willingly to the sacrifice, and 
bear the burdens it imposes. 

Eeverend F. B. Doe, pastor of the Congregational Church 
in Appleton, August 3rd, 1862, vrhen there was pressing 
demand for more soldiers, said : 

This rebellion can only be put down by military force. If one has the qualities 
of a good soldier, he should be willing to go, and to go at once. He need not stop 
for the harvest. Let those of us attend to that who are not fit for soldiers. If his 
father is dead, he need not stop to bury him. Let that be done by others. There 
is a higher and more pressing duty^— to volunteer in the service of your country. 
The Wife must freely give up her husband, and the mother her son. If you are 
not fit to go yourself, then the duty is laid upon ,you to put somebody else in your 
place, and to urge and help as many as possible to aiiswer to the call. 

Eeverend Q-eorge P. Dissmore, on Thanksgiving, ISTovember 
27th, 1862, at Viroqua : 

As a nation we are not . innocent in this mafter. Our fathers trusted in God — 
made publio declarations, committing themselves fully on the sideof truth, justice, 


and equality. These national acts have been repudiated— we have suffered our 
hearts to deceive us— we have despised the higher law. Justice is but a name. 
Truth we have wrested from ita base, that it may cover our pollution and sin. We 
have trusted in an arm of flesh. Now is the time of judgment, of chastisement, of 
civil war. Many have already fallen, and moistened the earth with their blood. 
Tet there is hope— there is a promise. Let us look, then, not at the graves of 
those patriot dead, nor at those living ranks of valiant, brave men, nor to our navy 
or munitions of war ; but to G-od. And by an eye of faith we may see, beyond this 
gloom, this death, the resurrection morn, when these scenes of suffering and sorrow 
shall have wrought our nation's purification. 

Reverend Jolin Gridley, of Kenosha, had previously and 
repeatedly preached on the war and rebellion, but on Thanks- 
giving Day, November 27th, 1862, he spoke from Acts xvii : 
28, James i : 7, and Psalms cx%'iii : 1 : 

The rebellion itself, as stupendous and gigantic as it is, may truthfully be inter- 
preted a Uessmg. It arrests and calls the attention of the country to an enormous 
evil — the evil of slavery ; its power, its rapid extension, its arrogant demands, 
the multiplication of its victims, the increasing and terrible guilt and responsibility 
of the nation in the toleration of it, the disgrace of it before the civilized world. 
My avowed opinion, in regard to the rebellion being a good, may appear absurd to 
some, and hence be scornfully denied. It is nevertheless a revealed principle of 
the divine government, as illustrated in both secular and sacred history. In a resort 
to history, we shall see that no great good occurs under the divine arrangement, but 
through destructive providences. Instance — the deluge, the deUverance of Israel, 
the establishment of Israel in Palestine, the persecution of Christians under the 
Roman Emperors, the American Revolution, and the last I shall mention, though 
not least, the crucifixion of Christ. All these apparent evils eventuated in acknow- 
ledged good ! 

Now, so has this great rebellion already produced good results. It has demon- 
strated the loyalty of the Northern States, their patriotism, their resources, their 
strength, their wisdom of invention to meet exigencies. The Northern States have felt 
almost nothing of the desolations of the war. We can also see what legitimate bless- 
ings are in store for us— the establishment of civil liberty, and the permanency of a 
Rfipublican government — ^the utter overthrow of slavery ; and, finally, we shall 
take a prominent position among the nations of the earth ; we shall be able to 
radiate blessings upon the world — civil, political, religious. 

Eeverend Charles L. Thompson, pastor of the Presbyterian 
Church of Janesville, in a sermon (afterward published) on 
Thanksgiving Day of 1864 : 

It is not simply to preserve the Union that this war is waged, on tho one hand, nor 
to conserve the institution of slavery that it is carried on, on the other. For under 
our Union lies a great granite principle— the brotherhood of man, and for this we 
contend. Under slavery lies a flat deuial of this brotherhood,, and for that denial 
rebels contend, and the armies of our country are the men on the- chess-board 


marshaled, by fiese conflicting thouglitfi. Wlierein now lies our confidence that 
from these flre-waves our country shall arise one and undivided? In the glorious 
fact that over the commotions of time the Lord rules In the interest of the hrother- 
hood of man, and that We are struggling for that brotherhood ; that among the 
distorted visors of old federal monarchies (metalhc faces of an older civilization) 
our Government, an unmasked child, gives to the world a human fade — the clear, 
simple look of brotherhood. 

Professor Edward Searing, of Milton Academy, in an 
address on "President Lincoln in History," delivered June 
1st, 1865, commenced : 

Four years ago last November, the nation had elected a President in accordance 
with the customary and time-honored provisions of the Constitution. The previous 
canvass had been somewhat unusually exciting, but no human being doubted the 
legitimacy of the election. When the result was known, the people occupying 
one-half the national territory— a region more than four times the size of the French 
Empire — rose in open and defiant rebellion. They were twelve millions strong. 
They had anticipated the movement ; had established concert of action ; and had, 
by previous control of the Government, sileiftly withdrawn from the loyal part of 
the nation arms for their defence. They had seized all the Government forts, 
arsenals, and other property within their limits, and had scattered the few Govern- 
ment vessels to the four quarters of the globe. They were actuated by an almost 
unanimous sentiment of bitter hatred. They possessed a warlike instead of a manu- 
facturing or commercial spirit. Their leaders were soldiers and statesmen of experi- 
ence and ability. Jealousy won for them the sympathy of other nations, by whom 
our great experiment of self-government was now boldly and exultiugly declared to 
be a failure. 

The Wisconsin Baptist State Convention, at its annual 
meeting held at Eacine, September 19th and 20th, 1861, unani- 
mously adopted a report presented by Reverend "W". H. Bris- 
bane, of Madison, in which it was resolved: That in this 
national crisis it is the duty of all Christians to look to God 
for his interposition in putting down this unjustifiable and 
wicked rebellion ; that it is their duty to sustain the President 
of the United States by their constant prayers, by their means, 
and, when necessary, with their lives ; that slavery having 
wickedly drawn the sword to compel a change of the Consti- 
tution, in order to carry itself all over Mexico and Central 
America, if it shall utterly perish by the sword before this war 
terminates, it would be but the just judgment of a righteous 
God, making even the wrath of man to praise him ; that the 
time has come for the solution of the negro question, both of 


race and condition ; and that the Convention feel a profound 
sympathy for our enslaved cduntrymen, and recommend all 
Christians to make their condition the subject of earnest 
prayer to God, that he will remove all obstructions in the way 
of their deliverance from bondage, and elevate them to the 
condition where the gospel would place them. 

The Wisconsin Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, at its annual meeting, convened in Fond du Lac, 
September, 1861, resolved: That the war by some of the 
States against the Federal Government, grew out of dis- 
loyalty to truth, hatred of justice, and a desire for larger 
liberty in wickedness; that the disloyal States have never been 
improperly restrained by the Government; that they have 
been protected in their lawful interests; that they have 
received a large excess of the offices, honors, and pecuniary 
subsidies of the Government; that the Government has dis- 
criminated in their favor, nmiting and restraining the great 
principles of equal justice with respect to them; that the 
nation is bound by the interest of the race, and its own honor, 
and the divine honor, to suppress the revolt; and that we trust 
God will guide to such issues as will better prepare for the 
nation's great mission under a code entirely just, and operating 
on a constituency equally and universally free. 

The Presbyterian and Congregational Convention of Wiscon- 
sin, at its annual meeting, in Milwaukee, September 27th, and 
October 1st, inclusive, 1861, resolved: That we heartily and sor- 
rowfully recognize the j ustice of divine retribution now descend- 
ing with terrible power upon the nation; that we approve of the 
war waged by the Government for crushing the rebellion ; 
that slavery is the real cause of the rebellion ; that we regret 
the frequent and needless violations of the Sabbath on the 
part of the military leaders ; that we desire to accept of no 
peace based upon a timid compromise with treason ; and that 
all traitors have forfeited their lives by their crimes, and that 
it were a mercy to save their lives by wresting from their 
wicked grasp the suicidal weapon of slavery. 

Some ecclesiastical bodies held sentiments in advance of 
those adopted by others ; some were more bold in the utterance 
of their doctrines than others, and some held in the beginning 


the very opinions tliat were justified and- defended in the pro- 
gress of the war. Some individual churches, knowing that 
President Lincoln desired information in regard to the mind 
of the people, and that the way to diffuse opinions is to express 
them, took separate action on some of the topics of the day. 
The Spring-street Congregational Church of Milwaukee, only 
a few weeks previous to the President's announcement of his 
intention to issue an emancipation proclamation, forwarded to 
him a brief address, which met with a very courteous and 
prompt reply throiigh his private secretary. They resolved, 
that the Government is not strong enough to put down the 
rebellion unless God is on our side, and that he has no attri- 
bute that can prompt him to uphold us in the conservation of 
American slavery; that instead of striving to preserve the 
Union with slavery if possible, without it if necessary, we should 
strive to preserve the Union., and thankfully embrace the present 
providential opportunity to destroy slavery; that the Govern- 
ment in the war should know no man as a slave ; that it is an 
unjustifiable extravagance of human life to limit the number 
of soldiers by rejecting from the service of their country any 
class or race of men; and that enrolling slaves in our armies 
would prepare them for freedom, and tend to eradicate the 
spirit of caste toward them.* 

Many churches and ministers in "Wisconsin bore an honor- 
able part in the prosecution of the war and the suppression of 
the rebellion. They helped to raise the army and aided in 
sustaining it. They gave many of their own members — many 
eons and brothers. The pulpit often vindicated the truth at 
home while brave soldiers vindicated our cause on the battle- 
field. A mighty march of the truth — equal to that of half a 
century — was witnessed during the war. Be it said to the 
honor of many churches and their pastors, that they kept their 
tone of sentiment even with the advancing strides of the provi- 
dence of God. 

* The action of other individual churches ia not at hand. 

UoTE. — The modesty of some ministers prevents the pleasure of extracts from 
their sermons in this chapter. Some may have failed to receive the author's 
request of them ; some ministers now in the State were not here at the open- 
ing of the war, and some extracts, it is feared, may come too late. 

GEllEP/i I'LYSSEG: Z. (EKAO;!?. 































On the 14tli of April, 1861, President Lincoln issued a proclama- 
tion callingfor seventy-five thousand soldiers. On the 16th, Gov- 
ernor A. W. Randall responded for Wisconsin, by issuing his 
proclamation for the one regiment required of this State. The 
formation of the First Eegiment was attended with great 
enthusiasm. This might have been expected from the great 
uprising of the people already recorded. The militia of the 
State was in a disorganized condition ; the military laws were 
insufficient, and were soon found to need amendment. Not- 
withstanding this, the celerity with which the volunteers and 
the companies came forward was surprising. Governor Ran- 
dall opens his third war proclamation as follows : " In six days 
from the issue of my proclamation of the 16th instant, the first 
regiment called for by the President of the United States, for 
the defence of the Union, is enrolled and ready for service. 
* * It is to be regretted that Wisconsin is no? pei'- 
mitted to increase largely her quota, but her loyal citizens 
must exercise patience till called for." The AdjutanirGeneral, 
William L. Utley, says : " The call had not reached many 



parts of the State before the regiment was full." Other com- 
pauies about ready to report were necessarily deferred until 
the requisition for other troops. The first regiment was called 
into Camp Scott, at Milwaukee. Four companies were formed 
in that city, two in Madison, one in Beloit, one in Fond du 
Lac, one in Horicon, and one in Kenosha. 


Colonel — John 0. Staekweatheb. 

lAeut. Colonel — Ghas. L. Harris. 
Major — David H. Lane. 
Adjutant — A. R. Chapin. 
Quartermaster — Dwight W. Keyes. 
As. Quartermaster — Harry Bingham. 

1st Assist. Surgeon — L. J. Dixon. 
2d Assist. Surgeon — -Jas. Crugom. 
Commissary — W. J. Plows. 
As. Commissary — Chas.Fairchild. 
Aid to Colonel — Samuel Brooks. 

,— B. F. White. 


A — Geo. B. Bingham. 
B — Henry A. Mitchell. 
C— 0. B. Twogood. 
D — Pius Dreher. 
E — Geo. E. Bryant. • 
F— Wm. M. Clark. 
G— D.,0. McVean. 
H — "Wilhelm George. 
I — James V. McOall. 
K — ^Lucius Pairchild. 

Fird Lieutenants. 

Charles Dudley. 
Edward D. Luxton. 
J. C. Adams. 
J. C. Harttert. 
Wm. H. Plunkett. 
Thos. P. Northrup. 
W. H. Pettit. 
Philip Horwitz. 
Thomas H. Green. 
De Witt C. Poole. 

Seamd Lieutenants. 

Geo. F. Williams. 
Henry L. Bruyeres 
S. E. Tyler. 
A. Bingenheimer. 
Wm. H. Miller. 
Noble W. Smith. 
Levi Howland. 
Christian Sarnow. 
Henry Decker. 
James K. Proudfit. 

The regimental officers were not all in accordance with the 
law and mode adopted afterwards. The hurry of the first 
organization did not allow of perfect arrangement. 

Company A was designated as the " Milwautee Light Guard ;" 
Company B, the " Milwaukee Union Eifles, ;" Company C, the 
"Horicon Guards;" Company D, the "Black Yagers;" Com- 
pany E, the "Madison Guard;" Company F, the "Beloit City 
Guard;" Company G, the "Park City Grays;" Company H, 
the " Milwaukee Riflemen;" Company I, the " Fond du Lac 
Badgers ;" Company K, the " Governor's Guard." 

The numerical strength of this regiment on the day of its 
departure from Camp Scott to the seat of war was as follows : 


Field and staff officers 

[N'ou-commissioned on staff .... 
Company officers . . .... 


Non-commissioned officers, musicians and privates 








As the enlisted men began to collect in Milwaukee, they at 
first found quarters sufficient in the dwellings and other build- 
ings about the city. But on the 23rd of April camp life and 
experience were commenced, on Spring-street Hill, by the 
Light Guard and Union Eifles, of Milwaukee, and the com- 
panies from other towns soon joined them. They received 
there large numbers of visitors, and numerous attentions to 
their wants. On the 27th they were sworn into the State ser- 
vice by Judge Advocate Edwin L. Buttrick. On the same day 
Colonel Starkweather issued his fourth regimental order, pre- 
scribing the uniform of the regiment. Then there were hurry 
and bustle to obtain the requisite dress, ]!feither State nor 
United States had any uniform ready at hand. In the same 
order the commanding officer said: "In the name of Colonel 
Eufas King, I have the honor of presenting to the regiment a 
piece of the flag-staff of Fort Sumter, cut by him from the 
same by the consent of Major Anderson, which I propose to 
engraft into the flag-staff of the regiment; and I call upon 
every officer and man to see that such staff and such colors are 
carried forward to the foremost and extreme point of the fight, 
if there shall be one in which we may be engaged, and that, in 
no event, shall such colors or staff be disgraced." 

On the 8th of May, a large concourse of people, estimated at 
five thousand, assembled at Camp Scott to witness the present- 
ation of a regimental flag, by Mrs. George H. "Walker, on 
behalf of the ladies of Milwaukee. It was done in the army 
regulation style, in the presence of the Governor, Brigadier- 
General King, and other Wisconsin military officers. After 
a review of the regiment, and its formation into a grand hollow 
square, the officers being assambled in the centre, Judge 
Arthur McArthur introduced Mrs. Walker to the troops, 


when she delivered her presentation address in a clear and 
distinct tone. The following sentences of the address reflect 
the spirit of the occasion and of the people of the State: "In 
confiding this banner to be upheld by your strong arms and 
dauntless hearts, we feel that you will never permit a hostile 
and traitor's flag to assume the place of the glorious and un- 
stillied stars and stripes, which have been, with the blessing of 
God, and ever shall be the symbol of our national glory. * * 
* * The ladies who have prepared this beautiful standard, 
have adorned its azure field with a star for each state of the 
Union, making thirty-four in all. We have made no distinc- 
tion, selecting some and excluding others, but have embraced 
our whole country with all its luminaries shining, for we can 
recognize no secession from the glorious sisterhood of States." 

While the regiment was in camp. Governor Randall issued 
a proclamation to the " Patriotic Women of Wisconsin," 
requesting the preparation and contribution of lint and band- 
ages for the use of the army, to be forwarded to James Hol- 
ton, Esq., of Milwaukee, for proper distribution. He asked 
for even a larger amount of such necessaries than might be 
required by the sons of Wisconsin, and remarked that, " in 
the long war likely to follow, there may be thousands vWho will 
require such kindness." Little did Governor or people then 
suppose, that before the war should close the dead of Wiscon- 
sin soldiers alone would number nearly eleven thousand. 

While the regiment was encamped in Milwaukee, many 
people were attentive to the religious as well as other wants of 
the soldiers. Sermons were preached, and other religious ser- 
vices held at Camp Scott. Churches were opened in the city, 
and the regiment, by companies or as a whole, was frequently 
invited to attend divine service in them with the usual congre- 
gations. The invitation was often accepted, and the troops 
marched in military order to the house of God. Bibles and 
other religious books, of small size, were liberally ofiered to 
the soldiers, and usually or always respectfully and gratefully 
received. Some or most of the books may have been lost in 
the three months' absence, but the gift was not lost. In one 
of the churches a sermon wa^ preached before the regiment 
from this text : " Shall iron break the northern iron and the 


steel ?"* Some sentences of that sermon were the following : 

For a long time past the Southern iron has seemed to be brealcing the Northern 
iron. A difference — a compromise between the North and the South, on one siibject^ 
began with the origin of this nation in its separate existence from Great Britain. * 
» * * Though slavery in the beginning, of our independence was put under the 
ban, and professedly all along has been under prohibition, yet all along she has 
triumphed and ruled, step after step, until at least the fourth of March, 1861. 
Thus far ; no farther. * * * * 

But there is more substance in this Northern iron than many have been wont to 
suppose. .It has had a longer hardening process than many have dreamed of; it 
has passed through more conflict and tempering heat than most of the world have 
gazed upon ; there has been a higher and more reoonditp art at woi-lc in shaping 
and hardening its edge than is generally understood ; and the artist of the Northern 
iron is divine, a fact greatly overlooked. * * * * The hardened superior 
metal is the high moral principle lying at the foundation. It is, that slavery is a 
crime against man and a sin against G-od, and that it may not and shall not usurp 
the reins of government in this land — a land flowing with milk and honey — a gov- 
ernment dedicated to freedom eighty-five years ago next Fourth of July. Here is 
the true steel of the North. Her iron has come forth from the forge of liierty, har- 
dened, brilliant and keen for the conflict. * * * * 

Its authors [of secession] will not obtain recognition from the nations abroad — at 
least not from the people, if they do from the sovereigns. While we have arms 
and ammunition, with men and means to obtain more, they will soon find them- 
selves cooped up on their Southern plantations. * * * « With their ports 
blockaded by our war vessels, and the ships and fleets of other nations indisposed 
to effect an enti'ance to their harbors; with no navy of their own, and no ability to 
make it or get it, and the supplies of physical life bordering on famine prices, what 
will the iron do to break the Northern iron and the steel 7 * * * * The present 
question is one that can never be settled until it is settled right, and when settled 
right it is settled on our side. If the present contest fail for us, yet another, it may 
be another still, must come, until at last the Northern iron shall win the day. 

Some accepted these sentiments as the truth; others doubted; 
others still disbelieved. Such was the state of the public 
mind in regard to the war, its causes and its results. 

On May 17th the regiment was mustered into the United 
States service, received marching orders June 7th, and departed 
for Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the 9th. Many regretted 
that it was on the Sabbath, but it was said that railroad neces- 
sities and the mandates of war obliged it. Religious services 
were first held in camp that morning, Reverend James C. 
Richmond, chaplain of the Second Regiment, then encamped 
at Madison, officiating. The troops were finely equipped, and 
during their six weeks in camp Scott they had been so well 

* Jeremiah xv: 12, 


drilled as to present a truly soldierlj appearance. It is esti- 
mated that fully ten thousand people thronged after them to 
the cars. The more retiring ladies had taken their farewell 
of dear ones in the regiment at their homes, but many were 
the tender partings as the soldiers were about to move away. 
What painful losses, what sad bereavements even three months 
of war service might produce, none could tell. Those sepa- 
rations might be the last upon earth. But, in general, the 
gift of sons, brothers, fathers, and lovers, was a willing one, 
and those thus offered on the altar of their country were in 
good spirits and cheer. The sacrifice was made with an im- 
pressive blank uncertainty of the great impending future for 
the country. The total of the regiment was eight hundred 
and ten, and it required seventeen passenger cars, two baggage 
cars, and five freight cars, to convey them away. They left 
Milwaukee at two o'clock P. M., and through the favor of 
citizens of Kenosha, dined sumptuously with them at four 
o'clock. Of their passage through Chicago, the Tribune of 
that city thus speaks : 

They were completely equipped in every feature of'military perfection, and 
made a splendid appearance. Their progress through Clark street was a continued 
ovation of cheers. Chicago will have to look well to her laurels, if she would not 
be surpassed by her down-lake sister in the item of military equipments for her 
troops. Wisconsin need have no fear concerning the rank her soldiers will J;ake in 
the grand army of the Union. 

That last remark has been a true prophecy through all the 
war. The special correspondent of the IsTew York Tribune, 
writing from Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, on the 13th,, of 
June, said: 

The Wisconsin regiment presents an appearance highly creditable for that young 
and patriotic State, both in muscle and discipline of the men, and their compara- 
tively perfect equipment. 
**** * * .****# 

The Wisconsin boys are armed with the Minie rifle, and they are sharpshooters, 
who know how to use that effective weapon. 

It is said there are five lawyers, three doctors, and two preachers in the ranks. 
The clarion voice of their martial-looking ' colonel. Starkweather, will ring the 
knell of the traitors who get within rifle distance. The complete discipline of the 
regiment is evinced by the fact that, though the camp is in the suburbs of the 
town, not one soldier has been seen out of it, and all communication outsiders 
strictly prohibited. 


The regiment was received with much enthusiasm by the 
people all along its route to Ohambershurg, where it remained 
four days; then, hearing of the evacuation and burning 
of Harper's Perry, proceded to Hagerstown, Maryland. 
There it was reviewed and addressed by G-eneral Robert 
Patterson, Governor Hicks, of that State, being present. It 
is said that General Patterson made the confidential remark 
that this was the best regiment of volunteers he had ever seen; 
and yet there were about 22,000 troops then under his com- 
mand. At least, he sent word back to our State, " Tell your 
Governor we ask no better regiments than his First. They 
are entitled to position, and shall have it." General Patterson 
established his head-quarters at Hagerstown, June 14th, and 
in his organization- of the troops there, the First "Wisconsin 
was at first in the Fifth Brigade (Second Division), General 
James S. Ifegley commanding. June 23rd, the Sixth Brigade 
was organized, embracing the Wisconsin regiment, and placed 
under Colonel Abercrombie. While encamped at Hagers- 
town, in the vicinity of Pennsylvania and Connecticut troops, 
about one o'clock on the morning of June 18th, all these 
regiments received orders to march as soon as possible for 
Williamsport, on the Potomac, where an attack from a large 
body of Confederate forces was expected. In half an hour, it 
is said, after the order was received, the First Wisconsin Regi- 
ment was on the march, and was soon two miles in advance of 
any other regiment. A battle was expected ; each man had 
his musket loaded, and was provided with forty rounds of 
ammunition; pickets were deployed to discover the enemy 
that might be concealed; and this was the regiment's first 
experience in marching upon an expected foe. At nine o'clock 
the next morning, fifteen, thousand troops had reached Wil- 
liamsport, but the order was reversed by General Patterson, 
. and instead of being gratified with a command to cross the 
Potomac, our First and other regiments were marched back 
to Hagerstown, having had a wearisome tramp of some 
eighteen or twenty miles. Their change of fare had also 
become a trial to some, fit for mention, at least, in familiar 
letters to friends at home. One says they had had no bread 
or potatoes since leaving Milwaukee ; that their food was made 


up of hard biscuit and coffee, (the order being changed to 
coffee and biscuit at some of their meals,) with pork and 
occasionally a few beans to such as liked them. Thus began 
the soldier's trials, that were destined to be increased a thou- 
sand fold. 

The enemy took occasion of our neglect to cross the Poto- 
mac, to return to Harper's Ferry, and complete the destruction 
of much valuable property there — the armory shops, the 
bridge at Point of Rocks, and a railway across the Potomac 
at the Perry. Considerable discussion has arisen in regard to 
the cause of this delay and retrograde movement. Some have 
said that it was ordered by General Scott, to draw the enemy 
toward "Williamsport, and thus favor General McClellan's 
approach toward Romney. But General- Patterson assumes 
the responsibility of that order himself, by saying in his 
defence, that he was necessitated to the course by General 
Scott's failure to make his promised demonstration toward 
Manassas, and by his call for so many of Patterson's troops 
to be sent to "Washington. This is certain, that the inaction 
assisted the fulfillment of Howell Cobb's prophecy, thus far, 
which was, that the Gulf States " might go on with their 
planting and other business as usual ; the war would not come 
to their section : its theatre would be along the borders of the Ohio 
river and in Virginia." Yet the delay limited the opportunities 
of the Pirst "Wisconsin for effective service in the war. 

But an order came from General Scott to be ready to march 
at any moment, and, June 29th, the regiment proceeded to 
Downsville, where some of the soldiers pei'formed picket duty 
on the Potomac for the first time. July 1st, they moved to 
"Williamsport, and encamped on the heights of that place. At 
three o'clock on the morning of July 2d, they obeyed orders 
to cross the river into "Virginia, the Eleventh Pennsylvania 
Regiment, and about 1,500 other troops, being in their com- 
pany. The wading of the Potomac was through water above the 
knees, the Pirst "Wisconsin taking the lead. Picket firing 
commenced immediately, but the rebels retreated and kept 
just in sight and in advance of our troops in their march 
toward Martinsburg. Companies A and K were deployed 
to the right and left of the advance, as skirmishers. After 


six miles of marcli, A was relieved by Company B, which, 
advancing a mile farther, suddenly received a volley of 
iTiusketry from the enemy, and immediately returned the fire. 
This commenced the battle of 


Other troops rushed to the rescue, and the firing became 
very general and rapid. The enemy were strongly posted in 
a wood, and behind houses, barns, and fences, and numbered, 
according to the report of the inhabitants, from 3,000 to 6,000. 
According to E. A. Pollard, the rebel historian, their force 
consisted of " a battalion of the Fifth Virginia Regiment, and 
Pendleton's Battery of Field Artillery," under the command of 
Colonel Jackson, afterward the famous Stonewall Jackson. If 
they attempted the use of their cannon it was very ineffective; 
but probably they were too soon pushed into a retreat to allow 
of their bringing them to bear on our forces. The three 
brigades of Colonels Abercrombie, George H. Thomas, (now 
the distinguished General Thomas,) and General E'egley, 
crossed the river ; but only the First "Wisconsin and Eleventh 
Pennsylvania took any part in the action. The following is 
Colonel Starkweather's official report of the battle : 

Head-Quaetees, First Regiment W. Y., 
Sixth Brigade, Second Division, 

Maetinsbueg, Va., July 4th, 1861. 

To Colonel Abercrombie, Commanding Brigade: 

Deae Sib, — ;! have the honor of reporting for your information and 
that of the War Department, that on the second day of July, 1861, 
•when en route for Martinsburg, within a short distance of "Hohe's 
Run," at about ten o'clock in the morning of that day. First Regiment 
of Wisconsin being, in advance of the column and main body, I detailed 
Company B, Captain H. A. Mitchell, to deploy to the right and left 
of the road as skirmishers in advance of the column, being sustained 
on the road by the cavalry. After such deploy had been made, and 
an advance forward of about one-fourth of a mile, firing was heard in 
continued long volleys from a large body of the enemy's troops, which 
was well replied to by Company B and MuUin's Rangers. The 
strength of the enemy being too great, however, for the skirmishers 
engaged, I deployed Company A, Captain George B. Bingham, to 
their assistance,- and kept them all in position, doing gireat execution, 
until ordered to fall, back slowly, so as to allow the artillery to work 
inore effectually, which had in the mean time been placed in a position 


on the right. The companies rallied upon the centre, fell back slowly 
in perfect order, keeping up the firing upon the enemy. After reach- 
ing the head of the column, I deployed the whole right wing. Com- 
panies A, B, 0, D, and E, assisted by Company F, of left wing, 
upon the enemy's left front as skirmishers, sending, at the same 
time, the balance of the regiment, by companies, to the front of the 

The skirmishers, sustained by the left four companies, turned the 
right flank of the enemy, and with the assistance of the artillery drove 
the enemy's right in, and routed them from the woods. The whole 
regiment was then rallied on the color company, and deployed immedi- 
ately to the front and in advance of the column, as skirmishers, sustain- 
ing such position until a halt was made by the whole column. My 
regiment was most handsomely sustained in the outset by the artillery 
and Eleventh Pennsylvania Eegimeht, Colonel Jarett, and afterward 
by them and other regiments in the column. 

The field officers. Lieutenant Colonel Harris, Major Lane, and 
Adjutant Poole, are entitled from me to great praise for their prompt- 
ness and great efficiency in the skirmish. Officers and men behaved 
with the utmost bravery, and are entitled to great credit as raw 

The casualties consist in the death of private George Drake, of 
Company A, Sergeant "W. M. Graham, Company B, dangerously 
wounded, being shot in three separate places. Color Sergeant Frederick 
Hutching wounded in the leg, belongs to Company E Color Com- 
pany. Privates "William Matthews, P. 0. Pummer, and Henry Young, 
of Company G, wounded, first two in the legs, other on the head, 
and Solomon Wyse, of Company K, taken prisoner by the enemy's 
cavalry on the extreme of skirmishers when deployed to the front, just 
as a halt was ordered and a rally being made to the centre. 

I have the honor to be yours to command, 

John C. Staekweatheb, 
Colonel Commanding First Regiment Wiaoonsin Volunteers. 

The "Wisconsin Regiment took the leading part, and 
approached, it is said, within three hundred yards of the 
enemy. A correspondent of the Philadephia Press says, that 
McMullin's Philadelphia Independent Rangers opened the fire 
and took an important part, but there appears no reliable con- 
firmation of the statement. Major Lane and Captain Mitchell 
begged or borrowed muskets, and loaded and fired them upon 
the enemy ; while Captain Bingham, in front of his company, 
coolly pointed out to his men where and how to shoot to the 
best advantage. When young Graham fell. Captain Mitchell 
took his gun and fought with it through the remainder of the 
battle. When our color-bearer was wounded, he held fast to 

FIKST (three months) INFANTRY. 221 

the colors until Corporal George M. Sabin, of Company K, 
seized them, who bore them until the contest was over. When 
young Drake was shot, Jay Crocker, a regimental marker, 
took his gun and place, and fought till the enemy was routed. 
Company E is spoken of with much credit for its part in the 
skirmishing under Lieutenant "W. H. Miller, marching up in 
the rear of the enemy's ambuscade, amid a storm of bullets 
that would have driven back veterans. 

The foe fled, carrying off the most of their dead and wounded, 
and leaving some of their equipage scattered along their route. 
They were pursued some four miles, but not overtaken. Their 
loss was estimated by some at from seventy to one hundred 
killed and wounded, judging in part from the fresh graves 
found afterward in that vicinity. But the rebel account given 
by Pollard is, that Jackson with his forces engaged our troops 
" for a considerable time, inflicted a heavy loss, and retired 
when about to be outflanked, scarcely losing a man, but bring- 
ing aS. forty-five, prisoners." The last part of this statement being 
untrue, the rest may be also. General Patterson commended 
the Wisconsin troops, and said, that with scarcely any assist- 
ance they put a rebel force of some five thousand to flight. 
Colonel Abercrombie, who was promoted for bravery at Buena 
Yista, expressed much surprise and admiration at the coolness 
and bravery of the Wisconsin men. 


George Drake was dead. He was the only living son of 
William and Jane C. Drake, of Milwaukee, and was a little less 
than nineteen years of age. He had been absent from home 
three weeks and two days when he fell. As he was loading 
for the secpnd volley, a ball pierced him near the heart, 
and falling he exclaimed, "Oh!" then turning over in his 
death spasm, said, " My mother !" He clearly seems to have 
joined the regiment from patriotism, not for pleasure. When 
reasoning with his mother about his duty to go, the tears 
sometimes ran down his cheeks to his chin, and he would say, 
" How can I stay at home and see the flag of my country so 
dishonored!" And again; walking with his mother in Camp 


Scott one day, and pointing to the proudly-waving flag at the 
head of its staff: " How can I live and let that flag suffer dis- 
honor !" One of his flrst books while a- little boy, was " King 
David's "Wars," which he read and studied with great delight. 
Eight there that patriotism may have been kindled which 
made him a martyr for his country's honor. As his mother 
covered his canteen he said, "Many of the boys have no 
mother to cover theirs for them. But, mother, nothing shall 
go into mine stronger than tea or coffee" — a voluntary and 
spontaneous pledge that many other soldiers had done Well, to 
have made and kept. He said in his tent in Camp Scott one 
day, that he did not expect to return from the army. As they 
were wading through the Potomac, he said to a companion, 
" George, we are going into battle, and I expect to be among 
the first that fall." He was the very first. His was the first 
life offered on the field of battle from Wisconsin ; his the first 
death, except that of John H. Monroe, who was drowned 
while bathing at Camp Scott, June 3rd, 1861. The body of 
young Drake was taken back to "Williamsport, Maryland, and 
there interred with the honors of war and every mark of 
respect from the citizens, near the grave of a revolutionary 
hero, General Otho T. "Williams, the founder of the town. 


Son of Mr. N". M. and Mrs. M. L. Graham, of Milwaukee, was 
one of the suffering victims of the battle of Falling "Waters, 
or Hainesville. The following i^ a payt of his unpublished 
memoir, prepared by the skillful pen of another : 

Warren M. G-raham was born September 18th, 1842, in Auburn, 
New York, and accompanied his father's family to this State in 1846. 
At that early day Port Washington, where they settled, afforded no 
educational advantages. Strictly speaking, the subject of this memoir 
may be said to have had none beyond such as are obtained in an 
ordinary district school and a few weeks' instruction at Eaoine, and 
that which his parents had time to bestow upon him at home whilst a 
child. At the age of twelve he went into the office of the Ozaukee 
Advertiser to become a printer, and such was his proficiency that about 
a year afterwards, in the absence of the editor, he upon one occasion 
got out or published an edition of this country newspaper single- 
handed — that is, he furnished the editorial matter, and set the type, 


with only tlie assistance of a hoy younger than himself to do the press- 
work. When fourteen years old, by the publication of one of his 
letters home he became an involuntary contributor to the public press, 
and the communication attracted sufficient attention to cause its repub- 
lication in several papers. Its subject was the distinguished Horace 
Greeley, then delivering a course of lectures in the North-West. 

Having obtained employment as a compositor upon the Milwaukee 
Daily Wisconsin, his deportment and abilities soon attracted tlie notice 
of Mr. William E. Cramer, the editor and proprietor of that journal. 
By the time he was sixteen years old, he had sufficiently improved his 
opportunities by study, writing, and a course of mercantile instruction, 
to ^Decome the book-keeper and local editor of the Daily Wisconsin, in 
which and similar capacities he remained for nearly three years. In 
addition he manifested an extraordinary aptitude for general literature; 
his contributions as a traveling correspondent were just, vivid, and 
pleasing ;. the city items, and matters of general and commercial intelli- 
gence, which were laid before the public through his pen, impressed 
the idea that they emanated from a well-educated writer of mature as 
well as vigorous understanding. Indeed, so excellent a judge as Mr. 
Cramer says : " Warren Graham had a faculty of doing everything 
well;. he was a graphic local editor, and- in his correspondence for the 
press manifested a comprehension of important subjects, and facility 
in treating them, that were far beyond his years. He could write 
poetry wellj as well as popular lectures, and his sketches of individuals 
and events were really remarkable. He made a successful essay in 
fictitious writing, and furnished a novelette for the columns of the 

When hostilities commenced, Warren was among the very first to 
volunteer in the First Eegiment of Wisconsin Infantry, in which he 
was promoted to be a sergeant of Company B. This regiment being 
ordered to Hagerstown, Maryland, the subject of this memoir continued 
to keep up a spirited correspondence with this city ; and the rebel 
press having fallen into the possession of the United States troops, its 
political character was materially changed by placing it in the hands 
of young Graham and several printers in the regiment, who issued a 
patriotic sheet from Hagerstown, called the, Camp Record. 

After the battle of Falling Waters, while passing a house a volley 
was fired at Sergeant Graham, whose conduct rendered him conspicuous 
in the field, and several balls took effect upon his person. One struck 
his right 'side, and descending in its course, pierced through his chest ; 
another penetrated his clothes and lodged ; a third went through his 
wrist, and yet another through his knee. In spite of these dreadful 
wounds, he retained sufficient strength and fortitude to reach a fence 
at some distance, and attempt to sjtaunch the profuse flow of blood 
which covered him. In this position the enemy fired upon him again. 
When the regiment came up he had fainted, and was apparently dead. 
*• * * * jje -^as removed to a stone house not far distant, where 
he received unremitting medical attention, and- on the eighth day he 
was transferred to the fixed hospital in Hagerstown. At the opening 
of the rebellion the ambulance system had not gone into effect : upon 
this occasion a sort of rough omnibus was used, with which it was 


necessary to ford the rugged bed of the Potomac Eiver, and pass over 
rough country roads for sixteen miles. But notwithstanding these 
distressing and perilous incidents, this prostrated young soldier dictated, 
from his bed, letters so full of hope and animation that his family were 
led to believe that he was not wounded in an alarming manner, but 
teroporarily unable to use his right hand. To the last his courage was 
unabated, and his hopes of recovery buoyant. The vigor of his under- 
standing, tenacity of life, and confidence- in being restored to health 
and activity, surrounded his case with great sympathy. The principal 
physicians in Hagerstown volunteered their aid, and families manifested 
great kindness and interest, but all human aid was powerless — his 
system sunk under the terrible ordeal that had shattered his frame, 
and after nearly two months of severe suffering and anguish, which he 
bore with great fortitude, he breathed his last in the nineteenth year 
of his age, on the 26th day of August, 1861. 

The intelligence of his death occasioned a profound sensation of 
sorrow in Milwaukee. His rema,ins were brought home by his parents, 
and rest among the heroes and honored dead of our State. The Forest 
Home Cemetery received its first tenant from the seat of war in the 
dead form of "Warren Merrick Graham. The Chamber of Commerce 
of Milwaukee, of which he was an active member, to mark their sense 
of the departed, purchased a burial lot and presented the deed to his 
father ; they also insisted upon defraying all the expenses attending 
the removal of the corpse from the South to its burial place. 

The day after the battle, July 3rd, the regiment advanced 
to Martinsburg without opposition, and remained the next two 
weeks. There, though encamped in the midst of 30,000 
troops, the Wisconsin First was the honored recipient of a 
flag from the ladies of Martinsburg, who addressed our men 
as " soldiers in battle, and gentlemen in camp." From that 
place it took up a march toward Winchester, joyfully hoping 
to press on to that place. But stopping for a day at Bunker 
Hill, ten miles from Martinsburg, what was their disappoint- 
ment in being led thence away from the enemy to Charlestown. 
General Patterson had asked for reinforcements and received 
them ; so that his troops at that place numbered about 25,000. 
General Scott's command to him had been, keep Johnston 
engaged. The plan of the Commander-in-Chief was, to prevent 
Johnston from reinforcing Beauregard .when he should be 
attacked at Manassas. That Patterson failed to do. He excused 
himself on the ground that the term of enlistment of some of 
his troops had nearly expired, and they refused to remain, 
and that, in a council of war, his subordinates advised him not 

FIRST (thbej! months) infantbt. 225 

to advance. Evidently, however, he was afraid of the enemy ; 
while that enemy, with much less force than his own, maneu- 
vered to deceive him, and finally got safely off to Manassas, 
just in time to turn the day against the Federal army, when 
Patterson hurried back to a place of safety at Harper's Terry ; 
his Wisconsin soldiers, at least, saddened and disappointed at 
this want of courage and execution. Senator Chandler, of 
Michigan, in commenting, in the United States Senate, on 
General Scott's direction to Patterson, "not to let the enemy 
amuse and delay him with a smaU force in front while rein- 
forcing the junction with the main body," said: "Had John- 
ston not joined Beauregard, the battle of Bull Run would have 
been but a skirmish between forces greatly unequal, and the 
army of the, South would have been destroyed. The failure, 
therefore, of Patterson to hold Johnston was the primal cause 
of that inglorious defeat. Why did not Patterson obey 
orders ?" 

After a few days' encampment at Harper's Ferry, July 24th, 
the Wisconsin Eegiment was ordered down the Potomac, stop- 
ping two days at the Monocacy river, and locating near Pooles- 
ville, to guard certain fords where secession sympathizers in 
Maryland smuggled provisions and ammunition into Virginia. 
There, encamped on a hill on the Maryland side, our soldiers 
lay. with Loudon Oounty and Leesburg, Virginia, in fall view. 
But this was not an irresponsible or safe position, now that we 
were defeated at Bull Run. Firing from the enemy's pickets 
across the river was a daily occurrence. August 5th, the rebel 
pickets having been reported to be absent, the Colonel sent 
three men, one of them named Langworthy, formerly a printer 
in the Madison State Journal office, and another, J. W. Jeffer- 
son, of Madison, across the river to examine the country, 
streams, fords, and position of the enemy. They were attacked 
by twelve rebels, but defeated them, killing three, and wound- 
ing seven, and returned without injury, except a slight wound 
in Langworthy's side. At other times the opposing pickets 
would wade the river, which was neutral ground, meet halfway, 
exchange papers and a little conversation, and return to their 
respective posts, after which each was ready for firing again. 
July 29th, Colonel Starkweather, and a few attendants, made 


a reconnoissance at Edward's Ferry, one of the regimeHt'S 
stationB, and were there fired upon by rebel pickets on the 
opposite side of the river. The damage done was the wound- 
ing of the colonel's horse. His men commenced firing in 
return, and the colonel himself, borrowing a rifle, went down 
to the Eerry-house on the bank of the river, and there dis- 
covered the man who had evidently fired upon his charger. 
The rebel was crawling along -the bank, and soon getting 
behind a log began to sight his telescopic rifle upon the owner 
' of the horse. The colonel sighted his gun with his field glass, 
pulled the trigger first, and the rebel fell over. Under a flag 
of truce it was afterward learned that he and one other of the 
enemy were killed, and one wounded. 

On the 25th of July, General Patterson was superseded by 
General Banks, who had been relieved from his command at 
Baltimore to take the important post at Harper's Ferry, which 
was now severely menaced by the enemy. On the 14th of 
August, the First Wisconsin, its term of enlistment having 
expired, under order of General Banks, left for its own State, 
by the route of Baltimore, Pittsburg, Cleveland, and Chicago, 
reaching Milwaukee the 17th ; where thousands welcomed 
it with great delight, and a grand procession, a dinner, fir- 
ing of cannon, and an eloquent speech from Honorable 
Matthew H. Carpenter, were the festivities of the occasion. 
The regiment was mustered out August 22d, 1861, and 
Adjutant General Utley, in his report of that year, uses the 
following language concerning it: "This regiment, scarcely 
waiting to receive the congratulations of friends, re-organized 
under the same commander, as will appear in its proper place, 
and has again gone forth to battle for the right, with a full 
knowledge of the hardships and privations of a volunteer 
soldier's life. 1 am proud to add my testimony to the patriot- 
ism of the men of the First Regiment, by stating to those 
who do not know the fact, that they have, with scarcely an 
exception gone back to the war in some capacity, to stand by 
the old flag, and uphold the Government and the Union. " 
The commissioned officers generally took higher positions 

in other regiments, where we shall see their names again. 

Among the non-commissioned oflScers, some received higher 


appointments in other regiments and batteries, and some, by 
means of vacancies or otherwise, were advanced in their own 
three months' first regiment. The promotions and appoint- 
ments were as follows : 

Of company A-^ — Henry S. Lee became 1st Lieut, of the Ytli Battery, 
Sept. 17th, 1861, andCapt.,NoT. 20th, 1862; Wm. H. Starkweather, 
promoted from the ranks to 4th Sergt., and transferred to Paymaster's 
department ; Henry M, Hill, from 1st Cprp. to 4th Sergt.; Frank "W". 
Cutler, from 3rd to 2d Corp.; Charles H. Messenger, from 3rd Corp. to 
1st Sergt. in Company B ; John E. Prentice, from ranks to 4th Corp. 
In Company B — Henry Martin, to 1st Corp.; John Larkin, to 4th 
Corp.; Peter Teal, made drummer ; "Wm. A. Collins, became Adjutant 
of 10th Eegt. Li Company C — S. E. Tyler, from 1st Corp. to En- 
sign; Pyrus M. Hyde, to 1st Corp.; Charles Wilson, 1st Sergt.;. J, 
Eeicharstf^ine, 2d Corp.; Corp. G. B. Clarson, made drummer, and 
Eoyai C "Weeider, filer. In Company B — J. P. Spencer, from '3rd 
to 2d Sergt.; Daniel Elder, from 4th to ' 3rd Sergt.;, F. B. Hutching, 
from 1st Corp. to Color Sergt.; N. Cambergen, from 2d Corp. to 1st; 
•S. A. Nash, from 3rd to 2d Corp.; . W,. W. Day, from 4th to 3rd Corp.; 
E. M. Hawes, to 4th Corp. In Company P-T-.lst Sergt. John F. 
Vallee became Capt. of 4th Battery ; David M. Bennett, from ranks 
to 4th Sergt.; Benjamin A, Vaughan, from 4th to 3rd Corp.; Charles 
Rathburn,, to 4tli Corp. In Company G — Fred. Bummer and H. 
Meyers, to tlieBand. In Compaiiy H — -Robt. H. Miller, to 4th Corp. 
In Company I — 1st Sergt. Lyman M. Ward, to Colonel 14th Begt.; 
2d Sergt. "Wm. S. Burrows, to Major 32d Regt.; 4th Sergt. E.F. 
Ferris, to Colonel 14th Regiment. In Company K — Capt. Lucius 
Fairchild,to Lieut. Col. 2d Regt., Aug. 20th, 1861.; to. Col. Sept. 8th, 
1862; 1st Sergt. Charles A. Wood, to Lieut. Col. 11th Regt.; 2d 
Serg't. L. D. Aldrich, to Adjutant 4th Regt.; 1st, Corp. Ezra T. 
Sprague, Col. 42d Regt.; 2d Corp. George M. Sabih, Adjutant 16th 
Regt.;. 3rd Corp. Daniel. Lincoln, Adjutant 11th Regt.; Ist-Lieut. De 
Witt 0. Poole, to be Adjutant ; W. G. Pitman, from 3rd to 2d Sergt.; 
Lucien! G., Mitchell, from 4th to 3rd Sergt.; Ezra T. Sprague, 1st 
Corp. to 4th Sergt.; George M. Sabin, 2d to Ist Corp.; Daniel Lin- 
coln, 3rd to 2d Corp.; J. W. Johnson, to Governor's Staff; Edward 
W. Jones, to 4th Corp,; Pliny Norcross, to 3rd Corp. 

