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I,

STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA PUBLICATIONS.
HISTORICAL MONOGRAPH

No. I.

HISTORY

OF

THE AMANA SOCIETY

OR

COMMUNITY OF TRUE INSPIRATION.

BY

WILLIAM RUFUS PERKINS, A.M.,

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY,
AND

BARTHINIUS L. WICK, '91.

IOWA CITY: p

Published by the University.

,1891..^

STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA PUBLICATIONS.
HISTORICAL MONOGRAPH

No. I.

HISTORY

OF

THE AMANA SOCIETY

OR

COMMUNITY OF TRUE INSPIRATION.

BY

WILLIAM RUFUS PERKINS, A.M.,

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY,
AND

BARTHINIUS L. WICK, '91.

IOWA CITY:

Published by the University.
1891.

I\,\^^£^^

COPYRIGHT, 1891.
By

State University of Iowa.

All Eights Reserved.

PREFACE.

The account of the Amana Society, or Community of True
Inspiration, which is contained in the following pages is in-
tended to be a historical sketch of its origin and its develop-
ment up to the present time. It is viewed strictly from thtr
historical standpoint and not from the communistic. The
latter phase of it has received only such attention as became
necessary from its historical importance, for the full elabora-
tion of its communistic character belongs rather to the domain
of Political Science.

In order to obtain a full understanding of the true nature of
the Society it has been thought necessary, and indeed it was
indispensable, to enter briefly into the history of Mysticism and
Pietism, the sources of its origin. This resume is followed
by a history of the Society from its earliest beginnings
to the year 1817, illustrated by accounts of the lives of its most
prominent members. Then follows a sketch of the revival of
181 7, then a history of the emigration to Ebenezer, New
York, and finally of that to Iowa.

Although the object of this monograph is strictly historical,
brief statements have been added as to the nature of their
communistic principles, their mode of life and their financial
success. In the Appendixes will be found their constitution,
an estimate of their property and a list of the sources and
authorities consulted.

vi Preface.

The official consent of the Society has been given to this
publication, the manuscript has been read by a number of the
Trustees and the statements herein contained may be con-
sidered as authoritative. This is the only paper upon the
Amana Society which has received its sanction.

The Trustees have kindly given the authors access to their
records and publications — the latter being intended exclusively
for the use of the members and having no circulation beyond
them. All of these are written and printed in the German
language. From these sources have been translated the lives
of the early members, and they have been translated without
comment and with as much simplicity of diction as character-
ized the originals. Although it may perhaps^ be thought that
these have been given with too much — possibly with weariness
of detail, still they portray, as nothing else couM portray, the
tendencies which have made the Society what it is.

The authors desire to acknowledge their obligation to the
Trustees of the Society for coui-tesy, and for aid freely given
them while prosecuting their researches, and especially to
thank Mr. Gottlieb Scheuner and Mr. Abratiam Nod for un-
numbered acts of kindness.

It is hoped that this publication, based upon exhaustive
original research, and, in which sources never before consulted
have been freely used, may serve to correct the many false
views which prevail in this State, and in this, country concern-
ing the true character and aims of the Society.

CONTENTS.

A History of, the Amana Society, or Community of

True Inspiration."'' ...... i

Appendix A. — The Constitution, .... 76

Appendix B. — Estimates of Property in 1890, . . 90

AppendixC^ Books consulted — and Bibliography, 92

THE AMANA SOCIETY.

The Amana Society or Community of True Inspiration, as
it is called by its members, is situated in Iowa County, Iowa,
about twenty miles west of Iowa City, and eleven miles east
of Marengo. The Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific and the
Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul Railways pass through or
near their, villages, seven in number. There are at present
sixteen hundred and eighty-eight members belonging to the
Society. This is what remains of that great revival move-
ment which took place in Germany in the eighteenth century.

The story of this honest. God-fearing people is a history of
suffering, of hardships and of innumerable disappointments;
their piety, their uprightness and their endurance can not but
command respect.

As the object of this monograph is to give a history of the
Society from its Urquelle to the present day, it will be neces-
sary to go back to a time anterior to its foundation and thus
obtain as correct an appreciation as possible of the religious
movement which took place in the latter half of the seven-
teenth century. This will lead us back to Mysticism and
Pietism, two factors which play a conspicuous part in the
church history of Germany. As the Community of True
Inspiration has embodied much both of Mysticism and Pietism,
we must, in order to understand the religious doctrines of the
Society, trace briefly the history of these beliefs. Mysticism
and Pietism are not the same, although both made a pure
life essential to the attainment of future happiness.

2 The Amana Society.

I. MYSTICISM.

The history of Mysticism is as old as the world. It grew
into notice in Europe in the fourth century, when the followers
of Plato took for their foundation-stone his famous doctrine :
"That divine nature was diffused through all human souls;
that the faculty of reason from which proceed the health and
vigor of the mind was an emanation from God into the human
soul, and comprehended in it, the principles and elements of all
truth." These 'Mystics maintained that silence was the only
method by which the hidden word was excited to produce an
inward feeling of joy when the knowledge of hidden things
was shown to man. This little sect of .believers spread its
doctrines towards the West. In the twelfth century they were
the most enthusiastic to expound religion ; in the next century
we find the Mystics the most formidable opponents of the
Schoolmen. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries they
had believers all over Europe. " Up to the time of the
Reformation if any spark of real piety existed it was found
among the Mystics." '

After seeking God from without, they finally sought Him
from within, they listened to the ' knockings at their hearts and
had conscience judge of right and wrong.' This led to the
belief that man could come into union with God by this self-
surrender of the heart in silence to divine influence, and that
by this method could be obtained the spiritual communion
which they sought. Tholuck says, "There is a law of seasons
in the spiritual as well as in the physical world, and when the
time comes these phenomena reveal themselves in different
places."

At this period (1650-1700) Mysticism had become univer-
sal. In Spain and Italy it was named Quietism, in France it
took the name of Jansenism, in England it appeared under the
disguised name of Quakerism, and in Germany it took the
name of Pietism. In all these countries it fought against

1 Dr. Howe's '■^Christian History ^

The Amana Society. 3

religious formality and against dogmatism; these believers put,
in place of formalism, spirituality, which constitutes the highest
part of man's nature. It became a religion of the heart in-
stead of form. There was a deeply hidden cause for all this
speculation. Men had become w'eary of the endless disputes
about tenets and creeds; they had lost all faith in outward
religious profession; they were at last ready to fall back on
something deeper and better than mere formality; they wanted
"to worship God in spirit and in truth." They claimed "God
could be found by an inner light," instead of, as in the specu-
lative age was thought necessary, by philosophic investigation.
These .pious believers maintained, as Schleiermacher (1768-
1834) expresses it, that "religion does not reside in the intelli-
gence or will as active powers, but in the sensibility.".

In 1675 Miguel de Molinos (1627-1696), a native of Spain,
but an Italian by adoption, published a book called '■'■The
Sfiritual Guide.'''' It was Mystical in its nature, but it
appealed to the heart and was widely read. Molinos was
persecuted, and was driven from one place to another by the
authorities of church and state, but his book passed from one
end of Ital}' to the other. The religion which he tried to
establish was called Quietism, for he held that ' a man to be a
Christian must resign himself quietly to God.' Molinos main-
tained that man needed no mediator between himself and God,
but that every man could seek Christ without any human
help, and be forgiven. This bold doctrine was too much for
that age, and the brave Molinos was put into prison. His
only crime was that he preferred the religion of the heart to
that of the rosary; he wanted to do away with superstitious
formality and put in place of it a religious devotion in which
all could take part. As he would not retract what he felt to be
the truth, he was placed in close confinement until his death,
probably in 1696.

The work of Molinos was taken up in France by that
admirable woman, Madame Guyon (1648-1717), a woman of
deep and sincere piety. Her books are full of spiritual
thought, of practical charity and disinterested love. She com-

4 The Amana Society.

mands "prayer in silence, prayer unlimited to times or seasons,
unhindered by words." She calls this condition "a state of
feeling rather than an act, a sentiment rather than a request,
a continued sense of submission, which breathes moment by
moment from the serene depths of the soul." In her efforts
to promote true Christianity she was assisted by Fdnelon, the
great prelate, who eloquently supported the doctrine of Quiet-
ism. That such a great man should defend Mysticism set the
ecclesiastical authorities to thinking. The end of the long con-
troversy that followed was that Madame Guyon was ordered
to retire to Switzerland, and F^nelon was severely denounced
by the authorities of the church and banished from court.
Although Mysticism had many other advocates, with the loss
of these two the influence of the tidal wave of Mysticism
which was sweeping over Europe at this time, ceased in
France.

Vaughan says: "In France we have the mysticism of
sentiment, in Germany the mysticism of thought." A great
many of the German Mystics have been secluded students;
such, at least, was Thomas a Kempis. He perhaps had more
influence than any of the rest, for he leaves out philosophy
and intellect and appeals to the heart. The works of Kempis
have been read by thousands of people. He is simple and
plain and can be easily understood by the uneducated. Tauler
is another, who turned away from the schools to intuitionism,
saying that "religion is something that can not be revealed by
any method of human wisdom, but is revealed direct from
God."

The most noted Mystic of Germany, however, was Jacob
Bohme (1575-1624), a poor shoemaker of Silesia. In his soul
there was a deep consciousness of right and wrong; he felt
that he was inspired by an inward light which taught him the
essence of all things. Bohme accomplished a great work for
the church in Germany, for he summoned the people to awake
from their lethargy and examine their hearts. His works are
many. The ''Aurora''' is the best known. Schlegel says that
"Bohme is equal, if not superior, to Klopstock, Milton, and

The Amana Society. 5

Dante." A recent writer has said that he could not see how
so great a doctrine (the inward light) could have originated
in so ignorant a man. It is true that Bohme was not educated
in the schools — neither was Shakespeare, for that matter — but
Bohme was a born philosopher, whose writings have been
studied by such men as Hegel, Schelling, and Kant. He has
still many followers in Germany. The writings of Bohme
were widely read throughout Germany. Johann Arndt
(155 5- 1 621), a minister of much enthusiasm, was very much
impressed with Bohme's doctrine of "inward light." He
wrote a book, called '■'■True Christianity^'' which at once
acquired celebritjr and has since become a standard work
among all religious denominations. John Gerhard followed
in the footsteps of Arndt. His '^Exegetical Explanation of
Particular Passages" produced a great excitement, for he
advocated the doctrine of Inspiration with such vehemence
and enthusiasm that the people could not but beHeve. An-
other of Bohme's school is John Valentin Andrea. He wrote
a satire' on the times which set Germany on fire. The clergy
condemned the work as spurious, and branded the author as
an enemy of the church, but the denunciations of the clergy
did no harm; a reaction set in and opinion changed, for the
book had exposed the dry formalism and the sectarian strife
of the times. It was a work which denounced the shams
which had crept into the Lutheran and Reformed churches;
it demanded new life, called boldly for reinvigoration, and this
came in the form of Pietism, which had risen from the seed
sown by the early Mystics.

II. PIETISM AND ITS MISSION.

Pietism is a word used in church history in the latter half
of the seventeenth centurj'-, and applied to the belief of a party
of German Lutherans who were dissatisfied with the cold
formalism of the clergy. They did not separate from the

' The Discovery of the Brotherhqod of the Honorable Order of the Holy Cross.

6 The Amana Society.

church, but held their own meetings in private houses. These
meetings were called "Collegia Pietatis," from which we
have the name Pietist.

The founder of this sect was Philip Jacob Spener, an emi-
nent Lutheran divine, who began these meetings in his own
house at Frankfort, about 1670. Spener was born in Elsass,
1635, and died at Berlin, 1705. He was one of the most
remarkable men in the Lutheran church. From early child-
hood he was reared amid pious surroundings, and from youth
up he was possessed of a serious and retired disposition.
When a mere child he read Arndt's '■'■True Christianity^''
which made such a deep impression on his mind that he even
then took a vow to serve the church faithfully and to further
Christ's kingdom here on earth, — a vow to which he ever
remained faithful. He completed his education at Strasburg,
and for three years he attended several of the higher institu-
tions of learning in Germany. He was for a short time a
minister in Strasburg. He removed from that city to Frank-
fort-on-the-Main, where he began his work of reform. Here,
he soon gathered around him a large multitude of earnest
seekers after truth. The clergy of the church spent all their
time in disputes over doctrinal points, and left their flocks to
take care of themselves. Spener cared little for doctrine, for
he based religion on truth and the Bible. He discarded
the high-flown language then in use, — an affectation which
had crept in — and used a simple, clear style, which the com-
mon people could understand. But he found this was not
enough, so he organized weekly meetings at his house, where
all were allowed to speak. These meetings were the small
beginnings of the great movement which took place in the
Lutheran church. In 1675, Spener published his great work,
^'■Pia Desideria." In this book he shows what is needed in
the church, to make it once more as effective as in the time of
Luther. He maintains in this book that "the word of God
should be spoken, and not learned discourses on other subjects,
such as philosophy and science; pious people of all classes
should act as ministers if capable; love and piety are neces-

The Amana Society. 7

sary for all preachers, in order that they may urge others
to see the importance of faith and its fruits." This book was
approved by the church, but it was severely criticised by the
clergy, whose faults he denounced in strong terms. Spener
laid much stress upon the necessity of a new birth. He said
that bread and wine did not help a man if there were not a
change of heart; that all amusements should be prohibited;
that the mode of dress should be for comfort and not for
style. He urged the common people to read the Scriptures
daily at their homes, and to attend meetings of worship dur-
ing the week. All philosophy and book-learning he despised,
for it came not from the heart, and it could not satisfy the
yearning soul who sought for truth. Spener may have been
too enthusiastic for his cause, which he felt was right, but such
a fearless, brave man was needed to gather together the pious
followers of Bohme, Arndt and Andrese. Dorner, the his-
torian, says that "this awakening was necessarj-- in the develop-
ment of Protestanism." Another author says that "Pietism
went back from the cold faith of the seventeenth century to
the living faith of the Reformation." Something had to be
done to arouse the church from its lethargy.

As a remedy the following means of improvement were
proposed by the Pietists: —

I. That the scholastic theology which reigned in the
academies, and was composed of intricate and disputable
doctrines and obscure and unusual forms of expression, should
be totally abolished.

II. That polemical divinity, which comprehended the con-
troversies subsisting between Christians of different com-
munions, should be less eagerly studied and less frequently
treated, though not entirely neglected.

III. That all mixture of philosophy and human science
with divine wisdom was to be most carefully avoided; that is,
that pagan philosophy and classical learning should be kept
distinct from, and by no means should supersede Biblical
theology.

IV. That, on the contrary, all students who were intended

8 The Amana Society.

for the ministry should be kept accustomed from their youth
up, to the perusal and study of the Holy Scriptures, and be
taught a plain system of theology drawn from these unerring
sources of truth.

V. That the whole course of their education should be so
directed as to render them useful in life, by the practical
power of their doctrine, and the commanding influence ,of
their example.'

These articles were just what the church needed, but
through jealousy and internal strife they were never adopted
into the church creed. This was a great mistake, for although
a great many of the Pietists remained in the church, they
gave up the work they had begun, at the time of Spener's
death. Many joined other denominations, some founded new
sects , and still others took up Rationalism as the last resort.
If the church had possessed more spirit and less dogmatic .
indifference, the pious followers of Spener, full of enthusiasm
for their cause, would have swelled the numbers of the
Lutheran church, and they would have stood firm and fast
against the Rationalistic doctrines which took root in German
soil about this time; but, as it was, these believers, becoming
disgusted with the dogmatic strictness of the church, left it.

After the Pietism of Spener had somewhat died out, the
Lutheran church fell back to what it was, when Spener took
up the reform movement in 1670. There were still pious
believers, but they were put under the ban of the church or
exiled from their native land. "Thus these outcasts from the
church, driven away from their native land, were now like
sheep without a shepherd. But God in His mercy caused a
spiritual wind to blow, soothed the troubled souls in their
afflictions, and raised up in their midst persons who were
inspired." ' These persons assembled for worship in private
houses, as the Pietists had done. In these meetings many
seemed to be inspired, and told many things which were to
happen in the future. Thus arose at several places in Ger-

1 Watson, ^'■Theological Dictiouary^^ Art. Protestant Pietism.

2 Inspirations Historie, I., von Gottlieb Scheuner, pp. 8-9.

The Amana Society. 9

many many who prophesied like the prophets of old. These
people were called Inspirationists.

The first one who fell into fits of ecstasy and prophesied that
God would raise up a new sect, was a lady of noble rank, by
the name of Rosamunde Juliane, of Asseburg. From 1679-
1686 she became inspired five times. She was of a religious
turn of mind, and spent much of her time in prayer. She
began to see sights, fell into raptures, and then began to
prophesy. This woman became the laughing-stock of the
neighborhood; she was persecuted and driven out of town,
but still she clung to her religious principles. Dr. Johann W.
Petersen, a learned professor of Liineburg, a worthy follower
of Johann Arndt, and a man well versed in theology and
grounded in the Lutheran faith, became interested in this pious,
simple-hearted woman. He visited her while in prison, and
they conversed on religion in general, and especially on the
doctrine of Inspiration as she understood it. Petersen be-
came convinced that Inspiration could as well take place now
as in the time of the prophets. He defended openly the testi-
mony of this woman, and in return was ridiculed and mocked
by the clergy, who looked upon her as a simple-hearted
enthusiast. Petersen lost his position as professor, and was
driven out of town by the enraged rabble.

From 1693-1700 he travelled, and became subject to Inspi-
ration many times. While under this influence he saw much
which was to take place in the church. He saw that a new
sect would originate, different from all others. It would go
back to the time of the apostles for doctrines, and would
follow the Scriptures.' Many of these visions he wrote down
and had printed for priv^ate circulation: Others soon joined
Petersen, whose amiable disposition and exemplary life helped
to win many friends. In 1700 a poor cooper, by the name of
Myer, began to prophesy, saying that "God would raise up a
man who should take care of the faithful little flock that
wandered throughout Germany without a shepherd."

1 See "fVoris" of Johann W. Petersen.

2 See Insplraiions Hisiorie, I., p. 9.

lo The Amana Society.

The first ones who tried to form a new sect of those who
believed in Inspiration were three brothers from Halberstadt,
in Saxony. Their names were Johann Tobias, Johann Hein-
rich, and August Friedrich Pott. The latter had studied
theology at Halle, and was a warm admirer of the illustrious
Francke. From 1708-1712 they travelled much in search of
pious believers, and religious Mystics. They finally settled
down at Hanau, where a new sect called the " Wieder-taufer "
( Anabaptists ) had sprung up, led by Alexander Mack.
Many of Mack's followers joined the Pott brothers, and in
Ysenburg a few pious people left the established church and
came to Hanau. A woman of high rank, Eva Catherina
Wagnerin, from Ronneburg, became so enraptured with the
doctrine of Inspiration, which the Pott brothers advocated,
that she also joined the little congregation, in which she took
an active part as a minister of the gospel.

These were the small beginnings of those mystical doctrines
which were formulated and improved by Eberhard Ludwig
Gruber and Johann Friedrich Rock, who are looked upon as
the real founders of the Society. It is around these two men,
their "heroes of faith," that the development and progress of
the Community has turned as if on an axis. They were both
from Wiirtemberg. The former was a clergyman in the
Lutheran church, but lost his position because he defended
the doctrines of Spener, and because he tried to do away with
the outward forms of religion, which are always magnified
more when the spirit of true religion dies out; and put in
place x)f them the religion of the heart, such as Spener had
advocated. For this, Gruber had to withdraw from the church.
Rock was a preacher's son, of a peculiar temperament and of
a mystical cast of mind. He was a saddler by trade, but had
received a good education He read much about religion, but
found no sect whose doctrines could satisfy his yearnings after
truth. In Stuttgart he found a small body of serious believers
presided over by a Dr. Hedinger. It was at one of Hedinger's
meetings that Gruber and Rock met for the first time; an
intimate friendship arose between them, which lasted for life.

The Amana Society. ii

After Hedinger's death this little flock of believers was
scattered. Gruber and Rock removed to Himbach where
they could enjoy more religious freedom. Here they lived
secluded and alone from 1707-17 14, reading and meditating
on the mysteries of religion. On the i6th of November,
1714, John T. Pott and Gottfried Neumann, who had heard
of Gruber and Rock, came to visit them. The same evening
a public meeting was held. It is from this meeting that the
Society dates its origin. A little band composed of E. L.
Gruber, his son Johann Adam Gruber, J. F. Rock, Johann T.
Pott, Johanna Melchior and G. Neumann, were the first ones
to join together in Christian fellowship for the organization of
a new sect, based not upon any code of external sanctity, but
based upon truth and a belief that God could now as of old,
inspire chosen prophets who should act as messengers to men.
These ministers went about preaching, so that in a short time
the Society had many adherents. Gruber and Rock were the
most influential in preaching, and around these two men the
obscure and the illiterate assembled to hear explained and
unfolded the principles of. that spiritual kingdom which all
sought to find. Patiently and assiduously Rock and Gruber
labored to instruct their countrymen in divine things and in the
knowledge of virtue. These njen wanted to free the ignorant
peasants from the heavy burdens imposed by the corrupt
clergy, and to lead them to a purer and more exalted com-
munion with God. To accomplish this end they toiled and
suffered all sorts of persecution; firm in their belief they
unostentatiously went into every nook and corner of Germany,
penetrated into Switzerland, and visited many parts of France
and Holland. The gentleness of their manners, the purity
and simplicity of the doctrines they preached, convinced
many, but the hatred of the clergy, who looked with disgust
on any change in the form of things, knew no bounds. The
preachers were put in prison, they were fined and persecuted,
but they were not silenced.

The difference between the Community organized by
Gruber and Rock and many of the other Inspiration com-

12 The Amana Society.

munities throughout Germany and Holland, was that the
former maintained that there was false as well as true Inspi-
ration. Very frequently in the history of the Society we find
Inspirationists whom the Society condemned as false. This
gift of Inspiration continued in a person for a time, and then
departed. Johann Schwanfelder, a member of the Society,
was inspired for only three months. The Pott brothers, who
made such a glorious beginning in the Society, ceased also to
speak by the end of 17 14.

In 1715 Ursula Mayerin came from Switzerland to visit the
members of the Society. She became convinced and began
to preach. As she was a woman of good understanding and
of a pious disposition, she exercised a great influence over the
people with whom she came in contact.

As the Society increased in membership, persecution
began. The two Grubers, father and son, were driven out of
Marienborn, where they had conducted meetings. In their
struggle to maintain free worship, guided, as they thought, by
an inward light, these heroic men walked bravely from city
to city, proclaiming the word of God in church, town hall,
or on the streets. Kessler and Strahl, two ministers of the
Lutheran church in Zweibruck, joined them.

The common people, who could not understand how these
ministers could talk by Inspiration, said that they were
possessed of the devil. The faculty at Halle, where Pietism
had taken the deepest root under the illustrious Francke, now
turned a cold side to the Society which tried to perpetuate
those doctrines. A few members ~of the faculty wrote long
pamphlets trying to disprove the doctrines of Inspiration, say-
ing that if it really existed it could come from no other source
than from the Evil Spirit." These accusations did not retard
the growth of the Society, but rather had the opposite effect,
since by these means the doctrines were spread so much the
more.

Many of these members were perhaps over-zealous in the
cause for which they labored, for at times they felt it was

'^ Insfiratio7is Historie, I., p. 19.

The Amana Society. 13

right to preach before kings,' prophesying many things which
were to take place. Very often they appeared before the
magistrates, sa3dng, the wrath of God would come on those
who did not cease persecution; at other times they went into
the churches when the clergymen were conducting services.
When Inspiration came, these men would stand up and begin
to speak, soon drowning the clergyman's voice, and having
the entire congregation as listeners. J. A. Gruber prophesied
in Gelnhausen, 1715, that the clergyman of that place would
die suddenly. The clergyman caused Gruber to be arrested.
He lingered in prison for several months, being denied a trial.
Finally he was taken out of town by the officers, who told
him never to return. A few days after Gruber was taken
from jail the clergyman whom Gruber had mentioned did die
suddenly.''

In Holland many began to prophesy like the members of
the Society of True Inspiration, but those were looked upon
as possessed by false inspiration.

In the Society of True Inspiration, a committee was always
appointed to examine those who spoke by Inspiration, to find
out whether they really were inspired, or if they only believed
they were. In the history of the Society there were many
who were denied the privilege of prophesying.

In October, 171 5, the third love feast was held. These
feasts were held, not at any stated time or place, but when it
was thought desirable for the strengthening of the members,
or when new converts were made, and when their ministers
were released from prison. There was generally a week's
preparation, when the members were tested by the elders to
see if they were prepared. If the members were not in a
spiritual mood they could not take part. After this examina-
tion, a day was spent in prayer, when they had feet-washing,
and finally the love feast. This religious festival is held
quarterly now by the Moravians and Methodists, in imitation

1 The rulers of the petty states of Germany were often called kings.

2 See Inspirations Historie, 1., p. 24.

14 The Amana Society.

of the AgafcE held by the early Christians, at the time of the
communion, when contributions were made for the poor.

Johann Carl Gleim, a minister of the Society, while staying
in an inn over night, fell in with a great number of gamblers
and drunkards. As he sat in his room quietly engaged in
prayer, the power of the spirit arose in him, and he went
down and addressed them, saying if "they did not repent God
would surely send visitations upon them." In less than a year
great floods occurred, in which many of these persons lost
their lives.'

In 1717 Johann Adam Gruber and H. S. Gleim went into
a church at Zurich and preached to the people. This bold
step so enraged the clergyman, who feared that the members
would leave the church in which he labored, and go over to
the Inspirationists, that he caused them to be arrested. The
following was the sentence : —

"Since J. A. Gruber, from Wiirtemberg, and H. S. Gleim,
from Hessen, have held meetings in this town, of a religious
nature, and since they have distributed pamphlets praising
their own Society and degrading our church, therefore has
this council decided by a majority vote that ( i ) their pamph-
lets shall be burned publicly by the executioner; (2) that said
persons be put in the pillory; (3) that they be lashed through
the principal streets; (4) that hereafter said persons be for-
bidden to enter this land." ^

They were first put in the pillory, where they were exposed
to the cutting comments of the mob. They were then driven
through the streets, each prisoner receiving sixty-two lashes;
the blood from their backs ran down the streets of Zurich,
but still the stern clergy and] thousands of spectators followed
the procession, and cheered in derision whenever the prisoners
groaned from the pain inflicted by the lash. Such proceed-
ings sound like those of the Inquisition, but this was done in
enlightened Germany and permitted by the Lutheran church.
Two years afterwards H. S. Gleim died ,at Schwarzenau, his

1 Inspirations Historic, I., p. 65.

2 Inspirations Historic, Vol. 2, p. 123.

The Amana Society. 15

death due no doubt to the hard treatment he had experienced
in prison.

In 1 7 18 Johann A. Gruber went to America and settled at
Germantown, Pennsylvania. He kept up constant communi-
cation with the Society, and once returned to see his aged
father, but never founded any branch of the Society in
America. A descendant of J. A. Gruber was an active mem-
ber in the Methodist church in the beginning of this century.
J. C. Gleim, a brother of the former, and B. D. Mackinet
joined Gruber in America. The communication kept up from
both sides of the water undoubtedly brought the members in
Germany to think about America as a "promised land," though
emigration did not take place until 1844, over a century later.

Up to 1720 the work had been mostly done by travelling
ministers; they really had no organization, nor did they have
any set meetings for worship. In this year an organization
was made with Gruber and Rock as presiding elders; meet-
ings were established at Schw^rzenau, Himbach, Frankfort,
Ronneburg, and Birstein, nearly all of which are in Hessen.
It is in this principality that most of the members lived, and
to which many came from Switzerland, Bavaria, and Elsass,
since there was more religious freedom given in Hessen than
in any of the other states in Germany. At that time each
little .state had its own laws and government.

Rock and Gruber often prophesied about events which
would take place. Thus, for example, Rock said in 17 18 that
Frankfort would be laid in ashes, which actually took place
the next year. At Halle, Rock found the Pott brothers living
in retirement, still believing in the Society, but they had lost
the gift of Inspiration. In 1720 Rock and J. J. Schulthes
visited Switzerland, where a large number of pious people
joined the Society.

Casper Low of Niirnberg, a firm believer and a pious,
God-fearing man, handed an epistle to the Burgomaster,
begging him to be more lenient to the seekers after truth.
For this offence Low and Rock were put in the stocks, to be
ridiculed and mocked by the citizens.

1 6 The Amana Society.

As the members were scattered they were unable to attend
meetings. A great many moved from distant places to
Himbach, where a large congregation was gathered together.
Himbach from this time on became the principal headquarters
of the Society.

In Tubingen, where the clergy were very immoral, one of
these ministers of the Society felt it his duty to walk into one
of the principal churches and lay a testimonial on the altar.'
It was a plea for more true Christianity within the church.
This displeased the clergy, who were greatly excited about
the matter, and the poor exposer of wrongs, and believer in
the purification of religion was arrested.

J. P. Arnoldi, of Frankfort, was imprisoned in 1726, be-
cause he had said in a meeting that "God's curse would surely
come upon the city on account of the people's sins." "

More and more of the Swiss joined the Society which now
had established meetings at Zurich, Bern, Schaffhausen, and
Welschen-Schweiz.

In 1728 Johann A. Gruber returned from America to see
his aged father before he died. This old man, who had
worked hard to collect the little flock of Pietists, was now
about to leave them forever. He died, December 11, 1728,
at sixty-three years of age. Gruber was born in Stuttgart^
he was sent to school at an early age, where he was quick
and proficient. From Stuttgart he was sent to Tubingen, in
Wiirtemberg. After graduating he began preaching, in
which field he soon became noted outside his parish. He
was both an orator and a logical thinker; and the amiability
of his disposition and the uprightness of his character no
doubt won for him friends and admirers. A firm believer
in the doctrine of Spener, and aware of the immoralities
of the clergy, Gruber did not shrink from what he called
his duty — that was, to denounce the immoralities which
had crept into the church, — in the severest terms. He said:
"Since the clergy should be examples for the people, they

1 Inspirations Historie, I., p. 131.
i Inspirations Historie, I., p. 135.

The Amana Society. 17

ought to practice what they preached." He became acquainted
with Dr. Hedinger, an eminent divine, famous throughout
Wiirtemberg for his eloquence in defending true Christianity
and maintaining that "faith was not enough in man — there must
be associated with faith, works." Hedinger and Gruber worked
together until the former's death, in 1707. Gruber also be-
came acquainted with Wilhelm Petersen, formerly mentioned,
and Dr. Carl, a man of learning and much piety. These men
had a great influence over Gruber, who was a seeker after
truth. Gruber was of a nervous, excitable temperament.
At times he felt that he could prophesy, but he attributed this
feeling to his peculiar temperament. In the meantime he
wrote much against Inspiration, a wave of which was at this
time sweeping over Germany. Finally J. F. Rock, Gruber's
friend, began also to have the same peculiar feelings that
Gruber had felt for several years. Johann Adam Gruber, the
son, began to show signs of inward emotions. In 17 14, when
the Pott brothers came to visit him, Gruber changed his mind
and became convinced that Inspiration was true, that the feel-
ings which had been working in his mind during those years,
and which he had never given time to mature, were truly from
God. As formerly he had written zealously against Inspira-
tion, he now with equal fervor defended it in a large book on
false and true Inspiration, published in 1715. In the same
year he published his twenty-one rules which the Society
adopted as its creed.' Gruber is also the author of many
hymns which are full of love for men.

In the death of Gruber the Society lost its greatest leader,
a loss which was never made good. It was Gruber who first
collected the little body of believers, who formulated the
doctrines of their creed, and who spread those doctrines be-
yond the boundaries of Germany.

J. F. Kessler was appointed elder, in place of Gruber, at
Schwarzenau. Kessler had been a minister in the Reformed
church, and joined the Society of True Inspiration some years
earlier.

1 For the twenty-one rules see "/,;/« of Gruber.'"

1 8 The Am ana Society.

In 1730, Count Nicholas L. von Zinsendorf, of the Herrnhiit
Society, in Saxony, visited the society at Schwarzenau. The
Herrnhiit Society was a remnant of the Bohemian Brothers,
who had remained secluded in Movaria. In 1722 a few of
these brethren escaped to Saxony and settled on the lands of
Count Zinsendorf, where they built a castle called Herrnhiit
(The Keep of God). Count Zinsendorf became their leader,
and as he was well educated and of noble birth, he exercised
a great influence on the later history of the Society, which
now exists around the world.

It is distinguished for its zeal in the mission field. There
are at present 15,000 members in Europe, and 7000 in the
United States. The Moravians, or, as they are sometimes
called, United Brethren, live in distinct communities, unite
their interests very closely, but do not hold a community of
goods. They hold meetings on Sunday, when sermons are
delivered and the church creed is read. Music takes a promi-
ment part in their worship.' They were firm behevers in the
doctrine of Spener, and hold much in common with the com-
munity of True Inspiration.

The visit of Zinsendorf to Schwarzenau brought about a
friendly intercourse between the two societies. Both denomi-
nations believed they were moved by the same spirit; both
sought to serve God in a more rigorous manner than other
denominations. On leaving, Zinsendorf spoke as follows :
«We see plainly that God's grace works powerfully among
you, as among us. With us the work takes place in the
church, with you out of the church. Each one works where
God placed him. No one of us shall hinder you in your
work, but we give you our hand as a mark of friendship,
that we may work in peace side by side for the cause of
God.'"

Some discussion arose between the two societies concerning
Inspiration, but perfect harmony always existed. Some of

1 For information concerning this society, see " Works of Count Zinsendorf ■■
also '■'■Moravian Brothers^'' and others. ■*

"^Inspirations Historic, I., p. i6i.

The Amana Society. 19

the Society of True Inspiration joined the Moravians, while a
nephew of Zinsendorf and several Moravians joined the
Society. Both societies worked for, and aimed at, one end;
viz., how to make people purer and better. Amid all the
vicissitudes of life members of both of fhese societies have
shown an undaunted courage, an ardent zeal, and a sincere
love for their fellowmen.

Ill ^733) ^ person joined the Society of True Inspiration
who took an active part in spreading the doctrines that Gruber
had defended so eloquently. This was Jonas Wickmark, a
Swede, who, after graduating from the university of his
native land, had gone to Jena, where he took a course in law,
in order to fully equip himself for his chosen profession, which
he intended to practice on his return home. While at Jena,
Wickmark had studied and thought much concerning Pietism,
and before leaving Germany he wanted to see the Society which
had adopted so many of Spener's doctrines. On this visit he
felt so comforted with the simple faith which these people
practiced that he gave up his journey home, where office and
honors awaited him, for a life among these pious people.
He was well versed in the languages and wrote short-
hand, which he used in taking down sermons, which
were preserved and printed for distribution. He was never
Inspired, but often spoke in their meetings, and travelled
much in Holland, Elsass and Switzerland, in company with
J. F. Rock. Wickmark wrote much in defense of the
Society, and many beautiful hymns come from his pen. He
looked after the little flock not only in spiritual, but in temporal
affairs as well. He died in 1786, at the advanced age of 87,
having worked faithfully in the Society for fifty-three years ;
and in all that time he never visited his native land.

Another prominent man in the Society was Johann Georg
Metz, from Elsass, who joined the Society in 17 16, after he
was exiled. Metz was the great-grandfather of Christian
Metz, who died in 1867, the most noted w^orker on this side
of the Atlantic.

Frau von Stein, a lady of noble birth, well educated, reared in

20 The Amana Society,

wealth and luxury, became tired of the hollowness of fashion-
able society, in which she could find nothing that satisfied her
longings for truth. She retired from the ball room to her
closet, where she spent much of her time in prayer and in
reading religious books. Having heard much about the
Society, and wishing to know more, she was visited by
several of the members. 'She was so impressed with the
simplicity of their religion and the plainness of their manners,
that she became fully convinced of the truth of their doctrines,
and joined the Society, in which she took an active part.

The elders, and many of those who spoke through Inspira-
tion, travelled much, continually organizing new meetings and
preaching the gospel wherever they went. They put on trial
those who claimed that they spoke through Inspiration, tested
all the members, and openly reprimanded them. Preachers in
the Established Church and the magistrates were also warned
that if they did not turn from their evil ways, they would surely
be punished by a just God. For such bold utterances they
were lashed at the whipping-post, scorned by the people, and
often put in prison, where they lingered for months without
trial. Such severe treatment only strengthened their belief,
made them more enthusiastic in their cause, and more willing
to suffer for the sake of conscience.

Paul G. Nagel, the son of an attorney in Wiirtemberg, a
graduate of the University of Jena, joined the Society in 1740.
He was an attorney by profession, and a man of much learn-
ing, who became useful to the Society in many ways. At
Rock's death, in i749> Nagel became elder in his place, an
ofBce which he filled to the satisfaction of all.

Johann F. Rock died in 1749, aged seventy years. Rock
was an able man, in fact one of the pillars of the Society.
Having a strong constitution, he travelled much as a minister,
and was very often imprisoned for his bold utterances of
truth. He suffered untold hardships, sleeping on a little straw
or on the bare, stone floor in damp jails, without fire and
without much food. He spent the last thirty-five years of
his life, constantly travelling either alone or in company with

The Amana Society. 21

his faithful companion, Jonas Wickmark, who took Rock's
sermons down in shorthand, and had many of them printed
and distributed after Rock's death. Rock was of a lively
temperament, earnest and enthusiastic for social reform, which
had reached a low ebb during the reigns of Frederick William
I., and Frederick II. As a minister, Rock was fluent, per-
suasive, and eloquent. Endowed with much sympathy for his
fellowmen, he worked on their feelings and reached their
hearts. He cared little for priest or magistrate, if he knew
they were immoral, and did not properly fill the offices for
which they were chosen. He was accustomed to speak in all
places, — on the streets, in the fields, in the inns, and in the
churches, — wherever he could find a place. People turned
out to hear him in all places ; nowhere was he without hearers,
for all wanted to see the man who cared to flatter none, and
to serve none but his God. Gruber may have been a deeper
thinker, but Rock was a more fluent speaker. Both were
enthusiastic in the cause they represented. The former, form-
ulated the doctrines with his pen, the latter spread those
doctrines in person throughout all Germany, Holland and
Switzerland. Gruber was a student of a retired disposition,
while Rock had Been a man of the world, and loved to mingle
with men; both were necessary to the Society, for the one laid
down the principles of their creed, while the other expounded
and explained those principles to the people. Both maintained
that man was not saved by faith alone, but that good works
were necessary. Thejr laid great stress on virtue. Honesty,
uprightness, morality, were strictly enforced on members of
the Society. These men emphasized the fact that there must
be ethics in government, in politics, in religions, — a problem
that the nineteenth century has tried to solve. Social as well
as religious reform these men sought to accomplish, and this
is the reason such an outcry arose from the mass of the people,
who did not want to be disturbed in the practice of their old
customs. Although these persons did not convert all Germany,
they did arouse public sentiment, both in church and in state,
so that the reform movement they began has since become a
reality.

