Iroquis [sic] foods and food preparation

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3 1924 101 546 921

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CANADA

DEPARTMENT OF MINES

Hon. p. E. Blondin, Minister; R. G. McConnell, Deputy Minister.

GEOLOGICAL SURVEY

I MEMOIR 86 I

No. 12, Anthropological Series

Iroquis Foods and Food
Preparation

BY

F. W. Waugh

OTTAWA
Government Printing Bureau

1916 No. 1612

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^£«^

w

^CA^

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CONTENTS.

Pagb

Introduction , j

Phonetic key 2

Agricultural methods and customs , 3

The Iroquois as horticulturists > ; 3

Corn culture in eastern North America S

Communal customs , 6

Making the clearing 7

Division of labour 8

Co-operative customs 10

"All the females" 12

Implements employed 14

Early descriptions of corn culture 16

Corn "medicines" 18

Planting of the corn 20

Thanksgiving after planting 22

Cultivation ceremonials 22

Rain-making 23

Other planting time customs and beliefs ; . . . 29

Weather-lore 29

Iroquois calendars 32

Protection of crops 36

End of season ceremony 38

Harvesting and storage 39

Abnormal ears 44

Cookery and eating customs 46

Eating customs 46

Household conveniences 48

General characteristics 49

Methods of fire-making SO

The gathering of wood S3

Utensils used in the gathering, preparation, and eating of food S4

Cookery methods and utensils 54

Mortars and pestles 58

The pack basket 61

Hulling or washing basket 61

The sifting basket 63

Bread bowls (bark and wood) 64

Dishes used in eating 66

Spoons or ladles ..;.;;.... 67

Forks or eating-sticks ; ^ . 69

The paddle 70

The knife 71

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ii

Page

Food materials and recipes 71

Corn as a food plant ' 1

Iroquois corn varieties '2

Onondaga names for corn varieties, by Chief Gibson 75

Seneca names for corn varieties, by Alex. Snider, Tonawanda,

N.Y 77

Caughnawaga (Mohawk) names for corn varieties, by Mr. Stacey 77

Cayuga names for corn varieties, by Wm. Harris 77

Other terms used in corn culture 77

Other seeds and grains 78

Corn recipes 79

Boiled corn bread 80

Baked corn bread 82

Other terms used 84

Soup from corn bread liquor 84

Early bread 85

Dumplings '. -. ; 85

Wedding bread 85

Corn and pumpkin bread 87

Corn and pumpkin pudding 88

Parched corn travelling food , 88

Hulled corn soup 90

Corn soup with nut meats 90

Corn soup with sunflower seeds 90

Hominy 91

Coarse hominy 93

Dried pumpkin hominy > 93

Early hominy 93

Early corn pudding 94

Popcorn mush or pudding 94

Popcorn soup or hominy 94

Green corn on the cob 95

Succotash 95

Parched green corn soup 96

Green corn soup 97

Green corn baked 97

Dried corn soup 98

Roasted corn in the ear 98

Green corn leaf bread 99

Obsolete corn foods 100

Ceremonial corn foods 101

Bear's pudding 101

Buffalo dance pudding 102

Ball players' pudding 102

False-face pudding 103

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Page

Beans and bean foods 103

Green beans in the pod 108

Green beans shelled 108

Fried beans 108

Beans with corn 108

Soup of dried beans 108

Beans and squash 109

Green beans with meat 109

Sweet soup '. 109

Mashed beans 109

Beans mixed with bread 109

Bean soup 110

Cucurbitaceae or vine foods Ill

Boiled squash 114

Squash baked in ashes 114

Mashed squash 114

Squash used in bread-making 114

Dried squash 114

Pumpkin sauce 115

Pumpkin with beans 115

Preserved cucumbers 115

Fried squash 115

Dried pumpkin sauce 116

Baked pumpkin 116

Cornmeal and pumpkin 116

Historical foods 116

Leaf, stem, and bark foods 117

Root foods 119

General botanical terms 121

Edible fungi 121

Fried mushroom 122

Mushroom soup 122

Nuts as food 122

Nuts used in bread-making 123

Nut-meat gravy 124

Nut-meat with potatoes 124

Nut-meats in hominy and corn soup 124

Fruits used as foods 125

Principal varieties 127

General folk-lore items 130

Animal foods .' 130

Kinds prohibited or avoided 131

Other ceremonial usages 133

Mammals 134

Birds 135

Batrachians and reptiles 135

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IV

Page

Fish 136

Boiled fish 137

Fish soup ■ 137

Fish and potato soup 137

Fried fish 137

Roasted fish 137

Dried fish -. 137

Crustacea 138

Insect foods. 138

Historical mention 139

Mollusca 139

Saccharine foods 140

Maple syrup and sugar 140

Honey 143

Beverages 144

Salt as a food material ISO

Bibliography ISS

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page
Plate I. (a) Digging stick; (b) corn washing basket; (c)

planting basket 159

n. Longhouse, Oneidatown, Ontario 161

ni. A. Onondaga lortghouse, Grand River reserve, Ontario 163
B. Lower Cayuga longhouse, Grand River reserve,

Ontario 163

IV. Model of ancient Iroquois house of elm bark 165

V. Husking and braiding corn 167

VI. (a) Husking pin of bear bone; (b) husking pin used
by whites; (c) deer's jaw scraper for green

corn , 169

VII. Corn crib, Grand River reserve, Ontario 171

VIII. Corn crib. Grand River reserve, Ontario 173

IX. Corn crib of poles, Oneidatown, Ontario 175

X. A. Winter caches for vegetables. Grand River reserve,

Ontario 177

B. Method of tapping trees. Grand River reserve^

Ontario 177

XI. Log house, Grand River reserve, Ontario 179

XII. Bow drill for fire-making, Tonawanda, N.Y 181

XIII. Pump drill for fire-making, Grand River reserve,

Ontario 183

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Page
Plate XIV. (a) Heavy pack basket for wood ; (b) pack basket
of hickory bark;, (c) stones used in cracking corn
or nuts; (d) muller and mealing-slab, as used

until recently for grinding corn 185

XV. Mrs. John Williams, Caughnawaga, using mealing

stones 187

XVI. Shelling corn for bread-making, Grand River reserve,

Ontario 189

XVII. Washing corn to remove the hulls 191

XVIII. Grinding corn with mortar and pestles 193

XIX. Sifting the meal 195

XX. Pack basket and tump-line 197

XXI. Pack basket used at Oneidatown, Ontario 199

XXII. (a, b, c, d) Corn washing baskets; (e) basket for

gathering corn 201

XXIII. Basket sieves, various types 203

XXIV. (a, b, d) Sap troughs of bark; (c) elm bark bread tray 205
XXV. Wooden bowls 207

XXVI. Spoons or ladles 209

XXVII. Spoons or ladles 211

XXVIII. Spoons or ladles 213

XXIX. Bread and stirring paddles 215

XXX. Bread paddles 217

XXXI. (a, b, c) Knives of bark and other materials; (d, e)

corn-husk utensils for salt 219

XXXII. Some Iroquois corn varieties (in colour) 221

XXXIII. (a) Green corn leaf -package ; (b, c) leaf-bread

packages 223

XXXIV. Iroquois bean varieties (in colour) 225

XXXV. (a, b) Evaporating baskets; (c, d, e) berry-picking

baskets; (f) pack basket for berries 227

XXXVI. Pack frame for game or provisions 229

XXXVII. Elm bark toboggan 231

XXXVIII. Fishing with wooden spear 233

XXXIX. Fish-trap and dam 235

Figure 1. Eating-stick or fork 85

2. Berry-picking basket of elm bark 126

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Iroquois Foods and Food Preparation.

INTRODUCTION.

Iroquois foods and the customs connected therewith have
been the subjects from time to time of ethnological investiga-
tion. In most instances, however, such investigations have
been concerned with special phases or divisions of the subject,
so that a comprehensive treatment of the subject would seem
useful. The idea of the author has been, for the greater part, to
deal with present-day Iroquois customs, or with those which
have been practised within the memory of the older people now
living on the reservations, making such references to the litera-
ture and archaeology of the subject as may be required to form a
connected account.

Among the more recent papers or monographs to which
the writer wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness are the bulletin
by A. C. Parker on "Iroquois uses of maize and other food plants"
and M. R. Harrington's "Some Seneca corn foods and their
preparation." Of these, the bulletin by Parker is somewhat
the more comprehensive. Both are interesting and cover the
field more or less thoroughly, with perhaps special reference to
the New York State Iroquois.

In extenuation of having gone over some of the ground
already covered by previous workers the author wishes to state
that this was necessitated in the making of more extensive and
intensive inquiries into practically all divisions of the subject,
as well as in the fixing of a starting-point for a number of ad-
ditional topics. There is also to be considered the value of
corroborative evidence as to distribution and other facts con-
nected with the customs involved.

The subject matter as a whole is the result of personal investi-
gations conducted by the writer during the years 1912-1915 among
the Iroquois of Ontario, Quebec, and New York state, covering
a total of about twelve months' research, and will form one of a

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series in which as thorough a review as possible will be made of
Iroquois material culture generally.

Among the principal informants interviewed were: Chief
John Gibson (Sen.) and wife (Ca.), Chief David Skye (On.),
Chief David Key (Sen.), John Echo (On.), Peter John (On.)
and wife (Mo.), Thomas Key (On.), John Jamieson, jun. (Ca.),
Chief David Jack (Ca.), Jake Hess (Ca.), Levi John, Simon
Bumberry, Seth Newhouse, and P. J. Atkins (Mo.), Jim Daluki
(a negro living among the lower Cayuga, and formerly with
the Oneida), of the Grand River reservation. Brant county,
Ontario; Mrs. John Williams, Paul Jacobs, and Mr. Stacey,
Caughnawaga, Quebec; Barber Black, Alexander Snider,
and Peter Sundown, Seneca reservation, Tonawanda, N.Y.;
Baptist Thomas, Mr. and Mrs. Jairus Pierce, Onondaga Castle,
N.Y.; Mrs. David Williams, Anthony Day, Henry Danford,
Jacob Schuyler, Noah Homer, and others, Oneidatown, Ontario.

The linguistic data given have been decided very largely
by the dialect spoken by informants. A more detailed analysis
of terms, in some instances, while desirable, has of necessity been
left for more specialized workers in linguistics.

PHONETIC KEY.
Vowels:

a, as in hat.

d, a sound intermediate between the preceding and the next.
a, as in father.

a, as in but.

e, as in they.

e, as in then.

i, as in French pique.
I, as in pick.
0, as in note.

0, slightly shorter than preceding; lips somewhat farther apart.
ti), as in law.
u, as in rule.
u, as in pull.
ai, as in aisle.
au, like ou in out.

Superior vowel, indicates slightly pronounced vowel.
Consonants:

d, sonant or intermediate dental stop.

f , as in touch.

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i, sonant or intermediate palatal stop. i

k, as in kick.

dj, asj in judge.

tc, as ch in church.

s, as in sauce.

c, like sh in shall.

z, as in zones.

w, as in wish.

y, as in you.

n, as in nun.

y, palatalized n as in sing.

/, related genetically in Oneida to Mohawk r; pronounced as in lull.

f, found in Mohawk; slightly trilled.

S h, aspirants.

', glottal stop.

Whispered syllables indicated by small caps.

Diacritical Marks:

', nasalized vowel.

', main stress.

*, secondary stress.

., indicates diaeresis between vowels.

■, inverted period following indicates a long vowel.

", semicircular mark following indicates a short vowel.

Ahhriviations used are:
Ca., Cayuga.
Mo., Mohawk.
On., Onondaga.
Oneida.
Sen., Seneca.

AGRICULTURAL METHODS AND CUSTOMS.

THE IROQUOIS AS HORTICULTURISTS.

One of the outstanding features of Iroquois material culture
was their aptitude for agriculture. This was at first concerned
largely with the cultivation of corn, beans, and squashes. The
importance attached to these may be noted from the fact
that they were called the Three Sisters, a^s? na'degQd^'ng'daa'
(On.) and were included among those beings to whom religious
ceremonials were addressed.

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A few other products, such as sunflowers and artichokes,
were cultivated sparingly, also a native tobacco, the Nicotiana
rustica, which was used for smoking and for ceremonial purposes.
All of the products enumerated, with the exception of the last,
were welcomed as additions to agriculture, while the various
grains, vegetables, and fruits known to the Europeans were, in
their turn, quickly taken up by the Iroquois.

The large fields and clearings of the latter were the admira-
tion of early writers and explorers and they are everj^where
admitted to have been the leaders in agriculture within the more
northerly and easterly portion of their habitat, and to have
contributed not a little to its extension among those of their
Algonkin neighbours whose country was suitable for the purpose.

The evident antiquity of corn culture among the Iroquois
and their position as carriers and introducers of agriculture
among the various tribes to the north and northeast seem to be
indicative of southern or southwestern relationships and are
inconsistent with the theory of an original Iroquoian migration
from another direction.

So important, in fact, were Iroquois agricultural activities
that, atalater date, whenitwas desired to punish them effectively,
this was done by annihilating their granaries and cornfields.

Among the more important expeditions of this kind was that
of Denonville, who, in 1687, destroyed an immense amount of
corn, including the standing crops of four villages, a work of
destruction which is said to have taken seven days to accomplish.
In 1696 Frontenac, who invaded the Onondaga country, spent
three days destroying growing corn, which extended from a
league and a half to two leagues from the fort. The expedi-
tion of General Sullivan, in 1779, furnishes many interesting
items."^ It is stated that, at Chemung, an Indian village of
forty houses on the Tioga, a cornfield of sixty acres was des-
troyed. Around the great village of "Chinesee Castle" there
were cornfields of "not less than two hundred acres, the whole
of which was pulled up and piled in large heaps . . and con-
sumed to ashes." There were seventy dwellings at this point,

' Norton, A. T., History of Sullivan's Campaign, p. 95.

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besides a similar number of outhouses or granaries. We also
find it reported that forty Indian villages, beside many scatter-
ing houses, were burned. The quantity of corn destroyed was
said to have amounted to 160,000 bushels, with a vast amount
of vegetables of every kind. Among the European importations
noted were beets, carrots, onions, peas, turnips, cabbages,
parsnips, and many others, also such fruits as the apple and the
peach, which had been introduced by the missionaries. The
houses possessed by the Indians at this time were described
as being compact and well-built.

CORN CULTURE IN EASTERN NORTH AMERICA.

Corn culture was evidently subject to fluctuation. Cham-
plain, for instance, found that some of the eastern Algonkins
had discontinued it owing to incursions by other tribes.' Agri-
culture was practised, to some extent at least, in the Maritime
Provinces, as Verazzani refers to the savages towards "Penobscot
Bay and Newfoundland" as "ruder and less agricultural.'"
The Abenaki, farther south, depended largely upon corn.' Along
the north shore of the St. Lawrence, Iroquois settlements and
cornfields were discovered by Car tier in 1534. At Champlain's
visit, some seventy or more years later, these had disappeared,
the region being occupied by Montagnais and other non-agri-
cultural tribes. The Etechemin, or Malecite, were also non-
agricultural,* as were the Algonkins of northern Ontario and of
Quebec as a whole. That some of these began later to adopt
agriculture is shown by the fact that upon one of Champlain's
later visits, the inhabitants of AUumette island were found
raising a little Indian corn,' as were also those living along
French river and Georgian bay. The Nipissings of this
region were said to cultivate the land very slightly.' The Saul-

' Champlain, Voyages, Prince Soc. ed., vol. II, p. 60.
' Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. I, pp. 70, 71.
» Champlain, Voyages, Prince Soc. ed., vol. Ill, p. 296.
« Ibid., vol. II, p. 196.

Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. IV, p. 195.
' Champlain, Voyages, vol. I, p. 300.
• Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 114.

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teurs or Sauteiirs, living near Sault Ste. Marie, were non-cultir,
vators.' The progress of the Montagnais is shown in the fact
that, in 1634, they were raising sufficient quantities of "cereals
and Indian corn" to trade with other nations.^

The Hurons, who are related racially to the Iroquois,
cultivated corn on a large scale and, besides supplying their own
wants, exchanged it for furs and other commodities with neigh-
bouring peoples. The Huron country, in fact, was said to be
"the granary of most of the Algonkins."' The Petuns, or
Tionnontati (also Iroquois) and the Cheveux R61evdes, or
Ottawas, were both found by Champlain cultivating corn and
tobacco.*

All the nations encountered on the shores of Lake Michigan
possessed fields of corn, squashes, beans, and tobacco.* Charle-
voix remarks that "the Outaouais," who had retired to an
island near the entrance to the lake, "sow here Maiz, and they
have learnt this good custom from the Hurons, with whom they
have lived a long time in these parts."* This was the last point
at which such provisions could be obtained in journeying to
the country of the Crees, Assiniboins, Sioux, and others to the
north and west.^

COMMUNAL CUSTOMS.

The fields were evidently grouped more or less closely about
the villages, and varied from ten or twenty to several hundred
acres, according to the size of the community. Portions of these
are said to have been at times reserved for general purposes,
such as the provision of food for councils and ceremonies.

Sagard remarks, regarding the Hurons, that "their custom
is that each household lives upon what it obtains from fishing,
hunting, and planting, having as much ground as may be necessary.

' Hennepin, A New Discovery, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. I, p. 117.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed.

» Ibid., vol. VIII, p. 115.

* Champlain, Voyages, vol. I, p. 303.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. LIV, p. 207.

' Charlevoix, A Voyage to North America, vol. II, p. 36.

' Henry, Alex., Travels and Adventures in Canada (1760-1776), pp. 48, 49.

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for all the forests, plains, and uncleared ground are common to all,
and it is permitted to each one to clear and sow as much as he
wishes, is able to, or requires; and the ground thus cleared re-
mains each person's property as long as he continues to cultivate
and to use it, though when it is entirely abandoned by its pos-
sessor, any who wishes may then take possession of it, but under no
other circumstances."' In one of the Relations we find it stated
that they "possess hardly anything except in common. A
whole village must be without corn, before any individual can
be obliged to endure privation. "^ This custom apparently
had its drawbacks and sometimes proved a discouragement
to industry.'

MAKING THE CLEARING.

The first step towards organized agriculture was naturally
the clearing of a place in which to plant the corn and other
products. This involved the removal of the trees, which was
accomplished either by felling, or by girdling them, usually in the
spring, burning away what material could be removed in this
way and finally uprooting the partly burned and rotted trunks.

Large tracts of land, as in the prairie regions, were fre-
quently burned over to furnish clearings for fields and villages.
The explorer Galinie, in 1669, on his way to the west by way of
the Seneca country, found, between the lake and the largest
village to the east, beautiful broad meadows, on which the grass

' Sagard, Voyage, pt. I, p. 91.

2 Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XLIII, p. 271.

' Loskiel, History of Mission, pt. I, p. 68: "They preserve their crops in
round holes, dug in the earth at some distance from their houses, lined and
covered with dry leaves or grass. They commonly keep the situation of these
magazines very secret, knowing that if they are found out, they must supply
the wants of every needy neighbour as long as anything is left. These may
occasion a famine, for some are so lazy that they will not plant at all, knowing
that the more industrious cannot refuse to divide their store with them. The
industrious, therefore, not being able to enjoy more from their labour than the
idle, by degrees contract their plantations. If the winter happens to be se-
vere, and the snow prevents them from hunting, a general famine ensues, by
which many die. They are then driven by hunger to dress and eat roots of
grass or the inner bark of trees, especially of young oaks."

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grew as tall as himself. In the spots where there were woods,
were oak plains, so open that one could easily ride through them
on horseback. This open country, he was informed, continued
eastward more than a hundred leagues. Westward and south-
ward it also extended a great distance. "Treeless meadows,
more than a hundred leagues in length" were reported from the
south, where great quantities of corn and fruit were grown.'
Trees were also felled to furnish material for dug-outs,
household utensils, and other articles. A method described by
David Jack was to tie some saplings around the tree, forming
a small, scaffold-like structure. Sods were placed on this,
water was poured over them, and a fire built up below. By
alternately hacking with stone axes and burning, the tree was
finally cut through. If it was desired to cut it into lengths, a
double pile of sods was made around the trunk where it was
to be divided, and fire applied to the space between. Chief
Gibson's description of tree-felling was essentially the same,
except that, according to him, a quantity of rags was tied to the
end of a pole and used for wetting the trunk and localizing the
action of the fire. Both Lafitau^ and Kalm' give similar de-
scriptions, indicating the method to have been one in common
use.

DIVISION OF LABOUR.

"It was the men all over America," according to Lafitau,
"who picked out the new sites for the villages and who cut down
the heavy timbers, as the women were incapable of doing this
successfully, so that the latter had only the labour of splitting
or breaking it up and carrying it away."^ Among certain
eastern woodland tribes the lot of the women was evidently
most severe. Jouvency, who refers perhaps more particularly
to the Algonkins, states that "the care of household affairs and
whatever work there may be in the family, are placed upon the
women. They build and repair wigwams, carry water and wood,

1 Coyne, Jas. H., GaMnSe's Narrative, Ont., Hist. Soc, 1903, p. 25.

2 Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriguatn, pt. II, p. 110.
' Kalm, Travels, vol. II, p. 38.

* Lafitau, Moeurs, pt. II, p. 109.

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prepare the food; their duties and positions are those of slaves,
laborers and beasts of burden. The pursuits of hunting and
war belong to the men." The writer continues by pointing
out that under such conditions it was impossible to bring forth
fully-developed children, or to nourish them properly after
they were born. Abortions were frequent and infant mortality
such that hardly one in thirty survived.^ Adair writes of the
Muskhogean tribes, close neighbours of the Cherokee and
Tuscarora, that "the women are the chief, if not the only manu-
facturers; the men judge that if they perform that office, it
would exceedingly depreciate them."

Carr refers to the Iroquois as the only people among whom
"it cannot be shown that the warriors did take some part either
in clearing the ground or in cultivating the crop ; and we find that
even among them the work was not left exclusively to the women,
but that it was shared by the children and the old men, as well
as the slaves, of whom they seem to have had a goodly number."
He also mentions the almost constant occupation of the men
in hunting and fighting. He elsewhere remarks of the Indians
of this area in general that "whilst, as a fact, the women, children,
old men, and slaves always cultivated the fields, yet th8 war-
riors cleared the ground and, when not engaged in war or hunt-
ing, aided in working and harvesting the crop, though the
amount of such assistance varied, being greater among the
tribes south of the Ohio, and less among the Iroquois or Six
Nations."''

Frequent mention is made in the Relations of the employ-
ment by the Iroquois of women to carry burdens upon their
various expeditions.'

Mary Jemison, a white woman who lived among the Iro-
quois, after describing the duties which fell to the women,
remarks that "their task is probably not harder than that of

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. I, p. 257.
• Carr, Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, Smithsonian Report, 1891,
p. 533.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XLIV, p. 31.

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white women" and "their cares certainly are not half so numer-
ous, nor as great."'

Sagard notes briefly of the Hurons, a related tribe, that
"the women are more industrious than the men, though not
forced to labour."''

Both hunting and warfare were arduous, and from the
formation of the confederacy, at least, down to comparatively
recent times, the maintenance of their national existence allowed
of few other occupations. With the removal of the necessity
for war, the men began to assist more and more. At Onondaga
Castle, however, some sixty or more years ago, it was still con-
sidered beneath a man to engage in farm work,' although a
Brant County Onondaga states that corn-planting was not
considered especially a woman's job in this locality.*

A growing idea of specialization in men's employments is
recognizable. A man, for instance, who through physical
inability was an indifferent hunter, might employ himself in
the making of such articles as bows and arrows, wooden uten-
sils, or in silversmithing and other handicrafts. The idea that
these occupations were derogatory seems to have gradually
disappeared.'

CO-OPERATIVE CUSTOMS.

The custom of mutual assistance is a very common one at
present, though the prevailing idea seems to be sociability, or
the principle that "many hands make light labour." "Bees"
are frequent both in planting and harvesting, the women fig-
uring prominently.

There is also an organized society for mutual aid for those
requiring it through age or sickness. This belongs essentially
to the more conservative element, and is noted by A. C. Parker
under the Seneca name of Gai'wiu Qdannide'osha, "In the good

' Caswell, H. S., Our Life Among the Iroquois, pp. 238, 239.
Seaver, Life of Mary Jemison, p. 43.

* Sagard, Voyages, pt. I, pp. 90, 91.
' Information by John Echo.

* Information by Jairus Pierce.
» Williams, Roger, Key, p. 128.

Brickell, Nat. Hist, of N. Carolina, p. 364.

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rule they assist one another." A woman is chosen leader of
the Seneca society.^ Chief Gibson's version of the custom was
to the effect that those who wished assistance should notify
the leader. The Onondaga name of the society is Adanid^a"
saa' (charity society). Help may in this manner be furnished
throughout the season. The members of the society are next
notified. The membership may consist of both old and young,
and each must take his own hoe or other implement along.
A man and woman are appointed leaders. When the members
arrive they start to work. The person inviting them must
furnish corn soup. When they get through, they go into the
house. The leader on the male side makes a speech congratulat-
ing the others for their kindness in assisting, and informs them
that soup has been prepared.

Any one, whether rich or poor, may invite the society and
"bees" may be called for husking and braiding, as well as for
hoeing and planting. The Onondaga term for a husking bee
is hadinu yg d^, or gahwe"noni" hadinoyo' nda'nt'.

These customs of co-operation for social or charitable pur-
poses were evidently quite widely adopted and practised. Roger
Williams found the New England Algonkins, men and women,
to the number of forty, fifty, or a hundred, joining to cultivate
their fields and to build their forts. Seaver's "Life of Mary
Jemison" mentions that the Iroquois women of the locality
joined forces not only to expedite their work, but to enjoy each
other's company. One of the older women was chosen as over-
seer, which was looked upon as an honour. When the time
for planting had arrived, the women assembled in the morning
and each one planted a row. When this was completed, she
went to another field and planted a row, and so on until all the
fields had been visited, when she would begin again in the first
field.^ Lxjcal customs of this description varied slightly from
village to village, or among the various nations of the Iroquois,
but the underlying principle was the same. A Brant County
informant' states that some forty-five or fifty years ago he fre-

^ Parker, A. C, Iroquois Uses of Maize and other Pood Plants, p. 30.
' Seaver, Life of Mary Jemison, pp. 168, 169. Cf. also Adair, p. 407.
' Peter John, Onondaga.

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quently attended bees, taking his own hoe, spoon, and pail, the
latter for receiving his share of corn soup, which was prepared
in the field over an open fire. When no corn was available they
made doughnuts of wheat flour and fried these in grease in a
frying-pan. The name applied was gaha«gwagenda'wc", or
"cake in the grease fried." Each worker was entitled to a
cake for each row hoed or planted. When one person's corn-
patch was finished they would go on to the next. When corn
bread was to be baked in the ashes, or other cookery of the
sort performed, the ashes and cinders were carried from one
place to another, so as to provide a suitable bed for the purpose.

THE OTQ^wi^zas (on., all the females).

This society, which is evidently of considerable importance
in planting-time ceremonies, is described by A. C. Parker under
the Seneca name of Towii'sas or Sisters of the Dio'he"'ko. These
are described as using the "land- tortoise" shell rattle, and
giving thanks to the spirits of the corn, beans, and squashes
(Dio'he"'ko meaning "these sustain our lives"). ^

Baptist Thomas, ex-chief, Onondaga Castle, stated that
the purpose of the society there is "to help when a person feels
sick." Any kind of rattle is used at this place. The local
name given to the society is Ggtgwi'zas.

Chief Gibson, who was well-known as an exponent of the
Handsome Lake doctrine, gives the following description of
the society as found in his locality (the names are in Onondaga) :
A meeting of the OtQ',"wi"zas, or woman's society, is held in the
spring, about a week before planting. The whole community is
called or notified. A speaker is next appointed, and when the
people have assembled in the longhouse (Plates II and III),
he makes a speech to the effect that a good number of people
still have the privilege to plant again. He gives thanks to the
corn, makes an offering of oy^^gwag'wi', or native tobacco,
and continues at some length to thank all green things, or
whatever grows on earth in spring. Tobacco is used to "speak
direct to the Great Mother (Eti*nuha''s'ii')." The speaker

' Parker, A. C, New York State Museum Bulletin, 144, p. 27.

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may, according to Chief Gibson, conclude as follows: "Thank
to our Father who art in heaven. We still have the duty an
privilege of planting corn, beans, squashes, and other vegetable
We ask you, our Father, to supply us this season with food, to
send the game birds and animals, as usual. We thank you
to-day as we have the privilege of performing our ceremony."

Two singers are now selected for the Feather Dance, in
which all take part, and in this way give thanks to the four angels
and the Great Spirit. When through with the dance, the next
feature is the game of bowl, the women on one side and the men
on the other. The articles wagered are all some Jcind of seeds,
such as corn, beans, the seeds of the squash, pumpkin, water-
melon, cucumber, musk-melon, etc. A woman is appointed to
collect from the men. The contributions are placed in the centre
of the longhouse. The men and women each select a player.
When a player is unlucky in shaking, another player takes his
or her place, and so on, until the counters are all won. The
losing side appoints a speaker to congratulate the winners.
The winning of the game by the women is considered more
auspicious of a good harvest than success by the men. Thanks
are again given to the Great Spirit (Haweni'yu')' at the end of
the game. The speaker on the losing side says : "Now you have
succeeded and we produce these seeds to your hand." A female,
one of the QiQwi^zos, on behalf of her side then says: "My
sons, we have to perform our duty in thanking our Great Three
Sisters (A" s% Na'degpd^'nQ'daa'). We have now to ayagwatQ-
wi''sa' (sing for our Great Three Sisters), and you must help us
sing." All stand up, the men lining up on one side of the centre,
the women on the other. The leader of the women uses the rattle
and sings, all joining in. She then says: "I have finished thank-
ing our Mother," then hands the rattle to the next in line, who
says, as before: "I have to sing to thank our Mother," and so
on with the others. When the women have finished, their
leader hands the rattle to the head man and says: "Now, my
sons, it's your duty as well to sing, thanking our Great Sisters."
The leading man then sings and finishes by returning the rattle

• Prayer to Great Spirit, Morgan, League of the Iroquois, vol. I., p. 210.

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to the leader of the women, who says: "We thank our son for
giving assistance," after which the men sit down.^ The leading
woman picks up a bundle of cobs of com, or some seeds, and
begins to sing walking along, followed by the rest of the women,
also singing and carrying seeds. They go around about three
times. The leader then says: "We have got through thanking
our Sisters or Mother."'' Then, one of those appointed to
collect opens a bundle and gives the seeds to the winning side
in the game of bowl. Some prominent person, such as a chief,
is appointed speaker, and congratulates the people on being
present and calls thcattention of the women to the arrival of the
season for planting.

IMPLEMENTS EMPLOYED.

Both hoeing and digging implements were employed by
eastern woodland tribes. Sagard, in describing the agriculture
of the Hurons, remarks that "every year they sow their corn in
the same fields and places, which they freshen or renew with their
little wooden shovels, made like an ear in shape, with a handle
at the end; the rest of the ground is not cultivated, but merely
cleared of injurious weeds.' Roger Williams mentions hoes of
wood, while Peter Kalm speaks of turning up the ground with
crooked or sharp branches. Champlain noted spade-like instru-
ments of hardwood among the Almouchiquois and more southerly
tribes.* Loskiel records the use of the shoulder-blade of a deer,
or a tortoise shell, sharpened on a stone and attached to a stick,
as a hoe.^ "Pick-axes of wood" were observed by Hennepin.
Hoes of a flat piece of antler have been frequently found on

' It was stated by John Jamieson, jun., Grand River reserve, that in the
ceremonies of this kind which he had observed, the women and men sing
alternately. When the men sing the women clap hands to keep time. Sing-
ing by the men is called hadow^'dq,' (On.). The men do not use the rattle,
which used often to be made of a mud-turtle shell painted black and spotted
with red. The name he gave for the society was yundagp"wi"'sa' (On.).

* Cf . Invocation to Pigmies at Planting Time: Parker, A. C, N. Y,
State Museum Bulletin, 144, p. 27. This is not practised at Grand River.

» Sagard, Voyage, Tross ed., pt. I, pp. 93, 92.

* Champlain, Voyages, pt. I, p. 65.

' Loskiel, Hist, of Mission, pt. I, p. 67.

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Iroquois territory, several of these in southwestern Ontario.
Stone and flint implements suggesting use as hoes or spades have
been found all over the alluvial lands on the Mississippi and its
tributaries, as well as in the Iroquois country. The form most
widely distributed is an of oval or elliptical outline, with rounded
or pointed ends, some being notched for attachment to a handle,
which may have been fastened on either parallel with the longer
axis, or at an angle to it.^

Shell was evidently not favoured by the Iroquois as a
material for hoes, though it was so employed by surrounding
nations.^ An Onondaga name for the latter implement is
atcokdQ''saa'.

A wooden digging-stick or spade, ehe'di'akta', is said to
have been used as recently as sixty years ago. A model of this
was constructed by an Onondaga informant.' A notch at one
side afforded a place for the foot in digging. The implement was
made of hardwood, such as white oak, ironwood, or hickory
(Plate I, fig. a).

Special articles for carrying the seed-grain are practically
non-existent at present, although the informant last mentioned
remembered a flat-shaped planting-basket, with compartments
for corn and the bean or squash seeds which are planted with it.
This was carried in the hand, or was tied to the belt (Plate I,
fig. c). The name applied was eyentwa'tha' ga'a"saa' (On.).
The information was confirmed by other informants.* An
ordinary small basket is often used at present.

A couple of types of elm bark planting basket are noted by
A. C. Parker.* Bruyas records the term "assenonte," which
signifies "a small sack which the women attach to the belt and
in which is their grain for sowing. "° Both the latter references
suggest that splint basketry was less extensively used in the
earlier days than at present.

1 Handbook of American Indians, p. 555.

' Wintemberg, W. J., The Use of Shell by the Ontario Indians, Ont. Arch.
Rep., 1907, p. 38.

' Peter John, Grand River reserve.

* Mrs. Maggie Hill (Ca.), and John Jamieson, jun., (Ca.), Grand River
reserve.

5 Parker, A. C, N. Y. State Museum Bulletin 144, plate 19.

' Bruyas, Radices Verborum Iroquaeorum.

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EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF CORN CULTURE.

The descriptions of corn cultivation by early writers afe
interesting for comparison. Hariot, in "A briefe and true report
of the new found land of Virginia," remarks that "A few dales
before they sowe or set, the men with wooden instruments, made
almost in forme of mattockes or hoes with long handles; the
women with short peckers or parers, because they use them
sitting, of a foote long and about five inches in breadth : doe onely
breake the upper part of the ground to rayse up the weedes,
grasse, and old stubbles of corne stalkes with their roots."
These were burned, no appreciation being shown of the ashes as
a fertilizing material. Holes were made with a pecking instru-
ment at about half a fathom or a yard apart and were arranged in
rows. Four grains were put into each hole. In the spaces
between the hills, according to this observer, were planted beans,
pease, sunflowers, "macocqwer"or squash, and "melden."

A method of planting in beds or hills is described and illus-
trated by Lafitau, though unfortunately, like many others, he
fails to specify to what tribe or nation he refers. He further
informs us that "all that is necessary to them is a curved piece
of wood, three fingers in width, and attached to a long handle,
and which serves to cut down the weeds and to stir the soil a
little." Gourds (citrouilles) and melons were planted in separ-
ate fields by these agriculturists. The seeds were first planted
indoors between two pieces of bark, placed above their fire-
places, then transplanted.^ A reference showing that the
Iroquois were quite early acquainted with transplanting is found
in Shea's French-Onondaga dictionary, where we find many
other interesting agricultural terms.^ Large stones were also
sometimes placed among the young plants to prevent them from
being killed by late frosts.'

Indian agriculture evidently had a most important bearing
upon the struggle of the early colonists. In most cases starva-

' Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages, pt. II, pp. 76-78.

^ Shea, J. G., French-Onondaga Dictionary (17th Century), see "Trans-
plante."

' David Jack (Ca.).

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tion would have ensued without the supplies either purchased
or stolen from the Indians, and even at a later date, when the
stability of the settlements was assured, the colonists were glad
to adopt the cultivation of corn and other native products.

The "Armouchiquois" employed both fish and shell to enrich
the soil.^ The "Tsonnontouans," or Seneca, were said to "manure
a great deal of ground for sowing their Indian corn in."^ Carr
makes the statement that the "Indian," generally, "understood
and appreciated the benefits arising from the use of fertilizers."'
This evidently did not apply to all the Iroquois. The Relation
of 1638-39, for instance, remarks, regarding the Hurons, that
"the land, as they do not cultivate it, produces for only ten or
twelve years at most; and when the ten years have expired,
they are obliged to move their village to another place."* A
method of fertilization sometimes practised, according to Grand
River Iroquois, was to make a corn-patch where a house had
formerly stood.

At present, corn is occasionally planted in low-lying ground,
without other cultivation or fertilization, the foot being used
to scrape a hole for and to cover the grain.^ Some of the older
people consider that the corn is better when planted in the latter
manner, although the custom may be the vestige of a taboo
against soil disturbance, which was not unknown in this area.'
An Onondaga informant stated that in his younger days the
weeds were sometimes merely cleared away for a small space
around the old cornstalk, which was then pulled, the corn being
planted in the hollow left. This was called "gana'g^se'tciy,"
or "scraping with the hoe and planting in the same place again."'

> Lescarbot, Paris, 1612, vol. II, p. 834.
' Hennepin, A New Discovery, R. G. Thwaites ed., p. 46.
' Carr, Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, Smithsonian Rep., 1891.
* Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XV, p. 153.
6 John Echo and Peter John (On.); John Jamieson, jun. (Ca.).
« Boyle, David, Arch. Rep. Ontario, 1898, pp. 68, 69.
Mooney, Jas., Ghost Dance Religion, Annual Report, B. A. E., vol.
XIV, pt. II.

' Peter John (On.).

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CORN "medicines."

When all is ready for planting, the corn is soaked in a de-
coction made of certain herbal ingredients. The moisture causes
the corn to germinate slightly, though the utility of the added
materials is not so evident. There is possibly some connexion
with sympathetic magic, the other plants contributing their
vitality, or otherwise assisting and protecting the corn. Re-
garding what appeared to be the oldest or, at any rate, the most
important of these preparations, it was stated by a Cayuga
informant^ that it prevented the worms and birds from bothering.
A sort of halo was also said to be sometimes seen around the
plants.

A reference to corn medicines is found in the Code of Hand-
some Lake, the Iroquois prophet, as translated by A. C. Parker :
"Now it is understood that Dio'hckp (the corn, bean and squash
spirits), have a secret medicine, o'saga'nda and o'di'sdani.
So soak your seed corn in these two medicines before you plant
your fields. The medicines grow on the flat lands near streams."*

The medicine referred to consists, according to Grand
River informants, of the submerged rootstocks of Phragmites
communis, a tall, reed-like grass growing in marshes; and
Hystrix patula, or bottle-brush grass, also growing in low land.
The former is called by Brant County Onondaga u'sa'ga'^da' ;
the latter, gusdisda''ni'. According to Chief Gibson's directions,

■ Chief David Jack, a Brant County Cayuga.

* Parker, A. C, The Code of Handsome Lake, N. Y. State Mus. Bulletin,
163, p. S4.

A story which may or may not account for the origin of "corn medicine"
was given by John Echo (On.). This was to the effect that the Allegheny
Iroquois once gathered up food and other material for a celebration of the
before-planting or yundag(j"wi-"sa' ceremony. They also obtained a lot of
whiskey, with which they put in a prolonged spree. This lasted so long that ■
a month elapsed before they thought of planting their corn. In the fall when
the frosts came the corn was still immature, so that they lost the whole crop.
A voice — that of Hawani'yu' — was heard. It said: "It is your own fault.
You did wrong." He then went to one family which lived away by itself
and had taken no part in the spree and told the members that the only way
to escape permanent retribution for their foolishness was to use com medicine.
Skaniadai'iyu' afterward confirmed this.