Note. — When the First Wisoonain Infantry was organized, it was ordered to the 
western field of strife, and therefore its history is not resumed in the Seoond Part of 
this volume. 







BLACKBHEN's FOED, — The m/rst Battle of Butt Jtun. 

After the quota of the First Eegiment was filled, and thou- 
sands more were found ready to enter the service, Governor 
Randall determined to provide for the anticipated demand for 
more troops, and called for a second regiment, to rendezvous at 
Madison. Eapidly the men collected, in May, 1861, for a term 
of three months' service, as was the ease vfith the First Regi- 
ment : but before it was mustered, the quota for that length 
of time was full. With patriotism undiminished by that dis- 
appointment, the regiment was mustered into the United 
States service on June 11th, 1861, under the President's 
call for troops for three years or during the war. Captain 
Mclntyre, of the United States Infantry, was the muster- 
ing officer. 

The following were the Field and Line officers : 

Colonel — S. Paek Ooon. 

Lkut. Colonel — Henry "W. Peck. Surgeon — James M. Le-wis. 

Major — Duncan McD'onald. 1st As. Surgeon — Thos. P. Russel. 

Quartermaster — Halbert E. Paine. 2d As. Surgeon — P. S. Arndt. 

Adjutmt — Edward M. Hunter. Chaplain — Eev. J. C. Richmond. 




A — Geo. H. Stevens. 
B— "Wilson Colwell. 
C— David McKee. 
D— Geo. B. Ely. 
E — Gabriel Bouck. 
F— Wm. E. Strong. 
G — Jo'hn Mansfield. 
H— J. F. Eandolph. 
I. — Thos. S. Allen. 
K — A. J. Langworthy. 

First Lietdenanis. 

Edward B. Mann. 

Frank Hatch. 

C. K. Dean. 

A. B. McLean. 

John Hancock. 

A. 0. Doolittle. 

A. S. Hill. 

A. A. Meredith. 

Wm. "W. Le Pleische. 

Caleb Hunt. 

Second Lieutenants. 

"Wm. "W. Jones. 
Robert Hughes. 
"William Booth. 
Dana B. Dodge. 
H. B. Jackson. 
Wm. L. Parsons. 
Samuel K. Vaughan. 
Nat. Rollins. 
Thos. "W. Bishop. 
"Wm. A. Hopkins. 

Gompany A was designated as " Citizens' G-uard," of Fox 
Lake; Company B, "Galena Light Guard;" Company 0, 
"Grant County Grays;" Company D, " Jan esville Volunteers;" 
Company E, "Oslikosli Volunteers;" Company F, "Belle 
City Rifles;" Company G, "Portage City Guards;" Company 
H, " Eandall Guard ;" Company I, "Miners' Guard;" Com- 
pany K, " "Wisconsin Rifles." 

Company K having been transferred into the heavy artillery, 
a second Company K was recruited to fill the vacancy, and 
joined the regiment in Dfecember, 1861, under the following 
officers: Captain, John Stahl; First Lieutenant, John R. 
Speorri ; Second Lieutenant, Charles G. Esslinger. 

This regiment went into Camp Randall — so named by the 
colonel, in honor of Governor Randall. Its first experience 
in camp was in very inclement weather, amid almost constant 
storms and cold winds, and with an insufficiency ot proper 
shelter and clothing. Yet, right there, the troops began to 
show the spirit of that bravery and endurance for which the 
regiment afterwards became so distinguished. Privations and 
hardships in camp were treated as trifles, and even were often 
converted into music for their entertainment. The same spirit 
and enthusiasm were manifested by the citizens of Madison 
toward this regiment that had been shown toward the First 
Regiment in Milwaukee. The people did honor to them- 
selves by the honor they poured out so profusely upon the 
soldiers. But no interest or efforts could soften down the 
rigor of a soldier's life into the mere amusements of a play- 
day. There were stern and trying ' realities in the beginning, 
that ceased not unto the end. 


This regiment was uniformed and equipped by the State, and 
armed hy the IJnited States. It remained in Camp Randall, drill- 
ing and equipping for the field, until June 20th, when by orders 
from the War Department, it set out for "Washington, D. C. 
Lieutenant William IfToble, of Company I, who kept an accurate 
journal of the regiment, records the fact, that as the regiment 
left, many were confident the war would last only a few months,, 
and none expected to be absent from home more than ope year. 
Their route lay through Janesville, Chicago, Toledo, Cleve- 
land, Pittsburg, and Harrisburg, to the Eastern Department 
of the Army. At the first place they are fed with a sumptuous 
dinner, given by the citizens ; at the second, escox'ted through 
the city by a military organization ; at Toledo, breakfasted 
the next morning by the people of that city; at Cleveland, 
received with the warmest enthusiasm; and so on, amid 
numerous attentions and honors all the way while among a 
loyal people. But at Baltimore they pass through the city 
with loaded pieces, ready for immediate action in case they 
are molested by the secession rioters of the " Mob City." In 
Washington they were quartered first in Woodward's Block, 
on Pennsylvania Avenue, but later in Seventh street Park, in 
a new " Camp Randall." Remaining there about a week, they 
marched through Washington and Georgetown, across Aque- 
duct Bridge, and camped on Arlington Heights, two miles west 
of Fort Corcoran, on the Fairfax road. There the regiment 
was brigaded with the Thirteenth, Sixty-ninth, and Seventy- 
ninth New York Volunteers, under Colonels Quimby, Corco- 
ran, and Cameron, and the Third Regiment United States Artil- 
lery, the whole commanded by Colonel (now Major General) 
William T. Sherman ; and it is not unreasonable to suppose 
that they may have been inspired somewhat by that magnetic 
and remarkable man for their conspicuous service thereafter. 
The touch of a genius is sometimes inspiriting for a lifetime, 
especially by those capable of great or good actions. The 
acquaintance which he thus formed with Wisconsin soldiers 
was cherished by him to the last. 

July 15th — not yet a month from* home — the regiment 
received orders to prepare three days' coqked rations ; on the 
16th they commenced a march upon Manassas, taking their 


rations in their haversacks, and one blanket, to be rolled 
whole length and carried across the shoulders, and leaving all 
other baggage in their camp and their tents standing. They 
proceeded twelve miles, and bivouacked at night on the Fairfax 
road at Vienna, General Sherman's brigade being a portion 
of Q-eneral Tyler's division — the greater man, as is often the 
ease, in the less position. Early the next morning they were 
on their march. They found in many places the road block- 
aded by fallen trees, and occasionally a. slight breast-work, and 
sometimes came upon the half-cooked dinner of the rebels, 
left by them in their hasty retreat. Leaving Fairfax Court- 
house at their left, they passed through Germantown, and on 
the "Warrenton pike road to within three miles of Centreville, 
and bivouacked again for the night — which means that they 
were partially on guard, and not encamped with the usual 
facilities and general ease for rest. At an early hour on the 
morning of the 18th they were on the march again, and coming 
near to Centreville, halted for orders. At eleven o'clock a heavy 
cannonading was heard in their front and beyond Centreville. 
An hour after the brigade was ordered to the support of troops 
engaged with the enemy at Blackburn^s Ford, on the stream 
called Bull Run. They went forward on the double quick 
in the hot sun and through the dust, which was flying so 
thickly that one could hardly see his file leader. Blankets, 
haversacks, everything except arms, that would retard their 
progress, were thrown from them and left strewn by the road 
side. Marching at this rapid pace over three miles, they were 
brought to the scene of action. The regiment filed to the 
right into the woods^ forming in the second line of battle, and 
at right angles with the road, and lay down, to avoid the shot 
and shell which crashed among the trees above their heads. 
They remained in that position three hours, not becoming 
actually engaged, and suftering no harm, with the exception 
that one shot took effect in Company B, wounding three men, 
one of whom died the next day. The whole Union loss in 
the engagement was eighty-three, the Confederate sixty-eight. 
Towards evening the Second returned to a position about one 
mile west of Centreville, on the Warrenton pike road, having 
inarched ten miles during the day, and bivouacked, remaining 


not only through the night, but the next three days, constantly 
in line of battle. 


The contest at Bull Eun was the first great battle of the 
war, and many expected that it would be so successful on the 
Union side, as to be the last. Previous to that time, the army 
of the Potomac had consisted of three divisions; the first 
located in "Washington, and commanded by General Mans- 
field; the second nearer the enemy, reaching from near 
Alexandria westward, and northward to a point about mid- 
way between "Washington and Harper's Perry, commanded 
by General Irwin McDowell ; and the third in front and on 
the right and left of Harper's Perry, commanded by General 
Patterson. The army under command of General McDowell, 
though directed to some extent by General Scott at "Washing- 
ton, took up its line of march toward the enemy in five divi- 
sions; commanded respectively by Brigadier General Daniel 
Tyler, Colonel David Hunter, Colonel S. P. Heiutzelman, 
Brigadier General T. Runyon, and Colonel Dixon S. Miles. 
The four brigades of the first division were commanded by 
Colonel E. D. Keyes, Brigadier General E. C. Schenck, 
Colonel "W. T. Sherman, and Colonel J. B. Richardson ; the 
two brigades of the second division, by Colonels Andrew 
Porter, and A. E. Burnside ; the three brigades of the third 
division, by Colonels "W. B. Franklin, 0. B. "Wilcox, and O. 
0. Howard ; the fourth division had but one brigade of seven 
regiments ; and the two brigades of the fifth division were 
commanded by Colonels Lewis Blencker, and T. A. Davies, 

Thus many who became prominent military leaders were 
engaged in the first Bull Eun battle. Among the colonels 
and even privates of the some sixty-five regiments and bat- 
teries, were also the names of many who were afterward 
distinguished. But only a limited number of these troops 
reached the field at Bull Eun and took part in the contest. 
General McDowell reported that the ITnion force which 
crossed Bull Eun was about 18,000. On June 27th, General 





UmoN 1st DAT. I 


A — McDowell's HBADQnABTEBS ; B — Beaokett'b Oatalbt: — ^Ebtes ; D— Sherman; E — 
Shbkok; F— Davies; G — Eichaedson; H—Ttleb's Division ; I— Howaed ; K—Shbkman's First 
Position ; L — Sherman's Second Position ; M^-Atbrs : N — ^Abnold's Battery ; — Rtokett's 
Battery ; P — G-riffin's Battery ; .Q — Franklin ; K — Porter ; S — Eurnside ; T—New Market ; 
U— SoDLEi Spring ; 1^-B^oeegabd's Head Quarters. ' 

,234 wiscoNSiisr in the war. 

Mansfield numbered in Washington and vicinity, 22,846 
privates present for duty, and officers and privates, present and 
absent, 34,160. On tbe night after the battle, Jefferson Davis 
telegraphed to Kichmond that the Confederate force was 
15,000, and the Union probably 35,000. Beauregard's subse- 
quent report says, that on the 18th of July he had 17,000 
effective men, and on the 21st, the day of the battle, 27,000, 
including the reinforcements of Johnston.* 

The 8th of July was the day fixed for the movement to 
commence, but the order was not actually issued until the 
10th, and the march did not commence till the 16th. In those 
days spies and traitors made known our military plans to the 
enemy in time for him to prepare for any attack. The object 
of our commanders was, at first, to drive the enemy out of 
his position ; not so much to slaughter him in battle. The 
attempt which resulted in the battle of Blackburn's Ford had 
that in view. Genei-al McDowell presumed too much upon, 
the assurances of G-eneral Scott and the War Department, that 
General Patterson would prevent Johnston and his forces from 
uniting with Beauregard, who commanded the rebels at Bull 
Kun. With the inexperience of the time, also, there was 
great difficulty in moving a large army rapidly. 

From the 16th to the 20th, daily advances were made toward 
the enemy. On the evening of the 20th it was decided to 
attack him in large force early the next morning. The Union 
army was then at and near Centreville, and the rebel army 
near Manassas, seven miles beyond. By the plan of the 
battle. General Tyler was to commence with a cannonade of 
the enemies batteries from the Warrenton Pike, Colonel 
Eichardson being left to threaten Blackburn's Ford ; Colonel 
Hunter was to go northward about three miles, cross the Bull 
Run near Sudley's Spring, and get in the rear of the rebels; and 
Colonel Heintzelman was to follow the second division some 

* Abbott, in Ms "History of tlie Civil War in America," says that iwo Wis^ 
oonsin regiments were engaged in tiie battle of Bull Run. Lloyd's " Battle His- 
torry" speaks of the Wisconsin regiments in the plural number ; and Headly, In 
" The Great Rebellion," names the First Wisconsin Regiment as engaged in that 
battle. All these are errors. The Second Infantry -was the only regiment from 
Wisconsin that was there, though some others would have gladly enjoyed the 


distance, and then, halting, be ready to cross the stream after 
Hunter had driven the enemy from their place by a rear 
attack. The fourth division, under General Runyon was far 
in the rear of the main forces, guarding communications j 
and the fifth, under Colonel Miles, was in reserve on the 
Centreville road. , Greneral Tyler wag tO paove at half-past two 
in, the morning, a.nd, reaching the appointed position, open fire 
at day-break. There were two or three hours delay, however,, 
and his cannonading did not commence till half-past six in the 
morning, and then received no reply. It was coiyectured that 
the enemy might have changed his position and be then mov- 
ing to make an attack on the Union army by way of Black- 
burn's Ford. This obliged withholding Heintzelman's brigades 
from the advance, and by them augmenting the reserve under 
General Miles. Hunter's division had moved toward the rear 
of the enemy, according to the plan, and Burnside's brigade 
of that division crossed the Bull Eun at Sudley's Spring, about 
nine o'clock, though delaying themselves and those following 
them by stopping to drink and fill their canteens. At this 
time it was discovered that a large force of the , enemy was 
moving from his right to his left, to attack Burnside's troops. 
General McDowell hurried forward others of that division, 
?md recalled Heintzelman's brigade from the rear. He then 
ordered General Tyler with the first division, to make a vigor- 
ous attack on the enemy, who were rapidly passing his front 
to fall upon Burnside. This was done ; but it did not prevent 
a furious onset, by both artillery and infantry, on Burnside's 
troops, who were farther up the stream, and alone on the 
enemy's side. They nobly, bravely withstood the shock until 
reinforcements came to, them from across the Run^ and then 
all unitedly pushed the rebels so far back that, Sherman's 
and Keyes' brigades effected a safe crossing just above the 
Warrenton Pike. The first and second divisions thus crossed 
the stream about three miles apart, but were brought much 
nearer together on the other side. A large body of woods was 
in the vicinity of the contending forces, with an intermingling 
of smaller woods and open fields in the adjacent parts; nearly 
all having an unevenness of surface. The rebels being first on 
the main ground took advantage of hills and thickets, for their 


own protection, and of the open space to mow down tlie Union 

The first severe fighting was south of Sudley's Spring. 
Many troops hurried over the ford; some wading through 
deep water to get to the scene of conflict. Heintzehnan's 
division was directed to cross at a ford between Sudley's 
Spring and the Warrenton Pike. That, probably the " Eed 
House Ford," was not found, and the division pushed on to 
the ford where Burneide was the first to cross. Griffin's and 
Eickett's batteries went over, took position, and poured most 
effective shots upon the enemy. But all the while the rebel 
batteries were raining down balls and shells on the Union 
lines. Their musketry threw bullets on loyal soldiers like 
storms of hail. The foliage of trees was cut in pieces. The 
heavy limbs and trunks were often shivered to atoms. Here 
and there the earth was plowed up in great furrows. Dead 
and dying animals began to strew the field. Wounded, 
mangled, dead and dying men were multiplying fast, while 
the dust and smoke of battle darkened the scene as a day 
of mourning. 

The Union batteries were so effective that the enemy 
repeatedly determined to take them. Their bravest infantry, 
column after column, were led to the attack. An Alabama' 
regiment moved up, and poured in a galling fire on Rickett's 
battery. The "Fire Zouaves," of the brave and lamented 
Ellsworth, were led forward by Heintzelman to attack and 
disperse them. But " at the first fire " the greater portion of 
the Zouaves broke and fled, and did not appear again as a 
regiment that day. A Minnesota regiment was next tried upon 
the same rebel column. It, too, was repulsed, but retreated in 
tolerable order. The first Michigan Infantry was then led to 
the attack, but it also broke and fied in some confusion. The 
Fourteenth Brooklyn Regiment had the same trial with a 
like disastrous result. 

General McDowell reported concerning Sherman's and 
Keyes' brigades : " These drove the right of the enemy, under- 
stood to have been commanded by Beauregard, from the front 
of the field, and out of the detached woods, and down to the 
road, and across it up the slopes on the other side." The 


Wisconsin Second Volunteers shared in this successful attack 
and pursuit. 

But further on was a hill with a, farm house upon it ; and 
behind the hill and dwelling the rebels had stationed, early in 
the day, some of their most effective batteries, and from them 
hurled destruction on the Union ranks. It was very important 
to get possession of that hill, and silence or disperse those 
batteries. Here was the most deadly fighting of the battle. In 
the strife on the Union side was the whole of the third or 
Heintzelman's division, a portion of the second or Hun- 
ter's and Sherman's brigade of the first division. This 
last body of troops was in the centre of the line, and at- 
tempted to advance up the road. J. E, Johnston commanded 
the enemy's force at that point, he having himself already 
arrived from the Shenandoah valley. Eickett's and Griffin's 
batteries pressed forward to a position on the side of the hill, 
and there fired so furiously that the enemy determined to take 
them if possible. As they approached, our officers were once 
deceived by the dress of a rebel regiment, and allowed them 
to come so near without firing upon them, that they succeeded 
in disabling one of the batteries, and then attempted to take 
it. But some infantry columns dashed upon them so furiously 
that they, were compelled to retreat. Tet they rallied and 
repeated the attack. Again they were driven back. The 
third time they came, and were repulsed and driven out of 
sight, and the battery horses having been killed, some Union 
soldiers seized the guns by hand and dragged them away. 

Colonel David Hunter, afterward general, was severely 
wounded early in the battle ; and, later. Colonel Cameron was 
mortally wounded. Their loss was severely felt in the remain- 
der of the confiict. 

The part of the battle most severe and terrible to the Second 
"Wisconsin on that eventful day, was in attempting to capture 
a rebel battery, which was planted in a highly advantageous 
position on one of the range of hills which crossed the Sudley 
road beyond the Bull Eun, and ran parallel with the Warren- 
ton Pike. The enemy's infantry were partially concealed in 
woods, and both they and several batteries had an enfilading 
fire upon our men. The brigade to which the Second be- 


longed formed at the foot of the hill, under a terrific storm of 
shell and canister, and charged up the ascent, driving back 
some rebel infantry that had just repulsed a body of Union 
troops, until they came near where Rickett's battery had been 
severely cut in pieces. Colonel Shei-man, through Major, 
afterward General Wadsworth, ordered the Second Wisconsin 
to a more direct assault on the enemy. Colonel Sherman says 
in his report, " This regiment ascended to the brow of the hill 
steadily, received the fire of the enemy, returned it with spirit, 
and advanced delivering its fire." He further records that 
it was thrown into confusion and retreated a distance, then 
rallied again, and passed the brow of the hill in the face of a 
tremendous fire, and fell back a second time from that crest. 
But two very credible writers, belonging to the regiment itself, 
do not speak of their action as a retreat, but as some confusion 
on account of a misunderstanding of orders, which one of them 
attributes to the absence of two field officers. Colonel Sher- 
man further relates, that he ordered the I^ew York Seventy- 
ninth to the same attack which had been made by the "Wis- 
consin Second, and that it was thrown back from the brow of 
the hill in confusion ; then, by his command, the New York 
Sixty-ninth made the same assault, and soon fell back in dis- 
order. He assigns as the reason, that the enemy there was far 
superior to his own force ; and says that the firing was very 
severe, and the roar of cannon and musketry incessant. 

Certain it is, that the brigade remained for a considerable 
time, an hour or more, in that vicinity, charging upon the 
rebels and fighting them othervvise as best they could, the 
various regiments being mOre or less intermingled in the en- 
deavor to support each other. This was the first severe fight- 
ing of the Wisconsin Second, and occurred only one month 
after leaving its camp in Madison. They were brave men that 
rtished so unflinchingly into carnage and upon death. When 
once engaged in the conflict, the roar of cannon, the sharp, in- 
cessant rattling of small arms, and the exulting and defiant 
shouts of the contending hosts, only nerved true heroes with- 
almost superhuman strength, and carried them beyond the 
fear, if not the sense, of dange -. The visage of the dead at 


their ffeet, the groans of the wounded and dying, were power- 
less to deter them from the strife. 

The fighting, that cbntitneneed at ien and a half o'clock, had 
now continued till after three in the afternoon. The enemy- 
had ]*etreated at most jioints of his line, in sOtae places a mile 
and a half. General McDowell's plan of battle promised to he 
successfdl, though executed late. Early in the day Beauregard 
had sten-t'an order for an attack on the Union forces at Black- 
burn's Ford, with the intention of turning the TJnion'left. His 
niessage providentially failed to reach its destination at the 
time, and soon afterward he had no men for such a service. 
His own left had been turned, his front had been forced a long 
way toward Manassas, his troops were discouraged and inclined 
to fall farther back, and the loyalists were gaining confidence 
of victory. 

But a cloud of dust was seen rising in the distance ; it came 
nearer and nearer. Patterson had failed to hold Johnston in 
the Shenandoah valley. Kirby Smith had arrived with the 
last division, and leaving the train at Gainesville, now attacked 
the Union right. At first his advancing regiments were not 
distinguished from friends; they were allowed to come too near 
for the easiest repulse; their numbers and strength, fresh as 
they were upbn the field, had too great advantage over men 
hungry, weary, faint, disappointed, and now disheartened. 
Quimby's regiment, the Thirteenth New York, of Sherman's 
brigade, was the first to give way. In its ranks, at about half 
past three in the ' afternoon, the disorder and confusion com- 
menced, which did nbt cease until the Union army, completely 
routed and demoralized in part, had reached "Washington, and 
a portion of it Jfew York City. 

But this discomfiture and fiight were not unaccountable, 
and not shameful to the greater portion of the army. They 
had fought long and well, and most of them for the first time. 
They were doubtless really unable to withstand the enemy 
after his large reinforcements. Many of the ofl3.ce]^s were 
inexperienced, and some of them unworthy. As a whole the 
troops had gone bravely into battle. It required more wisdom 
and experience to get safely out on a retreat. The ranks of 
ofiicers and soldiers had not been cleared of cowardly men. 


The majority expected to make a stand and form anew, when 
they had reached a place of safety ; but the regiments were too 
much confused, and too few good field officers were on the 
ground. A few hundred " Black Horse" cavalry struck terror 
into some squads of stragglers; their cries, of fear alarmed still 
more of the fugitives, and then nearly every man gave up all 
for lost, and felt that nothing could be gained by longer brav- 
ing dangers, and each at last yielded to the prompting of self- 
preservation. Then the great fleeing army presented a painful, 
yet amusing spectacle. Men, horses, mules, ambulances, offi- 
cers, privates, musicians, servants — all strove for safety. An 
uncertain danger, susceptible of great magnitude in reality, 
and of unlimited imaginative expansion, was in their rear, and 
he who was hindmost would receive its first shock. Rapid 
fiight was the impulse, and they acted upon it. They after- 
ward learned to act from reason, and trust of each other — ^to 
make a stand even after a defeat. 

The Federal loss was 481 killed, 1,011 wounded, and 1,216 
missing. Beauregard reported 269 killed, and 1,483 wounded, 
with 1,460 prisoners taken. The loss of the "Wisconsin Second 
was 30 killed, 105, wounded, and 66 missing.* 

There had been too much delay in setting out from Wash- 
ington; General Tyler was too tardy on the morning of the 
battle ; General McDowell or General Scott inexcusably left 
too many troops all the day in reserve, and in no way provided 
for reinforcements; and some officers were inexperienced or in- 
competent. Added to these causes of defeat, Colonel Miles was 
playing the part of a drunken buffoon in the rear. But the 
allwise Euler did not have it in his mind to secure a Federal 
victory in this battle. He allowed the enemy to triumph then 
that they and their cause might meet with a perfect defeat at 

The first Wisconsin soldier that fell in that battle was Marion 
F. Humes, of the town of Janesville. A sergeant of the com- 
pany who stood beside him in battle and bore him from the 
field, says that he was the first to fall. A cannon ball struck 

* The names of the killed wiU be found in the concluding chapter of this regi- 
ment'a history. No official list of the wounded is deposited in the Adjutant 
General's office, and probably none was ever made. 


Mm in tlie left side. He was only about eighteen years old. 
In the autumn previous to the outbreak of the rebellion he 
went to Professor Whitford, of Milton Academy, and asked 
for an opportunity to enter the institution, and defray the 
expenses of the winter term by manual labor. "When told 
that all such situations were promised to others he seemed 
agitated, and the tears ran down his face. Professor "Whit- 
ford inquired why he desired to attend school, and why he 
might not receive aid from his friends. His reply was : " My 
mother is dead, my father is sick, and I have spent the most 
of what I have earned in working by the month during the 
summer to help support him. But I have wished so much 
and so long to go to school, that I may do some good in the world! 
"You must excuse me for weeping, for it is hard to think I can 
not get an education." Providentially a way was opened for 
him tO' attend school there that winter. The longing of his 
heart to do good was soon gratified in a way he little con- 
ceived at first. . For his country's sake he willingly enlisted 
in the war, and died, it is said, without a murmur, bravely, 
contentedly. "Who can but regret the necessity that required 
so many noble ofierings ! 

The treatment of the Union prisoners and dead by the rebels, 
after the battle of Bull Eun, was horrible. A committee of 
Congress, by reliable testimony, established the facts that some 
of our wounded died on account of brutal surgical operatious; 
that Beauregard proposed to hold General Rickets as a host-, 
age for one of the secession murderous privateers ; that many 
of our dead were stripped of their clothing, buried in heaps 
in shallow trenches, and with faces downwards, as a mark of 
rebel contempt ; that some bodies were afterwards dug up and 
burned, particularly that of Major Ballou, supposed by the 
rebels to be that of Colonel Slocum, evidence of which was 
furnished by Governor Sprague, of Rhode Island ; and that 
some bodies were disinterred for the bones, from which were 
manufactured finger rings, and drum-sticks, and even drinking 
cups from sculls ! Surely the cause of such a people was 
accursed from heaven in the beginning, and must have come 
to unutterable ignominy. 






feeby, arrest of the maryland secession legislature, seizueb 

of corn,— battle at bolivar, sword presentation, — ^president 

Lincoln's order to advance, — reorganization, — general banks 



(j^ — Second BaUle of TFincAester,— BANKS' CELEBRATED RETREAT, — UP 


of Ceda/r Slmtntain, 

The Third Eegiment of "Wisconsin Tolunteer Infantry was 
called into camp at Fond du Lac, about tte 15th of June, 1861. 
It was the second three years regiment raised in the State. It 
was placed under the command of Colonel 0. S. Hamilton, an 
officer who had already won an honorable record in military life. 
The camp of the regiment was about one mile from the city, 
and was named after its commander. The men were large and 
stalwart, presenting a fine appearance, many of them coming 
from the lumbering and mining regions. Their drill was 
excellent before leaving the State. Their Colonel, and Lieu- 
tenant Colonel, Thomas H. Ruger, were graduates of "West 
Point, and both they and seven of the captains of the regi- 
ment served in the Mexican "War — Lieutenant Colonel Ruger 
under General Beauregard. The complete roster of the regi- 
ment was as follows : 


Colonel — Charles S. Hamilton. 

Lievt. Colonel— ^ThomsiS H. Euger. Swgeon — D. A. Raymond. 

Major— Beitine Pinckney. 1st As. Surgeon — H. 0. Crane. 

Adjidant — L. H. D. Crane. 2d As. Surgeon — J. B. G. Baxter. 

Quartermaster — S. E. Lififerts. Chaplain — "W. L. Mather. 

Captains. First Lieutenants. Second Zievienards. 

A — D. S. Gibbs. Henry Bertram. L. H. D. Crane. 

B— J. W. Scott. W. S. Mosorip. B. W. Clark. 

C— Martin Flood. Moses O'Brien. G. W. Eollins. 

D— Andrew Clark. Seth Griffith. Edward F. Case. 

E — Gustave Hammer. Nahum Daniels. Lyndon Martin. 

F — G. W. Limbocher. E. J. Bentley. E. J. Meeker. 

G— E. L. Hubbard. A. S: Cady. J. P. Shepard. 
H — G. J. Whiteman. Geo. W. Stevenson. James, G. Knight. 

I — ^H. Vandegrift John E. Eoss. Ealph Van Brunk. 

K — "Wm. Hawley. T. J. Widvey. ' "Warham Parks. 

Company A was designated as the "Watertown Rifles;" 
Company B, " Scott's Volunteers ;" Company C, ■*' Green 
County Volunteers ;" Company D, "Waupun Light Guard;" 
Company E, " "William stown Union Rifles;" Company F, 
" Grant County Union Guards ;" Company G, " E"eenali 
Guards;" Company H, "Lafayette Rifles;" Company I, 
" Shuilsburg Light Guard;" Company K, "Dane County 

Previous to leaving the State, the regiment was compli- 
mented with much attention from citizens and oflicials, was 
credited with good behavior, was uniformed in dark gray 
woolen suits, and supplied with all equipments except arms — 
an unusual thing at that early day in other States. All the 
companies were mustered into the service of the United States, 
June 29th, by Captain Mclntyre, received marching orders 
July 6th, and left Fond du Lac for Hagerstown, Maryland, on 
the 12th. They numbered as follows : Field and staff officers, 
9; company officers, 30 ; band, 11; non-commissioned officers, 
musicians, and privates, 929; total, 979. Several thousand 
citizens assembled to bid them farewell and see them depart. 
The wives of several officers accompanied their husbands, and 
Mr. Hazeltine, Senator from Columbia county, went as a rep- 
resentive of the Governor to promote the welfare of the regi- 


ment. The Governor made a parting address, and they moved 
off to the booming of cannon and the cheers of the multitude. 
iSTo sooner had they reached Illinois than their fine appearance 
attracted attention, and the journals of that State put their 
own troops in an unfavorable contrast with the Wisconsin 
soldiers. This is accounted for in part by their marked good 
behavior while in camp, by the fact that temperance societies 
flourished among them, and by the order of their Colonel, 
before starting, that no whiskey would be allowed on the road. 
But their uniform, their large frame, and their noble counte- 
nance, also contributed to draw forth general admiration. In 
Buffalo they were specially feasted and complimented. Colonel 
Hamilton having formerly been well-knovra there. They 
repdrted, according to orders, at Hagerstown, Maryland, and 
marched thence, on the 18th of July, to Harper's Ferry. Re- 
maining there a little time, they proceeded down the Potomac 
fifty miles, and went into camp August 20th, at Darnestown, 
Maryland. Septernber 12th they marched to Frederick, of 
that State, thirty miles distant, surrounded the city, and arrested 
the secession Legislature that convened there the 17th of the 

On the 9th of October, three companies. A, B, and C, were 
sent from Frederick to Bolivar, a village near Harper's Ferry, 
to seize some 20,000 bushels of wheat in store there. While 
engaged in transporting the wheat across the river, on the 
morning of the 16th, they were attacked by a rebel force of 
infantry, cavalry, and artillery, 1,600 strong, under Colonel 
Ashby. The Wisconsin troops fought courageously against 
overpowering numbers, drove them out of Bolivar to Bolivar 
Heights, captured a thirty-two pounder, lost it, recaptured and 
held it, and kept the enemy at bay until, on the arrival of 
Colonel Geary with assistance, he hastily withdrew. Major 
Gould, of the Thirteenth Massachusetts Infantry, which had a 
small part in the battle, complimented the Wisconsin troops 
by saying that " they were courageous almost to a fault;" and 
General Hamilton, on learning of their victory, issued an 
order whiph bestowed on them high praise. Their loss in 
the engagement was six killed and eight wounded. 

The regiment had not been long in Maryland before Colonel 


Hamilton was promoted, his commission as a brigadier general 
dating back to May 17th, 1861. October 22d, the regiment 
left Frederick, and hastened to Conrad's Ferry, twenty-six 
miles distant, to prevent the enemy from taking advantage of 
their success a:t Ball's Bluftl Thence, on the 26th, they moved 
still farther down the Potomac to Muddy Branch, eighteen 
miles from Washington. On Thanksgiving Day the officers 
presented General Hamilton with a sword. December 1st, 
the regiment retui-ned to Frederick, w'here Colonel Ruger was 
appointed Provost Marshal of the city, and the regiment was 
detailed for the honorable and, there, onerous service of 
provost guard. 

On the 27th of January, President Lincoln, weary with the 
long delay and inactivity of the army in the face of rebel hosts, 
ordered an advance of our forces, to take place on the 22d of 
February, 1862. However legitimate the cause ^of his dis- 
satisfaction for the past, this may have been a premature 
movement. A change had just been made in the War 
Department, Edwin M. Stanton having succeeded Simon 
Cameron as Secretary, and more time may have been needed 
for the new incumbent to become master of his position. Gen- 
eral McClellan had never intended to attack the enemy at 
Centreville, and desired to have the western army occupy 
Chattanooga before he should advance upon Richmond by the 
lower Chesapeake. He was not ready to move^ and it is 
difficult to make any commander successful except by his own 
plans. Besides, the evidence from Richmond is, that at that 
time their army was dissatisfied with its own inactivity, and 
was dwindling away under the furlough system, and needed 
some aggressions on our part, which it soon had, to arouse 
the rebel people to resistance and spirit. On several grounds, 
a " masterly inactivity" a little longer, just at that time, might 
have given the Government some advantages, but not in itself 
a victory. 

On the other hand, McClellan was as competent to move in 
December as in February ; he, had two or three times as many 
troops as the enemy, and he ought to have struck a terrible 
blow upon them at Manassas. Their escape Was a reproach to 
our commander. 


In connection with the advance of the army ordered by- 
President Lincoln, a reorganization took place, in which the 
Third "Wisconsin Infantry became a part of the third brigade 
of the first division of the fifth army corps, under General 
Banks. General Hamilton was at that time assigned to the 
command of the second brigade in the first division, thoiigh 
he really had command of even more than a division soon 
after. Lieutenant Colonel Ruger was promoted to the 
colonelcy, Major Pinckney to the lieutenant colonelcy, and 
Adjutant Crane to the majority. When General Hamilton 
was transferred from the command of the third to the second 
brigade. Colonel Euger was the most competent to succeed 
him, but being out-ranked by the seniority of others, through 
General Hamilton's influence the brigade was reorganized by 
the exchange of the Ninth 'New York Infantry for the Second 
Massachusetts, commanded by Colonel Gordon, who was 
promoted to the command of the brigade. 

February the 25th, the Third Infantry marched to Sandy 
Hook, opposite Harper's Ferry, and joined General Banks' 
command. The next day they assisted in laying a bridge 
across the Potomac, and crossed with the army to Harper's 
Ferry, from which place all were about to set out on a march 
of one hundred miles up the Shenandoah valley to Harrison- 
burg. On the 27th Company A was detailed for a provost 
guard of Charlestown. 

In moving from Harper's Ferry, General Banks was directed 
to assume command of General Shields' division, which was at 
Martinsburg, and of General Sedgwick's division, formerly 
General Stone's, which was moved from Poolesville to Har- 
per's Ferry and Charlestown. This gave General Banks an 
aggregate force of about 34,000 men. In the advance on 
Winchester this force was divided: Hamilton, taking Shields' 
division and two brigades of Banks' division, moved on Win- 
chester by way of Bunker Hill ; Sedgwick, with his division 
and the remaining brigades of Banks, moved by way of 
Berryville. The rebel T. J. (afterward " Stonewall") Jackson 
was at Winchester. When Hamilton approached that place, 
he learned of a favorable route by which a portion of his 


forces :Could atrike tlie enemy at early dawn in the rear, 
while the other part should threaten in the front He sent 
back to Banks, who was still at Charlestown, for permission 
to attempt the surprise and capture of Jackson and his forces 
in that manner. The general was too cautious, or too much 
lacking in enterprise, to allow the undertaking, although his 
troops at- that time far out-numbered the enemy. The next 
day, March 12th, the Union army entered Winchester, Jack- 
son leaving it just in time to keep out of their way. 

Immediately after this General Hamilton was transferred to 
the comniand of General Heintzelman's division, then in front 
of Washington, and Heintzelman was promoted to the com- 
mand of a corps in McClellan's army, which was about to 
proceed to the Peninsula. General Heintzelman was allowed 
to select his successor as division commander, from all the 
brigade generals of the army. His choice of Hamilton was a 
deserved compliment to that officer. Soon after General 
Sedgwick's division was withdrawn from Banks' army, and 
sent back to join the army of the Potomac. 

General Shields followed up Jackson's retreat until, on the 
19th, he discovered him in a strong position near New Market, 
and not far from the main Confederate forces. The next day 
Shields retreated down the valley, Jackson pursuing, who, 
on the 22d, seeing Sedgwick's division on its move to the army 
of the Potomac, concluded that few if any Union troops were 
left, and that he might safely re-occupy Winchester. He sent 
forward a small force that evening, and meeting with little 
opposition, decided to enter the next morning. But a large 
body of Federal troops was near at hand, and the next day, 
when he came, a fierce battle ensued, in which the rebel 
resistance was so great that there, it is said, Jackson re- 
ceived his soubriquet " Stonewall," and there, it is also said, 
was for the first time defeated. This was the first battle of 
Winchester; and on the Confederate side Ashby's cavalry, 
and the brigades of Jackson, Smith, Garnett, and Longstreet 
were engaged. 

. Subsequently, while General Banks' corps was in the upper 
part of the Shenandoah valley, the enemy appeared in force, 
and drove, in Ms- pickets on the ,23rd of May, near Front 


Eoy3,l ; and Company G, Third Wisconsin, with an Indiana 
regiment, Captain E. L. Habbard, of Neenah, commanding, 
while engaged in guarding a bridge on the Strasburg and 
Manassas Raih'oad, was attacked by the rebel Captains Fletcher 
and Sheets with a regiment of cavalry. The two companies 
retreated across the bridge, and then fought the enemy from 
four o'clock uutil dark, killing the two captains and ten other 
men, left dead on the field, holding their position until the 
arrival of the main body of the regiment, and losing btit one 
man killed and three wounded. The next morning the regi- 
ment moved back to Strasburg, ten miles west of Front Royal, 
and joined their brigade just as it moved toward "Winchester 
in the celebrated retreat of General Banks to Williamsport. 

This retreat was adopted to prevent a complete capture, 
which had been adroitly planned by the enemy. G-enerals 
Banks and Fremont had just entered into an arrangement to 
destroy or capture Jackson and his forces near Harrisonburg. 
But while G-eneral Banks' force had been reduced by the loss 
of Shields' division, which had been ordered to join McDowell, 
the enemy's numbers had been greatly increased. Banks had 
not more than 6,000 men ; the enemy at least 25,000, under 
Jackson and Ewell, who were moving down upon him on eon- 
verging roads. The retreat was the distance of fifty-three 
miles in thirty-three hours, with the necessity of fighting 
much of the way for the protection of five hundred supply 

The whole movement, as it pertains to the Third Infantry, 
is worthy of a more particular description. Going back to the 
night of the 23rd of May, disastrous news from fugitives made 
it apparent that a very large force was threatening the Union 
troops at Strasburg. Precautionary orders were issued to 
pack and send toward Winchester the brigade and regimental 
trains. Such trains as started that night were saved. The 
morning of the 24th confirmed the rumors of the night previ- 
ous, that they were in danger of being surrounded by the 
enemy. At ten o'clock in the morning. Colonel Gordon, still 
commanding the brigade to which the Third Wisconsin was 
attached, was ordered to move toward Freetown, on the route 
to Winchester, to check an approach of the enemy from that 


direction. At two o'clock in the afternoon, with the sanction 
of General Banks, he moved back to protect the rear, which 
had suffered a damaging attack. He found and repulsed the 
enemy at Middletown, having a force of both infantry and 
artillery, and drove him from the place. But fearing that a 
larger force would surround him, he began to retreat toward 
"Winchester, then eight miles distant. To the Second Massa- 
chusetts Regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Andrews, was com- 
mitted the task of covering the retreat, and nobly it was 
done through a running fight of seven miles. The advance 
reached Winchester at midnight, and the rear at half-past 
two o'clock in the morning. The men of the brigade were 
without shelter, and many without rations. Having' laid aside 
their knapsacks and haversacks to fight the enemy, they were 
not able to secure them again. 


At dawn of that Sunday morning, May 25th, a large rebel 
force drove in the loyal pickets. General Goi^don immediately 
drew up his command in line of battle, posted his artillery 
upon a crowning height, and awaited developments to be 
made by his skirmishers. His own brigade of infantry he 
numbered at 2,102 ; that of the Third Wisconsin being 570. 
His was more than half the whole Union force, and that 
whole was about one-sixth the force of the enemy. Notwith- 
standing this inequality, the loyalists resisted the rebels for 
two and a half hours, opposing artillery with artillery most 
admirably served, and bravely meeting their advancing 
lines with musketry, until, as Colonel Gordon said in his 
report, " it seemed madness longer to resist the endless 
columns which defiled upon my right flank." Then, slowly 
and in good order, the Union troops began to fall back, pre- 
senting a line as unbroken as at parade, one portion moving 
while another received, undismayed, the terrible fire played 
upon them from the lines of the enemy that poured over the 
crest of the hill which the Unionists had just abandoned. 
That battle was a confused but fierce strife. Men and horses, 
artillery and supply trains, mingled together in apparently 
great disorder, and yet all evidently attended to their own 


business. The,, rebel infantry closely pressed and , harassed 
the rear. Their cavalry dashed up on the flamk and the front 
of the loyal troops. Even the women in the houses of the city 
fired ou the Federal soldiers as they passed, and received 
volleys in return. 

The batteries of Colonel Gordon's. brigade at first drove the 
enemy in his front, and there was . a cessation of firing ; but it 
was found that the -rebels were deploying their heavy columns 
behind a ridge to cut off the Federal retreat. Soon they 
appeared in ovei'whelming force, and Colonel G-ordonv seeing 
the danger, ordered his brigade to fall back. The S econd Massa^ 
chusetts and Twenty-seventh Indiana withdrew, but Colonel 
Ruger commanded his regiment to " about face." Cool and 
undaunted they marched to the rear, made a stand behind a 
stone wall, and obliged the enemy to halt and plant again their 
batteries ; then retreating, they made another stand, and thus 
delayed the rebels some fifteen minutes, in which time scat- 
tered and broken regiments and batteries made their escape 
from the field. General Banks subsequently thanked Colonel 
Ruger and his men publicly. 

A correspondent of the l!^ew York Post, in giving an aC' 
count of this battle, makes honorable mention of , the Third 
Wisconsin. He speaks of their being exposed at one time to 
an enfilading fire of four or five r^bel regiments ; and yet, " as 
cool as if on parade, faced about, and marched the whole line 
down the hill toward town." He compliments the Second 
Massachusetts, and then says : " So, also, the Third "Wisconsin 
moved in excellent order out of town, although exposed to a 
galling fire. As this regiment came down the hill, three 
companies, formed behind a stone wall, and poured into the 
advancing rebels a withering fire." 

While marching through the place, a small hand, doubtless 
that of- a woman, appeared from a window, and fired a pistol 
at the Dane County Guards, just passing. The ball missed 
Colonel Pinckney, and killed private Andrew Johnson, A 
volley of bullets quickly went into that house, whether killing 
any one or not. Mr. Johnson resided at Stoughton, leaving, it 
is stated, a large family to mourn for him, and as a part of their 
ii^heritance his good nanae as a soldier., Reverend Alonzo 

■^ BATTLE- 01 •VfrtJOHESTEa. 251 

Quint, Chaplain of the Second Massachusetts Regiment, affirms 
that when our troops occupied "Winchester, not a house was 
burned, not a woman was insulted, and that the women of 
that place in this battle and retreat, used pistols and grenades, 
on even our helpless men. The cause of the difference he 
attributed to the brutalizing influence of slavery. 

At dark of that Sunday night the Federal band reached, the 
banks of the Potomac, which they rapidly crossed, having 
fought a battle of two and a half hours after five o'clock in 
the morning, and then retreated, in the face of a pursuing 
enemy, thirty-six miles after eight o'clock, preserving all their 
baggage,, all their ordnance trains, all their subsistence and 
supplies, which they had when the battle commenced. 

The Third "Wisconsin had lost three men killed, fifteen 
wounded, and seventy-nine missing, the latter chiefly captured 
on the retreat. Their march had been from Buckton Bridge, 
farther than that of other troops except the Twenty-seventh 
Indiana, and some of them had fought one battle more than 
most of their companions. The successful escape of our troops 
from a force so superior, and notwithstanding so long a retreat, 
was surprising and infuriating to the rebels. They were 
puzzled and ashamed. They had suffered greatly themselves, 
and lost the game in the chase. Over seventy graves of men 
from one Southern regiment were afterwards counted. 