22 The Am ana Society.

Rock was the son of a preacher, of a wild disposition and a
lover of games. He wandered about after receiving his edu-
cation, without any settled profession. He was a saddler
by trade. He lived in Berlin, in Strasburg, and at Halle, at
which places he spent much of his time in reading. While
perusing the pages of a book one disagreeable Sunday after-
noon,' disgusted with life and the hoUowness of the society in
which he moved, he took a solemn vow to change his mode
of life, a vow which never was broken, for he remained faith-
ful to the end. He now tried to find a sect which he could
join. At one time he contemplated joining the Socinians. In
this manner he passed much time in reading and meditation.
After six years wandering Rock returned to his mother, who
was now a widow and lived at Stuttgart. His mother in the
meantime had joined a body of pious people, who met in
private houses for silent worship. Rock, who had meditated
much on religion, joined this little company. The members
increased in number, until the clergj^ became frightened,
for the believers went to the silent meetings instead of com-
ing to church to listen to soulless sermons, to philosophic
discussions which had puzzled Plato and Aristotle. The
clergy, influential among the princes and the magistrates,
caused a law to be passed, 1707, that all who did not attend
church should be compelled to leave the city." Rather than
disobey the dictates of conscience. Rock, his mother, and
younger brother, with many others, left their comfortable
homes, their friends and their all, to become exiles and out-
casts, not knowing where to turn their course, fearing to be
driven still further in their flight in search of freedom for
religious belief. This, in the land where Luther and Melanc-
thon had accomplished so much for the freedom of thought !
After wandering around for some time in search of a new
home, they finally settled down in Ysenburg, a district of
Hessen. Here they found E. L. Gruber, who also had fled
from Stuttgart. In the fall of 17 14, the Pott brothers before

1 See '■■Autobiografhy of J. F. Rock."
3 See ''Autobiography of y. F. Rock:'

The Amana Society. 23

mentioned, and Johanna M. Melchior held a meeting at Gruber's
house. Rock was invited, and as he entered the house Johanna
M. Melchior was in Inspiration and spoke of unbelief. When
she ceased speaking, the younger Pott also fell into a sort of
trance, and began to speak in the same strain. Rock felt that
the words went to his heart. He thought it was the beginning
of a new religion, — a religion which he formed and remodelled.

Rock soon began to experience similar feelings, and became
inspired in meeting. One day while at work in the garden,
he felt that he must leave his work and go to two pious old
people, and tell them to prepare for death, for one of them
would soon die. He went to see them, delivered his message,
but could not understand it, for they were both in perfect
health. In less than a week one of them died.'

At other times Rock had the feeling that he must go before
kings, magistrates and ministers, to tell them to be more lenient
in their laws and more godly in their lives, or else God would
punish them.' In the night he could not sleep, but wandered
around in the fields, shedding tears over the evil life he had
led, praying for forgiveness for his sins.

After a long season of repentance and prayer, Rock started
out to preach. In Tubingen he attended church, and, when
exercises were over, walked up to the altar and begged to be
permitted to deliver a sermon on penitence. This act so enraged
the clergyman that he marched Rock down to the city hall,
had him arrested, and burned the papers found on his person.
In his autobiography are found many interesting stories
gathered from the travels which he made up to the time of
his death. These stories give us a good idea of the age in
which he lived, and of the character of the people. Rock
was popular with the people and was highly respected. He
knew how to touch the right chord in his hearers, and he
could always impress his own personality on the congregation.
His character was above reproach, and his zeal for the cause

1 See his "Autobiography."

2 See his "Autobiography.''

24 The Amana Society.

of true religion was as fervent as had been the yearnings of
his own soul in search of truth.

From the death of Rock to the revival in 1817, the Society-
was declining. The reason for this is doubtless due to the
fact that the great work which Gruber and Rock had taken
up was left to men who did not possess the power, or the
personality that the founders were endowed with. Perhaps
the incessant wars of Frederick the Great had also something
to do with the prosperity of the Society, for in a war for
existence, like the "Seven Years' War," where the integrity
of the country was at stake, the thoughts, the actions, the
very existence of the people depend on victory. Another
reason for the decline of the Society was that religious thought
had nearly disappeared, and Rationalism held complete sway
over the mass of people, its influence increased by the
king's indifference to religion, and Voltaire's stay in Germany.
The universities adopted this fashionable mode of thinking.
The students were in ecstasy over the writings of Lessing,
who, from 1750 to the time of his death, 1781, exercised a
great influence not only on literature, but on religious thought,
— an influence tending toward Rationalism. These causes
affected religious thought as a whole. The Lutheran, the
Reformed, the Catholic churches, all suffered from this wave
of Rationalism. It was the foreboding of the French Revo-
lution. The Society of True Inspiration suffered with the
rest, and, with the loss of its leaders, it seemed at one time that
it was about to be hurled into the maelstrom created by the
waves which were forming and threatening from France; but
it lived on and survived the Revolution, when new life was
breathed into it by the revival movement in the beginning of
this century.

From the organization of the Society, the members had ob-
jected to oaths and wars. As they felt it to be a duty of con-
science they objected to take an oath, but declared themselves
willing to make an affirmation equally strong. For this, they
were accused of disloyalty to the state, and called traitors to
religion, and haters of truth. They were thrown into prison,

The Amana Society. 25

tortured, and publicly whipped, but they maintained the same
stoical perseverance in the cause of truth that the early
Christians had shown under the Roman Empire. The custom
of the oath which these people so firmly opposed, and thought
to be inconsistent with the Scripture teachings, has now in a
great measure been superseded by affirmation.

In the continuous wars of Frederick the Great, all Prussia
was under arms. As the members refused to go to war,
they were persecuted in all ways imaginable. Some lingered
in prison, others were compelled to bear arms, and still others
either died from' ill treatment, or were actually put to death.
In spite of such cruel treatment, they maintained their ground,
willing to meet death rather than sully themselves with what
they thought to be an atrocious sin, viz: The killing of a
fellow man.

Those living in the southern part of Germany lost nearly
all of their personal property, which was carried away by the
marauders. The. magistrates seemed to think that as these
people were unwilling to go to war, they should at least pay
the penalty by the loss of their goods. , Many were pressed
into the service, but they mildly and temperately, yet firmly,
refused to serve. They said, in the language of the Bible,
"We ought to serve God rather than men."

In the wars of Frederick the Great, the Inspirationists wrote
much against the evils of wars. The position which they
"took may be summed up as follows:

I. The teachings of Christ forbid war.

II. The precepts and the practice of the apostles agree
with the teachings of Christ.

III. The early Christians were firm in their belief in the
unjustness of war, and many suffered death in affirmation of
this belief.

IV. War is not a necessary evil, for if the people would
not fight, ambitious rulers would either have to fight them-
selves, or dwell in peace and harmony.

V. The general character of Christianity is wholly incon-
.sistent with war, and its general duties are contrary to it.

26 The Amana Society.

A Sketch of a few of the Members not Previousl-t

Mentioned, who Took an Active Part in the

Society in the Eighteenth Century.

One of the pillars of the church, not yet mentioned in this-
paper, was Johann Philip Kampf, a man who suffered great
hardships at the hands of relatives and friends, because he.
cast in his lot with the Inspirationists.

Kampf was born in 1688, in Sultzern, Gregorianthal, and.
died at Homburg, 1753. His parents were pious people in
good circumstances. His father was mayor of Sultzern, also
senator from Miinster. He was a man well-educated, a strict
Lutheran, honest and God-fearing, and was admired by all
with whom he came in contact. The son loved him almost,
to veneration, and speaks of him with the most tender affec-
tion: — "My honest father, of whom I am not worthy to be
called his son!"

The father did not wish his son to apply himself to learning,,
but preferred he should become a farmer, for he thought that-
life to be the most independent and the most laudable.

At Miinster, lived an old and learned minister by the name
of Faber, an intimate friend of Mayor Kampf. These twO'
men had been elected by the school bpard to visit the city
schools, in order to conduct some preliminary examinations.
After an hour's tedious work, young Kampf was called up
before the old preacher ; the boy answered so fluently, without
displaying the least embarrassment, that the preacher was
struck with amazement. He told the father that such a boy
ought certainly to become a clergyman. The father replied.
by asking how it was that "the clergy and the educated are
further away from God than the illiterate, and it takes more
persuasion to bring such persons back to God than others."
The preacher nodded his head and said this was an eternal,
truth which he could not explain, but he still maintained that the
boy iiiust acquire a thorough education. He went on to
prove this by quoting Scripture (JDaniel XII, 3). This quo-
tation must have had the desired effect, for the boy was sent

The Amana Society. 27

to the University in Strasburg, where he soon distinguished
himself for his quick perception and his easy mastery of the
curriculum. Outside of his school hours, he pored over the
classic authors, communed whole afternoons with the old
philosophers, and spent whole nights reading and meditating
upon the fathers of the church.

The boy had been brought up a Lutheran, but suddenly he
changed his views. A preacher in Strasburg always ended
his sermons by condemning the Pietists. This man became
suddenly sick and finally died, praying God for mercy for
having persecuted the Pietists. One of the students who saw
this death-bed scene ran out into the University grounds,
where the students were lounging, and told them what the
preacher had said before he expired. This story went direct
to Kampf's heart.

As before he had pored over the classics, he now with
equal enthusiasm pored over the works of Spener, Kempis,
Arndt, and Bohme. He wanted to get at the root of these
pietistic doctrines which the preacher had condemned. For
a number of years these authors were the only companions of
his solitude. This minute investigation satisfied him as to the
truths of the doctrine, and the result was a book which he
published, called '■^Die Unchristlichen Gebrauche von Christ-
kindlein unter den L,euten" a book setting forth true Chris-
tianity in a clear form, and showing the advantages to true
religion which would ensue if Spener's doctrines were taken
into the church. Comment and criticism were heaped upon
Kampf , for advocating such views, but the author, with true
Saxon courage, would not retreat a step from the position
he had chosen.

He maintained his ground so well in the controversy which
ensued, that he was elected to the chair of philosophy in his
alma mater. Kampf accepted the appointment, and when he
took the chair gave a disputation on true philosophy; this
thesis made him more friends. Further investigation of
this sublime subject opened his eyes to the falseness of learn-
ing when it is used to reason out things which God only

28 ■ The Amana Society.

knows. He became disgusted with philosophy as it was
taught in the schools, where it took the place of religious
thought. There, belief in things divine was set aside, and
Rationalism had taken its place. It was at the heart of Ration-
alism that Kampf directed his stored-up energies, yet with-
out any marked success, for the plausible Rationalistic creed
had taken such a firm hold of the schools that all the energies
of one man could not move the barriers which were becom-
ing stronger and stronger. Kampf believed with Aristotle
that "whether you will not philosophize, or you can not
philosophize, you must philosophize." But Kampf maintains
"that since there is a limit to all things, there is also a limit
reached in philosophy beyond which we have no right to
search, but must take for granted." He refused to speculate
on the region of God, the essence of the soul, and the origin
of the world. "When man begins to form hypotheses on such
sublime subjects, man tries to become equal to God." This
seemed to him to be a sin.

He finally gave up the chair of philosophy in Strasburg,
and accepted an invitation to become court preacher at Biihl,
in Elsass. The fame of the "preacher philosopher" soon ex-
tended over all Elsass, and people came from all parts of the
district to hear and to see the man who had stirred up the
German philosophers. His sermons were free from the
affectations of the age, they were delivered with all the bold-
ness which characterized the man, and king as well as peasant
received his full share of warning.

In 17 16 J. A. Gruber and H. S. Gleim, who were engaged
in revival work, visited Biihl. One evening Kampf was in-
vited to dine with a friend, at whose house these men made their
home. After dinner was over and they were all seated in a large
drawing-room engaged in conversation, Gruber suddenly fell
into Inspiration. His words so affected Kampf that he soon
after joined the Society. Kampf had tasted all there was to
be had in life; he had acquired learning from all sources,
ranging from the expansive field of philosophy dov/n to the
small store of folk-lore found among the peasants; but all this

The Amana Society. 29

learning did not satisfy, nor did it console him. True, he had
preached for years and had aroused the people by his argu-
mentative discourses, but still these scholarly sermons had not
originated from conviction of heart, but were simply the
product of his learning. They were sermons delivered with-
out conviction, without the soul and the spiritual individuality
of the man. Thq simple, plain, unostentatious sermon of
Gruber possessed those elements so essential in religion; it
came from pure conviction, and was devoid of affectation; it
came from the soul, and lodged in the souls of his hearers.

From this time Kampf became a changed man. He re-
fused money for his preaching, though he continued to hold
his place at court. A lady of high rank, related to the court,
was visiting in Biihl and wanted to partake of the communion,
but Kampf refused to admit her to the communion table until
she reformed her mode of life, which was of a questionable
character. Such a refusal would have been applauded and
admired if the person in question had been a peasant, but as
she was one of the nobility, the act was looked upon as an
insult. The minister was denounced as a religious fanatic, and
finally dismissed from the service which he had gratuitously
rendered.

Kampf now took a course in medicine, and settled down in
Bergzabern for the practice of his profession. He more and
more felt the need of an open confession of faith, and in 1718
joined the Inspirationists. In the same year he received a call
to become physician to the Swedish embassador Baron von
Stralinheim, who Uved at Zweibrucken, Bavaria; this offer he
accepted. In a short time he became noted in the medical
profession, was made director of the royal hospital and physi-
cian to Duke Gustaf, the friend of the fugitive Stanislaus,
king of Poland.

Kampf always associated with men of the court, men who
perhaps despised his religion, but who admired his character,
his great abilities, and his piety. Although he was absorbed in
his profession, he still found time to make extended visits as a
minister of the gospel. Because he worked as a minister

30 The Amana Society.

instead of devoting his time to his chosen profession, he was
exiled and came to Homburg, at which place he started a new
meeting, which soon became prosperous. In 1739 ^^^ Crown
Prince of Hessen was in Homburg, on his way to Russia.
He heard of Kampf, and soon persuaded him to become his
physician. In Russia Kampf also spread the doctrines of the
Society, especially in St. Petersburg, where he remained for
several years.

After his return from Russia he went again to Homburg,
where he died in i753- Kampf wrote much on philosophy
and religion, besides a long treatise on Inspiration.

William Ludwig Kampf, son of the former, was also a
physician of some note. In the affairs of the Society he took
an active part. He died at Neuwied, 1779, at the age of 46.

Another of the pillars of the Society was Johann Casper
Low, born at Miihlhausen, Bavaria, 1692. He was descended
from a godly stock of people, followers of John Huss, who
had been compelled to flee from Austria on account of their
religion. The family was in poor circumstances. The father
was a linen weaver who toiled early and late in order to earn
enough for the support of a large family. Johann was the
youngest of thirteen children. When he was old enough to
earn his own bread, he gathered together his little possessions
and bade his parents farewell, as the other brothers had pre-
viously done. He received the blessings of the aged couple,
who were greatly moved to see their last child leave, — their
only solace in their declining years. But the son thought that
he could no longer be a burden to them. With tears rolling
down his cheeks he turned away from the scenes of his child-
hood to battle with the world, with the actual reahties of life.
He travelled on foot, carrying under his arm a little bundle
containing all his earthly possessions. He was about to return
in despair, for he could find no work, when he found employ-
ment as a cook with a royal family at Bildingen. He was an
honest, faithful boy, and was soon esteemed by all who knew
him. He remained in the service of this family many years, at
last becoming chief cook. As his early education had been

The Amana Society. 31

neglected, he now improved his opportunities so that he be-
came well-versed in the literature and common branches neces-
sary in his day for an ordinary scholar.

In 1 7 14 he attended an Inspiration meeting, out of curiosity.
He was greatly affected by it, for this seemed to be the
religion of his parents and his grandparents, appearing in a
new garb. This fact led him to investigate their doctrines,
and he proved them to fully correspond to his own ideas Of
what religion ought to be. For several years he felt dejected,
for he was certain that he lacked the power to withstand the
ridicule of his associates if he should join the Society, and in
not joining he felt he was sinning against God. In 17 17 he
attended an Inspiration meeting conducted by Ursula Mayerin,
at Ronneburg. She seemed to realize what had been weigh-
ing on Low's mind for years. She analyzed his feelings with
great exactness, and then applied the remedy. Low now
became fully convinced, and joined the Society, having in the
meantime lost his place in Biidingen on account of this con-
version to the doctrines of the Society. In 1728, he became
inspired for the first time, and from now to the time of his
death, which occurred at Biidingen, i775) he travelled much
as a minister. He was the last one to depart of that little
group which worked so gloriously in the beginning of the
century. Low has left but little in writing, but he left instead
the character of a noble, upright man, who could saj^ with
Pericles, "I meet my doom with the consolation that I have
injured no man." Low's work was among the poor and
depraved, where he labored assiduously during his long life
of usefulness. He settled the petty disputes which often arose
between members in the Society; he was always ready to
lend a helping hand to the needy, and encouraged aU in that
godliness and morality which were reflected in his unsullied
character.

A few others might be mentioned in connection with the
founders. The descendants of these are still in the Society,
whfere they work with the fervor and enthusiasm which were
so characteristic of the older men. There occur the names of

32 The Amana Society.

M. Trautmann, a Swiss; Gottlieb C. Rail, who died in 1754;
and Abraham Noe, from Anweiler, born 1764, died 1805.
Gottfried Neuman was a theological student, having graduated
from Leipsic and Halle. When he was about to enter upon
his career as a minister in the Established Church, such feel-
ings of responsibility came over him that he resigned his trust
to another and withdrew from society and the church. After
living in retirement for some time he joined the Inspirationists,
where he worked continually, both as a writer and as a
minister.

Johann Nicolaus Duill was also a minister in the Established
Church from Eckershausen, Ysenburg, Hessen, who joined
the little flock of pious believers in the beginning of the
century. He did not travel as much as the others, due per-
haps to a delicate constitution, but he worked faithfully among
the members at home, while younger and stronger men went
out into the world, "proclaiming the glad tidings of a new
Jerusalem."

Blasius Daniel Mackinet, a relative of one previously men-
tioned, was an enthusiastic worker both at home and abroad.
Of a lively disposition, and a jovial companion, he knew when
to be serious and when not to be; bold in utterance, he was
fearless and daring when he felt that it^was right so to be.

George Melber was a well-to-do merchant in Heilbrom,
Hessen, who, although not a preacher, was an organizer in
temporal affairs. He was always willing to lend a helping
hand to the needy, and gave advice and consolation to those
in tribulation.

Anna Maria Schurr, a woman of much ability, was con-
verted in 1726. She soon became a valuable minister, labor-
ing with the other women formerly mentioned. She died in
1760, at the age of 75, her abilities and good health preserved
to the last.

Jacob Hoffmann, of Basel, became converted while Rock
was making a religious visit in that part of Switzerland.
Hoffmann died in 1763.

Simon Brangier was born atNiort, Poitou, in France, 1712,

' The Amana Society. 3J,

of Protestant parents who had suffered much from religious
persecution, but had not forsaken the place of their birth.
Simon also loved the place where he was born, and where his
relatives had been laid to rest. Finally the decree came that
all the pious believers of Poitou who were not willing to
change their creed, should be exiled from the district. A few
submitted to the conditions of the decree rather than be driven
away, but the majority, among whom was Brangier, gathered
together their few earthly possessions and with sad hearts left
everything that was dear to them behind, in order to find
somewhere a new home where they could worship God
according to the dictates of their own conscience.

Brangier, with a few others, finally settled down in Zwei-
brucken, Hessen. Here they found the Society of True
Inspiration well represented. They inquired into the doctrines
of the Society and found so much similarity with their own
views that they joined and became influential members.
Brangier travelled much in the capacity of minister and organ-
izer. He followed Kampf to St. Petersburg, where they
organized a little meeting. But it seems that among the
Russians they were not as successful as among their own
people.

THE REVIVAL OF 1817.

After the death of Rock, in 1749, Inspiration ceased. The
Society still had many eminent divines enlisted in its ranks,
but they did not possess this remarkable gift.

Flourishing meetings were kept up in Ysenburg, Wittgen-
stein, Neuwied, Homburg, Switzerland, Elsass, and Wiirtem-
berg. The older men were passing away and the younger
ones who took their places, although they may have had the
ability, lacked the enthusiastic spirit of the older ones. They
began more and more to lead a quiet life. They grew rich
and fell back among the worldly. It had been prophesied
that new men should arise to carry on the work taken up by
Gruber and Rock, but years passed without any signs of the
fulfillment of the prophecy. '

34 The Amana Society.

The brilliant career of Frederick the Great, under whose
reign these people had drunk the cup of bitterness to the
dregs, came to an end. Frederick had labored unceasingly
to bring about a union between the Lutheran and the Re-
formed churches, but his plans miscarried, owing to the
influence of political events.

At the time of the Revolution in France the Society, though
groaning under oppression, did not expect from its outcome a
new regime, able to cure all diseases of the body politic.
During this struggle, which did not cease until Welling-
ton silenced the vanquished armies at Waterloo, the members
were obliged to suffer all the calamities which only war can
bring. The French and German armies marched and counter-
marched over the places of their habitation, making every
spot a desert, taking even the men who were working in the
fields and pressing them into service. It seemed that the
Society would soon cease to exist, for the older men died and
the younger ones lost courage.

The dawn finally came: the revival came, unnoticed and
unheralded. It brought new blood and new life into the
Society, and from this time its future was to a certain extent
assured. ^ ,

The principad persons in this revival movement were M.
Kraussert, Barbara Heinemann, Christian Metz, Abraham
Nod, Johannes Heinemann, Peter Mook, Martin Bender, Wil-
helm Nordmann, J. G. Ziriazi, Frederick Miiller, from Eden-
koben, Philip and Wilhelm Morschell, from Ronneburg, and
Jacob Morschell, of Neuwied, Philip Beck, from Pfalz, Peter
Winzenried, Peter Hammerschneitt, Philip Sommer, and Gott-
lieb Ackermann.

The first who began to prophesy, after this gift had ceased
for over half a century, was Michael Kraussert, of Strasburg.
His gift was recognized and he began to travel and preach,
again arousing the old enthusiasm, However, in a few years
he fell back, and finally lost his power of prophecy.

The most remarkable person, perhaps, who was ever con-
nected with the Society was Barbara Heinemann, a poor.

The Amana Society. 35

ignorant peasant girl from Leuterville, Lower Elsass, where
she was bom in 1795. She was one of the first inspired in
the revival, one who had experienced the oppression which
the government practiced more and more towards the mem-
bers of the Society during their last years in Germany, and
she followed the little flock to America in search of freedom
and a home. She experienced all the trials to which they
were exposed in the first settlement, near Buffalo, New York,
and she was one of the first to come to Iowa, where she again
took up her work, a work which did not cease until 1883,
when she was laid to rest, without any outward show but
with much inward feeling, in the Amana cemetery, at the
advanced age of eighty-eight.

Her parents were pious people. They were in such poor
circumstances that Barbara never attended school a day in her
life, but at the early age of eight was sent to a neighboring
factory, where she earned a little pittance at spinning wool.
In 1813, a financial crisis occurred, caused by Napoleon's end-
less wars. After the battle of Leipsic the entire country
suffered from panic. The factory in which Barbara had
worked for ten years was closed and she was compelled to go
out as a servant.

While she worked in the factory she had been of a lively
disposition; now a peculiar state of mind bordering on melan-
choly suddenly clouded her lively temperament. She gave up
her work and returned home, in hope of improvement. She
frequently attended church, for, if she engaged constantly in
prayer, she thought this gloom might pass away. Once as
she partook of the sacrament, the priest said, "Who is un-
worthy and drinks, he drinks judgment unto himself." This
made a deep impression upon her mind, and she solemnly
promised so to guide her life as to be acceptable to God.

She conversed with the priest and all the godly mothers of
the neighborhood regarding the state of her mind, but no one
could explain it satisfactorily, nor relieve her melancholy.
One woman said she acted like the Pietists, of which people
Barbara had never heard. She loved solitude and spent much

36 The Amana Society.

of her time wandering about in the fields communing with
God and nature. One night she had a dream telling her how
her conversion was to take place. "I sat in a room at dusk,"
she says in her Memoirs, "contemplating the mercy of God;
I saw my youthful companions without, joyful and happy, and
anxious to have me join them ; but I sat unmoved, not know-
ing whether to go or not, when I heard a loud voice which
penetrated marrow and bone, bidding me remain. I began to
feel easier, and perceived that God had heard my prayers."
Feeling uncomfortable on account of this dream, she pro-
ceeded to Sulz, where a few Pietists were said to live.

She was kindly received by these people, who did all in
their power to console and comfort her. She told her drea:m,
which they believed would come true if she would only listen
to God's voice when it was heard.

She remained with these people for several months, slowly
improving in mind, when M. Kraussert came to the neighbor-
hood on a religious visitation. Barbara was glad to find some
orie who took an interest in her depression of mind, some one
who could explain to her all the trials she had passed through
in the last few years. He thougjit that she would become
inspired and speak in meetings. To become better acquainted
with the Inspirationists and their doctrines, she accompanied
M. Kraussert to Bergzabern, Bavaria. On Christmas day,
1818, at the age of 23, she became inspired for the first time,
in one of their meetings. Although she knew nothing from
books, she spoke in the language of the schools, for it was
fluent, clear and free from error. Kraussert became subject
to Inspiration and affirmed all she had said, feeling, as he did,
that it came from God.

She joined the Society and went about doing religious work,
when she was arrested, along with M. Kraussert and Chris-
tian Metz. All were accused of heresy by the city magistrate.
They remained in prison only a short time, as nothing could
be proved against them.

She became inspired in the meetings, in the fields, while at
work, at home or on journeys. For this reason persons

The Amana Society. 37

always accompanied her, to take down what she said while
under this influence. These revelations are still read by the
members of the Society for edification and consolation, and
after a lapse of nearly a century they have lost none of their
flavor.

This state of mind caused jerkings and twitchings of the body
- for a short time before she began to speak, so that she was
conscious of what was coming on. She could prophesy with
great exactness what was likely to take place. When she con-
centrated her mind upon those things which she wished to
know, it caused a nervous exhaustion, from which she did not
easily recover.

The persecutions Barbara Heinemann had to suffer at the
hands of the magistrates were not all the trials she had to
pass through. Members of the Society who were rich and
influential were not pleased to have the poor, ignorant peasant
girl looked upon as a prophetess and as a minister of the
gospel. All sorts of accusations were brought against her. She
patiently submitted to these wrongs, and she was for a short
period expelled from the Society. The accusations, which
were false, were withdrawn; the few who had conspired
against her were expelled, and she was reinstated, to the com-
fort of the Society and her own consolation.

The Society was reorganized. Besides the twenty-one
articles of E. L. Gruber, the twenty-four articles of Johann
Adam Gruber were adopted as the basis of their faith. The
members became more and more enthusiastic in the work, the
Society increased in numbers, and everything pointed to a
brilliant future.

In 1823 Barbara Heinemann was married to George Land-
mann. Her gift of Inspiration had ceased, and did not return
until 1849; from that time she continued to be inspired until
the time of her death.

This woman was the only one in the Society who possessed
the gift of Inspiration, after the death of Christian Metz, in
1867, and since her death no one has so far been able to take
her place. She was a woman who possessed many noble

38 The Amana Society.

qualities; meek and patient in suffering, she knew how to
comfort those in trouble; how to touch a tender spot in the
hearts of those who were wayward and lukewarm in matters
of religion; always keeping her presence of mind, she could
censure without offence, and exhort without ranting; of an
amiable disposition, she was respected and venerated by all
who knew her.

All the education she received she acquired herself, without
the aid of a teacher, and when she learned how to read and
write her joy was great, for she felt an inward delight to be
able to commune with God through the Holy Scriptures.
Although she knew nothing of the philosophies of the schools,
she could analyze the "common sense" philosophy of the
heart. What she uttered during those periods when she was
inspired, seems the product of deep thought, coming from the
serene depths of a soul " that understood the highest and
noblest motives in man.

Christian Metz, a son of Jacob Metz, of Neuwied, previously
mentioned, also became inspired about 1820. He was a man
of much executive ability, and the temporal affairs of the
Society were nearly all conducted by him, up to the time of
his death in 1867.

The name Metz is of frequent occurrence in the history of
the organization, from the time of its foundation. Originally
from Elsass, whence Johann George Metz was driven on
account of his religious views, in 17 16, — it is in Hessen that
the famity for over a century toiled and suffered for the prin-
ciples which the founder held dearer than home or native land.

Christian Metz was not only an organizer; he was a preacher
and writer as well. He made five visits to Switzerland;
visited Elsass, Lorraine, Saxony, and Wurtemberg many
times; in all these places he won converts to his cause. In
1824 Metz was prominent in winning over many Herrnhiiters
who had estranged themselves from that body.

In Wurtemberg thete lived a number of pious people called
Michelians, named alter the founder, Michel Hahn, a pious
mystical preacher, who had exercised much influence by his

The Amana Society. 39

reformatory measures. After his death the believers were
scattered, not knowing what denomination to join, and too
weak to continue the work their founder had begun. When
Christian Metz happened to pass through that country on a
religious visitation a few of them joined the Society. They
did not long enjoy the peace and comfort they found within
its protection, for the French government oppressed and per-
secuted all dissenters in Elsass and Strasburg, and they were
driven out of France and came as fugitives to Germany,
where they found a home with their fellow believers in
Hessen.

In 1833 Switzerland took steps toward Conservatism, caused
by a relapse of the revolutionary spirit of 1830. Oaths
had to be taken in order to swear fealty to the government,
and every able-bodied man at a certain age had to learn the
art of war. Many families left their native land and came to
Hessen. Two years later several more came; the most
prominent of the new comers were Scheuner, Trautmann,
Moser, Benedict and Hieronimus Gasser, and Aeshlimann.

From Basel came Burgy, Graf, L.admann, Salathe, and
Weckerling. Gottlieb Ackermann came from Lauenheim, in
Saxony. His family belonged to the Gichtelians, followers of
a revivalist by the name of Gichtel.

With all these exiles thrown upon the Society, without any
means and for the most part without work, the members were
in great perplexity. Christian Metz, far-sighted and thought-
ful, came to the conclusion that the best method would be for
the Society to lease some large estate, where the exiles could
be put to work and make enough to supply their wants, the
Society paying the rent.

The Marienborn castle, between Bergheim and Ronneburg,
which formerly had belonged to the Herrnhiiters, was leased
by the Society. But this was not enough, for members kept
coming from Wiirtemberg, from Elsass, and from Switzer-
land; besides it was not well to have the different nationalities
together, as their dialects and customs were different. By
1834 three more castles with adjoining estates were leased,

40

The Amana Society.

one at Armenburg, where the Swiss had found a home; an-
other at Engelthal, where the Wiirtemberg exiles were
placed; and still another at Haag.

For the use of these estates the Society paid an annual sum
of 18,000 florins. As high as five and one-half florins were
paid for the use of a morgen of land.

The members lived for the most part together in the castle
or adjoining buildings, and in a large room in the castle meet-
ings were held, and the children were taught; they worked
the land together, sold the products and divided the proceeds
equally. At first they did not eat at the same table, but
when they saw that it would be cheaper to eat together this
plan was adopted.

Here ive have the first beginnings of the communistic life,
■which the Society afterwards adopted. It arose unconsciously,
from small beginnings, with no thought of the results which
would flow from it.

A few of the members were artisans, and preferred to work
at their old trades rather than work on the estates. There-
fore the societies rented a few factories, where those who
were skilled in trades were placed. The members at the
Castle of Haag leased a woolen mill, a grist mill, and an oil
mill, the expenses being borne by the Society, which was
taxed to its utmost in order to satisfy all bills and to keep the
wolf from the door. In Armenburg a woolen mill was
erected by the Society, so that the members could find em-
ployment.

For a time it seemed impossible for the Society to take care
of all who came, but soon their woolen goods became famous
throughout the country. They had adopted the motto,
"Hofiesty is the best folicy" a motto which they have always ■
lived up to in all their dealings. The goods were more and
more in demand. It was found that they used the best
material, and took the greatest care in the making of them.

In 1837 the first love feast since the revival of 1817, was
held at Armenburg.

Jacob Dorr, of Bergheim, and William Metz, a cousin of

The Amana Society. ^ 41

<C. Metz, both joined the Society, in which they worked faith-
fully for the furtherance of their creed.

Many people belonging to other denominations came to visit
the members of the Society, having heard or read much about
their peculiar ways.

Once a number ,of pious people called Die Weisen {^Hhe
Whites'''), because they dressed in white, perhaps to imitate
the angels, came to Hessen. These people claimed to be in-
;spired. They had a prophet who said he could foretell future
events. But the members of the Society would not have any-
thing to do with these people, who were undoubtedly religious
fanatics, for they believed that the world would come to an
•enA on a certain day, and the believers giving up work,
patiently waited, clad in white, for the day when they should
be taken to the other world. These were the forerunners of
the Adventists. All their money was put into a common fund,
•on which they all lived. They assembled in the house of the
prophet, where they spent entire days engaged in prayer.
The prophet, with many others, was taken to prison where
lie died, when most of the others were released. These poor
•enthusiasts wandered about and finally came to Hessen where
-a few joined the Society.

Man}- of Die Weisen were good, christian people, who tried
to live a godly life, but in their enthusiasm they undoubtedly
■carried their mode of worship too far.

There had been a contest fought in the courts years before,
as to whether an affirmation could be made instead of an oath,
and whether persons conscientiously could learn the art of
war when their lives and their principles were those of peace.
.Some principalities had decided in favor of the Society, others
against it. Hesse-Darmstadt had been the most liberal, and
it was in this principality that the majority of them found a
refuge. But enemies who were jealous of the success of the
Society soon began to stir up a feeling of dissatisfaction
among the ryling classes, and so the old liberties were little
Iby little taken away.

When the year 1841 had arrived things had come to a crisis,

42 The Amana Society.

for encroachments had been made from all sides. The
members assembled quietly and drew up a last imploring
request to the Ministry at Darmstadt, begging for more free-
dom. They wished to affirm instead of taking an oath in civil
matters, claiming that it was inconsistent with the Scriptures
to take an oath. They wished to educate- their own children,
and were willing to support the State schools besides. Up to
this time the children had been obliged to attend the other
schools, where instruction was nearly all of a character in
accordance with the Established Church. They said they
could not under any circumstances take up arms, believing it
to be inconsistent with the Bible; therefore they could not
conscientiously spend the best years of their lives in learning
the art of war, which , seemed so inconsistent with true
religion.

It was decided that none of these requests could be granted.
This decision seemed the death-knell to the very existence of
the Society, for faithful believers had come as exiles and fugi-
tives from many parts of Europe, and now their hope of
toleration was destroyed.

But great changes had taken place in Europe from 1830 to
1840.

When the French for a third time discarded their king,
altered their constitution and chose a "citizen king" for ruler,
the elements of discontent were set in motion all over Europe.
Kings trembled and ministers, narrow and superstitious, ad-
vised the rulers to press the yoke more firmly on the people,
so that they would not rebel.

Revolts broke out in nearly every large city in Europe.
The Poles rose in an unsuccessful attempt to throw off their
shackles; the Belgians proclaimed their independence; while
in Italy, Mazzini, the patriot, and prophet of Italian liberty,
arose from obscurity; in England the Reform Bill, the slavery-
agitation, and Chartism were convulsing the public mind; but
Germany, always conservative, rather fell back a step than
took a stride forward in the march of freedom and reform.

Besides the unfortunate results which had directly or in-

The Amana Society. 43

directly come from this revolutionary spirit which had spread
discontent among some nations and freedom among others,
there were other causes which led to dissatisfaction and finally
removal upon the part of the Society of True Inspiration.

Land was too high for most of the members, who were in
moderate circumstances. To purchase wood was costly, and
there was no coal to be had. Rent for estates and factories
was exorbitant, and increased every year. During the sum-
mer of 1841 no rain fell, so absolutely nothing was raised.
The landlord wanted his rent as usual, regardless of the
failure of crops. Everything seemed dark and dreary, for
the leaders of the Society were unable to meet the demands
for money.

One day, as Christian Metz was walking over a hill, ab-
sorbed in meditation as to the future outlook of the Society,
he came within sight of the mills and estates that had been
rented. He heard the hum of the machinery, he saw the
toiling workmen bending under their heavy loads, he saw the
little children playing and shouting around the house doors;
he saw the women in the adjoining fields bending over the
sheaves, sickles in hand, trying to get something, even the
straw, in return for the summer's work. While he stood
there absorbed in thought, something "opened itself to him as
if a ray of light suddenly burst from heaven.'" He felt that
one Hand was still powerful. *If they only could have faith in
that divine Hand, all would be taken from the land of bondage
to a land of freedom, equality and fraternity.' Christian Metz
told some of his friends about this sudden glimpse into the
future. Others said they had had similar feelings, but dared
not express them.

On the 2ist of July, 1842, one of the members became in-
spired, and it seemed to him that the members should all leave
their native land and should settle in one place, live under the
same laws, and adopt a "community of goods" which then had
many admirers in Europe. This movement had been caused
by the appearance of E. Cabet's book on Communism, called

1 Inspirations Historic, II., p. 112.

44 The Amana Society.

«' The Voyage and Adventures of Lord Causdal in Icaria^'' a
book much like More's Utopia. Still more prominent was
Fourierism which had become universal.

All the elders were summoned to meet at Armenburg,
where they discussed the matter thoroughly but came to no
decision. Another meeting was held at Engelthal, where
this important matter was again discussed. It was plain
enough to them that they would have to leave Germany on
account of the severe measures of the government, and the
failure of the crops of the preceding year, which had depleted
their finances. They were still undecided where to go, but
it seemed that the United States offered the best advantages.