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the roots of a single bunch or cluster of each plant are to be
taken, eight quarts of water added, and the whole boiled down
to six. This is cooled, the seed corn added and left for an hour
or so, after which it is drained, placed in a basket while still
moist, and left until it sprouts a little. In olden times, accord-
ing to David Jack, some one would bring a quantity of the root
to the longhouse and each person who intended to plant any-
thing would be given a piece. The directions of the latter in-
formant were to take a whole plant of the bottle-brush grass*
(Ca., gu'sdista') and about 4 inches of the rootstock of the
phragmites (usa''ge'enda') ; these are crushed and added to
about five quarts of warm water.

At Tonawanda, N.Y., wild rye (Elymus canadensis) was
given instead of bottle-brush grass*, one having possibly been
confused with or substituted for the other. Seneca names for
phragmites, given by Barber Black, were gasa''geq.da' and
yen5w§"da'gwa' one'g'.' Mrs. Peter Sundown, who comes
from Alleghany, gave disdi'sdani' for one ingredient.

Quite different materials from those named are used in
some localities. Peter John, Onondaga, employed the leaves
of the mandrake {Podophyllum peltatum). These were simply
placed in the water, the flowers of the elder {Sambucus cana-
densis) being also sometimes added.

None of the medicines described are poisonous, although
Kalm records the use of the wild hellebore {Veratrum album)
by the Swedes and other colonists of the eastern states,* pos-
sibly in imitation of the Indians.

Sagard observed that the Hurons soaked their seed-grain
in warm water, although no herbal ingredients are mentioned.*

^The same informant later showed a sample of nodding fescue grass,
Fesiaca nutans, as the proper material, showing that some uncertainty exists
regarding this ingredient, or that different grasses are used.

' Informant, Barber Bleick.

• The latter is simply a general name meaning "medicine for putting corn
in." A Cayuga equivalent to this, given by David Jack, was en^h^wf
'da'kwa' onp'gwatra.

* Kalm, Trcwels, vol. II, pp. 91, 92.

» Sagard, Grand Voyage, Tross ed., pt. I, p. 93.

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This seems to be the earliest record of any such custom. There
is a possibility that a part of the process escaped his observa-
tion.

It is interesting for comparison to note that white people
occasionally add oats to the water in which seed corn is ger-
minated. Oats are also sometimes planted with cuttings of
trees and shrubs.

PLANTING OF THE CORN.

After the corn medicine has been applied — to continue
Chief Gibson's description — the family all turn out. The woman
of the house stands in the middle of the field and offers up a
brief invocation, using some such form of words as: "God, our
Father, you see me and my children. We stand in the middle
of the field where we are going to plant our food. We beg you
to supply us with an abundant yield of corn." They then
commence to plant, usually placing beans, squash seeds, or
pumpkin seeds in every hill, or every few hills apart.

John Echo (On.), who lives in the same locality, described
the man as the head of the family. The following was given as
an example of the prayer offered: "Gai^hia'de'si'd^' sowani'yu'
cnawa^'agwa^ade'sa' u'na'ohe'dagQ'wa ^yagowa'y^' agionhe*-
gwi' un^'ha' unendi' wagwaiiwa'ne'gq, skangtgseyagwatga'twa'
une'ndi' dasko^d^'^:^'. This may be rendered freely as: "In
the sky you live, Haweni'yu'. We are ready to place in the
ground the corn upon which we live. We ask for assistance
and that we may have a plentiful crop."

All the cultivation given formerly was to chop down the
weeds, or to clear aw&y the last year's cornstalks. The weeds
which sprang up were either pulled up or trampled down.

A couple of beans, mentioned specially as cornstalk beans,
were obtained from Mrs. Fannie Johnson of Tonawanda, whose
grandmother had kept up their cultivation. One of these,
called o'ia'gekaa', was buff with stripes of a very dark maroon,
and of a short, flat shape. The other, a small, dark brown bean,
was called oy^'gwa''^' (smoky-coloured).

The sunflower was also sometimes planted with the corn and
beans, although it was perhaps more frequently cultivated in

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patches by itself. Kalm, in his visit to Lower Canada, noticed
that the Hurons of Lorette "plant our common sunflower in
their maize-fields, and mix the seeds of it into their sagamit6,
or maize-soup."'

A taboo in connexion with corn-planting was obtained from
Mr. Seth Newhouse of Canienga. This was to the effect that
a woman at the menstrual period should abstain from any part
in planting operations.

The best time for corn-planting, according to Jacob Hess
(Ca.), is when the first leaves appearing on the oak in spring are
as big as a red squirrel's foot. This he believed to be an old
Iroquois tradition.

It was remarked by John Echo (On.) that a reliable method
was to plant the corn when the blossoms of the juneberry
(Amelanchier canadensis), or ga'a'dugk appear. Peas, accord-
ing to the same informant, are to be planted in the full of the
moon. The latter idea is evidently a European borrowing.

Additional Terminology {Onondaga).

First hoeing, deyehe"daw4'yi'k.

Second hoeing, deye'nondai'ets (puts its legs together).

I am through hoeing the corn, wagat^di'sa'o'ne on§'ha'.

Planting time, tsa'niyeyentwahugk, or tsa'niyeyendo't'ha' (setting up

a log)
Hill of corn, deye'nondai'ets.
Cornstalk, uhe-'e' .
Corn pith, oha''da'.

She is plucking the ripe corn, eng'gwaye'ntha' (all the crop taken).
She is plucking the green corn, enQ'gw?"yu"ne' (plucking a little green

corn).
She cuts down the weeds, deyehe'dawq'yik or agenu'ge'yaks, or ehe"-

daa's.
She is dropping or planting the corn, gonahg'die's.
Milk or juice of corn, ogg'sa'gei'.
She is husking corn, enoyu'ntha'.
A braid or string of corn, djusd^'sa'Sda'.
He is making a string of corn, hast^"saa'niaha'.
They are making strings of corn, hadist^'saa'niaha'.
She is making a string of corn, t''st?''saa'niaha'.

» Kalm, Travels, vol. Ill, p. 164.

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She is planting com, eyc'ntwas.

The corn is sprouting, odiag^^'io'ne.

The ears are forming, ohw^'da'o'ne, or onQgw^'yuwa"^'^ (sing.).

Corn silk, ogee'da'.

The silk is forming, ogee^da'o'ne.

The tassel, ogw^'da'haa', or ogw^'da^haa'o'ne.

Pollen, aw?'ha'.

The pollen is being shed, aw^'ha' wa'sg's.

The corn is in the milk, ha-sa'' deyuisate'k 4'ni'yut.

The green corn is ready for use (for boiling), ha'degaiye'i'o'ne ayenp'-

gwa'yo''- ^

The corn is getting ripe, deyonoyane'dao'ne (husk is getting yellow now).
Corn leaves, odjiQwa^so'wane's.
Root (of corn), uhe"e' ukde"ha'.
Germ or heart of a grain of corn, aweya^sa' on^'ha'.
Hull or skin, on^'ha', ogee"gwa'.
Corn-cob, onQ"gwq''ya'.
The butt of a cob, u'ni'sda'.
The nose or end of a cob, o'niij"sa'.
The corn is hung over a pole, gast^'sa'nig'da' o'4^na"gt".

THANK^IVING AFTER PLANTING.

After planting, the people meet again to thank the Great
Mother and also to give thanks "direct to God" — to use Chief
Gibson's phraseology — that they have got through with this part
of their labours. The speaker at this ceremony asks the Thunder
Man to protect the plants and to bring the rain or moisture to
wet the ground and to make them grow. The Onondaga name
given for the Thunder Man is Etiso'da' Hadiwenoda'die's,
the Grandfather of all. A Seneca equivalent is Hi'ng'.

The duty of the Thunder Men individually and collectively
is to carry water to dampen and w^sh the earth and to renew
the water in the streams, creeks, and lakes. They must, there-
fore, be thanked, as well as the Sun, Moon, and other deities,
and asked to protect and prosper the crops.

CULTIVATION CEREMONIALS.

When the corn is up there is another meeting and a dance,
also when the first cultivating and hoeing are finished. One of
the chief speakers addresses the people, giving thanks and "con-

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gratulating" them on having done their duty in assisting our
Great Mother. He next addresses God, thanking him and asking
him to give an abundant yield. Two singers are then appointed
and the Great Feather Dance performed. The first hoeing is
called in Onondaga deyehe'daw4'yik or deyehe'daw4ye'har)k,
the latter name denoting a large number of people working.

The second cultivation takes place, according to the inform-
ant,^ when the corn is about 2 feet high, and a meeting is
again held. This cultivation is called deye'npdai'i'ga', or hilling
up. At each of these meetings corn soup is made and distributed
equally among those present.

Invocations or prayers to the Thunder Men may be offered
at any or all of the meetings, as may seem desirable. If the
weather is too hot or dry, special gatherings may be called for
such invocations and are considered highly effective and bene-
ficial.^

RAIN-MAKING.

Ceremonies for producing or controlling rain have been
practised by most North American tribes and are frequently
described by the earlier travellers and others. These seem,
among the Iroquois, to have been mostly shamanistic, or one-
man performances, which were later incorporated as regular
religious functions or cerefnonials.

Le Jeune, in the Relation of 1636, describes the rain-making
performances of a Huron medicine-man: "All were crying for
help, and imploring, according to their custom, the help of the
sorcerers, or Arendiowane. . . . These deceivers played all
the tricks that dreams and their own empty heads could suggest
to them in order to bring rain, but in vain. . . . There was
one of these sorcerers named Tehorenhaegnon, more famous
than the others, who promised marvels, provided the whole
country made him a present of the value of ten hatchets, not to
speak of a multitude of feasts; but these efforts were in vain —
dreaming, feasting, dancing, were all to no purpose." This

' Chief Gibson.

' Cf. Caswell, H. S., Our Life Among the Iroquois, p. 217.

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"soothsayer" gave as a reason for his non-success, "that the
thunder, which they pretend is a bird, was afraid of the cross
that was in front of the Frenchman's house."'

The Petuns, or Tobacco Nation, another cognate tribe,
possessed performers of a similar type: "Onditachiae is renowned
. . . from having in hand the rains, the winds, and the
thunder. This thunder is, by his account, a man like a turkey-
cock; the sky is his palace, and he retires there when it is serene;
he comes down to earth to get his supply of adders and serpents,
and of all they call Oki, when the thunder is rumbling; the light-
nings occur in proportion as he extends or folds his wings. If the
uproar is a little louder, it is his little ones who accompany him,
and help him to make a noise as best they can."

Dryness, according to this sorcerer, came from caterpillars,
over which he had no control.

Le Jeune further states^ with regard to the Thunder, that
"the Hurons believed it to be a very large bird. They were
led to this belief by a hollow sound made by a kind of swallow
(evidently the night-hawk, Chordeiles virginianus) which appears
here in the summer . . they fly about in the evening, re-
peatedly making a dull noise. The Hurons say they make this
noise from behind,'' as does also the bird which they think is
the thunder." This information was obtained from the Mon-
tagnais, who added that "it ate snakes and sometimes trees."'

Among the Iroquois proper and a number of the eastern
Algonkin tribes, the Thunder-bird idea is replaced by that of
the Thunder Men, usually four in number, who control the rain
and thunder. In a mythological sketch received from Chief
Gibson, the Thunder Men were represented as hurling thunder-
bolts at a huge serpent which they are believed to have in charge.
A common Oneida term for thunder is ga'sagaiyaont, "the Thun-

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. X, pp. 35, 37.

Cf. also pp. 193, 195.

Cf. Loskiel, Hist, of Mission, pt. I, p. 46.
2 The name for this bird at present in use among the Onondaga refers to
this supposed characteristic.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. VI, p. 225.

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derer, our Grandfather."' Low or distant thunder is caused
by a human being who was captured by the Thunder Men and
made to replace one of their number who was killed by a giant
blood-sucker or leech .^

The special ceremonial at present held for invoking rain
is described by Chief Gibson as follows: A meeting is called.
The chiefs appoint one man to be speaker, while the younger
members or warriors (hodisg^agi''da') are often stripped to the
Waist, or clad only in a breech-cloth. When the warriors are
ready, the old people make a fire near the west end of the long-
house. The speaker tells the people to go towards the fire.
All have some Indian tobacco, which they have been requested
by the speaker to bring. This is deposited in a basket held
by one of the older chiefs. An old woman is now selected to
get water from the creek. The braves are called to stand sur-
rounding the fire, also the woman who has been appointed to
get the water, while the speaker prepares to burn the tobacco.*
These are the only ones who take an active part in the ceremony.

Then the speaker (a chief) calls "ku ku ku" in a high key.
He then speaks loudly and says: "You have heard the voice
from the people on earth direct to you. Thunder Man. The
people ask you to supply us rain to Wet the earth and renew
the streams, creeks, and lakes." He next picks up the tobacco,
throws it into the fire, and says: "This is the tobacco, the
people's word for speaking direct to you. We are very anxious
to have rain, as it is dry weather on earth and it is very hard

' Mrs. David Williams, Oneidatown, Ontario.

' John Jamieson, jun. and others. The writer has more extended informa-
tion in MSS.

' Mrs. E. A. Smith, in Myths of the Iroquois, says: "In a dry season, the
horizon being filled with distant thunder heads, it was customary to burn
what is called by the Indians real tobacco as an offering to bring rain.

On occasions of this nature the people were notified by swift-footed heralds
that the children, or sons, of Thunder were in the horizon, and that tobacco
must be burned in order to get some rain." 2nd Ann. Rep., B.A.E., 1880-81,
p. 72.

Cf. Heckewelder, Phila., 1819, p. 229.

Williams, Roger, Key, pt. I, p. 70, notes the existence of "meetings"
to pray for rain among the Narraganset and Eastern Indians.

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on us that there is to be a failare of whatever grows on earth.
So we ask you to give us rain." Then, taking up the tobacco
again, he says: "Here is the tobacco, the people's word to you."
The braves now dance the wasa^si.^ The speaker says: "When
they get through the dance, we shall expect you to get rain for
us." The tobacco throwing is repeated twice more with a
similar invocation in each case.

When the speaker gets through, the people go into the
longhouse, with the exception of the warriors and the woman
with the water. As soon as the people have all got inside, the
warriors give three cheers. Two men who have been appointed
as singers then take, one a drum, the other a rattle, and begin
singing as soon as the cheers are given. Then the woman with
the pail scatters water towards the warriors at the fire, using
her hands for the purpose. The warriors now begin to dance,
moving slowly towards the longhouse. The dancers sometimes
whoop and shout very loudly, "like thunder," until they get
into the longhouse. The woman follows, sousing them with
water as they go. They continue dancing inside for a time.
A number of the old men and women then make speeches giving
thanks. Anyone wishing to speak has a stick and strikes on
the wall or floor; then the singers and dancers stop. This is
called ^hanegwa^ei'gwa' (whoever wishes to speak), the expres-
sion called out by the person desiring to take his turn at speech-
making.

One of the chiefs generally speaks first, and may use some
such form as: "It is generally beneficial throughout the world
to have rain. I thank you, warriors, for your performance.
We give thanks to the Thunder. You'll supply us with water
to dampen the earth and plants. We thank you, our Father
which art in heaven." He then hands a small bundle of Indian
tobacco to the leader of the dance and says: "This is my word
for speaking direct to you, etc." The performers then dance
and cheer again. The striking with the stick is continued by
others who desire to speak. The women generally bring cakes

' It was stated that this is called a war-dance now, but that it is not
really such. It is referred to by A. C. Parker in The Code of Handsome Lake,
N.Y. State Mus. Bulletin, 163, p. 104, as the "Thunder Dance."

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of some kind and when they give them they say, "This is my
word." Near the close of this part of the proceedings the speaker
congratulates them and says: "We hope the Thunder will ap-
prove of what we ask."

Corn soup is a necessity and an announcement is now made
that this will be distributed equally among the people.

Sometimes, before they are through, the thunder may be
heard, or often the next day it will rain. A name given for
this ceremony was hadistai^ndie'ta'.^ It was remarked by
another informant that two women were chosen for the water-
throwing performance, one for the deer side, the other for the
•mud- turtle.^

A method for rain-making given by Barber Black, of Tona-
wanda, was to take a little piece of the bark of a walnut tree
where it has been struck by lightning. When the weather is too
dry, place this in a cup of water, and leave for a couple of min-
utes. It will then rain in two days.

According to a couple of Grand River informants,' pointing
at a storm which is going around will cause it to come back.
This was contradicted by Peter John (On.) of the same locality,
who said the belief was that pointing at the storm would make
it go away.

It was stated by John Jamieson, jun., that toads should not
be killed, but, that if one were killed and turned over on its back,
rain would be produced.

A method of turning a thunderstorm aside was given by
Mrs. David Williams, Oneidatown, Ontario. She had seen her
father undertake this at one time by sticking the handle of an
axe in the ground with the sharp edge pointing towards the
approaching cloud*.

' For reference to thunder ceremony, see Morgan, League of the Iroquois,
vol. I, p. 188.

• The phratric division is often referred to by naming one of the clans on
each side.

' John Jamieson, jun., and Chief J. H. Gibson.

* Sagard was asked by some Hurons to "kill the thunder," which they
believed to be a bird. Voyage, vol. I, p. 175.

Cf. also Bartram, Observations, p. 68.

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The same method was referred to by informants at other
places. An interesting parallel with this idea is to be found
in the following from Le Jeune's Relation of 1636: "Father
Buteux asked a savage (Montagnais) why they fixed their
javelins' point upward. He replied that, as the thunder had
intelligence, it would, upon seeing these naked javelins, turn
aside, and would be very careful not to come near their cabins."'

A storm on the Great Lake of the Hurons was explained as
follows to Lalement: "After having in vain exhausted both
their skill and their strength in resisting the tempest, they began
to despair; they invoked a certain Demon named lannaoa,
who, they say, once cast himself into this lake in his despair,
and causes all these storms when he wishes to revenge himself
upon men; and he calms them after men have paid him some
homage. In his honour, they throw tobacco into the water,
which in these countries is a kind of sacrifice."^

A description of rain-making obtained by Dr. Boyle from
William Bill, a Brant County Iroquois, contains the following
method of stopping rain: "If I want to stop rain, just put some
ashes and coal and some tobacco in a little tin dish, and look
toward the west, and just watch it."'

Previous to the rain-making ceremony, according to John
Jamieson, jun., a number of active young men used to be sent
out to hunt for the splinters from trees which had been struck
by lightning. The fire for the ceremony was kindled near
sundown from this material, and was usually very small or just
large enough to consume the iCeremonial tobacco.

As the tobacco was placed on the fire, an invocation or
prayer was offered asking for rain to make the corn, potatoes,
and other products grow. The woman with the water next
picked up the charred wood from the fire and put it into the
pail which she held, after which more tobacco was offered and
power asked for the water to wet the corn and other crops.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. X, p. 25.
For a Cherokee method of "frightening a storm" see Bur. o} Eth- Rep.,
1885-86, pp. 387-388.

8 Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXVI, pp. 309,311.
3 Boyle, Dr. David, Arch. Rep., Ontario, 1902, p. 184.

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Good luck was asked for everybody. The woman then threw
the burnt wood out of the pail, the water contained in it being
afterward used to sprinkle the dancers.

OTHER PLANTING TIME CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS.

Incantations or divination with a view to finding out what
sort of crop may be expected seem to have been practised at
times. A lightning-bug (On., djistano'g4'), or a cicada (On.,
ganahaiita"gwa', "corn-ripener"), for instance, flying inside the
house after corn or other seeds are planted, is the sign of a
bountiful harvest.* The desired information may be gathered,
as already noted, from the success or otherwise of the women
in the peach-stone game at the spring meeting of the QtQwi"zas,
though it is probable that shamanistic performances were
frequently resorted to formerly. We have, in fact, a suggestion
of this in the Relation of 1642-43, in which we are informed that
among the Hurons "the famous Magician in the Country was
consulted to learn what success might be expected from the
corn that had been planted." The exact method of procedure
is not given, although the people were required to go every day
to their fields, make an offering of tobacco and call upon the
"Demon" or deity, which they worshipped.''

The services of fortune-tellers are still in requisition, as in
many white communities, for such purposes as dream-inter-
pretation, the finding of lost articles, the solution of love affairs,
and the prognostication of success or non-success in agricultural
and other undertakings.

WEATHER-LORE. '

According to Peter John (On.), a sure sign of rain is the
series of small explosions or puffs heard during the combustion
of hardwood fuel; the cackling or calling, while flying, of the
great crested or pileated woodpecker, gw?"gw?; the leaping and
falling backward of a sturgeon in the water.

'■ Peter John, John Echo, and others.
2 Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXIII, p. 35.
' A small collection of Iroquois omens is given by Hewitt in the Amer.
Anthrop., 1890.

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Lots of husk on an ear of corn means a cold winter, while
little husk indicates a mild winter.

Ice making a loud report is the sign of a thaw; also mice
coming out and running about on the snow, as indicated by
their tracks. The latter was considered a particularly reliable
sign by the informant.

It was stated by Mrs. David Williams (Oneida) that cold
weather may be produced by burning the boughs of the hem-
lock, ona^TA. Dr. Boyle notes that the performance of the
"Skeleton Dance" in the spring is thought to be productive of
frost.i

The following were given by Chief David Key, Seneca —
the names are in Onondaga:

When a man is smoking and the smoke blows in a streak to
one side, it will rain in twenty-four hours. The tobacco used
must be oy^'gwaQ'wt', or Iroquois native tobacco {Nicotiana
rustica).

Cirrus clouds mean rain in a short time.

A robin (djisga"ga') sitting on the very top of a tree and
singing is a sign of rain; also flying-squirrels sticking their
heads out of their nests in hollow trees and emitting a call.

When it rains during a new moon it will be soft all month,
also if a warm west wind comes up at a similar period.

A new moon lying horizontally means lots of rain ; standing
up pretty straight it means plenty of snow.

Whirlwinds (uwa'da'se') are a sign of dry weather, also
cumulus clouds. The latter also foretell high winds. John
Jamieson, jun., furnished the additional item regarding whirl-
winds, that a short piece of hair would be found in the centre
of the spot where a whirlwind has been seen. If this be picked
up it will cause larger ones to come and destroy your buildings.

Muskrat houses built large and thick indicate cold weather
and high water. You will also see the tracks of the animals in
the snow where they have got away to safety.

Northern lights (duwa^ni^hwos, "raining away out")
indicate that the rain or snow is all over and that the weather

» Boyle, David, Arch. Rep. Ontario, 1898, p. 130.

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will be dry or cold. The name watowe'thi' (On.) given by
John Echo, was translated as "going to have cold weather."

An eclipse (wada^gwa'duqk, "hid the moon or sun") means
a change in the weather.

Signs furnished by John Echo were:

The hooting of a horned owl (On., deg^'ski") is a sign of
rain or snow.

To hear chopping or shouting plainly at a greater distance
than usual is a sign of rain in a very few days.

When the streak of fat on the kidney of an animal like a
deer or bear is thick all along it will be cold weather. When
thick at either end and thin at the other it will be cold or warm
at corresponding parts of the season.

John Jamieson, jun., stated that:

Sun-dogs (On., deyaou'gw^, "throws the sunshine") are a
sign of warm weather.

Hens sitting on the top of a fence or gate in the daytime is
a sign of rain, also corn leaves curling up with the heat.

A Jtneteor moving somewhat horizontally and in a northerly
direction, if seen in the autumn or winter, is a sign of warm
weather. One moving in an opposite direction is said to be
going after cold weather.

An item by Chief David Jack was to the effect that when
the Milky Way (Ca., uha'de' udji''SQda', "pathway, starry")
stands north and south, warm weather is indicated. Lying
east and west means cold weather.

Others by the same informant were:

The Pigeon Dance should not be put on during the Maple
Sugar Festival, or it will cause high winds, the movement of
the air by the pigeons' wings being considered significant (sym-
pathetic magic).

Pointing at a storm will bring bad luck. If it has passed
it will come back. Pointing at a rainbow is also unlucky, as
it will make you crooked. The Cayuga word for rainbow is
diyu'"hyud.

Jacob Hess (Ca.) stated that there is thought to be a creature
or being called gatsgow§de"ta', which consists of a pointed por-
tion, with a long tail of hair trailing behind. This was seen at

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one time stuck into a tree. The tail was waving and the trees
were uprooted all around it. This creature is considered to
be the cause of high winds, and cyclones.

Many of the foregoing are distinctly Indian, although some
European borrowing is also evident.

David Key (On.), an old hunter, stated that:

Owls calling near at hand in the bush means more snow
or a change in the weather. Lots of wood should be gathered
(as the conditions may not be favourable for gathering it later).

A flying-squirrel's calling near a man's hunting-shanty
means snow before daylight.

If a skunk's or a coon's feet are well furred there will be a
cold winter.

Thunder in the early spring, according to S. Anderson
(Mo.), is a sign of an early thaw and spring weather.

An eclipse (Ca., wawada"gwa"dQ' aga'gwa"dQ'), according
to Thomas Smoke, when seen towards the south is indicative
of early cold weather in the autumn. Seen towards the east it
denotes mild weather all winter.

John Jamieson, sen. (On.) gave the following list:

Gulls' calling along a lake or river means rain.

A robin sitting on top of a tree and calling is a sign of rain.
It is believed that he can see it coming and that he faces in the
direction from which it will come.

If a deer's melt is equally thick all along there will be a
steady, cold winter. If smaller at one end and larger at the
other, it will be warmer and colder at corresponding parts of
the season.

Snow-fleas indicate soft weather. The fleas are called
odji'ng'wa' or swincdi' dji'np'wa' (On., soft weather fleas).

A screech-owl (gwai'iw^) calling in the winter indicates that
the weather will be milder.

A horse's or cow's shaking the body means snow or rain.

IROQUOIS CALENDARS.

Among the Iroquois there seems to have been a general
division of the year into periods corresponding more or less
closely with our spring, summer, autumn, and winter, besides

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that into moons or months. Loskiel remarks of the Delawares
and the Iroquois that they "divide the year into winter, spring,
summer and autumn, and each quarter into months, but their
calculations are very imperfect, nor can they agree when to
begin the new year. Most of them begin with the spring, some
with any other quarter, and many, who are acquainted with
the Europeans, begin with our New Year's day." His inter-
pretations of the names given to the months, however, differ
from those which follow."^

Among some eastern woodland tribes there was a division
into ten moons or months. One of the Relations remarks that
"the greater part of the savages admit only teji moons." This
evidently referred more particularly to the Algonkins. The
Iroquois apparently agree upon twelve divisions,'' the influence
of environment and occupation being shown by the names,
which refer to the weather or the natural products growing or
maturing at the seasons indicated.

The following names of the seasons were furnished by
Jacob Hess (Ca.), Chief David Key (Seneca speaking Onondaga),
and Paul Jacobs (Mo. of Caughnawaga) :

Spring:

gagwi'di or g^gwi'di (Ca.)'

gagwi'dini' (Ca., "towards spring")

gogwide'ani" (Mo.)

diyijgwag^hQ'dt" (On.)

y^r^'ke-'^de (Wyandot, "it, turn over, is coming.")

General meaning: It is time to plant or sow.*

Summer:

aggha'gi' (Mo.) \ „.^ ^ . . „

. ,„r J ^\ r It turns over, is commg

a*way§"'r^ (Wyandot) J

gan^^na''gt' (On.) \ ,,.. , , ,,

. ^ , \„7 J ^\ r It red has come
way^nte' 'ye (Wyandot) J

' Loskiel, Hist, of Mission, p. 29.
' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. VI, p. 223.
'A similar tefm, kengSite (kengwite) is given in the French-Onondaga
dictionary of the 17th century, edited by Shea.

* Analyses of the terms were furnished by Mr. C. M. Barbeau.

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Autumn:

agrtrd^ (Ca ) 1 ..^^^ j^^^^^ ^^^y,
ag^tr'dqu'na (Ca.) J

•"the red colours have come'

ganenage"ni' (Ca.)'

gana'ge'ani' (Mo.)

yan^Ma^'^ye'de (Wyandot)

gan^na''ge'hagwadt' (On.)
Winter :

gu'sa'a'gt" (On.)

ogosera'gt' (Mo.)

go'sri'niuna (Ca.) '

yu'cre"de (Wyandot)

General meaning: The cold has arrived.
First-hand versions of the names of the Iroquois months
were obtained from the late Chief Gibson, Seneca speaking
Onondaga, and from Chief David Skye, Onondaga. These
two are substantially in agreement, although the Seneca and
Onondaga differ as to the beginning of the Indian new year
and the date of the ceremonies connected therewith. The names
recorded are compared with those obtained by J. N. B. Hewitt
from the late Chief John Buck (On.), those given in the French
Onondaga dictionary (edited by Shea), and with those of a
missionary calendar in the possession of Mr. Stacey, a Caugh-
nawaga Iroquois.

1. disgu-'nas principal mid-winter month; begins first new

moon after January 1 (Chief Johii Gibson, Seneca,

Brant County reserve),
dis-go'-na, days great or longer (Hewitt, J. N. B.).
anisgo'wa, March (from calendar in possession of Stacey,

Mohawk, Caughnawaga).
tichkona, very windy month (Shea's ed. of a French-

Onondaga dictionary of the 1 7th century) .
Meaning:^ the sun is large again.

' Shea gives kanenaque.

' From analyses furnished by Mr. C. M. Barbeau, division of anthropology
Geological Survey, Canada.

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2. ganS'du'ha', month following disgu'na"; said by informant

to mean leaves falling into the water from such trees
as the oak and beach, to which they have clung during
the winter. (Chief Gibson): February.

ka-naq-to-ha, somewhat immersing the leaves (Hewitt).

onera'do'ga, April (Stacey's calendar).

ganerattoha, April (Shea).

Meaning: leaves (fall) down into the water.

3. gana'du'gu"na, great falling (of) leaves under the water

now (Chief Gibson) : March,
ka-naq-to-go'-na, thoroughly immersing the leaves (Hewitt),
onera'dogcwa, May (Stacey's calendar),
ganerattogona, May (Shea).
Meaning: the leaves are quite or much immersed.

4. he'satas bushes, shrubs, and plants begin to grow again

(Chief Gibson) : April,
heq-sat-a, slight freezing (Hewitt),
ichakka, June (Shea).
Meaning: it (the plants or vegetation) stands up again.

5. u'hiaigu-'na*, or hiaiha, berries begin to ripen (Chief Gibson) ;

another informant, Peter John (On.), gave uhiaii'ha.
hiaiigu-'na'. May (Chief Skye).
hya-i-ha', fruits begin to ripen (Hewitt),
ohiari'ha, June (Stacey's calendar),
hiarigdna, July (Shea).
Meaning: fruits are getting ripe, or are quite ripe.

6. stsge'has plants growing (Chief Gibson) : June,
sts-ke-ha (Hewitt).

sesge'a', August (Stacey's calendar).
Chereske'ha,^ August (Shea).

7. stsgegu-'na', almost everything growing up and bearing some-

thing (Chief Gibson) : July,
sis-ke-go-'na (Hewitt). ,

sesgego'wa, September (Stacey's calendar),
chereske'gona, September (Shea).

' The accent following e, in names from the French-Onondaga calendar,
is the French e acute.

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Meaning: same as preceding plus suffix meaning greatly or
abundantly.

8. g^d^'a", food beginning to form (Chief Gibson): August.
k5-t§'-a' (Hewitt).

gant^'ha, October (Stacey).
kentenha, October (Shea).

Meaning: the field falls or is coming down, the harvest
is gathered.

9. g4d5"^'a'gu"'na% season when everything is bearing food

(Chief Gibson) : September.

k^-t^'-go'^na, (Hewitt).

g^t%go'wa, November (Stacey).

kentengSna, November (Shea).

Meaning: it field falls down much, the field is quite har-
vested.

10. djutu'weha', beginning of cold weather (Chief Gibson):

October,
tco-tho-we-ha, again it is somewhat cold (Hewitt),
djodo'ra", December (Stacey).
dziotore'ha, December (Shea).
General meaning: again it is cold coming; i.e. the cold is

coming again.

11. djutuwegu-'na", beginning of cold weather (Chief Gibson):

November,
tco-tho-we-go'-ni, again it is greatly cold (Hewitt).
djodor'go'Wa, January (Stacey).
dziotoragona, Moon of Great cold (Shea).
Meaning: again it is cold greatly.

12. disa', (Chief Gibson)^ p^ ,
disa", (Chief Skye) J
dts-^', short days (Hewitt),
ani'ska, February (Stacey).
tichha, windy (?) moon (Shea).
Probable meaning: the sun is returning.

PROTECTION OF CROPS.

Among the most persistent corn-thieves were the crow,
ga" ga' (On.), and the blackbird, djukgii'sda'gagowa'ne (On.).

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These were either frightened away or captured by means of a
noose or snare attached to a bent-over sapling, grains of corn
being scattered about as a bait.

Later on there were the raccoon, djo'a'gak (On.) ; and the
woodchuck, una"gGnt, attacking the fields along the borders of
woods and clearings; or the muskrat, hanu''gie', who visits the
corn-patches lying along rivers and creeks. Many contrivances
were designed for the capture of these, all based upon an intimate
knowledge of wood-craft. The raccoon's habit of reaching with
his forefeet suggested a small opening with some attractive bait
at the farther end, a number of closely converging points pre-
venting withdrawal. Deadfalls, with or without bait, were also
used effectively.*

When the corn was ripe and suspended outside upon poles
to dry, it was often stolen by jays and crows. These were
caught by means of a slab of bark of suitable length and width,
with holes cut along the middle to admit the head. Loops or
nooses of basswood inner bark were arranged around these
openings and the contrivance was placed on top of the racks
of corn. The rest of the grain was covered and the birds, in
reaching for it through the holes in the bark, became entangled in
the nooses.^

A dead crow or jay, di''di (On.), suspended by the legs near
a corn-crib or in a cornfield, furnished an example to evil-doers. A
custom still followed is to take a young crow and hang it up
by the legs alive.

A device employed for frightening birds was a cylindrical
whistle, suspended from a pole. This was operated upon by
the wind and is said to have been suggested by an old man who
discovered that the wind made a noise upon his flute when he
hung it outside. The whistles were formerly made of wooden
cylinders, closed at one end. Bottles are often used for the
purpose now. An Onondaga name for the whistle is wat4*doya"a'
(things planted, to scare anything from).'

1 John Jamiesofl, jun. (Ca.). Various types of Iroquois traps will be de-
scribed in detail in a later paper of this series.
' Chief Gibson and others.
' John Jamieson, jun. (Ca.).

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END OF SEASON CEREMONY.

At the end of the season there is another meeting or session
of the OtQwi^zas, at which the procedure is much the same as
previously outHned, except that the peach-stone game is not
played. This is the season when the corn is ready to store
away and thanks must again be given for food. This ceremony
is called %yQta'gwaie"ga' (gathering corn bread). Nearly every
family prepares for this by baking a batch of old-fashioned corn
bread. This is brought to the longhouse. A speaker is again
appointed and addresses the people, congratulating them on
the success of their crop or harvest. Thanks are also given
to the Great Spirit that the people have been well supplied.
Two men are then appointed to perform the Great Feather
Dance. After this there is another dance for females only,
called owesga'nii' (to thank the Great Mother and Three Sisters).
This ends what Chief Gibson referred to as "the first part of the
programme."

The second part is the ga'datshc'da', sometimes rendered
as the "Trotting Dance." All take part in this, which is also a
giving of thanks to the Great Mother and Three Sisters.

The third part is participated in by women only. 'It is
also called owesga'nii', and is the second dance in which the
women alone take part, being thus privileged, as Chief Gibson
remarked, on account of the nature of the proceedings.

The fourth part is called deygdaden^'tcqus (joining their
hands, or union). ^ All join hands in this and dance. The women
have the "privilege" of joining hands with the men. This is
said to typify the mixing or joining of the seeds in the hills of
corn. On the other hand, the women may remain together.
Children also take part in this dance. Other dances may also
be performed.

When through with this portion of the proceedings, the people
are addressed by the speaker, who thanks them and the Creator
that they have got through with their duty. The speaker then
reminds them of the Midwinter Festival, which comes in the

' This is sometimes translated as the Snake Dance.

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month of Disgu-'na", on the fifth day of the new moon. He also
asks those who are going into the forest to hunt, or on any
similar expedition, to remember to return by this date.

HARVESTING AND STORAGE.

The most ancient method of harvesting consisted merely
in gathering the ripened ears from the standing corn, the stalks
being allowed to remain as already noted, until the next season's
operations necessitated their removal. The ears were plucked,
usually with the right hand, and thrown backward over the same
shoulder into the gathering basket, e^nahan?'gwi''ta' (On.)
or egeh^da''kwa', which was suspended from the back by a
burden strap (Plate XXII, fig. e). The basket was emptied
by bringing it forward over the head and dropping it bottom
upward upon the pile.^ The gathering basket is sometimes
emptied into a still larger basket which is provided with handles
on opposite, sides so that it can be carried by two persons.

The same informant states that a hut or house of corn-
stalks was formerly constructed in the field as a shelter for the
huskers. This was made like the old-style bark house (Plate IV).

A very common method at present is to tie the stalks, with
the ears attached, into large bundles, sometimes with strings
of hickory bark. These are allowed to stand in the field until
the corn dries slightly, after which the ears are plucked and
husked.

The old style of husking was to sit upon the ground with
the legs straight, or with one knee slightly elevated. Four
husks were usually left upon each ear for braiding, the rest were
removed and carefully laid aside for use in mat-making, etc.
Those employed in braiding knelt on one knee (Plate V). An
ear with the husks pulled back for this purpose is called in Onon-
daga ganu'yu'nda' or waiinp'gw^'yo'gaa', and with the husks
entirely removed, wa'inuwi'iyak or udnoya''gt". The latter
name is also applied to stunted ears or nubbins, which are not
made into strings, but are merely thrown upon the floor to dry.*

* Peter John (On.) and others.
2 Peter John.

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A string of corn is called ust5"saa' (On.), and is usually
five spans (hwiks niyuw?"gage") in length.

The husks are torn apart by means of a husking pin of
hickory or other hardwood, though bone is sometimes used
(Plate VI, figs, a and b). A name used for this implement is
enuiya'kta' ga'wa'sta' (On.). It is possible that many of the
stout awl-like bone implements, which are found on ancient
village sites, were used for this purpose. The bones of the bear
seem to have been a popular material, and the young people
sometimes practised a species of divination by bending these
articles slightly, an easily broken pin indicating a short life.
Chief Gibson had frequently seen husking-pins made from the
ribs of animals, such as the deer. The husking-pins employed
at present have a groove around the middle, affording attach-
ment to a leather loop, which is slipped over the middle finger.
The pin is grasped in the palm, then stuck, with a vigorous
sweep, into the leafy covering, the thumb closed down tightly
and the husks torn back in preparation for braiding.

The husking bee, hadinowi'yake' (removing all the husks),
gave rise to many social gatherings from house to house, at which
corn soup was distributed liberally and where the proceedings
were often enlivened with dancing or story-telling. A game
formerly played on such occasions consisted in piling up short
pieces of cornstalk into a house-like structure and endeavouring
to flip these away one at a time without knocking down the others.*

An interesting description is given by Sagard of Huron
harvesting: "The grain ripens in four months, and in certain
places in three; afterwards they pluck it, tie it by the husks or
leaves, which are pulled back, in this manner forming bundles
or strings, which they suspend the length of the cabins, from
top to bottom, on poles which they place in the form of racks,
descending to the outer edge of the sleeping platforms, and all
so neatly done that they seem to be tapestries or curtains stretched
along the cabins, and the grain being thoroughly dried and
ready for storing away, the women and girls shell it, clean it,
and place it in their great vats (cuves) or casks (tonnes) made

' David Jack, Ca.