But affairs took a speedy turn. Back up the Shenandoah went 
the army again. Reinforcements were to meet them. The Third 
Regiment, on June 12th, advanced from."Williamsport to "Win- 
chester, thirty-four miles, where Generals Banks and Sigel 
were in conference, the latter having succeeded to G-eneral 
Fremont's command after his resignation. From "Winchester 
they proceeded to Front Royal, twenty miles, and encamped 
there June 18th. 

The policy still prevailed in the army, or with its leaders, to 
use the most conciliatory measures with the rebels. A pro- 
clamation was issued to the farmers that if they wished to 
harvest their crops, no one should molest them : that none of 
their grain or other property should be taken vsithout giving 
them the highest price. Soldiers must not draw water from 
their wells without their permission. This course was ruinous 


to the Union cause — rebels could have protection from both 
rebels and federals ; Unionists must be tormented and ruined 
by rebels, and be treated no better than their enemies by the 
federals. A man fared the best to be a traitor, and the Union 
armies were likely at that rate to have war a long time. But 
too many rebels had gone to the war to have the harvest 
gathered. The negroes would not gather it for rebels, and 
were not allowed to do it for -Federals. 

Another obstacle in the way of our success had been, that the 
three army corps lately in that valley were under no one com- 
mander on the spot, but each was responsible to, and dependent 
for movements on, the authority at "Washington. The three 
corps were, Banks', Fremont's, and McDowell's. Concentra^ 
tion and efficiency were improbable. Furthermore, the fre- 
quent change of commanders had been detrimental to success. 
The division to which the Third Wisconsin belonged had been 
once under command of General Patterson, then under G-en- 
eral Banks, alone, then under General Banks subordinate to 
General McClellan, then under Banks alone again, then 
under General Pope, and then under General Pope subordi- 
nate to General Halleck, at Washington. The brigade had 
had Generals Abercrombie, Williams, Hamilton, Greene, 
.and Gordon, respectively, and some of them so many times 
over, that it was difficult to keep the reckoning. How- 
ever, the way was preparing, even by mismanagement and 
misfortune, for a better day. On the 6th of July, our bri- 
gade left Front Royal with their division, and in much dis- 
comfort from the excessive heat, moved toward central Vir- 
ginia by way of Flint Hill, Gaines' Cross-roads, and Warrenton, 
and encamped at Little Washington on the 17th. General 
Carl Schurz's division was located on a hill-side near this 
place at that time, and one writer represents his dress as far 
from pretension or haughtiness : " Pants of drabbish white, 
tow linen, a brown slouched low-crowned hat, with a bandage 
of red flannel rolled and pinned around his neck; his appear- 
ance was far from military." From that place they proceeded 
on the 5th of August, by way of Culpepper Court House, and 
a few miles from there, on the 9th, took part in the 



On the Thursday previous to the battle the enemy crossed 
the Rapidan, and advanced toward our lines on two roads, one 
leading to Culpepper, and thei other to Madison. Court House. 
On Friday it became apparent to G-eneral Pope that the latter 
advance was only a feint, and that the real attack was to be in 
the direction of Culpepper. The Federal troops, under com- 
mand of General Pope, at first fell slowly back from the Rapi- 
dan. When a battle became imminent, the three corps, under 
Banks, Sigel, and McDowell, by forced marches began to con- 
centrate ; but the two latter did not reach General Banks in 
time for any assistance in the conflict at Cedar Mountain. The 
Third Brigade, to which the Third Wisconsin Infantry was 
still attached, made a hurried march on Friday, the 8th of 
August, reaching Culpepper at midnight. On Saturday the 
rebels advanced and occupied the two sides of Cedar Mountain, 
where their generals could see every movement of our men. 
At nine o'clock of that day, General Gordon received orders 
to remove his command rapidly to the front, as General Craw- 
ford, commanding the first brigade of the. first division, had 
been attacked. At noon the order had been executed, and the- 
position of the five Federal brigades was, Gordon's on the 
extreme right, then Crawford's, Geary's, Greene's, and Prince's, 
respectively to the left. The Third Wisconsin at first occupied 
the left of their brigade. Gordon's original position was never 
attacked; his troops suffered by transfer to other localities. 
At three o'clock the enemy commenced a severe cannonading, 
which was continued without the aid of infantry till half-past 
five o'clock. The Federal artillery bravely responded, and 
advanced toward the rebels, notwithstanding they occupied a 
height, and had the advantage of a plunging fire. The ridge, 
or mountain, was chiefly covered with heavy timber and an 
undergrowth of pines, which afforded valuable protection and 
opportunity for strategic movements to the Confederates. • At 
five o'clock they advanced under cover and concealment of the 
woods. At six the battle began to rage with great fury, and 
continued an hour and a half without abatement, both artillery 
and infantry engaging. 


Early in the action, Colonel Enger was ordered by General 
Gordon, with six companies of the Third Regiment, to skirmish 
the woods at the left and front Of their position, which was 
done without important developments. While awaiting further 
orders, a command came from General Crawford to join his 
troops, who had entered a piece of woods and taken an advanced 
position. Colonel liuger replied that he momentarily expected 
orders from General Gordon, his brigade commander, and 
suggested that before taking his regiment from its brigade, it 
would be best for him to have superior authority. At the 
same time he advanced hia six companies near to General Craw- 
ford's right. Soon permission came, through Geineral Wil- 
liams from General Banks, to join General Crawford, and they 
then were placed on the right of his line. Immediately the 
order was given to move forward, and soon to advance at 
" double quick." Timber and thick undergrowth interfered 
with the precision of the march. As they were about to 
emerge from the woods they had a rail fence to climb over, 
and in doing that Were in full view of the enemy, who were 
drawn up, about two hundred yards distant, on the opposite 
side of a stubble field, in the edge of another piece of woods. 
Moreover, the epemy's line extended so much farther to the 
right as to give them the opportunity of an oblique fire on the 
Third Eegiment, and some, even a flank fire. The location 
was as follows : 

Woods. Woods. 

Enemy. Enemy. Enemy. 

Stubble Field. 

: g : 
: "^ : 

Forty-sixth Pennsylvania Infantry. Third Wisconsin Infantry. 

Sdge of Woods. EdgeofWopds. 

Rail Fence. 


As our troops emerged from tlie woods, tlie enemy opened 
a terrible fire upon them from both front and flank, and soon 
from the rear ; but unshrinkingly they dashed forward, yet the 
farther they advanced the more raking was the fire, and to save 
themselves from complete destruction, they fell back. In that 
short action the killed and wounded in some companies were 
one-fourth of the whole, and in two, one-third. The officers 
that were left immediately rallied about one-half that went 
into the fight, which was the greater part of those not 
killed or disabled, and being joined by the other three com- 
panies of the regiment, moved forward and took position with 
the remainder of their brigade, who, meantime, had not suf- 
fered so severely, and had advanced to an attack where 
General Crawford's command had met with a repulse. There 
they remained and fought, until that whole line fell back on 
account of having their right flank turned by the enemy. The 
Second Massachusetts and Third "Wisconsin bore the fight with 
superior bravery. 

But Lieutenant Colonel Crane was killed, Colonel Euger 
says, " while gallantly performing his duty;" and Major Scott, 
and Captains Hawley and O'Brien were wounded. The first 
six companies engaged were located, from left to right, in this 
order — H, C, I, J), F, and K. Company K went into action 
with 44 men, and lost, killed and wounded, 18 ; Company F, 
with 44, and lost 14; D, with 45, and lost 19; I, with 45, and 
lost 9 ; C, with 45, and lost 11 ; II, with 44, and lost 9. 

The contest had been furious, terrible. The enemy at first 
outnumbered the Union troops, and received reinforcements. 
How great the seeming pity that none of Sigel's or McDowell's 
soldiers were there to aid on the side of government and 
liberty. Officers and privates had been falling on every side. 
The wounded and dying lay mingled together. Men and 
horses were rapidly pierced with the leaden bullet, or mangled 
and crushed with ball or shell, and fell by each other's side in 

General Pope was at a distance at first, and reached the 
ground at seven o'clock. He says that General Banks had 
continued to report to him up to a late hour that no battle 
was anticipated ; but Drobably he had been deceived by the 

256 wisco3srsiN in the ■W'ab,., 

enemy's movements, and found himself in the battle sooner 
than he had expected. Our loss throughout had already been 
heavy. But General Pope assuming command, General 
Eickett's division was pushed forward, and General Gordon's 
brigade was moved from the right and massed in the cen- 
tre, where the conflict was resumed, and others fell. Dark^ 
ness at length came on, the infantry then could not well be 
used, but the cannonading continued for hours longer. That 
was a solemn spectacle. In the gray moonlight the screaming 
missiles of death were flying from side to side, ,w;hile there lay 
between the contending armies multitudes of their sufiering,, 
wounded and dying, in close companionship with the already, 
dead, and no hand of comfort or affection was permitted to 
relieve the gloom or terror of the scene. At midnight, Gene-, 
rals Pope, Banks, andSigel, while in conference on one part 
of the field, were stealthily approached and fired upon by rebel, 
infantry. Back in the hospitals were wounded and dying ones, 
with surgeons, and nurses, and chaplains, at the absorbing 
and sad work that always occupies them after a battle. 

Our artillery that night did terrible execution on the men, 
horses, and gun carriages of the enemy. Eleven of their dead 
horses were counted the next day in a space of less than four 
rods square. The troops on either side rested only on their 
arms. At daylight the next morning, the rebels fell back 
along and up the mountain sides, and the Federal pickets 
advanced and occupied the grounds. It was the Sabbath, 
which was observed as a day of rest, from choice, if not from 
principle. Many of the wounded were left on the field till 
Monday, and then, a flag of truce being obtained, were borne 
off, and the dead were buried. The. dead of the two armies 
were in some places found mingled together in confused heaps; 
misguided, erring, infatuated men on one side — patriotic, 
brave, honored, beloved men on the other side. It was after 
dark on Monday night before all of our slain were interred. 
On that night the enemy fled, leaving many of their dead and 
wounded to be cared for by our troops. 

General E^ell commenced the battle with 10,000 men, who 
were reinforced by Geperal " Stonewall" Jackson with 5,000. 
The Federal force was about 7,000. Our loss was 1,500 killed, 


wounded, and missing, of whom 290 were taken prisoners. 
The Confederate loss was greater, among whom were Generals 
Winder and Trimble. The third (Union) brigade went into 
action with 1,500, and lost 466 killed, wounded, and missing — 
more than one-quarter of the whole number. The Third Wis- 
eonsin Infantry lost twenty-five killed, sixty-five wounded, and 
eighteen taken prisoners.* General Gordon particularly com- 
plimented the Second Massachusetts and Third "Wisconsin 
Regiments. Reverend A. H. Quint, Chaplain of the Second 
Massachusetts, was on the field, and afterward wrote, " The 
Wisconsin Third — as gallant a regiment as there is in the 

The enthusiastic, generous, and brave Lieutenant Colonel 
Crane, and many another like him, were among the dead; 
and what heart-piercing sorrow it brought to families and 
groups of friends in Massachusetts, Wisconsin, and other, both 
loyal and rebel, States. If the weeds of mourning are not still 
worn, the pall of affectionate grief lies still on many a heart, 
and will till they too are buried in the dust. 


Was born, July 7th, 1826, in Westmoreland, Oneida County, 
New York. His father, a Presbyterian minister, was an able 
man, early an anti-slavery advocate, highly respected and 
beloved.' His eldest brother was a devoted and successful 
missionary of the American Board, and went out to a field of 

* The names of the killed helonging to the. Third Wisconsin will be given in the 
last chapter of this regiment's history ; the names of the wounded, as given by 
Colonel Ruger, are as follows : Maj. John W. Soott, Sergt. Maj. 0. L. Bering. 
Compcmy A — Sergt. Abner Wood. Privates ; Jeff. Fidler, Arnold Mann, John 
Zahus, Sidney J. Thompson, Isaac G-odfrey. Company B — Privates: Geo. Brien, 
Nathan S. Snlith; J. , Truax, Jesse P. Dean, Levi P. Whitcomb, ' Charles, P. Robiei 
Company C^Sergt. James Collins, Corp. Junot Wilcox. Privates : I. W. Winans, 
B. S. Winans, Aiidrew Warner, Geo. Gaua. Company D— Ord. Sergt. L. B. Bas- 
come. - Corporals :.C. H. Lindsey, Clinton W-. Page. Priyates ; Chas. E. Alderman-, 
Hiram Allen, Jerry Close, Job Clark, Dewitt Clark, Ralph P. Devan, Thos. Day- 
ton, Francis Morton, Deuston McCaviley, Amos Rutledge, Nelson Vawlin. Gompan/y 
.Er-Sergt. A. Titus. Company iT-^Corporals : Atlas A. Budd, Clay A. Fisher. 
Privates : Jas. Holmes, S. H. Marvin, James Kelty, Geo. Kolt, John W. Wion, 
Jonas, Closson, Nelson Powell, Darius P. David. Company S— Sergeants t Wm. 
M. Snow, F. B. Orton ; Corp. David Potter. Privates : Henry Mason, John Ander- 
son, R. T. Blair. Compcmy i^Corp. B. H.' Williams. Privates : Alfred Milton, 
D. McDaniels, Wm. Shook, J.. W. Leslie. Company K — Capt. Wm. Hawley. Cor- 
porals,: John Lyman, R. W. Jones. Privates ,: J. B. Anderson, Andrew Mathias, 
4atiies- Bean, Asa Colby, A. T. Tbwley, A. Thdmas, A. Thiede. 



moral warfare, and there fell by the ruthless hand of disease, 
long before his country came into such perils and strife at 
home. Colonel Crane graduated at Hamilton College, studied 
medicine for a year, then entered the law office of his dis- 
tinguished uncle, "Willis Hall, of ISTew York City, and was 
admitted to the bar in 1850. His health failing, he located at 
Selden, Long Island, and subsequently went to Virginia^ 
"With health restored, he married Miss Lucy M. Burrall, of 
Stockbridge, Massachusetts, in the fall of 1852, and the next 
spring came to Beloit, Wisconsin, where he was eminently 
successful as a teacher of the Union school. In 1856 he 
removed to Dogeville, and was soon elected District Attorney 
of Iowa County. Two years after he was chosen chief clerk 
of the Assembly in the "Wisconsin Legislature, and was almost 
unanimously reelected for four years in succession. In 1859 
he removed to Kipon. "When the war broke out, he was vety 
enthusiastic in his country's defence, was elected lieutenant in 
the Third Regiment, and immediately promoted to the adju- 
tancy. His promotion to the lieutenant colonelcy was in June, 
previous to his death. His body was brought back to his adopted 
State. The Grovernor proposed that his funeral be attended at 
the capital, but the citizens of Beloit preferred the stronger 
claim, and there, after suitable and impressive honors to the 
brave and noble dead, he was buried. He was a communicant 
in the Episcopal Church, and carried his religion with him in 
his military life. 


Another noble defender of his country, early in the action 
was wounded in the leg near the thigh, but binding his hand- 
kerchief over the wound he rushed again to the front, and 
there led on his men in the thickest of the fight. "When the 
second time engaged, he received a shot through the side and 
arm, and fell; but the fortune of the battle left him under 
the guns of the enemy. For two days he lay there in suffer- 
ing and anxiety, his hfe-blood oozing away, and when a flag 
of truce was obtained he was found still alive, but in a low 
state, and was removed to Culpepper, where he died the 


following night. He was in the vigor of youth, and Colonel 
Euger says of him, " He was a very brave man." His grand- 
father fell at the head of a cavalry force in Ireland, in 1798, 
struggling for Irish independence. The grandson came to 
this country at the age of seventeen, became an accomplished 
surveyor, studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1857. 

It is a reason for regret that honorable notices of other dead 
have not been obtained. These things will one day be 
garnered as so much treasure. Children's children, or more 
distant kindred, will delight to trace their lineage to some one 
who fell on the Union side at Cedar Mountain, or Gainesville, 
or Antietam, or scores of other cherished spots in the nation's 
history. Those battle scenes were not mere, fighting and 
carnage; mighty and eternal principles of truth were .there 
receiving their defence, and their baptism of suffering prepara- 
tory to a throne. 

On the 12th, the brigade returned to Culpepperj and went 
into camp for the first time after the battle. 

Note. — ^The Fourth Begiment spent so short a time at the Bast, that its whole 
history is given in the records of the Western Department. 






LAN. — The BatOe of TFitMia»M&Mrflr.— PURSUING THE ENEMT, — ON THE 
OHIOKAHOMINY, ' — The Seven THuy^ BatUe before Xielmumd. 

The organization of this distinguished regiment was perfected 
under the direction of Colonel Amasa Cobb, of Mineral Point, 
and called into camp at Madison. Its regimental roster was 
as follows : 

Colonel — Amasa Cobb. 

Lieut. Colonel — H. W. Emery. 
Major — Ohas. H. Larrabee. 
Adjvtamt — Theodore S. West. 
QuaHermaster — J. G. Clark. 

Surgeon — A. L. Gastleman. 
1st As. Surgeon — Geo. D. "Wilbur. 
2d As. Surgeon — 0. E. Crane. 
Chaplain — Rev. Robt. Langley. 


First lAeuienamts. 

Second Limitenanis. 

A— Temple Clark. 
B— B. C. Hibbard. 
C — Wm. Berens. 
D— Theo. B. Catlin. 
E— H. M. Wheeler. 
F — Irving M. Bean. 
G— Wm. A. Bugh. 
H— E. C. Hawkins. 
I — E. H. Emerson. 
K— Wm. Evans. 

Horace Walker. 
J. B. Oliver. 
J. C. Schrosling. 
D. B. Tilden. 
H. E. Clum. 
Enoch Totten. 
L. G. Strong. 
Geo. D. Lybrand. 
C. T. Wyman. 
C. A. Bayard. 

Peter Scherfius. 
Eobert Ross. 
Hans Boebel. 
T. R. Stafford. 
James Mills. 
A. S. Bennett. 
H. K. W. Ayers. 
E. L. D. Moody. 
Geo. S. Davis. 
J. A. HUl. 


Company A was' designated as the "Manitowoc Guards;" 
Company B, " Milwaukee Zouaves;" Company C, " Milwaukee 
German Turners ;" Company D, "Beaver Dam Rifles;" Com- 
pany E, " Janesville Light Guard;'? Company F, ""Waukesha 
Union Guard;" Company G, "Berlin Light Guard;" Com- 
pany H, " Richland County Scott Guard ;" Company I, "North 
Star Rifles;" Company K, <' Dunn County Pinery Rifles." The 
numerical strength of the regiment on leaving the State was, 
field and staff officers, 9; company officers, 30; band, 22; 
non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates, 996 ; t^tal, 
1,057. ■ 

It was mustered into service by Captain Mclntyre, United 
States Army, on the 13th of July, 1861, and on the 22d 
received orders to move forward to Washington. l<rotwith-i 
standing the disaster at Bull Run, which occurred the day 
previous, marching orders were received with wild demonstra^ 
tions of joy by the entire regiment. ' Fully equipped by the 
Staite, they left for active service on the 24th^ arriving at Wash- 
ington on the 8th of August, and were assigned to General 
King's brigade, then encamped oii>. Meridian Hill, in the 
suburbs of the city, where they remained until Tuesday, the 
3rd of September, on which day the brigade removed to the 
vicinity of the Chain Bridge, On the following day the Fifth 
Regiment was detached from General King's brigade; and, 
Vrith other troops, took possession of a commanding position 
on the opposite side of the Potomac, covering the approaches 
to the river, where they constructed the earth works known as 
Fort Marcy. From the first this regiment was detailed for 
advance duty, and the promptness with which it performed 
all the service assigned to it, gained for it the high commend- 
ation of the commanders of the several expeditions in which 
it tqok part. Colonel Cobb, with his command, was soon 
permanently attached to Hancock's brigade, in General Smith's 
division, and quartered at Camp Griffin, near Washington, for 
the winter. 

From a private letter, dated September 11th, we learn that 
on the previous Monday night three companies, B, G, and G, 
under command of A captain TJf artillery and Captain Hibbard, 
were detailed for a scouting expedition toward Ldwinsville, io 


expectation of finding a cavalry force. But after a night's 
march, all they found were seven horses tied to the fence. The 
owners soon appeared, three of whom refusing to surrender, 
were killed in their saddles, and one was taken prisoner — the; 
first prisoner taken by this regiment after crossing the Poto- 
mac. The writer notes the good health and high spirits of 
the regiment, the latter evidently owing in part to prompt pay- 
ment, and adequate material comforts. In illustration of this, 
take the following passage from another letter written by the 
same sergeant on the 8th of December : " I wish you could 
look into our tentj and see how nicely we have it fixed. We 
have built up with logs five feet, and on this set the tent. On 
one side we have built bunks, and they make very nice beds. 
In one corner is our cupboard ; in the centre is our stove ; and 
then we have a swing table, and a number of little conveniences, 
all which tend to make us comfortable." Another writes : 
" Our camp has been moved from the hill within the fortifica- 
tions, and our condition has been much improved thereby. 
We are now in a large open field, have a pleasant, airy camp- 
ing ground, and plenty of room for drill purposes. Speaking 
of drilling reminds me that this is no place for lazy men. Our 
general is determined that our time shall not pass heavily for 
want of employment. We have squad drill at 8 A. M., com- 
pany drill at 11 A. M. and 2 P. M., battalion drill at 4, and 
dress parade at 5.30 P; M. Our boys grumble a little, but 
before the campaign is over they will see the utility of it." 

Many diversions in the form of false rumors relieved the 
monotony of camp drill, and prepared the men for prompt 
action when the foe really appeared. For example, a corres- 
pondent from Camp Griffin writes, October- 25th: "About 
noon, in some unaccountable manner, news reached our camp 
that our gallant Ma,jor Larrabee was surrounded by a superior 
force, and was having a despei-ate fight, and the rest of the 
brigade rushed out on a double-quick to the rescue. They 
found the major and his command quietly preparing to return 
to camp, not having seen seceshers enough to engage a 
corporal's guard." 

On the 9th of March, 1862, this regiment left their winter 
quarters, and marched to Flint Hill, two miles fi-om Fairfax 


Court House, and on tlie 16tli to a point on the Potomac 
within four miles of Alexandria, whence they embarked on 
the 23rd,, joining the army of the Peninsula, under General 
McClellan. They arrived at Fortress Monroe at one o'clock 
on the morning of the 25th, and went into camp six miles 
from the fortress. 

On the 27th, their division was sent on a reconnoissance 
along the bank of the James River, passing Little Bethel, 
and coming near Big Bethel, where, in a battle the June 
previous, the lamented Major Theodore Winthrop, and the 
brave Lieutenant Greble, and others, fell. "Hancock's brigade 
taking the advance, marched to within a short distance of War- 
wick Court House. Five companies of the Fifth deployed as 
skirmishers, drove in the enemy's pickets, encamping for the 
night within the rebel lines, and returned to camp the follow- 
ing day." Taking the advance toward Yorktown, they left 
Ifewport ISTews on the 4th of April, and skirmishing, from time 
to time, with the enemy, arrived on the banks of the Warwick 
River, in front of the enemy's fortifications, the day after. 
Here the rebels had a strong position, having constructed a 
chain of forts from Yorktown to the Warwick River, and along 
the banks of that stream to James River. From this time 
until the occupation of Yorktown by the Federal forces, the 
Fifth was constantly engaged in the performance of picket and 
out-post duty. 

The regiment had thus far been quite fortunate in escaping 
the missiles of death. None had been killed. A few had 
received flesh wounds; the worst being from picket shotsi 
Charles Fourt, of Company K, was thus wounded in the leg 
while on pickevt duty; and Burton Millard, the first commis- 
sary sei'geant, was shot through the shoulder, while at his 
post, by a rebel sharp-shooter. The only man missing was 
Adrian Bryant, of Company H, who was taken prisoner on the 
23rd of April. 

The Peninsula i is formed by the York and James Rivers 
and the Chesapeake Bay. General McClellan transported his 
army thither with considerable reluctance, because it was 
before his own chosen time, and his intentions had been fully 
communicated to the enerny. He was still further dissatisfied 


because he could not take witli Mm as many troops as lie de- 
sired, and after.reacMng the Peninsula was sorely disappointed 
on account of the detention of a pojiion of the troops he had 
selected. At the opening of the year 1862, he had in the 
vicinity of "Washington a force of about 160,000, At Fortress 
Monroe there were 15,000, under General "Wool; on the 
Potomac, below "Washington, under General Hooker, were 
10,000 ; and in the vicinity of Baltimore were enough more to 
make the whole number 200,000. At about the same time, in 
"Western Virginia, General Eosecrans had nearly 20,000; Gen- 
eral Buell, in Kentucky, more than 100,000; on the western 
frontier 20,000 were gathering; and General Sherman, in 
South Carolina, and General Burnside, on his way to North 
Carolina, had enough men to make the whole Federal force 
about 450,000 or 475,000; * 

On the 9th of the following March, the last Confederate 
detachment left Manassas; on the 10th, General McClellan 
moved a large force in that direction, but soon returned ; and 
on Sunday, the 16th, massed his troops near Alexandria, ready 
to embark for Fortress Monroe. The shipping was so defici- 
ent in amount that two weeks were occupied in reaching the 
Peninsula. The agreement between General McClellan and 
the President had been that a sufficient force — Senator Wilson 
said 45,000, according to the decision of corps commanders-^ 
should be left for the protection of "Washington. Before 
General McClellan embarked for the Peninsula, the activity 
of the enemy in the Shenandoah valley had led the President 
to withdraw Blenker's division from Sumner's corps, and send 
it to Fremont. After the chief portion of the army designed 
for the Peninsula had gone, the President became convinced 
that not enough force was left for the protection of the capital. 
He wrote to General McClellan, April 9th: " After you left, I 
ascertained that less than 20,000 unorganized men, without a 
single field battery, were all you designed to be left fijr the 
defence of "Washington and Manassas Junction; and a part of 
this, even, was to go to General Hooker's old position." At 
a court martial subsequently held. General McClellan testified 
that " the force left disposable for the defence of "Washington 
was about 70,000 men, independent of the corps of General 


MeDowell." But it appears from a letter of his to Adjutant 
General L. Thomas, April 1st, that he embraced in that num- 
ber the troops at Warrentpn, at Manassas, in the Shenandoah 
valley, and on the Lower Potomac, as well as "in front of Wash- 
ington, and under General Wadsworth,' some 18,000 men, exclu- 
sive of the batteries." Manifestly, President Lincoln expected 
some 40,000, instead of 18,000, to be left for the defence of the 
capital. He accordingly detained General McDowell's corps 
— which General McGlellan expected would follow him to 
the Peninsula — to operate within easy access of "Washington, 
and to threaten Richmond from Fredericksburg. All these 
plans and movements tend to show the magnitude of the work 
in which the Fifth Infantry and other Wisconsin regiments 
bore a conspicuous part. 

The President and Secretary Stanton supposed, judging 
from reports made by General McGlellan, that he had with 
him on the Peninsula over 100,000 troops. He at least had 
85,000, and afterward received a reinforcement of 11,000 in 
Frankhn's division, which was detached from McDowell's 
corps. This was probably three times the number of the 
enemy when the two armies met at Yorktown. There 
General McGlellan had relied upon General McDowelFs corps 
to advance up the York River, and turn the enemy's position. 
Deprived of this force he did not venture to make a quick 
attack on the Gonfederate army, but delayed there a month in 
the operations of a siege, which involved a great amount of 
labor in felling trees, building roads, and easting up intrench- 
ments — much of it in mud and water to the knees. This 
broke down the vigor of many soldiers, and engendered 

• One afternoon. General G. S. Hamilton formerly Golonel of 
the Wisconsin Third Infantry Volunteers, played his batteries 
tipon the enemy's lines in his front so far as to discover that 
only a small force opposed him, and that he could easily open 
a way for his own division and the whole loyal army to pass 
through to Yorktown and beyond. He communicated the 
fact to General Heintzelman, his corps commander, and after 
consultation with associates in command, they reported to 
General McGlellan, with the request that they might be per- 


mitted to make tlie attempt. But they received no reply, and 
the suggestion having originated, with General Hamilton, it is 
supposed that it produced a dislike of that oflBcer which pre- 
pared the way for difficulties that soon followed. General 
McClellan was determined on a siege. He brought up one 
hundred and two hundred pounder rifle cannon, and thirteen- 
inch mortars, to batter down the rebel intrenchments. This 
seemed so unnecessary to many of his corps and division 
commanders, that they there lost confidence in their chief in 
respect to his abilities for his position. 

General Hamilton's division was the smallest in Heintzel- 
man's corps, and numbered, on leaving Alexandria, a little 
less than 10,000 effective men. It was appointed to excessive 
duties — greater, it seems, than the larger divisions. Very 
many of the men sent out to redoubts and trenches one night, 
had been on guard, fatigue, and picket duty the previous 
night, and sometimes were thus taxed and exposed three 
nights in succession. The division was located on low ground, 
with bad water ; and sickness and over-exertion had already 
reduced the number of effective men to less than 8,000. 
General Hamilton made repeated representations of this exces- 
sive draft, but received no reply from General McClellan, and 
no relief for his troops. At length he addressed him through 
Brigadier General Marey, the chief of staff, and father-in-law 
of General McClellan, and said near the close : " I shall feel it 
my duty to represent the matter to fhe highest authorities of 
the Government unless there be more equality in the labors 
of the different divisions." 

This time he received a notice by an order relieving him 
from his command, on the ground that his language was " un- 
officer-like, disrespectful, and insubordinate in the highest 
degree." He obtained a suspension of the order that he 
might make a written statement of the facts, in which he 
related more particularly his complaints,, invited an examina- 
tion of the excessive drafts upon his division, disclaimed all 
intention of disrespect, and represented the painful effects of 
the order on himself It resulted in no change of the order, 
and he reported at Washington; where the President and 
Secretary Stanton both said he had bejen highly wronged, and 


the fetter desired that lie should be sent back to his commaTid 
with a reprimand to General TMcClellan. The President was 
willing to do anything but that, which' he thought would in- 
terfere with a commanding officer in the field, and be virtually- 
depriving G-eneral McClellan of his command.* 

Sooii after, the army in the Shenandoah valley was severely 
threatened by the enemy, and General Hamilton was placed 
in command of such scattered regiments as could be gathered 
in "Washington and Baltimore, and ordered with them to Har- 
per's Ferry and onward to the relief of General Banks. As 
he reached the Ferry, General Banks had made his celebrated 
retreat, and was already on the Maryland side of the Potomac. 
At the request Of the Secretary of "War, General Hamilton 
reinained at Harper's Ferry a few days to place that point in a 
defensible condition, and then, at his own request, was trans- 
ferred to the army of General Halleck before Corinth. 

The fortifications at Torktown being evacuated by the rebels 
just as General McClellan was ready to bombard them, the 
Fifth, in concert with the Whole array, Commenced the pursuit 
on the 4th of May. The following day (which was the Sabbath), 
the field works known as Fort Magrtider opened upon Gen- 
eral Stoneman's a'dvance cavalry, and proved too formidable 
to be taken without the cooperation of infantry. His com- 
mand fell back until General Smith's force should arrive,^ 
which was advancing through the deep mire and pouring rain, 
by another road. The Fifth "Wisconsin was among the first 
infantry regiments on the ground. At about five o'clock 
on the evening of that day they were drawn up in line of 
battle, within range of the enemy's second line of fortifications 
in front of "Williamsburg. 


The battle of "Williamsburg was the first heavy engagement 
in which the Fifth "Wisconsin was called to meet the foe, and 
the part they sustained in it secured them special honor. 

Fort Magruder was the largest of thirteen redoubts extend- 
ing entirely across the Peninsula, from the York to the James 

* The authority for the foregoing account ia a staff officer of one of the most, 
distinguished generals of the war. ' 


river. Its crest measures nearly half a mile, with substantial 
parapets, ditches, and magazines. It was located at the junc- 
tion of the Yorktown and Hampton Roads. It was screened 
from view on the southern approaches by a curtain of heavy 
forest, which had been felled within a mile of the fortifications, 
affording the enemy timely sight of our forces. About half 
the width of this clearance was arable land, and it was dotted 
all over with rifle-pits. 

The Fifth Wisconsin, in Greneral Hancock's brigade, of 
General Smith's division, under Major General Heintzelman,*, 
having advanced about half a mile, halted, and received orders 
to storm Fort Magruder. Forward they went, through tangled 
briers, thick brush, and felled timber, in quick step, with 
unbounded enthusiasm. About forty rods to their left a very 
heavy musketry fire was heard. Changing their course, with- 
out order, to bear on that point, they came out into an open 
field. A new line was formed, and they advanced across the 
field, following their skirmishers, who were firing a few rods 
distant. They had scarcely entered the woods when they 
received orders to fall back, as they had missed the fort, bearing 
too much to the left. It was now 11 P. M., and thick dark-, 
ness having overtaken them, they were ordered to lie down 
and rest for the remainder of the night. ^ The rain was descend- 
ing in torrents. Without knapsacks or blankets, exhausted 
by long wading through the deep mud, and chilled by the' 
weather and want of food, the regiment uncomplainingly rested 
as well as their circumstances allowed. Mornjng at length 
relieved their spirits, and to their surprise Fort Magruder was 
discovered through the woods on their right, and in and 
behind it could be seen several regiments of the enemy drawn 
up in line of battle. They then first understood the magnitude 
of the undertaking assigned them, and were thankful they 
had missed their way the previous evening, instead of throw- 
ing themselves away to no purpose, as they would have done, 
had they attempted to take the fort. At about 6 A. M., on 

* The American Annual Cyclopedia, of 1862, commits the error of saying that 
the Sixth and Seventh Wisconsin Regiments were in Hooker's division of Heintzel- 
mau's corps, on the Peninsula, and fails to notice the fact that General Hamilton 
had command, at one time, of one of Heintzelman's divisions. 


Monday, ;they retired to tke field in tte rear, and after wading 
tbrougli three miles: of mud and water, dashed across a dam 
over Queen's Creekj and entered one of the enemy's evacuated 
redoubts. Here they again formed in line ; Companies A, E, 
and Q-, deployed as skirmishers, facing the second work, of 
which the regiment also took possession, suffering severely 
from a galling fire which the enemy opened from three larger 
works on the front and left. The regiment again advanced 
about four hundred yards, Companies D and K, under com- 
mand of Lieutenant Colonel Emery, being sent forward to 
support the line of skirmishers ; the remaining five compa.nies 
supporting a battery, which had taken position near some low 
farm houses and was engaged in shelling the enemy's works. 
Thick, heavy woods were on their right and left, and a clear 
open wheat-field in front. About fourteein hundred yards dis- 
tant were two redoubts, and in the rear of these was the famous 
Eort Magruder. A severe fire of artillery was kept up until 
five o'clock in the afternoon, by which the enemy was driven 
in confusion from one of these works. Our whole line, from 
right to left, had been engaged for several hours by the foe, 
who was pressing forward reinforcements, among which was 
Longstreet's division, considered one of the finest in the rebel 
service. After maintaining this position for some time against 
vastly superior numbers, expected reinforcements not appear- 
ing^ they were ordered to retire from the advanced position the 
Eifth had gained, to the previous line occupied by them 
immediately after crossing the dam. The fire near Eort Mar 
gruderi, to the left, had now almost subsided, and rebel troops 
were observed moving in different directions. A force of the 
enemy's infantry filled a work which had remained unoccupied, 
and a body of their cavalry assembled on the plateau, appa- 
rently vidth the intention of charging on our battery. A sharp 
fire of musketry on the line of our skirmishers to the right, 
indicated the approach of the enemy in force. General Han- 
cock, apprehensive that his position might be turned, and the 
possibility of retreat cut off, ordered his brigade to fall back in 
line > of battle. They were closely followed by the enemy, 
firing and cheering as they advanced. Our artillery was 
brought back piece by piece, the last gun firing a few rounds 


of canister shot at the rebels. As soon as the artillery was 
safe, the Fifth "Wisconsin was ordered to retire in the same 
manner as the others, disputing the ground inch by inch. 
Another line was being formed on either side of the redoubt 
by our forces. The enemy was pressing hard. When the 
Fifth had reached the second line, followed by the Fifth ISTorth 
Carolina, it was immediately formed to the right and left of 
the redoubt. The rebels were now within forty yards, and 
General Hancock ordered an immediate advance of his entire 
line, in all about two thousand five hundred men. These 
came forward with alacrity, and delivered a few volleys in 
very close range, when the general gave the command — " Gen- 
tlemen, charge !" and his gallant men, with tremendous cheers, 
dashed down the slope. Before this tide of steel the foe 
recoiled, with the exception of three resolute men who stood 
firm, and received their death wounds without flinching. This 
was one of the most gallant feats of arms on record, and 'was the 
first efliectual bayonet charge of the war. Pursuing the enemy 
down the slope, the Federal forces fired ten or eleven volleys 
at them, and at other bodies of men observed advancing to the 
rescue. General McClellan now arrived, and gave orders to 
support General Hancock, and to press the advantage already 
gained by his command. In a few minutes seven thousand 
men were on the march for that point. I^ight fell before they 
reached it, and no more was done that day. The exhausted 
soldiers sank down upon a soft bed made ready beneath them — 
the ploughed soil, saturated by the heavy rain. Thus ended 
the deadly conflict before Fort Magruder. In the morning 
the enemy was discovered to have evacuated the entire line of 
works, and the beautiful town of Williamsburg fell into our 
possession, the Federal army entering it about one o'clock. 

One of the Fifth, corresponding with the Milwaukee Senti- 
nel, describing the critical point of the battle, says : " ISTumbers 
of our men were lying on the ground, their oil-cloths over 
them, to protect them from the pelting rain, which had been 
falling all day. Some were asleep, some sitting in squads^ 
others alone, with their heads reclining upon their hands, 
when the sharp, quick rattle of musketry started every one to 
Ms feet, to see our skirmishers attacked by an overwhelming 


force. Every one sprang into his place, when, from a corner 
of the woods, about four hundred yards from us could be seen 
a regiment of cavalry, and two regiments of infantry, deploy- 
ing into the open field in our front, at " double quick." Ten 
guns were the object they coveted, but Wisconsin boys were 
there to defend them. Their cavalry approached, when we 
formed a square to receive them. Wheeler's battery gave them 
some grape. The infantry marched by the flank to take our 
guns. We quickly reduced square and adva,nced to the fence. 
Over a thousand of the bravest chivalry of the South now 
advanced against less than five hundred of the Badger State. 
Two to one, they pushed bravely forward, when we opened 
fire upon them. Our batteries limbered up, and left us to 
fight our own battle. Not discouraged, our men stood their 
ground manfully, notwithstanding their comrades were failing 
fast and thick under the fire of the advancing foe. We had 
expected more of these batteries, and were disappointed when 
they retired. It was unaccountable to us at the time, but I 
have since heard that it was G-eneral Hancock who ordered 
them back to take up a new and better position. The firing 
at this time was very severe on both sides, they suffering more 
than we, our rifles committing fearful havoc in their ranks. 
But they were led bravely on. We must fall back. An aid 
came dashing up, saying it was an imperative order from Gen- 
eral Hancock that we fall back fighting. Eeluctantly we 
obeyed this' order. It saved us, and resulted in destruction 
to the approaching columns. Never have I witnessed such 
gallantry as was displayed by the enemy in this advance. 
Every man at a shoulder arms, their officers in front, leading 
them bravely forward, while our fire was thinning and mow- 
ing them down like grass before the scythe; but forward they 
pressed, as if upon a drill, or parade. Their battle fiag was 
a splendid object to our fire ; and four times did I see the 
dastard fiag fall to the ground, and as many times was it 
raised again, with a cheer that showed their determination to 
capture our guns, or perish — every man. Gradually and 
slowly we fell back, disputing every inch of ground. Within 
twenty rods of us, they halted and opened fire. Our men 
began to waver. Colonel Cobb seeing this, cried out, " Will 


you leave me and the old flag?" "ISTo! never!" was the 
hearty response; and around that old banner we made a rally, 
resolved to perish rather than run. This checked them. To 
our rear about fifteen rpds was the Seventh Maine, on the 
right of the fort; and to the left of this place was the Sixth 
Maine. So, gradually we fell back, fighting, and reformed our 
line on the right of the Sixth Maine; when from their ranks, 
and from the Seventh, there poured a sheet of flame, and volley 
after volley did we all send into: them. At this moment the 
batteries opened upon them with grape, and they broke, and 
fled in the wildest confusion. " They run ! they run ! " broke 
from every one, and a cheer arose as hearty as was ever given. 
Meanwhile our general had not been idle. He rode rapidly 
up and down the ranks, cheering the men to stand fast^ — and 
nobly they did it. Situated as we were, three miles from any 
reinforcements, our part was a most responsible one. They 
had whipped us on our left, and only wished to turn our right, 
and the day would have been lost to us. General Hancock 
sent for reinforcements, and each time was refused them, as 
the enemy was forcing our left, and none could be spared from 
that point. One general made the remark that he would have 
to sacrifice Hancock. It was well for us that we did not know 
our danger till the battle was over. There were six of the 
best Confederate regiments, in all over four thousand men, 
against the iEifth Wisconsin, and the Sixth and Seventh Maine, 
and three companies of the Thirty-third New York, the total 
number of which was less than fifteen hundred. I cannot 
refrain from mentioning one who behaved gallantly, and has 
received encomiums from all, namely, Colonel Amasa Cobb. 
He fearlessly exposed his life, and cheered his men on to do their 
duty. Too much cannot be said in his favor. Another officer 
is worthy of special mention, Captain W. H. Bugh, who was 
dangerously wounded, and fell fighting bravely." 

The battle flag of the Fifth STorth Carolina was captured 
by the Fifth Wisconsin. It was unique in design, the main 
feature being the Southern Cross, bearing fifteen stars. 

Two days after the battle, when on dress parade, the regi^ 
ment was highly complimented by General McClellan, who 
addressed them as follows : " My lads, I have come to thank 


you for your gallant conduct tke other day. You have giained 
honor for your country, your State, and the army to which you 
belong. Through you we won the day,, and WiLLiAMSBUEa 
shall he inscribed on your banner. I cannot thank you enough 
for what you have done. I trust in you for the future, and 
know that you will sustain the reputation you have won for 
yourselves. By your actions and superior discipline you 
have gained a reputation which shall be known through the 
'Army of the Potomac' Your country owes you its grateful 

The commander similarly addressed the Seventh Maine, 
and Thirty-third ¥ew York, and accredited , the victory of 
Williamsburg to those three regiments. 

Dr. Castleman, surgeon of the regiment, and an eye-witness 
of the battle, fully confirms the high praise given to the Pifth 
for ' their brave conduct in this battle. He especially notices 
-the daring of Lieutenant "Walker, and his sixty men, who were 
engaged in the most dangerous skirmishing. At the close of 
the battle, the doctor himself commendably attended to the 
wounded of his regiment, organizing for them a se^parate 
hospital, and assiduously watching against the unnecessary 
amputation of limbs. Indeed, this surgeon seems to have 
won much confidence forhia ability and disposition to super- 
intend hospitals in a superior manner, and was often ordered 
to, and retained in, that service, when he desired to be left 
with, his regiment. , The Fifth Wisconsin was brigaded with 
the Sixth and Seventh Maine, Thirty-third Ifew York, and 
Forty-ninth Pennsylvania regiments, and Doctor Castleman 
gives,, in his diary, some interesting accounts of various trials 
of agility and, strength which took place between this western 
reginaent and their icastern comrades ; the western men nearly 
always carrying off the palm. , 

After the evacuation of Yorktown,' he found in the house 
ipf " Captain Dick Lee," nephew of General Lee, the leaf of a 
diary in feminine hand, on which were the following touching 
sentences, under date May 3rd, 1862 : " Oh, my dear, dear 
home, the home of my childhood — my life ! Oh,, the old time- 
beaten, moss-eovered house where my eyes first saw the. light, 
and my, tongue was taught to lisp hs first prayer; how I have 


watched your decay, and my proud heart has been ashamed 
of your age! My own wicked spirit is now humbled, and I 
conie to you to-day, where my first prayer was uttered, to 
offer up the last in the home of my former happiness. Fare- 
well, dear home, forever ! " 

Some three or four days were spent by the army of the 
Peninsula at "Williamsburg, awaiting supplies; and then the 
line of march was taken up for the Chickahominy, whither the 
enemy had retreated. The distance to the new line of opera- 
tions was between forty and fifty miles, and the army was 
nearly a fortnight on the way. On the 9th and 10th, the Fifth 
Infantry was on the march ; on the 11th and 12th, in camp ; 
on the LSth, reached Cumberland Landing ; and ion the 14th, 
encamped upon General Lee's plantation, known as the "White 
House. There they remained till the 18th, and on the 24th 
of May marched to within six miles of Richmond, where they 
were encamped till the 5th of June, when they crossed the 
Chickahominy, and began to throw up rifle pits, their pickets 
being within rifle shot of the enemy's line. There they were 
occupied chiefly in picket and skirmish duty, in the extreme 
advance. A narrow belt of woods divided the camp of the 
Federals from their enemies. The barbarous practice of shoot- 
ing pickets had been renewed, so that the men had to keep 
behind their trees, or become marks for the cold-blooded rebel 
sentry. As an illustration of their daily camp perils take the 
following incident. A rifle shot was fired from the CoiUfedef- 
ate picket line into a group of men trading with a sutler, 
killing one, and wounding three others. The man who fired 
that fatal shot was a tall " grey coat" about six feet six. Our 
pickets had strict orders not to fire at anything less than a 
squad of men. But a sharp-shooter from a Michigan regiment, 
having other orders, observed him, and immediately a sharp 
crack brought down the murderer. Sometimes the jiiekets 
got tired of this bloody sport, and by French leave negotiated 
a truce. " "While on duty last week (writes one of the Fifth), 
I listened to the following conversation : 

Confederate. — ' Hallo ! over there : got any tobacco ?' 
Union. — ' Of course ! Come over and get some.' 
Confederate. — ' Can't spa1?e the timej very busy here.' 