Johann Adam Gruber had settled near Philadelphia over a
century before, and had corresponded with members of the
Society until the time of his death, 1763. It is not unlikely
that they were acquainted with the Rappists, a small body of
Protestants who had been driven from Wiirtemberg in 1803,
and who under the guidance of their leader, George Rapp,
had found a refuge and a home in America, where they had
adopted a " community of goods," which they claimed was
the doctrine of the primitive Christians. They settled at
Economy, Pennsylvania, fifteen miles west of Pittsburg, where
there is still a prosperous community. Another division of
these people settled at Harmon}^, Posey county, Indiana; their
property was sold to Robert Owen.

The Inspirationists probably knew of the Dunkers, who
sprung up in Schwarzenau in 1708, about the time that they
themselves began their existence. The Dunkers were per-
secuted and fled to Holland, where they remained until 1719,
when twenty families landed in Philadelphia; soon more
followed, and by 1842, they had congregations in nearly every
state of the Union.

On the 14th of August, 1842, the elders decided that four
men should be elected to look up a place for them in America
or any other country suitable for a new home, where they
could all live in common.

The four men selected for this difficult and responsible task

The Amana Society. 45

were Christian Metz, G. A. Weber, Wilhelm Nod, and Gott-
lieb Ackermann, in whose hands was placed all power to act
in matters concerning a suitable place, and concerning the
amount of land to be purchased.

After a love-feast held at Armenburg, they bade each other
farewell on the 5th of September, 1842. It was an affecting
sight to see a thousand people or more assembled; in this
large gathering every one shed tears, feeling that all would
soon follow these leaders into a foreign land, where they knew
hardships without number must be endured.

Wilhelm Morschell and a son of Weber accompanied them
to Bremen, where they had to wait six days for a vessel.

Ferdinand, the son of Weber, would not return, so they
concluded to take him with them.

On the 20th of September they embarked on the sailing
vessel New York^ Captain Wachter; and Wilhelm Morschell
bade them God-speed and returned home.

The voyage lasted thirty-six days. The room they had
was so small that part of them had to go to bed in order to
give the others room to sit down. Finally another room was
taken, but this was also uncomfortable. Ackermann became
very sick, and this illness lasted a long time after he arrived
at their place of destination.

They had two severe thunder-storms and many hard winds.
The food-supply was nearly exhausted, and many of the pas-
sengers were sick when the ship finally reached New York,
October 26th, 1842.

Here they were detained for some time on account of
Ackermann's illness. While staying in New York, the Cap-
tain introduced them to a land-agent, Paulsen, who had land
all over western New York and Pennsylvania. He offered
them (as he said) a great bargain in Chautauqua county. New
York, near Erie, Pennsylvania. He also gave them letters
of recommendation to land-agents in Wisconsin.

They went by steamboat to Albany, and from Albany to
Buffalo on a canal boat. The weather was cold, snow fell,
and the rapidly forming ice impeded their progress. On

46 The Amana Society.

November 12th they reached Buffalo and found a German
hotel, where they rested for several days.

The committee proceeded with Mr. Paulsen, the agent, to
the land near Chautauqua Lake which he had offered them
for sale. The journey was made by steamboat to Dunkirk,
and thence across the country. They found the land compara-
tively worthless and distant from any available market, Erie
being the nearest town of any size. The return-trip to
Buffalo was made by road, and the project of settling at
Chautauqua Lake was definitely abandoned.

This journey is spoken of in the records of the Societj'- as
one of great hardship, and indeed one can well imagine that
the November storms and the ice-cold winds which prevail in
the lake country during that most inhospitable of months
must have rendered even that short voyage from Buffalo to
Dunkirk one of some difficulty. Although the distance from
Dunkirk to Chautauqua Lake is really an insignificant one
when measured in miles, the wretched roads and the cold
weather gave them an exaggerated idea of the inclemency of
the climate and the bareness of the country. It is impossible
not to reflect how different would have been the present sur-
roundings of this now famous summer resort if the committee
had decided upon this purchase. In place of that brilliant
semi-religious, semi-fashionable place of resort, filled with
throngs of sober and throngs of frivolous-minded people, the
quiet of the monotonous life of the Community would have
reigned around the shores of the lake, and dominated - the
adjacent country. But their refusal to purchase these lands
was a wise one. The situation was at the time an isolated
one, no railways, no canals, no good highways connected that
remote (though not remote) district with the great thorough-
fares east and west, and no prescience could have foreseen
the future popularity of Chautauqua. In this, as in other
things, the men who represented the Community showed
themselves far-seeing, prudent, and equal-minded, with a view
not only to the seclusion which might tend to preserve their
religious doctrines in their purity, but to a sufficient oppor-

The Amana Society. 47

tunity for the development of their material strength and
their increase in wealth.

After their return this experience with one land-agent had
made them cautious, and at the same time had filled them
with a certain discouragement, but Dorsheimer, their host in
Buffalo, told them about the Indian Reservation near that
city which was soon to be vacated by the Seneca tribe. This
strip of land, amounting to several thousand acres, had been
bought from the government by the Ogden Land Company,
viz : Thomas Ogden, of New York City, Wadsworth & Sons,
of Geneseo, and Joseph Fellows, of Geneva.

After a thorough investigation of the resources of the
Seneca Reservation, a contract was made with Fellows, agent
of the Land Co., for 10,000 acres at $10.50 per acre.

The contract was sent to Ogden to be signed, but he
refused to recognize the sale Fellows had made. Metz,
Ackermann, Weber and Nod, with Dorsheimer as interpreter,
now had to go to Geneva to see Fellows; he could do noth-
ing about the matter, but told them to see Wadsworth & Sons
at Geneseo, who owned the controlling interest in the com-
pany. The Wadsworths were very courteous, but said that
land had risen in value, and that it would be impossible to sell
at the figures Fellows had given them; still if Ogden was
willing to sell at that price, they would confirm the contract.
They then returned to Buffalo to wait for a reply from Ogden.

By January, 1843, they had received no answer, and they
wrote him that they would look for land farther west as they
could wait no longer. Mr. Ogden immediately requested
them to come to New York City, where all the stock-holders
were to be present at a meeting, and might grant them favor-
able terms.

Once more they left Buffalo, but with small hope of any
agreement. On the journey they discussed the feasibility of
the undertaking. N06 thought 4,000 acres would be enough,
while Metz maintained that the amount they had bargained for
was not too much. They finally made concessions on both
sides and put the amount down to 5,000 acres, which amount

^8 The Amana Society.

after much discussion and wrangling on part of the Land
Company was bought for $10.50 per acre, setting the limit this
time within six miles of Buffalo. It would have been better if
they had bought the 10,000 acres, for nearly all this same land
was afterwards purchased at a much higher price.

They wrote to Germany rejoicing over their good fortune,
but they were ignorant of the trials which were to be endured
before the land could be called their own.

The Indians as soon as they heard of the sale began to
show signs of hostility. Perhaps it is due to this fact that
there had been so few buyers, for the people around Buffalo
knew Indian character too well.

After this purchase Metz and Ackermann made a visit to
Galion, Crawford county, Ohio, where tjiere existed a small
society of Germans, many of whom they had known in the
Fatherland.

It has been stated in other articles upon the history of the
Community that the communistic mode of life was in vogue
at Galion, and that Metz and Ackermann made a study of its
practical workings with a view of employing it or not in their
own enterprises as the results at Galion seemed favorable or
unfavorable. This view of the case is not taken by the mem-
bers of the Community. They deny the existence of com-
munism at Galion, and therefore any influence from it upon
their own future. This visit was simply a friendly one made
to see old friends, to observe the country, and to fill up the
time of enforced inactivity. It may be said, however that
Metz and Ackermann found the country rich and the German
settlement prosperous, and after a visit of six weeks returned
to Buffalo.

On their return they found that fifty of their number had
already arrived from Germany. No preparation had been
made to receive them, for they were not expected until later.
The men were set to work erecting houses, while the older
people and the women were permitted to stay in the old log
huts which the Indians had abandoned.

On May ist, 1843, the first village of a communistic nature

The Amana Society. 49

was laid out, much after the manner of the old German
village. It was called Ebenezer {^Eben, a stone, and ezer,
meaning help), no doubt from the fact that there was much
similarity in their own history to the circumstance mentioned
in I Samuel, vii, 12, where it is stated that Samuel set up a
monumental stone as a memorial of divine assistance in a battle
against the Philistines ; their battle had been a combat for truth
and for freedom of conscience, which had been denied them
in their native land, and which they now hoped to enjoy un-
molested in the land of freedom.

In the same year two other villages were laid out which
were called Upper and Lower Ebenezer, the first being named
Middle Ebenezer.

The members continued to come in parties of fifty during
the remainder of the year. Some came by way of Bremen,
others via Antwerp, and still others via Havre. The latter
route was the best, as provisions were furnished by the
company, and the vessels were better in many ways. Those
who came by Bremen and Antwerp had to furnish their own
provisions, the ships were slow sailers, and consequently the
emigrants often suffered from hunger.

During the summer of 1843 a large meeting-house was
erected. Several school houses and many dwellings were
built from the rough logs which were cut in the timber. A
saw mill was also erected and operated for their own use.

The Indians were enraged as they saw these people plant-
ing and building and threatening to make short work of them,
and the settlers applied to Fellows, the land agent, who had
promised that the Indians should soon depart for the West.
Fellows arrested a few Indians because they hauled and sold
wood which belonged to the Ebenezer Community. The
Indians in return claimed that the Community had no deed to
the land, and therefore had no right to cut trees on it.

Matters went from bad to worse, and finally a council of
arbitration was decided upon. Metz, Noe, and Weber ap-
peared for the Community, and John Seneca with his chiefs
and Osborne, their lawyer, represented the Indians.

50 The Amana Society.

The Indians wanted to be paid for their land a second time,
to which the Community would not consent, for the Land
Company had bought both the government right and the
Indian-claim. The Indians, incited by bad white men and
poor whiskey, would not make concessions, and thus ended
the first congress of peace without accomplishing any result.

The factories in Germany had been built by the Society-, but
were ipanaged by the poor exiles from France and Switzer-
land who were allowed all the profits. Here we may perhaps
see the first unconscious step towards Communism. It was
clearly seen that all these people could never acquire homes
of their own, even if the Society paid the passage across the
ocean. The welfare of the Society depended upon unity, and
this could be best accomplished if the communistic plan were
adopted. It was therefore decided that all the money should
be turned into a common fund, and that each contribution
should be returned without interest whenever the contributor
wished to leave the Society. A few of the members were
wealthy, but they gave up every penny in their possession
without grumbling, feeling that it would be an act of charity,
a blessing and a lasting benefit to hundreds of poor people
who did not possess anything they could call their own.

By the end of 1843 three hundred and fifty persons had
arrived. Those remaining in Germany were trying to dispose
of their property, but they were not successful. The land-
lords at Laubach and Biidingen were unwilling to take back
their estates when they heard that the members were about
to leave. The members in America needed money to pay for
the land, but none could be raised, since they were unable to
sell their German property at any price.

In this crisis C. L. Meyer, from Zoar, Ohio, joined the
Community. He became of great value to them, as he knew
English perfectly, and also had a knowledge of law, which
was of the utmost importance in the endless contest with the
Land Company on one hand and the stubborn Indians on the
other.

By April, 1844, the purchase price for the Reservation had

The Am ana Society. 51

to be at Washington. The Ogden Land Company could not
meet the demand and thus fell back on the Community, which
by credit and loans raised a sum of $50,000, which was sent
to Washington. Still the Community had no deed to the land.
Becoming anxious about the title, Metz and Meyer went to
New York City to investigate the matter. The Land Com-
pany could give no deed, since the title had not yet passed
into their hands.

On their return to Buffalo they became still more dis-
couraged at receiving a legal document from the attorneys
of John Seneca, warning them to vacate the lands within one
week, or there would be trouble. To pay $50,000, nearly the
entire sum, and then to be driven away seemed almost unen-
durable, but they did not know what to expect from the
treacherous Indians.

Another council of arbitration was held, which resulted as
unfortunately as the first, for the Indians were supported by
able lawyers, and had imbibed firewater so freely as to make
the scene doubly interesting and exciting.

The Community now appealed to the government at Wash-
ington. The Indians were ordered to leave for the homes
assigned them in the West, but they were in no hurry, and
brought their case before the courts of New York, and after a
period of several years the case was decided in favor of the
Ebenezer Community by Judge Hall.

This decision put an end to the Indian troubles, which had
been very annoying; although they never led to bloodshed,
feelings of intense hatred on part of the Indians, who were
stirred up by many of the whites, placed the Community in
jeopardy if at any time an outbreak had occurred.

In June, 1844, two hundred and seventeen members came
on the ship Florida via Havre; and in the following year
Wilhelm Morschell, Ernest Klein, G. Doller, C. Wilhelm, and
many others, came by the same route.

This put an end to the emigration, and from this time on
only a fiew came now and then<

More than, eight hundred persons had come over, and all

52 The Am an a Society.

had found comfortable homes and were well pleased both with
the country and the communistic mode of life which the
Society had adopted.

Many remained in Germany, some, because they were in
good circumstances and were surrounded by relatives and
friends with whom they could not part; in others, love of
hpme and native land were too strong, — they felt bound to the
soil from which they sprang, and could not be torn away from
it. The communication between the two countries ceased by
degt-ees, and has flow become nearly extinct. This is due to
the fact that the members in Germany fell away, and the
younger ones did not follow in the steps of their fathers.

The constitution was ratified by the members on the 15th
of February, 1845, and the Community was incorporated by
the laws of the State. In August of the same year a war-
ranty deed for the land was obtained.

Improvements were made, two saw mills, two woolen mills,
and several factories were erected, while the amount of land
was increased to between 8,000 and 9,000 acres. This was
all the land they could obtain at moderate prices.

Among them were found skillful workmen representing aU
trades. There were carpenters, blacksmiths, tailors and
jewelers. Implements and machinery were brought from
Germany. It must be borne in mind that these persons came
in sailing-vessels, when a passenger was allowed any amount
of luggage, and canal-boat charges were about the same
whether a passenger owned 100 or 1000 pounds. They took
advantage of the opportunity.

The majority of the members who had come to America
belonged to the sturdy peasant class of Germany, that class
which forms the "bone and marrow" of all governments.
They came to this .land of freedom to adopt an entirely new
mode of life; they had no experience in this new scheme
which they wanted to adopt; they had but scanty means;
they knew nothing of the language, the laws or business
methods of the country; still they possessed one advantage
over the other societies which had adopted similar methods;

The Amana Society. S3

the leaders of this society were neither agitators nor theorists,
— like Cabet and Owen — but they were sagacious, far-sighted
men, with much practical knowledge, something worth more
than all the high-flown speculative theories in existence. It
is due to the executive abilities of the trustees that the Society
has been so successful financially.

Notwithstanding their prosperity at Ebenezer, the elders
preferred another locality where cheaper land could be obtained,
and in 1855 the Society elected C. M. Winzenried, John
Beyer, Jacob Wittmer, and Friedrich Heinemann, to go West
in search of a favorable place for a new colony.

REMOVAL TO IOWA.

The Community had expressed no views as to where this
committee should go, but it was understood that the land must
lie at least west of Chicago. They thought of going to Wiscon-
sin, but as a new railroad had just been completed to Davenport,
and the tide of emigration flowed in that direction, they fol-
lowed the mighty army of land-seekers.

From Davenport they went to Muscatine, and from that
place up the Iowa River on a steamboat to Iowa City, a boom-
ing town, the capital of the state, where land agents flourished
and where boomers grew rich in the practice of their trade.

There was then no railroad nearer than Davenport, but the
stage coach and the Iowa River, which was then a good-sized
stream where steamboats plied back and forth, brought the
town into contact with the rest of the world.

The. country was beautiful, the rolling prairies to the west
were for the most part still untouched by the advance guard
of civilization. The farther west the members came, the
more beautiful appeared the country. There were only a few
settlers in Iowa County, and these were along the timber.

It was only in 1843 that the Indians relinquished their claims
to the land; and in the following year, according to Andreas'
Atlas, the first settlement was made near the present site of
Homestead, by Lineas Miles and John Burgett.

At Homestead, then a post office connected by a stage line

54 The Amana Society.

with Davenpoft and Des Moines, the members remained for
some time making excursions to different parts of the county.

Any amount of land could be purchased for from $1.25 to
$5.00 per acre, both from the government and from the scat-
tering settlers who were willing to sell at a small profit.

The members sent letters home describing the country in
glowing terms. They saw many advantages which Ebenezer
did not possess. Land was cheap and many thousand acres
could be purchased in one strip, which was impossible in New
York. For farming Iowa was superior to New York; and
the rise in the value of land would probably be much greater.

There was another reason why Iowa seemed so much
superior to Ebenezer. These sagacious men saw clearly that
to preserve the purity and obedience of their members it was
necessary to live, as much as possible, secluded from the
world. To be near a growing city like Buffalo, where the
members, especially the younger ones, were exposed to
all the temptations of city life, was not the place for a re-
ligious and communistic society. For this reason, more than
for any other, they preferred some secluded, quiet place
in the West, where they could practice the doctrines of their
creed undisturbed, and carry on communism without coming
in contact with the rest of mankind.

The natural advantages of the place they had chosen offered
facilities superior to any other place they had visited. The
alluvial soil (bottom land) along the Iowa River is the richest
in the state; the river furnished plenty of water for their
stock and was large enough to drive any kind of machinery
they wished to erect. The splendid timber, — oak, hickory,
walnut, and maple, — would not only supply them with fuel,
but with building material, which was then difficult to obtain,
for the railroad extended only to Davenport. The clay was
excellent for the manufacture of brick; limestone was found
along a few bluffs, — enough to supply them with lime until
better railroad facilities could be obtained. These were soon to
come, for the capital had been located at Fort Des Moines
during this year, and there the legislature met for the first
time, in 1858.

The Amana Society. 5-5

The news from Ebenezer was favorable, and the Society,
without further deliberation, bought a large strip of land,
amounting to nearly 18,000 acres, which was afterwards laid
out in a township by itself. The government land was worth
from $1.25 to $2.50, and that owned by settlers from $3.00
ta $5.00 per acre.

As soon as this immense tract of land had been purchased,
the bravest of the Ebenezer Community set out for the country
they expected to make their permanent home.

A large number went by steamboat to Chicago, and from
there by rail to Davenport, from which place they had to go
by stage direct to Homestead. Others who brought horses,
cattle and implements drove across the country, arriving much
later than the first party.

In the same summer (1855) a town was laid out on a beauti-
ful sloping hillside, about one mile north of the Iowa River,
near a charming little lake of about 200 acres, and with a
stream (Price Creek) running through the village.

No more beautiful spot could have been chosen, and the
natural advantages were also favorable — running water, plenty
of timber, and a healthy location. On this spot all the hopes
of the future were centered; here all was risked for the sake
of obtaining a home. They had but little on which to rely,
but they trusted to "strong hands and willing hearts" and
began to clear the soil, to dig out the stone from the quarries
and to put it into substantial buildings, which are still standing,
as strong as ever, having defied wind and weather for nearly
half a century.

A suitable name for the village was wanted, and as ten years
previously they had gone to the Bible for a name, so once
more they consulted the sacred Book, which is the corner-
stone of their faith, for another name which would be appro-
priate. The hill called Amana described by Solomon in his
Song (chap, iv, 8), resembles, perhaps, in beauty of sur-
roundings, the place to which the members gave the same
name, — but there is a meaning in the word Amana, which
undoubtedly led them to select it. It means, "remain true," — a
motto from which they have never wavered. Mr. Nordhoff, in

56 The Amana Society.

his "Communistic Societies 0/ the United States" says that one
of the members took the Bible and it fell open where Solomon
speaks of this hill; therefore, he says, the village was named
Amana. This statement the elders of the Society strenuously
deny.

It was inconvenient to work all the land and live in one
village, nor was it desirable to have many people congregated
in one place. Therefore other towns were laid out as fast as
the people came from Ebenezer.

West Amana, five miles west of Old Amana, and South
Amana, six miles southwest of Amana, were begun in 1856;
High Amana in 1857, East Amana in i860. Homestead in
1861, Middle Amana in 1862, and a new South Amana, half a
mile south of the old town, on the Chicago, Milwaukee & St.
Paul Railroad, in 1883. Homestead was an old post office
and village. This, the Society bought when the Rock Island
Railroad was extended through in October, 1861.

It was nearly ten years before the last members of the
Society came from Ebenezer to Iowa, having then sold ^1
their property in that place. Twelve hundred in all had
crossed the states which lie between New York and the Iowa
River.

In 1857, the third Constitutional Convention met at Iowa City,
to frame a new Constitution for the State. The memtrers of
the Society had not yet drawn up any articles of incorporation,
for they wished to see the outcome of the Convention ; neither
did the members buy more land, for they had an idea that the
framers of the Constitution would perhaps not recognize large
corporations.

On the 5th of March, 1857, that body completed its work,
which was approved by the people in the next year.

Article VIII, Sec. i, of that Constitution says: No corpora-
tion shall be created by special laws ; but the General Assembly
shall provide, by general laws, for the organization of all cor-
porations hereafter to be created."

Article VIII, Sec. 12, says: "The General Assembly shall
have power to amend or repeal all laws for the organization
or creation of corporations, or granting of special exclusive

The Amana Society. 57

privileges or immunities, by a vote of two-thirds of each
branch of the General Assembly; and no exclusive privileges,
except as in this article provided, shall ever be granted."

In 1859 the Society drew up its articles of incorporation,
and assumed the name of the "Amana Society." In New
York they had assumed the name of "Ebenezer Community."
The name, as a religious body, " Society of True Inspiration,"
by which they had been known in Germany, was still retained.

They were incorporated under an act of the General As-
sembly, entitled "An act for the incorporation of benevolent,
■charitable, religious and scientific societies,' approved March
22, 1858.

"ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION" OF THE
"AMANA SOCIETY."

State of Iowa, Iowa County, — ss :
Zb all Whom these Presents shall Come, Greeting:

Know Ye, That William Morschell, Charles M. Winzen-
ried, Christman Wilhelm, Christian Metz, Theobald Heim-
burger, John Beyer, Jacob Whittmer, Jacob Schnetzler,
Samuel Scheuner, George Walz, Jacob Winzenried, Joseph
Elzer, and Peter Haldy, all of lawful age and citizens of the
United States, and a majority of us citizens of the State of
Iowa, and County of Iowa, for the purpose of forming our-
selves into a religious and charitable society, for the benefit of
ourselves, our associates and successors, under and by virtue
of an act of the General Assembly of the State of Iowa,
entitled "An act for the incorporation of benevolent, charit-
able, religious and scientific societies," approved March 22,

1 See McClain's Annotated Code of Iowa, Ed. of 1888, Sees. 1653-1664.
Sec. 1649 has the following about the duration. 'Corporations organized under
this chapter shall endure for the period of fifty years from and after their
organization unless sooner dissolved by a vote of three-fourths of all the
members thereof or by operation of law.' This amendment is not found in the
Revision of i860, but has been passed since, and consequently does not apply
to the Amana Socieiy which may endure any length of time ; but the General
Assembly may, at any session, fix a time when all such corporations shall be
<3issolved.

$8 The Amana Society.

1858, do hereby certify that this society shall be known in law
by. the name of Amana Society. That the principal place of
business of the Society shall be in Iowa county, in the State
of Iowa. That the principal object of this Society shall be to
promote the temporal and spiritual welfare and happiness of
its members. That the principal business of this Society shall
be to purchase and receive real and personal property, to use,
own, and carry on agricultural and mechanical pursuits, to
build and erect on said real estate villages, churches, school
houses, factories, and make such other buildings and improve-
ments, and carry on and perform such other business as may
be deemed essential to the well-being, happiness, and pros-
perity of this Society.

That the legislative or managing department of this Society
shall consist of thirteen trustees, who shall be elected annually
at such time and in such a manner as may be specified in its
by-laws. That the executive department of this Society shall
consist of one director, one vice-director, and one secretary,,
the vice-director only acting in the absence of the director and
performing his duties, — who shall be elected by the trustees
and out of their number, and hold office for one year, and be
elected at such times and perform such acts and duties as may
be required of them by virtue of the by-laws of said Society.
And that the following persons are > to act as officers of said
society for the first year of its existence, viz. : William Mor-
schell, Sr., Charles Winzenried, Christman Wilhelm, Christian
Metz, Theobald Heimburger, John Beyer, Jacob Whittmer,
Jacob Schnetzler, Samuel Scheuner, George Walz, Jacob
Winzenried, Joseph Elzer, Peter Haldy.

In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and
seals this 8th day of December, A. D. 1859.

William Morschell, Charles Winzenried,

Christman Wilhelm, Christian Metz,
Theobald Heimburger, John Beyer,
Jacob Whittmer, Jacob Schnetzler,

Samuel Scheuner, Joseph Elzer,

George Walz, Jacob Winzenried,

Peter Haldy.

The Amana Society. 59

State of Iowa, Iowa County, — ss:

I do hereby certify that before me, William H. Wallace,
county judge in and for said county, personally appeared the
above named William Morschell, Sr., Charles M. Winzenried,
Christman Wilhelm, Christian Metz, Theobald Heimburger,
John Beyer, Jacob Whittmer, Jacob Schnetzler, Samuel
Scheuner, George Walz, Jacob Winzenried, Joseph Elzer,
Peter Haldy, who are personally known to me to be the
identical persons who signed the above and foregoing instru-
ment as affidavits, and acknowledged the same to be their
voluntary act and deed for the uses and purposes therein
signed.

Witness my hand and seal of said county, at Marengo, the
8th day of December, A. D. 1859.

W. H. Wallace, County Judge.

Recorded December 13, 1859.

E. H. Hendershott,

County Recorder.

By A. B. EsHLEMAN, De-puty.

When the articles of incorporation were adopted, a well
written constitution similar to the Ebenezer constitution was
prepared and approved.'

Every effort was directed to paying off the debt they had
contracted. Improvements were made on the lands; the wet
lands were drained and the timber lands were cleared. Fac-
tories of different kinds were erected, but Price Creek did
not furnish the necessary water for the mills at Old Amana and
in 1863 a canal was dug from the Iowa River so as to supply
Amana with water power. The canal was nine miles long,
and it took more than three years to complete the great
undertaking. An artesian well was begun, which is 1600 feet
deep and yields a fine flow of warm, sulphuric water. It is
used in the dye works. Another well was started on a high
bin near South Amana, but although they worked for several
years, they have so far been unsuccessful in obtaining a flow.

1 See Appendix A.

6o The Amana Society.

Two large grist mills were erected, one at Old Amana, the
other at West Amana. These were of the greatest import-
ance to the farmers in the vicinity, for there were no other
mills nearer than Cedar Rapids and Iowa City, and for a
distance of fifty miles to the west there were none at all.
Every village had its saw mill, machine shops, and store, all
of which were of great importance to the surrounding
country.

Among the many noble pioneers of Iowa, who suffered and
toiled for the younger generation, we may class the members
of the Amana Society. They suffered the hardships of
frontier life, they worked and toiled, and helped to build up
the state and make it what it is to-day, — one of the fore-
most in the West. They were the first to erect factories,
and while many others did so later and failed, the hum of the
machinery in Amana is still heard and the Amana goods are
sold throughout the United States.

The Calico Print Mills were erected in Old Amana. They
color and print from 3,000 to 4,000 yards daily. The
heavy cotton goods are manufactured in the South for the
Society. These are called "blue print" and have a great
reputation throughout the country.

Two woolen mills were also erected, one in Old Amana,
and another in Middle Amana, where nearly 3,000 yards of
woolen goods are made daily. They have over 3,000 sheep,
but these do not supply them with enough wool, as they use
over half a million pounds annually. They receive wool from
Texas, Colorado, and sometimes from Australia. Their
woolen goods are made with the greatest care and of the best
material. There is no "piece work" method here, for every-
thing is done well, without the rush and hurry which we see
in other factories. Their goods are the best in the market,
and the following expression is often heard: "Colony goods,
full width, a yard wide." Six agents are on the road selling
their goods, which are in demand from Maine to the Pacific.

Great quantities of flour are sold annually. They have
soap factories, starch factories, hominy mills, and book-
binderies.

The Amana Society. 6i

Conrad Schadt, a well-known chemist, makes great quanti-
ties of pepsin, which by actual test is considered the best in
the market. Mr. Schadt was the first man west of Chicago
who began the manufacture of this article.

The Society has three physicians who look after the sick
and feeble, viz. — Dr. Winzenried, who lives at Old Amana, a
graduate of Rush Medical College, class '65; Dr. Hermann,
of Middle Amana, a graduate of the medical department of
the State University of Iowa, class '81 ; and Dr. Morschell, of
Homestead, State University of Iowa, '88.

The presidents of the Society since the removal to Iowa
have been C. M. Winzenried (1855-81), J. Beyer (1881-83),
Friedrich Morschell (1883-89), Jacob Whittmer (1889-91),
and P. Trautmann (1891-), the present incumbent.

The trustees, thirteen in number, are elected annually by
the eligible citizens, twenty-one years of age. The trustees
elect a president, vice-president, and secretary, from their
number. There are eighty elders, who look after the spiritual
welfare of the Community. They take turns in conducting
meetings on Sundays and Wednesdays, and the prayer meet-
ings held ever};- evening.

During the war the Society petitioned Congress to be
exempted from military duties. In 1863 Congress passed an
act that by paying $300 a man could be exempted from
military duties. This the members accepted in lieu of a special
act and much money was paid out of their general fund to
defray these expenses.'

In 1867, Christian Metz, the pioneer and main-stay of the
Society since 1817 was laid to rest, and in 1883 Barbara
Heinemann Landmann died, in her eighty-eighth year. These
two were the only members who have been inspired during
the existence of the Society in America. No one since then
has been inspired, but the writings which they left behind
are read in their meetings, for edification and solace.

1 This purchase of substitutes for those who were drafted has afforded the
Society regret, and it has seemed to the members that it was perhaps incon-
sistent.

62 The Amana Society.

THEIR RELIGIOUS DOCTRINES/

They believe in the inspiration of the Bible and take it as
the corner-stone of their faith, trying to live according to the
teachings of Christ and the Apostles.

They think that as God revealed hidden things through
visions, dreams and by revelations in olden times, He can do
so now.

They believe in Inspiration, and maintain that Inspiration
can take place now as well as formerly. Inspiration, accord-
ing to their ideas, "is a supernatural influence of the spirit of
God on the human mind, by which persons are qualified to set
forth divine truth," The one who becomes subject to Inspira-
tion must have a "pure heart, a free soul without prior judg-
ment, meek and obedient to divine will."

They believe that there is false as well as true Inspiration,
and that prophesying did not cease with the Apostles.

They think the ministry of the gospel depends on Inspira-
tion, and is not limited by class or sex. Therefore all mem-
bers have an equal right to teach and exhort in public meet-
ings ; they think that if one is not led by the right spirit, no
system of theological training can fit one to explain Scriptures.
With them, "the Holy Ghost is sought from within, not from
without."

They believe in prayer, both in meetings and at home in
the closet. It is the "spontaneous expression of the soul
which should not be fettered by any fixed or prescribed
formula."

They do not believe in the Trinity as three distinct persons,
but they reverently believe in the Three conceived of as One.

They do not believe in a purgatory, nor in a millenium in
this life;' nor in predestination.

They believe in the resurrection, in a reward for the good
and punishment for the wicked.

They do not baptize with water, for they believe that bap-
tism is purely spiritual.

1 From their Catechism and other books.

The Amana Socikty. 63

They believe in and use the Lord's Supper, but only as a
symbol of an inward feasting with the Lord. It is not used at
any stated time or place, but after severe trials, or misfortunes ;
for the strengthening of the young members; in the com-
memorating of the suffering of Christ. Several days spent in
prayer are necessary in order to participate in this rite.

They practice feet-washing, and have love feasts, much in
the manner of the primitive Christians.

They believe war to be inconsistent with Christianity, — i. e.,
■with the teachings of Christ and the Apostles.

Oaths are inadmissible, since they were forbidden by Christ.

They use salutations, but object to frivolous plays as recrea-
tions which divert the mind from God.

Singing is indulged in at meetings and at home, for edifica-
tion, but instrumental music is forbidden.

In dress they are plain and simple.

The burial customs are simple, without the ostentation of
many other denominations. No costly monuments are used,
but only a small slab of wood, painted white, bearing an
inscription of the name and age of the deceased.

They do not believe in prayer for the dead nor in any out-
ward form of mourning, but the memory of the departed
members is cherished with more than filial affection in the
hearts of friends, — something worth more than hired mourners
and outward show.

COMMUNISM.

This subject has been so fully treated by so many able
writers, that it would be folly to discuss it at length. How-
ever a few words may be said neither against nor for the
system, but to show how it has been carried out by this Com-
munity.

Wolsey gives three reasons why a commun ity of goods is
adopted :

1st. That similarl y d is pos ed-persmis may come tog ether
and lead a life, wh ich they could not lead among their fellow-
men.

64 The Amana Society,

2d. Because some persons have revolutionary ideas they
wish to promulgate.

3d. Because others have Utopian plans for the rectification
of society.

The first of these three is the raison d'etre of the Amana
^Ssciety.

The communities founded in the United States have nearly
all had glorious beginnings, but the results have rarely been
satisfactory. Of them all, the Shakers, who left England in
1774, are the oldest and the largest, but they have dwindled
to less than one-half; numbering now about 2,500. From
1774 to 1843 eleven societies had been founded, nearly all of
which have been total failures. The average duration of eight
was one and a half years. Since 1843 thirty-five communities
have been organized on Fourier's plan, and the greater num-
ber of these have also been compelled to disband for various
causes.'

Of two corhmunistic societies in Iowa, both came to this
State about the same time; both had similar advantages, but
how different the results. The French Icarian community
founded by Cabet in Texas on industrial methods was moved
to Illinois, and from thence to Adams County, Iowa. Cabet,
like Owen, substituted, for religion, reason as the corner-
stone. Enjoyments, such as the theatre, music and dancing,
were encouraged.

These mere social tiga rfn nj-.^_see m sufiiciently stron gjo bind
men closely a nd firmly toge ther, as was proved in the Brook
Farm experiment; quarrels arise and finally dissolution be-
comes the last resort. Albert Shaw in his '■'■Icarian Com-
munity''' says: "Party strife broke up the Icarian School in
France, it divided the colony in Texas, rent the Society to
pieces in Nauvoo, and scattered it Iowa." There still exists
an Icarian Community in Adams County, Iowa, with about
sixty-five members, and another branch called the Icarian-
Speranza Community is established near Coverdale, Cali-
fornia.

1 For statistics of the above see Hinds.

The Amana Society. 65

The Amana Society has not increased rapidly, but since the
adoption of a community of goods there has always been
progress in the right direction. More than eight hundred
came across the sea and formed the Ebenezer Community,
and nearly twelve hundred made their way to Iowa, while at
present it numbers about seventeen hundred, with 25,000
acres of land, thousands of cattle, and several mills and
factories.

The number in Iowa from 1861 to 1891, taken by decades,
is as follows:

January ist, 1861 — 572 members.
" " 1871 — 1466 «
" " 1881 — 1521 "
" " 1890 — 1660 "
« « 1891 — 1688 "

The members have never held "that the ownership o£
property is a crime," neither have they belonged to that
dreamy class of idealists who continually appeal to senti-'
ment in order to achieve success. Their Teutonic instinct oL
individuality made them preserve much of their independence,
and this they still retain; they never belonged to that class
which has nothing at stake, and therefore stirs up insurrec-
tions because they have nothing to lose and may have much
to win. The Communism of this Society has been founded
upon that sober, old christian idea of love which Christ and the
Apostles gave to the world.

Some of their ideas upon this subject may be formulated as
follows :

a. Religion is the only bond which can unite men in true
fellowship.

b. If this is the fundamental doctrine of a Communistic
society it will succeed. -

c. When Communism is attempted by those who reject a
God, or, admitting His existence, deny His interest in human
affairs, then it must fail.

d. Reason alone, without a religious and moral obligation,

66 The Amana Society.

can not bind men into a community which shall be lasting,
harmonious or advantageous.

This bond of reli gion^ may probably be considered as the most
potent and efficient element of several which have contributed
tb their success.

Second in importance perhaps is their concepti on of Com^
munism and their mode^ofgovernment. The success of ■a
Communistic society does not3epend so much on the learning
as on the practical common sense of its officers and its mem|
bers. The truth of this postulate is evident from the history
of the societies formed by Cabet and Owen. These were
made up, to a great extent, of men of learning, or at least of
education, who sacrificed their earthly possessions in the hope
of realizing a Utopian dream. The Brook Farm is another
instance of the failure of persons of culture and refinement
to reform society. The history of the Brook Farm is too
well known to bear repetition, but the names of its members
will always be a testimony to the fact that theory and success-
ful practice are very far from being the same thing, and that
the wisest of philosophers may make the worst of practition-
ers. New Harmony and Brook Farm were failures — in spite
of the wealth, the learning and the high social position of their
members; the German Inspiration Community, which has
never boasted of the learning of its members, and which can not
point to great authors nor to splendid lineages as among its
historic treasures, has succeeded, partly, because it possessed,
not the elements of outward display, but others more essential
to success — industry, frugality and perseverance.

Nearly all other communities have been founded on broad
democratic principles with "fraternity and equality" as the
war-cry. They have embodied a principle which found its
highest attempted expansion at the time of the French Revo-
lution, and signally failed. It is a principle, or a theory rather,
for it can hardly be called a principle — it is a theory, which
to be realized must presuppose a state of affairs approach-
ing what may be called millenial. "Equality and fraternity"
can of course be carried to a certain extent, but they must

The Amana Society. 67

recognize in their turn, as everything else must, the limitations
of human nature. They must recognize the existence in
humanity of one potent element which will always prevent
their perfect development, and this is the element of self.
Self-abnegation may and can be carried to great lengths — in
a monastery; in practical affairs it sinks to the measure of the
average character of the average member of society. En-
thusiasts and dreamers, dwellers in the clouds, recluses, no
doubt may see visions and dream dreams of an absolutely altru-
istic world — or if not of such a world, at least of a corner where
the throbbings and tumult of selfishness yield to the magic of
equality and of brotherhood, but the Brook Farm experi-
ment proves, to instance this only, that, even if such an idea
be attempted to be realized, enthusiasm will quickly cool
and that the members will be given up to faction and party
strife.