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for this purpose and placed in their porches or in some corner
of the cabin. "1

The corn crib, ga'»he-'da'^ is a favourite storage device
among the Iroquois, although the strings of corn are sometimes
suspended in the garret' or other parts of the house. Poles
are placed across, about 2| feet apart, and the strings thrown
oveir these. The cribs at present are usually constructed
of boards, with shingled roofs (Plates VII, VIII). In many
cases a tin pan is inverted over each of the corner posts upon
which the building is placed, to prevent the mice and squirrels
from ascending. A few are made of poles, usually with a simple
"lean-to" roof (Plate IX). The cobs are either thrown loosely
into these, or the braids thrown over poles which are arranged
inside.

A method of divination, according to John Jamieson, jun.,
was formerly practised as follows: a cob of corn was placed
in the edge of the fire by a warrior who was about to go to war.
After an hour or so he would return. If the cob, in the mean-
time, had been entirely consumed, it signified that he would be
killed in battle.

A quite different style of crib or storage receptacle from
those described was stated by Chief Gibson to have been used
within his recollection. This was round and was sometimes
made higher than the ordinary crib. A suggestion of the shape
is contained in the name, ga'na'gu'uda', which signifies "barrel
set." It was made by taking small posts, up to 6 inches in
diameter, for the wall. A hole was next dug about 1|
feet deep and as large around as required. The posts were
set closely around the circumference of the hole, the dirt thrown
in up to the level of the ground and packed down solidly. This
barrel-shaped receptacle was filkd with the corn in the cob and
poles were laid straight across the top. Over these were placed
flat pieces of elm bark, which were removed from the tree in the
spring and seasoned during the summer. Another pole was

' Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, pp. 93, 94.

' Peter John, Onondaga, ^ives enahaiyenda''kwa' as a better name.

' Storage in garrets is mentioned by both Cartier and Champlain.

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placed on top of the bark and the ends tied down with strips
of basswood inner bark.

Le Jeune mentions the "granaries or chests of corn" in
use among the Hurons.^ These were evidently large box or
barrel-like vessels which were placed inside the cabins. Cham-
plain remarks, with regard to the same nation, that "at the end
X)i these cabins is a space where they keep their corn, which
they place in large casks, made of the bark of trees."^ Both
elm and birchbark were used for such utensils, as well as for
many other household purposes. Remains of birchbark boxes
or storage receptacles have been found on Huron and other
village sites.'

The size of some of these casks or bins may be gathered
from an item in the Relations, which mentions the possession
by a Huron of two bins which held at least one hundred to one
hundred and twenty bushels. Lafitau, in speaking of the in-
terior household arrangements of the Iroquois and the construc-
tion of sleeping platforms, remarks that "the barks which enclose
the platforms at the top and which form the canopy of the bed,
take the place of a wardrobe or pantry, where they place, in
view of everybody, their dishes and utensils. Between the
platforms are placed great boxes (caisses) of bark, in the form
of casks (tonnes) and five or six feet high, where they place
their corn when it is shelled."*

The construction of storage pits was evidently quite com-
mon among the Iroquois, for caches while travelling, to guard
against the capture of their supplies by enemies, and for the
preservation of such garden products as squashes, pumpkins,
etc. Lafitau, in describing this custom, states that "the Indian

women make underground storage places in their

fields, in which to place their squashes (citrouilles) and other
fruits, which can only in this way be protected from the severity

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XVII, p. 29.
' Champlain, Voyages, Laverdi^res ed., p. 562.

• Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XVII, p. 271, explanatory
note 9.

* Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriguains, pt. II, p. 13.

Cf. Champlain, Voyages, Prince Soc. ed., vol. Ill, pp. 160, 161.

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of the winter. These are great holes in the ground, four or
five feet deep, lined with pieces of bark inside and covered over
with earth.

"As to the corn, instead of burying it, except in case of
necessity, they dry it on long poles, and upon the porches or
exterior vestibules of the cabins. At tsonnontouann they make
granaries of bark in the form of towers, on high ground, and they
pierce the bark on all sides, to allow the air to penetrate and
prevent the grain from moulding." The corn was first dried
in the cabins "on poles running across, which are arranged around
the fire, and which rest upon the posts which support the struc-
ture; the smoke which is produced day and night blackens the
grain a little after a while, but removes any moisture which
might spoil it. In winter, when it is thoroughly dry, they shell
it, and put it into the great casks of bark. . . and they take
from these as required. They leave in the smoke only that
which they reserve for seed, and which they shell only when it
is time for planting."*

Morgan makes the following reference to granaries and
storage pits: "The Iroquois were accustomed to bury their
surplus corn and also their charred green corn in caches, in which
the former would preserve uninjured through the year, and the
latter for a much longer period. They excavated a pit, made a
bark bottom and sides, and having deposited their corn within
it, a bark roof, water tight, was constructed over it, and the
whole covered with earth. Pits of charred corn are still found
near their ancient settlements."^

The storage of corn in pits is no longer practised, though
potatoes, carrots, and other vegetables, also squashes and pump-
kins, are frequently stored in this way (Plate X). The pits
are made by digging rather large holes, lining these with various
materials, such as straw or boards, and finally covering them
over with earth to a depth which will exclude the frost. In

* Lafitau, Maeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, vol. II, pp. 79, 80.

* Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 311.

Hennepin, A New Discovery, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. I, p. 46, states
of the Seneca that they store their corn "into Caves digged in the Earth,
and cover'd after such a manner, that no Rain can come at it."

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the absence of oth^r materials, hemlock boughs may be used,
sometimes with the addition of a layer of bark. Onondaga
informants at Grand River reserve stated that several of the larger
species of carex were formerly used, to which the general name
of uhee"gwa' is given, also meadow foxtail or ud§''?'.' Many
of the pits found in the Iroquois country contain both charred
grain and portions of the carbonized lining of grass or hemlock
boughs. For squashes, etc., the leaves of the sumac, utgo''da',
are said to answer very well. A general name given for pit is
watsha'dp'. , A potato pit is called ononu"gwa' watsha'dg'.

Champlain is probably the first explorer to describe the
pit method of storage, which he observed among some of the
eastern Algonkin. Trenches were excavated to a depth of
5 or 6 feet on a dry, sandy slope and the grain, in grass
sacks, covered over 3 or 4 feet deep with sand.'' Kalm,
with reference to eastern North America, remarks that "they
dug these holes seldom deeper than a fathom, and often not so
deep; at the bottom and on the sides they put broad pieces of
bark. The Andropogon bicorne . . . supplies the want of
bark; the ears of maize are then thrown into the hole and covered
to a considerable thickness with the same grass, and the whole
is again covered by a sufficient quantity of earth."'

ABNORMAL EARS.*

Abnormal ears of various kinds are frequently found and
are usually considered significant.'

A smutty ear is called in Onondaga odjiigw4:''daa', which
means a rotten body. A Seneca name obtained was utg^s one'g',
which signifies rotten corn.

A fasciated ear, sometimes more or less palmate, with
branches resembling fingers, is called in Onondaga o''nia' un§'ha',
or hand corn.

' Peter John, John Jamieson, and others.

» Pinkerton, Voyages and Travels, vol. 12, p. 258. "The Indians thrash
it as they gather it. They dry it well on matts in the sun, and bury it in holes
in the ground, lined with moss or matts, which are their barns."

' Kahn's Travels, vol. II, p. 115.

* Peter John and others.

' See also Parker, Bulletin 144, New York State Museum, p. 33.

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A multiple ear, taking the form of a large ear with several
smaller ones springing from it, indicates that a girl will have
many children. The rest of the huskers say "uiaga''di'" (On.),
or "lots of young ones."

A bifurcated ear, having two or three rows on opposite
sides and none between, is o'na''sa', or tongue, in Onondaga.
In Mohawk this is called yuha'dt' o'nasti', or road corn. A girl
must not eat this, otherwise an enemy would find the way to
her without fail. When any one discovers such an ear, the
others all contribute an ear to his or her pile of husked corn.

A nubbin, or short ear, is called udnoia''gi', which means
that the husks have all been removed. The ear is considered
unfit for braiding and is merely thrown on the floor to dry.

A cob with no corn on it is called odji'sw^' (On.), a name
indicating simply the absence of kernels.

When any of the huskers finds a stray red or coloured ear,
the others also contribute to his or her pile. The name applied
to such an ear is deyudji'do"ye' (On.), which is descriptive of
the variegated colouring.

Sometimes a podded grain is found on an ordinary ear.
A grain of this kind is immediately swallowed as a means of
securing prosperity in any enterprise, such as marriage or hunt-
ing.

When corn hybridizes from being too near another variety,
the hybrid ears are called odinada''h4' on^'ha' (On.), or visitor
corn.

A corn plant producing white leaves is called the old one or
the grandmother of the lot, eti'so'da' (On.).

It was remarked by David Jack that in his younger days
when a husking bee was held, the workers were always on the
look-out for abnormal ears. A red ear entitled the finder to
one ear from each of the others; an ear with one or more rows
missing, to two ears all around; an ear with no corn at all on
it, to one ear; a fasciated ear, to five ears. A kind of divination
with corn ears,- according to John Jamieson, jun., and John Echo,
is sometimes practised as follows: a few grains are placed inside
a weasel-skin, the whole is placed in water over night, then
planted, some native tobacco being placed with it and an in-

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vocation being made asking for power for the medicine which
is to be made in this way and stating what it is wanted for.
When the corn grows and forms ears, one of these is taken,
preferably one which forms abnormally among the anthers or
parts of the tassel at the end of the stalk. This ear is then used
by the person (who is usually a medicine-man or woman) for
divining the appropriate remedies in cases of sickness. To
do this, some article of clothing belonging to the sick person
is wrapped about the ear of corn, the whole being placed under
the medicine-man's pillow to dream upon.

A cob of the kind just described may also be kept for luck
in hunting, or may be simply preserved for future use in divina-
tion. The idea of sympathetic magic is involved in the fore-
going procedure, the weasel being considered to have a "good
head."

COOKERY AND EATING CUSTOMS.

EATING CUSTOMS.

One regular meal per day seems to have been the rule,
although early writers record the preparation of two meals
among the Huron. ^ An Onondaga informant remembers when
some of the older people had no regular meal-time. Members
of the family ate whenever they felt like it. A big bowl of soup,
however, was cooked in the morning. They usually worked
for a while, then came in and ate the soup or corn bread.* Break-
fast is called in Onondaga hg.ige"djikga'kwa', or "morning meal."
A meal partaken of in the evening is oga'sa'ga'kwa'. Now-
adays dinner, g^ihia'h^ga'kwa', is added.

The meal is usually announced by the woman of the house,
who calls, "hauo'ne, sedeko'nia' (On.)," or "all right, come and
eat." The men, as a rule, are helped first, the women and chil-
dren coming after. The serving in former times was done
directly from the pot into bark or wooden dishes, chunks of

'■ Champlain, Voyages, vol. Ill, p. 164.

Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. VIII, p. 111.
* This item is confirmed by Morgan, Houses and House Life of the American
Aborigines, p. 99.

Informants: Peter John, Jairus Pierce, and others.

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meat being, handed or tossed to those desiring a portion. Some
of the older people at Onondaga Castle and elsewhere remember
when meals were served in this way. Wooden spoons or ladles,
some of considerable size, were used for dipping and eating
liquid foods. These are mentioned frequently by early histo-
rians, also the fact that each guest, upon being invited to a feast,
was expected to bring his own dish and spoon. Wooden eating
spoons are seldom used nowadays, although the old-fashioned
dipping ladles may sometimes be seen at longhouse ceremonies.

Each one ate in silence, either sitting or standing, the only
convenience being the bare ground or the edge of the sleeping
platform. It is at present considered etiquette for a guest, in
finishing, to say "nia'w^" (On.), or "thanks." To this the host
replies, "niu"," "It is well." Children are told that a failure
to say nia'w^ or thank you will give them a stomach-ache. Any
one coming in at meal-time is invited to eat and is expected as a
matter of etiquette to take something.

A joke or witticism is sometimes made at the expense of the
women when a meal is unduly delayed. This is to the effect
that a number of people were seen coming along the road re-
duced to skeletons, or "all bones." The explanation is that
this was caused by starvation, to which the narrators were also
exposed by having to wait so long for dinner or supper.

Cleanliness, from a European point of view, was not always
a desideratum in earlier times. Graphic descriptions are fur-
nished by the missionaries of the incrustation of food inside the
pots and the general carelessness in cooking. Fresh meat
became coated with hairs and dirt. The dogs fought for a share
and constant watchfulness was necessitated to prevent one's
food from being snatched away. Grease was wiped upon the
clothing, the hair, or upon the dogs. Informants at Grand
River, Tonawanda, and elsewhere mentioned the use of rotten
pine or chestnut for the absorption of grease or perspiration,
or for dusting babies.* This is made into a fine dark red powder.
A Mohawk name for the material is ohcsa'.

A belief noted at Oneidatown, Ontario, is that food dropped
during a meal must not be picked up, as this is for the dead.

1 Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. I, p. 28S; also vol. V, p. 103.

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If picked up, it must be laid to one side.^ The functions of the
U'gi'we society, in fact, are based upon the belief that the dead
suffer from hunger and require satisfaction at intervals. Neglect
in this respect is followed by continued visitations and ultimate
illness.

Smoking followed eating, perhaps more especially on oc-
casions of ceremony.''

Terms Used in Connexion with Eating.*

Good appetite, ekwanp'waks.
I am hungry, aksis.
Glutton, sadetcl' or sas4"gw4.
I eat, waga'deko'nia'.
You eat, wa'sadeko'nia'.
He eats, hodekoni'.
She eats, godeko'ni'.
Oven, unta'go'ndakwa'gi".
Bread-pan, unta'go'ndakwa'.

HOUSEHOLD CONVENIENCES.

A characteristic feature of early Iroquois architecture was
the long communal cabin, constructed usually of elm bark and
accomodating a number of families. Champlain gives the
following general description: "Their cabins are in the shape
of tunnels or arbors, and are covered with the bark of trees.
They are from twenty-five to thirty fathoms long, more or less,
and six wide, having a passageway through the middle from
ten to twelve feet wide, which extends from one end to the other.
On the two sides there is a kind of bench, four feet high, where
they sleep in the summer, in order to avoid the annoyance of
the fleas. . . In winter they sleep on the ground on mats
near the fire. . . . They lay up a stock of dry wood, with
which they fill their cabins, to burn in winter. At the extremity
of the cabins there is a space, where they preserve their Indian

'Mrs. David Williams.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXVII, p. 249.

' These are in Onondaga.

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corn, which they put into great casks made of the bark of trees.
They have pieces of wood suspended, on which they put their
clothes, provisions, and other things, for fear of the mice, of
which there are great numbers. In one of these cabins there
may be twelve fires, and twenty-four families. It smokes
excessively, from which it follows that many receive serious
injury to the eyes. . . . There is no window nor any opening,
except that in the upper part of their cabins for the smoke to
dscape."^ Sagard, who gives a similar description, refers to the
porches which were constructed at either end of the cabins, and
which served for the storage of corn, etc. Very few aboriginal
features are seen in present-day houses (Plate XI), though poles
are still suspended above the fire for drying clothing and various
articles of food.^

GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS.

The geneiBl improvidence ascribed to many of the eastern
tribes is evidently inapplicable to the Iroquois proper, though all
Iroquoian tribes were possibly not so provident. Lafitau, for
instance, remarks of the Hurons that "necessity, to which they
are often reduced by this sort of liberality, obliges them to eat
everything and to enjoy the fare. As, in their times of plenty,
they allow no time for meat to spoil, placing it still alive in
the pot, or roasting and turning it on little spits of wood, one
end of which they stick in the ground, so they do not hesitate
to eat stinking and almost rotten meat when they have no other.
They never skim the pot, in order to lose nothing. They cook
frogs whole and swallow them without disgust. They dry the
intestines of deer without cleaning them and find them as tasty
as we find woodcock. . . They have not abandoned the
acorn. . They gather beech-nuts with care and crush them.
They eat potatoes with pleasure, various insipid roots, and all
sorts of wild and bitter fruits; they give these no time to ripen

> Champlain, Prince Society ed., vol. Ill, pp. 160, 161.

" Sagard says: "In the centre of their dwellings there are two great poles
suspended, which they call ouaronta, from which they hang their pot-hooks,
their clothing, provisions and other things to protect them from mice, as well
as to dry them." — Voyage, vol. I, p. 83.

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and to grow, for fear that others might gather them first. In
order the better to despoil a tree they cut it down at the root,
without worrying about the advantages they might derive in
succeeding years. "^

METHODS OF FIRE-MAKING.

A most important factor in food preparation was the pro-
duction of fire. In more ancient times this was produced by
friction. Among the methods in vogue among the Iroquois
were:

Flint and pyrites.''

A fire-drill consisting of a simple spindle twirled between

the hands.
The pump drill, in which the spindle was given momentum

by means of a spindle-whorl of wood.
The bow drill, in which the spindle was operated by a bow,
the string of which was twisted once around the spindle
(Plate XII).
The fire plow, in which the end of a stick was rubbed vigor-
ously back and forth in a groove.
The fire saw, in which one stick was rubbed across another.
Of these, the flint and pyrites, pump drill, bow drill, fire
plow, and fire saw are said to have been used within the recol-
lection of some of the older people. The fact of such a variety
of methods being found in use contemporaneously evidently
denotes accultural influences. The pump drill was quite com-
monly employed in the production of "new fire" at the New
Year Festival, also in the Sun Ceremony.' This implement

' Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages, pt. II, pp. 91, 92.
Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXIII, pp. 63, 65.

' Le Jeune, in describing the fire-making methods of the Montagnais,
states that "they strike together two metallic stones. ... in place
of matches, they use a little piece of tinder, a dry and rotten wood . . .
when they have lighted it, they put it into pulverized cedar bark; and, by
gently blowing, this bark takes fire." — Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed.,
vol. VI, p. 217.

• Prevailed among Iroquois and Algonkin families north of the Ohio;
extended west of the Mississippi, and was in all cases attended with cere-
monies, though not observed in the more northerly regions with as much

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consisted of a spindle with a disk of wood ; a cross-piece, to the
ends of which a slack cord was attached, the centre of the cord
being fastened to the top of the spindle; and lastly, a hearth of
dry wood for drilling upon. The drill was operated by giving
the cord a few twists around the spindle, then alternately press-
ing downward and relaxing the pressure, which caused the
spindle to revolve rapidly in a small depression at one side of
the hearth. A small groove at one side of this allowed the ignited
dust to fall upon some tinder placed below"^; a socket was
sometimes applied to the top of the spindle to increase the
pressure.

Hennepin, in speaking of the fire-making methods of the
Illinois and neighbouring tribes, states that a stick or spindle
of some hard wood was used upon a hearth of cedar; this was the
spindle twirled between the hands.^ The same method was
employed by the Huron,' as well as by many other tribes through-

solemnity as in the Gulf State region. — See Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes of U.S.,
vol. V, p. 104.

Cf. Brinton, Myths of the New World, p. 183, regarding mythical origin
of fire.

• Morgan, League of the Iroquois, vol. II, p. 39.

* Hennepin, A New Discovery, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. I, p. 24t»; Loskiel,
pt. I, p. 54.

' Le Jeune remarks, with regard to the Montagnais and more particularly
to the Hurons: "They have still another kind of fuse. They twist a little
cedar stick, and this friction causes fire, which lights some tinder.'" — Jesuit
Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., VI, p. 267.

Sagard gives the Huron method in detail: "They take two sticks of willow,
basswood, or some other kind, dry and light, then arrange two sticks of willow,
basswood, or some other kind, dry and light, then arranging one about the
length of the forearm or less, and of the thickness of the finger, and having
along the side a small hole about the size of a knife point or a beaver's tooth,
and a little groove with a notch at one side, to allow to fall upon some tinder
placed below the powder which is brought to ignition. They place the point of
another stick of the same wood, and as large as the little finger or less, in the
hole thus commenced and turn this in the hands so vigorously and so long
that they light the tinder, and then with some small, dry sticks they kindle
a fire for cooking. All wood, however, is not suitable for making fire. . . .
At times, when they have difficulty, they powder up in the hole a little char-
coal or a little dry powdered wood which they get from some stump; if they
have no large stick (for a hearth) they take two round ones, tie them together

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out the continent. A Cayuga informant' gives, as the best
materials for spindles, the wood of the sHppery elm and the
hickory, with a hearth of basswood, maple, or any hard wood.
Among the materials used by Tonawanda fire-makers^ for the
same purpose, were slippery elm and white ash, with a hearth
of dry basswood. Ironwood was employed for both spindles
and hearths by the Onondaga and others. Button-wood is
also mentioned as a spindle material. Chief Gibson described a
drill in which the spindle was of hickory and the hearth of
pitch pine.

A Cayuga informant' remembered the use of an unusual
form of pump drill, in which the spindle was over 4 feet in
length, a comparatively small whorl being required, owing to
the weight of the spindle (Plate XIII). It was also stated
that in olden times the whorl or disk was made of a small branch
bent into a circle and interlaced with bark.* The whorl is
considered to be better a little out of centre to ensure greater
friction.

The fire plow was also in use among the Onondaga, though
more rarely employed.

The fire saw method was described by John Jamieson, jun.
A fallen ironwood tree is found and a dry spot in it is selected.
A stick of the same wood is cut and is rubbed back and forth
across the log by two persons. The tinder mentioned was the
Polporus applanatus fungus (Una'sa'), dried and shredded.

The bow drill, as used at Tonawanda, consisted of a spindle
of white ash or slippery elm, with a hearth of dry basswood.
The string for the bow was the inner bark of the moose or leather-
wood. The punk was described as rotten maple, prepared for

by their ends, and placing the knee upon them to hold them, place between
them the point of another stick made like a weaver's shuttle, and whirl this
by the other end between the hands, as before." — Voyage, I, pp. 48, 49.

H. S. Caswell, Our Life Among the Iroquois, p. 237: fire-making by
twirling a stick between the hands is described by Squire Johnson as an old
Iroquois method.

' John Jamieson, jun.

' Alex. Snider.

' Bob Smoke.

* John Jamieson, jun.

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use by drying. Other kinds of punk mentioned were: beech
rot, dried; a species of Polyporus^ found growing on pines;
fat pine, slivered up small; also dry hemlock twigs. These
were packed closely around the base of the drill and kindled
into a fire by blowing.

Among the European methods used later were: the flint
and steel, and the burning glass, both of which were articles of
trade in early days. The inflammability of the wadding used
in the old-fashioned muzzle-loaders was noted and fire was
frequently kindled by setting off a charge of powder.

Terms Used in Fire-making {On.).

Fire-drill, edjisdonia''ta'.

Spindle, gai^du'da'.

Whorl, dewa'ci^'d(?'da"gwi'.

Cross-piece, gan^tcu'da'gwt' or degayadp'da'gwf.

Rock used for making fire, deyedji'sdae'sta' ust^'ha' (to

make fire-rock).
Flint, uhu'e'.
New fire, udjisda'se'.
Pitch pine, ushe'sdaa' or ushe'sdada'.
Punk, una'sa' (Ca. unra"sa')-
He makes fire with a drill, ^hadjisdo-'nia'.

THE GATHERING OF WOOD.

The provision of firewood was evidently as much a problem
in former times as now, and village sites were frequently changed,
at least partly, on this account.^ Sagard informs us that "they

' Polyporus igniarius (or Fames igniarius).

2 Loskiel, pt. I, pp. 55, 56: "They never think of sparing the forest trees,
for they not only burn more wood than is necessary for house consumption,
but destroy them by peeling. The greatest havoc among the forest trees is
made by fires, which happen either accidentally, or are kindled by the Indians,
who in spring, and sometimes in autumn, burn the withered grass, that a
fresh crop may grow for the deer. These fires run on for many miles, burning
the bark at the roots of the trees in such a manner, that they die. A forest
of fir trees is in general destroyed by these fires.

"From these and other causes, the fire-wood at last begins to be scarce,
and necessity obliges them to seek other dwelling-places."

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fill with dry wood for winter use all the space beneath the plat-
forms, which they call garihagueu and eindichaguet; but the
big trunks or logs, which serve to hold the fire, raised a little at
one end, they pile in front of their cabins, or store them in the
entries, which they call aque. All the women assist in provid-
ing wood, which begins with the months of March and April.
They use only good wood, preferring to go far for it rather
than to use green or smoky fuel. If they do not find perfectly
dry. trees, they fell those having dry branches, which they break
into splinters and cut an equal length. They do not use
fagots nor the very large trunks, which they allow to lie and rot,
as they have no saws to saw them.""^

A social custom which was frequently practised by the
women was the providing of the winter's supply of firewood for
brides who were married too late in the season to undertake this
duty for themselves. In Sagard's vocabulary of the Huron
language an allusion is found to the cry which was uttered through
the village by the crier, calling upon all the wood-gatherers to
go to the forest to collect the general supply. This was escoir-
haykion! escoirhaykion ! (To the forest! To the forest!).

The gathering of wood is still very often done by the women,
and by the older men, who sometimes employ the pack-basket
(Plate XIV, fig. a), or the hand-sleigh, for transportation.

UTENSILS USED IN THE GATHERING, PREPARATION,
AND EATING OF FOOD.

COOKING METHODS AND UTENSILS.

Cookery methods, generally speaking, have evidently
undergone considerable change, more particularly during the
historical period. Not only were there modifications in fire-
making, but also in the utensils employed, the changes in the
latter being probably the most important. Lafitau remarks
of this that "before the Europeans brought them kettles or pots
from across the ocean they (the women) made use of earthen
vessels, which they manufactured with some skill, giving them
a spherical form at the bottom and considerable width at the

' Sagard, Voyage, I, p. 82.

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top; and after having dried them in the sun, they burnt them
in a slow fire made with bark. The more migratory tribes
possrased only wooden cooking utensils, less fragile, but easier
of transportation. They cooked their food in these by throwing
into the water, one after the other, heated stones. This gra-
dually heated the water, and caused it to boil sufficiently to
satisfy people who were accustomed to partly-cooked food."'
Bressani comments on a lack of suitable cooking appliances
among the Hurons: "Before knowing the Europeans, as they
had no kettles for cooking victuals, especially on their journeys,
they made a ditch in the earth, and filled it with water, which
they caused to boil by cooling in it a number of stones, first
heated red-hot for this purpose. "^ The inference is that this
was a hasty method employed when the ordinary utensils were
not at hand.

Informants at Grand River and elsewhere state that boiling
was sometimes practised by placing a bark vessel in direct
contact with the fire, a fact which is confirmed by historical
references. Squire Johnson, an aged Seneca, remarks that
"they cooked their meat in a bark kettle, which they made
by using a flint axe or chisel to separate the bark from an elm
tree. They tied the large pieces of bark together at the ends
with strips of the inner bark, making a dish large enough to
hold the meat, with water enough to boil it. This bark kettle
was suspended between two sticks over the fire, and before the
kettle was burnt through the meat was cooked."' It is said
that by protecting the edges of the vessel from the flames it
answered this purpose very well.

While the greater part of the foods used by the Iroquois
seems to have been prepared by boiling, such methods as baking
on a flat stone*, roasting or cooking in the red-hot embers and
broiling on spits or sticks stuck into the ground before the fire,

* Lafitau, Moeurs, vol. II, p. 87.

Cf. Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. I, p. 285.
^ Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXXVIII, p. 2SS.
' Caswell, H. S., Our Life Among the Iroquois, pp. 237, 238.

* Adair, Hist, of the North American Indians, pp. 407, 408.
This method is still remembered by some of the older people.

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were also extensively practised. Pits of suitable size were
frequently dug in the side of some convenient bank or clay de-
posit. A fire was built in these, the coals removed, and corn,
squashes, roots, and other foods baked by covering over with
ashes. Archaeological remains of such pits are common.

The use of earthenware pots in the boiling of meat, etc.,
is attested by many early writers and observers, and is further
suggested by the form of the utensils found and the evident
employment of many of them in cooking operations as indicated
by the! nterior incrustations.

The rounded bottoms were evidently adapted equally for
standing in the light soil, which usually formed the floors of the
cabins, or for maintaining an upright position in the fire, the
latter of which is suggested by such illustrations as those of
Lafitau* and others.

The extension rim found on most of the pots, suggests that
they could have been tied about the neck with bark cord or vines
and suspended from poles arranged either tripod-fashion, or
between crotches. Schoolcraft figures an arrangement of this
kind.!"

The introduction of the European pot or kettle not only
increased the facilities for preparing food, but was both more
economical and convenient than its predecessors, one of the
immediate results being that the making of pottery was discon-
tinued, perhaps gradually at first, but so completely in most
cases that no recollection remains of its method of manufacture,
though a number of more or less complete descriptions are given
by various writers.'

The kettles obtained in trade were mostly of copper and
brass, though cast-iron seems also to have been in vogue to

' Lafitau, Moeurs, II, plate V, fig. 1.
Beverly, Hist, of Virginia, see plate.
White, John, Roanoke Colony, 1585-88.
' Schoolcraft, Historical and Statistical Information, pt. I, plate XXII.
' Sagard, Voyages, I, p. 99. Also Histoire du Canada, Tross ed., p. 260.
Holmes, 20th Ann. Rep. B.A.E., Aboriginal Pottery of the Eastern
United States, pp. 1-201.

Gushing, F. H., The Germ of Shoreland Pottery, Memoirs Inter. Congress
of Anthrop., Chicago, 1894.

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some extent, and small pots of the latter material have been
preserved by some as relics of these earlier times. The iron
pot is most frequently used at present.

Fire and Cookery Terms {Onondaga).

Fire, ode'ka'.

Ashes, og^'he'.

Firewood, oy^'da'.

Charcoal or coal, uswq,'da' (something black).

Smoke, oy^^gwaa'.

Smoke coming out of a chimney, oy?* gwae'da'.

Blaze or flames, o'dQ"gwa'.

Match, dega'da'kwa.'

I make a fire, gadega''ta'.

She makes a fire, Qdega"ta'.

He makes a fire, hadega^ta*.

Pole for suspending a pot, o'a'na'.

Crotch used in suspension of pole, ga'sa'e'.

Pothook (of wood), ga*su''daa'.

Large pot, gana'dju'wa'ne".

Brass kettle, ga^na'dji^ag'wi'.

Small pot (iron), nigana"djiaa'.

Boiling, o-ya'h^s.

Cooking, goko'ni".

One who cooks, ekonia'ha'.

Roasting in a pan, wade^skg'da' Qde'skQda"kwa'gt".

Frying-pan, gde^skgda'kwa'.

An interesting enumeration of cooking methods and uten-
sils is given by Mary Jemison : "Our cooking consisted in pound-
ing our corn into samp or hominy, boiling the hominy,
making now and then a cake and baking it in the ashes, and in
boiling and roasting our venison. As our cooking and eating
utensils consisted of a hommany block and pestle, a small kettle,
a knife or two, and a few vessels of bark or wood, it required but
little time to keep them in order for use."'

' Seaver, Life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, p. 43.

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MORTARS AND PESTLES.

Quite a number of Indian families still retain the corn mor-
tar (Plate XVIII), or "hommany block" referred to by Mary
Jemison. This may usually be seen standing upsidedown just
outside the door, and is very frequently made of the black, red,
or other varieties of oak, and the pestle of maple, ironwood, ash,
or hickory. Buttonwood was mentioned by a Tonawanda in-
formant as a suitable mortar material. Elm is also used at times,
but is not considered as good.

In the manufacture of the mortar, a tree of suitable dimen-
sions is felled and allowed to lie until it becomes properly seasoned.
A block or section is then cut off pretty well up the trunk
where the diameter is most uniform. A number of inquiries
and measurements made indicate that the height is made to
conform with the convenience of the user or owner. A hemis-
pherical or slightly conical hollow is next excavated in one end
of the block by burning and then hacking or scraping away the
burnt material. The depth of the hollow varies somewhat, but
is usually from 8 to 12 inches.

The pestle is double-ended, with a place for grasping the
centre, though only one end is used until this becomes worn or
broken, the purpose of the opposite end being principally to give
weight and balance.

The pestle is grasped firmly in both hands and brought down
smartly, a few minutes vigorous pounding being sufficient to
produce meal for a batch of bread or hominy. Anywhere from
one to four people may pound at once, the pestles being brought
down alternately or one after the other.

A peculiar circular scraping or rubbing motion is imparted
to the pestle from time to time, the object being to dislodge the
meal which adheres to the sides of the mortar. This rather
difficult feat is accomplished without losing a stroke.

Some of the older people relate how the women of neigh-
bouring houses sometimes ran races to see who could perform the
operations of grinding and making the meal into cakes most
quickly.

A Mohawk informant describes a taboo to the effect that a
woman at the monthly period should be prohibited from pounding

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COFR, aba from touching foods or medicine. Illness of various
kinds is ascribed to neglect of this precaution.'- An Onondaga
informant held that no harm would result so long as the woman
is not allowed to touch the corn.

If a woman at this period, according to David Key (On.)f
prepares food for twins, the latter will no longer be able to fore-
tell future events or perform the other remarkable things at-
tributed to them.

In former times,, when a girl arrived at puberty, wagdodia'ga'
(On.), her parents, or relatives gathered up a quantity of the
hardest corn they could find, selecting sweet corn, if they could
get it, as being the hardest to grind into meaL More than enough
foe a day's grinding was prepared and the unsuspecting maiden
was required to perform the task in a single day. If she were
successful, it was regarded as a sign that she would be an in-
dustrious housewife. If a mortar or the corn were not available,
she was set at cutting down a tree with a dull axe.'' Puberty
customs of this kind are stiU practised by the more conser-
vative.

The wooden mortar, with comparatively little variation
of form, is widely distributed throughout the various regions
of corn culture. The pestles, also, exhibit some similarity,
though those employed by some tribes show no particular at-
tempt at working into shape.

A very crude or primitive method of grinding corn was by
means of two medium-sized pebbles of a flat-round shape, the
lower one pitted slightly in the centre to hoW the grains (Plate
XIV, fig. c).

A slightly vaiying form consists of a muller for holding in
one hand and a shallow mortar or mealing slab, an outfit which
could be readily carried (Plate XIV, fig. d). Mullers and
mealing slaibs of this variety are occasionally found near olrf cabin
sites on the present reservations. An earlier form of this device
may be represented by the defwessions foUnd on the flattened
surfaces of large rocks and boulders. A considerable number
of the latter have been found in Iroquois territory.

' Seth Newhouse (Mo.), Canienga, Brant County reserve.
'John Jamieson, jun.

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Cylindrical pestles of stone were evidently not in use among
the Iroquois, though employed by their Algonkin neighbours
to the east as late as the Revolutionary war.^

The use of flattened pebbles for cracking corn and nuts is
still remembered by quite a number of the older people, and is
mentioned frequently in the Relations and elsewhere as a con-
venient or auxiliary method among the Hurons and Iroquois
generally and many of the surrounding tribes. A couple of
stones of this kind were obtained from an Indian family at
Caughnawaga. Mrs. J. Williams of the same village remembers
that about fifty years ago corn was often ground by taking two
pebbles, as described, one usually somewhat larger than the
other; the larger was placed in a large wooden bowl held in the
lap and the grain either cracked, or ground into a meal (Plate
XV).

David Jack, of the Grand River reserve, was of the opinion
that the wooden mortar as now used is not an extremely old
device with the Iroquois, though Lafitau figures a mortar of
this kind at an early date. It was stated by Jack that the older
people used sometimes to burn a hole in the trunk of a fallen
tree, a device suggestive of that in use among the Ojibwa,
Pottawatomie, Seminoles, and others, the pounder or pestle
in the latter instance being simply a large hardwood stick.'

Onondaga and Mohawk Terms.

Wooden mortar, ga'niga^da' ga'ni-'ga' (Mo.).

Stone mortar or mealing slab, on^'ya' (a stone).

MuUer, deyen^hia'kta' on^'ha' (cracker for corn).

She is cracking corn, deyen^'hiaks on^'ha'.

She is pounding corn (in the mortar), ete''tha'.

Pestle, ga'niga"da' hf'tg^ka', mill or mortar the top ones

a'si'za* ey^da'kwa' (Mo.).
Two women are pounding corn, genithe'ta' (Mo.).

' One of these was found in the Rideau valley by Dr. T. W. Beeman;
see Ontario Arch. Rep., 1904, p. 17.

^ For bibliography, etc., see Handbook of American Indians, vol. I, pp.
954, 955.

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Several women are pounding corn, gondithe'ta' (Mo.).
She is pounding corn, ytthe'ta' (Mo.).

THE PACK BASKET — ^YaNTaSHAGE"DaSTA' (SEN.)*

The pack or carrying basket (Plates XX, XXII, fig. e) had
a variety of uses. It is still frequently employed during harvest
for gathering corn, and sometimes for carrying the smaller
children. It also formed a convenient receptacle for collecting
firewood, or for the transportation of provisions. Those used
for corn or wood are very strongly made. A burden strap or
tump line, gasha'a' (Sen.), is attached for carrying.

Indications are frequently found suggesting an improve-
ment and an extension of basket-making with the introduction
of European tools, and the pack basket has no doubt also under-
gone some changes, though there is little variety of form to be
found at present. A specimen differing somewhat from the
ordinary type was collected at Oneidatown, Ontario. This
was concaved on one side to fit the shoulders, and was said
to be an old Oneida style (Plate XXI).

The favourite Iroquois basketry material everywhere is
black ash. The tree is cut into logs some 6 or 8 feet in
length, the bark is removed and the outside pounded with the
back of an axe or with a mallet, until the layers can be separated
into strips. When black ash cannot be found, other woods, such
as hickory, soft maple, and birch, are made use of in the same
way. Another material which was sometimes pressed into
service for the manufacture of pack baskets was the bark
stripped from young hickories (Plate XIV, fig. b).

HULLING OR WASHING BASKET — ^YEGAI"D0A''TA' (sEN.).^

The hulling or washing basket is always twilled, the sides
being woven tightly and the bottoms made open and sieve-like.

' The ordinary Seneca word for basket is ga'osh^'.
Onondaga names given for corn carrying basket are:
enahanf'gwi"ta' ga'a"saa' or
egeh4'4da"kwa' ga'a'sSa'.
' An Onondaga name is tnahuhai'i'ta' ga'a"saa', "washing corn basket."
The operation of washing the corn in the basket is referred to as e'nahuhai'i'ni'.

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There is some variation in size to correspond with family re-
quirements; otherwise there is little difference, except with
regard to the handle. One style of basket has none; another
has an opening on each side for the hands immediately below
the rim; a third haa only one such opening;* a fourth has small
bent wooden handles inserted on opposite sides, while a fifth
bas a wooden handle extending from side to side. Black ash
splints are the ordinary material (Plate XXII, figs, a, e, d).

A flexible washing basket is used on several of the reserva-
tions. This is constructed of basswood inner bark or bast,
in an open hexagonal weave like snowshoe netting (Plate XXII,
fig. b).

The ripe corn is usually hulled for cookery purposes. The
first step in hulling is to add sifted hardwood ashes to a prat of
water in the proportion of abou,t one double handful to three
quarts of water. This is brought to a boil to dissolve the lye.
The strength of the solution is tested by tasting. The corn,
previously boiled a little to soften it, is then added and boilfed
until it begins to look swollen. The principal test, however,
is the slipping of the skin when a grain is pressed between the
fingers. The corn and ashes are stirred from time to time
while the boiling is in progress; the cobs are thrown into the
fire as fuel. The contents of the pot are next emptied into the
washing basket, allowed to drain a little, then soused and shaken
about with a whirling motion in several tubs or kettles of water,
or in a running stream, until the hulls have been rubbed off and
floated away, a process which is assisted by friction against the
twilled sides of the basket and by rubbing with the hands.

The corn is now ready to pound, if required for bread-
making, or for use whole in hulled corn soup, a very popular
food. Another rapid boiling and washing are often given to
remove all traces of lye.

The following terms are applied to hulled corn :
gage^ho'tcii (On.), the skins off.
gan^huhai'i" (On.), corn washed with water.

' Peter John (On.) thinks this the oldest style.

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THE SIFTING BASKET.

