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Univerfity of Oxford.
in the
CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
3 1924 103 071 399
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
Cornell University
Library
The original of tiiis book is in
tine Cornell University Library.
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the United States on the use of the text.
http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924103071399
THE
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND
FROM A(;RIC0LA'S INVASION TO THE
REVOLUTION OF 1688
JOHN HILL BURTON
VOL. VII.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS
EDINBURGH AND LONDON
MDCCCLXX
(T
//CORNELL^
UNIVERSITY
JBRARY.,
0^3
CONTENTS OF SEVENTH VOLUME.
CHAPTER LXXr.
PACK
THE TWO PARTIES IN THE NORTH THE POWER OP IIUNTLY
FORCES AVAILABLE IN THE SODTII OP SCOTLAND — GENERAL
ALEXANDER LESLIE THE SCOTS TRAINED IN THE THIRTY
years' WAR COLLECTION OF MONEY AND RECRUITING THE
GREAT GENERAL ASSEMBLY' AT GLASGOW ITS IMPORTANCE
AND PICTURESQUENESS THE RECOVERY OF THE RECORDS
THE ABOLITION OF TUB EPISCOPAL HIERARCHY RECONSTRUC-
TION OF THE CHURCH— END OF A GREAT ECCLESIASTICAL CON-
TROVERSY A COVENANTING ARMY' SENT NORTHWARD AP-
PEARANCE IN ABERDEEN MONTROSE AND HUNTLY' CAPTURE
AND REMOVAL OF IIUNTLY LORD LEWIS GORDON TROT OF
TURRIFF FIRST BLOOD DRAWN IN THE GREAT WAR, . 1-48
CHAPTER LXXH.
©Jatlcs I.
HAMILTON AND LAUD THE KINg's PREPARATIONS — MOVEMENTS
IN SCOTLAND THE SEIZURE OF EDINBURGH CASTLE AND OTHER
FORTRESSES ROYALIST FLEET IN THE FORTH ALEXANDER
LESLIE GATHERS A COVENANTING ARMY COMPOSITION OF THE
ARMY THE LOWLAND AGRICULTURISTS AROYLe's HIGH-
LANDERS THE CAMP ON DUNSE LAW THE KINg's ARMY ON
THE OTHER SIDE HINTS FOR A SUPPLICATION THE PLAN
TRIED THE KINg's RECEPTION OF IT PACIFICATION OF BER-
WICK SUSPICIONS — A SUPPLEMENTAL GENERAL ASSEMBLY
VI CONTENTS.
HKMOUTIciN (II- i:i'I^COPAC'Y REPEATED — THE KIN(!'s J.AUGE
liErr,AliATI(>\ A PAEUAMEXT THE CONSTITUTIl )N OF THE
1-STATES — llEAlJiNdS WITH THE FRENCH f'OURT THE QUARREL
PvENKWINC STATE OF FEELIX(; IN ENGLAND AN ENGLISH
ARMY MAUCUING TO THE NORTH LESLIe's ARMY RECOX-
STRDCTED MONTROSE AND THE PASSAGE OF THE TWEED
CROSSING THE TYNE AT NEWBORN, AND DEFEAT OF THE
king's AR^n- OGOUPATION OF NEWCASTLE TREATY OF
IMPON, . . . . • 4!->-124
CHAPTER LXXIir.
®f)arlcs 1.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE TREATY TO LONDON SCOTS COMMISSION-
ERS THERE THEIR POPULARITY THE LONG PARLIAMENT
FALL OF STRAFFORD AND LAUD CONTESTS IN THE NORTH
MONRO IN ABERDEEN ARGYLe's BANDS IN THE WEST
RAVAGE THE NORTHERN LOWLANDS THE GREAT PARLIAMENT
OF 1641 THE king's PRESENCE CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES
COMMITTEE OF ESTATES MONTROSE AND AEGYLE THE
INCIDENT AND THE RECRIMINATIONS MONTROSE's CHANGE
NEWS OF THE IRISH OUTBREAK THE SUSPICIONS AGAINST
THE KING THE USE OF THE GREAT SEAL OP SCOTLAND THE
SCOTS ARMY IN IRELAND UNDER LESLIE AND MONRO THE
MASSACRE THE RUMOURS AND TERRORS IN SCOTLAND THE
SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT MONTROSe's SCHEME
GATHERS A HIGHLAND ARMY ARGYLE AT INVERLOCHY
BATTLES OF TIBBERMUIR AND KILSYTH HIS FORCE SCATTERED
I!Y LESLIE AT PHILIPHAUGH, . . . 125-198
CHAPTER LXXIV.
ffijjarkg B.
WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY"- OF DIVINES CONSTITUTION RESPON-
SIBILITY TO PARLIAMENT ELEMENTS OF OPPOSITION AND
DISPUTE POLICY OF INSTITUTING THE ASSEMBLY' OCCUPA-
TION FOR THE CLERGY BAILLIE's PICTURE OF THE OPENING
FUNCTION OF THE SCOTS COMMISSIONERS THEIR INFLUENCE
THE PASSING OF THE COVENANT THE BROWNISTS AND INDE-
PENDENTS PARLIAMENT AND THE DIVINE RIGHT OF PRESBY-
CONTENTS. Vll
TEKY RIGHT OF DISCIPLINE THE DIKECTORY OF WORSHIP
THE VERSION OF THE PSALMS ADOPTION IN SCOTLAND THE
CONFESSION OF FAITH THE CATECHISMS CONTEMPORARY
AFFAIRS IN SCOTLAND EXECUTION OP IIADDO AND SPOTTIS-
WOOD THE SCOTS ARMY IN ENGLAND THE KING JOINS IT
CONTROVERSY WITH HENDERSON THE KING GIVEN UP TO THE
PARLIAMENTARY PARTY THE TREATY OP NEWPORT THE
ENGAGEMENT HAMILTON'S MARCH TO PRESTON HIS DEFEAT
THE MAUCHLINE TESTIMONY THE WIIIGAMORES CEOM-
WELl's ARRANGEMENT WITH ARGYLE AND THE ESTATES
THE ACT OF CLASSES EXECUTION OF THE KING, AND PRO-
CLAMATION OF CHARLES II., . . . 199-251
CHAPTER LXXV.
®5c ©ommontDealti).
EXECUTION OF HAMILTON AND HUNTLY MONTROSe's PROJECT IN
THE HIGHLANDS ITS FAILURE HIS CAPTURE AND EXECUTION
THE COMMISSIONERS WITH CHARLES IL IN HOLLAND
NEGOTIATIONS FOR THE COVENANT IN SCOTLAND - — CROM-
WELl's INVASION KING CHARLES AND THE COVENANTERS
THE COMPULSORY TESTS BECOMES A COVENANTED KING
CROMWELL AND LESLIE THE BATTLE OF DUNBAR ITS CON-
CLUSIVE INFLUENCE CROMWELL AND THE COVENANTING
PARTY THE START THE CORONATION THE JIARCH INTO
ENGLAND THE BATTLE OF WORCESTER TAKING OF THE
SCOTS FORTRESSES FATE OF DUNDEE MONK ORGANISA-
TION OF GOVERNMENT IN SCOTLAND COURTS OF LAW CLOS-
ING OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY INCORPORATING UNION ■
NAVIGATION LAWS AND FREE-TRADE ABOLITION OF THE
FEUDAL SYSTEM REPORT ON THE SHIPPING AND REVENUE OF
SCOTLAND GLENCAIRn's EXPEDITION CONCLUSION OF THE
PROTECTORATE, ..... 252-334
CHAPTER LXXVI.
Social progress from tljc Mtformation to ti)c Mcstoration.
LITERATURE DECAY OF LATIN LITERATURE PASSES FROM A
LIVING TO A DEAD LANGUAGE RISE OF VERNACULAR LITERA-
TURE^POETRY HUME DEUMMOND SIR ROBERT AYTOUN
via CONTENTS.
IIALLAU LITKKATUKE SONGS — NATIONAL MUSIC SCIENt li
NAPIER OF MEKCIIISTON GKEOOKY AKT JAMESONE THE
I'AINTER FATE OF ECCLESIASTICAL AKCUITECTURE UAEO-
NIAL AND STKEET ARCHITECTURE PROGRESS OF WEALTH
CONDITION OF THE TOWNS NOTICES OF SCOTLAND BY
VISITORS THE MORALITY OF THE PEOPLE THE SUPERSTI-
IIONS AS THE DARK SIDE OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM MALIGNANT
INFLUENCE OF BELIEF IN WITCHCRAFT DIABOLICAL POSSES-
SIONS, ...... 335-3^5
CHAPTER LXXVII.
Mestoratfon <5«ttkmcnt.
ARRIVAL OF THE KING IN LONDON THE REJOICINGS IN SCOTLAND
RESUMPTION OF COMMITTEE OF ESTATES THE ENGLISH NA-
VIGATION ACT, AND END OF FREE-TRADE THE TESTIMONY OF
THE REMONSTRANT PARTY THEIR CONDITION AND INFLUENCE
PROSPECTS OF RELIGION AMBASSADORS AT COURT FOR THE
MODERATE PARTY OF THE CHURCH HISTORY OF THE NEGO-
TIATIONS OF JAMES SHARP SENT TO PLEAD FOR THE PRES-
BYTERIAN CAUSE, AND RETURNS AS ARCHBISHOP OF ST
ANDREWS THE REGALIA PRESERVED LOSS OF RECORDS
THE FORTRESSES MEETING OF ESTATES MIDDLETON AS
COM.MISSIONER THE EQUIVOCAL PROMISES ABOUT THE CHURCH
THE ACT RESCISSORY ESTABLISHMENT OF EPISCOPAL IIIER-
AKCIIV VICTIMS ARGY'LE — GUTHRIE WARRISTON, 386-431
CHAPTER LXXVni.
®l)arlcs H.
THE INDEMNITY THE EXCEPTIONS THE DRUNKEN PARLIAMENT
THE GREAT EJECTION OF THE PRESBYTERIAN MINISTERS
COURT OF HIGH COMMISSION MILE ACT THE REVOLUTION AT
COURT — Lauderdale's position — contest with middleton
VICTORY constitutional REVELATIONS OF THE CONTEST
ROTHES AS COMMISSIONER GOVERNMENT OP LAUDERDALE
ITS 3IYSTERI0US POLICY THE PERSECUTION QUARTERING
OF SOLDIERS IRRITATION GATHERING OF AN INSURRECTION
MARCH FROM THE WESTERN MOORS TO THE PENTLAND HILLS
DEFEATED AT RULLION GREEN GENERAL DALZIEL TREAT-
CONTENTS. IX
MENT OF THE CAPTIVES LAUDERDALE COMMISSIONER HIS
COURT THE FIRST INDULGENCE TREATMENT OF RECUSANTS
LAWBUREOWS INTERCOMMUNING THE COURTS OP LAW
SECESSION OF THE BAR ARCHBISHOP SHARP HIS ISOLATED
POSITION ATTEMPT ON HIS LIFE HIS DISCOVERY OF ITS
AUTHOR PROJECT AGAINST THE SHERIFF OP FIFE THE
ARCHBISHOP COMES IN HIS STEAD THE MURDER THE ESCAPE
OP THE MURDERERS, .... 432-508
CHAPTER LXXIX.
?^ouge of ^tcfoart to tl)c Metiolution.
CONVENTICLES ARMING OP THE WESTERN PEASANTRY BATTLE
OF DEUMCLOG JOHN GRAHAM OF CLAVERHOUSE THE IN-
SURRECTION DUKE OF MONMOUTH SENT THE DISPUTES
ROBERT HAMILTON BATTLE OF BOTHWELL BRIDGE THE RE-
TRIBUTION THE SANQUHAR DECLARATION HACKSTON OP
EATHILLET AIRDS MOSS THE CAMERONIANS THE POPISH
PLOT — RYEHOUSE AND ASSASSINATION PLOTS SUCCESSION
AND TEST ACTS THE EXCOMMUNICATION OP THE KING THE
RELIGIOUS PARTIES THE DUKE OF YORK THE COMMISSION
OF JUSTICIARY AND THE MILITARY EXECUTIONS CLAVER-
HOUSE AND JOHN BROWN THE WIGTOWN MARTYRS SUCCES-
SION OF JAMES VII. — Monmouth's rebellion — argyle's in-
surrection IIIS EXECUTION SIR PATRICK HUME BAILLIE
OF JERVISWOOD THE INDULGENCES THE PERSECUTION OP
RECUSANTS CONTINUED THE PROSPECT OP A POPISH RULE
THE EEVOLUTION, .... 509-576
INDEX, ...... 577-651
THE
HISTORY OF SCOTLAND.
CHAPTER LXXI.
THE TWO PARTIES IN THE NORTH THE POWER OF HUNTLY
FORCES AVAILABLE IN THE SOUTH OF SCOTLAND — GENERAL
ALEXANDER LESLIE THE SCOTS TRAINED IN THE THIRTY YEARS'
WAR COLLECTION OF MONEY AND RECRUITING — THE GREAT
GENERAL ASSEMBLY AT GLASGOW ITS IMPORTANCE AND PIC-
TURESQUENESS THE RECOVERY OF THE RECORDS — THE ABOLI-
TION OF THE EPISCOPAL HIERARCHY RECONSTRUCTION OF THE
CHURCH — END OF A GREAT ECCLESIASTICAL CONTROVERSY — A
COVENANTING ARMY SENT NORTHWARD APPEARANCE IN ABER-
DEEN^MONTROSE AND HUNTLY CAPTURE AND REMOVAL OF
HUNTLY LORD LEWIS GORDON — TROT OF TURRIFF — FIRST
BLOOD DRAWN IN THE GREAT WAR.
When Huntly, the natural leader of the king's party
in the north, died in 1636, his son George, the heir of
the house, was in France, commanding a company of
gens cHarmes. He had not long returned home when
it became clear that the Royalist and Cavalier party
must look to him as the centre of their strength ; and
soon after the period which we have reached he was
appointed the king's Lieutenant in the north. At an
VOL. VII. A
2 CHARLES I.
early stage of the dispute we find the instinct of the
Covenanters pointing to him as their natural enemy,
but taking a moderate estimate of his power to hurt
them. Strong he was, no doubt, in his own place ;
but he was isolated by barriers not to be broken by
any strength at his command. Eoxburgh had alluded
to danger in that quarter in a conversation with
Eothes ; " whereto Eothes replied he would not give a
salt citron for liim ; for two Fife lairds could keep
him from crossing Dundee Ferry, and half-a-dozen
Angus lairds could keep him from crossing the Cairn
o' Month ; that three parts of his name is decayed,
and he wants the two sheriffships." ^ This is an allu-
sion to the discountenance of the house of Huntly by
the Court of King Charles, and especially to the re-
moval out of its hands of the sheriffship of Aberdeen
and the sherifiship of Inverness.
But, if we may credit one who had good means of
knowing what he said, though the Covenanting chief
thus slighted Huntly 's power, the party had made
zealous efforts to secure him as an ally. Had they
clone so, all Scotland would have been theirs before
the war had begun ; for the community of Aberdeen,
even if a few zealous lairds in the neighbourhood had
joined them, could not have made even a show of
resistance. The young Huntly had been brought up
a Protestant, so that no impassable gulf lay between
him and the Presbyterians, as in his father's day.
Colonel Pv,obert Monro, one of the Scotsmen from the
German Avars who had taken service with the Cove-
nanters, was sent as their ambassador to Strathbogie.
The offers intrusted to him were great : " The sum
1 Relation, 62, 6.3.
STATE OF FORCES, 1638. 3
of his commission to Huntly was, that the noblemen
Covenanters were desirous that he shouki join with them
in the common cause ; tliat if he would do so, and
take the Covenant, they would give him the first place,
and make him leader of their forces ; and further,
they would make his state and his fortunes greater
than ever they were ; and, moreover, they should pay
off and discharge all his debts, which they knew to be
about ane hundred thousand pounds sterling ; that
their forces and associates were a hundred, to one with
the king ; and therefore it was to no purpose to him
to take up arms against them, for if he refused his
offer and declared against them, they should find
means to disable him for to helf) the king ; and,
moreover, they knew how to undo him ; and bade
him expect that they will ruinate his family and
estates."
The reception given by the new marquess to this
alternative is told in thorough keeping with the
chivalrous character of his father : " To this proposi-
tion Huntly gave a short and resolute re.partee, that
his family had risen and stood by the kings of Scot-
land ; and for his part, if the event proved the ruin
of this king, he was resolved to lay his life, honours,
and estate under the rubbish of the king his ruins.
But withal thanked the gentleman who had brought
the commission and had advised him thereto, as pro-
ceeding from one whom he took for a friend and good-
wilier, and urged out of a good intention to him." ^
To note the source whence the chief secular
strength on the other side was to be drawn we must
pass to a distant scene. England and Scotland had
1 Gordon's Scots Affairs, i. 49, 50.
2 CHARLES I.
early stage of the dispute we find the instinct of the
Covenanters pointing to him as their natural enemy,
but taking a moderate estimate of his power to hurt
them. Strong he was, no doubt, in his own place ;
but he was isolated by barriers not to be broken by
any strength at his command. Roxburgh had alluded
to danger in that quarter in a conversation with
Eothes ; " whereto Eothes replied he would not give a
salt citron for liim ; for two Fife lairds could keep
him from crossing Dundee Ferry, and half-a-dozen
Angus lairds could keep him from crossing the Cairn
o' Month ; that three parts of his name is decayed,
and he wants the two sheriffships." ^ This is an allu-
sion to the discountenance of the house of Huntly by
the Court of King Charles, and especially to the re-
moval out of its hands of the sheriftship of Aberdeen
and the sheriftship of Inverness.
But, if we may credit one who had good means of
knowing what he said, though the Covenanting chief
thus slighted Huntly 's power, the party had made
zealous efforts to secure him as an ally. Had they
done so, all Scotland would have been theirs before
the war had begun ; for the commu.nity of Aberdeen,
even if a few zealous lairds in the neighbourhood had
joined them, could not have made even a show of
resistance. The young Huntly had been brought up
a Protestant, so that no impassable gulf lay between
him and the Presbyterians, as in his father's day.
Colonel Robert Monro, one of the Scotsmen from the
German wars who had taken service with the Cove-
nanters, was sent as their ambassador to Strathbogie.
The offers intrusted to him were great : " The sum
1 Relation, 62, 63.
STATE OF FORCES, 1638. 3
of his commission to Huntly was, that the noblemen
Covenanters were desirous that he should join with them
in the common cause ; that if he would do so, and
take the Covenant, they would give him the first place,
and make him leader of their forces ; and further,
they would make his state and his fortunes greater
than ever they were ; and, moreover, they should pay
off and discharge all his debts, which they knew to be
about ane hundred thousand pounds sterling : that
their forces and associates were a hundred, to one with
the king ; and therefore it was to no purpose to him
to take up arms against them, for if he refused his
offer and declared against them, they should find
means to disable him for to help the king ; and,
moreover, they knew how to undo him ; and bade
him expect that they will ruinate his family and
estates."
The reception given by the new marquess to this
alternative is told in thorough keeping with the
chivalrous character of his father : " To this proposi-
tion Huntly gave a short and resolute repartee, that
his family had risen and stood by the kings of Scot-
land ; and for his part, if the event proved the ruin
of this king, he was resolved to lay his life, honours,
and estate under the rubbish of the king his ruins.
But withal thanked the gentleman who had brought
the commission and had advised him thereto, as pro-
ceeding from one whom he took for a friend and good-
wilier, and urged out of a good intention to him." ^
To note the source whence the chief secular
strength on the other side was to be drawn we must
pass to a distant scene. England and Scotland had
1 Gordon's Scots Affairs, i. 49, 50.
4 CHARLES I.
been for many years at peace both ^vith each other
and with the rest of the world. Tlirongh the affair of
the PaLatinate, Britain seemed to be drifting into the
mighty contests of the Continent. Here, and in the
affair of La Rochelle, the peaceful or timid policy of
King James kept his dominions out of war, and brought
on him the reproach of acting the unnatural father and
the indifferent Protestant. The Continent was shaken
by the longest and bloodiest war of modern ages. This
island seemed to stand serenely aloof from all its
horrors ; l^ut it was yet to be seen that the Thirty
Years' War and its effects would not pass away without
leaving a mark on the destinies of Britain. In fact
the winding up of that war threw loose the materials
that were to revive into the civil wars of Britain.
A political axiom of Chesterfield's that seems always
the more accurate the more one reflects on it was,
that " the Peace of Westphalia is the foundation of all
subsequent treaties." Even the later readjustment of
the map of Eurojje at the treaty of Vienna scarcely
modifies this character. The great treaty itself was not
yet concluded, but the armies were breaking up, and the
war was drawing towards the end. The time was yet
distant when Scotland was to reap, in improved in-
dustry and enlarged riches, the fruit of a good under-
standing with England. The country was still depen-
dent on foreign enterprise for the employment of its
more restless spirits. They were to be found scattered
through the armies on both sides of the great war, but
chiefly on the Protestant side. Gustavus Adolphus,
who knew Avell what went to make a good soldier,
courted them to his standard. It is impossible to
approach by an estimate the number of Scots who thus
STATE OF FORCES, 1638. 5
swarmed out of tlie country in the various leaguers.
Gustavus is said to have had ten thousand at his dis-
posal. That altogether the Scots troopers were a
large element in the war we may gather from the
strength of specific reinforcements. Thus in 1 626 went
forth the small army called Mackay's Regiment, said
at the time to be four thousand strong, whose deeds
have been recorded by their leader, Colonel Robert
Monro. Raising these troops was private venture ;
but King Charles gave his benediction and a contri-
bution of £2000 to the cause, doing so much to
strengthen the hand that was to be his enemy's. In
1631 there was another reinforcement of six thousand
men to the Protestant host. When the items of rein-
forcing parties were on a scale like this, it is easy to
see how strong a body of Scots trained soldiers the
Thirty Years' War left available.^
As the great armies on both sides gradually broke
up, Europe became sorely infested with ruffians. Not
within the memory of man had soldiers been so long
and ceaselessly inured to the great game of war, and
had so few opportunities for seeing and acquiring the
pursuits of industrial life. While the roads through-
out Germany swarmed with robbers, the Scots found
that a congenial theatre of exertion was opening for
them at home. They brought with them a wonderful
experience. Never before had such rapid progress
been made in the converse arts of destruction and
defence. All operations as to fortified places, even in
England — and of course more thoroughly in Scot-
land— were mere play beside the operations in which
^ For more information on this subject the author refers to his Scot
Abroad, ii. 134 et seq. See, too, Chambers's Domestic Annals, ii. 10, 55.
6 CHARLES I.
these men had taken part. Round some small town
in the Low Countries there might be as much appa-
ratus of fortification as all the fortified places in Scot-
land could furnish. Almost all the elements of war
— defences, artillerj^, small-arms, drilling, and disci-
pline— had been readjusted with a vast increase of effi-
ciency. The possession of a few thousands of her sons
thus trained gave Scotland the advantage over Eng-
land which a country with a standing army has over
the country which can only bring raw recruits into
action. From the fugitive nature of the Scottish
feudal array, the opportunities which other nations, in-
cluding England, had of keeping troops embodied for
a longer period, had been telling against Scotland in
the fortunes of war. Now a concurrence of afi"airs, in ■
which Scotland as a nation seemed to have no concern,
had changed the balance. At the same time, while
England had been brought under the reign of law and
order, Scotland had elements of dispeace which com-
pelled the citizen to be a soldier. The English coun-
try gentleman lived, as we have seen, in a mansion ;
but the Scots laird still required the protection of a
fortress. The Scots Borderers had not been as yet
completely quieted, and the Highlanders had become
more formidable than ever as reivers. Such were the
conditions which rendered Scotland strong, and regard-
less of the threats which found their way northwards.
In the midst of the supplications, protestations, and
other wordy warfare following on the first outbreak,
it is a significant incident that General Alexander
Leslie comes over from Sweden "in a small bark,"
having thus evaded a shij) of war, which might have
intercepted him had he come in a more conspicuous
STATE OF FORCES, 1638. 7
shape. This Leslie — not to be confounded with his
nepheAv David — was not a man of high military
genius. He had worked, however, in half the mighty
battles and sieges of the Thirty Years' War, and was so
accomplished in all the military mechanism brought to
perfection in that long contest, that no one who had
spent his clays at home in England or Scotland could
have a chance against him in the field, or compete
with him for the command of an army. It was said
that, unconscious of the destiny awaiting him, he had
come to spend his old age in peaceful retirement, and
that he had to this end. purchased an estate in Fife-
shire, in the midst of his kindred, or those whom he
chose to claim as such.^ But a casual word dropped
by the well-informed Baillie shows that when he
arrived, during the sitting of the Assembly, he had
been preparing for other things ; for he had " caused
a great number of our commanders in Germany sub-
scribe our Covenant, and provided much good muni-
tion." 2
So early as the month of June, one of the grievances
of which the Tables complained was an interruption
of the commerce of Scotland by vessels of war sailing
under the English flag, and by the interference of the
■^ Spalding, who did not highly esteem him, says : " There came out of
Germany from the wars liome to Scotland ane gentleman of base birth,
born in Balveny, who had served long and fortunately in the German
wars, and called by the name of Felt-Marschal Leslie — his excellence.
His name, indeed, was Alexander Leslie, but by his valour and good luck
attained to this title ' his excellence,' inferior to none but to the King of
Sweden, under whom he served among all his cavalry. Well, this Felt-
Marschal Leslie, having conquest [acquired] from nought honour and
wealth in great abundance, resolved to come home to his native country
of Scotland, and settle him beside his chief the Earl of Rothes." —
Memorials of the Troubles, i. 130.
2 Letters, i. 111.
8 CHARLES I.
Estates of Holland, which, at the request of the king's
English ambassador there, had set an embargo on
certain merchandise bought by Scots traders in Am-
sterdam. The excuse made for this interference was,
that the goods in question were arms and other muni-
tions of war. This could not be denied. One of
the agents in whose hands the goods were intercepted
makes explanations about having "prepared some
five hundred muskets and as many pikes, and paid
custom for them ; that he had put them in a ship,
with some two hundred muskets besides, that he had
not paid custom for."^ Still the Tables maintained
that they were free to buy what goods they pleased,
and it was a wrong done to interrupt their commerce.
This was at the time when they had themselves
placed guards to intercept any munitions that might
be conveyed to Edinburgh Castle. There was much
scornful ridicule cast at the grievances of these mer-
chants whose commerce was interrupted in the matter
of preparing to make war upon their king ; and the
whole is characteristic of that curious position ever
taken by the Covenanters — that they were loyal sub-
jects, all along performing their duty to their king
and country.
Ere this time the Covenanters were in possession
pf a revenue. A project for a " contribution " appears
among their papers so early as the month of February
1638.^ In the beginning of March a sum amounting to
670 dollars is subscribed by thirty-seven of the leaders.
The name of INIontrose appears at the head of the list,
put down for 25 dollars, the highest rate of contribu-
tion— the scale beini'- from 10 to 2.5 dollars. At the
O
^ Rothes's Relation, 170. ^ Ibid., 72.
GLASGOW ASSEMBLY, 1638. 9
same time an arrangement was completed for levying
a tax over all Scotland : " It was resolved anent the
contribution that eight shall be appointed collectors
in every shire, according to one dollar the thousand
marks of free-rent, as they can try, taking the party's
declaration whether it be more or less. The contribu-
tion is voluntary, and every one must be valued as
they are pleased voluntarily to declare the worth of
their free-rent. The half of the contribution raised in
ilk shire must be delivered to John Smith, and after
the same is spent to send for the other half."^ Of
this contribution, which was to be merely voluntary,
and to be given according to the giver's estimate of
his means, it may be said that it was a tax exacted to
the last penny with a rigid uniformity unknown before
either in England or Scotland, unless, indeed, it might
be said that in the exaction of ship-money the English
Council had achieved a like exactness. The committee
appointed to collect this tax in each county after-
wards obtained the appropriate title of "the War
Committee."^
So stood Scotland when, on the 21st of November
1638, the General Assembly opened in the cathedral
church of Glasgow. A second time that community,
which abjured all pomp and all attempt to draw
influence from external conditions, was fortunate in a
fitting stage for the enactment of a grand drama. Had
it been a great council of the old Church that was to
assemble, it could not have found any other building
in Scotland so well suited for the solemn occasion by
^ Eothes's Kelation, 80, 81.
2 See the " Minute book kept l)y the War Committee of the Cov-
enanters in the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright in the years 1640 and
1641;" KirkcudbriL'ht, 1855.
lO CHARLES I.
supplying conditions of time-lionoured ecclesiastical
magnificence. It was the only great church in Scot-
land which had suffered nothing save the removal or
destruction of the apparatus for the mass and the
other decorations held to savour of idolatry. It was
a meeting eminently solemn. Of the general councils
of the old Church, hallowed by the presence of digni-
taries whose rank made them princes over all Christen-
dom, and adorned by every superfluity of pomp, few
were so momentous in their influence as this gathering
together, in a small corner of Christian Europe, of a
body of men acknowledging no grades of superiority,
and indulging in none of the pomps which were the
usual companions and symbols of greatness.^
■■ There is a story told liy Spottiswood how the magistrates of Glas-
gow had agreed to sacrifice the cathedral to Andrew Melville and others
of the clergy as " a monument of idolatry," but that the city mob rose
and protected the Ijuilding. Dr M'Crie said he could find no contem-
porary trace of such an event ; and where he was baffied in such a pur-
suit nobody else need attempt it. He says : " I never met with any-
thing in the public or private writings of Mehdlle, or of any minister
contemporary with him, that gives the smallest ground for the conclusion
that they looked upon catliedral churches as monuments of idolatrj', or
that they would have advised their demolition on this ground." —
"Works, ii. 39. The Cathedi-al of St Mungo o^ved its preservation to the
wealth and liberality of the community of Glasgow. The other churches
which rivalled or excelled it — Elgin, St Andrews, the Abbey Church of
Arbroath, and others — fell to pieces through poverty. Tlie Church of
St Mungo was never completed, but its fabric was sustained in the con-
dition in which the Reformation found it. Neglect had begun to work
on it, and, as in other neglected buildings, the materials available for
sordid purposes had begun to disappear. After fruitless attempts to
obtain funds from the proper revenues of the see, on the 21st of October
1574, the provost and council, with the deans of the craft and other
public-spirited citizens, held a meeting, the result of which is thus
recorded : " Having respect and consideration to the great decay and
ruin that the High Kirk of Glasgow has come to through taking away
of the lead, slate, and other graith thereof in the troublous time bygone,
so that such a great monument will alluterly fall down and decay with-
GLASGOW ASSEMBLY, 1638. 11
The opening of the Assembly of 1638 may fairly
vie with that of the Long Parliament as a momentous
historical event. It was the earlier in time. Had it
not been, perhaps the Long Parliament also might not
have been. At that juncture, so far as England alone
was concerned, the looker-on would have said that the
Court would prevail, and that without a struggle.
The organisation for the collection of ship-money got
the prerogative out of its only remaining difficulty —
the supply of money capable of supporting a standing-
army. All things had the aspect of a monarchy
serene and absolute, such as Englishmen knew only
from specimens on the other side of the Channel.
This General Assembly takes precedence in history as
the first meeting of a body existing by constitutional
sanction, yet giving defiance to the Court. It assem-
bled under royal authority, the king being through
his Commissioner an element of its constitution.
But memorable as this Assembly is for its influence
over the history of the coming times, it stands not less
memorable as a monument of the fallacy of human
calculations. The power it achieved not only fulfilled
the expectations of its promoters, but realised, or even
exceeded, the wildest dreams of the most enthusiastic
among them. They felt as if the Almighty were
leading them on to absolute triumph, when, by a
out it be remedied, and because the helping thereof is so great and will
extend to more nor they may spare, and that they are not addebted to
the upholding and repairing thereof by law, yet of their own freewill
uncompelled, and for the zeal they bear to the Kirk, of mere alms and
liberality, all in one voice consented to a tax and imposition of two
hundred pounds money to be taxed and paid by the township and free-
men thereof, for helping to repair the said kirk and holding it water-
fast." — Burgh Records of the City of Glasgow, Maitland Club.
12 CHARLES I.
mysterious and scarce perceptible agency, the great
power of wliicli they were a portion was turned to
purposes utterly adverse to their designs. No doubt
they did not expect by their own human ^^olicy to
execute the great things that were to be done ; but
another form of presumption was visited upon them,
when they acted as those specially selected to accom-
plish the policy of the Euler of all things. A mighty
potentate of modern days said to his people, " We
are with God, and God is with us ; " and the words
of assurance had scarcely spread among them ere
shame and ruin overtook both speaker and audience.
This is but one of the forms in which presumptuous
men give their command to that future which will not
obey them. The history of the coming struggle gives
many instances in which the very confidence of suc-
cess seemed to achieve it. But, on the other hand, it
shows many others where the power created by such
confidence turned against its possessor ; and this As-
sembly was one of them.
This great council was not unadorned by rank and
pompous ceremonial, but all of this was secular. The
Lord High Commissioner, the Marquess of Hamilton,
sat on a canopied throne, surrounded by the chief
ofiicers of State. There were seventeen peers and a
large body of powerful territorial barons, who, as lay
elders, were members of the Assembly. To these a
place of honour was conceded — they sat at a long
table running down the centre of the church, while
the ministers were content to occupy seats running in
tiers up on either side. Above, in one of the aisles
apparently, there was a stage for young nobles and
men of rank not members of the Assembly, "with
GLASGOW ASSEMBLY, 1638. 13
huge numbers of people, ladies, and some gentlewomen
in the vaults above." There were one hundred and
forty ecclesiastical and one hundred lay members.
Among the ecclesiastics there were no bishops or
dignitaries, for a reason presently to be seen ■ — ■ all
were simple Ministers of the Word.
The presence of the powerful body of laymen on
this occasion naturally opens up the topic of a long
and acrid controversy about the constitution of the
Assembly. On the Cavalier and Episcopal side, it
was maintained not to be a free and fair Assembly.
There were denunciations of partiality in the organisa-
tion for the selection of its members, especially of the
lay elders. Such disputes will ever occur, but there
is no use of blurring history with them. We know
that whatever the standard of the political morality
of the time permits people to do for their party, that
they will do — nay, they must do it, under the pain
of being denounced as weak or perhaps treacherous.
The Court had power to serve its own ends in the
other Assemblies held in Perth and Aberdeen, and
they freely used the power. The Covenanters were
now masters of the situation, and they resolved to
hold a Covenanting Assembly. No one was to be a
member of it who had not taken the Covenant, and
remained true to that symbol of his faith. An at-
tempt was made to modify the severity of the qualifi-
cation by a recourse to the old Covenant or Confession
of 1580, and so omitting the bitter supplemental
document which brought the terms of that Covenant
to bear on the new grievances. But this was strenu-
ously and fiercely resisted. For a true Covenanter to
sign it, was likened to the " horrible impiety " of one
14 CHARLES I.
who had given his faith both to the Old and the New
Testament, " to sign only the Old for fear of displeas-
ing a Jewish magistrate who neglects the New." ^
The Tables undertook the working of the elections,
so as to produce a thoroughly Covenanting Assembly.
They resolved to go back upon an Act of Assembly
of the year 1597, which required each presbytery to
elect two clergymen and one lay elder, while the
royal burghs sent lay commissioners — Edinburgh two,
and the others one each. It was thus that the Lords
and other lay leaders of the Covenant came in. There
was some slight discord between the clerical " Table "
and the others on this point. The clergy could not
but see that this nominally rigid adherence to their
standards was transferring them into the hands of
new masters. They could not be blind to the reason
why the office destined for men of a religious turn
and serious walk in life was wanted for a haughty
powerful nobility, many of them profligate livers.
Among them, indeed, were men fighting their own
personal battle for the preservation of the old ecclesi-
astical estates, which they believed to be in clanger —
all had a personal dislike of the bishops, as assuming
a superiority over them. But it was in such men that
the strength of the Assembly as a hostile declaration
against the Court lay, and they prevailed in the
elections.
The Tables sent instructions to the constituencies —
some of a public character known at the time, others
of a more secret kind, which have only lately seen
the light. In these, provision was made for striking a
simple but decisive blow against the bishops. They
1 Jlonteth's Historj- of the Troubles, 29.
GLASGOW ASSEMBLY, 1638. 15
were all to be put on trial before the Assembly as
criminals, therefore they could not be members of
the Assembly, since it was the tribunal before which
they were to be tried. To carry this exclusion into the
lower grades of the Church, a minister was to be dis-
qualified from election if any one should bring a pro-
cess against him as " erroneous in doctrine or scandal-
ous in life." As a criterion for choosing the right
men, presbyteries were carefully to avoid " Chapter
men who have chosen bishops, those who have sitten
upon the High Commission, chapel men who have
countenanced the chapel ceremonies and novations,
all who have offered to read and practice the Service-
book, the Book of Canons, and ministers who are jus-
tice of peace." The Tables supplied the presbyteries
with forms of commission to be given to their repre-
sentatives, and other guidance for the transaction of
business. These instructions were accompanied by
a letter attuned to the exuberant piety of the time
and place. Besides the clerical members of the Tables,
it bore the signatures of the lay chiefs, Montrose, as
usual, taking the lead.^ He afterwards, with charac-
teristic rashness, brought some scandal on the Assem-
bly by avowing and hotly supporting the approval of
a candidate by the Tables, as if it gave his election a
legal sanction.^
A General Assembly was now a novelty, and indeed
there had been no precedent for one like this. Such a
body, before putting itself in working order, naturally
went through a preliminary phase of confusion and
mixed disputation. The old national practice of
" protestation " was so amply exercised, that, as Bail-
' Baillie's Letters, i. 469 et seq. ^ Ibid., 133.
l6 CHARLES I.
lie says, all were " wearied with tlie multitude of pro-
testations but the clerk, who with every one received
a piece of gold." The superior weight of the more
zealoi;s party carried all points, and they succeeded
in the election of Alexander Henderson as moderator
— " a moderator without moderation," as Laud called
him, in one of his efforts to be witty. Johnston of
Warriston was the clerk, and thus became instructor
and director in all things connected with form and
law.
When he took his chair of office, there came a little
dramatic incident of Avhich he was the hero. In the
long interval since Assemblies were held, the records
of the Church since the Reformation down to the
year 1590 had passed out of public sight. There was
no one officially responsible for their custody, and
there was a strong suspicion that they had got foul
play at the hands of the Episcopal party and the
Court. Johnston laid on the table certain volumes
Avhich he maintained to be these veritable records —
they had come into his possession " by the good pro-
vidence of God." A committee of the House, after
professing to have closely examined them, pronounced
them to be the authentic recoi'd of the Kirk from the
year 1560 to the year 1590.^
1 Baillie's Letters, 159, 1.39. This reporter of the business has thus
recorded his pious joy at this auspicious incident : " It is one of the
notable passages of God's providence towards our Churcli, that these
books were not destroyed or put in hands whence we should never have
drawn them ; this forty years bygone so great a desire being in the
hearts of the prince and prelates for covering in perpetual darkness of
our old Assemblies which crossed their intentions : so great negligence
on our parts to keep these monuments, that no man among us, so far as I
could ever hear, knew what was become of these books, but all took it
for granted that they were in St Andrews' possession, who would be loath
GLASGOW ASSEMBLY, 1638. 17
There was a logical difficulty about these first steps.
The validity of the elections had to be tried. How,
then, could those present elect office-bearers until it
was known whether they themselves were legal meni-
ever to let them go, or any true doiible of them ; yet God has brought
them out, and set them up now at the door of our Church, to be the
rule, after Scripture, of this Assemblie and all their proceedings." —
P. 139.
It was the fate of these books afterwards to pass through a career as
remarkable in the unexpected strangeness of its incidents as any that
has enabled people to discover that Providence has been specially at
work to create the result which pleases themselves. In this branch of
their career, however, the problem of a special providence would re-
quire to be solved from the other side, since the end was not the special
preservation, but the special destruction, of the books. When the civil
war began it was thought prudent to have a duplicate made of the
records, and place each record in a place of safety. One was preserved
in Dumbarton, the other in the fortress of the Bass. This latter was
removed to London, with other Scots records, by the Government of the
Commonwealth. What became of it is not precisely known, but it
is believed to have been lost, along -with other records, on their way to
Scotland, in a vessel ship-\^Tecked in the year 1660. The Dumbarton
copy passed from its official custodier to his representative, as private
property. It fell into the hands of Archibald Campbell, a member of
the Argyle family, and a clergyman of the nonjuring Episcopal Church
of Scotland . in Queen Anne's reign. Mr Campbell was an eccentric
man, and a collector of rare books and manuscripts, and it was in this
character that he professed to take an interest in the records. He tantal-
ised the Church authorities in Scotland with offers to restore them on
conditions which were pronounced preposterous. In the end, according
to a statement by Principal Lee, " Mr Campbell, as he had sometimes
threatened to do, took a step which was intended to put the books for
ever beyond the reach of the Church of Scotland, by entering into a
deed of trust or covenant with the President and Fellows of Sion College,
the terms of which do not appear to be accurately known to any mem-
ber of the Church of Scotland, but the effect of which has undoubtedly
been to detain these records from their lawful owners for nearly a cen-
tury past." This was written in the year 1828. In the winter of 18.34,
Principal Lee was examined by a select committee of the House of
Commons on patronage in Scotland. He desired to refer to these
records, and the all-potent order of the committee brought them to St
Stephen's. They were in the charge of an officer of the college, who
expected to take them back when they were no longer needed for the
VOL. Vlt. B
1 8 CHARLES I.
bers of Assembly ? On the other hand, how could
these nice questions be tried by a chaotic multitude
without an official staft"? The practical sense, so
conspicuous in the tactic of large assemblages in this
country, adjusted the difficulty. Let the arrangement
be made provisionally — when the Assembly has ad-
justed itself, it can rejudge its choice. Down to the
28th, election disputes were busily discussed and
promptly settled in favour of the prevailing party.
One of the questions the most promptly settled among
all was of a fundamental character. A body of the
clergy gave in a protestation against the admission
of lay elders ; but this admitted not of discussion, for
it was equivalent to a repudiation of the Assembly
itself.
Through all this business the commissioner waited
patiently. On the 29th, when the Assembly, having
put itself in order, was to begin its work, it was
known that the royal countenance was to be with-
drawn. There was a desultory conversation about
the position taken on both sides, involving the ques-
tions of clerical independence and royal supremacy,
which had been so j^rofusely reiterated. The com-
missioner then delivered a parting address, stating in
a more technical and specific manner those grounds
on which he could no longer give the royal counte-
nance to the meeting. They came under two prin-
time ; but lie was told that " the committee wished the books to lie upon
the table for their inspection, and that the committee would send for
him when they wished them to be returned." But before he was sent
for the Houses of Parliament were burned, and tlie records in them.
See the prefaces to the two editions of " the Book of the Universal Kii-k."
This title was given to a book often cited in these pages, in which a
worthy attempt was made to supply the substance of the lost records
from other and incidental sources.
GLASGOW ASSEMBLY, 1638. 19
cipal heads — first, the constitution of the Assembly,
in so far as lay elders were admitted ; second, the
form of the business before it, in as far as it professed
to hold authority over bishops, and deliberate on the
validity of the Episcopal office. A proclamation was
then published at the market-cross. It was more
diffuse than the commissioner's speech, going over
again the whole c|uarrel from the beginning, and
especially enlarging on the dictatorial conduct of the
Tables. It forbade all farther meetings of the Assem-
bly, and required all the individual members " to
depart furth of this city of Glasgow within the space
of twenty-four hours, and to repair home to their own
houses, or that they go about their private affairs in a
quiet manner." There was, of course, the usual in-
evitable protestation, and the business in hand went on.
The commissioner's departure was accompanied by
an event deemed sufficiently propitious to balance the
loss. Among the secondary questions about the con-
stitution of the Assembly, one arose on a proposal that
the officers of State and some other men of high rank
who attended the commissioner should have votes in
the Assembly as " assessors." One of these was
Archibald, Earl of Argyle. He was thirty years old.
His father, who had died in the spring of 1638,
professed the old Church. By the letter of the law
the heir Avas entitled to enjoy the estates of his Papist
father, and it was said by his enemies that he entered
on possession in his father's lifetime. But that was an
affair of the past ; he had now fully succeeded to the
honours and to the estates, or rather dominions, of his
house. His following, estimated by mere numbers, was
the greatest in Scotland — greater than even Huntly's.
20 CHARLES I.
It was rumoured tliat he could bring five thousand
men into the field. He was counted among those
favourable to the Covenant, but he was not yet a Cov-
enanter. He took the opportunity, before Hamilton's
farewell, to address the Assembly. He said he had been
sent there by the king, but he had impartially watched
their proceedings as a neutral person. " I have not,"
he said, " striven to blow the bellows, but studied to
keep matters in as soft a temper as I could ; and now
I desire to make it known to you, that I take you all
for members of a lawful Assembly and honest country-
men." He had himself, as yet, only, like others of the
Court, put his hand to the old Confession without the
protestation against the recent innovations ; but that
he had gone only so far was not to be imputed to him
as disloyal to the Covenant. Some other nobles came
forward in the same condition — they had signed the
" King's Confession," as it was called, but they were
true Covenanters — among these, Montrose, who was a
busy member of the Assembly, proclaimed the names
of the Earl of Mar and his own relation, Lord Napier.
The departure of the commissioner gave no inter-
ruption to the weighty afi'airs on hand. The first
business of moment completed by the Assembly was
the repeal or annulling of the Acts of preceding As-
semblies from 1606 downwards, including the Five
Articles of Perth. Then the Service-book, the Book of
Canons, and the Book of Ordination were severally
repudiated, for reasons of which enough has been seen
to render repetition unnecessary. Then came the great
scene of the trial of the bishops and their " declina-
ture." This was a document in which at some length
the bishops protested against the power of the Assembly
GLASGOW ASSEMBLY, 1638. 21
to deal with them, a doctrine for which men in their
position could find many obvious reasons. The
Presbyterian Church of Scotland, in the practice of its
judicatories, has ever sought the principle, that judicial
proceedings are to begin in the lower and find their
way up to the higher courts. On the present occasion
they were true to the spirit of this principle. The
"libel" or indictment against the bishops was first
laid before the Presbytery of Edinburgh, who referred
it to the Assembly. By discounting the Articles of
Perth and the several laws recently passed for the re-
storation of Episcopacy as all being null, there was
ample opportunity to show that, both in the titles and
powers they adopted, and in the ceremonials which
they practised, the bishops had acted against the laws
of the Church. But it has ever been the good fortune
of those who have from time to time raised a war of
extermination against bishops, to find that they are all
so vicious in their lives as to render unnecessary any
discussion of doctrines and ceremonies as a means of
driving them from the Church. The Tables sent
clown to the several presbyteries a list of the crimes
which it was desirable to prove against bishops — a
list which has the merit of distinctness, in the use of
terms from which the decorum of modern literature
shrinks. As Baillie remarks, with exulting candour,
on his way to join the conclave in Edinburgh, "No
kind of crime which can be gotten proven of a bishop
will now be concealed."^ The Bishop of Dunblane
being denounced as a corrupter of the people by the
spread of Arminianism, and an agent of Canterbury's,
there follows the remark, " What drunkenness, swear-
^ Letters, i. 105.
22 CHARLES I.
ing, or other crimes was libelled, I do not remember;" ^
as if these things must have been charged as a matter
of form, although the fact is forgotten.
It seems to have been felt that to speak of a virtu-
ous bishop was a logical contradiction, as if one should
say an honest swindler or a moral gambler. Guthrie,
Bishop of ]Moray, had, we are told, " all the ordinary
faults of a bishop, besides his boldness to be the first
who put on his sleeves in Edinburgh." " There was
objected against him," continues Baillie, "but, as I
suspect, not sufficiently proven, his countenancing of
a vile dance of naked women in his own house, and
of women going barefooted on pilgrimages not far
from his dwelling." " It would seem, indeed, as if
the idolatry of the old Church, sensuality, and pro-
fanity were deemed natural companions, each helping
and promoting the others. The Bishop of Edinburgh
was " a bower to the altar, a wearer of the rochet, a
consecrator of churches," and, as a natural accompani-
ment of such practices, he " made no bones of swear-
ing and cursino;." ^
The end was, that of the fourteen prelates six were
simply deposed, eight were deposed and excommuni-
cated. The moderator uttered the sentences against
them in a sermon, having for its text, " The Lord
said unto my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand until I
make thine enemies thy footstool." The bystander so
often quoted has these notes and reflections on the occa-
sion : " Thereafter in a very dreadful and grave manner
he pronounced these sentences as ye have them in print.
My heart was filled with admii-ation of the power and
justice of God, who can bring down the highest and
1 Letters, i. 108. = Ibid., 164. » Ibid., 161.
GLASGOW ASSEMBLY, 163S. 23
pour shame on them, even in this world, suddenly, by
a means utterly unexpected, who will sin against Him
proudly with a uplifted hand. And withal I heartily
pitied those who Avere excommunicate, remembering
the great gifts of some and eminent places of all,
whence their ambition and avarice had pvilled them
down to the dunghill of contempt." ^
The sentence of excommunication placed the poor
men in great peril. By the letter of the law the ex-
communicated person could hold no civil rights — he
was an outlaw. When the ecclesiastical courts were
at enmity with the executive this might be an empty
threat, but now those who had thundered the excom-
munications had the power of all. As a body the
bishops sought refuge in England, throwing themselves
in utter wretchedness on the charity of their party there,
who were themselves in anxiety and peril. There was
a general clearing off of the Episcopal party among
the ordinary clergy, and it helped on the work of
weedino; that the Church was to contain within its
bosom no clergy who had not sufficient parochial work
to occupy their time.
After transacting a crowd of other affairs, chiefly for
the reconstruction of the Presbyterian Church courts,
and interesting only to those who have to deal with
these tribunals, this renowned Assembly dispersed on
the 20th of December.^
A change now comes over the spirit of our history.
A few casual controversies may continue to interrupt
1 Letters, i. 168.
'' The test collection of materials for the history of the Assembly of
1638 is to he found in Peterkin's 'Records of the Kirk of Scotland,
containing the Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies from
the year 1638 downwards.'
24 CHARLES I.
the path ; but we are now free of that complex laby-
rinth of political and polemical wrangling which has
to be traced through the dense mass of State papers
and pamphlets of the day, and we come forth into the
open field of war. The sword was first drawn in the
north — Scot against Scot. Between the signing of
the Covenant and the holding of the Assemlily, the
Tables had determined to subdue the city of Al^erdeen
and the district around it, and to compel the peo23le
there to sign the Covenant. A committee of clergymen,
with the Earl of Montrose as their leader or chairman,
was sent northwards to deal with these uncovenanted
people. There were among the clergy three eminent
men — the great Henderson, David Dickson, and
Andrew Cant, a clergyman of Aberdeenshire, whose
zeal for the Covenant appears to have been heated
and hardened by the antagonistic pressure of his
prelatical neighbours. The capital of the north was
famous for its hospitality, and every distinguished
stranger was welcomed by the corporation to a wine-
banquet, or " cup of bon-accord," as it was termed,
in tlie words of the motto on the corporation arms.
When this hospitality was offered to the new visitors
it was " disdainfully refused." They would not have
fellowship with the uncovenanted. " They would
drink none with them till first the Covenant was sub-
scribed." This was an insult " whereof the like Avas
never done to Aberdeen in no man's memory." The
materials for the feast were distributed among the
city paupers, a disposal which had a touch of disdain
in it.^
The three clerical commissioners desired to occupy
^ Spalding's Memorials, i. 91, 92.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1638-39. 25
the city pulpits next Sunday, but the clergymen to
whom these belonged thought fit to use them for their
own ordinary ministrations. The visitors had one im-
portant supporter in the district, the Earl Marischal,
whose winter hotel was in the centre of the town, and
in the place now known as Marischal Street. The
house had wooden benches or galleries in front, and
there the three ministers preached in succession, judi-
ciously occupying the intervals between the regular
church services. The community of this isolated
district, with the group of scholars belonging to its
cathedral and colleges, and its Episcopalian tastes, was
liker to one of the smaller cathedral towns of Eng-
land than any other part of Scotland was. Hence
the ways of the new-comers were as strange and pecu-
liar there as they would have been in Canterbury.^
The strangers had a considerable audience, but an
audience neither sympathetic nor reverential. So
each party, with very little trouble, had managed to
cast tokens of bitter desjjite at the other.
The strife Avhich had thus been sown first broke
forth in print. The attack was begun by six of the
Aberdeen clergy — John Forbes of Corse ; Robert Baron,
Professor of Divinity ; Alexander Scrogie ; William
Leslie, Principal of King's College ; John Sibbald, and
Alexander Ross. They were all men of ability and
learning ; but three of their names had a wide renown
— Forbes, Baron, and Ross ; the last will perhaps be
remembered more for its curious service in helping
Butler to a two-syllabled rhyme, than for its owner's
works, though they had in their day considerable re-
nown. These began by issuing ' General Demands
1 Spalding's Memorials, i. 92 ; Gordon's Soots Affairs, i. 84.
26 CHARLES I.
concerning the late Covenant, propounded by the Min-
isters and Professors of Divinity in Aberdeen to some
Reverend Brethren who came thither to recommend
the late Covenant to them, and to those who were com-
mitted to their charge.' The controversy spread over
several papers on both sides ; and the whole of them
were arranged and printed by " the Aberdeen Doctors,"
as they were called, under the nomenclature of the
stages in a suit of law. To the Demands there were
" Answers," to these came " Eeplies " by the Doctors ;
then second Answers, and finally " Duplies " by the
Doctors. A piece of dry humour was no doubt in-
tended in these titles ; but it is not likely to be en-
joyed in the present day, nor are the papers in sub-
stance very attractive. The position taken by the
Doctors is the unassailable one of the dry sarcastic
negative. AVhatever the Covenant might be — good or
bad — and whatever right its approvers had to bind
themselves to it, how were they entitled to force it
on those who desired it not ? And when their adver-
saries became eloquent on its conformity to Scripture
and the privileges of the Christian Church, the Doctors
ever went back to the same negative position — even if
it were so, which we do not admit, yet why force it
upon lis ? ^
^ Tlie " Doctors " had the gratification to receive from the king a
brief but favourable criticism of their part in tlie controversy. They
were commended for tlieir loyal service, and particularly for " hindering
some strange ministers" from preaching in their churches. The king
said he had not had time to consult some of their own profession, whose
judgment he p)roposed to ask on their merits ; but from his " own read-
ing of them ■' — he does not say how far it had gone — he says, " we do hold
them, both with learning and a peaceable moderate style, answerable to
men of your profession and place."— Documents, Spalding's Memorials,
i. 98, 99.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. Z^
The commissioners having canvassed the town and
county of Aberdeen, retm-ned with a scanty list of
adherents to the Covenant. It gradually increased,
however ; for there was a political party there, as well
as elsewhere, to whom it was convenient. Some who
chafed rmder the power of the Gordons — such as the
Frasers, the Forbeses, and the Keiths, whose chief, the
Earl Marischal, had already helped the Covenanters —
ultimately joined them, to the weakening of Huntly's
power. Early in the year 1639, the Tables, who saw
a greater war before them, resolved to deal, in the first
place, with the malignants of the north, and relieve
themselves from an enemy in the rear. A fine small
army of some three or four thousand men was thus
gathered and disciplined under the command of Mon-
trose, w^th the experienced Leslie as his lieutenant.
In February, and before it had been put in marching
order, the commander heard that the few friends of
his cause in Aberdeenshire were to meet in Turriff, on
the border of Banffshire, then a market-town of some
importance, but now a mere village. He heard, also,
that the Gordons were to assemble in force to disperse
them; and he resolved, by one of those bold and ori-
ginal acts in which his strength lay, to protect his
friends. Taking with him not quite two hundred men,
he moved this light body, by the unfrequented drove-
roads of the uplands, across the Grampians, by Fetter-
cairn and the Cairn 0' Month, and had them placed
behind the churchyard- wall of Turriff, as a breast-work
to them, before the Gordons arrived. These were a
large body — two thousand, it was said — with Huntly
at their head. He, so far as the king was concerned,
had been named the royal lieutenant in the north ; but
28 CHARLES I.
lie shrank from then drawing the first bk)od, though
he might have been secure of victory; and allowed the
Covenanters to have their way. It was said that there
was a policy in his abstinence. He had been instructed
not to proclaim his lieutenancy until some great emer-
gency occurred. The Turriff meeting was in the mid-
dle of February, and he proclaimed his commission a
month later. It was desirable that he should forbear
until the royal forces were at hand, lest, if he came
to issue with the strong army of the Covenanters
while free to act, it might crush him, and extinguish
the only available ally whom the royal army was to
find in Scotland.^ At the same time, his authority was
in an awkward position. His commission as lieuten-
ant had been "stopped at the Seals." It had not
received, and was not now likely to receive, official
attestation, as sealed and certified by the proper Gov-
ernment officers.^ Meanwhile the citizens of Aber-
deen were fortifying their town, and the general tone
of tacit menace in the district prompted the Tables to
strike a blow in the north before their hands became
full elsewhere. The force at their disposal was too
overwhelming to be safely resisted. It is said that
nine thousand marched northwards, and were joined
by two thousand from those families who were
' Gordon's Scots Affairs, ii. 2U1, 313, 314 ; Spalding's Memorials, i.
145. " A commission for the lieutenancy of the north of Scotland was
sent to the Marquis of Huntly ; but he was ordered to keep it up as long
as possible, and carefully to observe two things. One was, not to be the
first aggressor, except he were highly provoked, or his majesty's authority
signally affronted; the other was, that he should keep oft' with long wea-
pons till his majesty were on the Borders, lest, if he should begin sooner,
the Covenanters might overwhelm him with their whole force, and either
ruin him or force him to lay down his arms." — Burnet's Memoirs, 113.
" Spalding's Memorials, i. 168.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. 29
zealous against the house of Gordon, if not for the
Covenant.
The town - clerk of Aberdeen, whose descriptive
powers had probably been exercised on inventories of
furniture and commodities, brings before our eyes this
well-ordered army with a distinctness such as we
often seek vainly in the pompous technical narratives
of those who profess an acquaintance with military
science. Perhaps his very ignorance of the apparatus
of war, and the novelty of the sight, made its impres-
sion on his mind all the clearer : " They came in order
of battle, well armed, both on horse and foot, ilk horse-
man having five shot at the least, where he had ane
carbine in his hand, two pistols by his side, and other
two at his saddle-tor. The pikemen in their ranks, with
pike and sword ; the musketeers in their ranks, with
musket, musket-staff, bandeleer, sword, powder, ball,
and match. Ilk company, both on horse and foot, had
their captains, lieutenants, ensigns, sergeants, and other
officers and commanders, all for the most part in buffle
coats and goodly order. They had five colours or en-
signs, whereof the Earl of Montrose had one, having
this motto drawn in letters, ' Foe. Religion, the Co-
venant, AND THE Country.' The Earl Marisal had
one, the Earl of Kinghorn had one, and the town of
Dundee had two. They had trumpeters to ilk com-
pany of horsemen, and drummers to ilk company of
footmen. They had their meat, drink, and other pro-
visions, bag and baggage, carried with them. — Done all
by advice of his excellency Felt-Marshal Leslie, whose
counsel General Montrose followed in this business.
Now, in seemly order and good array, this army came
forward and entered the burgh of Aberdeen about ten
30 CHARLES I.
hours in the morning, at the Over-Kirkgate Port, syne
came down through the Broadgate, through the Castle-
gate, out at the Justice Port to the Queen's Links di-
rectly." 1
The Covenanting clergy now got possession of the
Aberdeen pulpits, A\'here, in the month of April, they
were al^le to proclaim against the bisliop the doom that
had been pronounced in December. He and all other
persons of note who would not take the Covenant had
iled from the town. Those who remained submitted
quietly to the test, whether with sincerity or not. All
things were orderly. No plundering was allowed.
The community were required to compel the suspic-
ious people to furnish provisions, but they were paid
for. A contribution of ten thousand marks was levied
on the community at large, out of which the individ-
ual creditors of the army were paid. The ten thou-
sand marks were accepted as a dramatic surprise in
relief from a penal impost of ten times the amount.
The poor provost, when the first demand was made,
said it was impossible to raise a hundred thousand
marks. On this " the general nobly said : ' Since ye
have subscribed our Covenant, we think us all but one ;
therefore we will not take so great a sum from you,
upon condition ye contribute with us in this our good
cause since the beginning, and in time coming Avith
men and moneys as occasion shall offer ; and in the
mean time give up the names of your neighbours who
have fled the town for fear of us, that we may plunder
their goods at our pleasure during their absence, and
likewise with all convenient speed to go fortify your
blockhouse with men and cannon, and other necessaries
' Spalding's Memorials, i. 154.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. 31
for defence of foreign invasion, if it shall happen at the
water-month ; and withal to lay us down ten thousand
marks for support of our army's charges." ^ As appro-
priate to Montrose's reasonable clemency, it must be
noted that when Aberdeen sent commissioners to re-
present the town at " the Tables," these laid a fine of
forty thousand marks on their community " for their
outstanding against them and their Covenant." ^
Argyle sent five hundred of his Highlanders to swell
the Covenanting force in Aberdeen. It did not suit
the policy of the commander at that time to be assisted
by such inveterate marauders. He therefore stationed
them where they could conveniently foray on the
lands of the Irvines and other malignants. This was
a happy arrangement. They were at hand in case of
need, they supported themselves, and they chastised
the enemy. When the business was completed, and a
strong organisation established, it was deemed safe to
bring them into quarters assigned to them in the city,
with strong injunctions to abstain from mischief So,
just before the departure of the main body of the army,
they A^^ere marched from the ground, "where they
wanted not abundance of beef, mutton, and other good
fare for little pay, in order of battle, with bagpipes
and Highland arms."^ On the 12th of April the
infantry marched southwards imder Leslie ; and it is
noted by the town-clerk, "Thus Felt Leslie marched
upon Good Friday ; but in none of the Aberdeens was
there preaching, as was used before upon Good Friday,
according to the Perth Articles — such was the change
of time." ^
1 Spalding's Memorials, i. 167. "" Ibid., 172.
3 Ibid., 166. ' Ibid., 168.
32 CHARLES I.
Himtlv, findiuo; that, unless he received aid from the
king — and that -n-as now unlikely to come soon — he
would speedily be overwhelmed, desired to make what
terms he could with safety and honour, and proposed
to hold a meeting with ^lontrose. They met twice
in a place selected as safe for the purpose, each with
eleven followers, and all armed no further than with
the indispensable sword. Huntly \A'ished to conform
to existing conditions without actually humiliating
himself to sign the Covenant. He and his Protestant
friends were content to acknowledge the old Confes-
sions, and to subscribe a document maintainino- the
king's authority, " together with the liberties both of
Church and State — of religion and laws." He pro-
posed a course for the co-operation even of the Papists
of the north, " they subscribing a declaration of their
willingness to concur with the C*ovenanters of main-
tainino- the laws and liberties of the kingdom." ^
In point of policy this was a promising bargain to
the Tables — it secured to them the neutrality, if not
the active assistance, of the only force that could
elFeetually trouble them at home in co-operation with
an English invasion. How the zealous Covenanters
might take it, and how Montrose, when he accepted
the terms, counted upon their conduct, are among the
smaller mysteries of history.
It was desirable that, to complete the arrangements,
Huntly should come to Aberdeen. He was now no
longer an enemy, and the exceeding caution of the
previous meetings was unnecessary. Still there might
be quarrels and difficulties ; and he required a safe-
conduct, insuring his life and liberty. It was signed
1 Spa.ldm<,''s Memorials, i. 157, 160 ; Gordon's Scuts Affairs, ii. 233.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639, 33
by Montrose and some others.^ Huntly had been
in Aberdeen some two or three days, hospitably enter-
tained in the house of the Laird of Pitfodels, when he
began to have an unpleasant sensation that his steps
were watched and his abode guarded. When he
sovxght an explanation, the end was that he found he
was to be removed to Edinburgh. Nominally he
went of his own freewill, but really as entirely a
prisoner as the genteel criminal who, to save appear-
ances, is permitted to drive with his captor in a car-
riage to prison. On this transaction a question has
been debated, whether, on the one hand, it was a bold
stroke of treachery, devised and executed by Mon-
trose ; or, on the other, it was a surrender of his own
naturally honourable nature to the stronger and un-
scrupulous will of Huntly's personal enemies. On
neither side is there anything to found on better than
the account of the town-clerk of Aberdeen, and the
best that can be done for the reader is to give his story.
He tells how Montrose asked the marquess to shake
hands with the deadly enemy of his house, Fren-
draught, and put several other points, which are called
" frivolovis," until at last he turned to his great pur-
pose, and said : " ' My lord, seeing we are all now
friends, will ye go south to Edinburgli with us ? ' The
marquis, seeing his purpose, answered quickly : ' My
lord, I am here in this town upon assurance that I
would come and go at my own pleasure but [without]
molestation or inquietation. And now I see by con-
dition my lodging was guarded that I could not come
' " Huntly's desire was granted, and an assurance sent him under the
chief men's hands, especially Montrose's, that he should he free to re-
turn."— Gordon's Scots Affairs, ii. 235.
VOL. VIT. C
34 CHARLES I.
out nor in. And now by expectation ye would take
myself — who is here and bidden here by your lordship,
in quiet manner, merry and glad — and carry me to
Edinburgh whether I would or not. This, in my
sight, seems not fair nor honourable.' Always says
he, ' My lord, give me my bond whilk I gave you at
Inverurie, and ye shall have ane answer ; ' whilk the
general obeyed, and delivered to the marquis. Then
he said, ' Whether will ye take me south as ane cap-
tive, or willingly of my own mind % ' The general
answered, ' Make your choice.' Then he said, ' I will
not go as ane captive, but as ane volunteer ; ' where-
upon he comes to door, hastily goes to his own lodg-
ing, where he finds the same strictly guarded with
musketeers." ^
Some of Huntly's friends besought Montrose to
leave a hostage for him, but this he refused. The mar-
c[uess had been attended by two of his sons — the Lord
Gordon, the eldest, and his brother, the Lord Aboyne
— who were persuaded by their kindred to return to
Strathbogie. On reaching Edinburgh the marquess
was secured in the castle. This transaction cast a
shadow on the destinies of Montrose, and crossed his
path towards objects very different from those on
which he was dreaming as an unscrupulous promoter
of the Covenant. One who had good opportunities of
knowing how Huntly felt tells us : " For Montrose
going along with that action it is most certain, to the
best of my knowledge — for I write this knowingly —
that it bred such a distaste in Huntly against Mon-
trose, that afterwards, when Montrose fell off to the
king and forsook the Covenanters, and was glad to
' Spalding's Memorials, i. 170.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. 35
get the assistance of Huntly and his followers, the
Marquis of Huntly could never be gained to join
cordially with him, nor to swallow that indignity.