The Amana Society, on the contrary, has never embodied"^
these Utopian ideas; it is founded, as has been said, upon a
basis more sober and less fanciful; it does not endeavor to
make human beings more perfect than humanity is capable of
being; it rests upon the principles of brotherhood which are
taught in the Bible, and not upon those which philosophy has
imagined may exist. If Communism can ever be successful/
it must proceed upon its way in accordance with the limita-/
tions of human nature; it can not reckon upon attributes o:
character which might belong to angels, but are not founc
among men; it must develop in accordance with, and not ir
defiance of existing conditions. The failure of most Com-
munistic societies may be traced to the unpractical, theoretical
and inchoate ideas of their founders, to the false views of
human nature which have usurped the place of true ones, and
to the belief that the prejudices of humanity may be, in an
instant, reformed or annulled by circumstances. The falsity of
this doctrine has been proved over and over again, and human
nature remains to-day very much the same as in the time of
Plato.

In place, thgref o-re, .QL.adoEtinga strictly democratic form

68 The Am ana Society.

of government, which is the ideal of the extreme Communists,
-the Amana Society has preferred one of an oligarchical nature.
The interests of all are entrusted to the wisdom of a few.
These act for all. The advantage of this course has been
demonstrated, not only in this instance, but in the case of
co-operative unions, where the responsibility is generally
vested in a few persons who look after the interests of the
'^others.

In the Amana Society rotation in office is not preferred,
but annual elections' are held, and those who have filled office
to satisfaction are generally re-elected. The trustees, to whom
is committed the general management of the affairs of the
Society, are selected from the men of middle age who under-
stand financial affairs. The elders are chosen from the
older members who lead pure lives, and whose services to the
Society have been of a faithful and meritorious nature. Thus
the most able and the most deserving — those whose fitness is
generally acknowledged by the community,— are entrusted
with the management of the temporal and moral welfare
of all. This conception of Communism and this mode of
government may be considered as extremely important ele-
ments in the permanency and prosperity of the Community.

To these just-mentioned reasons why the Amana Community
has prospered may be added at least two more, and of these
the most significant is the s ystem nf village life which has
been adopted. This preserves a sort oiisoIaLiun' of different
groups, while the villages are not far enough apart to inter-\
fere in the least with the community-feeling. This segrega-\
tion into villages has been an important factor in preserving '
simplicity of life, and in preventing the evils which would
probably result from the crowding of all into one town. The
Teutonic idea of independent local social organization has
asserted itself here, perhaps unconsciously, yet with effect and
vigor. The various interests of the villages are overlooked
and controlled by the trustees, but the religious and the social

1 As to qualification of voters see Appendix A. Bei-Gesetze.

The Amana Society. 69

independence of each village is preserved. It is indeed a sor^!^
of federation — where each small hamlet thinks for itself, but
acts in harmony with the religious and social policy of the
governing center. To enumerate all the advantages to a
community of this semi-independent life would be wearisome,
for many of them will occur to every reader. ^^^

The use of the German language is another tie which binds
the members closely together. Indeed as a common origin,
a common religion and a common tongue are three of the most
powerful concomitants of national life, so the rule does not fail
when the life is not national in an)^ broad sense, but is such as
it is in the Amana Communit^^iz. : that of men and womeii>«J
whose aims, whose beliefs and whose principles are identical. /^

The seclusion, which to some extent induced the Society to
establish itself in Iowa, becomes less and less easy to preserve;
the growth of population, the militant character of our civili-
zation and the pressure of competition tend to the destruction
of such barriers as must fence in a Community if it preserve
its simplicity and antique characteristics. The attractions of
a world more cosmopolitan can not but have their legitimate
results and lessen by degrees the desire upon the part of the
newer generation for the methods of their fathers. As
progress is a distinctive principle in our American civilization, —
a civilization which is strictly aggressive, — it would be almost
too much to hope that the distinctiveness of life which has
thus far characterized the Society will be immutable, and
remain unaffected by the intense influences from without
which require adaptation to themselves in what is unlike
them, and, if too strongly opposed, become destructive to
what stands in their way.

Among the incidents of their Communistic customs may be
mentioned the following : '

Women have equal rights in religious affairs. At the elec-^
tions of officers the voters are all male members who have
signed the Constitution, widows, and such female members

1 A statement as to the financial results of their Communism will be found
in Appendix B,

70 The Amana Society.

who are more than thirty years old as are not represented
by a male member.'

New members are seldom admitted, the growth of the
Society being mainly from within.

When a new member joins the Society his property is en-
trusted to the managers, and he receives credit for it upon their
books. Should he at any time desire to leave the Society his
money is refunded without interest. When he dies it is in-
herited by his heirs. Marriage is allowed, but a life of celib-
acy is considered the ideal one.

Rivalry exists between the members. Each one wishes to
excel. At the end of the year persons who have accomplished
more than might have been expected receive extra wages
and are promoted to places of greater importance. The annual
allowance for each person is from $25 to $75. This allow-
ance is only for luxuries of different kinds, and many spend
this money in various ways, still it is considered meritorious to
place this money also in the general fund to the credit of
the person for whom it is held in trust.

Each family has its own house, with all the freedom possible
in regard to home affairs. The children are brought up with
special religious training. The houses are nearly the same
size, so that one family has no better accommodation than
another. Around each house there is a garden, which the
family can use. These gardens are full of flowers and fruit,
which they can sell if they wish. In these they take a great
deal of pride, and here they spend much of their leisure time
with their families. This spot is the only place that a family
can call its own, and here, as in the factories, evgcy— tfian
tries to excg L his neighbo r. These privileges foster that
secret pride inherent in every one — the pride of calling some-
thing one's own. These nghtR, nlthnngh ".mallj ^i ^lj^tn main-
tain harmony withirLthe-Society. Albert Shaw relates how a
quarrel arose in th? Icarian Community and nearly shattered
it, because the small gardens, in which the members took
delight, were destroyed in order to put all on a perfect foot-
ing of equality.

1 See Affendix A. Bei-Gesetze.

The Amana Society. 71

During the summer months nearly three hundred hired
laborers are employed. This method of depending on out-
side labor the -members do not approve, for the young may
thus be led astray, but they are compelled to rely on other labor
than their own. The hired men are treated with as much
kindness as if they were members, and the laborers in return
appreciate this kindness, for they work for the Society for five
dollars per month less than the neighboring farmers pay for
the same kind of work.

Hinds believes that they ought to have more in common in
order to fully realize the benefits of true Communism. It would
undoubtedly be much cheaper to have one "kitchen" in a town
of 550 inhabitants, but it would be very inconvenient, es-
pecially when we remember, that they eat five times a day.
These people look after comfort as well as cheapness, and
therefore they have erected sixteen kitchens in Amana, ten in
Homestead, and a corresponding number in the other villages.
Each village has a laundry, bakery and butcher shop, a butter
and cheese factor}', and wagons from each of these places
make their daily rounds as in the cities.

SCHOOLS.

The members belwvp in pdn ^atinn- and spare neither pains
nor money in'TKe training of their children, who, the}
know, eventually will take their places in the management of
the temporal as well as the spiritual affairs of the Society.
Education is compulsory, and from seven to fourteen every
child must attend school the entire year. Those between
fourteen and twenty are compelled to attend during the winter/
months. The school hours are from eight in the morning/
until noon. The afternoon is devoted to various kinds otf
manual training. As there are more than five hundred chil*
dren under sixteen, the work these willing hands can perforr
in a few hours is simply enormous. Some are taught gardet
ing, others are instructed in the use of machinery and in the
processes of manufacture. That sort of work for which the

72 The Amana Society.

child shows a natural aptitude is made his life work, i. e.,.
those ready at figures become book-keepers, while others)
born to command are made foremen of shops and factories/
In these schools are taught the rudimentary branches. Ger-
man and English are taught an hour each, but the conversa-
tion in the school hours is carried on in the former language.
Mathematics and penmanship must be taught with great care,
for ex-Superintendent Mullen said that "he had never visited a
school where all could write so well." The schools are public,
not parochial, being supported by the township. Amana town-
ship, which the Society owns, is divided into independent
districts, with a school house in each village. They levy their
own school tax, build their own school houses, and employ
their own teachers. The teachers are well educated in
English. They attend the County Institute, and are examined
by the County Superintendent. The wages paid are thirty
dollars per month for twelve months, but as the teachers can
not keep the money it is turned over to the Society. This
amounts then only to a transfer of figures on the books.

THEIR DOMESTIC LIFE.

The members are simple in their habits, and what they call
luxuries we look upon as necessaries of life. Their food is
wholesome and well prepared. On their tables are found the
most excellent bread, the choicest meat, and vegetables of
every kind.

Their gardens give evidence of careful cultivation, and are
always objects of interest on account of the air of neatness
and taste which everywhere prevails in them; the houses are
models of cleanliness. There are the massive brown stone
houses erected nearly forty years ago; the old frame buildings
and the new brick houses, all built on the same plan, and of
nearly the same size. There is not a sign of paint on
any of the buildings, and this gives to the villages a
somber appearance. At Ebenezer they painted their houses,
but discovered that it was expensive and did not preserve

Thk Amana Societv. 73

the wood long enough to justify the additional cost of a coat
■of paint every few years. Neither do they insure their
property, for the same reason, for the premium would amount
to more than the losses by fire. Their factories are not sit-
uated closely together, nor are all of them in the same village,
consequently there is less danger in case of a fire than in more
.closely settled towns.

The meeting-houses are long and narrow; within, every-
thing is simple, — no pictures, no golden candle-sticks, no
cushioned pews. The long benches are white and seem
almost to have been worn out by frequent scrubbing. At
such a place of worship one sees no woman trying to outshine
her sister, or attract attention by appearing in a bonnet of the
latest style; there are no gossipers at the door waiting until
the first hymn is over, before they enter; but they quietly
take their accustomed places, — the men on the one side, the
women on the other; all observing a reverential demeanor
"throughout the service. They are divided into three classes:
-ist, the elders and those who are spiritually minded; 2d,
persons of middle age and those less spiritual than the" first
•class; 3d, children and those who have made but little
progress in religion. According to this division they are
seated; the elders facing the meeting, the children on the
first benches, and the second class behind them. The service
•opens with silent prayer when each one communes with the
Creator according to his own needs. It is a solemn silence,
•during which no one seems to breathe. This is interrupted
by one of the elders, who announces a hymn which is sung
.by the congregation without any instrumental accompaniment.
The entire audience sings, full of enthusiasm, the clear voices
of the women on the one side harmonizing well with the round
full tones of the men. After singing, a chapter is read from
the Bible upon which any one who chooses may comment.
Afterwards follows the reading of some extract from an Inspired
exhortation preserved from the time of the founding of the
Society. Another hymn is sung and the meeting is closed.
The worship is dignified, solemn and deeply impressive ; the

74 The Amana Society.

hymns, many of them composed by their own members,,
breathe a pure and Christian spirit, and the manner in which
they are sung captivates the ear by reason of its simplicity.
On a Sunday quiet broods over the whole village, and one
truly realizes that this is a day of rest. Serenity and peace
pervade everything.

Their mode of dress is not one assumed or invented by
them, but it is the dress of the German peasant of two hun-
dred years ago, with a few changes which convenience, not
fashion, have suggested from time to time. At first glance it
seems a little strange, but there is a real charm in it, worn as-
it is by old and young alike. The clean, white bonnet or
black cap is becoming to the women, and modest colors, such
as black or blue, seem to give the men a dignified bearing.
Formerly they made all their own clothing, but do so no
longer, as it can be purchased cheaper than they can make it.

Their religion forbids them to turn away anyone suffering
from want, thus tramps take advantage of their benevolence.
These fellows lurk around in the woods during the day and
come to the village after dark, complaining "that they are
without work and have had nothing to eat for several days."
Compassion is aroused, and they are well cared for in a house
set apart for that purpose. In winter it happens frequently
that a number of tramps go from village to village, staying a
night at each place, and when the circuit has been made, start,
again on the same round until they are recognized and driven
away.

All titles and formal modes of address are viewed with dis
approbation, they address one another as "brother" and.
"sister," they salute one another upon meeting. Though
plain in their manner of speech they are courteous and
obliging, and as ready to extend a helping hand to an out-
sider as to one of their own members. Much is said about
the gloomy asceticism of Colony life. One living among
them will find nothing of this. They are sober and self-
possessed, but they have their innocent amusements like
others, and those of a lively disposition seem to be admired

The Am ana Society. 75

none the less. When passing their laundries and "kitchens"
where the women are working, bursts of innocent laughter
mingled with melodious song are to be heard; in their
mills and factories the men bending over their work seem
pleased and contented, often chanting some well known
hymn their mothers taught them. There seems to be a
sort of spiritual satisfaction upon their faces, and to a stranger
they all look alike, so that it is difficult to distinguish one from
another. This may be due to the circumstance that for more
than a century they have intermarried within the Society, sef^
that now they are all more or less related; add to this the fact
that they think and work in the same manner, sharing eachr*
other's joys and sorrows as members of one family, and that
they have the same quaintness of apparel, and it is easy to see
that there would naturally arise a uniformity of type.

For two hundred years they have existed as a religious
Society. For nearly fifty years they have practiced Com-
munism and prospered under it. This is the only Community
in the United States which from its foundation until the
present time can show a continual increase in membership and
value of property. The dying embers of enthusiasm which
Christian Metz and Barbara Heinemann stirred up have con-
tinued to burn on this side of the ocean. It appears that the
doctrines of Spener, Gruber and Rock, like many other
doctrines, had to be transplanted into new soil in order to bear
the best fruit. From the foundation of the Society the mem»->
bers have always been persons of strong morals and unsullied
character, who have clung to their faith with the enthusiasm
of true believers, and, persuaded of the truth of their doc-
trines, have been striving to realize a Heavenly Ideal.

APPENDIX A.'

Conftttution unb 3ct=(5efe^e ber tDaljren 3"fpi»^<^tions=

(Bemeinbe, 3ii^<^J^P<'i^i^t unter bcm ZTamcn, „Dte

2lmana (5efcII[djaft ju 2lmana/' tm

CountY unb Staat 3oi»a.

fiinlcituns.

Sfiadibem bte icatire 5«nfpiratiDn»=@emeinbe tm Sat)r 1843 unb ben
folgenben ga'^ren oon Seutfd)tanb nod^ ben beretnigten ©taateti Don
SImerifa auSgetranbert ift, urn bie eble burgerhcfie unb religiofe grei^eit
btefeS Sanbeg ju gente^en, unb fi(S in ©ben-gjer, in ber Kountt) oon
Erie tm ©taat 9ien) g)orf, auf ber frii'^ern Buffalo Sreet Qnbianer
JReferootion, niebergefoffen ^atte, too biefelbe feitbem unter bem <5ii)u|e
@otte§ in grieben unb <5egen beftonben ift, fo rourbe im So^re 1854,
nac& bem erfonnten aStllen ®otte§ oon ber ©emeinbe einmiitfiig befd^Iof^
fen, ba§ ©benejer Sonb ju oerfaufen, unb eine neue SInfieblung im SBeften
be§ SanbeS ju unterne^men.

@§ hjurbe bemgema| im ^ai)t 1855, unb ben folgenben iS^'^'^^" <^^^
bem gemeinfd^aftlic^en gonb eine ©trede Sanbe§ in bem ©taat igoma an=
gelauft, unb ein SInfang biefer Uefierfiebtung gemadjt, in ber Slbfi(i^t,
fol^e nac^ unb nad) auSjufil^ren, roie e§ bie 9?er£|altniffe erlauben toer^
ben. SBe§f)aIb tt)ir, bie unterfd^riebenen ©lieber ber mal^ren Qnfpiro«
tionS = ©emeinbe mit banfbarem ©efii^t ber ®nobe unb ®iite ®otte§, ba§
lotr unter ben @efe|en biefeS freien StaateS, unfere Qncor^jorotion aU
eine religioje ©efeflfcjoft eriangen fonnen, un§ f)iermit unter bem SRomen
ber ,,2tmana ©efellfcfiaft ju Slmana."

im ©toate Qotoa ouf'S Sieue oereinigten, unb bie nat^folgenbe Eonftitu^
tion unb 93c.i=®efe|e einftimmig ongenommen tiaben.

1 This Is an exact copy of the German constitution, and any grammatical
or other errors which may be found appear in the original.

The Amana Society. 77

douftitution unb Sei-<5efe<je.

Slrtifei 1.

S)ie ©runbfefte audi unferer biirgerlictien SSerfaffung ift unb foil bletfien
®ott, ber ^@rr, unb ber oon ^i)m au§ freier (Snobe unb S3arntl^erstg!ett
in un§ gelBtrfte ®Iaube, mdijer: fic^ griinbet, 1) auf bas, geoffenbarte
^ort @otte§ tm alten unb neuen S;eftoment: 2) auf ba§ 3e"9ni6 S^fu
buri^ ben (Seift ber SSetffagung ; 3) auf ben berborgenen gu^t- unb
®naben=@cift be§ §(£trn.

Ser ^h'fcf unferer SSereinigung, aU eine religiijfe ©efellfc^oft, ift oIf&
fein irbif(i)er, nocf) felbftfiic^tiger, fonbcrn ber StebeSjtted (SotteS in
(Seiner ®naben ' SSerufung an un§, ^^m im S3onbe ber ®emeinf(^aft oon
innen unb auffen, nad) feinen ©eboten unb Slnforberungen in unferm
©eroiffen, ju bienen, unb fo bo§ §eit unferer ©eeten burc^ bie @rlbfung§=
©nobe :Jvefu K^riftt ju f(^affen, mit Sgerleugung unferer felbft im ©e{)or=
fam ber SBa^r^eit, unb in grroeifung unferer Jreue im innern unb du^ern
S)ienft ber ©emeinbe, in ber SSermogung§=©nobe, bie ©ott barreii^t:
Unb biefe 5pfli(f)t ju erfiitlen, getoben roir einanber Me gegenfeitig an
burc^ bie Stnna^we unb Unterfc^rift biefer gegenitiartigen ©onftitutton
unb S8ei=©efe6e.

SIrtilel a.

3n biefem oon ©ott unter un§ gelniipften ©emeinfdiaftS = SSanb ift
e§ unfer einmut^iger SBiHe unb SBefc^Iu§, ba§ bo§ ^icr ongefaufte unb
noc§ ongufoufenbe Sonb ein gemeinf(i)aftti(^e» ®ut unb gigent^um fein unb
bletben foil, mit alien Silnlagen unb S8erbefferungen barauf, fo tnte au^
mit oiler Slrbeit, ajliifie unb Soft, wooon jebe§ ©lieb fein befi^eibeneS-
S^etl mit §erjen§roilligteit auf \id) ne^men foH. ITnb ba roir in ©e=
ma^eit be§ @toat§ = ©efe|gebung§ = STcteS S^apter 131 com 22. SOiar j
1858 unferer incorporation, al§ eine religiofe ©efeHfcfiaft eriangt f)oben,
fo foHen bie je^igen unb funftigen Site! ju unferm gemeinf^afttid^en
Sonbe an bie „9tmana ©ociett)" al§ unferm Sorporation§=3iamen, tt)orun=
ter mir im ©efe| befannt finb iibertragen unb aulgefteKt merben.

Sfrtitel 3.

S)er Stderbou unb bie SSiel^jui^t, in SSerbinbung mit einigen SKanufaf*
turen unb ©etoerben, foQen unter bem ©egen ©otteS bie SJia^rungS^
3tteige biefer ©efettfi^aft ouSmac^en. S8on bem grtrag be§ SanbeS unb
ber ©ef^afte foHen juoorberft bie gemetnf^aftlii^en Unfoften ber ©efell-
fc^oft beftritten roerben. gin ollenfallfiger Ueberfc£)uS foil oon 3eit J" S^it
jur SSerbefferung be§ gemeinfi^aftli^en Sanbe§, jur ©rbonung unb lln=

78 The Amana Society.

ter^attung Don Sif|ul» unb SBerfammlungSl^aufern, SrucE^anftalten, jur
Unterftu^ung unb SSerpftegung ber altcn, !ranfen unb gebrei^Iid^ett
©lieber ber (SefeUfc^oft, jur SInlage etne§ ®efd^aft§^ unb ©icfierfieitg
{Jonbe§, unb ju wolilttiotigen groecEen im Slllgemeinen oertoenbet toerben.

Strtttel 4.

Sie Settung unb SSermaltung oQer Slngetegen^eiten biefer ©efellfdiafS
foU in 13 SrufteeS niebergelegt toerben, roelc^e tjon ben ftimm6ere(i^ttgten
©liebern berfelben, au§ ber Qafjl ber Slelteften jal^rlid^ ju erroatiten ftnb.
S)ie Qiit, ber Drt unb bte SBetfe, tnonn, roo unb wie olle 2Baf)Ien fiir
SBeamte ber gorporation p fatten finb, fo wte auc^ bie S!Bat)Ifa^igfeit ber
©lieber joHen burtf) S^eBengefe^e beftimmt toerben, tceldie oon ber (Sefe[[=
fc^aft anjune^men finb. ®en fo erroof)tten SrufteeS ert^eilen mir unter*
fc^riebene ©Iteber ^iemit alle SgoIImai^t, ©ere^tfame anb $priBitegen,
meld^e com @taatggefe| ben Eorporationen oerliefien finb, fo hiie avi6)
aUe erforberli^e SSottmatfit unb ©emolt im briibertic^en @tnflu| na(^
unferer §eir§orbnung ober in einer @timmenmel)r£)eit aUe ©efc^afte unb
9lngelegent)eiten biefer @efe^fc6aft ju berattien, onjuorbnen unb p leiten;
neue ©Iteber unter biefer Sonftitution anjunefimen, ben ©liebern i^re
Slrbett unb 33efc^aftigung anjuhjeifen; bie Unterf)altungigelber berfelben
JU beftimmen; fol^e ©lieber, roelc^e unorbenttid) unb toiberftrebenb finb,
unb ouf mefirmatige @rmat)nung fic^ ntc&t beffern moHen, auSjufc^Iiegen^
auSjumeifen, unb p entfernen; bie 2tbrec^nungen mit ben freitoiflig ober
gejtoungen ou§fd)eibenben ©liebern nad) 9flect)t unb SBiHigfeit ju fc^Iiegen
unb p liquibiren, oIIe§ octibe unb ^:affioe Sgermogen ber ©efellf($aft p
em^jf angen unb ju oermalten ; 93ud^ unb fRed^nur.g uber alleS ju fufiren,
p laufen unb ju berfaufen; Sontrocte p fctiliefeen unb pmiberrufen;
ben Stcferbau, bie asietijudit, fo toie au^ SKonufafturen unb ©etoerbe p
betreiben, SBauten p errtc^ten, p Derbeffern unb abjubreiften; 3nbenta=
rien aufauneiimen, Slntoalte, 3tgenten unb 3luffe6er onpfteaen, ©elber
unb S'apitolien jii le^nen, ju oerle^nen unb fic^er anptegen, fo roie and)
©uter, tapitalien, Bmfen, ©ffeften, Si^ulbforberungen, (£rbf(^aften,
SSerma^tniffe unb auSftanbe alter SIrt im 5Romen ber ©efettfc^oft ober
irgenb eineS ©ttebe§ babon p eriieben, einpforbern unb ju em|)fangen,
Saufbriefe, §t)pot^efen, ©c^ulbfdieine, SSoflma^ten, Quittungen unb alle
anbere 3)ocumente unb 9ledE)nungen ju em^jfangen, ju ooQjiel^en unb su
iberliefern, fo ttie uber^aupt im Stamen unb SRu|en unb S9eften biefer
©efellfdiaft aUe n6t£)tge, nii|li^e, gefe^It^e, geeignete, rec6tli(^e unb bit=
li&e ©a^en unb §anbtungen forpnelimen unb aulpfu^ren.

(£§ foQ inbeffen bie ^fli^t ber 2ru|tee§ fein, uber ©egenftanbe Don
grower SSid^tigfeit unb SSeranthJortung eine ejtra @i|ung p l^alten, in

The Amana Society. 79

xod^tt \k entmeber bur^ einmiitl^igen 93efc6Iu| ober iuxi) (Stimmen=
tne^tfieit ju entf^eiben ^aben, ob bie fragli^en ©egenftdnbe alien 9let=
teften nnb fammtii^en yttmmfa£)tgen @efell§f4aft§'@liebern jur a3erat^=
ung unb 2[bftimntung borgelegt tcerben foHen, ober nicf)t.

3u alien SBefc^tuffen ber SrufteeS, tecldie ben SSerfouf be§ gemeint=
f^oftli^en Sanbe§ in Sown Slmona betreffen, ift bie 3"ftiini""ng ^0^
jtrei ®ritt^eilen aQer SrufteeS unb ©emeinbe-Stelteften, fo mie eine
ajlet)r!^eit ber ftimmfdf)igen ®efellf(^aft§=®lieber erforberIid&. So§ Sonb
flufeer bem genannten Sown gelegen, ftel)t unter ber SSermaltung ber
2ruftee§ gum SSerfauf, Saufc^ unb SBerrenten, ftie jie joIc^e§ am beften
unb jum 3tu^en ber ©efeflf^aft abmmiftriren fonnen.

©ollten burcE) Stultritt, Srantl^eit ober 2:obt eriebigte ©tellen in ber
3at)I ber SrufteeS entftetien, fp fonnen foI(^e ©tellen bis jur notfiften
ia£)rli(^en 3So^I oon ben Sruftee^ felbft ou§ ber iibrigen Stelteften'^a^I
erganjt hjerben.

Sie Sruftee^ foden ja^rliiS au§ i{)rer ga^I "nen director, einen 9Sice=
director unb emen ©ecretair erWo^Ien, unb ein ©iegel fiir bie @efell=
fcEiaft at§ i{)r ©or^)oration§'©iegeI onfcftaffen. ?lffe offentlid^e unb gefe|=
iid)e Urtunben Con ber ©efetll^aft burd^ einen 58efcE)Iu6 ber SrufteeS, in
Uebereinftimmung mit biejer Eonytitution auSgebenb, follen oon bem
©irector unterjeignet, oon bem ©ecretair gegcngejeignet, unb mit bem
(Jorporation§=©iegeI ber ©efeUfc^aft oerfe^en roerben.

3m 3Konat iguni jebeS Qa^rS joll oon ben SrufteeS ben jtimmbe=
rec^tigten ©liebern ber ®efellf(f)aft eine sottftanbige SarfteCnng be§ 58er=
mogen§=3"ftanbe§ berfelben gemad^t raerben.

Strttfel 5.

3ebe§ @Iieb biefer ©efeHfrfiaft ift tier|iflic^tet, fein mobilel unb im=
mobiles SSermogeS bei feiner Slufnal^me, oor ber Unterjeic^nung biefer
©onftitution, ben SrufteeS fiir bie gemeinfc^aftlid^e ^affe o^ne 58orbe^aIt
gu iibergeben, unb ift bafUr jur ©utfc^rift auf ben SBuc^ern ber (SefeII=
f^oft unb ju etner Cluittung Don ben ha^n beftimmten SrufteeS bere^*
tiget, fo mie ou^ burd^ bo§ gemeintfc^aftli^e ®igentt)um ber ©efeflf^aft
bofur gefidjert.

Sir t if el 6.

SebeS @Iieb biefer ©efeHf^aft ift auger ber freien Soft unb SSo:^nung,
fo mie ouc^ ber if)m jugefid^erten SBerpflegung unb Sgerforgung im 2tlter,
ober in Srant^eit unb @ebre(^Iic^!ett, ju einer jalirltt^en Unterl^ottungS^
©umme fur fic^ felbft, Sinber unb Slnge^orige in ber ®efellf(^aft au§ ber

8o Thk Amana Society.

gemeinfdiaftlt^en OefeUfdiaftS-^affe berec^tigct, unb bie|e§ Unterf)Qltung§<^
getb foil jebem ©lieb, fei e§ tebig, einjeln obec familientDeife, Don ben:
SrufteeS m&) 3te(i)t unb Sitligfeit befttmnit, unb Don 3eit 3U 3"*"
gepriift unb auf§ JJeue beric^tiget roerben, nacb einent boritber ju ^olten=
ben SSerjcigni^. Unb in 2tnbctrod)t biefeS ®enuffe§ ber ©egnungeu tm
®emeinf^aft§banb oerjtdjten roit unterf(^riebene ©lieber btefer ®efell=
fcEiaft freiroitlig fiir un§ felbft, unfere ©inber, drben unb Stbminiftratoren
auf aEe anbcre StnlprucEie bon So^n, 3i"f£it "on unfern ©inf^iiffen, (Stn=
fomnten ober grrungenfc^aft, fo roie itberfiaupt auf einen Dont ©anjeti
abgetrennten Slntfietl an bem geineinf(i)afffi(^en ®ut unb ©tgent^um.

artitet 7.

We Sinber unb 51[Rtnberja^rige in ber ®efe[Ifd;Qft, fteben nad) bem
Xobe it)rer gltern, ober fonfttgen SBermonbten aU SBaifen unter ber be=
fonbern $ftegfd)aft ber 2;ruftee§ fiir bie Saner i{)rer SSKinberjafirigfeit.
^m goH foI(f)e berftorbene ©Item ober SBerhianbten ein ©ut^aben ouf ben
93iid)ern ber ©efellfdiaft Jiaben, ofine befonbere SSiHenSoerfiigungen ober
S:eftamente ju binterlaffen ; ober im %aU. biefelbe fiir erl^oltene S8or=
f^iiffe on bie ©efellfc^aft fc^ulbig finb, fo treten il)re Sinber mit il^rer
gefeglidEien SBottjcifirlit^feit, ttaS bag folc^erttieife fiinterlaffene ffiermogen,
ober bie SBerfd^uIbung betrifft, in bie 3ted^te unb in bie SBerbinblicEifett
i^rer berftorbenen (SItern ober SBerlrjanbten, al§ beren notiirlic^e unb ge=
fe|Ii(|e grben ein; unb ba§ ©utbaben ober bte S(f)u{b ber fo Berftorbe^
nen ©lieber ioirb bonn in ben Siicl}ern ber ®efellf(^aft auf foId)e ©rben
nad) eined Qeben re(i)tniaffigen SIntbeil unter ber Stnorbnung ber S:ruf=
tee§ ubertragen. Solcfie ^interIaffenf(f)often bon ®efellfd)aftg=®liebern^
welcbe oline SSittengoerfiigunrj unb Seftantent, unb ofine gefegtic^e ®rben
SU tiinterlaffen berfterben, foflen ber (ScfettfiSaft felbft an^eimfotlen.

STrtifel 8.

©lieber, mefcEie au§ berSefeHfefiaft freimillig auStreten ober aulgeroiefere
tterben, finb pm Suriid-gmpfang il^rer (ginkgen in bie gemeinfc^aftlid^e
Saffe berec^tigt, unb, con ber ^eit ber 9Ibre(f)nung mit itjnen an gerec^inet,
3U einer ginfcnoergiitung, welc^e fitnf 5]3rocent per ^af)x nic^t uberfteig'en,
unb con ben SrufteeS beftimmt merben foti, fur folcbe gemaijte ginlagen,.
bi§ 3u beren ^uritdEjatitung, ober ju !einer anbern SSergutung fitr bie ber
OefeHfcfiaft wa^renb i^rer ©Ueberfd^aft geleiftete Sienfte, aU folc^e^
ttjeldie i^nen bon ben Srufteeg berfelben bei ber Slbrei^nung mit i^nen
freiroitlig juerfannt trerben mag. Unb inbeffen bie ©efeafcfiaft m beti
©tanb m fe^en, foldje SRiidjafilungen oon ®infd)iiffen auStretenber ©lie-

The Amana Society. 8i

ber, fo rote and) etroaige 3a^Iun9en tion S8ermd(|tniffen unb ©rbfd^aften,
roelc^e oon ^erfonen aufeer ber ©efeHfi^oft beanfprud^t roerben fonnen,
o^ne ©c^aben unb SebrUrfung leiften p tonnen, fo finb roir ba^in ut)er<=
ein gefommen, bo^ fot^e ^Q^Iungen auf folgenben SBetfe geleiftet roerben
foHen, namlic^, oon aEen ©untmen bi§ p 500 ^oHarS ein SSiertfieil 6ei
ber 2l6re^nung ober geftfledung ber gorberung, unb ber 3ieft inner^alb
oier SKonaten; oon oden ©untmen oon uber $500 Bt§ 130,000 unb bar=
itber, con $200 bt§ $600 bet ber 3lbred)nung, unb ber SReft in je 3, 4, 6,
9, la, 15, 18 unb 21 gleic^en tiiermonatIi(^en Serminen im SSerlialtnife
ju bem SBetrag ber ju ja£)Ieitben ©ummen. Unfer ©inn babet ift, SRie-
monb oi)ne 3toii) ba§ ©eine tiorpenttialten, aber bo6) oud^ fitr otte gstte
bte ©efeHid^aft gegen 3lotij unb SBerlegenl^eit ju fc^iigen, roe§ftalb ben
SrufteeS juftefien foil nac^ 3^^* ""^ Umftanben ^ierin p ^anbeln, unb
\\d) ntit ben betreffenben Srebttoren in fol^en gSHen no(^ 3tec^t unb
SSilligfeit ju tterftanbigen.

artifel 9.

SSerbefferungen unb Bul'ile p biefer Eonftttution fonnen jeberjeit Don
ben (Sliebern ber (Sef'ttfdiaft ben SrufteeS pr SJ5riifung unb SBerat^ung
t)orgef(^Iagen roerben, erforbern aber jur Slnnol^me, at§ ein Sfieil biefer
Sonftitution, bie ^uftimmung tion jroei ©ritt^etlen ber fantmtliciien
S:ruftee§, fo rote and) ber iibrigen @emeinbc-9lelteften, uitb eine SKe^rtieit
ber ftimmfa^igen ©lieber.

2lrtt!el 10.

Siefe ©onftitntton foil am erften Sinwo'c -A- D> I860 in Jffroft treten,
nnb oon alien OoHjatirigen ©Iteber biefer ©efeHf^oft betberlet ®ef(^Ie(^t§
unterf^rteben roerben in einem befonberg boju beftimmten unb Don ben
2;ruftee§ aufpberool^renben SSud^e. gin ©jem^Iar booon foil jebem
fttmmfa^igen ©lieb ouf SSertangen jur ginftc^t bel)anbtgt roerben.
®et^an in offenrtt(^er SBerfommlung, urfunblic^ unfer Unterfiriften.
21 m a n a , in ber Sountt) unb im ©toot ^otoa,
im SJJonat December 1859.

Sei-<Befctfe.

Site 28aI)Ibetreffenb,

2)ie SGBo!^I foil jafirlic^ am erften ®ienftog itn ajtouot December gebot=
ten roerben.

Sllle mannlic^e ©lieber, bie bie Eonftitution unterfdirieben boben, fo
roie and) SCSittroen unb foIcf)e roeiblii^e ©lieber, bie uber breifiig ^ol^re olt

82 The Amana Society.

finb, unb nt(;^t bur^ ein mannlt^es ©lieb reprofentirt finb, foHen jur
SBa'^I 6ere(f)ttgt jein.

2)ie aSa^ter foHen an bent gefagten SBa^Itog bur^ ©ttmmjettet 13
SrufteeS toa^len, fiir bie geit eine§ S"^i^§» anfongenb am erften Sonuar
jeben ^a^v^.

Sie 13 SrufteeS jotten om 2. Stenftag tm SOtonat Secemfier einen
director, einen S8ice=S)trector unb einen ©ecretoir au§ ifirer 8lnjat)I er-
lt>d£)ten, ebenfoK§ burd^ ©timmjettel.

S)ie SSo£)I foil in bent ©(^ul= unb iBerfammIung§I)ou§ be§ erften
(Si^uIfubbtftrittS beg Stmana Sownffit^jS gefialten merben. S^^genb eine
SSeranberumg be§ SBJa^tortS ober ber 3"* foff ben SSdl^Iern 14 Sog bor
ber SSal^I mitget^eilt roerben.

Ste Sotonjl^tp 2;ruftee§ unb Elerf follen bie Seiter ber ^aijl fein.

APPENDIX A/

CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS OP THE OOMMUNITT OP TEUE

INSPIKATION, INOOEPOEATED UNDEE THE NAME OP

"THE AMANA SOCIETY," IN THE TOWN OP AMANA

IN THE COUNTY AND STATE OP IOWA.

PREAMBLE.

Whereas the Community of True Inspiration hath in the
year 1843, and the following years emigrated from Germany
into the United States of America, for the sake of enjoying
the noble civil and religious liberty of this country, and hath
settled at Eben-Ezer, in the County of Erie and State of New
York, on the Buffalo Creek Indian Reservation, where they
have since existed, under the protection of God, in peace and
prosperity; and whereas the said Community in the year
1854, according to the known will of God, resolved unani-
mously, to sell the Eben-Ezer lands, and to undertake a new
settlement in the western country, and hath consequently in
the year 1855 and the years following, purchased a tract of

1 The translation of the German text of the Constitution is the authorized
one in use in the Community.

The Amana Society. 83

land in the State of Iowa, and paid for the same out of the
funds of the Community; and whereas since a beginning hath
been made of this new settlement, with the purpose to con-
tinue and accomplish such resettlement by degrees, as the
times and circumstances will permit.

Now therefore, we the undersigned members of the Com-
munity of True Inspiration, feeling thankful for the grace and
beneficence of God, to be privileged under the liberal laws
of this state to an incorporation as a religious Society, do
hereby associate ourselves anew under the corporate name of

"The Amana Society,"
in the Town of Amana, and have adopted and do herewith
adopt the following Constitution and By-Laws.

CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS.
Article I.

The foundation of our civil organization is and shall remain
forever God, the Lord, and the faith, which He worked in
us according to His free grace and mercy, and which is
founded upon (i) the word of God as revealed in the old
and new testament; (2) the testimony of Jesus through
the spirit of prophecy; (3) the hidden spirit of grace and
chastisement.

The purpose of our association as a religious Society is
therefore no worldly or selfish one, but the purpose of the love
of God in His vocation of grace received by us, to serve Him
in the inward and outward bond of union, according to His
laws and His requirements in our own consciences, and thus
to work out the salvation of our souls, through the redeeming
grace of Jesus Christ, in self-denial, in the obedience of our
faith and in the demonstration of our faithfulness in the inward
and outward service of the Community by the power of
grace, which God presents us with.

And to fulfill this duty we do hereby covenant and promise
collectively and each to the other by the acceptance and sign-
ing of this present constitution.

84 The Amana Society.

Article II.