Sifters differ but little except in fineness. These are
twilled and sometimes reinforced around the bottoms (Plate
XXIII, figs, b, c).

The finest are for the preparation of the meal for corn
bread. The Seneca term for a basket of this sort is niyu^niyu'-
sda'sa'a.

The hominy sifter, u'n^'yusdowancs (Sen.)', is somewhat
coarser, as indicated by the name. A common size is about a
foot square at the top and tapering slightly towards the bottom.
The larger particles are again pounded until all are of the re-
quisite size.

A special basket is said to have formerly been employed
for sifting ashes. At present, however, the ordinary type of
fine sifter is used, most frequently one which has become some-
what old or worn.

That sifters of other materials and patterns were sometimes
used is indicated by historical references. One writer remarks
of a mixed band of Senecas, Oneidas, Mohawks, and Wyandots,
who resided in Ohio in the early part of the nineteenth century,
that "sometimes they pounded the corn and sifted it through
a skin with holes punched in it and made bread, and boiled the
coarser for hominy."''

The suggestion of evolution in basketry is further confirmed
by such references as the following from Lafitau, who remarks
that the sieve was not basket-like then, but was a flat, rectang-
ular article, "coarsely made, of small branches tied together."
He further states that grain was winnowed in bark vessels or in
pliable baskets made of rushes (jonc).'

A very old and battered flour-sifter, collected at Caugh-
nawaga, was made of slender splinters of hickory in a sort of
wicker weave. The splints were interlaced and also bound at
the top with hickory bark, the whole forming a deep and rather

' An Onondaga name is unisdu'wane's ijwa'kta', or large particles sifter.
The fine sifter is called ijwa'kta'.

' Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts, No. 64, p. 106.
' Lafitau, Moeurs, vol. II, p. 86.

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flat receptable. An old type of popcorn sifter is figured by Mor-
gan,^ which is woven in a similar manner (Plate XXIII, fig. a).

BREAD BOWLS (bARK AND WOOD).

It seems probable that bark was formerly even more popu-
lar than wood in the manufacture of household utensils. The
material was found in abundance and could soon be worked into
shape. Bark is still used occasionally for utensils, and many
of the older people remember when it was quite extensively
employed.

Large bowls for bread-making were frequently made of elm
bark. The latter was removed from the tree in the spring or
early summer when the sap is up. It was then bent into shape
and the edges strengthened with strips of hickory or other
material, which was bound into position with the inner bark of
the elm or basswood. A couple of specimens in the Victoria
Memorial Museum at Ottawa are nearly 2 feet in diameter and
7 or 8 inches deep (Plate XXIV, fig. c).

Such bowls were also employed for other purposes than the
making of bread. A Caughnawaga informant states that they
were frequently used for holding the stones for cracking corn on
the lap (Plate XV). They also answered as dish pans, wash
pans, for holding food, and as general culinary utensils. The
usual form was round, though some are oval or of an oblong
rectangular shape.

Bark is mentioned repeatedly by all the early writers as the
material in most common use for all sorts of everyday purposes.
"Long bark vessels" were used by some of the northern Algonkins
in the cooking of meat and other foods, ^ most likely by means of
the stone boiling method. Birch bark was a very popular raw
material among these northern tribes, though it was less plenti-
ful in the Iroquois country. One of the Relations observes of
the Hurons that they were "without tables, benches, or anything
of the kind, the earth or some bark serving them for every pur-
pose."'

' Morgan, League of the Iroquois, vol. II, p. 31.

* Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XLI, pp. 183, 185.

» Ibid., vol. XXXVIII, p. 247.

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The manufacture of wood into dishes, spoons, etc., was
evidently a laborious process, especially before the arrival of the
whites. Hennepin remarks of this that "when the Savages
are about to make Wooden Dishes, Porringers or Spoons, they
form the Wood to their purpose with their Stone Hatchets,
make it hollow with their Coles out of the Fire and scrape them
afterward with Beaver's Teeth for to polish them."^

Sagard also notes that the Hurons manufactured bowls from
knots of wood and smoothed them with beavers' incisors.^ The
use of the latter as woodworking tools is confirmed archaeologi-
cally,' also the employment of cutting implements of flint, bone,
shell,* and other materials. Saws for small articles were fre-
quently made from flint and a Grand River informant states
that the rough posterior margin of the snapping-turtle's shell
was used for the same purpose.

Cutting edges required to be more or less adapted in shape
to the surface to which they were applied, so that tools with
curved or rounded edges were soon differentiated for the making
of bowls and ladles. A later adaptation and evolution of this
idea is found in the curved steel knife, ^ which is found over a
very large cultural area, including the eastern woodlands, and
which is used everywhere for smoothing out wooden bowls and
spoons. A successor of the stone gouge is a small curved adze
of steel,* a very popular tool with woodworkers on the various
reservations for roughing out such articles as bowls and false-
faces. The same implement was formerly used in the construc-
tion of dug-outs.

A favourite material for bowls everywhere was the knot
which grows upon the soft maple (Plate XV). The bowls

1 Hennepin, A New Discovery, p. 103.

2 Sagard, Voyage, vol. II, p. 227.

' Boyle, Dr. David, Ont. Arch. Rep., 1904, pp. 20-22.

*Wintemberg, W. J., The Use of Shells by the Ontario Indians, Ont.
Arch. Rep., 1907, pp. 42, 43. Beauchamp, N. Y. State Mas. Bulletin 41, pp.
378, 379.

5 A Mohawk name is deyuda'sara'tii, cf. Oneida, diuda'sara'gda.

' An Oneida name by Gus Yellow, Grand River reserve, is unyonya"da.
Onondaga, djukdQ'saa'da'. Another informant gave enakda«sa"nia'ta',
"wooden vessels to smooth out inside."

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used for playing the peach-stone game were made from the knots
found on the maple, walnut, and other woods. Baaswood was
perhaps still more commonly employed (Plate XXV). Sassai^
fras is mentioned by Kalm as having been used for bowla.,*
Brickell, in describing the Indians of North Carolina, states
that they made "dishes and wooden; platters" of the sweet
gum, poplar, sycamore, and the like.* It is probable, that
other woods were also used, according to locality and suitability
for the purpose. Handles were frequently placed oppositely
and were sometimes carved into various forms.

DISHES USED IN EATING.

Dishes for this purpose were made both of wood and bark,
the latter, as before, showing evidences of having been the more
common material and the wood, to some extent at least, the
result of more modern appliances. For ordinary purposes
basswood was often employed.

The convenience and utility of bark dishes and troughs is
seen in their retention down to comparatively recent times, many
of the older people having eaten from them and still remembering
their construction. Many references are found to the use of
these. Squire Johnson, in describing the customs of New
York State Senecas, states that, in former times, "the dishes
and spoons were also made of bark."' Sagard, in relating his
experiences while journeying to the Huron country, states that
one of his companions busied himself "in seeking two flat stones
with which to crush the Indian corn upon a skin stretched out
upon the ground, and afterwards to empty it into a kettle and
boil it; this being cooked nicely it is placed in bark bowls, and
then eaten with the aid of large wooden spoons."^ That no
time was lost in these culinary preparations is suggested by the
remark that dirty stones were often used for cracking the corn.

' Kalm, Travels,, vol. I, pp. 266, 267.
' Brickell, Natural History af North Carolina, p. 401.
' Caswell, H. S.„ Our Life Among the Iroquois, p.. 238.
* Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, p. 45.

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A couple of neatly made elm bark sap troughs were collected
at Tonawanda (Plate XXIV, fig. b). In the construction of
these the baric is thinned at the ends and gathered into a fan-
shaped tie. The fragrant though somewhat sticky bark of
young pines is frequently made into bowls by folding and tying
at the ends. Basswood is also used, and Kalm records the
employment of buttonwood bark.' The variety of these ma-
terials is suggestive in some slight degree of the ingenuity of
the Iroquois in the adaptation to their needs of natural products.

Onondaga Names for Dishes Used in Eating.

Large bread bowl, ga'g'wa'.

Eating bowl, ga'p'wa' gdekonia''ta'.

Butter bowl, ewisonia''ta' ga'p'wa'.

Bowl for peach-stone game, deyey^da'kwa' ga'dji?'

(betting bowl).
Bark bowl, uskp'daa' ga'p'wa'.
Dish made of a turtle's carapace, ha'nu'wa' ga'dji§'.

SPOONS OR LADLES.

Spoons were, perhaps, most frequently made of wood and
are often mentioned in connexion with bark receptacles and
utensils.^ On the other hand, bark was also employed in spoon-
making and spoons of this material were commonly used within
the recollection of many now living on the reservations. Elm
bark seems to have been most in favour and could be quickly
manufactured into a serviceable article (Plate XXVI, fig. a),
which was made in several styles.

Home-made spoons are occasionally used even at present
(Plates XXVI, XXVII, XXVIII). Large-sized dipping spoons,
sometimes nearly a foot in diameter, were formerly employed in
longhouse festivities, though these have been displaced to a
very large extent by tin dippers. A hook on the end of the handle

» Kalm, Travels, vol. I, p. 62.

^ Loskiel, pt. I, p. 54, remarks that "they make their own spoons, and large
round dishes of hardwood, with great neatness. In eating, many make use
of the same spoon, but they commonly sup their victuals out of the dish."

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of the dipping spoon prevents it from falling into the vessel
from which soups or beverages are dispensed.

Decoctions of hemlock bark and roots, also the bark of the
alder, are used in colouring spoons and other wooden articles a
deep red. These become further darkened and polished by
usage.

Basswood is favoured for its not warping or checking.
Maple, especially the curly grained, is preferred by some. Mate-
rials noted at Onondaga Castle, New York, were apple tree
root, soft maple knot, and white ash. Kalm records the use
by eastern tribes of "spoon tree" {Kalmia latifolia); and J. D.
Hunter, that of buckeye or horse-chestnut.

The handles of spoons are frequently carved with designs
which are ornamental, totemistic, or in response to dreams,
particularly those occurring during some indisposition or ill-
ness. The dreams are interpreted by a local seer or medical
practitioner, who decides upon the design, also the kind of
wood, the presentation of such dream-objects to the patient
being necessitated to secure recovery. Failure in this respect
is believed to be followed by continued illness and eventually
by death. The custom seems to have been based upon the
belief that the soul can depart from the body and that satis-
faction of its desires must be obtained to bring about its return.*

Eating spoons vary in size, some being of quite generous
dimensions. The shapes, also, are of considerable interest,
some suggesting prototypes of clam-shell, others apparently
being based upon spoons of horn and similar material, and others
still upon the gourd-shell ladle or dipper.

Clam-shells are frequently found on Iroquois sites, sug-
gesting a possible use as spoons, although, as remarked by
W. J. Wintemberg, "We cannot be certain as to how many
of the unios . . . were, if at all, used as spoons, . . owing
to the fact that none of them has been altered in any way."
Some of the older Iroquois, however, still carry clam-shells to
eat with at festivals or ceremonies.

John Jamieson, sen., stated that clam-shells are not good
to use for spoons as they cause incontinence of urine (sympathetic

1 Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XLIII, p. 267.

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magic — the dribbling of water from the clam when it is taken
from the water suggesting the foregoing idea).

Some old-fashioned people, according to this informant,
pick up all kinds of food in the fingers, using no fork nor spoon
at all.

A spoon-like utensil made from the scapula of a large mam-
mal is figured on page 27 of the Ontario Archaeological Report for
1902. This was found in Brant county, a district known to
have been inhabited by Iroquois. Dr. Boyle, in commenting
on this specimen, remarks that: "It is seldom that anything
like a spoon is found in Ontario, but occasionally there appears a
specimen which would seem to have been used as such. This
scarcity may be owing to the absence of spoon-food among the
aborigines, or to the nature of the substance of which spoons
were made — ^wood or thin pieces of bone, when mussel (unio)
shells were not so employed." Regarding foods, however, the
reverse would seem to have been the case, as soups and broths
were a favourite diet. Small and rather roughly-made clay
cups, which may have been also used as ladles, are occasionally
found.

Small eating-paddles made of wood or hickory bark are
sometimes employed even at present. The hickory bark paddles
are called hesnanugaya''d5' (On.). This item was furnished by
John Jamieson, jun.

David Jack has seen cow ribs sharpened to a broad edge
and used in the same way as the foregoing.

Spoons and eating-sticks or forks used to be cleaned, put
into a deer-skin bag, and hung up somewhere until wanted again.

Terms.
„ f ado'gwat (On.).

^P°°"' \ ganiyu'da- (Ca.).

Bark ladle or spoon, ado'gwat oskcj'da' (On.).
Large dipping ladle (used in longhouse), adugwa^'tst'wane
(On.).

FORKS OR EATING-STICKS.

These seem to have varied somewhat, particularly in length,
being made to conform to individual preference. Some were

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manufactured with a hook at the handle for suspension when not
in use. Models of these made by David Jack and John Jamieson,
jun., were considerably over a foot in length.

At large gatherings of any kind where food is served, the
chiefs and leading men often go outside, if the weather is warm,
to some shady spot, where big trays of meat, corn soup, and corn
bread are ready. A large basketful of pointed sticks is brought
around. Each person takes one of the latter and uses it for
holding his or her portion of meat or dumpling (Figure 1).

THE PADDLE.

Stirring paddles and paddles for lifting the cakes of boiled
corn bread from the kettle are still quite frequently seen in
Iroquois houses (Plates XXIX, XXX).

The stirring paddle is the narrower of the two and is used in
the preparation of corn soup,, hominy, and other foods. The
bread paddles are of two styles, one having a rectangular blade,
the other a blade of circular shape. The latter are stated by an
Onondaga informant to have been used for turning or revolving
the cakes while cooking. Most bread paddles have a circular
or heart-shaped hole in the middle of the blade to assist in drain-
ing. Another use suggested for these holes is to tell when maple
syrup has reached the point of "sugaring," by noting its in-
clination to thread across the opening.

The wood employed for paddles is usually some variety of
maple, though other hardwoods are sometimes used.

The carved designs with which the handles are decorated
show some variety, though no indication could be secured of any
particular significance. One of the more elaborately designed
paddles has at the end a wooden chain carved from the solid,
from which is suspended a hollow rectangular ornament con-
taining some wooden balls.

Paddle.

Terms.

aseraw^'yt' (Oneida),
g^sdo" gwa' (On.),
aseraw^'lyt' (Mo.),
gatgo'nia'tra' (Ca.).

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THE KNIFE.

This was a very necessary utensil in food preparation.
Knives were of several kinds. One type, no doubt, answered
for a hunting knife, for skinning and cutting up the animals
killed, as well as for carving or dividing the meat after its pre-
paration for food. The steel knife, of course, has superseded
other kinds, but various materials other than steel were formerly
used. One of the Relations remarks of the Iroquois that "They
used a scallop or an oyster-shell for cutting off the right thumb"
of a captive. "^ Clam-shells of various kinds are frequently
found on Iroquoian village sites, a number showing wear and
suggesting use for various purposes. Knives made from strips
of elm and hickory bark are still sometimes used for skinning
and fleshing and may also have been formerly employed as
culinary utensils (Plate XXXI, figs, a, b).

An important cutting material throughout a very wide area
was flint or chert.^ Little is known regarding its use by the
Iroquois for knives, but its suitability was hardly likely to have
remained unnoted. Knife-like blades are frequently found
on ancient village sites. The one illustrated was picked up on
the old Iroquois reserve at Onondaga Castle, N. Y. One side
of this has a rounder curve than the other and the article
is evidently intended for attachment to a handle (Plate XXXI,
fig. c).

FOOD MATERIALS AND RECIPES.

CORN AS A FOOD PLANT.

Corn {Zea mays), as a food material, was found throughout
an immense area in North America, including such ethnological
areas as Mexico and Central America, in the former of which

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXXI, p. 45.

2 Kalm states, probably with regard to the Iroquois and neighbouring
tribes, that "they were satisfied with little sharp pieces of flint or quartz,
or else some other hard kind of a stone, or with a sharp shell, or else with a
piece of bone which they had sharpened." — Travels, vol. I, pp. 341, 342.

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localities it is considered to have originated;^ the southwestern
and southeastern areas; the eastern woodlands as far north,
practically, as it could be successfully cultivated; also the
southern and eastern" borders of the plains region, where it
was cultivated by Siouan, Caddoan, and other tribes. Along
the Pacific coast and over the plateau area evidence is lacking
that it was cultivated iiorth of the Rio Colorado.'

It was found in cultivation by the early explorers of the
Mississippi valley and as far northward as the Mandan and
Arikara on the upper Missouri, though not along the upper
Mississippi nor in more northern latitudes.

Its introduction at an early date into the regions named is
indicated by its extensive distribution, its intimate association
with mythology and ceremonial procedure, and by the numerous
archaeological remains discovered.

IROQUOIS CORN VARIETIES.

Most of the early writers who deal with ethnological topics
describe the varieties of corn, though generally very loosely
and inaccurately.

Hariot, in "A briefe and true report, "states that there were
"some white, some red, some yellow and some blew." This
makes no account of more important distinctions. He further
remarks that "There are three sortes, of which two are ripe in
eleven and twelve weekes at the most: . . . The other sort
is ripe in fourteene, and is about ten foote high."*

That colour was an incomplete basis of classification was
appreciated by Beverly, who distinguishes four sorts: two early

1 De Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants, p. 387.
Sturtevant, Kitchen Garden Esculents of American Origin, Amer. Nat.,
vol. XIX, p. 444.

Darwin, Varieties of Plants and Animals under Domestication, vol.
I, pp. 331, 332.

' Wissler, Clark, The North American Indians of the Plains, Pop. Sc.
Monthly, May 1913, p. 438.

Gilmore, M. R., The Aboriginal Geography of the Nebraska Country,
Reprint Proc. Miss. Valley Hist. Soc, vol. VI, pp. 6, 7.
" Handbook of American Indians, pt. I, pp. 790, 791.
* Hariot, A brief and true report, p. 24.

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ripe and two late ripe. There was an early ripe ear of a "lesser
size," not much larger than the handle of a case knife and with
a stalk between three and four feet high. The late ripe corn was
distinguished by the shape of grain only, without respect to
colour, and, eis he further remarks, "that therefore which makes
the Distinction, is the Plumpness or Shrivelling of the Grain;
the one looks as smooth, and as full as the early ripe Corn, and
this they call Flint-Corn; the other has a larger Grain, and
looks shrivell'd with a Dent in the Back of the Grain, as if it
had never come to perfection; and this they call She-Corn.
This is esteemed by the Planters, as the best for Increase."'

In "liiscoveries and settlements of the English in America"
there are mentioned such varieties as "red, white, yellow, blue,
green and black, and some speckled and striped."^

Morgan mentions only three varieties specifically. These
are: the white, "o-na-o'-ga-ant;" red, "ti'c-ne;" and the white
flint, "ha-go'-wa." The latter is incorrectly referred to as Seneca
bread corn.'

That selection was practised is shown by the number of
varieties. Sagard remarks that the seed-corn used by the
Hurons was "previously selected, and chosen with care."* The
Indians also taught the New England colonists to "cull out the
finest seeds," as well as to "observe fittest season."* Such a
proceeding was doubtless quite general. It is said of the Pimas
that "when gathering corn the women lay aside the best ears
for seed."' Among the Iroquois, also, seed-corn is selected with
a view to the propagation of such qualities as size, flavour,
colour, and early maturity.

Dent corn has been described as a western form. The
"she-corn" described by Beverly is probably a dent; also the
"poketawes" of the Powhatans. J. G. Curtis, in Cyclopedia
of American Agriculture, remarks that there is a "predominance
of flint corns northward and of dent or pointed corns southward."

• Beverly, History and Present State of Virginia, vol. II, pp. 28, 29.
' Pinkerton, Voyages, vol. 12, p. 242.

• Morgan, League of the Iroquois, vol. II, p. 28.

• Sagard, Voyage du Pays des Hurons, p. 93.

' Wood, New England's Prospect, Boynton reprint, p. 74.
« Russell, F., 26th Anntud Rep. B. A. E., p. 90.

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The history of sweet corn is rather obscure. It was an old
Indian variety, and is generally conceded to have been first
introduced among the whites by Capt. Richard Begnall, an
officer in Sullivan's campaign, who obtained it from the Sus-
quehannas in 1779. It was then called "papoon corn."^ Sturte-
vant in 1899 lists sixty-one sweet corn varieties, classifiable into
three types. ^ The characteristic crinkled appearance of this
corn is owing to its inability to develop its starch to maturity,
so that, in passing from the "milky" stage to maturity, there is
evaporation and wrinkling.'

Popcorn, also a native variety, is still used quite extensively-
Botanically, it may be considered a special group of flint corn
and differs from these and the dent corns but little in composition.
Twenty-five varieties are recognized, which are variations of the
rice or toothed and the smooth or pearl corn. These are further
divisible into early, medium, and late. All the varieties cross
readily, showing the same colour variations as the other types.

Podded corn, which is classed as a variety, was known from
a very early date, and is a form in which each kernel is enclosed
in husks or scales, usually four, in addition to the husks or foliace-

'Van der Donck, Nm Netherlands (1656). N. Y. Hist. Soc. Trans.,

vol. I, p. 137.

^ Seven varieties of corn (Zea mays) are recognized by agriculturists viz. :

Zea mays tunicata, pod corn — probably derived from Argentina.

Zea mays eiierta, popcorn — possessing an excessive portion of corneous en-
dosperm.

Zea mays indurata, flint corn — having a starchy endosperm enclosed in a
corneous endosperm varying in thickness in different varieties.

Zea mays indentata, dent corn — having corneous endosperm at the sides of the
kernel only, the starchy endosperm, which extends to the top of the grain,
drying and thus forming the indentation.

Zea mays amylacea, soft or starchy corn — characterized by the absence of
corneous material.

Zea muys saccharata, sweet corn^ — ^^characterized by a translucent horny appear-
ance and crinkling in drying. Has little or no starch.

Zea mays amylea-saccharata, starchy-sweet corn — having externally the appear-
ance of a sweet corn, but with the lower half of the kernel starchy and
non-crinkled.

J. W. Harshberger, Cyd. of Amer. Agric, vol. II, p. 402.

' East, E. M., A Note Concerning Inheritance in Sweet Corn. Science,

N.S., vol. XXIX.

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ous bracts enclosing the ear. This has been thought by some to
represent a very primitive form of maize, the naked-seeded form
being a later development. The form was first described botani-
cally by C. Bauhin in 1623, and is only morphologically, not
specifically, different from the other maizes, since in all varieties
the kernels possess rudimentary scales, which can be seen when
the grains are removed from the ear. Podded corn, like the
other varieties mentioned, can be hybridized, with a production
of the usual colour variations.

All the corn varieties (Plate XXXII) are considered to be
sub-divisions of the single species, Zea mays. Size, colour, the
presence or absence of starch, the production of podded grains,
and a number of other characters, all observe the laws of heredity
as defined by Mendel, and may be hybridized in varying pro-
portions or fixed to a greater or less degree by selection.^ Varia-
tions from' type are consequently of frequent occurrence.^

Onondaga Names for Corn Varieties — By Chief Gibson.

Zea mays amylacea (starchy or "bread" corns):

White corn (Tuscarora), unahagg,'ada' "light-coloured

corn" (Plate XXXII, figs, a 6, a 7).
Purple, unahag%:'ada' uw§'hia', "bread corn, purple"

(Plate XXXII, fig. a 2).
Variegated (Calico), unahag^'ada' deyudji'du''yf,

"bread corn, several different colours" (Plate

XXXII, figs, a 3, a 4).
Red, unahag^'ada' utgw5"daa', "bread corn, red"

(Plate XXXII, fig. a 1).
Short white, ears covered at the ends with grains,

unahag^'ada' deyu'niogwt'kdi", "bread corn,

covered at end" (Plate XXXII, fig. a 6).
Light yellow (possibly a hybrid) unahag^'ada* udji'-

tgwag^'ada'.

1 East and Hayes, Inheritance in Maize, Bulletin 167, Agric. Exper. Stat.,
New Haven, Conn. See also bibliography, p. 138.

' Sturtevant, E. L., An Observation on the Hybridization and Cross-Breeding
of Plants, Amer. Nat., vol. XIX, p. 1040.

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Zea mays indurata (flint or "hominy" corns):

Flint, long ears, unaha'y'wt' deyunahasda"ttk deyu'-

niQgwi'kdi" uw^we'idji's, "corn, smooth, covered

at ends, long ears" (Plate XXXII, fig. b 1).
Flint, short ears, unah'q'wi' deyunahasda"'ttk deyu'-

niQgwc'kdi", "corn, smooth, covered at ends"

(Plate XXXII, fig. b 2).
Purple, short ears, unaha'ij'wf engdai^enia'ta', "corn,

hominy".
, Yellow, long ears, unaha'ii'wt' udjitgwai'igp', "yellow

com."
Flint, variegated, covered at ends, unaha'y'wf deyudji'-

du^yt' enQdai^enia"ta', "corn, several colours, for

hominy" (Plate XXXII, fig. 4 b).

Zea mays saccharata (sweet corn) :

Sweetcorn, unaha'ywi' undenaha'gei', "corn, shrunken."
A short-eared "nubbin" variety was obtained at Onei-
datown. This was white and covered at the ends
(Plate XXXII, figs, b 6, b 7).
Zea mays everia (popcorn) :

Popcorn (general name), aw^sQ^gwa' on^'ha', "for

popping corn."
White rice popcorn, unu'djia' aw^sp^gwa', "tooth pop-
corn." (Plate XXXII, fig. b 5).
Red rice, unu'djia' aw^scygwa' utgw5''da"'dji", "tooth

popcorn, dark red."
Red pearl (smooth), aw^sQ^gwa' utgw^^da-'dji".
A general name given by an Onondaga Castle informant
was: aw^'SQ^gwa" yd^^sij'kwa', "corn for popping."
An Oneida general name is: yoniso'gQ'ta'.
Zea mays amylea-saccharata (starchy-sweet) :

A short-eared corn apparently belonging to this variety
was obtained at Oneidatown.

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Seneca Names for Corn Varieties — By Alex. Snider, Tonawanda,

N.Y.

Starchy or "bread" corn:

White, one'Qgaand.

White, grains growing over the end, he'go'wa' one'Q*.

Yellow, djitgwa''4 one'p'.

Twelve-rowed, yellow, one'p' dikni'skaii' nia'dt'.

Purple, one'gdji'.
Popcorn, wa'dadpgwas one'g'.

Black, dj4sta''4 wa'dakggwos one'g'.

Caughnawaga {Mohawk) Names for Corn Varieties — By Mr.

Stacey.

Starchy or "bread" corn:

White bread corn, on^hag^'ra".
Flint or "soup" corn;

Soup corn, yellow, on^steu'gwe".

Purple "soup," oa'nar'.
Sweet corn, deggderu'gwiks.
Popcorn, white rice, wadengtstada'gwas.

Cayuga Names for Corn Varieties — By William Harris.

Bread corn, red, utgwa'djia ona'h4.
Bread corn, variegated, na'hadji'.
Bread corn, yellow, djitgwa ona'h4.

Other Terms Used in Cam Culture {On.)

Ear of corn, unQgw§''ya' un^hu-'da'.

Cornstalk, uheie'.

Leaves of the corn, udji^wa^sa'.

Silk, uge'eda'.

Tassel, ugw^'da'haa'.

Cornfield, un?'ha' gaie'ntwi'.

In the field, gah^dagg'wa'.

Hill of corn, gana'g^'sh^'.

Corn-cob, unQ'gw§"ya'.

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OTHER SEEDS AND GRAINS.

The wild oat or rice {Zizania aquatica) appears to have
been occasionally used by the Iroquois, although it was employed
extensively by surrounding tribes. '

The sunflower (On., uwe'wfsa') was frequently cultivated,
either together with corn and beans, or in patches by itself, and^
furnished an oil' which was highly esteemed. The Hurons and
Iroquois generally are said to have sown but little of it, though
they made from it an oil "to annoint themselves."* The In-
dians of Virginia made of it "both a kinde of bread and broth."'.

The oil was said, by a Mohawk informant, to have been
made by roasting the seeds slightly, then pounding them in a
mortar, after which the material was boiled and the oil skimmed
off.«

The oil, at present, is used principally for ceremonial pur-
poses, such as the anointing of the masks used by the False-
face society. It was also stated by Chief Gibson to be good for
the hair and to prevent it from falling out or changing colour.

Other seeds were no doubt used by the Iroquois at times.
An indefinite reference in the Relations, for instance, states that
the Iroquois gave to Lalement "certain seeds to eat — ^but so
insipid and so dangerous that they served as a very quick poison
to those who knew not how to prepare them."'

' Carr, Foods of Certain American Indians, Amer. Antiq.
Soc. Proc, N.S., vol. X, p. 179.
Parker, Bulletin 144, N. Y. Educ. Dept., p. 109.
Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages, Ameriquains,' tome II, pp. 95^ 96.
' Charlevoix, A Voyage to North America, vol. II, p. 91.
'Oil: u'na' (On.).
Sunflower oil: awaij'sa'u'na (Ca.).

* Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, tome II, p. 95.
' Hariot, A brief e and true report, p. 26.

For use by Iroquois as a food, see corn recipes, also beverages.

* Simon Bumberry, Brant County reserve.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXXI, p. 91.

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CORN RECIPES.!

The many ways employed by the Iroquois for preparing
animal and vegetable foods have been frequently commented
upon. There^were also ways of combining these products which
gave an almost unlimited variety.

Forty methods of cooking corn are frequently mentioned.*
Dumont speaks of forty-two ways as known among the Indians
of Louisiana.' Le Jeune refers to twenty ways observed among
the Hurons.* There are indications, also, which suggest that
recipes were derived by borrowing from surrounding nations,
as were other cultural ideas.

A very large proportion of Iroquois foods were evidently of
a liquid nature. This is substantiated by the numerous refer-
ences to soups and broths prepared from ripe and unripe corn,
beans, squashes, meats, and other materials.

These were easily prepared, were usually nourishing, and
also answered the purposes of a beverage, but may have been
responsible for cases of decayed teeth found.' Preparations of
this kind are still very popular, although more variety has
since been introduced.

• Information and demonstrations regarding the preparation of corn
were obtained from a number of people, including Chief and Mrs. Gibson,
Mr. and Mrs. Peter John, and Mrs. Simon Bumberry, Brant County reserve;
Mrs. David Williams and Mrs. Tommy Day, Oneidatown. Individual items
were also secured from a large number of others.

' Boyle, Dr. David, Ontario Arch. Rep., 1898, p. 189.

' Dumont, Mimoires sur La Louisiane, Paris, 1753, vol. I, pp. 33-34.

* Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. X, p. 103; twelve ways, Los-
kiel, Hist, of Mission, etc., p. 67; eight ways, Champlain, Voyages, vol. Ill,
pp. 162-164.

' The causes of decay in teeth are not definitely known. The lack of foods
requiring vigprous chewing, which keeps the teeth clean naturally, is probably
a factor. It has also been suggested that starchy foods, of which the Iroquois ,
used a large amount, ferment and attack the enamel, thus forming a
nidus for the germs causing decay. A marked difference between Iroquois
teeth and those of tribes using fewer starchy foods and more meat has been
found by Mr. F. H. S. Knowles, physical anthopologist for the Geological
Survey, the amount of decay being much less among the tribes last mentioned.

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Boiled Corn Bread — gahd'^gu'^gwa' {On.).

After the corn has been hulled and washed (Plates XVII
and XVI), it is placed in the mortar and pounded to a meal or
flour. As the pounding progresses the fine sifting basket is
frequently brought into requisition (Plate XIX). The hand
is used to dip the meal out of the mortar into the sifter. The
large bread pan is often set on top of the mortar and the sifter
shaken in both hands. The coarser particles are thrown into a
second bowl or tray and are finally dumped back into the mortar
to be repounded.

A hollow is next made in the flour and enough boiling water
poured into it to make a stiff paste. Usage differs somewhat
in this respect, cold water being used by some for mixing. The
stirring paddle is often employed at first, after which the paste
is kneaded with the hands. Dried huckleberries, blackberries,
elderberries, strawberries, or beans may be incorporated in the
mixture, beans apparently enjoying the greatest favour. The
latter are previously cooked just so that they will remain whole
or nearly so. Currants or raisins are sometimes used at present
Formerly the kernels of walnuts and butternuts were employed
in the same way.

A lump of paste is next broken off, or about a double hand-
ful. This is tossed in the hands, which are kept moistened with
cold water, until it becomes rounded in form ; the surplus material
forms a core at one side, usually the right, and is finally broken
off. The lump is now slapped back and forth between the palms,
though resting rather more on the left hand ; and is at the same
time given a rotary motion until a disk is formed about 1| to 1|
inches thick and about 7 inches in diameter. ^ Boiling water
for mixing is stated to make the cakes firmer and better to
handle. No salt nor other such ingredients are used.

The loaves are immediately slid into a pot of boiling water
from the paddle or from between the hands and are supported

1 Informants, Mrs. Peter John and others.
Bartram, Observations, pp. 60, 61, in describing a t'epast eaten at a con-
ference held at Onondaga Castle, N.Y., in 1743, states that the cakes of boiled
bread were 6 or 7 inches in diameter and about 2 thick.

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\
on edge by placing the paddle against them until all are in.
The bread paddle, or sometimes a special circular turning paddle,
is used to rotate the cakes a little when partly done, so as to
cook all parts alike.

An hour is usually required for cooking, though the comple-
tion of the operation is indicated when the cakes show a tendency
to float, or when the steam is given out equally all over when a
cake is lifted out. The bread paddle is also employed in remov-
ing the bread from the pot. When a batch is too large for the
pot, some of the cakes are boiled for five or six minutes, then
removed and baked in a pan in the oven.

Boiled corn bread, while not light in the ordinary sense, is
decidedly tasty when newly made. It may be sliced and eaten
either hot or cold with butter, gravy, or maple syrup. An
Oneidatown informant states that it is often sliced and fried in
butter as we fry cornmeal or oatmeal mush.

Lafitau remarks of corn bread that "nothing is heavier or
more insipid; it is a mass of flour kneaded without regard to
cleanliness, without either leaven or salt. They cover it with
corn leaves and cook it in the ashes or in the kettle. They
often also, add oil, grease, beans and fruits. It is then still
more disagreeable." He admits, however, that it is best when
freshly cooked.^

The boiling of the corn in ashes, in bread-making, was some-
times omitted. A kettleful of water was brought to the boiling
point, according to a Cayuga informant." The ripe corn was
added and boiled until softened a little. It was then drained in
the washing basket, allowed to dry slightly, then pounded, sifted,
and made into flour. This kind of flour is called gan^hana*-
w?''di' (On.). A similar omission is found in the Huron process
of bread-making as recorded by Sagard.'

Loaves of corn bread* were frequently carried along while
travelling, though parched corn flour sweetened with maple sugar

' Lafitau, Moeurs, vol. II, p. 94.

'Mrs. Peter John.

' Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, p. 94.

<Champlain, Voyages, vol. Ill, p. 118, states that corn, corn bread
squashes, and fish were in common use among the Hurons and that meat of
other kinds was scarce.

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was a more popular material. The use of corn bread for this
purpose is indicated in the word "johnny-cake" from "journey-
cake." The ash-cake, hoe-cake, and pone are other European
adoptions.

Boiled bread, according to Chief Gibson, was frequently
used as wedding bread. A girl cooked twenty cakes of corn
bread with berries in them. These were taken to the house of
the young man, where they were cut up and given to friends and
relatives who were assembled.

Bread was sometimes made of other materials, such as beans
and acorns, the latter being boiled in lye to remove the bitter
taste; also of roots, such as those of the yellow pond lily and
others. Loskiel remarks that the Iroquois made use of many
wild herbs and roots, including parsnips, of which they made a
kind of bread.^

It is likely that other roots, s^eds, and fruits were formerly
used in bread-making. A suggestion of the former use of haws
in this connexion is found in the name djtgahe"dis (On.)^ which
is applied to such species as Crataegus pruinosa and Crataegus
submolUs.

The corn preferred for bread is almost invariably of the
starchy or "bread corn" variety, which includes the white or
Tuscarora, also the red, purple, and calico or variegated varieties.
The flint or hominy corns are said to be sometimes employed,
but are considered to be less suitable. An Onondaga informant
furnishes the information that a long-eared flint corn called
unaha'ij'wt" uw^we'idji's, makes a good, sweet bread. The corn
is pounded, sifted, and winnowed without being boiled in cishes.'

Baked Corn Bread — ogqhagg'wa' •wata'^ggda''g^a' (On.).

The name signifies "under the ashes cooked," and is applied
to bread baked in the embers, or on flat stones placed over the

* Loskiel, History of Missions, pt. I, p. 68.

' The name is said to signify "use for bread."

' Peter John.

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fire. This seems to have been formerly in much favour,* Its
disuse is probably owing to the abandonment of the open fire-
place and to the general adoption of European foods.

The mixture used was practically the same as for boiled
bread. About three-quarters of an hour was required for cook-
ing. As the loaves baked somewhat more quickly on top, they
were turned over to be evenly done. To tell when they were
finished, the cakes were tapped with the finger. If not sufficiently
cooked, they felt heavy to the touch, and when done, felt
lighter and more spongy. The last part of the operation was to
wash them in cold water to free them from ashes or cinders.*

The Senecas are said to have omitted the beans or berries.
On the other hand, several informants at Grand River, Ontario,
state specifically that beans, berries, and sometimes maple sugar
were included in the baked corn bread mixture. Adair remarks
the use of a similar food among the Choctaw and Chickasaw.*

Mrs. John Williams (Mo.) of Caughnawaga states that red
beans used to be mixed with the paste for baked corn bread, and
the whole covered with cabbage leaves or corn husks. Boiled
bread' is the only kind made there now.

Peter John, Grand River, Ontario, relates that some fifty
or sixty years ago a fire was frequently made in the open field,
while they were harvesting or husking corn, and bread baked in
the ashes in the old-fashioned manner.

A single cake of this bread was said by John Echo (On.)
to have formerly been placed in the coffin with a corpse.*

' Champlain, Voyages, vol. Ill, pp. 162-164, furnishes one of the earliest
descriptions of the process.

" Mr. and Mrs. Peter John.

' Adair, History of the American Indians, p. 407.

* Besides the food which is set aside for the dead at wakes and which
they are supposed to require for their own consumption, a little is sometimes
put into the hand. This is to be thrown to a savage cat and dog which guard
a bridge over which the dead have to pass. While the animals are devouring
the food the dead person slips over in safety. Informant, Peter Atkins
(Mo.) and others. Grand River, Ontario.

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Other Terms Used.

Corn bread, gana'daluk (Oneida).

Washed corn bread, ganasto'hal' gana'daluk (Oneida).

Hulled corn bread, gage^ho'tcq oha"gwa' (On.).

Boiled bread, yena'deros ganadarokywe' (Mo.).

Baked corn bread, o'ggro'gy ygdena'dary'ta' (Mo.).

Corn flour or meal, ote'tsha' (On.).

Indian meal (modern yellow meal), djitgwai'agg ote'tsha'

(On.).
Nut meats (general term), u'nie'e' (On.).
(The first term given is general. The three following are
synonymous).

Soup from Corn Bread Liquor — uha'gwa'gei' (On.).

Soup is often made from the liquor left after boiling corn
bread. The coarser particles left after grinding and sifting the
bread meal may be added. ^ The mixture may be sweetened
with maple sugar, or it may be seasoned with salt cind butter.
The name une'sda' (On.), or une'sda' onp'daa', is applied to the
preparation, a term which is sometimes translated as "Indian
rice." Still another variant is made by adding sweet milk or
buttermilk and sweetening with maple or granulated sugar.
It is then called uha'gwa'gei' unQ'daa' (On.). The liquor is
also drunk as a beverage along with the corn bread.^

Another use to which the liquor is put is in the preparation
of food for infants. The latter are said to have been sometimes
put to death by the Onondagas, when the mother died, by way
of making sure that they should not suffer from neglect. The
breast was the usual method of feeding until the child became
large enough to eat the ordinary fare, which the mother chewed
first. When the mother died, the father sometimes took corn
meal gruel in his mouth and let the baby suck it out.'