;' After a few moments' silence eecesh. calleci out, 'Ijifow don't 
;shoot, and I won't' 

Union. — ' I won't shoot ; come out. Wliat regiment is that 
■making such a noise behind the wood ?' 
\ Omfederate.—' Oh ! that's the relief, and I'm glad of it, too. 
;Do you get all you want to eat in your army.' 
■• Union. — ' Plenty of beef, hard crackers, and coffee.' 
I Confederate. — Coffee ! We haven't had coffee for two m^onths. 
'Got any newspapers oyer -there?' . _r, 

' Union. — ' Yesr; the New York Herald.' 

Confederate. — ' Come half way, and I'll exchange papers.' 
. Union. — ' ISTo shooting, old boy ! ' 

Confederate.-^'' All right : leave guns behind.' 
Secesh boldly advanced, and rnet our man half way, receiv- 
ing his paper and a piece of. tobacco, in exchange for the 
' Richmond Inqydrer of an equally late date, and shaking hands, 
with a friendly ' Good bye,' each repaired to his respective 

During the latter part of May, the Federal army reached 

the vicinity of Richmond, and extended in its front from a few 

: miles north of the city and north of the Chickahominy, to, the 

south of that marshy stream as far as Seven Pines. Just after 

a terrible rain, which rendered the Chickahominy impassable 

5 in many places, on Saturday morning, May 31st, 60,000 rebel 

'.soldiers . came stealthily - out against the left Federal wing, 

- which was composed chiefly of General Eeyes' corps. Casey's 

; single division was 'attacked by 32,000. There, at Fair Oaks, 

was fought'one of the bloodiest battles of the war, and many 

noble patriots went down into the dust covered with imperish- 

= able honor. The Union troops were driven back, but not 

' routed. General Sumner succeeded in crossing from the north 

i side of the Chickahominy with 15,000, and rendered indispen- 

, sable service. General Birney, in command of a brigade in 

'] Kearney's division, distinguished himself for bravery and exe- 

j cutivenesS. There the noted Colonel Bailey, of the artillery, 

died nobly defending his guns ; and also Many a private soldier 

wliose name is kpown less widely, but not less dearly held in 

affectionate remembrance amdhg kindred and friends. Toward 

night. General Joseph E. Johnston, Commander-in-Chief of 



A— MjOHiHioayiiLB ; B— G0I.0 Habbob ; 0— Paib Oaks Station ; D— Sbvbn Pines ; B— 
Savaoe's, station; F— SEAiiBB'a Sabm: Q— Maitbbn Hill; H—Habeison's Landing ; J— Wm- 
LiAussoBO Stagb Road ; K— Chablbs Oitt Road ; L— Obntbal Road ; M— New Makkbt Road ; 
K— BOTTOu's BsuQE ; F— New Bbidqe Road ; B— meadow Bbidse. 


the Oonfederate forces, was hurled' from M? horse by the 
stroke of a piece of shell, and borne from the field severely 
wounded. This threw great confusion into the rebel ranks, 
but they rallied, charged upon the Federals, and were driven 
back; charged again, with like result; attempted it a third 
time, staggered, turned about, and fled. Sumner's division 
pursued them as far as Fair Oaks station, when night closed 
the scene. Here was lost an opportunity to capture Eichmond. 
The aid furnished by Sumner accomplished so much that if 
reinforcements three times the number of his troops had been 
moved from the north side of the Chickahominy, the enemy 
couldj to human foresight, have been utterly routed, and 
Richmond then would have been : at Federal mercy. The 
additional troops could have been brought to the field, for 
they lay on the other side of that doleful river, whence Sum- 
ner's came. The Prince de Joinville, an eye witness, says, " It 
is easy to see what must have happened if, instead 15,000, 
50,000 men had been thrown upon Johnston's flank." The 
Fifth Wisconsin was on the north side, and hence had no part 
in the battle of Fair Oaks. 

The next morning the rebels reluctantly, as though they 
had suffered terribly, and confusedly, as though their com- 
mander was gone (which was true), renewed the conflict, but 
were repulsed with great slaughter, and at noon the firing 
ceased. They retreated toward Richmond, and the Prince de 
Joinville says again, "What might not have happened if, at 
this moment', the 85,000 fresh troops on the other side of the 
Chickahominy could have appeared upon the flank of this dis- 
ordered army ?" This was on Sunday, June 1st, and the 
contest of that day is called the "Battle of Seven Pines." In 
the two days the enemy lost 8,000 ; the Federals 5,000. 

General, McClellan complimented Captain; Emerson, Com- 
pany I, very. highly, for having built the best bridge across 
the Chickahominy. "The Wisconsin boys are at home in 
every work, whether it be cutting down the forest, making 
roads, building bridges, or facing the rebels." The general 
was evidently a great favorite among the Fifth. One of them 
writes, " Yesterday he was out ' with G-enerals Hancock and 
Smith; and with coat off, and glass in hand, climbed a tall 


tree to examine the rebel works. Comment is unnecessary ! 
Such acts, and his willingness to share the dangers of ihe field 
with his men, have endeared him to the heart of every. soldier." 
The same writer, speaking of the sanitary condition of the 
regiment at that time (June 19th), says, " Yesterday one hun- 
dred and sixty-five of our men were excused frOm^ duty, while 
many on duty are anything but stout. It is difficult to 
estimate, at present, the actual fighting strength of the regi- 
ment. Six hundred and eighty-five rations were issued to-day ; 
but in case of necessity, not more than four hundred and fifty 
could be brought into action. I am sure I never saw so many, 
ghostly-looking men in our camp before. Lieutenant Colonel 
Emery is unfit for duty ; also quite a number of commissioned 
officers. It must be remembered that the sickness in canip is 
among our best men. Those who could not keep up have 
been sent back, from time to time, until none but the hardiest 
were following the fortunes of the Fifth." . ' 

SEVEN days' battles 

General McClellan had determined to assault Richmond on 
the 26th of June, and had with him, according to his own 
repoi't of June 20th, a little more than 100,000 efi'ective men. 
Singularly enough. General Lee, without knowing the inten- 
tion of his opponent, had decided to assail the beleaguering 
Union forces on that same day, and had about an equal number 
of troops with which to raise the siege of the city. General 
Lee made the first movement on the day appointed, by sending 
out Generals Longstreet, D. H. Hill, and A. P. Hill, with 
troops on the north side of the Chickahominy, to seize upon 
the Federal line of communications with the York River. A 
fierce battle ensued near Mechanicsville, on the banks of a 
small stream called the Beaver Danij between 6,000 on the 
Union side, under command of Reynolds and Seymour, of 
Porter's corps, and about 12,000 of the enemy. At first it 
was a long-range artillery encounter ; but the rebels finding 
themselves weak in this arm, came into close confiict. The 
fight increased in fury as it progressed, and finally became one 
of the most terrific combats of this campaign. It commenced 
about noon, and continued till nine o'clock at night. The 


enemy, attacked both our right and left; and disastrously 
failed, losing in killed and wounded 1,50,0, while the Fed- 
eral loss was only three hundred. This was the beginning 
of the celebrated seven days' battles. The Fifth Wisconsin 
was on the south side of the Chickahpminy, four miles 
distant, and had no part in this battle, though constantly 
within sound of the guns. Greneral McClellan had previously 
contemplated changing his base from th« York to the James 
River, and had delayed it too long. But he now determined 
to accomplish it as quickly as possible. The Chickahominy, 
running between those two rivers, is formed by the junction 
of several smaller streams five miles north of Richmond, and 
not far from that junction the battle of Mechanicsville was 

During the night of the 26thy the Union troops, under Porter 
and McCall, quietly withdrew from the field they had so valor- 
ously held in battle, and located on a new line five miles dis- 
tant, at Cold Harbor, and not far from Gaines' Mills, on the 
north side of the Chickahominy, but farther down the stream. 
They at the same time removed thirty heavy guns to the south 
side of the Chickahominy, and placed them so that they swept 
the field on the north side, in front of the Union forces. At early 
dawn of Friday, the 27th, the Confederates began to reply to 
the firing of the few Federals left at Mechanicsville ; but not 
till an hour was spent in this way did they learn that the mass 
of the Federal army had left the place. They then repaired 
bridges and moved on in pursuit, having soon a skirmish w^ith 
some Union soldiers at Gaines' Mills, from which place the 
terrible battle which followed on that day took its'uame. Our 
troops were posted in an elevated position on the opposite side 
of a small stream, with an open plain in their front, and tangled 
woods on either side. General A. P. Hill made an assault on 
the Federal lines, his soldiers plunging through the swampy 
ground and over the open plain in the face of musketry, and 
qf cannonading, from both the crest of a hill and the other 
side of the Chickahominy. They were driven back with great 
loss. Longstreet, Jackson, Ewell, and D. H. Hill, now brought 
forward their troops to the assistance of their comrades ; but 
again and again they gave w^j before our sweeping fire, their 


wounded and dead strewing the swamp and the field. After 
eacli defeat they resolutely renewed the contest, and receiving 
reinforcements from time to time, a half hour before sunset 
they had 56,000 on the field against 33,000 TJniohists. As 
the sun was going down they made one more united and fierce 
assault, and succeeded. Union reinforcements came — French's 
and Meagher's brigades^sufficient to prevent a confused flight, 
but not in time to secure a victory, as they might have done 
two hours earlier. Ifearly the whole rebel army was now on 
the north side of the Chickahomipy, leaving Eichmond un- 
protected on the south side, so that if McOlellan had known 
his opportunity he could have easily captured that city, and 
also have sent forward reinforcements sufficient to win the 
battle then raging. But while he stood in fear of the enemy, 
who he supposed confronted him in large numbers on the 
south side. General Lee was also deceived in the supposition 
that the great mass of Federal soldiers were in his front on 
the north side. 

T>. H. Hill ascribed the Confederate victory to capturing 
and holding, for only a few nioments, a single isolated battery, 
which had been making havoc in his ranks, and stood in the 
way of his effecting a flank fire upon the Federals. By a des- 
perate attempt he took it, then lost it, the regiment which 
made the capture losing half its number in the affair. But 
the suspension of its fire for only the brief time gave the 
Confederates an advantage which caused the Union lines 
to waver and then fall back, from which loss they never 
recovered. In this battle was Meade, then the commander of 
a brigade only, but a year later the chief at G-ettysburg ; also 
Eeynolds, then taken prisoner, but killed at Gettysburg. The 
Union loss, killed and wounded, was 4,000; the Confed- 
erate, 9,500. On that day Hancock's brigade, the Fifth Wis- 
consin included, was engaged in pickeft duty at the most sen- 
sitive point of the whole line south of the Chickahominy, and 
there threatened the key of the rebel position before Rich- 
mond. After sundown the Fifth had a sharp skirmish with 
the enemy, and repulsed him ; but Captain Evans, of Company 
K, was mortally wounded, and Captain Walker, of Company 
A, and thirteen enlisted men, were wounded less severely 


This was in connection with an attack made by Toombs, of 
G'eorgia, who, wishing to distinguish himself in a conflict with 
the " mud-sills" of the Iforth, assaulted our men with half of the 
Second Georgia Regiment, losing one hundred and twenty of 
two hundred, and seventy-one; and with the Fifteenth Geor- 
gia, losing seventy of three hundred and seventy. 

About midnight of the 27th, General McClellan held a 
council of war, which General Heintzelman testifies was the 
only time he was consulted during the campaign. The Gom-. 
m=ander-in-Chief was no doubt too secretive for either the 
highest wisdom or the greatest ultimate favor with his fellow- 
men. At this council it was debated whether to go north of 
the Chickahominy and risk another battle, and with it the 
whole army, or cross over to the James. As the result, the 
next morning found the whole Union army south of the 
Chickahominy, with the bridges destroyed behind them, and 
all preparing for a retreat. McClellan then indulged in a 
criminating epistle to Secretary Stanton, complaining that 
promised reinforcements had been withheld, and concluding aa 
follows: "If I save this army now, I tell you plainly that I 
owe no thanks to you or to any other person in "Washington. 
You have done your best to sacrifice this army." 
, The cooperation of General McDowell direct from Freder- 
icksburg to Richmond, which was ordered May 17th, by the 
President and Secretary of War, had indeed not been realized, 
in part because General McClellan himself had said, that if be 
could not control all of McDowell's troops he wanted none of 
them ; but right there, on the morning of Saturday, the 28th 
of June, General McClellan had one of the grandest oppor- 
tunities to take Richmond, and destroy the rebel army, which 
tbe war presented. Lee had won a victory by moving 54^000 
men to the north side of the Chickahominy, and driving the 
remainder of the Federal forces to the south side, where they 
were consolidated, but he had separated himself so far from 
the other third of his army, that McClellan could have pushed 
between the two wings, defeated the smaller one by bringing 
60,000 against 25,000, and captured Richmond. He knew 
not his time, nor did Lee know his danger. The latter had 


lost 10,000 in killed and wounded on the two previous days, 
while the former had lost not half as many. 

Some of the sick and wounded had already been left within 
the lines of the enemy, and in the retreat all others were to be 
left who could not march or be carried. Yet, of 13,000 sick, 
and 3,000 wounded, only 2,500 were abandoned. Of the pro- 
ceedings of Saturday a correspondent of the Madison State 
Journal says : 

"Long before daylight the next morning, Saturday, the 
28th, the Fifth withdrew to camp, and prepared to retreat. 
At nine in the morning the tents had been struck, and knap- 
sacks packed ; and while waiting for orders to march, the enemy 
opened furiously with shot and shell. With quick step the 
regiment marched about a mile to the left, and halted, drawn 
up in line of battle. There was sharp fighting on our left at 
this time, but it did not reach us. Here, near Fair Oaks, we 
lay all day and all night, until three in the morning, when the 
division moved in the rear of the wagon train, which had been 
engaged during the night in removing every movable thing of 
Use to the army. The forenoon of Sunday, the 29th, was 
spent in reconnoitering, deploying, skirmishing, and slowly 
retreating down the Chickahominy, about midway between 
that river and the railroad. The day was intolerably hot, and 
the men were permitted to rest immediately back of Savage 
Station, where they made themselves coffee, and reclined in 
the shade." An interesting writer to the Cincinnati Commercial 
describes the sombre picture of gloom, confusion, and distress 
which there prevailed. " I found ofiacers endeavoring to fight 
off the true meaning of affairs. The wretched spectacle of 
mangled men from yesterday's battle, prone upon the lawn, 
around the hospital ; the wearied, haggard, smoke-begrimed 
faces of men who had fought; the hurry and tumult of wagons 
and artillery trains, endless almost, rushing down the roads 
toward the new base, moving with a sort of orderly con-fusionj 
indicated the critical emergency, which was almost as distress- 
ing as panic itself From headquarters I passed along our 
lines. The troops still stood at the breastworks, ready for 
battle ; but it was evident they had begun to inquire into the 
situation. So passed that day, dreadful as a day of pestilence; 


and when nigiLt closed upon the dreary scene, the general 
retreat had fully begun. Endless streams of artillery trains, 
wagon^, and funeral ambulances poured down the roads 
from all the camps, and plunged into the narrow funnel 
which was our only hope of escape. At daylight, G-eneral 
McClellan was on the road. Thousands of cattle, of wagons, 
and our immense train of artillery, intermingled with infantry, 
and great troops of cavalry, already choked up the narrow 
way." ■ 

On the night of the 27th, there was great jubilation within 
the rebel lines. They deemed their success the certain fore- 
runner of the destruction of the Federal army. On the morn- 
ing of the 28th, G-eneral Lee was puzzled. He had cut off 
MeClellan from his base of supplies at West Point, which he 
set out to do, but he found that nearly all stores had" been 
removed or destroyed, and his son reported that the White 
House — his own dwelling — was in flames. He found no 
enemy to oppose him. in front, a,nd then discovered that the 
Union troops had destroyed the bridges across the Chicka- 
hominy, and started for the James, where- they could cooperate 
with their naval forces. This gave the Confederate leaders 
great relief from their fear that McClellan might mass his 
forces- and, crushing all resistance before him, occupy Rich- 

In the retreat, Keyes' corps took the advance, Franklin and 
Porter followed next, Heintzelman and Sumner went last. 
Greneral McClellan went forward to the James, to consult with 
naval commanders and select a position, leaving his generals 
to protect their trains, aijd, while retreating, to keep a line of 
defence toward the enemy. 

Magruder followed Sumner's troops closely, firing upon them 
at intervals, and attacking th«m sharply near nightfall ; but 
losing 400 men of 2^250. Heintzelman destroyed a large 
quantity of stores and pro-^sions that could not be removed, 
and sent a loaded train of them down the railroad into the 
river. The Fifth Wisconsin formed a part of the; lines that 
were attacked on Sunday evening, the 29th, at Savage Station, 
and shared in the honor of repulsing the enemy, and then 
marched all the night following, and formed a line of battle. 


as rear guard all the next day, and marched again all the suc- 
ceeding night. 

A member of the regiment writes : " Through all these 
scenes we have passed, and now wonder that men could en- 
dure so much. Our corps train was the last in the grand 
army; our division the last in the corps; our brigade train 
the last in the division, and that of our regiment the 
last in the brigade. In fact, our regimental train, with 
Quartermaster Clark in charge, comprised the very last regi- 
mental baggage wagons of the army. During the terrific 
cannonading at White Oak Springs — and its equal I never saw 
— we stood in " park " within easy range, the shot and shell 
whistling through and over our train for upwards of an hour,! 
without the power to extricate ourselves from our dilemma, the 
road being blocked up for miles." 

On the morning of Monday, the 30th of June, all the troops 
and all the trains were safely across WTiite Oak Bridge. Our 
line reached from that place to Malvern Hill, ten miles, and 
Lee's plan was to break it in the centre and destroy each wing 
in detail. He had 80,000 men with which to do it, but failed 
to bring them to the right place in time. Early in the morn- 
ing, 18,000, under Longstreet and A. P. Hill, began to pursue 
us, chiefly along the Charles City Road, while Holmes and 
"Wise, with 7,000 more, crossed from the south side of the 
Jam^s, to look awhile upon. the. scene and then suffer an igno- 
minious defeat. 

The left wing of the Confederate army, under G-eneral 
Stonewall Jackson, came up with our forces at the White Oak 
Swamp, about eleven in the morning. The bridge by which 
they had crossed had been burned. The enemy opened fire from 
forty pieces of artillery, getting the range at the first volley. 
Our batteries soon answered, and the foe was repelled in dis- 
order. Greneral Lee sent all his disposable troops to their 
reinforcement; but the Federal fire was so terrible as. to dis- 
concert the coolest veterans. Whole ranks were hiirled to the 
ground. The conflict continued for hours, within a narrow 
space, the severest fighting being at Frazier's Farm. ITight 
was approaching. The Federals received reinforcements, and 
the enemy's lines began to waver, and, on their right, to fall 


back. Their losses were terrible. Q-eneral Hill says tbat bis 
last reserve was brougbt up. General Jackson received orders 
to cover the retreat, should tbe Confederate army have to 
withdraw, and directions were sent to I-iiehmond to have all 
the public property ready for removal. Our army, perceiving 
the confusion, began to turn back upon their faltering pursuers. 
A Confederate officer, quoted in the American Cyclopoedia, 
thus describes the critical moment : " The enemy, noticing our 
confusion, now advanced, with the cry ' On to Richmond !' 
Yes ; along the whole hostile front rang the shout — ' Onward 
to Eichmond !' , Many old soldiers who had served in distant 
Missouri, and on the plains of Arkansas, wept, in the bitter- 
ness of their souls, like children. Of what avail had it been to 
UB that our best blood had flowed for six long days ? Of what 
avail all our unceasing and exhaustless endurance? Every 
thing seemed lost, and a general depression came over 
-all our hearts. Batteries dashed past in headlong flight ; 
ammunition, hospital, and supply wagons rushed along, and 
swept the troops away with them from the battle field. In 
vain the most frantic exertion, entreaty, and &elf-ssi.crifice of 
the staff officers ! The troops had lost their foothold, and all 
was over with the Southern Confederacy. In this moment of 
desperation, General A. P. Hill came up with a few regiments 
he had managed to rally; but the enemy was continually 
pressing nearer and nearer ; louder and louder their shouts 
arose, and the watchword, ' On to Richmond !' Cavalry officers 
sprang from their saddles and rushed into the ranks of the infan- 
try regiments, now deprived of their proper officers. A fearful 
hand to hand fight ensued, for there was no time to load and 
fixe. The ferocity with which this conflict was waged is' inde- 
scribable. It was useless to - beg for quarter ; there was no 
moderation, no pity, no compassion, in that bloody work of 
bayonet and knife. The son sank dying at his father's feet ; 
the father forgot that he had a dying child. Here it was that 
the son of Major Peyton, but fifteen years of age, called to his 
father for help. A, ball had shattered both his legs. ' When 
we have beaten the enemy, then I will help you,' answered 
the father; ' I have here other sons to lead to glory. Forward !' 
But the column had advanced only a few paces, when the father 


himself fell a corpse. > Prodigies of valor were here performed 
on both sides. But of the demoniac fury of both parties one 
at a distance can form no idea. Even the wounded, despairing 
of succor, collecting their last energies of life, plunged their 
knives into the bosoms, of foemen who lay near them still 
breathing." The conflict was kept up till far into the night, 
without victory to either side, but with great loss to bolii. 
This was the battle of Charles City Cross Roads, or White 
Oak Swamp, or, as the Confederates name it, Frazier's Farm, 
■ Before morning all the divisions of the Federal army' were 
united at Malvern Hill, a strong position, where the whole 
train, including siege guns, were sheltered. Here General 
McClellan arranged for another encounter, although the draft 
upon the men had already been terrible. Doctor Castleman 
says of the approach of the Fifth to that place, " Our men, 
who had now for five days been limited to an average of two 
hours' rest a day, pressed forward with an alacrity truly aston- 

Malvern Hill is a mile and a half long, and three-fourths of 
a mile wide, an elevation so high and yet' so broad at its top as 
to give a commanding position to a large force. On one sid-e is 
a ravine reaching to the James River, and on the opposite side 
ravines that are nearly impassable, except at the roads that 
cross them. At its base, on the north and east sides, is a thick 
forest. McClellan had placed on its summit seven heavy siege 
guns, and along its sides a large amount of artillery, so that 
sixty guns could be brought to bear upon the enemy wherever 
he might advance on the Union lines. D. H. Hill advised 
General Lee ■ against an attack ; but h-e, as though not yet 
having realized his expectations of success, ordered an assault. 
His weary troops made the attempt, but the deadly fire of 
grape and ball from our batteries and musketry mowed them 
down in great swaths. They changed position, and then 
repeated their attacks from four in the afternoon till nine in 
the evening, lost 4,000 of their number, and when the firing 
ceased, sank down to rest for the night, many of them, just 
where they werei^ within one and two hundred yards of our 

The next morning they were in confusion, and then there was 



another opportunity for General McClellan to make a bold pusli 
for Ricliniond.. But while the rebels retreated in one direc- 
tion, he retreated in the other, to Harrison's Landing. One 
who makes up a record of the 5th says : " On the 2d of July 
started for Harrison's Landing, mud knee deep, men without 
rations, blankets, or tents, and completely used up and dis- 
gusted." ' . ! ' 

Thus ended the Seven Days' Battles, and with it the Penin- 
sular campaign. Both the commanding generals made some 
blunders for themselves, and neither gained much for his 
cause. One raised the siege of Eichmond. long enough to try 
his fortune on Union soil, and meet with defeat at Antietam ; 
the other put his opponent to terrible cost for his gains, and 
while missing of victory, conducted his noble army through a 
wonderful series of battles, and saved it from capture for other 
and better days. The subordinate officers, generally, dis- 
played, greater ability in their respective positions, and many 
private soldiers evinced more bravery and endurance, if pos- 
sible, than they all. But the bereavements and mourning 
produced throughout the coimtry by thfese bloody conflicts 
prepared the way for a higher moral position, which the all- 
wise God desired and intended, should come.* 

■ *v!' Harper's Pictorial History of tHe Great Rebellion" gives tie following 
approximate estimate qf -the losses on eilher side : 


Union. | 






















Lngineera and 


Total . . . 






888 , 




Jackson ._. 

D. H. Hill 


A. P. Hill 

Magruder and 

' "Huger 

Holmes. .-. . ^ 





1892 ■ 

















Killed and wounded ni the Seteeal EsaAQEMENTS. 



KilWd. ■ 
' 60 




. 1700 





'■■; 1800 



' 231 


Savage's Station 

Malvern Hill 


,. 1582 , 

, 7709 


, , 3151 

16,255 , 







pope's campaign, — 27je BatOe of Gq/lmesviMe, 

The title of tHs chapter is significant of the character of the 
troops whose history is to be given ; hut the use of the descrip- 
tive word " iron" did not arise until the men had earned it, It 
was at first General King's brigade, and then General Gil)- 
bon's, and later, was better and more honorably known as the 
" Iron Brigade of the West." General Rufus King, of this 
State, a graduate of "West Point, early in the war tendered his 
services to the Government. On his arrival at Washington he 
was assigned to the command of such Wisconsin troops as 
were there, and as others came they were attached to his com- 
mand. But he was soon placed at the head of a division, and 
General Gibbon became his successor. The Second Infantry 
was the first on the ground, and next the Mfth, but the latter 
was soon after permanently attached to General William F. 
Smith's brigade, which, when he was promoted to the com- 
mand of a division, became General Hancock's command. 
The four regiments permanently composing this brigade were 
the Second, Sixth, and Seventh Wisconsin, and the Nineteenth 


The battle of Bull Eun concluded, the Second Infantry was 


foiand on Arlington Heights, not so far from the field of strife 
as many other troops. There all Wisconsin soldiers were 
ordered to Fort Corcoran, and the day and night being rainy, 
they took shelter in a barn near the fort, their tents yet 
standing in Camp Peck, two miles west, just as they left them 
before marching to Manassas; but the following day they 
brought them to a new camp near the fort. While there the 
next few days the field ofla^cers of the regiment all resigned, 
and Edgar O'Connor, a graduate of West Point, was appointed 
colonel ; Lucius Fairchild, captain of Company K, of the First 
Wisconsin Infantry, lieutenant colonel ; and Captain Thomas 
S. Allen, of Company I, of the Second Regiment, major, to 
fill the vacancies. At about this time Governor Randall 
visited the regiment, and on behalf of the ladies of Madison 
presented it with a beautiful flag. 

On August 27th, the regiment was transferred from Colonel 
Sherman's brigade to one commanded by Brigadier General 
Rufus King, of Wisconsin. The same day they struck their 
tents, crossed the Potomac on Aqueduct Bridge, and encamped 
on Meridian Hill, near Washington city. 

At ten o'clock on the night of September 3rd, the " long 
roll" beats, the troops " fall in," and march rapidly through 
Georgetown and up the Potomac to Chain Bridge, a distance 
of seven miles. There they bivauac., and quietly lie until dusk 
of the 4th, when the Second and Fifth Wisconsin, and Nine- 
teenth Indiana regiments, are temporarily detached and 
assigned to Brigadier General William F. Smith's command, 
and with his division cross the river, and occupy a prominent 
position that covers the approaches to Chain Bridge. This 
was a march of three miles. Here they remained the rest of 
the month. The first ten days their sufferings were very 
severe, and it would seem needlessly so. For a week it rained 
almost incessantly; their tents and surplus baggage and cloth- 
ing were left at their camp at Meridian Hill, and they were 
obliged to bivouac without shelter, or have only such as they 
could make from pine boughs. Picket duties, felling trees, 
and building fortifications, filled nearly the whole time. There 
they assisted in constructing the earthwork known as Fort 
Marcy. On the 14th their tents were brought, and they went 


into Camp Advance, near the fort. September 25th, the regi- 
ment took part in a reconnoissance made by a portion of Gren- 
eral Smith's command, to obtain forage from beyond our 
lines toward Drainesville. They secured about forty tons, and 
though finding the enemy in some force, and having a slight 
skirmish, they returned without loss. October 1st, the Second 
Wisconsin and Mneteenth Indiana break up their camp, 
recross the Potomac, and pitch their tents in " Camp Lyon," 
near the bridge, and three miles from the location they had 
just left. October 2d, the Seventh Wisconsin Volunteers 
joined General King's Brigade, which was then made up of 
the Second, Sixth, and Seventh Wisconsin, and the Nineteenth 


This regiment was composed of men from all portions of 
the State. The companies were called into Camp Eandall, at 
Madison, about the 25th of June, 1861. Governor Randall 
commissioned Colonel Lysander Cutler to command the regi- 
ment, Julius P. Atwood to be lieutenant colonel, and Benja- 
min J. Sweet as major. The regimental organization was 
soon completed, and the regiment, 1,045 strong, was. mustered 
into the United States service on the 16th of July. The regi- 
mental roster was as follows : 

' Colonel — Lysander Cutlee. 

lAeut. Colonel — J. P. Atwood. Burgeon — C. B. Chapman. 

Major — B. J. Sweet. \st As. Surgeon — A. "W. Preston. 

Adjutant — Frank A. Haskell. 2d As. Surgeon — A. D; Andrews. 

Quartermaster — J. N. Mason. Chaplain — Eev. N. A. Staples. 

Captains. First Lieutenants. Second Ideutenards. 

A— A. G. Maloy. D. K. Noyea. F. C. I'homas. 

B— D. J. Dill. J. F. Marsh. H. Servill. 

C— A. S. Hooe. P. W. Plummer. J. W. Plummer. 

D — J. O'Eourke. John Nichols. P. H. McCauley. 

E— E. S. Bragg. E. A. Brown. J. H. Marston. 

F — W.!!. Lindwurm. Fred. Schumacker, W. Von Bachelli. 

G-— M. A. Northrup. G. L. Montague. W. W. Allen. 

H— J. F. Hauser. J. D. Lewis. J. A. Tester. 

I — Leonard Johnson. F.A.Haskell. A.T.Johnson. 

K — K. E. Dawes. J. A. Kellogg. John Crane. 


Company A was called " Sauk County Riflemen ;" Company 
B, "Prescott Guards;" 0, "Prairie du Chien Volunteers;" D, 
"Montgomery Gruards," Milwaukee; E, "Bragg's Rifles," 
Fond du Lac; P, Citizen's Corp," Milwaukee; G, "Beloit 
Star Rifles;" H, "Bufialo County Rifles;" I, "Anderson 
Guards," Mauston; K,."Lemonwier Minute Men," Mauston. 

The men were fully equipped by the State, with the excep- 
tion of arms. On the 22d orders were received for the regi- 
ment to take the field, and on the 28th they broke camp, left the 
State, and proceeded to Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, where they 
remained until August 3rd. Of their journey from this State 
to the seat of war, which was a triumphal oyation, one of 
the soldiers of the regiment at the time said: "Our journey 
through. Wisconsin was one grand signal for the uprising of 
tbe populace, and the outpouring of patriotic feeling. Bou- 
quets were showered on our men, cannons fired, and cheers 
given at every little hamlet or city until we reached Mil- 
waukee, where we were treated to a dinner prepared in the 
finest style. At Racine, one of our boys received a bouquet 
in which he found a note reading as follows : ' My dear 
brother was killed last Sunday. Avenge his death !' 

"At Chicago we also were served with a meal. Prom 
Chicago to Pittsburg we were received in fine style, the 
citizens furnishing us with coffee, and other things equally 
acceptable. From Pittsburg to Harrisburg we were received 
enthusiastically, but as this is the only road by which access 
can be had to eastern Virginia, soldiers were no novel sight to 
the people of that section. "We arrived at our camping place 
about twelve o'clock at night, and without waiting to spread 
our tents, stretched ourselves out on the ground with Colonel 
Bird's covering. On looking about the next morning, I discov- 
ered that we were located about two miles from the city, in a 
wheat field, on the bank of the canal. 

" On Saturday morning we, ' struck' our tent, and took the 
Iforthern Central road for Harper's Ferry, as we at first sup- 
posed. On the route we met all sorts of people, some with 
grim, sour visages, that looked curses, if nothing more ; but I 
am glad to say that a majority were of an opposite cast, filled 
with smiles, and ' God speeds' coming out of their mouths 


freely. "We arrived at Baltimore about eight o'clock iti the 
evening, and were somewhat surprised at finding orders to 
encamp there. We marched up through the streets without 
arms to Patterson Park, on the eastern boundary of the city 
limits, and on the north side of the bay,- opposite Fort 
McHenry. The park in which we are located is the grounds 
on which the embankments were thrown up in 1812-14, to 
protect the city against Ross, and they still stand." 

On Sunday night they were attacked by a party of rebels, 
and of the skirmish that followed in the darkness, the same 
writer says : " For an hour or more bullets were whistling 
about in all directions. On our side no one was hurt, but I 
am told by a policeman that two wounded men and one dead 
man have been found in the wood adjoining the camp, all of 
whom were known to be vile secessionists. The aggressors 
numbered, about twenty, and Were concealed in a gully about 
a quarter of a mile from our guard line. During the whole 
of the fracas. Colonel Atwood remained as cool and unexcited 
as an old experienced soldier. Colonel Cutler also was present 
where the balls were flying thickest, as calm and composed as a 
veteran, as he really is. This little brush had its good effects, 
it stirred the boys up to* a due appreciation of the fact that 
they were soldiers in an enemy's country, and in a dangerous 

"Since we left Camp Randall we have lost two men by 
death. The first was at Harrisburg. His name was Ilfathaniel 
Delameter. The second was Sergeant Campbell, orderly of 
Company D (Montgomery Guards). He died in Baltimore, 
Sunday evening, very suddenly." 

On the 7th day of August, the regiment went from Balti- 
more to Washington, where they encamped on Meridian Hill, 
in Camp Kalorama, and on the 29th were attached to General 
King's Brigade. On the night of the 3rd of September they, 
with the balance of the brigade, marched to the Chain Bridge 
and joined other Wisconsin regiments. On the 8th of Sep- 
tember; General McClellan's Christian order was read to them, 
directing that no forward movement be made on the Sabbath, 
except in cases of the most extreme necessity, and thatno labor 



bei performed' on that day in earap. by any regiment in his 
command, but such as is required by the Army Regulations. 


During the month of August, 1861, the Seventh Regiment 
began to assemble in Camp Randall, Madison, and on the 2d 
of September the organization was completed by the mustering 
in of Company K. The men were mustered into the service 
by companies, which was a difl'erent method of proceeding 
from what had obtained in the organizing of previous regi- 
ments. The mustering officers were Brevet Major Brooks and 
Captain Mclutyre. The State furnished these troops with 
everything except arms. The material of this regiment was 
excellent, and Colonel Joseph Yan Dor, a native of Hungary, and 
one who had seen service beyond the seas, took the command. 
He is said to have been a thorough disciplinarian. The 
numerical strength of the regiment, at the time it left the 
State, was 1,016. 

The roster was as follows : 

Colonel — Joseph Van Dor. 

Lieut. Colonel — W. W. Robinson. 
Major — ^Chas. A. Hamilton. 
Adjutant — Chas. W. Gook. 
Quartermaster — Henrj P. Clinton. 

'Surgeon — Henry Palmer. 
\st As. Surgeon — D. C. Ayres. 
2d Assist. Surgeorirr—Sj. Kramer. 
Chaplain — Kev. S. L. Brown. 


A — G-eorge Bill. 
B — J. H. Huntington. 
C— Samuel Nasmith. 
D— E. F. Giles. 
E— W.D; WalkeV. 
F— John. B. Callis. 
G— a. Stevens. 
H — Mark Finnicum. 
I — 'Geo. H Mather. 
K^ — Alex. Gordon. 

First Lieutenants. 

Hollon Richardson. 
S. L. Batchellor. 
A. R. Bushnell. 
C. W. Cook. 
W. F. Bailey. 
Samuel Woodhouse. 
Homer Drake. ; 
C. M. H. Meyer. 
A. S. Rogers. 
F. W. Oakley. 

Second Lieutenants. 

M. B. Misner. 
H. P. Clinton. 
E. A. Andrews. 
A. T. Reed. 
W. B. Manning. 
Henry F, Young. 
Samuel Kromer. 
Robert Palmer. 
I. N. P. Bird. 
David Shirreell. 

Company A received the name of " Lodi Guards ;" B, " Co- 
lumbia County Cadets;" C,"Platteville Guards;" D, "Stough- 


ton Guards;" E, "Marquette County Sharp-shooters;" F, 
" Lancaster Union Guards ;" G, "Grand Rapids Union Guards;" 
H, "Badger State Guards," Grant County; I, " IsTorth-Western 
Tigers," Dodge and Green Lake Counties; and K, "Badger 
Eifles," Beloit. 

After its complete organization, the time was profitably spent 
in drilling. On the 4th of September, orders were received 
to proceed to "Washington city, and on the morning of the 21st 
the regiment left the State for active service. Its route was 
by the way of Pittsburg, Harri&burg, and Baltimore, welcome 
and praise, on loyal soil, every where greeting it. On the 
26th it reached Washington, and camped one mile east of 
the Capitol building. October 1st, it marched to the Chain 
Bridge, via Georgetown, and was brigaded with the other 
troops of General King's command. 


In the organization of the army by General McClellan, the 
Iron Brigade was assigned to General McDowell's division of 
the " Army of the Potomac," and, October 5th, it recrossed the 
Aqueduct Bridge and went into camp at Fort Tillinghast, on 
Arlington Heights, half a mile west of the Arlington House, 
then the late residence of the rebel General Robert E. Lee. 
There, they were in rear of the great line of forts on that side 
of the Potomac, and seven miles from the rebel outposts. They 
were reviewed twice by General McDowell, soon after their 
arrival, and at the second review Secretary Seward and Lord 
Lyons, the English minister, were present. 

After General McClellan assumed command, the country 
expected an onward movement; and this generation will never 
forget the reports of drills, parades, and reviews that ensued 
in the army of the Potomac during the autumn and early 
winter of 1862, and finally the entrance upon " winter quar- 
ters" without an advance. The brigade performed much 
picket duty during the season, a little beyond Fall's Church. 
About the 1st of March, 1862, they were supplied with clothing, 
De Aubri, or shelter tents, and other necessary equipage for 
the spring and summer campaigns. " The shelter tent,." sayS 


Lieutenant William l^oble, "is a piece of cotton or linen 
canvas about six feet square, with buttons and button holes 
around three edges, that they may be formed into a sheet of 
any required size by buttoning them together. Each soldier 
is furnished with one piece of this canvas, which he carries on 
his knapsack." 

On March 10th, the spring campaign commenced by a 
march ou Manassas. Our brigade adv9,nced sixteen miles that 
day, and bivouacked at night on the turnpike leading to Fairfax 
Court House, near the site of Germantown, then destroyed. 
The weather was rainy and dreary, and the marching heavy. 
On thfe 11th, they remained quiet, and learned, as the loyal 
country did, with surprise and chagrin, that the enemy had 
destroyed everything perishable about Centreville and Man- 
assas Junction, and retreated toward Grordonville and Rich- 
mond. While at that point a reorganization of the army was 
effected, by order of President Lincoln. Id. general, four 
regiments constituted one brigade, four brigades one division, 
and three divisions one corps. G-eneral McDowell, being the 
Senior in rank commanded the first corps. Brigadier General 
King the first division of the first corps, and Colonel Lysan- 
der Cutler, of the Sixth Wisconsin Volunteers, the fourth 
brigade of the first division of the first corps, and that was the- 
brigade to which the Second, Sixth, and Seventh Wisconsin 
regiments belonged. The weather continued wet and chilly, 
and through lack of thoroughness or of experience, the com- 
missary department was defective in rations, and the troops 
suffered, especially for want of bread. On the 15th, they 
marched back again to within three miles of Alexandria, and 
on the 16th, returned to Camp Tillinghast, and occupied their 
old winter quarters, their whole march having been about 
thirty miles. But on the iSth, toward evening, they marched 
eight miles by the way of Alexandria, and bivouacked near 
Fairfax Seminary; the darkness of the night and the mistak- 
ing of orders had, however, very much confused their lines, and 
some of botl} brigade and division commanders lost the locality 
of their forces. The next day was spent in getting into order. 
At a grand review, March 27th, "the Wisconson troops, 
particularly the Second, were highly complimented for their 


soldierly appearance and thorough acquaintance with military 
drill." ' 

The question having been debated by the leaders whether to 
pursue the enemy over land, or sail to the Peninsula and 
march from there to Eichmond, the latter, which was Q-eneral 
MeClellan's plan, was adopted. But it was ordered that 
General McDowell's command should not embark with the 
main body of the army, and it was assigned to the department 
of the Rappahannock. April 5th, the fourth brigade marched 
toward Centreville, and bivouacked on Hunting Creek. On the 
6th, they proceeded through Fairfax and Centreville, twenty 
miles, to Blackburn's Ford, and bivouacked on the battle field 
of Bull Run. The day following they went on to Broad Run, 
and the next to Kettle Run, where they experienced one of the 
most wet and chilly snow-storms ever known in that climate ; 
and in memory of it they called their locality " Snowy Camp." 
April 12th, the larger part of the Second Regiment was de- 
ployed out upon the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, and the 
rest, with the other regiments of , the fourth brigade, were 
ordered to Catlett's Station, on Cedar Run, to rebuild a 
bridge destroyed by the rebels in their retreat. On the 2l8t, 
the brigade -marched toward Fredericksburg to Elk Run, on 
the 22d to Harwood Church, and on the 23rd to Falmouth, 
skirmishing with the enemy, and encamped on the heights 
opposite the City of Fredericksburg, the distance in the three 
days being thirty-one miles. On the 27th, they proceeded five 
miles to Potomac Creek, to repair the bridge on the Aquia 
Creek and Fredericksburg Railroad ; and the next day a por- 
tion of the brigade moved to Accokuk Creek, to rebuild , a 
■ bridge at Brook's Station. May 2d, they rejoined the brigade, 
and all proceeded to within two miles of Fredericksburg, and 
encamped. On the 8th, Captain John Gibbons, of Battery B, 
United States Artillery, having been appointed Brigadier 
General of Volunteers, was assigned to the command of the 
fourth brigade, and Colonel Cutler returned to his regiment 
May 10th, they moved down the river and camped on the 
bank opposite Fredericksburg. While in that camp, portions 
of the brigade were detached to aid the construction corps: in 
repairing railroad bridges across the, Rappahannock. These 


had been destroyed by the rebels on their retreat, who also 
burned fifteen steamers and other water craft there. On the 
23rd, their division was reviewed, by President Lincoln and 
General McDowell. On the 25th, they crossed the river, 
passed through the city on the Bowling G-reen Road to Gur- 
ney's Station, and occupied Camp Alexander, made and named 
thus by the rebels a few days before. The plan had been to 
effect a junction with the army on the Peninsula, a portion of 
which occupied Hanover Junction, twenty-six miles distant. 
But on account of Jackson's advance on Banks and Fre- 
mont in the Shenandoah valley, on the 29th a large part of 
McDowell's corps marched back through Fredericksburg, 
across the Rappahannock, through Ealmouth, and bivouacked 
on Catlett's Road; and the next day proceeded twenty-two 
miles, through a hot sun^ — many men falling out by the 
way ^ to Elk Run, on which stream they had bivouacked 
on their way to Fredericksburg. ' On the 31st of May, 
they marched to Catlett's Station, where General Augur's 
brigade, of General King's division, took the cars for Front 
Royal, in "the Valley." June 2d, the balance of the division 
moved by way of Greenwich to Haymarket, suffering muchj 
first with the heat, and then, for one night and two days, 
with the rain. General King had received orders to concen- 
trate his forces there. June 6th, they marched through E"ew 
Baltimore to Warrenton, the capital of Fauquier County, a 
place having four churches, two academies — one for males, the 
other for females, — two printing oflB.ces, and, in time of peace, 
two thousand inhabitants. June 8th was a "fine summer 
morning, and many of the soldiers assembled at the Episcopal 
Church to pass a portion of the Sabbath as they did at home. 
But before the text is read by the minister, Reverend * * * *^ 
we have marching orders, and the service is abruptly and 
■ unceremoniously broken up, and each soldier hastily repairs 
to his regiment. And in a short time the same men that 
bow6d in solemn devotion, are marching to the national airs 
in martial array, toward Fredericksburg." June 11th, they 
reached that city, and went into camp on Mr. Lacey's farm, 
opposite the upper end of the town, having marched in this 
expedition one hundred and four miles. 


The object in this short campaign, was to cooperate with 
Fremont and Banks in capturing the rebel General Jackson 
and his followers, but at Front Eoyal they escaped toward 
Richmond; and Jackson's object in advancing toward our 
lines was, to make a digression of our forces in their advance 
toward Richmond, and thus secure for the rebels more time to 
amass their troops and improve the defences of that city. 
Jackson and the rebels succeeded, and our troops were no 
nearer Richmond than a month before. Our men now had 
orders to make themselves comfortable, for it was thought 
they would remain for a time at Fredericksburg, and Lieuten- 
ant l^oble, of the Second, improves an opportunity to discourse 
thus : " Fredericksburg is situated on the south bank of the 
Rappahannock River, at the head of tide water, and about 
midway between "Washington City and Richmond. It is sur- 
rounded by high land, and being built with strict regularity, 
presents a lovely sight when viewed from the heights around 
it. It contains many handsome private residences and public 
buildings, that make up the city in splendid style. The Rap- 
pahannock Falls supply it with abundant water power. It took 
its name from and in honor of George the Third's father, 
Prince Frederick. A marble monument in an old graveyard 
marks the grave of Washington's mother, in the upper sub- 
urbs of the city. It has been shamefully mutilated and dis- 
figured by the Confederate soldiers who recently occupied this 
place. The population, in time of peace, may be considered 
about six thousand." 

June 13th, the Second and Sixth Regiments, with a section 
of artillery and a squadron of cavalry, crossed the river and 
reconnoitered the country immediately south-west of the city. 
They marched seven miles, discovered no enemy, and returned 
to camp at evening. On the 4th of July, the privates organized 
and elected a colonel for the occasion, and had dress parade. 
The officers were put on guard. A grand mule and foot race 
came off" near General King's headquarters. In the foot race. 
Captain Richardson, of the Seventh, came out ahead. 

On the 24th of July, the brigade left this place upon a 
reconnoissance toward Orange Court House, to ascertain the 
force of the enemy then gathering on General Pope's front. 