In this bond of union tied by God amongst ourselves, it
is our unanimous will and resolution, that the land purchased
here and that may hereafter be purchased, shall be and remain
a common estate and property, with all improvements there-
upon and all appurtenances thereto, as also with all the labor,
cares, troubles and burdens, of which each member shall
bear his allotted share with a willing heart.

And having obtained in pursuance of the act of the legis-
lature of this state, Chapter 131, passed March 28th, i8s8,.an
incorporation as a religious Society, it is hereby agreed on that
the present and future titles of our common lands shall be
conveyed to and vested in "the Amana Society" in the Town
of Amana, as our corporate name by which we are known in
law.

Article III.

Agriculture and the raising of cattle and other domestic
animals, in connection with some manufactures and trades
shall under the blessing of God form the means of sustenance
for this Society. Out of the income of the land and the
other branches of industry the common expenses of the
Society shall be defrayed.

The surplus, if any, shall from time to time be applied to
the improvement of the common estate of the Society, to the
building and maintaining of meeting and school houses, print-
ing establishments, to the support and care of the old, sick
SLTid infirm members of the Society, to the founding of a
business and safety fund, and to benevolent purposes in general.

Article IV.

The control and management of all the affairs of this
Society shall be vested in a board of Trustees consisting
of thirteen members, to be annually elected out of the
number of elders in the Community, by the members of the
Society entitled to vote. The time, place and manner of hold-
ing all elections for officers in this corporation and the qualifir

The Amana Society. 85

fications of voters shall be regulated by by-laws to be adopted
by the Community.

In the trustees, so elected, we the undersigned members do
hereby vest all the powers, rights of action and privileges
granted to corporations by the laws of this state, and also all
requisite power and authority to arrange, control and manage,
in brotherly concurrence according to our order of grace, or
by a majority of votes, all the affairs and concerns of this
corporation whatsoever ; to receive new members under this
constitution; to assign to the members their work, labor and
employment; to fix the amounts of the yearly allowances for
the support of the members; to exclude, order away and
remove such members who are unruly and resisting, and who
will not mend themselves after repeated admonition; to settle
and liquidate the accounts of those members withdrawing
from the Society, either by their own choice or by expulsion ;
to receive and to administrate all the active and passive capital
stock and personal estate of the Society; to keep books and
accounts of every thing; to buy and to sell; to make, fulfill
and revoke contracts, to carry on agriculture, the rearing of
cattle, manufactures, mills and trades of any kind, to erect
buildings, to improve and take down the same; to make in-
ventories; to appoint attorneys, agents and managers; to
borrow, lend and safely invest funds and moneys; also in the
corporate name of the Society, or in the name of the trustees,
or of any member thereof to ask, demand, levy, recover and
receive all kinds of goods, moneys, principal and interest,
effects, debts, demands, inheritances and legacies, whereso-
ever and whatsoever; to receive, execute and deliver all deeds,
mortgages, notes, bonds, power of attorney, receipts, dis-
charges, and all other documents and accounts whatsoever;
and to do, transact and carry out all needful, beneficial, legal,
proper, just and equitable acts, matters and things in general
of all and every kind whatsoever, all for and in the name,
behalf and benefit of this corporation.

In the event however of matters of great importance and
responsibility it shall be the duty of the trustees to hold

86 The Amana Society.

special meetings and to decide therein either by unanimous
concurrence or by a majority of votes whether or not such
matters shall be submitted for counsel and decision by vote to
all the elders of the Community and to the members entitled
to vote.

All resolutions of the board of trustees relating to the sale
of the Society's lands situate within the Town of Amana
require the consent of two-thirds of all the trustees and of
two-thirds of all the elders in the Community, as also the
consent of a majority of the members entitled to vote.

The lands now owned by the Society lying beyond the
Town of Amana shall be under the administration of the-
trustees with power to sell, exchange or rent the same, as they
shall find best in the interest of the Society.

Vacancies in the board of trustees occasioned by with-
drawal, sickness or death of any of its members, may be filled
for the intervening time until the next annual election by the
remaining trustees themselves, out of the number of the
elders in the Community, not being members elected to the
board.

In the month of June in each year the trustees shall exhibit
to the voting members of the Society a full statement of the
real and personal estate of the Society.

The trustees shall annually elect out of their number one
Director, one vice-director and one secretary, and shall pro-
cure a seal, which shall be the corpoi^ate seal of the Society.

All public and legal documents and instruments emanating
from the Society by a resolution of the trustees, in conformity
with this constitution, shall be signed by the director, counter-
signed by the secretarj?^, and the corporate seal of the Society
affixed thereto.

On the -application of any three members of the board of
trustees it shall be the duty of the director to call an extra
or special meeting of said board.

Article V.
Every member of this Society is in duty bound to hand
over his or her personal and real property to the trustees

The Amana Society. 87

for the common fund, at the time of his or her acceptance
as a member, and before the signing of this constitution.

For such payments into the common fund each member is
entitled to the credit thereof in the books of the Society and
to a receipt signed by the director and secretary of the board
of trustees, and is moreover secured for such payments by the
pledge of the common property of the Society.

Article VI.

Every member of this Society is, besides the free board
and dwelling, and the support and care secured to him in his
old age, sickness and infirmity, further entitled out of the
common fund to an annual sum of maintenance for him or
herself, children and relations in the Society; and these
annual allowances shall be fixed by the trustees for each
member single or in families, according to justice and equity,
and shall be from time to time revised and fixed anew.

And we, the undersigned members of this corporation in
consideration of the enjoyment of these blessings in the bond
of our Communion, do hereby release, grant and quit-claim
to the said corporation, for ourselves, our children, heirs and
administrators all claims for wages and interest of the capital
paid into the common fund, also all claims of any part of the
income and profits, and of any share in the estate and prop-
erty of the Society separate from the whole and common
stock.

Article VII.

All children and minors in the Society, after the death
of their parents or relations, shall as orphans be under
the special guardianship of the trustees of the Society,
during the time of their minority. In case of such parents or
relations deceased having a credit on the books of the Society,
without their leaving a will or testament for the disposition of
the same; or in case such parents or relations are indebted to
the Society for advances made them, then the children or
minors of such parents and relations shall at the time of their

88 The Amana Socikty.

majority, in regard to such credits or debts, enter into the
rights and into the liabiHties of their deceased parents and
relations, as their natural and lawful heirs, and the credits or
debts of members so deceased shall then be transferred on the
books of the Society to such heirs, according to the proper
share of each, under the direction of the trustees. Such per-
sonal estates or credits as may be left by members, dying in
the Society, without having made any will or testament for
the disposition of the same, and without leaving any lawful
heirs, shall revert to and vest in said corporation.

Article VIII.

Such members as may recede from the Society, either by
their own choice or by expulsion, shall be entitled to receive
back the moneys paid into the common fund, and to interest
thereon at the rate not exceeding five per cent, per annum,
from the time of the adjustment of their accounts until the
repayment of their credits, which rate is to be fixed by the
board of trustees.

Such receding members shall however not be entitled to
any other allowance for any services rendered to the Society
during their membership, but to such, as may be granted them
by the board of trustees, on the settlement of their accounts,
as a gratuity and not as a legal claim.

To enable however the Society to make such repayments
to receding members, as also eventual payments of legacies
and inheritances of members deceased in the Society, to re-
lations or heirs thereto entitled beyond the Society, without
loss and oppression, it has been agreed on between ourselves,
that such payments shall be made in the following manner,
viz: of all sums up to $500, one-fourth part on the adjust-
ment of the claim, and the remainder within four months
thereafter; of all sums over $500 up to $20,000, and over,
the sum of from $200 to $600 at the time of settlement, and
the remainder in three, four, six, nine, twelve, fifteen, eighteen
and twenty-one equal four-monthly installments, in proportion
to the amounts to be paid.

The Amana Society. 89

Our purpose is not to withhold from any one his due with-
out necessity, but also to secure the Society in all cases against
distress and trouble ; the authority shall therefore be left with
our trustees to act herein according to the times and circum-
stances, and to effect a compromise with the claimants in
question according to justice and equity.

Article IX.

Amendments to this constitution may at any time be pro-
posed by any member of this Society to the board of trustees
for counsel and examination. Any amendments however to
be received and accepted as a part of the present constitution,
require the consent of two-thirds of the board of trustees,
of two-thirds of the remaining elders, and of a majority of
the members entitled to vote.

Article X.

This constitution shall take effect on the first of January,
i860, and shall be signed by all members of lawful age, male
and female, in a separate book to be appropriated hereto and
to be left in the safe keeping of the board of trustees. A
•copy of this constitution shall upon request be handed to any
-voting member of the Society for perusal and reference.

Done in public meeting.

Witness our signatures.

Amana, in the County and State of Iowa, in the month of
December, A. D. i8sg.

po The Amana Society.

APPENDIX B.'

Assessed Valuation of all Property owned by

THE Amana Society, in Iowa County,

FOR THE Year 1890."

Number.

Value.

Acres, ------

23,2 1 It% $277,440'

Horses, - - - - -

273

8,080-

Cattle,

1,685

11,456

Sheep, - - - - -

3,03s

4,S70'

Swine, ------

82s

619

Vehicles, - - - -

302

2,425

Merchandise, _ . - -

48,365

Capital Employed in Manufactures,

46,375

Moneys and Credits, - - -

14,08a

Farming and Mechanics' Tools, Etc.,

975

Other Taxable Property,

_ _

3,068

Grand Total of all Property,

- $4x7,453-

Assessment Amana Society, 1890

, - $41

7,453-oo

-

1666

Average Assessment, 1890,

-

$250.57+

In order that the average assessment of the members of
the Amana Society may be compared ( i ) with the average
assessment of the inhabitants of Iowa, (2) with that of the
inhabitants of Iowa county, the following figures taken from
the Auditors' reports are appended.

State of Iowa, 1890.

Total Assessment of Iowa, 1890, - $523,198,984.00
Population of Iowa, 1890, - 1,911,896

State Assessment per capita, 1890, - $273.65+-

1 Assessments based on 33}^ per cent of actual value.

2 These figures are a transcript from the Auditors' books.

The Amana Society. 91

Iowa County, 1890.

Total Assessment Iowa County, 1890, $4,950,830.00
Total Population Iowa County, 1890, 18,261

Assessment in Iowa County per capita

1890 $271.11 +

Iowa -County, Exclusive of Amana Society, 1S90.

Assessed value Iowa County, iSgo, - $4,950,830.00
Assessed value Amana Society, 1890, $417,453.00
Assessed value Iowa County, less val-
uation Amana Society, 1890, - $4j533j377'00

Population Iowa County, 1890, - 18,261

Population Amana Society, 1890, - 1,666
Population Iowa County, less Amana

Society, 1890, . - - 16,595

Assessment Iowa County per capita,

less Amana Society, 1890, $273.44+

Summary.

Assessment in State per capita, 1890, - - $273.65
Assessment in Iowa County per capita, 1890, 2 71. 11
Assessment in Iowa Pounty per capita, leaving

out Amana Society, 1890, - - - - 273.44+
Assessment Amana Society per capita, 1890, 250.57+

Two inferences may be drawn from the above figures ; first,
that the assessment in the case of the Amana Society is not
high enough; second, that communistic does not pay as well as
uncommunistic labor. The authors of this monograph believe
that the latter is the true reason for the discrepancy between
the averages, and, that on the whole, communistic enterprises
fall behind in productiveness.

This last statement may however be modified by the facts
that at the present time there are perhaps more than the
average number of unproductive members, i. e., those in-

92

The Amana Society.

capacitated for labor by age; and that the number of chil-
dren, who are to a great extent unproductive, approaches five
hundred. All these have to be supported by the Society
without much return. It is not unlikely that the unproductive
members are in excess, at the present time, of the average.
If this be the case the assessment of 1890 would hardly be a
fair test of the efficiency of communistic labor.

APPENDIX C.

Authorities Consulted in the Preparation of
This Article.

(The first list may be considered original sources, as the books referred to
are found onlj' in the records and libraries of the Society.)

The Constitution of the Society.

Scheuner, Gottlieb — Inspirations-Historie, 2 vols., 1884, (vol.
Ill in preparation.)

Published by the Society Each Year — Jahrbiicher der Wahren-
Inspirations - Gemeinde, oder Bezeugungen von dem
Geiste des Herrn.

Erster Beitrag zur Fortsetzung der Wahren-Inspirations-Ge-
meihschaft.

Die XXXVI Sammlung, (Dieses ist die Zweite Fortsetzung
von Bruder Johann Friedrich Rock's Reisen und Reli-
giosen Besuchen im Jahr 1714, etc.) 1785.

Metz, Christian — Historische Beschreibungen der Wahren-
InspiMtions - Gemeinschaft, wie sie bestanden und sich
fortgepflanzt hat, und was von den wichtigsten Ereignis-
sen noch ausgefunden werden kann, besonders wie sie in
den Jahren 18 17 und 1818 durch den Geist Gottes in
neuen Werkzeugen aufgeweckt worden und was seit der
Zeit in und mit dieser Gemeinde und deren herzugekom-
menen Gliedern Wichtiges vorgefallen.

Petersen, Johann W. — Werke.

The Amana Society. 93

Kamff, yohann Philip — Die Unchristlichen Gebrauche von

den Kindern Christi unter den Leuten.
Metz, Christian — Sammlung Zwanzig (Jahrbiicher, 1817-

1845-)
Metz, Christian — Historic der Wahren-Inspirations-Gemeinde.

2d part.
Rock, yohann Fr. — Raise Beschreibungen.
Eine Kurze Beschreibung von Barbara Heinemann wie

dieselbe Gottlieb Scheuner von ihr erzahlt wurde in

ihrem 73ten Lebensjahr.
Lebensgeschichte von Kampf, Lowe, Gruber und Gleim, 1875.

The Following Books Contain the Creed of
THE Society.

Die Schule der Weisheit, als das Hoch Deutsche A, B, C.

Catechitischer Unterricht von der Lehre des Heils. 1879.

Der Kleine Kempis oder Kurze Sprtiche und Gebete. (Selec-
tions from the works of Thomas a Kempis.) 1856.

Seelen-Schatz der Gott-Begierigen, etc. 1851.

Stimmen aus Zion, zum Lobe des Allmachtigen im Geist ge-
sungen, von Dr. Johann W. Petersen.

Davidisches Psalter-Spiel der Kinder Zions. (A collection of
hymns.) 1871.

Das Liebes- und Gedachtniszmahl des Leidens und Sterbens
unsers Herrn und Heilandes Jesu Christi. 1859.

Exegetische Reimen-Probe iiber die Letzte Rede unsers
Herrn Jesu Christi an Seine Wahrhaftigen Jiinger. E.
L. Grubpr, i860.

Other Works Consulted.

^rwo/ii?"— 'History of Pietism.
Dorner — Church History.
Vaughan, R. — Hours with Mystics.
Moehler, J. A. — Symbolism.
Hurst — Rationalism.
Schaff- — Creeds of Christianity.
Giessler — Church History.

94

The Amana Society,

Wylie, y. A. — History of Protestantism.
Hosbach, W. — Spener and his Time.
Clark, y. F. — Events and Epochs in Rehgious History.
Molinos — Guide to Contemplation.

Gerhard, yohn — Exegetical Explanation of Particular Pas-
sages.
Arndt, yohann — True Christianity.
Autobiography of Madam Guyon.
Works and Life of Thomas a Kempis.
Life of Boehme.
Works of Count Zinsendorf.
Articles on the Moravian Brothers.
Hinds, W. A. — American Communism. 1878.

Wolsey — Communism and Socialism. 1880.

Godwin, P. — The Ebenezer Community, published in People's

Journal, vol. IV, p. 218.
Owen, Robert /?.— The Moral World.
Morse — Communistic Societies.
Rae, yohn — Contemporary Socialism.
Noyes, y. H. — History of American Socialism.
Shaw, Albert — Icaria.

CXc^

PRICE, FIFTY CENTS.

STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA PUBLICATIONS-
lilSTORICAL MONOGRAPHU

mtMM*- 1*»»^ \/^a"

i ,wd •;;0 1892
HiSTORt > ' ^

OF

THE TRAPPIST ABBEY

OF

NEW MELLERAY,

IN DUBUQUE GQUNTY, IOWA.

BY

WILLIAM RUFUS PERKINS, A.M.,

PROFESSOR , 9? HISTORV. , , ' '

7 ■ ■ .

IOWA CITY :
PUBIflSHED BY THE UnIVERSIJTY.

• < 1892.

STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA PUBLICATIONS.
HISTORICAL MONOGRAPH.

No. 2.

HISTORY

OF

THE TRAPPIST ABBEY

OF

NEW MELLERAY,

IN DUBUQUE COUNTY, IOWA.

BY

WILLIAM RUFUS PERKINS, A.M.,

PROFESSOR OF 'klSTOR'y.

IOWA CITY •

Published by the University.
1892.

COPYRIGHT, 1892.

Bj

State University op Iowa.

All Rights Reserved.

PREFACE.

The history of Mt. Melleray in Ireland, and of New Mel-
leray in Dubuque County, Iowa, is founded upon original
sources, viz : the records and manuscripts of the Abbeys and
oral communications of the monks.

The editions of Helyot and of Felibien which have been
used for the earlier history of the monastic houses are
respectively those of 1715-21, and 167 1.

The letter of Felibien to the Duchesse de Liancourt, and
which constitutes the volume usually known as "Descrip-
tion de la Trappe," was first printed in 1671. The edition
used by the author is that of 1671, and the volume was
originally in the library of the Carmelites at Rennes. This
library was probably despoiled at the time of the French
Revolution, and the little book, in its original binding, has
wandered at last to the prairies of Iowa.

The author desires to express his deep obligation to the
authorities of New Melleray Abbey, and in particular to
the Rev. Father Superior and to Rev. Father Placid, for
courtesy and assistance. Few men engaged in historical
researches have met with so cordial and hearty appreciation
as has been vouchsafed by the monks of New Melleray
to the author. It is impossible for me adequately to ex-
press my sense of their kindness and thoughtfulness and
hospitality.

iv Preface.

I desire especially to thank the Rev. Father Placid for
unnumbered kindnesses, and to express here my warm
affection for him, an affection which rests not only upon
his indefatigable efforts in my behalf as a historian, but
which rests also upon my appreciation of him as a high-
minded and excellent man.

W. R. P.

Iowa City, July, i8g2.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

History of New Melleray ...... i

Appendix I. — Bull of Gregory XVI. concerning the

Trappist Order ....... 58

Appendix II. — Extract from "Le Grand et le Petit

Exorde de Citeaux" ...... 6z

Appendix III. — As to the Comparative Asceticism of

Citeaux and La Grande Trappe . . . 66

Appendix IV. — Extracts from the Works of Abbe De

Ranc^ ........ 67

Appendix V. — Financial Statement of the Abbey of

New Melleray 78

Appendix VI. — Biographical Note as to Sources . 79

Appendix VII. — Bibliography ..... 79

'■■f-

HISTORY

Xkappist ^bbey of ]VJew Melleray

IN

Dubuque County, Iowa.

The ancient Abbey of Notre Dame de la Maison-Dieu de la
Trappe lies in a secluded valley near the frontiers of Perche
in the present department of the Orne. The name is derived
from the physical nature of the country which, diversified
with hills, discloses at least one valley whose entrance is
through a narrow and rocky gorge. This entrance, which to
some vivid imagination seemed like a trap-door, gave a name
to the village and the adjacent monastery. The following
description of the Abbey and its surroundings, published in
1 67 1, will give some idea of the impression which its situation
produced in the last part of the seventeenth century.

"This Abbey is situated in a large valley. The woods and
the hills which surround it are disposed as if designed to hide it
from the rest of the world. They enclose arable lands, planta-
tions of fruit trees, pasture grounds, and nine ponds which
encompass the Abbey, and render it so difficult of access that
it is very hard to come at it without a guide. There was
hitherto a road from Montagne to Paris behind the walls of
the garden; but though it was in the wood, and above five
hundred paces from the enclosure, and though it was not
possible to remove it farther without a vast expense, yet the

2 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

Abbot turned it another way, in order to render the place
around the Monastery more solitary. And indeed nothing is
more so than this desert. For though there are several towns
and large villages at three leagues distance round it, yet to
people who are there it seems to be a lonely and foreign
country. Silence reigns throughout; and if any noise is
heard, it is only the rustling of trees shaken by the wind, or
the brooks running through the pebbles. This Abbey dis-
covers itself at going out of the forest of Perche, when one is
coming from the south; and though the traveler thinks him-
self very near, he finds it almost a mile before he reaches it.
But having at last descended the hill, crossed the heath, and
gone on a little way amongst hedges and through shady
paths, he comes to the first court, where the receiver's apart-
ment is. It is separated from those of the monks by a strong
palisade of pales and thorns which the Abbot caused to be
made after he retired thither." i

Such was the lonely and secluded position of the Abbey of
La Trappe in 1671, just before the Peace of Nimeguen made
Louis XIV. the arbiter of Europe.

To understand the history of the Trappist Abbey of New
Melleray, in Dubuque County, Iowa, we must first become
somewhat familiar with the movement which engendered the
severe and rigid rule which the Trappists observe, and with
the origin both of La Grande Trappe (the mother house),
and of Melleray, from which the Abbey of New Melleray is
directly descended.

BRIEF SKETCH OF EARLY REFORM.

In about the year 535 of our era, St. Benedict, from the
solitude of Monte Cassino gave to the western world the code
of religious life which has stamped monasticism for the last
thirteen hundred years, and which to-day bears the name of

^ Felihien, Description de la Abbaye de la Traffe, pp. 6, seq. (Paris, 1671.)

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 3

the Holy Rule.i The splendid monastery upon Monte Cas-
sino is the successor of the simple one, founded upon the
ruins of a pagan temple, into which St. Benedict gathered his
disciples, 2 the earliest western monks, and from which he
sent out that religious code which is more or less strictly
observed to-day in all Benedictine monasteries.

Monastic establishments are subject to fluctuation in spirit-
ual life, and the same law of deterioration which obtains in
temporal kingdoms and states seems to reign in those more
strictly spiritual. Hence it is not to be wondered at that the
Benedictine abbeys and monasteries had departed widely
from the ideal of their founder by the end of the tenth cen-
tury. Though reforms * were attempted earlier than that
which is known as the "Reform of Cluny," this was the most
pronounced of the early movements to recover and practice
again the Rule of St. Benedict. In the year 910* was built
in the Territorj^ of Macon, in France, the monastery to which
was given the name of Cluny. The Duke of Aquitaine, its
founder, called the pious Bernon, formerly of the monastery
of Gignon, to be its first Abbot. ^ At his death he was suc-
ceeded by Odon, who is commonly, though incorrectly, called
the founder of Cluny. The order was recognized by Pope
Agapet II., in 946. Cluny now became the mother house of
many monasteries which followed the more rigid rule estab-
lished there, and in the twelfth century is said to have had
over two thousand affiliated houses in France, Germany, Italy,
England, in Spain and in the Orient.^ Abbot Odon must

1 An excellent edition of the Holy Rule, has been edited by a monk of St.
Benedict's Abbey, Fort Augustus.

2 It is said that one of the two earliest followers of St. Benedict was named
Placidus, a name which has always been a favorite monastic one, and is to-day
borne by a monk of New Melleray.

" Notably that of St. Benoit d'Aniane in the eighth and ninth centuries.
See Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques, Tom. V., p. 139. (Paris, 1715-21.)

* Helyot, Ibid, p. 186.

5 Helyot, Ibid, p. 186. See also. Ibid, p. 1S4.

* Helyot, Ibid, p. 187.

4 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

however be regarded, if not as the absolute founder of Cluny,
yet as the great reformer who made Cluny for a hundred
years the head and front of monastic estabhshments upon the
continent. The relaxation of morals in the monasteries which
made reform desirable may be judged from the following
quotation: "Apres que ce v^ndrd Pere (Odon) eut senti la
ndcessitd d'astreindre les communautds a I'exacte observation
de la Regie, et qu'il eut commence sa r^forme, certains moines,
outrds de voir leur Frdres laver et graisser eux-memes leurs
chaussures, s'employer a de vils ouvrages et, soigneux de
garder le silence, remplacer au besoin la parole par des signes,
firent ^clater scandaleusement et mal a propos leur mauvaise
humeur et leur colere. 'Misdrables s'ecriaient-ils, que faites-
vous la ? Quelle est la loi, quel est I'ordre qui vous oblige a
des travaux si has et si serviles ? Ou done, s'il vous plait,
I'Ecriture vous prescrit-elle de substituer les mains a la
langue ? N'est-il pas manifeste que vous faites injure au
Crdateur lui-meme, lorsque, abandonnant I'usage naturel de
la voix et de la parole, vous remuez vos doigts comme des
insenses?' "^

The Cluniacs themselves became less spiritual, and there
succeeded a variety of reforms which made the twelfth cen-
tury illustrious in the annals of the monastic orders. These
reforms, in various parts of France, and at first sporadic,
finally crystallized in the great order of Citeaux, which during
the century became, under the leadership of St. Bernard, the
most illustrious in Europe, and of which the Trappists are
one of the most remarkable and vigorous branches.

CITEAUX.

Among the abbeys probably affiliated to the order of Cluny
was that of Molesme, which lay only a little distance from the
mother house, in the forest from which it took its name, in the
diocese of Langres and Duchy of Burgundy. This house had

1 Le Petit et le Grand Exorde de Citeaux^ p. 56. (Imprimiere de la Grande-
Trappe, 1884.)

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 5

been dedicated in the year 1075.^ This monastery under the
guidance of Robert carried out to the letter the rule of St.
Benedict. The monastery soon became rich and with riches
came a natural relaxation and degeneracy. This led directly
to the founding of Citeaux, for Abbot Robert finding a large
number of the monks opposed to his strictness, and being un-
willing to coerce them, determined to lead out to a new foun-
dation those who were more spiritually minded and who, with
him, wished to follow closely the original constitution of St.
Benedict.

Early then in the year 1098, a little band of Benedictine
monks, twenty-one in number, including the Abbot, Prior
and Sub-Prior, were seen winding from the abbey gateway
of Molesme.2 Such was the beginning of that reform which
resulted in the establishment of the great order of the Cister-
cians. This was one of those sporadic movements towards
reform of which I have spoken, but one which was to result
in great and organized action, the others being merely tenta-
tive. It is a general principle that efforts to a great end may
manifest themselves in many wa3'^s, but that in the supreme
struggle even the slightest effort may become of world-wide
importance. The struggle for a return to the primeval rule
had manifested itself in the establishment of the other orders,
it was to conquer in the seemingly insignificant progress of
twenty-one monks from the gateway of Molesme, in the year
1098.

They journeyed on until they arrived at the forest of
Citeaux in the diocese of Chalons.

This lonely and desolate place seemed well fitted for mo-
nastic seclusion, and here the new abbey was inaugurated and
Robert received the pastoral staff from the hands of the
Bishop of Chalons. It is important to observe that from the
beginning Cistercian monasteries were exempted from episco-

1 A Concise History of the Cistercian Order, p. 54. By a Cistercian Monk ,
(London, 1852.)

» lUd, p. 43.

6 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

pal jurisdictton,! and this independence was confirmed by suc-
cessive bulls of the Pontiffs. 2 The first bull is dated the 27th
of April, 1 100, and was issued by Paschal Q.^

Several important changes mark the establishment of this
Order — changes which greatly affected the monastic disci-
pline.

First. The regulation of the diet. All dishes which op-
posed the purity of the rule as the early monks had inter-
preted it were banished from the refectory. From the four-
teenth of September until Easter they partook of a single
meal — that which St. Benedict permitted — and it consisted of
a pound of the convent bread and two sorts of vegetables.
This meal was taken in the afternoon, after rising at two in
the morning and spending the most of the day in agricultural
labors. During the rest of the year a similar meal was per-
mitted in the evening, consisting of one-third of a pound of
bread and of vegetables.

Second. They interpreted the following extract from the
sixty-sixth chapter of St. Benedict's Rule much more rigidly
than had been the custom:

" The monastery ought, if possible, to be so constituted
that all things necessary, such as water, a mill, a garden, and
the various wc rksh ops may be contained within it; so that
there may be no need for the monks to go abroad."*

The interpretation given to this at Citeaux precluded the
possession of large estates which they did not cultivate them-
selves, but let out to tenants. It involved hard manual labor
upon the part of the monks, but, as the community was fre-
quently too small to permit the cultivation of their property
by their own hands, how was the observance of the rule to
be assured? The answer to this serious question was found
in the institution of lay brethren. This, though it existed in

1 Privileges de VOrdre de Citeaux. (Paris 1713).

s Ibid.

s A Concise History of the Cistercian Order, p. 66.

* The Rule of St. Benedict, pp. 194-5. (Burns & Oates. London, 1886.)

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 7

the Benedictine Order, took a definite and systematic shape
at the beginning of the Cistercian Order. The monks labored
in the close neighborhood of the monastery, the lay brethren
were permitted to dwell on the lonely farms around it, and
became the tailors, shoemakers and blacksmiths of the com-
munity. But although the lay brethren were usually, though
not always, of the more ignorant class they were treated with
the greatest consideration, and by a special law of the Order,
partook of all spiritual advantages. Indeed they made their
vows in the presence of the Abbot and were monks in all but
name. It is evident that in a rude age when distinctions in
rank were so great and almost impassable, this institution of
la3'-brethren ennobled the cultivator of the soil and placed the
nobleman and the peasant on the same level. Manual labor,
therefore, and the institution of lay-brethren constituted an
important part of the reforms of Citeaux.

Third. As regards the dress. The color of the dress or
the greater part of it was changed. For dark brown was sub-
stituted white in all the garments except the scapular, which
remained dark as before. It is difficult to discover the true
reasons for the change, but the following one is often given,
i. e., that as all Cistercian monasteries are specially dedicated
to the Virgin, so the white garments are symbolical of her
purity. A second reason sometimes given is that the dress of
the peasants of the country was made of a coarse gray cloth,
and so they supposed this to be marked out for them by the
rule. The former of the two reasons seems the more likely,
but, however that may be, the Order has adopted the white
dress with the exception of the scapular. It is supposed that
this was left dark to remind the wearers and the world that
they were not only monks of Citeaux, but children of St.
Benedict.

Fourth. The rule of silence. The Rule of St. Benedict
speaks as follows : " On account of the importance of silence
let leave to speak be seldom granted even to perfect disciples,
although their conversation be good and holy and tending to

8 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

edification."^ "The greatest silence must be kept at table so
that no whispering may be heard there, or any voice except
that of him who readeth, and whatever is necessary for food
and drink let the brethren so minister to each other that no
one need to ask for anything, but should anything be wanted,
let it be asked for by a sign rather than by the voice." ^ "Every-
one, then, being assembled, let them say Compline, and when
that is finished, let none be allowed to speak to any one, and
if any one be found to evade this rule of silence, let him be
subjected to severe punishment; unless the presence of guests
should make it necessary, or the Abbot should chance to give
any command." *

These, which are but three of the seven directions concern-
ing silence, are sufficient to indicate the purpose of St. Bene-
dict. Abbot Alberic, and notably Abbot Stephen, the second
and third Superiors of Citeaux, impressed upon their Religious
the necessity of conforming in this respect to the manifest
intentions of St. Benedict, and silence became a distinctive
mark of the Order. "The practice of silence sanctifies the
whole Cistercian Order."*

A change in the color of the dress, the custom of menial
and manual labor and the consequent development of the
system of lay brethren, the rule of silence, and the restriction
of the diet are the principal characteristics of the reform of
Citeaux, and as these are all special marks of the develop-
ment of the Cistercian Trappists it has been thought best to
emphasize them ag distinctive early marks of reform. The
observances of the monks of Citeaux were ascetic in the
extreme. Early rising, silence, fasting — all these were carried
by Abbot Alberic, the second Abbot, to an extreme which

1 The Rule of St. Benedict^ pp. 43-5.

'^ Ibid, pp. 117-8.

» Ibid, pp. 127-18.

* De Rand. A Treatise on the Sanctity and the Duties of tjie Monastic State.
Translated into English by a Religious of the Abbey of Melleray-La Trappe.
Vol. II., p. 115. (Richard Grace, Dublin, 1830.) The copy consulted is from
library of Mt. Melleray, Ireland.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 9

overshadows the rigidity and austerity of the Trappists of
to-day, and the changes which have been noted above were
formulated by him into ordinances, with the approbation of
Rome, the Order having been, as has been mentioned, author-
ized in iioo.i

The establishment of Clairvaux by St. Bernard,* who led
out a contingent from Citeaux, and the swift and briUiant
development of the Order are too well known to require any
special notice, and we pass to a brief notice of the other
Orders with which La Trappe was at first affiliated.

FONTREVAULT. SAVIGNI.

Before St. Bernard's time there were "other Prophets in
Israel." The earliest of these reformers was Robert d'Abis-
sel, who first led the life of an Anchorite in Anjou. He had
many followers, but was obliged to leave them to preach the
Crusade by the order of Pope Urban II. Later, in the year
1099, he retired to a place upon the confines of Anjou and
Poitou called Fontrevault, and began the building of those
cells or cabins which finally became the monastery of Fontre-
vaxilt, and the Order was rei:ognized by Pope Paschal II., in
the year 1106. The founder of Fontrevault found it neces-
sary to detach from his original following a number of his
disciples, and they were sent forth under the control of three
of his most trusted monks to different places in France. The
one which concerns the Trappist Order was the colony led out
by Vital de Mortain into Normandy, where was founded in
the year 1 1 1 2 the Abbey of Savigni. This abbey took its
name from a forest into which Vital had led some of his fol-
lowers as early as 1105. The first monastic home of the
Order of Savigni was simply the ruins of an old chateau be-
longing to Raoul de Fougeres, who kindly granted it to the
homeless monks. This act of donation was confirmed by
Henry I. of England, and later in the same year by Pope
Paschal II. Vital gave to the monks of his monastery the

1 Safra, p 6.

« Ratisbonne, Life of St. Bernard. (1886.)

lo The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

Rule of St. Benedict, and added some particular constitutions.
The number of monks increased greatly and Savigni became
one of the most celebrated monasteries of France, i Not
only was Savigni itself illustrious, but many abbeys and mon-
asteries followed its rule and became dependent upon it.
Amongst others was the Abbey of La Trappe.

Thus upon both sides of France, in Burgundy and in Nor-
mandy, Anjou and Perche, was displayed the same spirit of
reform. But while Fontrevault and Savigni never became so
illustrious as Citeaux, there was affiliated to them, and later to
Citeaux, the monastery of La Grande Trappe, the ancestress
of New Melleray and to-day the mother house of the Trap-
pists.

THE ABBEY OF LA GRANDE TRAPPE.

It must not be supposed that the abbey which has become
famous as the mother house of the Trappists was s}'nchronous
in foundation with that strict branch of the Cistercians to
which it has given a name, in this case the monastery christ-
ened the Order; not the Order the monastery.

In the year 1122^ Rotrou, Count of Perche, founded an
abbey which he called "L'Abbaye de Notre -Dame de la
Maison-Dieu de la Trappe." The church was consecrated
by Robert the Archbishop of Rouen, assisted by Raoul the
Bishop of Evreux and Silvestre the Bishop of Sdez,^ in the
time of the fifth abbot, William, in the year 1280. The
abbey at its foundation in 11 22 was affiliated with the order
of Fontrevault,^ which was recognized by Pope Paschal II.
in 1 106, and received a still further recognition in a bull of
the same Pope seven years later. In the abbey of Fontre-

1 Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques. Tom. VI., p. no.

' Felibien, Description de VAbbaye de la Traffe, pp. lo et seq. (Paris,
1671.) The date given by Felibien is 1140, which is incorrect, although it is
repeated in Helyot, who relied on Felibien. The accepted date among the
Trappists is 1122.

s Helyot, Ibid, p. i.

* Edouard, Fontrevault et ses Monuments, etc. (1875.)

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. ii

vault, though now fallen to ruin, may stiU be seen the effigies
of Henry II. and Richard I. of England, and until the time of
the French Revolution the French princesses were accustomed
to be sent thither for their education. To this Order, illus-
trious even then, the new Abbey of La Trappe was first
affiliated, but in the year 1148, under the guidance of the
fourth abbot, it had become Cistercian, and through the
efforts of St. Bernard himself became one of the many mon-
asteries closely connected with Citeaux.

At this time the Cistercian Order, which originated in the
reform of Citeaux (Cistercium), had risen to great splendor
under the guidance of St. Bernard, and attracted to itself
and to St. Bernard's Abbey of Clairvaux, rendered so illus-
trious by its founder, the greater part of those monasteries
which with the decadence of the Benedictines felt the need of a
newer spiritual life. The affiliation then of the Abbey of La
Trappe, and its reduction beneath the rule of Citeaux, was
only a single instance of a movement which became almost
universal through France and through Europe, and which in
turn manifested the same decadence which had led to its
inception.

The surrounding country is rich in historical association.
Close at hand is Belleme from whose ancient castle the family
of Robert so famous in the annals of England and of Nor-
mandy derived its name. This uneasy baron was engaged in
a serious controversy with Rotrou, Count of Perche, presum-
ably the same who founded the abbey, in 1122. The fact
that there was war between Robert and Rotrou is not strange,
for the former, surnamed Le Diable, was usually at war with
his neighbors, but it is rather curious that his antagonist in
this instance, Rotrou, should have immortalized his name by
the foundation of La Trappe, while Robert remains a type
of the worst features of feudalism. At the present day the
" site of the true castle of Belleme may easily be distinguished
from the present fortress."^ It "stands quite apart from the

1 Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus, Vol. I., p. 218, note.

12 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

hill on which the town and the later castle stand, being cut
off from it by art. The chapel is but little altered, and has a
crypt, the way down to which reminds one of Saint Zeno
and other Italian churches."^

Close at hand is Fontrevault, already referred to, and, just
across the frontier in Maine and in Normandy, every rood of
ground brings up recollections of the days when Robert of
Belleme defied the power of the Norman Dukes, or when
Helias, the "blameless I^night" of Maine fought bravely,
though vainly, against the mighty masters of England and of
Normandy. In their old age and calmer days the barons of
that time were wont to lull their consciences by the founda-
tion and endowment of some religious house, and it is proba-
ble that Rotrou in his declining years thought to make the
establishment of La Trappe the condoning good deed of his
life. ^ In the midst then of a country which bears even to-day
upon its face the scars of the contests engendered by feudal-
ism in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and at an era when
private war was the key-note of the age, arose the walls and
gardens which afterwards beheld the inception and the devel-
opment of the strictest order of western monasticism, and
which have handed on a name which is synonymous with the
most profoundly self-denying of all monastic names, that of
La Trappe.