' A Mohawk name is waden4ag5'st(j, or "what is left.'
' Adair, History, p. 416.
'Sagard, Voyages, vol. I, p. 118.

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Early Bread — ti'tganahate"di' (On.) .

This bread was made in the early autumn from the newly-
ripened and undried corn and is considered to be valuable for
invalids.*

The linhuUed corn is placed in the mortar, a little water is
added and the contents beaten to a paste. It is then moulded
into loaves, which may be either boiled or baked in a pan in the
oven.

Dumplings — udnhg'sta' (On.).

The name was translated as "rolled cake soup." In making
this the corn meal is mixed with boiling water to a stiff paste,
which is moulded between the hands, dipped into cold water, and
made into cakes the size of ordinary dumplings. These are
dropped into boiling water or boiled along with venison, the flesh
of game birds, or other meats. Half an hour's cooking is required.

A fork consisting of a sharpened stick or bone was formerly
used to hold the dumplings while they were being eaten (Figure
1). Such eating utensils have been used within the memory
of many of the older people.

Figure 1. Eating-stick or fork for holding dumplings or meat. Actual
length, about 8| inches. Division of Anthropology, Museum No. Ill
I, 918. Collected by F. W. Waugh at Grand River reservation.

Wedding Bread — e'gyuda'kwa' uhd^gwa' (On.).

Another wedding bread is made as follows: a quantity of
ripe white or bread corn is taken, the finest ears being selected,
shelled, pounded, and sifted, without the hulling process.
Huckleberries are mixed with the meal, which is made into bread
and boiled in the usual way.

Five or six cakes are sufficient, according to Chief Gibson,
for a small family, though Parker mentions twenty-four.^

1 Parker, A. C, New York State Museum Bulletin 144, p. 72.
'Parker, A. C, New York State Museum Bulletin 144, p. 72.

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These are made by the girl's mother. The parents of the young
man (plus the maternal grandmother) and those of the girl
having signified their approval, the mother, or the maternal
grandmother of the young woman, places the cakes in a carrying
basket and, accompanied by the young woman, carries them to
the door of the young man's maternal grandmother. Here,
all being agreeable, the cakes are accepted, the young man's
maternal grandmother notifying his mother of the proposal
received. The wedding cakes are in some instances left un-
touched upon the doorstep, whence they are eventually removed
with much humiliation.

The parents of the young man, if the suit is acceptable,
next notify friends and relatives of the family to assemble, when
the bread is distributed equally, and eaten. This food present
is referred to as a "ratification" or an evidence that the family
of the girl is agreeable to the proposal. The father or male
relatives of the young man furnish meat for the festivities.
Venison or bear meat was formerly preferred, though veal, lamb,
or beef, etc., are now in use. The yOung man's mother fills the
empty basket which contained the wedding cakes and returns
it to the girl's relatives, saying, "This is our ratification." The
latter in their turn have a family meeting, at which the present
of meat and other articles is consumed.

A meeting of the two families is afterward called, at which
the chiefs or other leading men make speeches, give good advice
to the newly married couple, and express their pleasure at seeing
these families united. Old customs, however, in this respect,
have been so largely discontinued that the complete marriage
ceremony is seldom carried out at present.

A variant of wedding bread was made like ordinary boiled
bread; but, instead of being made into rounded cakes or loaves,
it was divided into smaller portions, which were formed into
double packages by tying them in corn-husks. Peter John and
wife stated that corn leaves were frequently used for this (Plate
XXXIII, fig. c).

A variation of this recipe was given by Chief Gibson, who
stated that a quantity of hulled corn meal is prepared. Pumpkin
is sliced, boiled to a thin mush, and mixed with the meal and

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berries. The double packages are made in the following manner:
some dried corn husks are taken and a number tied together at
one end with basswood bark; some of the paste is filled into the
husks, which are finally tied at the other end and again in the
middle, forming a package somewhat like a small dumbbell.
These are boiled for an hour and are usually eaten with butter.

The use of this form of corn bread at quite an ancient date
among the Iroquois is indicated by Sagard, who describes it as
"the bread made like two b^Hs joined together." The Huron
name was "coinkia."'

There seems to have been formerly a definite connexion
between the double wedding bread package and the idea of mar-
riage. Peter John described it as indicating that there was
"enough bread for two together." There may have been an idea
that the double package would act as a charm to hold the two
together. Another item regarding the significance of wedding
bread packages was furnished by a Seneca residing at Tonawanda,
N.Y., who stated that formerly, when a marriage occurred at a
suitable season, the present made by the young man's relatives
to those of the young woman sometimes consisted of green corn,
done up in a single corn-leaf package of rounded form (Plate
XXXIII, fig. a). This bread was called in Seneca, degang-
hj'stia'gQ a''gwa' (panis uno testiculo similis).

Corn and Pumpkin Bread — dega'nigsayi'sdi' uha"gwa' {On.).

Com and pumpkin were frequently combined in the prepara-
tion of foods. For bread-making, the corn is hulled and pounded
into meal. A quantity of the pumpkin is sliced and boiled to a
thin mush. It is then mixed with the cornmeal, to which black-
berries or huckleberries have also been added. Basswood leaves
are placed on the bottom and sides of a pan, into which the paste
is then emptied, covered with more basswood leaves, and placed
in the oven to bake. The name signifies "pumpkin mixed."

^ Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, p. 94.

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Corn and Pumpkin Pudding — udji'sgwa' or dega'nvgsayi'sdi'-
udji'sgwa'. (On.).

The pumpkin is boiled, as before, to a thin mush. A quan-
tity of ripe corn is parched, pounded in the mortar, and sifted
to a fine meal. The latter is then stirred into the pumpkin
with a paddle, until it is of the proper thickness. Maple sugar
is added to sweeten, also a little lard. The mass thickens up like
a pudding, after which it is ready for eating.

Parched Corn Travelling Food — uninhg"da' (On.).

There was apparently no more popular travelling or hunting
food than this preparation in olden times. It was light, nourish-
ing, and could be eaten either cooked or raw. It is rarely used
at present, except on certain ceremonial occasions, such as False-
Face Society functions.

In making it, the white Tuscarora and other kinds of bread
corn are employed. The ripe corn is shelled, parched slightly
in the embers, as for popping, thrown into the mortar, some maple
sugar added, and the whole pounded and sifted together to a
rather fine meal. When intended for pudding or soups, rather
than for eating raw, the maple sugar may be left out. Dried
fruit, such as cherries, is said to have been pulverized with it at
times.

Sugar is not used when the food is intended for hunters or
for athletes, as it would make them dizzy (the sugar being de-
rived from the maple, the branches of which sway about in the
wind). The uninhQ"da' is also at times mixed up with chopped
meat.

It was prepared for use in several ways. It might be eaten
raw in small quantities, though more than a small handful was
considered dangerous without cooking, on account of its tendency
to swell. On hunting expeditions or in time of war a small wooden
cup or bowl was carried along. A little water was taken in
this and a small amount of the meal added. ^ When game was
found or when the enemy was vanquished, it was added to the

1 See Beverages; informant, Thomas Key, Brant County reserve.

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venison or other provisions secured. Bartram notes of this
food that "about one-quarter of a pound, diluted in a pint of
water, is a hearty travelHng dinner."^

Historical references to the food are numerous, showing
conclusively its common use throughout the Iroquois and Algon-
kin region.* Champlain states that very dry Indian corn was
used in its manufacture. It was roasted in ashes, brayed to a
meal and, in preparing it for food, they cooked a large quantity
of fish and meat, cut it into pieces, skimmed off the fat, and added
the meal of roasted corn, cooking the whole to a thick soup.
This was among the Huron and eastern Algonkins.' Beverly
also furnishes some information : The Indians of Virginia fre-
quently took with them on their journeys "a Pint or Quart of
Rockahomonie, that is, the finest Indian corn, parched and beaten
to a powder. When they find their stomachs empty (and cannot
stay the tedious Cookery of other things) they put about a spoon-
ful of this into their Mouths, and drink a Draught of Water upon
it, which stays in their stomachs."*

A Tonawanda informant described its use by Seneca ath-
letes in running. A decoction should also be prepared of the
toad rush, Juncus bufonius, the fact of its growing beside the
runner's pathway being considered significant. A handful of
the plant is steeped in nearly a pailful of water. The idea is to
provoke vomiting. The person using it must drink about two
quarts the first time, vomit, drink the same quantity, and vomit
again. The face and body are also washed with the liquid.
This is done about three times during the week before the race.
Only sweet milk and Indian corn bread, ^gwe^^wc a^gwa' (Sen.),
are to be eaten. A quantity of the scorched cornmeal is carried
along to eat while running, a little being taken now and again.
The Seneca name for the meal is wad§'*sondak one'Q, or "burnt

' Bartram, Observations, p. 71.

•Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, p. 142; also p. 95.

Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXIII, p. 187.

Van der Donck, N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll., series 2, vol. I, pp. 193, 194.
' Champlain, Voyages, vol. Ill, pp. 162-164.
* Beverly, Hist, of Virginia, p. ISS.

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corn." Mrs. John Williams of Caughnawaga gave wangihgo's^t
o'ngsde' as a Mohawk equivalent.

Hulled Corn Soup — un^ha'se" unahwgwa' (On.).

The name for this may be translated as "corn not quite
ripe yet soup." This is a favourite dish with the Iroquois both
at the longhouse and at social gatherings. The corn is taken
when it has become quite firm, but not yet perfectly ripe; it
is then boiled with ashes, hulled and washed, boiled for half an
hour and washed again, much the same as for corn bread.

Next, according to one popular recipe, it is placed along
with meat, game, or with green beans in the pod, boiled slowly
for about two hours, then seasoned to taste. Mrs. John Williams
of Caughnawaga mentioned the use of hulled corn boiled with
beans and meat. A Mohawk name for this is ongt'sdo.

By another method, the hulled corn, after being duly pre-
pared, is thrown into the mortar along with a little water and
crushed slightly. It is then placed in a pot or kettle, some water
added, also berries and a little sugar, after which it is boiled
until done. With the berries added it is called un^ha'se" wahi-
yu^wi' (On.), and in any case makes a very palatable dish. It is
frequently used at festivals, such as the Big Green Corn Dance.

Corn Soup with Nut Meats — u'nie-'e' wne^ga-'gec' {On.).

Nut meats of various kinds may be added to corn soup
Beechnuts were given by a Tonawanda informant' as a popular;
ingredient there, also dried apples.

The kernels are pounded in the mortar, sifted, and added
to the soup, which is stirred from time to time cuid seasoned
with salt and pepper.

Corn Soup with Sunflower Seeds — ue'w^"sa' u'ne^ga-'gei' (On.).

Sunflower seeds are pounded and sifted to a fine meal.
Soup of ripe corn and beans is prepared in the usual way. The
sunflower meal is added, forming a very rich soup. This is
also seasoned according to taste.

1 Barber Black.

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Hominy — ung'daa' (jDn.).

Probably no corn or other food is referred to so frequently
as hominy, or sagamit6, as it was more familiarly known to the
early French. It was extremely simple of preparation, very often
being little more than cornmeal and water. A reference in
the Relations to Huron customs remarks that "the best food
usually eaten there is only a paste made with meal of Indian
corn boiled in water. "'

The Relation of 1640 states: "Our entire nourishment con-
sists of a sort of soup made of Indian corn, crushed between two
stones, or pounded in a mortar, and seasoned with smoked
fish, — this served in a large wooden dish."" A reference to an
smcient Seneca form of sagamit6 speaks of "Indian corn and beans
cooked in clear water, without seasoning."' The Relation of
1638-39 notes that "Sometimes the savages put in pieces of
cinders to season the sagamit^, at other times a handful of little
water-flies, which are like the gnats of Provence. . . The
more prudent keep some fish after the fishing season, to break
into the sagamitd during the year; . . . the more tainted
the fish is the better.* As for drinks, they do not know what
these are, — the sagamitd serving as meat and drink."^ Loskiel
also calls it one of the most common of Iroquois foods,

Sagard, after describing the Huron dish called eschionque,
or sagamit6, made of parched corn, flour, informs us that "for
ordinary sagamit^, which they call ottet, raw corn is used, made
into flour, without separating the latter from the coarser portion,
which they cook plain, with a little meat or fish, if they have
such, and also mixing at times squashes cut into pieces, if it
should be their season, and often enough nothing at all; for
fear that the meal may stick to the pot, they stir it frequently
with the estoqua, then eat it."' Oil is also mentioned in another
Relation as a favourite ingredient of "sagamita.""

1 Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXXV, p. 153 (1649-50).

Mbid., vol. XVIII, p. 11.

' Ibid., vol. XLII, p. 71.

* Champlain, Voyages, vol, III, pp. 162-164, mentions a food of this char-
acter in which tainted fish was used.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XV, p. 163.

• Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, p. 95.

' Jesuit Relations, vol. V, p. 286.

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Roger Williams applies the name of nasa^ump (samp) to
"a kind of Meale Pottage, unpartch'd." He further remarks
that "the English samp is corn, beaten and boiled and eaten
hot or cold with milk or butter." This was among the "Nari-
ganset" and neighbouring tribes.^

Hominy, properly speaking, is prepared from the flint corn.
The ordinary procedure is to place a suitable quantity of the
shelled grain into the mortar. A little water is added, say a
ladleful or three or four tablespoonfuls, sometimes also a very
small quantity of soda. The corn is pounded slowly at first,
in order to loosen the hulls, then more vigorously, until it is
broken up into coarse particles. It is then sifted, the coarser
replaced in the mortar, and the pounding continued. The
portion left after the second sifting is thrown away. The meal
is next winnowed by tossing in a bowl or basket, the latter re-
ceptacle being held so as to ' expose the contents as much as
possible to the wind. The coarser hulls are frequently brushed
away with the wing of a fowl.^ A bark fan is referred to by
Sagard,' who also mentions the "plat k vanner," or flat vessel
used for winnowing.* Loskiel apparently refers to this pro-
cedure in one of his "twelve ways of dressing corn," where he
mentions that "they grind it as fine as flour by means of a wooden
pestle and mortar, clear it from the husk and make a thick
pottage of it."°

UnQ'daa', or corn soup, may also be made from other kinds
of corn, such as popcorn, which is really a flint, and from bread
corn, hulled in the ordinary way and ground to a meal. An
Oneidatown informant" stated that the name ononda" is applied
there to hulled and crushed corn mush cooked without meat,
also to a soup prepared with meat. Beans may also be used.
The latter are cooked separately so as to keep them whole,
and at the proper time they are added to the corn soup. Pork,

'Williams, Roger, Key, p. 33.
' Informant, Peter John (On.).

• Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, p. 95.

* See also Smith's Virginia in Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 13, p. 32.
' Loskiel, History, p. 67.

' Henry Danford.

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beef, chicken, etc., are often used as a basis. Another inform-
ant' from the same locality stated that a mush of hulled corn,
pounded to quite a fine mccil, is made and eaten with or without
milk and sugar, in the same way as rice or porridge. Still
another Oneidatown recipe refers to the use of salmon — dodia" oy .
The fish was hung up in the sun until rotten. A pointed stick
was stuck into the abdomen, letting the rotted flesh and other
contents run into a dish or pot of ononda". These were cooked
together and were considered delicious.

At the Oneidatown Bear Dance, the foods used are cracked
corn soup with beans and sugar, also a green corn dish called
ho'la*. Hominy, in the shape of soup or mush, is used at other
ceremonial festivities, including the Strawberry Dance. A
Seneca name applied to this dish is ononda'a'. The same
name is sometimes used for a green corn soup, or to a soup made
of the whole grain hulled by boiling in ashes.

Coarse Hominy — oncsdwwane's (On.).

Soup made from a coarse hominy meal is frequently called
ontsdu'wane's, a word signifying "coarse particles." Sunflower
oil or butter may be added.

Dried Pumpkin Hominy — una'wijgaa' ung'daa' (jOn.).

Another variant of hominy is made by boiling the coarse
meal (ontsdu'wane's) to a thin mush. Dried pumpkin is pre-
viously put into water, pounded slightly, sifted in the coarse
hominy basket, and added to the boiling hominy. It should
boil for about two hours. It is eaten with milk and sugar.
The name means "dried pumpkin hominy."

Early Hominy — degan^hi'a' gi' ung'daa' (On.).

This is a favourite dish about the time the flint or hominy
corn has ripened, but has not yet been dried. The grain is
shelled, placed in the mortar, pounded lightly so as to crush it a
little, then thrown into boiling water. Whole beans not quite

• Anthony Day.

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ripe are added; the boiling is continued until the hominy is
cooked. It is then seasoned to suit with butter and salt.

A second way is to put in milk or cream and sugar instead
of other seasoning materials. This makes a sweet soup.

Another way is to slightly crush a suitable quantity of Jthe
corn and beans and boil these with beef, venison, or any kind
of game. Salt and pepper are used for seasoning.

Early Corn Pudding — utcu^'gwana'wq' udji'Sgwa' (On.).

The first step in preparing early corn pudding is the same
as for early bread, except that the corn is pounded to a rather
moist meal which is rather hard to sift.

Some pork is first boiled and the meal stirred into it with a
paddle, so as to make, when it begins to swell, a thick pudding.
The name was translated as "soft corn pudding."

Popcorn Mush or Pudding — aw^'sg^gwa' udji'sgwa' (On.).

Popcorn, aw5"SQ"gwa', is the basis of a number of dishes
which are highly in favour. It is very commonly popped and
eaten and is considered a great dainty, as well as a treat for
visitors. It was formerly popped by throwing it on the hot
coals in an open fire-place, stirring it quickly, then pulling it
out as it popped.

For popcorn pudding, the corn is first popped, then pounded
and sifted, and last of all boiled by adding to hot water until it
thickens to the consistency required. This is eaten with syrup,
sugar, and milk or cream, also with sour milk.

Popcorn Soup or Hominy.

The meal is prepared in the same way as for the mush or
pudding, but was described as being more like hominy, parti-
cularly the kind called ontsdu'wane's.

The soup can be prepared in two ways: first, by boiling the
meal along with some such meat as venison or beef, adding salt
to season. This kind is called u"ne*ga"gei' (On.). A second
method is to make a sweet soup by adding maple sugar. This
is cooled and eaten with milk. The Onondaga name given was
uwenowe'da"get' .

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Green Corn on the Cob — gang'gw^"yu' {On.).

A simple and always popular method of cooking green
corn is to pluck it when the kernels have become somewhat
firm, but are still milky. Bread corn is very commonly used
in this way, though the sweet corn, Zea mays saccharata, is
considered best.

The ears are left enveloped in the husks, placed in boiling
water, and cooked for half an hour or so, or until considered done.
This was formerly eaten without seasoning of any sort, though
butter is often used at present.^

A process of parching or roasting is often applied to boiled
corn left over from a meal, although batches are often boiled,
roasted slightly, then shelled and dried for winter use. This
way of preparing corn is referred to by early writers.

The boiled green corn may also be removed from the cob
and dried without parching. This is one of the simplest methods
of preservation, and is frequently mentioned historically. Corn
preserved in this way may be either cooked as a soup or "saga-
mit6", or along with venison and other meats. An Oneida
name given for a soup of this kind was ho'la*.

Succotash — ugg"sda' ung'daa' {On.).

This food, like a number of the others mentioned, was used
throughout a very wide area in America, confirming the sug-
gestion that food recipes were often exchanged.

Carver speaks of succotash as being in use among the
"Ottagaumies, Saukies" and neighbouring nations. This con-
sisted of "unripe corn and beans in the same state, boiled with
bears' flesh. "^ The "Akansea" and other tribes of the southern
plains region were found using similar recipes. Sagamit6 made
of green corn is mentioned in the same connexion, also green
corn seasoned with the peach and the squash.'

' Charlevoix, A Voyage to North America, vol. II, p. 93.

2 Carver, J., Travels, p. 263.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. LXV, p. 117.

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Roger Williams refers to "boiled corn whole," which was
called by the "Nariganset" msi'ckquatash.^

A Seneca method of making this dish is to scrape off the
green corn with a knife, pound the corn before cooking, then dip
out of the mortar with a ladle the juice which has been squeezed
out in the pounding process and add it to the boiling soup. The
name given was ononda'a', which is the general name for soup.^

Various kinds of vegetables in their season, such as beans,
peas, pumpkins, were boiled with the corn. Mrs. John Gibson
gave two methods for making succotash or green corn soup.
The first was to cut the corn from the cob with a knife, or with
the half of a deer's jaw with the articular portion or ramus
broken off (Plate VI, fig. c). This is called, in Onondaga,
egQsig^'ia'ta'. The corn is then placed in a kettle, some boiling
water added, also a quantity of whole beans which are not
quite ripe. Salt and butter are added to suit the taste. A
second way differed in the seasoning, which was sugar, that of
the maple being preferred when convenient. A name received
at Caughnawaga for green corn was o'hgde' nigangsto'dgt (the
corn is green). A name for green corn soup was oga'sero'da'
ongdara'. The first word in the latter expression was said
to be an old word for green corn.'

Parched Green Corn Soup — unahw^gwa' wadi'djiq'hq.' (On.).

Green corn, when nearly ripe, is gathered, roasted on the
cob before the fire, or on the top of the stove, then shelled,
dried over the stove, or in the sun, in an evaporating basket
(Plate XXXV, figs, a, b), then put away in a bag or barrel for
future use. Grain prepared in this manner is called wadi'dji^'h^'
ganahug^'yQ (On.), or "dried parched corn."

To cook, place a quantity of the corn in a kettle, add boiling
water and boil for half an hour, drain, add fresh water, then
some kind of meat. Boil for an hour and season with salt.
Another way of seasoning is to sweeten.

' Williams, Roger, Key into the Language of America, p. 33.
'Alex. Snider, Tonawanda, N.Y.
' Mrs. John Williams (Mo.).

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Sagard gives some interesting particulars regarding utensils
and methods among the Hurons: "The neintahouy is made as
follows: the women roast a quantity of the corn ears, before
they are quite ripe, leaning them against a stick resting on two
stones before the fire, and turning them around from time to
time until they are roasted sufficiently, or to do it more expedi-
tiously they place the ears in a heap of sand which has first
been heated to a high temperature by means of a fire which has
been built on top of it, they then detach the grains, dry them
in the sun, spread them out upon pieces of bark, after which
they are stored in a receptacle (tonneau) with a third or a quarter
portion of beans, agaressa, which they mingle with it, and when
they wish to eat of it they boil it whole in their pot or cauldron, . .
with a little fish, fresh or dry, if they have it on hand."^

Green Corn Soup — unqha'se" unahw^gwa' (On.).

Green corn is husked and shelled from the cob with the
hands. A fire is made outside. When a good bed of coals has
been obtained, the embers are packed down level, the corn thrown
on top and stirred with a stick, the coals being pulled over the
corn a little. When the latter is sufificiently cooked, the ashes
and fire are pulled away, the corn put into a coarse hominy
basket, and the ashes and coals sifted out, after which it is
washed with cold water, and boiled in a kettle with meat and
beans. Salt is added, also pepper, if desired, although the
latter is not much used.*

Green Corn Baked — ogg'sad' uh&'^gwa' (On.).

A way of preparing green corn' that is much enjoyed is to
scrape the green corn off with the deer's jaw scraper, place it in
a pem, and bake it into a. cake, somewhat of the consistency
of corn bread. This is said to be excellent with hot bread and
butter.

This dish has been thought to be of comparatively modern
invention, although it could have been quite readily baked in

'Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, p. 95.

« Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 12,. p. 258.

• Mrs. Lyons, Onondaga Castle, and others.

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earthenware vessels, on flat stones, or in the embers. Morgan
makes mention of it in 1850. The name signifies "green corn
bread or cake."

Dried Corn Soup — ogg'sad' udji'sgwa' {On.).

When not required for immediate use, the baked corn just
described is broken up into small pieces, dried in the sun or
over the stove and stored away for future reference. This makes
an excellent soup, or "pudding," when soaked a little, then boiled
and seasoned.

Roasted Corn in the Ear — wadi'djid'ha' ung'^gw^'^ya' {On.).

One of the commonest methods of preparing green corn is
to roast it before the fire and eat it without further preparation,
though butter and salt are often used at present.

Champlain states that "corn freshly roasted is highly
esteemed."! Many other observers describe the same method
of preparation. A slight variation practised was to roast the
ears in hot ashes.

A method in vogue, particularly some years ago, was to dig
a trench in the ground, build a good fire in it so as to get a good
bed of embers, then place a stout stick lengthwise over the top
with the ends resting on a couple of stones. The ears of green
corn were then leaned against the stick on both sides and turned
from time to time until they were roasted. The corn was then
eaten with or without salt and butter. It may also be scraped
off and dried for future use.

A Seneca name given for roasted corn in the ear was wade''-
djeaydak. To roast corn is gde'dje'^ud^'. A Caughnawaga
name is ygdengt gwg.'gta' oga'sero'da'.

Young people, according to S. Anderson (Mo.), are told
that if they break a cob of green corn into pieces instead of eating
it from the whole cob, they will be chased by o'na''tsa', a malev-
olent being which is believed to consist of legs only. This

1 Champlain, Voyages, p. 163.

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creature is said to frequent lonely places in the forest and always
indicates by his appearance some misfortune, such as a death in
the family.

Green Corn Leaf Bread — unid'tsha' (On.).

According to Chief Gibson, the leaves are sometimes folded
on the midrib, then doubled over at each end to form an oblong
envelope or pocket some 4 or 5 inches long. This is filled
with green corn scraped from the cob with a knife or the deer's
jaw scraper. Another envelope a little longer is slipped over the
first so as to make a closed package, which is tied once around the
middle with basswood bark. The corn is frequently pounded to
a paste in the mortar before using, though this is considered un-
necessary when the scraper is employed. The packages are
cooked for about three-quarters of an hour.

Another method of making into packages was given by a
Tonawanda Seneca. ^ This consisted of filling a small quantity
of the paste into a corn leaf bent double, then covering it around
in the same way with other leaves, a sufficient number being used
to prevent the contents from escaping. A string of bark is then
wrapped several times around the leaves just above the ball of
paste and tied. Cooked and shelled green beans are often added
to the paste. Berries are used for the same purpose; also
apples cut up small; or meat, such as that of the deer.

A Cayuga name given by David Jack for the smaller club-
shaped packages, tied at one end, was u*°hQ'sta' (similis testi-
culo). The longer packages of a similar shape are called gania'-
tsha', which means a "bob" or bunch of hair, similar to that worn
by the women. A large cake-like leaf-package is called una''daa'
gadJQwa'sQ (bread wrapped in corn leaves). All these forms are
frequently used at the Green Corn Dance, as well as for home
consumption. The smaller packages were often cooked in the
broth made in cooking venison. The packages are sometimes
broken open and the contents dried. All of those described are
exactly similar to those used in the making of leaf and wedding
bread.

'Alex. Snider.

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When the corn is done, the coverings are removed and the
contents eaten with butter, salt, etc. Formerly sunflower oil
or bear's grease was used in place of the latter.

Historical references to leaf bread among the Iroquois and
surrounding nations are numerous. Adair refers to a similar
preparation in use among the Chickasaw and neighbouring tribes,
which was made of chestnuts and corn. Both were taken when
green and full-grown. The chestnut kernels were half boiled,
the green corn was sliced from the ear and both were pounded in
the mortar, then kneaded, wrapped in corn blades to form pack-
ages about an inch thick, and boiled. A sort of boiled bread was
mentioned, which was mixed with beans and potatoes.*

Sagard describes a leaf-bread made by the ancient Hurons,
which he found little to his liking. The "women, girls and chil-
dren with their teeth detach the grains which they eject into large
bowls which they have at hand, and finish by pounding it in the
large mortars; and as this paste is very syrupy it is of necessity
wrapped in the leaves to cook it under the ashes according to the
custom. This chewed bread is the most highly esteemed among
them."2

OBSOLETE CORN FOODS.

The earlier historical accounts describe a number of Iro-
quois foods, the use of which has been discontinued.
li' Iv Green corn on the cob, for example, is probably seldom eaten
raw at present, though Lafitau remarks that "when the Indian
corn is yet soft and almost milky, it is crushed slightly without
separating it from the cob ; it is then very agreeable to the taste."'
This seems to have been most frequently used in emergencies,
or when lack of time prohibited further preparation. The
use is noted among the New York Iroquois of "very short rations
consisting solely of Indian corn just picked." This was in the
Relation of 1652-53.

' Adair, History of the American Indians, pp. 407, 408.
' Sagard, Voyages, vol. I, p. 94.
• Lafitau, Moeurs, vol. II, p. 93.
Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XL, p. 151.

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Cornstalks were sometimes utilized, according to Bartram,*
who observed some of the Iroquois "chewing raw Indian corn-
stalks, spitting out the substance after they sucked out the juice."
These are said to have been found quite sweet and palatable
by many. Smith's "Virginia" mentions the same food, also such
recent writers as Mrs. H. S. Caswell in "Our Life Among the
Iroquois." A number of the older people still remember seeing
sections of cornstalk cut between joints and chewed as a means of
quenching thirst.

The use of stinking corn by the Hurons is described quite
graphically by Sagard: "For leindohy, or bled puant, a large
quantity of ears is taken, not yet perfectly ripe and dry, so as to
be more susceptible to the acquisition of the odor, and this the
women place in some pond or puddle of stagnant water, for a
period of two or three months, at the end of which they remove it
and this serves as a material for feasts of much importance,
cooked as neintahouy, and they also eat it roasted under the hot
cinders, licking their fingers while handling these stinking ears,
as though they were bits of sugar cane, notwithstanding that
the taste and odor are vile, and more infectious than the filthiest
gutters."^ Champlain also refers to the "corn rendered putrid
in pools or puddles." No recollection of this dish was found
among present-day Iroquois.

A quotation is given by Parker to the effect that "when they
were travelling or lying in wait for their enemies they took with
them a kind of bread made of Indian corn and tobacco juice,
which, says Campanius, was a very good thing to allay hunger and
quench thirst in case they have nothing else at hand."'

CEREMONIAL CORN FOODS.

Bear's Pudding — wgwaiH'neha" {On.).
This was described by Chief Gibson as consisting of corn
soup pr hominy made in the usual way, but seasoned with sugar.

' Bartram, Observations, p. 47.

Pinkerton's Voyages, vol. 13, p. 32.
' Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, p. 97.

Champlain, Voyages, vol. Ill, p. 162.
' Vincent, History of Delaware, Phila., 1870, pp. 74, 75.

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Meat was said not to be used in that locality at all, the idea being
to prepare foods which a bear is supposed to like.

The services of the Bear Society may be indicated by a dream
or by some other circumstance which may be interpreted by the
local "fortune-teller" to mean that a meeting of the society is
required as a medical procedure.

The person requiring the ceremony must prepare the corn
soup, also some sweetened juice or wine of huckleberries or black-
berries. When the society meets, tobacco is burned and speeches
are made asking the bear to relieve the patient. The leader then
takes a drink of the blackberry juice, and also gives a little to
the patient. They then sing to the^ accompaniment of horn
rattles and the water drum. The leader begins the dancing,
the others falling in. If the sick person can dance, it is so much
the better. At the end of the ceremony there is a distribution
of the soup.

Buffalo Dance Pudding — deyuna^gai'dnta' (On.).

The buffalo dance pudding is used by members of the Buffalo
Society or Company. A meal is made of bread corn and is
used in the preparation of a thick pudding sweetened with maple
or other sugar. It is intended to represent the mud in which the
buffalo wallows. The necessity for the ceremony is indicated
in a similar manner to that for the Bear Dance ceremony. An
Oneidatown recipe includes the addition of beef to the pudding.

Ball Players' Pudding — gadji^gwae'' {On.).

When a person has been suffering from some ailment such as
rheumatism, lame back, fever, or headache, it may be decided,
as before, that a game of lacrosse is required. The leader of the
players, is notified. The sick person then prepares a quantity
of white bread or Tuscarora corn. This is parched or roasted,
pounded, and sifted to a fine meal. A large potful of water
is brought to a boil, the meal stirred in, and some maple or other
sugar added, also some fried pork and gravy, the whole being
boiled to form a mush.

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There is usually to be found in such ceremonies some con-
nexion, imaginary or otherwise, between the illness and the
remedy proposed, the ball game possibly suggesting that the
activity of the players will remove any sickness affecting the
activity of the patient. At the end of the game the mush
or pudding is consumed by those present.

False-face Pudding — gagg"sa' hodidji'sgwa' (On.).

The False-face pudding is eaten both at the regular meetings of
thte False-face Society, as well as when the services of the Society
are invoked in certain ailments. The pudding is also made of
parched corn meal and maple sugar boiled to form a "mush"
or pudding, sunflower or bear's oil being sometimes used as a
seasoning.

The food is supposed to be specially pleasing to the False-
faces, who have the power of distorting the faces of those who
speak disrespectfully while participating in the ceremony and
. particularly while eating the pudding.^ The patient must eat
along with the others.

BEANS AND BEAN FOODS.

Beans of various kinds appear to have been connected from
an early date with Iroquois agriculture, and, like corn and
certain other products, to have become interwoven with a
number of mythological concepts. The "Three Sisters," a"sf
nadegQd4'nQ'daa' (On.), for instance, were a well-known trinity
of deities, the guardian spirits of corn, beans, and squashes.
The bean is also associated more or less intimately with the
annual ceremonies of planting-time and thanksgiving after
harvest.

The beans cultivated are mostly of the genus Phaseolus,
which is considered to have been indigenous to South America.
The genus includes, also, the Limas and the runners ^ (Plate
XXXIV).

1 Parker, A. C, New York State Museum Bulletin 144, p. 79.
^ Common, or kidney bean, Phaseolus vulgaris; Lima bean, Phaseolus
lunatus; Runners (Scarlet, etc.), Phaseolus rmdtiflorus.

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The Jesuit Relations and the accounts of most early writers
abound in references to bean culture and to the many varieties
which were met with among the Iroquois and other tribes.
Beverly, in describing the agriculture of the Virginia Indians,
among whom were no doubt included the Cherokee, remarks
that "they likewise plant a Bean in the Same Hill with the
Corn, upon whose stalk it sustains itself. The Indians sow'd
Peas (beans, evidently) sometimes in the Intervals of the Rows
of Corn, but more generally in a Patch of Ground by themselves.
They have an unknown Variety of them, but all of a Kidney-
Shape, some of which I have met with wild."^ Cartier noted
that the Indians met with on his voyages had "beans of all
colors, yet differing from ours."'' Josselyn mentions beans
which were "white, black, red, yellow, blue, spotted, besides
your Bonivis and Calavances, and the kidney-bean that is
proper to Roanoke. But these are brought into the country;
the others are natural to the climate."' Pole or climbing beans
were evidently planted with the corn and the dwarf varieties
by themselves.

Over sixty different bean varieties were collected by the
writer; of these some fifty or more were cultivated by Professor
R. B. Thomson and H. B. Sifton of the University of Toronto,
to whom the writer is indebted for a number of the identifications
given.

Horticultural varieties have been included, as the history
of these is so obscure, in many cases, as to suggest that they may
have been more or less directly due to Indian horticulture.*

Beans of all kinds are roughly classified by the Iroquois into
"bread beans" and "soup beans," the former being used in the
making of corn bread, and the latter as an ingredient of soup.
The classification naturally varies with individual preference.
Beans of a short, round type are further referred to as
"cranberry."

' Beverly, History and Present State of Virginia, vol. II, p. 29.
' Cartier, Bref Ricit, p. 31.
" Josselyn, Voyages, pp. 73, 74.

' Jarvis, C. D., American Varieties of Beans, Cornell University Bulletin,
No. 260.

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The following are some of the more frequently occurring
kinds:

Cranberry Beans}

1. White with maroon and buff markings ventrally or around

the eye; identified as Golden Wax (Plate XXXIV,
fig. f2):

niyu^'sagwahaha^yuk deyuditgw^'da^da' (On.) :
gahutsherag^'ra osahe'ida' (Mo.) .

2. White; resembles White Marrow or Cranberry (Plate

XXXIV, fig. a 1) :

na^yuk (Ca.) ; a''yuk u'sahei'daga'ada (On.).

3. Maroon; pole, poor climber; resembles Arlington Red

Cranberry; collected at Oneidatown, Ontario (Plate
XXXIV, fig. a 2).

4. Black; climbing (Plate XXXIV, fig. a 3) :

ofyuk niyu§'sagwaha (On.).

5. Light buff with brownish ring around hilum or eye; climb-

ing (PlateXXXIV, fig. a4):
a"yuk u^'sis eha'ta' u*gw^'da' (On.).

6. Light yellow or sulphur-coloured; identified as Eureka

(PlateXXXIV, fig. a 5):
a"yukdji'twga' (On.).

7. Buff, splashed and speckled with maroon (Plate XXXIV,

fig. a 6) :

ga'hugk udisahe'i'da' (On.), or Wild Goose Bean;

ha''yuk (Ca.), applied to a similar bean.

Bread Beans.

8. Buff with maroon stripes and markings; a large-sized

bean; bush; frequently referred to as the "old-fashioned

bread bean," although sometimes used for soup

(Plate XXXIV, figs, b 1, b 2);

ga'hugk (Ca. and On.) ;

gana'daluk deyeyist usahe't (Oneida) ;

gana'dq. doganpstQ'han' usahe'ida' (Mo.).

' A general term in the Mohawk dialect spoken at Caughnawaga is dog-
wa'hert' uzahe'da'.

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9. BuflF with dark stripes, a light brown ring around the
hilum; a small bean; resembles Scotia; pole, rather
poor climber; a bread and soup bean; claimed as a
very old Iroquois variety (Plate XXXIV, fig. b 3) ;
t^do'gai'i (Ca.);
atgo'a sahe^da' (Ca.), or Wampum Bean.

10. Brownish, striped and speckled with black to brownish

black; bush; long kidney-shape; resembles Speckled
Wax (Plate XXXIV, figs, b 4, b 5) :
gana'daluk deyeytst usahe't (Oneida).

11. Striped and speckled with black and white; long, rather

flat; an Iroquois hybrid (?); collected at Oneidatown
(Plate XXXIV, fig. b 6).

12. Reddish brown, with dark red markings; truncated at

ends; bush; resembles Best of All (Plate XXXIV,
fig. c 1).

13. Dark brown, with darker stripes; broad and rather flat;

pole; rather variable (Plate XXXIV, fig. c 2):
naday'ia'ta' sahe"da' (Ca.).

14. Buff, striped with maroon to nearly black; short and flat;

climbing; planted with corn; claimed to be an old

variety, perhaps one of the oldest (Plate XXXIV,

fig.c3):

u'sahe'i'da' deyiha'gwayi'sda'kwa' u^'sis (On.);

o'ia'gekaa' (Sen.)

15. Dark salmon with red to black speckles and blotches;

bush (Plate XXXIV, fig. c 4):
gana'daluk deyeyist usahe't (Oneida).

Soup or Corn Soup Beans.

16. Dark seal brown to nearly black ventrally and on lower

end, white dorsally; bush; resembles Leopard;
collected among Oneida (Plate XXXIV, fig. c 5).

17. Dull brown, a dark ring around the eye; rather long and

narrow; pole; one form grown from the seed re-
sembled Old Southern Prolific (Plate XXXIV, fig. c 6) :
ga'hio'tslis (Oneida).

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18. Buff with maroon striping; long kidney-shape; some

samples grown were pole, resembling Brockton,
others bush, resembling Ruby Horticultural; also
called a bread bean ; collected at Oneidatown.

19. Deep brown with white at tip and somewhat dorsally;

bush; Indian hybrid (?) (Plate XXXIV, fig. d 1):
honodala usahe't (Oneida).

20. Scarlet Runner {Phaseolus multiflorus) :

yelano'KWA (Oneida).

21. A small bean, heavily blotched with maroon and buff;

bush, with some runners; resembles Byer (Plate

XXXIV, fig. d 2):

atgo'a (Ca.), Wampum Bean.