The command encountered the rebel pickets on the 26th, a 
mile from Orange Court House. A skirmish with the enemy's 
cavalry ensued, in which the rebels were routed, and a few 
prisoners captured, when, the object of the expedition being 
accomplished, a return was ordered, and they reentered camp 
on the evening of the 27th, having marched eighty miles 
within three days. 

August 5th, they took part in a reconnoissance made by 
G-eneral King's division, to intercept the rebel communication 
on the Virginia Central Railroad. The fourth brigade was in 
the advance. Th^'Second and Seventh Regiments, with other 
troops, took the Telegraph Road to Beaver Dam Station. The 
Sixth went toward Frederick's Hall Station, twenty-three 
miles from the junction with the Richmond and Potomac 
Railroad. The former had a skirmish with the enemy at 
Thornburg, on the Ta River, and a few of our men were 
wounded. The next day they learned that Stuart's cavalry 
were in their rear and threatening their trains, and turned 
back upon them. The rebels found that they were between 
these troops and a force under General Hatch, coming out of 
Fredericksburg, and hurriedly retreated, leaving two pieces of 
field artillery, .but capturing several of our forage teams, and 
a number of sick and lame soldiers, among them seventeen of 
the Second Regiment. On the 7th, they marched to the Spott- 
sylvania Court House, and awaited the return of the Sixth. 

This regiment, under Colonel Cutler, reached Frederick's 
Hall on the 6th, and tore up the track for a mile in each 
direction, burned a large warehouse filled with Confederate 
supplies of corn, w'hiskey, and tobacco, and destroyed the 
depot, switches, and telegraph line and office, burning two 
bridges on their return. On the second day, which was the 
One on ' which they destroyed the Confederate property, 
the regiment marched thirty-five miles, a portion of the 
way through sand four inches deep, and under a broiling 
sun — an unparalleled march at that period of the war. They 
did not lose a man, although far advanced into the enemy's 
country, and at one time ' thirty miles from support; They 
captured fifty mules and horses, and on the 7th rejoined the 
brigade, and all returned to Falmouth on the 8th. In three and 


a half dajB the Sixth had marched ninety miles, and cut off the 
rebel communications between Gordonsville and Richmond. 
General Gibbon, commander of the brigade, in his official 
report of this raid, said, " Colonel Cutler's part of the expedi- 
tion was completely successful. I cannot refer in too high 
terms to the conduct of Colonel Cutler; to his energy and 
good judgment, seconded as he was by his fine regiment, the 
success of the expedition is entirely due." The word " en- 
tirely" was doubtless emphasized because another officer who: 
had been sent with a reserve force for Colonel Cutler, failed to 
obey the orders of the colonel to move forward, which left 
him unsupported, and at a great distance beyond the Federal 
lines. Two days after the return to Falmouth, the brigade 
marched by Hartwood Church to Barnett's Ford — twenty 
miles. Here they crossed the Rappahannock, and on the en- 
suing day pushed forward, by way of Stevensburg, thirty miles, 
to the battle field of Cedar Mountain, near Culpepper Court 
House, where they took a position in the advance line of the. 
"Army of Virginia.", 

On the 27th of June General Pope, who had been in 
command at the "W est, was called to the East, as Generals 
McClellan, Halleck, and Fremont had been, and was placed 
in command of the Army of Virginia. That army was com- 
posed of General Fremont's troops, of the Mountain Depart- 
ment in Virginia; of General Banks' troops, of the Shenan- 
doah Department; and Genera. McDowell's, except those 
within the fortifications at Washingion; and these were to be 
the first, second, and third corps, respectively. But the 
appointment of General Pope to the chief command was 
obnoxious to General Fremont, who claiu.ed that it placed 
himself in a subordinate and inferior posit, on as compared 
with the one before held by him, and he resigno:!. His coun- 
trymen would in general have thought better of h m if he had 
borne the offence to his own detriment for his count, v's good. 
He assigned his command to General Schenck, who u:cepted 
it ; but learning on the same day that General King, oi .Wis- 
consin, had been assigned to succeed General Fremont, he 
requested to be relieved from his command as a subordinate ,v - 
King. Still again, on being informed the next day that Gen- 


eral King had beei> detached from that corps, and General 
Sigel assigned to the chief command, he withdrew his resig- 

General Pope adopted a new mode of subsisting the army, 
which was, to live as far as possible on the produi.ts of the 
country through which they passed, giving to loyal owners 
vouchers for payment when the war closed. He also isdued 
an order that the inhabitants along the telegraph lines, rail- 
roads, and other routes of travel, shoiild be held responsible 
for all damages done to the same; and that in all cases of in- 
jury, the inhabitants within five miles of said lines and roads 
should be obliged to repair the damage. Also, that if a 
soldier or attendant of the army should be shot from any 
house or other building, it should be razed to the ground. 
He ordered the arrest of all disloyal citizens within the lines 
of the army, allowing those to remain who would take ihe oath 
of allegiance and give security for their good behavior, and 
transporting all others beyond his lines southward, with ihe 
order that if they returned they should be treated as spies. 
These measures, though wise if temperately observed, were 
followed by unpardonable excesses, in the pillage of property, 
and cruel and indecent insults to unoffending citizens, and 
even females. The rebels retaliated by various orders forbid- 
ing to General Pope and his army the rights accorded to pris- 
oners of war. 

While General Halleck was on his visit to General McClel- 
lan, at Harrison's Landing, General Pope remained in Wash- 
ington as chief in command, and began to concentrate his 
forces at two points : one was at Culpepper Court House, 
seventy miles south-west of Washington, and equally distant 
from Richmond ; the other was at Fredericksburg, which is 
sixty miles from Richmond, and has a connection with Wash- 
ington by railroad fifteen miles to the mouth of Aquia Creek, 
and thence by steamer on the Potomac. On the 1st of August, 
General Burnside's division, which had been some time at 
I^ewport News, ready to reinforce General McClellan, sailed 
for Aquia Creek. The enemy at Richmond quickly knew it, 
immediately concluded that McClellan was not to be rein- 
forced on the James at all, but probably withdrawn, and at once 

302 wiscoNSisr is the- wak. 

decided that then was their time to change their plan from 
that of defence to that of aggression. They had sent Jackson 
to drive Banks out of the Shenandoah Valley, and he had 
succeeded, although the success did not keep him out very 
long. They had hitherto intended, at least, to prevent 
reinforcements to McClellan from coming through the Shenan- 
doah route to Richmond, but now they resolved on pushing a 
very large force, at the utmost speed, through that valley, and 
crushing the corps of Pope's army at Culpepper, before he could 
reinforce ■ them from Fredericksburg or McClellan's troops, 
and then defeating the other loyal forces, to capture Wash- 
ington, Baltimore, and Philadelphia at the East, and Cincin- 
nati at the West, and liberate Kentucky, Western Virginia, 
and Maryland from the Federal authority. All that done, 
they calculated that their power and importance would be 
demonstrated before the world, they would obtain recognition 
from foreign nations, and their great object in the rebellion 
would be accomplished. They had a magnificent conception, 
if it had been for a righteous end. Their force at Richmond 
was being enlarged to about 150,000, and the greater part of it 
was sent forward. 

Their plans and action becoming known at Washington, it 
was decided that G-eneral Pope should first cross the Rappa- 
hannock and threaten Gordonsville', in order to check the 
rebel operations, and give freedom from molestation to McClel- 
lan in withdrawing from the Peninsula. G-eneral Cox was 
ordered toward Washington from Western Virginia, and Presi- 
dent Lincoln issued a callfor 300,000 men to serve for nine 

But the enemy were not to be delayed ; they pressed hard 
upon our forces south-west of Washington, and on the 19th of 
August comixieneed the celebrated movement kno-wn as 
"Pope's Retreat." The Iron Brigade that day marched 
through Culpepper to Rappahannock Station, seventeen miles, 
and the next day crossed the river and skirmished with the 
enemy's cavalry which hung close upon them, some loss being 
suffered on both sides. The 21st, they moved to the right to 
prevent the enemy from crossing at Beverly's Ford, and in a 
skirmish a few were wounded, and adjutant Dean, while con- 


veying orders, was captured. The next two days they inarched 
along the river toward Warreuton, and at times suffered a 
heavy cannonading, fortunately without loss. The 26th, they 
marched down to Sulphur Springs, holding an artillery duel 
with the enemy across the Rappahannock, the Second Regi- 
ment suffering some loss in wounded. The 27th, they marched 
back through Warrenton toward Oentreville, and bivouacked 
at Buckland's Mills. Early on the 28th, they proceeded by 
Grainesville, turned to the right on the Bethlehem Church 
Road, halted, and lay under arms' till five in the evefiing, and 
then marched slowly toward Oentreville. Thus they maneuvered 
and moved, marched and countermarched, to get away from 
an enemy. But a severe conflict was unavoidable, and there 


As events subsequently showed, General Pope delayed too 
long on the Rappahannock, skirmishing with the enemy, and 
guarding the distance of about thirty miles to prevent a rebel 
advance. Stonewall Jackson did what he could to keep him 
thus engaged, cunningly occupying his attention with marches 
and cannonading, while at the same time he sent 30,000 troops 
up the river to Thoroughfare Gap, through which he poured 
them into our rear. General Pope says he had provided 
against Jackson's approach in that direction by troops which 
had been promised him from toward Washington, and. which 
he found, too late for remedy, had utterly failed him. Two 
blacks first brought the intelligence of Jackson's movement. 
His cavalry soon dashed through Warrenton, pushing on to 
Catlett's Station, and burned General Pope's baggage, while 
his heavier columns occupied Manassas Junction. Then how 
should our troops prevent a capture, or get back to Washing- 
ton, and insure at least once more its safety ! In the process of 
this retreat, at about six o'clock in the evening of August 28th, 
as the fourth brigade was approaching Gainesville, and the 
Second Regiment was marching by the flank, a rebel battery, 
posted on a wooded eminence to the left of the road, opened 
a fire on our columns. The Second quickly faced in that direc- 
tion, and by order of General Gibbon, advanced at quick time 
toward the battery, but soon met the enemy's infantry just 

304 -vriscoNSiN in the wae. 

emerged from the woods. " Here," says Lieutenant William 
Noble, " for nearly twenty minutes, this regiment alone 
checked and sustained the onset of the whole of Stonewall Jack- 
son's division of rebel infantry, under one of the most intensely 
concentrated fires of musketry probably ever experienced by 
any troops in this or any other war. The other regiments came 
to our support as rapidly as they could be brought into line, and 
the battle raged terrifically till nine o'clock at night, when, 
owing to the darkness, the uncertainty of position and strength, 
and the exhaustion and decimation of the contending forces, 
the firing ceased, as if by mutual consent, each party holding 
his own line of battle and caring for the wounded as well as 
possible under the circumstances. I forbear the task of de- 
scribing more fully this battle, and do not wish to linger about 
the scenes of carnage where the ground is strewn with dead 
and dying comrades. By midnight the most of our wounded 
are carried to the hospitals, and by order of General King, we 
retreat to Manassas Junction, leaving the dead unburied, and 
our wounded and hospital attendants to fall into the hands of 
the enemy." 

Other and reliable accounts unite in the representation that 
this was a very hard fought battle ; the most severe that these 
troops had ever experienced, and in which the whole brigade 
behaved splendidly. Then, if not before, they began to be 
worthy of their reputation as the "Iron Brigade of the West." 
During the whole hour and a half, or more, they faltered not, 
though meeting two or three times their number on the field. 
The lines of the opposing forces were near each other, and the 
firing was deadly on both sides. The ranks on our side were 
rapidly thinned, but just as soon closed up again. Line after 
line of the rebels was swept down, but fresh troops took their 
place. The same old banner was there which the Second 
carried through the first battle of Bull Run, and now its de- 
fenders seemed determined to avenge the defeat of that day. 
The Sixth and Seventh were equally earnest and brave. 
Though the rebel Jackson's forces in this battle were two of 
Swell's brigades, and greatly out-numbered ours, still they 
were so closely held to the contest by our troops, that they 
could not outflank us or gain an inch of ground, and were thus 
cut off from their probable intention to get possession of the 
Warreuton Pike, which event at that time would have been 

WiifiTEraTE->-^R*:'.'iiTT Go CrnQKor'- 

ci$l,«,.c.c.-e^ (^^^^u-i^oAc/i^J 



disastrous to our army. In this view, the brigade gained a 
splendid victory. General Gibbon says the combatants fought 
most of the time not more than seventy-five yards apart. In 
the heat of the engagement the Seventh bravely changed front, 
in order to get an enfilading fire on a mass of the enemy that 
were pressing the Second Regiment. 

Colonel 0' Conner, bravely fighting, fell, and was carried 
from the field to die. Major Allen was wounded in the wrist 
and neck, but continued to lead on his men till the action 
was .over. Colonel Cutler was badly wounded while bravely 
moving up to the assistance of his comrades. All the field 
officers of the Seventh, (Colonel Robinson, Lieutenant Col- 
onel Hamilton, and Major Bill,) were wounded, the lieutenant 
colonel remaining on the field, and bringing off his men, 
General Gibbon says, in the best possible manner; then faint 
from the loss of blood, he was carried to the hospital. Captain 
Randolph, of the Second, fell while leading on his company, 
shot through the head. It is reported that as the wounded 
fell they often cried, " l^ever mind me, fight ! hold your posi- 
tion ! I will get off if I can ; if not, never mind ! fight, boys, 
don't give up the ground !" 

The total loss of the brigade was seven hundred and fifty- 
one, considerably more than one-third of the command. As 
the Second was the first regiment engaged, it suffered most, 
losing more than half, in killed and wounded, of its four hun- 
dred and forty-nine men in the action. 

It is said that after the battle that night, when the Second 
assembled together. Lieutenant Colonel Fairchild could not 
realize that their loss had been so great, and asked, "Where is 
the regiment — have they scattered?" He was answered by 
the major, " Colonel, this is all that is left of the Second — the 
rest lie on the field." And then he exclaimed, " Thank God, 
they have not deceived their friends; they are worthy of their 
name." i 

General Pope states that Gibbon's brigade " sustained the 
brunt of the action" at Gainesville; that it "consisted of 
some of the best troops in the service ;" and that on that occa- 
sion " the conduct of' both men and officers was gallant and 


All accounts agree tliat Captain Eandolph, of Company H, 
was greatly beloved by his men. He began to raise and 
organize his company on the first call of the President for. 
troops, and his was the first company to enter Camp Randall 
for the Second Regiment. He led that company into the 
battle of Bull Run, and was wounded. His conduct then com- 
manded the admiration of all who were with him. He was 
a good citizen, an excellent mechanic, a brave and gallant 
soldier. Colonel O'Connor had been a less time in the regi- 
ment, but was regarded with warm attachment. 

As our troops were ordered to retreat during the night, they 
left their dead ii; the hands of the enemy. Report was after- 
ward circulated that they were defectively buz-ied. More 
than a year following, when this battle field was fully in our 
possession, an examination was made in regard to the facts in 
the case ; Genera] Cutler sending details from all the regi- 
ments engaged in that action, under command of Captain 
Richardson, of the Seventh, who ascertained that the report 
was true ; and at that late day they" discharged the sad office 
of giving the remains of their brave and loved comrades a 
careful interment. They who dishonor or neglect the dead 
may never expect a final victory. 

The following incident connected with the battle of Gaines- 
ville is credibly related by a member of Company H, of the 
Second Regiment, who, being severely wounded, was left in 
the field hospital when the brigade retired from that position. 
The next morning after the battle, a company oi rebel cavalry 
came riding up, their captain considerably in advance. A 
German corporal, of the same Company H, also among our 
wounded, had a loaded revolver, and as the rebel captain came 
near, he shot him from his horse; and, declaring that he would 
not be taken prisoner, instantly mounted the animal and rode 
off. The cavalry company fiercely pursued, but while yet in 
sight two of them fell from their horses, being shot by the 
corporal, and the remainder after a time returned. As the 
German corporal has never been heard from by his friends in 
this State since that occasion, it is presumed that he was killed. 
How many sad, howimany heroic tales of the war must be left 
untold ! 








Eaelt in July, 1862, General Halleck resigned his command 
of the Army of the "W"est, and on! the 23rd of that month took 
command, by order of the President, of the entire army of the 
United States, which was the position that General McClellan 
held previous to his leaving Washington for the Peninsular 
campaign. He soon visited General McClellan at Harrison's 
Landing. That general, at the close of the Seven Days' 
Battles, had about 90,000 men in his army, and he and some 
of his officers judged that the enemy had in and around Rich- 
mond 200,000, with the constant accession of other forces 
from the South. Confederate reports have since shown that 
the enemy had no larger force there at that time than the 
Federals had. General McClellan thought that if he had 
50,000 additional troops he could safely advance on Richmond. 
President Lincoln judged that not more than 20,000 could be 
spared to him. General McClellan took a night to consider, 
and decided to advance if he received 20,000. "With the 
idea of sending them General Halleck returned to Washing- 
ton. Soon after he arrived there he received a telegraphic 
despatch from General McClellan, that he would require 


35,000. The authorities at "Washington decided that so many- 
could not safely be spared to reinforce him, and ordered the 
withdrawal of the Army of the Potomac from the Peninsula 
to Aquia Creek and Alexandria. G-eneral McClellan received 
this command with great grief. It was his opinion that a 
large portion of the corps in the Shenandoah Valley might 
safely be withdrawn to reinforce him, and also a portion of Gen- 
eral Burnside's force and of the Army of the West; and that 
with so large a force as he would then have in front of Rich- 
mond, the enemy would not dare to make an advance on Wash- 
ington, or any of the loyal States. The higher authority disa- 
agreed with him, and hence he began to prepare for a removal, 
and executed it. General Halleck, however, complains that 
he did not evacuate Harrison's Landing until eleven days after 
it was ordered ; to which General McClellan replies that he 
had not sufficient transports to move so large an army, with 
so many sick, any sooner. Immediately on the removal of his 
troops to Aquia Creek and Alexandria, he was ordered to rein- 
force General Pope, who was then being severely pressed and 
outflanked by the enemy on the north side of the Rappahan- 
nock, southwest of Washington. 

The battle of Gainesville was the impressive introduction to 
the second battle of Bull Run. The latter, or the series of 
battles, which immediately followed, occupied the next two 
days, Friday and Saturday, the 29th and 30th of August, 1862. 
The rebel plan undoubtedly was, to place a very strong Con- 
federate force between our two armies — ^Pope's and McClel- 
lan' s — and prevent their junction. The latter had just sailed 
up the Potomac from the Peninsula. Jackson and Longstreet 
had been sent forward ; Lee was rapidly coming. They hoped 
to take our forces in detail and despatch them ; then fall upon 
Washington and destroy it, or pounce first upon Baltimore 
and let the capital fall of itself. The rebel plan was well con- 
ceived for their side, and energetically adopted. The battle 
of Gainesville must have dampened their ardor, but did not 
alter their plans. 

On Friday morning, August 29th, great dangers were immi- 
nent to bpth Federals and Confederates. General Pope was 
fully awake to the occasion. He did not hurry forward a single 


brigade or two to cope with the enemy ; he saw that the busi- 
ness on hand required a larger' force. He marched his whole 
army in three separate columns, on parallel roads,, toward 
Manassas Junction. When he reached there, he found that 
Jackson had left about three hours before for Centreville, 
where he would more surely receive his expected reinforce- 
ments, which were on their way through Thoroughfare G-ap — 
the route by which he had come. 

The position of our forces in the vicinity of the battle-field, 
on Friday morning, was as follows : In the. central and most 
exposed position was General Sigel's corps, fronting to the 
west, and occupying in part the old battle-field of Bull Run. 
It was composed of four divisions, commanded by Generals 
Schurz, Milroy, Steinwehr, and Schenck. General McDowell's 
corps was in the rear of Sigel's left, but not within fighting 
distance. General Heintzelman's corps, composed of Generals 
Hooker's, Kearney's, and Reno's divisions, was near Centreville, 
and moving down the turnpike that would lead them to Sigel's 
right. General Porter's corps was at first seven or eight miles 
in General Sigel's rear. 

General Sigel's troops commenced the battle, and fought 
through all the day. At ten o'clock in the morning, only his 
portion of the whole Federal army had been engaged. Gen- 
eral Pope reached the scene of action about noon, and even 
then deferred much to General Sigel, because he knew best 
the localities and the position of the forces. The battle thick- 
ened. Musketry and cannon increased their roar. Between 
two and five o'clock the contest was awfully severe. Both 
armies felt that momentous issues were at stake. If the Fed- 
erals were defeated, what astounding results might follow. If 
the rebels were compelled to yield, it might be a blow from 
which they never could recover. All the promises of great 
victories and extensive pillage in the Federal country would 
vanish. Although General McDowell was at first farther 
removed from the confiict than Porter, yet he moved farther 
forward and gave his troops the liberty of fighting the enemy, 
with great skill and power — a privilege they were not slow to 
improve. The Iron Brigade was there. General Pope says, 
that the battle of Friday was " concluded by a furious attack 


along the turnpike by King's division, of McDowell's corps." 
Heintzelman, Reynolds, and Reno also showed true bravery, 
patriotism, and generalship that day, and their troops were as 
true, as daring, as noble as their leaders. 

When the firing slackened and died away on Friday night, 
8,000 Fedex-al soldiers were numbered with the killed and 
wounded, and General Pope estimated the loss of the enemy 
as being twice as many. The enemy themselves have always 
acknowledged that the second battle of Bull Run was terribly 
severe upon them. A young rebel otEcer, crippled there for 
life, dwelt upon their loss in that contest with great feeling, so 
long after as a few days succeeding the evacuation of Rich- 
mond. But the strife ended not with that day, though the sun 
went down in our favor. We had more of the field than in 
the morning, but not as much as at noon. On the whole, the 
victory thus far was declared on our side. 

Yet, the loss after mid-day was charged by G-eneral Pope in 
part on General Pitz John Porter. The review of the case 
now indicates that it was a just charge. The disappointment 
in being recalled fronl the Peninsula, and ordered to serve 
under another than General McClellan, seems to have soured 
General Porter's mind to the, extent that he was faithless to his 
trust. First, General Pope complains of him, that when he 
directed him to move at one o'clock on the night of the 27th, to 
aid General Hooker, nine miles oif, early the next morning, he 
did not reach the ground until after ten o'clock in the forenoon, 
ISText, the commander complains that on the afternoon of Fri- 
day, the 28th, after much success had been gained, and com- 
plete victory was within our grasp. General Porter retired from 
before an attack of the enemy on the flank without proper 
resistance, and leisurely looked on during the remainder of the 
afternoon and the night, without ofifering aid to our other 
troops who were battling severely only two miles distant, and 
by his own acknowledgment, saw the enemy all that time 
reinforcing their own men engaged in the strife ; and further, 
that he allowed one of his brigades — General Griffin's — to 
march off to Centreville, and remain there during all the heavy 
fighting of the next day. 

During the night there was but little fighting, yet some im- 


poftant changes of position. Our left swung round and back 
toward "Washington ; our right advanced toward Thoroughfare 
Gap and Gainesville. On Friday we came up to the battle- 
field nearly from the south. In the first Bull Run battle we 
came to it from the north. Now, on Saturday morning we 
had' drawn around into nearly the same position ■ as , then. 
General Heintzelman's corps held the right, General Porter's 
the centre, General McDowell's the left, and General Sigel's 
the reserve, the last having the hardest fighting the day pre- 
vious. Saturday's fighting was commenced with high hopes on 
the Union side, but it soon became evident that the enemy had 
received reinforcements during the night. The great bulk of 
Lee's army was supposed to have been there; 30,000 of his 
troops came on Saturday. "We had three more corps in that 
vicinity. General Banks and his troops lay off at the 
south-east, within distinct hearing of the booming cannon. 
They wondered, and many still wonder, why they were not 
called to the field. General Franklin's corps was advanc- 
ing toward the battle-field from Alexandria, and General 
Sumner's was following. Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of 
"War, had ordered them forward several days before they 
started. General Pope complained that when General McClel- 
lan sent General Ileintzelman to his assistance, it was with- 
out artillery, and with only forty rounds of ammunition; 
to which McClellan replied, that he had no more materials of 
war at his hand so early after landing at Alexandria. General 
Pope also complained, that when he called for more immediate 
assistance from General McClellan's army, and had a right to 
expect it, there was unnecessary delay in answering the call, 
60 that troops under Franklin and Sumner, who might have 
been upon the ground to aid in crushing the enemy on Friday 
and Saturday, came too late for any service; and that when he 
ca,lled for supplies for both men and animalsj then in. danger 
c)f starvation, he received word from General McClellan that 
he would forward them when he. General Pope, would send 
back a cavalrj' force to protect them on the way. General 
McClellan replied to these charges, which were also sub- 
stantially made by the President and General Halleck, that he 
did the best he could; that he had only a slight cavalry force 


himself; that there was danger of uncovering Washington to 
a disastrous attack of the enemy; that when ordered by his 
superiors, he hurried forward his troops as rapidly as possible. 

Eut who can read the whole account on both sides without 
the feeling that sojne men, at least, would have found a way, 
either because of more disposition or more execution. On the 
other hand the blame has sometimes been too severe upon 
General McClellan. Co*nsider what he had passed through on 
the Peninsula, and his own great disappointment. Also con- 
sider that a man is not responsible beyond his ability, and that 
the right man had not yet appeared. Beside, the Divine time 
for great victory had not come. The way was not prepared 
for safe triumph. The enemy must be led on and on to utter 
exhaustion, that their overthrow might be complete. The 
Iforth must suffer yet more until they should take higher 
and nobler moral ground. And therefore God came not to 
their help. 

To distant beholder^ on the hill-sides, the fighting of these 
two days was often terribly terrific, often grand and sublime. 
There was the awful roar of the cannon, the earth shaking at 
their bellowing voice. There was the sharp rattling, and then 
the more distant, continuous, frightful sound of the musketry. 
Then the balls and shells came crashing through the trees, 
mowing down the foliage, plowing up the earth, and often 
tearing in pieces men and animals, and dashing life out of 
existence as if it had been a bubble. IS'ear by were the deep, 
black lines of soldiers, enveloped in the clouds of battie. Far- 
ther on the musketry and cannon were spouting up the smoke 
and rage of fierce men contending for each other's lives. Far 
off on the hills and down in the valleys were the moving 
columns and banners glistening in the sun, in front of the 
deep green of the great forests. Altogether it was a scene 
that may never be witnessed in this land again, and which 
none may wish to have return, however entrancing or im- 
pressive the sight. 

But as Saturday wears away doubt and sadness are stealing 
over the Federal troops. "Why does not Franklin come?" 
" When will Sumner be here ?" In the two days' fighting only 
Sigel's, Eeno's, Heintzelman's, McDowell's, and Porter's corps 


have been in tlie battle, and these in the order of time as 
named. Ten thousand more men, it was said, would have given 
us the victory. The fighting became the fiercest of the day 
between half-past four and half-past five in the evening. Gen- 
eral Pope had been strengthening his left, as though antici- 
pating a concentration of the enemy's forces there. His con- 
jecture proved correct, but his soldiery insufficient in numbers. 
The rebels turned our left toward Centreville, and McDowell fell 
back. Other divisions were discouraged ; the day seemed lost; 
and though there was not a rout, there was a gradual, and 
for the most part orderly, withdrawal of our lines. But the 
enemy was too severely stricken and exhausted to follow. 

Let us go back and note some of the particular movements 
of "Wisconsin troops. During the forenoon of Friday, the 
Gibbon's brigade lay near the railroad at Manassas Junction. 
In the afternoon they marched up the Sudley road to its cross- 
ing with the Warrenton pike, and took a position near and 
within supporting distance of General Sigel's troops. The 
next day, on account of the loss of men, a reorganization of 
the men took-place, some regiments and battalions being con- 
solidated. The Second and Seventh Wisconsin regiments were 
united and placed under command of Lieutenant Colonel Fair- 
child. The Second had been reduced by battles and sickness 
on the march to one hundred and fifty muskets. During the 
battle, a New York regiment at one time failed to sttod in its 
place and fell back, notwithstanding General Gibbon's strenu- 
ous efibJts to have them remain. He then called a part of Colonel 
Fairchild's regiment to go and hold the point, and they did it. 
At another time, a rebel regiment charged a battery behind 
which the Second and Seventh lay on the ground ; but they were 
met with a fierce volley, which repulsed them with some loss 
of men taken prisoners. About noon an assault was made on 
the enemy's left, and Gibbon's brigade moved up on the north 
side of the "Warrenton pike, and stood in the fifth line of 
battle. The rebels in that part were driven from a thick wood, 
and pursued until they made a stand in an old railroad cut. 
While our troops assaulted them there, the enemy brought 
such a force upon our left that we were compelled to fall back 
to a new position, which was an eminence in the north-east 


angle of the "Warreuton and Sudley roads. Still the enemy 
followed, but were repulsed with, great slaughter, tintil their 
persistence at our left, and their continued threatening of our 
communications with Centreville, obliged our forces to with- 
draw to a hill nearer Bull Run, overlooking and command- 
ing the approaches to Stone Bridge. Night closes in; the 
enemy slacken their pursuit ; the fourth brigade throw out a 
line of skirmishers, and by direction of G-eneral Kearney, 
remain there in line of battle until the whole army has passed 
in retreat on the Centreville road. Then they cross Bull Eun, 
the Second "Wisconsin in the rear, and leaving scouts behind 
to iiotify of the approach of the enemy if they shall pursue, 
they march on, and bivouac at Cub Run near midnight, having 
marched and fought, on that Saturday, eight miles. An eye 
witness says, " Gribbon's brigade covered the rear, not leaving 
the field until after nine o'clock, at night, gathering up the 
stragglers as they marched, and showing so steady a line that 
the enemy made no attempt to molest them-'" > 

Major General Schurz, though not in command of Wiscon- 
sin troops in thiS' battle, wa,s a "Wisconsin ,man. It is stated 
that he acquitted hiinself well. On Friday, after General 
Milroy's- division was engaged. General 'Schurz's division went 
into the action, and when withdrawn was succeeded by Kearney 
and Hooker. At one time Schurz was sent by General Sigel 
to reconnoitre^ Leaving one of his two brigades, he took the 
one of which General Bohlen had command, and during the 
battle that ofl&cer was killed. Toward night on Saturday, 
General Schurz was sent to the left, but before he reached the 
scene of action, McDowell's and Porter's lines were broken, 
and the retreat began. , , . 

There was great sorrowing among the Union troops over 
the final results of this series of battles. The brave ones mani- 
fested no regret on account of the fighting they had done, but 
grief that it had not brought them victory in that day of the 
nation's peril. A correspondent of another State writes, that 
as he talked with some "Wisconsin men about the defeat, they 
shed tears. The next day, the Sabbath, it began to rain, 
though the weather before had been very pleasant; and on the 
battle-field lay the unburied dead, and many wounded, help- 




less ones in great suffering. And yet long trains of cars were 
conveying away thousands of wounded and dying men to Fair- 
fax Court House, Alexandria, and other places. Eeverend 
Alonzo Quint, Chaplain of the Second Massachusetts Regi- 
ment, says : " The sight there cannot be described. The floors 
of cars and the roofs were covered. Acres of ground were 
strewn with wounded men. Train after train had gone. Yet 
still the ambulances came on, on. Camping there, the shriek 
of the steam whistle broke the hours of that Sabbath night, 
and morning showed loaded trains still." 

But some amusing, as well as provoking, things may occur 
eyen in the vicinity of a great battle-field. Read Mr. Quint 
again : " The most disconsolate men were divers government 
clerks, who had come out to assist, and who were distressed 
beyond measure because they could not return to "Washington 
in cars, every inch of which was needed for the wounded. ' I 
came out by invitation of the Secretary of War !' pompously 
remarked one. ' Well,' said the sentry, ' we don't know that 
individual here.' ' But where ,shall I stay to-night ? ' ' Just 
where you please,' said the sentry. I advised him to sleep on 
some hay, if he wished to sleep. He was horrified. He 
wanted to know, with a triumphant air, if J had ever slept out 
of doors. I rather thought I had. Had I ever slept when it 
rained ? (It wa,s sprinkling just jenough to make it pleasant.) 
I intimated to him that he was a great baby to fuss that way, 
with acres of wounded men lying around him, and gave him 
up. Perhaps I ought not to despise him ; I suppose I was just 
such a fool once." 

The Third Wisconsin Infantry was in Greneral Banks' corps. 
The Eifth Infantry had also a brief connection with this battle, 
or failed to have one,, which it is pertinent to mention here. 
We left that body of troops on their way from Malvern Hill to 
Harrison's Landing, where they arrived July 2d, at four in the 
afternoon. On the 5th they went into camp, resuming guard 
and picket duty, and remaining until the 16th of August — a 
long time, indeed — when they took up their march for Fortress 
Monroe, arriving there on the 22d. Thence they at otice pro- 
ceeded on the steamship Arago to Alexandria, landing there 
on the 24th. They remained in camp near the city until the 


29tli — a long time under the circumstances — when they were 
ordered with Franklin's other troops to Centreville, to the 
support of General Pope. Marching at six that morning, they 
bivouacked six miles from Alexandria, and resuming the march 
the following morning at seven, arrived in the dusk of evening 
at Centreville, the official reporter of the regiment says, "just 
in time to be too late to render any assistance to our poor boys 
who had been fighting for several days. I trust that some of our 
generals will get their just deserts ! " 

On Sunday, Gibbon's brigade fell back to Centreville. 
Other portions of the army made their way toward Washing- 
ton. General Banks received this order : "Burn all baggage but 
two ambulances. Move instantly." Then he destroyed an im- 
mense quantity of military stores. Depots, and scores on scores 
of loaded cars, were wrapped in flames ; and some thought it 
was a useless sacrifice. But their retreat might be cut off. 
The rain was pouring; the Occoquan Creek was rising; they 
might not be abie to ford it, if they allowed the least delay. 
Yet the cars might have been removed to a safe distance 
before. It takes a long head and a strong brain to manage 
a great battle, and the wisest and best may fail. If God 
permits it they will. It is complained by some, that this 
special campaign, now terminating, was commenced by a 
pompous and unnecessary review of the army on the Sabbath. 
It ended with a Sabbath of mourning. Probably the failure 
of it, so far as there was failure, is noi chargeable to one man 

In the battles of Gainesville and Bull Pun, from August 
26th to 31st, inclusive, the Second Wisconsin Regiment lost 
70 killed, 196 wounded, 31 missing; total, 297. The Sixth 
Wisconsin lost 17 killed, 91 wounded, 11 missing ; total, 119. 
The Seventh Wisconsin lost 31 killed, 153 wounded, 33 mis- 
sing ; total, 217. Total of killed, 118 ; of wounded, 440 ; of 
missing, 75. Total killed, wounded, and missing, 633. Among 
the wounded of the Sixth were Captain Marsh, and Lieutenants 
Johnson and Ticknor. 

The list of the wounded in the battles of Gainesville and Bull Run were as 
follows : 

Second Regihbnt at Gainesville.— Major T. S. Allen, Sergeant Major Wil- 
liam S. Winegar. Compmy X— Corp. Joseph L. Minor, Fred. L. Phillips, John 


Cavanaugh, 'WiUiam KuM, Hugh Lewis, Archibald D. Bennett. Company B — Oscar 
W. Bradford, "William B. Williams, Jas. C. Leach, James "W . Sloan, F. I. Phelps, 
Hasben Coffin, Lndwig Loohman, Richard Fahey, Company — Oapt. Geo. "W. 
dribson, Lt. Ed. P. Kellogg, Sergt. Samuel Booth, Corp. Frank H, Liscum, Corp. 
Albert Parody, Corp. Geo. B. Hyde, Corp. Michael Goolf, Corp. J. Hughes, Philo 
E.Wright, WiUiani Snodgraas, Francis Burmaster, Martin J. Barntisel, John Bower, 
Newton Wilcox, Joseph Bock, Geo. W. Nevins, Albert Waldorf, Wm. M. Foster, 
Samuel Peyton, Jolm Coonce, A. J. Curtis, Walter Hyde, Fred. Pettigrove, G. W. 
Fritz, Daniel Eldrid, John St. Johns, R. H. McKenzie, Fred. Chase, John Doyle, 
Lewis Reidler, William B.. Reed, John Cahill, J. C. Dillon, John W. Rainess, A. 
W. Spears, Alpheus Currant, J. li. Branson. Company JD — Corp. John Mcljochlin, 
Sergt. William P. Warren, Alvin Z. Eager, L. L.Turner, Marion Alexander, Joseph 
Tramblie, David Tramblie, John Molntyre, Andrew Bean, John A. Jones, Albert 

B. Heath, Edward Killaler, Chauncey.i Callender, And. Paterson, Thos. H. Enill. 
Company E — Capt. Lyman H. Smith, Lt. Melvin R. Baldwin (Act'g. Adj't.), Sergt. 
Walker S. Rouse, Corp. James 0. Bartlett, since dead ; Corp. Wm. C. Bryant, 
Edward L. Billings, Nicholas Coslow, Wm. G. Davis, since dead ; John Banderob, 
Sebastian Osterday, Wm. Tillark, Robert Steever, breast, mortally ; Edwin Cooper, 
Julius E. Lull, Abraham White, Philip Smith. Company F — Sergt. Martin Rod' 
man, Sergt. Francis L. Graham, Sergt. Sam. Manderson, Corp. John Yates, Corp. 
William Price, Lyman C. Ewen, Chaa. B. Hurlbut, Joseph Hughes, Chas. Jewett, 
Sheldon E. Judson, Nathaniel Megis, Cornelius North, Henrj' Bowles, Henry 
Wormington, Samuel Seaman, Douglas C. Smith, Thomas Weldon, Peter Webber. 
Company (?— Sergt. Henry G. Clark, Chas. C. Dow, Corps. R. McDonald, G. W; 
Blanchard, A. F. Pardee, S. H. Morrison; C- P- Austin, Batson, John Chap- 
man, William Church, Thomas J". Cowing, James H. Grace, F. D. Helms, George 
HiU, Lyman Jordan, J. Loomis, George Mack, Warren Nichols, Warren L. Pratt, 
Orson Parker, Edward Rice, John Rowell, John Stone, Miles Sweeney, Homer 
Sweetman, Peter G. Irvine. Company fi— Sergt. Paul Halverson, Corp. W. A. 
Stearns, Corp. T. Krutzen, Wm; Black, Thos. Beaver, A. S. Baker, R. G. Brown, 

C. F. Buohan,,J. Cook, Thomas Daily, J. W. Bskew, B. L. Edwards, J. Everitt, 
■S. Foss, Jerry Grover, L. O. Iverson, C. W. Moore, A. MoCoUum, Jas. Plackett, 

A. F. Stancliff, G. W. Stone, W. T. Turner, J. Thompson, J. T. Tanhausen, J. White, 
J. &. Wall, Corp. E. H. Heath. Company I—Lt. Alonzo Bell, Sergt. Jas. Gregory, 
Sergt. William Murser, Corp. Samuel Coker, Luke itvery, William F. Benney, 
Otis Evans, J. G. Goldthorp, James B. Prideaux, Benjamin F. Saterlee. Company 
K—IA. 0. 6. Bsslinger, Sergt. August Wandery, Sergt. Adam Lula, Corp. John 
Pott, Corp. John Willand, Corp. Jacob Metsler, Corp. Rudolph StoU ; Privates, 
Martin Arabruster, Joseph Helmes, Jacob Jenny, Sebastian Limbey, Julius Kruger, 
John H. Kubby, Christian Limpke, Fred. Suchinger, Charles Leoper, Rudolf 
Mendlik, Anton Minter, Konrad i'latt, John Pashke, Mathias Rathenborger, Anton 
Schmidt, John Schmidt, John Linn, Fred. Stuiff, Dutland Thorn, Peter Zeimet, W. 

On Saturday, August 30th. — Lt. Henry B. Converse, Thomas Green, Company 
A ; John D. McDonald, Company A ; D. F. Chapman, Company B ; Chas. Knoll, 
Company B ; Corp. Isaac R. Huggins. 

Sixth Infantry, at Gainesville and Bull Run. — Col. Cutler, Oapt. John F. Marsh, 
Company D ; Lt. J. B. Johnson, Company E ; Lt. J. Tioknor, Company K. Company 
A — Sergt. John Stark, Corp. P. Slackhouse, Corp. P. Hofer, Harvey Clay, W. H. 
Lively, Wra. Kline, P. Nispert. Company B — J. Fachs, J. T . Cayzer, H. Smyzer, 
G. Cassidy, R. Fulton, D. T. Jones, J. McEwen. Company C—W. H. Pease, Corp. 
J. W. Hubbard, T. Budworth, A. Boyd, C. White, A. Wethrow, L. P. Harvey, 
M. Prothen, W. Russell, L. W. Sheldon, H. 0. Viatte, L. R. W. Falkner, W. Gil- 
more, E. W. Ellis. Company D — L. Fowler, J. H. Riley, Corp. L G. Carpenter, 

D. Simmons, J. Fowler, J. C. Clark, J. Toppit, M. Decker. Company 3 — Corp. F. 
Baldwin, J. H. Cole, W. K Fish, M. A. Gardeld, A. Gifford, G. Johnson, B. 
Kribbs, J. F. Lawrence, W. Rowe, Amos Lefter, John Shay, J. S. Berry, J. 
Weyman, R. J. Campbell, J. Derner, W. Dillon, R. Hasbrouck. A. Dennis. Com- 
pany F — J. Bersch, J. Beynes, A. Wellhausen, J. Vetter, P. Simmerding, Sergt. 
0. Greaty, L. Corastock. Company G — Corp. L. S. Medbury, C. Gervits, W. K. 
Kinsey, C. Maun, T. 0. Maley, A. Allen, M. Odell. Compamy .S^Sergt. J. A. 
Grosen, Corp. J. Wourt, L. Obrieht. Company i^Sergt. E. P. Pern, Corp. R. 


■Warham, A. Dowrie, B. 0. Burdick, J. B. Hill, B. Lind. F. Page, G. Rabins, XL. 
Somerby, C. 0. Wynan, 0. "Wright, S. G. Waller, A. Alien, H. McClure, 6. Ruby, 
G. Sutton, L. Broughton. Company K—D. D. Alton, W. W. Garland, E. Emmons, 
J.R. Towle, W. J. Ranney, H. W. Trumble, J. St. Clair. 

Seventh Reoiment, at Gainesville and Bull Ruti. — Ool.W. W. Robinson, Lt. Col. 
Chas. A. Hamilton, Maj. Geo. Bill. Company A — Corp. Coonrod Gunkle, Corp. A. 
Miller, Corp. Wm. J. Townley, Corp. W. Heuton, Harvey P. Ball, J. Clelland, I. 
Clapp, M. Case, Pliny Ellis, P. Feeney, J. Georgeson, T. H. Grish, Cyrus Henton, 
Herbert Lull, Uri P. Laskey, I. Meade , J. Morrison, J. Pollock, A. A. Stilson, T. 
Strangeway, B. P. Riddle. Company B—Lt. M. C. Hobart, Sergt. Wm. H. Mor- 
gan, Corp. J. McMahan, J. B. Brown, A. 0. Butler, I. Cooper, J. Englesey, John 
Furguson, F. Graham, J. Hughes, A. 0. Hurlburt, J. Thomas. Company C— Corp. W. 
P. Durley, H. Radkil, J. L. Eastman, Corp. F. Quimby, J. C. Bold. Company B—SeTg, 
E. A. Estes, Sergi. 0. H. Pratt, Sergt. A. J. Gompton, Corp. J. H. Best, Corp. P. ■ 
Thomas ; Privates L. C. Farnham, T. Campbell, J. Kenbarger, E. Simmons, A. D. 
Coon, E. Crane, E. Marsh, J, Bullock, R. King, J. Evans, P. Thompson, M. H. 
Haynes, J. C. Burns, E. A. Reed, J. D. Marble, J. Thomas, A. S. Eager, J. M.' 
Treat, Wm. S. Sylvester, G. Wells. Company .S— Oapt. W. D. Walker, Sergt. T. 
Eubanks, Sergt. G. Worden, Sergt. H. Gibson, Corp. H. Gildersleve, Corp. J. J. 
Rose, Geo Eddy, H. E. Holoomb, A. M. Hubbard, F. G. Carmon, W. H. H. 
Wheelock, A. Wheeler. Company F—lat Sergt. A. R. McCartney, Corp. C. Giles 
Parker, Corp. Wm. A Smith, Corp. P. A. Boynton, C. B. BishoD, Geo. Eustis, P. 
Gilbert, Wm. H. Miles, J. Marlow, N. McPhail, J. B. Nickerson, D. Rector, Wm. 
R. Ray. L. Carrier, J. Lepla, Capt. J. B. Callis. Company 0—U. Purrler, R. J. 
Verrinder, C. G. Cleland, A. Gray, J. R. Ryan, D. Dunwoodie, Geo. McCartney, 
G. Allen. Company jB"— Corp. N. Johnson, Corp. J. Monteith, Corp. J. Randolph, 
R. J. Cutts, J. Dillon, F. Kearney, M. Moore, J. B. Murphy, Alonzo Sprhiger, G. 
M. Steele, A. M. Steele, John Schultz, J. Thompson, L. Eastman, S. Streeter B 
Rice, L. Russell, S. K. Potts. Company J— Capt. G. H. Walther, Lt. J. N P. Bird 
Ord. Sergt. B. S. Williams, Sergt. B. Cole, Corp. G. Williams, Corp. W. D. Wil- 
liams. T. B. Curry, J. Kurd, C. Hursh, J. Jones, W. Maxon, J. RozeU, G. Robin- 
son, L. H. Welding, N. G. Whitney, Amos Ware, S. Wilkins, Wm. Mitchell, P. E. 
Whitcomb. Company K—E. Carney, M. 0. Daniels, J. H. Knapp, John A Living- 
ston, W. J. Rader, N. Sebring, F. Simmons, R. Tibbetts, Corp. 0. R. Garner, K. 
H. Oviatt, F. L. Ruben, C. W. Woodman, D. S. Wilkinson, M. Errickson, Noble 
Blaokington, Calvin Miller, Stone Severson. 