The history of the Abbey from 1240 to 1662 is not unlike
that of many others. For many years it was celebrated for
the eminent virtue of its abbots and its monks. In particular
were the miracles and the holiness of Adam, one of its earliest
abbots renowned, and for two hundred years after its founda-
tion it was so esteemed by princes and by popes that four or
five bulls of the Pontiffs are to be found, addressed to the
monks of La Trappe, confirming and approving the privi-

1 Freeman, The Reign of William Rtifus, Vol. I.

• Rotrou is said to have founded La Trappe in thanksgiving for his preser-
vation from shipwreck in a voyage between Normandy and England. The
roof of the monastery was shaped like an inverted keel. Concise History of
the Cistercian Order, p. 142.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 13

leges conferred by their predecessor. 1 Like many other
houses of the Cistercians, following the melancholy course
which seems to be characteristic of all religious orders, the
monks of La Trappe at last abandoned their traditions, and
neglected the regular observance of the stricter rule which
had been established by St. Bernard. In addition to the gen-
eral causes for the decadence of monastic authority, some
special ones existed in France, and these undoubtedly affected
the house of La Trappe. In the fourteenth century the
power of the church had been dealt a serious blow by the
exile of the Popes to Avignon. This, in whatever manner
it may have acted generally upon the European estimate of
their authority, had little effect in France, save in exalting the
Gallican church in its own esteem, and, by a nearer acquaint-
ance with Avignon and its rulers, lowering the ideal of Papal
holiness. But another factor was much more potent than the
"Babylonian Captivity" in ministering to the decay of mon-
astic purity in France. This was the " One Hundred Years'
War." Placed upon the borderland between what was France
and what, though French, was ruled by Englishmen, flung
into the midst of contests in which they had no interested
part, save as liege subjects of their own monarch, the monks
of La Trappe insensibly' became partisan. Perche is near
enough to Paris and near enough to Normandy to have been
long in dispute between the two rival powers, and the noise
made by Tours and Poitiers penetrated even to the quiet of
the cloister. The abbey was sacked again and again by the
English. From the major part of the border monasteries
religion fled, and attempted to find refuge in those parts of
France which were farther removed from the ravages of war,
but the monks of La Trappe did not wish to quit their soli-
tude, and by fasting and daily labor were able to subsist,
though meagrely. At length, however, the frequent returns
of the English plunderers, who repeatedly relieved them of
whatever they had amassed in the brief intervals of peace,

1 Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques. Tom. VI., p. 2.

14 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

constrained them to separate, and they did not return until
the war was finished. ^ Absence from the monastery and its
restraints, and the corruption of the world into which they
had been forced, had produced a total change in their views
of the religious life, and in their views^ of the rigid rule of
Citeaux. At their return, therefore, it is not astonishing to
learn they displayed a quite different mental and moral atti-
tude from that which had characterized them in the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries.

To the general degradation of religious houses there had
then contributed the causes above mentioned, and a still
severer blow was administered by a system which was recog-
nized by both Pontiff and King.

This was the system of Commendam. Broadly speaking, a
living given in Commendam was one entrusted to the care of
the holder until a proper person was supplied. In the special
case of monastic establishments it consisted in the appoint-
ment of seculars to the headship (or other official position) of
Orders to which the incumbent did not belong, and to whose
rules and requirements, whether of mode of life or of dress,
he was under no obligation to conform. It is perfectlj' evi-
dent that this custom, which may have been founded in neces-
sity or wisdom, and was intended to supply for the interim
places which could not on the instant of their vacancy be filled ,
with proper incumbents, was liable to grave abuses. The
ecclesiastical history of the reigns of Henry III. and Edward
III., of England, al)undantly illustrates this, and in France the
custom became still more degraded from its original intent,
inasmuch as the monarchs were wont to fill these vacancies
without much reference to Rome. La Trappe long held out
against the imposition of an abbot not elected by the mem-
bers of the abbey establishment, but in the year 1526, Francis
I. commanded the monks to receive Jean du Bellai as Abbd
Commendataire. The execution of this edict the monks
resisted and for a number of years continued to elect, as was

1 Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques. Tom. VI., p. 2.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 15

their privilege, their own abbots, while the papal curia
attempted to uphold them in their contest for independence.^
But finally they were compelled to yield to the King and to
accept Jean du Bellai (afterwards Cardinal) as their Abbot in
Commendam. At once the sad effect of the system was
manifest in La Trappe. As their was no resident Abbot the
monks did as they pleased, and soon became the scandal of
the surrounding country.^

Temporal ruin followed swiftly upon the decadence of
spiritual life. The abbey itself fell into such decay that only
six or seven monks could be lodged therein, and it became
the abiding-place of the servitors and of their families only.
The community life had disappeared, and the members of it
met only for the chase or other diversions.^ Such was the
unhappy condition of La Trappe in the middle of the seven-
teenth century.

THE REVIVAL AND DE RANGE.

The reformation of La Trappe, and the introduction into
this abbey of the rigid observances known to this day as
Trappist, were due to the efforts of Armand Jean le Bouthil-
lier de Ranc^, Abb^ in Commendam. To rightly understand
how an abbot appointed in accordance with the pernicious
system of Commendam could have accomplished so astonish-
ing a work, it will be necessary to trace the history of his life
in some detail.

According to Helyot,* the reforming abbot was the son of
Denis le BouthiUier, Seigneur de Ranc^, Secretary of " Com-
mendams" under the regency of Marie de Medicis, and a
counsellor of State, thus occupying a position of dignity and
influence. Armand Jean was born in 1626, and, as a second
son, was destined to enter the semi-religious order of the

' Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques. Tom. VI., p. 3.
2 Helyot, Ibid.
» Helyot, Ibid.
* Helyot, Ibid.

i6 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

Knights of Malta. The death of his older brother changed
his fortunes so that instead of becoming a monk militant, all
the benefices in commendam which had been conferred upon
and intended for his brother were transferred to him. The
position of his father rendered it easy to provide for his future,
and he became, while still a child, a Canon of Notre Dame de
Paris, Abb^ de la Trappe, Abb^ de Notre Dame du Val and
of St. Symphorian of Beauvais and Prior of Boulogne, near
Chambord.i These and other titular dignities were conferred
upon him before he was more than twelve years old, and
from these he derived (even at that age) a revenue of about
twenty thousand francs.

The change in his worldly prospects did not cause De
Ranc^ to neglect his studies. His father had already care-
fully provided him with tutors in the Italian and Greek
languages, and his destiny to the ecclesiastical state seemed
rather an incentive to toil. At the age of twelve years ^ he
is said to have given to the world a new edition of the poems
of Anacreon accompanied by a commentary. This work was
greatly admired by the scholars of the day, and was soon
followed by a French translation of the poet. This instance
of precocity, though unusual, is not exactly alone in history,
and we are compelled to believe that at twelve or thirteen
years of age De Ranee was already an accomplished Greek
scholar and a not insignificant critic. Modern scepticism may
hesitate to accept evidence of such early distinction in learn-
ing, but the life of De Ranee testifies to his remarkable
power of mind and will, and the testimony upon which this
statement rests is not easily to be controverted, and is gener-
ally accepted. He studied theology after having completed
his course in the College d'Harcourt, and at the age of
twenty-one received his licentiate's degree. Launched there-
fore upon the world with every favor of fortune, De Ranch's
course for some years was only what might have been

1 Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques. Tom. VI., p. 4.
s Helyot, Ibid.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 17

expected in that age. His manners were agreeable, he was
the favorite of society, his ecclesiastical state sat upon him
with the same grace and elegance which characterized the
fashion of his dress, 1 and he became the idol of the world in
which he Hved and of which he was one of the most brilliant
ornaments. Amid all the license of the time he preserved a
comparative purity, and, although he mingled amid the gayest
circles, was by no means one of the profligate Abbds in Com-
mendam with which the age was afflicted. Nevertheless his
life was not such as we associate to-day with the term friest,
yet this did not prevent him from receiving holy orders at the
hands of his uncle the Archbishop of Tours ^ in the year
1651, and the ring and bonnet of Doctor were conferred
three years later.

About this time De Rancd was staying with several friends
at his chateau of Veret, and the gaiety of his disposition may
be illustrated by the story which is told, that, after a night of
festivity, they all determined to embark upon a life of adven-
ture in foreign countries, to travel forth by land and sea, and
go wherever the "wind should carry them." This Quixotic
scheme was not accomplished, but is not uninteresting as indi-
cating the manners of the age, and the freedom which was
felt by "Abbes in Commendam."^ His life then up to the

1 Cliateaubriand. Vie de Rand.

"He wore a light coat of beautiful violet-colored cloth. His hair hung in
long curls down his back and shoulders. He wore two emeralds at the joining
of his ruffles, and a large and rich diamond ring upon his finger. When
indulging the pleasures o£ the chase in the country, he usually laid aside
every mark of his profession ; wore a sword, and had two pistols in his hol-
sters. His dress was fawn-colored, and he used to wear, a black cravat em-
broidered with gold. In the more serious society which he was sometimes
forced to meet, he thought himself very clerical indeed, when he put on a
black velvet coat with buttons of gold."

(These details may be found in Chateaubriand's " Life of De Ranc^," and
also in a review of the same in the Dublin Review, December, 1844. In fact
for a great number of details necessarily omitted in this monograph the same
work may be consultsd with advantage, especially as to the mode of life of
Veret or Veretz, but Chateaubriand is not a reliable authority.)

' Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques. Tom. VI., p. 4.

« Helyot Ibid, p. 5.

1 8 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

age of thirty-four was that of the gay man of society, whose
natural inclinations forbade indulgence of the grossest ap-
petites, but who regulated his hfe in accordance with the
spirit of the earlier years of the reign of Louis XIV. Sud-
denly this man of the great world became disillusionized, and
retired from the gaieties of court to the seclusion of La
Trappe. Several causes are said to have contributed to this
result. One was the death of his cousin, Leon de Bouthillier
de Chavigni, a man to whom he was passionately attached;
a second was own narrow escape from death; a third was his
natural disappointment at the reception by the court of his
famous argument in behalf of the Jansenists. The latter
debate, which well offered De Rancd an opportunity for
showing his natural bent of mind, was held at the command
of the King in the year 1655. At this general assembly of
the French Clergy, convoked to discuss the Jansenist contro-
versy, De Ranc^ was a delegate from the diocese of Tours.
Though De Ranch's views changed afterwards so that he
opposed the tenets of this school, nevertheless at this time he
formed one of the minority of the Doctors of the Sorbonne
who voted in favor of Arnauld, the Jansenist leader. Disap-
pointed in the view taken of his position by the court he
retired to Veret before the assembly dispersed. A story is
told of the sudden death (her illness being unknown to him)
of Madame de Montbazon, with whom he was intimate, and of
the shock which was occasioned him by discovering her body
decapitated, for the coffin was too short, and it has been sup-
posed, even by Voltaire, that this had a decided effect in shap-
ing his future life. This story is denied by others, and the
juste milieu seems to be that the concurrence of these two
events — i. e., the death of Madam de Montbazon, and De
Ranch's retirement from the world — occasioned the legend. ^
If this story be true, it is easily to be believed that an event

1 See, in support of this story, Voltaire and La Harpe, and in contradiction
of it St. Simon. It is totally denied by Maupeou, wlio was the first to write a
biography of De Rancfi. Helyot does not mention it in his chapter upon La
Trappe, but the omission in his case is perhaps natural.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 19

of such a nature would seemingly affect the course of life of
a man so sensitive as De Rancd was. But the reasons first
mentioned were doubtless the determining ones.^ At any
rate, in about 1660, just after the death of the Duke of Orleans,
whose almoner he was, he made up his mind to lay down at
least part of his benefices. But he consulted in regard to
this serious step several of his friends of high position in the
hierarchy of the church. They were the Bishops of Aleth,
of Pamiers, of Chalons and of Comminges.^ The counsel
of the Bishop of Aleth was the least severe. "Sell," said
he, "your patrimony and distribute the price of it to the
poor," but he permitted him to retain his benefices. But
even this seemed to De Rancd an excessive self-abnegation.
He replied that his family would not permit it, but he listened
with respect to the reasons of the prelate. The Bishop of
Pamiers went even further, and advised him not only to sell
his patrimony, but to lay down his benefices with the excep-
tion of one. This dictum was extremely distasteful to De
Rancd, who argued that he could not live upon one benefice
in a way befitting his condition in life. He therefore con-
sulted at last the Bishop of Comminges, who speaking with
the voice of a prelate of the early times, confirmed the advice
of the Bishops of Aleth and Pamiers, and in addition avowed
his belief that De Ranee should take the monastic habit and
rule the monastery which he was still to hold, for, said he,
"Abbeys in Commendam are contrary to the spirit of the
church." 3 Thus De Rancd found himself qn every side
advised to purge himself of the sin of which he had unwit-
tingly been guilty, and give the rest of his life as a penitential
offering for his past.

This advice, coming as it did, from prelates whose opinion
he respected, increased the compunctions of his conscience,

1 Another reason, perhaps more important than any ol those enumerated,
may have had more weight, viz., the conviction, gradually growing upon him,
of a true vocation for the monastic state.

^ Helyot, Histoire des Ordres Monastiques. Tom. "VI,, p. 6.

' History of the Cistercian Order, pp. 140-1.

20 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

and the effect of the two combined was, that he sold his pat-
rimony and resigned all his benefices except that of La
Trappe, this being the poorest, the most unhealthy, and the
least known. The ruinous condition of La Trappe has been
before referred to. "There are in existence," says Count
Chateaubriand, "formal reports in writing of the lamentable
condition of this monastery. That which bears the date of
1685, signed by Dominic, Abbot of Val-Richer, describes the
state it was in before the reform of De Ranc^. Day and
night the gates were open; males and females were admitted
indiscriminately to the cloister. The entrance hall was so
dark and filthy that it was more like a prison than a house
dedicated to God. Access was had to the several floors by a
ladder placed against the walls, and the boards and joists of
the floor were broken and worm-eaten in many places. The
roof of the cloister had fallen in so that the least shower of
rain deluged the place with water. The very pillars that
supported it were bent, and as for the parlor, it had for some
time been used as a stable. The refectory was such only in
name. The monks and their visitors played at nine-pins or
shuttlecock in it when the heat or inclemency of the weather
prevented them from doing so outside. The dormitory was
utterly deserted; it was tenanted at night only by birds; and
the hail and the snow, the wind and the rain, passed in and
out as they pleased. The brothers who should have occupied
it, took up their quarters where they liked, and where they
could. The church itself was not better attended to. The
pavement was broken, and the stones thrown about. The
very walls were crumbling to decay. The belfry threatened
to come down every moment. It shook alarmingly at every
ringing of the bell. When De Rancd set about reforming
the monastery, it was but the ruin of a monastic establish-
ment. The monks had dwindled down to seven. Even these
were spoiled by alternations of want and plenty. When De
Rancd first began to talk of reform the whole establishment
was in commotion. Nothing was heard but threats of ven-
geance. One spoke of assassinating him, another advised

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 21

poison, while a third thought the best and safest way of get-
ting rid of him would be to throw him into one of the lakes
that surrounded the monastery." 1

These menaces did not terrify De Rancd. Monks of the
stricter observance were introduced into the monastery, and
the seven of the older fight were obliged to sign an agree-
ment in 1662 which was confirmed by the Parliament of Paris
in February of the following year. In accordance with this
agreement they were permitted to remain in the monastery
and conform to the new rules, or to take up their residence
elsewhere, and a pension of four hundred francs was assigned
to them in either case.^ The monks did not accept these
conditions willingly, but threats of the anger of the King
prevailed, and at lenght De Rancd found himself the master
of the Abbey of La Trappe.

But the evil which had sprung from the sj^stem of "Com-
mendam" had not yet been repaired, and De Rancd behold-
ing in himself the sacrifice which was required for the sins
of which his family and himself had been guilty, in the many
years that they had figured among the hosts of Abbots in
Commendam, retired, in 1663, into the convent of Persigny,
there to pass his novitiate. His profession was made in
1664,3 and the abbatial benediction was pronounced in Sdez,
in the monastery of St. Martin, by the Bishop of Ardah* in Ire-
land. Thus from being an Abbot in Commendam De Ranc^
became a Cistercian monk and Abbot in possession, and in
formal terms, of La Trappe. Henceforth the brilliant man
of the world, the gay and elegant Seigneur de Ranee, Lord
of Veret and holder of a plurality of benefices, becomes
Armand John, the regular Abbot of La Trappe; and, with
this change the Abbot entered upon the strictest regimen of

1 Chateaubriand. Vie de Rand. See also Helyot, History des Ordres Mo-
nastiques. Tom. "VI., p. 7.

2 Helyot, Ibid.

» Felibien, Description de la Trappe, pp. 18-19. Helyot, Ibid, p. 7.
* Felibien, Ibid, p. 20.

22 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

the old monks of Citeaux. His fasts were so continual and
so austere, that it is hard to understand how he could have
endured them and yet survived. Every day he engaged in
humble, even in manual labors, from which he returned ex-
hausted. He was always the first at the Office, at prayer and
at all regular exercises of the Abbey. He ordered nothing
in the doing of which he did not set the example, and do him-
self what he prescribed to the rest. Such an example could
not but induce like abstinence, and like self-denial in the
monks, and the austerities of the Abbey became famous. The
reforms then which were introduced by De Ranc^ may be
summarized as follows:

1. Abstinence.

2. Perpetual Silence.

3. Manual Labor.

These regulations were not new, but they had fallen into
abeyance. They are all contained in the Rule of St. Bene-
dict, and in spasmodic activity had appeared in many ages
and in many monasteries. The glory of De Ranc^^ is that
the power of his personality and the excess of his zeal made
them the distinctive characteristics of the monks of his own
abbey, and that the same power stamped them upon others.
His rules were not so extreme^ as those of Citeaux at its
earlier beginnings, they were somewhat tempered to the
necessities of his age and the comparatively less physical
endurance possessed by the religious of that day, but they
were the most enduring of any reforms instituted in the
seventeenth century and from that time to this have remained
comparatively unchanged. The reasons which justified De-
Rancd to himself in restoring the close observance of Citeaux
may be read in his ovi^n works, ^ and certain extracts will be
found hereafter quoted in this monograph.*

1 Appendix IV.

2 Appendix III.

' De Rancd, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic State.
2 vols. Richard Grace. (Dublin, 1830.)
* Appendix IV.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 23

The later history of the Abbey of La Trappe can be
quickly told.

For nearly a century after De Ranch's death (1700), La
Trappe continued in strict observance of the reformed rule
established by him. In the year 1791 two commissioners
from the administrative assembly of the department of the
Orne presented themselves to Abbot Peter Olivier and en-
quired why the Abbey had not been suppressed in accordance
with the decree of the constituent assembly as regards the
religious order in France. Although the inquisitors them-
selves examined the monks of whom there were fifty-three
choir religious and thirty-seven lay brethren, and pronounced
them men of strong and decided character whose thoughts
were absorbed by religion, the Executive of the Department
forbade the further existence of the Abbey as such, and it was
suppressed by the Assembly. The confiscation of La Trappe
immediately upon the decree of the Assembly in 1790 had
been postponed in view of numberless petitions in its favor,
but now the blow fell, the monks were scattered, a contingent
of them went to Switzerland, ^ the rest dispersed, the build-
ings of the monastery were thrown down and the fields were
left uncultivated.

In 181 5, after the final defeat of Napoleon, La Trappe was
repurchased by the Abbot, new buildings were erected, and
from that time to this it has continued to be the Mother House
of the Order. "Nothing, however, exists of the La Trappe
of De Rancd save the cincture of forest trees and the hills
which surround the monastery; the pools which stretch their
sheet of water into the forests of Perche; the abbatial lodge
built by De Ranee, and a few fragments of walls." ^

VALSAINTE, LULLWORTH.

In the canton of Fribourg, in Switzerland, exists a valley
deep hidden among the mountains, and buried amid great

1 The history of these will be found under the heading " Valsainte, Lull-
worth," p. 23.

' A Concise History of the Cistercian Order, p. 175.

24 ■ The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray,

forests and masses of overhanging rocks. Here was a de-
serted Carthusian Abbey which upon the petition of the exiled
monks of La Trappe was given them for a home and refuge
by the cantonal authorities, and within this monastery the
austerities of La Trappe were again put into active operation.
This for some years continued to be the only centre from
which the followers of De Ranc^ could exert their influence,
and follow the precepts of their founder. The house was
raised to the dignity of an Abbey in 1794) and even before
this time began the work of founding filiations in other parts
of Europe — i. e., in Belgium, in Spain, in Piedmont, and in
Westphalia. These establishments date from 1793. But
that house whose foundation directly concerns the history of
New Melleray, was about to be established in England.
Among other parts of the world to which the attention of the
Abbot of Valsainte turned was Canada, and in 1794 Father
John Baptist was ordered to proceed to London en route for
the new world. Although the English laws against Catholics
and religious orders were yet in force, this band of Trappists
was received and protected by the English government under
the pretense that they were French exiles. Arrangements
were made for their voyage to Canada, but at the moment of
embarkation the project was given up, and they remained in
England. In March, 1796, the community entered their new
monastery which had been erected mainly through the gen-
erosity of Thomas Weld near his castle of LuUworth, in the
county of Dorset, and from that castle it derived its name.
The sojourn of the monks in England lasted until 1817.
They were warned to receive only French novices and in-
formed that the government telorated them only as French
refugees. Both Irish and English postulants had joined the
community and the Abbot not being willing to conform to this
restriction which was imposed by Lord Sidmouth, petitioned
Louis XVIII. for permission to return to France and restore
the Cistercian order. This petition was granted. St. Susan
of LuUworth was disposed of, and on the loth of July, 1817,
the community which numbered sixty persons embarked on

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 25

the government frigate La Revanche. This ship had been
assigned for their use by the French King.

The question had arisen as to where this company of Trap-
pists should find a home, for in France there had survived
the storm of the Revolution onl}^ the monasteries of the
Grande Chartreuse and of Melleray. Arrangements were
finally made by which the Abbot came into possession of the
latter. Its lands had been sold, Hke those of other monaste-
ries, and were in the hands of different owners, but at last
through purchase and through gift the most of the monastic
lands, and the Abbey, were repurchased and the religious
were solemnly installed in Melleray on the 7th of August,
1817.

MELLERAY.

The story of the founding of Melleray Abbey is as follows:
In the twelfth century monks of Pontrond, a monaster}'- of
the order of Citeaux in Anjou, were sent in seach of a fitting
site for a new monastery. They approached the village of
Moisdon in Brittany and were so coldly received by the peas-
ants that they were forced to take refuge in a forest. Here
they selected a hollow tree for their resting place for the
night, and within it they found a honeycomb which supplied
them with them the food which the inhospitable peasants had
refused. From this circumstance the name of the Abbey is
said to be derived — Mellis alvearium, Mellearium, Melleray.^
Whether this derivation be correct or not, and it seems likely
enough, the monastery was founded in 1142 by Alvin Sieg-
neur de Moisdon. Of the ancient buildings nothing remains
to-day but the gate of entrance and a part of the church con-
secrated in 1 183. Reconstructions and renovations succeeded
each other at different intervals, and the main buildings date
from the last century. The traditions of ecclesiastical archi-
tecture had by that time declined, and the more ancient halls

' Benoist, Felix. Notice sur VAbbaye de N.-D. de La Trajife de Melleray,
p. 14. (Nantes, 1884.)

26 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

were cast down and in place of them were erected new build-
ings which in their general appearance resembled chateaux
rather than monastic habitations This stream of innovation
was then in full flood in France, and betokened a decay not
only of the true monastic rules of architecture, but also of the
institution itself. Melleray therefore only followed the cur-
rent, and displays in its architecture but few of the antique
characteristics of the twelfth century. In 1791 it fell like
other religious establishments beneath the wrath of the Con-
stituent Assembly and was sold with all its dependencies as
national property to many different purchasers.

To this monastery, reacquired as has been said by strenu-
ous efforts, Dom Antonie, the Abbot of Lullworth, led his
community. The revival of Trappist discipline in France
was not lightly regarded by the Bretons or the world, and
from Nantes to Melleray the monks v/ere attended by throngs
of peasants, and by the more important personages of the
neighborhood. The community possessed again an Abbey,
but an Abbey which had fallen into ruin and farms which had
lain for years partly neglected. Besides all this, Melleray is
situated in one of the poorest cantons of the department of
the Loire-Infdrieure. The property comprised about four
hundred acres. This was divided into four farms. Three of
them were let, and the fourth, around the Abbey, was reserved
for the personal manual labor of the community. ^

It was the cultivation of these lands by the monks which
rendered the name of the Abbot, Dom Antoine,^ and of Mel-
leray, so celebrated in France, for the English system of
agriculture was introduced, English agricultural instruments,
unknown in France, were brought to the lands of the Abbey,
and the farmers of Brittany soon improved their methods and
introduced the new and improved system. More than this, a
market garden was established and vegetables were sold in

' Benoist, Felix. Notice sur V Abbaye de N. -D. de La Trappe de Melleray,
P- 35-

^ For the life of Dom Antoine, otherwise Anne-Nicolas-Charles Saulnier
de Beauregard, Doctor of Theology of the Sorbonne, see Ibid, p. 28, et seq.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 27

Chateaubriant and the environs of the monastery, while an
agricultural school was also established there, into which were
received many pupils. The agricultural and horticultural
school spread the fame of the Abbot through France, and
ameliorated by its advanced methods the condition of the
farmers of the neighboring departments. Until 1830 the
community of Melleray lived on in temporal and spiritual
prosperity and with numbers reaching at certain times, as
many as two hundred. But in that year of revolution the
Abbey met with a severe stroke of ill-fortune — one which led
eventually to the establishment of the Abbey of New Mel-
leray in Dubuque County, Iowa. The Abbot had long been
known as a friend of the Bourbons. In 1820 he had pro-
nounced at Nantes the funeral sermon of the Duke de Berri,
who fell beneath the stroke of the assassin. In 1829 the
Duchess de Berri had visited the abbey, and had been re-
ceived with the honor befitting her rank, and then accorded
to royal princesses by the customs of the Trappists. These
causes were reinforced by the reception into the community
of many Irish and English monks and by the envy for the
agricultural prosperity of Melleray which was felt by the sur-
rounding country. Hence when Charles X. was driven from
his throne, and the citizen-King, Louis Phillippe, entered the
Tuilleries, it was not wonderful that private hatred, and public
suspicion should be directed against the Trappists of Melleray.
They were accused of plotting against the new monarchy, of
harboring Irishmen and Englishmen who were sturdy legiti-
mists, and of rebelling against the new regime. This general
policy against the monastic establishment of Melleray took
definite shape in 1831. On the 5th of August of that year
the prefect of Nantes obtained an order of arrest in accord-
ance with which the community of Melleray was to be sup-
pressed and dissolved. This order not having been obeyed, a
detachment of soldiers in number about six hundred sur-
rounded the Abbey on the 28th of September. Sentinels
were placed at all places of egress, and the authorities assem-
bled in the Abbot's room and declared that in virtue of an

28 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

ordinance of Napoleon the establishment of Melleray was
unconstitutional. 1 The authorities, therefore, proclaimed that
they were armed with power to dissolve the brotherhood and
give passports to all its members. The true causes for this
action may be found among those stated above, and the sub-
prefect of Chateaubriant made himself the following state-
ment: "One of the chief reasons which has compelled us to
have recourse to these unpleasant measures, is the clamor
now prevalent among good citizens and respectable members
of families, that almost all the people of the neighborhood
prefer the Abbey mill to their mills ; that the vegetables of
Melleray are bought in preference, and at a cheaper rate than
from the ordinary green-grocers, and that the leather of the
monastery is in great request."^ There can be no doubt that
the legitimist sympathies of the Abbot (which were not un-
natural when the reactionary policy of Charles X. as regards
ecclesiastical orders, and the admission into fuller freedom of
the monastic orders is taken into consideration) were of pow-
erful weight in determining this action of the authorities.
Louis Phillippe was not yet secure upon his throne — centres
of rebellion against his government were to be found in many
parts of France; under the new constitution the old religion
had been freed from the iron hand which had restored under
Charles X. the special immunities which under the Republic
had been denied it — the monasteries were not unlikely to be
centres of quiet but effectual protest against the dethronement
of a King who was emphatically a lover of monks. Hence
when the extreme loyalty of the Abbot to the elder branch of
Bourbon had been displayed by his funeral sermon over the
Duke of Berri, and by his royal reception of the Duchess,
even slight signs of dissatisfaction with the new reign would
be magnified by the new prefects into serious offenses, and in
fact into treason. Advantage was taken of the old edicts
about religious houses — edicts which had been superseded

' Benoist, Felix. Notice sur VAbbaye de N.-D. de L,a Tra^pe de Melleray,
p. 43-

* Concise History of the Cistercian Order, pp. 225-6.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 29

since the Restoration — and a shadow of legal form was in this
way given to the proceedings.

But the revised Charter ^ granted liberty of worship to
every one, and the defense of the Abbot rested upon this
ground. A second investment of Melleray in October result-
ed in the giving of passports to forty five French monks, and
the determination upon the part of the Abbot to put off the
religious habit as a matter of prudence until he could examine
the rights which the Charter conferred upon him, and then to
stand upon them.

But the principle cause of trouble was the presence in Mel-
leray of a large number of British Trappists. Fear of Eng-
land made it embarrassing for the government to treat them
otherwise than as Englishmen, and, the assistance of the Con-
sul having been invoked, they were conveyed in free omnibuses
on the 19th of November to a steam vessel which carried
them down the sound to the Hebe, a sloop of war then lying
at St. Nazaire. At length after some delay they sailed on
the 28th of November and arrived in Cork, their destination,
on the 1st of December. These British subjects were most
of them Irishmen, and at their own desire they were convey-
ed to Ireland. Such in brief was the history of the expulsion
from France, in 1831, of the men who were to found Mt.
Melleray. The story of Melleray Abbey from that time is
briefly as follows : There were left in the monastery only a
few monks, its industries were ruined, and for some years it
remained in a state of forced inactivity and of uncertainty. At
length it revived, and to-day is one of four first monasteries
of the order, acknowledging, as do all the Trappist houses.
La Grande Trappe as its superior and mother house.

MT. MELLERAY.s

Before the storm had burst upon the Trappists of Melleray,

1 Charter granted by Louis Phillippe.

* The chief sources for the history of the Abbey are manuscripts furnished
to the author by the Reverend Father Superior and by the Reverend Father
Placid of New Melleray. Some details will be found, but very meagre ones,
in the History of the Cistercian Order, quoted above.

30 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

as just recounted, 1 Dom Antoine, foreseeing a tempest, had
sent to Ireland in 1830 Father Vincent Ryan and Brothers
Malachy and Moses with the purpose of selecting a place of
refuge. A foundation of Trappists had been solicited by the
Archbishop of Dublin and the following letter is a copy of the
reply sent to the Archbishop by Dom Antoine.

"My Lord:

"The events which, during some months back, have been
passing in France, are not less known to your Grace than to
myself. Those which still threaten this unhappy kingdom,
and which are directed more against religion than against the
monarch, have made me think seriously before God, how I
may preserve the precious and interesting colony which it
hath pleased His goodness, notwithstanding my incapability
and unworthiness, to confide to my care. I have cast a glance
through Europe, and I tremble. For everywhere I behold
commotion, insurrection, discord. Ireland appears to me, at
this moment, the most secure from any revolutionary move-
ment. The great majority of its inhabitants are Catholic;
their .attachment to the religion of their forefathers is prover-
bial. Emancipation, 2 which they so long and so justly de-
manded, is now granted, and has already become the best
surety of peace, in a country the spiritual wants of which are
supplied by prelates whose zeal equals their piety. But the
decisive consideration, my Lord, is this plain fact; in a house
composed at this time of a hundred and seventy members,
forty of these are from Ireland. One objection alone meets
and opposes me — the want of funds. The greater part of
the members who have joined us, brought nothing with them
but their good will. The repairs of our monastery — the
purchase of the property — the support of so large a family,
have entirely exhausted our feeble resources; so that we have
not the means wherewith to assist our brothers in the estab-

1 Above, title "Melleray."

2 The " Emancipation " of the Catholics in England—?, e., the repeal of the
anti-Catholic laws, took place in 1829.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 31

lishment of a foundation in a foreign land. But God, who is
rich in mercy, and whose Providence has constantly watched
over us, since the commotions in France, has given to us at
this moment a fresh proof of His unspeakable kindness and
generosity in our favour. Many pious and respectable per-
sons of both sexes in your Grace's diocese, have offered in a
most handsome manner to supply funds for the foundation
of a Cistercian house in Ireland. I behold in these traits of
benevolence, my Lord, the worthy descendants of those of
noble minded men, who formerly adorned Ireland with so many
religious asylums, and who testified a deep interest in the
monks of Citeaux — the children of St. Stephen and St. Ber-
nard. I feel bound to respond to so generous an appeal; but
that which principally confirms my resolution, is the assurance
that bishops of Ireland, and more especially your Grace, will
favour the undertaking by their kind sympathy and protec-
tion.

"For this reason I have sent the Reverend Father Vincent
Ryan, Prior of Melleray, and Father Malachy, to lay before
your Grace our present position, our designs, and the details
necessary for a full explanation of the subject. I do not doubt
but that, under your Grace's auspices, this institution we have
in contemplation, and which is intended for the glory of
God and the salvation of souls, will prosper, and bring forth
abundant fruit. May our wishes, my Lord, be realized: May
Ireland again present that fervour and piety which rendered
her eminent even among the Catholic kingdoms of the uni-
verse! May the children of St. Bernard and of Abbd Rancd,
even in these later days — days of sorrow and general defec-
tion from the faith — re-people once more your solitudes, and
console the church for the losses which she daily deplores,
and which seem to bring us to the borders of those unhappy
times, when, as our Divine Master informs us, faith will be
found no longer on the earth." ^

The estabhshment of a house in Ireland proved more diffi-

1 History of the Cistercian Order, pp. 221-2-3.

32 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

cult than had been anticipated, but the first step toward this
end was taken by Father Vincent in the renting of a house
and fifty acres of land at Rathmore in the county of Kerry,
about twelve miles from Killarney. While the pioneers of
the new monastery were thus occupied in Ireland, the expul-
sion of the Irish monks from France actually took place, and
when they arrived in Cork, they were met by Father Vincentj
who explained to them his needy circumstances, and stated
that any of them were at liberty to seek homes elsewhere.
Four or five took advantage of his permission, but the rest
followed him to Rathmore. In the course of time nearly all
the French exiles, not only those of Irish birth, but those of
English and French extraction, were gathered to Rathmore.
It was evident that a rented house of small dimensions and
fifty acres of land were entirely inadequate to the carrying
out of the Trappist customs, and Father Vincent bent him-
self to the task of obtaining a more fitting and spacious resi-
dence.

Sir Richard Keane, a Protestant gentleman, made over to
Father Vincent for a nominal rent an area of six hundred
acres of mountainous land, barren and unbroken, and five lay
brethren were sent in 1832 to begin the task of its enclosure
and cultivation. This domain was situated in the county of
Waterford near the town of Cappoquin. The surrounding
country gave liberally of its means and of its manual labor to
aid the Trappists in the erection of their monastery, and to
help them to reclaim the desert which had never known any
cultivation. At first, Father Vincent and a few of the monks
whom he had brought with him from Rathmore, took up their
abode in a small cottage near their farm called "the cottage
Bethlehem"^ — but on the 20th of August, 1833, the first stone
of the present Abbey was laid by Sir Richard Keane in the
presence of the Bishop of Waterford, a numerous body^ of

1 At the laying of the corner-stone of Mt. Melleray there were present of the
Trappists about twenty. Among this twenty were Father Vincent, Brothers
Ambrose Byrne, and Foley 9f the lay brethren, and Brothers David and Fran-
cis of the choir brethren.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

33

clergy and a concourse of people which is said to have num-
bered nearly twenty thousand souls. The progress of the
building was however slow, and it was not until 1838 that it
was inhabited by the community, and in October of the same
year divine service was celebrated in the church of the mon-
astery for the first time.

It is worth noticing, that in virtue of this first establishment
of the Reformed Cistercians or Trappists in Ireland, the
monastery was raised to the dignity of an Abbey, and by a
brief of Pope Gregory XVI. Father Vincent was appointed
a mitred Abbot. This was the first consecration of a mitred
Abbot in Ireland since the Reformation, and the ceremony
was celebrated on the 17th of May, 1835. The Abbey was
given at the same time an independent jurisdiction, thus free-
ing it from dependence upon the mother house. At this time
the Abbey had become the home of the greater numljer of
the French exiles — i. e., of about seventy persons.

"Mt. Melleray, the mother house of New Melleray, is situ-
ated about three and a half miles northward from Cappoquin.
The Abbey cannot be seen from Cappoquin, as the woods
belonging to Sir Richard Keane's demesne conceal it from
view, and, for the same reason, neither can the mountains to
the rear of the Abbey be seen from the town. In fact, from
the town no vestige of the celebrated Abbey of Trappists can
be discerned. The tov/n, like others of its size, is generally
pretty noisy, there is an almost constant hub-bub there from
morning to night, and the passing traveler sees nothing to
indicate that in the near neighborhood there is a celebrated
estabhshment of ascetics, of men living in profound solitude,
entirely shut off from the busy world, observing among them-
selves an almost unbroken silence and devoted exclusively to
their eternal interests. When the traveler has driven perhaps
a mile and a half on the Clonmel road, of a sudden he is
startled. In front of him is an extensive plain, not cultivated,
for it is in great part covered with heather; bounding his
horizon on the north is a range of mountains, the two princi-
pal heights being Knockmealdown and Knocknafolla. Quietly

34 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

seated at the foot of this latter height is the Abbey, nestling
in groves of modern date. The buildings are low but very-
extensive. Looking down on the Abbey from the tower of
the church, one might fancy himself looking down upon a
village. A well kept avenue leads from the main road up to
the Abbey. The first building that is seen upon this avenue
is a school for the little boys of the neighborhood, and gener-
ally two choir monks are employed to teach in it. The next
building is the classical seminary, having a small lawn in front.
After leaving the seminary the monastery lodge is reached in
two or three minutes. This lodge is really a large two-story
house, having from ten to twelve large rooms. As this lodge
is outside the enclosure of the monastery, women as well as
men are received in it. Here two lay brethren in their brown
habits are always in attendance. At every hour of the day or
night they are prepared to receive guests. Men who wish to
see the interior of the monastery have no difficulty in gratify-
ing their desire, for one of the brothers shows them with
great courtesy all that is worth seeing — viz: the church,
chapter room, dormitory, refectory, cloisters, cemetery, sac-
risty, shops, garden, library, etc. Although the monks are
met with in all parts of the house they never speak to visitors,
they are intent on their various duties and go through them
in silence. The numerous visitors never disturb them in the
least, for the brother porter so manages that while the visitors
are in the immediate vicinity of the brethren, they speak only
in a low whisper. The brethren, though they are devoted to
solitude and to seclusion and to silence, are not misanthropes,
but, on the contrary, have very warm feelings for their fellow
men, and hence are not disturbed when seeing them in the
monastery."!