This bred jars betwixt them in the carrying on of the
war, and that which was pleasing to the one was
seldom pleasing to the other. Whence it came to
pass that such as were equally enemies to both (who
knew it well enough) were secured, and in end pre-
vailed so far as to ruinate and destroy both of them,
and the king by a consequent." ^
At the moment the achievement appeared to be a
success, since it shook and Aveakened the combination
which formed the Cavalier strength in the north.
One must keep in view the peculiar and complex
structure of the organisation of which Huntly was the
head, to know how chaotic and purposeless it might
become when that head was gone. The removal of
a king from a well-organised independent state might
have less influence, because naturally the organisation
would be sufficiently sound to work for him iu his
absence. On the other hand, if the head of a clan
got into trouble — a frequent occurrence — the heir or
next in command would get the obedience of the elan.
The clansmen held of such a leader by pure loyalty ;
but the greater portion of the force commanded by
Huntly was kept together not by loyalty to him but
by policy — the policy of combining for mutual aid
against the Government and the rival house of
Argyle. Within that combination were all manner
of subordinate jealousies and hatreds. There were
Lowland families of ancient blood, who could say they
were as good as the proud Gordons themselves, and
^ Gorflon's Scots Affairs, ii. 238.
2,6 CHARLES I.
were bitterly jealous of each other, and repudiative of
any other leader but the great marquess, towards whom
they took the position rather of allies acknowledging
leadership than of vassals acknowledging obedience.
There was a still more difficult and dangerous element
in the wild Highland tribes, with whom Argyle was
trafficking to consolidate an influence from his centre
of government at Inverary, while Huntly was doing
the same from Strathbogie. It was the rehearsal, on a
small scale, but in a far more tangible shape, of that
competition between the Kussian and the British in-
fluence which politicians have professed to find in
the territories of Central Asia between Russia and
Hindustan. Then there was through and through the
whole mountain district such a ramification of hered-
itary quarrels and old wrongs standing over for ven-
geance, that the most diligent of the local and gene-
alogical historians become confused in the attempts to
trace them. Sometimes the feud lay between a clan
in Argyle's interest and another in Huntly's, and
indeed was the cause of their thus drawing ofi" into
opposite camps. But sometimes the two enemies
belonged to the same organisation, which their bicker-
ings continually disturbed. It has to be added that
all were inveterate thieves, and when temptation fell
in their way did not always distinguish with proper
nicety their allies from their enemies.^
1 Take, for instance, some of the elements in a general meeting at
Strathbogie of the Lowlanders of Aberdeensliire and the Highland fol-
lowing of Huntly, "the most part of Lochaber only excepted, whom
Argyle either tampered with or forced to keep home." With those who
came "likewise joined James Grant, a son of the family of Carron on
Spey side, with some twenty of his followers. This gentleman had been
an outlaw several years before, upon a private account, which was, that
his nephew, John Grant of Carron, had been killed by a near neighbour
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. 37
Huntly's second son, the Lord Aboyne, acted as
head of the house and of the confederation, and for
his assistance was invested by the king's writ with
his father's office of Lieutenant; but he was young, and
without capacity to overcome the disorganising influ-
ences. The king gave him an order on Hamilton for
two thousand of the men on board his vessels ; but the
order was of no avail — the two thousand men were not
to be had ; and it was said that Hamilton, premon-
ished of the order, had sent them back to England.
This was all the more irritating, that the kidnapping
of the chief had created deep resentment ; and when
it was known that Hamilton Avas in the Forth with a
gentleman, John Grant of Ballandallach, which, slaughter was so re-
sented by James Grant, that for to prosecute the revenge thereof he
wilfully turned outlaw, and had been prisoner in Edinburgh Castle not
long before, and had made his escape thence ; but being well descended,
and cousin to Huntly on his mother's side, he was protected in the coun-
try, all being his friends almost, and at this time owned by Aboyne,
although the Covenanters took occasion thence to traduce Aboyne and
that party for taking such associates by the hand.
" They got greater ground to speak against bim by Aboyne his taking
under his protection one John Macgregor, a Rannoch man born (known
by the Irish nickname of John Dow Geare), and a notorious robber; yet
was he and his followers, about twenty- four arrant thieves and cut-
throats, taken into the party. The addition of all this, as it contributed
little to the service, so it gave great occasion to the Covenanters to upbraid
Aboyne, who, being young and inexperienced, was persuaded thereto by
such as either looked not to his honour, or wilfully strove to affront
him. And the wiser and most sober of his friends were very ill satisfied
therewith, and so much the rather that these two bandits, though both
of them were willing to serve Aboyne, yet they could not agree together,
but wherever they met they were like to fall to blows with their com-
panies, and could hardly be kept asunder. The reason whereof was,
because James Grant had killed one Patrick Macgregor, brother to the
Laird of Macgregor, who had undertaken (by warrant from the Privy
CouncU) for to kill or retake James Grant. This slaughter was as much
resented by the Clangregor (according to their Highland form) as Car-
ron's slaughter was resented by James Grant." — Gordon's Scots Affairs,
ii. 257, 258.
38 CHARLES I.
Jleet, the opportunity seemed to have come for stnkmg
a blow.^
An incident had the effect of drawing these Cava-
liers into common action. The Covenanters of the
north resolved to assemble in force, and to that end
they again selected Turriff, as so far from the centre of
the Gordon power that it was neutralised by others.
They were to meet on the 13th of May, and to remain
as a centre round which their brethren would gather
until the 21st, when they would begin to act. The
Gordons, assembled in some numbers in Strathbogie,
resolved to strike at once, and marched to Turriff on
the same evening. The Covenanters were numbered
at twelve hundred — their assailants were about as
many; but they had what greatly enhanced their effec-
tive force — four brass field-pieces. The assailants had
three commanders, each doing his best; but it was
their chief good fortune that one of the three, Eobert
Johnston of Crimond, "had been brought up in the
war, and wanted neither gallantry nor resolution."
They showed so much science, that instead of rushing
^ This is a rather perplexing story. It is thus tohi hy a contem-
porary not prejudiced against the Royalist side, and with good means of
information : " The king gave a new warrant and patent of lieutenancy
unto Aboyne in place of his father, and an order to Hamilton, who was
then lying in the Firth of Forth, for to deliver to Aboyne two thousand
of the land soldiers, whom he commanded Hamilton for to transport
and land safe in Aberdeen. But Hamilton, who had quick intelligence
of all that passed about the king's hand, being advertised hereof, upon
pretext of scarcity of victuals and sickness, sends back these two
thousand men for England before Aboyne came to him with the king's
order ; so that when Aboyne came to the Forth to Hamilton he was
heartily welcomed and feasted, it's true, and many volleys shot off at
drinking the king's health ; but it was showed him that the men were
gone, and all that Aboyne could procure was four brass field-pieces and
some tield-officers, and some small quantity of ammunition." — Gordon's
Scots Affairs, ii. 265, 266.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. 39,
on the village by the east end of its one street, which
was nearest to them, they passed deliberately round
to the west, where attack was easier and safer. The
Covenanters were surprised — some in bed, others en-
joying themselves — and even the delay in the attack
did not give them time to form. Hence, when the
street was swept by a volley of musketry and a few
discharges from the field-pieces, they dispersed and
left the town in the hands of the assailants. It was
a small afi'air — two men on the assailed and one
on the assailing side killed. Yet it became memor-
able in local history as " the Trot of Turriff; " and it
had some claim to commemoration, since in that dis-
tant village the first blood in the great civil war was
spilt. It was remembered, too, in the north, though
the many turns in the mighty conflict drove it out of
memory elsewhere, that it was on the side of the Cava-
liers that the sword was first drawn. ^
Among the incidents of the excitement naturally
raised by this triumph, one was in itself a small romance
of a character peculiarly Highland. Lord Ludovic or
Lewis Gordon, the third son of Huntly, was, as we are
told, a young boy at school in Strathbogie with his
grandmother. 2 On hearing of the Trot of Turriff he
" broke away from his grandmother, and had forsaken
the school and his tutor, leaping over the walls so hazard-
ously as he went near to break one of his arms." ^ He
wandered up to the hills, and came back the leader of a
horde of Highlanders from Strathdee, Braemar, Strath-
^ The parson of Eothiemay gives a miirate account of tlie stages of the
short conflict, giving individual particulars, down to the minister wan-
dering distractedly ahout his church while the huUets passed through
the roof. Scots Affairs, ii. 256-58. See also Spalding's Memorials, i. 185.
^ Gordon's Scots Affairs, ii. 238. ^ Ibid., 261.
40 CHARLES I.
earn, and Glenlivet. They had cro^A'ded rapturously
round the princely boy, for such he was to them. The
king's Court had ever been too far off, even at Holyrood,
for distinct vision by the Highlanders, and now it was
farther off still. To this portion of them Strathbogie
was their court. It was noted as one of the marvels
of his escapade that the boy presented himself to the
mountaineers " in Highland garb." This is perhaps
the first occasion on which any person of high rank is
mentioned as so attired. Thus Lewis Gordon seems,
unwittingly perhaps, to have solved a problem practi-
cally applied in later times, that the nearest way to the
heart of this peculiar people is to attire some person
of illustrious rank in their peculiar garb. What it was
at that time we do not well know, but it doubtless
differed widely from the regulation Highland uniform
of the present day. So, in Spalding's words, he and
his followers, " upon Friday, the 7th of June, marched
in brave order, about a thousand men on horse and
foot, well armed, brave men, with captains, command-
ers, and leaders, trumpets, drums, and bagpipes."
Thus was this youth the commander of a body of
troops the most irregular of irregulars — a post requir-
ing great experience and peculiar military sagacity.
How it fared with him in his command we are not
precisely told ; but we know that, swollen by this ac-
cession, the general body of Cavaliers, Highland and
Lowland, dreamed of striking some great blow against
the Covenanters southward of Aberdeenshire. They
marched down Deeside, and turned to the right,
menacing the Earl Marischal's great fortress of Dun-
nottar. Prudence jorevailed, however, and abandon-
ing an enterprise so hoj)eless, they returned to the
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. 4'
Gordon country by the easiest method — dispersing
and reuniting. Thus they left the south side of the
Dee, achieving notliing " except that the Highlanders
plundered the country coming or going — a thing very
usual with them." ^
In the north " the Barons," as their leaders were
now called, reassembled in such strength as to threaten
annihilation to the Covenanting party beyond the
Spey, and it was deemed necessary that Montrose
should return to punish them. As he passed through
Aberdeen for this purpose, his army performed a pecu-
liar feat long remembered in the district — the execu-
tion of a multitude of dogs found wandering after the
practice of the species in the streets. This act was
not without its provocative cause. At their former
visit to the town, through what was called a " Avhimsy"
of their commander, each Covenanting soldier was
decorated with a blue ribbon. It had taken the
fancy of the Cavalier damsels of Aberdeen to adorn
their dogs with a precise duplicate of this device, and
so distinguished were the offending animals found on
the return of the great leader and his army.^
' Gordon's Scots Affairs, ii. 262.
° Spalding's Memorials, i. 195. Blue is the Presbyterian colour down
to this day ; and if Spalding's story be true, this affair was the cause of the
adoption : " Here it is to be noted that few or none of this whole army
wanted ane blue ribbon hung about his craig [neck] down under his left
arm, whilk they called the Covenanter^ s ribhon,hecau.se the Lord Gordon
and some other of the marquis's bairns and family had ane ribbon, when
he was dwelling in the town, of ane red flesh-colour, which they wore in
their hats, and called it iJie royal ribbon, as a sign of their love and
loyalty to the king. In despite or derision whereof tliis blue ribbon
was worn, and called the Covenanter's ribbon, by the hail soldiers of this
army, and would not hear of the royal ribbon — such was their pride and
malice."— P. 154.
The parson of Rothiemay says of the Covenanting army which crossed
42 CHARLES I.
]\lontrose marched westward towards the Gordon
country. The parson of Eothiemay notes that he
stabled his troop-horses in the church of Udny, " a
practice then unusual, though afterwards it grew to
be more in fashion to turn churches to stables." ^
When he reached the ground on which he had in-
tended to fight it out with the Barons he could not
find his enemy. The Highlanders, with their usual
nimbleness, had dived into their mountain recesses, to
come forth again instantly when wanted. The leaders,
with small bodies of picked men, had each shut him-
self up in his own strong house or castle. Montrose
now formed the project of destroying these strong-
holds one by one. He began with the Tower of
Gight. It was defended by Johnston, the victor at
Turriff, one of the officers trained in the foreign wars,
and threatened a tough resistance. Montrose had no
siege-train, and his small field-pieces had little effect
on the thick stone walls. He set himself down, how-
ever, for a^^steady siege, in which he worked for two
days, when, suddenly changing his purpose, he broke
up his camp, and retreated to Edinburgh as rapidly as
if an enemy had been at his heels.
This was a mistake caused by false information.
He learned that Aboyne, with his commission as
the Tweed next year : " And now the blue ribbons and blue caps had
opened the door in the north of England, and the Covenant colours
came triumphantly displayed to Newcastle. For it is to be known that,
as the last year, so in this new expedition, the Scottish officers mostly
wore blue bonnets out of contempt of the English, who scoffingly called
them ' Blue-caps.' And they carried blue ribbons either in their caps or
hung about them, and their spanners thereto appended like an order
of knighthood, the Royalists wearing red ribbons in opposition of that
colour." — Gordon's Scots Affairs, ii. 260.
' Gordon's Scots Affairs, ii. 264.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. 43
Lieutenant, had brought a fleet into the roadstead of
Aberdeen having a land-force on board. He knew
that Aboyne had got an order from the king for two
thousand men, but did not know that the order had
been ineffectuaL^ As to Aboyne's fleet, it was repre-
sented by a sorry collier-ship from the Tyne and two
pinnaces. They carried the contribution supplied by
Hamilton under the king's order, and landed some
brass cannon and other munitions, and a few trained
oflicers, the most important among whom was Crowner
or Colonel Griin, a native of Caithness, who had served
abroad.^
The retreat of Montrose did far more for the cause
of the northern Cavaliers than the assistance brought
by Aboyne. The dispersed army of the Barons again
gathered round Strathbogie, and Aboyne was able to
march on Aberdeen with some two thousand footmen
and fi-ve hundred horse. He had a copy of the Eng-
lish oath of allegiance to the king ; this he proclaimed
on his way, and tendered for signature as an anti-
Covenant declaration. Aberdeen was now again at
the command of the Cavaliers, and those who had
taken the Covenant, and continued to adhere to it, had
to disappear. A curious and expressive chapter of
local history might be filled by a description of the
revolutions of " the gude toun " alternately under the
^ See above, p. 37.
^ Gun's career was a fair type of the fortunes of the more successful
of the Scots officers who served abroad. According to tlie historian of
the house of Sutherland, who says tliat Gun was born in that county,
he returned to Germany, became a major-general in the imperial army
and a baron of the empire, marrying " a rich and noble lady Ijeside the
imperial city of Ulm, upon the Danube" (Note, Gordon's Scots Affairs,
ii. 266). It will be seen that he was not likely to have obtained high
preferment at home.
44 CHARLES I.
military. domination of either party. The poor town-
clerk laments over this hard fate as exceptional to the
peace enjoyed by the other towns: "No doubt but
this vexation was grievous to Aberdeen to be over-
thrown by ilk party who by might and strength could
be master of the fields, whereas all the other burghs
within Scotland lived first and last at great rest and
quietness."-^
As we shall presently see, the Tables — now a strong
settled central government — were solemnly preparing
to measure swords with England, or with so much of
England as the king could command. AVith all the
rest of Scotland fairly in hand, and contributing their
due proportion of taxes and levies for the great national
war, it w^as provoking to find so tough an obstacle in
one corner of the country. Critical as the position
Avas of the army in the south, it was necessary, before
the situation became still more critical, to send a force
sufficient to crush an opposition which, in the general
unanimity in which their policy prevailed elsewhere,
had naturally taught them to consider the Cavahers
of the north as traitors to their country's cause.
The knowledge which experience had given Mon-
trose of the duty to be done marked him as the proper
commander of the expedition, and he marched north-
wards in the middle of June. It happened that his
enemies came so far to meet him. Having an officer
of experience like Gun to command them, the Cav-
aliers in Aberdeen took the strong step of a march
southwards, that, picking up adherents as they went,
they might come upon the rear of the Covenanting
force in the south, while the English Eoyalist army
' Memorials, i. 186.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. 45
was dealing with tliem in front. The ordnance,
powder, and heavy baggage for this expedition were to
be conveyed along the coast in the three ships brought
by Aboyne ; but in a storm off shore these drifted out
to sea, and were heard of no more. When the Cava-
liers had reached the Castle of Muchalls, five miles to
the north of Stonehaven, Montrose was two miles on
the other side, sheltered by Dunnottar, the great for-
tress of his ally the Earl Marischal. All seemed ready
for a critical battle ; and that something almost worse
than a defeat befell the Cavaliers was attributed to the
treachery of Gun, their leader. Their array is thus
told : " The van was given to a troop of volunteer
gentlemen cuiraciers, about one hundred in number,
who for the colours carried a handkerchief upon a
lance. These wanted nothing to have made them
serviceable but some oflficer to lead them who had
had more honesty than Colonel Gunne. The citizens
of Aberdeen got the first place of all the foot, who
had there a foot regiment of gallant firemen, well
appointed, to the number of about four hundred.
The Highlanders had the rear, and other troops of
horses were put to the wings of the foot."^
Either through accident or false strategy it befell
that these Highlanders did the work of the enemy.
The cannon — " the musket's mother," as they then
called it — was an arm of war which they would not
meet. The near roar of artillery at once dispersed
them. It was not that they were influenced so much
by ordinary fear, as by a superstition that the dreadful
sound warned them of a force which man must not
dare to resist. Montrose Avas strong in ordnance,
1 Gordon's Scots Affairs, ii. 271.
46 CHARLES I.
having been supplied from Dunnottar. A party of the
Covenanters advanced beyond their lines as if to at-
tack the Cavaliers, then suddenly turned, and rapidly
retreated as if in flight. They were followed, and
thus the Highlanders were brought in front of a
cannonade, with the natural result. While yet un-
touched themselves they beheld some casualties from
the cannonade among their allies. One gun carried a
twenty-pound ball, "Avhich so affrighted the High-
landers, who stood farthest off, that, without expecting
any word of command, they ran off all in a confusion,
never looking behind them till they were got into a
moss or fast ground near half a mile distant from the
Hill of Meager." The rest of the force became un-
steady and disappeared. It was not a retreat, for no
order was kept ; nor a flight, for there was no pursuit ;
but a dispersal, each seeking his own home. And so
" this," says the historian of the affair, " is that action
known so well afterwards under the name of the Eaid
of Stonehive, so ridiculously and grossly managed
that in all the war nothing can be recounted like it." ^
The sole hope for the Cavalier party in Aberdeen
now lay in holding the bridge over the Dee — a work
of seven arches, narrow and crooked, as bridges were
in that day. To this spot such of the scattered force
as could again be gathered was brought. What de-
fence-works of turf and stone the short time permitted
were run up at the south end. They were so strong
and well served that for a whole day the cannon as-
sailed them, and swept the bridge in vain. Next day
Montrose tried a strategy of so simple and transparent
a kind, that its success, in the face of trained soldiers,
^ Gordon's Scots Affairs, ii. 275.
CONFLICT IN THE NORTH, 1639. 47
was attributed to the treachery of the Cavalier com-
mander. The Covenanting army appeared to be
ascending the river to cross by a neighbouring ford.
The other party went to defend the ford. There were
but fifty left at the bridge, and the barriers were
forced without resistance. So it was in this northern
section of the contest that the second actual conflict
as well as the first was fought. The afi"air of the
Bridge of Dee made a nearer approach to the dignity
of a battle than the Trot of Turrifi"; and its results
were far more eminent, since they decided the fate
not of a mere village, but of an important town, the
capital of a district. Again the Covenanters were
supreme in Aberdeen. Some conspicuous Malignants
were imprisoned, others dispersed or hid themselves.
There was momentous consultation about the fate of
the city — whether it should be rased to the ground,
and if not, what penalty should be exacted from it.
But an event intercepted the decision of these mo-
mentous questions. It was on the 19th of June 1639
that the bridge was carried. On the 20th, "whilst
the poor city was fearing the worst, that very night
came there a pinnace from Berwick, with letters both
from the king and chief of the Covenanters, ordering
all acts of hostility to cease upon both sides, and
intimating that the treaty was closed ; so that to-
morrow all the prisoners were released, the peace
proclaimed, and every man began to come back to
Aberdeen to their houses. Yet could not Montrose's
soldiers be gotten away out of the town of Aberdeen
till the town paid five thousand merks Scots for a
taxation to them, so ill were they satisfied both with
the want of the plunder of Aberdeen and the hasty
48 CHARLES I.
news of tbe peace, which Montrose suspected would
come before he entered the town." ^
It has been thought best to trace up to a temporary
conclusion this episode in the great contest, to prevent
confusion and clear all out of the way of the account
of the far more momentous, though less picturesque
and animated, succession of events through which the
main quarrel took its course.
1 Gordon's Scots Affairs, ii. 281, 282.
CHAPTER LXXII.
HAMILTON AND LAUD THE KING'S PREPARATIONS — MOVEMENTS
IN SCOTLAND THE SEIZURE OF EDINBURGH CASTLE AND
OTHER FORTRESSES ROYALIST FLEET IN THE FORTH ALEX-
ANDER LESLIE GATHERS A COVENANTING ARMY COMPOSI-
TION OF THE ARMY THE LOWLAND AGRICULTURISTS
ARGYLE'S HIGHLANDERS THE CAMP ON DUNSE LAW THE
king's army ON THE OTHER SIDE HINTS FOR A SUPPLICA-
TION THE PLAN TRIED THE KING's RECEPTION OF IT
PACIFICATION OF BERWICK SUSPICIONS A SUPPLEMENTAL
GENERAL ASSEMBLY DEMOLITION OF EPISCOPACY REPEATED
—THE king's LARGE DECLARATION A PARLIAMENT THE
CONSTITUTION OF THE ESTATES DEALINGS WITH THE
FRENCH COURT — THE QUARREL RENEWING — STATE OF FEEL-
ING IN ENGLAND AN ENGLISH ARMY MARCHING TO THE
NORTH — Leslie's army reconstructed — montrose and
THE passage of THE TWEED • CROSSING THE TYNE AT
NEWBURN, AND DEFEAT OF THE KING'S ARMY OCCUPATION
OF NEWCASTLE TREATY OF RIPON.
Hamilton's conduct received the approval of Laud,
and therefore of the king ; and he went to Court to
hold consultations, having first duly consulted Laud
on the propriety of such a step. So far as the voices
of that age come down to the present, the loudest in
denunciation and the firmest in the demand of strong
measures is still the voice of Laud. He chafed with
VOL. vn. D
50 CHARLES 1.
fierce impatience at the slowness and insufiicieney of
the preparations for punishment. " I am as sorry,"
he says, " as your grace can be, that the king's pre-
parations can make no more haste. I hope you think
— for truth it is — I have called upon his majesty, and
by his command upon some others, to hasten all that
may be, and more than this I cannot do." And a few
days later — on the 7th of December : " In tender care
of his majesty's both safety and honour, I have done,
and do daily call upon him for his preparations. He
protests he makes all the haste he can, and I believe
him ; but the jealousies of giving the Covenanters
umbrage too soon have made the preparations here so
late. I do all I can here with trouble and sorrow
enough." ^
The preparations were very formidable in design :
" His majesty was to raise an army of thirty thousand
horse and foot, and to lead them in person towards
Scotland : he was to ^w^rite to all the nobility of Eng-
land to wait upon him to the campaign with their at-
tendants, who should be maintained by his majesty's
pay : he was to put good garrisons in Berwick and
Carlisle — two thousand in the former and five hun-
dred in the latter : he was at the same time to send
a fleet to ply from the Firth northward for stopping
of trade, and making a great diversion for guarding
the coast : he was also to send an army of five thou-
sand men under the marquis his command to land in
the north and join with Huntly's forces — all which
should be under his command, he retaining still the
character of commissioner, with the addition of gen-
eral of the forces in Scotland ; and with these he was
' Burnet's Memoirs of Haiiiiltnii 111.
THE king's preparations, 1639. 51
first to make the uorth sure, and then to move south-
ward, which might both make another great diversion,
and encourage such as wished well to his majesty's
service, who were the greater number in those parts.
Next, the Earl of Antrim was to land in Argyleshire,
upon his pretensions to Kintyre and the old feuds
betwixt the Macdonalds and Campbells ; and he pro-
mised to bring with him ten or twelve thousand men.
And last of all, the Earl of Strafford was to draw to-
gether such forces as could be levied and spared out
of Ireland, and come with another fleet into Dum-
briton Firth ; and for his encouragement the marquis
desired him to touch at Arran (that being the only
place of his interest which he could offer unto his
majesty), and he would be sure of all his men there
(such naked rogues as they were is his own phrase) ;
besides, there were store of cows in that island for the
provision of the fleet, which he appointed should not
be spared."^
But poverty stood in the way of this, as of many
another brilliant project. Though the revenvie from
ship-money supported the Court in time of tranquillity,
there was so little for any exigency that the expense of
entertaining the queen's mother becomingly crippled
the treasury. As a type of the condition of the de-
partments connected with war and the national de-
fence, we may take the facts which Sir John Heydon,
Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, gave as his ex-
cuse for not rendering certain returns required by the
master-general : " The surveyor is sick ; the clerk of
the ordnance restrained of his liberty, and one of his
clerks absent ; the clerk of the deliveries is out of
1 Burnet's Memoirs, 113.
52 CHARLES I.
town, and his clerk absent ; the master-gunner dead,
the yeomen of the ordnance never present, nor any of
the gunner attendants." ^
So wretchedly were the royal fortresses in Scotland
apparelled and manned, that the Tables resolved to
take them at one sweep out of the hands of the Gov-
ernment. The project was discussed as a matter of
policy rather than ability, the question being, whether
it was just and prudent to take the king's strong
places out of the hands of his appointed servants, and
themselves hold them in his name. On the 23d of
March, Leslie, at the head of a strong party, demanded
possession of Edinburgh Castle. It was refused. Con-
trary to all proper precaution, he was allowed to put
his demand at the outer gate ; and when this was
closed on him, like a house - door on an unwelcome
visitor, he took the opportunity to screw a petard on
it. This explosive engine had, of course, been pre-
pared with the latest improvements known in the
great war ; and the effects of its explosion were so
astounding that the garrison tacitly j^ermitted the
assailants to take possession of the fortress. " Dum-
barton," says Baillie, " was a strength that no force
ever had won, and what stratagem to use we knew
not, the captain being so vigilant a gentleman, and
having provided it so well with men, munition, and
victuals ; yet God put it in our hands most easily." ^
It happened that this " vigilant gentleman " attended
church on Sunday with so many of the garrison that
when they were seized on their way back the place
was defenceless. Dalkeith was easily taken by as-
' Calendar of State Papca-s (Domestic), 1637-.38, preface, xiii.
- Letters, i. 193.
THE king's preparations, 1639. 53
sault. AVitliin it were found the warlike stores about
which there had been so much discussion. Something-
still more interesting was found there, — the Honours
of the realm — the crown, sceptre, and sword. These
were conveyed with reverential pomp to Edinburgh
Castle. Stirling Castle did not require to be assailed
— it was in the hands of a sure friend, the Earl of
Mar. All this was accomplished without the shedding
of a drop of blood, and was treated as a mere change
of officers — an administrative reform. Some strong-
places, in the hands of powerful subjects, such as
Hamilton Palace and Douglas Castle, were in the
same manner put into safe keeping. The Tables cast
longing eyes on the fortress of Caerlaverock, already
twice memorable in our History. They let it alone, for
a reason which shows how much prudence was allied
to their strength. As a Border fortress its posses-
sion was of moment. But it might have been assisted
from the garrison of Carlisle, and it was infinitely
desirable to avoid any conflict with English troops.
On the king's side the Commission of Array was
issued requiring the feudal force of England to assem-
ble at York. Hamilton was to take a fleet transport-
ins; land-forces into the Firth of Forth. " He desired
the king might choose a fitter person for the naval
forces, since he was altogether unacquainted with sea
affairs, and not fit for such an important service. But
his majesty, looking upon this as an effect of his
modesty, gave no hearing to it, telling him that as for
affairs purely naval, Sir John Pennington, the vice-
admiral, should go with him, and would abundantly
supply his defects in that." ^
1 Burnet's Memoirs, 114.
54 CHARLES I.
Such was the practice of the day. It took many
years' experience and many disasters to prove that
skill and science were necessary for sea commands,
and that birth and rank could not effect the handling
of vessels without these qualities.
On the 1st of May Hamilton and his fleet entered
the Firth of Forth. He had nineteen vessels, and the
rumour spread that he brought five thousand men in
them. We are told that these were in good condition,
" well clothed and well armed, but so little exercised
that of the five thousand there were not two hundred
who could fire a musket." ^ This was, it appears,
because the trained men were kept at home for the
defence of their own counties in case of need. Whether
there actually were five thousand men in the fleet may
be doubted. Though there were five regiments, we
have seen already how, when two thousand men were
ordered from them for service, they were not to be
found. Two of these regiments were, as we have
seen, sent to join the king's army in the north of Eng-
land. The whole affair partook of a pretence organised,
after the fashion of Chinese warfare, to frighten the
country. But the alarm inspired by it took the wrong
direction. It communicated to the preparations of the
Tables an impulsive rapidity. They were soon in pos-
session of thirty thousand stand of arms. They had
twenty thousand men embodied, and in the hands of an
organisation for diligently drilling and training them.
Prompt measures were taken for the defence of the coast.
Leith was strongly fortified. Round the coast of Fife
there was at that time a string of seaport towns which
conducted a lucrative commerce. They had an abun-
' Bmnet's Memoirs, 120.
t>
THE SCOTS PREPARATION, 1639. 55
daut shipping, and, like all enterprisiDg maritime com-
munities of that age, transacted in the Spanish main
and other distant seas a kind of business that ac-
customed them to the use of arms. These towns
were so affluent that King James compared the bleak
county of Fife to a frieze cloak with a trimming of
gold-lace. All these towns fortified themselves, and
there was no spot where a party could be landed
from the fleet without a struggle.
The Tables had again been supplicating in the old
fashion, vindication of the past and determination to
go on for the future in the same course, being set forth
with all deep humility. The king answered them in
a denunciatory proclamation intrusted to Hamilton.
Times were changed, however, and it was no longer
that the king's lieutenant played a game at hide-and-
seek with those who were to neutralise his Proclama-
tion by a Protestation. The authorities in Edinburgh
would neither announce the proclamation nor permit
it to be announced. They sent a remonstrance to
Hamilton, with the old professions of loyalty and
humility, but pointing out to him that this document
which comes from abroad, and has no sanction from
the local government of Scotland, " carries a denunci-
ation of the high crime of treason against all such as
do not accept the offer therein contained." "Where-
as your grace knows well that l)y the laws of this
kingdom, treason and tlie forfeiture of the lands, life,
and estate of the meanest subject within the same
cannot be declared but either in Parliament or in
a supreme justice court, after citation and lawful
probation ; how much less of the whole j^eers and
body of the kingdom, without either court, proof, <jr
S6 CHARLES I.
trial." They are convinced tliat it is not the doing of
their gracious king, but "a deep plot contrived by
the policy of the devilish malice of the known and
cursed enemies of this Kirk and State." ^
On the 20tli of May the Scots army was paraded
on the links of Leitli by their commander-in-chief,
Leslie. The articles of war under which they took
themselves bound to serve were read to them. Next
day the march towards the English border began.
They were accompanied by several clergymen, who
filled the regimental chaplain department to super-
fluity. Fortunately for the entertainment and in-
struction of later times, Baillie was among them, and
left some picturesque notices of his experience. He
was chaplain to the contingent from Ayrshire, where
he ministered, and he says : " I furnished to half-a-
dozen of good fellows muskets and pikes, and to my
boy a broadsword. I carried myself, as the fashion
was, a sword and a couple of Dutch pistols at my
saddle ; but I promise for the offence of no man
except a robber on the way, for it was our part alone
to pray and preach for the encouragement of our
countrymen."^ It may be questioned if any army
since the time of chivalry had in it so much of the
aristocratic element as this which went to make war
upon the sovereign. Baillie says: " Our crouners [that
is, colonels], for the most part, were noblemen. Rothes,
Lindsay, Sinclair, had among them two fall regiments,
at least, from Fife. Balcarras, a horse troop ; Loudon,
]\Iontgomcry, Erskine, Boyd, Fleming, Kirkcudbright,
Tester, Dalhousie, Eglinton, and others, either with
whole or half regiments. JMontrose's regiment was
^ Burnet's Memoirs. " Letters, &c., i. 211.
THE MARCH TO THE BORDER, 1639. 57
above fifteen himdi-ed men."^ His clerical mind
was surprised that so large a representative force of
the territorial aristocracy of Scotland should defer to
the soldier of fortune who commanded in chief : " We
were feared that emulation among our nobles might
have done harm Avhen they should be met in the
fields ; but such was the wisdom and authority of that
old, little, crooked soldier, that all with ane incredible
submission from the beginning to the end gave over
themselves to be guided by him, as if he had been
great Solomon." '^
There was a strouo- element of religious enthusiasm
CD O
in that host, yet perhaps it was not quite so strong as
some have believed it was. Through the wliole strug-
gle the working of the religious element was in the
hands of the loudest speakers, while those whose im-
pulses were of a secular character were more reserved
in their communications. What Baillie says of his
own entranced inner feelings may have applied to his
1 Lettere, &c., i. 211.
- Ibid., 213, 214. OLl Leslie was popular in England. The author
possesses a slim quarto pamphlet with the title, " General Lesley's
Speech in the Parliament of Scotland, the 25th of October 1641, in
Defence of himself upon certain Slanders which are reported of liim —
wherein he expresseth his Affection to the King and Kingdom of Eng-
land. Also concerning the Traytors of Scotland which did lay a Plot to
take away his Life. Printed at London for T. B., 1641." There is a wood-
cut on the title-page representing the general, in much more than com-
plete armour, careering away on a thundering war-steed. The speech
is in keeping with this — a rodomontade of turgid English sprinkled
with Latin. It must have taken skill to make anything so absolutely
at odds with the tough old practical Scots soldier, who had spent his
life abroad, and had a dubious reputation as to reading and writing. The
interest in the existence of such a document is in the fact that it should
have been fabricated for the English. On turning to the Lord Lyon's
diary of the session of 1641, to find whether Leslie did address the
House on the 2.5th of October 1641, the response is : "25th October —
Mondav: no meeting of Parliament."— Balfour, iii. 119.
58 CHARLES I.
brother clergy and a few others. The soldiers from
the Swedish camp had been taught to submit to reli-
gious ordinances as part of the soldier's discipline.
The same practice will in some measure account for the
sound of psalm-singing and praise which fed the ears of
Baillie with spiritual luxuries. That there was some-
what of swearing and brawling, and the other rough
usages of the camp, was also an element which he
was too honest to conceal.^ Argyle was there with
a few of his Highlanders. The others did not relish
their fellowship, and it was prudently settled that the
main body should remain in Scotland in the rear of
the march, "to be a terror to our neutralists or masked
friends, to make all without din march forward, lest
his uncanny trewsmen should light on to call him up
in their rear." Argyle's little group fox'med an object
of wonder, like the French Mamelukes, or the other
strange allies that armies emj^loyed on distant Oriental
warfare bring home Avith them for ornament rather
than use. They came from districts as utterly un-
known in England as the interior of Africa, and their
1 The short passage on which tlie text is a commentary is singuLirly
interesting : " Ha<l ye lent your ear in the morning, or especially at
oven, and heard in the tents the sound of some singing pjsalms, some
praying, and some reading Scripture, ye would have been refreshed.
True, there was swearing and cursing and brawling in some quarters,
whereat we were grieved ; but we hoped, if our camp had been a little
settled, to have gotten some way for these luisorders ; for all of
any fashion did regret, and all did promise to contribute their best
endeavours for helping all abuses. For myself, I never found my
mind in better temper than it was all that time frae I came from home,
till my head was again homeward ; for I was as a man who had taken
my leave from the world, and was resolved to die in that service without
return. I found the favour of God shiidng upon me, and a sweet, meek,
hunilile, yet strong and vehement spirit leading me all along ; but I
was no sooner in my way westward, after the conclusion of peace, than
my old security returned." — Letters, &c., i. 214.
THE MARCH TO THE BORDER, 1639. 59
people had a terrible name for rapine and ferocity.
"It was tliouglit," says Baillie, "the country of Eng-
land was more afraid for the barbarity of his High-
landers than of any other terror. These of the English
that came to visit our camp did gaze much with
admiration on these supple fellows, with their plaids,
target, and dorlachs." Thus it was in the cause of
the Covenant that Highland troops first threatened
the English border.
The army had an excellent commissariat, in which
their own sagacious organisation was assisted by
fortunate contingencies. The account of the material
condition of the host would be spoilt if given in any
other than Baillie's own words : —
" None of our gentlemen was anything worse of
lying some weeks together in their cloak and boots
on the ground, or standing all night in arms in the
greatest storm. Whiles, through storm of weather
and neglect of the commissaries, our bread would be
too long in coming, which made some of the eastland
soldiers half mutiny ; but at once order being taken
for our victuals from Edinburgh, East Lothian, and
the country about us, we were answered better than
we could have been at home. Our meanest soldiers
was always served in wheat-bread, and a groat would
have gotten them a lamb-leg, which was a dainty
world to the most of them. There had been an extra-
ordinary crop in that country the former year, beside
abundance which still was stolen away to the English
camp for great prices ; we would have feared no iulake
for little money in some months to come. Marche and
Tevidaill are the best mixt and most plentiful shires
both for grass and corn, for fleshes and bread, in all
6o CHARLES I.
our land. AVe were mncli obliged to the town of
Edinburgh for moneys. Harie EoUock, by his ser-
mons, moved them to shake out their purses. The
garners of non-Covenanters, especially of James Max-
well and my Lord Wintoun, gave us plenty of wheat.
One of our ordinances was to seize on the rents of non-
Covenanters ; for we thought it but reasonable, [since]
they sided with these who put our lives and our lands
for ever to seal, for the defence of our Church and
country, — to employ for that cause, wherein their in-
terest was as great as ours if they would be Scottish-
men, a part of their rent for a,ne year ; but for all
that, few of them did incur any loss by that our de-
cree, for the peace prevented the execution."^
The army, thus effectively equipped, contained
twenty-two thousand footmen and five hundred horse-
men. It will give some conception of the skill and
perseverance of those who sent it forth, to note that,
in mere jiroportion to the number of the inhabitants
of Scotland, it Avas such a feat as if a British war
minister of the present day could place an army of
some six hundred thousand efiective men on the
march.
When the army had reached Dungias, on the Ber-
wickshire coast, the Lord Holland handed to the gen-
eral a proclamation issued l)y the king at Newcastle
on the 14th of JMay. It stated that he found the Scots
nation were aj)prehensive that, contrary to his inten-
tions, he had come to invade them. He wishes to remove
this impression ; " if all civil and temporal obedience be
effectually and timely given and shown," there is to
be no invasion. The document is full of indistinct
' Letters, &c., i. 213.
CAMP ON DUNSE LAW, 1639. 61
matter of tliis kind ; but it contained one positive
declaration fit to be a ground of action, — if the Scots
came within ten miles of the Border, they were to be
treated as " rebels and invaders of this our kingdom
of England," and to be attacked by the English army.^
A council of war was held in the Scots camp, and it
was resolved in the mean time to obey the proclama-
tion, and to keep themselves ten miles distant from
the Border.^ An inexplicable incident connects itself
with this transaction. A large detachment of the
Scots — four or five thousand — were stationed at
Kelso. Whether or not they were at the time con-
scious of the proclamation, they were then within ten
miles of England. The Lord Holland came up with
a force of about equal strength and threatened a
charge, but finding that it would be steadily received,
wheeled his troop round and suddenly left the ground.
The Scots exulted over this as an inglorious and dis-
orderly retreat. It is likely that Holland supposed
the Scots party to be a small one which he could
easily drive back to the prescribed distance, and that
when he saw there would be tough resistance he feared
the responsibility of fighting the first battle.-"^
^ The proclamation is printed from a JMS., in Peterkin's Records, 220.
^ Gordon's Scots Ailaixs, iii. 5.
' Ibid., 7. Sir Harry Vane, in a letter to Hamilton, described the
affair thus : " My Lord Holland with one thousand horse and three
thousand foot marched towards Kelso, which when the rebels discovered
they instantly marched out with one hundred and fifty horse, and (as
my Lord Holland says) eight or ten thousand foot — five or six thousand
there might have been. He thereupon sent a trumpet comniaudin"
them to retreat, according to what they had promised by the proclama-
tion. They asked whose trumpeter he was; he said my Lord Holland's.
Their answer was, he had best to be gone ; and so my Lord Holland
made his retreat, and waited on his majesty this night to give him
this account." — Burnet's Memoirs, 139. Baillie's view was : " It is
62 CHARLES I.
The Scots commander called in all liis separate
detachments, so that his army might intrench itself in
a permanent camp at Dunse. This selection was not
in literal compliance with the proclamation to keep
ten miles from the Border, but virtually it showed
that he did not intend to cross the Border and attack
the king's army. The nature of the ground was
doubtless the reason of selection. The Law of Dunse
is a round trap hill entirely coated with thick turf,
not interrupted by breaks or rocks. It stands apart
by itself, and has a thorough command over the
country around, affording a view far into England.
Baillie's description of the encampment is brief but
sufficient : " Our hill was garnished on the top to-
wards the south and east with our mounted cannon,
well near to the number of forty, great and small.
Our regiments lay on the sides of the hill almost
round about. The place was not a mile in circle — a
pretty round rising in a declivity without steepness
to the height of a bowshot. On the top somewhat
plain about a quarter of a mile in length, and as
much in breadth, as I remember, capable of tents for
forty thousand men. The crouners lay in canvas lodg-
ings high and wide ; their captains about them in
lesser ones ; the soldiers about all in huts of timber
covered with divot or straw. "^
The king's army was on the other side of the
Tweed. To honour the presence of royalty it was
thought Holland's commission was to cut off all he met in opposition
to him ; but his soldiers that day was a great deal more nimhle in
their legs nor arms, excejjt their Cavaliers, whose right arms was not
less weary in whipping than their heels in jading their horses." —
Letters, i. 210.
1 Letters, i. 211.
CAMP ON DUNSE LAW, 1639. 63
decorated with much splendour ; but its materials were
of the same worthless kind as the levies sent to
Hamilton's fleet. The two hosts looked at each other,
and to the English it was plain that the post taken
by the Scots covered any road they might take
northwards.
Thus, while still maintaining his divine right and
the duty of implicit obedience, the king had come
face to face with absolute defeat at the hands of his
subjects. The question Avas, whether he should fight
and be beaten, or treat. His advisers could not well
hesitate which to choose ; but the problem was how to
treat, and yet to save the royal dignity. The other
side were ready to help to this solution, provided they
had practically their own way in all things. A Scots-
man, Eobert Leslie, one of the royal pages, stepped
over to the Scots camp to see and converse with old
friends. He touched on various topics, and at last, as
if it were a spontaneous thought which he could not
help uttering — might it not be prudent at this, the
last moment, to present a humble supplication to his
majesty ? The hint was taken. The " humble sup-
plication," partaking of the brevity of the camp, and
strongly in contrast with previous documents of the
same name, desired that his majesty would appoint
some persons well affected to true religion and the
common peace, to hear their humble desires and make
known to them his majesty's gracious pleasure.^ The
king referred to his " gracious proclamation" to his
subjects in Scotland, which had " been hitherto hin-
dered to be published,"— when it was " publicly read"
he would hear their supplications at length. Sir
1 Rushworth, iii. 9.38.
c
64 CHARLES I.
Edward ^^-'^nay, a man who saw all tlie danger and
eagerly desired to obviate it, was sent to tlie Scots
camp witli this proposal. He was told distinctly that
the proclamation could not be acknowledged or pub-
lished. The reasons for this were given at length
and offered to him in writing ; they were in sub-
stance the same as those tendered to Hamilton.^ But
Vcrnay was eager for some compromise. In the
ouncil of officers round the general's table the pro-
clamation was produced and examined, as people met
on business examine the documents connected with
it. Some one suggested the reading it over, and it
was read accordingly " with much reverence." This
Vernay reported as "a satisfaction " of the king's
demand. The satisfaction was accepted, and an inti-
mation was sent to the Scots camp, that "his majesty,
having understood of the obedience of the petitioners
in reading his proclamation as was commanded
them, is graciously pleased so far to condescend unto
their petition, as to admit some of them to repair to
his majesty's camp upon Monday next at eight o'clock
in the morning at the lord general's tent, where they
shall find six persons of honour and trust appointed by
his majesty to hear their humble desires." Thus was
the great crisis postponed and an opportunity opened
for negotiation. Yet even at this point the Scots ex-
emplified that spirit of suspicion that, whether Avell or
ill founded, had taken possession of them, and a de-
termination to rely on nothing but their own strength.
This invitation, signed by Sir Edward Coke, the
Secretary of State, was tendered to them as a safe-
^ See above, p. 55. Tliey will be found, as stated in the camp of
date 18th .June 16.39, in Peterkin's Records, p. 226.
PACIFICATION OF BERWICK, 1639. 6$
conduct, but was not accepted to that effect : " Although
themselves did not mistrust his majesty's word signi-
fied by the secretary, yet the people and army would
not permit their deputies to come without his majesty's
own hand and warrant." The stinp- in such an inti-
O
mation could not be the less sharp that it was made
in honest caution and not in bravado ; but the offence
tendered in it could not be taken in such an emer-
gency. With the necessary changes, " the self-same
form which had been signed by Mr Secretary Coke
was again returned them upon Sunday night, June
the 9th, signed by his majesty." ^
The commissioners sent from the Scots camp were
Eothes, Loudon, Douglas, the Sheriff of Teviotdale,
Warriston, and Henderson. The place of meeting-
was the tent occupied by the English commander, the
Earl of Arundel. There was something faintly dis-
pleasing in this arrangement, since he was suspected
of Popish leanings ; but the heterodoxy of the owner
of the canvas stretched over them was a trifle, and
they satisfied their consciences by addressing them-
selves not to him but to the Lord Holland. It was
admitted, too, that Arundel's hospitality, also un-
affected by his opinions, was munificent.
They had but begun business when a strange inci-
dent occurred. The king stepped into the tent unan-
nounced, and so noiselessly that the Scots commission-
ers, who had their backs to the entrance, were for some
little time unaware of his presence. Such a disturbing
influence in deliberative assemblies, especially of small
numbers, was inimical to British constitutional pre-
cedent both in England and Scotland. Whether or
1 Rushwortli, iii. 939; Hardwioke's State Papers, ii. 130.
VOL. VII. E
66 CHARLES I.
not it was from a reliance on the overawing influence
of the sacred presence, King Charles showed great
hankering for such surprises — witness his undesired
presence and interference in the meeting of the Estates
in 1633, and afterwards his appearance in the House
of Commons to claim the five members. He attended
the conference pretty regularly, and bore with patience
and complacency speeches that can have been neither
enlivening nor congenial. " The king," says Baillie,
" was very sober, meek, and patient to hear all ; our
spokesmen were very earnest to speak much, to make
large and plausible narrations, as well they could,
of all our proceedings from the beginning." "Much
and most free communina; there was of the highest
matters of State. It is likely his majesty's ears had
never been tickled with such discourses ; yet he was
most patient of all, and loving of clear reason." "His
majesty was ever the longer the better loved of all
that heard him, as one of the most just, reasonable,
sweet persons they ever had seen; and he also was the
more enamoured with us, especially with Henderson
and Loudon. These conferences purchased to us a
great deal of reputation for wisdom, eloquence, gravity,
loyalty, and all other good parts with tlie English
counsellors, who all the time did speak little, but
suffered the speech to pass betwixt us and the king."^
Thus the king's presence and demeanour infused
through those stubborn men a soothing influence,
prompting them to reliance. This feeling, however,
did not take the direction that he who created it might
have desired. It was not a reliance on the soundness
of any step which the king might take, but a reliance
' Baillie's Letters, i. 217.
PACIFICATION OF BERWICK, 1639. &"]
that they had talked him over to their own side. They
startled him somewhat by a request made with due
formal reverence, that he would set his own hand as
they had set theirs to the abolition of Episcopacy.
But even to this he avoided an irritating answer — it
was a weighty matter which he must take time to
think of.
It would be easy to fill up a narrative of contradic-
tion and debate from the writings connected with this
conference. Papers were exchanged, as of old, with
supplications and evasions or refusals. The way in
which one side set forth in writing the verbal discus-
sions or conclusions was contradicted by the other.
When the king proclaimed his view of the future
sanctioned by the conference, there was the inevitable
" protestation" contradicting him. But these wrang-
lings had none of the importance of those which pre-
ceded the Covenant and the General Assembly. Then
they represented an actual contest, attended by uncer-
tainties and mutations. Now it might be said that the
Covenanters were in possession, the c[uestion remain-
ing was, whether they were to hold that possession by
the sword, or to keep it in peace, avoiding the scandal
and the other evils of a civil war.
There were thus some points that might be called
open questions, which the stronger party could close
at their will. The king would not acknowledge that
General Assembly which had been held against his com-
mand, and the other party would not disavow it. The
whole question was left to a free Assembly and a free
meeting of the Estates. The prevailing party could
not object to these exercising their full power of re-
visal. They knew well what the result would be; and
68 CHARLES I.
if the king's dignity was saved by its resolving itself
into that shape, it was well. So with the Bishops. The
king would not absolutely accept their destruction, nor
would the other party disavow the act — this, too, would
be in the hands of the Parliament and Assembly.
For other and immediate matters it was agreed that
both armies should be disbanded, and that the Scottish
fortresses should be restored to the king. There were
other items of a secondary kind ; but they are of little
moment, since each party charged the other as unfaith-
ful to the treaty, and it affected no more than a post-
ponement of the c[uarrel. Other incidents were pro-
motive of jealousy and irritation. While the king was
yet on the Border he sent messages to fourteen of those
who had chief influence in the management of Scots
affairs, desiring them to come to him that he mio-ht
consult with them on high and important matters of
policy. There was something imusual, to the verge of
eccentricity, in such a proposal, especially when a con-
ference in which they were on one side and he on the
other had been brought to a practical conclusion.
There were two suspicious questions raised about the
affair. Did he desire to have these men as his guests
and companions, that he might try the influence of his
royal blandishments on them 1 This was the lighter sus-
picion of the two. The other laid bluntly to his charge
a design to kidnap the leaders of the Covenant party.
Those so invited all declined to attend. Whatever was
meant by the invitation, its rejection was naturally
counted as an offence by subjects to their sovereign.^
^ The king, when he explained his ahsence from the Assemhly which
he had intended to grace, said : " But one of the greatest discourage-
ments we had from going tliitlier was the refusing of such lords and
PACIFICATION OF BERWICK, 1639. 69
On the other hand, the king cast a bitter reproacli
on those with Avhom he had been so gracious and genial
in Arundel's tent. At a meeting of the English Privy
Council he altered and denounced the account of the
treaty as the Scots commissioners told it, as being
" in most parts full of falsehood, dishonour, and scandal
to his majesty's proceedings in the late pacification
given of his majesty's princely grace and goodness to
his subjects in Scotland." He called on the English
commissioners who had been present to attest the
falsehood of the account, and the minute of the meet-
ing of Council records their testimony against its ac-
curacy. In the end, " the whole board unanimously
became humble petitioners to his majesty, that this
false and scandalous paper might be publicly burnt by
the hangman." ^ This was awkward treatment by the
Government of England of what was virtually a State
paper issued by the existing Government of Scotland.
Then we are told that " the pulpits spoke it out very
loudly, that the king had caused burn all the articles
of the pacification at Berwick by the hand of the
hangman after his return to London, which was be-
lieved by very many, who upon that account looked
upon the king as a truce-breaker, and from that time
forwards contracted so great animosity against him
that they thought him not to be trusted." ^
others of that nation whom we sent for to come to us to Berwick ; by
which disobedience they manifestly discovered their distrust of us, and
it cannot be thought reasonable that we should trust our person with
those that distrusted us, after so many arguments and assurances of
our goodness towards them." — His Majesty's Declaration concerning
his Proceedings with his Subjects of Scotland since his Pacification
in the Camp near Berwick; Eushworth, 1018.
' Eushworth, iii. 965, 966.
2 Gordon's Scots Affairs, iii. 31.
70 CHARLES I.
The next stage in the progress of events is the hold-
ing first of a General As.scmbly, and next of a meeting
of the Estates. The king had announced that he was
to be present at both, but he changed his intention.
Hamilton was again desired to act as Commis-
sioner, but he declined the trust. It was natural, and
perhaps becoming, that neither the king nor his com-
missioner who had professed to close the previous
Assembly should preside, since the business to be
transacted was a formal surrender of all that tlie
royal prerogative had asserted for upwards of thirty
years in the ecclesiastical organisation of Scotland.
The Assembly met at Edinburgh on the 12th of
August, with the Earl of Traquair as commissioner.
As in the Assembly of 1638, care was taken to exclude
the uncovenanted, and the process had become far less
troublesome since the spirit of opposition was dead.
Comj)ared, indeed, with the other, this Assembly
resembled a conclave of official persons who have to
record and put in order the resolutions over which a
great battle has been fought, with debates, musters of
attendance, and anxious voting. The commissioner
recommended brevity and expedition in the work to
be accomplished. In the spirit of getting quickly over
a disagreeable but necessary business, he suggested
" that all these evils which were the grievances might
be viewed together and included under one Act." It
was conceded to the king, that although they were
virtually met to confirm the Acts of the Assembly
of 1638, it should not be referred to in the Acts
of the new Assembly, however it might be mentioned
in debate. Also, that in confirming the abolition of
Episcopacy, nothing should be said abusive of that
GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1639. 71
form of Churcli government as Popish or otherwise,
but that it should be simply condemned as " contrary
to the constitution of the Church of Scotland." The
same negative courtesy was to be rendered to the
Court of High Commission and to the abolished
ceremonies.
In this spirit an Act was passed " containing the
causes and remedies of the bygone evils of this Kirk."
It enumerated the Articles of Perth, the establishment
of Bishops, the Service-book, Book of Canons, and the
other grievances of which we have seen so much
already, and declared them to be " still" abjured and
unlawful. A little dramatic scene was prepared for
the inauguration of this completion of the revolution.
After " Mr Andrew Cant, having a strong voice," had
read the Act, some of the clergy present, including
certain venerable ministers who had witnessed the per-
fection of the Presbyterian polity in the days of the
Melvilles, were desired to " speak their judgment" on
what had been accomplished. The voices of some of
these men had been known of old, but in later times
had been lost in the storm that had overtaken their
favourite polity. Among these were Alexander Som-
erville, Harry RoUock, John Row, John Bell, William
Livingston, and John Ker. As a fair specimen of these
grave rejoicings, we may take the contribution made to
them by John Weems, a man unknown in debate or
polemics, but a scholar and a patient worker in Biblical
criticism : " Mr John Weems called on, could scarce
get a word spoken for tears trickling down along his
grey hairs like drops of rain or dew upon the top of
the tender grass, and yet withal smiling for joy,
said : ' I do remember when the Kirk of Scotland
72 CHARLES I.
had a beautiful face. I remember since there was
a great power and life accompanying the ordinances
of God, and a wonderful work of operation upon the
hearts of people. These, my eyes, did see a fearful de-
fection after, procured by our sins, and no more did I
wish before my eyes were closed but to have seen such
a beautiful day. Blessed for evermore be our Lord
and King, Jesus ; and the blessing of God be upon his
majesty, and the Lord make us thankful.'" On this
the moderator, ]\Ir David Dickson, said : " I believe
the king's majesty made never the heart of any man
so blyth in giving them a bishopric as he has made
the heart of that reverend man joyful in putting them
away; and I am persuaded, if his majesty saw you
shedding tears for blythness, he should have more
pleasure in you nor in some of those that he has given
great things unto." Thereupon "old Mr John Bell,
in Glasgow, said : ' My voice nor my tongue cannot
express the joy of my heart to see this torn-down Kirk
restored to her beauty. The Lord make us thankful.
Lord bless his majesty and commissioner.' " " Old Mr
Livingston," also, had seen the ancient glory, and
mourned under the eclipse, and now he had lived to
see the brightness, ending : " And now I have seen it,
and bless the Lord for it, and begs the blessing from
heaven upon our gracious sovereign." ^
Such was the extinction of Episcopacy as enacted
before the world. But before we understand the full
policy of the surrender, we must seek help from some
documents which did not so frankly court the light —
<locuments that, had they been known in that Assem-
bly, would have been apt to extijiguisli the ardour of
' Peterkin's Eecords, 250-52.
GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1639. ^l
the thanks and blessings bestowed on the king. Of
date the 6th of August — six days before the opening of
the Assembly — there existed a letter by the king to
Spottiswood, who had been Archbishop of St Andrews,
and still was addressed as " right trusty and well-
beloved councillor and reverend father in God." It
was an answer to an address sent by the Scottish
bishops through Laud as their mediator; and the
scroll of the letter was to be seen in Burnet's day, in
the handwriting of Hamilton, " interlined in some
places by my Lord of Canterbury." The king begins
by telling them that he cannot comply with their
proposal to prorogate the Assembly — the political
conditions render that impossible. At the same time
he does not see the use of their attempting to hold a
meeting — in Scotland it would be dangerous, in Eng-
land unproductive. Nor would he liave them venture
into the Assembly. With all this discouragement, he
says : " We do hereby assure you that it shall be still
one of our chiefest studies how to rectify and establish
the government of that Church aright, and to repair
your losses, which we desire you to be most confident
of." Then, to show that these are not mere vague ex-
pressions of goodwill, he instructs them how to begin
in secret to aid him in the work of restoration, thus :
" We conceive that the best way will be for your lord-
ships to give in by way of protestation and remonstrance
your exceptions against this Assembly and Parliament
to our commissioner, which may be sent by any mean
man, so he be trusty and deliver it at his entering
into the church ; but we would not have it be read
or argued in this meeting, where nothing but partial-
ity is to be expected, but to be represented to us by
74 CHARLES I.
him, wliicli we promise to take so in consideration as
becometh a prince sensible of bis own interest and
honour, joined with tlie equity of your desires. And
you may rest secure, that though we may perhaps give
way for the present to that which will be prejudicial
both to the Church and our own Government, yet wc
shall not leave thinking in time how to remedy both." ^
The task assigned to Traquair was delicate, and,
looking to the temper of those who had undisputed
command in Scotland, also perhaps dangerous. He
would naturally desire directions in writing on the
point, in addition to whatever he might derive from
verbal conference. But such directions would require
to be cautiously expressed ; for any document from the
king regulating the conduct and procedure of his
representative in Scotland would not so easily be kept
private as the hint given to the poor bishops. Hence
this enigmatical instruction : " In giving way to the
abolishing of Episcopacy, be careful that it be done
Avithout the appearing of any warrant from the bishops;
and if any offer to appear for them, you are to inquire
into their warrant, and carry the dispute so as the
conclusion seem not to be made in prejudice of Epis-
copacy as unlawful, but only in satisfaction to the
people for settling the present disorders and such
other reasons of State ; but herein you must l3e careful
that our intentions appear not to any." ^
After they had concluded the great work, the As-
sembly had yet something of moment to do ere they
separated. The king had come before the world in a
new shape — as a controversial pamphleteer. Things
had come forth from him, or at least in his name,
^ Burnet's Memoirs, 154. - Iljid., 150.
THE king's large DECLARATION, 1639. 75
against whicli it behoved them to lift their testimony.
As the king marched northward, a " Declaration" had
been circulated in England vindicating his resort to
arms. Whether wisely or not, it appealed to the spirit
of High Church and divine right as political influences
still powerful in England, and treated the Covenanters
somewhat bitterly, saying of their fundamental charter :
'"' AVhich Covenant of theirs they have treacherously
induced many of our people to swear to a band against
us ; which band and Covenant, or rather conspiracy
of theirs, could not be with God, being against us, the
Lord's anointed over them. But it was and is a band
and Covenant pretended to be with God, that they may
with the better countenance do the work of the devil,
such as all treasons and rebellions are." There were
appeals to other and more material English doctrines
or prejudices. He pointed lastly to " their most hostile
preparations of all kinds, as if we were not their king-
but their sworn enemy; for what can their intentions
be, being thus prepared, but to invade this kingdom,
should they not find us ready both to resist their force
and to curb their insolences 1 For many, and some
of the ehiefest among them, are men not only of un-
quiet spirits, but of broken fortunes, and would be
very glad of any occasion — especially under the colour
of religion — to make them whole upon the lands and
goods of our subjects in England, who, we presume,
besides their allegiance to us, will look better to them-
selves and their estates than to share them with such
desperate hypocrites, who seek to be better, and cannot
well be worse." This document, called "The Short
Declaration," announced that " there is a large Declara-
tion coming forth, containing all the particular passages
76 CHARLES I.
which have occurred in this business from the begin-
ning, attested with their own foul acts, to disannul
and shame their fair but false words." ^
The " Large Declaration" thus announced, though it
professed to expound from the same text, is a document
of a different kind. It is a folio volume containing
more than four hundred pages. Every student of the
history of the period knows it well, since it is not only
of interest and moment as a declaration of the royal
policy, but it contaiiis in a consecutive form the docu-
ments which lie scattered in several collections. The
Large Declaration is a patient and precise narrative —
tedious no doubt, but prepossessing in its tediousness,
as testifying to an honest desire to leave nothing un-
told or doubtful. The statements in it are suj)ported
throughout by abundant documents, the accurate ren-
dering of which has not been questioned. It is the
story of a magnanimous sovereign, the father of his
people, dealing with his erring subjects. Some are
selfish and aggrandising, others merely petulant and
factious. He has on his side all the maxims. Scrip-
tural and traditional, which require the people to obey
the powers that are ordained to rule over them. If it
be that he is changing some things either in Church or
State, it is to remedy confusions and irregularities, and
to restore sound order. But above all, he, the supreme
ruler, has been meek and forbearing, while those whose
duty it was to obey have been arrogant and dictato-
rial. If he has erred, it is in passive endurance rather
than in anger. Into this, his error, he has been led
by the Christian spirit of mercy and forgiveness. He
' Bibliotheca Regia, 173 et seq.
THE king's large DECLARATION, 1639. 'J'J
has been long-suffering, that he might spare the blood
of his rebellious subjects, and leave them an opportu-
nity for penitence and a return to duty.
The Large Declaration would, in fact, be a complete
vindication of the Government of Charles I. in his
dealing with Scotland, were its primary conditions
accepted. Grant that he had the right to do what he
was doing, it is shown that he did it in an amiable,
considerate, and generous spirit. Whoever admitted
that he was an absolute monarch, woi;ld readily ad-
mit, on the showing of the Large Declaration, that
he had borne his faculties meekly in the fulfilling of
his great office.
Had this book come from a triumphant cause, it
would have been a triumphant vindication. Such as
it is, it was well suited to establish the righteousness
of the king's position in the monarchical States of
Europe. In Spain and France, in the greater part of
Germany, and even in the Scandinavian kingdoms,
constitutional law and practice would not be under-
stood as legitimate barriers to a king's prerogative.
They would be seen only as old troublesome abuses,
such as it might be counted meritorious in a govern-
ment to sweep away. The Declaration was adorned
with some touches of sarcasm ; but in these, also, there
was taste and discretion, since they were directed not
against the graver objects and acts of the Covenanters,
but asainst the feminine riots, and some of the eccen-
tricities apt to break out among communities in a state
of excitement. Hence there are here preserved some
features of the times on which the historians of the
Covenant are not explicit — such as the performances
78 CHARLES I.
of a Mrs Margaret Nicholson, who was subject to fits
of raving which passed for prophetic trances.^
It was known that the Large Declaration was the
work of Walter Balcanquall, a Scotsman who was
rising step by step in the English hierarchy. He had
become Deau of Durham when the Declaration was
published. Thus the arrow was discharged by one
who seemed to have removed himself into a place of
safety from the coming vengeance ; but this did not
tend to appease the rage of the brethren. Their
method of giving it vent is perhaps the oddest of all
their disputative exhibitions, and is of a kind so far apart
from the usual tenor of political or theological contro-
versy, that had it come from persons less grave and
earnest, it might have been suspected of a latent spirit
of jocular sarcasm. They charged the Declaration as an
offence perpetrated against the king, whose name had
been foully used for the factious purposes of the au-
thor. On this view of the case they presented another
' " The multitude was made believe her words proceeded not from
herself but from God. Thence was that incredible concourse of all sorts of
people — noblemen, gentlemen, ministers, women of all ranks and quali-
ties— who watched or sta) ed by her day and night during the time of her
pretended fits, and did admire her raptures and inspirations as coming
from heaven. She spake but at certain times, and many times had inter-
missions of days and weeks, in all probability that she might have time to
receive instructions, and to digest them against the next time of exercis-
ing her gifts, as they call them, which, so soon as she was ready to begin,
the news of it was blown all the town over, and the house so thronged
that thousands at every time could find no access. The joy which her
auditors conceived for the comfort of such a messenger from heaven, and
such messages as she delivered from thence, was many times expressed
to them in tears, by none more than by Rolloc, her special favourite, who
being desired sometimes by the spectators to pray with her, and speak
to her, answered that he durst not do it, as being no good manners in
him to speak while his Master was sjieaking in her." — Large Declaration,
227.