Hatlle of South JJS^owntadnf — The JBattle of Crampton^s Pass, — The JBattle of 

The second battle iat Bull Run settled notWng, and therefore 
was antecedent to more such sanguinary conflicts. " If Wash- 
ington is not yet taken, probably it could be after Balti- 
more, and perhaps Philadelphia, have fallen. At least an 
inroad must be made upon the Federal territory; an army 
must be fed from it; supplies must be obtained for the 
approaching autumn and winter. If ever the war is to be 
carried north of Mason and Dixon's line, now is the time. 
If Maryland is ever to be cemented to the Confederate cause, 
it must be done now." Thus reasoned the rebel General Lee 
and his associates in counsel. 

^o time was lost. Our army had retired to the vicinity of 
Washington. Porter's, McDowell's, Franklin's, Heintzel- 
man's. Couch's, and Sumner's corps, were all within its reach, 
partially for their own protection, partly for the defence of the 
capital. General McClellan had been placed in command 
around the city, and no one should wish to disguise the fact 
that President Lincoln, Secretary Stanton, and nearly the 
whole loyal country, turned to him with great solicitude and 
confidence in this trying crisis. iN'or was the trust wholly in 

Genera] Lee knew there was too much danger in attacking 


the city from its south side, therefore he rapidly sought the 
fords of the upper Potomac. With but little opposition he 
threw his men across, and they began to rollick in green fields. 
At first there were 30,000, and then 90,000 rebel soldiers, with 
one hundred and sixty pieces of artillery, in Maryland. It was 
not at once plain whether they intended to march down upon 
"Washington in the rear, or move upon Baltimore, or invade 
Pennsylvania, or whether they were making a feint upon the 
north of the Potomac to draw our troops thither, and, that 
accomplished, intended to attack Washington from the south. 
But at length their plan was disclosed. G-eneral McClellan began 
to move our army guardedly to the north side of the river, and 
then noi-thward and westward toward the enemy. His resump- 
tion of the command gave great joy aiid confidence to the 
troops. There was a general outburst of enthusiasm. Wher- 
ever he rode along the lines he was attended with deafening 

Gibbon's brigade, after falling back to Centreville, passed 
through Germantown and Ealls Church to Upton's Hill, near 
Washington. September 1st, there was a battle fought at 
Chantilly, in which the lamented Generals Kearney and Stevens 
were killed. This brigade was temporarily in Kearney's 
eoirmand only two days before. On the night of the 6th it 
crossed the Potomac at Aqueduct Bridge, passed through 
Georgetown and Washington, and out on the Rockville road 
to Leesboro', Maryland. The next three days it: marched 
through Mechanicsville and Triadelphia to Ifew Lisbon, on 
the national road from Baltimore to Harper's Ferry. Thence . 
it went to New Market, the enemy's cavalry being but one day 
in its advance. On the 13th it reached Monocacy Bridge, near 
Frederick city, and heard cannonading in its front. Its ordi- 
nary march on this route had been only six or seven miles per 
day, and General McClellan has been criticised for his slow 
progress in these circumstances of invasion by a powerful 
enemy. To this want of celerity has been attributed the loss 
of Harper's Ferry, surrendered by Colonel Miles, which would 
not have been done if McClellan's forces had reached him in 
season. Whether they could have reached him without inte- 
vening battles may be a question. 


The army of Virginia, which had been commanded by Gen- 
eral Pope, and the army of the Peninsula had been united, 
and the greater portion was now pursuing the enemy After 
the battle of Bull Run the Fifth Infantry returned to Alex- 
andria, and remained there until the 6th of September, when, 
being attached to General Sloeum's division, it commenced a 
march with the main body of the army to Maryland. 


Early on the 14th of September, which was the Sabbath, our 
pursuing army advanced over the Catdctin ridge of mountains 
into Middle Valley, and a portion through Frederick City and 
Middletown, to South Mountain, where the enemy was found 
strongly posted, their forces being composed of i). H. Hill's, 
Longstreet's, and Jackson's-^ — some 30,000 in all. The moun- 
tain at that point is about one thousand feet in height, with a 
depression erf four hundred feet at Turner's Gap. The sides 
are steep and rugged, and difficult to ascend by any other than 
the ordinary thoroughfares. From base to brow the mountain 
is nearly covfered with a thick wood, affi)rding protection to 
the party in possession, and making the attack very hazardous. 
At Bolivar, a small village of six or eight houses, on the main 
road between Middletown and the Gap, two roads branch oflF, 
taking a circuitous course to the mountains, and fall into the 
main road again at the Gap. The first position of the Union 
army was on rising ground to the right and left of the main 
road between Bolivar and the mountains. As the day advanced 
the position was changed, but never for the better. The enemy 
could command the whole space in our front. 

Our artillery was placed on high ground to fire on the enemy 
in the Gap, concealed behind stone walls and in edges of tim- 
ber. It was soon found that the rebels were increasing their 
artillery, and they frequently opened fresh batteries on our 
advancing infantry. The cannonading, with some infantry 
firing, went on until noon, when there was a cessation, and 
additional troops were moving into position to take part in the 
battle. General Pleasanton had made the reconnoissance, and 
was in an advanced part of our lines. General Hooker came 
up to our right. The brave General Reno reached the ground, 


and General Pleasanton having explained to Mm the position of 
our troops and of the enemy, he went forward to the front and 
took command more to the left. The battle soon became 
general throughout the lines. Cook's battery took a favorable 
position for shelling the^ woods in advance of the infantry ; but 
a tremendous volley of musketry, followed by another and 
another, in rapid succession, so disconcerted the artillerymen, 
that they abandoned their guns, and ran to the rear, leaving 
their pieces, and several of their comrades slain, on the ground. 
The drivers of the caissons also fled, dashing wildly through 
the ranks of Cox's division, which was drawn up in line of 
battle a few yards to the rear. Two companies of a cavalry 
regiment, which were supporting the battery, also galloped 
through the line of infantry. After a little confusion, they 
(the infantry) quickly straightened their line, and prepared to 
resist the onset of the foe, who pushed forward to seize the 
abandoned pieces. At the same moment the Twenty-third 
Ohio, (the "Psalm Singers of the "Western Eeserve,") advanced 
in splendid style to repulse the enemy, which proved to be the 
Twenty-third South Carolina, who had approached within ten 
feet of our cannon. So desperate were the rebels, that before 
a single man would surrender, he would beat his gun against 
a rock, to render it useless. The struggle was most exciting. 
At length the Forty-fifth ]S"ew York came to the rescue, and 
after severe loss on both sides, the enemy retreated in great con- 
fusion, amid the wildest shouts of triumph from our lines. For 
the next two hours. General Reno's command ceased opera- 
tions, and the artillery alone kept up the battle. The guns 
used thus far had been twelve-pounders and under. Simmons's 
Ohio battery of twenty-pounders was now placed in position 
on the left, to shell the rebel battery on the right of the Gap. 
The firing for a while was exceedingly animated; but the 
twenty-pounders proved too much for the antagonists, and in 
half an hour their guns were placed in another position. At 
about three in the afternoon. General Hooker's command 
attacked the heights on the right of the pass ; and after a 
desperate resistance, carried the crest about dark, and held it. 
General Meade was of great service in this part of the battle. 
The rebels stood their ground well for a time; but at last 


wavered, and fell back in disorder toward the summit of the 
mountains, our forces pushing them vigorously. Our line did 
not hesitate for an instant, but kept moving forward and up- 
ward, pouring volley after volley of musketry into the enemy's 
ranks, until they broke and ran precipitately over the crest 
and down the opposite side of the mountain. 

Ear to the left General Reno had rapidly driven the enemy, 
and at the right General Hooker had pressed forward with 
like success. Between these two, on the turnpike and among 
the hills, was the rebels' stronghold, from which they had not 
been routed. In the afternoon the Iron Brigade, says General 
McClellan, " was detached from Hatch's division by General 
Burnside, for the purpose of making a demonstration on the 
enemy's centre, up the main road." "Late in the afternoon," 
says General Gibbon, " I was ordered to move up the Hagers- 
town turnpike with my brigade and one section of Gibbon's 
battery, to attack the enemy in the gorge." The Seventh 
Wisconsin was on the right, and the Mneteenth Indiana on 
the left, preceded by skirmishers from the Second and Sixth 
"Wisconsin Infantry, and followed by the remaining parts of 
those regiments. The enemy's cannon were firing upon them 
from the top of the gorge. Our artillery and infantry soon 
became engaged, but the latter continued steadily to advance. 
Though the rebels were posted in the woods and behind stone 
walls, they were driven back until reinforced by three additional 
regiments, making five in all. To prevent being outflanked. 
Lieutenant Colonel Bragg, of the Sixth, with a portion of his 
men, entered the woods on his right, and deployed to the right 
of the Seventh. ' The Indiana Regiment and the Wisconsin 
Second swung around parallel to the turnpike, and took 
the enemy in flank on that side. Meanwhile Stewart was 
firing his cannon at the rebels over the heads of our men. 
Thus the Iron Brigade poured a heavy fire upon their antago- 
nists from the front and both flanks. At dark the brigade 
was still fighting up the hill. At nine o'clock some of the 
troops had exhausted their supply of cartridges. At this junc- 
ture, the enemy, suspecting this to be the case, prepared to 
advance, but General Gibbon gave orders to hold the position 
with the bayonet. Captain Callis, who was in command of 


the Seventh, ordered the men to lie- down, and, csoUected from 
the boxes of the dead and wounded their cartridges, and had 
them distributed among his troops. To use his own words, 
"I then gave them orders to load and lie down, and reserve 
their fire for a close range. The enemy, seeming to know our 
condition, commenced advancing on us in line, whereupon I 
ordered the regiment to rise up, fix bayonets and charge on 
the advancing column. Our regiment had not advanced more 
than twenty feet when we fired ; this broke the enemy's lines, 
and they retired in great confusion." At ten o'clock the 
rebels were driven to the top of the gorge. All but the Sixth 
had now ceased firing, because there was nothing to fire at. 
This regiment continued the confiict with some rebels con- 
cealed behind a stone fence — their last stronghold. The 
enemy soon after ceased firing, and the Sixth also, but the 
latter remained in their position and lay upon their arms. 
The rebels soon crept up and re-opened fire upon them, when 
they rose and gave the grey coats two vollies, and three loud 
cheers for the Badger State. The rebels were quieted, and the 
battle was over. Among the wounded was Lieutenant Ellis, 
of Company B, whose leg was broken above the ankle by a 
bullet. At midnight the Second and Seventh, relieved by 
Grorman's brigade, fell back to obtain ammunition, but the 
Sixth remained on the field till morning. During the night 
the enemy withdrew, leaving their dead on the field unburied, 
and their wounded to such care as our troops might choose to 
give them, which was as good as our own received. In some 
places their dead lay heaped on each other, most of them 
having been shot through the head as they rose to fire at our 
men. They lost much more than we. The whole Federal 
loss was 312 killed, and 1,234 wounded. The Second Regi- 
ment had 9 killed, and 18 wounded ; the Sixth, 11 killed, and 
79 wounded ; the 7th, 11 killed, 115 wounded, and 21 missing; 
total, 31 killed, 212 wounded, and 21 missing. Total loss, 264. 
Captain Colwell, of the Second, while leading Companies B 
and E, as skirmishers, was killed. Colonel Fairchild testifies 
that he "was a fine officer, and beloved by the whole regi- 
ment." Just before sunset General Eeno also fell, and in 
him the nation lost one of its truest, noblest defenders. 


It was tMs stormiag of the enemy in the gorge, at the battle 
of South Mountain, near Middletown, Maryland, that gave to 
our three Wisconsin and the one Indiana regiments, the title 
" Iron Brigade of the West," althbugh the way had before 
been preparing for some very honorable name. The next day 
General McClellan received the following telegraphic message 
from President Lincoln : " Your dispatch of to-day received. 
G-od bless you, and all with you. Destroy the rebel army, if 


Turner's Gap, where the last desperate stand of the Con- 
federate force on the right was made, is two miles from the 
base of the mountain. Six miles south is Crampton's Gap, 
through which passes the road from Jefferson to Roherville. 
On the same day that the battle of South Mountain was fought, 
this strong position was carried by General Franklin's corps, 
after a succession of brilliant bayonet charges. Crampton's 
Gap was strongly held by the Confederate General Howell 
Cobb. The division of General Slocum, consisting of three 
brigades, under Generals Bartlett, Torlitt, and I^ewton, encoun- 
tered the foe. They had advanced but a short distance in line 
of battle, when a heavy musketry fire was directed upon them 
from behind a stone wall running along the base of the gap^ 
A desperate hand to hand fight ensued, which continued for 
nearly an hour, and resulted in the routing of the rebels. 
They made no attempt to resist our advancing columns until 
they reached the crest of the mountain, but there they turned 
and showed fight. The Federal forces came rushing up till 
they reached the summit, where another bloody confiict 
occurred. The foe finally fled down the western declivities, 
leaving four hundred prisoners, three regimental colors, two 
pieces of artillery, and three thousand stand of arms. Our loss 
was one hundred and five killed, and four hundred and forty- 
eight wounded. The rebel loss was larger. But their loss of 
this Gap was more, serious, as it exposed the flank of General 
Lee's army, and brought the Federal left into Pleasant Valley, 
and within five miles of Harper's Ferry. During the above 


action the Fifth "Wisconsin was in position with the reserve, 
and afterward bivouacked near Sharpsburg. 

The names of the killed in the battle of South Mountain 
will appear elsewhere; the wounded, according to official 
report, were as follows: 

Second Resiment. Company A — Serjrt. James A. Chapel; H. B. RhotoD. 
Company £—J. Markie. Company D — lohn M. Khle, B. W. Beebe, Chas. H. Che- 
ney, John M. Kellogg. Company E — Charles Montgomery, slightly; Geo. M. Has- 
brouck, slightly. Company i^— Capt. Wm. P. Parsons. Company O — Theodore 
Fletcher, J. Twycross, slightly. Company fi"— Charles Erickson, mortally; F. M. 
Reuter. Company i— Capt. Wm. A. Nelson, A. T. Budlong. K. F. Znowlton, Geo. 
Gilbert, Geo. W. Williams. Company £■— William Remington, John Mislln, John 

Sixth Reoimbnt. Company A, "Sauk County Riflemen" — Sergt. J. C. Miller, 
Sergt. J. I. Weirieh, Corporal R. Atridge, T. Anderson, T. Butterfleld, J. Bucker, 
W. S. Durbin, C. W. Farrington, A. Fowler, in leg; D. L. Odell, G. F. Rice, J. 
Whitley. Company B, " Prescott Guards" — First Lieutenant E. C. ElKs, Corporal 
H. Smyser, Corporal J. Winn, H. Anderson, A. Friar, J. Heath, A. D. Zeeler, 
legs; A. Ol3en,CJiarles Potter, J. Sanderson, Wm. H. Pulver. Company C, "Prairie 
du Oliieu" — Sergt. B. A. Whaley, Corp. Geo. Fairchild, E. Corcoran. Company 
D, " Montgomery Guards," Milwaukee — Sergt. Gallagher, Sergt. Kerr, Corporal 

Dunn, Mcintosh, F. Clark, McKenzie, Costigan, Myers, 

Lebenthall, Huntington, Handrehau.- Company E, "Bragg's Rifles," 

Fond du Lac— Corp. T. Hall, I). W. Baldwin, E. E. Campbell, J. Flood, J. Gris- 
bers, R. Hasbrook, A. LefHer, N. L. Rowe, P. SteeniSj R. Woodland. Company 
Fy "Citizens' Corps," Milwaukee — T. Zivertel, M. Kleinscheret, H.Kellner, H. 
Sleinmetz, T. Heinrieh. Company G, " Beloit Star Rifles" — J. O'Leary, arm; Da 
AVitt C. Burbanks. Company S, " Buffalo County Rifles" — ^Thos. Blake. Company 
I, "Anderson Guards," Juneau County — J. Harding, M. Richardson, G. Ruby, 
L. Steadman, Corp. C. Green, 0. Bohn, H. MeClure. Company K, ' ' Lemonweir 
Minute Men" — Corp. Wilcox, Crawford, Holmes, Thompson, Simms, Sullivan, 
Cornish, Revels, Revels. 

Skventh Regiment. Company A, "Lodi Guards" — Acting Orderly Sergt. L. 
Bascom, Corp. Philander Phinney, John Agan, Henry Byron, John Grant, E. J. 
Hurd, Hiram Pierce, John Knutson. Company B, " Columbia County Cadets" — 
Sertrt. Z. B. Russell, Corp. E. R. Hancock, Geo. L. Brown, Jas. E. Brown, John 
J. Blowers, Chase Cummings, Rufus Cole, E. B. Dye, J. 0. Hilliker, A. Hughes, 
Thos. Hand, Wm. R. Ingalls, J. D. McMuUen, W. L. Newell, Truman Newell, 
Lewis Priest, Wesley Richardson, David Snow, Chas. Walker, Edwin Wheeler. 
Company C, "Platteville Guards" — Corps. W. P. Durley, John Altizer, J. L. 
Rewey, Wm. Beazely ; Privates D. C. Ashmore, D. H. B^vant, Wm. Brestell, Mal- 
com 1-iay, W. W. Davis, W. Neal, H. H. Edwards, J. Rilil, F. Jones, Wm. B. 
Newcomb, E. Parker, J. C. Palmer, Madison Ray, Theo. W. Smelker, Geo. Wells. 
Company I), "Stoughton Light Guard" — Corp. A. 0. Croft, Corp. B. P. Ordway, 
J. G. Bently, J. B. Wright, E. Thompson. Company E, "Marquette County" — 
Corp. A. 0. Webster, John Casey, Daniel Casey, W. H. Root, Joseph Edwards, 
Henry Gathers. Company E, "Lancaster Guards" — Lieut. John W. McKenzie, 
Corp. Geo. F. Holbort, Corp. P. J. Schlosser, Corp. Wm. A. Smith, Geo. Atkin- 
son, Henry Black, Jacob A. Drew, Milo Dexter, Geo. A. Henderson, Fletcher S. 
Kidd, Alex. Lewis, R. B. Pierce, Jas. A. Simpkins, Thos. Price. Company G, 
"Grand Rapids Guards"— Corps. Edgar Tenant, John Hanna, Wm. Armstrong; 
Privates Clinton Bggleston, Hugh Evans, Wm. Creasy, Henry Felix, James Ingra- 
ham, Isaac Beadle, Wm. Richards, Daniel Wilcox, Michael Shortell, Martin Leeser, 
Daniel McAuliffe; Sergt. John Crocker. Company H, "Badger State Guards," 
Grant County— Sergt. Wm. L. Jacobs, Corp. Jas. H. Brunemer, John Andrews, 
Isaac Coates, Henry Freuduer, Jos. Heathcock, Stanbury Hitchcock, John B. 
Mathews, S. K. Potts, Luman Russell. John Todd, Fred. Thies, Newton B. Wood, 


Nicholas Heler, John Sturz. Compcmy I, " North- western Tigers" — Corp. Henry 
Thoragate, Lewis Brown, George 0. Stratton, Charles W. Smith. Company K, 
" Beloit Badger Rifles" — Second Lieut. S. B. Morse, Sergt. Henry Harbough, Corp. 
John M. Hoyt, John P. Poss, Jas. A. Snyder, Stone Severson, Wm. Beardsley, 
Geo. Coville. 


The rebel army was undoubtedly disappointed soon after 
reacliing Maryland. They had been informed by secession 
sympathizers on this side that the whole State would rise to 
greet them. But they found that there had been a real 
advance toward the Union side. Their payment for supplies 
in Confederate scrip did not aid their cause. Our two armies, 
separated at the beginning of the Peninsular campaign, were 
now united, and that was not so hopeful for their projects. 
After crossing the Potomac they had looked about a little, and 
then steered for a mountainous region, where, in gorges and 
fastnesses, and on crests and peaks, they might possess the 
greatest advantages for battle. At Crampton's Pass, South 
Mountain, and in various skirmishes they had lost. The 
tide had turned against them since 'the second Bull Run battle. 
'Ro doubt they wished themselves south of the Potomac again, 
but how to get there was the question ; yet, defeated at South 
Mountain, and Crampton's Pass, on the night of the 14th they 
started, their faces set toward old Virginia. At early dawn on 
the morning of the 15th, our pickets pushed out toward the 
enemy, and found they had left. Then one great army pursued 
another, until, toward night, the rebels were found strongly 
posted on the heights of the west bank of Antietam Creek, 
near Sharpsburg. An artillery duel followed immediately. 
Our troops were coming up and getting into position during 
the whole night. 

The, Antietam here is a sluggish stream, difficult to be 
forded, runs south and east, and has four stone bridges in 
the distance of six and a half miles. The rebel arniy stretched 
across the triangle made by the creek and the Potomac, their 
left on the river, their right below Sharpsburg, near the creek, 
and their front to the north and east. Their artillery was posted 
on the hills, the rear ones rising highest, and their infantry 
and cavalry were mostly concealed behind woods and heights, 


and were thus able to maneuver, change position, and concen- 
trate forces without our knowledge. The river made it diffi- 
cult to turn their left, the creek to turn their right. Our 
troops must cross the creek in difficult places if they made a 
powerful attack. A better position for defence the enemy 
could hardly- have selected in the country. 

The Confederates had 97,445 men present and fit for duty. 
The Federals had 87,164. Nearly 200,000 soldiers were con- 
fronting each other on a line of battle four miles in length. 
The enemy had Generals Jackson's and Longstreet's corps, 
General D. H. Hill's second division, General J. E. B. Stuart's 
cavalry, Genera.s Ransom's and Jenkins' distinguished bri- 
gades, and many other troops, with an artillery force of four 
hundred guns. General Hooker's corps, consisting of Gen- 
erals Meade's, Doubleday's, and Rickett's divisions, held our 
right, to be supported by General Sumner's corps, and, if 
necessary, General Franklin's, both of which were late upon 
the field. General Mansfield's corps was near General Hooker's. 
General Porter's corps was in our centre, and General Burn- 
side's at our left, near and below Sharpsburg. On the after- 
noon of the 16th, General Hooker's troops crossed the An- 
tietam at the upper of the four bridges and a ford near by, had 
an engagement with the enemy, drove them from a piece of 
woods, and rested there on their arms for the night. During 
the night General Mansfield's corps crossed the same bridge 
and ford, and took a position a mile in the rear of General 
Hooker. At daylight on the 17th, the Pennsylvania Reserves 
commenced a skirmish with the enemy, and all of Hooker's 
troops soon became engaged. For half an hour there was no 
wavering on either side. Then Hooker's force being found 
inadequate. General Mansfield's troops rushed forward to a 
tremendous assault. The rebels fell back through a corn-field 
and a piece of woods, and across another field into other woods. 
General Meade and his Pennsylvania troops closely pursue, 
but they are met by fresh and increased numbers of rebels, 
and fall back. General Hooker sees the crisis, sends for more 
troops, sees the danger increasing, and posts an aid to General 
Doubleday with the message — " Give me your best brigade." 
General Hartsuft", with the Twelfth and Thirteenth Massachu- 


setts and other troops, ruskes to the rescue, and they carry a 
point of woods that commands the position first gained. 

It is nine o'clock in the morning. The brave General Mans- 
field, while examining the ground in his front, has fallen mor- 
tally wounded. General Hartsuff is severely wounded and 
borne from the field. General Crawford is wounded and 
gone. General Sedgwick's division has just arrived, and 
marches in three columns to the support of our right. The 
left of that division gives way ; the enemy press back our lines 
again, but in turn are checked by other troops, and forced to 
retire. A rocky position held by the enemy is untaken, but 
much ground once gained is held, and the rebels can not turn 
eflT-ffight. Hooker, in a much exposed position, and urging 
on his command, is severely wounded in the foot, and obliged 
to leave:the field, saying, as he goes, "I had rather been shot 
in the head at the end of the battle than in the foot so early." 
In the assault by General Sedgwick's troops, he and General 
Dana are seriously wounded. Sedgwick remains at the head 
of his soldiers an hour after receiving two wounds, and quits 
the field only after the third. 

General Meade took command of Hooker's corps, and Gen- 
eral Howard took the place of Sedgwick. The battle on our 
right had thus far been terribly obstinate. Farther toward 
the left. General French's division crossed the Antietam and 
engaged the rebels in their front. There fought General Max 
"Weber's, General Kimball's, and Colonel Dwight Morris' 
brigades. Some raw, undrilled troops, in marching through 
corn-fields and crossing fences, were thrown into confusion. 
But the enemy were at length pressed back to a sunken road 
and corn-field, where they were strongly posted, and there a 
terrific fire of musketry brokei forth, and the combatants along 
the whole line fought terribly and with great slaughter on both 
sides. The rebels attempted to turn our left, assaulted our 
front, received reinfofcements, and tried yet more; but in all 
were unsuccessful, were driven back, and after nearly four 
hours' fighting, left our troops to enjoy some rest behind the 
heights on which they had so bravely fought, and which they 
had so dearly won. 

Still farther toward our left. General Richardson's division 


crossed the Antietam at half-past nine o'clock, moved to the 
conflict with great regularity and bravery, and bore an im- 
portant and bloody part in the strife. General Meagher's 
Irish brigade there maintained their former distinction. They 
fought till their ammunition was nearly gone, till their com- 
mander was severely injured by the fall of his horse, shot 
under him, and then retired in an orderly manner in favor of 
General Caldwell's brigade and Colonel Brooks' Fifty-third 
Pennsylvania volunteers. 

The enemy maneuvered behind the hills, and woods, and 
corn-fields, and made various and most determined attacks, 
gaining at times, but on the whole losing ground. General 
Richardson, while personally directing the fire of a battery, 
was mortally wounded, and General Hancock succeeded him. 
Colonel Burke, of the Sixty-third New York, assumed com- 
mand of Meagher's brigade, and they went forward again to 
the line of battle. Between twelve and one o'clock General 
Franklin's corps arrived from Crampton's Pass, where they 
had gained a victory three days before, and went to the aid of 
the right wing, which had already done so much hard fighting. 
A good Providence had ordered their arrival at the right time. 
The enemy were just at the point of piercing our line where 
Generals Sedgwick's and French's divisions joined. The fresh 
arrival prevented such a catastrophe. But General Franklin's 
corps were the only remaining reserves for thopi right, and 
General Sumner would not trust them in any offensive operar 
tions that might endanger a defeat. 

In the centre of our line General Porter's corps remained on 
the east side of the Antietam, cannonading the enemy, and 
earnestly guarding against any surprise. Our supply trains 
were in their rear, and a repulse of our forces there woul^ 
have been fatal. Yet, a portion of Sykes' regulars had been 
sent forward to repel the enemy's sharp-shooters, who were 
firing on General Pleasanton's horse batteries, and Warren's 
brigade had been detached to aid General Burnside, and about 
the middle of the afternoon, General McClellan says, only a 
little over 3,000 men were left of Porter's force at the centre. 
Had the rebels known that, what might they not have done ! 
The ignorance of our enemies is often our greatest defence ; and 


God in his providence often sends ignorance on the evil as 
their judgment. 

General Burnside's corps had been stationed near the last 
bridge but one on the Antietam stream. They had been 
moved nearer the bridge and farther to the left on the evening 
before. It was intended that after the attack from our right 
the next morning, General Burnside should make one from 
our left, to prevent a concentration of the enemy on our 
right. The divisions of General Burnside's corps were, 
Generals Cox's, Wilcox's, Rodman's, and Sturgis'. At 
eight o'clock in the morning, General McClellan's order 
to General Burnside was, to carry the bridge near him, 
gain possession of the heights beyond, and advance along the 
crest upon Sharpsburg and its rear. The attack at the bridge 
• was made, but failed. It was made again and again ■^ith like 
result. The force was insufficient, or not sufficiently in earnest. 
More cannonading improved our condition ; and at one o'clock, 
after three hours of fighting, the Fiftj'-first New York and 
Fifty-first Pennsylvania Volunteers cai-ried the bridge. Other 
troops pushed over, the opposite bank was held, and the 
enemy retreated to the heights beyond. A halt ensued; 
General McClellan sent repeated commands to go on, more 
easily made than obeyed; and yet an advance at length 
was gallantly resumed, a fierce assault upon a troublesome 
battery drove the enemy from their guns, the heights 
were carried, and a portion of our troops reached the 
outskirts of Sharpsburg. Then, after sunset, the rebels were 
reinforced by troops who had just arrived from Harper's 
Ferry, and General Burnside's command was forced to retire 
♦toward the bridge. Then that officer sent this message tq 
General McClellan : " I want more troops and guns. If you 
do not send them I cannot hold my ground for half an hour." 
McClellan replied^ "Tell General Burnside that this is the 
battle of the war. He must hold his position at any cost. I 
will send him Miller's battery." The messenger starts and is 
called back. " Tell him, if he cannot hold his ground, then 
the bridge to the last man ! Always the bridge ! If the 
bridge is lost all is lost !" The bridge was held and much 
of the ground. But the brave General Eodman, mortally 


wounded, had fallen ; and many others, equally patriotic and 
brave, whose names are worthy of remembrance before the 

Night closed and shrouded the ccene, after a terrible, contest 
of fourteen hours, the most desperate and important battle, to 
that date, of the war. Had we been conquered, Baltimore 
and "Washington, and almost the whole country, would have 
been thrown open to a deluging, devastating enemy. Instead, 
we had stayed and broken his power, if we had not conquered. 
On their left we had driven the rebels from their line. On 
their right we had a foothold within it. On an average we 
had gained a half mile throughout the whole line of four miles 
in length. A more daring and impetuous commander, per- 
haps a wiser and braver one, would have renewed the battle 
on the 18th. General McClellan reasoned, that he had 
obtained a substantial victory; that to renew the conflict on 
that day might hazard all, even the Government and the 
whole country; that some of his corps had lost half their 
numbers; that all his troops were hungry and worn; that 
expected reinforcements had not come ; and that he would do 
best to securely hold what he had gained. 

On the other hand, a well-planned and vigorous attack 
might have driven the rebels into the Potomac and into ruin. 
Only, the Lord sitting in the heavens was not ready, for man 
was not ready. The emancipation proclamation had not been 
made. Providential events waited for and beckoned it. A com- 
plete martial victory would have lifted our nation too much from 
the dust, and produced a moral defeat. Antietam ripened all 
things for the great event, though the golden fruit cost the 
precious blood of thousands — cost mourning all over the» 
land, l^ovth and South. Man's greatest blessings in a world 
of sin are obtained only at a price ; and it is now a well sub- 
stantiated fact, that while the battle of Antietam was going 
forward. President Lincoln made a promise unto God, that if 
the Union arms were successful, he would issue the proclama- 
tion of freedom to the slaves. 

But what a scene that night and the next day did that battle- 
field present! Many wounded were already borne away to 
the outlying hospitals, but the field was all strewn with them 


still, with the dead and ' dying lying around them for their 
companions. Twenty-four hours after the strife closed, wail- 
ing; woiinded'-bnes were lying there still, begging for water, 
begging for removal, some of them begging for death, and to 
some the last request was granted. In the hospital were officers 
and soldiers, all on a level. Some were dying, some were 
having bones sawed off, some, wounds bound up. Most sur- 
geons-were laborious, considerate, and faithful, and now and 
then during the battle such a needed man, hard at his work, 
was slain by a ball or shell from the enemy. In one place 
General Mansfield was dying, near by was the wounded Gen- 
eral HartsuflF, and privates lay near them, suffering amputation 
or passing to the dead. The rebel wounded were many of 
them left in our care. Our troops buried 2,700 of their dead 
on the battle-field ; others had been interred by the rebels 
themselves. But it was better to bury their dead than to have 
them bury ours. There was an enlivening animation in the 
sad work, in the memory that the field of contest was in our 
possession. We had not lost a flag or a gun. The enemy 
had lost at South Mountain, Crampton's Gap, and Antietam, 
39 standards of colors, 13 guns, 15,000 pieces of small arms, 
and 6,000 men — our prisOnersi 

But the services of the Wisconsin troops should be collec- 
tively presented. General Banks was detained in Washington 
for its defence, but a portion of his corps, including the Third 
Wisconsin Infantry, moved from Alexandria, September 4th, 
and marched, by way of Frederick and Boonsboro, a distance 
of seventy -five miles, to the field of Antietam, where, on the 
17th, they bore their part in this famous battle. 
■ The action began at six in the morning, and continued with 
great severity during the forenoon, and, on parts of the field, 
all day. The officer commanding the regiment that day — 
Colonel Thomas H. Euger — says, in his report to the Governor 
of Wisconsin, that the " regiment behaved with great steadiness 
and fortitude, maintaining itself in an exposed position with 
heavy loss, but without flinching, and, finally, with others, 
driving the enemy. * i * * The regiment carried into action 
about three hundred and forty-five officers and men. The 
total of killed and wounded is one hundred and ninety-seven, 


almost two-thirds." Among the killed was Lieutenant A. N". 
Eeed, of Company I. Among the wounded were the colonel 
— slightly; Captain Stevenson, Company B; Lieutenant 
Fields, Company H; Lieutenant Shepard, Company G; 
Captain Whitman, Company H; Lieutenant Parker, Company 
C ; and Lieutenant Dick, Company E. Of the above number 
reported lost, only twenty-seven were killed, and a large pro- 
portion of the wounded recovered. The regiment fought in 
an open field, in which their flag was exposed to the plain 
view of the enemy, who directed a heavy fire toward it. The 
color bearer was shot down and all of the color guard killed or 
wounded, when private J. E. Collins, of the regiment, bravely 
seized the colors, and bore them during the remainder of the 
battle. A brother of his was killed on that battle-field. 
I The Fifth Infantry again appear, early on the morning of 
the 17th, on the bloody field of Antietam, reinforcing G-enerals 
Hoiiker and Sumner, then hard-pressed by the enemy. The 
part assigned them, of supporting the artillery, was effectively 
performed, and they were under heavy artillery fire through- 
out the battle. Colonel Cobb assumed command of their 
brigade. General Hancock being ordered to take command of 
General Richardson's division, that prominent and brave 
ofiacer being mortally wounded. The Fifth suffered no loss 
of men during the strife, and continued in line of battle all of 
the following day. 

On the 15th, the day after the battle of South Mountain, the 
Iron Brigade bore a prominent part in the close pursuit of the 
enemy through Boonsboro and Keeleyville to Antietam Creek, 
where they had some skirmishing, but suffered no loss. In 
the forenoon of the next day, they lay to the right of the 
Sharpsburg road, near the Antietam. In the afternoon they 
crossed to the south side of that stream with Hooker's corps, 
to atiack and turn, if possible, the enemy's left flank. The 
enemy were met, engaged, and driven, but darkness coming 
on, our troops rested for the night on their arms, having 
moved three miles during the day. At daybreak on the 17th, 
they were aroused by the sharp firing of pickets on their left, 
and immediately fell into line and advanced. Before they had 
proceeded a hundred yards, one shell swept over their heads and 


aiiother dropped and exploded in the midst of the Sixth 
Regiment, killing and wounding thirteen men and officers 
— Captain D. K. Noyes, of Baraboo, being among the latter, 
whose right foot was afterwards amputated. Just before 
reaching the "White Church they became hotly engaged 
with the enemy's infantry. Here they had an hour's severe 
contest amid the incessant flash of infantry, and the ter- 
rific discharges of artillery; and then, being fatigued and 
short of ammunition, and having suffered a heavy loss, 
they were relieved by a second line, and fell into the rear 
forming a reserve force. In the forenoon and afternoon 
of the day they supported a battery near where they bivou- 
acked the night before, all the time suffering from a heavy 
artillery fire, until toward night. As darkness closed in upon 
them, they bivouacked on the bloody field. The Sixth Regi- 
ment captured two stands of colors ; its own stand received 
three bullets in the staff, and fifteen in the fiag ; and that of 
the Second, three in the staff, and more than twenty in the 

The Sixth Regiment lost nearly sixty per cent, of its numbers 
on this day. Every man fought like a hero. In this fearful 
battle, Captains E. A. Brown, of Company E, and W. V. 
Batchelli, of Company F, and Lieutenant "William T. Bade, of 
the same company, were killed. Lieutenant Colonel Bragg was 
slightly wounded in the arm, but kept the field ; Captain D. 
K. Noyes, severely in the foot; Captain R. P. Converse, 
Company B, in both thighs ; Lieutenant J. P. Marston, Com- 
pany E, in the leg, and Lieutenant John Ticknor, Company 
K, was slightly wounded by a shell. The dead belonging to 
the Sixth were tenderly buried together under a locust tree, 
near the spot where they fell, and their names marked upon 
boards at the head of their graves. 

Colonel Fairchild, of the Second, was very sick in the hos- 
pital on the morning of the day of battle. Lieutenant Colonel 
Thomas S. Allen commanded the regiment until he was 
wounded, and then one or two others, until Colonel Fairchild 
took command in the afternoon. 

Private Robert S. Stevenson, Company C, Second Infantry, 
who fell in this battle, deserves a special notice. He bore off 


from the field, says Adjutant Dean, the colors of the regiment 
at the first Bull Run battle, and on the fall of the color guard 
at G-ainesville, August 28, 1862, he volunteered to carry the. 
colors, which he did during the severe battles of the two fol- 
lowing days. On the march to and through Maryland, he 
was forced by ill health to relinquish the office. At South 
Mountain, though quite unwell, he bore the colors through 
the whole battle and exposed himself to every danger. On 
the morning of the battle of Antietam he was in the field hos- 
pital, a mile or so in the rear of the front lines, but on the 
opening of the engagement about daylight, he left his cot in 
spite of the surgeon, and pushed on to the front to find his 
regiment, which he soon did, reporting to his captain, and 
saying, " Oaptain, I am with you to the last !" when he at once 
took the colors, which he held till he fell pierced with seven 
bullets. Corporal Holloway fell at the same time by his side, 
and when last seen alive Stevenson was engaged in assisting 
Holloway to take off' his accoutrements — neither of them com- 
plaining a word, or making an effort to get to the rear. The 
regiment moved forward a short distance, but were speedily 
driven back by the enemy. In thus falling back past where 
our heroes lay, they were found lying where they fell, dead, 
with their heads resting naturally upon their knapsacks. 

About ten o'clock in the forenoon. Lieutenant Haskell, Aid 
to General Gibbon, was sent with a message to General 
Hooker. As he rode through a hail-storm of bullets from the 
enemy, on his pet horse " Joe," " a fine creature, fleet as a 
deer, brave as a lion," a musket ball hit the noble charger in 
his side. He jumped into the air, the blood spirted from the 
wound, he staggered and fell. His rider dismounted, patted 
him on his neck to take leave of him, when the horse leaned 
his head against him, like a child on its mother's breast. But 
he must leave, and started. The horse whinnied after him 
and tried to follow. The owner went back to him and 
stroked and patted him again. Ha again started to leave. 
The horse tried again to follow, but his legs could not carry 
him ; he whinnied again, fell back, and was dead. Captain 
Batchelli, of the Sixth Wisconsin, had with him a pet New- 
foundland dog that always accompanied his master, and master 


and dog botb. fell together on the battle-field, shot with 
bullets. At one time, in the battle, when the Second and 
Sixth Eegimerits were very hard pressed by the enemy, the 
Seventh Regiment did excellent service by getting a heavy 
flank fire on the rebels and routing them. 

The losses of the "Wisconsin regiments in this battle were as 
follows: Second Regiment, 29 killed, 49 wounded. Sixth 
Regiment, 38 killed, 114 wounded. Seventh Regiment, 9 
Idlled, 26 wounded, 5 missing. 

The following order of Greneral G-ibbon, issued soon after 
the battle of Antietam, will show that the " Iron Brigade" 
came under the particular notice of General McClellan, and 
received his highest commendation. 

Hbadquaetees Gibbon's Bbigadb, 

Neab Shaepsbueg, Md., 
October 7th, 1862. 
Special Order No. — . 

It is with great gratification that the BrigadieT G-enera;! Command- 
ing announces to the Wiscoilsin troops the following indorsement upon 
a letter to His Excellency the Qoyernor of Wisconsin. His greatest 
pride will always be to know that, such encomiums from such a source 
are always merited : 

" I beg to add to this indorsement the expression of my great adini- 
ration of the conduct of the three "Wisconsin regiments in General Gib- 
bon's Brigade. I have seen them under fire acting in a manner that 
reflects the greatest possible credit: and honor upon themselves and 
their State. They are equal to the best troops in any army in the 

(Signed,) ' "GEO. B. McCLBLLAN." ' 

By command of Beigadiee Geneeal Gibbon. 

(Signed,) J. P: Wood, Ass't Adj't Genera;!. 

The wounded of four Wisoonsin regiments in this battle are as follows : V' 

Third Regiment. Colonel Kuger, wounded in the head, but so slightly that he 

declined placing his name in the list. Adjutant 6haunoey Field. Ccrmpamy A — A. 

Mann, Jolm Bradley, E. ' Stablefeet, H. Wood, 0. Eettleson, C. Hagarman, Pat. 

Gorman, W. H. Barnes, G. W. W. Tamner, H. Davids, J. Donavan, 'D. Sti'ohne, 

H. Montany, 0. Bollhagen, H. Woodruff, H. Becker, J. Godfrey, Wm. March. 

Ciympany B — Capt. Geo. W. Stevenson, Corp. J. G. Savage, J. R. HoUister, J. 

Wright, W. J. Robinson, S. V. Ransom, T. C. Richmond, F. Meyers, D. Dibble, 

D. Hinman, B. Purath, J. Lewis, H. Deschamps, J. McMuUin, J, H. Durfee, M. S. 

Strand, F. Walsh, R. K. Logan, G. Tesch, G. Cowling, L. H. Robins, G. Evans, A. 

Miracle. Company — Corp. Wm. Poster, IstLt. Warham Parlis, Corp. Charles P. 

Deffendorfer, Wm. Brisbain, Wm. Booth, J. L. Boyer, Albert A. Betts, Ziba A. Cook, 

Thomas Conroy, Henry Puller, John B. Prazer, John W. 'rreen, Melville Hopkins, 

Wm. A. Kimberly, Jefferson Lovelace, Benj. Leonard, Prank Loveland, Geo. H. 

Richardson, ReubeaWebb, Eugene Witter, Dwight Peirce. Company D — J. W. 

Gee, mortally; B. R. Snyder, mortally; Sergt. B. L. Oliver, Corp. 0. W. Page, C. 



H. Lindsley, Samuel BeckteU, Hiram Collins, 'Wm. H. Cook, B,, C. Clark, "Williain 
Elmore, C, H.Lee, W^H. Preston, John Spies, Samuel Smith, Silas UllumyL. D. 
Wood, Joseph Wilkes, Adam' Zeigler. Company E—IA. W. B. Dick, Sergt. B. L. 
Elanchard, Sergt. J. L. Lusseu, Corp. Augustus' Jones, Corp. Chas. Gliop, W. B. 
Kenyon, Jacob EioUamer, Martin Geucb, Fred. Pry, Philip Hinton, Anfred Berga- 
men. Christian Bergamen, Henry KrauseT, Fred. Eesche, Geo. Webber, John Law- 
reoh, Frank Kreger, Chas. Kregar, Geo. Hopt, Henry Glass, Joseph Arms. Gem- 
pmy J'— Sergt. S. Bartholomew, Sergt. W. H. Beebee, Corp. P. W. Bashford, 
Corp. A. Spooner, Corp. P. M. Oastley, J. G. Harsberger, John- Kolb, James 
Murphy, Eichard Notten, George Hall, A. George, R. Pulton, Leon Beauprey, 
Wm. Holmes. ' Ccmpany G — 1st Lt. J. P. Sheppard, Sergt. Prank Lee, Corp. 
Chauncey Beebee, Hiram Briggs, W. W. Blake, John Griffin, Aug. M. Neaijr, 
Alex. McCoy, Wm. Mason, W. T. Leonard, L. A. Fetterplace, Ira Prouty, Irving 
Robins, Leonard Ransom, Henry C. Tait, John R. Willard. Wm. Freeman. (7o»!- 
pamy' 5^Capt. Geo. J. Whitman, Lt. Chauncey Field, Corp. Wm. Cheeny, Corp. J. 
Agnew, Corp. Eton G. Beers, J. P. Agnew, David Agnew, Albert Anderson, J. 
Arnold, Thomas Benson, R. R. Cook, Jos. Early, John A. George, Wilbur P. 
Haughawant, Geo. Krolm,. Henry Moyer, F. B. Persons, W. H. Watts, Sylvanua 
Fessenden, Allen Pierce. Company I — Geo. Rickermau, P. M. Bryant, G. M. FaW- 
cett, Jas. Hill, R. W. Johnson, John Madison, M. Sullivan, H. Southerwiokv A. 
Thompson, W. Thomas, C. Kempthorn. Company £■— Corp. R. W. Jones, G. P. 
Daly, Benj. Glazier, D. A. Ploom, W. J. Waterhouae, Henry Peter, Henry A 

Second REQiMEirT. Lt. Col. 1. S. Allen, in the arm. — Company A — Lt. Wnj. 
W. Jones, Thos. Green, Samuel Cook, Henry Bennett, F. A. Horn. Company B-~ 
Corp. Wm. H. Harris, Norman McHardy, Wm. Johnson, J. HoUenbeck, Charles' 
D. Clark, F. Martin, Pahy, Ignatius Anders, K. Riokema. Company C— Capt. 
Geo. W. Gibson, Corp. H. R. Neavill, H. Barbour, Geo. Booth, Mathias Baker, 
J. C. Dillon, T. B. Day, Richard Graves, Fred Pettigrove, Geo. W. Wilson, Jos. 
Schilling. Company I>— Capt. Geo. B. Ely, J. G. Burdiok, C. E. Marsh, Clark R. 
Thomas. Company E— Sergt. Elwin B. Wing, Osman B. Laflin, Lochliu L.' Mcin- 
tosh (since dead), Luke English, Henry 0. Adams, Henry Hirth, Abraham Whitfe, 
Hiram L. Cusiok, John Holland. Company F — John Hinton, Thos. Kelley, Henry 

Wormington. Cmnpamy G — ^Lt. Alex. S. Hill, Bently, E. H. Dorsey, — -^ 

Alford, Henry Reusimer, Twycroas, Gen. Folumsby, C. Reynolds. Gmnpany 

B—R. E. Davidson, A. D. Hamilton, H. N. Allyn, Henry Storm, B. F. Brown, Ed. 
Louie, Ole Stand, J. W. Doty, Corp. W. A. Stearns. Company /— Lt. 0. W. 
Sandford, H. P. Coatea, J. P. Johnston, N. Geib, C. Schlosaer, S. Whitehead. 
Company K—^m. Pleyer, Fred. Barlow, Chas. Nelson. 