22. Ruby Horticultural ; bush ; early or medium (Plate XXXIV

fig. d3):

dogwa'i* (Oneida), or Cranberry.

23. Light reddish brown, with darker stripes and markings;

pole; Indian hybrid (?) (Plate XXXIV, fig. d 4):
honondala usahe't (Oneida).

Other Varieties (use not stated).

24. Dark brown bean; small; bush; collected at Tonawanda

(Plate XXXIV, fig. d 5).
oyf'gwa"a' (Sen.).

25. Reddish brown, with black stripes; short, broad, and rather

flat (Plate XXXIV, fig. d 6) :
u'sahe'i'da' unate^e'niQ (On.).

26. Light buff, with a reddish brown ring around the eye;

long, narrow, and rather pointed at ends; pole;
long pods (Plate XXXIV, fig. e 1) :
Qtdiowas (Ca.).

27. Light fawn, blotched and finely speckled with dark red;

a very short bean, with truncated ends; Cut Short;
has been known horticulturally for at least seventy-
five years; sometimes called Corn-hill, or Corn Bean;
collected among Oklahoma Seneca by C. M. Barbeau
(Plate XXXIV, fig. e 2).

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Green Beans in the Pod — gatgwqdavstia"gc' {On.).

Green beans in the pod may be cooked, while fresh, and
made into a soup. In preparing this, the pods are cut into pieces
and boiled until tender. Fresh milk, also butter and salt, are
added. The two recipes last mentioned have become very
popular among the whites.

Another way of cooking green beans in the pod is to cook
them whole, without slicing. The red cranberry bean is usually
chosen. When done, they are taken by the stem, the head is
thrown back, the pod taken into the mouth and drawn between
the teeth, leaving the strings or fibres behind.

A slightly different way is to boil the pods until tender, then
add butter and seasoning. A name given for the latter was
u"sahe4'da'se'i' gatgw?"du' (On.).

Green Beans Shelled — wsahe'da'se' (On.).

The beans are taken when fully formed, but not yet ripe,
placed in a pot, boiled, and seasoned to suit the taste.

Fried Beans — ga'sah&'do'^gwa' gasahedagqi'da'wr o^na''gt' (On.).

Green beans in the pod are first boiled until tender. Then
they are fried in bear or sunflower oil. Butter would be a modern
substitute.

Beans with Corn — wsahe'da'se' ga'sahe'i'du' un^ha'se'gi' {On.).

In this recipe, green, shelled beans are boiled with green
sweet corn. Meat may be added. The preparation is then
seasoned with salt, pepper, and butter or fat.

Soup of Dried Beans — a"yuk u*gw^'da'si' gaha''di' {On.).

Green beans in the pod are also prepared by boiling, drying
in evaporating baskets or on a flat board, and storing away in a

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bag or barrel. When required for use, they are soaked, then
boiled in the usual way, after which butter and seasoning are
added. Cranberry beans are favoured.

Beans and Squash — u'nvgsa'odji'sgwa' {On.).

Green beans in the pod are cooked with squash cut up into
small pieces. This is considered a very old way.

A variant of this is to cook cranberry beans in the pod, and,
when they are nearly dry, to serve them in the shell of a boiled
squash. "^

Green Beans with Meat — ga'negagei''tcdni" hega'wahei''wi^ (On.).

Green pod beans are cut into small pieces, then placed in the
pot along with some kind of meat, such as pork or beef.

Sweet Soup — usahe'da'gei' {On.).

Ripe shelled beans are washed with hot water; those that
float and are bad are picked out; the remainder are cooked until
soft; sugar is then added to make a sweet soup.

Mashed Beans^—gadjisgg-'ni' wsahe'i'da' {On.).

Beans are often cooked "like potatoes," to use the expression
of an informant, then mashed with a. masher or pounder. The
dish is also called u'sahe'i'da' o'dji'sgwa' (On.).

Beans Mixed with Bread.

Beans are very frequently — in fact, usually — mixed with
corn bread, although other materials are occasionally used. The
beans are first cooked just so that they are a little firm and will
remain whole. They are then mixed with corn bread paste and
again cooked in the making of the bread.

» Parker, A. C, Bulletin 144, New York State Museum, p. 90.

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Bean Soup — wsahe'da'gei' {On.).^

The ripe beans are boiled with meat and stirred and mashed
with a paddle until they are thoroughly mixed. The meat used
may be beef, venison, or any other kind.

Other Terms {On.).

Bean pole, o'anoda'kwa' usahe'i'da'.

Bean vine, u'sahe'i'da' ug^sa'.

Bean pod, u'sahe'i'da' utgw§''da'.

The string in a pod, utgw^''da' u'gwaa'.

Stem of a pod, sa'ng diyunip'da'.

Explanation of Terms.

dogwa'i' (Oneida)

dogwa'hen' (Mo.). a cranberry.

a"yuk (On.)

ha''yuk (Ca.)

U'sahe'i'da' (On.)

osahe'ida' (Mo.) [ a bean.

usahe't (Oneida)

sahe"da' (Ca.)

u^'sis (On.), climbing.

dji'tgwa' (On.), yellow.

utgw^'da' (On.), red.

oy^'gwa"^' (Sen.), smoky-coloured, brown.

ga'hurjk (On.), a wild goose.

gana'daluk (Oneida) 1 bread.

gana'd^ (Mo.) J

deyiha'gwayi'sda'kwa' (On.), mixed with bread.

deyeytst (Oneida), mixed with.

atgo'a (Ca.), wampum.

' Seneca, usai'i'dagi'.

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CUCURBITACE^ OR VINE FOODS.

Many varieties of Cucurbitacecs, including pumpkins,
squashes, cucumbers, and melons, were cultivated by the Iro-
quois and are the subject of frequent mention historically,
although, unfortunately, they are not always described so that
we can determine the species.

Most of the CucurbitacecB are considered to be of American
origin, the exceptions being the water-melon, some of the varie-
ties of cucumber, and, possibly, also Cucurbita maxima, of
which the Hubbard squash is a type, and which are thought to
have been imported after the discovery.^ Cartier enumerates at
least three species of CucurbitacecB. Hariot, in 1586, found
growing in Virginia a number of kinds of "pompions, melons,
and gourds." Beverly, also, mentions the "cushaws," which
he describes as "a kind of Pompion of a bluish-green Colour,
streaked with white, when they are fit for Use. They are larger
than the Pompions and have a long narrow Neck." "Macocks"
are defined by the same writer as "a sort of Melopepones, or
lesser sort of Pompion, of these they have a great Variety;
but the Indian Name Macock serves for all."* "Smith's Voyages"
also differentiates between "pompions and macocks." Brickell,
"History of North Carolina," enumerates "Gourds, Mellons,
Cucumbers, Squashes, Semblens."' In a general way, the term
pompion or pumpion seems to have been applied to the forms of
Cucurbita pepo which we call pumpkins; and macock, cushaw,
and symnel or semblen to those which are commonly referred to
as squashes.* The symnel is considered to have been the scal-
loped squash.

• Sturtevant, History of Garden Vegetables, Amer. Nat., vol. XXIII, p. 673.
' Beverly, History, vol. II, p. 27.

» Brickell, History of North Carolina, p. 289.

* De CandoUe, Origin of Cultivated Plants, p. 252, considers macock and
cushaw as referring to pumpkins and quotes Dr. Harris, American Journal,
1857, vol. XXIV, p. 441, and Trumbull, BuU. of Torrey Bat. Club, 1876, vol.
VI, p. 69, in support of this view. De CandoUe asserts, conservatively, that
"all that we learn ... is that the natives a century after the discovery
of Virginia and twenty to forty years after its colonization by Sir Walter
Raleigh, made use of some fruits of the Cucurbitacese."

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Josselyn, in "New England Rarities," refers to the "Squashes,
but more truly squoutersquashes, a kind of mellon or rather
gourd; for they sometimes degenerate into gourds. Some of
these are green; some yellow; some longish, like a gourd; others
round like an apple; all of them pleasant food, boyled and but-
tered and seasoned with spice. But the yellow squash — called
an apple' squash (because like an apple) and about the bigness of
a pome water — is the best kind."'

Aboriginal squashes are ever3rwhere referred to as having
been delicious. The Relation of 1656-57 states that among the
dainties which were served up by the early Onondagas were
"the beans and squashes of the country, which are firmer and
better than those of France." Le Jeune, 1636, informs us that
"the squashes last sometimes four and five months, and are so
abundant that they are to be had almost for nothing, and so good
that, on being cooked in the ashes, they are eaten as apples are
in France."^ Squashes, in fact, often formed the principal food
at certain seasons,' and were not only kept fresh, but were cut
into strips and placed in evaporating trays; or strung upon cords
suspended near the fireplace until dry, then stored away.
Squashes are also said to have been placed in storage pits, along
with other garden products, and dug out from time to time as
occasion required.*

Suggestions of the ceremonial importance of the squash are
frequent. Feasts, such as those in response to dreams, were often .
made from it.' It is also eaten in present-day longhouse cere-
monies. The squash rattles used by the Medicine Societies
are most frequently made from the long-handled calabash or
gourd {Lagenaria vulgaris), although such squashes as the summer
crookneck and the old-fashioned hard-shelled varieties were some-
times used.

' Josselyn, New England Rarities, p. 89.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. X; p. 103.

•Ibid., vol. LXVII, p. 213; vol. XXVII, p. 65.

' Mrs. John Gibson (Ca.) and other informants confirm this statement.

Ibid., vol. LVII, p. 251.
» Ibid., vol. LVII, p. 251.

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On some occasions, as a result of over-eating, squashes seem
to have been the cause of severe intestinal disturbances. Hecke-
welder observed "that these fevers break out nearly always in
the wild plum season, . . . sometimes, also, after a long famine
or deprivation of food; when they eat to excess the green corn,
squashes (courges) and other watery vegetables."^ Similar
references are to be found elsewhere. The Relations note that
few died of this complaint.^

A number of the older people still cultivate a few of these
old-fashioned squashes, of which specimens were obtained on
several of the reservations. One of these resembled a very small
pumpkin; the other was a rather small, marrow-like squash,
very variable in form and producing five or six distinct varieties
from the same seed. The varieties were round to oblong and
from dark green to dark green with stripes of a lighter shade.
None of these were referable to commonly known seedstore
varieties.

Squashes were commonly planted in the hills of corn, the
two kinds of seed being dropped in together.' Pumpkins were
grown in a similar manner. Melons might be grown in some
sheltered clearing, where there was sufficient sunlight to make
them ripen.

Varieties of CucurbitacecB^ {Onondaga Names).

The small, pumpkin-like squash: u'niQsa'p'wt' udji'tgwa'

ni'yut; onapslap'WE" (Oneida).
The small, variable, marrow-like squash: u'niQ^sa'Q'wi".
Marrow (common): u'nip^sa'Q'wi* u'nip'sis (squash, long).
Summer crookneck: u'gu'aa' u'nip'sa'Q'wc".

' Heckewelder, History, p. 355.

* Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. LXIV, p. 177.

'Squashes, in some places, are planted early in hot beds, then trans-
planted; in earlier times they are said also to have been started indoors.

<The Cucurbitacese are classified botanically as pumpkin, vegetable
marrow, summer crookneck, scalloped squash: Cucurbita pepo; Hubbard
squash: Cucurbita maieima;^ winter crookneck: CucurHta moschata; water-
melon, citron: Cucumis citruUus; muskmelon: Cucumis melo; cucumber:
Cucumis saUvus.

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Scalloped squash: u'nu'skahe'dQ' u'niQ'sa'p'wt'.
Pumpkin: u'nipso'wan^'s wad§'ses (dragging it along);

nowadays the first word only is used; oneijzeragp'a

(Mo., Caughnawaga).
Hubbard squash: dega'nig'sa'si'haa'.
Winter crookneck: dega'nip^sa'si'haa' onag'aa' (horn).
Water-melon: niQsaga"dt* (melon to eat raw).
Citron: ena'djiu'tha' nipsaga^dt' (cooking melon).
Muskmelon: wahia'.is (getting ripe).
Cucumber: uduQskai'ani".

Boiled Squash — wae'nigsu' {On.).

Cut the squash into halves; wrap in basswood leaves and
place in a kettle; add a little water; boil for two hours; remove
leaves, and place on a wooden or bark dish (u'sgda') ; eat with-
out further preparation.

Squash Baked in Ashes — wade'nigsg'da'gwa' o'gqhdgg'wa' (On.).

The whole squashes are placed under hot coals and cinders,
obtained by kindling a large fire in the open, or in an old-fashioned
fire-place. The ashes are then washed off and the squashes served.
Another name applied is wade'nig'syda" (On.).

Mashed Squash — u'nig'sa' wdji'sgwa' {On.).

Take the squashes when sufficiently mature, cut into small
pieces, boil, and mash. Eat with butter and a little sugar. In
olden times deer suet and maple sugar were used. Any squash
may be cooked in this manner.

Squash Used in Bread-Making.

Old-fashioned squashes (uniQ^sa'g'wf u'nigsee'dji's) are
cut into small pieces, boiled and mashed, then mixed into the
paste when making corn bread. Dried squash may be boiled and
mashed and used in the same way.

Dried Squash. -

In the autumn, among the Canadian Onondaga, squashes
are frequently cut into narrow pieces lengthwise, then dried over
the stove in flat evaporating trays or baskets.

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In preparing them for use, the dried strips are washed in warm
water, soaked, then boiled and eaten with butter. The strips
are called una'p'geia' (On.).

Pumpkin Sauce — wnigsu'wane's u'dji'sgwa' (On.).

Pumpkins are cut into pieces, boiled, mashed, then sweetened
and served for eating.

Pumpkin is also cut into pieces and dried for use in winter.
When required for eating, it is washed, boiled, mashed, and sweet-
ened. A little lard may also be added. According to an Oneida
recipe, the dried pumpkin may be boiled with meat to the con-
sistency of "potato soup."

Pumpkin with Beans — ga'nigswwi' tca'gatgw^'du' (On.).

Cut the pumpkins, when fresh, into pieces; boil, adding green
beans shelled and cooking them along with it ; add butter and salt.

Preserved Cucumbers — dega'nigsa^hiywdjisdc (jOn.).

Cucumbers are said to have been preserved by washing
and placing them in a brine made with salt and sheep sorrel,*
deyagu'na^djiaks (On.), the sorrel being placed at the top and
bottom. Quite a bit of the latter was used. A board with a
stone on it was placed on top of the contents, which were al-
lowed to stand for a couple of weeks. Pickles prepared in this
way were considered a great delicacy. This was probably a
European recipe.

Fried Squash.

The squash is cut into quarters, placed in a bread pan,
and put on the stove or in the oven to fry. Squash cooked in
this way is either sweetened or seasoned with salt, pepper, and
butter.

' Sheep sorrel, Rumex acetosella.

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Dried Pumpkin Sauce — u'nigsa'thq wdji'sgwa' wna'wtjgaa' {On.).

A quantity of dried pumpkin is placed in the corn-pounder
and pounded, sifted to a fine meal or flour, boiled, and sweetened,
after which grease is added.

Baked Pumpkin — wa^diksu-'da' (On.).

The dried pumpkin is pounded, sifted, then soaked in cold
water for an hour to an hour and a half. It is then sweetened
and grease added. A pan is greased, the pumpkin placed in it,
marked with a knife into cakes, and baked in the oven.

Cornmeal and Pumpkin — wdji'sgwa' {On.).

The pumpkin is sliced, boiled, sugar is added, also Indian
corn meal to make a pudding. This is eaten with sugar and
milk.

Historical Foods.

Mention is made historically of a number of ways of pre-
paring pumpkins and squashes. Sagard refers to them as an
ingredient of "eschionque," which consists of a "soup in which
one has first cooked some shredded meat or fish, together with
a quantity of squash, if so desired." This was thickened with
a meal made of parched, dried corn.

For ordinary "sagamitd," or "ottet" (Huron), unparched
corn was ground to a flour and, without sifting, made into a
soup with some sort of meat. During the squash season,
squashes were frequently cut into pieces and added to the mix-
ture.'

Cooking squashes under the ashes was common and seems
to have been a favourite method when open fire-places were in
vogue.

Squash flowers were sometimes used, though little recol-
lection of this seems to exist at present. Upon the occasion of
a visit paid by Bartram to Onondaga, in 1743, there was served

' Sagard, Voyage, vol. I, p. 96.

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a "kettle full of young squashes and their flowers boiled in water,
and a little meal mixed." Bartram considered this "but weak
food."^ The sterile or staminate flowers were employed.

The Relation of 1638-39 states that "the usual sauce with
the food is pure water, juice of corn or of squashes."

LEAF, STEM, AND BARK FOODS.

Extensive use was made by the Iroquois of the vegetative
parts of various plants, trees, and shrubs. They were in many
cases considered great delicacies and were usually collected in
the earlier part of the season, while young and tender. Many of
them are still in use and include the following, which are cooked
like spinach and seasoned with salt, pepper, or butter.

Milkweed, Asclepias syriaca, ua.'gw%'sda.' (On.), or tganpha"-
sahi's (On., "milk comes out"), utshe'wa'nda (Mo.),
gang'kwais (Ca.) ; used in three ways :

1. The young plants, stem and leaves.

2. When the stem becomes a little more mature, the

leaves only are used.

3. The immature flower clusters.

Plants with white leaves should not be used. These are

o'tgQ (On., "witch"). Informant, J. Jamieson, jun.
Waterleaf, Hydrophyllum virginianum, uatsg^'da' (On.),

u'si'iuks (On.), ora'sge'^da' (Mo.) : the leaves or young

plants.
Marsh marigold, Caltha palustris, ganawaha'ks (On.,

"makes a hole in the swamp"), ganawaha's (Ca.).
Yellow dock, Rumex crispus, die'da' (On.), i'died? (Mo.),

ganu'da' (Ca.): the young leaves, before the stem

appears.
Pigweed, Chenopodium album, ganadang'^wi* (On.), skana-

dany'wt' (Mo.), gwrsgwts gadiwano'gras (Ca., "pig

eats it").
Lamb's quarters, Amaranthus retroflexus (Onondaga name

same as preceding), diunhcgg (Ca.).
Mustard, Brassica, various species, more particularly B.

nigra, udji'tgwa' niaw5hu"d4: (On.).

' Bartram, Journal, p. 59.

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Purslane, Portulaca oleracea, udji'nowanhe"da' (On.), nonia-

gai'i'i' uhiagwi'ia' (On., "partridge toes"), daksai'das

usrda' (Ca., "chicken feet"), udja'sgw§'da' (Ca.).
Dandelion, Taraxicum officinale, udji'tgwa' niaw^hu''dq.

(On., "yellow flower"), odji'n'gwal' niyudji'djo"DTj

(Oneida), ugah^do'nig (Ca., "holes in the stem").
Burdock, Arctium Lappa, unpgwa'si'wane's (On.): the

young leaves are used.
Nettle, Urtica dioica, gohe"cra's (Ca.)
Skunk cabbage, Symplocarpus fcetidus (Mo. o'se'dg"):

(Ca., unra'dowa'nes ganQ''sagras) ; the young leaves

and shoots.
Leek, Allium tricoccum, u'np'sa' gpda'dowani'yu' (On.,

"onion wild").
Wild garlic. Allium canadense, u'ng'sa' ga'npsuha'ha' (On.).
Wood betony, Pedicularis canadensis, and P- lanceolata,

gwcdis (Ca.), gw5''dis (On.).
Sjensitive fern, Onoclea sensibilis, dwa'hydes gananitsga'-

kwa' (Ca., "deer, what they lie on"), uni'suwekwa'

(On., "bait").
A number of plants, such as the sheep sorrel, purslane,
dandelion, water-cress, burdock, yellow dock, the mustards,
and pigweed, are considered to be European introductions, a
further illustration of the readiness of the Iroquois in the adop-
tion of new materials.

Other plants are said to have been eaten raw, in some cases
with salt. These include:

Watercress, Radicula nasturtium-aquaticum, ma^daks (On.),

diusai"dawit (Ca., "pepper, tastes like").
Peppermint, various species, u'nai'yunt (Ca.).
Oxalis, OxaUs corniculata, deyuhiyu''djis awenU"gaa' (On.,

"sour plant")
Sheep sorrel, Rumex acetosella, qsu'tha' utgw^^da' niyut

(On., "paint, red, like").
Leek and wild garlic. The bulbs, consisting of the fleshy

bases of the leaves, are also eaten raw.
Among the foods derived from the bark or branches of trees,
shrubs, and woody vines are:

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Grapevine, Vitis vulpina, u'Dipgwi'saa' (On.): the fresh

shoots are eaten, without peeling.
Sumac, Ehus glabra, utgo''da' (On.) : the fresh shoots peeled

and eaten raw.
Red Raspberry, Rubus aculeatissimus, na'djiu''gwa' (On.);

the fresh shoots are peeled and eaten.
Pine, Pinus strobus, and others, u'na''da' (On.), u'ne'dago'wa
(Mo., white pine), gaiyydara'ggi (Mo., white pine).
Cornstalk: sections are cut between the joints and chewed

to quench the thirst; said to have a sweet taste.
Bark of the soft maple, Acer rubra and A. saccharinum,
aw§ha'tgwa (On.); the bark is dried beside the fire, then
pounded in the mortar, sifted, and made into a bread;
said not to taste badly.
Bark of the hard or sugar maple,' Acer saccharum, uhwa^da'

(On.) : is used in the same way as the preceding.
Deer excrement was, until quite recently, gathered and made
into a soup by itself, or a small quantity was tied up in a cloth
and placed with the corn when the latter was half cooked. This
is said to have been "strong stuff." It seems to have been some-
what of the nature of an emergency food, or one used principally
by poor people. Informants: David Jack and John Jamieson,
jun.

ROOT FOODS.

Roots" of various wild and cultivated plants were evidently
used extensively and a few, such as the wild potato, the arti-
choke, and the pepper-root, are still eaten by some of the older
people.

The roots of the yellow pon'd-lily, Solomon's seal, the Indian
turnip, and skunk cabbage are referred to as having been used
in the Iroquois area, but have been practically forgotten by
present-day Iroquois.

' Used also by neighbouring Algonkin tribes, such as the Montagriais.
See Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. VI, pp. 271, 273.
» On., ukde'ha'.

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The common potato, although a native to America,' was
a comparatively recent introduction among the eastern wood-
lands tribes, arriving there with the general adoption of Euro-
pean products. The tubers of the Apios tuberosa axe. often re-
ferred to as potatoes and are sometimes planted in suitable
locations, though they are not, strictly speaking, cultivated.
A couple of interesting old varieties of potatoes were obtained
from Alexander Snider of Tonawanda. These are described in
the list of roots appended.

Crinkle root or pepper root, Dentaria diphylla, ikde'heks
(On.): eaten raw with salt. Some boil them. A
Mohawk recipe is to wash the roots and add vinegar.

Also Dentaria laciniata, ukde'huwi (Ca.).

Groundnut, or wild potato, Apios tuberosa, ho'nonda' (Ca.),
unanu"gwa' (On.), gwehywene'ha' o"nena'da' (Mo.,
"Indian potato").

Burdock, Arctium Lappa, onpgwa^si'wane's (On.). The
roots were dried by the fire, then stored away for
winter use. To prepare them, they were soaked and
boiled to a sort of soup.

Claytonia, or spring beauty, Claytonia virginica, ganenu'-
gQ'ta' (On.).

Artichoke, Helianthus tuberosus, unanu"gwa' (On.): used
raw, boiled, or fried.

Potato, Solanum tuberosum, hononda'g'wi (Ca., "old-fash-
ioned potato"), ona'nq,'da' (Sen.).

Two very old varieties of potato, cultivated by Alexander
Snider, Seneca, of Tonawanda, were: the "Merino," a reddish-
coloured potato, medium size, rather long and with deep eyes,
Seneca name na'n^'des or "long potato"; the "horn" potato
(Sen., onQ"gaa' ona'n^'da', or "horn potato"), small in size,
elongated and tapering to one end, like a small horn; skin, dark
purplish, considered to be especially suitable for baking.

^ Sturtevant, Kitchen Garden Esculents, p. 542.
De Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants, p. 49.

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GENERAL BOTANICAL TERMS.

Plant (of any kind), odjigo"djia' (On.), awenu^gaa' (On.).

Plant (growing in bush), ga'hagpha" awenu"gaa' (On.).

Vine, u^'sts (On.).

Bush, ohp'da' (On.).

Sapling, uwenawg" (On.).

Tree, nigaie'nda'sa' (On.), krai'et (Ca.).

Large tree, gaiendowa'ne (On.).

EDIBLE FUNGI {On., un&'sa'; Ca., unra'^sa').

A number of kinds of fungi are used by the Iroquois, and
were probably employed even more extensively in former times.
Among the kinds enumerated by informants were:

Common mushroom, Agaricus campestris, una'sa' (On.),
anahau'tra' (Ca., '.'hat" or "cap"), e'skan agohii"da'
(Mo., "ghost's ears").
Morel, Morchella, several species, Uya'g^"da' (On., "penis"),

ohQ'-da' (Ca., "ear").
Puflball, Lycoperdon giganteum and other species, duwatage-
hanegq,us (Ca., "smoke shoots out"), o'tgij raona'daro
(Mo., "devil's bread"), dewadi^e'gwae'gwas ona-'sa'
(On., "smoking fungus"), deyutwi'no'ni's una'sa' (On.
"round fungus").
John Jamieson, jun., stated that it is not a good thing to
eat the puffball, as one will become jealous. The name he gave
for the fungus was utsD"gwa' (On.).

Polyporus fungi, various species, ^ unra"sa' (Ca.), una'sa'
(On.). These were most commonly boiled, or used as an
ingredient of soups. One informant stated that they were boiled

' According to Chief Gibson, the edible Polyporus fungi are differentiated
according to the kind of tree on which they grow. Those growing on maples
are uhwa"da' una'sa'; on hickories, unanu'gaa una'sa'; on swamp oaks,
ganawago'ha' una'sa'; on white oaks, ga^dag^'ada" una'sa'; on red oaks,
gai'fdi' una'sa'. A Polyporus found growing on rotten pine stumps is called
una'sa' ukdjinudo'nig netu" una'sudo'niQ ("fungus on rotten stump growing"),
A number of the Polyporus fungi are edible, including P. frondosus, P. pini-
cola, P. sulphureus. The last was described accurately by the same informant.

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for a few minutes, then drained and boiled again until thoroughly
done. At present they are frequently fried in butter and
seasoned as required.

Fried Mushroom — gandsage'i'da'wi' (On.).

Bring a kettle of water to a boil, add the mushrooms (Poly-
porus or other kinds), boil for ten or fifteen minutes, drain;
then fry the mushrooms in butter or grease, with a little water
added, seasoning as desired. The common mushroom and the
puff ball are first peeled, then cooked as described.

Mushroom Soup — una'sa' u'nega'gei' On.).

Boil the mushrooms as described in the preceding recipe,
drain, add more hot water and also some kind of meat, such as
pork; boil until the meat is cooked.

NUTS AS FOOD (nUT, U"SU"GWA', ON.).

A considerable variety of edible nuts are met with throughout
the Iroquois country and were not only eaten raw, but were
also incorporated into other foods. At present they are usually
cracked and eaten as a treat during the winter.

The gathering of nuts was usually left to the women and
children, who gathered the harvest after the frosts had brought
it down. The hickory nut seems to have been the most widely
esteemed.

The acorn was used quite commonly, probably more par-
ticularly the sweet kinds, such as those of the white oak {Quercus
alba), the chestnut oak {Quercus Prinus), and some others.
Even the bitter acorns of the red and black oak were used in
times of necessity, and also the nuts of the bitter hickory. The
Hurons are said to have prepared them by "first boiling them in
a lye made from ashes, in order to take from them their exces-
sive bitterness."^ According to another writer "they (the

> Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXXV, p. 99.

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Hurons) also make provision of acorns, which they boil in several
waters to remove the bitterness, and consider them very good."'
Nut-cracking outfits, consisting of a couple of rounded
stones with pitted centres, were used in removing the shells.
Many of the older people still remember these and a few speci-
mens are occasionally found.

Nuts Used by Iroquois:

Hickory, Carya ovata, unanu'gaa (On., "shell bark"),
onendoga'a' (Ca.).

Bitter hickory, Carya cordiformis, oso"gwadji'wag4 (On.,

"bitter nut"), unpa'd^s (Ca.).
Walnut, Juglans nigra, deyutsu"gwagwi"noni' (On., "round

nut"), nyugwagwi'noni' (Ca.).
Butternut, Juglans cinerea, ' sa'su^gwis or dju"so"gwts

(On., "long nut"), uge'hwa' (Ca.).
Hazelnut, common, Corylus americana, niyuhagwa'ha us-

tu'tsha' (On.), uso'witra' (Ca.); beaked, Corylus

rostrata, u'hts ustu'tsha' (On.).
Beechnut, Fagus grandifolia, utsg^''^'-
Chestnut, Castanea dentata, uheya''da' (On.), uhi'da' (Ca.).
Acorns:

Swamp oak, Quercus bicolor, ganawagpha' u'su^gwa'
(On.).

White oak, Quercus alba, gai't'di' u*su''gwa' (On.),
gaga'da' (Ca.).

Red oak, Quercus rubra, go'wi' (Ca.).

The Chestnut oak {Quercus Prinus) was probably
included.

Nuts Used in Bread-making.

A Cayuga informant* stated that the older people used to
crush the meats of the hickory, walnut, butternut, and chest-

' Sagard, Voyages, vol. I, p. 97.

' Wife of late Chief John Gibson, Grand River reservation.

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nut, and mix them with the cornmeal for bread. Beans or ber-
ries were also added in the usual way. Any kind of nut, except
acorns, might be used.

Nut-meat Gravy.

The meats of the hickory, walnut, and several others, were
pounded, boiled slowly in water, and the oil, skimmed off into
a bowl. The oil was boiled again and seasoned with salt. This
was used with bread, potatoes, pumpkin, squash, ' and other
foods.

Nut-meat oil was often added to the mush used by the
False-face Societies. The oil was also formerly used (like sun-
flower oil) for the hair, either alone or mixed with bear's grease.
Lafitau remarks that the mixture was used as a preventive of
mosquitoes.

Nut-meat with Potatoes.

The meats left after skimming off the oil were often seasoned
and mixed with mashed potatoes.

Nut-meats in Hominy and Corn Soup.

Nut-meats were also crushed and added to hominy and corn
soup to make it rich. This was described by several informants.

That this method was common in the Iroquois area is sug-
gested by Hariot, who states that "besides their eating of them
after our ordinary maner, they breake them with stones and
pound them in morters with water to make a milk which they
use to put into some sorts of their spoonemeat; also among their
sodden wheat, peaze, beanes and pompions which maketh
them have a farre more pleasant taste."

Other Terms {On.).

Shuck (outer covering), o'kda'; also applied to the shell.

Nut-meat, u'nie'e'.

A spoiled meat, uhetg?"!'.

An empty or shrivelled nut, odji'-sw^.

Nutting-time, utci"sa"io'ne.

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I shuck the nuts, wa'gekdu''tca'.
I crack nuts, degatso"giaks.
The nuts are ripe, utci'sa"i'.
I gather nuts, kso"gwanQ'gw?'s.

FRUITS USED AS FOODS.

Berries and wild fruits generally have always been favourite
aboriginal foods and were found in profusion in all parts of the
Iroquois area. Bressani refers to the use by the Hurons of
"strawberries, of two sorts; the blackberries, which grow on
briars; the hazelnuts, and certain haws, and the wild plum.
The walnuts have scarcely anything but the shell, and the cher-
ries are no larger than a pea, — being little else than stone and
skin, and very sour. There are some wild vines (grapes?), but
in small quantity, nor are they esteemed by the Barbarians
themselves; but do they esteem highly a certain fruit of violet
colour, the size of a juniper berry (the blueberry?)"^ Le
Jeune states, that "strawberries, raspberries and blackberries
are to be found in almost incredible quantities. We gather
plenty of grapes, which are fairly good."^ Among the fruits
elsewhere referred to are the cranberry, mandrake, and pawpaw,'
the latter being found in southern Ontario, New York state,
and southward.

Following the discovery, a number of European products
were quickly adopted. The records of Sullivan's campaign of
1779 repeatedly refer to the orchards of apple, peach, and other
kinds of fruit trees found, cis well as to the general advancement
of the Iroquois in horticulture. The pear and cultivated cherry
were also introduced.

Among the earliest berries to ripen is the strawberry, which
is followed closely by the raspberry and others. These welcome
events are celebrated by longhouse ceremonies in which thanks
are given, while quantities of the fruit are eaten in the feasts
which follow.

> Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXXVIII, p. 243.
2 Ibid., vol. X, p. 103.
•Ibid., vol. XLIII, p. 257.

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A number of special utensils were connected with the col-
lection and preservation of fruits. Small splint baskets for
picking are attached to the waist in front by means of a cord
passed through the handle (Plate XXXV, figs, c, d, e). The
smaller baskets are then emptied into larger pack baskets lined
with freshly-plucked basswood leaves (Plate XXXV, fig. f).
Bark receptacles for picking were probably common formerly

Figure 2. Berry picking basket of elm bark, used by Mrs. John Williams,
Caughnawaga.

(Fig. 2). As in the collection of many food materials, the pick-
ing of berries was the women's and children's employment.

Gooseberries were freed from prickles by tying them up
in the skin of an animal, and later in an ordinary grain-bag.
They were then rubbed until the prickles were broken off.

Berries not required for immediate consumption are dried.
This may be done in several ways. The fruit may be spread out
just as it is upon boards or in flat evaporating baskets (Plate
XXXV, figs, a, b), and dried in the sun or by the fire; or it

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may be mashed and afterwards placed in small cakes upon large
basswood leaves to dry. It may also be cooked and afterwards
preserved in the manner just described. It is finally stored away
in elm bark boxes or covered baskets.

Bartram, in a journey to the Iroquois country, describes
the drying of huckleberries as follows: "This is done by setting
four forked sticks in the ground, about three or four feet high,
then others across, over them the stalks of our common Jacea or
Saratula, on these lie the berries, as malt is spread on the hair
cloth over the kiln." Underneath this was kindled a "smoke
fire."^ Kalm and other writers refer to similar methods.^

When wanted for use, the cakes of dried berries are soaked
in warm water and cooked as a sauce, or mixed with corn bread.
The dried berries were often taken along as a hunting food.

Principal Varieties.

Strawberry, Fragaria virginiana, uhydadeka^gwa' (On.),

geniyuhijde'sha' (Mo.).
Wood strawberry, Fragaria vesca, var. americana, uhg'dts

uhjidadeka''gwa' (On., "tall strawberry"), dji'sQ'dak

ganadowani'yu' (Ca., "strawberry, wild").
Red raspberry, Rubus idaeus var. aculeatissimus, una'-

djiu^gwa' (On.), skanegwgdara'nq (Mo.).
Black raspberry, Rubus occidentalis, ugahe'i'gwa' (On.,

"small pieces"), tQ'daktQ (Ca., "bushes leaning over"),

or sw^'d^i niyu'yu'd^ (Ca., "black fruit").
Dwarf raspberry, Rubus triflorus, uhijdadeka"gwa' ogahe"-

gwa' (On., "berry with big eyes").
Thimbleberry, Rubus canadensis, s*a«yis (On., "long fruit")

sa'yezt' (Mo.), n^np (Ca.).
Purple flowering raspberry, Rubus odoratus, go'danuwg'kwa'

(On., "makes costive"); berry not considered edible;

the root used as a remedy in diarrhoea.
Wild gooseberry, Ribes, various species, tct'w^'dp'dQ' or

utce'hw^'da* (On.).

' Bartram, Observations, p. 73.
2 Kalm, Travels, vol. II, p. 101.

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Wild black currant, Ribes floridum, u'sg'da' skah''QskahQ'

(On.), ona'daao'hi' (Mo.)-

dju'ea'gak gQ'hiaks (On., "raccoon eats the berries").
Wild red currant, Ribes iriste, skahQ"skah9' utgw?"daa'

(On., "currant, red").
Blueberry or huckleberry, early, Vaccinium pennsylvani-

cum, also Gaylussacia baccata, uhia'dji' niyuhu'ndag-

waha (On.).
Late blueberry, V. corymbosum (?), uhia'dji' uhg'dis (On.,

"blueberry, tall").
Cranberry, V. oxycoccus and V. macrocarpon, ha"yuk

(On.).
Juneberry, Amelanchier canadensis, ga'a'dugk (On.), ha'-

dugk (Ca.).
Elderberry, Sambucus canadensis, hu'sa'ha' (On.), ora'zi

(Ca.), onaa'ra'ge'ha (Mo.).
Nannyberry, Viburnum lentago, saiya"dis (On.), also called

n^sdagw5''d5, according to one informant.
Tree cranberry. Viburnum opulus, var. americana, n^s-

dagw^"d5 (On.), djiginQistagw9"dg (Mo.).
Wintergreen, GauUheria procumbens, diyynia'gas (On.).
Partridge or squaw berry, Mitchella repens, noniagai'i'i'

gQ'hiaks (On., "partridge eats it"), gwez^' gana"ias

(Ca., "partridge eats it"), usai'sda' gQ'hiaks (On.,

"snake eats it").
Wild grape, Vitis vulpina, u"niQgwi''saa' (On.), gar'ragq'ha'

o'na'han' (Mo.).
Mulberry, Morus rubra, deyuderaha'kdp (Mo.).
Wild red cherry, Prunus pennsylvanica, ganadjie"gwa'

(On.) ; not commonly used.
Chokecherry, Prunus virginiana, nia'ta''da"ni' (On.) or

yatadani, diagunia''ta's (Ca.),

deyagonia'dawq-'iks (Mo.).
Wild black cherry, Prunus serotina, e'i' (On.), engo'a (Mo.).
Wild plum, Prunus americana, twi'sp' (On.) ; Prunus nigra,

g^ha'ha (On.).
Haws, Crataegus pruinosa, submolUs, and others, djigahe"

dis or djigahe'disgo'na' (On., "for bread"), djuga'-

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hi'des (Ca.), gana'daij'ni' (Ca. for one of the haws —

probably C. punctata), o'ggwe- u''hia', or "man's berries"

(Ca. for C. punctata}).
Apple, Pyrus malus, sowahiyu'na' (On.), zewahio'wane

deyuya^dzike'a (Mo., "the sweet apple").
Crab-apple, Pyrus coronaria, uhiadji'wag^ (On., "sour

fruit"),i

hiadjiawa'gQ (Ca.),

diuwadj i'st^u (Ca. ) .
Pear, Pyrus communis, utshe°da' u'hia' (On., "like a jug,

fruit").
Peach, Prunus persica, gQ'^hwai't' (On.).
Pawpaw, Asimina triloba; southern Ontario, New York state,

and southward.
Mandrake, Podyphyllum peltatum, ugwa'e' (On.), oskp-

wi'da' (On.), ungi'hyste' (Mo.), ganyu'u' ogwa'a' (Sen.,

wild orange).
Ground cherry, Physalis, various species, dji'ha' u'hia'

(On., "dog-berry"), gashe'w^dgta' (Sen., "bells").

Other Terms (Onondaga).

Berry-bush, u'hia' uhg'da'.

Blossoms, uw^'ha'.

Prickles, uhwi'kda'.

Berry-patch, wahiaye'ntwi".

Dried berries, u'hia'ta wahiata''di'.

Berry seeds, uhia udie'tsha'.

Evaporating basket, uhiata"da'kwa' gaa''saa' (for drying

berries, flat basket).
Berries are ripe, un^' uhia'i*.
I pick berries, wa'gahia'goa'.
Plenty of berries, ywada'hio'ni' (Ca.).

1 Among the various actions ascribed to "The Evil-Minded" (Oneida,
Dawi'sga'l) is the creation of the crab-apple. See also Caswell, H. S., Our
Life Among the Iroguois, p. 233.