THE king's large DECLARATION, 1639. 79
of their countless supplications to the throne. They
appealed to his majesty as " so much wronged by the
many foul and false relations suggested and persuaded
to him as truths, and by stealing the protection of his
royal name and authority to the doctrine of such a
book." On this ground they called upon him "to be
pleased first to call in the said book, and thereby to
show his dislike thereof ; next, to give commission
and warrant to all such parties as are either known
or suspect to had hand in it, and to appoint such as
his majesty knows to be either authors, informers,
or any ways accessary, being natives of this kingdom,
to be sent hither to abide their trial and censure be-
fore the judge ordinary — and in special Mr Walter
Balcanquall, now Dean of Durham, who is known
and hath professed to be the author, at least avower
and maintainer of a great part thereof — that by their
exemplar punishment others may be deterred from
such dangerous courses as in such a way to raise sedi-
tion betwixt the king and his subjects, God's honour
may be vindicate from such high contempt, his ma-
jesty's justice may appear not only in cutting away
such malefactors, but in discouraging all such rmder-
miners of his throne, his loyal and loving subjects
shall be infinitely contented to be cleared before the
world of so false and unjust imputations, and will live
hereafter in the greater security when so dangerous a
cause of sedition is prevented, and so will have the
greater and greater cause to pray for his majesty's
long and prosperous reign." ^
It would be interesting to know whether, on such
minds as that of Charles and Laud, a sense of the
1 Peterkin's Records, 206.
8o CHARLES r.
ludicrous might have lightened up the gloomy scene
on the reception of such a " supplication." We are
fortunate in possessing some morsels of the debate, if
so it can be called where all are of one mind, which
ended in this supplication : —
" Mr Andrew Cant said : ' It is so full of gross ab-
surdities that I think hanging of the author should
prevent all other censures.'
" The moderator answered : ' That punishment is
not in the hands of Kirkmen.'
" The Sheriff of Teviotdale being asked his judgment,
said: 'Ye were offended with a Churchman's hard
sentence already ; but truly I could execute that sen-
tence with all my heart, because it is more proper to
me, and I am better acquainted with hanging.'
" My Lord Kirkcudbright said : ' It is a great pity
that many honest men in Christendom for writing-
little books called pamphlets should want ears, and
false knaves for writing such volumes should brook
heads.' " This was a reference to the fate of Prynne,
Burton, and Bastwick. Hence " the Assembly, after
serious consideration of the great dishonour to God,
this Church, and kingdom, by the said book, did con-
descend upon a supplication." ^
One other item of business was transacted ere this
Assembly dispersed. They expressed their thanks for
the goodness of the Secret Council in resolving at
their request to enforce subscription to the Covenant
by penalties. They therefore, " considering the great
happiness which may How from a full and perfect union
of this Kirk and kingdom by joining of all in one and
the same Covenant with God, with the king's majesty,
' Peterkin's Records, 268.
PARLIAMENT, 1 639-40. 8 1
and among ourselves," ordain that " all the masters
of universities, colleges, and schools, all scholars at
the passing of their degrees, all persons suspect of
Papacy or any other error, and, finally, all the mem-
bers of this Kirk and kingdom, subscribe the same." ^
Nothinsf now remained to be done for the rebuild-
ing of the fallen Zion except the sanction of the
Estates. They had, according to an arrangement
with the Government, assembled on the 15th of May.
They had been twice adjourned by the Crown without
oifering resistance ; but now, on their reassembling at
the end of August, it was deemed prudent to let them
proceed to business. The riding of the Parliament,
and all the solemnities, especially those due to royalty,
were performed with exactness and more than custom-
ary splendour. A fact having no political origin of the
time gave a casual lustre to that Parliament. Hitherto
the Estates had met in the dingy recesses of the Tol-
booth. Now for the first time they occupied the great
hall, with its fine roof-work of oaken beams, which has
ever since been one of the glories of Edinburgh.^
1 Peterkin's Records, 208.
^ That versatile scholar and amusing author, James Howell, was pre-
sent on the occasion, and mentions it in his celebrated ' Familiar Let-
ters.' He talks of the "fair Parliament House built here lately," and
the general regret that its opening was not rendered auspicious by the
presence of the king. "This town of Edinburgh," he says, "is one of
the fairest streets that ever I saw, excepting that of Palermo, in Sicily.
It is about a mile long, coming sloping down from the castle to Holy-
rood House, now the royal palace ; and these two begin and terminate
the town. I am come hither on a very convenient time ; for here's a
national Assembly and a Parliament, my Lord Traquair being his ma-
jesty's commissioner. The bishops are all gone to rack, and they have
had but a sorry funeral. The very name is grown so contemptible that
a black dog, if he hath any white marks about him, is called Bishop.
Our Lord of Canterbury is grown here so odious that they call him com-
monly in the pulpit the piiest of Baal and the son of Belial." — P. 276.
VOL. VIl. F
82 CHARLES I.
This Parliament was short and disputatious. The
first contest was about the constitution of the com-
mittee called the Lords of the Articles. The com-
missioner called the Lords aside into a separate apart-
ment. The other Estates sent messengers to know the
reason of this act. They were answered, that the first
Estate, with the commissioner, were selecting the Lords
of the Articles who were to serve for the other two
Estates, according to usage. It was denied that this
was an old usage — it was an innovation of later times,
which Ijehoved to be abated, so that each Estate might
choose its own representatives in the Committee of
Articles. The members were, however, anxious to
enter on business ; and knowing that they could bring
their majority at any time to mould and control what-
ever might be done, they yielded the cjuestion of the
constitution of the committee for this one Parliament,
protesting against the arrangement as a precedent.
The next dispute was on an Act of indemnity. The
commissioner would have it take the form of a royal
pardon graciously extended by his majesty to his err-
ing subjects who had rebelled against him. Naturally
the triumphant party repudiated this view ; they held
that all their acts had been legal, and it was merely to
obviate any further cavilling on the point that they
desired to have them confirmed by Act of Parliament.
A crowd of other disputed projects followed. It had
been suspected that , the king intended to bring over
English favourites and supporters to deal with his
troublesome subjects in Scotland. It was proposed
to restrict tlie prerogative right of conferring honours
on strangers, and that the castles of Edinburgh,
►Stirling, and Duraljarton should be intrusted to no
PARLIAMENT, 1640. 83
governors but Scotsmen born, appointed by Act of
Parliament. It was proposed to settle in tlie negative
a disputed right claimed by the Crown to fix the
customs duties payable on foreign merchandise, and to
limit the power of pardoning criminals, and protect-
ing debtors from molestation by their creditors, also
claimed by the Crown.
The commissioner sent to Court for instructions.
The king said he perceived that the cause of their
own peculiar religion was no longer the influencing
motive of the party in power, and " that nothing
would give them content but the alteration of the
whole frame of government in that kingdom, and
withal the total overthrow of royal authority." ^ The
commissioner was therefore instructed to adjourn the
Parliament until the 2d of June 1640. The Estates
complied with the adjournment, protecting themselves
by the old safeguard of a protestation. In this docu-
ment, and the king's defence uttered in answer to it,
the characteristic most remarkable to one accustomed
to the documents of that period is the vague and
didactic character of the reasoning on both sides, and
the absence of the close argiiment from precedent that
is so satisfying a feature in the documents connected
with the English Long Parliament.
On the 2d of June 1640 the Estates reassembled
accordingly. The king sent from London instructions
to adjourn or prorogue the meeting. But the official
persons whose signatures and sealings authenticated
and recorded such writs either would not or dared not
act. The members of Parliament knew, as people
know the ucaa^s of the day, that the king had issued
1 Gordon's Scots Affairs, iii, 7J.
84 CHARLES I.
such an instruction ; but it was not formally and
oificially before them, and did not enter on their
records. The day fixed for reassembling was on
record, not the adjournment or the prohibition to
assemble. At almost every stejD of its proceedings
this Parliament takes the opportunity to state that
it is "indicted by his majesty," or " convened by his
majesty's special authority;" and the restoration of
this apologetic assertion gives a touch of the ludicrous
to its grave proceedings. There was no commissioner
to represent royalty at this assemblage. In the Scots
Parliament the commissioner's office was rather that
of the Lord Chancellor's in the House of Lords of
England, than the Speaker's in the House of Com-
mons. They elected Kobert, Lord Burleigh, "to be
president of this meeting of Estates in Parliament,"
and his position partook both of the Chancellor's and
the Speaker's in England.
Thus, in the king's name, and, technically speak-
ing, under his authority, the Estates began the Par-
liamentary war with him. Though small was the
respect held by the English Parliamentary formalists
for the Scots Estates and their slovenly practice, it
could not be but that the Long Parliament, when it
found itself in an almost parallel difficulty, should
look with interest to the course taken by the Scots.
And here, as in several other instances, Scotland kept
a step before England in the way towards the great
contest.
The king, in his Large Declaration, had announced
a practical difficulty that must beset a Parliament with-
out bishops. There were three Estates — the Prelates,
the Barons, and the Burgesses. The division into
PARLIAMENT, 1640. 85
three was essential to the method of transacting busi-
ness. It was maintained by some that nothing could
be carried in the Scots Parliament unless there were
in its favour a majority in each one of the three
Estates. It was not doubted that a majority in two
of the three was necessary. This made, in passing
from the votes of the individual members to the votes
of the Estates, a majority of two to one on any ques-
tion. If there were a majority for the measure among
the ecclesiastics and the barons, though the majority
Avere the other way among the burgesses, the collective
vote would stand two to one ; and so if the barons
and the burgesses, or the prelates and the burgesses,
had majorities in common. There was a practical
utility not to be lightly sacrificed in the three cham-
bers. It was the same utility that taught the Eomans
to hold that three make a corporation. Where there
are three there is a certainty that every vote will be
sanctioned by a majority of two to one. Accordingly
the Estates immediately rearranged themselves into
three chambers. The greater barons, holding seats
by tenure, were called the nobility ; those who, like
the knights of the shire in England, represented the
smaller freeholders, were called " the barons." The
burgesses were the third Estate. This reorganisa-
tion of the supreme Legislature was set forth in
terms evidently well weighed and adjusted. They
framed " an Act anent the constitution of this Parlia-
ment, and all subsequent Parliaments." The Act be-
gins with a characteristic preamble, how " the Estates
of Parliament presently convened by his majesty's
special authority, considering this present Parliament
was indicted by his majesty for ratifying of such Acts
86 CHARLES I.
as should be concluded in the late Assembly of the
Kirk, for determining all civil matters, and settling all
such things as may conduce to the public good and
peace of this Kirk and kingdom." The Acts of the
General Assembly, for the ratification of which the
king had cited this Parliament, had excluded the
l)ishops from the Kirk ; and, whether that exclusion
was lawful or not until the Estates confirmed it, in
point of fact the bishops were not present, and the
Estates must transact business without them. There-
fore they determine " this present Parliament, holden
by the nobility, barons, and l^urgesses, and their
commissioners — the true Estates of the kingdom — to
be a complete and perfect Parliament, and to have
the same power, authority, and jurisdiction as any
Parliament formally hath had within this kingdom in
time bygone.'" ^
There had in former times been meetings of the
Estates uncountenanced by royalty. We have seen
that the Reformation of 1560 was carried at such a
meeting ; but we have also seen that when the re-
gency of 1.567 was established, it was deemed prudent
1 It would appear that much of the business to be transacted in this
Parliament had been put in shape before it was known that it would
not have the royal countenance. To tlie Record edition of the Act
above cited there is this note : " The waiTants of this Act, and of many
of the subsequent Acts of this Parliament, originally set forth the
enacting authority in the usual style, commencing, ' Our Sovereign Lord
and Estates of Parliament.' They were altered before the passing of the
Acts, to meet the circumstances under which the Parliament was then
assembled." — Act. Pari., v. 259. In the superseded Record edition of
the Acts this alteration is visible, since the editor of that volume had
only the warrants, not the Acts, before him ; and he faithfully printed
the erasures and interlineations. I am indebted to the courtesy of the
Lord Clerk Register for tlie use of the new edition of the rescinded Acts,
not yet completed for jniljlication.
PARLIAMENT, 1640. 87
to re-enact the legislation of that year. All questions
relating to the participation of royalty in the delibera-
tions of the Estates, and the necessity of the royal as-
sent to their Acts, were surrounded by dubiety. Now,
however, for the first time, the Estates defied the Crown.
It was natural that, assembled under such conditions,
they should record a vindication of their position.
They asserted that the Crown had taken the first
step a-gainst precedent by seeking forcibly to bring the
sittings of 1639 to an end, and that the Estates them-
selves had shown the spirit of peace and conciliation
in agreeing to adjourn when they Avere not bound to
do so.^ They had sent two commissioners, the Lords
Dunfermline and Loudon, to Court to explain their
position. These messengers were asked if they came
with authority from the king's commissioner, Traquair ;
and when it was explained that they had no authority
from him, but rejoresented the Estates of Scotland,
they were refused an audience, and sent back. This
was deemed an act of contumely such as that great
1 The words in which they assert their constitutional position are
remarkable, and whatever might be said for or against them on pre-
cedent in Scotland, are not to be judged of b}' the English practice of
Parliament : " Because, contrary to our expectation, John, Earl of
Traquair, his majesty's commissioner, did take upon him, without con-
sent of the Estates, upon a jirivate warrant procured by himself against
his majesty's public patent under the great seal, to prorogate the Parlia-
ment to this second day of June, our duty both to king and country
did constrain us to make a public declaration in face of Parliament,
bearing that the prorogation of the Parliament without consent of the
Estates was against the laws and liberties of the kingdom, was without
precedent, example, and practice in this kingdom, . . . and that
whatsoever we might have done by the laudable example of our prede-
cessors in the like exigency and extremity, without any just offence to
authority, yet that our proceedings might be far from all appearance of
giving his majesty the smallest discontent, we notwithstanding did choose
to cease for that time from our public proceedings in Parliament."
88 CHARLES I.
assemblage, the Estates of the realm, had never been
required to endure at the hands of any monarch. But
on the other side it eould be pleaded that they were
messengers sent not to the king only, and that they
would take the opportunity of their presence in Lon-
ilon to say a word or two in secret to the party in
England who ^\'ere preparing work for the Long Par-
liament. It was farther pleaded by the Estates in
their justification, that their reassembling on the 2d
of June was a virtual bargain between them and the
king ; and it never yet was known that if one party
to a bargain failed to fulfil his part, the other was
precluded from carrying out the arrangement if it
had the power to do so.^
It was asserted by the Estates that everything was
done on their part that could be done to keep peace,
while his majesty's evil advisers were doing their best
to foment discord : " Scandalous relations of our
Parliamentary proceedings have been made at the
council-table of England, and the benefit of hearing
before the Council denied to our commissioners. Great
violence and outrage done by the Castle of Edinburgh,
not only against men and buildings, but women and
children. Our ships and goods taken at sea, and the
owners strijjped naked and barbarously used. A com-
mission given for sul^duing and destroying of this
whole kingdom. All things devised and done that
may make a rupture and irreconcilable war betwixt
the two kingdoms. Our commissioners hardly used
' Tlie Estates in their justification said tlie commissioner has assured
thein that the king would keep his " royal promise," and seemed " to be
so far from judging it unlawful to us to jjroceed at the day appointed,
in case we should be postponed and frustrated by new prorogations, that
he made often and open profession that he would join witli us therein."
PARLIAMENT, 1640. 89
while they were in England by restraints put upon
them, and the Lord Loudon still imprisoned. No
answer given unto them or returned unto us touching
our just demands, but in place thereof a declaration
given out denouncing war, and provoking the other
two kingdoms to come against us as traitors and
rebels. And when we had patiently endured all these
evils in hopes of some better news at this 2d of June,
appointed for sitting of the Parliament, hearing no-
thing from his majesty or his majesty's commissioner,
either to settle this kingdom according to the articles
of pacification, or to interrupt our proceedings;" there-
fore, for acquitting themselves of the great trust com-
mitted to them, " and for preventing the utter ruin
and desolation of this Kirk and kingdom," they are
constrained in the great exigency to abide together
until the business before them is completed.^
Before beginning with their legislative business, the
Estates indorsed the Assembly's testimony against the
Large Declaration, finding it " to be dishonourable to
God and His true religion, to this Kirk and kingdom,
to the king's majesty and to the Marquis of Hamilton,
then his majesty's commissioner, and divers other
persons therein, and to be full of lies." And they
ordained " the authors and spreaders thereof to be
most severely punished, according to the laws of this
kingdom against leasing- makers betwixt the king's
majesty and his subjects, slanderers of the king and
kingdom, and raisers of sedition and discord between
them ; that all others may be deterred from such dan-
gerous courses, God's honour may be vindicated, the
innocency of the Kirk and kingdom, and his majesty's
1 Act. Pari., Revised Record Edit., v. 256, 257.
90 CHARLES I.
justice and goodness may appear not only in censuring
such malefactors, but in discouraging all such under-
miners of his majesty's throne, and abusers of his
royal name, by prefixing the same to such scandalous
and dishonourable treatises." ^
The Estates confirmed the proceedings of the As-
sembly, and adopted the Covenant as an Act, requir-
ing all citizens to subscribe it under civil penalties
against defaulters. They began the application of this
test with themselves, requiring that each member of
the Estates should subscribe it, all who failed to do so
being disqualified to sit and vote — a rule to apply to all
subsequent meetings of the Estates. They facilitated
the importation of arms, and organised a system of
taxation in which defaulters were to be treated as
" non-Covenanters." They passed an Act establishing
triennial Parliaments. Arrangements were made for
the distribution of the vacated revenues of the bishops,
and the other secular rights affected by the depositions
passed by the Asseml)ly. Care was had formally to
ratify all things, whether of a civil or a military char-
acter, in furtherance of tlie Covenanting cause, and
to denounce as illegal all things done on the other
side. A distinct infusion of Puritanical spirit is vis-
ible in this Parliament in the matter of legislation
for Sabbath observance.
Before separating, they passed what afterwards
proved to be among the most important of their Acts.
It appointed a permanent " Committee of Estates " to
act when Parliament was not sitting. It consisted of
so many from each of the three Estates, according to
the new division. This powerful body was compact
' Act. Pari., Revised Record Edit., v. 264.
DEALINGS WITH FRANCE, 1639-40. 91
and movable, and was to act " in the camp " as well
as at the seat of Government. Having sat till the
11th of June, the Estates adjourned till November.
In their vindication allusion was made to the deten-
tion in prison of the Earl of Loudon. This arose out
of a transaction which calls for notice. The politi-
cal relations between England and France had become
precarious and lowering. The chief interest which af-
fected England abroad at that time concerned not the
nation but the royal family — it was the position of
the king's sister, the newly-widowed wife of the Elec-
tor Palatine, and of her son, the heir to the fortunes
and misfortunes of that house. England could not be
got to join France and the northern powers against
Austria and Spain, and the reason of this was said
to be that Charles was persuaded that he had more
to hope for the Palatinate from these two powers than
from France. Richelieu, indeed, had struck a strong
and very offensive blow in seizing the young Prince
Palatine as he passed through France in disguise ; it
was said that he was on his way to the Duke of Wei-
mar, as the bearer of proffers to induce that dealer in
mercenary troops to transfer his contingent from the
service of France to that of Austria. It was just at
this time that, by an intercepted letter. King Charles
found that the Scots Covenanters were seeking aid
from the King of France. The documents show that
those concerned in this negotiation were Montrose,
Rothes, Leslie the genera]. Mar, Montgomery, and
Loudon.^ A certain "William Colville was accredited
' One of the original papei-s still exists in the Wodrow collection of
the Advocates' Library. The signature of "A. Leslie" has invited
curiosity, because it was a Cavalier tradition that he was so illiterate as
92 CHARLES I.
to tlie French Court to negotiate the affair. It has
been supposed that it went no farther than the draft-
ing of the proposals, and that they never reached
France. But a recent French historian has found
documents, on his own country's side of the negotia-
tion, much more full in explanation of it than the few
preserved in Britain.^ These proffers came to no
practical result, because the Scots Covenanters found
in England better friends than France could by any
possibility give them. Had it been that a conquering
and oppressing English army was to march over Scot-
land, the landing of French troops in the country
would have been a natural event. The scenes change,
however, so rapidly in their display of new political
conditions, that while the French ambassador in Eng-
land is perplexed about the question whether the
seizure there of Colville on his way to France should
be resented, and about the intercourse to be held with
the English malcontents as a means of annoying the
Government, he has to turn suddenly to the considera-
te be unable either to write or read. Lord Hailes, who rarely indulges
in pleasantries, says ; " It is reported that once upon a march, passing
by a house, he said, ' There is the house where I was taught to read.'
'How, General!' said one of his attendants ; ' I thought that you had
never been taught to read.' ' Pardon me,' cried lie ; 'I got the length
of the letter G.' " — Memorials and Letters, Charles L, 61. There are
letters from him, in a fair hand of the day, in the Lothian Papers.
^ Eelations du Cardinal de Richeliea avec les Ecossois Covenantaires
et le Parlement d'Angleterre ; Mazure, Histoire de la Revolution de
1688 en Angleterre, iii. 402. Tlie author of this book notes with some
surprise how little foreknowledge there was in the wise Richelieu of
the consequences of helping to make the precedent for subjects resisting
their sovereign : " Ces documents suflSsent sans doute pour montrer sous
quel point de vue le Cardinal de Richelieu consideroit les troubles de
I'Angleterre. II ]i'y voyoit pas la question de la royaute en peril, mais
la question des interets de I'Autriche, auxquelles la Reine-niere et la
Rcine d'Angleterre etoient devouees." — P. 428.
DEALINGS WITH FRANCE, 1639-40. 93
tion of a new alarm prevailing in the Parliamentary
party — the alarm that King Charles is to get assist-
ance from a French army to establish despotic au-
thority over England.
The overture of men standing forth for civil liberty
and the Presbyterian Covenant to a despot and a Papist,
caused on its discovery much odium, which has ac-
companied it into later times. But this odium arose
on an English view of the affair. It was high treason,
as Clarendon said, for subjects to treat with a foreign
prince against their sovereign. No doubt it was so in
England; but, as we have seen, the Estates in Scotland
held tenaciously to foreign diplomacy, with the estab-
lishing of peace or war, as a power of their own not
deputed to the sovereign; and though the diplomatists
. in this instance had not an Act of the Estates to justify
them, they knew that they were doing what the Estates
would confirm. Then, their appeal was to that ancient
league with France which had never been solemnly
revoked. Look at the issue between England and
Scotland as it stood at the moment. No doubt the
king had professed to abandon several of the points
on which the quarrel had arisen. But every practical
political man knew then, and every student of the
times knows now, that had King Charles led a vic-
torious English army over Scotland, he would have
enforced on the country the Prelacy, the Service-book,
the Canons, and the High Commission, and that he
would have curtailed the power of the States and
raised the royal prerogative above it.
Hence it was the old story of the peril, and the
appeal to the friend who had ever been prompt in
time of peril. The English Crown having established
94 CHARLES I.
tyrannical prerogatives and offensive observances in
England, was sending an army into Scotland to sub-
due the country and break its free inhabitants to the
same rule. France could not forget that bloody field
in which, when all seemed lost, these sturdy Scots had
turned the tide against the same proud enemy. She
could not forget how, for this and many another act of
heroic kindness, she had reciprocated by effective help
at that terrible crisis when the conquest designed by
Henry VIII. in his tyrannic fury seemed coming to its
completion. Here, again, was a like peril — would their
friends of old be still their old friends ? In this light
the appeal of the Covenanters to the Government of
France was not to be counted as if a crew of factious
fanatics sought to further their rebellion against their
king and master by those who were the enemies of
both, but most of all the enemies of themselves. It
was the restrengthening of a bond that had been
weakened, not broken — a resuscitation of an old
loyal friendship which had softened with a touch
of chivalry the selfish politics and cruel wars of
feudal Europe.
Perhaps they toned their appeal somewhat to suit
foreign ears, when they said, as they did, that the Court
of High Commission dealt forth tyranny and cruelty
unequalled by the Inquisition in SjDain. But they
repeated only what they never swerved from at home
when they asserted their loyalty, saying that " our in-
tentions are no way against monarchical government,
but that we are most loyally disposed towards our
sacred sovereign, whose personal authority we will
maintain with our lives and fortunes ; but that all our
desires reach no farther than the preservation of our
DEALINGS WITH FRANCE, 1639-40. 95
religion and liberty of Church and kingdom established
by the laws and constitution thereof."
It was hardly to be expected that the English of
that day could see the matter in this view, yet the
Government Avent so far in the opposite direction as
to commit one of the most dangerous pieces of folly
committed in that period of blunders. The " Short
Parliament " began with a denunciation of the Scots
in strong terms as traitors and rebels. The king
founded sadly fallacious hopes on the effect of produc-
ing in that assembly the letters to France, and, as the
chief object of holding a Parliament, demanded a large
and immediate subsidy to provide for the war. The
Commons, however, voted grievances before supplies,
and the great charge of a treasonable correspondence
with a foreign enemy passed unnoticed out of sight.
But a worse thing was done. We have seen that the
Lords Dunfermline and Loudon, when they went to
Court after the Parliament of 1639, were sent away
without a hearing. They were permitted to return,
or, as it was said, ordered up to make explanations ;
and when they were in attendance, Loudon was seized
as one whose name was at the appeal to France, and
committed to the Tower. Loudon said he had his
pleas, which he was prepared to urge were he brought
to trial in Scotland, but he could not be arraigned in
England for his conduct as a Scottish subject. No
doubt, sending him to Scotland for trial was equiva-
lent to releasing him, but not the less would it be a
national outrage to deal Avith him in England. There
were whispers that he was to be put to death without
trial, as an enemy found in the position of a spy ; and
even this, though it might seem the harsher and more
g6 CHARLES I.
barl)arous fate, would scarce have been so deep a na-
tional insult as putting a Scots statesman on trial in
England for his actions in his own country. " There
were," says Burnet, "some ill instruments about the
king who advised him to proceed capitally against
Loudon, which is believed went very far ; but the
marquis opposed this vigorously, assuring the king
that if that were done Scotland was for ever lost."
The end was that Loudon was released untouched.
AVe are not told the reason why the policy on which
he was imprisoned was thus dropped ; but the affair
was one of the many in Avhich the unfortunate mon-
arch secured all that harvest of rancour that follows
on a blow without having the satisfaction of dealing it.^
ThoiTgh this affair does not hold a large place in
the usual histories of the civil war, it was one of the
turning - points by which great conclusions were
reached. According to Clarendon, it determined the
king and his immediate advisers to call a Parliament.
To meet the cost of a war both with France and Scot-
land there was no other possible resource. Then the
defence of England from a joint invasion of the French
and Scots was a far more hopeful cry than the policy
of sending an army to punish the pertinacious Scots.
^ Claremlon makes one of his picturesqvie mysteries out of the "strat-
agem," as he calls the release of Loudon : " This stratagem was never
understood, and was then variously spoken of, many believing he had
undertaken great matters for the king in Scotland, and to quiet that dis-
temper. . . . They who published their thoughts least made no
scruple of saying 'that if the policy were good an<l necessary of his first
commitment, it seemed as just and prudent to have continued him in
that restraint.' " — Vol. i. 144. Lord Northumberland, -writing to Lord
Conway, says : " The enlargement of Lord Loudon causes a belief here in
the world that we shall come to terms of accommodation with the Scots,
but seriously I do not know that any such thing is intended." — Bruce's
Notes, xix.
POSITION OF ENGLAND, 1640. 97
We are told by Clarendon, that instantly on the dis-
covery of the Scots appeal to France, the king " first
advised with that committee of the Council which
used to be consulted on secret affairs, what was to be
done." The conclave thought a Parliament so urgent
a necessity that on the same day the instruction was
issued by the king in Council to the Lord-Keeper to
issue the writs.^ These brouo;ht together the " Short
Parliament" on the 3d of April 1640 ; but that day's
work in Council ended in the assembling of the Long-
Parliament.
It would be a satisfaction to have a fuller account
than the ordinary histories afford of the condition and
temper of England during the short interval between
the two Parliaments. The latest voice from England
on this point says : " What that condition really was,
what the state of mind of the English people in 1640
towards the king, the Government, and the Scots, and
with reference to the then passing public events, is a
question of the deepest historical interest," since " the
treaty of Ripon cannot be understood without some
knowledge upon this subject far different from that
which can be acquired from the ordinary authorities." ^
I feel, as this author said, in reference to his own pro-
vince, that the question " requires for its proper
answer freer scope and a wider compass " than it can
obtain in a history of Scotland. It belongs essentially to
1 Clarendon, ed. 1705, i. 130, 131 ; ed. 1843, p. 53. That "committee
wliicli used to be consulted on secret affairs " is the germ of the modern
" Cabinet."
^ Notes of the Treaty carried on at Ripon between King Charles I.
and the Covenanters of Scotland, a.d. 1640, taken by Sir .John Borough,
Garter King-of-Arms. Edited from the original MS. in the possession
of Lieutenant - Colonel Carew, by John Bruce, Esq., E.S.A. Camden
Society. Preface, p. viii.
VOL. VII. a
98 CHARLES I.
the history of England ; and it is there that it should be
Avritten, so that the investigator in the peculiar region
of Scottish history should be able to refer to it as finally
adjusted and accepted by the English historians. As
the matter stands, let us note what is to be readily
found about the condition and temper of England at
that time. It was shown by the Short Parliament
itself, and more emphatically afterwards, that it was
something very different from that sunny prospect
which, according to Clarendon, soothed the king into
an endurance of a thing so detested as a Parliament :
" This long intermission, and the general composure of
men's minds in a happy peace and universal plenty
over the nation — superior, sure, to what any other na-
tion ever enjoyed — made it reasonably be believed, not-
withstanding the miirmurs of the people against some
exorbitancies of the Court, that sober men, and such
as loved the peace and plenty they were possessed of,
would be made choice of to serve in the House of
Commons ; and then the temjaer of the House of Peers
was not to be apprehended." A farther propitious
feature of the times was "the prejudice and general
aversion over the whole kingdom to the Scots ; and
the indignation they had at their presumption in their
thought of invading England, made it believed that a
Parliament would express a very sharp sense of their
insolence and carriage towards the king, and provide
remedies proportionable." ^
The organisation for collecting ship - money and
other feudal dues had been made so comj^lete and
commanding as to gather into the Exchequer all the
money that could by any available interpretation of
1 History, i. 130 ; ed. 184,3, p. 53.
POSITION OF ENGLAND, 1640. 99
the law come within those imposts. The revenue
from them seemed sufficient to sustain the Court and
Grovernment in time of peace, but when war approached
more was wanted. This more \vas to be obtained
through a Parliament ; but the Parliament was dis-
solved before it gave anything, and the effect of its
discussions and abrupt dismissal appears to have been
seriously to weaken the machinery for collecting the
feudal dues, and to shake the credit of the Government
with the moneyed world.^ The result is described by
one on whom heavy responsibility lay — the Earl of
Northumberland, who was to command the army of
the north : " Most of the ways that were relied on
for supplies of money have hitherto failed us, and for
aught I know we are likely to become the most de-
' This view, and the others following in the text, are founded on the
passages from record authorities furnished by Mr Bruce as examples of
the information available to the English historian. For instance, the
Sheriff of Hereford explains that, " upon notice of the late Parliament,
many of the chief-constables refused to levy the ship-money or come
before the examinant " (xii.) The Sheriff of Derby says : " I find such
opposition and evil-affectedness in the greatest part of the county, that
since the dissolution of the last Parliament they do not forbear to dare
me, and bid me distrain at my peril, giving forth threatening words
against me" (xiv.) The Sheriff of Cornwall finds that "the constables
make a very small return of ship-money; and when tliey distrain, very
few would buy any of the goods, so that for want of pasture they were
forced to return the cattle distrained to their owners again." The Sheriff
of Cambridge reports that "in the execution of the .ship-money writ at Mel-
bourne his bailiffs were assaulted by more than one hundred of the in-
habitants, five or six of them grievously beaten, and all of them hardly
escaping with their lives. The men dared not again go about that or
any other business of his majesty ; and svich was the opposition in divers
other parts of the county, that the sherifl' could not go through the ser-
vice unless course were taken for suppressing such insurrections " (xvii.)
The Sheriff of Oxford said that "wherever he came constables could
not be found at home ; gates were chained, locked, or barricaded ; all
officers refused to assist him, and the county would not pay but by dis-
tress " (xix.)
100 CHARLES I.
spised nation of Europe. To the regiments that are
now rising, we, for want of money, have been able to
advance but fourteen days' pay — the rest must meet
them upon their march towards Selby, and for both
the horse and foot already in the north we can for
the present send them but seven days' pay." ^ A
disinclination to render obedience to the Commission
of Array seconded the unwillingness to submit to the
feudal exactions. Whether from the sorry prospect of
pay, or distaste for the service, those who were con-
sidered liable to serve in the army resisted the con-
scription ; and when embodied, they were often so
mutinous as to be more dangerous to their officers than
they were likely to be to the enemy. ^
It is significant of what was passing through the
minds of some of these men al30ut events in England,
and the reference of these to the service for wliicli
' Ibid., xix.
^ Northumberland says, with the eloquence of desperation : " The city
of London, Kent, Surrey, Essex, Hertfordshire, Buckingham, and Bed-
fordshire are so damnably restive that I doubt we shall not get near our
number of men from these places ; the rest of the counties I hope will
do reasonable well in raising their men " (xv.) Certain deputy-lieuten-
ants coming to Bungay on press duty, say : " The soldiers fell into a mu-
tiny, threatening our deaths, beset us in our chamber, tept a watch upon
our horses, and waylaid us so as we were enforced to keep our chambers"
(xv.) It is reported of six hundred conscripts from Dorsetshire, passing
through Farringdon, in Berkshire, " they in a barbarous manner murdered
Lieutenant Mahon, one of their company, and have threatened the rest
of their commanders to put them to the sword, insomuch that they are
all fled ; and the soldiers being now at liberty, in probaliility will much
endanger the town and the country adjoining." While Northumberland
writes to Conway : " Our troops are upon their march from some of the
coimties, but I hear that they run so fast away that scarce half the num-
ber will appear at the rendezvous in the north " (xvi.) Conway, writ-
ing to Secretary Windbanli, puts this epigrammatic point to the whole
wretched affair : " I fear unpaid soldiers more than I do the Scots and
the devil to boot. God keep you from all three ! " (xxiv.)
POSITION OF ENGLAND, 1640. lOI
they were raised, that one cause of dangerous humours
arising among them seems to have been a suspicion of
Popish tendencies in their officers.^
It appears that among the practices for which these
troops were troublesome was the destruction of those
ecclesiastical decorations which associated the innovat-
ing party in the Church with Popery. They seemed
to be influenced by a desire to leave behind them
in this shape a protest, that in marching against the
Presbyterians in Scotland, they were not to be under-
stood as fighting the battle of Laud and his party.^
■■ At Marlborough it is reported of the company under the command
of Captain Drury, that suspecting him of Popery, they suggested that
all should take the sacrament — according to the form of the Church of
England, it is to be presumed : " The captain showing little inclination
to that motion, at least for his own receiving, the soldiers pressed him so
much the more to it ; and when they perceived he would not, they told
him plainly, if so be he will not receive the communion, and jiray with
them, they will not fight under him ; and in this manner they cashiered
their captain" (xv.) An officer writing from Cirencester, saj's: "The
Puritan rascals of the country had strongly possessed the soldiers that
all the commanders of our regiment were Papists, so that I was forced
for two or three days to sing psahns all the day I marched, for all their
religion lies in a psalm" (xxii.) Other instances were more tragic, as in
the report by the deputy-Ueu-tenants of Devon on the fate of Captain
Evers at the hands of his own company: " Forbearing to go to church,
they suspected him to be a Pap)ist, whereupon they set upon him and
murdered him." " On endeavoui-ing to arrest four of them, above
twenty others came forward declaring that they were all equally guUty,
and if they would hang one they should hang all" (xx.)
^ Lord Maynard reports to the Council that " the insolences of the
soldiers billeted in Essex every day increase. Within these few days
they have taken upon them to reform churches, and even in tlie time
of divine service to pull do^vn the rails about the communion-tables."
Lord Warwick reports to Secretary Vane an outrage of this kind attended
by peculiar ingratitude : " Dr Barkham, parson of Bocking, having given
the soldiers a barrel of beer and fifty shillings, I found them much dis-
tempered by drink ; and in that distemper they went to his church and
pulled up the rails about the communion-table, and brought these before
their captain's lodging and l)Urnt them. The like they did to another
town near thereunto" (xxiii.)
I02 CHARLES I.
The one ray of hope through these difficulties was
in itself also of a dismal and desperate character. It
was that the Scots mioiit be worse off than themselves,
and so be routed and conquered before a close con-
test should show the weakness of the English army.
Northumberland casts aside his difficulties of detail
about fortified posts by the general reflection : " But
we are going upon a conquest with such a power, that
nothing in that kingdom will be able to resist us."^
A point of extreme interest is naturally sought out
through every scrap of internal information about
England at that time. To what extent had the Scots,
who began the great civil war, an understanding or
alliance with the English Parliamentary party at this
juncture? As the question might have been otherwise
put at the time, how far had the rebels in Scotland
made practical arrangements with their accomplices
in England 1 Rumours were accepted here and con-
tradicted there about a bond of co-operation with the
Scots, signed by sixty-three men of note in the Parlia-
mentary party. Burnet, in one of his circumstantial
stories, tells how, when Dunfermline and Loudon were
in London, the Lord Saville dealt with them in the
name of the chiefs of the party, and showed a written
obligation signed by some of them to co-operate with
the Scots, if they would march into England. This
was sent to Scotland by a confidential messenger, who
concealed it in a hollowed walking-stick, and travelled
as a pedlar. It Avas to be shown only to Argyle,
Warriston, and Henderson. The document was spu-
rious, and the signatures to it were all forged by
Saville. In completing the story from the authorities
' Ibid., viii.
POSITION OF ENGLAND, 1640. 103
of the period, the exposure of the forgery makes a
dramatic scene. At the treaty of Eipon the Scots
reproach those who, after having invited them into
England, instead of entering on mutual confidences,
treated them as strangers. They denied the invita-
tion, and Saville had to act the part of the detected
forger. But this will not harmonise with another
revelation, which, professing to give the papers that
passed between the Scots and the Parliamentary
leaders, imports that the Scots distinctly asked for
assistance, and that it was as distinctly refused,
although the refusal was so toned as to show a sym-
pathy in their cause, and an anticipation that it might
become the common cause of both countries.^
^ The story is told in Burnet's ' Summary of Affairs before the Restor-
ation.' He gives it a circumstantial air by talking of Warriston, one of
the parties to it, as his own uncle. Clarendon mentions it generally as
one of the suspicions connected with Saville's evil reputation. The
scene at Ripon is given in Nalson's Collection (ii. 427), "out of the
Memoirs of the late Earl of Manchester, then Lord Mandeville, an actor
in this affair." The opening of the scene is thus : " When the Scotch
commissioners had passed the ceremonies and general civilities of the
first meeting with the English commissioners, the Lord Loudoun and
Sir Archibald Johnston applied themselves particularly to the Lord
Mandeville, desiring him to give them a private meeting, that they might
impart to him something of near concernment to himself and others the
lords then present. This was readily granted ; and they then went to
the Lord Mandeville's lodging, where being set together, the Lord Lou-
doun began with very severe expostulations, charging the Earls of Bedford,
Essex, and Warwick, the Lord Yiscount Say and Scale, the Lord Brook,
Saville, and himself, with the highest breach of their promises and en-
gagements, professing that they had never invaded England but upon
confidence of their keeping faith with them, according to those articles
which they had signed and sent unto them." Then comes the explosion.
The doubts that any such affair ever occured are strengthened by the
absence of any reference to it in Mr Bruce's Ripon Papers. The sup-
position that there had been a real invitation to the Scots connects
itself with another matter. This Lord Mandeville is the same Lord
Kimbolton who was impeached along with " the five members ;" and
one of the articles of impeachment was, " That they have traitorously
104 CHARLES I.
That the Scots acted on an invitation from England,
whether genuine or spurious, is unnecessary to the
conformity of events, and indeed rather tends to
disturb than to complete their sequence. The policy
of the Scots was, if they were attacked, to retaliate ;
and the policy of their retaliation was to get possession
of the great coal-fields which supplied the fires of
London. There were many opportunities for exchang-
ing sympathies and sentiments between statesmen of
all classes in the two countries, and it is needless to
inquire what they said to each other.
The tendency to seek a solution of the coming
events in a specific contract or treaty has grown from
an imperfect perception of the natural bond of com-
mon interests and dangers. The opponents of the
prerogative, l^oth in England and in Scotland, far
apart as they afterwards separated, stood at that time
on the common ground that each professed to suffer
from innovations on the established constitutional
practice of their Government. The larger violation of
the constitution fell to Scotland, because her institu-
invited and engaged a foreign power to invade liis majesty's kingdom of
England" (Pari. Hist., ii. 1005). Pym, in his celebrated defence, pointed
this charge towards a later turn of events: " If to join with the Parlia-
ment of England by free vote to crave brotherly assistance from Scotland
— kingdoms both under obedience to one sovereign, both his loyal sub-
ject.s — to suppress the rebellion in Ireland, which lies gasping everyday,
in danger to be lost from his majesty's subjection, be to invite and
encourage foreign power to invade this kingdom, then am I guilty of
high treason." — Ibid., T014. The place where the correspondence itself
is professed to be given for the first time is Oldmixon's History (i. 141).
Here the Scots specifically ask their friends to help them " by their
rising in one or sundry bodies among themselves, or by sending to us
near the Borders some present supply of money, or clear evidence where
we shall find it near hand." In the document professing to bean an.swer
to this the request is refused, as to grant it might involve a charge of
treason.
INVASION OF ENGLAND, 1640. 105
tions were the more antagonistic to the projects of the
innovators. Thus the English constitutionalists had
before them an example of what the prerogative was
capable of attempting. It was a natural thought to
cross their minds — to use the figurative language of
Rehoboam — " AVe have been chastised with whips ; let
us see how those who have been chastised with scor-
pions will act." Those who looked at the innovations
in Scotland rather in sorrow than in anger, saw at an
early point the English sympathy, and were alarmed
by the sight. It had gone on increasing ; and it could
not be smothered by the old panic-cry about a Scots
invasion, even when this was aggravated by an appeal
to France for assistance. It was in the north, where
the hatred of the Scots used to be the strongest, that
the sympathy with them was becoming the greatest.
" I am persuaded," said Osborne, the Vice-President
of York, " if Hannibal were at our gates, some had
rather open them than keep him out."^
It was easy to reassemble the army so recently dis-
persed in Scotland. Leslie was again the commander,
and in the middle of July he mustered at Dunglas a
force of more than twenty thousand foot and two thou-
sand five hundred horse. Again we are fortunate in the
circumstantial Baillie having accompanied the host.
Hard pressure had to be applied to raise money. The
regular taxation took time, and twenty thousand merks
were required daily ; and " from England there was no
expectation. of moneys till we went and fetched them."
Money was lent and given by the enthusiastic friends of
the cause, and contributions of plate were taken to the
mint. As it Avas desirable that their march through
1 Notes on Treaty of Ripon, xxvi.
I06 CHARLES I.
England should be as inoflfensive as it could be ren-
dered, a serviceable equipment of tents was required,
so that they might neither quarter on the people nor do
mischief by gathering materials for hutting. The linen
stored up, according to national custom, by the thrifty
housewives of Edinburgh, supplied this want. The
eloquence of a popular preacher did much to open this
resource ; for " RoUock had so sweetly spoken to the
people's minds on the Sunday, that the women, after-
noon and to-morrow, gave freely great store of that
stuff — almost sufficient to cover all our army."^
The army was to abide some time on the Border,
and then, if necessary, march into England. On the
20th of AugTist they crossed the Tweed at Coldstream.
Lots were drawn as to the order of march through the
river, and chance gave the lead to Montrose's contin-
gent. He made himself conspicuous by his zeal and
alacrity in leading the way and carrying through his
own people — it was in keeping with the ardour of his
nature ; but some said that on this occasion the ex-
hibition of ardour was but a mask to hide treachery.
They passed southward in detachments, all to assemble
on Newcastle Moor. When they reached this spot
they found that the town of Newcastle was defended,
and that a considerable English force, under Conway,
was at hand on the south side of the Tyne. It was
clear, then, they must fight for the mastery of New-
castle and the district around, otherwise the English,
having both sides of the river, would command North-
umberland. Leslie determined on the strategy of
turning the enemy's flank. The chief fortifications of
the town were of course towards the north. Listead,
' Baillie's Letters, i. 255.
BATTLE OF NEWBURN, 1640. 107
therefore, of besieging the place from that side — de-
fended, as it would be, by a considerable force — he
determined to cross the Tyne, and fight that force in
the open field. It was a sound civil policy, if it could
be made good as a military project, since it kept clear
of the terrible process of forcing the city by storming.
The point selected for the crossing was the ford of
Newburn, about five miles above Newcastle. Conway,
who had with him ten thousand foot and two thou-
sand horse, was enabled to afi'ord a force, estimated
variously at from four to six thousand men, to hold
the ford. They raised earthworks and mounted several
cannon. The bank on their side was a flat haugh.
On the Scots side it was steep, so that the English
force was overlooked and iu some measure commanded
by the Scots. On the south side any attempt by the
Scots to force a passage promised an affair in which
artillery well placed and served would defy the power
of numbers, for no artillery was seen in the Scots
camp. Here, however, Leslie's German experience
enabled him to effect a surprise. Under his direction
there had been a manufacture in Edinburgh of tem-
porary cannon. They seem to have been made of tin
for the bore, with a coating of leather, all secured by
tight cordage. A horse could carry two of them, and
it was their merit to stand a few discharges before
they came to pieces. Leslie had some of these masked
among bushes on the river -bank, others he got up
the tower of Newburn church. AYhen the Scots began
to cross, and Conway's guns opened on them, to the
amazement of the English they were answered by a
stronger battery commanding them. The roar of
artUlery from a force believed to be destitute of that
I08 CHARLES I.
arm is one of those terrible surprises which tax the
nerves of highly-disciplined veterans, and here it befell
raw recruits. They were at once broken up into con-
fusion, and the Scots passed over. They found no
enemy to resist them except a small body of high-
sj)irited Cavalier gentlemen, finely mounted, and armed
with breastplates. These fought hard ; but when the
whole Scots army came over, the contest was so un-
equal that they were forcibly taken prisoners. It was
not the policy of the Scots to shed much blood, and
they made no attempt to meddle with the bulk of the
English force in its retreat. The loss on the English
side, even, only extended to some forty or fifty — on
the Scots to about a tenth of the number. Such Avas
the battle by which the Scots army forced the passage
of the Tyne — a trifle in the bloody annals of warfare,
yet so momentous that in critical interest it may well
rival the famous passage of the Rubicon.
The scenery around the cjuiet village of Newburn is
not naturally remarkable, but it has a signal interest
in this, that few other battle-fields present on their
surface so distinct an impression of the nature of
the contest. The steep bank on the north side of the
Tyne is still scrubby as it was when Leslie's light guns
were masked by the bushes, and the short thick Nor-
man tower of the villaoje church looks as if it had
been made to carry wall - pieces. Standing here, we
overlook the flat haugh where the English army was
uselessly fortified, as the gallery overlooks the stage
of a theatre ; and we sec at once how fatal was the
mistake when the English general supposed that the
Scots had no cannon. A general survey of the river
from Leslie's jjosition shows, what inquiry will confirm,
BATTLE OF NEWBURN, 1640. 109
that Newburn is the nearest point to Newcastle where
the Tyne conld be forded by troops. The river has
many sweeping loops, and at any one of these, had
the water been shallow enouoli, the Scots conld have
passed nnmolested, through the well-recognised mili-
tary advantage of having the inside of the curve. At
Newburn the water is so shallow that in dry weather
a child can take the ford, and we must conclude that
it would not have been forced had any other part of
the river been available. ^
^ The only account of tlie battle, so far as the author is aware, by a
military man present in it, is the one given, by way of vindication of
himself, by the defeated general. In saying that his soldiers were
" unacquainted with the cannon," he must be held to mean that they
were not aware of their existence till they opened fire : —
"The Scots having made a battery and drawn down their army, our
works were provided with men to defend them, and with others to
second them. Six troops of horse were placed to charge the Scots
where they came over, and six or seven more were placed to second
them. When the Scots foi'ces were in readiness, and their cannon
placed, our works were not jJroof against them ; the soldiers were un-
acquainted with the cannon, and therefore did not endure many shot ;
those that were to second them followed their example.
"The horse charged the Scots, and drove them back into the river;
but the cannon beating through, some of our troops that were sent to
second went off when they saw the place forsaken. They should have
gone on the left hand, that they might have gone off with the foot; but
mistaking their direction, went on the right hand, which carried them
up the hill, where they found some troops. Whilst they consulted what
was best to be done, the Scots horse came up in two divisions, and with
them ten thousand musketeers. The first charge was upon the regiment
commanded by Lord Wilmot, who was there taken prisoner, his men
forsaking him, and falling foul of some troops of the Lord Conway's
regiment, disordered them ; the rest being charged, did as they saw
others do before them.
" The cause of the loss that day was the disadvantage of the ground,
and the slight fortification, which the shortness of the time would not
afford to be better. Neither would it admit us to make any works upon
the hni where we stood opposite against the Scots. And when we came
to sight, the soldiers did not their parts as they ought to have done,
being the most of them the meanest sort of men about London, and
unacquainted with service, and forgetting to do that which they had oft
no CHARLES I.
The way to Newcastle was now open — a detach-
ment of the army had only to cross the bridge and
enter the town.
In the histories inspired by the great struggle of
the day, the capture of Newcastle is one of those
gentle quiet affairs that call for little further notice
than the transference of Edinburgh and Dumbarton
into new ruling hands. But to the community of
that town it was an astounding and terrible event.
If there were those in England who expected to meet
the Scots as friends and allies, Newcastle was not the
place where these were to be found. In their tradi-
tions the Scots were men of blood and rapine. They
were denounced in the civic ordinances as a race unfit
to mingle with the civilised sons of trade and industry.
There were men alive who in their youth could remem-
ber the families of Northumbrian farmers fleeing for
their lives within the protecting walls of Newcastle,
and could recall, when the panic was over, how the
citizens in fearful curiosity visited the ruined grange,
to see its emptied byres and stables, and the bleeding
bodies of its defenders. If in the days of the flat-
bottomed boats the corporation had awakened to find
themselves in the hands of a French army landed at
the mouth of the Tyne, the surprise and consternation
could not have been greater than on that summer day,
a hundred and sixty years earlier, when the town and
its great coal-field were seen in the possession of the
Scots invaders.
The colliers outside the town fled from their works.
been commanded and taught." — The Lord Conway's Relation concerning
the Passages in the late Northern Expedition, 1640 ; Hailes's Memorials
and Letters, Charles L, 102, 10.3.
CAPTURE OF NEWCASTLE, 1640. Ill
The citizens — all but a few who instantly escaped —
had to submit to the restraints of a garrison town,
and to remain at home, or absent themselves on
leave and under precautions against the removal
of property. A citizen, recovered from the first
panic, and seeing that there is order, at all events,
if not safety, gets an opportunity to write to a friend
by sea, and says, " I have taken the more freedom to
enlarge myself, and acquaint you with the true state
of our conditions." "It is true," he says, " they have
invited, and by all means endeavoured, to di-aw us
back to our dwellings in this town, where we live
together quietly enough for appearance, being in this
town not troubled with their common soldiers, who
are kept in their quarters in the camp. Some com-
manders and men of greater rank living with us in
the town, we enjoy hitherto all our own goods and
merchandise which we have in possession, the money
excepted, which, while the terror of the armies lay
upon us, and their intentions not known, they easily
persuaded us to lend upon their own security, which
I assure you was the greatest part of the ready money
seen in the town, some having so much providence as
to transport their estates away before." ^ Another
says : " Many families gone, leaving their goods to
the mercy of the Scots, who possessed themselves of
such corn, cheese, beer, &c., as they found, giving the
owners thereof, or some in their stead, some money
in hand, and security in writing for the rest, to be
^ Letter from an Alderman of Newcastle, 8tli September 1640 ; Re-
prints of Rare Tracts and Imprints of Ancient Manuscripts, chiefly illus-
trative of the History of the Northern Counties, and printed at the Press
of M. A. Richardson : seven volumes — vol. i.
112 CHARLES I.
paid at four or six montlis in money or corn ; and if
they refuse, said the Scots, sucli is the necessity of the
army, that they must take it without security rather
than starve." ^
These petty details bear on the great difficulty of the
army's position. It was strong enough to help itself,
but that was not the policy of its leaders. However
willing the Government of Scotland might be to bear
a burden in the cause, the support of an army exceed-
ing twenty thousand men on foreign soil was beyond
their pecuniary ability. The problem was, how to be
good neighbours with the English of the north, and
yet be fed by them — in other words, how to buy from
them, and pay them out of nothing.
It ended, as on other like occasions, in the levying
of contributions to be paid some time or other from
some fund. We are told how " the mayor and alder-
men of Newcastle pretends inability to pay their two
hundred pound a-day. We were forced to put a guard
about their town-house till we got new assurances from
them. According to our declaration, we took nothing
for nought, only we borrowed on good security so
much money a - day as was necessary for our being,
to be repaid long before our departure." -
The burden, as we shall afterwards find, was removed
from the district and spread over England. Mean-
while the citizens of Newcastle had an opportunity
of finding that there was some difference between this
well-ordered army and the incursions of the Teviotdale
and Eskdale marauders, which brought terror to the
hearts of an earlier generation. As it was in the
destiny of things that the Scots were soon afterwards
' Newcastle Reprints, i. 8. ^ Baillie's Letters, i. 262.
CAPTURE OF NEWCASTLE, 1640. II3
to revisit them, the character of their present dealings
"with the community had doubtless its influence on
their subsequent reception. King Charles on his way
north had received the loyal applause of the corpora-
tion, and they proved their sincerity by the contingent
they supplied to his force.^
Public opinion was at that juncture changing rap-
idly in England ; and many who looked to the Scots
in 1640 as invading enemies, afterwards welcomed
them at their later visit as friends and allies. The
situation is thus described by Baillie : —
" In the king's magazine were found good store of
biscuit and cheese, and five thousand arms, musket,
and pikes, and other provision. Messrs Henderson and
Cant preached to a great confluence of people on the
Sunday. My Lord Lothian, with his regiment, was
placed to govern the town — our camp lay without.
The report of this in all our pulpits did make our peo-
ple sound humble and hearty thanks to the name of
our God, in the confidence of Avhose help this work was
begun, and on whose strength it does yet rely — not
well knowing what to do next ; for many a time from
the beginning we have been at a nonplus, but God
helped us over."^ They seemed to be, indeed, carried
forward on the wings of destiny. They took Durham,
Tynemouth, and Shields without a struggle. News
came to them that Dumbarton Castle had surrendered
on the day when their army forced the passage at
Newburn; and a few days later came the news that
^ "The town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne furnislied 250 pikemen, 250
musketeers, and 350 dragoons for the king's service," a larger force than
all the rest of Northumberland supplied. — Letter from a Royalist of
Newcastle, introduction ; Newcastle Reprints, iv.
' Letters, i. 257.
VOL. VIL H
114 CHARLES I.
the garrison of Edinburgh Castle had been turned out
in the manner we have seen. Though it was clear to
the enthusiasts who gave impulse to the enterprise
that God was fighting for them, yet there was prac-
tical sense and moderation enough in that host to bid
them rejoice with trembling. They immediately took
to their old practice of supplicating, and never in
their dangers and difficulties did they approach the
throne with more submissive and deferential loyalty
than in this hour of triumph. "We only implore," they
say, " that we may, without farther opposition, come
into your majesty's presence, for obtaining from your
majesty's justice and goodness satisfaction to our just
demands. We, your majesty's most humble and loyal
subjects, do still insist in that submiss way of petition-
ing which we have keeped since the beginning, and
from which no provocation of your majesty's enemies
and ours, no adversity that we have before sustained,
nor prosperous success can befall us, shall be able to
divert our minds ; most humbly entreating that your
majesty would, in the depth of your royal wisdom,
consider at last our pressing grievances and losses,
and with the advice and consent of the Estates of the
kingdom of England convened in Parliament, settle a
firm and durable peace against all invasions by sea or
land."
Tn this last sentence there was a deep and formid-
able meaning. It announced, and for the first time,
that there was a common cause between the Scots in-
vaders and the English Parliament, and referred to the
two as two elements of force that must in the necessity
of things coalesce. Without a key in the history of
the times to this and other parts of the " supplication,"
CAPTURE OF NEWCASTLE, 164O. I15
the casual reader might take it for a timid appeal by
some poor creatures who, on their peaceable and in-
offensive passage to the quarter where they were
to represent their griefs and sufferings, had been
despitefully assailed by their enemies, and had been
providentially enabled to get clear of these perils
of the way, regretting at the same time that their
assailants had brought on themselves some casualties.
After all their sufferings, extreme necessity had con-
strained them, for their relief, to come into England,
where they were peaceably passing through the
country, harming no one, and paying for what they
needed, "till," they say, "we were pressed by strength
of arms to put such forces out of the way as did,
without our deserving, and — as some of them have
at the point of death confessed — against their own
consciences, oppose our peaceable passage at Newburn-
on-Tyne, and have brought their blood upon their own
heads against our purposes and desires."
The king received this document at York. He was
already in the midst of a sea of troubles when his
defeated troops came scattering in upon him. The
victors had let it be known that they were prepared
to march on to York ; and as surely as they did, so
would they again scatter the king's army before them.
His answer to the appeal seemed to paxtake of the
trouble and confusion of his spirit ; but it sufficed for
the time, since its general import was, that before
striking he would listen. It was signed by the Earl
of Lanark, Hamilton's brother, as Secretary of State
for Scotland.^
The Scots sent in a paper of seven demands, not so
1 Rushwortli, iii. 1255, 1256.
Il6 CHARLES I.
important in tlieir own substance as because they were
a basis on which conference might be held. Perhaps
the most significant of them was for protecting from
the imposition of "new oaths" their compatriots in
England and Ireland. The king intimated that the
whole state of the case was to be laid before that great
council of the peers which, following a practice which
had grown obsolete, he had summoned at York. The
great council recommended the holding of a treaty, to
which the Scots should send representatives. The
time fixed for it was the 1st of October, and the place
Ripon, in Yorkshire. Eight commissioners represented
Scotland : two nobles, Dunfermline and Loudon, al-
ready well acquainted with the ground they were
to go over ; two representatives of the smaller barons ;
two clergymen, one of them Alexander Henderson,
the great preacher. The Covenant was farther
represented by the great Church lawyer Warriston,
and the town-clerk of Dundee represented the burghal
community. These gentlemen showed how suspi-
cious the Scots had become, by requesting a safe-
conduct, not only under the sign-manual, but under
the signatures of the assembled peers ; but this being
refused with something like a rebuke, they were con-
tent to drop the request.
The commissioners had ample opportunities of diving
into the recesses of the c[uarrel in the mass of disputa-
tive documents which had accumulated round it. In
addition to those already noticed, a later and fruitful
crop had appeared. They are of less moment and in-
terest, however, to the student of the present day, than
those which preceded warlike action. In these we see
the gradual growth of the conditions which brought
TREATY OF RIPON, 1640. II7
on the quarrel. The later controversy is in general
but tiresome comment, in the shape of attack and
defence, on the events passing before the world. The
most important of these Avas a continuation of the
king's Large Declaration, with the title, "His Majesty's
Declaration concerning his Proceedings with his Sub-
jects in Scotland since the Pacification in the Camp
near Berwick." ^ It has the same sort of qualified
success as the old Declaration. Grant that the king-
was an absolute monarch, he shows that he yielded
with wonderful facility to the desires of his trouble-
some subjects, abandoning his own better judgment
to yield to their unreasonable caprices. The Scots
printed and circulated in England a paper called ' The
Lawfulness of our Expedition into England manifested.'
Whatever interest attached to this document has been
recently enhanced by the discovery of a copy of it en-
riched with Laud's marginal notes. As they are the
abrupt comments set down as he read and grew angry
in reading, they probably give us his and his master's
political creed more broadly and emphatically than
we can find them in the deliberative announcements
contained in the king's Declarations and other State
papers. The spirit of these notes cannot be better
told than in the words of him who found and edited
them : " Taking the notes in connection with the state-
ments of the Scots, we have at one glance the views
of both parties. Those of the archbishop were simple
in the extreme. Politically he had but one complaint
to make against the Scots. It was their ' duty' to have
obeyed the king. They failed in this respect, and
that failure brought on all the succeeding trouble.
1 It will be found in Rushwortli, iii. 1018, and in other places.
Il8 CHARLES I.
As applicable to the king's commands, no question of
right or wrong, of reason or unreason, of legality or
the contrary, seems in the slightest degree to have
disturbed the equanimity of the archbishop. In his
estimation the whole case turned upon one single con-
sideration. The premises were unquestionable, and
the conclusion irresistible. The Scots had not yielded
'the dutiful obedience of subjects;' they could not,
therefore, be otherwise than to blame, and not less so
in the sight of God than in that of their sovereign
and of the archbishop." ^
The commissioners of both kingdoms assembled
' Bruce, preface to Notes of the Treaty carried on at Eipon, xl. The
following specimens may be selected from the Scots manifesto and
Laud's criticisms on it ; —
The Manifesto. Laud's Notes.
" As all men know and confess what is the great " Noue of these ne-
f orce of necessity, and how it doth j ustify actions cessary, if thej- would
otherwise unwarrantable, so can it not be denied ''*^''' yielded due obe-
that -we must either seek our peace in England at '1"^"'^« t° "'«"' kmg."
this time, or lie under three heavy burthens which
we are not able to bear. First, we must maintain
armies on the Borders," &c.
"This we say not from fear, but from feeling; "No growth iieces-
for we have already felt, to our unspeakable preju- sary when they might
dice, -what it is to maintain armies, what to want '\^^^. Prevented the be
traiBc, what to want administration of justice :
and if the beginning of these evils be so heavy,
what shall the growth and loug continuance of
them prove unto us ? — so miserable a being all men
would judge to be worse than no being."
" If we consider the nature and quality of this " if this were true,
expedition, it is defensive, and so the more justi- 'tis not defensive."
liable. The king's majesty, misled by the craft and
cruel faction of our adversaries, began this year's
war — not we."
" We have laboured in long-suifering, by suppli- " Save yielding the
cations, informations, commissions, and all other dutiful obedience of
means possible, to avoid this expedition." subjects."
When they talk of "invasions by sea which liave spoiled us of our
ginning by doing but
their duty."
TREATY OF RIPON, 164O. 1 19
accordingly at Ripon, on the 1st of October 1640, and
began business next day. There were, as there always
are in such conferences, minor details of business to
be adjusted at the beginning. The king, for instance,
desired that some persons in his own interest should
attend as " assistants ; " for the English commissioners
did not properly represent the Crown, but were ac-
credited by the great council of the peers. The Scots
seemed not to concern themselves with the English
assistants ; but they were jealous of the presence of
Traquair, Morton, and Lanark in that capacity. They
were told that these attended not to vote or take part
in the conference, but, as persons versant in the busi-
ness of Scotland, to explain matters relating to that
country which might be unintelligible to Englishmen ;
and some preliminary diplomacy was necessary to
keep these assistants within such limits.
On the general question the Scots felt the ground
consolidating, as it were, beneath their feet day by day.
In every dij)lomatic conference there are truths be-
hind any that appear on the smooth and tranquil face
of the discussions ; and the great truth behind the
treaty of Ripon was, that the Scots were absolute
masters of the situation. Did they come as enemies ?
Then they were invaders who had conquered the
north of England, and redeemed for their country that
ancient district of Northumberland which the voice of
tradition assigned as an ancient possession of the Scot-
ships and goods," the comnientator says, with angry astonishment, " The
king invade his owti ! "
At one point he gets so angry as to employ a scurvy jest frequently
used hy the common people of England against the Scots of that day.
Where they say that for the provisions of their army they either paid or
gave security, he notes, " Not worth three of their lice."
120 CHARLES I.
tish Crown ; and in the existing condition of England
there was no rational prospect that the conquest Avould
be taken out of their hands. This great calamity had
a Government, by its feebleness or its folly, or by
something worse than either, brought upon England ;
and all who befriended the Government and valued the
honour of England must avert such a stigma at any
sacrifice.-' Did the Scots come as friends ? Then to
the Government they were friends by mere forced
courtesy. Their real friendship was for that great
Parliamentary party which Avas about to rise against
the Government. They were conscious of the thorough
amity of that party. The great voice of England was
(•ailing for a Parliament, and the Scots put in their
word too for a Parliament ; in fact, before the commis-
sioners left Ripon the writs had been issued for " the
Long Parliament," and it was the Scots who had pro-
cm^ed this for their English friends.
In whatever sense the word was to be taken, they
were called and were dealt with as friends. Well, if
friends, they were friends who had done eminent
service to England at much sacrifice to themselves. It
was but fair that their friendship should be requited
—that their sacrifices in the cause of their English
friends should at all events be refunded. In short,
the army had been embodied and marched across the
' Among some notes of what was said in tlie council at York — notes
intended apparently to refresh the memory of the notemaker — there are
some glimpses of meaning intelligible to others, and among these nearly
the most distinct is a passionate burst by Stratford. It wiU be under-
stood that "this army" means the English, " the other " the Scotch:
'• If this army dissolve and disband, the other army being, as it is, in
such a posture, this country is lost in two days, and the fire will at last
go to the farthest house in the street. No history can mention so great
an infamy as the deserting this." — Hardwicke's State Papers, ii. 211.