Sixth Rbgimbnt. Lt. Col. Edward S. Bragg, alightly in the arm; Capt. D. K. 
Noyes, Company A, in foot (amputated); Capt. Rollin P. Converse, Company B; 
Lt. J. P. Marslon, Company E; Lt. John Eicknor, Company K. Company A — Corp. 
R. H. Avery, Wm. Kline, E. D. Calkins, in leg (amputated); L. D. Finton, P. 
Fletcher, R. Jones, S. W. Keys, 0. Loit, N. Moore, J. Pearson, A. H. Toung, P. 
M. Crandall. Company B — 1st Sergt. P. H. CoUins, Sergt. M. V. Smith, Corp. D. 
Z. foung, A. D. Keeler, J. Shultz, J. Shaw, Thomas Mclntyre, F. Hare, A. Hesa, 
0/ Olson, A. W. Meyers, L. Ludluff, P. Hall, Corp. J. T. Cayzar, A. Saunderf. 
Company C— Sergt. J. N. Chestnut, color bearer; Wm. Nicholson, E. P. Hewitt. 
Company D — Sergt. M. Keogh, Corp. R. Sherman, Corp. R. Piene, Corp. J. 
Larmy, Corp. B. May, J. Miner, W. Davidson, P. Haunham, L. O'Neal, N. Hub- 
bard, J. McDonald, D, Spear', P. Boswam, J. Eagan. Company E — 1st Sergt. J. 
Parkhurst, Sergt. N. Malloy, Sergt. A. Deacon, N. A. Gafney, S. P. Green, Geo. 
Bggleston,' A Vandoozer, J. Pay, C. McEinnon, A. Strong, Wm. Darling, P. A. 
Deleglin. Company i'— Sergt. F. Bartels, Corp. W. Laugner, Corp. C. Bertram, L. 
Gootsh, C. Holm, L. Hlrick, P. Bean, F. Iverson, J. Peters, A. Shott. Company 
(?— Corp. J. Sam, Corp. J. Davis, Corp. J. Moore, D. P. Lumbard, J. Miller, Aj 
Rikel, J. Conner, M. Ball, R. 0. Wright, Ji W. Frodyne, Thomas Smith, H. 
Brady, J. MoMahan, B. Parkerson. Company B— Sergt. H. Merchant, Corp. Th08. 


Hobbs, Jas, Fry, P. Weber, A! Shurlitz, Charles Dowriy, H. Bcke, J. Swan, John 
iMIan^. ■ff. Martin, X Kassel', T. tewis. Oormpomiy J— "Sergt. W. Pox, Corps. J. 
Williams, 0. 0. Jones; U. BnTchel, "W. T. Barcus, 0. Oarnes, D. Davis, L. Hart, C 
Jjind, D. W. Nutting, H. M. Richardson, George Atwood. Oompcmy i'-^Corporals 
B. L. Anderson, A. Tarbox; J. Barney, T. Plynn, W. Harrison (dead),T. Hills, 
Jatoes Scoville, S. 0. "Woods. 

Sevbuth RESiioaiT. Company A — Sergt. M. C. Bartholomew, Sergt. S. Baoh- 
nian, B. Carter, E. J. Pewless, H. T. Turner. Compcmy B — Azel Stoddard. 
(im/pamy C— A. Brb, J. Howard, H. Bewy, W. T. MoKinuey. Compomy D — Corp. 
F. W. Dearborn, Levi Walker, Johnson Lee, B. F. ¥obles. Company E — Corp. 
W. F. Worcester, Jas. Briggs, Jas. Pattengill, Bd'n Lager, William Jump. Com- 
pomy J?"— John Eunnidn. CoMpOmy & — Corp. John Packer, Milton Charles, Wm. 
Grrover. Company H— Wm. Salmon. Mmiipamy K—Oorp. George Sedgwick, John 
H. F^nton, GteMge Carney, Jxvhn A. Livingston. 








AQUIA CREEK, — Battle of FrederiekslnM-g, — THE "MUD CAMPAIGN," — 
JSatUe of ChancGllormlle> 

The contemporaneous history of the Third and Fifth Infantry, 
during eight months after the battle of Antietam, may be 
grouped together by different sections in the same chapter, 
only for the reason that each bore an important part in the 
noted, unfortunate, but severely contested, battle of Chancellor- 
ville. The conclusion of the period brings the two regiments 
together in the same bloody conflict. Both are entitled to a 
share in the description of that battle. Through the preceding 
seven months and more, their paths, as related to each other, 
were sometimes diverging, sometimes converging. 


September 19th, after the battle of Antietam, the Third 
Regiment moved to Maryland Heights, twenty miles, camped 
there on the 20th, and remained until October 30th, when 
they were attached to the defences of the upper Potomac, and 
stationed at Antietam Iron "Works, ten miles above Harper's 
Ferry. On the 10th of December the regiment were sent with 


their corps to join the Army of the Potomac at Falmouth. 
From that place they marched eighty miles to Dumfries, Vir- 
.ginia, and subsequently twenty more to Fairfax Station, where 
they remained until January 3rd, 1863, at which date they 
moved eight miles to "Wolf Eun Shoals; On the 18th they 
moved to Stafford Court House, where, with the twelfth army 
corps, to which they were attached, they remained until the 
27th of April. 

About the Ist of March the regiment received, in general 
orders, a very flattering notice from General Hooker. He at 
that time being commander of the ^rmy of the Potomac, 
ordered a general inspection of the army, and, while there were 
as many as thirty regiments w'hose efficiency and discipline were 
found to be not what they should have been, eleven regiments 
were specially inentioned as having earned high commenda- 
tion from the inspecting officers, among which number was 
the Third "Wisconsin. It was also' by the same order directed 
that the corps commanders might, if deemed consistent with 
the interests of the service, grant three instead of two furloughs^ 
as previously permitted, to each hundred men present for duty, 
and three officers instead of two, as provided in orders of Jan- 
uary 30th. ' 

Colonel Thomas H. Ruger wa,s ' promoted to be Brigadier 
General, and Lieutenant Colonel Hawley was promoted to the 
colonelcy of the regiment, March 10th, 1863. On the 27th 
of April the regiment moved with the Twelfth corps, crossed 
the Rappahannock at Kelley's Ford, taking the advance On 
the road leading to Germania Ford on the Rapidan, six com- 
panies being deployed as skirmishers. Upon reaching the river 
the enemy was found posted on the opposite side, behind the 
bank and some houses, guarding the ford. A sharp skirmish 
ensued, in which the regiment took' part, being thrown for- 
ward on the left of the road, while the Second Massachusetts 
were on the- right; The rebels attempted to escape, but their 
line of retreat up the hill was cut off by the Third Wisconsin, 
who poured a deadly fire upon them, killing and wounding 
several, when the balance raised the white flag in token of 
surrendei-, and forded the river, giving themselves up as pris- 
oners. The Federals immediately crossed the river, which 


was deep and strong, and bivouacked on the opposite bank in 
a drenching rain, and resumed the march on the 30th down the 
plank road toward Fredericksburg, and camped in the " Wil- 
derness," near Chancellorville, at night. Here General Hooker 
published a congratulatory order awarding high praise to th^ 
troops for their fortitude,, and patient endurance of severe 
hardships through which they Ead just passed. 


After the rebel army had retreated across the Potomac from 
tbe battle-field of Antietam, the Fifth moved, on the 19th, to 
"Williamsport, Maryland, and remained in camp three days, 
then removing to Bakersville. Here General Pratt took com- 
mand of the brigade in place of Colonel Cobb, who had tem- 
porarily held the command since the 17th. On the 11th of 
October they marched northward, under orders to intercept 
Stuart's cavalry in his attempt to sweep around McClellan's 
army. They encamped at Hagarstown on the 13th, and 
remained in camp until the 31st when they moved south to 

On the same day that they encamped at Hagarstown, the 
regiment lost their Lieutenant Colonel, H. W. Emery. He 
was very popular with his regiment, and his loss was deeply 
deplored^ He was not a man of a robust xjonstitution, and 
was^ hardly able to endure the fatigue and hardships which his 
regiment was obliged to undergo. He had received a partial 
military education in hia younger days, and when the call was 
made for defenders of his country, his patriotic zeal impelled 
him to take the field without regard to his physical power of 
endurance. He died at his native town, Manchester, B'ew 
Hampshire, on the 13th day of October, aged 35. His home 
for several years previous to the rebellion had been at Portage 
City. It was an alleviation to the sorrow of many loving 
friends of his youth, that he was providentially permitted to 
return to the home of his childhood to die. He left a widow 
and one child. 

On the morning of N'ovember 3rd they crossed the Poto- 
mac at Berlin, into Virginia, and marched down the valley 


Ijj way of Ashby's Gap, White Plains, and Chester Grap, to 
Aquia Creek, where they arrived on the 18th, the whole army 
lying between the Potomac and Rappahannock, near Pred- 
ericksburg. On the 4th of December their cauip was 
moved to White Oak Church, near Belle Plain, where they 
remained, except during the three days from the 12th to the 
15th — the time occupied by the battle of Predericksburg — 
uixtil the 20th of January, 1863. 

The inactivity of General McCleUan after the battle of An- 
tietam, became the subject of complaint. On the one hand it 
is claimed that he needed all the time he took to recruit: the 
shattered army, at the head of which he had, for the second 
time, so recently been placed, and to post sufficient defences 
on the Potomac to prevent another invasion of Maryland. On 
the other hand, it is felt that this habit of delay was a chronic 
defect of General McCleUan.; that his army was in a better 
condition than that of the enemy ; that he was near his sup- 
plies, while the Confederates were far removed from theirs ; 
and that he ought immediately to have improved the enemy's 
flight by vigorous aggression. 

On the 6th of October, General Halleck telegraphed to 
General McCleUan as follows : ^' The President directs you to 
cross the Potomac and give battle to the enemy, or drive him 
south. Tour army must move now while the roads are good." 
Twenty days elapsed before any jnovement was made, and 
this gave further dissatisfaction. IJfoveDaber 7th, General 
McClellan was ordered to surrender the command of the army 
to General Biirnside, who. had before twice declined that 
position. He took immediate measure to concentrate the 
army at Fredericksburg, with the view to a movement on 
Richmond. But as be moved his forces to the north bank of 
the Rappahannock at the former ciiy. General Lee moved his 
to the heights opposite, on the south bank. General Burnside 
had depended on Generals HaUeck and Meigs, at Wasbington, 
to forward pontoon Tiridges for him to use in crossing the river 
immediately on his arrival at Palmouth with a considerable 
portion of his army. Had the bridges arrived in time, he 
could have crossed before General Lee had concentrated his 
forces sufficiently to prevent it. But there was a grievous 


blunder and delay. The pontoon train should have reached 
Falmouth, opposite Fredericksburg, as soon as JSTovember 17th, 
when the army began to arrive, but it did not leave Alexandria 
until the 19th, nor reach Falmouth till too late for an early 
surprise movement on the enemy. 


On the night of the 10th of December, one hundred and 
forty-three pieces of artillery were put in position on the north 
bank of the Rappahannock, to operate on Fredericksburg. 
Before five o'clock on the morning of the 11th, the Federal 
forces began to build four pontoon bridges across the river. 
A fog concealed the movement for a time froni the enemy, 
but when discovered by them, they opened a deadly fire of 
musketry upon the workmen, which compelled them to retire. 
Reforming, they proceeded again to their task, and kept 
bravely on for awhile amid fierce showers of bullets, but at 
length fell back a second time. Then our artillery commenced 
bombarding the city, and continued an incessant fire from 
seven till one o'clock. At ten o'clock in the forenoon, the 
work on the bridges was resumed, but interrupted again by 
sharp-shooters in rifle pits on the other side. Troops went 
over in pontoon boats and drove them from their hiding places, 
when the bridges were completed, and the army began to 
cross, taking rations for three days.' ' Sumner's divi&ioh and a 
part of Hooker's went over during the night, others the next 
morning. Fredericksburg was occupied by Our men, but the 
rebels were strongly posted on the heights beyond, having two 
lines of batteries — one a mile in the rear of the other — ^both 
commanding the city, and extending upwards of six miles 
parallel with the river. Saturday morning, the 13th, Greneral 
Burnside had located his forces so that General Franklin with 
his grand division was on our left. General Hooker in the 
centre, and General Sumner on the right. 

The battle commenced on the extreme left, and though at 
first unsuccessful, before night General Fi'anklin gained nearly 
a mile upon the rebels, and held the ground. On the right, 
the enemy were so strongly posted in woods and among hills 
that a bayonet charge was resolved on. as the only means of 


routing them.. It was ordered, by General Sumner^ to be 
laade by Trench's division supported by Howard's. It was 
made, but the troops met with a fire of artillery and musketry 
so terrible that they were confused, and though rallying again 
and pressing forward, soon fell back into a ravine. Reinforce- 
ments nobly hurrying to them there under a deadly fire of 
artillery, they rushed out from their concealment, reformed, 
and with fixed bayonets and on the double-quick leaped for- 
ward to capture the batteries. But, the rebel infantry and artil- 
lery firing was so powerful and concentrated upon them that a 
portion of the line wavered, staggered and fell back ; and 
though rallied and brought to the attempt again, still they 
failed. Then artillery was tried against artillery until dark, 
the wounded, dying, and dead lying all night between the two 
armies, the rebels persistently refusing to allow our soldiers to 
bury the dead or relieve the sufiering. 

In the centre of our line, under Hooker, the contest began 
in the morning with skirmishing, which was followed by 
heavy artillery firing, and that by storming the rebel batteries, 
but the enemy's defences proved impregnable to our forces, and 
at night the Federals had gained no perceptible advantage. The 
most formidable of a,ll the enemy's positions was that of Marye's 
Heights, destined to become noted in the battle of Chancellor- 
ville, and to be the scene of great bravery displayed by the 
Wisconsin Fifth. It was there especially that the battle of 
Fredericksburg was lost. 

The next day, Sunday, December 14th, both armies were 
for the most part quiet, although General Burnside telegraphed 
to Presfdent Lincoln, at four o'clock in the morning, that he 
hoped to carry the crest on that day. On Monday it was 
found that the Confederates had strengthened some of their 
works, but both armies remained in their position. On Mon- 
day ni^ht the. Federals evacuated Fredericksburg, and crossed 
to the opposite side. of the river, the last of the infantry passing 
over at daylight. This retreat was skillfully eftected, the 
enemy not becoming aware of the movement until it was too 
late to harm our forces. General Burnside telegraphed to the 
President, ,pn, Tuesday evening, that he had withdrawn the 
army, because he 'felt that the position in front could not be 


carried, and tliat it was a military necessity to attack or retire. 
In Hs subsequent report he attributed bis defeat to tbe fog and 
the unavoidable delay in building tbe bridges, which gave the 
enemy sufficient time to prepare for the attack. 

The Fifth "Wisconsin Infantry was in General Franklin's 
grand division, in the second (Howe's) division of the sixth 
army corps, and in this battle was thrown immediately up tc| 
the front, but not brought into heavy fighting. The battle 
raged more at their right and left. But they were under fire, 
more or less, from Friday noon until Monday night. A cor- 
respondent of the Madison State Journal, a member of the Fiftb, 
in describing the battle, says : 

""We all wonder at our small number of wounded. Some 
of the time during the fight a perfect tornado of shot and shell 
went over our heads, and the little wicked buzzing of leadei^ 
hail flew thick and fast. All day Saturday we ]ay close to 
the ground and listened to the terrible fight. "We could see it, 
too. Upon the left we could see our brave men advance right 
up to the cannon's mouth, waving their colors all the time, 
and when the enemy's artillery opened upon them, whole 
winrows would be piled up. Then we could hear the officers 
shout : ' Eally, men !' ' Firm, there !' ' Stand by your colors !' 
and such words of cheer. Poor fellows ! they did stand up 
nobly, but without avail. The rebels had the advantage. 
Eegiment after regiment was sent in, but all came out with 
fearfully thinned ranks. Once or twice our men did gain on 
the traitors, and then such cheering, we all felt like jumping 
up and rushing in. Soon we heard the rebels cheer, too, then 
our men came back, not all of them, for many, very many, bit 
the dust. Some fell inside the rebel works. 

" Our officers say this was the most hotly contested fight of 
the whole war. Such deafening sounds of artillery; such 
terrible havoc among our men ! All this time we lay quietly 
waiting orders to move on. Every few minutes General Pratt 
(he is our brigadier), or General Howe (he is our division 
General), would ride slowly around, sometimes in front, some- 
times in the rear, and then sit upon their horses and look at 
the fighting. We expected to go in at any moment. Our 
nerves were all excited, and at the word 'forward!' every 


man would liave been ready. General Smith, wliQ commands 
the right of Tranklin's division, was on the ground, and ready. 
General Smith is a brave man. All have the greatest confi- 
dence in him. "We have seen him under fire, and know he 
possesses the coolest bravery." 

The loss of the Fifth was one man killed and four wounded. 
The whole Federal loss was 1,138 killed, 9,105 wounded, 2,078 
missing ; total 12,321. 

On the day previous to this battle, the Iron Brigade crossed 
the Rappahannock, under the fire of the enemy's artillery, and 
took a position at Bernard House, below Fredericksburg. On 
the 13th, the brigade held a very exposed and important 
position on the extreme left. They frequently changed lines, 
in accordance with the varying fortunes of the day, in other 
parts of the field, and though always under an artillery fire, 
they did not suffer seriously from musketry, except when 
engaged in skirmishing with the supports of Pelham's hors^ 
artillery, attached to Stuart's cavalry^ which was posted oppo- 
site their left flank. > Soon after sunset of that day, they with- 
drew towards the right and advanced to the Bowling GrQ^p 
road to support the batteries that covered the Federal lines in 
front of Fitz Hugh's Crossing. "While occupied in making 
this change of position, they received a terrific fire of grape and 
canister, but the darkness prevented the rebels from obtaining 
an accurate range, so that the brigade suffered slight loss. On 
the 14th and 15th, they were under arms constantly. On the 
evening of the latter day they retired safely to the north bank 
of the Rappahannock, where they bivouacked in line facing 
the river, for four days. 

Berdan's regiment of sharp-shooters took part in this battle, 
Company G being composed of Wisconsin troops. On the 
I3th they occupied a position on the north bank of the Rappa- 
hannock, and on the 14th in the city on the south bank. On 
the 15th they were ordered to the front on the picket lines, 
only four hundred yards from the enemy's batteries, and two 
hundred from his pickets, where their appearance checked 
and quieted considerable firing which had been taking place. 
The "Wisconsin company were at the front of their regiment 
early on the morhing of the 16th, when the Union army was 


recrossing the Rappahannock, and they, eovfering the retreat . 
on that part of the line, were the last to pass over. 

Two days after crossing to the north side of the river the 
Fifth moved back near to the camp they left December 10th, 
about five miles from Fredericksburg and three from Belle 
Plain. There a correspondent wrote : 

"Many have built 'winter quarters' — not with the thought 
of staying, but to make us comfortable while we do stay. A 
soldier builds him a house in a day, so the boys in the Fifth 
commence rearing their shanties as soon as we stop. The 
pleasure of sitting down inside of your log cabin, before a good 
fire, repays you for all your labor." 

December 25th, Colonel Cobb having been elected to 
Congress, resigned his position in the regiment, and Lieu- 
tenant Colonel Thomas S. Allen, of the Second "Wisconsin In- 
fantry, was promoted to succeed him, and assumed command 
January 26th, 1863. 

A second attempt to obtain permanent possession of the 
southern bank of the Rappahannock was made by our army, 
under General Burnside, on the 20th of January. His orders 
were to cross the river and attack the enemy in his.intrench- 
ments. The weather for some time previous had been pleasant, 
and the roads dry and hard. It was the plan of General 
Burnside to cross the river some miles above Fredericksburg 
and strike the enemy in the rear. About the 16th of January 
preparations were being made for a movement. Orders to 
march were twice given and countermanded. On Tuesday, 
the 20th, they started. But at ten o'clock at night of that 
day a north-east storm set in, with high wind and a deluge of 
rain. The next day both the troops and the storm went on. 
Wednesday night the tired soldiers lay down in their blankets. 
Thursday the storm went faster than the army, the roads had 
become nearly impassable, the fords of the river were not yet 
reached, all hope of success had utterly fled, and the expedition 
was abandoned. The Fifth Wisconsin,, after this fatiguing 
march of fifteen miles, which was heavy upon the. troops, and 
destructive to hundreds of horses, wagons, and artillery car- 
riages, returned to camp with every man in line. 

An extract from a report of this frustrated movement, given 

. 3;HB " MUD CAMPAIGN." 349 

by the New York Times, will enable tie inexperienced to 
realize, in some measure, tbe difficulty of the undertaking. 
: , " Thursday morning saw the light struggling through an 
opaque envelope of mist, which dawned upon another day of 
storm and rain. It was a curious sight presented by the 
army, as we rode over the ground, miles in extent, occupied 
by it. One might fancy some new geologic cataclysm had 
overtaken the world, and that he saw around him the elemental 
wrecks left by another deluge. An indescribable chaos of 
pontoons, wagons, and artillery encumbered the road down to 
the river-T-8upply wagons upset by the roadside-^artillery 
' stalled' in the mud— ammunition trains mired by the way. 
Horses and mules dropped ;down deadj exhausted with the 
effort tomove their loads through the hideous medium. One 
hundred and fifty dead animals, many of them buried in the 
liquid muck, were counted in the course, of a morning's ride. 
And the muddle was still further increased by the failure to 
execute the arrangements that had been made. It was designed 
that Franklin's column should advance by one road, and 
Hooker's by another. But by mistake a portion of the left 
grand division debouched into the road assigned to the centre, 
and, cutting in between two divisions of one of Hooker's 
corps, threw everything into confusion. In consequence the 
woods and roads have for the past two days been filled with 
stragglers, though very many of them were involuntary 
stragglers, and were evidently honestly seeking to rejoin their 
regiments. It was now no longer a question of how to go onj 
if it was a question how to get back. That night (Thursday) 
the three days' cooked rations which fhe men had taken in 
their haversacks when starting would give out,_and the other 
six days' provisions were in the supply trains, which stuck fast 
in the mud miles behind. Indeed the rations had already in 
.many cases given out, and the boxes of hard crackers were 
brought up on mules, or carried on men's shoulders. Early 
this morning the army was ordered back to its old camping 
ground, and about noon the infantry regiments began to pass 
by these headquarters. The lads trudged along tired enough, 
but jolly withalj and disposed to be quite facetious over the 
.* mud campaign^' whose odd experiences will long form the 


tiieme of eonversation. Thus ended an enterprise which hafi 
every human promise of success, but which has been baulked 
and brought to naught by causes which mortal ken could 
neither have foreseen nor prevented." 

On Monday, the 26th, General Burnside, failing to receivfe 
6ooperation from some of his leading officers, surrendered 
the command of the army to G-eneral Hooker. The Presi- 
dent accepted his resignation of the position which he 
had held only by order of the President, and not by his own 
desire, and conferring the command on General Hooker, that 
officer, in assuming the post, issued a hopeful address. 

February 2d, the Fifth "Wisconsin was assigned to the 
"Light Division," organized under General Pratt, which com- 
prised five regiments and one battery of picked troops, and 
Was intended to act independently in making reconnoissances 
and forced marches, without the encumbrance of baggage 
trains. Ammunition and rations were to be carried exclusively 
on pack mules, of which two hundred and fifty were furnished 
the division. The regiments associated with the Fifth were 
the Sixth Maine, Colonel Burnham; the Thirty-first New 
Tork, Colonel Frank Jones ; the Forty-third l^ew York, Col- 
onel Baker ; the Sixty-first Pennsylvania, Colonel Spear^ and 
the Third I^ew York Light Battery, Captain Hams. 

After this organization was formed, the troops lay in their 
winter quarters for nearly three toonths, with only an occa- 
sional review by the President, General Hooker, and otheM, 
t6 relieve the inonotdny of camp life. 


On the 28th of April, the whole army was again in motion 
for another campaign on the south side of the Rappahannock* 
The Confederate army in that locality numbered about 70,000, 
and the Federal 120,000. The latter was divided into seven 
corps. General Hooker's plan — a well-kept secret then-^ 
was, to send three corps across the river below Fredericks- 
burg, and make a feint attack with the whole, and then imme- 
diately withdraw two corps, and, uniting them with the other 
four corps, cross the Rappahannock from ten to twenty miles 
above the city, and bearing down on the enemy's left and t&&t, 


force him to leave Ms intrencliment^ and give battle, or fly to 
Eichmond. The movement of the Union troops in crossing 
at the various fords and proceeding toward the rear of the 
enemy, was effected nearly according to the commander's in- 
tention. On Friday, April 80th, portions of the two armies 
eame into collision, and some heavy firing ensued, the object 
of General Lee, the rebel leader, being to feel of the Federal 
forces, and ascertain their strength and position. On Frida,y 
night, the enemy were engaged in cutting a road along and 
beyond the Union right, and on Saturday wagons were passing 
in that direction. Portions of Generals Sickles' and Howard's 
corps were pushed , forward to ascertain the intention of th« 
iaovement. Some conflict with the enemy followed, and from 
prisoners taken it was ascertained that Stonewall Jackson was 
active in that operation. The inference was immediately made 
that he intended a fierce and powerful attack on our extreme 
right. General Birney, of General Sickles' division, pushed 
forward upon the centre of their forces, then moving for this 
©bject. General Williams' division, of Sloeum's corps, tO 
which the Third Wisconsin belonged, made a rapid movement 
on the flank of the enemy's right, to oblige him to retire in 
order to escape capture. But our own right, where the attack 
was intended, was imprudently assumed to be sufl[iciently 
strong to resist any onset that might be made. At five o'clock 
on the evening of Saturday, Jackson's musketry opened a 
severe fire on the eleventh, (Howard's,) corps at our extreme 
right. Thirty thousand struck nine thousand. The shock 
if&s terrible. Two New Jersey German regiments, eom- 
llianded by Colonel Von Gilsa, were the first to receive the 
blow. Many of them could not speak the English language. 
Their trusted leader. General Sigel, for some unexplained 
rfeason, had been recalled, and General Howard was investiSd 
with his command. They gave way at the first onset of the 
rebels, and Generals Schurz's and Devin's divisions yielded tO 
the surge, thousands throwing down their arms and fieeing 
toward General Hooker's headquarters, two miles distant. 
(The particular action of the Twenty-sixth Wisconsin, and Gen- 
eral Winkler's comments, are recorded on pages 399 to 401.) 
General Howard, the corps commander, was not able, with all 


his vigor and heroism, added to the efforts of the division com- 
manders, to check the retreating masses. Some brigades. Bush- 
beck's, and McLean's, held their position as long as wisdom or 
bravery could dictate, and retreated in good order when they , 
must fall back. General Hooker, who was at the two-story 
brick house, which is itself called Ohancellorville, now sent for- 
ward General Berry's division of the third corps. Captain Best 
placed twenty-five cannon in good position, and soon checked 
the advancing foe, and a portion of our retreating troops were 
arrested and reorganized, while others streamed toward the 
nearest ford of the river, where some plunged in and swam 
across, and others were stopped at the point of the bayonet. 
General Sickles, who had gone toward the centre of the 
enemy's lines, and General "Williams, who had gone to their 
right, were recalled. The latter found a part of his works 
occupied by the rebels — in which misfortune the Third "Wis- 
consin shared — and General Sickles' route had been so 
intercepted by them that he could not return by the way he 
marched out, and only with danger in any way. The bright 
moon soon rose with splendor in the heavens, and all nature 
was calm and still. Our leaders resolved on a night battle, 
both to restore their interrupted communications with Sickles 
and his troops, and to regain their lost ground. To General 
Hobart Ward, of General Birney's division, was committed the 
office of opening the battle, an hour before midnight. He did 
it, making a terrific onset on the greatly surprised enemy. The 
fighting was more brilliant and daring even than that of the 
terrible night at Malvern Hill, with the exception that there 
more artillery was used and with greater consequent slaughter. 
The Federals drove back their opponents nearly half a mile, 
and restored their communications, and then rested on their 
arms. "^ 

On another part of the field that night, the first and fifth 
corps, Generals Reynolds' and Meade's, were engaged in 
intrenching, for it was evident that our army must fight on the 
defensive. At five o'clock the next morning, (Sunday,) the 
rebels renewed the conflict. They had spent much of the night 
in reinforcing their troops at our right, determined to have and 
hold the plank road in that vicinity. The fighting soon be- 


came general^and extended a mile in length. It increased in 
intensity, rose to great fury, and became a terrific storm of all 
the missiles of war. Thus it continued from half-past five to 
nearly nine o'clock, when there was a lull in the roar of fire- 
arms, for want of ammunition, and our troops held their 
ground for an hour with the baj^onet. The battle drew nearer 
the Chancellor House, and made it prudent for Greneral 
Hooker to remove from it his headquarters, which he did 
before it was pierced by the enemy's shells and burned. 

The Fifth Wisconsin Regiment left their camp near Belle 
Plain on the 28th, and marched about five miles. The same 
evening they took part in carrying the pontoons down to the 
river, which occupied them most of the night. The following 
day they were kept on the march and lay down at night 
greatly fatigued, without tent or blanket, and had a comfort- 
able sleep, such as only the weary could have found. On the 
30th they lay still, and improved the time in sleeping. On 
the 1st of May they crossed the river and relieved the regiments 
then on picket. When they threw out their picket line there 
■was an understanding between the two armies that no picket 
shooting should be practiced, except in case of either pai'ty 
advancing ; but this promise was soon broken by the rebels, 
and lively picket firing was kept up all the forenoon, during 
which time the Fifth lost Lieutenant John McMurtrj' and two 
men, mortally wounded. Toward evening, suspecting that 
the enemy were evacuating, they were ordered to advance, 
which they did without loss, driving the rebels back into their 
intrenchments. They were soon recalled to their old position, 
and there left their knapsacks and haversacks, being ordered 
soon after dark to move quietly up to the city of Fredericks- 
burg, six miles above, where they arrived at daylight of the 
3rd, Sunday. In passing through the city they were exposed 
to a terrible artillery fire, but were fortunate in having only 
thirteen men wounded. They formed their line in front of 
the enemy's fortifications, and lay down awaiting orders. An 
unfortunate attempt was made by a brigade of the third division 
to storm and capture the celebrated " Marye's Heights," which 
resulted in a distrous repulse. 

This stronghold receives its name from the house on the 



hill, owned by a man of the name, " Marye." The command 
came for the " Light Division" to take position in front of that 
natural fortress, which one brigade had just failed to capture, 
and which General Burnside tried all his power to reduce, 
losing 5,000 men in the attempt, with no success. They took 
the position and made arrangements for the attack, and then 
lying down under a sloping bank waited from eight to 
eleven o'clock for the word to advance. The location of the 
regiments in the attack was to be as follows: 

Maiye's Hill 
top of heights. 


Steep ascent. 
Stone wall. 

Open ground 400 yards. 

Eight wing 5th Wis. as Skirmishers. 

60 yards. 
New York. 6th Maine, 

wing 5th Wis. 


The Sixty-first Pennsylvania and Forty-third New York 
were to make a flank movement at the right, to divert the 
attention of the enemy. The right wing of the Fifth "Wis- 
consin, Companies A, F, I, and H, were to advance as skir- 
mishers. The Sixth Maine were to follow the right wing of 

SECYoF ;TKIE,^'VIS_ 1866-67 



tlie Mfth in line of tattle, and fifty paces in their rear; the 
Thirty-fii^st Ifew York were to form and advance on the left of 
the Sixth Maine, and in line with them ; and ten paces in the 
rear, at the left of the Sixth, the left wing of the Fifth was to 
follow. The men knew what a human slaughter-ground the 
space before them had been. As they lay there waiting those 
three hours, they had some serious reflections, and some 
temptations to be dispirited; and Colonel Allen, who had 
arranged the plan of attack, felt the need of raising their 
spirits. This he did not do by attempting to divert their 
attention by folly, or to depreciate the danger. He studied the 
case, and observed that both Burnside at the battle of Freder- 
icksburg, and the brigade of the third division on that morn- 
ing, had stopped when about one hundred yards from the 
stone wall, under a slight slope, and delivering their fire, at 
that instant received such terrible shots from th€ converging 
batteries and musketry of the enemy that they never went 

Colonel Allen therefore made this short address to his men 
just before starting: "Boys, you see those heights! You 
have got to take them ! You think you can't do it, but you 
can! YoM. will do it! "When the order 'forward' is given, 
you will start at double quick ; you will not fire a gun ; you 
will not stop until you get the order to halt ! You will not get 
that order !" The order " Forward" came. The various 
bodies of soldiers moved according to the plan. The enemy 
reserved their fire until the skirmishers arrived within about one 
hundred yards of the stone wall, expecting them to halt there, 
under a protecting slope and commence firing. Then they 
opened on the assaulting heroes with terrific fury and terrible 
effect, from musketry behind the stone wall and in rifle pits 
above, in front, and from houses and rifle pits at the right, 
and from batteries posted on all the crests of the hill. Cap- 
tain Harris' battery was firing at the enemy over the heads of 
the " Light Division," and all the numerous artillery on that 
part of the enemy's line was intensely engaged. The scene 
was awful. Shot, shell, and cannister plunged in among our 
men, and in ten minutes five hundred of them fell, killed or 
wounded. Colonel Spear, of the Sixty-first Pennsylvania, was 


wounded at the first fire, whicli caused some confusion and 
delay there, but the advance portion of the Fifth ruehed for- 
ward, and in a few seconds reached the stone wall, four hun- 
dred yards distant, having lost already one hundred of the 
two hundred and twenty-five that started, and then leaping 
the wall in a twinkling, and thrusting their bayonets into some 
antagonists as they passed scaled the heights above. Colonel 
Allen being the first man in the enemy's works, and waving his 
sword, and shouting " Come on, boys!" Some of the "boys" 
were soon there, and, alas ! some were not, and could not be 
there ! They were dead ! Lieuten,ant Brown, of the celebrated 
Washington artillery of ISTew Orleans, in person surrendered his 
battery to Colonel Allen, expressing high admiration of his 
bravery, to whom the Colonel replied, " I am sorry to see so 
brave a man as you fighting against the fiag of his countiy." 
The Sixth Maine planted their flag on the heights at the right, 
and the left wing of the Wisconsin Fifth placed theirs on the 
left, at . the Washington battery. Other regiments came for- 
ward and took batteries and positions still fai'ther at the right 
and left. The Fifth captured nine guns, several hundred 
prisoners, and many small arms. Among those who lost their 
lives in the assault were Captain Strong, of Company G- ; and 
Captain Turner, of Company H, whom Colonel Allen named as 
among the bravest officers. As Captain Strong was struck by 
the fatal shot and began to fall, he waved his sword, and cried 
" Forward, boys, the day is ours !" The right wing of the 
Fifth lost twenty-six killed and seventy-three wounded ; the 
left wing, five killed and thirty-three wounded. 

But the victory so dearly won was nearly fruitless, except 
in its glory and its historic worth. The next day the whole of 
the sixth (Sedgwick's) corps was nearly surrounded by the 
rebels \inder General Longstreet, who took possession of the 
heights again, our troops having advanced. A large part 
of Lee's army lay between Sedgwick's corps and Hooker, and 
no proper means were taken to improve the advantage of the 
victory gained by Sedgwick's heroes, who had their struggle 
alone, far separated from their comrades. 

Finally the command came from General Hooker to cross 
the river. But the sixth corps must fight their way to the 


ford. Colonel Allen was ordered by General Sedgwick in 
person to take the Fifth Wisconsin and Sixty-first Pennsyl- 
vania, and go to the assistance of Brookes' and Howe's 
divisions, who were fighting toward the ford of the river. This 
was done, with the loss of twenty-six more men in a few 
moments. At three o'clock the next morning the Fifth 
crossed the river, and worked all the following day in taking 
up the pontoon bridges, and hauling them by hand up a steep 
ascent half a mile. 

The latter part of Sunday, General Hooker acted on the 
defensive, and awaited developments on the part of Sedgwick. 
But there being no arrangement whereby the main army could 
take iadvantage of the capture of Marye's Heights, and com- 
munication with Sedgwick not being effected, and Stoneman's 
cavalry, that went farther into the enemy's rear, not being 
heard from. General Hooker decided on retiring across the 
river. Some cannonading and picket skirmishing occurred 
on Monday, day and night; early on Tuesday all the pioneers 
engaged in cutting roads to the United States Ford, and on 
Tuesday night, in a rain storm, the army crossed. 

The Third Wisconsin, on May 1st, moved out from its camp 
in the " Wilderness," toward Fredericksburg, and took posi- 
tion as pickets. There they immediately discovered the 
enemy in front, in the woods, and prepared to receive their 
attack. That was soon made, and Lieutenant Colonel Johit 
W. Scott, of the Third Regiment, was struck by a bullet and 
instantly killed. The enemy pressed back the left of the 
regiment, and Colonel Hawley ordered a change to a fence 
near by, which they converted into a breast work, and held 
the remainder of the day. On the afternoon of the 2d they 
moved forward some distance toward the enemy, but not to 
an attack. When ordered back to their works, they found 
them occupied by the rebels. There they had left their knap- 
sacks, and thus they lost all their shelter tents, blankets, and 
rations. They then formed a line of battle to resist the rebel 
advance. At ten o'clock at night their skirmishers were 
driven in, and a volley was fired over their heads, followed 
by a wild yelling of the enemy. Colonel Hawley ordered a 
fire upon them, and while this was being executed, a portion 


of the Thirteenth Ifew Jersey Infantry, bliridedi by the dark- 
ness, opened fire upon the rear of the Third, which caused 
some confasiou. 

At daybreak on the. morning of the 3rd, the enemy began a 
vigorous attack upon them with infantry. The Third Regi- 
ment rephed with a constant and well-directed fire, checked 
the advance of the rebels, and slowly drove them back about 
one-third of a mile. Thus they fought until half-past nine 
o'clock in the forenoon, when their muskets became so foul 
that they could scarcely load them, and they were relieved by 
a portion of General Whipple's forces. Colojael Hawley ex- 
pressed the opinion, in his report to his superior ofiicer, that 
if all Union troops had borne the fatigue and privation of that 
series of battles at Chancellorville as well as the Wisconsin 
Third Infantry, and had fought with as much unflinching 
determination and bravery, a decided victory to our arms 
would have been the result. 


This excellent and beloved officer fell, greatly mourned, in 
this battle of Chancellorville, May 1st, 1863, ^ged forty years. 
He was a native of Meadville, Pennsylvania, and settled as a 
silversmith and jeweler in Watertown, Wisconsin, about 1842. 
He joined the army, and served under General Scott in the 
Mexican War, participating in the fiercest and bloodiest battles 
from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico, and continued in the 
service till the close of the strife. When the war of the 
rebellion broke out, he was tendered a captain's commission, 
and immediately closed up his business, raised a company, 
was assigned to the Third Regiment, and went at once to the 
seat of war. He rose steadily and deservedly to the rank of 
lieutentant colonel, and had he lived, would have gone higher 
if any opening had been made. At the battle of Cedar Moun- 
tain he was severely wounded, and taken to the house of Hon- 
orable J. Fife, a secessionist of Culpepper, where, from the 
family of that gentleman, he received every kindness and 
attention. At Chancellorville he was shot in the left eye, the 
ball passing through his head, and died instantly ; no word, 


BptliiDg but a groan escaping from Ms lips. He went into 
this campaign against the advice of his surgeon, his health 
being shattered, and one arm useless from wounds received at 
Cedar Mountain. On the day, of the battle he was sick, but 
persistently remained with his regiment, and that act of self- 
denial and bravery cost him his life. Several years before his 
death he became a useful member andgood steward in. the 
Methodist Episcopal Church, and remained so to the last. 

Early on the morning of April 29th, the Iron, Brigade, in 
connection with the first (General Reynolds') corps, appeared, 
at Eitz -Hugh's Crossing, on the Rappahannock, below Fred- 
ericksburg. The engineers, preceded by sharp-shooters, 
had prepared to lay a pontoon bridge, and were driven back' 
by the enemy's pickets on the opposite side. The brigade, 
with a few other troops, were ordered to force a passage of the; 
stream, and drive out the rebels at the point, of the bayonet; 
the Sixth Wisconsin and Twenty-fourth Michigan being placed 
in the advance, and closely followed by the Second and Seventh 
Wisconsin, and Mneteenth Indiana., They were to cross in 
the slow-moving, square-bowed pontoon boats — twenty-five 
feet long, four wide, and three deep — which must be rowed 
or poled over. The rifie pits on the opposite side were swarm^ 
ing with sharp-shooters, who, from their protected position 
upon the bank, forty feet above the river, could deal death to 
the adventurous Federals while crossing. The bank on the 
south side was overgrown with vines and underbrush, and wag- 
slippery from recent rains. The men advanced to within, a 
quarter of a mile of the river, and there selected their oarsmen 
^^four to each boat; boats' chiefs were appointed; and knap- 
sacks, haversacks, and every superfluous weight, were, laid 
aside. They then deployed into line and moved forward 
steadily, keeping step as they advanced to what appeared must 
be their sure destruction. I^ot a man faltered; every one was 
in, his place. The order was given, "By the rigM of details to the. 
front ; double, quick ; murch ! " and each boat's crew, headed by 
their chief, started on the run for their boat. Volleys of bullets 
met them,- but they rushed on; qnce in the boats, they pushed 
off to cross the three hundred yards of water that lay between 
them and their ,fp.e,,, The splinters from the gunwales flew in 


every direction, while here and there some poor soldier was 
struck and fell back in the hoat with a g^sp, either killed or 
wounded. They reached the opposite shore, and charged 
immediately up the bank and upon the intrenchments at the 
top. In a few moments all is quiet, but twenty-nine rebels lie 
prostrate and lifeless, two hundred are our prisoners, and the 
remainder are fleeing to other intrenchments on the heights 

"While getting into the boats. Captain Alexander Gordon, 
Jr., of Company K, was killed, and also Second Lieutenant 
"William O. Topping, Company C, Seventh Regiment. Several 
others were wounded. The loss of Captain Gordon was a 
heavy one for the regiment, as he was an exceedingly brave 
and efficient officer. Lieutenant Topping was young, and had 
been recently promoted. He was held in much esteem by all. 

The pontoon bridges were then laid, and another brigade, 
commanded by General Cutler, crossed over, and the troops 
took position on nearly the same ground occupied by the Iron 
Brigade in the battle of Fredericksburg, December 13th. On 
the 2d of May, the brigade recrossed, and moved to join the 
forces on the extreme right. On the 3rd, at four o'clock in 
the morning, they crossed to the south side of the river, at 
United States Ford, and reached the battle field near Chancel- 
lorville at sunrise. There, owing to marshes and heavy 
timber in their front, their position was nearly inaccessible, 
though the battle raged terribly near by, the enemy making 
charge after charge upon our works without avail, and con- 
tinuing the conflict nearly all day. 

On the 28th of April, the third corps, to which Berdan's 
sharp-shooters were now attached, marched down the river to 
the left of the army below Fredericksburg. On the 30th, they 
were suddenly ordered to the right of the army. They made 
a detour to the rear to escape observation from the opposite 
bank, and by a forced march arrived at their position on the 1st 
of May, at four in the morning, having moved twenty miles 
with but one rest of two hours. They now crossed the Rappa- 
hannock at United States Ford, and took position near the front. 
At ten o'clok the next morning, (May 2d,) the sharp-shooters 
acted as skirmishers in the battle, and drove the rebel outposts 


in. Pushing forward through dense thickets for two miles, 
they came upon the rebels in foi-ce, when Company G, with 
others, captured three hundred and sixty-five men of the 
Twenty-third Georgia Regiment, who were caught by being 
cornered in a railroad cut, having been previously discovered 
by look-outs posted in trees and along the roadside. The sight 
of fifty sharp-shooting rifles, every one of which was death 
when aimed at them and the trigger was pulled, was too much 
for the Georgians, and they surrendered. 

The sharp-shooters, with their corps, were cut oiF from the 
army that night, by the flank movement of Stonewall Jackson, 
by which he gained their rear. At daybreak on the 3rd, the 
battle again commenced, the rebels fighting fiercely to prevent 
their joining the main body.- A terrible struggle ensued till 
noon. Company G was posted in a thick belt of* woods, and 
was engaged as skirmishers during the whole time, losing 
seven men wounded. In the evening they took position in the 
reserve, where they remained till the next morning, when, 
having again been sent to the front, they were placed in posi- 
tion as skirmishers, where they remained, covering the move- 
ment of the army until it had recrossed the Eappahannock, 
and repulsing several attempts of the rebels to drive them 
back. They held this position for seventeen hours without 
relief, or even water, and on the 6th of May crossed the river 
and returned to their old camp at Falmouth. 

The Federal cause in this battle received the advantages of 
another Wisconsin agency, namely, the ready pen of Mr. L. 
L. Crounse, formerly editor of a Milwaukee paper, whose 
valuable report of the battle in the 1:^ ew York Times, has been 
the chief authority of the Annual American Cyclopoedia, and 
of Tenney's and Abbott's histories of the war. Lieutenant B. 
F. Cram, Company F, Fifth Regiment, also reported well con- 
cerning the capture of Marye's Heights, though this brave 
and memorable deed is not noticed in the forementioned 

At the battle of Fredericksburg the Second Regiment lost 
one killed' and ten wounded: the Sixth, three wounded; the 
Seventh, one killed, eight wounded, and three missing. At 
the battle of Chancellorville, chiefly or wholly at Fitz Hugh's 


Crossing, the Second Regiment lost five wounded, and one 
missing; the Sixth, three killed, and thirteen wounded; the 
Seventh, two officers and one private killed, five wounded, and 
one missing. The whole number in each regiment, at that 
time, was small. The whole brigade, including the Twenty- 
fourth Michigan, at Fitz Hugh's Crossing, was only about 
fifteen hundred. 