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GENERAL FOLK-LORE ITEMS.

It was stated by Alex. Snider, Tonawanda, that God' made
the corn with plenty of oil in it. This was noticed by the Devil,
who threw ashes over it, thus destroying the oily quality. Accord-
ing to John Jamieson, sen., corn formerly produced all the
year around. You could pluck off an ear and another would
grow in its. place. The Devil, however, threw dirt on it and
covered it over, so that it has only one season now and is not so
productive.

Pines used to bear good-sized berries on the cones. The
Devil looked at them and thought they were too good for the
people, so he threw ashes on them and spoiled them.

The Devil noticed that walnuts were very thin-shelled —
in fact, had only a thin skin over them — and also possessed very
large meats. He then threw ashes over them and made the
shells hard and thick and the meats small. The last two items
are also by John Jamieson, sen.

A number of articles used in much the same way as chewing
gum were mentioned by David Jack and John Jamieson, jun.
These included: slippery-elm bark mixed with wheat; pitch
from dead pines, mixed with beeswax; the bast or inner bark of
the basswood; the buds of the basswood — ^which were said to
keep one from being thirsty; the gum of the spruce (On., skan§"-
d^s; Ca., gan?''d5s); the spongy tissue found in the teats of a
female deer, a material which is said to last well and to have no
unpleasant taste or odour.

ANIMAL FOODS.

Lahontan remarks that "these Iroquois nations are very
advantageously situated. They have a pleasant and fertile
country; but they want roe-bucks and turkeys, as well as fish,
of which their rivers are altogether destitute, insomuch that they
are forced to fish in the lake, and to broil or dry their fish with a

' "God" and the "Devil" no doubt refer here to the deities sometimes
called the "Good-minded" and the "Evil-minded," or T'harQ'hiawa"-k"h(}'
and Tawi'skarp' (names by Hewitt, Handbook of American Indians).

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fire, in order to keep them and transport (Plates XXXVI and
XXXVII) them to their villages. They are in like manner
forced to range out of their territory, in quest of beaver, in the
winter time, either towards Ganaraske, or to the sides of the lake
of Toronto, or else towards the great river of the Outaouas."*
The scarcity of meat or game in the Huron country is also fre-
quently mentioned.

A wide variety of animal foods was employed and in times
of scarcity the list was no doubt considerably extended. Most of
the smaller mammals, birds, amphibia, and even some of the
reptilia, were eaten, also many of the mollusca, Crustacea, and
insecta.

Kinds Prohibited or Avoided.

A number of more or less positive prohibitions or avoidances
are found, though there seems to be no special connexion with
totemic animals. For instance, the flesh of pregnant animals
was stated by a Cayuga^ to be "no good" and to produce diarrhoea.
Animals inhabiting graveyards should not be killed for food, or
"bad luck" will result. The spirits of dead people were stated
by the same informant to be in these animals.

As in the case of other foods, a woman at the menstrual
period is not allowed to touch meat intended for preservation or
for general household purposes, otherwise it would spoil. A
poisonous quality was also thought to be thus imparted to food.

In trapping such animals as the mink or muskrat, the car-
cass, after it has been skinned, must not be thrown upon the
ground, or the animals will be offended and no longer allow them-
selves to be taken. A Cayuga,' who furnished the information,
was accustomed to place the bodies in the crotch of a small tree.
The Relations and other early records refer to the fact that among
the Iroquois and others the bones were not allowed to be thrown
to the dogs, or non-success in hunting would result.*

• Cf. also Charlevoix, Voyages, vol. Ill, p. 118.

Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed, vol. LII, pp. 117, 119.
*John Jamieson, jun.
' John Jamieson, jun.

* Jesuit Relations, Ri G. Thwaites ed., vol. XLIV, pp. 301, 303.

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The porcupine {Erethizon dorsalis) is considered to possess
special powers and sometimes receives the appellation of "witch."
One which comes prowling around the hunter's camp should
not be molested, as he brings news. A Seneca informant'
states that he once shot one and afterward found out that a
relative had died about that time.

If you handle a star-nosed mole {Condylura cristata), with-
out killing him, you will be afflicted with headache and nose-
bleed. As a preventive, the hands should be washed at once.^

Some informants considered that those making a meal of
turtle's meat would be a long time dying,' although the flesh
was admitted to be good. The idea of sympathetic magic here
involved is common. An Onondaga* was of the opinion that it
was the heart only which should be avoided. It is said that the
flesh was formerly eaten by warriors with a view to rendering
them difficult to kill.

The wood frog {Rana cantabrigensis) has certain peculiar
powers attributed to it. If one rescues it from 'danger, such as
from being swallowed by a snake, it will, according to an old
Oneida, * afterwards assist its rescuer in time of trouble or danger.
An exact counterpart of this item, though throwing no more light
on the origin of the idea, is found in "Our Life among the Iro-
quois," by Mrs. H. S. Caswell. The dried body of this frog
is considered to possess a medicinal value. The tree-frog
{Hyla versicolor) was said by an Onondaga to be a "witch."
Deafness will result from hearing the cry of one of these
animals which has been injured.

No one, according to a Cayuga informant,* should molest
the young of the night-hawk {Chordeiles virginiana), as the old
one would swoop down upon him and deafen him by "booming'
in his ears.

^ Alex. Snider, Tonawanda, N.Y.
' John Jamieson, jun.

' The reflex movements after death continue for a long time in the turtle-
— sometimes for several days.

* Peter John, Brant County reserve.
"Anthony Day, Oneidatown, Ontario.
' John Jamieson, jun.

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The flesh of the chickadee (Parus atracapillus), an extremely
small bird, is popularly said, according to a Seneca informant,'
to make any one eating it a liar. The saying is said to have
originated in the story of a band of warriors who were refreshed
upon the meat of a single chickadee when at the point of star-
vation.^

A number of birds and animals are, at least at present, con-
sidered uneatable on account of their disagreeable flavour, or
unpopular habits of feeding.

Meat is absolutely prohibited when certain medicines are
being administered, such as those possessed by the secret socie-
ties. In some cases, after such prohibition, the first meat eaten
must be white meat, such as that of a white chicken.

Food which has been run over by mice, or by a small animal
which seems to be the skink, Eumeces quinqueUneatus (On.,
utskai^di'), will cause the teeth to decay and produce vomiting
of blood. Children are thought to be frequently killed in this
way.'

Other Ceremonial Usages.

Dog's* flesh was formerly consumed on special occasions and
as a ceremonial observance. Dog feasts,* in fact, are said to
have been offered to "Aireskoui," the Sun, who was also the god
or "demon" of war, this observance securing success in war or
hunting as well as the satisfactory interpretation of dreams and
the recovery of the sick. The burning of the white dog at
the Mid-winter Festival may be a survival of this. Stags and
bears were sometimes offered in the same way.

' Chief John Gibson.

' One chickadee was formerly said to make meat enough for five or six.
Informant, Peter John, On.

'John Jamieson, jun.

*Sagard, Voyages, vol. II, p. 215, remarks of the Huron dogs that they
"howl rather than bark, and have straight ears like foxes; otherwise they are
exactly like the medium-sized mongrels of the French villager. They serve
instead of sheep, to be eaten at feasts, they harry the moose, and discover the
lair of the beast, and are little expense to their masters." Regarding native
dogs see Darwin, Animals and Plants under Domestication, vol. I, pp. 20, 21.

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Ceremonial cannibalism was evidently quite a common
practice, the offering in this way of prisoners captured in war
being considered particularly acceptable. In some instances,
according to the Relations, the Sun was thought to be offended
and to withhold his favour because they had been remiss in tor-
turing and eating prisoners. Portions of the latter, such as the
heart, the lips, and other parts were apparently eaten from a
belief in sympathetic magic, or the ability to acquire the bravery
or other virtues of an enenly.'

Mammals.

The meat of the deer, bear, and the larger game animals is
said to have been boiled, after which the water was changed, the
meat subjected to another boiling, then removed from the pot,
and fried in grease. The soup remaining was thickened with corn
hulls or siftings. Whole corn was sometimes added instead.

A common way of preparing meat was to broil it on pointed
sticks. It was also dried on a sort of grating of sticks placed
over a fire. The fat or tallow was kept for cooking purposes.

The oil tried out in cooking the meat of bear, raccoon,
porcupine, and other animals is kept and used for medicinal
purposes, such as rubbing on the back and chest for "cramps"
and for application to newly-born infants. Deer's tallow is
particularly prized for certain purposes, such as for snow-snake
"medicine," the principle involved being the familiar one of
sympathetic magic. ^

Beaver was highly appreciated, especially the tail, the flesh
of the animal being used both fresh and smoked.'

Dried meat was sometimes boiled to soften it a little, after
which it was placed in the mortar and pounded to a sort of hash,
then boiled again, with the addition of grease and salt.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XLI, p. 53, Le Mercier re
Onondaga (1653-54).

Ibid., vol. X, pp. 227, 229.

Ibid., vol. XXVI, pp. 19 and 33, Vimont re Iroquois (1642-44).
' John Jamieson, jun., David Jack, and others.

' The use of beaver meat was described by a Seneca informant, Chief
John Gibson.

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The skunk, Mephitis mephifica, is still eaten, the meat being
considered good for all kinds of ailments.' Other animals eaten
are the woodchuck {Arctomys monax), the muskrat {Fiber
zibethicus), rabbits, hares, and all kinds of squirrels.'' The
carnivorae, generally, seem to have been avoided.

Mice are said to have been used among the early Huron,
though the description given is suggestive of the short-tailed
vole {Microtus Pennsylvanicus) .

Birds.

Among the principal birds eaten are: wild ducks, geese, the
larger owls, the partridge, quail, woodcock, snipe, plover, black-
birds, woodpeckers, the robin, the meadow-lark, and the mourn-
ing-dove. A number of others were no doubt utilized in case of
necessity. Cranes are said by Loskiel to have been "seldom
eaten." The loon was regarded as a "witch," and was conse-
quently avoided.

Owls are said to taste good. They are boiled until half
done, then roasted. The oil is saved as a medicine.

The wild turkey and pigeon were formerly found in Iroquois
territory, but have now disappeared.

Wild birds' eggs were frequently eaten, and included those
of the partridge, quail, wild duck, plover, and many others.
The young birds, just ready to hatch, are said to have been highly
esteemed.^ The number of eggs in a partridge nest are said by
John Jamieson, jun., to indicate how many years longer the finder
will live.

Batrachians and Reptiles.

Frogs of several kinds were an article of diet,^ particularly
the larger species, such as the bullfrog (Rana catesbiana) and the
leopard frog (Rana pipiens). The legs were skinned, broiled on
pointed sticks, then salted and eaten.

' David Jack (Ca.).

' John Jamieson, jun., says that he has often killed squirrels, which are
liked by the pigmies. He then offered tobacco to the latter and asked them
for luck in hunting or other such occupations. The squirrel's body was then
left upon the ground or hung up in a tree.

' Jesuit Relations, vol. XLIV, p. 299.

* Ibid., vol. XXXIX, p. 215.
10

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The wood frog {Rana cantabrigensis) was stated by an
Oneida^ to be eaten whole. It was formerly made into a soup,
though the informant preferred it fried in butter. The bodies
are dried and made into a broth, which is used medicinally.
Other small frogs were probably also employed.

Snakes were said by several informants to have been used in
former times, though this was denied by others. Charlevois
refers to the use of the rattlesnake by certain tribes, possibly
including the Hurons. The meat was cooked "like fish."^

Turtles and turtle eggs were employed quite generally, and
included such species as the snapping- turtle {Chelydra serpentina),
the painted turtle {Chrysemys picta), and the wood turtle
{Clemys insculptus).

Turtle's meat was said by Chief Gibson to be "good medi-
cine" made into either a soup or stew. The broth is considered
to be good for throat troubles, or for newly-born children.

Fish.

Fish were everywhere a favourite food (Plates XXXVIII
and XXXIX), although, as in the case of other game, the supply
was often limited.' Nearly all kinds were eaten and formed a
common ingredient of hominy, corn soup, and other preparations.
Even the intestines were utilized in former times, though not at
present, this economy having been practised when the fish were
being preserved for winter use.' Reference has been made else-
where to decayed salmon as an ingredient of soups.

Eels were smoked or dried and used like fish. Mention is
frequently made to these in the Relations and the accounts of
early writers generally. During Bartram's visit to Onondaga,
for instance, his entertainers provided "great kettles of Indian
corn soup, or thin hominy, with dried eels and other fish boiled
in it."* According to this writer, also, "they cut a stick about

' Anthony Day.

' Charlevoix, Voyages, pp. 125 and 209, vol. III.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XXXIX, p. 215.

* Martin, Life of Jogues, ed. by J. G. Shea, p. 123.

' Bartram, Observations, p. 60.

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three feet long, and as thick as one's thumb ; they split it about
a foot down, and, when the eel is gutted, they coil it between the
two sides of the stick, and bind the top close which keeps the
eel flat, and then stick one end in the ground before a good fire."*
Boiled Fish. A very simple method was to boil the fish until
tender, adding salt to suit the taste.

Fish Soup — u'nega'gei' (On.). Fish of any kind is boiled
in a pot with a quantity of water. It is then removed and coarse
corn siftings stirred in to make a soup of a suitable consistency.

Fish and Potato Soup. When potatoes are boiled, spread
the fish out on top, cover with a lid and cook. When done, re-
move the fish and add salt and pepper.

Fried Fish. Fish are sometimes fried in bear or deer grease,
salt and pepper being added. Among the kinds mentioned as
being best were some of the smaller ones, such as the stone-
carriers {Exoglossum maxillingua) and the sticklebacks {Gasteros-
teus bispinosus and Eucalia inconstans) .

Eels are usually fried. No grease is added, but just a little
water. Sturgeon is cooked in the same way, or made the basis
of corn soup, as previously stated.

Roasted Fish. The fish is cleaned and stretched open by
inserting a couple of small sticks. It is then impaled on another
sharp stick, which is stuck in the ground before an open fire.
The fish is salted before roasting.

Dried Fish. To preserve fish, cut and clean them, rub well
with salt and dry in the sun or over a fire, then place in a bark
box or other receptacle.

Another method is to roast in front of the fire, then hang in
the smoke from an open fire-place.

Additional terms {On.).

Fish, udjiii'da'.

The tail, uda"sa'.

Fins, una^wi'na'.

Scales, u'sda'.

Dried fish, ga^djigda'tha'di'.

1 Ibid., p. 33.

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Smoked fish, gai^'gwai'kdi'.
Roast fish, ga's^'yuda'.
Fried fish, g^djiQ'dag^'i'dawi'.
Boiled fish, g4djiQ*du''gwa'.
To clean fish, gaygwada^gu^.
To remove the scales, g^sd^^di'.

Crustacea.

The only crustaceans eaten by the Iroquois were the cray-
fish (belonging to the genus Cambarus). These have very little
meat upon them and are seldom bothered with at present. The
Onondaga name, udjie'ie', signifies "feet that pinch."

Cooking Recipes. According to one recipe, furnished by
Chief Gibson, the tails only are used. These are skinned and
fried in butter or grease.

Crayfish may also be boiled to make a soup, salt and other
seasoning being added. Another method is to make a stew of
wild onions or leeks, add the crayfish, also butter, pepper, and
salt.

A simpler way is to salt the crustaceans, impale them on
pointed sticks, plant one end of the stick in the ground, and
roast them before an open fire.

Still another way was to place them whole under the hot
ashes or cinders, then cut them open along the back and eat them.

Insect Foods.

Information was obtained regarding several insect foods,
and it is evident from historical records that a number of others
were employed.

Ants of various species are said, by an Onondaga informant,'
to have been eaten raw on account of the acid flavour, though
more as a luxury than as a staple.

At Onondaga Castle, N.Y.,' the larvae of the seventeen-
year locust {Cicada septendecim) were formerly ploughed or dug

• Peter John and others.

' Baptist Thomas, informant.

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up and roasted in a pot, without water. They were stirred while
cooking and, when they were thoroughly done, a little grease
was added. Some of the older people are said to make use of
them still. They are considered to be "good for the health."
An Onondaga name given was ogw^yu^da'.'

Historical Mention. Mention is frequently made by various
writers of insect foods. Loskiel, in describing the foods of the
Iroquois and the Delaware, refers to locusts, although the use of
the popular name leaves us in doubt as to whether the grasshopper
or the cicada is meant.'

Du Perron, in the Relation of 1638-39, mentions the prepara-
tion by the Hurons of "a porridge made of the mealof Indian
corn and water. . . . Sometimes the savages put in pieces
of cinders, to season the sagamitd, at other times a handful of
little waterflies, which are like the gnats of Provence; they
esteem these highly and make feasts of them."'

Brickell, "Natural History of North Carolina," records the
use of "young wasps" among the tribes of that area.

Sagard, also, was "much disgusted and disturbed to see the
Huron women eat the lice from themselves and their children;
for they ate them as if they were both good and tasty."* The
Montagnais practised a similar custom, stating that it was "not
that they liked the taste of them, but because they want to bite
those that bite them."'

Mollusca.

The various species of clams seem always to have been
favourite articles of food among the Iroquois. This is borne out
by the archaeological evidence found on village sites identified
as Iroquoian.* The genera include Anodonta, Unio, and Mar-
garitana. A Cayuga name given was ga'nu'sa'. The same name
is applied to oysters.

1 Informant, Baptist Thomas, Onondaga Castle, N.Y.
' Loskiel, Hist, of Mission, pt. I, p. 66.

• Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XV, p. 163.

• Sagard, Voyages, vol. I, p. 76.

' Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. VI, p. 245.

• Wintemberg, W. J., The Use of Shells by the Ontario Indians, Ont.
Arch. Rep., 1907, pp. 38, 39.

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The bivalves are boiled and made into soup. Milk, salt, and
butter are frequently added.

Another method of cooking, according to Chief Gibson, is
to fry them in butter or grease.

Various land and water gasteropoda were no doubt em-
ployed, particularly in times of scarcity. An Onondaga name
for water gasteropods is dji's^w^ (brains). This is also applied
to the slugs or shell-less snails. An Onondaga name for shell-
bearing gasteropoda is ungsage^dt' (they carry a house). A
Cayuga term is dri'drp'wa' (having horns).

Among the historical references to this class of foods is one
by Loskiel, who mentions the employment of "mussels and oy-
sters."!

Brickell also remarks of these that "they are only made use of
by the Indians, who eat them after five or six hours boiling to
make them tender."^ According to the same writer, certain
kinds were preserved by drying.'

SACCHARINE FOODS.

Maple Syrup and Sugar.

The sap of the maple, birch, and several other trees was
employed prehistorically. Besides its use as a beverage, it was
boiled and thickened somewhat, though its manufacture into
sugar must have been exceedingly difficult, if not impossible,
with the crude utensils at hand.

References to the employment of sap are found in several of
the earlier Relations. Nouvel, for instance, refers to a "liquor
that runs from the trees toward the end of Winter, and which
is known as 'Maple-water.' "^ This was written in 1671, and
refers to the Ottawas of Ekaentouton. Le Jeune, in 1634,
observed that the Montagnais, when pressed by famine, eat
"the shavings or bark of a certain tree, which they call Michtan,
which they split in the Spring to get from it a juice, sweet as

' Loskiel, History, pt. I, p. 66.

2 Brickell, History of North Carolina, p. 249.

•Ibid., pp. 288, 367.

< Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. LVI, p. 101.

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honey or as sugar; . . . but they do not enjoy much of it,
so scanty is the flow." Neither of the foregoing refer to sugar,
mention of which occurs only in later records.

Carr, with regard to sugar-making, considers that "As to
the maple sugar . . . there can be no doubt. It was made where-
ever the tree grew, and it found especial favour as an ingredient
in their preparation of parched corn-meal, or as we call it, nocake
or rockahominy."^ Charlevoix, on the other hand, states that
the Abnaki, "when the sap begins to rise . . . make a Jag or
Notch in the Trunk of the Maple, and by Means of a Bit of
Wood which they fix in it, the Water runs as by a Spout. . . .
It is certain that they did not know how to make a Sugar of it,
which we have since taught them. They were contented to let
it boil a little, to thicken it something, and make a Sort of Syrup."*
The latter observation seems to have been true throughout
the area occupied by the Iroquois and their neighbours, although,
with improved utensils, the making of sugar was quickly adopted.

Methods, within the historical period, appear to have
changed but little. Loskiel refers to the use of a "funnel made
of bark" which was used to convey the sap into "wooden troughs
or dishes." Basswood chips for spiles and wooden troughs are
still employed by some of the Iroquois (Plate X). Troughs
were also made of elm bark. A Cayuga informant' states
that an old-time method of tapping was by breaking the end
of a limb.

The sugar-moulds described by Loskiel were "broad, wooden
dishes of about two inches in depth." The crystallizing syrup
was "stirred about in these until cold." The sugar was also
allowed to crystallize in the kettles.* A model of a box-like
mould, held together by wooden clamps, was made for the
writer by one of the older Onondaga.' According to the latter,
the sugar was also run into small tin pans, forming cakes of a
certain weight.

'■ Carr, Food of Certain American Indians.

2 Charlevoix, A Voyage to North America, vol. I, p. 83.

' John Jamieson, jun.

'Loskiel, History, pt. I, pp. 72, 73.

' Peter John.

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The sap was stored, in preparation for boiling, in a large
wooden trough formed by hollowing out the trunk of a tree.

The hard or sugar maple {Acer saccharinum) was considered
best, although the soft maple {Acer saccharum) and the birch
were also used. Besides its food use, the sap of the soft maple is
considered valuable for sore eyes. It was stated by a Cayuga'
that hickory chips were sometimes boiled to obtain a "sweet
water," which was added to corn to make corn soup. According
to Charlevoix, the Abenaki also employed the sap of the plant or
buttonwood, the ash, walnut trees of different sorts, and the
wild cherry.'' Walnut sap is said to have been very sweet,
though the sugar made from the wild cherry is said never to have
lost its bitterness. The use of "les Noyers," or nut-bearing
trees, and the ash is confirmed by Lafitau, who remarks that the
sap of the ash, though delicate, was scanty in flow.'

Terms used {Onondaga).

Bark pot, ga'SQ''da' gana'djia'.

Sap trough, niga'hQ'wa'sa" g'gaieda'kwa'.

Sap, uwenowe'da'gei' (sweet juice), or wa'gae'da'.

Maple syrup, ohwa^da' use'sda'.

Maple sugar, ohwa"da' uwenow^'da' (or simply, uwe-

now§''da').
Spile, Q'gaieda'kwa' o'ga'e' (to stick in, chip).
Gash made in the tree, ga'o".
Sugar mould, eanaw§'daa'kwa' gahQ''saa' (to put sugar in,

box or trough).
Wooden storage trough for sap, t'negaa'kwa'.
The sap is running, ga'ne'gu's.
He is gathering the sap, hane'gai'ets.
He is boiling the sap, hoyaha"dg'.
They are boiling the sap, diuya'h^s.
He is making sugar, hainaw^'do'niaha'.
He is tapping the trees, ha'gaie'tha' (putting chips in the

tree).

' John Jamieson, jun.

' Charlevoix, A Voyage to North America, pt. I, p. 84.

' Lafitau, Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriguains, pt. II, pp. 155, 156.

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The tree is tapped, wa'ga'e'da'.

It is ready for sugaring, gondihe'do'niugk one (it is making
bubbles of steam).

Season for sugar-making, undanada'sania^ta' (fixing up the
sugar camp).

Honey.

The honey-bee {,Apis mellifica) was a European importation.
Kalm, who visited the Iroquois country in 1748-50, remarks
that "the Indians likewise generally declare, that their fathers
had never seen any bees either in the woods or anywhere
else, before the Europeans had been several years settled here.
This is further confirmed by the name which the Indians give
them: . . . they call them English flies. . . . They
have not yet been found in the woods on the other side of the
Blue Mountains, which confirms the opinion of their being brought
to America of late."*

The honey used was principally that derived from escaped
swarms, while the methods employed in locating these resemble
those of the white settlers.

Bees in the act of swarming are stopped by throwing water
upon them, or shooting near them.

When a bee-tree is chopped down, a little honey is left for
the bees in order to secure "good luck;" otherwise a man is liable
to have his game stolen by other animals, or to meet with other
troubles.

The honey is cleared of dirt and leaves by hanging it up in
a cotton bag to drain. Besides its use as a food, the honey is
considered medicinal.

A remedy for bee stings is to obtain some clover leaves, mash
them a little, and apply as a poultice. This appears to contain
the idea of sympathetic magic, the clover being the favourite
resort of bees.

* Kalm, Travels, vol. I, p. 288.

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Some Onondaga Terms.

Honey-bee, gpdianaw^donia'ha' (making honey or sweet

stuff).
Bumble bee, na'ggda'gwa'ne'gona (big bee).
Honey, use'sda'.

BEVERAGES.

Water was naturally the most common beverage. The
sites of villages everywhere are found to be in proximity to some
sort of water supply. Sometimes this was in the form of springs,
or spring creeks, rivers, or even pondholes or ditches, sources
which are still more or less in favour in many localities.

When a red blood-sucker or leech (On., djiagwai'c'nt*
utgw?"da' nigaia'do''d^') is seen in the water, the latter is
not considered fit for drinking. The people are warned
by the longhouse preachers against water contaminated in this
way and are told that it will cause them to waste away and die.*

Palisaded villages were frequently constructed so as to
provide a water supply, though the unfortunate results of neglect
in this respect were at times experienced.

One of the most easily prepared beverages was probably
that noted by Loskiel, who remarks that "the common drink of
the Indians at their meals is nothing but the broth of the meat
they have boiled, or spring water. "^ He also observed that they
"prepare a kind of liquor of dried bilberries, sugar and water,
the taste of which is very agreeable to them." These were
probably some one of several species of Vaccinium or blueberry,
although the name is sometimes popularly applied to the june-
berry, Amelanchier canadensis, and related species. The water
in which corn bread is boiled is likewise preserved for drinking
purposes.'

• John Echo and others, Grand River reserve.

^ Loskiel, Hist, of the Mission of the United Brethren, pt. I, p. 74.

' A Seneca name given by Parker is O'niyustagi'. N. Y. State Mus. Bull.,
144, p. 71; cf. also Beverly, Hist, and Present State of Virginia, p. 151.

Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XV, p. 159: "The usual sauce
with the food is pure water, juice of corn or of squashes."

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Berries were evidently quite frequently used in the prepara-
tion of drinks. These were not only noted historically, but are
popular at present. Blackberries or thimbleberries and water,
sweetened with maple sugar, is common both for home consump-
tion and in longhouse ceremonies. This drink was called uhia'-
get' (On.). The fresh berries are preferred when these are ob-
tainable, though they are also dried or otherwise preserved and
enjoyed throughout the winter. This drink is employed as a
refreshment at the meetings called hadi'hi'dus and the making
of niga'ne'gaa' medicine, as are also similar concoctions of straw-
berries and raspberries at their respective festivals. At certain
of these functions the juice is sometimes sprayed from the mouth
upon the heads of those desiring health and prosperity for the
coming season.^ In such cases the liquid must be made by those
undergoing the ceremony. Huckleberries may be used for the
same purpose. Fresh blackberries are particularly sought after
for the Big Green Corn Dance in the early autumn. The drinkers
in each case make an effort to get a share of the berries which
settle to the bottom. An active medicinal value, aside from
ceremonial uses, is ascribed to several varieties of berries and
other fruits or to beverages made from them.

Corn coffee, made after the following method, is a well-
known Iroquois beverage; whole ears of corn are dried, then
placed on the coals and turned carefully until they roast. These
are placed in a kettle of water and boiled. Sugar may be added
if desired, also buttermilk or ordinary milk. A name applied to
this by Chief Gibson is gan^hage^'da-'wi" d^yptnegQ'd^', mean-
ing "roasted corn to make a drink."

A sunflower coffee is said, by the same informant, to have
been made by roasting sunflower seeds, grinding them a little
in the mortar, sifting, and saving the shells. Boiling water
poured over the latter is said to make a beverage tasting just
like coffee. This was called q,yeditsha-'nia' (On.).

A so-called coffee was also stated to be sometimes made from
the wild plum, g^ha'ha. The plums are cut along one side, the
stones removed, and the fruit dried on boards or in evaporating

> Boyle, Dr., Ont. Arch. Rep., 1898, p. 140.

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baskets in the sun. The beverage is made by adding boiling
water to the dried fruit and is called d^yytne'gQd^:' (On.)-

The sweet juice derived from the stalks of corn is frequently
mentioned by the early writers. Loskiel states with regard to
this that the cornstalk "when unripe, is full of a sweet juice like
sugar. "^ Some of the older people still remember when sections
of cornstalk were cut and chewed as a means of allaying thirst.

Another coffee-like concoction, evidently known in Loskiel's
time, was made from chestnuts. "Sometimes they are roasted
like coffee-beans, and a kind of beverage made of them, nearly
resembling coffee in color and taste, but of a laxative nature."*

Hickory nuts, still plentiful throughout the Iroquois country,
formed the basis of a savory beverage. The writer previously
quoted observes that "the Indians gather a great quantity of
sweet hiccory nuts, which grow in great plenty in some years,
and not only eat them raw, but extract a milky juice from
them, which tastes well and is nourishing."'

A drink which was always welcomed in its appropriate sea-
son was the juice of the maple and sometimes of the birch.*
All that was necessary was a rough incision in the bark or the
broken end of an overhanging limb, with a dish of bark or wood
to catch the liquid. Lafitau mentions, among sources of sugar
or sap other than the maple, "les Noyers," members of the
hickory and walnut family, whose juice, however, would seem
to have been too strongly medicinal to have been generally in
favour.'

Maple sap is said to have been sometimes fermented and,
used as an intoxicant, though its use could never have been st,V
all common. This sometimes turned to a vinegar, which was

1 Loskiel, pt. I, p. 67.

2 Ibid., p. 70.

"Ibid., p. 71; cf. also Smith, Map of Virginia, 1612, p. 12.

* Hunter, J. D., Memoirs (London, 1824), p. 415.

' Williams, Roger, Key, p. 90: "Beere" drink is mentioned. This was
made by the English settlers from the chips of the walnut, the idea probably '
being borrowed from the Indians. The drink was said to taste good and to be
mildly laxative.

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also consumed.* The fermentation of sweet liquids and fruit
juices takes place so readily that the discovery could not have
been readily avoided. The chief difficulty seems to have been
in the lack of receptacles for keeping the beverages. In Pinker-
ton's voyages we find the assertion with regard to certain tribes
inhabiting Virginia, not far from the Island of Roanoke, that
"their drink is only water, but while the grape lasteth they drink
wine, and for want of casks to keep it, all the year after they
drink water, but it's sodden with ginger in it and black cinnamon,
and sometimes sassafras, and divers other wholesome and medi-
cinal herbs and trees."^

That wine-making was not an Iroquois custom is indicated
by Lafitau, who observed that, "the grape is found in all parts of
America; but it was nowhere cultivated by the savages, nor did
they know the secret of making wine."' Sagard remarks the
same of the Hurons.* Wine of wild grapes was given by a Caugh-
nawaga informant^ as an ingredient in a medical prescription
for bloodlessness, though there is nothing to indicate any ancient
origin.* Mohawk names for the wild grape are gar'sagyha'
or o'ngt'hart'.

Infusions of the leaves, roots, twigs, bark, or flowers of
certain plants and trees were frequently employed and quite a
number of the older people still remember their use. One of the
best lists was furnished by Mrs. John Williams (Mo.), Caugh-
nawaga:

Hemlock, ong'da'ijwt'. Take the leaves, steep, sweeten
with maple sugar, and eat with corn bread or at meals. Other
names are gan^'d^s (Ca.), san4da''ta' (Ca.), wana'djy'ni' (Mo.).

' Fermented sap is called in Onondaga, gawi'shi' uwcnaw^'da'get'. Vine-
gar is deyu'nega"hiyu"djis.

• Pinkerton, Voyages and Travels, vol. 12, p. 568.
» Lafitau, Moears, vol. I, p. 112.

• Sagard-Theodat, Voyage, vol. I, p. 71.
Hunter, J. D., Memoirs (London, 1824), p. 261.

' Mrs. Katie Dybeau.

• Lawson (per Brickell), Nat. Hist, of N. Carolina, p. 291 : "Neither were
they acquainted with any kind of intoxicating liquors before the arrival of
Christians." These were neighbours of the Iroquois.

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Black or sweet birch {Betula lento), djo'djoTg. The twigs
from the small growth are taken, made into a small bundle, and
steeped.

Sassafras, a'tsdas, was widely used. A tea was made of the
roots. This was frequently employed at weddings on account
of its agreeable odour. Loskiel states that sassafras "flowers
serve for tea."^ The tree was also highly valued for its medi-
cinal virtues. A Cayuga name is wa'a'nagras. This is rendered
in Onondaga as u'gjia'gas. A Cayuga name by J. Hess is
na'statra'.

Spicewood, dawaasery'ni, furnished its sweet-smelling twigs
and branches which were cut up and steeped. Cayuga and
Seneca names are dewatai'nias and da"dia's.

The wintergreen, dzo'dzo'rqtsera'geras (Mo.).^ was in-
cluded. The leaves of this were steeped. It is called in Onon-
daga una''dad5's.

Yarrow, deyohuda^sg, a plant which, like all the others named
was used for medicine, or as a medicinal ingredient, formed
a very agreeable drink when an infusion of suitable strength
was made. Yarrow was also called aro'zg oda''sy, or squirrel
tail. Onondaga names given are un§"da' and ga's^hayenda'-
kwa' (looking like frosty or cold weather).

Witch-hazel, dagwa'a'dro'ni' (Ca.) was stated by Chief
David Jack to be made into a decoction of suitable strength,
sweetened with maple sugar and used as a tea at meals.

The young twigs of red raspberry, gwa"dan§' (Sen.), accord-
ing to Barber Black, Tonawanda, N.Y., were stripped of the
leaves, placed in hot water and steeped, then sweetened with
sugar in the usual way.

Sumac seed clusters seem also to have been boiled, during
the autumn and winter, as a beverage. It is probable that in-
fusions of many other materials, including various edible roots,
and forming broths or soups, with more or less of a food value.

'Loskiel, pt. I, p. 115.

Hunter, J. D., Memoirs (London, 1824), p. 420.
' This means, "It smells like black birch."

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were used from time to time.' A suggestion of this is found in
the use by the Abenaki of the juice from the bruised roots of the
cat-tail and other plants. A variety of names are given for
sumac: utgo"da' (On. and Mo.), na'ju'k (Ca.), utgodago'a
(Ca.), dji'tgwa niuha'do'd^ (Ca.), dara'gwi (Mo.).

Monarda, horse-mint, or Oswego tea, as it is variously called,
Monarda fistulosa, represented the mint family, which suggests
that other mints may also have been pressed into service. Among
the more suitable for the purpose would be the peppermint,
spearmint, pennyroyal, and others. A Cayuga name for mon-
arda is ganu'da'.

Even urine seems to have been used in cases of necessity,
such as forced marches. Seaver, for instance, notes that it was
offered to captives. According to the Relations, it was also
administered at times as a medicine.

It seems somewhat surprising that corn was not fermented.
The Zunis, for instance, prepare a drink from sprouted corn.
This is claimed to be non-intoxicating. A drink is also made of
pop-corn, "ground in the finest mill. The powder is put into a
bowl and cold water is poured over it. The mixture is strained
before it is drunk. This beverage is also used in ceremonies and
during fasts of the rain priests."^ An Iroquois food-drink
resembling the latter was made by parching corn, grinding it to
a flour in the wooden mortar, and mixing it with maple sugar.
This was uped as a hunting or travelling food. A small wooden
dish was carried along and a. small quantity of the flour mixed
with cold water and drunk as required. According to Thomas
Key (On.), a small cup was used for this purpose by the hunter.

' Slippery elm inner bark is often made into a mucilaginous decoction,
considered to have a food as well as a medicinal value. This was no doubt
familiar to the Iroquois.

' Stevenson, M. C, The Zuni Indians, 23rd Ann. Rep. B. A. E., p. 369.

Adair describes a drink made of "their flinty corn," though in this case,

after pounding and sifting, they boiled the meal in large earthen pots, then

strained off the thinnest part, and diluted it with water for drinking. Hist.

of the North American Indians, p. 416.

In the Second Voyage of Sir John Hawkins, 1564, it is remarked of corn
meal that "it maketh also good beverage, sodden in water, and nourishable."
Hakluyut, Voyages, p. 46.

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so that it would not cover his eyes, and no one else was allowed
to drink from the same cup. A drink of the mixture was taken
immediately upon leaving home.

The fresh blood of slaughtered animals was employed as a
food or drink by a number of aboriginal races, but does not
seem, aside from the alleged use of the blood of captives taken
in war,i to have been particularly favoured by the Iroquois.

Grease, both in a solid and liquid condition, as well as
various animal oils, were probably quite widely used. Historical
references to their consumption by the Iroquois are found in the
accounts of the early missionaries and others.^

The ability of the Indians to go without food or drink for
long periods has been frequently remarked. Du Peron states of
the Hurons that "as for drinks, they do not know what they are,
— the sagamit6 serving as meat and drink; when not on their
journeys, they will go six months without drinking."'

SALT AS A FOOD MATERIAL.

Salt was evidently adopted principally during the later
historical period. Loskiel describes the Iroquois attitude
towards salt by stating that "neither the Iroquois, Delaware,
nor any in connexion with them, eat their meat raw, but fre-
quently without salt, though they have it in abundance."*
The fact that several old-time foods, such as corn bread, corn
and bean soup, etc., are made without salt would also indicate
that the usage is modern.

The existence of salt in New York state and in several
places in western Ontario from Kincardine to Sarnia suggests
that a special reason existed for its omission by the Iroquois.
Historical references are unanimous in stating that salt was
seldom or never used by nearly all the eastern Indians at or

> Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XLIV, p. 55.

' Ibid., vol. XLII, p. 65: Iroquois drink bear's grease. Cf. also Bartram,
Observations, p. 25.

» Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XV, p. 163. Cf. also Chau-
monot, Autobiographie, p. 56: 'La soif ne se fait jamais senti, parceque nous
ne mangeons rien de sale, et que la nourriture est toujours trfes liquide."

* Loskiel, Hist, of the Mission of the United Brethren, pt. I, p. 65.

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immediately following the discovery. Cartier noted of the
Indians met by him that "their entire living is without a taste
of salt."'' Charlevoix, Chaumonot, Carver, Jogues, Champlain,
and various writers in the Relations refer to this apparent aver-
sion to salt, both among the Iroquois and among the Algonkin
tribes to the north and east of them.

Hoffman remarks that "Salt is not used by the Menomini
during meals, neither does it appear to have a place in the kitchen
for cooking or baking. Maple syrup is used instead, and it is
singular how soon one may acquire the taste for this substitute
for salt, even on meats."'' Lafitau and others comment on the
use of maple syrup and sugar in cookery.^ The fact that no
salt was used by the Montagnais is repeated again and again
in the Relations.

The Mandans were found by Catlin to be non-users of salt,
though their country abounded in the material.* Other Siouan
tribes, such as the Omaha, collected the mineral for use. The
Shawnee, unlike their more northern relatives, were famed
as salt-makers.

A desire for some saline material was shown by certain
tribes. The Cherokee, an Iroquoian tribe residing to the south-
west, used lye, and salt is even yet seldom employed by the eastern
division of the tribe. Beverly writes regarding the Indians of
Virginia, that "they have no Salt among them, but for seasoning,
used the Ashes of Hiccory, Stickweed, or some other Wood or
Plant, affording a Salt ash."^ Hariot also reports that "there is
an hearbe which in Dutch is called Melden. Some of those that
I describe it unto, take it to be a kind of Orage; it groweth about
foure or five foote high: of the seede thereof they make a thick
broth, and pottage of a very good taste: of the stalks by burning
into ashes they make a kind of salt earth, wherewithall many use
sometimes to season their brothes; other salte they knowe not."'