TREATY OF RIPON, 1640. 121
Border in the service of England, therefore the expense
incurred and yet to be incurred in that service must
be paid by England. If not, the Scots could easily
help themselves. They hinted that they would be
content with the estates of the Papists and of the
bishops, who were their natural enemies, and they
began by taking possession of the princely domains of
the see of Durham. Some abrupt notes of private
conferences held among each other by the English
lords might be likened to the hurried and nervous
estimate of resources for the purchase of life and
liberty by captives in the hands of banditti ; or perhaps
a more appropriate analogy would be the discussions
by the authorities of a beleaguered town on the best
method of raising ransom-money.'^
' For instance, the following, in whicli it is to be understood that the
reporter only sets down one or two leading words by way of memo-
randum of the purport of what each said : —
" The lords retire.
E. Bristoll. — They say if they cannot live in one place they will live
in another.
They will come with an army able to obtain their demands.
Not fall into particulars of lessening their army, but, by way of in-
ducement, to offer them ^20,000 a-month.
E. Burks [Earl of Berkshire]. — To speak with Mr Treasurer, who
knows the country, whether they are able.
3fr Treasurer. — Those four counties and Newcastle not able to pay
that sum. No trade, but only for a month about ^12,000 to be raised.
They propose they will presently have money without victuals,
which they cannot do.
They speak of recruiting — to bind them from recruiting, and to have
a cessation of arms.
Let nothing be known to them of anything out of the counties.
E. Holland. — He supposes it is a proposition that the counties here-
about will find.
E. Burks. — Whether offer it without consulting with Yorkshire.
E. Holland. — It must be had, and therefore fit to be offered.
Lord Saville. — They will retire, and if they say they cannot accept
it, whether they will offer more.
122 CHARLES I.
There was much haggling about the actual amount
of money to be paid. It is not necessary that we
should impute all the discussions to the mere merce-
nary spirit of parting with and pocketing so much
coin. The Scots had further objects than taking a
bribe to return home, and the furtherance of these
objects was intimately connected not only with the
amount to be paid to them, but the form and con-
ditions of its payment. They asked £40,000 a-
month, but this was refused. They then reduced
their demand to £30,000 — finally the allowance was
If you offer it, it must be found, and in conclusion it goes upon all
the kingdom.
If they say they cannot accept it, we to propose unto them our
reasons — that we are their friends, never did them ivr-ong.
To send to Newcastle to know whether they will receive this with
some of the county.
In the mean time to treat of the other heads, and us to treat with the
gentlemen of the counties.
Lord Saville. — Not to let the Scots know, of our treaty with the
counties.
Lord Wharton. — Let it be proposed to be only out of the counties in
danger.
£. Holland. — To consider, if they refuse the sum, to think what to
do, considering the great danger of the kingdom ; but to give them no
resolution this morning, but take into resolution to answer in the after-
noon."— Bruce's Notes of the Treaty of Eipon, 33-35.
Again, on 24th October, as the meetings draw to a close : —
" The lords commissioners retire.
The gentlemen of Cumberland and Westmoreland are already pre-
pared to come into contribution.
A letter written to those counties, and this to be shown unto the
Soots commissioners.
They have already called the gentlemen of these shires — Sir Patricius
Curwen, Sir George Dawson, and Sir Philip Musgrave — and are now
writing a letter which my Lord Wharton read.
E. Bristoll. — To add to this, they will procure the strength of the
great council of York.
They will engage themselves to endeavour all means at London with
the Parliament to see it pierformed." — Ibid., 65.
TREATY OF RIPON, 164O. 123
fixed at £850 a-clay. It was secured on obliga-
tions from corporations and landowners cliiefly in the
northern counties ; but it was the hope of those who
became thus liable, that Parliament would relieve
them ; and the prospect of the whole question coming
into the hands of the new Parliament, to which the
English nation looked with so much hope, was also a
prospect full of stirring hope to the Scots.
Early in the sittings there was a singular incident.
On the 8th of October the king desired that the treaty
should be transferred to York. The reasons given
were merely the " unhealthfulness " of the town of
Eipon, and for " expediting " the treaty. The Scots
suspected that there were other reasons. The king's
army was at York, with Strafford at its head. They
said : We cannot " conceave " or foresee " Avhat danger
may be apprehended in our going to York, and suffer-
ing ourselves and others who may be joined with us
into the hands of an army commanded by the Lieu-
tenant of Ireland, against whom, as a chief incendiary,
according to our demands, which are the subject of the
treaty itself, we intend to insist, as is expressed in our
remonstrance and declarator ; who hath in the Parlia-
ment of Ireland proceeded against us as traitors and
rebels — the best titles his lordship in his common talk
is pleased to honour us with, whose commission is to
subdue and destroy us, and who by all means and at
all occasions presseth the breaking up of all treaties of
peace, as fearing to be excluded in the end." ^
When the matters of the pay of the army and the
pacification were adjusted, another adjournment was
proposed : it was to London, whither the English
' Bruce's Notes, 26.
124 CHARLES I.
lords had to go to attend the new Parliament. No
proposal could have been more apt to the views and
fortunes of the Scots, and it was gladly accepted.
By this adjournment the destinies of tlie Scots na-
tion were virtually thrown into the great game which
was to be played over the whole empire. For some
years, although a few incidents of the contest were
peculiar to Scotland, the history of its policy and aims
has to be looked on from the centre of a greater area,
comprehending the three kingdoms, as they were for
some time, and the Commonwealth, as the whole after-
wards became. The duties of the historian of Scot-
land proper are thus in some measure for a time
superseded, and fall on those who undertake the his-
tory of the great civil war.
CHAPTER LXXIII.
Cijarles E.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE TREATY TO LONDON SCOTS COMMIS-
SIONERS THERE THEIR POPULARITY THE LONG PARLIAMENT
FALL OF STRAFFORD AND LAUD CONTESTS IN THE NORTH
MONRO IN ABERDEEN ARGYLe's BANDS IN THE WEST
RAVAGE THE NORTHERN LOWLANDS — THE GREAT PARLIAMENT
OF 164I THE king's PRESENCE — CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES
COMMITTEE OF ESTATES — MONTROSE AND ARGYLL THE
INCIDENT AND THE RECRIMINATIONS MONTROSe's CHANGE
NEWS OF THE IRISH OUTBREAK THE SUSPICIONS AGAINST
THE KING THE USE OF THE GREAT SEAL OF SCOTLAND
THE SCOTS ARMY IN IRELAND UNDER LESLIE AND MONRO
THE MASSACRE THE RUMOURS AND TERRORS IN SCOTLAND
THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT MONTROSE'S SCHEME
GATHERS A HIGHLAND ARMY ARGYLE AT INVERLOCHY
BATTLES OF TIBBERMUIR AND KILSYTH HIS FORCE SCAT-
TERED BY LESLIE AT PHILIPHAUGH.
The Scots commissioners were one of the chief cen-
tres round which gathered the mighty excitement with
which London was then seething. AVhen they had
severally taken up their abodes, mostly in the neigh-
bourhood of Covent Garden, the city of London de-
sired the honour of receiving them as guests. A
house was assigned to them so close to the Church of
St Anthony, or St Antholin, as it is popularly termed,
that there was a passage communicating between the
126 CHARLES I.
church and the house. Henderson, Blair, and Baillie
gave their ministrations in that church with zeal and
patience, and were repaid by popular admiration, as
Clarendon says : " To hear those sermons there was
so great a conflux and resort — by the citizens out of
humour and faction, by others of all qualities out
of curiosity, and by some that they might the better
justify the contempt they had of them — that from the
first appearance of day in the morning on every Sun-
day to the shutting in of the light the church was
never empty. They, especially the women, who had
the happiness to get into the church in the morning
(they who could not hang upon or about the windows
without to be auditors or spectators) keeping their
places till the afternoon's exercise was finished." ^
Coming as the assured allies of the Long Parliament,
they were at once to witness the downfall of their great-
est enemies. The blow fell first on Strafford. He " came
but on Monday to town late ; on Tuesday rested ; on
Wednesday came to Parliament, but ere night he was
caged. Intolerable pride and opjDression cries to
heaven for a vengeance. The Lower House closed
their doors ; the Speaker keeped the keys till his
accusation was completed." The Ayrshire minister,
whose fortune it was to see so much of history, tells
how Strafford came forth_ into custody through the
crowd " all gazing, no man capping to him, before
whom that morning the greatest of England would
have stood dis-covered." ^ The temptation is strong to
follow the same pen in picturesque description of the
impeachment ; but it is a passage that belongs to a
wider history, and must be forborne.
' History, i. 190 ; ed. 1843, p. 76. " Baillie's Letters, i. 272.
THE COVENANTERS IN LONDON, 1640-41. 127
Some of the offences charged against Strafford were
founded on the relations of England with Scotland ;
but it would seem that these were inserted rather to
interest and propitiate the Scots commissioners than
really to give weight to the impeachment. They are
slight and rather incoherent, balancing ill with the
desperate designs of tyranny and ambition, at the root
of the other charges. He had called the Scots " rebels"
and "traitors." He said .their demands justified war.
He was ready to lead an Irish force against them.
Then, what seems scarcely in the same tenor, as
lieutenant-general in the north, he " did not provide
for the defence of the town of Newcastle as he ought
to have done, but suffered the same to be lost, that so he
might the more incense the English against the Scots;"
and then, in another turn of inconsistency, it was said
he forced his subordinate Conway to fight the Scots at
Newburn with a force insufiicient for resistance, " out
of a malicious desire to engage the kingdoms of Eng-
land and Scotland in a national and bloody war."
The managers showed their sense of the weakness of
the Scots items in the charge by combining them in
the prosecution with some of the heavier articles, an
arrangement against which the accused protested.^
It was encouraging and exciting, no doubt, to see
one whose spirit was so inimical to theirs, and who
would have crushed them if he could, hunted down
before their eyes ; but Laud was the proper vic-
tim to offer up to the Scots commissioners. Baillie
speedily found " Episcopacy itself beginning to be
cried down and a covenant to be cried up, and the
Liturgy to be scorned. The town of London and a
' state Trials, iii. 1,397-1400, 1440-42.
128 CHARLES I.
world of men minds to present a petition, which I have
seen, for the abolition of bishops, deans, and all their
appm^tenances. It is thought good to delay it till the
Parliament have pulled down Canterbury and some
prime bishops, which they mind to do so soon as the
king has a little digested the bitterness of his lieuten-
ant's censure. Huge things are here in working — the
mighty hand of God be about this great work ! We
hope this shall be the joyful harvest of the tears that
these many years have been sown in these kingdoms.
All here are weary of bishops. This day a committee
of ten noblemen and three of the most innocent
bishops — Carlisle, Salisbury, Winchester — are ap-
pointed to cognosce by what means our pacification
was broken, and who advised the king, when he had
no money, to enter in war without consent of his
State. We hope all shall go avcU above our hopes.
I hope they will not neglect me. Prayer is our best
help ; for albeit all things goes on here above our
expectation, yet how soon, if God would but wink,
might the devil and his manifold instruments here
watching turn our hopes in fear ! " ^
But in the midst of these separate triumphs the
commissioners did not neglect their treaty, and the
large pecuniary interests depending on it. It was
contested on both sides with a harassing obstinacy,
which it would be tedious to follow step by step. It
came to a conclusion on the 7th of August 1641. The
principal provisions of the treaty were, that the king
was to admit as Acts of Parliament those of the Estates
who sat in 1640 Avithout the sanction of royalty.
The "incendiaries," or "those Avho had been the
' Letters, i. 274.
THE TREATY CONCLUDED, 1641. 129
authors and causes of the late and present combus-
tions and troubles," were in each nation to be punished
by Parliament — a demand accepted by the king, with
the explanation that "his majesty believeth he hath
none such about him." All libels against the king's
"loyal and dutiful subjects of Scotland" were to be
suppressed. When the Scots army came to be dis-
banded, the fortresses of Berwick and Carlisle were to
be reduced to their old condition. Not least import-
ant was " the brotherly assistance " to be given by
England to the Scots for their sufferings and services ;
this was fixed at £300,000.^ The armies were then
disbanded ; and when this process was completed, the
city of London held solemn rejoicings for deliverance
from the war that had impended.
There comes now one of those incoherent turns in
the tenor of the Court policy which make it so unsa-
tisfactory a task to endeavour to find in it a natural
unity of sequence, one political condition preceding
another, as external cause precedes external event.
The king, when the harassing business of the Long
Parliament had thickened round him, was to visit
Scotland and hold a Parliament there. He was
not to go as the offended monarch, to take stern ac-
count of those whom he had been charging as trait-
orous and disobedient subjects; but in a spirit of
geniality and loving-kindness, especially towards those
who had most grievously offended him.
Some secondary passages in the struggle had occur-
red within Scotland, even at the time when its larger
results were looked to in the question which the Scots
1 See Report of the Treaty brought up to the Scots Estates ; Act. Pari.,
V. 337 et seq.
VOL. VII. I
I30 CHARLES I.
were to try in England. The strength of the ruhng
party was materially reduced by the removal of a large
army into England. It was naturally in the north-
east that symptoms of restlessness first appeared ; and
there the Committee of Estates, with prompt energy,
determined to use what force they could command, to
aid the Earl Marischal, and other supporters of the
Covenant, who were by themselves in a minority. In
May 1640 a body of about a thousand men marched
into Aberdeen under the command of General Monro.
He, like Leslie, had been trained in the great European
war ; but he was a man of inferior grade and nature,
and brought with him a touch of the rapacity and
cruelty that had grown up in the thirty years' teach-
ing. He weeded the district of able-bodied Malignants
by impressing them and sending them to join the
army in England. In a similar policy he removed all
things that might be turned to warlike purpose — not
only arms, but tools adapted to sapping and mining.
The garrulous town -clerk renders with deplorable
minuteness the various items of exaction to which
his unfortunate city was again subjected.^ Monro
left behind him, as a memorial of his visit, one of
those " woden mares " which had been invented by
^ The Baxters and brewsters to have in readiness "12,000 weight of
good bisket-bread, together with 1000 gallons of ale and beer." The
commander desired that the citizens, " in testimony of their hon accord
with the Soldatista that has come so far a march for their safeties from
the invasion of foreign enemies, and the slavery they or their posterity
may be lirought under, they may be pleased, out of their generosity ac-
customed, and present thankfulness to the Soldatista for keeping good
order and eschewing of plundering, to provide for them 1200 pair of
shoes, together with 3000 ells of harden ticking or sail canvas, for making
of tents to save the Soldatista from great inundation of rains accustomed
to fall out nnder this northern climate." — Spalding's Memorials, i. 275 .
CONTESTS IN THE NORTH, 1640-41. 131
the ingenuity of the German marauders as an in-
strument of torture at once simple and effective.
Monro having paid visits of the same character to
the country districts afflicted with Malignancy, re-
moved his force. A very small body stationed in per-
manence, with casual visits from auxiliaries, might now
keep the troublesome district of the north-east in due
order; but the soldiers themselves were sufferers by the
general poverty they had created.^ If the army sent
to England was honourably distinguished for piety
and decorum, the Government had now come down to
the dregs of their available forces. Of the perform-
ances of the Covenanting troops occasionally posted in
Aberdeen, we hear from the town-clerk of " daily de-
boshing " and " drinking," " night-walking, combating,
swearing, and bringing sundry honest women-servants
to great misery." It was the hard fate of these unfor-
tunates, that after they had become the victims of the
profligacy of the Covenanting soldiery, they came under
the rigid discipline of the Covenanting clergy for the
expiation of their frailties.^
In other parts of the country the Malignants were
^ So the Lord Sinclair, coming with a party of five hundred, " his
allowances was spent, and the soldiers put to their shifts. Aberdeen
would grant them no quarters, since the Colonel Master of Forbes's
regiment was already quartered there. Whereupon ilk soldier began
to deal and do for himself. Some came over to the old town, where they
got nothing but hunger and cauld. Others spread through the country
here and there about the town, specially to Papists' lands, plundering
their food, botli horse-meat and man's meat, where they could get it." —
Ibid., p. 352.
^ " Sixty-five of this honest sisterhood were delated before the Church
courts ; twelve of them, after being paraded through the streets by the
hangman, were banished from the burgh. Several were imprisoned in a
loathsome vault, while others more fortunate found safety in flight." —
Book of Bon Accord, 68.
132 CHARLES I.
cliastised by a rod of a different kind. The prospect
I if an invasion by an army of the wild Irish, sent Ijy
Strafford, gave occasion for guarding the west coast.
It fell to the two chief potentates of the district,
Eglinton and Argyle, to command the troops embodied
for that purpose, who were chiefly, if not entirely,
their own vassals or followers. Of Eglinton, Avho kept
a force ready in the Ayrshire Lowlands, we hear no-
thing ; but Argyle, having a force so conveniently
in hand for which there was no immediate work, took
the occasion to harry the territories of his feudal and
political enemies.
The warrant on which he acted was that savage
writ so aptly named " a commission of fire and sword."
It was issued by the Committee of Estates. It set
forth how " the Earl of Athole and the Lord Ogilvie,
with their accomplices" — the Farquharsons on the
Braes of Mar, and the inhabitants of Badenoch, Loch-
aber, and Eannoch — had " not only proven enemies to
religion, but also had proven unnatural to their coun-
try." Therefore it was meet that Argyle should
" pursue them, and every one of them, in all hostile
manner by fire and sword, aye and until he should
either bring them to their bounden duty, and give
assurance of the same by pledges or otherwise, or else
to the utter subduing and rooting them out of the
country." To this end he raised four thousand men.^
He swept the mountain district lying between his own
territories and the east coast, and came down upon the
half-Highland districts of the Braes of Angus, where
he attacked the Ogilvies in their strongholds. It
appears to have been in this expedition that the Castle
' Act of Ratification and Exoneration in favours of the Earl of
Argyle ; Act. Pari., v. 398.
CONTESTS IN THE NORTH, 1640-41. 133
of Airlie was burned — an incident giving rise to one of
the most stirring of the Scottish ballads of the heroic
type. We have little knowledge of the actual events
of this raid, except from the two northern annalists,
who were no friends of Argyle and his cause.^
In all such affairs there Avas limitless plunder, de-
struction, and bloodshed. The northern authorities,
however, are surely to be doubted when they say that
subordinates desired to spare, but the leader was
obdurate.^ Whatever of the destructive might be
found in the leaders of such Highland hosts, mercy
and moderation were not among the qualities of the
followers. However it came, there must have been
things done on this expedition for which Argyle did not
feel quite at ease, since he sought an indemnity from
that Parliament in which his influence was supreme.
Had his castigation been limited to the Highlanders,
he need have felt no misgiving. " Some Highland
limmers — broken out of Lochaber, Clangregor, out of
Athole, Brae of Mar, and divers other places" — had
^ Gordon's Soots Affairs, iii. 165 ; Spalding's Memorials, i. 291.
^ The following passage deserves attention, as attesting the hitterness
of spirit in the age when one whom many adored as a saint and martyr
could be so spoken of. Argyle had sent one of his followers called
Sergeant Camphell to attack Craigie, the house of Lord John Ogilvie.
The sergeant returned, saying there was a sick woman in tlie house, and
it was not a place of strength, " and therefore he conceived it fell not
within his order to cast it down. Argyle fell in some chaffe with the
sergeant, telling him that it was his part to have obeyed his orders ; and
instantly commanded him back again, and cansed him deface and sijoil
the house. At the sergeant's parting with him, Argyle was remarked
by such as were near for to have turned away from Sergeant Campbell
with some disdain, repeating the Latin political maxim, Abscindantur
qui nos perturhant — a maxim which many thought that he practised
accurately, which he did upon the account of the proverb consequential
thereunto, and which is the reason of the former, which Argyle was re-
marked to have likewise often in his mouth as a choice aphorism, and
well observed by statesmen, Quod mortui non mordent." — Gordon's
Scots Affairs, iii. 166.
134 CHARLES I.
just been at their old work, reiving the lands of loyal
friends of the Covenant ; and whoever could extirpate
them was welcome to the task, and deserved thanks.^
But the Lowland Ogilvies were within the pale of the
law, such as it was. Some of the Acts, from the con-
sequences of which the indemnity protects him, are
broad and strong enough to cover much mischief, thus
— for attacking towers, fortalices, and other houses,
" or demolishing of the same to the ground, or burn-
ing of the same, or putting of fii'e thereintil, or other-
wise sacking and destroying of the same howsoever,
or for putting of whatsoever person or persons to
torture or question, or putting of any person or persons
to death, at any time the said eighteenth day of June
and the said second day of August thereafter ; and
declares these presents to be ane sufficient warrant to
all and whatsoever judges, civil or criminal, for ex-
onering and assoyling the said Earl of Argyle and all
and whatsomever his colonels, captains, commanders,
and whole body of the army, and to their servants,
men, boys, and followers in the said army during the
space foresaid." ^
These affairs were over before the king's arrival.
He had left behind him gloom, discord, and apprehen-
sion. In the vast incongruous city, from the leaders
of the Government down to the London 'prentices,
every face was hostile. He left there the dead body
of that stern, faithful minister of his will, who for
that very stern fidelity was put to death. Was he to
find a bright contrast to all this in Scotland ? On the
surface it was so. Thorough tranquillity seemed to
' Spalding's Memorials, i. 291.
'•^ Acts of Pari, (revised edition), v. 399. The document is long and
elaborately technical.
PARLIAMENT, 1641. 135
reign. The chance of war with England had passed
— the intestine broils were at an end for the time.
In the almost poetic Avords of the Estates, there
was " a quiet, calm, and comfortable peace " over
the land.^
Queen Henrietta told that she had good news from
her husband at last. He " writes me word he has been
very well received in Scotland; and that both the
army and the people have showed a great joy to see
the king — and such that they say was never seen be-
fore : pray God it may continue." ^
He was to meet the Estates, not in the old sordid
building where he had left them nine years ago, but
in the great new hall worthy to receive the assembled
powers of a great nation. There was to be none of
the frowning by the king, and muttered grumbling of
the Estates, which had announced the coming storm in
that last Parliament. All swept onwards with a cur-
rent as of unanimity and harmony. But in reality
these bright aspects were due to the utter isolation
and helplessness of the poor king. The Estates car-
ried all before them with a force so irresistible that,-
while driven before them, he appeared to lead them.
There was throughout all their transactions an ex-
uberant expression of loyalty and worship. Every
one of those statutes which he would have resisted
had there been any hope in resistance, began with
the words " our sovereign lord," the part performed
by the Estates modestly following as subordinate and
supplementary. Things done which it must have
cost him unutterable bitterness to witness in his
helplessness, are what " his majesty was graciously
1 Acts of Pari., v. 341.
^ The queen to Sir Edward Nicholas ; Evelyn's Memoirs, v. 4,
136 CHARLES I.
pleased" to do upon the "humble remonstrance" or
" humble supplication " of the Estates.
The farce of co-operation and harmonious action
was played throughout by all the actors with great
success. The king, in his speech from the throne,
expressed his regret for the unlucky differences, now
happily at an end, by which the land had been dis-
tracted. " The end," he said, " of my coming is
shortly this — to perfect whatsoever I have promised,
and withal to quiet those distractions which have
and may fall out amongst you : and this I mind not
superficially, but fully and cheerfully to do ; for I
assure you that I can do nothing with more cheerful-
ness than to give my people content and general
satisfaction." Biu^leigh, the president, in name of the
House, " made a pretty speech to his majesty of thanks
for all the former demonstrations of his goodness ; " and
Argyle followed with "a short and pithy harangue,
comparing this kingdom to a ship tossed in a tempest-
uous sea these years bypast ; and seeing his majesty
had, like a skilful pilot, in the times of most danger,
stirred her through so many rocks and shoals to safe
anchor, he did humbly entreat his majesty that now
he would not leave her — since that for her safety
he had given way to cast off some of the naughtiest
baggage to lighten her — but be graciously pleased to
settle her in her secure station and harbour again. "-^
In the British empire of the present day, when there
comes a telling majority in the House of Commons
against ministers, there is an inversion of the political
conditions. There was now a like phenomenon in
Scotland, but of a more convulsive character. The
' Balfour's Annals, iii. 42.
PARLIAMENT, 1641. 137
men who were to come into power had not merely
voted against his majesty's advisers, but had been at
war with his army. Leslie was created Earl of Leven,
and largely endowed. The Earl of Argyle became
Marquess. Loudon, recently released from the Tower,
was made Chancellor. The Court of Session was
recast, to admit friends of the Covenant, with John-
ston of Warriston among them ; and generally the
men intrusted with any fragment of political power
were selected from those who were counted safe men
by the party which had now been for three years
supreme in Scotland.
Bacon, who admired " the excellent brevity " of the
old Scots Acts, did not live to see the work of this Par-
liament. Even the prolific legislation of our present
sessions, which cause so much ridicule and grumbling,
is not only anticipated but exceeded, if we take the
number of Acts passed, and the variety of matters
disposed of by them. The session began on the
1 3th of May and ended on the 7th of November ;
but even had it lasted a whole year, there might
have been a good account for every day, since the
last Act is the three hundred and sixty-fifth in num-
ber. It must not be supposed that each one of these
was a piece of legislation like a modern Act of Parlia-
ment. There were among them inquiries into criminal
charges or rumours, adjustments of title or precedence,
of privileges, of social usages, and the like. It wo\ild be
difficult, indeed, to name any class of public business
not to be found in the records of that Parliament. It
seemed, indeed, as if the Estates were jealous or afraid
of any institution of the State acting separately and
in its own place. The business was done, no doubt.
13S CHARLES I.
by tlie officers of the Crown ; but it had to be doue in
the presence of tlie States, and to be completed by
their vote.
In England much of this work would be called a
direct usurpation of the prerogative of the Crown
and the functions of the established courts of justice.
In Scotland it could not be so simply and distinctly
characterised. The Scots Estates had always claimed
the right of supremacy, not only in legislation, but in
the judicial and executive departments. When, in a
country with a mixed government, the jJublic business
enlarges with increased wealth and civilisation, the
additions made to such business will fall into the
hands of that element in the government which is
the strongest. Many of the powers appropriated by
this Parliament had been exercised by the Crown at
least since the Union of 1603 ; but it is not so clear
that they were the exclusive possession of the Crown
in earlier days. The Crown, tampering with the selec-
tion and powers of committees, had made the Lords
of the Articles supreme, and had almost achieved the
appointment of them. All the business of the Estates
was transacted by them ; and it was coming to the
point, that when they were appointed, the Estates at
large had nothing further to do but to meet once, and
either pass or reject the measures brought to maturity
by the Lords of the Articles. The Estates at their pre-
vious session took the opportunity of recasting the con-
stitution of this powerful committee. Each Estate was
to choose its own representative on the Articles, and the
^\4lole body were only to do such work as was assigned
to them by the Estates at large.^ The profuse busi-
1 Acts of Pari., v. 278.
PARLIAMENT, 1641. 139
ness transacted in the Parliament of 1641 seems to
have been worked through open committees — that is
to say, certain groups of memloers were named as
responsible for bringing the business to maturity ; but
any other members might attend their meetings, either
to keep a watch on what they did or to offer sugges-
tions. There was a committee to "revise all articles"
presented during the session, but merely that those
chosen from each Estate "may give account thereof
to their own body." ^ An Act of " pacification and
oblivion " was passed, declaring, in a style not usual
in Acts of Parliament, that " such things as have fallen
forth in these tumultuous times, while laws were
silent, whether prejudicial to his majesty's honour and
authority, or to the laws and liberties of the Church
and kingdom, or the particular interest of the subject,
which to examine in a strict court of justice might
prove ane hindrance to a perfect peace, might be
buried in perpetual oblivion."^ Criminals and "broken
men " in the Highlands Avere, as usual, excepted from
the indemnity; and it was provided that its benefit
"shall no ways be extended to any of the Scottish
prelates, or to John Earl of Traquair, Sir Robert
Spottiswood, Sir John Hay, and Master Walter Bal-
canquall, cited and pursued as incendiaries betwixt
the kingdoms and betwixt the king and his people. " •'
It may be remembered that Balcanquall's crime was
the literary assistance rendered by him to the king in
the composition of his Declaration. These four, along
with Maxwell, Bishoj) of Eoss, were then undergoing
harassing treatment as "incendiaries."
One of the points which the Estates had determined
1 Acts of Pari., v. 333, 334. = Ibid., 341. ^ Ibid., 342.
I40 CHARLES I.
to carry was the appointment by themselves of all
public officers. The Secret Council and the Court
of Session were recast, the appointments being made
in two separate Acts.^ In a general Act applicable
to Government offices at large, the king's power of
appointment is treated with all reverence ; but at the
same time it is to be exercised in each instance " with
the advice and approbation" of the Estates.^ One
can see under the decorous surface of the Parlia-
mentary proceedings, especially with the aid of a diary
of the sittings kept by the Lord Lyon, that these
concessions were extracted from the king by sheer force
attended by many a bitter pang. He had struggled
for the retention of the Crown patronage when its
removal was first suggested at the treaty of Eipon;
and the words in which he gave his reasons for ac-
quiescence, when the demand was put for the last time,
and was not to be resisted, are a sorry attempt to
express contentment and approval : " His majesty's
answer was, that since by their answer to his doubts
proposed on Monday, they manifestly show to every
one — as well believed by him — that to their knowledge
they woxdd never derogate to anything from his just
power, and that the chief ground of their demand was
upon the just sense they had of his necessary absence
from this country, which otherwise but for the sup-
plying of that want they would forbear to press, —
therefore, not to delay more time, his answer was
briefly that he accepted that paper." ^
If by these Acts the Estates took more power than
they ever had under the separate kings of Scotland,
the national jealousy of English influence must be re-
1 Acts of Pari., \-. 388, .389. ^ Ibid., .354. ' Balfour's Annals, iii. 64.
PARLIAMENT, 1641. 141
membered. Four years had not elapsed since William
Laud, Archbisliop of Canterbury, was the ruler of
Scotland, in so far as to control those large policies in
which the vital interests and aspirations of the people
centred. There were, indeed, members of the Estates
who at that very time were ransacking the public
documents, and discovering evidence of his mis-
chievous tampering with the Scots national affairs —
evidence collected for the completion of the charges
on which the hapless intermeddler was brought to the
block. One sees in the inner life of the history of that
period how closely all that was done in Scotland was
watched from England ; and it is impossible to avoid
the conclusion, that these Acts of the Scots Estates
were in the minds of the commoners of England
when they superseded the regal executive, and ruled
through the authority of Parliament.^
But even the superficial harmony which clothed
this Parliament did not abide with it throughout ;
1 The king's faithful servant, Sir Edward Nicholas, writing to him on
the influence of these affairs on England, says, on 24th September :
"Your majesty may be pleased to procure from the Parliament there
some farther reiteration of their declaration, that what your majesty hath
consented unto concerning the election of officers there may not be drawn
into example to your majesty's prejudice here ; for, if I am not misin-
formed, there will be some attempt to procure the like Act here concern-
ing officers, before the Act of tonnage and poundage will be passed to
your majesty for life." — Evelyn's Correspondence, v. 35. Again, on 5th
October : " It is advertised from Edinburgh that your majesty hath
nominated the Lord Lothian [Loudon] to be Chancellor. Whatsoever
the news be that is come hither amongst the party of the protesters,
they are observed to be here of late very jocund and cheerful ; and it is
conceived to arise from some advertisements out of Scotland, from whose
actions and successes they intend, as I hear, to take a pattern for their
proceedings here at their next meeting." On the margin of this the
king puts the ominous comment : " I believe, before all be done, that
they will not have such great cause of joy."— Ibid., 4L
142 CHARLES I.
and Avlien the Estates separated it was in strife,
and with forebodings of a stormy future. There
had been gathering among the leaders of the Cove-
nanters a suspicion, coloured by a vague fear, that
they had enemies within their own camp. These
pointed at last with precision to Montrose, the Lord
Napier, and Stirling of Keir. All executive steps
by that Parliament were taken not only in his
majesty's name, but through his majesty's proper
officers of State. His Lord Advocate, Sir Thomas
Hope, was on the 24th of July directed to take steps
against the suspected men, and they were committed
to the castle.^ Besides a certain letter written by
Montrose to the king, the offence laid against the
three collectively was ostensibly nothing more than
the furtherance of a document called ' The Cumber-
nauld Band.' This is a short document of general
words and protestations ; and these are all in support
of the Covenant, " which we have so solemnly sworn
and already signed." But this supplemental covenant
referred, as the cause of its existence, to " the particular
and direct practising of a few " as thwarting the cause
of the original Covenant. Something was meant here;
for practical men like the adherents to the Cumber-
nauld Band do not sign and then carefully keep out
of sight empty declarations of sentiment intending to
bear no fruit ; and the Estates applied to the occasion
^ Of necessity a prosecution by tlie king's advocate against persons
charged with conniving treason along vfith his majesty, was something
so novel that it demanded novelty in the formalities. The Estates
embodied their instruction in an " Act and warrant " addressed to the
Lord Advocate, Sir Thomas Nicolson, and the "procurators," or solicitors
chosen for the occasion, " to draw up the said summons, and to insist in
consulting and pleading in the said process and hail proceedings thereof
to the final end of the same." — Acts of Pari, (reschinded), v. 316.
THE CUMBERNAULD BAND, 1641. 143
tlie rule adopted by the Tables, that none of the
adherents of the Covenant should make separate com-
binations with each other. Baillie saw so much
perilous matter in the affair that he was constrained
to call it " the damnable band." At the time there
was no getting beyond mere suspicion, but we now
know that Montrose had gone over to the king's
party. It was said that he had gone to the king at
that time when the king desired a personal meeting
with fourteen Scots leaders, and that his Covenanting
virtue had yielded to the royal smile. It has been
proved that in the autumn or winter of 1639 he was
in correspondence with the king.^ What we have of
it does not contain any offer by Montrose to betray
the cause for which he professed a high enthusiasm,
but at the same time it does not tell or hint that
the writer is incorruptible. And a correspondence
between the head of one party in a war and the leader
in the opposite camp is a phenomenon that does not
exist without an object. Burnet, in one of his morsels
of picturesque gossip, tells us, that before the treaty
of Ripon, when the Scots had despatches to send to the
king's Court at York — and such things were always
vigilantly examined before they were sent away — Sir
Eichard Graham opening one of these packets, a letter
fell from it. Sir James Mercer, at whose feet the letter
fell, in politeness picked it up, and by the glance he got
while restoring it, observed that it was addressed to
the king in the handwriting of Montrose.^ Montrose
was arraigned on a charge of corresponding with the
enemy, but extricated himself cleverly by demanding
1 Napier's Memoirs of the Marquis of Montrose (1856), i. 227, 228.
^ Memoirs of Duke of Hamilton, 179.
144 CHARLES I.
if his accusers were prepared, contrary to all their
announcements of loyalty, to count the king their
enemy.
There is scarcely anything to be gained by attempt-
ing to trace too closely the motives on which a man
has changed sides. He would often find it hard to
discover them himself. There were things in his
career that may have soured his spirit towards his
coadjutors. James Graham, Earl of Montrose, was
twenty-five years old when he let loose his vehement
zeal for the Covenant in 1637. He led with success
the parties sent by the Covenanters to intimidate the
north. His rank, and probably his military capacity,
were sufficient to get him these small commands; and
he had the sagacious Leslie to help him with military
experience. In so serious an affair, however, as the
invasion of England, the Tables wisely decided against
all patrician claims, and would trust their fine army
to no one but a trained and successful soldier. A
young man, ardent and inexperienced, was not the
one to be intrusted with such a command. He saw
his subordinate set over him, and he was not one of
the temper to take any slight with dutiful humility.
Then he was in bad blood with Argyle, and there
were counter-charges between them. Montrose or his
friends charged on Argyle how he had uttered words
importing that kings were of no use, and King Charles
might be deposed — the inference being, that he him-
self would in some way virtually fill the empty throne.
No doubt Argyle was an ambitious man, and inscrut-
able in his projects and policy. It would be hard
to say what visions would in a time of contest and
confusion dawn on him who commanded the largest
THE INCIDENT, 1641. 145
following in Scotland. His territory was almost
identically the same with that of the race whose rule
had afterwards spread all over the country. But Scot-
land was not then, or ever during the civil wars, in a
humour to depose the king. In the words of one
who gave well-penned counsel to the king at the time
— believed by some to have been Montrose himself :
"They have no other end but to preserve their reli-
gion in purity and their liberties entire. That they
intend the overthrow of monarchical government is
a calumny. They are capable of no other, for many
and great reasons ; and ere they will admit another
than your majesty, and after you your son and nearest
of posterity, to sit on that throne, many thousands of
them will spend their dearest blood. You are not like
a tree lately planted which oweth the fall to the first
wind. Your ancestors have governed there, without
interruption of race, two thousand years or thereabout,
and taken such deep root as it can never be plucked
up by any but yourselves."^
Driving King Charles from the throne of Scotland
was a plot for which there were no materials, whether
it were devised by Argyle or any other person. The
talk about it seems to have come from Argyle's main-
taining, as others did, that the Acts of the Estates
in their session of 1640 were valid law, without the
royal assent, either by the presence of a commissioner
or the king's acknowledgment of the Acts. There
was enough of reality in the charges and counter-
charges to bring one poor man to his death. A certain
Captain James Stewart bore witness to the uttering of
the treasonable words by Argyle, and afterwards re-
1 Napier's Memorials of Montrose and his Time, i. 268.
VOL. VII. K
146 CHARLES I.
tracted his testimony. On the fact that he had made
the false charge, he Avas brought to trial for " leasing-
makino-," convicted, and executed. The law for this
cruel sentence was the same that had been stretched
for the conviction of Lord Balmerinoch, one of the first
aggressions of the prerogative by the ministers of King
Charles. Its character was now subject to a cross-
testing, since the powers of the king's prerogative had
fallen into the hands of those who were the king's
opponents. The leasing - making of the old Acts
Avas in spreading rumours that might cause discord
between the king and his subjects ; and it might
either be in circulating false charges against the king,
or in bringing to him false charges against any of his
subjects ; — this was the shape in which the charge
visited Stewart.
The execution of Stewart would have passed as the
necessary sacrifice of an insignificant person Avho had
brought on his fate by excess of zeal, and probably
the excitement about the counter-accusation would soon
have Avorn itself out, but for an auxiliary incident.
This came when, one day in October, all Edinburgh
Avas awakened to lively excitement by the rumour
that there Avas a plot for either kidnapping or murder-
ing Hamilton, Argyle, and Hamilton's brother the
Lord Lanark ; and that they had all fled for personal
safety. There Avas a Parliamentary investigation into
the matter, but all that it has left for inquirers in the
present day is chaotic contradiction and confusion.
It is one of the investigations which, for some reason
or other, Avas either A^TCcked or so steered as to reach
no conclusion. The fragmentary notices of the debates
on this aff'air, which received both in Parliament and
THE INCIDENT, 1641. 147
history the name of "the Incident" are incoherent,
and at the same time temptingly suggestive.
Taking up the matter in meeting after meeting of
the whole House, the Estates seem to have lost all
hold on order and the forms of business — a fate likely
to befall a representative assembly which had just
recast itself, and adopted new powers and methods
of transacting business. The king seems to have been
carried olf in the torrent of debate ; and we find him
in strange attitudes — at one time demanding things
which appear not to be conceded to him ; at another
pleading his innocence, as if he were arraigned on
suspicion before some popular tribunal. On one point
there is a clear debate between two opposites ; but
though clear, it is in so shallow a part of the whole
affair as to afford no valuable revelation. This is on
the question whether the investigation that must be
made should be undertaken by the whole House, or
referred to a committee sitting with closed doors. The
king at once emphatically spoke for open inquiry by
the whole House. ^ As the discussion went on he
continued passionately to demand an inquiry by the
1 See Balfour's Annals, iii. 94 et seq. " A Relation of the Incident,"
Hardwicke's State Papers, ii. 299. Napier Memorials, i. 245 et seq.
' The discussion brought out this curious dialogue : —
" Sir Thomas Hope said : ' In such a business the most secret way
was the best way; and yet both ways were legal, and the Parliament
had it in their power which of the two ways, either public or private, to
do it — but for secret and exact trial the private way was rmdoubtedly
the best way.'
" His majesty answered : ' If men were so charitable as not to believe
false rumours, Sir Thomas, I would be of your mind ; but however the
matter go, I must see myself get fair play.' He added that he protested
that if it came to a committee, that neither his honour nor these inter-
ested could have right, Nam aliquid semper adherehit." — Balfour's
Annals, iii. 107.
148 CHARLES I.
whole House ; he said " he behoved still to urge
that which he would not delay to any of his subjects,
Avhich was a public, exact, and speedy trial." ^ The
expression was an apt one, for it is visible through all
the confused debate that the king felt himself to
be virtually on his trial. The Chancellor had visited
the fugitives. He said "he had humbly on his
knees begged his majesty's leave to go to them. He
said that he had been with them, and they humbly
besought each member of the House to rest assured
that they would sacrifice their lives and fortunes for
his majesty's honour and the peace of the country.
"His majesty said. By God! the Parliament and
they too behoved to clear his honour."^
Then, in another irritable outburst, " his majesty
said that if it had not been published at first, but
they had come and demanded justice, then he should
have accorded to a private way. But, as my lord
duke had said, rather or it be not tried, he should
wish — if there were a private way of hell, he said —
with reverence he spoke it — let it be used. But
if they would sliow him that the private way was
freer of scandal than the public, he would then be of
their mind." ^
On another point there was a difference of opiuion.
It was moved that the fugitives should be requested
to return to their places in Parliament, "since the
House had seen that they had very good reason to
absent themselves for a time for avoiding of tumult."
" His majesty answered that he wished they were
here, and he hoped they would return ; but he would
never assent that the House should make any such
1 BalfoiU''s Annals, iii. 108. - Ibid., 112. ' Ibid., 115.
THE INCIDENT, 164I. 149
order, and that for divers reasons best known to him-
self, which he should be loath to express in public."
On both points the king was overruled.
Hence the resolution carried was that the inquiry
be made by a committee.
From the brief abrupt notes that have come down
to us, one cannot decide whether the Estates had good
reason against an open inquiry at the beginning, nor
can we see exactly to Avhat point the evidence taken
by their committee tended.^
We trace the committee's inquiries, however, to one
distinct point, where they stopped and put a powerful
pressure on the king. Through all-becoming terms of
reverence and loyalty for his majesty, in which the
Covenanting politicians might have become perfect by
practice, what they virtually say is — You must show
us that last letter you had from Montrose, or abide
the consec[uences of refusal. The letter was produced.
There was a passage in this letter to the effect " that
he would particularly acquaint his majesty with a
business which not only did concern his honour in a
high degree, but the standing and falling of his crown
likewise." ^ The committee required that Montrose
himself should explain these words. He referred to
some previous explanation which has not been seen,
and he " further declared that thereby he neither did
intend, neither could or would he wrong any particular
1 See notes of the "Depositions;" Balfour, ii. 121 et seq. They are
mere memoranda. Baillie gives an account of the examination still
more indistinct, as he could only give it from rumour. He begins
by saying: "At once there broke out ane noise of one of the most
wicked plots that has been heard of, that put us all for some days
in a mighty fear." — Letters, i .391.
= Balfour's Annals, iii. 132.
I50 CHARLES I.
person quhatsomever." " This being read," as the
Lord Lyou informs us, " under Montrose's hand to the
House, it did not give them satisfaction." Nor, indeed,
did anything else in this inquiry ; for Avhen they had
got distinct testimony " anent the apprehending the
Marquis and Argyle, and sending them to the king's
ship or else stabbing them," yet all becomes clouded
with doubts and contradictions, and it is too late now to
attempt to clear up what was uncertain to the commit-
tee.^ If we could content ourselves with Clarendon's
account, it would enlighten us with a startling and ter-
rible clearness: "From the time that Argyle declared
himself against the king, wliich was immediately
after the first pacification, Montrose appeared with
less vigour for the Covenant ; and had, by underhand
and secret insinuations, made proffer of his services to
the king. But now, after his majesty's arrival in Scot-
land, by the introduction of Mr William Murray of the
bedchamber, he came privately to the king, and in-
formed him of many particulars from the beginning of
the rebellion, and that the Marquis of Hamilton was
no less faulty and false towards his majesty than
Argyle ; and offered to make proof of all in the Parlia-
ment, but rather desired to kill them both, which he
frankly undertook to do. But the king, abhorring that
expedient, though for his own security, advised that
the proofs might be prepared for the Parliament."^
It has l)een souo-ht to discredit this statement of
^b
^ Balfonr's Annals, iii. 130 etseq.
' Edition 1826, ii. 17. Ed. 1843, 119. Clarendon himself wrote some
things which the politic decorum of the Clarendon Press would not
permit it to print. The words "to kill them both" are among the
suppressed passages restored in the edition of 1826. The words super-
seding these in the old edition were, " to have them botli made away."
THE INCIDENT, 1641. 151
Clarendon's by a plea of alibi, since Montrose was
under restraint during the king's visit to Scotland ;
but when great people are involved in deep plots,
such and much greater obstacles have to be overcome.
That Clarendon did not tell the story casually or
negligently is clear from the context, which shows
that it was a pretext for a measure of precaution in
England. There was a committee from the English
Houses in attendance on the king in Scotland, who
sent " a dark and perplexed account " of the Incident
to their friends in England. Next morniuo- " Mr
Hyde " — that is, the historian himself — " walking in
Westminster Hall with the Earl of Holland and the
Earl of Essex, both the earls seemed wonderfully con-
cerned at it, and to believe that other men were in
danger of the like assaults." Hyde made light of the
matter, so far as they in England were concerned ; but
on the letter from the commissioners being read to the
Commons, they passed a resolution to apply to Lord
Essex, as commander of the forces south of the Trent,
for a guard to protect the members of both Houses.^
One more item of intelligence, before passing from this
mystery, is the statement of Lanark, one of the three
fugitives. Colonel Hume came to him, and said " he
was informed there was a plot that same night to cut
the throats both of Argyle, my brother, and myself.
The manner of the doing of it was discovered to him
by one Captain Stewart, who should have been an
actor in it, and should have been done in the king's
withdrawing - chamber, where we three should have
been called in, as to speak with his majesty about some
Parliament business ; and that immediately two lords
1 Clarendon, edition 1826, ii. 17.
152 CHARLES I.
should have entered at a door which answers from the
garden with some two hundred or three hundred men,
where they should either have killed us or carried us
aboard a ship of his majesty's which then lay in the
road."^ With these imperfect lights resting on it,
the Incident must be left behind. It might not have
demanded the interest it has obtained but for its
unfortunate resemblance to other events peculiar as
features in British history to that reign — such as the
call for the attendance of the fourteen Scottish states-
men which they were afraid to obey, the attempt on
Hull, the panic of the city of London from the army
plot, and the attempt to seize the five members.^ In
all of these the perplexity of the historian who meddles
with their perilous confusions is a faint reflection of
that gloom and mystery, attended by solid terror, fall-
ing on those who stood near to the influence of such
events. For whatever may have been the amount of the
real danger, it is certain that a heavy cloud of terror,
fed by many rumours, hung over Edinburgh while the
Estates were dealing with the Incident. The Parlia-
ment was to be invaded — the castle to be regarri-
soned — obnoxious members of the Parliament and the
Assemblies tried by military tribunals — Borderers and
Highlanders were to be brought into the city, and
at any hour it might be at the mercy of the ten
thousand Irish placed under Tyrone.
But the concluding scenes of the inquiry into the
' Hardwicke's State Papers, ii. 301.
- Perliap.s by united industry and genius a " monogram " on the Inci-
dent might be written, like Mr Forster's book on tlie five members. It
gives two volumes octavo to two days' work ; but the track of inquiry
is followed with so much skill and picturesque minuteness as to create a
wonderful interest.
THE IRISH REBELLION, 1641. 153
Incident were overshadowed by another and far more
awful mystery. Scotland was that division of the
empire which it least concerned ; yet it comes up at
this point, because the king, whose name was com-
promised in it, heard of it while sojourning in Scot-
land, and addressed the Scots Estates about it before
he met the Parliament of England. His words were
thus noted down : —
"His majesty said that he was to begin at this time
with a business of great importance, and whether it was
of more or less importance as yet he could not tell, —
only, two or three good and faithful subjects had writ-
ten to him. Only amongst others he took out a letter
from Lord Chichester, which he commanded the clerk
to read to the House, showing the Irish had leapen out
in Ireland in open rebellion, and that many of the
Papists there had joined to them, taken some forts, as
that of Dungannon, seized one magazine of his, and
taken the Lord ShefSeld prisoner. He admitted that
he thought good to advertise the House of this, that if
it proved but a small revolt, then he hoped there was
little need of any supply from this ; but if it proved a
great one, he did put no question but they that were
his own would have an especial care he were not
wronged — for it was best principiis obstare." At his
desire the Estates selected a committee of nine — three
from each — " to advise the best course for the present
to be taken in this business." ^
Such were the first words in which the king publicly
dealt with that terrible event, the outbreak and mas-
sacre in Ireland. In the matter of mere bloodshed,
this tragedy has left a broader stain on history than the
1 Balfour's Annals, iii. 120.
154 CHARLES I.
Sicilian Vespers or even the night of St Bartholomew.
It had more likeness to what we hear of the destroying
march of Attila the Hun, than to anything in modern
European history. Though the king was by some
believed to be guilty in the matter, it was not for the
actual outbreak and the murders, but for separate acts
which gave opportunity for them. Indeed, the very
horrors of the scene, and the utter disbelief that the
king could have authorised them, has disturbed and
perplexed the secondary inquiry, how far he was
guilty of acts which gave occasion to the outbreak.
To understand the gravity of any such imputatioL,
we must look at an unpleasant peculiarity in the so-
cial condition of the times. The European system
of diplomacy, and the law of nations, including the
courtesies of peace and war, are a relic of the Eomau
empire which it has ever been difficult to carry beyond
the bounds of civilised Europe. It was a rule by
which men abstained from striking when they could
strike, seeing there was no superior power to control
them ; and Oriental communities could not understand
how this could be. In this part of Europe the Celt
was excluded from these privileges of the law of peace
and war. Like the Roman slave, justice and mercy
might in some measure be claimed for him by some
other person who had an interest in him, but he could
claim nothing for himself The regular clans, whose
chiefs gave substantial security for the good behaviour
of their followers, became thus entitled, while that
good behaviour lasted, to some consideration. But the
" broken Hielandmen " might be hunted and extirpated
like wolves. The Irish Celtic population was too large
to be so systematically dealt with by such vicarious
THE IRISH REBELLION, 1641. 155
responsibility ; but, on the other hand, the Saxon
population was so small that it was generally glad to
protect itself within the Pale. It was not so much
that the native races were denounced by law, as that
there was no law for them. We learn their treatment
in that statute which warns Englishmen to shave the
upper lip, otherwise they run the risk of being treated
like the Irish.
If any vindication of such a policy were worth ten-
dering, it was that the Irish themselves were cruel
and treacherous, and neither severity nor kindness
would bring them to respect the courtesies of nations.
Whether it were the converse of this, and that the
treatment of the Irish by their invaders made them
what they were, or that both depravities aggravated
each other by action and counter-action, are questions
which it is fortunately unnecessary here to solve. It
is, however, a scandal to civilisation, that the treach-
eries and cruelties caused by such conditions have in
various parts of the world been more numerous and
more conspicuously committed by the civilised man
than by the savage. There is a simple reason for this —
the savage is not trusted by his neighbours of any
kind. The civilised man keeps faith with his fellow,
and becomes trusted. Hence character gives him op-
portunities which the other has not. A higher civil,
isation has now been reached — that which keeps faith
even with the treacherous. We had not learned this
in the days of Clive, and it has taken all the powerful
schooling of our acquisition and retention of our great
Indian empire to teach it to our statesmen. Sir
James Turner, a soldier of fortune, well seasoned to
hardness and ferocity in the Thirty Years' War, yet
IS6 CHARLES I.
carried away from that ordeal enough of human feel-
ing to shudder at the work in which he was expected
to bear a hand in Ireland. " The wild Irish," he says,
" did not only massacre all whom they could over-
master, but burnt towns, villages, castles, churches,
and all habitable houses, endeavouring to reduce, as
far as their power could reach, all to a confused chaos."
His first experience on the other side was in a skir-
mish with some rebels in the "woods of Kilwarninsf,"
" who, after a short dispute, fled ; those who were
taken got but bad quarter, being all shot dead." The
next feat was the siege of Newry, rendered " with a
very ill-made accord, or a very ill-kept one ; for the
next day most of them, with many merchants and
tradesmen of the town who had not been in the castle,
were carried to the bridge and butchered to death
— some by shooting, some by hanging, and some by
drowning — without any legal process." And on such
scenes the Eitter of the Thirty Years' War soliloquises :
" This was too much used by both English and Scots
all along in that war — a thing inhuman and disavow-
able, for the cruelty of one enemy cannot excuse the
inhumanity of another. And herein also their revenge
overmastered their discretion, which should have
taught them to save the lives of those they took, that
the rebels might do the like to their prisoners." ^
Taking the simple fact, that the Celts, both of Scotland
and England, were excluded from the courtesies of
civilised warfare, and that as they did not receive, so
they did not grant quarter, their occasional appear-
ances in the contests of the time were attended by
sinister suspicions.
■■ Sir James Turner's Memoirs, 20.
THE IRISH REBELLION, 1641. 157
Employing the Celtic races in civilised warfare was
employing a force not expected to concede the cour-
tesies of war to the enemy against whom they were
let loose. Their hostility was not that of pugnacious
enemies met in battle— it was, the hatred of one race
to another ; and the object was not victory but ex-
tirpation. To them the infant and the aged mother
were objects of hate and hostility as much as the
armed soldier. Hence it was a reproach to any
civilised ruler to have used such a force — a reproach
like that of employing Indians in the American war,
the object of one of Chatham's famous philippics. In
the present struggle both sides came under this re-
proach. We have seen that the Highlanders taken by
Arg}de to Dunse Law were an object of much unea-
siness ; but they were only twelve hundred or so in
an army exceeding twenty thousand, and hence might
be kept in order. Many indignant reproaches were
heaped on him when he swej)t the country with his
army of four thousand ; but it was a palliation of the
act, that only to a small extent did his devastations
touch the Lowland districts.
On the other hand. King Charles had assembled an
army of nine thousand of the wild Irish for the in-
vasion of Scotland. They were odious, of course, as
Papists ; but they were dreaded for reasons which
could not have extended to German or French troops
of the same religion. When there was no longer an
excuse for its retention, the king had shown great
reluctance to disband this army. There were projects
for giving the use of it to the King of Spain, and
these were treated as mere devices for keeping an
armed force of Irish Papists in existence for use when
158 CHARLES I.
desired; — why otherwise should the King of Britain, to
help the power of Spain, persist in an act that must
be olfensive to his own people 1 At the time of the
Incident this force was no doubt disbanded ; but their
arms were all stored ready for use in Dublin Castle,
and it was believed in Scotland that they might be
made available on the shortest notice.
It were well if this were all, but it brings us to the
entrance of a darker mystery. On the 4th of No-
vember 1641, Sir Phelim O'Neil, the leader of the
rebellion, issued a proclamation, announcing : "To all
Catholics of the Roman party, both English and Irish,
within the kingdom of Ireland, we wish all happiness,
freedom of conscience, and victory over the English
heretics, that have so long time tyrannised over our
bodies, and usurped by extortion our estates." In
this proclamation he said he acted under a commission
and instructions from the king, referring to " divers
great and heinous affronts that the English Protest-
ants, especially the Parliament there, have published
against his royal person and prerogative, and also
aorainst our Catholic friends within the kingdom of
England."
What professes to be the commission has been
preserved. It begins : " Charles," &c., " to all Catholic
subjects within our kingdom of Ireland, greeting.
Know ye that we, for the safeguard and preservation
of our person, have been forced to make our abode
and residence in our kingdom of Scotland for a long
season." Then referring to the outrages by the Eng-
lish Parliament, it gives authority " to use all politic
ways and means possibly to possess yourselves, for
our use and safety, of all forts, castles, and places
THE IRISH REBELLION, 1641. 159
of strength and defence within the said kingdom,
except the places, persons, and estates of our loyal
and loving subjects the Scots; and also to arrest and
seize the goods, estates, and persons of all the English
Protestants within the said kingdom to our use."^
By some writers this commission has been cast
aside as a forgery so obviously inconsistent with the
surrounding conditions that its rejection requires no
support from criticism. But this is a matter open to
difference of opinion ; and any one conversant with
the documents of the time could point to papers of
undoubted authenticity, issued by the king, of a nature
more inconsistent and surprising than this commission.^
Clarendon and others say that the great seal of Eng-
land, taken from another writ, was appended to this.^
1 Rushworth, iv. 40L
^ " The commission itself, for the grounds and language of it, is very
suitable to other despatches and writings under his majesty's name,
expressing much bitterness against the Parliament, and jealousy of the
diminution of his prerogative, which was always his great fear." —
Mystery of Iniquity, 38.
^ Clarendon says : " They not only declared, and with great skill and
industry published throughout the kingdom, that they took arms for the
king and the defence of his royal prerogative against the Puritanical
Parliament of England, which they said invaded it in many parts, and
that what they did was by his majesty's approbation and authority. And
to gain credit to that fiction they produced and showed a commission to
which they had fastened an impression of the great seal, which they
had taken off some grant or patent which had regularly and legally
passed the seal ; and so it was not difficult to persuade weak and inex-
perienced persons to believe that it was a true seal and real commission
from the king." — Rushworth, iv. 403. The author of the History of the
Irish Rebellion (1680) says: "One Plunket having taken an old broad
seal from an obsolete patent of Earnham Abbey, and fixed it to a forged
commission, it served to seduce tlie vulgar into an opinion of their
loyalty." — P. 29, 30. When it reached Hume's day the shape of the story
was : " Sir Phelim O'Neil having found a royal patent in Lord Caulfield'a
house, whom he had murdered, tore off the seal, and affixed it to a com-
mission which he had forged for himself" — Chap. Iv. This is founded on
an account of what Ker, Dean of Ardagh, professed in the year 1681, to
l6o CHARLES I.
But O'Ncil's proclamation calls it a " commission
under the great seal of Scotland." The passage
already cited from it refers to the king as abiding
in Scotland when it was issued : and the concluding
o
words of the commission are, — " Witness ourself at
Edinburgh, the first of October, in the seventeenth
year of our reign." It has been said of the copy of
the document as given by Rushworth, that in describ-
ing the assumption of power by the English Parlia-
ment, it anticipates political conditions which did not
exist until after its date ; but in the king's way of
stating the affronts put on him, he, on other occasions
as on this, exaggerated what had been done, so as to
give the picture a greater likeness of what was to be
done.-^
When we find the document thus treated as an
evident fabrication, there arises an obvious question
• — If there was a forgery for the purpose of creating
a temporary delusion, why was it not in the name
of the English Government, and under the great seal
of England ? As a warrant of sovereignty, the great
seal of Scotland was nothing in Ireland. If it was
give of the trial of O'Neil : " The said Sir Phelim confessed that when
he surprised the Castle of Charlemont and the Lord Caulfield, that he
ordered the said Mr Harrison and another gentleman, whose name I do
not now remember, to cut off the king's broad seal from a patent of the
said Lords they then found in Charlemont, and to affix it to a commis-
sion, which he, tlie said Sir Plielim, had ordered to be drawn up." —
Nalson, ii. 529. The said Sir Phelim was fortunate in getting his order
executed by one intimately acquainted with the condition of official
business at that time botli in England and in Scotland. Isaac d'Israeli
contents himself with saying in a note : " Sir Phelim O'Neale, the head
of these insurgents, it was afterwards discovered, had torn oif the great
seal, and affixed it to a pretended commission." — Commentaries, iv. 396.
' See this articulately shown in Brodie's British Empire, ii. 380,
edit. 1866.
THE IRISH REBELLION, 1641. 161
that only an impression of tlie great seal of Scotland
was available, and that was considered better than no
seal, the accident, when connected with what has yet
to be told, is one of the strangest that ever happened.
The anthor of a pamphlet which was jjublished two
years later, and obtained great notoriety, gave cur-
rency to the following rumour : —
" It is said that this commission was signed with
the broad seal of that kingdom, being not then settled
in the hands of any officer who could be answerable
for the use of it, but during the vacancy of the Chan-
cellor's place intrusted Avith the Marquess Hamilton,
and by him with one Mr John Hamilton, the scribe
of the cross-petitioners in Scotland, and some time
under the care of Master Endymion Porter, a very fit
opportunity for such a clandestine transaction." ^
By a coincidence which, if there was no foul play,
must be called unfortunate, it is known that on the
1st of October, which is the date on the commission,
the great seal of Scotland happened to be in a state
of transition. It was doubtful who Avas responsible on
that day for its custody and its use — it might be said
to be amissing. Archbishop Spottiswood continued
to be nominally Chancellor — at least no one had been
appointed to succeed him, although he was excom-
municated and a fugitive. The great seal had been
committed to the charge of Hamilton. On the 30th
day of September Loudon was made Chancellor by a
joint Act of the king and the Estates under the new
arrangement. Though thus appointed to his office on
1 The Mystery of Iniquity yet working in tlie Kingdoms of England,
Scotland, and Ireland, for the Destruction of Religion truly Protestant,
discovered, 1643— attributed to Edward Bowles— p. 37, 38.
VOL. VII. L
l62 CHARLES I.
the 30th of September, the great seal was not put
into his custody until the 2d of October. On that
day, under an order from the Estates, he, " for obedi-
ence of the said command, produced the said great
seal in presence of the king and Parliament." The
order of the Estates shows at the same time that the
author of the ' JM3'stery of Iniquity ' was acquainted
with the minor arrangements about the custody of
the seal. He mentions " one Mr John Hamilton ; "
and the Act for the production of the seal sets forth
that it had been used by the Marquess of Hamilton,
" and his underkeeper, Mr John Hamilton, advocate." ■'■
The two c[uestions — first, whether the rebels had a
commission under the great seal of Scotland ; and next,
if they had, whether the king sent it to them — might
perhaps reward the labours of one of these archseolo-
gists whose taste and qualifications turn in the direc-
tion of close minute inquiry. The questions, after all,
b
' Act. Pari., V. 366, 367. When the author of the ' Mystery of Iniquity '
spoke of Endymion Porter as a man likely to play tricks with a great
seal, his suspicions have something of a prophetic character, unless he
happened to be acquainted with a secret transaction of the same year aa
the publication of his jiamphlet (1643), which was not revealed until
the Restoration. By that transaction there was to be a full toleration of
the Roman Catholics, a measure that in later times, and freely granted,
would have been entitled to all applause. The price, however, was to
be — assistance against the Parliament from an Irish army of twenty
thousand men. The negotiator was the Lord Glamorgan. When apply-
ing through Clarendon for Court favour at the Restoration, he gave this
account of his warrant for the transaction ; —
" My instructions for this purpose, and my power to treat and con-
clude thereupon, were signed by the king under his pocket-signet, with
blanks for me to put in the name of Pope or prince, to the end the king
might have a starting-hole to deny the having given me such commis-
sions, if excepted against by his own subjects ; leaving me, aa it were,
at stake, who for his majesty's sake was willing to undergo it, trusting
to his word alone.
" In like manner did I not stick upon having this commission enrolled
THE IRISH REBELLION, 1641. 163
are not of wide importance. Tlie king is not charged
with the carnage that followed ; and if it be that he
secretly asked the Irish Papists to assist him against
his Puritan and Presbyterian assailants, the imputa-
tion would make no serious addition to the weight of
perverseness that depresses his political reputation.
The elements of some horrible crisis were all prepared
in Ireland — the political work of centuries had accu-
mulated them, and an accident would give them life.
But to have been the author of that accident — to have
been even accused of it, if he were innocent — must
have been a calamity sufficient to add many drops of
bitterness to the heart of the most unfortun'ate of men.
He was not a man of blood. His conscience was
quick and active — too active, indeed, in its own
peculiar direction, for the peace either of himself or
others. Domestic affection was strong in him. Even
that form of it which created so much wrath against
or assented to by his Council, nor indeed the seal to he put unto it in
an ordinary manner, but as Mr Endymion Porter and I could perform
it, with rollers and no screw-press." — Letter from Glamorgan, after he
had become Marquess of Worcester, to Clarendon, June 11, 1660 ; Clar-
endon's State Papers, ii. 201-203.
The object of the letter is to acquaint Clarendon " with one chief key
where^dth to open the secret passages " between the late king and the
marquess. It will be observed that he, a performer in the curious me-
chanical feat described by him, was the author of that ' Century of
Inventions ' who has often been credited with the invention of the steam-
engine. If it is a fair conclusion that such a commission under the great
seal of Scotland was sent to Ireland, it is easy to find who carried it over.
The author of the ' Mystery of Iniquity ' says the Lord Dillon of Coste-
lough went to Scotland with the queen's letters to the king. In the month
of October he "went out of Scotland from his majesty into Ireland,
bringing his majesty's letters, which he obtained by mediation of the
queen, to be presently sworn a Privy Councillor of Ireland" (Rushworth,
V. 349). He lay under heavy suspicion of connivance in the rebellion;
and venturing into England, he was imprisoned by the Parliament on
the charge, which, however, was never proved, that he had been sent as
an agent " by the rebels of Ireland to the king" (Clarendon, 353).
164 CHARLES I.
him — his devotion and entire loyalty towards his un-
popular wife — told of a nature to which acts of cruelty
and carnage must have been repugnant.
If there was some sunshine when the Scots Parlia-
ment opened in May, there was gloom enough in
November when it closed. The business at the end
was hurried over to let the kino- return to his English
Parliament, with the new and terrible business that
had fallen on the hands of both. Before he left Scot-
land he conferred the distinctions already referred to.
The Estates had determined to assemble once at least
in every period of three years, and never to dissolve
without fixing the period for reassembling. At their
last meeting, on the 7th of November, " because this
present Parliament is this day, by the assistance of
God Almighty and his majesty's great wisdom, to he
brought to ane happy conclusion," the next was ap-
pointed to meet on the first Tuesday of the month of
June, in the year 1644.
The Scots Estates made an offer about Ireland,
which in words was prompt and vigorous. They
would immediately send, out of the materials of the
fine army which had just been disbanded, a force of
ten thousand men, with three thousand stand of arms.