TheFederal loss was, 154 officers, 1,358 enlisted men, killed; 
624 officers, 8,894 enlisted men, wounded. Some of the 
wounded remained on the field of battle at least ten days, 
aided somewhat by the Confederates, but generally suffering 
much. The rebel loss was not as much in numbers, but far 
more in important officers. 

General Thomas Jonathan (" Stonewall ") Jackson was one 
of the numerous Confederate loss in this battle. After he had 
made his terrible attack on the Union right and had driven back 
our forces, he went forward to examine the position, and as he 
was returning to his own lines, he and his attendants were 
mistaken for Federal cavalry, and were fired upon by a South 
Carolina Regiment. He was wounded in both arms, and 
several of his staff were killed. As he fell from his horse he 
exclaimed, " All my wounds are by my own men ! " The 
Federals were attracted by the firing, and m the midst of fly- 
ing shot and shell which struck down many Confederates, 
Jackson was borne off by his own men, receiving additional 
wounds as he went. His left arm was amputated, he was 
removed to Guinea's Station, on the railroad from Fredericks- 
burg to Richmond, pneumonia set in on the 7th, and he died 
on Sunday, the 10th, saying to his wife, who told him he was 
going, " Very good, very good; it is all right!" He was a 
victim of the State rights doctrine, being opposed to the 
rebellion, except for the reason that Virginia voted to secede 
from the "Union. His soubriquet, " Stonewall," was received, 
as some say, because at the first battle of Bull Run he 
answered an inquiry by saying, " My troops will stand like a 
stone wall;" or, because the Confederate General Bee said of 
him after the battle, " He stood like a stone wall." He further 
earned the title in numerous conflicts, especially at the battle 
of Winchester. 


The names of the wounded of the "Wisoousiu Fifth in this battle were as follows : 

Major H. M. Wheeler. Oompany A — 1st Lt. Horace Walker, 2d Lt. A. B. Gib- 
son, Sergt. Maurice Mullens, Corps. Wm. Turpin, J. K. Lej'korn, Albert Burbick, 
Francis Stirn. Privates Wm. 0. Crocker, Samuel B. Dexter, Gotlab Herman, L. 
Lacount, Ole Nelson, Peter Perrauld, Michael Pelcher, Joseph Cox. Oompamy B — 
Sergts. Oscar H. Pierce, Henry Pigg, Washington I. Carver. Corporals Rollin R. 
Wheeler, James Young, Leander L. Hatch. Privates M. M. Bailey, Wm. Byrne, 
Wm. George, Jeremiah Merrils, Malcolm MoNie, Joseph McDonald, E. O'Brien, 
J. Parkinson, Jeremiah Sheldon, J. S. Parker. Compcmy C — Capt. C. W. Kempf, 
]st Lt. MuUer, 2d Lt. C. H. Mayer. Privates Joseph .Ijob, Dietrick Dierolf, Praiiz 
Kurtzner, Joseph Lesaulmier, Joseph Thiefault, Christon Rudarer, Hugo Richter. 
Company D — Corps. E. Charnock, C. P. Jones, Holland Smith, L. A. Hovey. Com- 
pany .E— 1st Lt. A. W. Hathaway, Sergt. Jas. Hoggins. Corps. W. W. Wiggins, 
H. S. Ames, C. T. Hackard. Privates R. D. Coon, George Peelerson. Company 
F — SerKt. P. L. Ladue, Corp. George Klock. Privates John Rose, A. J. Smith. 
Company G — Sergt. Robert Berry. Corps. James P; Elliott, Reuben H. Shumway, 
Charles Knudson, Henry T. Strong. Company S— Corporals A. T. Robb, W, B. 
Walker. Privates A. 0. Bell, John Douglas, Martin Morrison, D. W. McCarty, 
T. J. -Shannon, John Berlan, John McGregor. Company I- — 2d Lt. Richard Carter. 
Privates Edward P. B'lynn, John Anderson, T. J. Keys,, Charles Bartlett, Alfred 
Kelley, William Duriff, Thomas .^dkins, Abraham Adkins, George Thomas, A. P. 
Brown, J. Henry Osborn, John Simons, Peter Sable, John Thompson, James 
Wait. Company £"— Corp. J. B. Kendall. Privates John H. Bolton, Francis Lee, 
Frederick Britenather, Frederick Messuer. 











Man needs to use much care and humble obedience if he 
would rightly interpret the ways of God's providence. Let 
him take out any short section of the course of providential 
events, and then, without rigidly consulting the moral prin- 
ciples involved, make his conclusions as to God's design, and 
his interpretation will be but a mere human guess, and will 
probably prove an utter failure. At all times during the rebel- 
lion, it was hazardous for any one to prophesy the future from 
any success or defeat, without strict attention to the demands 
of justice and righteousness in the land. At evening on the 
30th of August, 1862, General E,. E. Lee, in reporting to Jef- 
ferson Davis the success of their arms that day on the plains 
of Manassas, said, " Our gratitude to Almighty God for his 
mercies rises higher each day." And on the 2d of September, 
Mr. Davis, in a message to the rebel Congress, said : " From 
these dispatches it will be seen that God has again extended 
his shield over our patriotic army, and has blessed the cause 
of the Confederacy with a second signal victory on the field 
already memorable by the gallant achievement of our troops." 
This deduction was a great blunder in logic, because the ques- 
tion whether Lee and Davis and all the rest were traitors and 


oppressors or not, was ignored. It might be that God was 
allowijig them brief success, that all their strength might be 
expended and their power lost, and that their opponents might 
be disciplined to a state of rectitude that would bear perma- 
nent victory. 

So, just after the battle of Fredericksburg, December 2l8t, 
1862, General Lee said, in an address to his troops, " The 
signal manifestations of Divine mercy that have distinguished 
the eventful and glorious campaign of the year just closing, 
give assurance of hope that, under the guidance of the same 
Almighty hapd, the coming year will be no less fruitful of 
events that will insure the safety, peace, and happiness of our 
beloved country, and add new lustre to the already imperish- 
able name of the Army of Northern Virginia." And at the close 
of the battle of Chancellorville, General Lee reported to Davis 
that- his army had "succeeded, by the blessing of Heaven, in 
driving Sedgwick over the river." A few days after he issued 
an address to his army, recommending " that the troops unite 
on Sunday next in ascribing to the Lord of Hosts the glory 
due his name." And Jefferson Davis, at Richmond, responded 
to a message from Lee just then : " I have received your dis- 
patch, and reverently unite with you in giving praise to God 
for the success with which he has crowned our arms." They 
were indeed very grateful ! But how much better if even then 
they had stopped to consider whether, according ' to the prin- 
ciples of justice, God was leading them to triumph or ultimate 
destruction. "Which did they the most respect, God's sove- 
reignty or State sovereignty — the higher or the lower law ? 

It is true that the issues of the war up to the close of the 
year 1862, and even to the battle of Chancellorville, were not 
very promising in themselves for an ultimate I^orthern victory. 
!N"evertheless there was no ground for despair; justice in the 
contest plainly stood on the side of the North, and yet the 
North was not so guiltless as to need no chastisement. To 
that time God had after all ruled the rebellion in the interests 
of freedom.* There are two departments in the Divine provi- 

* A portion of the few following pages was published by the author of this book 
in the Wisconsin Puritan of December, 1862, and was preached to his people on the 
annual Thanksgiving Day of the previous month. The sentiments contained are 
the more significant on account of the early date of their expression. 


dential government. In one, God directly rules to bring certain 
events to pass, with an entire approbation and institution of all 
tbe means to accomplish the desired object. In the other, 
while not destroying free agency, nor preventing all evil, he 
so circuniscribes and overrules the evil, as to make it serve a 
good object. One of his modes of this latter kind of govern- 
ment is, to allow bad men to have their own way and take 
their own course, within certain bounds, until they either see 
and loathe the mischief themselves, or others see it and turn 
against them. Another kind of the latter mode is, putting 
selfishness against selfishness, selfish men against selfish men, 
selfish plans against selfish plans, until in some defeat produc- 
tive good is secured. 

At first the founders of this Government left the root of 
slavery in the Constitution. ^ The gift of th^ir free agency was 
such a towering possession that God did not see it best to go 
farther then and there to change their deed. The tares grew, 
grew mightily. Apostacy came, it would flood the land. 
Men's minds were perverted. They consented to the iniquity 
though infamy to themselves. Treason lay concealed in the 
body politic for long years. She nestled in Senate Chambers 
and Representative Halls ; she plotted far away in Southern 
studios, and on Southern plantations. At last her denoue- 
ment came; she burst forth hydra-headed and Briarian-armed 
upon the land. It was the day of her victory, and yet the day 
of her destruction. 

Too speedy victory to our Northern forces would surely 
have brought a compromise with slavei-y and an immensely 
lengthened lease to its existence. We at the ITorth needed 
to be called back from our unfaithfulness to freedom. God 
in his compassionate rule, would not let us bury ourselves in 
ostentatious delight in our sins. So nigh to complete triumph 
did he allow the rebellion to go, that it could leave behind no 
reserve strength for future years, and that the danger to our 
own freedom and to humanity might fully appear. 

Come to a nearer view. We too soon forget the perilous 
state of the country, just at the eve of President Lincoln's first 
administration. The plotters of treason at the South had long 
confidently calculated that in the event of showing their 


designs, they would have large and influential support at the 
ITorth. Division at the North was pledged to them by some ; 
while others were interpreted as on their side. So they 
understood Mr. Eillmore in 1856, Then, also, some of Mr. 
Buchanan's friends pledged the aid of Pennsylvania to the 
South in case of rupture. In the Charleston Convention of 
1860, 20,000 men from I^ew Jersey were promised to the 
South ; and Fernando Wood sagely intimated that the city of 
New York should go also. 

In these circumstances came the Presidential election of 
1860. Mr. Lincoln was made President, not by the majority, 
only by the plurality. Two large parties had opposed his 
being made Chief Magistrate. Between his election and in- 
auguration, and afterward, many of both those parties, and 
some of his own also, combined in the endeavor to draw forth 
from his administration another compromise with the South, 
that should give one-half of all the United States territories to 
slavery forever. This they did as the only method they saw 
of preserving the Union and averting civil war. Many of the 
leaders of the lifepublican party were openly in favor of amend- 
ing the Constitution by inserting a guarantee that slavery, 
wherever existing, should never thereafter be molested, not 
even in territories or the District of Columbia. 

It is certain that if in that state of things a rupture among 
loyalists had occurred in consequence of some overt, even 
though constitutional act of the Administration, the North 
would have been hopelessly divided and the Union probably 
destroyed. If even then the policy and intent of the Govern- 
ment for emancipation had been proclaimed as certain to be 
taken in case of the offences which were afterward committed 
by the South, so wrong and untaught were the principles and 
sensibilities of a great portion Of the North, that division and 
ruin would have been the result. So God kept men in ignor- 
ance of the future, and suffered not rulers themselves to know 
or to foreshadow what would be their future acts. 

Meanwhile the rebellion, having robbed the public treasury 
and arsenals, and suborned many public servants in high trust, 
was strutting forth in Southern forts and marts, forbidding free 


speech, denying liberty of person, and coercing loyalists into 
her perjured ranks, or hanging them on the next tree. 

The all-seeing God was about to overrule great wickedness 
for good. Therefore he let the pride and madness of the South 
run on without check or hindrance. At length the vial of 
wrath was filled by the bombardment of Fort Sumter. 

With the fall of Sumter it was ventured to call for 75,000 
men, not with the expressed purpose of putting down the 
rebellion, but to retake and re-occupy the stolen fortresses of 
the Union. The call was answered by four times 75,000 ; but 
still there was the wide-spread stipulation in the public mind, 
especially among army officers, that the military force should, 
in no way help toward the emancipation of slaves or the 
destruction of slavery. Men were maddened at the suggestion 
that such might be the tendency, maddened at the statement 
that slavery was even the leading cause of the rebellion. 
Public speakers figured around it — even some ministers tried 
their brains to make it out that there were other sins, and not 
slavery, that had brought this judgment of civil war upon us. 

The Generals went forth with the 300,000 men, and the 
most that many a 10,000 and 20,000 force did, was to guard 
rebel property and return fugitive slaves. Many of the public 
authorities seemed determined to make the army a better 
slave-catching police than had ever existed before, as a bait to 
the South for the suppression of the rebellion in ninety days, 
and a kind of self-consistency with previous pro-slavery senti- 

And what if the first 75,000 or 300,000 army. had sufficed? 
What if the treason had yielded in ninety days, or twice or 
four times ninety days? Would God's objects in suffering 
the rebellion have been accomplished ? What if the Union 
forces had been successful at the first battle of Bull Eun ? 
How soon should we have complacently settled down into 
grosser wickedness than before, and given slavery greater 
immunities than all previous compromises had done. And 
yet how near we came to a martial victory and moral defeat 
even there. Through all the former part of that bloody battle we 
were triumphant. And we might possibly have been even after 
Johnson's reinforcements came, but -for the persistent blind- 


ness and deception of one Union officer, who' insisted tliat he 
recognized Unionists in the approaching fresh rebel troops. 
The cannbniers were stationed ; they wished and asked to fire, 
and by raking and incessant shots might • have blown the 
reinforcing rebels to atoms. But God sufiered that man's 
eyes to be blinded, and we were saved from a peace that 
would not have been in the interests of freedom. 
■ The contraband question arose, which, like the famed ghost, 
would not down, and after the defeat of Bull E,un we made 
the astonishing advance of a Congressional act confiscating 
the property of rebels, even slave property actually used in 
aid of the rebellion. "We had at length a mighty army on 
the Potomac. And if that General was tardy and over- 
cautious, why did not God quicken him to move on Manassas 
and Richmond ? Because he would not help us out of our 
difficulty until we were ready to do justice to others as. well as 
to ourselves. 

After the battle of Fair Oaks, we were nigh to victory at 
-the Seven Days' battles, before the rebel capital. But an 
"uneasy hair-brained commander of a company of horse, being 
sure that he could whip the whole South, without orders rushed 
m with his troops right in front of our powerful cannon just as 
the rebels made a dash upon our forces, and the cannoniers 
wishing not to fire upon our men did not fire upon the eiiemy, 
and then began the famous but melancholy retreat to James 
River. But for that event the decision after all might have 
been to make an advance at the right time on Richmond. 

But while the Lord was ruling the rebellion on the one side 
so as not to give our Government at that time a final conquest, 
he was just as provident not to give traitors a triumph that 
would insure the preservation of slavery. How carefully he 
guarded our Chief Magistrate against the power of sworn and 
bloody men, in his journey to the capital of the land ! How he 
overawed and held back the rebel troops from sacking, and 
burning our capital city, when the event lay in their power as 
' a child in the cradle lies in your power ! How he moved upon 
those in charge of the Monitor in New York, urging their 
minds forward to provision and store that steamer for her first 
trip, and hurriedly to set sail without sailing orders, so as to 


reach tlie Merrimac just in time to cut short her career of 
terrible devastation. 

So the Lord kept loyalty and rebellion somewhat evenly 
balanced, that while there should be the waving to and fro 
of the fierce and bloody crash of arms, the great moral lessons of 
the war should be pondered by the people, and a climax of sen- 
timent finally be obtained that would sustain an emancipation 
proclamation when made, and would press our Chief Magis- 
trate to make it. 

The border State sentiment was feared. For this reason 
Fremont's proclamation was modified and Hunter's annulled. 
But such was the progress of public sentiment that Delaware 
soon voted for a Republican Governor and Republican Con- 
gressmen ; Maryland elected a Unionist Governor and Unionist 
■Legislature, and she turned away with a shudder from the rebel 
army that visited her soil in the autumn of 1862. Missouri 
changed, and soon sent emancipation representatives to her 
Legislature and to Congress. 

God could not give a total route to the enemy at Antietam, 
because the rebellion had not yet driven people and President 
to the deed of emancipation. Whether the failure to achieve 
a more decided victory there was owing to the inertness of 
the General commanding, or to the influence of the majority 
of his subordinate generals, or merely to the misinformation 
concerning the enemy obtained from a single captured rebel 
soldier — with either supposition God would not move forward 
to obviate the difficulty. Chagrin and sorrow to the Adminis- 
tration and to the nation on account of the escape of the enemy, 
were yet necessary to inspire with sufficient spirit and courage 
for the act of emancipation, and especially to let us loose from 
the overawing influence of the border slave States. And yet 
there was success enough to our arms in that battle to cause 
the President to fulfil his vow to God to make the Proclama- 
tion, and to cause the people on all sides to respect it when it 
came. Many said that two-thirds of the officers of the army, 
and three-fourths of the soldiers, would throw down their arnis 
at the announcement of the emancipation scheme; but the 
army was immediately stronger in faith and moral vigor than 
ever before. 


■ ''The great maBS-df the nation thus verging toward freedbm, 
more resolution and energy were needed at the central power. 
Adverse elections added to a defiant and bitter enemy in front 
the discovery of a plotting and dangerous opposition in the 
rear. ISow selfishness and self-preservation, as well as 
patriotism and philanthropy, demanded of the Administration 
a forward and determined course. The border State elections 
encouraged the venture of emancipation. Thd l^orthern elec- 
tions were not so adverse as to hazard the scheme for emanci- 
pation, yet were sufiiciently adverse to prompt dependence on 
friends and forbid flattering attentions on enemies. Finally, 
we were so near the first of January as not to have the emanci- 
pation proclamation prevented by the suppressing of the rebel- 
lion, and yet so far off from January as to call mightily for the 
Aarons and the Hurs, and for all the righteous ones for whose 
sake Gpd might save the nation. 

Abroad, Mr. Griadstone, in England, made a speech to obtain 
recognition of the Confederacy, and that obliged the ministry 
to declare against it. Emperor Napoleon tried to get a medi- 
ation by a mighty triple power, and that compelled two of the 
three powers to publicly refuse it. 

In all this there was a rapid and mighty change in public 
opinion and a glorious march, of divine Providence. Such a 
change never occurs in favor of iniquity. The quick changes 
in human sentiment are for the right. A retrograde in moral 
opinions never has so rapid a descent. God has put too many 
breaks upon man's moral nature ever to allow it. There 
"existed, then, God's rule of the rebellion in the interest of 
freedom, and Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis were false 
interpreters of divine Providence. 

The emancipation proclamation of President Lincoln was so 
important an agency in suppressing the rebellion, that it can 
not properly be withheld from any history of our country, or 
of even a single State, at that time, 


I, Abraham Liacoln, President of the United States of America;, 
and Gommander-in-Ohief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby pro- 
claim and declare : 


That hereafter, as heretofore, the -war will be prosecuted for the 
object of practically restoring the constitutional , relations between the 
United States and tho people thereof, in which States that relation is 
or may be suspended or disturbed ; 

That it is my purpose, upon the- next meeting of Congress, again to 
recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid 
to the free acceptance or rejection of all the slave States, so called, 
the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United 
States, and-which States may have voluntarily adopted and hereafter 
may voluntarily adopt the immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery 
within their respective limits; and that the efforts to colonize persons 
of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent or else- 
where, with the previously obtained consent of the governments exist- 
ing there, will be continued. 

On the first day of January of the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any 
State, or designated part of a State, the people whei-eof shall then be 
in rebellion against the United States, shall be thenceforward and 
forever free, ; and the executive government of the United States, 
including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and 
maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to 
repress such persons, or any of them, in the efibrts they may make for 
actual freedom. 

That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, issue 
a proclamation designating States or parts of States in which the 
people thereof respectively will be in rebellion against the United 
States. The fact that any people thereof, shall, on that day, be, in 
good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States hj mem- 
bers chosen therein at elections wherein a majority of qualified electors 
of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong 
countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such 
State and people have not been in rebellion against the United States. 

Attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled "An Act 
to make an additional Article of "War," approved March 13, 1862 : 

Be it enacted Tnj the Senate andEbuse of Represeittatiiies oftM United States of America 
in Gongreis assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated aa an addi- 
tion article of war for the government of the army of the trnited States, and shaB 
he obeyed and observed as such: 

Article — . All officers in the military or naval service of the United States are 
prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for 
the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped 
from any person to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer 
who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dia- 
misaed from the service. 

Section 2. And he it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from' and after 
its passage. 

Attention is also directed to the 9th and 10th sections of an act 
entitled " An Act to suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and 
Rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of Rebels, and for other 
purposes," approved July 17th, 1862, and which sections are in the 
words and figures following : 

god's rule of the rebellion. 373 

Section 9. And he it fwihefr enaded, That all slaves of persons who shall here- 
after be engaged in rebellion against the government of the United States, or who 
shall in any way give aid or Comfort thereto, escaping from such persons, and taking 
refuge within the lines of the army ; and all slaves captured from such persons, or 
deserted by them, and coming under the control of the government of the United 
States^ and all slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied 
by rebel forces, and afterwards occupied by forces of the United States, shall be 
deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again 
held as slaves. 

Section 10. And he it fmiher enacted, That no slave escaping into any State, 
Tei-ritory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be delivered up, 
or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some oft'ence 
against the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that 
the person to whom J;he service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful 
owner,' and ha-s not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, 
nor in any way given aid or comfort thereto; and no person engaged In the mili- 
tary or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence whatever, 
assume to decide on the validity, of the claim of any person to the service or labor 
qf any other person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of 
being dismissed from the service. 

And I do hereby enjoin upon, and order ali persons engaged in the 
military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey and 
enforce, withiii their respective spheres of service, the act and sections 
above recited; and the Executive will in due time recommend that all 
citizens of the United States who have remained loyal thereto through- 
out the rebellion shall, upon the restoration of the constitutional rela- 
tions betwfeen the United States and their respective States and people, 
if the 'relation shall have been suspended or disturbed, be compensated 
for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
great seal of the United St^es to be affixed. 

Done at the city of "Washington, this, the 22d day of September, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and 
of the Independence of the United States, the 87th. 

(Signed) Abeaham Lincoln. 

Wm. H. Sewahd, Secretary of State. 

Tlie action of Congress was very properly embraced in the 
foregoing. On the first of the succeeding new year the Presi- 
dent's threat to rebels, his promise to loyalists, was made good 
by the following: 

By the President of the United States of America. 

"Whereas, On the 22d day of September, in the year of our Lord 
1862, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, 
containing among other things the following, to wit : 

That, on the first day qf January, in the year of our Lord one 
thousan(^, eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves 
within any State, or designated part of a State, the people Whereof 


shall then be in rebellion against the United States^ shall be thence- 
forth and forever free ; and the executive government of the United 
States, including the military and naval , authority thereof, will recog- 
nize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act o^ 
acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any effort they- may 
make for their actual freedom; that the Executive will on the first day 
of January aforesaid, issue a proclamation designating the States and 
parts of States, if any, in which the ^people therein respectively shall 
then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any 
State, or thepeople thereof, shall on that day be in good faith repren 
sehted in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto 
at elections wherein a majority pf the qualified voters of such States 
shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing 
testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the 
people thereof are not in rebellion against the United States. 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of 
the Army and Navy,, in a time of actual armed rebellion against .the 
authority of the Government of the United States, as a fit and neces- 
sary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day 
of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly pro- 
claimed for the full period of one hundred days from the date of the 
first above mentioned order, designate as the States and parts of States 
therein, the people whereof respectively are this day in rebellion 
against the United States, the following, to wit : Arkansas, Texas 
and Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemine, Jeffer- 
son, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre- 
bonne, La Fourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the 
city of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South 
Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia, (except the forty-eight counties 
designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, Acco- 
mac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, 'Princess Ann and Norfolk, 
including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), which excepted parts 
are for the present left precisely as if this Proclamation were not 
issued ; and by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do 
order and declare that all persons held as slaves within the designated 
States, and parts of States, are and henceforward shall be free; and 
that the Executive Government of the United States, including the 
military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the 
freedom of the said persons ; and I hereby enjoin upon the people so 
declared to be free, to abstain from ,all violence, unless in necessary 
self-defence ; and I recommend to them that in all cases where allowed, 
they labor faithfully for reasonable wages ; and I further declare and 
make known, that such persons of suitable condition, will be received 
into the armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, positions, 
stations and other places, and. to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 

And upon this,' sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted 
by the Constitutioii, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate 
judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. 

god's ETJLE 01' THE REBELLION. 375 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to Le af&xed. 

Done at the city of "Washington, this first day of January, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- three, and of 
the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. 

(Signed) Abeaham Lincoln. 

By the President : 

"Wm. H. Sewabd, Secretary of State." 

The history of the war subsequent to this proclamation will 
show, that when the ' nation begto to execute it according to 
the power they had, more power and success were given them; 
not so much or so fast as to foster pride arid tempt them to 
forget the God of their fathers, but enough to make " onward" 
their watchword, and final victory over the rebellion and their 
enemies the ripened and well-prized fruit. 









The next day after tlie battle of Antietam, September 19th, 
the Iron Brigade moved to the Potomac, near Sharpsburg, and 
encamped. Here they rested until the 20th of October, keeping 
a watch over the rebels on the opposite side of the river. At that 
date their camp was removed seven miles to Bakersville, from 
which place they marched on the 26th, by way of Eeedysville 
and Crampton's Gap, twenty miles, to Petersville, in Middle- 
town Yalley, where they camped the next day. October 30th, 
they crossed the Potomac at Berlin, and marched through 
Snickersville and Bloomfield to "Warrenton, which they 
reached on the 6th of ]S"ovember, a distance of sixty-two miles. 
On the 11th they moved six miles to Fayetteville. On the 
17th the brigade moved, by way of Morrisville and Stafford 
Court House, thirty miles, to Brooks' Station, on the Aquia 
Creek Eailroad, where they encamped on the 22d. Colonel 
Cutler, on the 6th of this month, had taken command of the 
brigade, and retained it until after their arrival at Brooks' 
Station, when General Meredith assumed command. 

On the 9th of December they participated in the movement 
immediately preceding the battle of Fredericksburg, and the 
history of the brigade from that date to December 20th, is 


grouped witli the account 6i that battle in the eighth chapter 
of this second part. On the 20th they moved toward Belle 
Plain, Virginia, twelve miles distant, and on the 23rd went 
into winter quarters at that place. There they built huts, 
about seven by ten feet in size, of pine logs, with shelter tents' 
for roofing, and with fire-places and chimneys made of sticks 
and mud. The Potomac was before them covered with sail 
vessels and steamers. 

Of the movement on January 20th, Lieutenant Ifoble writes 
in his diary, " An anxious public at the l^orth, and ambitious 
politicians, continue to clamor and censure the failures of the 
army of the Potomac so loudly, that it becomes necessary for 
Burnside to attempt a winter's campaign." At noon of that 
day, the brigade broke camp and moved out with three days' 
rations, to participate in what the soldiers have since called 
the " Mud Campaign." They proceeded to Stoneman's Switch, 
on the Aquia Creek Railroad. A cold rain, with north-east 
wind, had set in, and some of our men, engaged in guarding 
trains, marched till near midnight, and then, wet and chilly, 
remained till morning, without fire or shelter. The rain and 
mud prevented the. success of the attempt to attack the enemy 
in force, and by the advice of a majority of the generals in a 
council of war, the campaign was abandoned, and the Iron 
Brigade returned to camp, after a very toilsome and vexatious 
march of forty miles. ' 

The want of success in the army, now under command of 
General Burnside, and especially during this last movement, 
caused a general feeling of discouragement among the troops. 
The order, soon after published, announcing that G-eneral 
.Hooker had been appointed to the command of the "Army of 
the Potomac," caused no emotion or demonstration among the 
men. Changes had become so common that they gave them 
but little heed. Deep gloom had settled upon the men of 
that army who had fought and naarched so long and bravely, 
while all their labor and blood seemed to them to have -been 
wasted. But the furnace of trial was good for the nation. 
Generals Burnside, Sumner, and Franklin were relieved from 
their respective commands, and General Hooker was placed at 
the head of the army. . - 


■ On the 12tli of February, at two in the afternoon, the Second 
and Sixth Regiments left camp, under command of Colonel 
Fairchild, embarked at Pratt's Landing, and sailed down the 
Potomac. They landed the following day, at noon, at Cone 
Eiver, in ]!^orthumberland County, and marched to Heaths- 
ville, the county seat, five miles distant, and returned the same 
evening to the river. The next day, after gathering a large 
number of horses, mules, grain, bacon, and negroes, from 
neighboring plantations, and taking several secessionists pris- 
oners, they sent a party overland with some animals, and 
returned by steamer to camp with a large amount of what the 
soldiers called " plunder." 

March 12th, Adelbut Staley, Company F, Seventh Regi- 
ment, whose parents resided in Portage City, came to his 
death in this singular manner. He went with his tentmates 
to cut and bring wood into camp. On their return he was 
loaded with a very heavy stick on his shoulder, and as he was 
crossing a rut on a foot-log he fell, striking one side of his 
head on the log, and the stick he was carrying falling with 
him, struck him on the other side of the head, and between 
the two his skull was crushed. He was reported as "a good, 
brave, and faithful soldier." He had passed through battles 
and campaigns of great danger and moment, and died by 
accident, lamented by many. 

March 25th, the Second Regiment, under Colonel Fairchild, 
embarked on an expedition by steamboat to the "Hague," on 
lower Machodoc Creek, in Westmoreland County, Virginia, 
whence they returned on the 28th with many negroes, 
bringing large quantities of grain and provisions, princi- 
pally obtained on the plantation of Mr. Willoughby Il^ewton, 
a member of the Confederate Congress. On the 4th of April, 
the tattered flag of the Sixth Regiment was returned to Madi- 
son, where it was exchanged for a new one, while the old one 
was carefully laid aside among the ■ archives of the State. On 
the 9th their corps was reviewed by President Lincoln, Gene- 
ral Hooker, and Secretary Seward, accompanied by several 
prominent ladies; and on the 22d Governor Salomon visited 
our brigade and addressed them. 

April 28th, the army under General Hooker received once 


more the order, " Forward," and the battle of Chancellorville 
followed, an account of which, embracing the part taken by 
the Iron Brigade, has been given in the eighth chapter. After 
the battle. May 6th, they retired across the Rappahannock, 
and on the 7th marched to Eitz Hugh's Crossing. On the 
21st of May the brigade was hurried away to the " l!forthern 
Ijfeck," to relieve the Eighth Illinois cavalry, which was 
reported to be cut off by the enemy. At Westmoreland Court 
House they met those troops, and returned to camp on the 
27th, after a march of one hundred and twenty miles. 

On the 7th of June the Seventh Regiment, in company 
with Companies A and I of the Second, was ordered by 
General Reynolds to proceed to Kelly's Eord, where it arrived 
and bivouacked on the 8th. A cavalry reconnoissance and 
battle took place at Brandy Station on the 9th. Our "Wis- 
consin troops supported the cavalry all day, and afterward 
recrossed the river at Beverly's Eord. It was reported, that 
at this point General Hooker first learned of General Lee's 
intended movement north. 

On the morning of the 27th, the news came that General 
Hooker was relieved from command, and tha,t General George 
G. Meade was made his successor. July 1st, the brigade 
moved cautiously to within a mile of Gettysburg, and many a 
man of their number was there near his end. 









Company G, of the Berdan Sharp-shooters, was raised in Wis- 
consin, in September, 1861, in response to a call from Colonel 
Berdan, of l^ew Tork, for a company of sharp-shooters from 
each loyal State. Special authority to recruit the same was 
given by the United States Government. The history of this 
company has been faithfully written by Captain C. A. Stevens, 
who was a member of the company during its whole period 
of service, except while detailed once to return to Wisconsin 
to obtain recruits. He was at great pains to write and pre- 
serve a minute and correct history, a portion of which was 
published in the Fox Lake Record, and Colonel Berdan him- 
self, having read the narrative, says of it, " The statements are 
correct so far as I know, and the articles are well written." 
That narrative is followed closely in this account, and the 
language sometimes borrowed. 

" As it was intended to procure the best marksmen possible' 
for this organization, it was ordered that ' no man be accepted 
who cannot, when firing at a rest, at two hundred yards, put ten 
consecutive shots in a target, the average distance not to exceed 
Jive inches from the centre of the bull's eye." The arms to 
be used were rifles, and each man was allowed to furnish his 


own, but m-ast jiisiifi/ his selection hj the performance of the weapon 
in his own hands. 

W. P. Alexander, of Beloit, a noted marksman, having been 
appointed recruiting officer for the purpose of raising the 
company called for, proceeded to different parts of the State, 
where trials of skill were allowed and reported. He finally 
returned to Madison, where proper target grounds were pre- 
pared, and at which place a greater part of the members of 
the company were examined and accepted. On the 3rd of 
September, 1861, the first members of the company were 
sworn into the State service, and others were sworn in daily 
during their stay at Camp Randall. The candidates for 
admission into the company were allowed to shoot with any 
rifle they saw fit, with different kinds of sights — telescopic, 
globe, and open. 

On the 18th, the officers of the company were elected as 
follows : Captain — W. P. Alexander, of Beloit ; 1st Lieuten- 
ant — F. E. Marble, Beloit; 2d Lieutenani^-^G. F. Shepard, 


Having been ordered to report at the rendezvous at Wee- 
hawken, N'ew Jersey, the company, uniformed in the *' State 
gray,"-left Madison, about eighty strong, on the 19th, at noon, 
and after a pleasant and orderly trip, arrived at " Camp 
Blair," "Weehawken, where several JSTew Yorkers joined the 

On the 23rd they proceeded to E'ew York city, underwent 
rdedical examination, and were mustered into the United 
States service by Captain Larned, returning the same day to 
the rendezvous. On the 24th, Edward Drew, of Buffalo, 
'Hew York, was chosen captain by the company vice Alex- 
ander, Avho returned to the State for more recruits, he being 
unable, from lameness, to take the field ; after which they 
proceeded to the Camp of Instruction at Washington, District 
of Columbia, where they arrived on the 25th. On the 5th of 
liTovember twenty-five recruits arrived, under charge of Cap- 
tain Alexander, who turned over the same to Captain Drew. 
The total of the company was now one hundred and seven. 

The first regiment of United States Sharp-shooters was com- 
posed of ten companies, which arrived at different times, 


during the oceupatibn of the CamJ) of Instruction, and repre- 
sented the following States: Company A — Swiss, of Few 
York ; B— Eastern Few York ; C— Michigan ; D — Central 
Few York; E — Few Hampshire; F — ^Vermont; G — Wis- 
consin ; II — Long Islanders (Few York) ; I — Michigan ; K— 
Michigan. In the target practice, under the supervision of 
Colonel Berdan, great improvement was evinced in the marks- 
manship of the men. The colonel was himself a noted shot, 
and had put himself to the test on many occasions before 
crowds of people. One of his targets was situated at a dis- 
tance of one hundred and ten rods (six hundred and five 
yards), and he frequently put five successive shots within the 
ten-inch ring, using the telescope rifle. But two companies 
in the regiment-^E, of Few Hampshire, and C, of Michigan — 
were armed, having target rifles of different descriptions, 
weighing from twelve to thirty pounds, the others waiting for 
Sharp's Impr-^ved Rifle, which had been ordered. In conse- 
quence of not having guns, the Wisconsin company had but 
little practice, and that with such rifles as could be borrowed 
from the other companies. The company were fortunate in 
having elected Captain Drew, by reason of his superior mili- 
tary knowledge. And it was not long before they were in 
an excellent state of discipline. 

They were reviewed late in the fall by General McDowell, 
and visited by Governor Eandall, of "Wisconsin, and othersi 
Considerable sickness prevailed during the winter, which was 
a very unfavorable one, and several deaths occurred in the 
Wisconsin company. 

During the month of February a recruiting party, consist- 
ing of a lieutenant and two non-commissioned officers, was 
ordered to Wisconsin., The uniform of the regiment consisted 
of dark green coat and cap, with light blue trowsers; they 
carried a hair-covered calf-knapsack, which was considered the 
best in use, and was well packed with extra clothing, blankets^ 
and the like. 

On. the 21st of March, 1862, they left Washington, and pro- 
ceeding to Fortress Monroe, were assigned to General Fitz 
John Porter's division, and took their place in the " Army of 
the Potomac," then concentrating for an attack on Eichmond; 


During the "Peninsular Campaign"' they w6re not attaeiied 
to any brigade. In the' reconnoissance to Great Bethel, Va., 
oii the 27th of March, they were under fire for the first time. 
They accompanied the army from Hampton towards York- 
town, and took part in the skirmish at Cockletown on the 
14th of April, and marched twenty-four miles in the first day's 
advance. From the time they reached Yorktown until it was 
evacuated by the enemy they were constantly in the rifle pits, 
the regiment being divided into companies and detachments, 
and sent to different points on the line for special duty. On 
the night of May 1st, a detail was sent out fisom Company G 
to Select an advanced position for new rifle pits. "While silently 
creeping along in the dark up to within forty paces of the 
rebel rifle pits on their hand« and knees, they were discovered 
by the enemy and fired upon, one of their number, Joseph 
Burkee, being killed, whose body was afterwards discovered 
and buried by his comrades while on a scouting expeditiohi 
The next morning after the evacuation of Yorktown, General 
Jennison, with Sergeant Major Horton, of the Sharp-shooters 
regiment, and five picked men of Company G, proceeded, 
under cover of some Massachusetts troops, to enter the works. 
They cautiously approached, fearing the rebels had not yet 
left, and scaled the embankment, finding one Confederate 
soldier, a sergeant, who belonged in l^ew Yoi'k, and while in 
the South on business, had been pressed into the rebel service. 
He concealed himself when the works were evacuated, and 
surrendered to the Federals, cautioning the first party which 
-entered the fort against concealed torpedoes. The company 
moved with the army up the Peninsula on the 7th of May, 
received their new Sharp's rifles on the 8th, and encamped 
at "West Point on the 9th. • 

They were frequently eniployed as skirmishers, but took 
part in no important action until the 27th of May, when, after 
a march of eighteen miles through a drizzling rain, they 
reached the scene of action, near Hanover Court House, a 
little after noon. In this battle they skirmished, were under 
deadly fire, aided in capturing a cannon, took some prisoners, 
and with other troops thoroughly repulsed the enemy, under 
General Branch, of North Carolina,^ who attacked the Federal 


rear. The next day our forces buried a large number of the 
dead, and found that they had captured seven hundred and 
fifty prisoners. Corporal H. N. Richardson, of Company G-,- 
was wounded. Private B. D. Atwell, of Madison, a youth 
eighteen years of age, with Eli Yincent, pushing forward in 
the dense woods, found a chance to shoot from behind a tree, 
when, as Atwell was about to fire, he looked back and dis- 
covered three rebels capping their guns, with their backs 
toward him. Rushing close up to them, he resolutely ordered 
them to throw down their arms. They instantly obeyed, and 
turning around j-eplied, " "We are your prisoners." The trio 
consisted of a second lieutenant, an orderly sergeant, and a 
private. He shouldered their guns and marched them to the 
rear some two miles, to the provost guard. 

The next day they marched to camp at Gaines' Mills, and 
during the month, the regiment being broken up into detach- 
ments. Companies G and C, commanded by Captain Drew, 
were sent to General Slocum's division, and with that moved 
to Fair Oaks, and back to Mechanicsville. "While here, their 
principal duty was to furnish details for pickets to scout along 
the line of advanced sentinels. In the battle of Mechanics- 
ville the sharp-shooters were engaged as skirmishers on the 
extreme right of the army, close to the Chickahominy swamp, 
but sustained only trifling loss. The next day they took part 
in the battle of Gaines' Mills, Company G being among the 
last to cross the Chickahominy on the retreat, late at night, 
and on the 28th of June were exposed to artillery fire while 
protecting the pioneers in obstructing the road. In the after- 
noon of the 30th they were ordered forward, and took part in 
the battle of Charles City Cross Roads. Here they sufi^ered 
severely from a flank fire — caused, by the hasty reti-eat of a 
regiment in their front — but held their position, although run 
over by a retreating regiment, losing five killed and seven 
wounded and prisoners. It was here that their gallant Cap- 
tain Drew was killed ; also Sergeants Joel Parker and James 
W- Staples, and Privates Lyman L. Thompson and George 

, " Parkeb was the first man shot, being killed on the slope, 
while on his knees preparing to fire ; having been shot through 


the head. He was sergeant of the celebrated Badger Scouts, 
noted for the conspicuous part they enacted in the movements 
before Torlctown, prior to the evacuation of the place by the 
enemy. He was a brave and impulsive soldier, and a good 

" Staples was a soldier of excellent disposition and good 
judgment, and was unexcelled in true manly qualities, in his 
company. He was shot through the body. 

" Captain Drew was shot immediately after Parker, and 
also through the head. He had just turned to look at Parker, 
after the latter had fallen, and while in the act of reloading a 
rifle which he had obtained from a sick man, and was using, 
received the fatal bullet. In Captain Drew's death, the com- 
pany and regiment sustained a great loss. He was a cool and 
brave-hearted man, and died fighting to the last, having rallied 
his command after the stampede of the troops in the front." 
He was noted for Christian principle, kindness of heart, cau- 
tion, but bravery in danger, and true patriotism. 

The company was afterward ordered back to the neighboring 
woods, where they continued doing good service. Private 
Henry Lye, of Madison, captured several prisoners in the 
woods, among them a lieutenant colonel, and in dangerous 
circumstances admirably secured him. Early on the 1st 
of July they arrived at Turkey Bend, near which place in the 
afternoon and night, the battle of Malvern Hill was fought, 
in which the Sharp-shooters lost considerably in killed and 
wounded, among the latter. Lieutenant Colonel "W. S, W. 

At Harrison's Landing General Salomon issued commissions 
as follows : Captain, Frank E. Marble, vice Drew, killed. Eirst 
lieutenant, Charles F. Shepard, viee Marble, promoted. Second 
lieutenant, C. A. Stevens, vice Shepard, promoted to rank from 
July 4th, 1862. Sergeant Benson was then pronjoted to be 
first sergeant, and the other vacancies were afterward filled. 

On the 16th of July, Company Gr lost Sergeant Shepherd 
K. Melvin — greatly respected by his comrades — who died in 
regimental hospital, of fever, the result of fatigue and exposure. 
Previous to the commencement of the " Seven Days," he had 
been one of the heartiest members of the company. He was 


the oldest of three brothers, one of whom, the youngest, died 
a few weeks previous, and the other, Oliver E. Melvin, being 
greatly reduced by sickness, was afterward discharged. A 
number of the sick were now hurried off" northward, being 
greatly reduced, and who would no doubt, in a majority of 
cases, have died on the banks of the James, had not the 
change been made. 

On the 12th of August, the Major General commanding, 
McClellan, reviewed the troops, and on appearing before 
the handful of Sharp-shooters left of the detachments com- 
posed of the Wisconsin and Michigan companies, expressed 
much sorrow at their losses ; their ranks being greatly thinned 
by the casualties of the battle-field and sickness. Eiding close' 
up to the detachment, he shook his head, and said to one of 
his aids : " It's too bad, I know ! but they're good, what's left 
of them!" 

On the 14th of August, proceeding by way of Yorktown and 
Hampton, they reached Newport ISTews, and embarking, landed 
at Aquia Creek on the 20th, and immediately went forward 
to Fredericksburg. They moved again on the 24th, and 
marching by way of Warrenton Junction and Catlett's Station, 
engaged in skirmishing near Manassas on the 29th, and took 
part in the battle of Bull Eun, the 30th and 31st, as skir- 
mishers, during which nine of them were wounded. After 
the battle they fell back to Centreville, and arrived in the 
vicinity of Washington September 1st, camping near Eort 
Corcoran. September 12th, they left this camp with the fifth 
corps, passed through Boonsborough on the 16th, and were 
present at the battle of Antietam, though they took no active 
part in it. On the 19th they marched with their corps through 
Sharpsburg to Blackburn's Ford, on the Potomac, and skir- 
mished with the rear guard of the rebels. The next morning, 
at the crossing and recrossing of the Federals, the Sharp- 
shooters were of great service in covering their movements, 
being posted in a dry canal, and were highly commended for 
their conduct on this occasion. 

They remained at Sharpsburg, Maryland, until October 
30th, when they marched toward Harper's Ferry, crossed the 
Potomac there on the 31st, and moving toward Warrenton, 


ai'rivecT on the eveuing of the 2d of IJfovember at Snicker's 

Here they went out on picket duty, climbed the mountain, 
and notwithstanding the dangers of the ascent from slipping 
and rolling to the bottom, owing to the darkness that pre- 
vailed, they finally succeeded in getting safely to the summit, 
and were stationed for the night. The next day they left their 
elevated position^ and descending to the foot, moved on to 
Warrenton, where General Burnside took command of the 
a.nny. Leaving about the 12th of November, they arrived at 
Falmouth on the 23rd, and went into camp some two miles 
from town, where they remained until December the 11th, 
when they received sixty rounds of ammunition and marchmg 
orders. Their part in the battle of Fredericksburg is grouped 
with sketches of^other Wisconsin troops, in the eighth 

On the last day of the year, they were near Ellis' Ford, 
twenty miles west of Fredericksburg, and there protected 
cavalry in crossing the river, crossed themselves and recrossed, 
skirmishing with the rebels and driving them some nine miles, 
and on the first day of the new year skirmished back to 
their old camp near Falmouth. After taking their part in the 
" Mud Campaign," under the direction of General Hooker ,_ 
the second regiment of Sharp-shooters was united to the first, 
forming a brigade, and Colonel Berdan was appointed " Chief." 
They were the third brigade of the third division, General 
Whipple, commander, and of the third army corps, commanded 
by General Sickles. 

An account of their services at the battle of Chancellorville 
is transferred to the description in the eighth chapter. But in 
that short campaign the Sharp-shooters had one battle alone 
— that of " The Cedars." In their rapid and varied move- 
ments through woods and clearings, on the 2d of May, just 
after passing the Third Wisconsin, of the twelfth corps, they 
came upon a body of the enemy, and fell into a hot engage- 
ment, pushing ba