1 Cartier, Bref RScit, p. 25.

2 Hoffman, W. J., The Menomini Indians, 14th Ann. Rep. B.A.E., p. 286.
' Lafitau, Moeurs, vol. II, p. 157.

* Catlin, G., Letters and Notes, pp. 124, 125.

'Beverly, The History and Present State of Virginia, vol. Ill, p. 15.
° Hariot, A briefe and true report. Cf. also Lawson, Nat. Hist, of North
Carolina (per Brickell), p. 401 and p. 340.

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The Hurons, according to the Relations, sometimes "put in
pieces of cinders, to season the sagamit^,"' and used "no salt
or other condiment" of this nature.

A possible explanation of the Iroquois non-use of salt may
be, as suggested by Beauchamp, that their original habitat was
in some area where salt was not readily obtained.'' Some weight
is added to this by the fact that neither the Eskimo nor the
northern Algonkins favoured its use. The objections are still
advanced by some of the older men on the various reservations
that physical deterioration generally and such ailments as decay
of the teeth and other complaints result from eating salt.

The Iroquois, in fact, seem to have retained this attitude as
late as 1654. Marie de 1' Incarnation, for instcuice, relates that
the Iroquois supposed the water of a certain salt spring to be
poison and thought that it was by a miracle that the French
obtained salt from the water.' This is confirmed by an obser-
vation of the missionary le Moine that the Onondagas dared not
drink of a salt spring which he visited, holding that there was
an evil spirit in it which rendered it foul.*

The gradual adoption of salt is noted by a number of early
writers. Even the Montagna,is began eventually to use it, and
the decreasing prejudice of the Iroquois is remarked by Conrad
Weiser, who, about the year 1737, went with his host to see a
salt spring from which the Indians boiled "handsome salt for
use."

A later adaptation of the use of salt is probably to be found
in certain medicinal uses. Loskiel cites the fact that "Salt has
lately been found (1794) to be a powerful antidote (for rattle-

1 Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XV, p. 163.

^ Sagard-Theodat, Voyages, vol. I, p. 63, speaking of the Hurons, though
apparently rather erroneously with regard to distance from salt springs,
states that "we found ourselves very well while not eating salt, moreover we
were nearly three hundred leagues from any salt waters. And upon my re-
turn to Canada (Quebec) I was ill from eating it at first, after having abstained
from it so long; which makes me think that salt is not necessary to the pre-
servation of life or health."

* Marie de I'lncarnation, Lettres, t. II, p. 64; quoted in Jesuit Relations
R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XLI, p. 256.

* Jesuit Relations, R. G. Thwaites ed., vol. XLI, pp. 123, 125.

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snake bite); and if immediately applied to the wound, or dis-
solved in water and used as a lotion, no danger is to be feared."'
It was also looked upon as a counteractant to witchcraft, the
same writer remarking that "the Indians say that their poison
and witchcraft has no effect upon white people, because they
eat so much salt in their victuals. "^

A salt remedy, obtained among the Cayugas of Brant
county,' was claimed to be effective for "inflammation of the
bowels." Salt is placed in the patient's hands and on the feet.
A decoction of black cherry bark is administered internally, and
a poultice of the boiled bark applied to the abdomen. An
Onondaga remedy for a burn or scald is to apply wet salt.

An interesting taboo or restriction with regard to the use of
salt is found everywhere in connexion with the ministrations of
the Nega'ne'ga'a'* or Little Water Company. The patient who
accepts their services and partakes of the medicine must be seen
by no one for ten days but by an attendant, must eat only bread
and cold water, and must abstain from all kinds of meat, salt,
soda, etc. When the person becomes better, a white hen, white
beans, rice, corn soup, a pig's head or other white-coloured
article of food must be prepared, after which the restrictions are
removed.'

Young people of both sexes at puberty, according to an
Oneida informant,' were formerly made to live in a shanty in
the bush, with no fire and only one blanket. They were obliged
to go in swimming, no matter how cold, and to engage in exer-
cises for warmth. They would stay there for nearly a month.
Boys were not allowed to eat anything hot at the time the voice
changed, also no salt, pepper, or other materials of the kind.
This was said to make the teeth good.

' Loskiel, Hist, of the Mission of the United Brethren, pt. I, p. 114.
"Ibid.i p. 119.

' Mrs. Peter Atkins (Ca.), informant.

* Onondaga name. This taboo is briefly noted by Adair, A Hist, of the
American Indians, p. 125.
6 Chief Alex. Hill.
' Anthony Day.

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Small bottles or receptacles for salt were formerly woven
from the dried husks of corn and are still sometimes made by
the older people. An Onondaga name given for these is unuya'
g4tsi"da' (Plate XXXI, figs, d, e).

Names for Salt.

Onondaga — udjike^'da'.

Mohawk — deyuhio'djis.

Oneida — ongda'gel' (said to be for ongda'geli').

Cayuga — dj ike'da'.

Seneca — od j i'ke'da' .

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BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Adair, James. — History of the American Indians, London, 1775.
American Anthropologist.
American Folk-Lore, Journal of.

Bartram, John. — Observations made by, in his journey from
Pennsylvania to Onondago, Oswego and the Lake Ontario
in Canada, London, 1751.

Beauchamp, W. M. — New York State Museum Bulletin 41.

Beverly, Robert. — ^The history and present State of Virginia,
London, 1705.

Boyle, Dr. David. — Ontario Archaeological reports.

Brickell, John. — ^The natural history of North Carolina (from
Lawson), ed. Dublin, 1737.

Brinton, D. G.— Myths of the New World, New York, 1868.

Bruyas. — Radices Verborum Iroquaeorum, J. M. Shea ed., Neo-
Eboraci, 1863.

Carr, Lucien. — ^The food of certain American Indians and their
methods of preparing it, American Antiquarian Society
proceedings, 1895, N. S. Vol. X.

Carr, Lucien. — ^The mounds of the Mississippi valley, Smith-
sonian report, 1891.

Cartier, Jacques. — Bref R^cit et Succincte Narration, etc.
(1535-36), Tross ed., Paris, 1863.

Carver, Jonathan. — Travels through the interior parts of North
America, London, 1778.

Caswell, Mrs. H. S. — Our life among the Iroquois Indians, Bos-
ton, 1892.

Champlain, Samuel de — Voyages of. Prince Society ed., Boston,
1878-1882.

Charlevoix, Pierre F. X. de. — ^A voyage to North America,
Dublin, 1766.

Chaumonot, Pierre J. M. — Un Missionaire des Hurons (auto-
biography), Paris, 1885.

Coyne, Jas. H., ed. — Galin^e's narrative, Ontario Historical
Society papers and records, 1903.

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De CandoUe, A. L. P., Origin of Cultivated Plants, London, 1909.

Darwin, Charles. — ^Varieties of plants and animals under domes-
tication, Vol. I, New York, 1900.

East, E. M. — A note concerning inheritance in sweet corn,
Science, N. S., Vol. XXIX.

East (E. M.) and Hayes. — Inheritance in maize. Bulletin 167,
Agricultural Experiment Station, New Haven, Conn.

Gilmore, M. R. — ^The aboriginal geography of the Nebraska
country. Proceedings of the Mississippi Valley Historical
Society, Vol. VI. '

Handbook of American Indians, Bureau of American Ethnology,
Washington, D.C.

Hariot, Thomas. — ^A Briefe and true report of the new found land
of Virginia, 1585-86, London, 1900.

Harrington, M. R. — ^Some Seneca corn foods and their prepara-
tion, American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. X, 1908.

Harshberger, J. W. — Cyclopedia of American agriculture. Vol. II.

Heckewelder, Jno. G. E. — History, manners, and customs of
the Indian nations which formerly inhabited Pennsylvania
and the neighbouring states, from translation by Du Pon-
ceau, Paris, 1822.

Hennepin, Louis. — ^A new discovery of a vast country in America,
ed. by R. G. Thwaites, Chicago, 1903.

Henry, Alex. — Travels and adventures in Canada and the In-
dian territories between the years 1760-1776, ed. by Jas.
Bain, Toronto, 1901.

Hunter, J. D. — Memoirs of a captivity among the Indians of
North America, London, 1824.

Jarvis, C. D. — American varieties of beans, Cornell University
Bulletin 260.

Jesuit Relations, The, R. G. Thwaites ed.

Josselyn, Jno. — ^An account of two voyages to New England
made during the years 1638-1663, Boston, 1865.

Josselyn, Jno. — New England's rarities discovered, London,
1672.

Kalm, Peter. — Travels into North America, London, 1771.

Lafitau, Jos. Frangois. — Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains,
Paris, 1724.

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Lescarbot, Marc. — ^The History of New France, Paris, 1612.
Loskiel, G. H. — History of the mission of the United Brethren

among the Indians in North America, London, 1794, trans-
lation by La Trobe.
Mooney, Jas. — Ghost dance religion, 14th Annual Report of the

Bureau of American Ethnology.
Morgan, L. H. — League of the Ho-de-no-sau-nee or Iroquois,

New York, 1904.
Morgan, L. H. — Houses and house life of the American

aborigines, Washington, D. C, 1881.
Norton, A. T. — History of Sullivan's campaign, Lima, N.Y.,

1879.
Parker, A. C. — Iroquois uses of maize and other food plants.

New York State Educational Department Bulletin 482

(Museum Bulletin 144).
Parker, A. C. — The code of Handsome Lake, New York State

Educational Department Bulletin 530 (Museum Bulletin

163).
Pinkerton, John. — ^A general collection of. . . voyages and

travels in all parts of the world, London, 1808-14.
Russel, F. — ^The Pima Indians, 26th Annual Report of the

Bureau of American Ethnology.
Sagard-Theodat. — Le Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons, Tross

ed., Paris, 1865.
Schoolcraft, H. R. — Information respecting the history, con-
dition, and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United

States, Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge, Vol. V, part I,

Philadelphia, 1855.
Seaver, James E. — ^A narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison,

printed for R. Parkin, London, 1826.
Shea, J. G. ed. — French-Onondaga dictionary (of 1 7th century).

New York, 1859.
Shea, J. G. ed.— Life of Jogues (by Martin), New York, 1885.
Smith, Mrs. E. A. — Myths of the Iroquois, 2nd Annual Report

of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
Sturtevant, E. L. — Kitchen garden esculents of American origin.

American Naturalist, Vol. XIX.

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Sturtevant, E. L. — History of garden vegetables, American

Naturalist, Vol. XXIII.
Van der Donck. — New Netherlands (1656), New York Historical

Society Transactions, series 2, Vol. I.
Western Reserve Historical Society Tracts, No. 64.
Williams, Roger. — A key into the language of America, collec-
tions of the Rhode Island Historical Society, Providence,

1827.
Wintemberg, W. J. — ^The use of shell by the Ontario Indians,

Ontario Archaeological Report, 1907.
Wissler, Clark. — The North American Indians of the Plains,

Popular Science Monthly, May, 1913.
Wood, Wm. — New England's Prospect, Prince Society ed.,

Boston, 1865.

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Plate I.

Digging stick, made by Peter Joiin, On. Actual length about 40
inches, b. Corn washing basket of basswood inner bark. c. Planting
basket with compartments for carrying seeds which are to be planted
together, such as corn and beans. Division of Anthropology, Museum
Nos. Ill I, 900, 1010, 890, Collected by F. W. Waugh at Grand River
reserve, Ontario. (Page 15.)

12

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Plate III.

A.

B.

A. Onondaga longhouse, Grand River reserve, Ontario.

B. Lower Cayuga longhouse, Grand River reserve.

The small building at the back in each is the cook-house, where the food
is prepared for use in ceremonies. The cook-house in A was the old long-
house. (Page 12.)

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Plate IX.

Corncribof poles, farm of Jacob Schuyler, Oneidatown, Ontario. (Page 41.)

13

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177

Plate X.

B.

A. Winter caches or pits for vegetables, Grand River reserve. (Page 43.)

B. Method of tapping trees, same locaUty. (Page 141.)

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179

Plate XI.

Log houses of this kind, made like those of the early settlers, are quite common.
These have practically no aboriginal features. A pine or other tree is
often left for shade. Grand River reserve. (Page 49.)

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181

Plate XII.

Method of using bow drill in fire-making by friction. Division of Anthro-
pology, Museum No. Ill I, 764. Collected by F. W. Waugh at Tona-
wanda reserve, N.Y. (Page .50.)

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Plate XIV.

a

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Heavy pack basket for gathering wood. Actual height of specimen about
one foot. b. Pack basket made from bark of young hickories, c.
Stones used in cracking corn or nuts. d. Muller and mealing slab for
corn grinding, as used prehistorically and up to quite recent times. Divi-
sion of Anthropology, Museum Nos. Ill I, 722, 892, 740 a, b; VIII F,
5087. a and c collected by F. W. Waugh at Caughnawaga, Quebec;
b collected at Grand River reserve. (Pages 54, 59, 61.)

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187

Plate XV.

Mrs. John Williams, Mohawk, of Caughnawaga, using mealing stones. This
method is still remembered by some of the older people and was
occasionally used up to a generation or two ago. The bowl is made of
maple knot. (Pages 60, 64, 65.)

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189

Plate XVI.

Shell corn in preparation for hulling and grinding, at Six Nations reserve.
(Page 80.)

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191

Plate XVII.

Washing the corn to remove the hulls, after it has been boiled in wood ashes
or lye, at Grand Ri\-er reserve. (Page 80.)

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195

Plate XIX.

r.

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Sifting the meal after it lias been ground in the mortar at Grand River reserve.
The sifter being used is a "store" sieve. (Page 80.)

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5 Plate XXII.

c, d. Corn washing baskets, showing different styles of handle. Twilled
weave, b. Flexible washing basket made of basswood inner bark,
e. Pack basket for gathering corn. Actual height 16j inches. Division
of Anthropology', Museum Nos. flf I, 206, 719, 891 a, 891 b, 342 a.
a, c, and d collected by F. W. Waugh at Grand River reserve; b at
Caughnawaga; e collected at Grand River reserve, per Chief John
Gibson. (Pages 39, 61, 62.)

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Plate XXIII.

" c

An old form of sifting basket, made of fiickory splints, b, c. The or-
dinary form of sifting basket or sieve, made of black asli splints. Actual
width about 10 inches. Division of Anthropology, Museum Nos. Ill I,
721, 505, 271. a, collected at Caughnawaga by F. W. Waugh; b, col-
lected at Seneca reserve, Oklahoma, by C. M. Barbeau; c, collected at
Grand River reserve, by F. W. Waugh. (Pages 63, 64.)

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Plate XXV.

Bowls for bread-making and other household purposes, a is of beech, b and
d of basswood, and c of maple. Obtained from Grand River reserve.
Actual length of large bowl (d) about 2 feet, 4 inches. Di\ision of
Anthropology, Museum Nos. Ill I, 96, 621, 339, 338. a, collected by
E. Sapir; b, by F. W. Waugh; c and d per Chief John Gibson. (Page
66.)

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Plate XXVII.

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Iroquois spoons and ladles. Length of a, about SJ inches. Division of
Anthropology, Museum Nos. Ill I, 736, 273, 735, 359 a, 354, 360,
757, 796. a, c, collected by F. W. Waugh at Caughnawaga; b, d, e,
f, per John Gibson, Grand River reserve; g, by F. W. Waugh at
Tonawanda, N.Y.; h, by F W. Waugh at Oneidatown, Ontario.
(Page 67.)

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Plate XXVIII.

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Iroquois spoons and ladles. Length of a, about 8 inches. Division of
Anthropology, Museum Nos. Ill I, 274, 428, 786, 429, 16, 610, 17, 613.
a, collected per Chief J. Gibson; b, d, by A. A. Goldenweiser at Grand
River reserve; c, by F. W. Waugh at Onondaga Castle, N.Y. ; e, by
M. R. Harrington at Grand River reserve; f, h, by F. W. Waugh
at Grand River reserve; g, by M. R. Harrington at Cattaraugus,
N.Y. (Page 67.)

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215

Plate XXIX.

Bread and stirring paddles. Length of a, 22| inches. Division of Anthro-
pology, Museum Nos. Ill I, 756, 785, 49, 223, 18, 359 b. a, b, collected
by F. W. Waugh at Tonawanda and Onondaga Castle respectively;
c, by E. Sapir at Grand River reserve; d, by C. M. Barbeau at Seneca
reserve, Oklahoma; e, by M. R. Harrington at Oneida reserve; f, per
Chief J. Gibson, Grand River reserve. (Page 70.)

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Plate XXX.

Bread paddles. Length of a, 30 inches. Division of Anthropology, Museum
Nos. Ill I, 287, 899, 424, 898, 353, 352. a, b, d, collected by F. W.
Waugh at Grand River reserve; c, by C. M. Barbeau at Seneca re-
serve, Oklahoma; e, f, per Chief J. Gibson, Grand River reserve.
(Page 70.)

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219

Plate XXXI.

Knife of elm bark, used for skinning and other purposes. Actual length
about 9 inches, b. Knife made from scale of hickory bark. c. Knife-
like implement of flint, d. Corn-husk basket of a type frequently
used for holding salt for table use. e. Corn-husk bottle for salt. Actual
height, 3j inches. Division of Anthropology, Museum Nos. Ill I,
1012, 1011, 1028, 79 b, 80. a, b, collected by F. W. Waugh at Grand
River; c, collected by F. W. Waugh at Onondaga Castle, N.Y.; d, e,
by E. Sapir at Grand River. (Pages 71, 154.)

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Some Iroquois corn varieties. Division of Anthropology, Museum Nos.
(beginning at upper left-hand corner) III I, 623, 294, 265, 627, 624,
296, 295; III H, 138 a; III I, 622, 292 b, 298 a, 298 b, 835, 835 a, 835 b.
a 1-7 and b 1-4 collected by F. W. Waugh at Grand River reserve; b 5-7,
at Oneidatown, Ontario; a 8 is a variegated dent corn collected by C. M.
Barbeau at Wyandotte, Oklahoma. It is also cultivated by the Iro-
quois. (Pages 75, 76.)

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Iroquois bean varieties: e 6, Purple Flageolet; f 1, Yellow Eye; f 2, Golden Wax,
probably a hybrid of. Division of Anthropology, Museum Nos. (beginning
at upper left-hand corner) 1111,318, 972, 312, 306, 317, 299,969, 971, 958,
977, 978, 942, 967, 964, 316, 965, 941, 950, 940, 949, 968, 960, 943, 303,
944, 545, 955, 946, 956, 301, 945, 315, 961, 937, 966, 314. e 2, collected
by C. M. Barbeau at Seneca reserve, Oklahoma. The remainder collected
by F. W. Waiigh, a 1-6, b 1-3, c 2, c 3, d 2, d 6, e 1, e 3, e 4, c 6, f 2,
f 4-6 at Grand River reserve; b 4-6, c 1, c 4-6, d 1, d 3, d 4, e 5, f 1, f 3
at Oneida town, Ontario; d 5, at Tonawanda, N.Y. (Pages 103, 105,
106, 107.)

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227

Plate XXXV.

a, b. Baskets for drying berries or green corn, c, d, e. Berry-picking
baskets for attaching to the belt. f. Pack basket for carrying berries
Division of Anthropology, Museum Nos. Ill I, 751, 632, 487, 749, 748
893. a, e, d, collected by F. W. Waugh at Tonawanda, N.Y.; b,'
collected by F. W. Waugh at Grand River reserve; c, collected by C. M
Barbeau at Seneca reserve, Oklahoma. (Pages 96, 126.)

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VIethod of carrying game or provisions on pack frame
Cayuga, Grand River reserve. (Page 131.)

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PUBLICATIONS OF THE GEOLOGICAL SURVEY.

The Geological Survey was established in 1842 and "Reports
of Progress" were issued, generally in annual volumes, from that
date to 1885, the first report being that for the year 1843 pub-
lished in 1845. Beginning with the year 1885, "Annual Reports"
(new series) were published in volumes until 1905, the last being
Vol. XVI, 1904. Many of the individual reports and maps pub-
lished before 1905 were issued separately and from 1905 to the
present, all have been published as separates and no annual
volume has been issued. Since 1910, the reports have been issued
as Memoirs and Museum Bulletins, each subdivided into series,
thus: —

Memoir 41, Geological Series 38.

Memoir 54, Biological Series Z.

Museum Bulletin 5, Geological Series 21.

Museum Bulletin 6, Anthropological Series 3.

In addition to the publications specified above, a Summary
Report is issued annually; and miscellaneous publications of
various kinds including Reports of Explorations, Guide Books,
etc., have been issued from time to time.

17

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Publications Issued 1910-1915 Inclusive.

MEMOIRS.

Memoir 1. Geological Series 1. Geology of the Nipigon basin, Ontario,

1910— by Alfred W. G. Wilson.
Memoir 2. Geological Series 2. Geology and ore deposits of Hedley mining

district, British Columbia, 1910 — by Charles Camsell.
Memoir 3. Geological Series 3. Palseoniscid iishes from the Albert shales

of New Brunswick, 1910 — by Lawrence M. Lambe.
Memoir 4. Geological Series 7. Geological reconnaissance along the line of

the National Transcontinental railway in western Quebec,

1911— by W. J. Wilson.
Memoir 5. Geological Series 4. Preliminary memoir on the Lewes and

Nordenskiold Rivers coal district, Yukon Territory, 1910 —

by D. D. Cairnes.
Memoir 6. Geological Series 5. Geology of the Haliburton and Bancroft

areas. Province of Ontario, 1910 — by Frank D. Adams and

Alfred E. Barlow.
Memoir 7. Geological Series 6. Geology of St. Bruno mountain. Province

of Quebec, 1910 — by John A. Dresser.
Memoir 8. Geological Series 8. The Edmonton coal field. Alberta, 1911 —

by D. B. Dowling.
Memoir 9. Geological Series 9. Bighorn coal basin. Alberta, 1911 — by

G. S. Malloch.
Memoir 10. Geological Series 10. An instrumental survey of the shore-
lines of the extinct lakes Algonquin and Nipissing in south-
western Ontario, 1911 — ^by J. W. Goldthwait.
Memoir U. Topographical Series 1. Triangulation and spirit levelling

of Vancouver island, B.C., 1909, issued 1910— by R. H.

Chapman.
Memoir 12. Geological Series 11. Insects from the Tertiary lake deposits

of the southern interior of British Columbia, collected by

Mr. Lawrence M. Lambe, in 1906, issued 1911 — by Anton

Handlirsch.
Memoir 13. Geological Series 14. Southern Vancouver island, 1912 — by

Charles H. Clapp.
Memoir 14. Biological Series 1. New species of shells collected by Mr.

John Macoun at Barkley sound, Vancouver island, British

Columbia, 1911— by William H. Dall and Paul Bartsch.
Memoir IS. Geological Series 12. On a Trenton Echinoderm fauna at

Kirkfield, Ontario, 1911 — by Frank Springer.
Memoir 16. Geological Series 13. The clay and shale deposits of Nova

Scotia and portions of New Brunswick, 1911 — by Heinrich

Ries assisted by Joseph Keele.
Memoir 17. Geological Series 28. Geology and economic resources of the

Larder Lake district, Ont., and adjoining portions of Pontiac

county. Que., 1913— by Morley E. Wilson.
Memoir 18. Geological Series 19. Bathurst district. New Brunswick, 1913 —

by G. A. Young.
Memoir 19. Geological Series 26. Geology of Mother Lode and Sunset

mines. Boundary district, B.C., 1914 — by O. E. LeRoy.
Memoir 20. Geological Series 41. Gold fields of Nova Scotia, 1914 — by W.

Malcolm.

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Memoir 21.
Memoir 22.
Memoir 23.

Memoir 24.

Memoir 25.

Memoir 26.
Memoir 27.

Memoir 28.

Memoir 29.
Memoir 30.
Memoir 31.
Memoir 32.

Memoir 33.
Memoir 34.
Memoir 35.

Memoir 36.
Memoir 37.
Memoir 38.

Memoir 39.
Memoir 40.
Memoir 41.
Memoir 42.
Memoir 43.
Memoir 44.
Memoir 45.

Geological Series 15. The geology and ore deposits of Phoenix

Boundary district, British Columbia, 1912— by O. E. LeRoy
Geological Series 27. Preliminary report on the serpentines and

associated rocks, in southern Quebec, 1914— by J. A. Dresser.
Geological Series 23. Geology of the coast and islands between

the Strait of Georgia and Queen Charlotte sound, B.C..

1914^by J. Austen Bancroft.
Geological Series 16. Preliminary report on the clay and shale.

deposits of the western provinces, 1912 — by Heinrich Ries

and Joseph Keele.
Geological Series 21. Report on the clay and. shale deposits

of the western provinces, Part II, 1914 — by Heinrich Ries

and Joseph Keele.
Geological Series 34. Geology and mineral deposits of the

Tulameen district, B.C., 1913— by C. Camsell.
Geological Series 17. Report of the Commission appointed

to investigate Turtle mountain, Frank, Alberta, 1911, issued

1912.
Geological Series 18. .The Geology of Steeprock lake, Ontario —

by Andrew C. Lawson. Notes on fossils from limestone of

Steeprock lake, Ontario, 1912 — by Charles D. Walcott.
Geological Series 32. Oil and gas prospects of the northwest

provinces of Canada, 1913 — by W. Malcolm.
Geological Series 40. The basins of Nelson and Churchill

rivers, 1914 — by William Mclnnes.
Geological Series 20. Wheaton district, Yukon Territory,

1913— by D. D. Cairnes.
Geological Series 25. Portions of Portland Canal and Skeena

Mining divisions, Skeena district, B.C., 1914 — ^by R. G.

McConnell.
Geological Series 30. The geology of Gowganda Mining

Division, 1913— by W. H. Collins.
Geological Series 63. The Devonian of southwestern Ontario,

1915- by C. R. Stauffer.
Geological Series 29. Reconnaissance along the National

Transcontinental railway in southern Quebec, 1913 — John

A. Dresser.
Geological Series 33. Geology of the Victoria and Saanich

map-areas, Vancouver island, B.C., 1914 — by C. H. Clapp.
Geological Series 22. Portions of Atlin district, B.C., 1913 —

by D. D. Cairnes.
Geological Series 31. Geology of the North American Cor-
dillera at the forty-ninth parallel, Parts I and II, 1913 — by

Reginald Aldworth Daly.
Geological Series 35. Kewagama Lake map-area, Quebec,

1914— by M. E. Wilson.
Geological Series 24. The Archaean geology of Rainy lake,

1914 — by Andrew C. Lawson.
Geological Series 38. The "Fern Ledges" Carboniferous flora

of St. John, New Brunswick, 1914 — by Marie C. Stopes.
Anthropological Series 1. The double-curve motive in north-
eastern Algonkian art, 1914 — by Frank G. Speck.
Geological Series 36. St. Hilaire (Beloeil) and Rougemont

mountains, Quebec, 1914 — by J. J. O'Neill.
Geological Series 37. Clay and shale deposits of New Bruns-
wick, 1914^ by J. Keele.
Anthropological Series 3. The inviting-in feast of the Alaska
Eskimo, 1914— by E. W. Hawkes.

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Memoir 46. Anthropological Series 7. Classification of Iroquoian radicals

and subjective pronominal prefixes, 1915 — by C. M. Barbeau.
Memoir 47. Geological Series 39. Clay and shale deposits of the western

provinces, Part III, 1914 — by Heinrich Ries.
Memoir 48. Anthropological Series 2. Some myths and tales of the Ojibwa

of southeastern Ontario, 1914 — by Paul Radin.
Memoir 49. Anthropological Series 4. Malecite tales, 1914 — by W. H.

Mechling.
Memoir 50. Geological Series 51. Upper White River district, Yukon,

1915— by D. D. Cairnes.
Memoir 51. Geological Series 43. Geology of the Nanaimo map-area, 1914 —

by C. H. Clapp.
Memoir 52. Geological Series 42. Geological notes to accompany map

of Sheep River gas and oil field. Alberta, 1914 — by D. B.

Dowling.
Memoir 53. Geological Series 44. Coal fields of Manitoba, Saskatchewan,

Alberta, and eastern British Columbia (revised edition),

1914— by D. B. Dowling.
Memoir 54. Biological Series 2. Annotated list of flowering plants and

ferns of Point Pelee, Ont., and neighbouring districts, 1914 —

by C. K. Dodge.
Memoir 55. Geological Series 46. Geology of Field map-area. Alberta and

British Columbia, 1914 — by John A. Allan.
Memoir 56. Geological Series 56. Geology of Franklin mining camp, B.C.,

1915— by Chas. W. Drysdale.
Memoir 57. Geological Series 50. Corundum, its occurrence, distribution,

exploitation, and uses, 1915 — by A. E. Barlow.
Memoir 58. Geological Series 48. Texada island, 1915 — by R. G. McCon-

nell.
Memoir 59. Geological Series 55. Coal fields and coal resources of Canada,

191S— by D. B. Dowling.
Memoir 60. Geological Series 47. Arisaig-Antigonish district, 1915 — by

M. Y. Williams.
Memoir 61. Geological Series 45. Moose Mountain district, southern

Alberta (second edition) 1914 — by D. D. Cairnes.
Memoir 62. Anthropological Series 5. Abnormal types of speech in Nootka,

1915— by E. Sapir.
Memoir 63. Anthropological Series 6. Noun reduplication in Comox, a

Salish language of Vancouver island, 1915 — by E. Sapir.
Memoir 64. Geological Series 52. Preliminary report on the clay and shale

deposits of the Province of Quebec, 1915 — by J. Keele.
Memoir 65. Geological Series 53. Clay and shale deposits of the western

provinces, Part IV, 1915 — by H. Ries.
Memoir 66. Geological Series 54. Clay and shale deposits of the western

provinces, Part V, 1915 — by J. Keele.
Memoir 67. Geological Series 49. The Yukon-Alaska Boundary between

Porcupine and Yukon rivers, 1915- — by D. D. Cairnes.
Memoir 68. Geological Series 59. A geological reconnaissance between

Golden and Kamloops, B.C., along the line of the Canadian

Pacific railway, 1915 — by R. A. Daly.
Memoir 69. Geological Series 57. Coal fields of British Columbia, 1915 —

D. B. Dowling.
Memoir 70. Anthropological Series 8. Family hunting territories and social

life of the various Algonkian bands of the Ottawa valley,

1915— by F. G- Speck.
Memoir 71. Anthropological Series 9. Myths and folk-lore of the Timis-

kaming Algonquin and Timagami Ojibwa, 1915 — by F. G.

Speck.

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Memoir 72. Geological Series 60. The artesian wells of Montreal, 191S—

by C. L. Cumming.
Memoir 73. Geological Series 58. The Pleistocene and Recent deposits of

the Island of Montreal, 1915— by J. Stansfield.
Memoir 74. Geological Series 61. A list of Canadian mineral occurrences,

19 IS— by R. A. A. Johnston.
Memoir 75. Anthropological Series 10. Decorative art of Indian tribes of

Connecticut, 1915 — by Frank G. Speck.
Memoir 76. Geological Series 62. Geology of the Cranbrook map-area,

1915^by S. J. Schofield.
Memoir 77. Geological Series 64. Geology and ore deposits of Rossland,

B.C., 1915— by C. W. Drysdale.
Memoir 78. Geological Series 66. Wabana iron ore of Newfoundland, 1915 —

by A. O. Hayes.
Memoir 79. Geological Series 65. Ore deposits of the Beaverdell map-area,

1915 — by L. Reinecke.
Memoir 80. Anthropological Series 11. Huron and Wyandot mythology,

1915— by C. M. Barbeau.
Memoir 81, Geological Series 67. Oil and gas fields of Ontario and Quebec,

1915 — by Wyatt Malcolm.
Memoir 82. Geological Series 68. Rainy River district, Ontario. Surficial

geology and soils, 1915 — by W. A. Johnston.

MUSEUM BULLETINS.

The Museum Bulletins, published by the Geological Survey, are num-
bered consecutively and are given a series number in addition, thus: Geological
Series No. 1, 2, 3, etc.; Biological Series No. 1, 2, 3, etc.; Anthropological
Series No. 1, 2, 3, etc.

In the case of Bulletins 1 and 2, which contain articles on various subjects,
each article has been assigned a separate series number.

The first Bulletin was entitled Victoria Memorial Museum Bulletin;
subsequent issues have been called Museum Bulletins.

Mus. Bull. 1. Geological Series 1. The Trenton crinoid, Ottawacrinus,
(Issued 1913). W. R. Billings— by F. A. Bather.

Geological Series 2. Note on Merocrinus, Walcott — by F. A.

Bather.
Geological Series 3. The occurrence of Helodont teeth at

Roche Miette and vicinity. Alberta — b}^ L. M. Lambe.
Geological Series 4. Notes on Cyclocystoides — by P. E,

Raymond.
Geological Series 5. Notes on some new and old Trilobites in

the Victoria Memorial Museum — by P. E. Raymond.
Geological Series 6. Description of some new Asaphidae — by

■ P. E. Raymond.
Geological Series 7. Two new species of Tetradium — by P. E.

Raymond.
Geological Series 8. Revision of the species which have been

referred to the genus Bathyurus (preliminary report) —

by P. E. Raymond.
Geological Series 9. A new Brachiopod from the base of the

Utica — ^by A. E. Wilson.
Geological Series 10. A new genus of dicotyledonous plant

from the Tertiary of Kettle river, British Columbia —

by W. J. Wilson.
Geological Series 11. A new species of Lepidostrobus — by

W. J. Wilson.

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VI

Geological Series 12. Prehnite from Adams sound, Admiralty

inlet, Baffin island, Franklin — by R. A. A. Johnston.
Biological Series. 1. The marine algae of Vancouver island —

by F. S. Collins.
Biological Series 2. New species of moUusks from the Atlantic
and Pacific coasts Of Canada — by W. H. Dall and P.
Bartsch.
Biological Series 3. Hydroids from Vancouver island and

Nova Scotia — by C. McLean Fraser.
Anthropological Series 1. The archaeology of Blandford town-
ship, Oxford county, Ontario — by W. J. Wintemberg.

Mu3. Bull. 2. Geological Series 13. The origin of granite (micropegmatite)

(Issued 1914). in the Purcell sills— by S. J. Schofield. _

Geological Series 14. Columnar structure in limestone — by

E. M. Kindle.
Geological Series 15. Supposed evidences of subsidence of the
coast of New Brunswick within modern time — by J. W.
Goldthwait.
Geological Series 16. The Pre-Cambrian (Beltian) rocks of
southeastern British Columbia and their correlation by
S. J. Schofield.
Geological Series 17. Early Cambrian stratigraphy in the
North American Cordillera, with discussion of Albertella
and related faunas — by L. D. Burling.
Geological Series 18. A preliminary study of the variations
of the plications of Parastrophia hemiplicata. Hall —
by A. E. Wilson.
Anthropological Series 2. Some aspects of puberty fasting
among the Ojibwa — by Paul Radin.

Mus. Bull. 3. Geological Series 19. The Anticosti Island faunks, 1914 — ^by
W. H. Twenhofel.

Mus. Bull. 4. Geological Series 20. The Crowsnest volcanics, 1914 — by J. D
MacKenzie.

Mus. Bull. 5. Geological Series 21. A Beatricea-like organism from the
middle Ordovician, 1914 — by P. E. Raymond.

Mus. Bull. 6. Anthropological Series 3. Prehistoric and present commerce
among the Arctic Coast Eskimo, 1915 — by V. Stefansson.

Mus. Bull. 7. Biological Series 4. A new species of Dendragapus (Dendra-
gapus Obscucus Flemingi) from southern Yukon Terri-
tory, 1914 — by P. A. Taverner.

Mus. Bull. 8. Geological Series 22. The Huronian formations of Timiskaming
region, Canada, 1914 — by W. H. Collins.

Mus. Bull. 9. Anthropological Series 4. The Glenoid Fossa in the skull of
the Eskimo, 1915 — by F. H. S. Knowles.

Mus. Bull. 10. Anthropological Series 5. The social organization of the
Winnebago Indians, an interpretation, 1915 — by P.
Radin.

Mus. Bull. 11. Geological Series 23. Physiography of the Beaverdell map-
area and the southern part of the Interior plateaus of
British Columbia, 1915 — by L. Reinecke.

Mus. Bull. 12. Geological Series 24. On Eoceratops Canadensis, gen. nov.,
with remarks on other genera of Cretaceous horned dino-
saurs, 1915 — by L. M. Lambe.

Mus. Bull. 13. Biological Series 5. The double-crested Cormorant (Phala-
crocorax Auritus) and its relation to the salmon industries
on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 1915 — by P. A. Taverner.

Mus. Bull. 14. Geological Series 25. The occurrence of glacial drift on the
Magdalen islands, 1915 — by J. W. Goldthwait.

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Mus. Bull. IS. Geological Series 26. Gay Gulch and Skookum meteorites

1915— by R. A. A. Johnston.
Mus. Bull. 16. Anthropological Series 6. Literary aspects of North American

mythology, 1915 — by, P. Radin.
Mus. Bull. 17. Geological Series 27. The Ordovician rocks of Lake Timis-

kaming, 1915— by M. Y. Williams.
Mus. BtJLL. 18. Geological Series 28. Structural relations of the Pre-Cam-

brian and Palaeozoic rocks north of the Ottawa and St.

Lawrence valleys, 1915 — ^by E. M. Kindle and L. D.

Burling.
Mus. Bull. 19. Anthropological Series 7. A sketch of the social organization

of the Nass River Indians, 1915 — by E. Sapir.
Mus. Bull. 20. Geological Series 29. An Eurypterid horizon in the Niagara

formation of Ontario, 1915 — by M. Y. Williams.
Mus. Bull. 21. Geological Series 30. Notes on the geology and palseon-

tology of the lower Saskatchewan River valley, 1915 —

by E. M. Kindle.

UNCLASSIFIED.

Report on a geological reconnaissance of the region traversed by the
National Transcontinental railway between Lake Nipigon and Clay lake,
Ont., 1910— by W. H. Collins.

Report on the geological position and characteristics of the oil-shale
deposits of Canada, 1910— by R. W. Ells.

A reconnaissance across the Mackenzie mountains on the Pelly, Ross,
and Gravel rivers, Yukon and North West Territories, 1910 — by Joseph Keele.

Summary Report for the calendar year 1909, issued 1910.

Report on a traverse through the southern part of the North West Terri-
tories, from Lac Seul to Cat Take, in 1902, issued 1911— by Alfred W. G.
Wilson.

Report on a part of the North West Territories drained by the Winisk
and Upper Attawapiskat rivers, 1911 — by W.McInnes.

Report on the geology of an area adjoining the east side of Lake Timii-
kaming, 1911 — by Morley E. Wilson.

Summary Report for the calendar year 1910, issued 1911.

Summary Report for the calendar year 1911, issued 1912.

Guide Book No. 1. Excursions in eastern Quebec and the Maritime
Provinces, parts 1 and 2, 1913.

Guide Book No. 2. Excursions in the Eastern Townships of Quebec and
the eastern part of Ontario, 1913.

Guide Book No. 3. Excursions in the neighbourhood of Montreal and
Ottawa, 1913.

Guide Book No. 4. Excursions in southwestern Ontario, 1913.

Guide Book No. S. Excursions in the western peninsula of Ontario and
Manitoulin island, 1913.

Guide Book No. 8. Toronto to Victoria and return via Canadian Pacific
and Canadian Northern railways; parts 1, 2, and 3, 1913.

Guide Book No. 9. Toronto to Victoria and return via Canadian Pacific,
Grand Trunk Pacific, and National Transcontinental railways, 1913.

Guide Book No. 10. Excursions in northern British Columbia and
Yukon Territory and along the north Pacific coast, 1913.

Summary Report for the calendar year 1912, issued 1914.

Prospector's Handbook No. 1. Notes on radium-bearing minerals,
1914 — by Wyatt Malcolm. .

The archaeological collection from the southern interior of British Colum*
bia, 1914— by Harlan I. Smith.

Summary Report for the calendar year 1913, issued 1915.

Summary Report for the calendar year 1914, issued 1915.

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