In the view of many of the English statesmen of the
day the offer was far too good. Scotland was, in the
division of parties elsewhere, so influential and power-
ful, that nothing seemed too great to be achieved by
her ; and with ten thousand well - trained men in
Ireland, Scotland would have more command there
than England ever had — it would be a direct trans-
ference of the great Dependency. The project was
not abandoned for these considerations. It was but
THE IRISH REBELLION, 1641. 165
languidly supported, however, from England, and only
in part fulfilled. Leslie, with Monro as his lieutenant,
landed in all about four thousand men at Carrickfergus.
Again the antithesis of the two countries is repeated
— Ireland in greater chaos than ever, though with an
unusual unanimity in cruelty and destructiveness; the
Scots force moving in the centre of all in its own
separate distinctness, an army still more orderly and
exact in drill than the Highlanders of fifty years
earlier. One serious doubt disturbed them, — for whom
were they fighting 1 Was it to king or Parliament
that they were to look for their pay ? They sought a
solution of the difficulty in reliance on their own com-
pact action, and so held the towns and fortified places
taken by them as provisionally their own. One of
their body describes them as taking example from
their own Covenant : " The officers of this our Scots
army in Ireland, finding themselves ill paid, and,
which was worse, not knowing in the time of the civil
Avar who should be their paymasters, and reflecting
on the successful issue of the National Covenant of
Scotland, bethought themselves of making one also.
But they were wise enough to give it another name,
and therefore christened it a ' Mutual Assurance';
whereby upon the matter they made themselves
independent of any, except those who would be their
actual and real paymasters, with whom, for anything
I know, they met not the whole time of the war."^
They would take no general orders but from home ;
and so when Ormond, according to the same parti-
cipator in their lot, " signified by a trumpet to us
the cessation he had, by his majesty's appointment,
1 Turner's Memoirs, 24.
l66 CHARLES I.
concluded with tlie Irish for a year, and required
Monro in the king's name to observe it," " he re-
fused to accept it, because he had no order for it from
his masters of Scotland."^ Leslie, the commander,
found, as we shall see, other work to do, and he left
his charge in the hands of General Monro. To him
fell the chief command of the English as well as the
Scotch troops in Ireland, and in 1643 he was in
command of an army ten thousand strong.^
The two divisions of Britain were too much occu-
pied— each about itself, and both about each other — ■
to think much of unhappy Ireland. A committee from
the English Parliament had accompanied the king to
Scotland, for the avowed object of assisting him as
a council, but the real object of transacting their own
business with their friends in Scotland. Certain Scots
commissioners at the same time attended the English
Parliament, so that there was an official apparatus for
close intercommunication. A General Assembly con-
tinued to meet annually in Scotland as a matter of
routine. Its business now had little interest except
to those immediately concerned. The Assembly of
1640 took up its testimony against private associa-
tions of Christians for religious or ecclesiastical pur-
jjoses, a practice out of the prevalence of which the
Assemblies seemed to fear the groAvth of the Indepen-
dent or Congregational system. They saw the growth
of this system in England Avith much alarm, and lost
no opportunity of denouncing it. The Presbyterian
' Turner's Memoirs, 29.
2 For an account of particulars of the services of Monro's army in
Ireland, and its progress as far southward " as Killarney woods," see a
paper in tlie 'Ulster Journal of Archaeology ' on the " Proceedings of the
Scotch and English Force in the North of Ireland in 1642," viii. 77.
CO-OPERATION WITH ENGLAND, 1641-43. 167
party in England gave them a good occasion for
speaking to this point, when in the General Assembly
of 1641 "a letter from some ministers in England"
was presented. These ministers were groaning under
the yoke of Episcopacy, which they now had hope
that God of His infinite goodness would remove from
them. But this hope was somewhat shaded by the
growth of sectaries, who maintained that each congre-
gation was its own church government, with right of
excommunication and all other powers of the keys.
They modestly requested the judgment of the Scots
Assembly on this difficulty, saying : " We do earnestly
entreat the same at your hands, and that so much the
rather because we sometimes hear from those of the
aforesaid judgment, that some famous and eminent
brethren even among yourselves do sometimes incline
unto an ap^arobation of that way of government."
The answer of the Assembly was of course an exhorta-
tion to stand fast by the divine right of Presbyterian
government. In acknowledgment of this, the Scots
clergy received at their next Assembly, from their
brethren of England, the comforting assurance : " Our
prayers and endeavours, according to our measure,
have been and shall be for the supplanting and rooting
up whatsoever we find so prejudicial to the establish-
ment of the kingdom of Christ and the peace of our
sovereign. And that this declaration of ourselves may
not leave you unsatisfied, we think it necessary farther
to express that the desire of the most godly and con-
siderable part amongst us is, that the Presbyterian
government, which hath just and evident foundation
both in the Word of God and religious reason, may
-be established amongst us; and that, according to
1 68 CHARLES I.
your intimatiou, we may agree to one confession of
faith, one directory of public worship, one public cate-
chism and form of government — which things, if they
were accomplished, we should much rejoice in our
happy subjection to Christ our Head, and our desired
association with you, our beloved brethren."^
That Assembly meeting of 1642 was honoured by
a message from the Parliament of England calling
attention to their declaration of their case in the
quarrel with the king.
This had gone rapidly onward since his return
from Scotland. The grand remonstrance, the attempt
to seize the five members, the impeachment of the
bishops, the dispute about the militia, had followed
on each other ; and at length, on the 28th of August
1642, the king's standard was raised at Nottingham.
Both parties looked with eager longing at the materials
of the fine army lately disbanded in Scotland. Much
as the governing men in Scotland had lately been
pleased with the docility of their king, they were saga-
cious enough to estimate it at its true value. They
knew that his heart was at war with every Act to
which he had put his hand, and that all would be
reversed when the opportunity came. Indeed he was
known to have said as much to those in his confidence,
l)y whom the secret was not always completely kept.
There came appalling rumours from Ireland. People
had supped full of horrors in the carnage of the rebel-
lion ; and the tale was so horrible that some have
thought in later times that it was a great popular
delusion, and that no more blood was shed by the
Irish rebels than the necessities of war and the mis-
1 Peterkin's Records, 294-96, 329.
CO-OPERATION WITH ENGLAND, 1641-43. 169
mauagement of undrilled combatants may reasonably
account for. However this may be, the Irish massacre,
as it stands in the ordinary histories, was then believed
in Scotland, and believed with some exaggeration.
Before this awful evidence of their bloody spirit had
become known, there was a rumour that nine thousand
of the Avild Irish were coming to sweep Scotland.
After the terrible example had been shown, there was
again a rumour of an invasion from Ireland, and it
was to be on a larger scale. Glamorgan had made
peace between the King of England and the Church
of Eome. The Papists were to be encouraged by the
Court, where they had a good friend in the queen. In
return for the grace extended to them, they were to
send over to Scotland an army of the men who had
done the bloody work of the Irish massacre. Farther,
the Scots were informed by their good friends of the
Parliament of England, that the Lord Antrim, one of
the leaders in the rebellion, had a negotiation in hand
for gaining Monro and his army of ten thousand —
Scotch and English — for the suppression of the Parlia-
mentary party in England.
While the king's party was playing a game of this
kind, the English Parliament was day by day ap-
proaching the perfection that ruled in Scotland, and
reaping golden opinions from the Scots. On the 1 0th
of August 1643, the commission of the Parliament
of England in complimentary fashion addressed the
General Assembly of the Church, claiming credit for
following the footsteps of Scotland which had gone
before : "To give them an account of their earnest
desire to see the same work promoted and perfected
among ourselves, which, though it hath been opposed
IJO CHARLES I.
and retarded by the industrious malice of the Popish,
Prelatical, and Malignant party, yet through God's
goodness it hath so far prevailed as to produce the
removal of the High Commission, the making void the
coercive powers of the prelates and their courts, the
ejection of bishops from the House of Peers, the turn-
ing out of many scandalous ministers ; besides that
they have passed and presented to his majesty divers
bills — viz., for the suppi-ession of innovations; for the
more strict observation of the Lord's Day; against
pluralities and non-residence ; for the punishment of
the scandalous clergy ; for the abolition of Episcoj)acy,
and the calling an Assembly." ^
At this period the Parliamentary party were in a
critical position. They were steadily losing ground
in the war, and defeat and death on the scaffold
looked the leaders in the face. It was the question of
life or death to them to have a good army, and Scot-
land was the place where that commodity was to be
found. Scotland was therefore earnestly and sedu-
lously cultivated. Some thirty years before, the Scots
were a people somewhat indifferent about religious
matters, but late events had thrown them into the
cause of the Covenant with all the ardour and steady
endurance of their nature. The progress made by
England towards their own position was the best mode
of propitiating them ; and this policy was completed
by a bold and brilliant stroke, when England, after the
preliminaries to be told in dealing with the Assembly
of Divines, adopted the Solemn League and Covenant,
and suggested it as a bond of brotherhood for all the
three kingdoms. A more august national compliment
^ Peterkin's Records, 347.
SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT, 1643. 171
could not have been paid : it was the two great na-
tions humbly and dutifully following the small com-
munity of chosen people in the path of righteousness.
The Solemn League and Covenant took the essence,
both of its purport and of the terms in which this was
expressed, from the National Covenant of Scotland.
There were many references in the Scottish docu-
ment to Acts of the Estates and the Assembly, which
were of course omitted. But under that omission,
necessary as it was, there lurked a great policy. It
was these references that specially linked the Scottish
Covenant to the Presbyterian form of Church govern-
ment. Otherwise, it was a mere protest against Popery,
and an obligation to support the Eeformed faith. The
Solemn League and Covenant had nothing as a substi-
tute for these references to bind its adherents to the
Presbyterian polity. The only clause approaching
such an obligation Avas for " the preservation of the
Eeformed religion of the Church of Scotland, in doc-
trine, worship, discipline, and government, against our
common enemies." The promise as to the rest was,
" The reformation of religion in the kingdoms of Eng-
land and Ireland in doctrine, worship, discipline, and
government, according to the Word of God, and the
example of the best Eeformed Churches." ^ The Scots
seemed to have no doubt that this meant their own
example. The homage to the superior sense and
sanctity of Scotland was intoxicating, and both in
Parliament and the Assembly the Solemn League and
Covenant were received with rapture. Statutes were
passed for enforcing subscription throughout all the
three kingdoms to this new testimony.
1 Peterkin's Records, 362.
172 CHARLES I.
On some minor points the English Parliament con-
tinued to gratify the Scots Avith judicious alacrity.
They were zealous against the religious observance of
what they called " Youle," or the ancient heathen
festival of YoU, preserved in England under the guise
of Christmas. Would the Parliament gratify the
commissioners by sitting and working on that day ?
" We prevailed," says Baillie, " with our friends of the
Lower House, to carry it so in Parliament that both
Houses did profane that holy clay by sitting on it to
our joy and some of the Assembly's shame."' ^ But
though, ready to gratify them with any amount of
words, or some small deeds such as this, the Parliament
kept behind all a resolute determination never to
subject themselves to Presbyterian discipline.
The king told them at the time, what was true,
that the Parliamentary party, " what pretence soever
they make of the care of the true Reformed Protestant
religion, are in truth Brownists and Anabaptists, and
other independent sectaries ; and though they seem to
desire an uniformity of Church government with our
kingdom of Scotland, do no more intend, and are as
far from allowing; the Church government established
there, or indeed any Church government whatsoever,
as they are from consenting to the Episcopal."^
' Baillie's Letters, ii. 12L
" The King's Majestie's Declaration to all his loving Subjects of his
Kingdom of Scotland, Edinburgh, 164.3. There is somewhat of a pathetic
eloquence in the following passage in this paper : "We do conjure all the
good subjects of that our native kingdom, by the long, happy, and unin-
terrupted government of us and our royal progenitors over them — by
the memory of those many large and public blessings they enjoyed under
our dear father — by those ample favours and benefits they have received
from us — by their own solemn National Covenant, and their obliga-
tion of friendship and brotherhood with the kingdom of England, not to
SECOND INVASION OF ENGLAND, 1643. 173
The Estates of Scotland assembled on the 2 2d of
June 1643, to deal with the momentous question now
demanding a decision. It was a meeting by convention
— that is to say, without the warrant or concurrence
of the king, and indeed in this instance against his
counter-order. But this was no longer a critical step
to be deeply pondered — it was a matter almost of in-
difference, and was treated as the restoration of an old
constitutional privilege which in the recent servile
times had been almost forgotten. The Committee
of Estates was reappointed, and the local war com-
mittees resumed their work in the counties. The
leading men and the nation at large had become
accustomed to sudden calls to arms, as soldiers are
when they have been in long practice ; and we
hear nothing, as in the previous marches, of the
rumours and preparations.
When fully determined on, the affair was pursued
with thorough earnestness. To meet the threatening
exigencies of their allies, an army of twenty-one thou-
sand men began its march southward in the depth of
winter, with deep snow on the ground. It was natu-
ral that the force should be again commanded by the
old Earl of Leven ; but it has to be noted, because it
was material to the result, that he was accompanied
by his nephew, David Leslie, a greater soldier than
himself, who assisted him as major-general.
The capture of Newcastle by the Scots in 1641
had made both parties see how important was the
suifer themselves to be misled and corrupted in their affection and duty
to us by the cunning, malice, and industry of these seditious persons
and their adherents, but to look on them as persons who would involve
them in their guilt, and sacrifice the honour, fidelity, and allegiance
of that our native kingdom to their private end and ambition."— P. 8.
174 CHARLES I.
port on which London and many other towns in
southern England depended for fueh The place was
strongly fortified and garrisoned. It was the point
to which the queen was to bring the aid slie might
obtain from abroad in money and troops. The news
Avent about that at one disembarkation there were'
landed there from the Hague, at the queen's direc-
tion, a thousand stand of arms, twenty pieces of
ordnance, and two thousand ^Dounds in money, accom-
panied by eighty experienced officers, " with many
horse for service, waggons, &c." ^
The Parliament issued an ordinance, finding " that
since the beginning of the present troubles, that town
of Newcastle, being possessed by forces raised against
the king and Parliament, hath become and is the prin-
cipal inlet of foreign aid, forces, and ammunition."
As vessels entering the harbour on the profession, real
or pretended, of exporting coal, helped the garrison by
importing provisions and munitions of war, the expor-
tation of coal from Newcastle was prohibited.^ The
Parliament took strong measures artificially to supply
London with coal from other places and with fire-
wood; but while the town remained in the hands of
the Eoyalists the prohibition was a source of extreme
misery — it hence became all the more momentous that
Newcastle should be taken. A special fund was raised
in the city of London for this service, and with some
ingenuity it was aided by a heavy licence duty on the
privilege of bringing coals from Newcastle in exemp-
tion from the prohibition. But the fighting- work was
to be done by the Scots army.
^ "A great Discovery;" Newcastle Reprints, 11.
^ Ordinance ; Newcastle Reprints.
SECOND INVASION OF ENGLAND, 1643. 175
On tlie 19tli of January 1644 Leslie again crossed
the Tweed witli an army rather more than twenty
thousand strong. We are told that the river was so
strongly frozen as to permit a passage on the ice even
for the heavy baggage. When they reached New-
burn, -where they had crossed before, they found
the passage too strongly fortified to be attempted.
They had to march farther up, and on the 28th
crossed at three fords — Ovinghame, Bydwell, and
Altringhame. It was deep wading, and one of the
army says: "The Lord's providence was observable
in that nick of time we passed the river, which for
eight days after would have been impossible for us
to have done, in respect of the swelling of the river
by the melting of the snow." ^
Resting on Sunday, they entered Sunderland on
Monday the 4th. Appearances threatened a battle
there. Sir Charles liucas, with a force estimated at
fourteen thousand, and strong in horse, formed on a
height close by in battle order, and the Scots pre-
pared to close. The armies faced each other for a
whole day. It was not the policy of the Scots to
weaken themselves before besieging Newcastle; and
Lucas, as it seems, thinking it unsafe to attack them,
moved southwards. The retreat tempted the Scots
to harass his rear; but a snowstorm, through which
they could not see their enemy, baffled the attempt,
and the English, after material losses from cold
and storm, sought rest in Durham. The weather
gave material advantage to the Scots, with their hard
northern training. We find them taking a march of
" eighteen Scottish miles when it was a knee - deep
1 Proceedings of the Scottiali Army; Newcastle Reprints, 11.
176 CHARLES I.
snow, and blowing and snowing so vehemently that
the guides could with great difficulty know the way,
and it was enough for the followers to discern the
leaders ; notwithstanding whereof they were very
cheerful all the way ; and after they had been a
little refreshed at night, professed they were willing
to march as far to-morrow." ^
Some small outforts — one of them at Coquet
Island, another at South Shields — were easily taken.
Without a Eoyalist army to support them they could
not stand in the face of the large force brought from
Scotland. The siege of Newcastle, however, was to be
a great trial of strength. The Koyalists of the north
took their families and movable valuables into that
town, as the best hope for safety in the confusion
of the war, and there a critical contest in the great
civil war was to be decided.^
It was an affair of time. The Scots force had been
hastened to the spot rather to blockade the town in the
mean time than to attempt its capture ; for a large
portion of the siege-train had yet to be brought up,
and, in the language coming into use as to operations
^ The Scots Army advanced into England, &c. ; Newcastle Reprints, 12.
' An observer on the spot says : " The Scots lie quartered about
Morpeth, Seaton, Hepham, Ogle Castle, Prude, and those parts about
Newcastle ; and have laid a strong siege about Newcastle also, and lie
close under the very walls. The Malignants are for the most part all
gone into Newcastle when they tirst heard of the Scots." " They do
carry themselves so civilly and orderly that the country do even admire
them, taking not the worth of a penny from any man but what they
pay fully for ; and they are not come unprovided, for every soldier
hath two or three pieces in his pocket ; and there hath thousands come
into them and taken the Covenant, and their army doth exceedingly
increase." Tliese are the notes of a Parliamentary man and a par-
tisan— a certain Colonel Curfet — arriving at the spot on the 4th of
February. He seems to have taken service with Leslie. "A true
Relation of the Scots taking Coquet Island;" Newcastle Reprints.
SIEGE OF NEWCASTLE, 1643-44. 177
on fortified places, tlie besieging general had to " sit
down " before NeAvcastle. Desirous to avoid a storm-
ing, they offered what they considered good terms, and
complained that the enemy trifled with them.^ The
Royalist garrison was indeed under strong temptation
to hold out, as a slight turn in the fortunes of war
might bring a relieving force to the gate. There were,
as we shall see, great things done elsewhere in the
mean time; but October came, and still the situation
at Newcastle was the same. On the 19th the critical
moment had come : " We had been so long expecting
that these men within the town should have pitied
themselves ; all our batteries were ready; so many of
our mines as they had not found out and drowned
were in clanger of their hourly finding out ; the winter
was drawing on, and our soldiers were earnest to have
some end of the business, which made the general,
after so many slightings, to begin this morning to
make breaches, whereof we had three, and four mines.
' " 1. That all officers and soldiers who are desirous to go out of town,
should have liberty to go, with arms, bag, and baggage, to any garrison
not beleaguered, within sixty miles ; and should have a convoy, waggons,
and meat on the way.
" 2. That all strangers, sojourners, or inhabitants, who desired to go
with the soldiers, should have the like liberty and accommodation.
" 3. The town shall enjoy their privileges and jurisdiction conform to
their ancient charters.
" 4. The persons, houses, family, and goods of the citizens and inhabi-
tants should be free and protected from violence.
" 5. They should have their free-trade and commerce, as other towns
reduced to the obedience of the king and Parliament.
" 6. That any of them who desired to go into the country, and live in
their country houses, should have safeguard for their persons, families,
goods, and houses.
" 7. That no free billeting should be imposed on them without their
own consent.
" 8. The army should not enter the town, but only a competent
garrison." — Newcastle Reprints.
VOL. VII. M
178 CHARLES I.
Tlie breaches were made reasonably low before three
of the clock at night. All our mines played very well.
They within the town continued still obstinate. My
Lord Chancellor's regiment and Buccleugh's entered at
a breach at Close Gate. The general of the artillery,
his regiment, and that of Edinburgh, entered at a mine
at the White Tower." In all, eight storming-parties
attacked through mines or breaches, and carried them.^
The fate of the town and its fortifications was thus
decided. The castle held out, and capitulated on the
27th. The decision of the great coal question, just as
winter was beginning to announce his approach, made
the event auspicious to the middle classes and the
poor of England in the south. A Cavalier historian tells
us that " the surrendry proved of great importance to
the city of London, where the poorer sort of people
for the two last years had been almost starved for want
of fuel, coals having risen to the price of four pounds
a chaldron, a price never known before that time."^
While the siege-works or "approaches" moved on,
work had been found elsewhere for the general and
the greater portion of the army. They marched to
Tadcaster in March, and there met the Parliamentary
army under Manchester, Fairfax, and Cromwell. A
Royalist force under the Marcjuess of Newcastle held
York, and the united armies determined to drive them
out. The commander sent a flag to Leven, asking
what his intentions were in having " beleaguered this
1 " A Letter from Newcastle, &o., containing a Relation of the taking
of Newcastle by storm, dated the 19th of October 1G44;" Newcastle Ee-
prints. The places entered by the storming-parties are here enumerated,
and explanations are afforded by the editor for their identification at
the present day.
= Echard, iii. 482.
SIEGE OF NEWCASTLE, 1643-44. 179
city on all sides, made batteries against it, and so near
approached it." The old soldier's answer might have
been taken as a jest if the game had been less serious —
he had brought his forces before the city " with inten-
tion to reduce it to the obedience of king and Parlia-
ment." ^ The investment here was not so complete,
however, as to prevent passage and the strengthening
of the garrison. It was said that Rupert should have
been contented wdth this; but it is questionable whether
the augmented garrison could have stood against the
augmented army before it. However it was, he gave
battle at Long Marston ]\Ioor, about five miles west-
ward of York. On this renowned field there are none
of the marked features which sometimes help so mate-
rially to clear the scope and tenor of a pitched battle
from the confused details of those who have described
it. The necessity of circumstances, not a choice on
either side, forced the armies to fight it out where
they were. To prevent the allies from reaching York,
Rupert had to keep sufficiently near to wheel and meet
his enemy at any point. Within that limit the allies
had their choice of ground, and had any point ofi"ered
advantage, they might have secured it ; but the whole
was a flat plain, on which they descended from a low
ridge of hills to the west. There were thus neither
helps nor impediments, except of the smaller kind, in
which one who was present mentions "furze and
ditches." The only diff'erence between the two posi-
tions was, that Prince Rupert's army was on the open
moor, and the other in cultivated fields. The numbers
seem to have been well balanced — about twenty-three
thousand on each side.
1 Rushworth, v. 624, 625.
l80 CHARLES I.
Prince Eupert headed one of those impetuous
attacks for which he was renowned, and scattered
before him the right of the allied army under Fairfax
and Leven. It was one of those great blows that may
confuse a whole army; but the other half was in very
competent hands — those of Cromwell and David Leslie.
They beat back their opponents, not by a rush, but
a hard steady fight, and were on the enemy's ground
when Eupert returned from a pursuit which he had
carried too far. He found that while he had been away
pursuing the defeated enemy, events behind him had
arranged matters for a second battle, in which each
occupied the ground that earlier in the day had
belonged to the other side. The end was an entire
victory both over those who had been driven back
and those who had pursued as victors. There was
much debate on the question whether it was to Crom-
well or to David Leslie that the merit of the victory
was due; and it came to be said that the English
claimed it for Cromwell and the Independents — the
Scots for David Leslie and the Presbyterians. The
fact material to the position of Scotland at this point
of time is, that certainly the victory would not have
been gained but for the Scots army, and that the posi-
tion taken by Scotland at this critical juncture gave
a tone and influence to the whole of the struggle.^
^ There is more than the usual difficulty in unravelling the details
of this battle, as on the side of the allies there were three commanders—
Leven, Fairfax, and Manchester — and yet the victory is not accredited to
any one of them. As if this did not furnish sufficient element of con-
fusion we have to look to two committees — one from the English and
another from the Soots Parliament — who were joint commanders-in-chief
In the official despatches Leven's signature takes precedence, followed
by Fairfax's and lilauchester's. In the despatch after the battle, David
Leslie's name came in as a joint leader. He seems to have been the
Montrose's campaign, 1644-45. 181
It is now time to turn to a scene of strife nearer
home. It Avas less momentous than the war in Eng-
land ; it left the political conditions, indeed, just as it
found them, and made no other mark on the country
but the miseries attending a rapid succession of small
battles. But these had picturesque peculiarities which
have found for them an interest. It seems to have first
occurred to the queen that the ardour and military
genius of Montrose might be turned to use. To him
it had occurred that a large amount of fighting ma-
terial lay waste in the British dominions. He had
himself seen the Celt at war in Scotland both as an
ally and an enemy. The Irish rebellion had shown
all too well that the race could be effective in one of
the chief ends of warfare — the destructive. To the
formal commander in legitimate warfare, the Celts, as
seen chiefly in the Highlanders, had many and fatal
defects. They had a system of discipline of their
hero of the day, though Cromwell's presence, interpreted through his
subsequent career, has brought him to the front in history. Cromwell
had only the command of three hundred horse (Eushworth, v. 634), and
though he no doubt handled them effectively, the force was scarcely large
enough to give the ruling influence to such a victory. There is so little
said of him in contemporary documents, that his conduct in the battle
has been bandied between contradictory mysteries. By one account he
had to be removed to get a wound dressed, and it was owing to this tem-
porary absence of the ruling spirit that Rupert gained his advantage
(A short critical View of the Political Life of Oliver Cromwell, by a
Gentleman of the Middle Temple, p. 24). In the Memorial of Denzil
HoUis it is maintained that Cromwell left the field in a fright — an ad-
dition to the many instances in which, through the spirit of paradox,
cowardice is attributed to those who by their general conduct have shown
it to be nearly impossible that they could be liable to this frailty. It is
said that in this battle four thousand were killed on the field, but, as
usually befalls the returns of killed in battle, on imperfect information —
merely that " the countrymen who were commanded to bury the corpses
gave out that they interred four thousand one hundred and fifty bodies."
(Rushworth, v. 6:35).
I82 CHARLES I.
own, very lax and precarious, and they would work
in no otlier. They would follow no leaders and obey
no commanders but those whom the accident of birth
had set over them, and the highest military skill was
lost in any attempt to control them. They were in-
veterate plunderers ; and instead of contenting them-
selves with articles small and valuable which they
could carry with them on the march, or with the
price of what they could sell, they would seize any-
thing— furniture or clothing — and scamper home with
it. After a battle they all dispersed to their own
glens, — loaded with plunder if they were successful —
dejected and dispirited if they were not. They were
unsteady in face of a fusilade, and the roar of the
cannon scattered them like a flight of pigeons. Finally,
if they were unsuccessful in their first dash at the
enemy, they gave up the contest and dispersed. On
the other hand, they were all ready for the field, and
trained to fight after their manner. Their rush on
the enemy was terrible. If the method of conducting
a war were to their taste, their patience and endur-
ance were inexhaustible. They were fit for the field
after starvations that ^vould ruin ordinary troops.
They required no commissariat or baggage-train, and
could cross wild ranges of country, and pounce on any
destined spot like their own eagles.
Since the time of Harlaw there had never been so
many of them in the field as to be properly a High-
land army. When the old claims of the Lords of the
Isles to something like royalty died, the chiefs of clans
would not serve under each other. Hence no High-
land army was ever led by a Highlander. It was
to be seen whether such a feat could be accomplished
by a Lowlander. The experiment succeeded. If the
MONTROSE S CAMPAIGN, 1644-45. 183
clansman had liis own immediate chief to give the
word of command, the question, Avho gave authority
to that chief, was beyond the scope of his philosophy.
With such their defects and their qualifications, there
was a prejudice against the employment of such hands
in warfare — a certain discredit rested on the act,
indeed, for reasons already referred to.^ The vindi-
cation for their employment on this occasion would
of course be, that the cause of the Crown being in a
desperate condition, demanded and justified a desper-
ate remedy.
Montrose's scheme was not so wild as at a first
glance it might appear. He did not propose to re-
conquer Scotland to the royal cause with bis High-
landers, even though aided by unlimited drafts on
Ireland. His project was to get Leven's army, of
more than twenty thousand trained and hardy soldiers,
out of England, where they decidedly turned the
balance of war against the king. He was to make
them find the necessity of returning home for the
defence of Scotland. When he first suggested the
plan, it was by Hamilton's advice rejected ; and some
authors on the Cavalier side regretfully say that it
was adopted just when it had become too late.
His commission gave him plenary sovereign powers,
through an ingenious arrangement for avoiding of-
fence to those of rank above his own whom he was
set over. A patent was issued to Prince Eupert of
a novel character, making him Viceroy of Scotland.
Montrose was his lieutenant, who was to do the vice-
roy's work. His intention was to march from Eng-
land with a force sufiiciently strong to make its way
through Scotland, until it was joined by the High-
^ See above, p. 154.
1 84 CHARLES I.
landers and the Irish promised by Antrim. In this
view he desired a detachment from Newcastle's army
in the north to be put at his command. Coming, as
he did, with high authority and designs which must
weaken an army already all too feeble for its own
work, he Avas not a welcome counsellor to the har-
assed commander of the royal army. He got but a
small force — some eight hundred footmen, as it is said,
and three troops of horse. With these he was able to
do no more than harass the south-west of Scotland,
and drive the Covenanters out of the town of Dum-
fries. He thought by personal application to Prince
Eupert, his superior in command, to accomplish his
object. But he joined Eupert on the day after Marston
Moor, not a time propitious to parting with a portion
of his army.^ It became clear that Montrose would
not obtain a force sufficient to carry him to the spot
where he was to find his Irish and Highland army.
This was no doubt irritating and mortifying ; but in
the end it was the foundation of his fame, since it
gave him the opportunity for playing the hero in one
of the most brilliant passages of the romance of war.
He resolved to find his way in disguise to the place
where he would discover his army. He executed this
design very skilfully. As Lieutenant-General of Scot-
land he was ostensibly on his way to the king at Ox-
ford in all suitable pomp. The carriage and the train
kept moving slowly onwards, while he who should
have been the centre of all the pomp was on his way
through Scotland, dressed as a groom, and, to appear-
ance, in attendance upon two gentlemen, Sir William
Eollo and Colonel Sibbald, who virtually were in
' Rush worth, v. 482.
Montrose's campaign, 1644-45. i8S
attendance on him. He thus arrived in safety at
TuUibeltane, in the Highlands of Perthshire, where he
found his kinsman, Graham of Inchbrachie. The ad-
venture appeared for some time to be a dead failure.
The Estates and their committee had organised so
strong a government that neither those Lowlanders
Avho belonged to the Cavalier party, nor the Highlanders
who were delighted to rise against any government
that was strong and orderly, durst move. He heard
at last that Antrim's Irish troops had arrived,- — a per-
centage only of the promised number — some twelve
hundred instead of ten thousand. They were in
imminent danger of extermination by Argyle, when
they received an order from Montrose, as the king's
lieutenant, to march to Blair AthoU. Here he raised
the standard. The " fiery cross " went through the
glens, and with the marvellous celerity peculiar to
Highland gatherings, he was speedily at the head of
some three thousand men. Accident favoured him ;
for his standard was joined by Lord Kilpont, Avith a
body of men who had been assembled for the avowed
purpose of opposing the Irish aggressors. It was
resolved to march on Perth, Montrose Avalking at the
head of his force in a Highland dress.^
When rumours of this formidable movement reached
the citizens of the town and the neighbouring Low-
landers, they gathered in a tumultuous body, placing
Lord Elcho at their head. They marched, if march-
ing it could be called, to a barren plain called Tip-
permuir, some four miles west of Perth. It is said
' His costume is called " coat and trews," or tronsers, a costume not
now associated with the Highlands. In one place, however, Spalding
says " the lieutenant was clad in coat and trews, as the Irishes was
clad," meaning by " Irishes " Highlanders (p. 409).
l86 CHARLES I.
that tliey were more than double the numljer of their
enemies ; but, a mere mob as they were, their numbers
only increased their incapacity to meet an enemy.
On Montrose's side we have the first instance of that
simple tactic by which many Highland victories were
afterwards gained. Those who had pieces discharged
them and threw them down ; then all swept forward
in the great rush that must be destructive either to
their enemies or themselves. In this instance the
rush was successful — the confused mass of people at
once broke and scattered. They were pursued and
slain by their nimble enemies. It is only in the
amount of the slaughter — estimated at two thousand
— that this affair deserves the dignified title of a
battle ; it occurred on Sunday the 1st of September.^
At a distance, however, it sounded emphatically in
giving Montrose possession of Perth. This city was
at that time second only to Edinburgh as a military
position ; it was the capital of a large district, and
in the centre of Scotland. A battle followed by such
an acquisition seemed almost to balance Marston Moor
and the possession of York.
To Montrose, however, the acquisition was only
of importance in the plunder it afforded. He re-
1 Such, when stripped of attempts at military pedantry, appears to
be the purport of the account of " the battle of Tippermoor " given by
Montrose's eulogistic biographer Wishart. It is useless to compare it
with the other accounts, as they are all derived from it. The ground
where the affair occurred is a low upland now covered with a dark fir
plantation. It rises up westward from a farm called Cultmalindy, and
its local name is Lamerkin Muir, Tippermuir being the name of the
parish and a neighbouring small village. Except that it has a full view
of the Grampians, it is an uninteresting battle-field, since.it was not se-
lected according to a tactic on either side, but was the mere spot where
the two bodies of men, going in opposite directions, met each other.
For the local account of this affair see Memorabilia of Perth, 107.
Montrose's campaign, 1644-45. 187
mained but three days in Perth. He had to evade
Argyle, who was approaching with a large force ; and
his Highlanders, as usual, were scattering homewards
with their plunder. From some mysterious quarrel,
Kilpont was murdered in the camp, and his con-
tingent went off in a body. Montrose had few beyond
the worthless Irish, who could not leave him. He
found compensation for his losses, however, in recruits
from the Oa;ilvies and other Cavaliers on the Braes
of Angus. With an army fifteen hundred strong he
resolved to attack Aberdeen. By repeated onslaughts
and continual harassment that ill-fated town had
been subdued to the cause of the Covenant, those
citizens whose stubborn spirits would not conform
finding a home elsewhere. It was sometimes, as a
place of questionable fidelity, garrisoned by large
bodies of the Covenanting forces. At this juncture
it was but slightly protected. The cause, however,
mustered nearly three thousand men, a great portion
of them from the south of Scotland.
Montrose avoided the difiiculty of the Bridge of
Dee by crossing the river ten miles higher up. He
met the Covenanting army to the westward of the
city, between "the Craibstane and the Justice Mills."
They fought for two hours, and then the Covenanting
army fled. " There was little slaughter," says an eye-
witness, " in the fight ; but horrible was the slaughter
in the flight — fleeing back to the town, which was our
townsmen's destruction. Whereas if they jhad fled
and not come near the town, they might have been
in better security." " The lieutenant follows the
chase to Aberdeen, his men hewing and cutting down
aU manner of men they could overtake within the
1 88 CHARLES I.
toMm, upon the streets, or in their lionses, and round
about the town, as our men was fleeing — but mercy
or remeid. Tliese cruel Irishes, seeing a man well
clad, would first tyr [strip] him and save the clothes
unspoiled, then kill the man."'^
Of the scenes occurring when towns are at .the
mercy of lawless captors, history sometimes affords
accounts too grandiloquent for distinctness ; and one
may have a better notion of the reality from the im-
pression made on the town-clerk in his walks abroad :
" The men that they killed they would not suffer to
be buried, but tirred them of their clothes, syne left
their naked bodies lying upon the ground. The wife
durst not cry nor weep at her husband's slaughter
before her eyes, nor the mother for the son, nor
daughter for the father — which if they were heard,
then they were presently slain also." The town was
taken on Friday the 13th of September, and next day
Montrose marched westward with his force, " except
such Irishes as were plundering the town and killing
our men wdiich went not with them." ^ This was an
instance of the spirit which made it a scandal in that
age to employ such instruments in warfare. This was
the third visit paid by Montrose to Aberdeen. In the
two former he had chastised the community until he
brought them into conformity with the Covenant, and
now he made compensation by chastising them for
having yielded to his inflictions.
He wandered through the Gordon country only to
experience a mortifying illustration of the character
of Highland politics. All his efforts to communicate
with the head of the house were bafl^led. Whether it
' Spalding's Memorials, ii. 407. = Ibid., 407, 408.
Montrose's campaign, 1644-45. 189
was that Huntly would not co-operate with the man
who had betrayed him, or that, as some said, he had
hidden himself from his enemies so effectively that
even his friends could not find him, Montrose never
got the use of his name for raising his people, and
therefore appealed to their sense of loyalty in vain.
So nimbly, indeed, did they evade the messengers
sent among them, that the country appeared empty
of men.
The point of wonder in Montrose's operations
henceforth is the apt use he made of the peculiar
qualities of his force in rapid movements from place
to place. For some time in the north he and Argyle
were close to each other, and their contest was like
that of the hawk and the heron — Montrose never
permitted the two to come so close together as to
touch each other unless when he was prepared to
wound. In winter Argyle retired to his own castle
at Inverary. It was a current belief that the passes
into the Argyle country, difficult in summer, were
utterly impracticable in winter. They Avere therefore
carelessly protected, and the lord of the domain was
abiding in indolent security in his castle. Montrose's
stanch follower, Macdonald of Kolkitto, had been
absent raising men in the far north-west, and had
returned with a large reinforcement. Thus strength-
ened, Montrose resolved to try the metal of his High-
landers by a winter raid in the territories of the
dreaded MacCallum Mohr. He was so expeditious
and silent that he all but caught his great enemy in
his lair. Argyle escaped by sea. From December
1644 to February 16 4 .5 the poor people of his country
were scourged and harassed by relentless marauders.
igo CHARLES I.
Then these returned again home with their booty, and
Montrose's policy became that of the fugitive.
Argyle was gathering forces at Inverlochy, under
the shadow of Ben Nevis, in the north-west corner of
his territory. From another side the Lord Seaforth
threatened j\Iontrose with a large body of the Cove-
nanters of the far north. The exigency was one to try
the resources of a military genius, and it was duly
met. He carried his small army, winter as it was, over
those terrible mountains, where travellers sometimes
die of cold in summer, and pounced on Argyle, abiding
in security on the level banks of Loch Linnhe. The
surprise was complete; and Argyle's people, after an
ineffective resistance, fled to the hills. Argyle himself
has been bitterly reproached for betaking himself to
his galley instead of remaining at the head of his
people. The act was stigmatised as cowardice. In
truth, however, a man in Argyle's position had heavy
difficulties to contend with. He had great ability,
and much of this ability was shown in controlling
men ; but it was in civil policy, not in war. He was
not naturally a soldier ; yet in that day there was no
transferring the military command of a clan — nature
had pointed out the leader, and no other could supply
his place. His political conduct was not that of a
coward, and his death was heroic.^
After having kept his small army alive and out of
sight in the northern Highlands for some weeks, we
1 Baillie, when telling how he threw his lot in with the Covenant
party at the Assembly of 1638, when the step was dangerous, says : " It
has been the equity of our cause which has been the only motive to
make that man, in that necessar time, to the extreme hazard of his
head and all he possesses, to encourage us openly by his assistance." —
Letters, i. 1 46.
Montrose's campaign, 1645. 191
find Montrose, in the beginning of April, pouncing
suddenly on the town of Dundee. The outline of the
doings of his little savage army there makes it not
uncharitable to suspect, that had a minute chronicler
like Spalding been present, he might have given even
a drearier picture of pillage and cruelty than the sack
of Aberdeen. The stay, however, here was brief.
The Committee of Estates had thought it necessary to
bring over General William Baillie to oppose Montrose's
career. It will be observed that as yet he had not been
face to face with any commander who was a trained
soldier. A small detachment of rank and file seems
to have been at the same time sent from the army in
England, for we have frequent reference to a thousand
trained soldiers belonging to the army of the Cove-
nant. By the presence of these and of Baillie, and
another old soldier, John Hurry or Urry, Montrose's
nimble motions were guided. They were at the same
time infiuenced by the fluctuations in his own army.
When he had three thousand men in hand, he could
haunt the Covenanting forces in the low country ;
but when he had only a third of that number, he had
to keep the mountains, where he was inaccessible.
He was at one time joined by a body of the Gordons ;
but they disappeared suddenly one day, and neither
the commander nor any other person could discover
why they deserted. In May he found himself in
Morayland with three thousand men, in face of Urry,
who had with him the best troops of the Covenanting
army. Montrose's policy was the defensive ; and he
made a small fortified camp of the village of Auldearn,
in the county of Nairn. Here on the 9th of May he
was vigorously attacked by Urry, who threatened to
192 CHARLES I.
force his left, where Kolkitto commanded. Some
mistake made by a subordinate commander on Urry's
side tempted Montrose to try the aggressive. He
ordered his wliole force to throw themselves on the
enemy, and again the Highland rush was effective in
scattering them.^ Urry cai-ried his l^roken forces to
join Baillie, and both ascended the valley of the Don
in Aberdeenshire, where Montrose appeared to be re-
treating before them. He ascertained, however, that
though the two experienced generals were in the
army, the thousand trained troops were elsewhere,
under the command of the Lord Lindsay. He took
up a strong position near the village of Alford. It
was a low hill westward of the village, forming a
ridge running east and west, and rising towards the
west, where it has a full view of the surrounding
country. The ground whence it rises is now well
cultivated, but it was then a marsh or bog. The
Covenanter generals believed that he was avoiding
battle, and had the temerity to cross the river to
attack him. The two armies were about equal in
foot, neither having more than two thousand ; but
the Covenanters had a considerable superiority in
horse. The fight was an obstinate one, but in the
end the Covenanters were again beaten. Montrose's
^ Spalding says ; " This overthrow was attribute to ane Orowner or
Major Drummond, who wheeled ahout unskilfully through his own foot,
and brake their ranks, whereby they were all slain by the enemy ; and
for the whilk, by council of war holden thereafter at Inverness, he was
shot, standing on his feet, but not at ane post. There was reckoned to
be slain here at this bloody battle above two thousand men to Hurry,
and some twenty-four gentlemen hurt to Montrose, and some few Irish
killed — which is miraculous, and only foughten with God's own finger,
as would appear, — so many to be murdered and cut down upon the
ane side, and so few on the other."— Memorials, ii. 474.
Montrose's campaign, 1645. 193
name was now to the Covenanters an object of terror
and exasperation. There was a general feeling that
the faithful must rise throughout the land and sup-
press him. In Fifeshire^an early stronghold of the
Covenanters — the old spirit was rekindled, and burned
vehemently. One army was fast gathering there, and
another among the western Whigs, where the Covenant-
ing spirit was of more recent planting, but had been
of rapid and powerful growth. It was now the policy
of Montrose to strike a decided blow at the existing
army before it was enlarged by the new-comers. He
was in a fitter condition for such a feat than he ever
had been before, since the fame of his two victories
in the northern Lowlands had penetrated far through
the mountains, and brought him reinforcements from
the distant clans of the west of Inverness-shire and
Ross-shire.
The movements of the two forces had now shifted
the theatre of war to the south side of the Forth,
nearly two hundred miles from the scenes of the late
battles. Montrose kept within the range of the
Campsie Hills, where he could at any time secure
himself. Baillie, his antagonist, had the larger force
— six thousand in all, including the valued thousand
who had been thoroughly trained to arms. Whether
it was owing to Baillie's own imprudence, or to the
conceited obstinacy of the Committee of Estates,
who controlled him, the mistake was again made of
supposing that Montrose shunned a battle. For the
purpose of finishing the war before the enemy was
reinforced, he courted a meeting, provided it were at
his own time and place. The valley behind the small
town of Kilsyth, where he waited for his enemy, is
VOL. VII. N
194 CHARLES I.
now a small lake or reservoir for supplying water to
works close l)y. But enough of it is visible to sliow
that it was excellent ground for Highland warfare.
The battle l^egan with some legitimate fighting, in
which the Ogilvies and other Lowland Cavaliers took
part. But the Highland onset was again tried at the
rio-ht time. The human torrent rushed down the brae
with a wild roar or yell, and carried all before it. As
at Tippermuir, there was a long and bloody pursuit.
The slaughter was far beyond any usual proportion to
the number engaged. It was a boast, indeed, of the
Cavaliers, that not one unmounted Covenanter escaped
alive. The defeated general maintained that he was
not responsible for the calamity, that the Committee
of Estates had interfered so with his functions as
a military commander, that he resolved to let them
command in reality, abiding in his place only that he
might do his best under them to save the army from
destruction at a juncture when "the loss of the day
would be the loss of the kingdom."^
It now appeared as if Scotland were regained for
King Charles. The prisons were emptied of the
Cavaliers confined in them, and everywhere the Royal-
ists ruled the day. Montrose and his assistants have
' Baillie's Letters, ii. 421. Argyle, a bad soldier, appears to have
dictated in name of the committee : " My lord marquis asked me "what
was next to be done. I answered the direction should come from his
lordship and those of the committee. My lord demanded what reason
was for that. I answered I found myself so slighted in everything be-
longing to ane commander-in-chief, that for the short time I was to stay
with them I should absolutely submit to their direction and follow it."
So far as the loss of the battle was caused by mismanagement, he attri-
buted it to " our removing from that gTound whereon we stood first em-
battled, being so near an enemy who had sundry advantages of us." —
Ibid., 420-23.
Montrose's campaign, 1645. 195
been praised for their moderation in not exhausting
the proper harvest of victory and subjugation. But
they were on a perilous elevation. All the strong
places were still in the hands of their enemies. The
Covenanters had lent to England, and might recall, an
army worth six times as much as any one which Mon-
trose had defeated. He had only shown, what might
have been presumed, that Highlanders trained to
fighting, though in a bad school, made better fighters
than Lowlanders not trained to war at all. He had
the merit certainly of bringing into effect this peculiar
force, hidden until his day ; but he had not yet
measured swords with a professional soldier at the
head of eff'ective troops.
To give full effect to Montrose's military strength,
he received that title of Viceroy which had been
given to Prince Rupert, and stood nominally in the
position of absolute ruler of Scotland. The danger
that all might be overturned lay in the south, and
unconsciously he went to meet it. He was very de-
sirous to recruit his army from the Borders, and to
obtain from that country some serviceable horses. To
this end, and that he might be near the friends of the
cause in England, Avhom he was to aid when Scotland
was all settled, he moved southwards. This was not
acceptable to the Highlanders, who had ever a reluc-
tance to trust themselves far from the protection of
their own mountains. It was natural to them to
return with their booty after a victory, especially if
there was no immediate prospect of more fighting.
They therefore went off in considerable bands.
The Scots army was before Hereford when a press-
ing demand for their assistance at home reached them
196 CHARLES I.
from the Committee of Estates. The detachment sent
was entirely cavalry, for the sake of expedition. They
were commanded by David Leslie. They entered
Scotland at Berwick, where the Committee of Estates
and other eminent political persons were living
as refugees from Edinburgh, where the plague then
was rife. Thus Leslie got the best information as to
the condition of the country and the steps he was ex-
pected to take. He moved northward until he reached
Gladsmuir, near Prestonj)ans. He expected here to
find and fight his enemy ; and this is not the only
occasion in history in which we may find a battle
expected as likely to occur on a spot where a battle
does occur in a later chapter of history. There seem
to be certain physical conditions which practical men
recognise as the spots where opposing armies are likely
by the force of events to meet in battle. Here he
learned that Montrose was still on the Border, and he
resolved to wheel round and fall on him by surprise.
On the night of the 12th of September 1645, Mon-
trose set his headquarters in the town of Selkirk,
while his attenuated army was encamped on Philip-
haugh, about two miles to the westward. As the
name haugh imports, the spot was a diluvial flat plain
on the side of a river ; the river was the Ettrick, and
the place a little above its junction with the Tweed.
There was a wood close by called the Harwood, which
was said to protect the army from any surprise from
the west. But in truth no precautions were taken
against a surprise. That was a contingency deemed
beyond the range of possibilities, otherwise Montrose
could never have placed Highland troops on a fiat
plain, knowing, as he must have known, how eminently
Montrose's campaign, 1645. 197
their method of fighting demands the command of the
ground. There was abundant mountain ground hard
by, and the selection must have been made for ease
and convenience, not for defence.^ So imperfect was
Montrose's organisation of scouts, or so perfect Leslie's
organisation for intercepting them, that he was that
night posted within six miles of the doomed army.
Montrose was writing despatches to the king through
the night and into the morning, when he heard firing.
He galloped to his army in time to order a despairing
resistance. Mist favoured the assailants ; and Avhile a
large body of horse charged from the Selkirk side, an-
other band wound round by the spurs of the hills to
attack the enemy from the west. All that Montrose's
generalship could achieve was to retreat with a small
portion of his force. It has been indignantly charged
against the victors, that they put all their prisoners to
death. The charge is likely to be true ; for they were
either Highland or Irish, and it was the custom so
to treat the descendants of the old Scottish race, on
whichever side of the Channel they resided.
Montrose made arduous efforts to reconstruct his
army, but in vain. It had consisted of a class who
eminently require success to keep them in a fitting
state of ardour for the field. He had to abandon all
his efforts and leave the country, when the king put
himself into the hands of the Covenanters. Such was
the career of IMontrose, covering a yeav and twelve
days. Of him it cannot be said that he suffered from
oblivion, like the heroes before Agamemnon. Per-
1 A small obelisk marks the centre of the field. It contains the
following inscription, curious as a piece of peculiar literature : " To the
memory of the Covenanters who fought and fell on the field of Philip-
haugh, and won the battle there, a.d. September 13, 1645."
198 CHARLES I.
haps no military career has ever had a literary com-
memoration so disproportioned to its length and fruit-
fulness. The successive tributes to liis memory were
begun by his chaplain Wishart, who told his career in
Latin for the benefit of the learned world, while it was
translated into the vernacular for home use. It was
his fortune or his fate that his memory, as a chivalrous
hero, was the object of devotion to a party; and the
commander, who was defeated on the only occasion
when he met face to face with another commander of
repute, had to be maintained as high up in the temple
of fame as the greatest warriors in the world's history.
For the literature devoted to such causes there are
many allowances to be made ; and the sj)irit that per-
vades it will meet a kindly appreciation by all who
peruse the latest tributes heaped on the memory of
Montrose by one allied to him in blood, and himself a
chivalrous member of a chivalrous house. The secret
of the interest we all take in such literature, whether
it is on our own side or not, is something akin to
that which we take in the warm unselfish attachments
where, right or wrong, the man stands by his friend.
CHAPTER LXXIV.
CijarUs E
WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES CONSTITUTION — RESPONSI-
BILITY TO PARLIAMENT ELEMENTS OF OPPOSITION AND DIS-
PUTE— POLICY OF INSTITUTING THE ASSEMBLY OCCUPATION
FOR THE CLERGY BAILLIE's PICTURE OF THE OPENING FUNC-
TION OF THE scots COMMISSIONERS THEIR INFLUENCE THE
PASSING OF THE COVENANT THE BROWNISTS AND INDEPEN-
DENTS PARLIAMENT AND THE DIVINE RIGHT OF PRESBYTERY
RIGHT OF DISCIPLINE THE DIRECTORY OF WORSHIP THE
VERSION OF THE PSALMS ADOPTION IN SCOTLAND THE
CONFESSION OF FAITH THE CATECHISMS CONTEMPORARY
AFFAIRS IN SCOTLAND EXECUTION OF HADDO AND SPOTTIS-
WOOD THE SCOTS ARMY IN ENGLAND THE KING JOINS IT
CONTROVERSY WITH HENDERSON THE KING GIVEN UP TO
THE PARLIAMENTARY PARTY THE TREATY OF NEWPORT
THE ENGAGEMENT HAMILTON'S MARCH TO PRESTON HIS
DEFEAT — THE MAUCHLINE TESTIMONY THE WHIGAMORES
CROMWELL'S ARRANGEMENT WITH ARGYLE AND THE ESTATES
THE ACT OF CLASSES — EXECUTION OF THE KING, AND
PROCLAMATION OF CHARLES II.
CoNTEMPOEANEOUSLY with these stirring events, much
interest was felt in Scothmcl in the deliberations of a
community of grave and reverend persons assembled
in England. The sayings and doings of the Assembly
of Divines at Westminster deserve a fuller and closer
history than they have yet obtained. There is no in-
tention of supplying the deficiency here, since that
200 CHARLES I.
institution belongs to the whole empire, or if it is to
be told in connection with a part of it, it belongs to
England.^ Some reference to its influence, however,
belongs to Scotland ; for this influence existed long
after its laws and institutions had ceased to be an
element in the constitution of Church and State in
England. Indeed, what the "Westminster Assembly
enjoined is still matter of living practice and discus-
sion through all but a small portion of ecclesiastical
Scotland.
The Assembly was constituted by an ordinance of
the Lords and Commons of England on the 12th of
June 1643. Finding the existing Church government
by bishops and other gxacles to be pernicious, it is re-
solved " that the same shall be taken away, and that
' "We have two books, each containing, at considerable length, a nar-
rative of some of the debates and transactions of the Assembly during
a portion of their long session. The one is, ' Notes of the Debates and
Proceedings of the Assembly of Divines and other Commissioners at
Westminster,' by George Gillespie, a celebrated minister, often referred
to in our narrative. To those not practically engaged in polemics or
Biblical criticism, this is the driest of all reading. It condenses, and
with considerable skill, the purport of long wordy debates, giving their
very essence in hard criticism on the Scriptures in the original Greek
and Hebrew, as lending support to either side in the controversies about
articles of belief and of Church government. The whole is here and
there illuminated by a meteoric contribution from the brilliant scholar-
ship of Selden. It was printed from the original manuscript in 1846, as
part of a collection called ' The Presbyterian's Armoury.'
The other book is the ' Journal of the Assemljly of Divines,' by Dr
John Lightfoot. It makes the thirteenth and last volume of the edition
of his Tvorks printed in 1822-25. This affords us a closer view of the in-
cidents of the debate and the individuality of the speakers than the
other. Thus : —
" Then fell we upon another point or clause — viz., ' It belongeth to
the pastor's office to pray with and for his people.'
" Here Mr Herrick urged that it should be expressed, ' That it is the
pastor's office also to curse upon occasion ;' but this was waived for the
l)resent." — P. 45.
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1643. 201
such a government shall be settled in the Church as
may be most agreeable to God's holy Word, and most
apt to procure and preserve the peace of the Church at
home, and nearer agreement with the Church of Scot-
land, and other Eeformed Churches abroad. And for
the better effecting hereof, and for the vindicating and
clearing of the doctrine of the Church of England from
all false calumnies and aspersions, it is thought fit and
necessary to call an Assembly of learned, godly, and
judicious divines, to consult and advise of such matters
and things touching the premises as shall be proposed
to them by both or either of the Houses of Parliament,
and to give their advice and counsel therein to both or
either of the said Houses, when and as often as they
shall be thereunto required."
The members of this Assembly w^ere not left to se-
So when Selden, as was his wont, would upset a whole fabric of debate
by showing that it proceeded on some ignorance of law or of Hebrew : —
" Mr Selden. — ' By the laws of England none can ordain but only a
bishop with some presbyters ' " (then a citation of authorities).
"'And whereas our Covenant swears out the 7-er/imcn ecclesice, this that
we have in hand is not regimen ecclesice; and we have sworn to preserve
the laws of the kingdom, of which this is one.'
" This speech cost a great deal of debate, and had many answers given
it ; and, among other things, Mr Henderson, and the Lord Mackland
[Maitland] after him, took it to heart, and expressed their resentment of
it, that there had been too much boldness with the Covenant."' — P. 121.
On the question of the presence of the people at excommunication,
" Sir Archibald Johnston gave this example, that a murderer in Scot-
land is by law to be executed between sun and sun in an open market-
place, coram populo. Yet this tieth not the people to any interest in
his execution, nor tieth him so to be present — and so is it with this
case."— P. 139.
On 29th January 1644 we have a debate, " with great heat," about the
power of the civil magistrate in matters ecclesiastic, Gillespie fighting
with Nye, when the Lord Maitland stood up and " related the news
of the Scots now being in the kingdom ; that they marched in on that
day that the public thanksgiving was at Christ's Chxrrch, and that on
AVednesday last they were within seven miles of Alnwick."— P. 130.
202 CHARLES I.
lection through any ecclesiastical organisation. They
were named by Parliament. They consisted of ten
Peers and twenty members of the Commons as lay
assessors, and a hundred and twenty-one clergymen.
The constitution of the body was shifted from time to
time, according to the rate of attendance and other in-
cidents ; but Parliament never quitted a firm hold on
its constitution and power. The Prolocutor or presi-
dent, Dr Twiss, was named by Parliament ; and when
difficidties and disputes arose, they were to be referred
to Parliament. By the same authority, certain com-
missioners for Scotland were invited to attend the dis-
cussions. There were from the clergy, Baillie, Hen-
derson, Eutherford, and Gillespie — all men with gifts
that might make them remarkable in any intellectual
arena. Robert Douglas, the reputed grandson of
Queen Mary, was named as a fifth, but he never at-
tended. For the lay elders there was the redoubted
Johnston of Warriston, the most able and zealous of a
group of lay statesmen — they were not in all, perhaps,
above three or four — who were as thorough wai'riors in
the ecclesiastical department of the great struggle as the
clergy themselves. Along with him were Lord Cassilis
and Lord Maitland, in later times more renowned
than illustrious as Duke of Lauderdale. There were
afterwards added Argyle, Balmerinoch, and Loudon,
with Robert Mcldrum and George Winram. These,
with all others there present, were under the control
of the Parliament. In Baillie's slightly indignant
words, " Here no mortal man may enter to see or
hear without ane order in wryte from both Houses of
Parliament ; " ^ and in acknowledging a comforting
' Letters, ii. 107.
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1643. 203
assurance from ecclesiastical sympathisers in Holland,
he says : " As for returning an answer, they have no
power to write one line to any soul but as the Parlia-
ment directs, neither may they importune the Parlia-
ment for warrants to keep foreign correspondence." ^
There can be no doubt that the organising of this As-
sembly was a Avise act. It may be cjuestioned if ever
a large deliberative body acted with the sagacity
that predominated on this and other occasions in the
Long Parliament. The country was all on fire with
religious fervour. The Parliament had grave and mo-
mentous work before it, and it was well, if possible,
that this work should be done without risk of intrusion
by the elements of religious contention. It would be
wise to have all this perilous matter cleared away and
removed into a safe place. The invitation to the various
zealots virtually was : You will be free to open up all
the outlets of talk and discussion ; nay, you shall exer-
cise your powers in all honourable distinction, and with
every facility and appliance for exciting and protract-
ing discussion, provided you take it all to a place apart,
and leave us unmolested to discuss our civil business.
The arrangement was accomplished with a dexter-
ous subordination of the ecclesiastical to the civil au-
thority. The hand of the State was laid on it all with
such firm precision, that no movement for the estab-
lishment of a separate s]Diritual power was practicable ;
and this was done in a shape admitting no ground for
complaint. No power of any existing institution was
usurped. It was a voluntary assembling. None were
bound to attend whose conscience revolted at the
authority assumed by the Parliament — these might
1 Letters, ii. 186.
204 CHARLES I.
remain at home for conscience' sake, and some did so.
Still it was safe to calculate on Churchmen being
influenced by the seductive charms of debate. The
attraction would strengthen day by day as the
wordy war went on, and small scruples would be for-
o'otten. So it Avas ; although a few were able to ab-
stain, the centre of debate aggregated to it enough of
the inflammable material to leave the Parliament in
safety. The members of the Assembly, indeed, held
meeting after meeting with a growing enthusiasm, the
reflection of which may be found in the picturesc[ue
opening scene from the pen of our old friend Baillie.
It will be seen from this description how completely
the order of business in the Assembly was modelled
on the forms of the Enoiish House of Commons — a
system marvellously beautiful and com];)lete, and for
compelling a numerous assembly to act with freedom
and order, beyond all comparison the finest organi-
sation that human genius has accomplished. The
description is the more clear, that it was made by
one who had been trained in another school, and
especially noticed the matters in which the two
difli'ered from each other. He could not but see and
acknowledge the merits of the English system ; yet
we find him longing somewhat for the impetuous
action of his own people, when he says : " They follow
the way of their Parliament. Much of their way is
good, and worthy of our imitation, only their long-
someness is woeful at this time, when their Church
and kingdom lies under a most lamentable anarchy
and confusion."
" The like of this Assembly I did never see, and,
as we hear say, the like was never in England, nor
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1643. 205
anywhere is shortly like to be. They did sit in
Henry the VII. 's Chapel, in the place of the convo-
cation ; but since the weather grew cold, they did go
to Jerusalem Chamber, a fair room in the Abbey of
Westminster, about the bounds of the college forehall,
but wider. At the ane end nearest the door, and
both sides, are stages of seats as in the new Assem-
bly House at Edinburgh; but not so high, for there
will be room but for five or six score. At the
upmost end there is a chair set on a frame, a foot
from the earth, for the Mr Proloqutor, Dr Twisse.
Before it on the ground stands two chairs for the two
Mr Assessors, Dr Burgess and Mr Whyte. Before
these two chairs, through the length of the room,
stands a table, at which sits the two scribes, Mr
Byfield and Mr Roborough. The house is all well
hung, and has a good fire, which is some dainties at
London. Foranent the table, upon the proloqutor's
right hand, there are three or four ranks of forms. On
the lowest we five do sit. Upon the other, at our
backs, the members of Parliament deputed to the
Assembly. On the forms foranent us, on the pro-
loqutor's left hand, going from the upper end of the
house to the chimney, and at the other end of the
house, and backside of the table, till it come about to
our seats, are four or five stages of forms, whereupon
their divines sit as they please, albeit commonly they
keep the same place. From the chimney to the door
there is no seats, but a void for passage. The Lords of
Parliament used to sit on chairs, in that void, about
the fire. We meet every day of the week but Satur-
day. We sit commonly from nine to one or two
afternoon. The proloqutor at the beginning and end
206 CHARLES I.
has a short prayer. The man, as the world knows, is
very learned in the questions he has studied, and very
good, beloved of all, and highly esteemed ; but merely
bookish, and not much, as it seems, acquaint wath con-
ceived prayer, and among the unfittest of all the com-
pany for any action ; so after the prayer he sits mute.
It was the canny convoyanee of these who guides
most matters for their own interest to plant such a
man of purpose in the chair. The one assessor, our
good friend Mr Whyte, has kept in of the gout since
our coming ; the other, Dr Burgess, a very active and
sharp man, supplies, so far as is decent, the proloqu-
tor's place. Ordinarily there will be present above
threescore of their divines. These are divided in three
committees, in ane whereof every man is a member.
No man is excluded who pleases to come to any of
the three. Every committee, as the Parliament gives
order in write to take any purpose to consideration,
takes a portion, and in their afternoon meeting pre-
pares matters for the Assembly, sets down their mind
in distinct propositions, backs their propositions wdth
texts of Scripture. After the prayer, Mr Byfield the
scribe reads the proposition and Scriptures, whereupon
the Assembly debates in a most grave and orderly
way. No man is called up to speak ; but who stands
up of his own accord, he speaks so long as he will
without interruption. If two or three stand uj) at
once, then the divines confusedly call on his name
whom they desire to hear first : on whom the loudest
and most voices call, he speaks. No man speaks to
any but to the proloqutor. They harangue long and
very learnedly. They study the questions well before-
hand, and prepare their speeches ; but withal the men
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1643. 207
are exceeding prompt, and well spoken. I do marvel
at the very accurate and extemporal replies that many
of them usually do make. When upon every propo-
sition by itself, and on every text of Scripture that is
brought to confirm it, every man who will has said his
whole mind, and the replies and duplies and triplies
are heard, then the most part calls, 'To the question.'
Byfield the scribe rises from the table and comes to
the proloqutor's chair, who from the scribe's book
reads the proposition, and says, 'As many as are in
opinion that the question is well stated in the proposi-
tion, let them say I.' When 'I' is heard, he says, 'As
many as think otherwise, say No.' If the difference of
I's and No's be clear, as usually it is, then the question
is ordered by the scribes, and they go on to debate
the first Scripture alleged for proof of the proposition.
If the sound of ' I ' and ' No ' be near equal, then says
the proloqutor, 'As many as say I, stand up.' While
they stand, the scribe and others number them in
their mind; when they sit down, the No's are bidden,
and they likewise are numbered. This way is clear
enough, and saves a great deal of time, which we
spend in reading our catalogue. When a question is
once ordered, there is no more debate of that matter ;
but if a man will vaige, be is quickly taken up by Mr
Assessor, or many others, confusedly crying, 'Speak to
order, to order.' No man contradicts another expressly
by name, but most discreetly speaks to the proloqu-
tor, and at most holds on the general — the reverend
brother, who lately or last spoke, on this hand, on that
side, above, or below." ^
With the Scots the most interesting business of this
1 Letters, &c., ii. 107-109.
2o8 CHARLES I.
Assembly was the Covenant, and it was among the
first to claim attention. AVe have this account of the
sittino- ou the 8th of August 1643 : —
" The Parliament recommended the Covenant to
the Assembly to take into consideration the lawful-
ness of it. The first article of it held us all the day,
for we sat till within night. This clause bred all the
doubting, ' I will endeavour the preservation of the
true Reformed Protestant religion in the Church of
Scotland, in doctrine, discipline, worship, and govern-
ment, according to the Word of God.' It was scrupled
whether the last words, ' according to the Word of
God,' were set for limitation — viz., to preserve it as far
as it was according to the Word, — or for approbation
— viz., as concluding that the Scotch discipline was
undoubtedly according to the Word. Therefore, after
a day's debate almost, it was resolved that this expla-
nation should be annexed to it, 'As far as in my
conscience I shall conceive it to be according to the
Word of God.' This was concluded about five o'clock
afternoon.
" Then fell we upon the second article of it, ' That
without respect of persons, I will endeavour, accord-
ing to my calling, to extirpate Popery, prelacy, heresy,
schism,' &c. ; when Dr Burgess, who had been excep-
tions of all others all the day against the first article,
began again to cavil about this clause, ' Without re-
spect of persons to extirpate Popery ' — it being a very
nice business to know what Popery is, and what is
meant by extirpation, and I know not what — which
gave occasion to others to take the same exceptions,
and so hold long debates ; and it was very clear that
we had parted and gone home unresolved of the matter,
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1643. 209
but at last we brought it to the vote that the words
were fit to stand as they were.