This first foundation of Trappists in Ireland was fruitful in
results. Not only did the abbey prosper, but its prosperity

1 This description of Mt. Melleray is from the manuscript, kindly given
to the author of the monograph by its writer, the Rev. Father Placid, \?ho
spent many years in Mt. Melleray, and is now Sub-Prior of New Melleiay.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 35

became so great, and its condition so crowded, that in about
183 s, even before the monastery was completed, a few breth-
ren were sent to England where an Abbey was founded,
though under the affiliation of Melleray, in the same year.
This Abbey is called Mt. St. Bernard, and is situated in Lei-
cestershire.

Father Vincent, in order that his monks might contribute
in some way to the public good, appointed a few choir breth-
ren to conduct a classical school attached to the monastery.
This is found in the seminary above alluded to.i This estab-
lishment was successful from its inception, and is to-day a
prominent school in the county of Waterford. A part of the
Abbey church was given up to the use of the public, and
priests were appointed to take charge of it. This arrange-
ment also was successful, and at the present time there are
ten or twelve priests of the Abbey devoted to the services of
the public.

Abbot Vincent died in 1845, and to him succeeded a Su-
perior who held office only until 1848, and was followed by
Abbot Bruno, who still governs Mt. Melleray. It \'S'as in his
time that the emigration to the United States occurred which
resulted in the foundation of the Abbey of New Melleray in
Dubuque County, Iowa.

NEW MELLERAY. 2

The history of the Trappist Abbeys which have" been
described in the earlier portions of this monograph finds its
final outcome for the State of Iowa in the existence of New
Melleray. Between Monte Cassino and the monastery which
rises not far from the Mississippi, the connection, though
extending through centuries, is distinct and plain. Monte
Cassino, Cluny, Molesme and Citeaux; Monte Cassino, Fon-

1 Supra, p. 34.

' The sources for the history of New Melleray are, records of the Abbey,
manuscripts written by the monks, and oral information kindly given the
author by the Father Superior, and by Father Placid, Sub-Prior.

36 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

trevault, Savigni, La Trappe, Citeaux. The stream of monas-
ticism which flowed from that Italian summit of the Appen-
nines, though divided into many channels for six centuries,
found its legitimate expression in the Cistercian reforms, and
in that, attracted perhaps insensibily, united those monas-
teries of the older order which were situated on different
sides of France. Citeaux becomes therefore a new point of
departure, and from this La Trappe, Valsainte, St. Susan of
Lullworth, Melleray, and Mt. Melleray are distinct ancestors
in the pedigree of New Melleray.

We will preface the history of New Melleray with a brief
description of its situation. This Abbey is situated in the
State of Iowa, about twelve miles southwest of the city of
Dubuque. The approach to it from the citj^ is by the mili-
tary road for ten miles, a road which unlike most American
roads is macadamized. Thence for perhaps two miles the
road is undulating, winding over hills, and through valleys.
At the end of ten miles one turns abruptly to the right and
passes into a forest. This forest is penetrated by a road
which has been constructed by the monks, and which is car-
ried on roughly laid blocks of stone across a number of deep
ravines. As one plunges from the light and splendor of the
summer's day into these darker recesses, the mind is well
prepared for the stillness and quiet of the Abbey. Emerging
from the forest road, the Abbey is seen at a little distance,
and the cross crowning a gentle elevation.

As the Trappists invariably select quiet and remote situa-
tions for their monastery, so the site of New Melleray is no
exception to the general rule. The immediate grounds of
the Abbey are surrounded by a high, close fence, the gates
of which are usually kept locked. The lodge and the house
for strangers which exist in older establishments * have not
yet been erected here. On the contrary, the stranger is
received at a side door of the main building which opens into

1 See title Mt. Melleray, p. 29 supra. Also title Other Customs and
Ceremonies, infra, p. 54.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 37

a hall and reception room. Here he is entertained by the
guest-father, in this monastery, the Sub-Prior. Hither too
comes the Superior or Abbot to welcome his guests. As
hospitality is one of the most ancient and valued privileges of
the monks, and is enjoined upon them by the Rule of St.
Benedict,! refreshment is early offered to the guests. This
is sometimes brought to the reception room, but more often
the guests are conducted to the strangers' refectory. The
guest-father, or a lay brother who is assigned to that duty,
devotes himself to the comfort and convenience of the strang-
ers, and they are shown all objects of interest in the monastery
and about it.^ Should a desire be expressed to remain a night
or to spend some time at the Abbey, a pleasant room is pro-
vided and the comfort of the stranger is assiduously observed.
It is unnecessary to say to those familiar with the customs of
foreign lands that, at departing, a sum of money, such as the
visitor is able to spare, or such as he thinks is a just equiva-
lent for his entertainment, or such as his conscience dictates,
should be quietly given to the guest-father to be bestowed in
charity.

The grounds immediately surrounding the monastery are
laid out with much beauty. To the rear of the building ex-
tend two distinct avenues of trees resembling cloisters — the
branches having been trained so as to form an arch overhead.
In this secluded and silent retreat the monks may be seen
walking in their brief moments of leisure. One seems to be
within the nave of some great cathedral, the light dimly fall-
ing through the boughs above. These cloistral avenues are
one of the chief beauties of New Melleray. Several well-
kept gardens are also to be seen, and the graveyard with its
simple crosses famiharizes the monks with the thought of
death. Nor do they think of this as a foe. During the build-
ing of the monastery the monks resided in a wooden house
which is still in existence, and is considered and used at

» Rule of St. Benedict, chapter 53.
2 See Mt. Melleray, p. 29, supra.

38 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

present as a sort of lodge. The general dimensions and ap-
pearance of the Abbey are somewhat as follows :

The stone Abbey was first inhabited in 1875, twenty-six
years after the laying of its corner-stone in 1849. This build-
ing, which is not yet finished, neither the church nor the
cloister being complete, extends in the form of a partly com-
pleted cross two hundred and twelve feet in the longer arm
and one hundred and twenty in the shorter. These arms are
thirty-five feet wide. Within them are contained the various
apartments which constitute the home of the monks. The
Abbey is built of limestone. The walls are laid carefully and
firmly. Not far from it on a slight elevation is the cross
which indicates the neighborhood of a monastery. Upon its
walls ivy is growing, and the Abbey, even since 1875, has
assumed an appearance of some age and antiquity.

HISTORY OF NEW MELLERAY.

The Abbey of Mt. Melleray, County Waterford, Ireland,
became overcrowded with members. The land was unpro-
ductive and not well adapted to the support of so large a
community, and, as France was closed against them, and the
Abbey of St. Bernard had already been established in Eng-
land, it was thought best by Abbot Bruno to attempt the
settlement of a branch of the community in America. After
much deliberation Father Bernard McCaffrey and Brother
Anthony Keating were chosen by Abbot Bruno as the pio-
neers of the movement and were instructed to select, if possi-
ble, a desirable place for a Trappist establishment in America.
They left Mt. Melleray on the 25th of July, 1848, and arrived
at length in New York, but they effected nothing at once.
After some time they were invited by a friend in Pennsylvania
to inspect a locality in Bedford County of that State, but this
place did not prove satisfactory, and was therefore rejected.
Soon after this decision was reached, Brother Anthony re-
turned to Mt. Melleray, and Father Bernard determined to go

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

39

to the Trappist monastery of Gethsemane, in Nelson County,
Kentucky, which had been founded in 1800. Here he was
entertained kindly, but remained for some time in a sort of
forced inaction. The Abbot of Mt. Melleray was not dis-
couraged and was still determined to find a suitable place for
his monks who overcrowded his monastery, and so in January,
1849, *^° were sent out as an advance guard. These were
Father Clement Smyth and Brother Ambrose Byrne, who
sailed in the steamship Sarah Sands. These were as unsuc-
cessful as the others had been and nothing was accomplished.
An unforeseen accident however resulted in the foundation
of New MeUeray when the direct efforts of Father Bruno
had seemed unavailing. Early in 1849 Bishop Loras, of
Dubuque, who was travelling in Europe, visited the Abbey of
Mt. Melleray, and expressed a strong desire to have a colony
of Trappists founded in his diocese. He offered them a tract
of prairie land lying about twelve miles from the city of
Dubuque in a southwesterly direction. Abbot Bruno immedi-
ately determined to accept the offer if the situation was favor-
able, and wrote directly to Father Clement in America about
the offer in Dubuque. Father Clement sent Brother Ambrose
to examine the land and its location. Upon close inspection
it satisfied Father Ambrose, and, considering it an eligible
site for a Trappist monastery, he accepted the offer. A place,
therefore, in America had been found for the second Trappist
colony in the United States. The acceptance of Brother
Ambrose was ratified by Abbot Bruno, and the latter immedi-
ately sailed for America. He hastened to Dubuque across
a county unsupplied with good means of intercommunication,
bringing with him Father James O'Gorman and some lay
brethren. The names of the lay brothers were : Brothers
Timothy, Joseph, Barnaby and Macarius. On the i6th of
July of that same year of 1849, Abbot Bruno, of Mt. Melleray
in Ireland laid the foundation of New Melleray Abbey in
Dubuque County, Iowa. Seven monks were present on this
occasion. Three of them were priests, viz: the Abbot Bruno,
Father James O'Gorman and Father Clement Smyth. Father

40 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

O'Gorman was appointed the first Superior, and Abbot
Bruno returned to Ireland.

Again, on the loth of September, 1849, sixteen members
of the Mt. Melleray establishment were sent out to New Mel-
leray. One was a priest, viz: Father Patrick Mahon; two
were choir brethren, viz: Brothers Bernard Murphy and
Benedict McNevin, and sixteen were lay brothers. This de-
tachment sailed from Liverpool for New Orleans on board
the sailing ship "The Carnatic of Boston." Six of these
brothers died of cholera as they came up the Mississippi, and
their bodies repose at different places along its banks.

But the emigration from Mt. Melleray had not ceased.
Neither the fate of their brethren, who had died upon the
way, nor the long and wearisome journey could deter them,
and so, on the 12th of April, 1850, a third detachment of
twenty-three arrived at New Melleray. These were headed
by Father Francis Walsh, who immediately became Superior.
Up to this date then, the 12th of April, 1850, Mt. Melleray
had sent to Dubuque between forty and fifty of its inmates.
Of the last detachment twenty-two were Irishmen and one.
Brother Jules, was a Frenchman. Thus, by 1850 the new
Abbey had entered vigorously upon its American life, and the
settlement of Trappist monks in Iowa was no longer tentative
but an established fact. It may be interesting and useful to
append a brief sketch of the eight Superiors^ who have ruled
the Abbey since 1849.

FATHER JAMES O'GORMAN.

Father James O'Gorman was appointed the first Superior
on the 15th of July, 1849, the very day the institution, organ-
ized as a communitjr, began its existence. It was understood
from the beginning that Father James was to be only tempo-
rarily a Supei-ior. He was to remain in office only until such

1 The technical difference between an Abbot and a Superior is that the for-
mer is elected by his monks and blessed by a Bishop. The latter is appointed
by the house to which the monastery is subordinate, or, being elected by his
own monks, is subordinate to the mother house.

The Trappist Abbey of New Mei^leray. 41

time as another from Mt. Melleray should arrive to take his
place. Upon the arrival of his successor Father James resign-
ed his office into his hands. Father James was a remarkably
eloquent man, he was in all senses of the word an excellent
preacher, and he is to the present time spoken of by the peo-
ple living in the neighborhood of the Abbey as the "best
preacher New Melleray has j-et produced." Father James
was created afterwards Bishop of Nebraska, and died in
Omaha in 1874.

FATHER FRANCIS WALSH.

This Superior, who succeeded Father James O'Gorman,
and was appointed by Abbot Bruno of Mt. Melleray, resigned
his position after he had held it for two years. In the year
1858 he asked for and received permission to go on mission-
ary duty. This characteristic of Father Francis — i. e., the
desire to go into the woi'ld and preach the gospel — is quite
unknown among the Trappists, but is a distinctive trait of the
active orders of monks. It was most fully developed among
the Friars, the followers of St. Francis and St. Dominic.
Father Francis was a devoted priest for thirty years, and in
1888 returned to New Melleray where he still lives. His go-
ing out to discharge missionary duty was an exceptional case.

FATHER CLEMENT SMYTH.

Father Clement was the third Superior. Hitherto the Su-
periors had been appointed by the Abbot of Mt. Melleray.
Now for the first time the monks were permitted to exercise
their own choice. The new Superior proved to be an excel-
lent one. He was kind, considerate, humble. A brother
among brethren, he possessed the true community spirit, and
in the pursuit of his ends — i. e., the advancement of the mon-
astery in repute and of the monks in holiness — he made him-
self all to all. There were no details of monastic Hfe which
were too trifling for him. Quietly, and indeed instinctively,
he saw into everything, and with firmness or with severity, as
one or the other was required by the occasion, advanced the

42 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

interests of New Melleray. After holding office for about six
years he became coadjutor to Bishop Loras, of Dubuque, and,
after that prelate's death, succeeded him as Bishop of the Dio-
cese. He soon became a favorite in Dubuque through his
affability, his condescension, and his unfeigned kindness of
heart. That same nature which had rendered him so beloved
in the monastery produced a like effect in his diocese. He
was beloved in every corner of it, and died universally regret-
ted, after a comparatively brief enjoyment of his pastoral staff,
in Dubuque in 1865.

FATHER IGNATIUS FOLEY.

Father Ignatius Foley held office only part of one year. He
then returned to his own monastery of Mt. Melleray, and di-
rectly after his arrival took an active part in the conduct of
the classical school attached to the Abbey, ^ and intended
chiefly for the training of ecclesiastical students. Some years
later he became president of the seminary, and still holds this
office. He has been very successful in filling this position,
and under his care many young men have been educated who
are now priests in missionary work — some in America, others
in A-ustralia.

FATHER BERNARD McCAFFREY.

Father Bernard, like Father James O'Gorman, held office
only until such time as another from Mt. Melleray should
come to take his place.

FATHER EPHRAIM McDONALD.

On the 25th of February, 1859, Father Ephraim took office
as Superior. He had been Prior and novice-master of Mt.
Melleray. Through the agency and active assistance of
Father Clement, then Bishop of Dubuque, the monastery was
raised to the dignity of an Abbey, ^ and shortly after Father

1 Supra, p. 35.

2 The technical difference between an Abbey and a monastery is that an
Abbey is generally exempted from Episcopal control. That is to say, the

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 43

Ephraim was elected first Abbot ^ and blessed in the Cathe-
dral of Dubuque, the sermon being preached on that occasion
by the Bishop of Chicago.

Abbot Ephraim held his office for a little more than twenty-
one years, and returned to Mt. Melleray in 1883. He is still
living in the mother-monastery and is now in his seventy-first
year. He was remarkable for his piety and austerity. He
gave a considerable part of each day to private prayer; his
attitude while thus engaged can hardly be forgotten by those
who witnessed it. As long as his health permitted he observ-
ed the rule to the letter, taking during half the year, Sundays
excepted, but one meal in the day, and that at half after two
in the afternoon, having arisen at two o'clock in the morning.
He took his part in the hardest and most menial field labor,
and made himself all in all to his brethren. His humility was
remarkable, for, although Abbot and Superior, he made
everyone feel that honors and distinctions and dignities were
nothing to him but burdens.

FATHER ALBERIC DUNLEA.

About six weeks after the resignation of Abbot Ephraim,
Father Alberic became Superior of New Melleray. He had
also held the office of master of novices at Mt. Melleray.
He was looked upon there as a thorough Trappist, a strict
observer of the rule, and his manner, naturally grave and
serious, was a perpetual lesson for his novices. At New Mel-
leray, and in his new position as Superior, he proved himself
a thorough Trappist. He was full of ardor and full of zeal.
He retired from office in 1889, after having governed the

Bishop of the diocese has no inherent right to interfere in the aflfairs of an
Abbey which are managed by its Abbot and its monks. Diflferent regulations
may exist in different cases, but as a rule an Abbey is independent.

1 The Abbot in the middle ages was a most important personage, wearing
the insignia of a Bishop, and entirely independent of the Bishop of the diocese
in the exercise of his authority. The Abbot is elected by the monks of his
Abbey and owes, as a rule, no allegiance to any superior power except, as in
the case of the Trappists, to the Pope, and La Grande Trappe, the mother-
house.

44 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

community almost six years. He is now Prior, or second in
authority in the community.

FATHER LOUIS CAREW.

In Septembei", 1889, Father Louis succeeded Father Alberic,
and is the present Superior. He came from Mt. Melleray as
did his predecessor. In that community he held several im-
portant offices. He was successively sub-prior, master of
novices, and procurator. Even while discharging some of
these community offices he took a leading part in conducting
the Mt. Melleray ecclesiastical seminary. For years he taught
the class in philosophj^, and with success, and many of his
pupils are to-day hard-working priests in many parts of the
United States.

The character of Father Louis, who is now in his forty-first
year, can be described in a few words. He has wonderful
self-control, he is never taken by surprise. No event, how-
ever unexpected, seems to disturb his equanimity. He seems
always prepared for any emergency and his temper is never
ruffled. He has great force of mind, but there is no violence,
no anger. He appears to take in at a glance his complicated
duties as Superior, and then with intense force of mind, and
free from all bitterness and violence, he accomplishes his ends
without occasioning any pain to his brethren, and without any
harshness of action. His self-possession, his gentleness and
his firmness make his government efficient, and a light yoke
on the community. 1

The history of the Abbey since its foundation must be
viewed in the light of its spiritual and its temporal develop-
ment. The establishment of a community so ascetic upon the
prairies of Iowa is, in itself, a remarkable circumstance. There
is but one, other Trappist Abbey in the United States, that of
Gethsemane, in the Slate of Kentucky. The reasons which

1 This brief sketch of the various Superiors of New Melleray is chiefly
from MSS. furnished to the author by Reverend Father Placid of that Abbey.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 45

induced the Abbot of Mt. Melleray to accept the offer of the
Bishop of Dubuque were simple ones. The offer was the
most generous which had been made, and Dubuque is, as is
well known, strongly Catholic. Perhaps the early French
settlers determined the religion of that part of Iowa; at any
rate, the proportion of Roman Catholics in Dubuque County
is far above the average in the State. The knowledge of
this circumstance may have had some effect in leading Abbot
Bruno to determine upon the acceptance of Bishop Loras'
offer. Since the arrival of the Trappists this religious belief
has spread. But it may be doubted whether, outside of the
immediate vicinity of the Abbey, its influence in determining
the religious views of the population of the county has been
marked. There has been erected a parish church near the
Abbey in which the monks preach every Sunday, and the
neighboring community is very strongly of the Catholic faith,
and very regular in its attendance at the services of the church.
The monks have been an important factor in impressing the
neighboring inhabitants with the conviction that there are
some persons who are willing to devote themselves entirely to
the interests of their own souls, and to the good of their
neighbors. This latter duty the Trappists are eager to fulfill,
and do fulfill in many ways — i. e., in charity, in preaching, and
in many good works. Thus, although they are commonly and
Justly considered a community of ascetics, it is unjust to con-
sider them as leading a life wholly selfish in its devotion to
their own spiritual welfare and future happiness alone. Trap-
pist priests have no objection whatever to undertake the work
of the sacred ministry within their monastic enclosure, but it
is foreign to their vocation to go out into the world for this
purpose.

They have also been of great advantage to the surrounding
farmers by introducing improved methods of agriculture, and
fine breeds of stock. As a horticultural and agricultural school
was one of the most important features of Melleray Abbey
in 1830, so, although the same completeness of equipment
is not to be found here, they have kept abreast of the times,

46 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

and their stock farm has been renowned. The Cistercians
have always been devoted to agricultural improvements, and
the Trappists at New Melleray are no exception to the gen-
eral and ancient rule. The grounds of the Abbey which are
neatly kept, the avenue already mentioned, and in fact all the
improvements which are to be seen in the neighborhood of the
Abbey, are the work of their own hands. It has taken many
years to bring these cloistral avenues to their present perfec-
tion, but they are the work of time and the labor of the monks.
The gift of Bishop Loras of seven hundred acres of land
was the nucleus of the estate which they now possess, and
which consists of more than two thousand acres. The land
is rolling and diversified with more undulations than is
common in the interior of the State. Grain is raised to some
extent — greatly wheat — which is nearly all used in the monas-
tery, for bread forms a very large and important article of
their food. Scarcely any of the grain is sold, for the corn
and other grains besides wheat are used for the stock. They
have been great stock-raisers, and their income depends
greatly on this product. It is perhaps enough to say here
that their stock is famous and is in good demand. A tran-
script from the auditor's books in the appendix will indicate
the amount of their property. 1

About the monastery are several gardens where all sorts of
vegetables are raised, these being an important article of diet.
Grapes also are to be seen growing, and from them a simple
and pure wine is made, for the use of the monastery, and for
visitors.

They pursue upon their estate the lives of great proprie-
tors of land, and feel the same responsibilities for its proper
improvement that is felt by lay owners of property. The lay
brothers, whose hours of manual labor are more in number
than those of the choir brothers, are not numerous enough to
adequately cultivate all the lands, and therefore many labor-
ers are employed, and some of the land is leased.

^ Appendix V.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 47

In a word, since the founding of the Abbey, its spiritual
and temporal prosperity have been marked. Some j^ears ago
a considerable debt was incurred, from no fault of the monks.
But this is now rapidly decreasing and will soon, under the
able management of the present Superior, be entirely liqui-
dated. When the debt was incurred many kind friends of the
community came forward, and, along with their heart-felt sym-
pathy, proffered' substantial help. Among these kind friends
there is one never to be forgotten by the inmates of the New
Melleray. This is Hon. W. J. Knight of the city of Dubuque.
His solicitude for the distressed community was more than
paternal, his time and distinguished abilities were most unsel-
fishly devoted to its interests, and the community feels that
under God they are indebted to him for its continued exist-
ence.

The property is purely communistic property. All have
the same rights to have their temporal wants supplied, but no
one has any special right, no one can claim any portion of the
property his own, no one can will any portion of it to another.
Novices, before profession, if they choose to leave the com-
munity can take with them the property they may have
brought with them, and it remains their own so long as they
have not united themselves to the community irrevocably.

MEMBERSHIP AND GOVERNMENT OF
NEW MELLERAY.

Before beginning an account of the Trappist discipline in
New Melleray, and the austere observance of St. Benedict's
Rule, it must be premised that the observances of Trappist
monasteries differ slightly in minor details. Though all of
them practice an ascetic life, the degree of asceticism varies
for different reasons.

The colony which followed Dom Augustine to Valsainte in
Switzerland, at the time of the French Revolution, was actu-
ated by the conviction that the exigencies of the times, which
seemed to threaten religion itself with destruction, required

48 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

the most extreme and exact, not to say exaggerated interpre-
tation of St. Benedict's Rule, and a return to the austerities of
Citeaux in their most rigid form.i These, as has been said
above, went even beyond the rule laid down by De Ranc6.
There arose, therefore, when the Revolution was over and
peace was again restored, a dispute among the Trappists of
different monasteries as to whether the original rule of Citeaux
or the rule of De Ranee should be followed. In order to give
the highest sanction to any decision the question was carried
to the Papal Curia, and by a bull of the Pope, dated October,
1834, it was provided that "with regard to fasts, prayer, and
chanting in the choir they shall follow the rule of St. Bene-
dict, or the constitutions of Abbe Ranee, according to the rec-
ognized rule of each monastery."^

By the rule of St. Benedict here mentioned is intended to be
meant that rule as interpreted by the monks of Citeaux. This
bull, however, was not sufficiently definite entirely and sat-
isfactorily to solve the difficulties of the ease.

But with a view to a sort of compromise, the entire number
of monasteries was divided into three congregations, viz: the
congregation of La Grande Trappe, following the primitive
constitutions of the order of Citeaux; that of Sept-Fons, fol-
lowing the constitution of De Ranee; and the congregation of
Belgium, following the latter rule somewhat modified.^

The Abbey of La Grande Trappe is considered the mother-
house, and gives a name to the congregation to which Melle-
ray, Mt. Melleray, and New Melleray all belong. The
Abbey of New Melleray follows the more rigid observance
of the old rule of Citeaux, as interpreted by Dom Augustine
at the Abbey of Valsainte.

There exist two classes of the religious professed, viz: the
Choir Brothers, and the Lay Brothers. Thie first are chosen
from among men who have been well educated and have a

• See supra, p. 6.
' See Affendix I.
' See Appendix II.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 49

knowledge of the Latin tongue. To this duty they consecrate
six or seven hours in the day. The remainder of their time
is occupied in manual labor, in meditation, in reading alone
and in prayer.

The dress of the choir brother, when in dress of ceremony,
is a long and wide tunic, called the cowl, made of white wool-
en cloth, with flowing sleeves, and attached to it is a capouch
or hood. When at work they wear a dress of white woolen
upon which is fixed a black scapular with a leathern girdle.

The lay brothers, among whom are often found men of dis-
tinguished origin, who prefer from various reasons to occupy
this inferior rank, are employed especially in the cultivation of
the ground, and in fulfilling the various duties, more or less
menial, which exist in the community. They spend the most
of their time in manual labor upon days when work can be
done outside of the monastery. Their dress is of brown stuff,
and in place of the cowl they wear a long garment without
sleeves, but with a hood. Their hair is cut close.

The use of linen is forbidden to all the religious, and they
wear next the skin a shirt of coarse serge.

Besides the choir brothers and the lay brothers there are to
be found in the monastery the novices. These are admitted
provisionally to try their strength, and power of endurance of
the severe austerities of the Order, as well as fitness of voca-
tion. If, after two years' trial, they still desire it, they are
admitted by vote to the number of religious professed. They
then pronounce their vows for three or five years. ^ This
ceremony is followed by the final vows which seclude them
forever from the world. These novices may be either of the
choir or lay brothers. Their dress differs from that of the
fully professed — i. e., the novices of the choir wear a white

1 Benoisi, Felix. Notice sur VAbbaye de N.-D. de La Traffe de Melleray,
p. 87. Pope Pius IX. decreed that all Trappists, wherever thej- might be
found, should pass two years before taking the simple vows, and after this
three years more before taking the final and irrevocable ones. Feria IV.
February 5, 1868.

50 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

robe, but not the cowl, their scapular and its hood is white
and not black, and their girdle is of wool and not of leather.

The total number in the community is fifty-four. Of these
fifteen are choir brothers, and thirty-nine are lay brothers.
Six of the fifteen choir brothers are novices, and six of the
laj' brothers arc novices. Thirteen members of the commu-
nity are priests. Eleven members of the community are
American born, the others are foreign by birth. It is difficult
to find the exact number who in different decades have inhab-
ited New Melleray, but in 1862 there were forty-eight pro-
fessed members, and in 1892 there are forty-two. As will
be easily seen this is the sum total of fifty-four minus the
twelve novices. Of fully professed choir brothers there are,
therefore, but nine, the balance of the fifty-four members of
the community being made up of laj'^ brothers and of novices.

The government of the Abbey is vested in the Abbot or
Superior as the case mav be. This officer is immediately
responsible to the Vicar General of the congregation, viz.",
the Abbot of La Grande Trappe, then to the President Gen-
eral of the Cistercians who resides at Rome, and finally and
ultimately to the Pope. The Abbot wears no insignia of his
dignity save a cross of wood supported hy a cord of violet
silk, and a simple ring. But when he ministers at the altar at
high ceremonials he is obliged to wear his pontifical robes and
mitre. 1

The Abbot enjoys no better food, no richer dress and no
softer bed than the other brothers. He presides from the
Abbot's seat in the chapter, he receives professions, he dis-
tributes employments and imposes penances. The well-being
of the Abbey from both a spiritual and temporal point of
view depends essentially upon the Abbot. In piety he is the
model of the monks, and upon his business capacity depends
to a great extent the prosperity of the community. His power,
with the exceptions noted above, is nearly absolute, his word
is law and his commands must be carried out. As the monks

' These differ slightly from those of s. Bishop.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 51

themselves elect him, they can also propose his deposition to
the proper authorities, but this exigency is almost unknown.

Next to the Abbot in dignity is the Prior, who in case of
necessity takes the Abbot's place, and whose business it is to
look after those matters which the Abbot is debarred from
attending to on account of the multiplicity and insistence of
his monastic duties. An officer called the Sub-Prior assists
the Prior in his duties The cellarer has direct charge of the
temporal affairs of the Abbey, and directs the work as it is
laid out by the Abbot. In larger houses there are one or
more under-ccllarers. Besides these officers there are also
others whose duties are indicated by their titles, viz., the Mas-
ter of Novices, the Secretary, the Master of Lay Brethren,
the Guest-Father, the Physician, the Druggist, the Master of
the Infirmary, and the Librarian. The Abbey, as will be
easily seen, is a well organized and methodically managed
institution, with a fixed and substantial basis and equipage of
government.

DAILY LIFE AND DISCIPLINE OF NEW MELLERAY.

In order to understand the terms which must be used in
speaking of the exercises of the Trappists the following ex-
planation of the canonical divisions of the twenty-four hours
will be found essential. The tv^'enty-four hours of the day
were divided by the church into seven parts, to each of which
services were assigned.

I. Matins and Lauds; from midnight until Prime, com-
mencing about 3 A. M. (In the case of the Trappists
at 2 A. M.)
II. Prime; at 6 A. m.

III. Tierce; at g A M.

IV. Sect; at 12 (or noon).
V. JVone; at 2 or 3 p. m.

VI. Vespers; at 4 p. M.
VII. Compline; about 7 p. m.i

1 5^. y. Bond, Book for Verifying Dates, p. 312.

52 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

l the choir brothers.

They rise at 2 a. m., and then spend two hours in prayer.
From 4 to 5 : 30 masses are going on. At 5 : 30 the canonical
ofRce of Prime is sung, and then the chapter exercises follow.
These are over about 6 o'clock. Then the brothers go to the
dormitory to arrange their beds, and after that they go to
the refectory for collation. After collation the choir broth-
ers have spiritual reading or private devotion until almost 8
o'clock. At that time the community assembles in choir for
the office of Tierce and Community mass. After Community
mass is said, they engage in labor until 1 1 : 30, and then as-
semble again in choir for the office of Sect and the Angelus.
At 12 o'clock work is resumed, but the priests study until 2
o'clock. At 2 the office of None is sung in choir, and immedi-
ately after the Brethren go to the refectory for dinner. The
time from the end of dinner till 4:15 is given by the choir
brothers to pious reading, private devotion or study. At
4:15 they assemble again in choir for Vespers, which office
together with meditation lasts until 5: 15. After Vespers the
time is again given to the same exercises as before Vespers
until 6 o'clock. From 6 o'clock until 7 the brethren are
occupied with public spiritual reading and the office of Com-
pline and night prayer, and at 7 retire to the dormitory.

' II. THE LAY BROTHERS.

The Lay Brothers spend two hours every morning in
prayer and private spiritual reading. At 4 o'clock they assist
at mass and serve the masses. At 5 : 30 they take their
collation in the refectory and spend the time until nearly 2
o'clock in the afternoon in manual labor. This they resume
again after dinner, viz: at 3 o'clock, and leave work at a
quarter before six. From 6 to 7 they join the choir brethren
at the public spiritual reading and at the office of Compline
and night prayers. These are the winter exercises; the sum-
mer exercises differ principally in the addition of one or two
additional hours of manual labor. The summer exercises

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 53

begin at Easter and continue until the Feast of the Exaltation
of the Holy Cross, on the 14th of September.

THE DAILY FOOD AND THE DORMITORY.

Nothing is more simple than the daily food of the Trap-
pists. In New Melleray two meals are taken during the day
by all, viz: one early in the morning, the second at 2:30
p. M.i The dinner consists of: ist, a soup made of veget-
ables simply cooked in salted water. In this can be mingled
a little milk. 2d, of a plate of rice or of vegetables generally
cooked in milk. To these two courses is added a dessert of
fruit either raw or cooked. Milk is not prohibited during
Advent, Lent, and on fast days of the church, except Good
Friday. 2 All then accommodate themselves to the dresssing
of the vegetables with salt and water only. This same pro-
hibition during the same season extends to cheese or dessert.
No fish or flesh are ever served in the refectory. Beer, wine
and eggs are prohibited to those who are in good health, oil
is not permitted to be used except for salad. Every day
twelve ounces of excellent bread, baked in the monastery, is
given to each religious, and he can always have potatoes in
addition.

As a rule the Trappists drink onty water. While the rule
does not interdict cider, beer or wine, provided the latter is
the " wine of the district," these are not often taken at New
Melleray. The measure of the drink whether at breakfast or
dinner is about a pint. Sometimes the water is flavored with
the juice of fruits.

In the midst of the refectory is a raised chair from which
during each repast one of the monks, appointed for that pur-

1 In the European monasteries the early meal is generally omitted and the
fi rst meal of the day is taken at about 1 1 : 30. A collation is then served
towards evening. The exigencies of the American climate, and the habits of
American life have brought about the custom of taking an early meal.

' In the French monasteries milk is prohibited during Advent, Lent and on
fast days of the church.

54 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

pose, reads some passage from the Holy Scriptures, from the
lives of the Saints, or other pious books. Sometimes persons
well known are admitted to the refectory to eat with the
monks. In this case the Abbot, after the repast, washes the
hands of the guests according to an old custom. But usually
guests are entertained in the strangers' refectory.

All the religious sleep in the dormitory which is a long
apartment containing a hundred beds or more. These beds
are arranged along one aisle which traverses the dormitory.
They are separated from each other by partitions six or seven
feet high, and at the entrance of each from the aisle is hung
a simple curtain. The mattress is of straw, the pillow is also
of straw and their covering is as light as practicable. The
Trappists retire to the dormitory at 7 o'clock in winter and at
8 o'clock in summer, and recline upon their beds without un-
dressing. They sleep in their robes, the cowl only being
removed, and the shoes.

Silence is absolute among the Trappists. They speak only
with the permission of the Superior. In their manual labor
signs and gestures answer the lack of words, and are found
to suffice. The Abbot and the Guest -Father and a few
officers of the community are the only members of the com-
munity who are permitted to speak without permission. The
Superior and a few of the brothers appointed to wait on
seculars alone speak to outsiders. It has been said, and many
suppose that when one brother passes or encounters another
he says, '•'■ Frere il faut mourir?'' This however is only a
myth. No such remark is made. Indeed without such a
reminder the thought of death is familiar to them, and they
content themselves on meeting with gestures of affection.

OTHER CUSTOMS AND CEREMONIES.

At the reception of strangers in all Trappist monasteries
where the "regular places" exist — i. e., the lodge, the guest-
house, the church, etc., the following ceremonies are observed:
Two religious present themselves clothed in their long white

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 55

robes, and when they have approached the visitor they pros-
trate themselves, and remain for some seconds immovable at
his feet, with their foreheads upon the floor. They then
invite the guest by a gesture to follow them and he is con-
ducted to the church. On returning to the guest-house one
of them reads a chapter of the Imitation of Christ. Then
their mission is fulfilled and they retire. After this scene,
which is extremely touching, the Guest-Father appears and
the visitors are conducted into the monastery.

This ceremony of reception is not used at New Melleray
inasmuch as the lodge, the church and the strangers' house
are not yet built.

In the rule there is contained one provision which some-
times has been stigmatized as a degradation, viz : the procla-
mation of faults in Chapter. When the Chapter assembles,
each religious acknowledges, in the presence of all, the
breaches of the Rule of which he has been guilty, and each
one in turn is accused of any breach of it, which he has omit-
ted to mention, by a brother who may have observed it. In
making this confession he prostrates himself upon the floor of
the Chapter room, and receives in silence the reprimand of
the Abbot. This ceremony occurs daily, and would seem, if
anything could, to inculcate a spirit of humility.

Everything in the monastery betokens a mortification of
the' senses and a close regard for the old austerities of Citeaux.
Thus there is no gold or silver used about the altar, except
for the holy vessels, and upon the altars are no decorations.
This simplicity is Cistercian, and was first introduced at Mol-
esme in contrast to the magnificence of the Abbey of Cluny.
It is most fully practiced at New Melleray. Music with the
exception of the solemn chants of the choir is completely
interdicted. 1

There is another usage which is significant. This is the
custom of feet-washing. 1 This is practiced especially upon

1 It is unnecessary to mention the wide-spread prevalence of this custom.
In the State of Iowa it exists in the Amana Society and among the Amish.

56 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

the evening of Holy Thursday when the Abbot, the Prior
occupying for the nonce the Abbot's chair, bathes and dries
the feet of a dozen religious, while the feet of the rest of the
community are washed by two other Fathers. This cere-
mony of washing the feet is commemorative of our Lord's
washing the feet of His disciples on Holy Thursday.

When the Trappist comes to his last hour, if his state per-
mit, he is placed upon his straw couch and upon cinders,
clothed in his full habit. Around him the brothers pray for
him until he has drawn his last breath. He is buried without
a coffin, his robes are his shroud, and his last resting place is
the cemetery of the monastery. A simple wooden cross
bearing his monastic name and the date of his death is placed
above him.

It is not true, though oftentimes asserted to be true, that
the Trappist digs his own grave. The story has arisen from
the fact that immediately after the burial of one of them, they
trace out the form of a new grave which is to be the resting
place of the next who dies.