" Tuesday, August 29, Ave fell upon these words,
' prelacy, superstition, heresy, schism,' &c. ; and Dr
Burgess began again to except every one of the words
as doubtful — especially the word 'prelacy' was thought
by others to be too doubtful, therefore the explana-
tion of it was concluded on, ' the government by
archbishops, bishops,' &c. ; and about noon, with much
ado and great retarding, we had finished the second
article, and the Assembly adjourned till afternoon.
" In the afternoon the rest of the Covenant was
despatched with much ado; for Dr Burgess continued
in his captiousness, and retarded as much as possibly
he could. In fine, it was concluded upon and ordered
that the Assembly should on Thursday morning, by
their prolocutor, they attending him to the House of
Commons, huml^ly present their advice to the Parlia-
ment, that in point of conscience the Covenant may
lawfully be taken Avith those explanations which are
foremen tioned." ^
To the Scottish Covenanters the calling of this
Assembly, and the adoption of the Solemn League and
Covenant as revised by it, were rapidly bringing on
the consummation of that great scheme of Divine Pro-
vidence destined to establish the Presbyterian polity
over all mankind. The government of the Church by
a General Assembly, Synods, Presbyteries, and Kirk-
sessions, was the divine form of Church government,
and all others must dissolve before it. Here had
been completed a great step — England and Ireland
had been cleansed of the Popish and prelatic rubbish
1 Journal of the AsseniLly of Divines ; Lightfoot's Works, xiii. 1 1.
VOL. VII. 0
2IO CHARLES I.
left at the Reformation, and were immediately to be
united to Scotland in one Presbyterian community.
The English Presbyterians — a large body with many
learned ministers among them — indulged themselves
in the same conclusion.
The Parliament, however, had other views, and
skilfully prepared for the consummation. There
lurked at that time, in the class of men who made the
Parliament and the influential circles, a disinclination
to reconstruct any strong priesthood. Some were
influenced by religious motives, others by political ;
but their general temper was, that as the keys of St
Peter had been thrown down in the late scuffle, they
were not to be picked up again by the nearest hand.
Accordingly the personal structure of the Assembly
placed within it elements of opposition which had an
appearance of impartiality, but were of course infinitely
provoking to those who demanded supremacy.
The Brownists, Independents, or Congregationalists,
were a large body in England, and had been growing,
even in Scotland, too rapidly for the peace of the Cove-
nanting party. Their principle was, that there should
be no combined system of Church government,
whether prelatic or Presbyterian, but that each Chris-
tian congregation should be a Church in itself It
was a system that seemed to embody the very ab-
stract spirit of toleration, by bringing the power of
ecclesiastical tyi'anny down to absolute zero. So it
seemed in Britain, where the Independents were
driven to the policy of self-defence ; but they became
very sufficient ecclesiastical tyrants on their own
ground in New England, where they dutifully hanged
every man who wore a broad-brimmed hat, or used
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1644-46. 211
the personal pronoun in an antiquated fashion.^
These men were not powerful in organisation for
constructive purposes, for that was not their mission,
or the tenor of the polity sought by them ; but they
were very useful for the purpose for which they had
been placed in the Assembly — the interruption of
the constructive work of others.
The Independents were but a small party in the
Assembly — it might have given alarm to have in-
creased their number. They were there, indeed, just
as Episcopalians and some representatives of peculiar
sects were there — that they might be heard for their
respective causes. They were to be tolerated in
debate, as it is said the present House of Commons
will tolerate any speaker who, however offensive his
opinions may be to the House, represents any con-
siderable body of British subjects, or any important
national interest. Among the Independents, however,
were men whose genius and zeal made them j)owerful
in debate and troublesome in expedients. Five of
the most eminent of these — Nye, Bridge, Boroughs,
' Baillie, mentioning an instance where some preachers of false doc-
trine in New England narrowly escaped death and were sentenced to
slavery, puts the difference aptly enough : " The Independents here,
finding they have not the magistrate so obsequious as in New England,
turns their pens, as you will see, &c., to take from the magistrate all
power of taking any coercive order with the vilest heretics." — Letters,
ii. 1 84. The case of New England, however, was very peculiar. The
colonists had not only gone there for freedom of conscience, but had
sought the wilderness to be free from the contaminating presence of
the unholy. When, therefore, they were intruded on there, and espe-
cially by those who did so systematically and to give offence, this was
akin to persecution. The Quakers, by sedulous cultivation, had reached
a marvellous advancement in the art of provocation ; and when they
heard of a place where the heterodox were hotly persecuted, they con-
cluded that such was the spot whither they were constrained to go and
lift up their testimony.
212 CHARLES I.
Goodwin, and Sympson — were ever spoken of as " the
five dissenting brethren," when the Pi-esl)yterians be-
wailed the troubles tlicy had to endure in the West-
minster Assembly.
Another element of interruption was carefully
planted in this Assembly in the body called in Pres-
byterian language " Erastians." They belonged to a
wide range of opinions, the term being applied to all
those who, whether they desired to support a Chris-
tian Church or not, would not admit that in its out-
ward form and government it was a divine institution
endowed with powers independent of the State.
They consisted in great measure of what Baillie
calls " worldly profane men, who were extremely
affrighted to come under the yoke of ecclesiastical
discipline." The working majority of the English
Parliament was Erastian. Hence it supported the
Independent party, as less mischievous than the Pres-
byterian. At the same time it sent into the Assembly
a portion of itself — a small body, but infinitely pow-
erful in intellect. It contained Whitelocke and Sir
Harry Vane, but greatest of all, Selden. He knew
more of the history, jjractice, and law of the Christian
Church in all parts of the world, than all the rest
of the Assembly. He had the power which such
knowledge confers ; and when precedent was appealed
to, as it could not but be, and that frequently and
vehemently, he was absolute lord of the debate.
In the midst of these opposing forces the Scots
commissioners did their part with great address.
The Assembly having been constructed entirely by
the English Parliament, had no authority in Scot-
land. The Scots were invited to sit as members with
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1644-46. 213
votes ; but this honour they very wisely declined — in
any vote taken they would be only as one to fifteen.
They took the position of representatives of the
Church of Scotland, and in attendance in London was
a considerable committee from their own Estates at
home to instruct and support them. Thus they held
the position of ambassadors from one supreme power
to another. They might, as representing Scotland,
give up any point to the Assembly ; but their country
could not be compromised by the resolutions of that
body. There was great ability in the small group of
Scots commissioners. "Warriston could not cope with
Selden in knowledge about the practice of the Jews
or the early Christian Church ; but he had gone
through great practice as an ecclesiastical lawyer; and
as the custodier of the records of the Kirk, he knew
things that no general scholar had the means of know-
ing. Henderson and G-illespie were men of genius and
great eloquence, Avho obtained a high celebrity not
only at home but in England as popular preachers.
Baillie was not only a gTcat scholar, but endowed
with a potent genius for diplomacy. We have seen
that he was a thorough Presbyterian enthusiast ; but
though he saw that God was working for the estab-
lishment of the Presbyterian organisation all over the
world, he felt that the policy and ability of man was
one of the instruments by which it was foreordained
that this consummation was to be carried.
The Independents and many of the " Sectaries "
were with them in points of pure doctrine, and there
was a prospect that in the matter of forms of worship
there might be a reasonable compromise. The great
point of difference was Church government, and this
2 14 CHARLES I.
it was the great object of the Scots commissioners to
defer until the hand of Providence should improve
their position for enforcing that Presbyterian organ-
isation which was of divine right. On the question
of lay eldership we find Baillie saying : " This is a
point of high consequence, and upon no other we
expect so great difficulty, except alone on Indepen-
dency ; wherewith we purpose not to meddle in haste
till it please God to advance our army, which we
expect will much assist our arguments. " And again :
" The Independents, being most able men and of
great credit, fearing no less than banishment from their
native country if presbyteries were erected, are watch-
ful that no conclusion be taken for their prejudice.
It was my advice — which Mr Henderson presently
applauded and gave me thanks for it — to eschew a
public rupture with the Independents till we were more
able for them. As yet a presbytery to these people is
conceived to be a strange monster. It was our good,
therefore, to go on hand in hand so far as we did
agree against the common enemy, hoping that in our
difi'erences, when we behoved to come to them, God
would give us light. In the mean time we would
essay to agree upon the Directory of Worship, wherein
we expected no small help from these men to abolish
the great idol of England — the Service-book — and to
erect in all the parts of worship a full conformity to
Scotland in all things worthy to be spoken of." ^
In any difference with the English Presbyterians
the Scots commissioners were strong, and they knew
how to use their strength. If it Avas the Presbyterian
order of Church government that these English desired
1 Letters, ii. Ill, 117.
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1644-46. 215
really to have, then in Scotland they would find it in
all its fair proportions. There it had long been elabo-
rated and worked out — all objections sifted, all defects
removed. It was not as if they came forward with
general principles to be resolved into practical detail
by debate. No morsel of the system could now be
counted an open question. To differ from any part
of it was to censure and attack their brethren of the
Church of Scotland. Although the English Presby-
terians felt and admitted the strength of this posi-
tion, it was nought to the Independents. These,
though few in number, were watchful, and provok-
ingly untiring in debate. The majority were ever
caught up by them in such manner as the following :
" We were next settling on the manner of the prayer
— if it were good to have two prayers before sermon,
as we use, or but one, as they use ; if in that first
prayer it were mete to take in the king, Church, and
sick, as they do, or leave those to the last prayer, as
we. While we were sweetly debating on these things
in came Mr Goodwin, who incontinent essayed to turn
all upside down, to reason against all directories, and
our very first grounds ; also, that all prefacing was
unlawful."^ And in the midst of such minute separ-
ate provocations the much-enduring chronicler bursts
occasionally into a loud general wail, such as this : "In
this long anarchy the sectaries and heretics increase
marvellously. Yet we are hopeful, if God might help
us, to have our presbyteries erected as we expect
shortly to have them, and get the chief of the Inde-
pendents to join with us in our practical conclusions,
as we are much labouring for it, and are not yet out
1 Baillie's Letters, ii. 123.
2l6 CHARLES I.
of hope — we trust to win about all the rest of this wild
and enormous people. However, for the time, the
confusions al)out religion are very great and remedi-
less." 1
The Presyterians were desirous to have the Inde-
pendents with them, but in the end were strong
enough in the Assembly far to outvote them. " Truly,"
says the same chronicler, " if the cause were good,
the men have plenty of learning, wit, eloquence, and,
above all, boldness and stiffness, to make it out ; but
when they had wearied themselves and overwearied
us all, we found the most they had to say against the
presbytery was but curious idle niceties ; yea, that
all they could bring was no ways concluding. Every
one of their arguments, when it had been pressed to
the full in one whole session, and sometimes in two
or three, was voyced, and found to be light unani-
mously by all but themselves." ^
No other conclusion could have been anticipated,
and it is creditable to Baillie's taste that it is so cour-
teously expressed. Perhajjs, too, it may be counted
creditable to the overwhelming majority that they
heard the minority so patiently. The victory, how-
ever, was of little avail ; for adverse influences were
waxing strong in the power that would control the
Assembly. When the first propositions went up
from the Assembly to Parliament, the Independents
published a renowned appeal, called the " Apologetical
Narration," which helped mightily to increase the
growing disinclination towards the re-establishment
of any organised Church. Parliament had much to
do, and kept the Assembly hanging on in expectation
1 Baillie's Letters, ii. 172. -' Ibid., 14.5.
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1644-46. 217
of a concurrence in its proceedings. On the matter
of a Directory of Worship the Houses did not trouble
themselves. A formula of ordination was altered by
them ; but on the indignant remonstrance of the As-
sembly the alterations Avere withdrawn. Parliament
would not quarrel Avith the clergy on a matter which
almost entirely concerned themselves. But when an
organisation was sent up for carrying into eftect, by
discipline over the laity and otherwise, the divine
right of Presbyterian Church government, it en-
countered a cj^uiet but very obdurate resistance. The
Parliament did not so much object to the organisation
itself, as to the source from which its power was to
come, as shortly defined to them in the proposition
that " the Lord Jesus, as King and Head of His
Church, hath therein appointed a government in
the hand of Church officers distinct from the civil
magistrate." The Parliament were ready to concede
the greater part of the organisation proposed, pro-
vided the two Houses took the place of " King and
Head of the Church," so as to be able to alter the
organisation from time to time if it did not work to
their satisfaction. After much cavilling the two
Houses uttered their celebrated " ordinance for settling
of Church government" of 14th March 1646. It
began with pious invocations and devout thanks for
assistance from above, with a sanctimonious prolix-
ity rarely exceeded in the utterances of professional
divines. Coming to the practical part, it began with
much promise : " By the merciful assistance of God,
having removed the Book of Common Prayer, with
all its unnecessary and burdensome ceremonies, and
established the Directory in the room thereof; and
2l8 CHARLES I.
having abolished the prelatical hierarchy of archbishops,
bishops, and their dependants, and instead thereof
laid the foundation of a presbyterial government in
every congregation, with subordination to classical,
provincial, and national assemblies." So far well ; but
the few words in which the clause came to an end
told the Covenanters that the power so temptingly
described was not for them. The words following on
the subordination to three grades of assemblies were
simply, "And of them all to the Parliament." This
ordinance, containing twenty-three articles or sections,
completed a previous oi-dinance for the establishment
of discipline, and especially for excluding persons
convicted of scandalous crimes from ecclesiastical
privileges. It carried its offence on its forehead by
declaring its object to be "the avoiding, as far as
possibly may be, all arbitrary power ; and that all
such cases wherein persons should be suspended from
the sacrament of the Lord's Supper should be brought
to the cognisance and pass the judgment of the
Parliament." It was felt desirable to arrange, " with-
out having recourse to the Parliament itself from all
parts of the kingdom, upon every such emergent case,
which might prove troublesome and tedious." Elder-
ships, therefore, were to be elected by congregations,
under the supervision of the Parliamentary " Tryers of
Election of Elders." The scandalous offences on which
these elders should in the first instance judge Avere
closely defined by Parliament ; and it Avas provided
that " in every province persons shall be chosen by
the Houses of Parliament that shall be commissioners
to judge of scandalous offences not enumerated in
any ordinance of Parliament." Over all these was an
ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES, 1644-46. 219
ultimate recourse to Parliament, should there be in-
sufficiency or tyranny in this organisation.^ When
that mighty tribunal thus undertook to manage the
parochial affairs of every parish, and to superintend
its kirk-session work, the Presbyterian party must
have seen, if they did not sooner discover, that the
predominant party in the two Houses were treating
them with solemn mockery.
When they broke forth into vehement remon-
strances the Houses treated them Avith decorum, and
were to hear them at full length. After a Parliamen-
tary fashion, with something of a sarcastic formality,
certain queries were put to them touching the nature
of the Headship and the evidence or title-deeds of its
existence. They were such queries as the Houses
might put, in an inquiry into the origin of a fran-
chise, or the charter and constitution of a corporation.
There were nine of these queries ; but perhaps the
three first in order may suffice to show their char-
acter : —
" 1. Whether the parochial and congregational or
presbyterial elderships a,vejure divino, and by the will
and appointment of Jesus Christ ; and whether any
particular Church government be jure divino, and
what that government is 1
" 2. Whether all the members of the said elderships,
as members thereof, or which of them, are jure divino,
and by the will and appointment of Jesus Christ ?
" 3. Whether the superior assemblies or elderships
— viz., the classical, provincial, and national — whether
all or any of them, and which of them, are jure divino,
and by the will and appointment of Jesus Christ 1 "
1 Pari. Hist, iii. 443-49.
220 CHARLES I.
That there might be no opportunity for sweeping
these questions and their particuLirities away in vague
decLamatiou, the Houses, besides requiring that to each
answer the Scriptural evidence should be set forth,
ordered that "every minister present at the debate of
any of these questions do, upon every resolution that
shall be presented to the flouse concerning the same,
subscribe his name, either with the affirmative or nega-
tive, as he gives his vote ; and that those who dissent
from the major part shall set down their positive
opinion, with the express texts of Scripture on which
they are grounded."^
If the Houses expected a literal compliance with
these instructions, they were certainly rearing up a
portentous report for their own perusal and consider-
ation. But the order had naturally the effect rather
of extinguishing than promoting the organising la-
bours of the Assembly. It was with heavy hearts that
those commissioners from the Scots Covenanters, who
had seen so brilliant a dawn rise on the Westminster
Assembly, beheld and felt these things. With all
their determined fatalism, it must ere this time have
been growing clear to them that they were not des-
tined to establish a Presbyterian rule over the British
dominions. In three years there had come a change.
AVhen all England was a great camp, and all its men
becoming soldiers, the Scots army, much diminished,
was no longer of vital moment in the struggle. The
Long Parliament had the divines of the Independent
party to conciliate, and, what was more serious, their
soldiers, and Cromwell, their favourite general. An
ephemeral presbytery existed in London, and there
1 Pari. Hist, iii. 463 464.
DIRECTORY OF WORSHIP, 1645-46. 221
were some others ; but when the Assembly died in
1648, its mighty projects of Church government died
with it.
In other things, liowever, it left behind some fruits
of its labours which have become both familiar and
dear to the majoi'ity of the Scottish people. The
Directory of Worship was carried through with much
hax'mony before the vital quarrels began. We have
seen that the old Prayer-book of Scotland and Geneva
— the Book of Common Order — became popular among
the early dissenters from the Church of England.
After the lapse of seventy years, however, it seems to
have been long foro-otten. The feelino- of the Puritans
and the Independents was running strong against all
set forms of prayer. It was now six years since the
Service-book had been sent to Scotland to supersede
the Book of Common Order. The latest known edi-
tion of this book bears date in 1643, and it seems
likely that the old affection for it had died off in the
hot contest against Laud's Service-book, and the
growing sympathy with the English Puritans. There
seems to have been no attempt in the Assembly of
Divines to keep it in existence ; but it was not ex-
pressly condemned, and its use might have easily been
accommodated to the injunctions of the Directory.^
' In the Britisli Museum there is a small ritual with the title, 'The
New Booke of Common Prayer, according to the Forme of the Kirke of
Scotland, our Brethren in Faith and Covenant. Printed by John Joness,
1644.' It contains the greater part of the ordinary daily service in the
Book of Common Order, and we may conjecture that it was offered to
the Assembly as a compromise between the Scots Presbyterian Prayer-
book and none. Whether it is to be found elsewhere or not, the follow-
in" passage from this little book contains a subtle, but distinct, exposi-
tion of the spirit in which translations of the Scriptures were accepted
amonc many of the various religious communities who renounced Epis-
copacy and the Church of England : " The highest degree and most an-
222 CHARLES I.
Though the Book of Common Order got strong
support when the question lay between it and Laud's
Service-book, it lost rather than gained friends after
that contest passed over. The Assembly of Divines
offered a strong bribe to the Scots clergy to abandon
it, since the English Book of Common Prayer — offen-
sive as the foundation of the Service-book — was to go
with it. The enforcement of the Directory of Public
Worship in England and Ireland was more than com-
pensation for the loss, if it was a loss, of the Scots
Book of Common Order. But to the Scots divines
the mortifying result of all was that they lost this
compensation. Brownism or Independency, with its
toleration, swept all away ; and the Directory was no
more the absolute rule throughout the three kingdoms
than the Book of Common Prayer was in England and
the Book of Common Order in Scotland.^
nexeJ to the ministry anfl government of the Church is the exposition of
God's word contained in the Okl and New Testament. But because men
cannot so well profit in that knowledge except they be first instructed in
the tongues and human sciences (for now worketh God not commonly T)y
miracles), it is necessary that seed be sowed for the time to come, to the
intent that the Church be not left barren and waste to our posterity ; and
that schools also be erected and colleges maintained with just and suffi-
cient stipends, wherein youth may be trained in the knowledge and fear
of God, that in their ripe age they may prove worthy members of our
Lord Jesus Christ, whether it be to rule in civil policy or to serve in the
spiritual ministry, or else to live in godly reverence and subjection." On
occasion when " the minister prayeth to God for the removing of some
present trouble or otherwise, as the present occasion doth require. This
done, the people sing a psalm altogether in a tune which all may under-
stand, as it hath used to be done both in England and Scotland before
sermon ; and whilst the said psalm is singing, the minister goeth up
into the pulpit, as God shall move his heart, first begging assistance of
God's Holy Spirit, and so proceedeth to the sermon."
1 Samuel Rutherford, in his 'Free Disputation against pretended
Liberty of Conscience,' p. 268, says: " It rejoiced the hearts of the godly
in the three kingdoms, when the Houses passed an ordinance for the
Directory of Public Worship to be used in all the three kingdom.?, and
DIRECTORY OF WORSHIP, 1645-46. 223
The Directory sets forth the order of worship and
administration of Church ordinances. It gives the
tenor of tlie prayers and other administrations spoken
by the ministers ; but it differs from a ritual in so far
as it gives the tenor only, not the words to be used.
It appears to have been adjusted chiefly by Henderson
and his brethren in Scotland, since both in arrange-
ment and phraseology it has a decidedly close resem-
blance to a pamphlet for the purpose of spreading
through England information regarding the method
of worship in the Church of Scotland.^
Among the rarities of collectors one may yet see a
thin quarto called ' A Directory for the Public Worship
of God throughout the three Kingdoms of England,
Scotland, and Ireland.' But the practical end fell
far short of this comprehensive promise. In the
troubles of England the Directory was lost, and the
Restoration brought back the old Prayer-book. It was
not one of the works of the Assembly destined even to
laid aside the Book of Common Prayers and burdensome ceremonies
upon a resolution professed to the world, according to the Covenant, to
reform religion according to the Word of God and the example of the
Lest Reformed Churches, which was accordingly approved and ratified
in the Parliament of Scotland. If we then turn back again from that
iiniformity, what do we also but pull down and destroy what we have
builded ? Especially since uniformity, which we sware to endeavour in
our Covenant, is cried down by Familists and Antinomians, and all
external worship and profession of Christ before men as indifferent, and
all religion intrenched into only things of the mind and heart, upon a
dream that the written Word of God is not our rule obliging us, but an
inward law in the mind, beyond all ordinances, must regulate us now
under the Gospel." These, as the reader will easily see, are not the
words of an ignorant man indulging hot fanaticism. Rutherford was
a learned divine ; and this .short passage — one of course selected from
xaanj — may be taken as a good test of how the learned among the Scots
Covenanters took the new rule that was to prevail in England.
' This pamphlet has been already referred to. It is called 'The
Government and Order of the Church of Scotland.' Edinburgh, 1641.
224 CHARLES I.
liave much influence iu Scotland, where it has been
and is nominally a rule. The tendency ever since
Laud's Liturgy has been towards freedom from all
directorial control. So slightly has the Directory been
of late either obeyed or known, that when, on a recent
occasion, a distinguished clergyman of the Church
of Scotland was threatened with ecclesiastical punish-
ment for indulging in certain innovations, it was dis-
covered that the departures from the common practice
which incurred this condemnation were restorations
of the practice enjoined by the Directory.
Scotland owes to the Assembly of Divines the
psalmody which was sanctioned by the Established
Church, and generally adopted by the other Presby-
terian communities. The Psalter in the Book of
Common Order seems to have consisted of such trans-
lation of each psalm as the publisher chose. Always
the greater part, and sometimes the whole, were taken
from the version of Sternhold and Hopkins. We have
seen that the revision of the Psalm-book had occa-
sionally come up in the General Assembly of Scotland.
In the Westminster Assembly it arose in the form of
findina; a version of the Psalms which mio;ht be certified
for use by the Churches of England, Scotland, and
L'eland. The version of Sternhold and Hoj)kins was
to be superseded ; it was perhaps a latent objection
that it occupied a place in the Book of Common
Prayer. The version attached to Laud's Scottish
Service-book would have been drawn from a still
more polluted fountain.^
' This Psalter is called on the title-page ' The Psalms of King David
translated by King James.' They were in reality translated by the
poet, Sir William Alexander, Earl of Stirling.
SCOTTISH PSALTER, 1646-48. 225
Two other Scottish versions claimed notice. One
was by Sir William Muir of Rowallan.^ The other
was by the notoiious Zachary Boyd. Zachary's writ-
ings have often been cited as utterances of powerful
buffoonery made when the unconscious author dreamed
that he was solemn and impressive. It was common
to that age, especially among the clergy, to become
familiar and jocular with solemn things. Zachary
went a step beyond his brethren in this propensity.
Hence all the good things of the kind have been
attributed to him, and have sometimes been exag-
gerated to make them fit on to his reputation. His
psalter was passed by, somewhat to his mortifica-
tion.^
The Assembly selected, as a fundamental draft of
a psalter, a translation recently made by Francis Rous,
a distinguished member of the Long Parliament, and
a lay member of the Assembly. After discussion and
criticism at much length, the divines passed the
Psalter as amended by them, and sent it up for the
approval of Parliament. There was a rival version by
William Barton, befriended by some members of the
House ; and the Assembly received an alarming de-
mand, " to certify to this House why these psalms
may not be sung in church as well as other transla-
1 Sir William Muir's version does not appear to have ever been
printed. Baillie, writing from tlie Assembly, says : " I wish I had Row-
allan's Psalter here ; for I like it much better than any yet I have seen."
— Letters, ii. 121. A specimen of this version will be found in 'The
Historie and Descent of the House of Rowallan, by Sir William Miur,'
note t, p. 133.
^ " Our good friend Mr Zachary Boyd has put himself to a great deal
of pains and charges to make a psalter ; but I ever warned him his
hopes were groundless to get it received in our churches ; yet the flat-
teries of his unadvised neighbours makes him insist in his fruitless
design." — Baillie's Letters, iii, 3.
VOL. VII. P
226 CHARLES I.
tions by such as are willing to use tliem." The
divines in solemn conclave apprehended "that if
liberty should be given to people to sing in churches
every one that translation which they desire, by
that means several translations mio;ht come to be used
— yea, in one and the same congregation at the same
time, which would be a great distraction and hin-
drance to edification." But Parliament finally ordered
"that the Book of Psalms set forward by Mr Eous, and
perused by the Assembly of Divines, be sung in all
churches and chapels in the kingdom of England, do-
minion of Wales, and town of Berwick-upon-Tweed." ^
This Psalter was authorised for Scotland by the
General Assembly and the Commission of Estates in
the beginning of the year 1650.^ Every one ac-
quainted with Scotland knows how fervently the
genius of the people, musical and religious, centred in
this book of vocal praise. The work of Eous was
familiar and beloved in every Presbyterian church
and home ; but among names of any celebrity it would
be difficult to find one less known among the people
of Scotland than Francis Rous.^
^ Baillie's Letters, iii. 539.
2 A very instructive account of the literature of Scottish psalmody
will be found in " Notices regarding the Metrical Versions of the Psalms
received by the Church of Scotland," in the appendix to Laing's edi-
tion of BaUlie's Letters and Journals, iii. 525.
^ There seem to have been contemporary reasons for keeping his name
out of sight among the Scots Presbyterians. We find, before the com-
plete adoption of this Psalter, BaUlie, in some perplexity, saying : " I
have farthered that work ever with my best wishes ; but the scruple now
arises of it in my mind — -the first author of the translation, ilr Eous,
my good friend, has complied with the Sectaries, and is a member of the
Republic. How a psalter of his framing, albeit with miich variation,
shall be received by our Church, I do not well know ; yet it is needful
we should have one, and a better in haste we cannot have." — Letters,
&c., iii. 97.
WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY STANDARDS, 1646-48. 227
More eminently than either in the Directory or the
Psalm-book, have the achievements of the Westminster
Assembly been renowned in connection with religious
life in Scotland. The fruit of a long process of intel-
lectual toil and eager debate was their announcement
of the Presbyterian faith of the British Islands in
three forms. These were — 1. " The Confession of
Faith ; " 2. " The Larger Catechism ;" 3. " The Shorter
Catechism." These may be received as the final set-
tlement and adjustment of those religious contests
about the objects of which the reader has perhaps
found more than enough in these pages. They are
like the treaty of peace at the end of a war, going over
with dry formality events which have had their day
of exciting interest — a sort of document notably un-
interesting to all but close investigators. The three
form a code of doctrine, as to which it is held, by
something akin to what the English sages call " a
fiction of law," that every Scots Presbyterian believes
all its positions — by a bolder fiction he is held to un-
derstand them all. As to his means for legitimately
accomplishing both ends, he knows, or has known, the
Shorter Catechism, becavise he has had to commit it
to memory at school. But a Scottish layman well
grotmded in the Confession and the Larger Catechism
is a rare being ; and it has been sometimes suspected
that there are points in both of which some even of
the clergy have not a familiar knowledge. It may
be noticed that the Confession of Faith was the first
announcement from authority of the books which
were in Scotland to be counted the canonical Bible.
Like England in the Thirty-nine Articles, Scotland
adopted the old accepted canon, without of course
228 CHARLES I.
referring to such a coincidence as an authority or a
precedent. The Confession declares that the Scripture
should be translated into the vulgar tongue, "that
the AVord of God dwelling plentifully in all, they may
Avorship Him in an acceptable manner, and through
patience and comfort of the Scripture may have hope."
No one version, however, is held as authorised. On
the other hand, it is declared that the Old Testament
in Hebrew, and the New Testament in Greek, "being
immediately inspired by God, and by His care and
providence kept pure in all ages, are therefore autlien-
tical, so as in all controversies of religion the Church
is finally to appeal unto them."
It must always be I'emembered that these Acts and
standards were not sent into Scotland for observance
there by the authoiity of the Assembly of Divines.
This institution was purely English. So far as Scot-
land was concerned, they acted merely as draftsmen
and councillors. The title prefixed to the Confession of
Faith, and foUoAved in the other documents, announces
the method of their transference to Scotland : " The
Confession of Faith agreed upon by the Assembly
of Divines at Westminster, examined and approved
anno 1647 by the Church of Scotland, and ratified by
Act of Parliament 1649."
While these deliberations, from which Scotland was
to inherit the chief permanent result, drew out their
tedious length in the Jerusalem Chamber of St Steph-
en's, the great events of the civil war were rapidly
following each other. The separate events in which
Scotland was concerned were few, and not pleasant to
remember. As we have already seen, the Scots com-
missioners added considerable weisfht to the charses
EXECUTIONS OF ROYALISTS, 1644-46. 229
which brought Laud to the block. Other men con-
spicuous in enmity to the course taken by the Scots
Estates were marked out for vengeance. The first
of these was Sir John Gordon of Haddo, the house
which afterwards became the earldom of Aberdeen.
He was one of the leaders of the Gordons in the north ;
and granting that hostility to the Estates was a
crime — and they, having the supreme power for the
time, had declared it so to be — it was easy to prove
that he had done enough to justify any amount of
punishment.^ He was tried by the Estates, and
sentenced to death. On the 19th of July 1644 his
head was struck off by " the Maiden " or guillotine.
He was followed by Sir Eobert Spottiswood,
Ogilvie of Inverquharity, who had been an active
leader in the contest with Argyle, and five others of
smaller note. The case of Sir Eobert Spottiswood was
peculiar. He had not taken arms, and was to be dealt
with as a treasonable statesman. He was charged
with several acts hostile to the Estates ; and among
these, as Secretary of State he had sealed and signed
the commission " to James Graham, sometime Earl of
Montrose, a declared and forfeited traitor and an ex-
communicated person," appointing him, as lieutenant
of the kingdom, to raise forces "against the king's
majesty's good subjects, and against the forces raised
and levied in arms by authority of the Estates of
Parliament of this kingdom." ^ It was believed that
his fate Avas somewhat in retaliation for his exertions
in the condemnation of Balmerinoch in 1633. He
was beheaded on the 16th of January 1646.
1 See his indictment, Acts of Pari., vi. 21.
2 State Trials, iv. 769.
230 CHARLES I.
The Scots army in Eugiand could only be called an
auxiliary force subject to the tactic of the great army
at the nominal disposal of the English Parliament.
Still the Scots kept apart under their own officers,
carefully avoiding any surrender of their separate
nationality. They were posted before Newark, wdien,
on the morning of the 5th of May 1645, the king
appeared within their lines. The great battle of
Naseby had been fought. Many other calamities had
crowded round his cause — he was besieged in Oxford,
and when the place was taken he was at the mercy of
his enemies. He would have gone to London, but a
safe-conduct was refused to him — an assurance that
the war was a war of life or death to each side. The
king travelled in humble disguise with two attendants.
It is said that when he came to Harrow-on-the-Hill
he was yet uncertain where he should seek refuge,
and " much perplexed what course to resolve upon
— London or northward." ^ His dreary journey from
Oxford to Newark, in Nottinghamshire, was eight
days long. On his arrival he found Leven in com-
mand, and Avas received by the old man with as
much ceremonial and dutiful submission as the con-
dition of a camp enabled him to display. It was
remai'ked that in these courtesies the general gave up
his sword, and that the king did not give it back, as
Leven expected. To prevent the king from personally
interfering with the discipline of his army, he found it
expedient to give a strong hint that he was virtually
commander there, though in humble duty to his
majesty.
There was a statement, for which there seems to be
' Clarendon, 633.
THE KING IN THE SCOTS CAMP, 1645. 23I
no foundation, that the king went to the Scots camp
in terms of a treaty or arrangement. It seems, in fact,
to have been, like many other acts of his, the result
of a sudden idea, in the pursuit of which he deceived
himself with the notion that he was pursuing a pro-
fouud, or, as others held it to be, a perfidious policy.
The Parliament required the Scots, Avhom they
counted as a mercenary army in their service, to sur-
render the king and the two men who had assisted
him. The Scots declined to obey the requisition.
They gave their august visitor a guard of honour,
whose duty it was to protect his person and prevent
him from escaping from the Scots camp as he had
from Oxford. They moved northwards to Newcastle,
which Avas virtually their own, in order that they
might more effectually protect the king from his enemies
and keep him to themselves. Perhaps no army ever
held a deposit under the like conditions, and casuistry
might have been let loose to defend or attack what-
ever course the Scots selected for his disposal.
During his abode with the Scots army in Newcastle
he chose to devote his otherwise unoccupied time to a
piece of Avork which seemed as capricious as his visit
— a dispute with one of the Scots divines on the
fundamental principles of Church government. He
selected as his opponent Alexander Henderson. The
controversy was unproductive, unless we are to be-
lieve, with a class of writers now nearly extinct, that
it brought the divine to a premature end. Hender-
son no doubt died soon afterwards — on the 19th of
August 1646". His death was attributed to remorse,
whether at having ventured to contradict the Lord's
anointed, or from his conscience telling him that the
232 CHARLES I.
king spoke, like his father at the Hampton Court con-
troversy, through special inspiration, and therefore that
his own long-cherished Presbyterian opinions were
false and perilous. It might be supposed that if con-
tradicting and thwarting the poor king were among
the natural causes of death, it must have caused ex-
tensive mortality in that age. Yet in this instance
the assertion took so much hold that Henderson's
partisans and the General Assembly itself were much
troubled in refuting it.
Eenowned as this controversy is in history, it may
be doubted if there are many people now alive who
have read it through. It has little to excite atten-
tion or interest. It belongs to that driest, most in-
terminable, and least effective or conclusive of all
theological contests — the dispute about the question
whether the order of the primitive Church was
Prelatic or Presbyterian. A small contribution to
that dreary ocean of debate, it is unendowed with the
virulence that confers a strong life on its surface here
and there. It is not an earnest dispute. The king
merely sought by an act of condescension to convert
or disarm a powerful opponent. There is little in
what he says to excite any feeling save a shade of
compassion in seeing a haughty reserved spirit sub-
mitting to so humiliating a task. He professes to
desire the counsel and information of learned men
for his guidance, and he singles out Henderson as a
learned man. There is a foregone conclusion, however,
that it is for himself to decide. He is like the judge
who sits to hear counsel learned in the law, yet re-
serves complete command over the final issue.
Had his opponent been either Knox or Andrew
THE KING IN THE SCOTS CAMP, 1645. 233
Melville, the contest would have had a different as-
pect. Challenged by a king to a formal dialectic
tournament, either of them would have rushed to
the battle with
" The stern joy "vvhich ■warriors feel
111 foemen worthy of their steel."
But Henderson was of another kind. If it is true that
he was, as some assert, though others deny, a worldly
man at heart, he saw that royalty and prelacy were
not to be the steps towards promotion. He is true
throughout to his cause, and true without violence or
arrogance. To his royal opponent he is respectful, but
not servile. He uses moderately the opportunity of
inflicting tediousness, which is so often the privilege
of his class; and his contribution to the controversy is
hardly twice the length of the king's. On the whole,
he acquitted himself with moderation and good taste.
The chief point between them is, that on the king ask-
ing what can be said against the Church of England
as the interpreter of the forms of the primitive hier-
archy, he is met by the denial that there ever was a
primitive hierarchy to be interpreted ; and this posi-
tion is defended by the usual references to fathers
of the Church and the like. The divine right of
kings having no place in Henderson's argument,
he excites something approaching to a haughty re-
buke by his method of referring to them as men
fallible and responsible. Eef erring to King James's
acknowledgments of the discipline of the Church of
Scotland, he is told : " Concerning the king my father,
of happy and famous memory both for his piety and
learning, I must tell you that I had the happiness to
know him much better than you ; wherefore I desire
234 CHARLES I.
you not to be too confident in tlie knowledge of liis
opinions, for I daresay, sliould his ghost now speak, he
would tell you that a bloody reformation was never
lawful, as not warranted by God's Word, and that
■prceces et lacIirymcB sunt arma ecclesice." And then
coming closer to that claim of absolute power which
it was the misfortune of his life to pursue : " For your
defensive war, — as I do acknowledge it as a great sin
for a king to oppress the Church, so I hold it absolutely
unlawful for subjects, upon any pretence whatever, to
make war, though defensive, against their lawful sover-
eign; against which no less proofs will make me yield
than God's Word. And let me tell you that upon
such points as these, instances as well as comparisons
are odious."^
The king remained with the Scots upwards of eight
months. In writings contemporary and of later date
there is a world of conjecture as to his designs or
secret thoughts, with no distinct or satisfactory solu-
tion. One subtle suggestion, for instance, would afford
a substantial reason for the Henderson controversy —
was it that he might have an opportunity, at any time
before its conclusion, to say that he was convinced,
and to throw himself heartily into the cause of the
Scots and their Presbyterian brethren in England 1
We know that this course was pressed on him, and
that he did not take it. Among other distinct facts is,
that his cause in England was gone, and acknowledged
even by himself to be so. He went so far with the
Scots as to abandon his ostensible quarrel with them,
by the withdrawal of Montrose's commission as lieu-
' The Papers which passed at Newcastle betwixt liis Sacred Majesty
and Mr Ak^xander Henderson, 163, 180.
THE KING IN THE SCOTS CAMP, 1645. 23S
tenant-general. Montrose had to leave Scotland ; but
it was maintained that this was only keeping the word
of promise in the lip, since there was still an armed
Cavalier force in the north. The king, it was said, could
have disbanded it, but it remained active and mischiev-
ous until David Leslie went with a superior force for
its chastisement.^ Another fact seems certain, that if
the Scots took the king absolutely under their protec-
tion, and removed him to Scotland, they must expect
a serious war with the predominant party in England.
Their commissioners in London were told this. From
the earnestness of their endeavours to gain over the
king to their own Presbyterian cause, it is clear that
had he fairly accepted that alternative, they would
have been prepared for this formidable war.
There was another difficulty. As we have seen,
their importance as a power in the English contest
had gradually decreased. Now that the Avar had
virtually come to an end, their presence in England
as an armed force was an offensive intrusion. On the
other hand, heavy arrears were due to them, and they
would abide until these were paid. They Avere like
a creditor in possession, and if their debt were not
legitimately settled, they would continue to help
themselves by forced contributions for their support.
No doubt they also felt that in the possession of the
king they held in pawn a pledge that might be made
available for enforcing their claim. To any other
effect he must have been a troublesome and unwelcome
guest, since he exposed the Scots to the enmity of the
English army, yet did not reward them by compliance
with their demands.
1 Thurloe's State Papers, i. 89.
236 CHARLES I.
After much haggling there was a satisfactory settle-
ment of the arrears. AVhen this had been adjusted,
the Scots delivered the king into the hands of com-
missioners from the English Parliament. This was
done on the 8tli of January 1647, and then the Scots
army with all due expedition returned home. Another
way of telling the story would be, that the Scots,
having adjusted the pecuniary business which de-
tained them in England, returned home, leaving the
king behind them.
The world is familiar with the transaction as put
in another shape different from either of these — the
Scots sold their sovereign to his enemies for a sum of
money, and gave it the name of arrears of pay. Had
they invited the king to trust himself in their hands,
they might have been chargeable with treachery; but
there is no good evidence that anything was done to
induce him to rely on them. On the face of the trans-
action there is no connection between the payment
and the surrender ; but the surrender was refused
before the payment was made, and it is very unlikely
that the Scots could have received their money if
they had not surrendered the king. All this is pretty
obvious and consistent with the conclusion already
referred to, that they held the king in pawn for their
claim. Then, apart from any question about trust,
had the king really fled from enemies to find refuge
with friends ? The Scots army were older and
steadier enemies than the English. It was in the
future, no doubt, that in England he was to be put
to death ; but the Scots had no more reason to expect
this of the English than to be themselves suspected of
such a design ; and it was not by the party to whom
THE ENGAGEMENT, 1648. 237
he was intrusted or " sold " by the Scots that he was
put to death, but by the enemies of that party. The
Scots had made up their mind to return home when
their arrears were paid. They could not keep the
king except by taking him with them into Scotland,
and such an act would have implied at once sus-
picion and hostility towards those who had been so
long their allies. The Scots showed in what they
afterwards attempted for him and for his son, that
had he agreed to their terms, and consented to be a
Presbyterian king over a Presbyterian people, they
would have fought for him instead of "selling" him.
But even this has been used to complete the picture
of meanness and treachery. It was Judas over again
— they sold their master, and then, overtaken by re-
morse, committed suicide at Preston and Worcester —
as if the passions which drive the individual man
to crime, followed by penitence, had any analogy
with the multiplied motives which influence com-
munities in their political action. This transac-
tion has been overladen by a heap of controversy.
This is unsupported by the apology that there are
mysteries to be solved, as in the dispute about the
guilt of Queen Mary and other like discussions.
The facts are few and simple, but they are of the
kind to stir political sympathies and antipathies, and
so to be dealt with as these may dictate. When
he left the Scots, accompanied by the Parliamentary
commissioners, he was still a king, though a king sur-
rounded by perils, as he would have been had he been
removed to Edinburgh. By one of these he was soon
overtaken, when Joyce with his troops seized him
on behalf of the army. All this is English history of
238 CHARLES I.
the most momentous and stirring kind, but it touches
ScotLand also. At Newport, in the Isle of Wight,
he did what, if he had done it at Newcastle, would
have carried him to Edinburgh in regal triumph. He
agreed to be the Covenanted monarch of a Presby-
terian people. Given at Newcastle, this assurance
would have been an open, substantial proclamation of
his royal policy, unless he might have said that it
was extorted by armed force. Done in secret during
furtive interviews, and far away from Scottish force
or influence, it was interpreted as an act of treach-
ery to the English Parliament and army, with which
he was in open treaty.
So necessary was it to keep the " Engagement " a
mystery, that the paper on which it was recorded was
absolutely hidden in a hole in the garden at Newport,
where, encased in lead to keep it from damage, it
was covered with earth. The commissioners feared
its discovery if in their custody, and therefore re-
turned with a verbal statement of the result of their
mission. The Committee of Estates took up the En-
gagement, and commissioned an army to aid the king
in return for his concessions. The party against the
Engagement was, however, powerfid — it included
Argyle. It was understood that this Engagement
would band the loyal Presbyterians of Scotland, the
old Parliamentary party in England, and the Cavaliers,
to strive in concert for the restoration of the sovereign
authority to be wielded over three Covenanted king-
doms. But the Church would not accept of so ques-
tionable an alliance. They felt that it would be an
intercommuning with prelatical Malignants, and not
only declined to accept of the Engagement, but ab-
BATTLE OF PRESTON, 1648. 239
jured it as a sin. Tlie Engagers undertook a mighty
project, destined, according to tlieir own expectations,
to revolutionise the whole tenor of the events passing
before their eyes. The end, however, was so futile,
that it is necessary to hurry past it as among the abor-
tive efforts for which history can ouly afford a casual
notice. An army was sent southwards with the
mighty design of an invasion of England. It was put
under the command of the Duke of Hamilton ; and
what he, or others responsible for its organisation, had
made of it, may be best told by his eulogist : " The
regiments were not full, many of them scarce exceeded
half their number, and not the fifth man could handle
pike or musket. The horse were the best mounted
ever Scotland set out, yet most of the troopers were
raw and undisciplined. They had no artillery — not
so much as one field-piece — very little ammunition,
and very few horse to carry it ; for want of which the
duke stayed often in the rear of the whole army till
the countrymen brought in horses, and then conveyed
it with his own guard of horse. Thus the precipi-
tation of affairs in England forced them on a march
before they were in any posture for it ; but now they
were engaged, and they must go forward." ^
This ill-found army wandered, rather than marched,
as far as Preston. There it was surprised by Crom-
well, and broken.^ A treaty, as advantageous as it
1 Burnet's Memoirs, 355.
^ So little is kuo\wi of the details of this affair and the part especially-
taken by Hamilton's force, that there may be some interest in the fuUow-
ino- narrative by Sir Marmaduke Langdale. It is the complaint of a
commander ill supported by his colleague, but there is enough in it to
show abundant mismanagement :—
" The same night certayne intelligence came that Lt.-Generall Crom-
well with all his forces was within 3 miles of my quarters, which I im-
240 CHARLES I.
could obtain, was its only alternative. The treaty of
Uttoxeter was signed on the 25th of August 1658. It
conditioned " that James, Duke of Hamilton, his grace,
with the rest of the officers and soldiers under his
mediately sent to the duke, and told it to my Lord Leviston to acquaint
Lt.-Generall Middleton therewith, and drew my forces together in a tield,
and so marched towards Preston betimes in the morning, where I found
the duke and Lord Calleuder with most part of tlie Scottish foot drawne
up. Their resolution was to march to Wiggan, giving little credit to the
intelligence that came the night before, but s\iffer their horse to continue
in their quarters 10 and 12 miles off.
" Within halfe an hower of our meeting, and by that time I was drawen
into the close neere Preston, the enemy appeared with a small body of
horse ; the Scotts continue their resolution for Wiggan, for which end
they drew their foote over the bridge. The enemy coming the same
way that I had marched, fell upon my quarter, where we continued
skirmishing six houres, in all which time the Scott sent me no relief :
they had very few horse come up, so as those tliey sent me at last were
but few, and were .soone beaten ; but if they had sent me 1000 foote to
have flanked the enemy, I doubt not the day had been ours. Yet I
kept my post, with various successe, many times gathering ground of the
enemy ; and as the Scots acknowledg, they never saw any foote light
better than mine did.
" The duke being incredulous that it was the whole army, sent Sir
Lewis Dives to me, to whom I answered that it was impossible any
forces that were inconsiderable would adventure to presse upon so great
an army as we had, therefore he might conclude it was all the power
they could make, and with which they were resolved to put all to the
hazard, therefore desired that I might be seconded, and have more power
and ammunition, I having spent nine barrels of powder.
" The Scots continue their march over the river, and did not secure a
lane near the bridge, whereby the Parliament forces came on my flanks;
neither did the forces that were left for my supply come to my relief,
but continued in the reare of mine, nor did they ever face the enemy, hut
in bringing up the reare.
" When most part of the Scots were drawn over the bridge, the Parlia-
ment forces pressed hard upon me in the van and flanks, and so drive
me into the towne, where the duke was in person, with some few horse;
but all being lost, retreated over a foord to his foote. After my forces
were beaten, the Parliament forces beat the Scots from the bridge pre-
sently, and so came over into all the lanes, that we could not joyne with
the foote, but were forced to Charlow, where we found Lt. -General
Middleton ready to advance towards Preston towards the foote, which
BATTLE OF PRESTON, 1648. 241
command, now at Uttoxcter, shall render themselves
up prisoners of war, with their horses, arms, and all
other provisions of war, bag and baggage." The offi-
cers and soldiers " shall have their lives and safety of
he did ; Ijut not finding them there, returned to Wiggan, where the
duke was with his foote (mine totally lost).
" There they tooke a resolution to go to my Lord Biron, for which end
they would march that night to Warrington. In their march the Parlia-
ment forces fell so fast npon their rear, that they could not reach War-
rington that night. And Lieutenant-Generall Middleton finding him-
self unable to withstand their forces, left the foote in Warrington to
make their own conditions.
" So as we marched towards Malpas, sixe of the Scottish lords in this
march left iis, whereof my Lord Traquaire was one. Most part sub-
mitted to the Sheriff of Shropshire, who sent two gentlemen of that
country to the duke to offer him the same quarter that the Earl of
Traquaire had. From Malpaa we marched to Drayton and so to Stone ;
in our march from thence to Uttoxeter, the Parliament forces fell upon
the reare, and took Lieutenant-Generall Middleton.
"At Utoxeter the next morning going to attend the duke for his
resolution, I found him extreame sick, not able to march. My Lord
Callender seemed to refuse all wayes of treaty, but rather to march
northward, where we had a considerable force, and the whole kingdome
of Scotland at our backs. Upon this we marched over the river toward
Ashburne. I had the van, and was marching ; presently my Lord of
Callender came to me, told me he would march with me, but that none
of his forces would, and that he had much ado to escape them ; that he
was come himseK alone, his horse pricked in the foote, and without a
cloake. I perswaded his lordship that it was better to return to his
forces, because I could not protect him ; and seeing the Scots had left
me, I was resolved to sever and shift every man for himselfe, but to
capitulate I could not with a safe conscience." — Tracts relating to the
Military Proceedings in Lancashire during the great CivU War, 268-70.
The following local account of the army's march, even if it be in
some measure exaggerated, shows us something much in contrast with
Leslie's orderly invasions : —
" In divers places some whole families have not left them wherewith
to subsist a day, but are glad to come hither for meer subsistance. They
have taken forth of divers families all, the very rackeu crocks and pot-
hooks ; they have driven away all the beasts, sheep, and horses, in divers
townships, all, without redemption, save some poor milche kine. They
tell the people they must have their houses too, and we verily believe it
must be so, because Duke Hamilton hath told them it should be so.
VOL. VII. Q
242 CHARLES I.
their persons assured to them, and shall not be pillaged
or stripped of their wearing clothes."'^
Though the Engagers had not sent into England the
thirty thousand men promised by them, the absence
of a third of that number, and of the officers command-
ing them, weakened the Engagement party. We have
seen that it was when Leslie's army went to England
to join the Parliamentary forces that Montrose was
able to strike a blow for the king. On this occasion
a like opportunity was taken from the opposite side,
with less immediate, but more permanent, success.
The opponents of the Engagement held from the begin-
ning that the Covenant was brought into it as a pre-
tence. They saw Hamilton's army and that of the
English Malignants or Cavaliers acting to a common
end, though carefully avoiding all visible tokens of
concert and co-operation. More thoroughly convinced.
Their usage of some women is extreamly abominable, and of men very
barberous, wberein we apprehend nevertheless something of God's
justice towards very many, who have abundantly desired and rejoyced
at their advance hither : old extream Cavaliers, whom they have most
oppressed in their acts of violence and plunder, to our great adndra-
tion.
"They raile without measure at our ministers, and threaten the destruc-
tion of so many as they can get. Many Cavaliers have sent into Furness
and Cartmel to Sir Thomas Tdsley for protections, but the Scots weigh
not their protections a rush, and Tilsley himself tells the Cavaliers he
can do them no good, but wishes them to use their best shifts in putting
their goods out of the way. They say they'll not leave the country
worth anything ; they make no account of Lambert, they say he is run
away. They are yet in quarters at Burton, Kirby, Whittington, &o.,
and the English at Encross and Furness. They have driven away above
COO cattle and 1500 sheep. They have given such earnest of their
conditions that the country have wholly driven away their cattel of
all sorts towards Yorkshire and the bottom of Lancashire ; forty great
droves at least are gone from us, and through this towne this day."
—Ibid., 254, 255.
' Burnet's Memoirs, 364.
THE WHIGAMORES, 1648. 243
or professing to be so, every day, that Hamilton and
his followers had deserted the Covenant and the na-
tional cause for the sake of helping the king to return
unconditionally to his throne, the minority in the
Estates used all their feudal and popular influence to
gather a force. Argyle was to bring his whole following
of western Highlanders. The clergy of the west were
to a man bitterly against the Engagement, and they
were all hard at work rousing the faithful.
It is at this period that we find for the first time in
the south-Avest of Scotland a zeal for the Covenant
heating by degrees, until it at last outflamed the zeal
of the east, where the Covenant had its cradle. At
Mauehline, in Ap'shire, a large body of men assembled
under the auspices of Lord Egiinton, a zealous Cove-
nanting potentate. They formed themselves into a
military party, and marched in the direction of Edin-
burgh, gathering as they went. Their feat was called
"the Whigamores' Raid;" and this is the first use
appearing in history of a word which, in its abbrevi-
ated form of " Whig," was destined to political ser-
vice too well known to need a word of explanation.^
Leslie undertook to gather into a compact army the
heterogeneous forces thus assembling from different
quarters, and it seemed as if there were to be a new
civil war in Scotland. The only considerable inci-
^ They are called Whigamores by Sir James Balfour, a contemporary.
Burnet, who was then five years old, afterwards used the term in his
' Memoirs of the House of Hamilton,' and also in his ' History of his own
Times ' where he offers this etymological explanation of it : " The south-
west counties of Scotland have seldom corn enough to serve them
throughout the year, and the northern party producing more than they
need those in the west come in the summer to buy at Leith the storse
that come from the north ; and from a word ' whiggam,' used in driv-
ing their horses, all that drove were called the ' whiggamors,' and
244 CHARLES I.
dent of war, however, was that when Argyle with his
HighLanders attempted to take Stirling Castle, they
were assailed and severely handled by Sir George
Monro, who had bronght over a division of Hamil-
ton's army left near the Border when the body of the
army had advanced on Preston.
Argyle and his party, however, found a way to
make their predominance secure. They came to terms
with the victorious Cromwell, who agreed to join them
in Scotland. The fragments of Hamilton's beaten
army, when assembled in Scotland, were insufficient
to cope with the new power. The Committee of
Estates retired, or, as some expressed it, fled. A
group of leaders, with Argyle at their head, formed
a government, and took to themselves the name of
the " Committee of Estates."
The road to Scotland being oj)ened by the destruc-
tion of Hamilton's army, Cromwell marched to Edin-
burgh. He laid before the Committee of Estates,
according to his peculiar rhetoric, divers " considera-
tions," like the preambles of Acts of Parliament — as,
in reference to the army which he had broken : " Con-
sidering that divers of that army are retired into
Scotland, and some of the heads of those Malignants
were raising new forces in Scotland to carry on the
shorter the ' whiggs.' Now in that year, after the news came down of
Duke Hamilton's defeat, the ministers animated their people to rise and
march to Edinburgh ; and they came up, marching at the head of their
parishes, with an imheard-of fury, praying and preaching all the way as
tliey came. The Marquis of Argyle and his party came and headed
them, they being about six. thousand. This was called the Whiggamors'
inroad ; and ever after tliat, those who opposed tlie cause came in con-
tempt to be called ' Wliiggs ;' and from Scotland the word was brought
into England, where it is now one of our unhappy terms of distinction."
— Summary of Affairs.
ACT OF CLASSES, 1649. 245
same design, and that they will certainly be able to
do the like upon all occasions of advantage ; " there-
fore he demanded assurance, in name of the kingdom
of Scotland, that no person accessary to the Engage-
ment, which was followed by the invasion, " be em-
•ployed in any public place or trust whatsoever." Of
course there was no alternative but to concede these
terms. In fact they were what the Government of
Scotland vehemently desired ; but that they were
pressed by Cromwell made it all the more likely that
they would be put in full force. Oa the other hand, he
did his new allies the compliment of taking or renew-
ing the Covenant along with them. He was feasted
with great pomp in " the High Parliament House." ^
Argyle and he had much opportunity of conference ;
and the Cavaliers even suspected that the tragic
drama to be presently enacted, with much more
dark work, was then concerted between these subtle
spirits.
The Estates assembled in the beginning of January
1649. The predominant party were able carefully
to weed the new Parliament of the Engagement ele-
ment. Their chief business was to give full effect to
the bargain with Cromwell, by excluding from public
office all who had been concerned in the Engage-
ment. Two statutes, one of them known in history
as the " Act of Classes," confirmed this disqualification,
and at the same time reversed much of the business
transacted by recent Parliaments and by the Commit-
tee of Estates.
Four " classes" of men are defined according to their
conduct as disqualified from sitting in Parliament or
^ Carlyle's Cromwell, ii. 223 el seq.
246 CHARLES I.
holding any public office for a period measured by
their iniquities. They include all Malignants or
enemies of the Covenant, and all those who j)roved
themselves its false friends by either furthering or
assenting to the Engagement. The fourth class was
of a general and comprehensive character, including
all men " given to uncleanness, bribery, swearing,
drunkenness, or deceiving, or are otherwise openly
profane and grossly scandalous in their conversation,
and who neglect the worship of God in their families."
Had these Acts been passed in the General Assem-
bly instead of the Estates, they could not have done
more to throw the country into the hands of the
clergy. One of the grounds of criminality in those
who went with the Engagement was, that the General
Assembly had issued a declaration maintaining " the
unlawfulness of the said Engagement," and " denounc-
ing God's judgment against it," which denunciation
" was seconded so speedily and immediately by God's
own hand " in the defeat of the Scots army. Then the
restoration of those belonging to " the classes," after
their period of probation, was to be contingent on their
giving satisfaction to the judicatories of the Kirk.^
It is not wonderful that at this time we hear of
statesmen sitting for lengthened periods on the stool
of repentance, and parish ministers re-enacting the
part of Hildebrand with the emperor.^
' " Act repealing all Acts of Parliament or Committee made for the
late unlawful Engagement, and ratifying the protestation and opposition
against the same" (Acts, vi. 341) ; and " The Act of Classes for purging
the judicatories and other places of public trust " (ibid., 352).
' " To remember how with abundance of tears the Lord Chancellor
[Loudon] made his repentance in the East Church of Edinburgh, declar-
ing so much of his former honest dealing with the people as he well
ACT OF CLASSES, 1 649. 247
These Acts are long discursive papers, unlike the
general substance of the Scottish statute-book, and
bearing more resemblance to the work of the ecclesi-
astical than of the civil power. Through all the wild
work of the period, the utterances of the Legislature
and the supreme tribunals generally preserve a grave
decorum ; but these Acts are full of vehement raving.
They are a testimony as well as a law, and a song of
triumph over a beaten enemy infused through both ;
in this capacity they refer to the defeat of a Scots
knew every one understood ; and this was done to please some of the
leading ministers, who were now leading this penitent in triumph, and
causing him sing peccavi to blear the eyes of the commons." — Balfour, iii.
395. So far the Lord Lyon. A stranger who had opportunities for
noticing affairs in Scotland a few months later, tells how several of the
more eminent of the Engagers " went from Court, and have by their
several ways endeavoured to be reconciled to the Kirk and State, and
have had their various success; for Duke Hamilton, notwithstanding any
submission he could make, was not permitted to stay above fourteen
days at his own house, but was forced to retreat into the Isle of Arran.
The Earl of Lauderdale had the favour to stay at home, but not to come
to Court. The Earl of Dunfermline was at first admitted to stay at
home, then to give satisfaction for being in the late wicked and unlaw-
ful Engagement, as they call it, sitting in his own seat in Dunfermline,
and not in sackcloth on the stool of repentance at Edinburgh, as did the
Earl of Crawford Lyndsay at the same time — but the reason is appar-
ent, the one being Argyle's creature, the other Hamilton's brother-in-
law ; and, lastly, to be permitted to come to Court and to wait gentle-
man of the bedchaml-ier. What became of the Earl of Carnwath j'ou
shall hear shortly. The Earl of Brainford [?] returned to his friends;
and after going to Edinbui-gh and desiring to be reconciled to the Kirk,
he waited five days before he could deliver his petition. At length he
wave it to one of those high priests, by whom it was carried in, and
beinc read, after much scof&ng at his titles, answer was returned him,
that as he behaved himself they would in time take his desires into con-
sideration."— Sir Edward Walker's Joiirnal, 159. What happened to
Carnwath was, that being driven from the presence of Charles II. when
in Scotland by Mr Wood, a minister, one of the commissioners to the
Hague, " and coming to him, said, ' God, I hope, will forgive me ; will
not you ? ' But ]Mr Wood turned from him in disdain, giving him never
a word."— Ibid., 161.
248 CHARLES I.
by an English army as something like a special
mercy. -^
These Acts were probably prepared by Warriston,
who, by his ascetic life, his pious conversation, and
his untiring zeal in ecclesiastical work, proved himself
to be one of the few laymen of that period to whom
the Covenant was more than a mere political power.
We know that he made a notable speech on the
occasion, and the Act itself was probably modelled on
what he said.^
This aifair of the Engagement and the Act of
Classes might afford some curious matter to any in-
quirer not under an obligation to measure the par-
ticularity of detail with the ultimate importance of
events. Contemporary literature and correspondence
would make this stage in the current of events seem
as important as the promulgation of the Covenant or
the march of Leslie's army into England. It seemed
as if the great cause, which appeared to falter, had
1 Among the iniquities of the Engagers are, that they "led out a
forced multitude to slaughter or slavery with so great reproach and dis-
gTace to the nation, and occasioned a powerful army to enter the howels
of this kingdom in pursuit of their enemies who had invaded England,
to the great endangerment of this kingdom, and so laying the land open,
and making it liable to the guilt and misery of an unjust and offensive
war, drawing down God's judgments, and exposing us and our posterity
to invasion from ovir neighbour kingdom, if God in His providence had
not remedied the same." Farther, the protestations of the clergy were
confirmed " by God's O'viTi hand," " in the defeat of that army and their
overthrow in England with their associates in England."
^ " This day the Marquis of Argyle had a very long speech, consisting
of five heads, which he called the breaking of the Malignants' teeth, and
he who came after him (Warriston, viz.) would break their jaws."
" Warriston, the king's advocate, after the Marquis of Argyle had
ended, read a speech two hours in length off his paper, being an ex-
planation of Argyle's five heads of teeth, as he named them, with the
answering of such objects he thought the prime Engagers would make
in their own defence." — Balfour, iii. 377.
EXECUTION OF CHARLES I., 1649. 249
renewed its strength. The Lord was showing again
the face which He had withdrawn ; the enemy was
conquered, and the work of bringing the three king-
doms to Covenanted reformation was to revive and go
on to its triumphant end. There seems to have been
among the zealots who had got possession of the
Estates an utter unconsciousness that a power was
arising destined to overwhelm them and their policy.
While Warriston was proclaiming the triumph of his
party and the reign of righteousness, the High Court
of Justice was beginning its work in Westminster
Hall. On the 30th of January 1649, King Charles I.
was beheaded. With the High Court of Justice by
which he was tried and condemned Scotland had
no concern. On England lay the responsibility of the
act, and with those who write the history of the
England of that day lies the responsibility of passing
historical judgment on it. It must suffice on the pre-
sent occasion to note some points of difference between
political conditions in England and in Scotland in-
tiuencing the effect which the event had on public
feeling in Scotland.
In Scotland there was no republican party. The
opponents of the king only desired to bring him to
reason. They would not have put him to death, nor
would they approve of the act. It was perhaps, how-
ever, hardly to them that deed of awful sacrilege which
it was in the eyes of the English Eoyalists. It seems
on the whole, indeed, to have been considered an event
rather fortunate in itself, that the regicides of England
should have disposed of a king so obstinate and so
tricky, making way for an unsophisticated youth who
might be trained in the right path. It was perhaps
250 CHARLES I.
the way in wliich God thouglit fit to further the cause
of the Covenant and of righteousness, that the stum-
bling-block should be removed by the hands of these
English sectaries and latitudinarians. They them-
selves were all for the monarchy — the old Scots
monarchy which had existed for more than a thousand
years. But they had no favour for this particular
monarch ; and without calling him a saint and martyr,
or announcing that his fate had stricken many of his
faithful people with death or insanity, they accepted
of his son as the legitimate successor to the crown of
Eobert Bruce.
Distance from the scene of the tragedy concurred,
with other incidental matters, to render the excitement
naturally accompanying such an event less powerful
in Scotland than in England. But there was another
emphatic difference between the two countries. To
the actors on the public stage in Scotland the long
contest had been on purely public grounds, religious
or political. It had not become, as in England, a per-
sonal struggle for life or death. In estimating the
motives of those chiefly concerned in the event, this
should ever be remembered. The long dangerous
game of fast-and-loose that had been played with
those who, from the opening of the Long Parliament,
had been in one shape or other at enmity Avith the
Court, convinced them that no treaty or other adjust-
ment or promise would make their lives secure while
the king lived. In Scotland, on the other hand, the
party opposed to him — it might be more correct to
say the party ojDposed to his government — had all
along a preponderance so overwhelming that the
leaders of it had nothing personally to fear. There
PROCLAMATION OF CHARLES IL, 1649. 25 1
are many testimonies to this, but one is conclusive,
that while the balance was vibrating between the two
sides in England, the Scots lent their army to their
friends of the Parliamentary party ; and it was only
while this army was absent on duty elsewhere that
the Cavalier party were able to take the field.
On the 5th of February, immediately after the
ncAvs of the execution had reached Edinburgh, Charles
II. was solemnly proclaimed at the cross as " King
of Great Britain, France, and Ireland." ^ As we
shall presently see, however, he was not permitted
to enter on duty until he became an assured Cove-
nanter.
1 Balfour, iii. 383.
CHAPTER LXXV.
EXECUTION OF HAMILTON AND HUNTLY — MONTROSE's PROJECT IN
THE HIGHLANDS — ITS FAILURE HIS CAPTURE AND EXECUTION
THE COMMISSIONERS WITH CHARLES II. IN HOLLAND — NE-
GOTIATIONS FOR THE COVENANT IN SCOTLAND CROMWELL'S
INVASION KING CHARLES AND THE COVENANTERS THE COM-
PULSORY TESTS — BECOMES A COVENANTED KING CROMWELL
AND LESLIE THE BATTLE OF DUNBAR — ITS CONCLUSIVE IN-
FLUENCE CROMWELL AND THE COVENANTING PARTY THE
START THE CORONATION THE MARCH INTO ENGLAND THE
BATTLE OF WORCESTER TAKING OF THE SCOTS FORTRESSES —
FATE OF DUNDEE — MONK — ORGANISATION OF GOVERNMENT IN
SCOTLAND COURTS OF LAW — CLOSING OF THE GENERAL AS-
SEMBLY INCORPORATING UNION NAVIGATION LAWS AND FREE-
TRADE — ABOLITION OF THE FEUDAL SYSTEM REPORT ON THE
SHIPPING AND REVENUE OF SCOTLAND — GLENCAIRN's EXPEDI-
TION— CONCLUSION OF THE PROTECTORATE.
The king's execution was followed by another nearly
as important to Scotland. The Duke of Hamilton
was arraigned before the same High Court of Justice
which had just dealt with the king. His character and
the motives of his actions were throughout involved in
a strange mystery ; and it seemed to be the fate of his
house ever to be an enigma, whether from the actual
character of the men themselves, or the suspicions
EXECUTION OF HAMILTON, 1649. 253
which the world naturally held about the motives of
those who were by pedigree so peculiarly situated.^
It is an incident which scarcely connects itself with
wider historical events, that he was for some time
under such suspicion at Court, that he was detained
in one prison after another, until in 1646, after nearly
two years of such detention, he was released from St
Michael's Mount, in Cornwall, when it was taken by
the Parliamentary army. His arraignment was for
the invasion ending in the treaty of Uttoxeter. The
indictment furnishes a touch of curious pedantry in
calling him by no other name than Earl of Cambridge
— an English title conferred on him when he was raised
in 1643 from a marquisate to a dukedom. The charge
against the Earl of Cambridge was, that he had traitor-
ously invaded England in hostile manner, " and levied
war to assist the king against the kingdom and people
of England ; and had committed sundry murders, out-
rages, rapines, wastes, and spoils upon the said people."
He pleaded that he had acted by command of the
supreme authority of his own country, Scotland — an
independent kingdom. Further, that he was born
before the union of the crowns, and as he had not the
privileges, so he had not the responsibilities, of an
English subject. Being thus a foreign invader, he
had capitulated according to the usages of war between
enemies, and had been accepted to quarter. He there-
fore held that every English tribunal was bound by
the articles of the treaty of Uttoxeter, which promised
safety to his life. There was much arguing on these
pleas, which of course came to nothing. It may be
noted, that had his trial been in Scotland, he would,
' See above, chap. Ixx.
254 COMMONWEALTH.
according to usage, have probably pleaded that he
was acting for the king. But to plead such authority
before the tribunal which had just put that king
to death, would have been a stretch even on the
habitual use to which his enemies applied the sanc-
tion of his name. Hamilton was executed on the
9th of March 1649, meeting his fate with heroic
calmness.^
A third death, which at other times would have held
a conspicuous place among events in Scotland, comes,
like Hamilton's, as a mere secondary incident, over-
shadowed by the great tragedy of the day. The Com-
mittee of Estates had got possession of their steady
and long-sought enemy Huntly early in March of
1647. Just a week after the execution of Hamilton —
on the 16th of March 1649 — he was brought to trial.
Nothing could be more easily proved tha.n his " trea-
son " before those who counted war in the king's name
against the Covenant to be treason, and he was be-
headed on the 22d. Had the Committee of Estates
thirsted for the king's blood, the death of his cham-
pion would have been the natural result of an excite-
ment born of sanguinary sympathies. Professing, as
they did, to hold the king's execution as a crime, one
would have naturally expected that the event would
give a pause to their hostile vehemence ; but they
were not to be influenced by sympathies or shadows,
and would do their own work, whatever the rest of
the world might be about.
To the modified character of the grief and resent-
ment bestowed by the Scots on the fate of the king,
there was at least one exception. Since the time
1 State Trials, iv. 1155.
CAPTURE AND EXECUTION OF MONTROSE, 1649. 255
when Montrose sliowed in his brilliant little campaign
how much he could accomplish with small means, his
ardour had been cherished in the sunshine of the
Court. He was urged by the young prince, in no
generous or even upright spirit, as we shall find, to
strike for the cause of royalty. But his acts were less
those of a man struggling for a living cause with
means offering probable success, than the desperate
efforts of one stricken with grief and rage. As he
proclaimed in some passionate verses written for the
occasion, he went as the avenger of wrong and the
champion of the fame of the illustrious victim. He
followed the old impulse of chivalry in so far as it
disdained any estimate of the capacity to accomplish
a design, but rushed to the hopeless charge as a type
of the champion's courage and devotion. There was
something in the invasion of Scotland now undertaken
by him so wild and unpractical, that in its utter desti-
tution of prudent selfishness it did something to wipe
away whatever stains of cruelty or treachery have
tended to blot his name. His proj ect was inaugurated by
much fussy diplomacy, professing to discuss the great
assistance in men, money, and arms to be provided by
foreign powers. It is said that the bulk of the foreign
troops put at his command were lost by shipwreck.
However it might be, the end of the vast announce-
ments of preparation was, that he reached Orkney
with some seven hundred men, chiefly from Holstein
and Hamburg, and fifteen hundred stand of arms
given him by the Queen of Sweden. He was not
likely to find among the Orcadians much indignation
about the fate of a King in London, or even to find
many who had ever heard of it. What recruits,
256 COi\niONWEALTH.
therefore, he obtained among them were probably
pressed in to serve by the foreigners.
Thus slenderly attended, he passed to the mainland.
If, as some unwise people told him, he would find the
north all in a ferment and eager to rush to his stand-
ard, he was cruelly disappointed. An overwhelming
foi'ce was sent against him under Leslie. Had the
two forces met, there had been no material for a battle ;
but it happened that the little band under Montrose
only encountered a small detachment under Strachan.
The place where they met was Invercharron, on the
northern border of Ross-shire, to the westward of the
present railway-station of Bonar Bridge. Montrose
seems to have had the larger force of the two ; but it
was incongruously made up of foreigners, undrilled
Orcadians, and just a sprinkling of gentlemen Cava-
liers trained in the civil wars. He tried to gain a pass,
where he might have held out until the main body of
his enemies arrived, but his party was broken and dis-
persed before he reached it. He escaped in the con-
fusion, and, turning northwards, swam the Kyle, an
estuary separating Ross from Sutherland, and wandered
up Strath Oikil into the higher mountain-ranges of
the west. He was accompanied by Lord Kinnoul,
and both were disguised as inhabitants of the country.
They suffered from hunger and from cold, for April
was not yet over ; and as Kinnoul never reappeared,
he no doubt died of his miseries. Montrose himself
was taken by Macleod of Assynt, at the head of a
party in search of him.
He Avas removed to Edinburgh, where of course he
had to expect no mercy. It is between those who
remain true to a cause and those who break from it
EXECUTION OF MONTROSE, 1650. 257
tliat political hatred finds growth for its direst strength.
The more thorough the refugee's belief in the honesty
of his motives, the deeper is his enmity against his old
companions. They and their cause have bitterly de-
ceived him. He joined it, believing that it would
work to certain good results beloved of his own heart ;
but he has found that he was wrong in that belief,
and the guilt all lies on those whom he has cast off.
They in their turn give hate for hate. The deserter,
traitor, renegade, apostate, or whatever other name he
may be called by, has no claim to the courtesies due
to the consistent and natural enemy. To Huntly,
Haddo, Airlie, and their kind. Papists and Prelatists,
something was due that could not be granted to him
who had stood foremost for the Covenant, and had
banded a horde of cut-throat savages against the Cove-
nanters. He might plead conscientious conviction ;
he might say he went with his friends of the Cove-
nant until he found them choosing devious courses,
— still he was the man who had appeared foremost
among the children of God, and was now serving
under his true master the devil.
In the natural course of political cause and effect,
death was his portion ; and it is an idle waste of words
to reproach those who, in fulfilling that fate, could
not only justify themselves, but plead the command
of political duty. It is likely enough that the tragedy
was not performed in good taste, and that ribaldries
and humiliations unsuited to so solemn an occasion
were heaped upon the victim. But these are accusa-
tions about which, as about floating scandals, it is well
not to indulge in much comment and discussion. To
cast humiliation on the fallen enemy was an ungrace-
VOL. VII. E
258 COMMONWEALTH.
ful habit of the day in which the Covenanters took
their Ml share. But to exaggerate, and sometimes to
invent, stories of such humiliations, was another prac-
tice of the age, and it is sometimes well to leave the
one to neutralise the other.
We have official acknowledgment of another and
more solemn kind of persecution inflicted by those
who believed themselves to be engaged in a work of
love and duty. Thus it is recorded how " the com-
mission of the General Assembly doth appoint Messrs
David Dickson, James Durham, James Guthry, Eobert
Trail, Hugh Mackail, to attend upon James Graham
when he is entered in ward and upon the scaffold, and
deal with him to bring him to repentance, with power
to them to release him from excommunication if so be
he shall subscribe the declaration condescended upon
by the commission, containing an acknowledgment of
his heinous and gross offences, — otherwise that they
should not relax him." ^ The inquisitive "Wodrow
got from one who was present during the infliction
so decreed a few notes of what ]3assed. Among the
heads of admonition and remonstrance were : " Some-
what of his natural temper, which was aspiring and
lofty;" "his personal vices, which were too notorious;"
" his taking Irish and Popish rebels and cut-throats by
the hand, to make use of against his own country-
men." He did not give these divines satisfaction,
and they pronounced their j udgment through Guthrie,
who said : "As we were appointed by the commission
of the General Assembly to confer with you, and
bring you, if it could be attained, to some sense of
your guilt, so we had, if we had found you penitent,
^ Record cited, Napier's Life and Times, 482.
EXECUTION OF MONTROSE, 1650. 259
power from the said commission to relax you from
the excommunication under 'whicli you lie. But now,
since we find it far otherwise with you, and that you
maintain your former course, and all things for which
that sentence is passed upon you, we must with sad
hearts leave you under the same until the judgment
of the great God, under the fearful impression of that
which is bound on earth God will bind in heaven." ^
Notorious as the actions for which he was to suffer
were, they had to be dealt with in form of law by the
civil tribunal. In ordinary circumstances there would
have been an indictment with a circumstantial history
of the several acts of war, treason, and slaughter ; and
evidence would have been extracted at length to
prove that the things had been done, and to identify
" the said James Graham " as a person concerned in
the doing of them. But this pedantry was obviated
by another and a shorter. He had already been in-
dicted to stand trial before the Estates for his achieve-
ments in 1645. He had not appeared at the bar,
and was accordingly outlawed and forfeited. This,
unless the Estates chose to withdraw the forfeiture,
left nothing to be done but the adjustment of the
sentence. It saves the necessity of narrating the
method of his execution, to give it in the words of an
"Act ordaining James Graham to be brought from the
Watergate on a cart bareheaded, the hangman in his
livery covered, riding on the horse that draws the
cart — the prisoner to be bound to the cart with a
rope — to the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, and from thence
' Wodrow Analecta, i. 162. Both Guthrie, who pronounced the sen-
tence, and his companion Mackail, had afterwards to appear as martyrs
on the other side.
26o COMMONWEALTH.
to be brought to tbe Parliament House, and there, in
the place of delinquents, on his knees, to receive his
sentence — viz., to be hanged on a gibbet at the cross
of Edinburgh, with his book and declaration tied in a
rope about his neck, and there to hang for the space
of three hours until he be dead ; and thereafter to be
cut down by the hangman, his head, hands, and legs
to be cut off and distributed as follows — viz., his
head to be affixed on an iron pin, and set on the pin-
nacle of the west gavel of the new prison of Edin-
burgh ; one hand to be set on the port of Perth, the
other on the port of Stirling ; one leg and foot on
the port of Aberdeen, the other on the port of Glas-
gow. If he was at his death penitent and relaxed
from excommunication, then the trunk of his body to
be interred by pioneers in the Greyfriars', otherwise
to be interred in the Burrow Muir by the hangman's
men under the gallows." ^ He was not relaxed from
excommunication. The sentence was executed on the
25th of May in the High Street of Edinburgh.^
^ Balfour's Annals, Works, iv. 12. The book to be tied by a rope about
his neck was the history of liis triumphs, by his chaplain. Bishop
Wishart, published in 1648 in Paris : ' De Rebus, auspiciis Caroli Dei
gratia ^IaL;na! Britannia Kegis, sub imperio illustrissimi Jacobi Moutis-
rosarum ^larchionis Commentarius.'
- To know that there is an account of the last scene from the pen of
Argyle himself may excite a curiosity scarcely to be justified by its
perusal. It is written on the very day to his nephew, afterwards his
son-in-law, Lord Lothian. The event chiefly engrossing his attention is
the birth of a daughter, and he is weary with watching during the
critical period. Then he notes how her " birthday is remarkable in the
tragic end of James Graham at the cross " : " He got some resolution
after he came here how to go out of this world ; but nothing at all how
to enter into another, not so much as once humbling himself to pray at
all upon the scaffold, nor saying anytliing on it that he had not repeated
many times before when the ministers were with him. For what may
concern the public I leave it to the public papers and Mr James Dai-
ry mple's relation." — Note to Kirkton's History, 124; Lothian Papers.
TREATY WITH CHARLES II., 1650. 261
Ou the 17tli of March certain commissioners had
sailed from Kirkcaldy to confer with the young king
in Holland. There was one peer, Lord Cassilis, who
^vith the Laird of Brodie, Provost Jaffery of Aberdeen,
and the provost of the small burgh of Irvine, in A}-r-
shire, represented the Estates. The Church was re-
presented by Eobert Baillie, another minister, and
a ruling elder. This deputation was not affluently
adorned by rank and station, and perhaps rather too
closely represented the position of the ruling power.
But they were high in confidence and singleness of
purpose. The Government represented by them had
been signally purified, and it was no matter that the
purification had cut off some two-thirds of its rank,
talent, and territorial influence, with a large share of
its fighting power. So they went to the Hague with
a " readiness to espouse the king's cause, if he first
will espouse God's cause." ^ This, put more specifi-
cally, meant that he should take the Covenant with
its companion testimonies, engage to do his utmost
to enforce the whole Covenanting system over Eng-
land and Ireland, and join in denouncing the Engage-
ment.
A miscellaneous body of sympathisers and sup-
porters naturally crowded about the young prince —
Cavaliers from England and Scotland, with a few of
those fresh outcasts the Engagers. For rank and
title they were a brilliant court, yet the humble group
who came from Scotland were the only men among
them who represented any established government.
These began their mission somewhat skilfully in a
speech by the accomplished Baillie, containing matter
^ Biiillie's Letters, iii. 75.
262 COMMONWEALTH.
that must liavc been accc.ptaWo. " Wo do dcclan;,"
lie said, " wliat in our own brcant often we have felt,
and generally in tlie people among whom we live
have seen witli our eyes, ane mournl'ul sorrow for that
cxeci'aljlc and tragie j)aJTicide, winch, tliough all men
on earth should jiass over un(|uesti()ried, yet wo
nothing doubt but tiic great Judge of the world will
arise and plead against every one, of what condition
soever, who have been either authors or actors, or
cons( inters or approvers, of that hardly expressible
crime, which stamps and stigmatises with a new and
before unseen chara,cter of infamy tlie face of the
whole generation of sectaries and their adherents
from whose hearts and hands that vilest villany did
proceed." ^
Avoiding disa,grceable3 at this first interview, they
left with liim a letter from the commission of
Ass(!mbly which might gra,dually and gently unfold
their ultimate objects, and delivercsd to him the raw
matei-ial of future discussion — " the National Covenant,
the Solemn I^eaguc and (Jovcrijint, the Directory, the
Confession of 1^'aith, the Catechise, the Proitositions
of Government, bound together in a book so handsome
as we could get thcm."^
The assassination of Dorislaus, and the dark suspi-
cions thrown by it on those who were deep in the
confidence of the prince, disj)erscd tlie little court at
the Hague. After an interval of restlessness it settled
down at Bnjda, where he was again in a position to
hear terms by the Government of Scotland. Their
propositions were as distinct and absolute as ever.
Diplomacy, in the usual acceptation of the tci-m, there
1 JiaiUic'H LcjUom, ill. 85. ' Ibid., 87.
CHARLES II. IN SCOTLAND, 1650. 263
was none — whatever tlie king miglit say, the ultimate
answer resolved itself into yea or nay. With a sort of
cheerful carelessness he adopted the affirmative. To
every proposition setting down in the hardest and
least ambiguous words their rigid terms, there was
set down, " His majesty doth consent to this whole
proposition in ter minis." '^ He was at the same time
hounding ^Montrose out on his expedition, and telling
him not to believe a word of any rumour that he was
to accept of the Covenant. His iustruction was : " AYe
require and authorise you to proceed vigorously in
your undertakino', and to act in all thino-s in order to
it as you shall judge most necessary for the support
thereof and for our service in that way."" There was
such a banishment of all deliberation, such a prompt
recklessness in this double-dealing, that it partook of
the nature of a capricious escapade when compared
with the solemn duplicit)- of his father.
Escaping some danger from the cruisers of the
Eepublic, the prince arrived at the mouth of the Spoy
on the 3d of July. Before he was permitted to
land, we are told that " his majesty signed both the
Covenants, Xational and Solemn, and had notable
sermons and exhortations made unto him by the
ministers to persevere therein."^ He found protection
in Huntly's Castle of Gight, where, although its
master had just been put to death, there was a
garrison. He went on by Aberdeen to the Earl
Marischal's fortress at Dunnottar, and so by Dundee
and St Andrews to Falkland Palace. Due investiga-
tion having been made into the character of a gToup
' Thnrloe's State Papers, L 147. " Clarendon's State Papers.
3 Sir Edward Walker's Journal, 159.
264 COMMONWEALTH.
of courtiers who attended the prince, it was discovered
with alarm that they consisted of English Malignants,
and of Scots who were either JMalignants or Engagers.
They were all dispersed with the exception of a small
select group. Among these was Buckingham — a
singular exception to the general disqualiiication,
suggesting that he had successfully tried his powers
of mimicry, and passed himself oif as a child of
grace.
This royal progress, sordid and unhopeful tliough it
might be, was sufficient to alarm the Council of State
at AVhitehall, and it was determined to send a force
under Cromwell to stop it. On the 16th of July he
crossed the Tweed with an army of sixteen thousand
men, trained veterans, and strong in artillery and
cavalry. Cromwell was fresh from his bloody career
in Ireland. We now know that he would not have
dealt with the Lowland Scots as with the Celts — the
etiquette of war forbade it. But the fame of the acts
he had committed naturally spread terror among the
peasantry not fully instructed in the exclusion of a
population like the Irish from the courtesies of war.
The general alarm joining with a spirit of loyalty,
and a strong antipathy to the " sectaries," j)roduced
perhaps the oddest effect ever occasioned by conditions
of danger. A large body had flocked, as of old, to the
national standard. Among these it was discovered by
the predominant party that there were many Malig-
nants and other persons excluded by the Act of
Classes. They must be rid of these if their enterprise
was not to be fundamentally cursed. Thus they
drove away, as an astonished looker-on tells us, four
thousand men, and these, as old experienced soldiers.
Cromwell's invasion, 1650. 265
the best in their army.^ After this purification they
experienced such relief and self-reliance as a man
heretofore in evil health may feel when his constitu-
tion has proved sound enough to discard some depress-
ing morbid symptom. Some territorial potentates
offered to bring forth their followers as independent
auxiliaries, but as they belonged to the excluded
classes their co-operation was sternly abjured. An-
other element of danger, too, must be removed, for the
absolute purification of that host — the young man
Charles Stewart. True, they had engaged with him
to be their Covenanted kins;, and it mig-ht be said that
they were going to fight for his cause. But a heavy
burden lay upon his race in the sins of his father and
the idolatry of his mother. For himself, he had not
yet been tried. It might be that he was to become
the king who would rule over them. But in the mean
time, when God was to decide between them and the
sectaries, it was not safe to retain such a possible
cause of wrath in their camp, and he was compelled
to retire.
Old Leven was commander of the army, but so far
as the arm of the flesh was entitled to reliance it was
on his nephew David. The strategy adopted was to
make the Border districts a desert, as in the old wars
with England ; and the terror following Cromwell's
Irish war made it easy to get the people to co-operate
in such a policy. It was easy to persuade all of them
who were sound Covenanters that there could be no
madness or villany of which the army " of sectaries
and blasphemers" was incapable ; and those of the
Borderers who were Cavaliers and Royalists would
1 Walker, 165.
266 COMMONWEALTH.
scarcely welcome the invaders. It was to no purpose
tliat the general issued a proclamation " to all that
are saints and partakers of the faith of God's elect
in Scotland "■ — this would only pass for blasphemous
mockery in those that were coming to strike the real
saints with the edge of the sword. The Scots might
have easily fortified Cockburnspath and the other deep
gorges running from the Lammermuir Hills to the
sea, but Cromwell was too prompt for them. Never
in any of the invasions of Scotland was this strong
position held — a position about which Cromwell him-
self expressively, though not in very good English,
said, " Ten men to hinder is better than forty to
make." It afforded this advantage, that an army
crossing the flat elevated plain through which these
gorges cut, Avould, if they were held by ever so small
a force, have to make a flank-march over a tract of
hill and moorland where there were no roads. For
the first time we hear, after Cromwell had passed them,
of these points of defence being guarded, and it was
for the purpose, rendered unnecessary, of intercepting
his retreat back to England.
Of the two armies thus drawing to a conclusion
with each other, the one did not entirely consist of Eng-
lishmen or the other of Scotsmen; but the spirit of
England and Scotland were severally represented in
them. In both there was much of what might be
called piety, zeal, or fanaticism, according to the hu-
mour of the person criticising ; and some maintained
that in both there was a strong leaven of hypocrisy.
The seriously religious, both in England and Scotland,
were broken up into various groujjs, with elements of
difference great or small. But the effect of this diver-
Cromwell's invasion, 1650. 267
gence was curiously different in the two countries. In
Scotland one party was strong enough to stand aloof,
taking all the power of Church, State, and army into
its hands, and driving forth all who would not accept
its articles of faith and Church o-overnmeut to the
utmost. In Euo-land, on the other hand, the " bound-
less toleration" ao;ainst which the Scots railed so
vehemently, united all together in one compact mass
for civil and military purposes.
The contest that was becoming inevitable was
eminently critical. Had the issue of the battle been
reversed, the change on the face of history is not
exactly to be defined ; but that it would have been a
great change is beyond a doubt. It was a crisis on
which mighty interests centred. Two generals who
had never been beaten were to face each other, and
the character of invincibility was inevitably to be lost
by one of them. Such was the position in a mere
human and worldly sense, but to the far-seeing the
issues were infinitely grander. Of two hosts, each
professing to be the Lord's chosen people, the time
was at hand when He should choose between them by
giving the victory to His own. There was no doubt
that the victors would settle the question in their own
favour, however the other party might take their
defeat.
That they might be prepared for this ordeal, the
Scots continued earnest in their purification, and the
discharge from their host of all dangerous elements.
They had already got rid of a few thousand soldiers
whose faith was doubtful. But they were in sore
perplexity touching the young man Charles Stewart^
as not knowing what might be the influence on them-
268 COMMONWEALTH.
selves of his dubious early life, the ecclesiastical sins
of his father, aud his mother's idolatry. A proclama-
tiou had been issued in his name, in which he pro-
mised to fulfil all that ever had been demanded of his
father, announcing that " the Lord hath been pleased
in His gracious goodness and tender mercy to discover
to his majesty the great evil of the ways wherein he
hath been formerly led by wicked counsel." ^
Against this document, issued without his consent,
he demurred. There was immediate indignation and
alarm in the camp. It was a question whether the
army should break up and disperse, or make terms
with the sectaries. They sent a "remonstrance and
supplication" to the Committee of Estates, setting
forth that, "being sensible of the imputation laid
upon the kingdom and army as if they espoused the
Malignant quarrel and interest, and considering that
at this time we are more especially concerned in it
than others, beiuo- in the Lord's streno'th to take our
lives in our hands and hazard all that is dear unto us
by engaging against the present enemy, who in a
hostile Avay hath invaded this kingdom, contrary to
all bonds of covenants and treaties, — we conceive it our
duty to make it manifest to their honours and all the
world that we do not own any Malignant quarrel or
interest of any person or j)ersons whatsoever, but that
by the assistance of the Lord we resolve to fight
merely upon the former grounds and principles in
defence of the cause of Covenant and kingdom." Still
the old decorum was preserved of abstaining from
accusation against royalty itself, and charging all on
pernicious counsel. They desired the accomplish-
1 Walker, 163.
THE COVENANTERS AND CHARLES II., 1650. 269
ment of " what remains in the army undone in rela-
tion to purging," " that God be no more provoked
by countenancing or sparing of them, lest the Lord
should desert us and cause us to partake with them
in their judgments." ^
A declaration was prepared, in which all that had
offended the young king in the proclamation was set
forth more broadly and offensively. This he must sign.
It was noticed at the time, that it was presented to him
in that same Gowrie House Avhere his grandfather had
encountered so much peril. His advisers bade him
sign it at once — sign everything. They were like
persons in the hands of a set of madmen. He must
do whatever he was bidden or all was lost. Some
few expressions were permitted to be altered so far
as to soften their accusative tenor and bring them
into the category of calamities rather than crimes.
By a very happy thought a sentence was inscribed
attributing the misfortunes which had befallen the
royal house as well as the faithful kingdom of Scot-
land to the malice of the sectaries.
The " declaration " is a lengthy document, for it
was the work of men determined to leave nothins'
ambiguous or uncertain. Whoever accepted it could
never afterwards plead that he had misinterpreted its
full scope. The preamble or text, setting forth the
principle to which the working details tended, was in
these words : " He doth now detest and abhor all
Popery, superstition, and idolatry, together with Pre-
lacy, and all errors, heresy, schism, and profaneness ;
and resolves not to tolerate, much less allow of those
in any part of his majesty's dominions, but to oppose
1 Walker, 167, 368.
270 COMMONWEALTH.
himself thereto, and endeavour the extwpation thereof
to the utmost of his power." ^ As to the army of
sectaries now approaching, the Committee of Estates
and the Assembly "having sufficiently laid open
public dangers and duties both upon the right hand
and upon the left, it is not needful for his majesty to
add anything thereto except that in those things he
doth commend and approve them, and that he resolves
to live and die with them and his loyal subjects in
prosecution of the ends of the Covenant." ^
One small ceremony yet remained to fill the cup.
The king having signed all the protestations and ob-
jurgations presented to him, it was needful for him to
express how he was " desirous to be humbled for the
sins of the royal family and for his own sins, that God
may be reconciled unto him ; and that he may give
evidence of his real loathing of his former ways, and
of his sincerity in his owning the cause of God and
the work of reformation." ^ To this desirable end a
public day of fasting and humiliation was to be held,
and he was to be the hero of the occasion.
In the grotesque audacity of such professions we
can imagine that there must have been something
infinitely droll and exhilarating to such spirits as
Buckingham and Wilmot, when they discussed it in
after-times, away from that dreary land where their
mirthful communings with the prince were rudely re-
strained. As for him, there was just one element of
sincerity planted in his heart by reflecting on the part
he had been induced to play — a sincere detestation of
those who had driven him to such humiliation.
And after all was done, the pui'gation was not so
1 Walker, 172. " Ibid., 175. » Ibid., 178.
THE COVENANTERS AND CHARLES II., 1650. 271
complete as to make a full intercommuning safe.
They would not have the young man Charles Stewart
within their host at the critical moment. Their feel-
ing seems to have been, that although all were false,
they might be justified in holding it to be true until
they found evidence to the contrary — ^justified in not
departing from the course they had adopted in resist-
ing the sectaries with a view of supporting him if he
continued true ; but the having him, possibly false
and perjured, in their actual host on the day of battle,
might be too dangerous — it would be tempting the
vengeance of heaven too rashly.^ They were like
men who theoretically believe an arrangement to be
safe, but shrink when they have to trust their lives to
it. Therefore he was banished from the army and
detained in courteous restraint in Dunfermline. Be-
hind all these scrupulous arrangements there lingered
a suspicion that the " purgation " of the Scots army
was far aAvay from completeness. Cromwell's men
were united in a zealous purpose, as that army had
been which Leslie carried across the Tweed ten years
1 Cromwell tells us how " some of the honestest in the army among
the Scots did profess hefore the fight that they did not believe their
king in his declaration ; and it's most evident he did sign it with as
much reluctancy and so much against his heart as could be, and yet
they venture their lives for him on this account, and publish this declara-
tion to the world to be believed as the act of a person converted, when
in their hearts they know he abhorred the doing of it and means it not."
• — Carlyle, ii. 197. He made a general charge against the Estates, that
their difficulties arose " by espousing your king's interest, and taking
into your bosom that person in whom, notwithstanding what hath or
may be said to the contrary, that which is really Malignancy, and all
Mali"nants do centre ; against whose family the Lord hath so eminently
witnessed for blood-guiltiness, not to be done away by such hypocritical
and formal shows of repentance as are expressed in his late declaration."
—Ibid., 222.
2/2 COMMONWEALTH.
earlier. The long contest had worn that army thread-
bare, and Scotland was too meagrely peopled to supply
army after army of from twenty to thirty thousand
men. No doubt the whole army subscribed the Cov-
enant, but the greater part of them would probably
have subscribed anything else. The zeal was limited
to the attendant clergy and a few of the lay leaders.
It seems to have strenothened the reasons for remov-
ing the young king that he was becoming popular
among the troops. It was noted that uj)on their
facings they marked with chalk the letter R for rex,
and it was apprehended that a spirit of mere personal
loyalty might supersede the due devotion to Christ's
crown and Covenant. If we may trust an English
Royalist onlooker, their staft' of subordinate officers
was as wretched as it well could be, "placing for the
most part in command ministers' sons, clerks, and
such other sanctified creatures, who hardly ever saw
or heard of any sword but that of the Spirit, — and
with this, their chosen crew, made themselves sure
of victory." ^
Leslie appeared to handle his army, such as it was,
to great purpose. He used the wonderful material
for a fortified camp supplied by the heights near
Edinburgh. It was desirable to keep both Edinburgh
and Leith united within the fortified line, that Crom-
well might not have access to the sea by seizing the
port of Leith. This line of defence, beginning at the
Firth to the eastward of Leith, kept the successive
heights of Hermitage Hill, Hawkhill, Restalrig, the
Calton Hill, Salisbury Crags, and St Leonards, until
it came under the protection of the guns of the castle.
' Walker, 162-04.
Cromwell's invasion, 1650. 273
There were some small affairs of outposts, but nothing
that Cromwell could do would draw Leslie out of his
strong lair. One of these is thus described by the great
Cromwell himself, on the occasion of his retiring to
]\Iusselburgh, where his headquarters were : " We came
to Musselburgh that night, so tired and wearied for
want of sleep, and so dirty by reason of the wetness
of the weather, that we expected the enemy would
make an onfall upon us ; which accordingly they did
between three and four of the clock this morning,
with fifteen of their most select troops, under the
command of Major-General Montgomery and Strachan,
two champions of the Church, upon which business
there was great hope and expectation laid. The
enemy came on with a great deal of resolution, beat
in our guards, and put a regiment of horse in some
disorder ; but our men, speedily taking the alarm,
charged the enemy, routed them, took many prisoners,
killed a great many of them, did execution to within
a quarter of a mile of Edinburgh." " This is a sweet
beginning of your business, or rather the Lord's, and
I believe is not very satisfactory to the enemy, especi-
ally to the Kirk party." " I did not think advisable
to attempt upon the enemy, lying as he doth ; but
surely this would sufficiently provoke him to fight if
he had a mind to it. I do not think he is less than
six or seven thousand horse and fourteen or fifteen
thousand foot. The reason I hear that they give out
to their people why they do not fight us is, because
they expect many bodies of men out of the north of
Scotland, which when they come they give out they
will then engage. But I believe they would rather
tempt us to attempt them in their fastness within
VOL. VIJ. s
274 COMMONWEALTH.
which they are intrenchcel, or else hoping we shall
famish for want of provisions, which is very likely to
be if we be not timely and fully supplied."^
On another occasion, retiring towards the camp at
Musselburgh, " the enemy perceiving it, and, as we
conceive, fearing we might interpose between them
and Edinburgh, though it was not our intention
albeit it seemed so by our march, retreated back
again with all haste, having a bog and pass between
them and us." " That night we quartered within a
mile of Edinburgh and of the enemy. It was a most
tempestuous night and wet morning. The enemy
marched in the night between Leith and Edinburgh,
to interpose between us and our victual, they know-
ing that it was spent. But the Lord in mercy pre-
vented it. And we perceiving in the morning, got
time enough, through the goodness of the Lord, to
the sea-side to revictual, the enemy being drawn up
upon the hill near Arthur Seat, looking upon us but
not attempting anything."^ The hill " near" Arthur
Seat must have been the hill itself so called. From
the top and eastern slope of Arthur Seat all the move-
ments of Cromwell's army through the flat country
towards Musselburgh must have been distinctly seen.
More than a month passed in this fashion, yet Leslie
would not trust his imperfect army to a battle.
Cromwell shifted his place on a radius of six miles
from Edinburgh, at one time going as far west as
Colinton. Still Leslie either hovered above him, or
if he took the high ground, was safe on some other
eminence. The end seemed inevitable — Cromwell
must either be starved into submission, or must force
1 Carlyle, ii. 164, 165. - Ibid., 176.
BATTLE OF DUNBAR, 1650. 275
his way back, with the certainty that he would carry
with him but a fragment of his fine army. At the
end of August he removed to Dunbar. Here he had
the command of the sea for provisions and munitions,
and for the removal of his troops were there shipping
enough at his disposal. All along the east coast there
is a bank or line of elevated ground, the first slopes of
the Lammermuirs or other chains of Border mountains.
Along these slopes marched Leslie, ever above his
enemy ; and when Cromwell encamped at Dunlaar,
Leslie was still above him on the Hill of Doon. The
eye of any one visiting the neighbourhood of Dunbar
will at once select this hill from all others. It stands
forward from the range of the Lammermuirs like a
watch-tower. It is seen to unite the two cjualities
sought by Leslie — it commands a view of all the low
land bordering on the sea, and it is the centre roimd
which every movement of the enemy must describe a
circumference on which his army could descend. Dun-
bar itself was a flat peninsula, the hills at Leslie's
command approaching the coast so closely on the
south end that there could be no passage without a
battle at disadvantage.
On the 2d of September Cromwell wrote to
Haslerig, who commanded at Newcastle : " We are
upon an engagement very difficult. The enemy hath
blocked up our way at the pass at Copperspath,
through which we cannot get without almost a mir-
acle. He lieth so upon the hills that we know not
how to come that way without great difficulty, and
our lying here daily consumeth our men, who fall
sick beyond imagination.
" I perceive your forces are not in a capacity for
276 COMMONWEALTH.
present release. Wherefore, whatever becomes of iis,
it will be well for you to get what forces you can
together, and the south to help what they can. The
business nearly concerns all good people. If your
forces had been in a readiness to have fallen upon the
back of Cijpperspath, it might have occasioned supplies
to have come to us. But the only wise God knows
what is best. All shall work for good. Our sjjirits
are comfortable, praised be the Lord, though our pre-
sent condition be as it is. And indeed we have much
hope in the Lord, of whose mercy we have had large
experience." ^
It was on that very evening that, to his surprise
and delight, he observed a movement in the host on
Doon Hill. They were coming down into the plain ;
the movement lasted all night, and at dawn of day
the Scots had relinquished their advantage. It is a
question whether in this movement Leslie acted on
his own discretion, or on the dictation of the com-
mittees from the Estates and the Church who ham-
pered his camp. To one conversant with the spirit
of the times nothing seems more natural than this.
Cromwell being mercifully delivered into their hands,
it was fitting that they should stretch forth their hands
and accept of the gift. If such views were canvassed,
it can easily be believed that Leslie could not keep his
force together on the mound, and must be content
to do what he could to preserve them from destruc-
tion.^
I Gaily le, ii. 179, 180.
^ Burnet is the authority generally cited for the interference :
" Leslie was in the chief conimand ; but he had a committee of the
Estates to give him his orders, among whom Warriston was one.
These were weary of lying in the fields, and thought that Leslie made
BATTLE OF DUNBAR, 1650. 277
There is a brief account of his calamity by David Les-
lie himself in a letter to Argyle. If it can be said to
attribute the defeat to the interference of the com-
mittees, the shape in which this operated must haA'e
not haste enougli to destroy those sectaries, for so they came to call
them. He told them by lying there all was sure, but that by en-
gaging in action with gallant and desperate men all might be lost ; yet
they still called on him to fall on. Many have thought that all this
was treachery done on design to deliver up our army to Cromwell —
some laying it upon Leslie, and others upon my uncle. I am persuaded
there was no treachery in it, only Warriston was too hot and Leslie too
cold, and yielded too easily to their humours, which he ought not to
have done." — Summary of Affairs. It has recently become a sort of
historical canon that Burnet is ever to be discredited. He no doubt
colours and likes to make up a good story ; but he was honest " after a
manner " — more honest, for instance, than Clarendon. He had good
means of knowing what lie speaks of here, for the " uncle " he refers to
was Warriston.
Burnet was a child seven years old when the battle was fought ; he
was eighteen years old when his uncle Warriston was executed. The
news of the day as told by Baillie, unpublished in Burnet's day, goes
far to confirm his account, and affords a pathetic story of practical
genius thwarted and a cause ruined by self-sufficient intermeddlers :
" After the woeful rout at Dunbar, in the first meeting at Stirling, it
was openly and vehemently pressed to have David Leslie laid a-side, as
long before was designed, but covertly, by the chief purgers of the
times. The man himself did as much press as any to have liberty to
demit his charge, being covered with shame and discouragement for his
late unhappiness, and irritated with Mr James Guthrie's public invec-
tives against him from the pulpit. The most of the commission of
Estates and committee of the Kirk would have been content to let him
go ; but finding no man tolerably able to supply his place, and the
greatest part of the remaining oflicers of horse and foot peremptor to
lay down if he continued not — and after all trials finding no malad-
ministration on him to count of but the removal of the army from the
hill the night before the rout, \\hich yet was a consequence of the
committee's order, contrar to his mind, to stop the enemy's retreat, and
for that end to storm Brocksmouth House as soon as possible, — on these
considerations the State unanimously did with all earnestness entreat him
to keep still his charge. Against this order my Lord Warriston, and, I
suppose. Sir John Chiesly, did enter their dissent. I am sure Mr James
Guthrie did his, at which, as a great impertinence, many were offended."
— Letters, &c., iii. 111. Sir Edward Walker does not mention the inter-
ference of the committees on this occasion, but on another he refers
278 COMMONWEALTH.
l)een in weakening the sense of obedience and dis-
cipline in the subordinate commanders : " Concerning
the misfortune of our army I shall say nothing but it
was the visible hand of God, with our own laikness,
and not of man that defeat them, notwithstanding
of orders given to stand to their arms that night. I
know I got my own share of the fall by many for
drawing them so near the enemy, and must suffer
for this as many times formerly, though I take God
to witness we might have as easily beaten them as we
did James Graham at Philiphaugh, if the officers had
stayed by their troops and regiments."-^
Cromwell had at hand two men whose fame as
soldiers Avas second only to his own — Monk and
Lambert. The three watched Leslie's movement as
well as they could, for to conceal it as well as he
might he had ordered the musketeers to extinguish
their matches. Cromwell watched the point of time
at which the amount of daylight and the condition of
his enemy, as having left the hill without being well
formed below, concurred in his favour, and then struck
the blow. The effect of the attack was an index to
Leslie's opinion of his OAvn army. The lines intrusted
with the front stood firm and were slain. The great
half-disciplined mass behind broke and scattered. The
defeat was entire. The victor rendered an account of
it in the words following : —
to them as having absolute command. It was employed in preventing
Leslie from attacking when he would : " The committee would not give
way to attempt on him, saying it were pity to destroy so many of their
brethren ; but seeing the next day they were like to fall into their
hands, it were better to get a dry victory, and send them back with
shame for their breach of covenant." — P. 180.
' Copied from the original in the Lothian Papers, through the courtesy
of the Marquess of Lothian.
BATTLE OF DUNBAR, 1650. 279
" The enemy's word was ' The Covenant ! ' which it
had been for divers days ; ours ' The Lord of hosts ! '
The Major -General, Lieutenant -G-eneral Fleetwood,
and Commissary - General Whalley and Colonel
Twistleton gave the onset, the enemy being in a
very good posture to receive them, having the advan-
tage of their cannon and foot against our horse.
Before our foot could come up, the enemy made a
gallant resistance, and there was a very hot dispute
at sword's point between our horse and theirs. Our
first foot, after they had discharged their duty (being-
overpowered with the enemy), received some repulse,
which they soon recovered ; for my own regiment,
under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Gofte and
my major AVhite, did come seasonably in, and at
the push of pike did repel the stoutest regiment the
enemy had there, merely with the courage the Lord
was pleased to give. Which proved a great amaze-
ment to the residue of their foot, this being the first
action between the foot. The horse in the mean time
did Avith a great deal of courage and spirit beat back
all oppositions, charging through the bodies of the
enemy's horse and of their foot, who were, after the
first repulse given, made by the Lord of hosts as
stubble to their swords. Lrdeed I believe I may
speak it without partiality, both your chief com-
manders and others in their several places, and
soldiers also, were acted with as much courage as
ever hath been seen in any action since this war.
I know they look not to be named, and therefore
I forbear particulars.
" The best of the enemy's horse being broken through
and through in less than an hour's dispute, their
28o CO.IMONWEALTH.
whole army being put into confusion, it became a total
rout, our men having the chase and execution of them
near eight miles. We believe that upon the place
and near about it were about three thousand slain.
Prisoners taken : of their officers you have this en-
closed list ; of private soldiers near ten thousand. The
Avhole baggage and train taken, wherein was good
store of match, powder, and bullet ; all their artillery,
great and small, thirty guns. We are confident they
have left behind them not less than fifteen thousand
arms. I have already brought in to me near two
hundred colours, which I herewith send you." ^
This battle, fought on the 3d of September 16.50,
concludes an epoch in our history. The ecclesiastical
parties retain their picturesque peculiarities and their
bitterness. Tragic incidents occur, born of treachery
and cruelty on the one side and rugged fanaticism on
the other. But that momentous exercise of power
which had endowed these peculiarities Avith a certain
awe and dignity is gone, and hereafter these parties
have a merely local history. The breadth of influence,
indeed, achieved by Scotland during the years just
passed over, is an anomaly in history. According to
the usual course of events, Scotland, for the eighty
years now come to a close, should have possessed no
separate national history. When Edinburgh Castle
was taken in 1.573, the nationality of Scotland was
provisionally at an cud — provisionally so — that is,
the permanence of the situation depended on King
James succeeding to the throne of England. He did
so, and thus the condition was confirmed and perma-
nent. The old league with France was at an end,
1 Carlyle, ii. 191, 192.
&
BATTLE OF DUNBAR, 1650. 281
and Scotland's lot Avas thro^vn in with England's. It
was not that the influence of Scotland was to be anni-
hilated— it would tell in the national policy, like the
influence of the northern counties of Enoland against
London and the south. But in the natural order of
things, Scotland was no longer to put her separate
mark on tlie politics and history of the day. It hap-
pened otherwise, as we have seen. Of the two States
united, the small State had ardour and strength
sufficient to drag the large State along with it ; for
Scotland began the contest which, after becoming so
memorable in British history, influenced the fate of
the whole civilised world.
After the heat of battle had let itself out in the
" chase and execution " of nearly eight miles, the con-
queror showed a temper of humanity and lenity to
the wounded and the prisoners. It was not to be a
continuation of the Irish work. The Lowland Scots
Avere not enemies of God and civilised man, whose
doom was extirpation. Their hostility was the inci-
dental effect of political conditions, and with their
invaders they had many common ties of brotherhood.
The battle of Dunbar gave Cromwell the command of
the open country south of the Forth, Edinburgh Castle
and the other fortresses remaining in the hands of the
Committee of Estates.
Accompanying and following this decisive battle
Avas a very undecisive Avar of Avords. It Avas matter
of derision to the indifferent or irreverent onlooker,
who saw a competition betAveen the general of the
Independents and the clergy of the Covenant, in
which the point of advantage appeared to be the
excelling in the use of fanatical and Pharisaical Ian-
282 COMMONWEALTH.
guage. AVhether or not Cromwell was the arcli-liypo-
crite he has been called, the indifFerent bystander
is apt to sympathise with his cause, since, while he
girds himself valiantly for the fight, and is as vigor-
ously pious as his opponents, he does not think, like
them, that true piety is a monojjoly of his own sect.
One might be tempted to quote at length from this
controversy, but there is one short precept uttered
by Cromwell against his assailants so complete and
powerful that it were a pity to mix it up with any
other passages. He asks if it is certain that all his
opponents say is " infallibly agreeable to the Word
of God ; " and then follows the grand precept : "I
beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, think it possible
you may be mistaken." ^
One standing and predominating element in the
controversy was tlie lay preaching, which had become
a favourite occupation of the Independent soldiers.
On this he rated his clerical opponents powerfully :
" Are you troubled that Christ is preached ? Is
preaching so peculiarly your function 1 Doth it
scandalise the Reformed Churches, and Scotland in
particular 1 Is it against the Covenant 1 Away with
the Covenant if this be so ! " " Your pretended fear
lest error should step in, is like the man who would
keep all the wine out of the country lest men should
be drunk. It will be found an unjust and unwise
jealousy to deprive a man of his natural liberty upon
a supposition he may abuse it. When he doth abuse
it, judge. If a man speak foolishly, ye suflfer him
gladly, because ye are wise ; if erroneously, the truth
more appears by your conviction. Stop such a man's
^ Carlyle, ii. 168, 169.
CROMWELL IN SCOTLAND, 1650. 283
mouth by sound words which cannot be gainsaid. If
he speak bLasphemously, or to the disturbance of the
public peace, let the civil magistrate punish him ; if
truly, rejoice in the truth." ^
Such things must have opened up new avenues of
thought and controversy to men whose polemical
training had been all in the tactics of warfare against
Popery and Prelacy.
There was another point where, on the face of the
controversy, Cromwell appeared to bear himself chari-
tably and reasonably. A group of the ministers had
taken refuge in Edinburgh Castle. He thought it
might be more to the purpose that they were among
their flocks in the performance of their pious duties.
But they declined to trust themselves abroad in a land
infested by sectaries and blasphemers. Dundas, the
governor — Leven's son-in-law — was their first spokes-
man ; and he naturally attributed their reluctance to
timidity, referring to the usage given to ministers in
England and Ireland. Cromwell's answer was : " No
man hath been troubled in England or Ireland for
preaching the Gospel ; nor has any minister been
molested in Scotland since the coming of the army
hither." ^ Words of truth, since it was not " for
preaching the Gospel " that he left his bloody mark
on Ireland. In a second letter, embodying the views
of the ministers, they revealed their true grievance —
that the sectaries would not permit them to take the
command of the affairs of the country, or speak their
minds about the sectaries and other evil - doers :
" That it savours not of ingenuity to promise liberty
of preaching the Gospel, and to limit the preachers
' Carlyle, ii. 20. ' Ibid., 205.
284 COMMONWEALTH..
thereof that they must not speak against tlie sins and
enormities of civil powers, since their commission
carrieth them to speak the Word of the Lord unto
and to reprove the sins of persons of all ranks, from
the highest to the lowest. " ^
Cromwell and they afterwards found a good deal
of common ground to meet on ; and if he had only
favoured them on one point — if he had abjured that
" damnable doctrine of toleration " — they might have
been excellent friends. Even the embittered and
sorely afflicted heart of Baillie was touched by the
unexpected gentleness of the terrible sectarian. On
his arrival in Glasgow " the ministers and magistrates
flee all away. I got to the Isle of Cumbrae with my
Lady Montgomery, but left all my family and goods
to Cromwell's courtesy, which indeed was great; for
he took such a course with his sojours that they did
less displeasure at Glasgow nor if they had been at
London, though Mr Zachary Boyd railed on them all
to their very face in the High Church." ^
Let us now look in upon the young king or prince,
and his small court or jail at Dunfermline, afterwards
shifted to Perth. If his heart was not changed, it was
from no deficiency of the preaching, pi'ayer, exhortation,
admonition, and all the apparatus of persuasion and
threats available to the Covenanting community. Of
the tone in which it was rendered we have perhaps
seen examples more than enough. Of its effect those
who dealt with it had a startling opportunity of judg-
ing. One morning — the 4th of October — they found,
to their consternation, that he had escaped. There
was immediate chase, and he was fouud in the wilds
1 Carlyle, ii. 207. '■' Letters, iii. 129. Of Mr Zucliary, see above, p. 225.
CORONATION OF CHARLES II., 1651. 285
of AthoU, desolate as a truant schoolboy who has run
from his home without forecasting a place of refuge.
There was, in fact, a plan, deep and formidable in its
way, for gathering round him a loyal army of north
Highlanders ; but he went to the spot where he was
to meet their chiefs too soon, and lost his opportunity.
On his return it was resolved that if his friends
were to keep him, it should be in a shape available
for political purposes by making him King. Arrange-
ments were accordingly made for crowning him in
Scone, where so many of his gallant ancestors had
been anointed.
The 1st of January 16.51 was the day appointed
for the ceremon}', and with one exception it was
performed with all state and magnificence ; for the
" honours " of Scotland — the crown, SAVord, and scep-
tre— were at hand, and those who filled the ofiices of
State in attendance. Argyle took precedence, and
placed the crown on the king's head. The occasion
was improved by Eobert Douglas in a sermon which
in this age would be deemed of monstrous length.^
The preacher lifted his protest alike against
Engagers who co-operated with the uncovenanted,
the Kemonstrants, who followed their own factious
ends, and the Sectaries, who were for no monarchy.
In his sermon, too, and a personal exhortation by
which it was followed, he enlarged emphatically on
the parental sins, which were to be repented of and
avoided if the new monarch would escape wrath and
condemnation.^
1 The Form and Order of the Coronation of Charles the Second, King
of Scotland, England, France, and Ireland, as it was acted and done at
Scone the 1st day of January 1651. Printed at Aberdeen in 1651.
^ Douglas had, according to tradition, an origin that also admitted of
286 COMMONWEALTH.
The part omitted was the auointing. This omission
was improved by the preacher, who referred to the
unction as a rag of Popish and Prelatical superstition.
Now, however, " by the blessing of God, Popery and
Prelacy are removed. The bishops, as limbs of Anti-
christ, are put to the door ; let the anointing of kings
with oU go to the door with them." To compensate
for this omission, the National Covenant and the
Solemn League and Covenant were read over to the
king, and again signed by him.
A new army now assembled under new conditions.
To find these we must again grope our way through
ecclesiastic intricacies. Half Scotland was occupied at
that time in an attempt to solve the lesson intended to
be taught in the defeat at Dunbar — the meaning of the
Lord in His dealing with them, as it was termed. A
looker - on with strong Prelatic prepossessions said :
" There was great lamentation by the ministers, who
now told God Almighty it was little to them to lose
their lives and estates, but to Him it was great loss to
suffer His elect and chosen to be destroyed, and many
other such blasphemous expressions ; and still crying
out not to take in any of the Engagers, or to assert the
kingdom of Christ by carnal or selfish means." ^ Crom-
well threw back upon them, in theii- own peculiar style,
but somewhat enriched and strengthened, some jeering
taunts on the tendency of the lesson : " Although they
repentance for ancestral sins. He was supposed to be the grandson of
George Douglas and Queen Mary — a sequel to the scandal referred to
aljove. He was called by Woibow " a great State preacher." He had
been chaplain of the Scots troops in the service of Qustavus Adolphus,
who esteemed him much. We shall meet with him as the colleague of
James Sharp on a mission to the Court at the period of the Restoration.
1 Walker, 183.
CAUSES OF WRATH, 1650-51. 287
seem to comfort themselves with being sons of Jacob,
from whom they say God hath hid His face for a time,
yet it's no wonder, when tlie Lord hath lifted up His
hand so eminently against a family as He hath done
so often against this, and men will not see His hand
— it's no wonder if the Lord hide His face from such
putting Him to shame, both for it and their hatred of
His people as it is this day." ^
Here he touched a point on which many were per-
plexedly meditating and doubting. Was it possible
that after all they were on the wrong side ? They had
asserted vehemently and positively that the defeat of
Hamilton's army at Preston was a judgment for the
adoption of the Engagement. And what of this
heavier defeat ? Immediately after the battle, and
before the doubters had made up their minds to speak
out, the General Assembly decreed a clay of fasting
and humiliation : it was to be held on the 15tli of
September ; and an edict was issued, called " Causes
of solemn public humiliation upon the defeat of our
army, to be kept through all the Congregation of Scot-
land." In this paper distinct " causes of The Lord's
wrath " were stated, to the number in all of fourteen.
They were all attributed to insufficiency of purgation ;
and, what is especially odd when one remembers how
many things at that time were taken for granted with-
out examination to find whether they existed or not,
the insufficiencies were generally accidental through
negligence, not from false intention. In fact the
report on the causes of the Lord's dealing at Duubar
resembles a report on a railway accident or the ex-
plosion of a powder-manufactory, explaining how it
1 Carlyle, ii. 206.
288 COMMONWEALTH.
has been caused Ijy neglect of the regulated precau-
tions. Taken as one instance, perhaps the most
serious of the defects on this occasion was " the
leaving of a most malignant and profane guard of
horse to he about the king, and Avho being sent for to
be purged, came two days before the defeat, and were
suffered to be and fight in our army." ^ Baillie,
whose zeal was mingled with sense and worldly
experience, tells a friend how he escaped responsibility
as to the acceptance of these articles. " The Lord,"
he says, " in a very sensible way to me carried it so,
that neither the Synod was troubled with me, nor the
peace of my mind by them. I once inclined to absent
myself, but behoved to return, not daring to take that
course." But the course was taken for him ; he was
called out to speak with the Lord Cassilis on business
— the business occupied his mind, the time passed
unnoted, and when he returned all had been voted.
Baillie was writing to his close friends Dickson and
Spang, and so he reveals some weaknesses affecting
his own favourite system of Church government, when
some " did bring forth that strange remonstrance of
the Synod, when Mr Patrick, obtaining a committee to
consider the sins procuring the wrath of God on the
land, did put such men on it as he liked best, and by
them the framing of the draught was put upon him-
self;" which gives opportunity for this commentary :
" I have oft regretted of late to see the judicatories
of the Church so easily led to whatever some few of
our busy men designed, but never more than in the
particLdar in hand."^
The " Causes of The Lord's wrath " became a cele-
' Walker, 184; Peterkin's Records, 600. ^ Letters, iii. 115.
CAUSES OF WRATH, 1650-55. 289
brated paper, as in after-years it was made a test of guilt,
— those who had given it positive support having com-
mitted an overt act of treason ag-ainst Kinof Charles II.
Others went farther than Baillie in dissent from
this standard, and thought it lawful in the extremity
to use such forces as were available. These were
called " Eesolutioners," as those who were parties to
resolutions for admission to public office, civil or
military, of those who had been included in the Act
of Classes. They acted rather in tacit understanding
than by open testimony ; and it is in the protestations
and remonstrances uttered against them, rather than
in their own account of themselves, that they stand
forth as the supporters of a special policy. In the
"sense of the Parliament" dealing with objections,
the new policy is defined in these hesitating terms.
" We have in this time of extreme dano-er to the cause
and kino-dom, after advice had from the commissioners
of the General Assembly, admitted many who were
formerly excluded to be employed in the army in this
defensive war against the army of sectaries, who, con-
trary to covenant and treaties, have most perfidiously
invaded and are destroying this kingdom, not daring
to omit so necessary a duty for fear of a future danger
which may ensue upon the employment of such." ^
Baillie, who affords so many clear pictures of his
times, loses his distinctness at this juncture, and lets
us feel the perplexities of himself and others in the
mistiness of his revelations : —
" We had long much debates about employing Ma-
lignants in our arms. Some were of opinion that the
Acts of Church and State were unjust and for par-
1 Act. Pari. (01(1 Record Ed.), vi. 555.
VOL. VII. T
290 COMMONWI'-AI/l'II.
ticiiliii- cuds froiii l1i<; \>r'n\\u\u</. All iiffrccd tliiil,
coiumon KuldliTS, ;ii'Lcf HiitiHfiiciiiin In ihc, ( iliurc.li,
mi;i;lil- 1)C tiikcn in. Iliii iis for odlccrH, nolilc.incn, ii.nd
<i;riil,lciii(;n voluiiiccrH, llicy W(M'c. tioI, to ho tidccii In ;ij,
all, at IciiHt not wiihout iiii<; (ariincnl, dcnrcu; of evident
i-(.'|)cntii,ncc.
" 'I'lic nioHt tliouf^lit tlic.y rni^dit ]>(', <'ni|iloyc(l ii,n
soldiers, on tlicir lulniil.tiuice liy tlio ('liurnli to tlic
Ba('i';i,rnciit iuid CyOV<;nii,nt. As (or placcH oC (•onnscl
and, trust, tliii.t this wii.s to Ik; left to tlics StiiXe's dis-
ci-iJlon. JIfjwovcr, when the case w;i,s clearly idtci'c.d,
and now there was jjo choici; of men, the l'a,r'liarnciit
wrote; to Mr Itfjljci't l)oii;ilii,H to ca,ll the eorfiiiiiHHi(j|]
extraordinarily : a qnoruni was gol,, most of thcHc of
J^'ife. 'I'he (juestion was jirojioncd, of th<; la.wrulncHH
of employing such who hefon; were excluded. The
question was alleeed to he, altered from tliaJ, which
Mr fJillespie writes of, a.nd that whereto Mr fJuthrie
had sf^ilenuijv eufa/icd —a defence; of our life a,nd
country, in exti-eiue necessity, a.fia,in,st secl.aria.ns and
strangers, who ha,d twice been victors. My heaxt wa.n
in gn;at p(;rplexity for this question. I was much in
j)rayer to (<od, and irj sfinie action with men, for a
concord in it. 'J'he Parliament were necessita,te to
employ more than hefon;, oi' give over their defence
Mr iSamuel Jiutherford and Mr. James Guthrie wroti;
peremptory letters to the old way, on all liazards.
Mr Robert Dou^jlas a,nd Mr l)a,vi<l l)ick had ol' a
long time fjeen in my sense, that in the war agajust
invading strangers our fotTuer Htrietness ha,d hcc.n
unadvised a,nd unjust. Mr j^lair and Mr JJurharn
wer<; a little amhiguous, which J rnucli fea,ref] should
have devised the cornniisHion; and likely had done so.
CAUSES OF WRATH, 1650-55. 291
if witli the loss of the west the absence of all the
brethren of the west had not concurred. However,
we carried ■unanimously at last the answer herewith
sent to you. My joy for this was soon tempered
when I saw the consequence — the ugging of sundry
good people to see numbers of grievous bloodshedders
ready to come in, and so many I\Ialignant noblemen
as were not Hke to lay down arms till they were put
into some places of trust, and restored to their vote in
Parliament." ^
Agaia : — •
" Ane other inconvenient was like to trouble us,
a seed of hyper-BroT\Tiism, which had been secretly
sown in the miads of sundiy of the soldiers, that it
was unlawful to join in arms with such and such men,
and so that they were necessitate to make a civd
separation from such, for fear of sin and cursing of
their enterprises. The main fomenters of these doubts
seemed not at all to be led by conscience, but by
interest ; for the officers of our standing army, since
the defeat at Dunbar, being sent to recruit the regi-
ments to the northern shires, did little increase that
number, but taking large money for men, and yet
exacted quarters for men which were not ; this
vexed the country and disappointed the service. The
officers, by the new levies, thought it easy to be
recruited at their pleasure ; but ane Act passing, that
the new le%des should not recruit the old regiments,
they stormed, and gladly wotdd have blasted the new
way for their own ends. Under these evds we wrestle
as yet, but hopes for a good end of these divisions
also ; in the mean time Cromwell is daily expected to
1 Letters, &c., iii. 126.
292 COMMONWEALTH.
march towards Stirling to mar the coronation, which,
sore against my heart, was delayed to the 1st of
January, on pretence of keeping a fast for the sins of
the king's family on Thursday next. AVc mourned
on Sunday last for the contempt of the Gospel, accord-
ing to Mr Dickson's motion, branched out by Mr
Wood. Also you see in the printed papers, upon
other particulars the commission at Stirling, which
appointed these fasts, could not agree. The Ee-
monstrants pressed to have sundry sins acknowledged
which others denied, and would not now permit them
to set down as they would what causes of fast they
liked. Surely we had never more cause of mourning,
be the causes, what God knows, visible or invisible,
confessed or denied, unseen or seen, by all but the
most guilty. It cannot be denied but our miseries
and dangers of ruin are greater nor for many ages have
been — a potent victorious enemy master of our seas,
and for some good time of the best part of our land;
our standing forces against this his imminent inva-
sion, few, weak, inconsiderable; our Kirk, State, army,
full of divisions and jealousies; the body of our people
bcsouth Forth spoiled, and near starving; they be-
north Forth extremely ill used by a handful of our
own ; many inclining to treat and agree with Crom-
well, without care either of king or Covenant ; none of
our neighbours called upon by us, or willing to give
us any help though called. What the end of all shall
be the Lord knows. Many are ready to faint with
discouragement and despair; yet diverse are waiting
on the Lord, expecting He will help us in our great
extremity against our most unjust ojipressors."^
1 Letters, &c., iii. 127, 128.
THE REMONSTRANTS, 1650-51. 293
So, had the western representatives been present, the
dubious policy of the " Eesolutioners " would probably
have been outvoted. These western people drew apart
and uttered their own testimony in a " remonstrance."
Like so many of the papers of the day, those who
composed it took the opportunity of setting forth a
general code of policy both for Church and State ; but
when they touched on existing politics their utterance
was clear and unmistakable — a thorough contrast to
the hazy talk of the Resolutionists. Their position
was, that the young man Charles Stewart was not at
heart a sound Covenanter, and they who pretended to
believe he was a sound Covenanter knew that he was
not.^ Henceforth these men stood apart as a peculiar
people. They were called " Eemonstrants," and some-
times " Protesters," and in later times " the wild west-
land Whigs." It was their doom ever to be unfor-
tunate. It was not that they could possibly be in the
wrong, but the Lord had hidden His face from them
on account of the iniquity of the times. We shall
hear of them twenty years later, with all their pecu-
liai'ities hardened into them by the fire of persecution.
Meanwhile they raised a considerable army. It was
commanded by Colonel Archibald Strachan, an aljle
soldier — the same who led the party against Montrose
in Eoss-shire. It is singular that of this man, who
seemed for a few months to have the destinies of the
country in his keeping, so little should be known.
His name is not to be found in any biographical dic-
tionary. He went just a step beyond the place as-
sio-ned for " Scots worthies," and so was neither com-
o
1 " The humble Remonstrance of the Gentlemen, Commander, and
Ministers attending the Forces in the Wust ; " Peterkin, 604.
294 COMMONWEALTH.
tnemorated as friend nor enemy. It appears that lie
belonged to a class very acceptable to the zealous at
all times. He was an awakened sinner — one of those
whose early life was burdened with such a weight of
sin that they feel as if all the world ought to do pen-
ance for it. If he joined either the king or Cromwell,
it would alter the face of the contest; but he kept
aloof from both. It was observed that he put himself
out of the way of either, by taking his stand at Dum-
fries, in the south-western extremity of the country.
Though a party of his followers had a skirmish with
a part of Cromwell's army near Hamilton, yet he was
suspected of favouring the sectaries. "Since the
amendment of his once very low life," says Baillie,
" he inclined much in opinion towards the sectaries ;
and having joined with Cromwell at Preston against
the Engagers, had continued with them to the king's
death." This was an occasion on which it was an
offence to be on either side. He was brought to
" content the commission of the Church for his error,"
but "at this time many of his old doubts revives in
him." ^ The records of Parliament would make his
conduct less doubtful, if we could believe in them. It
is observable that the Estates met at Perth, with the
king at their head, passing with all solemnity many
Acts which dropped into oblivion. They took the
initial steps of a prosecution against Strachan, as an
abettor of the enemy, along with Dundas, who had
traitorously, as they held, rendered Edinburgh Castle
to the sectaries.^
1 Baillie's Letters, iii. 112, 113.
^ Summons against Colonel Archibald Strachan, Walter Dundas of
that ilk, and others; Acts, vi. 548.
BATTLE OF WORCESTER, 165 1. 295
Wodrow had it from his wife's uncle, the husband
of Strachan's sister, that " he was a singular Christian ;
that he was excommunicate summarily for his leaving
them [with] the forces at Hamilton ; that his heart
was much broken with that sentence, and he sickened
and died within a while ; that he was so far from
being upon Cromwell's interest, that he had the greatest
offers made him by Cromwell, and refused them ; that
he had the general's place offered him of all Crom-
well's forces in Scotland, and refused it." ^
To whatever direction his intentions tended, fate
took the decision out of his hands. The army group-
ing round the king enlarged, and under David Leslie
they fortified themselves on the height between Stir-
ling and Falkirk, renowned in the days of Wallace as
the Tor Wood. In vain Cromwell endeavoured to draw
them out to battle. At length, after watching them
for several months, he determined to take his own
post at the other side of the king's. He crossed the
Forth at Queensferry, and beating a force Avhich at-
tempted to intercept him at Inverkeithing, reached
and occupied Perth. The way southward was now
open, and the royal army did an act of unexpected
decision and spirit. Silently and speedily they
marched into England. It was the same strategy
that brought Montrose to Scotland seven years earlier
— the enemy's army was absent at the other end of
the island. They passed through Yorkshire and be-
yond Staffordshire, a moving centre to which the
Royalists of England were expected to gravitate, but
these came only in small numbers.