Such is a brief history of the origin of the Trappists or
Reformed Cistercians who practice at New Melleray the
austerities which originated at Citeaux in 1098. Many re-
flections which in a strictly historical sketch would be out of
place . suggest themselves to every thoughtful mind. Most
strongly does the tenacity of the Rule which Saint Benedict
proclaimed from Monte Cassino impress itself upon one who
treads the cloisters of New Melleray. It is strange in the
nineteenth century and on the banks of the Mississippi, in the
midst of the new and vigorous west, to see the usages of
thirteen centuries ago stiU active and fruitful — to behold the
white robe of Citeaux and the brown scapular of Benedict, to
know that within the walls of New Melleray the canonical
offices of the Ancient Church are chanted, and that the com-
munity preserves the customs of mediaeval times. The question
cannot but present itself as to what will be the future of the
Abbey. Will its members increase in number, will the Amer-

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 57

ican monk replace the one of foreign birth, will the cross
which now heralds a Cistercian house be thrown down, or
will it multiply itself ? These questions time alone can fully
answer. But like all other religious communities' which
seclude themselves from the world and build barriers against
its stress of progress, it is not unlikely that this may find its
isolation fatal, and that it may prove to be the first and last
Trappist Abbey west of the Mississippi.

One feels this possible truth sadly, for the self-abnegation
and the self-denial and the purity of the monks cannot but
command respect even in the heart of one who cannot fully
sympathize with them or their phase of religion. Their faces
betoken a spiritual content. There are many of them men of
education, their hearts are kind and full of love for their fel-
low men. If such men can command respect when secluded
from the world, what> could they not have accomplished if
they had been part and parcel of society ?

APPENDIX I.

The following brief of Pope Gregory XVI. established the
status of La Grande Trappe, and the general government of
the Order in the year 1834. This decree of the Pope was
made necessary by the disorders resulting from the French
Revolution, and the extreme asceticism introduced into Val-
sainte by Dom Augustine after the year 1791-

" Kalendis Octobris, Anno 1834. Eminentissimi et Rever-
endissimi, D. D. S. R. E. Cardinales, Carolus Odescalchi,
Prsefectus et Rector; Carolus Maria Pedicini, et Thomas
Weld, a sanctissimo domino nostro Gregorio XVI. E. S. con-
gregatione negotiis et consultationibus episcoporum, et regu-
larium praeposita spectatius deputati, quo aptius monasteria
Trappensium in Gallia instituantur et virtutibus florescant;
auditus episcopis singularum diascesium in quibus eadem mon-
asteria erecta sunt, et audito Pater Antonio ab eadem S. con-
gregatione visitatore deputato, censuerunt ea que sequuntur
decernere et statuere.

I. Monasteria omnia Trappensium in Gallia, unam con-
gregationem constituant, quae appellabitur congregatio mona-
chorum Cistercensium Beat« Mariae de Trappa.

II. Huic moderator generalis ordinis Cistercencis pr£e-
erit, et singulos abbates confirmabit.

III. In Gallia vicarius generalis habeatur omni potestate
pr^ditus ad congregationem recte administrandum.

IV. Id muneris perpetuo conjunctum erit cum abbatia
antiqui monasterii Beat^ Mariee de Trappa, ex quo Trappen-
ses initium habuerunt; ita ut singuli illius monasterii abbates

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 59

canonice electi potestatum simul et munis vicarii generalis
consequantur.

V. Quotannis vicarius generalis turn capitulum cele-
brabit, reliquis abbatibus vel prioribus conventualibus accitis,
turn etiam singula monasteria per se vel per alium abbatem
visitabit : monasterium vero Beatae Marias de Trappa a quatuor
abbatibus monasteriorum Melleariensis, Portus Salutis, Belle-
fontis et Gardiensis visitabitur.

VI. Tota congregatio regulum Sancti Benedict! et con-
stitutiones abbatis de Rancd observabit, salvis prfescriptionibus
quae hoc decreto continentur.

VII. Pareant decreto S. Ritum congregationis diei 20
Aprilis, 1822, super rituali, missali, brevario et martyrologio
quibus uti debebant.

VIII. Labor manuum ordinarius eestivo tempore ultra sex
horas, et ultra quatuor et dimidiam reliquo tempore non pro-
ducatur. Quod vero ad jejunia, precationes, et cantum chori
pertinet, aut S. Benedicti regulam, aut constitutiones abbatis
de Rancd, ex recepto more cujusque monasterii sequantur.

IX. Quae articulo octavo constituta sunt, ea praesides
monasteriorum, moderari possunt et mitigare pro eis monachis
quos ob Eetatem, aut valetudinem, aut aliam justam causam,
aliqua indulgentia dignos existimaverint.

X. Quamvis monasteria Trappensium a jurisdictione
episcoporum exempta sunt, ea tamen ob peculiares rationes et
donee aliter statuatur, jurisdictioni eorundem episcoporum
subsint qui procedant tanquam apostolicge sedis delegati.

XI. Moniales Trappenses in Gallia ad banc congrega-
tionem pertineant, et earum monasteria a jurisdictione, episco-
porum non erunt exempta. Cura tamen uniuscuj usque mon-
asterii monialum uni aut alteri-monacho proximioris monasterii
committatur. Monachos autem quos idoneos ad illud munus
judicaverint episcopi delegant atque approbent, et confessarios
extraordinarios e clero etiam seculari, deputare poterunt.

XII. Constitutiones, quas moniales servare in posterum
debebunt, judicio Sanctae Sedis subjiciantur.

6o The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

Hoc decretum S. S. D. N. Gregorius XVI. P. P. in audentia
habita a D. secretario S. congregationis negotiis et consulta-
tionibus episcoporum et regularium praspositee, hac die 3
Octobris, anno 1834, ratum in omnibus, habuit et confirmavit
et servari mandavit.

Carolus Card. Odescalchi, Prcefect.
Joannes Archiep. Ephesinus, Secret.

Translation.

The first day of October, 1834, their Eminences, the Most
Reverend Cardinals, Odescalchi, prefect and reporter, Charles
Mary Pedicini, and Thomas Weld, members of the Sacred
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, and specially deputed
by our Holy Father, Gregory XVI., to devise for the Trap-
pist monasteries in France, a form of government, by which
regularity might be more duly observed, and virtue flourish;
a government founded upon the reports of the Bishops, in
whose dioceses the monasteries are situated, and upon the
relation of Father Anthony, appointed Visitor-General by the
said congregation, have decided upon, and decreed the fol-
lowing regulations:

I. All the Trappist monasteries in France shall form
one congregation, under the name of "The Congregation of
Cistercian Monks of Our Lady of La Trappe."

II. The President-General shall preside and confirm the
election of the Abbots.

III. There shall be in France a Vicar -General, vested
with all necessary power for the proper government of the
congregation.

IV. This office shall be perpetually attached to the
ancient Abbey of our Lady of La Trappe, from which the
Trappists derive their origin ; so the Abbots of this monastery,
canonically elected, shall have the authority and the office of
Vicar-General.

V. Every year the Vicar-General shall hold a general
chapter, at which all the Abbots and conventual priors shall

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 6r

assist. Moreover, he shall visit, either by himself or by some
other Abbot, all the monasteries of the congregation. But
the Abbey of our Lady of La Trappe shall be visited by the
four Abbots of Melleray, Bellefontaine, Port du Salut, and
Gard.

VI. The whole congregation shall follow the Rule of St.
Benedict, and the Constitutions of Abbd Rancd, save in certain
regulations contained in the present decree.

VII. They shall obey the decree of the Congregation of
Rites, dated the 20th of April, 1822, with respect to the Rit-
ual, Missal, Breviary, and Martyrology, which they ought to
adopt.

VIII. The ordinary manual labor shall not exceed six
hours in summer, and four hours and a half the rest of the
year. With regard to fasts, prayers, and chanting in the
choir, they shall follow either the Rule of St. Benedict, or the
Constitutions of Abbd Ranc^, according to the received usage
of each monastery.

IX. Superiors have power to modify and mitigate the
regulations contained in Art. VIII, in favor of those religious
who, they believe, are deserving of some indulgence on ac-
count of age, bad health, or some other lawful reason.

X. Although Trappist monasteries are exempt from
the jurisdiction of Bishops; nevertheless, for particular rea-
sons, and until further instruction, they shall be subject to
those Bishops who are delegates of the Apostolic See.

XL The nuns of La Trappe, in France, shall be united
to this congregation, but shall not be exempt from the juris-
diction of the Bishops. Yet the spiritual direction of each
convent shall be confided to one or two religious from the
neighboring monastery. The Bishops shall choose, and ap-
prove of the religious whom they judge eligible for this.
employment. They have the liberty to depute, if they please,
secular priests for confessors extraordinary.

XII. The Constitutions which nuns shall observe here-
after shall be submitted to the judgment of the Holy See.
Our Holy Father, Gregory XVI., at an audience obtained

62 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

by the secretary of the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars, on the 3d of October, 1834, ratified and confirmed
in all things, the present decree, and commanded it to be
observed.

Cardinal Charles Odescalchi, Prefect.

John, Archbishop of Ephesus, Secretary.

APPENDIX II.

ACTUAL CONDITION OF THE ORDER OF

CITEAUX.^

L'Ordre de Citeaux a un President Gdndral, qui reside a
Rome. C'est a lui qu'il appartient de confirmer, au nom du
Saint-Sidge Apostolique, les Abbds des divers Monasteres.

Cet Ordre est aujourd'hui partag^ en trois Observances dis-
tinctes: les Cisterciens de la Commune Observance, ceux de
I'Observance de S^nanque, et les Cisterciens Reformes, vul-
gairement dits Trappists.

La Commune Observance compte environ vingt-cinq Mon-
asteres de Religieux et quarante-sept de Religieuses, situes en
divers pays (Espagne, Italic, Autriche, Belgique, Polonge, etc.)

L'Observance de Sdnanque, ou moyenne Observance, se
compose des six monasteres suivants:

1. Abbaye de Sdnanque, Diocese d' Avignon, Vancluse.

2. Abbaye de Ldrins, Diocese de Frdjus, Alpes-Maritimes.

3. N.-D. de Fontfroide, Diocese Carcassonne, Aude.

4. N.-D. de Hautecombe, Diocese de Chamb^ry, Savoie.

5. N.-D. de Sdgries, Diocese de Digne, Basses-Alpes.

6. Un Monastere des femmes, au meme Diocese, sous le
vocable de N.-D. des Prds.

1 Le Petit et le Grand Exorde de Citeaux.

Preface, pp. 411-421, (Soligni-la-Trappe, Impriraerie de la Grande Trappe,

1889).

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 63

Cette Congregation, d'origine r^cente, est administree par
un Vicaire Gdn^ral, qui est I'Abbd de Ldrins.

L'Observance des Cisterciens reformes ou Trappists com-
prend plus de quarante Monasteres d'hommes et quatorze de
femmes, rdpartis en trois Congregations, dont I'une, la Con-
gregation de la Grande- Trappe, suit les Constitutions primi-
tives de rOrdre de Citeaux, la seconde, celle de Seft-Fons,
les reglements de I'Abbd de Rancd, et la troiseme, appelde
Congregation de Belgique, les memes reglements Idge rement
modifies. Chacune de ces Congregations est gouvern^e par
un Vicaire General qui est, de droit, I'Abbd de la Grande-
Trappe, pour la Congregation qui observe les Constitutions
primitives.

Outre ces trois Congregations de la Trappe, il y a encore
les Trappistes de Casamari en Italie, qui ne se rattachment a
acune d'elles, et qui possedent les trois Maisons de Casamari,
Valviscioli et Saint Dominique de Sora.

LISTE DE MONASTERES DES TROIS CONGREGATIONS
CISTERCIENNES DE LA TRAPPE.

Tous ces Monasteres sont Abbayes, sauf quelques-uns
nouvellement fondes.

CONGREGATION DE LA GRANDE-TRAPPE MAISON MERE.

N.-D. dela Grande-Trappe, pres Montague (Orne), au Dio-
cese de Seez (siege du Vicaire General de la Congregation).

QUATRE PREMIERS MONASTERES.

N.-D. de Melleray, Bretagne (Loire-Inferieure), au Diocese
de Nantes.

N.-D. de Bellefontaine, pres Cholet (Maine-et-Loire), Dio-
cese d' Angers.

N.-D. d'Aiguebelle, pres Grignan (Drome), Diocese de
Valence.

N.-D. de Bricquebec, au Diocese de Coutances (Manche).

AUTRES MONASTERES DE LA MEME CONGREGATION.

N.-D. du Mont-Melleray, pres Cappoquin, Comte de Water-
ford (Irlande).

64 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

N.-D. du Mont-Saint-Bernard, au Comtd de Leicester
(Angleterre).

N.-D. de Thymadeuc, Diocese de Vannes (Morbihan).

N.-D. de Staoueli, Diocese d' Alger (Afrique).

N.-D. de Gethsdmani, au Kentucky (Etats-Unis).

N.-D. de la Nouvelle-Melleray, pres Dubuque-Iowa (Etats-
Unis).

N.-D. de Fontgombauld, Diocese de Bourges (Indre).

N.-D. des Neiges, au Diocese de Viviers (Ardeche).

Sainte-Marie du Desert, pres Cadours (Haute-Garonne),
au Diocese de Toulouse.

N.-D. des Dombes, au Diocese de Belley (Ain).

Abbaye des Trois-Fountaines, situee aux Eaux Salviennes,
pres Rome, et dddide aux saints martyrs Vincent et Anastase.
Elle est commende. Outre I'Abb^ commendataire, qui est
un Cardinal, il y a un Abbe regulier.

N.-D. du Petit-Clairvaux, Nouvelle-Ecosse (Amerique).

N.-D. de Divielle, pres Monfort (Landes), Diocese d'Aire.

N.-D. d'Acey, Diocese de Saint Claude (Jura).

N.-D. d'Igny, pres d'Arcy-le-Ponsart (Marne), Diocese de
Reims.

N.-D. de Bonnecomce, Diocese de Rodez (Aveyron).

N.-D. du Mont-Saint-Joseph par Roscrda, Comtd de Tip-
pdrary (Irlande).

N.-D. du Lac, pres Montreal (Canada).

N.-D. de Reichenbourg, Styrie (Autriche).

N* S^ de Bellpuig, province de Ldrida (Espagne).

N.-D. du Sacrd-Cceur, a Akbes, par Alexandrette (Syrie).

MONASTERES DE RELIGIEUSES DE LA CONGREGATION
DE LA GRANDE-TRAPPE.

N.-D. des Gardes, au Diocese d' Angers (Maine-et-Loire).
N.-D. de Vaise, a Lyon (Rhone).
N.-D. de Maubec, Diocese de Valence (Drome).
N.-D. de la Cour-Pdtral, pres la Fertd-Vidame, au Diocese
de Chartres (Eure-et-Loir).

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 65

N.-D. de Blagnac, pres Toulouse (Haute-Garonne).

N.-D. d'Espira de I'Agly, Diocese de Perpignan (Pyren-
ees-Orientales).

N.-D. de Bonneval, pres Espalion (Aveyron), au Diocese
de Rodez.

Monastere de San Vito, Colline de Turin (Italie).

N.-D. de Saint-Paul-aux-Bois, pres Bldrancourt, au Diocese
de Soissons (Aisne).

N.-D. de Lanouvelle, au Diocese de Nimes (Gard).

CONGREGATION DE SEPT-FONS.

N.-D. de Saint-Lieu-Sept-Fons, pres Dompierre (Allier),
au Diocese de Moulins.

N.-D. du Port-du-Salut, au Diocese de Laval (Mayenne).

N.-D. du Mont-des-Olives (Alsace), Diocese de Strasbourg.

N.-D. du Mont-des-Cats, Diocese de Cambrai (Nord).

N.-D. de la Grace-Dieu, Diocese de Besangon (Doubs).

N.-D. de la Double, Diocese de Pdrigueux (Dordogne).

N.-D. de Chambarand, pres Roybon (Isere), au Diocese
de Grenoble.

N.-D. des lies, a Wagap (Nouvelle-Calddonie).

N.-D. de Tamie (Savoie), Diocese de Chambdry.

Monastere de Mariastern, pres Banjaluca, en Bosnie (Tur-
quie d'Europe).

N.-D. de Resica, en Croatie (Autriche).

Et deux autres Maisons, nouvellement fonddes, I'une dans
la province du Cap (Afrique meridionale), I'autre en Chine
pres Pekin.

monasteres de- religieuses de la congregation
de sept-fons.

N.-D. de I'lmmaculde-Conception, pres Laval (Mayenne).
N.-D. de la Misdricorde (CElenberg), au Diocese de Stras-
bourg, en Alsace.

Saint Joseph d'Ubexy, au Diocese de Saint-Die (Vosges).
(Get trois Monasteres sont gouvern^s-par une Abbesse).

66 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

N.-D. du Sacrd-Coeur, pres Macon (Saone-et-Loire), au
Diocese d'Autun."

CONGREGATION DE BELGIQUE.

Abbaye de N.-D, de Westmalle (Province d'Anvers), au
Diocese de Malines.

Abbaye de Sainte-Sixte (Flandre-occidentale), au Diocese
de Bruges.

Abbaye de Saint-Benoit, a Achel, au Diocese de Lidge.

Abbaye de N.-D. de Scourmont, a Forges-les-Chimay Dio-
cese de Tournai.

APPENDIX III.i

With respect to the statement that De Ranee established a
stricter discipline than the Cistercian Institute, it is entirely
incorrect; and likewise that he brought back the "austere
primitive institute of St. Bennet." He desired to do so, but
he feared that he and his religious would not be able to sup-
port the rigorous fasts enjoined by the usages of Citeaux, and
grounded upon the rule of St. Benedict. In 1672, on the
Feast of All Saints, he commenced with his communitj^ the
strict winter fast of taking but one meal in the day; and this
not till after none, about half-past two p. m. They continued
this fast till the following Easter, 1673. When De Ranc^ had
remarked the weakness, the exhaustion of his brethren, he
trembled for their health and adopted the following mitiga-
tions: During the winter season, from the 14th of September
till Easter, dinner was to be taken at twelve o'clock, except
on the fasts of the church, when it was taken half an hour
later. In the evening, there was a collation of two ounces of
bread, with salad, milk or cheese; and on fasts of the church,

1 Consult Les Riglemens de V Abbaye de Notre Dame de, la Trafpe en Forme
de Constitutions (1690); also Les Trapfistes de VOrdre de Citeaux au XIX.
Steele, etc., par M. Casimir .Gaillardin (2 vols., 1844.)

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 67

one ounce of bread. During the summer season, the dinner
was taken at half-past ten a. m., and the collation at five in
the evening. Compare these regulations of diet with the
usages of Citeaux, or with the 41st chapter of St. Benedict's
Rule, and it will be found as De Rancd himself states, that
the strict observance of Citeaux was not observed at La
Trappe in his time.

On Sundays and festivals a public conference was held
for an hour, in which the brethren were allowed to speak
upon spiritual and edifying subjects. This was undoubtedly
a relaxation of the strict and perpetual silence enforced by the
usages of Citeaux, at least with respect to public conversation.
The choir religious had not so much manual labor under De
Rancd as under St. Stephen.

APPENDIX IV.

OF ABSTINENCE.

^AU these examples, though so interesting, will not affect
you, my brethren, so sensibly, as the remembrance of the
austerities practiced by the holy founders of the Cistercian
Order. The plan of life laid down by our fathers at the birth
of this great Order, will place the dreadful state in which you
behold it at present in the clearest light; and I doubt not, that
when you shall have considered the almost infinite distance
that exists between the father and the children, you will ex-
claim with St. Bernard, " Oh ! the monkfa of those times, and
those of our unhappy days." What a difference! Those
saints proposed, as we have already said, the literal observ-
ance of St. Benedict's Rule; such was their end, and they
were influenced by divine inspiration; wherefore they rejected
every interpretation and meaning by which the severity of

1 De Rancd, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic State.
Vol. II., pp. 130-32.

68 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

that rule might be alleviated or its purity altered. This same
austerity they transmitted to their successors, as an obligation
to which they called the attention of their minds and hearts,
and commanded them to persevere unto the last moment of
life; such is the express injunction of the charter of the
foundation.

Now to the end that they might live conformably to this
duty, they would allow themselves no other food than pulse,
herbs, roots and pottage; the sauce for which was nothing
better than salt and water. Their bread was brown and
coarse, they drank wine but very rarely, and it never appeared
on their table v\rithout being previously mixed with water.
On days of two meals their supper consisted only of plain
vegetables, except during the harvest time. Eggs and fish
were seldom known amongst them, except for the sick; they
fasted conformably to St. Benedict's Rule, from the Exaltation
of the Holy Cross to Easter, and from Whitsuntide to the mid-
dle of September on all Wednesdays and Fridays; on all
fasting days of the church they abstained from milk, butter,
and cheese, which abstinence they likewise observed during
Lent, Advent, and all Fridays throughout the year, except
during the Pascal time. The first three Fridays of Lent they
deprived themselves of one of the two ordinary dishes, and
the three last they had nothing but bread and water; though
their labors were extremely hard, and their night watchings
very long. Yet so great was their love of Jesus Christ, that
their penance was very agreeable to them, and they even
found pleasure and satisfaction in their sufferings.

******

iBut if we desire to know what the spirit of Saint Benedict
is in this particular, we cannot address ourselves to more en-
lightened masters than the holy founders of the Cistercian
Order. Like so many Esdrasses, they were chosen by God
to re-establish the rule of that great saint, which was then no
longer observed, and to revive his true spirit; for that end

1 De Rancd, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic
State. Vol. II., pp. 141-3.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 6g

they resolved to take it in a purely literal sense, and to estab-
lish its observance according to the true end of its institution,
as we have before remarked; wherefore they rejected every
meaning and explication which were not conformable to its
purity : they began by renouncing the use of flesh granted by
the assembly of Aix-la-Chapelle ; they established a rigorous
and unlimited abstinence from all flesh, without distinction of
quadrupeds or fowl.

It is declared in the fourth chapter of the institutes, that
none but those who are very sick and infirm shall be allowed
the use of flesh, within the enclosure of any monastery of the
Order; which permission is also extended to servants or
tradesmen, who work for hire in the monastery. This is
absolute, and admits of no distinction.

This statute has been frequently renewed on several occa-
sions, and we find it forbidden elsewhere under the pain of
corporal chastisement, to all and every person of the Order, to
eat flesh in any place out of the infirmary, though he should
be commanded to do so by the Bishop. And it is morever
enjoined, that no Abbot on account of recent bleeding, or any
such like .pretext, shall presume to eat flesh, unless he is
attacked with a real malady, or fit of sickness. And this is
also absolute.

We find a similar prohibition in another place : behold here
a summary of what it enjoins. Let the injunctions of the
rule, relative to the use of flesh meat, be inviolably observed,
namely, that no member of the order shall eat meat out of the
infirmary, under pain of excommunication, i to be incurred,
ipso facto, or by the very act; if the offender be an officer, he
shall be deposed, nor shall he be reinstated in any charge or
employment, without a permission being first obtained of the
general chapter for that purpose; if he be only a private relig-
ious, he shall be deprived of the religious habit during two
months for every offense; this is also absolute.

There is also a constitution of Pope Benedict the XII.,

^ Monastic, not ecclesiastical excommunication.

7o The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

who having been a religious of the Cistercian Order, was per-
fectly well acquainted with its true spirit and observances, for
he drew up the constitution of which we speak, and proposed
it as a remedy against the relaxations which were introduced.
He speaks thus: "Let no religious or Abbot, in future, pre-
"sume to eat meat out of the common infirmary, or any food
"prepared with ingredients of the like nature, contrary to
"what has been so long established in this Order: we re-
"voke entirely the permissions which some Abbots pretend
"to have obtained of the see apostolic, to use flesh meat, as
"privileges that produce only scandal." After which he
enjoins that every time a religious, whether of the choir or
of the lay character, infringes the above ordinance, by eating
flesh meat, or any food prepared with it, or partaking of it, of
whatsoever sort it may be, he shall be condemned to fast on
bread and water three days, and moreover that he be enjoined
a penance, with the regular discipline; and if the Abbot
neglect to enforce these injunctions, he shall fast on bread
and water, as if he himself had eaten flesh.

******
1 Saint Benedict, who orders that the superior should always
eat with the visitors, and requires for that purpose, that there
should be no separate kitchen for them, does not allow them
any other food but that of the community. This is what the ,
first religious of Citeaux, who were animated with his spirit
constantly observed. Their first constitutions, called the Book
of the Usages, inform us that the brother who was appointed
cook of the Abbot's kitchen was to go into the garden after
the office of prime, and there gather a sufficient quantity of
legumes for the Abbot and strangers, who may have come to
the monastery. But nothing can better demonstrate how
exact they were in this point than what passed at Clairvaux,
when Pope Innocent II. came to visit that house. He was
received by the monks in a manner so simple, and so relig-
ious, that his suite were no less surprised than edified. The

>■ De Ranee, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic
State. Vol. II., pp. 1 57-8.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 71

bread, according to the author of Saint Bernard's life, instead
of being made with pure white fiour, was mixed, and the wine
was also adulterated; vegetables appeared on the table in
place of turbot, and legumes were served at every course; a
dish of fish was by some chance found and laid before his
Holiness, more for the purpose of being seen by the assembly
than of being eaten.

Nevertheless, those holy religious did not treat their visitors
according to all the rigor of the common rules, for we find by
their first statutes, that the bread which was served to the
strangers was white like that given to the sick ; but whatever
the mode observed in the reception of visitors might have
been, they were careful that charity should never do any
injury to regularity; every part of their lives evinced their
spirit of penance, and the whole tenor of their conduct
affords us as great a subject of edification as does the sim-
plicity of their table.

Hence we must observe, my brethren, that although some-
thing of the regular austerity may be diminished in favor of
strangers, and although we are to condescend to a more gen-
tle observance in the entertainment of those who visit us than
what we allow ourselves, since both charity and the example
of the saints inculcate and require it, yet we ought to be
guided in the practice of this indulgence by exact rules ; and
be convinced that there is no time, no circumstance, nor oc-
casion, in which monks ought not to remember how much
they are bound to depart from the custom and manners of the
world, according to this great maxim of Saint Benedict: that
monks should be entire strangers to the ways and customs of
worldlings. But now, unfortunately, there is a strange sub-
version of order : when we consider that formerly the great
ones of the world, princes and emperors found the condemna-
tion of their profusion and voluptuousness in the temperance
and sobriety of monks, whereas in these our times worldly
people find in the abundance of the cloistral table a sufficient
pretext to authorize their sensuality and love of pleasure This
is an evil which Pope Clement VIII. endeavored to remove

72 'The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

when he enjoined in a decretal, that if any person of distinc-
tion should come to visit monasteries, whether from a motive
of piety, or from any other, they should be allowed to dine in
the refectory, and be served only with the common food; and
that the religious should conduct themselves on such occasions
with so much propriety that religious sobriety and poverty
might appear in all their simple and amiable attractions.

tP ^ yp 5p Tp yp

OF PERPETUAL SILENXE.

1 There can be no advantage extracted from silence in a
religious community unless it be uninterruptedly observed.
For conversations, though short and seldom, will be found, if
allowed, equally noxious and dangerous; the moments will be
carefully managed, and the brethren will soon discover the
secret of saying a great deal in a little time. When they shall
be forced to break off, and leave their conversations imperfect,
they will not forget to finish them at the next meeting. And
as it is impossible that the desire of discoursing should not
increase, so they will agree on the time and place to find out
the means of satisfying themselves, without consulting either
the will of the superior or the rules of the house, which would
be in effect the ruin of discipline and the extinction of piety.

But if silence be perpetual, the brethren will consider its
observance as indispensable, the most considerable advantages
shall be derived from it, and it shall appear that nothing is
better calculated to maintain good order, and promote the
sanctification of the cloister.

First, having no communication with one another, and form-
ing none of those famiharities which almost generally produce
contempt, they shall behold each other with respect, and their
charity will suffer no alloy.

Secondly, if any should be found inclined to evil, his pro-
pensities shall be enclosed within himself, and all communica-
tion of the evil shall be prevented by the barriers of silence.

1 De Rand, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic
State. Vol. II., pp. 106-7.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 73

Thirdly, no factions or murmuring parties will be ever
formed amongst the brethren, such an evil not being possible
when there is no communication.

Fourthly, the correspondence and intimacy which ought to
exist between the members and the head will be more con-
nected when not divided by any particular conversations or
friendships.

Fifthly, the superiors will never find any opponents, when
they shall desire to make new arrangements, for the preserva-
tion of good order and the perfection of the community. And
though a religious might not have the same ideas, yet he will
not presume to make it appear, lest he should find no one
amongst the brethren who would side with him.

Sixthly, as the heart and interior man will find no means
to diffuse and enervate its principles by vain and idle dis-
course, so recollection will be more uninterrupted, thoughts
more pure, contemplation more sublime and lively, prayer
more fervent and continual; and thus the soul will ascend to
a union with God, so much the more intimate and holy, as it
shall have renounced for his love all communication with men.

*lt ^f; '7^ ^ ^p Tp

1 Wherefore, my brethren, silence cannot be too rigorously
observed, nor can the members of a religious community be
too far removed from the dangers resulting from conversa-
tion. For if they once obtain leave to speak, they will use
the dangerous liberty in speaking of unlawful topics; they
will transgress the bounds prescribed, if they, perceive that
they may speak, and entertain one another concerning things
unconnected with their salvation; they will extend their con-
versations to everything without restriction ; they will mutu-
ally unfold their thoughts, temptations, imaginations, pains
and discontents; they will establish a place of refuge in each
other's breasts against future wants and affairs; they will link
in the bonds of a false and particular charity, which is never
constructed but on the ruins of that love, which is, and ought

1 De Rand, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic
State. Vol. II., pp. 108-9.

74 The Trappist Abbey of New Mellep^ay.

to be, common amongst all the members. The words of
Saint Ambrose on this subject are well deserving notice:
"What necessity can you have," says he, "to expose yourself
by keeping silence ? I have seen a great many fall by speak-
ing, but never one by silence.''''

* * * * * *

1 Saint Benedict, who was well informed on this subject and
who considered it in the same manner, was so exact in the
observance of silence that he will not allow his disciples to
speak, unless they are asked a question, or moved by some
real necessity. He orders that the permission of speaking be
only seldom granted to the religious, even to such as are per-
fect (that is, such as would not make any bad use of a neces-
sary permission to speak), though their words should be holy,
and their subjects edifying. In fine, that holy legislator makes
the observance of silence a constant rule, which ought to
occupy the attention of religious persons at all times.
******

^ Saint Bernard and all his brethren observed a silence so
profound that those that did not understand either the great-
ness or the excellency of this secret, censured their conduct
as being the effect of stupidity.

* *****

^The religious who were formed by that great saint, and
filled with his spirit, were so zealous for this holy exercise,
and thought it so important, that they instituted signs to treat
of necessary matters, that so they might never be obliged to
speak. The -practice of silence sanctified the -whole Cistercian
Order : the Carthusians followed their example, and obliged
their lay brethren to observe it with rigorous exactitude; so
much so, that they have kept it ever since with the same
fidelity as the fundamental rule of entire solitude.

It is difficult to resist the force of these convincing truths.
And a Superior who applies himself to the duty of inculcating

1 De Rand, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic
State. Vol. II., p. 113.

' Ibid, p. 114.

2 Ibid, p. 115.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 7 5

them to his brethren in a proper mapner, must at last succeed
in persuading them that the practice of silence is absolutely
necessary for their sanctification and perfection.

OF MANUAL LABOR.

^Saint Benedict makes it a principal obligation. Idleness,
says he, is the enemy of the soul; wherefore the brethren
shall be employed at certain times in manual labor. He re-
quires that they should work at the harvest, and in bringing
home the corn, when the necessity or poverty of the place
requires it; and he exhorts them to do it with pleasure; because,
says he, they shall be then truly monks, when they shall live
by the labor of their hands, as our fathers and apostles have
done. And it appears by many passages of his Rule, that he
considers manual labor as one of the most important practices
of the religious life.

*******

2 Saint Bernard considered manual labor so important and
so necessary that he obtained of God by his fervent prayers
both the necessary skill and facility to reap the corn, and
work at the harvest; and when the brethren were employed
at labor that required more strength than he had, he com-
pensated for his inability by digging, carrying wood on his
shoulders, and applying himself to other humiliating employ-
ments of the monastery.

As to the time they employed in this exercise, it may be
learned by consulting the Rule of Saint Benedict, and by their
first constitutions. In general, they labored during the sum-
mer, from the end of the chapter, or daily assembly (which
met ahvaj'-s after prime), until tierce, and from none until
vespers. In winter, from the conventual mass until none, and.
during Lent, until vespers; during the harvest, when they
worked on the farms, they said prime, the conventual mass,

1 De Band, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic
State. Vol. II., p. 172.
* Ibid, pp. 17S-9.

76 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

and tierce without interruption; so that they might apply
themselves to their work, without impediment, during the
rest of the forenoon. They frequently said the divine office
in the same place where they worked, and at the same time
that their brethren at home sung it in the choir.

iQne of the principal reasons which induced the solitaries
of former times to apply themselves to manual labor, and to
lay down such rigorous and general rules for that exercise,
was that their whole time might be eniployed, that there
might be no empty space in their lives, and to prevent the
fatal consequence of sloth and idleness; being well persuaded,
that as soon as they would cease to be employed in holy
occupations, it would be impossible for them to avoid being
engaged in evil ones; for inaction opens the door to every
vice, and closes it to every virtue. Hence the ancient solitar-
ies of Egypt used to say, that the religious who worked was
tempted by only one devil, whereas he who spends his time
in sloth and idleness is attacked by a great number; all of
which combat against him in various ways.

In effect, as sloth destroys all the vigor of the soul, extin-
guishes that holy fervour which is the principle of its motions
in some sense, so it binds up its faculties in the links of dis-
pirited affections, and obstructs its active powers, so that the
heart can produce no good affection, nor the spirit form any
good thought; and hence, when the passions are irritated and
temptations take up arms, the religious is no ways prepared
to resist their united efforts; the invisible enemies, taking
advantage of his disordered and impotent state, attack him
furiously, and carry him a resistless captive wheresoever they
please; and this unfortunate soul fails not to rush into every
snare they lay, for he may be considered as a man without
defence, and exposed to all the darts of his malicious and cruel
enemies.

When this vice becomes master of the soul, says Cassian,

1 De Ranee, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic
State. Vol. II., pp. 179-81.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 77

it either engages the solitary to remain in his cell in a state of
inaction, without doing anything for his spiritual advancement,
or it drives him forth, and makes him wander from place to
place in a constant round of instability; that so, becoming
incapable of any good, he may do nothing more than run
from one cell to another, from monastery to monastery, on
pretext of visiting his brethren; but in effect, being led on by
no other motive but that of finding a good repast, for the
slothful are frequently influenced by the care of what they
shall eat. Behold the true state of such persons; thus they
go on, until they find some man or woman in the same sloth-
ful and effeminate dispositions, in whose embarrassing affairs
they may engage themselves without scruple. Thus they
undertake the most dangerous occupations, without scruple,
and by little and little they yield themselves up to the ser-
pent's folds, from whence they cannot extricate themselves;
hence they no longer enjoy that liberty, so necessary to labor
in attaining the perfection of their state.

The holy fathers, whose rules we have before cited, were
of this opinion, nor had Saint Benedict any other, for he takes
express notice in his rule, that of the motives which induced
him to enjoin manual labor, the greatest was to secure the
brethren from idleness, which he considers as a cruel enemy of
the soul. This was also the opinion of the holy Abbot Paul
— this great anchoret, having labored with great assiduity,
burned all his works at the end of the year, because he lived
so remote from all society that he could not send them to any
market.

The second reason that induced the ancient solitaries to
recommend manual labor so earnestly was that they thought
it unbecoming for persons who made profession of the solitary
life to eat that bread which they had not gained by the sweat
of their brow; they understood that sentence of the holy
scripture as being literally addressed to themselves: — '■'■Thou
shalt eat thy bread in the sweat of thy brow." And they
believed that nothing was more agreeable, nor more conform-
able to the condition of penitents, who by their vocation were

78 The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray.

charged with the sins of men, than to bear the punishment
which God was pleased to inflict for their sins. They were
persuaded that the prohibition addressed by Saint Paul to the
Thessalonians, "If any one will not work, neither let him
eat," was a precept which obliged all monks; and that the
sentence which the same apostle made no difficulty to pro-
nounce against those who were engaged in secular concerns,
was with much more reason addressed to those who renounced
them, by being consecrated to the exercises of a poor and

penitential life.

******
^The Cistercian monks were not less exact in observing
this part of the rule, than they were in every other; but it is
useless to repeat here what we have already said of their
great and various labors.

******

APPENDIX V.

ASSESSED VALUATION OF ALL PROPERTY OWNED BY

THE CORPORATION OF NEW MELLERAY OF

DUBUQUE COUNTY, IOWA.2

NUMBER. VALUE.

Acres, 2441.93 $30,666.00

Horses, S4 1,000.00

Cattle, ■ 285 i,73S-oo

Sheep, 270 270.00

Swine, 90 100.00

Vehicles, 3 30.00

Grand Total of all Property, . . $33,801.00
(Signed) George W. Shrup,

Deputy Auditor of Dubuque County, Iowa.

1 De Ranee, A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties of the Monastic
State. Vol. II., p. 208.

2 The above is a transcript from the Auditor's book based on an assessment
of 33>^ per cent, of actual value.

The Trappist Abbey of New Melleray. 79

APPENDIX VI.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE AS TO SOURCES.

That part of this monograph which has been written en-
tirely from original and hitherto unpublished sources is
embraced under the title "New Melleray." The material
has been obtained from the records of New Melleray Abbey,
from the manuscripts transmitted to the author by the monks
of that monastery, and from oral communications of the
Father Superior and of Father Placid.

APPENDIX VII.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

(Only works referred to in the notes are herein contained.)

Felibien. Description de la Trappe. (Paris, 1671.)

Les R^glemens de I'Abbaye de Notre Dame de la Trappe
en Forme de Constitutions (1690).

Gaillardin. Les Trappistes de I'Ordre de Citeaux au XIX
Siecle, etc. (1844).

Plelyot. Histoire des Ordres Monastiques. (Paris, 1715-
1721.)

Le Petit et le Grande Exorde de Citeaux. (Imprimiere la
Grande Trappe, 1884.)

Benoist. Notice sur I'Abbaye de Notre Dame de la Trappe
de Melleray. (Nantes, 1884.)

De Rancd. A Treatise on the Sanctity and on the Duties
'of the Monastic State. (Translated at Melleray; printed at
Dublin, 1830-)

The Rule of St. Benedict. (London, 1886.)

Chateaubriand. Vie de Ranc^.

Ratisbonne. Life of St. Bernard.

Freeman. History of William Rufus.

Bond. Handy Book for Verifying Dates.

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