It was of course obvious to Cromwell, that unless
^ Analecta, ii. 86.
296 COMMONWEALTH.
this small army were speedily sought and destroyed,
it would reach London, where it might enlarge itself
and renew the war in earnest. They had reached
Worcester before he overtook them. Here, unless they
could occupy some strong post on the Malvern Hills,
it was clear that Worcester itself was the safest spot
for a stand : it had a wall, with Gothic gates, strongly
defensible before the days of artillery, and between
them and the enemy was the rapid Severn. Nowhere
else in the low country was there a post so defensible.
The king and his attendants from the cathedral tower
saw the enemy making a bridge of boats across the
Severn where the Teme joins it a little way below the
town. A party was sent to stop the making of the
bridge ; but it was either too late or too feeble for its
purjDose, and was driven back. This bridge united
Cromwell and Fleetwood. The Scots made their chief
stand at the Sudbury Gate — probably a large Gothic
building like its neighbour, Edgar's Gate, still visible.
The Scots occupied the castle, where, according to
Cromwell himself, they " made a very considerable
fight Avith us for three hours' space," until they were
driven from it and its guns turned on them. While
they continu.ed the fight at Sudbury Gate, the king,
who saw what the event was to be, made his escape
with a few personal followers. His army was anni-
hilated. This battle was fought on the 3d of Septem-
ber 1651, the first anniversary of the battle of Dunbar.
"Indeed," says the victor, "this hath been a glorious
mercy, and as stifi" a contest for four or five hours as
I have ever seen." So ended the great civil war. It
was begun by the Scots — they partook in the first great
victory over the royal party, and here they shared its
SIEGE OF DUNDEE, 1651. 297
last battle and its conclusive defeat. Among the cap-
tives taken in the retreat or flight were David Leslie,
and ]\Iiddleton who became conspicuous in the reign
of Charles II.
]\Ionk was left in Scotland in command of five
thousand men — a sufficient force to remove all im-
pediments, now that Scotland was so drained of men,
and that Edinburgh Castle had fallen. In Stirling
Castle was found a deposit of public records, which
were removed to the Tower of London. The fate of
Dundee has attracted a mysterious and horrible inter-
est. Two days before the battle of Worcester it was
stormed. We are told that its large garrison was
"put to the edge of the sword," and that the inhabi-
tants— men and women, old and young — were miscel-
laneously slaughtered. It was one of the privileges or
"courtesies" established in the Thirty Years' War, that
if a town held out against a storm, it was handed over
to the licence of the soldiers, who slaughtered and
pillaged, as we may see in Callot's etchings. But the
enemy who had any chivalry in his nature permitted
all the unwarlike inhabitants to be removed before the
storming. Wanton cruelty was not one of Monk's
vices ; and had the storming of Dundee been such a
deed as some have described, it would have hung more
weightily on his memory, and been more frequently
referred to in contemporary history than it has been.
There is nothing in local record to confirm the aggra-
vations, and anticjuaries have in vain tried to find
where the crowd of sufferers was buried.^
' Thomson's History of Dundee, 72. Thongli local record gives no
assistance to the storj', local tradition— the parent of lies— gives ample
contribution to it : " It is a tradition here that the carnage did not cease
298 COMMONWEALTH.
Dundee had been selected as a city of refuge by
those who had been driven out of Edinburgh, Glasgow,
and Perth. When seeking safety there they took with
them their valuable movables. Hence the town was
a centre of critical interest to both parties. When
Monk threatened the place, the Committee of Estates
went in a body to arrange for its defence, and probably
to get within its defences. They were at Alyth, a
village in a hilly country some fifteen miles from
Dundee. Monk sent five hundred horse under Colonel
Aldriche to eject them, and it was noticed that in that
force there were Scotsmen who knew the ways through
the mountains, and served, as guides. •'■
It appears that when summoned to surrender,
till the third da}-, when a child was seen in a lane called the Thester
Row sucking its murdered mother." — Old Stat. Account, viii. 212. Mr
Stuart Wortle}^, in his notes to Guizot's Memoirs of Monk, says :
" Monk is charged with this atrocity on the authority of Ludlow, who
says that he commanded the governor and others to be killed in cold
blood. But we must recollect that Ludlow wrote long after (he finished
his Memoirs in 1699) at a distance (for he wrote in Switzerland), and
apparently, b}' internal evidence, very much from recollection. More-
over, Monk was one of those by whom he had ' seen their cause be-
trayed,' as he expresses it in his opening sentence ; and he had a strong
dislike to him, which often appears." — P. 61. Though not supported by
Whitelocke, Clarendon, Baillie, or Baker, however, Ludlow's is not the
only testimony to the charge. It is given hy Sir James Balfour, the
Lord Lyon, thus : " Monk commanded all, of whatsomever sex, to be
put to the edge of the sword. The townsmen did no duty in their o'^^^l
defence, but were most of them all drunken like so many beasts. There
were eight hundred inhabitants and soldiers killed, and about two hun-
dred women and children." — Vol. iii. 314. Gumble, Monk's chaplain and
biographer, improves on this story of the drunkenness. A treacherous
boy climbed over the wall and told Monk " in what condition the town
was, that at nine o'clock the strangers and soldiers used to take such
large morning draughts — whether to make them forget the misery their
country was in at that time, or their own personal troubles and losses —
that before the twelfth they were most of them drenched in their cups ;
but they were more drunk with a vain security and confidence." — P. 43.
^ Baker's Chronicle, 343.
SIEGE OF DUNDEE, 1651. 299
Lvimsden, tlie governor, gave a soldier's haughty
answer — all he would do for his enemies was to
give them a pass homewards. He was killed, but,
as we are told, by a casualty, after it had been re-
solved to save his life. Every one who has visited
Dundee must have noticed the church tower or belfry,
biiilt of massive masonry to a great height, and dark
and sullen in the absence in the lower stages of win-
dows or other openings to relieve the monotony of
the walls. Here the last stand was made, until the de-
fenders "were smothered out by the burning of straw." ^
We may believe that the assailants obtained much
valuable plunder in the stormed city ; but when it is
said that it was at the time crowded by people of
wealth and position, that tends to contradict the story
of the slaughter, since the fate of such persons would
be distinctly known.^
^ On looking at this building, it will be seen that its mndows have
been built up at some remote period, and in absence of any other account
of this closing up, ^Te may presume that it was for the purpose of
strengthening the post against Monk's attack. Few castles of the day
were stronger than this ecclesiastical edifice. When it was dra'mi "^^dth
its old openings — that is, with the old windows, according to the profiles
and mouldings still visible — the grim unadorned tower became one of
the richest and lightest specimens of that noblest of all forms of Gothic
architecture, the transition between the first and second pointed. — See
the engraving in Billings's ' Ecclesiastical and Baronial Antiquities.' It
is singular that, in this age of ecclesiological zeal and costly restoration,
a building should remain in deformity when the mere removal of a heap
of stones would make it a noble ornament to a city possessed by an
affluent and liberal community.
^ The author of the Old Statistical Account says that in the parish regis-
ters of the to^\•Ti. he can trace, as then present in it, " the Earls of Buchan,
Tweeddale, Buccleuch, and Rosebery, the Viscount of Newburgh, the
Lords Balcarras, Tester, and Ramsay, and the Master of Burley." But
Douglas's Peerage, and other genealogical documents, do not show that
these personages were slain at Dundee, or that the death of any of them
occurred in 1651.
300 COMMONWEALTH.
This was the hist blow in Scotland to those who,
whether as Covenanters or Cavaliers, supported the
throne and the house of Stewart. A strong man
armed had taken possession ; but at last there came
one stronger than he. Three infallibilities had suc-
cessively held rule — the infallibility of Laud on the
apostolic past ; the infallibility of the Covenanters ;
now it was the turn of the infallibility of Cromwell
and his army of saints. It exemplified a renowned
saying, that Providence was to be found with that
side which had brought the heaviest artillery into the
field. Cromwell was keenly alive to the potency of
that great arm of war, and his artillery was on a
scale of which Scotland had previously little concep-
tion.^
The new Government, whether we call it Protec-
torate or C!ommonwealth, was disj)osed — nay, it may
be said with more accuracy, earnestly endeavoured —
to treat Scotland fairly after its own way of dealing.
In the State documents the empire was spoken of as
" England," as indeed it often is at the present day,
after a habit sometimes provocative of protests by
Scotsmen never loud enough to be heard. The in-
genious idea of King James, adopted both in Parlia-
mentary procedure and diplomacy after the Union of
1707 — the idea of giving the new name of "Great
' A curious and impressive specimen of his " pommelling " will be
seen in the wall-plate of the tower of Borthwick, twelve miles from
Edinliurgh. It is one of the thickest-walled and strongest of the square
fortresses in Scotland, and its keeper thought he might even defy artil-
lery. Cromwell wrote liim a laconic letter, saying : " If j'ou necessitate
me to bend my cannon against you, you may expect what 1 doul)t not
you will not be pleased with" (Carlyle, ii. 228). A rough cavity torn
into the flat ashler stone- work shows that a few more shots would have
brought the enormous tower tojjpling to the ground.
THE PACIFICATION, 1651-52. 3or
Britain" to the two nations united under his sceptre
— was not known, or if known, not followed. The
ordinances wliich superseded Acts of Parliament in
England and Acts of the Estates in Scotland were
issued in the name of the Protector and Council, after-
wards the Protector and Parliament, "of England."
It was only when there were ordinances solely appli-
cable to Scotland that this part of "England" was
separately named. Thus there was no respect for the
nationality of the Scots or for their " ancient king-
dom." But there was much consideration for their
welfare as a people, and for just dealing with their
personal rights and obligations. To make a AA^nding-
up, as it were, of the quarrel concluded by Dunbar
and Worcester, an ordinance of indemnity was passed :
" His highness the Lord Protector of the Common-
wealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the
dominions thereunto belonging, being desirous that
the mercies which it hath pleased God to give to this
nation by the successes of their forces in the late war
in Scotland, should be improved for the good and
advantage of both nations, and the people of Scotland
made equal sharers with those of England in the pre-
sent settlement of peace, liberty, and prosperity, with
all other privileges of a free people." This ordinance,
passed by his highness "with the consent of his Council,"
was ec[uivalent both to an indemnity for ofiences and
a declaration of peace between England and Scotland.
From the indemnity there were exceptions, including
specially the royal family, the house of Hamilton,
and some other persons of note, such as the Earls
Marischal, Lauderdale, and Loudon. There was a
o-cneral exception of the following classes : 1st, All mem-
302 COMMONWEALTH.
bers of the Estates wlio did not concur in " the great
protestation " against the resolution to send Hamil-
ton's army into England, " and all who served in that
army;" 2d, All who attended Parliament or the Com-
mittee of Estates after "the coronation of Charles
Stuart ; " 3d, All who took arms for " the said Charles
Stuart " after the battle of Dunbar, or followed him to
Worcester. There were complicated clauses for pre-
serving any claims over the estates thus forfeited held
by persons not implicated in the cause of forfeiture.^
There was one man in Scotland so powerful that
he became the object of a separate policy. Argyle
fortified himself in his Highland fastnesses. He pro-
posed to hold a meeting of the Estates at Inverary, to
which Huntly and other Eoyalists were invited.^ To
subdue him would be an affair of time and difficulty,
and Avould demand a kind of warfare to which Ene;-
lish forces were unaccustomed. The alternative,
however, was either subjugation or direct alliance.
Both parties preferred the latter alternative, and he
entered on treaty with " Major -General Pdchard Deane
on behalf of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of
England." By this treaty the marquess engages "that
he shall neither directly nor indirectly act or contrive
anything to the prejudice of the Parliament of the
Commonwealth of England, their forces, or authority
exercised in Scotland, but shall live peaceably and
quietly under the said Government." He is to use
^ Declarations, Orders, and Ordinances, ii. 231.
^ " Letters that the Lord Argjde had called in Parliament, and that
Mr Alexander [Andrew] Cant, a minister, said in his pulpit ' that God
was bound to own that Parliament. That all other Parliaments were
called by man, but this was brought about by His own hand.' " — White-
locke, 489.
CLOSING THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1653. 303
" the utmost of his endeavours " that in this his vassals
and follo-wers shall follo-\v his example. On the other
hand, the representative of the Parliament agrees that
he shall " enjoy his liberty, estate, lands, and debts,
and whatever duly belongs unto him, from all seques-
tration and molestation of the Parliament of the
Commonwealth of England." The treaty is not to
interfere with his " good endeavours for the establish-
ing of religion according to his conscience," provided
this be not accomplished by any act of hostility or
force.'^ The significance of this paper is in its testi-
mony to the great power acquired by the western
potentate, and in this sense it connects itself with
subsequent events.
One important thing had yet to be done. The
theologians Avho had kept Scotland in uproar for so
many years had to be silenced as well as the politicians.
The two opposing parties — the Eesolutioners and the
Eemonstrants — were girding their loins for a war of
extermination. After a long contest, with much sur-
rounding disturbance, the end Avould be that the
majority would drive forth the minority. In July
1653 the General Assembly met in Edinburgh, each
side charged with material for hot debate. What
occurred on that occasion can best be told in the
words of Baillie, both an eyewitness and a sufferer : —
" Lieutenant-Colonel Cotterel beset the church with
some rattes of musketeers and a troop of horse. Him-
self (after our fast, wherein Mr Dickson and Mr
Douo-las had two gracious sermons) entered the
Assembly House, and immediately after Mr Dickson
the moderator his prayer, required audience, wherein
> Articles of Agreement, &o. ; Kirkton, 105, n.
304 COMMONWEALTH.
lie inquired if we did sit there by tlie autliority of the
Parliament of tlie Commonwealth of England, or of
the commander-in-chief of the English forces, or of
the English judges in Scotland. The moderator re-
plied that we were an ecclesiastical synod, a spiritual
court of Jesus Christ, which meddled not with any-
thing civil ; that our authority was from God, and
established by the laws of the land yet standing un-
repealed ; that by the Solemn League and Covenant
the most of the English army stood obliged to defend
our General Assembly. When some speeches of this
kind had passed, the lieutenant-colonel told us his
order was to dissolve us ; whereupon he commanded
all of us to follow him, else he would drag us out of
the room. When we had entered a protestation of
this unheard-of and unexampled violence, we did rise
and follow him. He led us all throueh the whole
streets a mile out of the town, encompassing us with
foot companies of musketeers, and horsemen without,
all the people gazing and mourning as at the saddest
spectacle they had ever seen. When he had led us a
mile without the town, he then declared what further
he had in commission — that we should not dare to
meet any more above three in number, and that
against eight o'clock to - morrow we should depart
the town, under pain of being guilty of breaking the
public peace ; and the day following, by sound of
trumpet, we were commanded off town, under the
pain of present imprisonment. Thus our General
Assembly, the glory and strength of our Church upon
earth, is by your soldiery crushed and trod under
foot, without the least provocation from us at tliis
time, either in word or deed. For this our hearts are
CLOSING THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, 1653. 305
sad, our eyes run down with water, we sigh to God,
against whom we have sinned, and wait for the help
of His hand ; but from those who oppressed us we
deserved no evil." ^
The last shred of separate national organisation was
now gone, and for some years history is dormant in
Scotland. It Avas nearly so in England too. The
policy of Croni^elL «and his body of able assistants
was to fuse the two countries into one republic. The
history of the island centred in its achievements
abroad, and in these Scotland took her share. It was
an occasion calling forth the highest ability; for Eng-
land, having no longer a sovereign, had lost position
in the diplomatic ranking of European States, and
could calculate on gaining or holding nothing save by
sheer force. Scotland supplied to the Commonwealth
one of its best generals, and by far its best diploma-
tist, in Sir William Lockhart. He it was who braved
Richelieu, and made the Court of France forget its
chivalry in a close alliance with the Protectorate.
By an achievement uniting both military and diplo-
matic skill, he took Dunkirk out of the hands both of
France and Spain.^
If the Scots had not their full share in the govern-
ment of the republic, their own shyness to serve in it
was the reason. Warriston brought great scandal on
himself by yielding to the seductions of the Protector.
He took office, and became a member of Cromwell's
House of Lords, or "the other House," as it was
1 Letters, &c., iii. 225, 226.
■^ For some notices of Lockhart the author refers to his book called
' The Scot Abroad; ii. 230.
VOL. VII. U
306 COMMONWEALTH.
called ; and he became tlie chairman of the celebrated
Committee of Public Safety.
The Court of Session was superseded by a com-
mission of justice. Its members were called " the
English judges," but they were of both kingdoms.
In the first commission there were four Englishmen
and three Scotsmen. In the "precedents" cited by
the commentators on the law, or brought up in
pleadings to support forensic arguments, the deci-
sions of this court are naturally passed by. They
left, however, an impression that they were honest;
and there is a well-known anecdote accounting for
this virtue without allowing merit to the owners
— because they were " kinless loons," or persons
under no pressure of family influence in the dis-
charge of their duty. There is another tradition
of a more general character — that their method of
procedure did much to create the voluminous essays,
mixing uj) law, fact, and general ethical reasoning,
which came to be a heavy reproach to the method of
pleading in the Scottish courts of law. The men, it
was said, required not merely to be reminded of the
law, like learned judges, but had to be absolutely
instructed in it. A collection of their decisions is
preserved. It carries the impression of much pains-
taking, and is just as technical and absolutely shut
to the intelligence of the uninitiated as many of the
other " practics " of undoubted native growth.^ This
' The men wlio went over the voluminous pleadings, abbreviated in
such terms as these, certainly gave testimony to their earnest intentions :
"A general and special declarator of the single escheat of umquhile
Mr Patrick Ruthven, being pursued at the instance of John Clerk, mer-
chant and burgess of Edinburgh, iigainst the tenants of Redcastle and
the Laird of Ruthven. Excepted that there could be no declarator,
INCORPORATING UNION, 1654-60. 307
court had to deal with a great revolution in the law,
to be presently noticed — the abolition of the feudal
system, and the commutation of the pecuniary interests
arising out of the obligations thus thrown loose. But
perhaps to men to whom the old part of the law was
as much a novelty as the new, this duty might fall
more easily than on the experienced adepts trained in
an old established system.
In the few years of quietness thus inaugurated, the
most important transaction was an attempt to accom-
plish an incorporating union of England and Scot-
land. A body of commissioners was sent to Scotland
to adjust difHculties and endeavoru* to obtain co-oper-
ation in the proposed union. This commission con-
tains eminent names — it consisted of Saint John, the
younger Vane, General Lambert, General Deane,
General ]\Ionk, Colonel Fenwick, Alderman Tichburne,
and Major Sallowey.^ These commissioners desired
that delegates might be sent from the counties and
burghs, chosen like commissioners to the Estates, to
treat with them on the proposed union. The proposal
was received with lassitude and distaste rather than
active opposition. Of thirty-one shires, representatives
came from eighteen, and of fifty-six burghs twenty-
four were represented.^ We know little of the deliber-
ations of this assembly beyond the general conclusion
because the horning whereon the gift of escheat and declarator is
grounded bears Sir Francis to be denounced at the market-cross of
Edinburgh, whereas by the Act of Parliament all hornings whereupon
gifts of escheat are purchased ought to be used at the market-cross of
the head burgh where the party denounced dwells," &o. — Clerk contra
Ruthven, 30th November 1655 ; ' The Decisions of the English Judges
during the Usurpation, from the year 1655 to his Majesty's Restoration
and the setting dov^Ti of the Session in .Tune 1661. 1762.'
1 Whitelocke, 487. - Ibid., 502.
308 COMMONWEALTH.
that tlicy gave tUuir assent to tlie proposed union.
The union was ratified by an ordinance of the Su-
preme Council of tlie Commonwealth of England in
1G.54. It proceeded on the preamble, that "taking
into consideration how much it might conduce to the
glory of Cod and the peace and welfare of the people
in this whole island, that, after all those late and un-
happy wars and differences, the people of Scotland
should be united with the peoph; of England into one
commonwealth and under one government; ;i,nd find-
ing that in December IG.'}! the Parliament then sitting
did send commissioners into Scotland to invite the
people of that nation into such a happy union, who
})roceeded so far therein that the shires and burghs of
Scotland, by their deputies convened at Dalkeith, and
again at Edinburgh, <lid accept of the said union, and
assent thereunto."
The fundamental clause of the ordinance was, " That
all the people of Scotland, an<l of the Isles of Orkney
and Zetland, and of all the dominions and territories
belonging unto Scotland, are, and shall be, and are
liereby, incorporated into, constituted, established, de-
clared, and confirmed one commonwealth with Eng-
land ; and in every Parliament to be held successively
for the said Commonwealth, thirty persons shall be
called from and serve for Scotland." It was a con-
dition of this union, that Scotland be " discharged of
all fealty, homage, service, and allegiairce, which is or
shall be pretended due unto any of the issue and
posterity of Charles Stewart, late King of England and
Scotland, and any claiming under him."
For the annorial bearings and the public seals of
the united Commonwealth, it was jirovideil " tliat the
INCORPORATING UNION, 1654-60. 309
arms of Scotland — viz., a cross, commonly called St
Andrew's cross — be received into and borne from
henceforth in the arms of this Commonwealth as a
badge of this nnion ; and that all the public seals,
seals of office, and seals of bodies civil or corporate,
in Scotland, which heretofore carried the arms of the
kings of Scotland, shall from thenceforth, instead
thereof, carry these arms of the Commonwealth."
The thirty members for Scotland stood against
four hundred for England. The proportion was pro-
bably unequal, whether measured by population or
wealth. But when the armed command held by
England over Scotland at that time is looked at,
it will also be seen that there was courtesy and mo-
deration in the scheme which, in words, if not in
spirit, treated the two communities as independent
contracting parties. Still Scotland dealt with this
new constitution languidly. Representatives were
sent to the Parliament of 1654 — twenty from the
counties and ten for the burghs. It is observable,
however, that several of these representatives were
Englishmen — whether to save the expense attending
on the removal of Scotsmen to London, or from some
other cause. That Parliament was impracticable
under the other conditions of the Protectorate Govern-
ment, and its ephemeral existence is a small section of
English history. AVith this Parliament the Union, as a
representative institution, disappeared; but it had an-
other form of action, imparting a beneficence of which
the people of Scotland were too unconscious until
they lost it at the Pvestoration. This was the establish-
ment of free-trade between the two countries. This
great boon lies almost hidden in a provision of the
3IO COMMONWEALTH.
ordinance : " That all customs, excise, and other im-
posts for goods transported from England to Scotland,
and from Sctjtland to England, by sea or land, are
and shall be so far taken off and discharged, as that
all goods for the future shall pass as free, and with
like privileges, and with the like charges and burthens,
from Enoiand to Scotland, and from Scotland to Ene-
land, as goods passing from port to port, or place to
place, in England ; and that all goods shall and may
pass between Scotland and any other part of this
Commonwealth or dominions thereof with the like
privileges, freedom, and charges, as such goods do and
shall pass between England and the said parts and
dominions." ^
Thus commerce was as free between Caithness and
Middlesex as between Middlesex and Lancaster. The
great arena of commercial enterprise centred in Eng-
land was opened to the energetic and industrious
Scots. Of the beneficent influence likely to follow
such an ojsening up in a period of profound peace, we
can only form an estimate by remembering the rapid
progress in wealth and civilisation accruing to Scot-
land when the Union of 1707 got free action at the
conclusion of the insurrections forty years afterwards.
It was a help rather than an impediment to the influ-
ence of the free-trade, that, in conformity with Crom-
well's military policy, the country was dotted with
fortresses. Raised and armed according to the most
recent defensive science, they seemed to the eye less
formidable than the great feudal towers dispersed over
the country. But they were infinitely more powerful ;
for although mere earthen mounds, they were mounted
' Bruce, Appendix No. xxvii. p. cciii.
FREE-TRADE, 1654-60. 311
with heavy cannon, and held by garrisons well drilled
to serve them. When, as we shall see, the High-
landers were restrained, the industrious Lowlander
could raise agricultural produce and manufacture mer-
cantile commodities undeterred by the bitter misgiv-
ing that any night the whole fruits of his vigilance
and industry might disappear in pillage and destruc-
tion. Under these conditions, even in the very
few years while they lasted, the country prospered.
There was a theoretical discontent — a latent protes-
tation against the whole arrangement, and a loyal
desire to see King Charles II. restored. But it had
little active vitality ; and perhaps it was in human
nature that the material prosperity of the people
soothed such political irritation as came of mere
abstract principles, and preserved the general lull.
There is an interesting example of this spirit of
the immediately practical, of which the Protectorate
Government was full, in a document bearing the
date of 1656, called a ' Eeport by Thomas Tucker
upon the Settlement of the Eevenues of Excise and
Customs in Scotland.'^ In the language of the dealer
it might be called " taking stock " of Scotland's share
in the new partnership. The chief object was no
doubt to find and draw upon the most available
sources of revenue ; but the inquiry to this end
brought forth information valuable for other purposes.
In the words of the editor, it " contains some curious
and apparently very authentic information relative to
the trade and shipping of Scotland in the year 1656 ; "
affording, besides the proper details about the coUec-
' Printed and presented to the Bannatyne Club by John Archiliald
Murray, afterwards Lord Murray, in 1825.
312 COMMONWEALTH.
tion of the customs aud excise, some account " of
every harbour and creek upon the coast to which
vessels resorted at that time."
Tucker's details — especially about shipping, -which
are the most specific — afford curious elements for com-
parison. The trade with the New World had yet
hardly opened on the west coast, and the great bulk
of the shipping was along the edge of the German
Ocean, where there was an open and straight seaway
to Denmark, Korth Germany, Holland, and Scotland's
ancient ally. The great trading centre was the Firth
of Forth, and Fifeshire had more shipping than any
other county. The small shallow creeks, unfit to
furnish harbours for the large vessels of more recent
times, were a shelter and haven to the small craft of
that day, as they are to the fishing-busses of the
present.
Leith was, in the eye of Cromwell's commissioner,
the natural centre of trade and civilisation, and the
hope of Scotland's future. The place was strongly
fortified by Cromwell ; it was far more suitable for his
school of fortification than the castle rock of Edin-
burgh. The commissioner's comment on the two has
some interest as a touch of the utilitarian spirit of
the age : " The town of Leith is of itself a pretty
small town, and fortified about ; having a convenient
dry harbour into which the Firth ebbs and flows every
tide, and a convenient quay on the one side thereof, of
a good length, for landing of goods. This place
formerly, and so at this time, is indeed a storehouse,
not only for her own traders, but also for the mer-
chants of the city of Edinburgh, this being the port
thereof. And did not that city, jealous of her own
COMMERCE, SHIPPING, AND REVENUE, 1654-60. 313
satety, obstruct and impede the growing of this phice,
it would, from her skive, in a few years become her
rival. For as certainly the Castle of Edinburgh did
first give the rise and gT^)^^'th to that city, by inviting-
people in the time of their intestine troubles to plant
and settle there, for settling themselves under the
strength and security thereof; so now, in time of peace,
the situation of this toAvn, and all other circumstances
concurring to the rendering it fit to prove the most
eminently mercantile and trading place of the whole
nation, would soon invite the inhabitants of that city
to descend from their proud hill into the more fruit-
ful plain, to be filled with the fulness and fatness
thereof." 1
There were fourteen vessels in Leith — the largest
number in any port in Scotland. Three ports next in
order, as each possessing twelve vessels, make a con-
junction, much altered in later times — Montrose,
Kirkcaldy, and Glasgow. But capacities for trade are
appearing in the " ^"enice of the west " : " This town,
seated in a pleasant and fruitful soil, and consisting
of four streets handsomely built in form of a cross, is
one of the most considerable burghs of Scotland, as
well for the structure as trade of it. The inhabitants,
all but the students of the college which is here, are
traders and dealers — some for Ireland with small
smiddy coals in open boats from four to ten tons,
from Avlience they bring hoops, rungs, barrel-staves,
meal, oats, and butter ; some for France ^^•ith plad-
ding, coals, and herring, of which there is a great fish-
ing yearly in the western sea, for which they return
salt, paper, rosin, and prunes ; some to Korway for
314 COMMONWEALTH.
timber ; and every one with their neighbours the
Highhmders, who come hither from the Isles and
western parts."
There is a brief note of the germ — puny and
precarious — of the great Transatlantic trade of the
Clyde : " Here hath likewise been some who have
adventured as far as Barbadoes ; but the losses they
have sustained by reason of their going out and
coming home late every year, have made them dis-
continue going thither any more." ^
In Renfrew there are " three or four boats of five or
six tons apiece ; " and " in Irvine three or four, the
biggest not exceeding sixteen tons." There is no
more shipping on the west coast, but it is noticed
that English traders are frequenting the estuary of
the Clyde.
It fell to Mr Tucker and the other commissioners
of the revenue to deal with a curious social pheno-
menon. The revenue was farmed, so that its collection
fell to the highest bidder who was in a position to
carry his offer into eflfect. The competition was keen,
but of a j)eculiar kind. It worked itself into con-
junction with the feudal spirit of the country. The
great man, or the man Avho was trying to make him-
self great by aggrandising himself in lands and
seignorial rights, sought the power of collecting the
taxes as a valuable acquisition for furthering his
objects. It made a material addition to the power he
had before. Now, however, the customs were to be
recast, and, with the new duty of excise, to be used
for materially increasing the revenue. To this end,
on a mere pecuniary consideration, English adventur-
1 Page 38.
COMMERCE, SHIPPING, AND REVENUE, 1654-60. 315
ers would be the more suitable farmers, but they did
not know the nature of the people : —
"Therefore, duly weighing as well the quality of
the farmers as having a regard to the temper and
humour of the people, and finding part of the farmers
to be English and not acquainted either with the
thing, persons, or places, and the rest Scots, and in
this respect more qualified and less obnoxious, but
naturally rigid exacters, apt to avenge private quarrels
or discontents under colour or pretext of public em-
ployment, and most of them generally strangers to
the particular work in which they engaged. And
considering withal the people on the other side,
through poverty and an innate habit of their own, to
be cross, obstinate, clamorous, and prone to apprehend
every action an oppression or injury, and again to
repel both either Avith noise or force. "^
The commissioners resolved to try a middle course
— to farm the revenues, but to reserve to themselves
that ultimate power of enforcement which they saw
to be productive of many social irritations : " To
reserve the judicial part in themselves, and to give
the farmer only the collective power, which was
done accordingly."
The result of this project was utter failure ; and as
the Commonwealth could not aff"ord to lose a revenue
for the sake of social quiet and good fellowship, the
farmers were, in the significant language of the com-
missioner, " let loose " again upon their natural victims
and enemies : " Very few or none would pay any
moneys, suffer any distress, or obey any summons ;
insomuch that the commissioners were enforced to
Page 12.
3l6 COMMONWEALTH.
retract their former resolutions, and to let the farmers
loose to the full execution of all the powers and
authorities of the several Acts and ordinances, but
against and upon such only as should refuse to give
due obedience, that so they might have a just sense
that the commissioners did still retain and should have
continued their first tenderness towards them." The
result was, that " every one, acted by his fear and the
expectation he had of suffering the penalties of the
law, began to provide for his own peace and security
by a timely conforming, and so made way for the
more easy and vigorous carrying on of things in the
future." 1
We have here a very expressive token of the power-
fu] pressure attained in the seventeenth century by
the feudal system in Scotland, where indeed it was
at all times more effective than the prerogative or
any other central authority. Perhaps those who were
so eager to farm the revenue expected thus to obtain
comjjensation for the loss of the feudal prerogatives
in their old established form. Among the projects
of the Protectorate completed upon paper was the
sweeping away of the whole complex machinery of
the feudal system in Scotland. In the first place,
there was to be a restraint on the feudal power of
the territorial chiefs, by abolishing those portions
of their authority which made them judges in
courts of law, and entitled them to the military
attendance of their vassals. In mere technical lan-
guage, it was the abolition of heritable jurisdictions
and of military service. It left to the feudal superior
all that he was entitled to in the shape of beneficiary
1 Pase 13.
ABOLITION OF FEUDALITY, 1654-60. 317
profit — all that consisted in money, or civil services
convertible into money. The vassals holding under
any deeds or charters were to continue to hold "by
and under such yearly rents, boons, and annual ser-
vices as are mentioned and due by any deeds, patents,
charters, or enfeoffments now in being, of the respec-
tive lands therein expressed, or by virtue thereof
enjoyed, without rendering, doing, or performing any
other duty, vassalage, or command Avhatsoever."
Thus, upon paper at least, the Government of the
Protectorate achieved that social reconstruction
which, on its actually coming into effect after the
suppression of the insurrections, received unanimous
applause from politicians and historians.'- But the
restraint of the military and judicial power of the
feudal lords was not all. Commerce in land was to
be freed from impediments. Tracts of land were
in a state of transition from " roums," or realms, as
they used to be called, to be estates in the modern
sense of the term. The feudal system was a heavy
burden on commerce in this sort of valuable property.
The system had been invented for military tenure, and
was hostile to anything that deprived the overlord of
his proper vassal. The person who desired to pur-
chase an estate had hence heavy impediments in his
way, and he could only overcome them by a sort of
bribery, or the payment of a "casualty." The old
military notion clung so closely to all questions of
land-right, that the person who had thus got over the
feudal difficulties, and put himself in possession as
actual owner and occupant of the land, was said to
' The ordinance will be found in Scobell's Collection, and in the Ap-
pendix (No. xxvii. p. cciii) of Bruce's Report on the Union.
3l8 COMMONWEALTH.
have acquired it by " conquest," to distinguish him
from the hereditary successor to a family domain ;
and the term " conquest " has remained in use down
to the present time. Thus this project contemplated
not only the extinction of the military command over
their vassals belonging to the superiors, and also of
their jurisdiction over them as hereditary judges, but
it went still farther. It cut away all the nomen-
clature and usages of the system, so that even for the
mere purj)ose of accommodating the feudal system to
the commerce in land, there should be no such rela-
tion as sujDcrior and vassal.^ It enables one to realise
the breadth of such a project, to say that, after count-
less statutes modifying and adjusting the feudal
usages to modern utility, this conclusive extinction of
its vestiges is at the present moment making its way
through Parliament.
As in this measure, so in that of the Protectorate
— there was provision for everything that could be
' " That all and every the heritors and others, the persons aforesaid
and heirs, are and shall he for ever hereafter freed and discharged of
and from all suits, and appearing at or in any of their lords' or superiors'
courts of justiciary, regality, stewartry, barony, bailiary, heritable
sheriffship, heritable admiralty — all which together, with all other
offices, heritable or for life, are hereby abolished and taken away ; and
that all and every the heritors and persons aforesaid and their heirs are
and shall be for ever hereafter freed and discharged of and from all
military service and personal attendance upon any their lords or supe-
riors in expeditions or travels, and of all casualties of wards, lands
formerly held of the king and other superiors, and of the marriage,
single and double, avail thereof, nonentries, compositions for entries, and
of all rights and casualties payable if they be demanded only, or upon
the committing of any clause irritant ; and that the said heritors and
persons aforesaid be now and from henceforth construed, reputed,
adjudged, and declared free and acquitted thereof." — Bruce's Report on
the Union, p. ccx.
ABOLITION OF FEUDALITY, 1654-60. 319
deemed a vested interest, if it were in a shape to be
estimated in money. The investigations for the ac-
complishment of this revolution were probably what
revealed a valuable institution for facilitating and pro-
tecting the commerce in land in Scotland — an institu-
tion struggling now into existence in England, and
anticipated by Cromwell. This was the system of Re-
gistration. Its germ is in an institution of the Empire.
The notaries, Avho were imperial ofhcers, were bound
to keep protocol-books containing transcripts of the
deeds and documents prepared by them. On this
usage was raised a system of records of land-rights, in
which the record was the supreme title, not to be con-
tradicted by an unrecorded private deed.^ When
Cromwell attempted an imitation of this system
in England, he found that "the sons of Zeruiah,"
meaning the common lawyers, were too strong for
him. ^
These things testify to much enlightened fore-
thouoht ; but we must look both at what was given as
well as what was taken away, before we determine
that the great Protector Avas more than two hundred
years beyond his age. When he extinguished the
feudal powers throughout the country, he laid down
1 See " A Notice on the Subject of Protocol-books as connected with
Public Records," by David Laing, Esq., F.S.A., Scot. ; Proceedings of
the Soc. of Ant. of Scotland, iii. 350.
^ The method in which this strength was sho^vn is described by Lud-
low with thorough distinctness : " Upon the debate of registering deeds
in each county, for want of which, within a certain time fixed after the
sale, such sales should be void, and being so registered, that land should
not be subject to any incumbrance. This word 'incumbrance' was so
managed by the lawyers that it took up three months' time before it
could be ascertained by the committee."— Vol. i. 370.
330 COMMONWEALTH.
ill it tweuty-eight fortresses, and kept in them per-
maneut garrisons ont of an army varying from five to
nine thonsaud men. AYliile this was the necessary
alternative, it is an open question whether the time
for the entire abolition of feudality in Scotland had
yet come. At the same time, an organisation re-
sembling the Justice of Peace system in England
was created for Scotland by an ordinance for the
erection of Courts Baron, to be administered by that
class whose feudal authority had been suppressed.
The central power of the new Government enabled
it to accomplish other measures of advantage unc^ues-
tionable. There had been some early attempts to
open postal communication between England and
Scotland with but slight success. In 1656 the ser^-ice
Avas organised, in fulfilment of reasons well and briefly
put thus : —
"Whereas it hath been found by experience, that
the erecting and settling of one General Post-Olfice,
for the speedy conveying, carrying, and recarrying
letters by post to and from all places within England,
Scotland, and Ireland, and into several parts bej-ond
the seas, hath been and is the best means, not only to
maintain a certain and constant intercourse of trade
and commerce bet'ndxt all the said places, to the gxeat
benefit of the people of these nations, but also to con-
vey the public despatches, and to discover and prevent
many dangerous and wicked designs which have been
and are daily contrived against the peace and welfare
of this Commonwealth." —
By the ordinance so announced, the organisation
was put under the direction of " a postmaster-
general " and "a comptroller of the post-office." A
DEALING WITH THE CHURCH, 1653-58. 321
scale of charges was established, among which the
IKjstage of a single letter between Scotland and London
was fixed at fourpence.^
The plan for the Union was accompanied by efforts
to reconstruct the Church. The closing of the General
Assembly was like clearing the inhabitants out of a
street on fire.^ But if the clergy were saved from a
conflagration, mischief of another kind must arise if
they were left unregulated to act separately, or in small
groups as presbyteries. There must be some central
power to regulate the action of these separate corpora-
tions, or of the respective clergy if they were to act
in isolation, otherwise there would be infringements
and strife. There were questions about temporalities,
and the due appointment to these along with the
functions of the ministry, which could not be left to
spontaneous action in each parish. Some central tri-
bunal, whether clerical or secular, must adjust them.
But what suggested the closing of the Assembly
left difficulties in the path of any adjustment. The
two contending parties — the Resolutioners and Pro-
testers— though restrained from flying at each other's
throats, continued, in their compulsory restraint, to
nourish their hatred of each other, and were each pre-
pared to recommence the war of extirpation whenever
' Ordinance of the Protector in Parliament, 17th December 1656.
^ The historian of the sufferings entered this memorandum in his
private note-book : " I find some that favour the memory of Oliver Crom-
well, excuse the acting of Cromwell in this Church, and say they were
out of kindness. That he would not suffer any more General Assemblies
to sit alter 1652, because they would have deposed one another, and the
rent would have still increased. That he indicted fasts and thanksgiv-
ini'S himself, and prescribed the days and causes, out of a regard to the
peace of the Church, because, as he thought, the Protesters and Resolu-
tioners would make each other causes of their fasting." — Analecta, i. 274.
VOL. VII. X
322 COMMONWEALTH.
a clear arena was opened to them. For the ends of
the Protector's Government there was a perplexing
cross - play of compatibilities and incompatibilities
between the two. The Protesters, who abjnred Charles
Stewart, seemed in that act to be open for alliance
with the Commonwealth ; but they abjured also all
interference by the civil power with that great area
of dominion claimed by them for the authority of the
spiritual power, and these claims were not easily com-
patible with the supremacy of the Commonwealth.
The other party were more amenal)le to civil rule ; but
what they wanted was the civil rule of the old Scots
line of kings. Cromwell called up leading men from
both sides, and held conferences with them. As these
discussions had no distinctive permanent influence,
they are not likely to interest any but those Avho study
the more obscure intricacies of Church history. What
appears on the surface is, that Cromwell found the
Resolution party the more tractable of the two. One
member of this party, afterwards famous, began at
this time to found an influence which helped him into
the sinister path of his celebrity — this was James
Sharp. He either was, or made himself appear to be,
so well listened to at the Protectorate Court, that he
was believed to be the proper man to represent his
party there when any crisis should come. The end of
the conferences was, that an ordinance was issued in
1654, "taking away," as a succinct clerical author puts
it, "the ordinary powers of Church courts previously
established, and dividing Scotland into five precincts,
in every one of which a few ministers, with others,
were appointed to give testimony in order to the ad-
mission of ministers (four being sufficient for this
DEALING WITH THE CHURCH, 1653-58. 323
charge in every province), so that ten ministers and
ten other persons might exercise the power of plant-
ing churches for the whole of Scotland." ^
The Government had the command of the stipend,
the manse, and the church itself ; and if it could not
well raise the question how far a suspected minister
should be permitted to retain possession, it could put
a practical veto on the new man wherever there came
a vacancy. That the Protesting or Eemonstrant party
were hostile to Charles Stewart, while the Resolu-
tioners befriended him, naturally influenced the result,
even although the Government woidd have preferred
alliance with the Eesolutioners. Thus Baillie in his
lamentations says : " When a very few of the Remon-
strants and Independent party will call a man, he gets
the kirk and the stipend ; but when the presbytery,
and well near the whole congregation, call and admit,
he must preach in the fields or in a barn without
stipend." ^ The question of praying for the king,
naturally declared to be an offence against the Pro-
tectorate Government, forced these questions of eccle-
siastical politics on those most desirous to let them
alone. This was a negative duty to which the Re-
monstrants were ready to conform. But the old
Covenanting party held by him whom they had them-
selves made a Covenanting king, and in many in-
stances sacrificed themselves by continuing to pray
for him by name.
Some difficulties, created by their political condition,
in reference to one great religious principle where
they were in harmony, may have a harsh sound in the
' Principal Lee's Lectures on the Church of Scotland, ii. 376.
^ Letters, ii. 371.
324 COMMONWEALTH.
present day ; but it is one tliat ought to be listened to,
if we would understand fully the spirit of the period.
Both parties had a hearty horror of the new doctrine of
toleration. But when the Remonstrants sought favour
Avith the existing rulers, were they not conniving
Avith that swarm of sectaries in which the detested
doctrine had been born and bred ? The difficulty was
rendered all the more grotesque by this, that the
Remonstrant party were far more fierce and vehement
in their testimony against toleration than the old
Presbyterians, who had something like a misgiving
towards a very clamorous proclamation of that pecu-
liar article of their faith. So far on in the Church's
l)ondage as the 11th of April 1659, Baillie says:
" Understanding a design of the Remonstrants, some
weeks before the Synod, to have a petition sent up to
the Protector and Parliament against toleration," he
calls on his friends to beware of that design, giving
reasons, of which a portion will suffice : " This peti-
tion will be a formal address to the present power as
the supreme magistrate, which no Church judicature
in Scotland had ever yet attempted." " The petition
to preserve that part of our Covenant which tolera-
tion destroys, with silence of all other articles of our
Covenant Avhich now are openly laid aside and de-
stroyed, does avow our contentment with, or neglect
of, the violation of the other ai'ticles against which we
do not petition." He suspects that such a testimony
against toleration cannot be " full," looking to those
it is addressed to, since " we must be silent of Inde-
pendents, Anabaptists, and Erastians, these being the
chief statesmen who must agent our petition." ^
' Letters, &c., iii. 393.
glencairn's expedition, 1653-54. 325
The somewhat gloomy quietness following the paci-
fication and the firm establishment of the Protectorate
was disturbed by an affair known as " Glencairn's
Expedition." William Cuningham, Lord Glencairn,
applied to the exiled Charles for a commission to com-
mand such a force as he might o-ather in Scotland.
The careless exile could see no harm to himself in
granting such a request, and in August 1653 Glen-
cairn appeared in the ^Yest Highlands as the royal
commander-in-chief The project at once declares
itself as an imitation of Montrose's expedition of ten
years earlier, but it was a very bad imitation. Such
achievements depend on the man who can invent the
most effective combination for the occasion, and arc
not available to the mere imitator. The Highlanders
were of course ready to join in hostility to a Govern-
ment which brought them under the direst of all rules
in compelling them to be at peace and abstain from
plunder. Several heads of clans brought a follow-
ing with them. Glengary came with two hundred,
Cameron of Lochiel and Lord Athole with a hundred
horse and twelve hundred foot. But it was said that
the Highland leaders seemed more desirous to com-
mand than to obey — in short, they did not find them-
selves under the master who could handle a Highland
army, and were therefore useless.
He was superseded, and the command conferred on
Middleton, who had been originally intended for it.
Lie was a man of a soldierly type who had seen hard
service, and was not, as we shall have opportunity of
seeing, very scrupulous. When he arrived at the
camp a muster was ordered, "that he might examine
how the men were armed and mounted, and know
326 COMMONWEALTH.
with certainty wliat he had to depend upon. They
were mustered, accordingly, about the middle of
]\Iarch ; and their number consisted of three thousand
five hundred foot and one thousand five hundred horse,
three hundred of which were not well mounted or
armed."
The new general was presently Avitness to a scene
that exemplified the character of the army handed
over to him. It was at a banquet given by Glencairn
at his headquarters at Dornoch. The entertainer
called a toast to " the gallant army " which he and
his friends " had raised out of nothing." Immediately
Sir George Monro started from his seat, and interrupt-
ing Lord Glencairn, said: "By God! the men you speak
of are no other than a pack of thieves and robbers — ■
in a short time I will show you other sort of men."
There was a competition for the honour of resenting
this, but the quarrel remained between Glencairn and
Monro. Then follows the delivery of a challenge with
a picturesqueness that might suit a novel-writer.
There is a merry supper with the Laird of Ducherie,
his daughter playing on the virginals — the piano of
the day. Monro's brother appears, and is heartily
received by Glencairn, who " saluted him at the hall-
door as being very welcome, and made him sup with
him, placing him at the head of the table next the
laird's daughter. The whole company were very
merry. Immediately after supper he told Monro that
he would give him a spring if he would dance — which
accordingly he did, the laird's daughter playing.
Whilst the rest were dancing, his lordship stepped
aside to the window and Monro followed. They did
not sj)eak a dozen words together." Thus they con-
glencairn's expedition, 1653-54. 327
certed a duel fought with bloody bitterness, and only
not fatal because Monro was disabled and the hand of
the other held from slaying him.
One advantasje came from a change of commanders.
The new man was not to be responsible for keeping
what had never been gained. Accordingly, like a
new steward entering in possession, he rendered an
account of the condition of the enterprise, and thus
dispelled some flattering visions : " Exaggerated reports
had been sent to Holland of the number of men in arms
— they were only prophetically, not actually, true ; and
if Middleton had not hastened over, and previously
sent Major-General Drummond, things had not lived
long." " Middleton has a hard task to a great dis-
advantage, but has hitherto managed it so well that
there is no doubt of success. The business, although
its growth is not hasty, is in constitution healthy and
strong ; nor is its stature so contemptible as to expose
it to scorn." Such was the tenor of the reports to
the exiled Court, and evidently they were not likely
to excite hope or enthusiasm.^
Middleton, a thorough child of the Thirty Years'
War — an apt pupil in its school of cruelty and rapacity
— was to do something to conciliate the Covenanters.
He had experience of their ways when he was excom-
municated, and had to do penance in sackcloth to re-
gain his rights as a free citizen; he was to have
fm'ther experience of them as the hand by which they
were to be scourged when his master regained his own.
Of this consummation the very policy he was to pur-
1 Account of the Proceedings of Middleton's Forces in Scotland ;
Macray's Calendar of Clarendon State Papers (prescribed in the Bod-
leian Library), ii. 371.
328 COMMONWEALTH.
sue is ominously suggestive of what Avas then to come :
" It is hoped to induce the ministers to preach against
the rebels and undeceive the people, whose affections
have been strangely won by their smoothness ; but,
nevertheless, Mr Presbyter will never be allowed
again to sit at the helm as he formerly did, although,
as things now are, too much severity and open dis-
avowing that way would be very destructive."^
Monk took this affair with his usual deliberate cau-
tion. He detached a force of three thousand — six
hundred of them being horse — to deal with the
Royalist army. It went in two divisions — one led by
himself, the other by General Morgan. Their policy
was to keep strong parties well supplied at Inverness,
Perth, and the other gates of the Highlands, so that
Middleton's army should be driven back into the moun-
tains if they attempted to reach the low country. This
force was sufficient easily to crush the Royalists' force if
it could be reached. Monk's troops were not well suited
for Highland warfare, and therefore wisely attempted
it as little as possible. But the incapacity of their
enemy gave them an opportunity. By some blunder-
ing on both sides, Morgan's party and the Highlanders
stumbled against each other on the banks of Loch-
garry. In the words of the historian of the expedi-
1 Macray's Calendar of Clarendon State Papers, ii. 371. Middleton
seems to have tried his hand on something like a testimony, but with
poor success. A. copy of " a declaration hastily drawn up by Middle-
ton " is sent to the Court, with an explanation that " he showed it
yesterday to some of the young Presbyters who had a meeting in
Thurso, who, after a perusal and two or three deep ' gryes,' said there
was not enough concerning religion. Middleton replied that it was
only occasional, and not intended for a set declaration which leaves them
in hopes of great performances that way. But other friends advise him
to be very tender there — to use only general words, and not to make it
his practice to communicate such things." — Ibid., 373.
glencairn's expedition, 1653-54. 329
tion, " The king's army marched to Lochgarry, near
which there was a small town where they were to
encamp all night. But Morgan, who intended to rest
in the same place, had gained it before Middleton,
and having no intelligence of each other, the king's
vanguard and Morgan's outer guard immediately en-
gaged. There was no ground for drawing up; for on
the one side the loch hemmed them in, and on the,
other the ground was all morass, so that no horse
could ride it ; and the way by the loch-side was so
narrow that two or three only could ride abreast.
Middleton, j&nding this, ordered his rear to face about,
so that our van became our rear ; and the English
gentlemen in our army being then in the rear, did
behave most gallantly. Morgan pursued very close.
At last he made himself master of the general's
sumptuary, where was his commission and all his
other papers. He pressed so hard that the king's
army ran as fast as they could and in great confusion.
There was no great slaughter, as night came on soon
after they were engaged. Every man shifted for him-
self and went where he best liked." ^
Middleton, tired of such work, returned to the
exiled Court ; hence Glencairn had to finish the pro-
' Military Memoirs, 138. It is scarcely possible to connect with this
affair the preposterous news received by the exiled Court, and yet there
is no other to which it will better fit : " It is certain that the Marquis of
Montrose and Viscount Dudhope charged and routed Monk, who returned
from Stirling to Dalkeith, where he stiU is curing his wounds. Eighty-
three wounded officers are in Heriot's Hospital. Montrose lost his left
thumb. The Earls of Atholl and Kinnoul fell on a reinforcement that
was marching from St Johnstons to assist Monk, killed five hundred,
and dispersed the rest. At the same tinie Middleton routed all the
English forces which were by the head of the river Spey, and killed
and took three troops of Lambert's regiment called 'the Brazen Wall.'
The fugitives sheltered themselves under Dnnnottar Castle, not daring
to trust to the foolish fortifications they had begun about Aberdeen.
33° COMMONWEALTH.
ject lie had begun. He profiered terms to Monk, who
received them in a pacific spirit. There was a break
in the negotiations, and at that point an opportunity
occurred for showing that the insurrection had still
life in it. A party of dragoons was quartered in the
town of Dumbarton. A body of Highlanders forded
the river Leven and surprised them, so that they fled
to the castle, leaving their horses and provisions to the
assailants. It was the one success in the expedition,
and was credited with the effect of bringing j\Ionk to
good terms : " The conditions were, that all the officers
and soldiers should be secure in their lives and for-
tunes, and should have passes to carry them to their
respective homes, they behaving themselves peaceably
in their journeys. The officers were allowed their
horses and arms, and to wear their swords always.
The soldiers were allowed to keep their horses, but
were to deliver up their arms and to receive the full
value for the same, which was to be fixed by two men
chosen by my lord and the other two by Mouk."^ A
Middleton is going south. Men see he is in earnest, having imprisoned
Sir George Monro for raising a mutiny and drawing his sword on the
Earl of Glencairn. It is thought he will have above sixteen thousand
horse and foot at a general rendezvous between St Johnstons and Stirling
the 10th of this month, besides those in the west and south with Ken-
more and Sir Arthur Forbes. There is not an. Englishman between
the Forth and the Tay except one hundred and twenty-five in Burnt-
island Castle, who dare not look out. All this news comes by persons
who came nine days ago from Burntisland. The Scots make inroads
into England as far as Newcastle, and receive kind entertainment from
the country people." — "Intelligence from various Places, copied by
John Nicholas ; " Calendar, Clarendon Papers, ii. 376.
^ Military Memoirs, 185. The authority thus cited and chiefly relied
on for the facts of this insurrection is ' Military Memoirs of the
great Civil War, being the Military Memoirs of John Gwynne, and an
Account of the Earl of Glencairn's Expedition,' &c., 4to, 1822. Edited
by Sir Walter Scott.
glencairn's expedition, 1653-54. 331
spirit of conciliation is conspicuously visible in these
terms. Before its dispersal the disorderly Highland
camp was brightened by a visit from a hero of romance
— Colonel Vegan he is called by the historian of the
expedition ; but he is better known to the world as
Captain Wogan, the name he holds in Clarendon's
History, where his adventures are told. He took a
small party of devoted Eoyalists who marched with
him through England and Scotland in the guise of
troopers of the Commonwealth, and thus reached den-
cairn's camp with "near a hundred gentlemen well
armed and mounted." He brought with him a wound
caught in an affair " with a troop of the Brazen- Wall
Regiment, as they called themselves;" and from unskil-
ful treatment, as it was said, died in Glencairn's camp.^
So high ran hopes and expectations about Glencairn's
expedition that Charles professed his intention to join
it. He seems only to have been stopped in time, when
the precise and unassuming reports from Middleton
were received. It was well for himself that he remained
in safety in Paris, since the result of all rational calcu-
lation from the tenor of events is, that he would have
been taken. ^ There is another feature of some in-
' " Middleton made a short harangue, passionately lamenting Colonel
Wogan, whose memory all men here reverence, and who perished either
by the ignorance or villanj^ of his chirurgeun." — Calendar of Clarendon
Papers, ii. 371. For help to all the authorities on the Wogan affair, see
the Boscobel Tracts, p. 42.
' Macray's Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers (preserved in the
Bodleian Library), Nos. 1468, 1480, 1713. The chief of Glengary
writes to the royal exile to this effect : " Although on Middleton's arrival
their forces were not so strong as possibly they had been reported,
yet they are now in better condition ; and the king's presence, which is
desired by most of his faithful subjects, would shortly put them in a
condition to deal equally with the enemy, while without it they will
have no governing of themselves." — No. 1944. He wisely remained away.
332 COMMONWEALTH.
terest in this affair. The Lord Lorn, the son of the
Marquess of Argyle, professed to befriend it. We find
him coming; to Glencairn as a friend, who would be
an ally if he could raise his father's clan ; and he was
in correspondence with the exiled Court at Paris,
receiving the thanks of Charles for his proffers.^
It would seem that the boastful hopes of the
Royalists were so far echoed in the apprehensions of
the Government, that eighteen thousand men were
available in Scotland. At the time when the affair
came to an end the force was reduced to nine thou-
sand. Down to the middle of the eighteenth cen-
tury the " wild Highlander " never was so effectually
bridled as during the remaining years of the Pro-
tectorate. There was a great fortress at Inverness
for his special government. But we shall have per-
haps an exaggerated account of it, if we take the
impression of a trooper in the Protectorate army
speaking of it in the year 1658: "North and by
east, near the forcible stream of the Ness, stands the
fortress or pentagon, drawn out by regular lines, built
all with stone, and girt about with a graff that com-
modes it with a convenient harbour. The houses in
this fair fortress are built very Ioav, but uniform, and
the streets broad and spacious, with avenues at inter-
but he wrote a letter destined for the Moderator of the General Assem-
bly, if such a person could he found, desiring him to send " such able,
faithful, and discreet ministers into the army as may draw down God's
blessing upon them" (No. 1709).
' Macray's Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, Nos. 1480, 1747.
" Lord Lorn, in a letter to the lieutenant-general about six weeks since,
expressed abundance of zeal to the king's service. He has a consider-
able force with him, and therefore it will be no policy alisolutely to re-
fuse him ; if there be just ground to fear him, the only way will be to
labour to get him into their power." — No. 1944.
CONCLUSION OF THE PROTECTORATE, 1658-60. 333
vals for drilling of foot and drawing up horse. I must
confess such and so many are the advantages and
conveniences that belong to this citadel it would be
thought fabulous if but to enumerate them ; for that
end I refer myself to those who have inspected her
magazines, providoes, harbours, vaults, graffs, bridges,
sally-ports, cellars, bastions, horn-works, redoubts,
counterscarps, &c." ^ There was a responding fort at
the upper end of Loch Ness, and — most astounding
phenomenon of all to the natives — communication was
opened between them by a ship of Avar cruising on the
loch. The same writer describes, with much flowery
eloquence, its removal overland from the Moray
Firth by "a regiment — or it may be two — at that
time quartered near Inverness, who by artifice had
fastened thick cables to her forecastle, and then they
got levers and rollers of timber, which they spread at
a distance one before another." -
Neither the united Parliament nor the new Church
polity had a practical growth carrying any touches of
its spirit into the institutions of later times ; and,
unlike the political project, the ecclesiastical was ac-
companied by no secondary influence of a beneficent
kind, such as the opening of trade between the tAvo
countries, to commend it to the sympathies of an
ase in which it would otherwise be forgotten.
Cromwell's immediate and temporary influence, both
on Church and State in Scotland, had in it much of
that character which he claimed for his position. The
country was in a state of riot — a constable was wanted
to put it in order and keep it so, and he accepted
of the post. But the constable is at all times more
1 Frank's Northern Memoirs, 202. " Ibid,, 199.
334 COMMONWEALTH.
tolerated than liked. To those even whom he pro-
tects he is the emblem of forced obedience ; and when
they see him on his stiff walk, with his suspicious eye
and his baton of control, they sigh for the good old
days when courtesy and deference preserved order in
the village, and the squire was respected for his an-
cient pedigree and his personal amiability. Then
when the Protectorate passed to Oliver's son, it was
no longer the necessary constable, but a question of
change of dynasty.
The loyalty that only muttered under the stern rule
that was over now spoke fairly out. It was in Novem-
ber 16.59 that Monk began his renowned march to
London. For all the famed inscrutability of his char-
acter, the Scots evidently knew the errand on which
he had gone. There was so good an understanding
between them that he could withdraw the army from
their neighbourhood. He called together an assembly
of representative men from the counties, who so far
promoted his undertaking, whatever it might be, that
they aided him with a considerable sum of money,
which might either be called an anticipation of the
taxes to come, or an advance on their security. At
their meeting, whatever was spoken beyond compli-
ments and expressions of good-fellowship, referred
to the support of the Parliamentary authority in each
country. The general knew the opinion of the men he
was dealing with ; he accepted of co-operation and
aid from them ; he was able to do what they desired,
and the bargain was as complete as a bargain without
words can be. Had Monk done otherwise than as
he did, he would certainly have incurred a charge of
dissimulation or apostasy.
CHAPTER LXXVI.
Social progress from t\}Z Reformation to
i\}t Restoration.
LITERATURE DECAY OF LATIN LITERATURE — PASSES FROM
A LIVING TO A DEAD LANGUAGE — RISE OF VERNACULAR
LITERATURE POETRY HUME — DRUMMOND — SIR ROBERT
AYTOUN — BALLAD LITERATURE — SONGS NATIONAL MUSIC
SCIENCE NAPIER OF MERCHISTON — GREGORY — ART JAMESON
THE PAINTER FATE OF ECCLESIASTICAL ARCHITECTURE
BARONIAL AND STREET ARCHITECTURE PROGRESS OF WEALTH
CONDITION OF THE TOWNS NOTICES OF SCOTLAND BY VISI-
TORS THE MORALITY OF THE PEOPLE THE SUPERSTITIONS
AS THE DARK SIDE OF THE SOCIAL SYSTEM MALIGNANT IN-
FLUENCE OF BELIEF IN WITCHCRAFT DIABOLICAL POSSESSIONS.
Having reached a period of calm, with the conscious-
ness that fresh troubles will speedily demand exclusive
attention, the opportunity is suitable for a retrospect
on the social conditions and fluctuations attending a
hundred years of the country's history.^
^ It is sometimes said that the liistory of a country is imperfectly
written if it do not in the narrative reveal the social condition of the
people hrought forward to act upon its stage. This may he so, but most
ordinary narrators are apt to feel that there are characteristics of a
people too placid and leisurely in their growth to he easily put into com-
panionship with others born of violence, fanaticism, or craft. At all
events, if there are morsels which the skill of an author is insufficient to
weave into his narrative, the best he can do is to stop at a halting-place
and pick them up.
336 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
The great impulse to literature and learning accom-
panying the Reformation had not yet expired, though
in the stormy atmosphere it had lived in for fiftj^
years it was evidently dwindling towards extinction.
Yet even among the men foremost in its acrid discus-
sions were many Avho had a name far beyond their
own country in the theological or polemical literature
of the day, and who published the results of their
labours abroad in the language which still made the
learned of all Europe kin to each other. Among these
were David Calderwood the historian, John Brown,
commonly known as " Brown of Wamphray," Samuel
Itutherford, David Dickson, and Piobert Baillie, with
whom we have had many opportunities of commun-
ing.^ The cousin to whom he wrote the letter cited
1 It is pleasant to find Baillie, in the hours of his darkest depression
from the fate of his lieloved Church, finding relief in the republic of
foreign letters. To Middelburg he writes, desiring his cousin Spang, a
minister there, to send him some morsels of periodical literature written
in French, but published in Holland, where it evaded the censorship.
And then : " I pray you, in your first to Voetius, remember my hearty
service to him for his kind and prolix answer to my letter. Try if he
has any return either from Buxtorf or Golius about my motion to them :
we all long for a new enlarged edition of the Bibliothek, and a third
volume of his Theses. I am informed that there is no man fitter to draw
a philosophic cursus than his own son ; will j-ou try if he can be per-
suaded to it ? Wlio now is in by for any service ? What is Heidanua for
a man ? What has come of Morns and Blondell ? Is there no man who
after Spanheim does mind the controversy with Amiraud ? As long
since I desired you to gather the adversarie pieces of Voetius and Mare-
sins, and send them to us — do it yet. AVhat is my good friend Apol-
lonius doing ? Is there no more of Bochartus' or Henricus' Philippus
come out 1 That the more willingly you may give me an account of all
this, behold I am at the labour to let you know how all our affairs stand
here.
" To myself the Lord is still very good, continuing my health, wealth,
credit, welfare of all my six children, assistance in every part of my calling ;
blessed be His name." — Letters, &c., iii. 31L But it was not well with
his Zion. After having beheld triumph after triumph until lie grew be-
LITERATURE, 1560-1660. 337
below — William Spang — provided the sympathisers
in the Netherlands with a history of the recent trans-
actions in Scotland, conveyed to them in the language
of all scholars.^
Among other Presbyterian divines whose writings
are limited to their own vernacular were men with
eminent intellectual qualities ; such was the great
John Welch who married Knox's daughter. Though
he wrote in his own language, he threw himself into
the midst of the fundamental contests between the
old Church and the new; and he must have been an
accomplished linguist, since he ministered for some
time as a Huguenot pastor in France. There were
John Weems of Lathoker, Rol)ert Bruce, James
Durham, James Guthrie, the hero and martyr of the
Remonstrants, and George Gillespie, the " hammer
of the Malignants." ^ There was eminent over all
wildered with success, all was now subdued to the iron rule of the Com-
monwealth. In viewing the public side of such a man in his brawling
assemblies and perilous politics, and turning to his studies and his
domestic peace, we see how well a mind stored with intellectual wealth
is endowed with resources against the calamities of the times. His
correspondents, though their works now rest very peacefully on the
book-shelves, were noted divines in their day — chiefly in the sources of
study supplied from Oriental literature.
1 ' Rerum Nuper in Regno Scotise Gestaruni Historia, &c., per Irinsemn
PhUalethen Eleutherium,' Dantzic, 1641. This is apt to be confounded
with a little book called ' Motuum Britannicorum verax Cushi ex ipsis
Joabi et oculati testis prototypis totus translatus.' I have not been able
to discover the origin of this book. It is clear, from the abundance of its
local information, that the .Joab and eyewitness by whom either it was
written or its chief materials supplied, were in Scotland.
^ Of Gillespie Wodrow says : " He was one of the great men that
had a chief hand in penning our most excellent Confession of Faith and
Catechisms. He was a most grave and bold man, and had a most wonder-
ful gift given him for disputing and arguing." The end of a dispute
held by him with some of the promoters of the Engagement was that
" Glencairn said, ' There is no standing before this great and mighty
VOL. VIL Y
338 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
Alexander Henderson, selected for the distinction of
debating the great question of the day with the
king.
These men all belonged to a religious community
frequently oscillating between triumph and defeat —
a community of many transitions and interminable
contests. Among reliofious bodies of so restless a
temperament the trumpet is frequently and loudly
blown, and men are famous who but for adventitious
conditions would have been obscure. But whether it
were from the fruitful impulse of this restlessness or
not, it is certain tliat soon after the Reformation, and
down to the Restoration, there was a marked access
of intellect and zealous scholarship among the Pres-
byterian clergy of Scotland ; and the feature seems
the more worthy of note, that in the after -ages,
whether in depression or in triumph, the same Church
became intellectually barren.
The Episcopal Church was not without its literary
ornaments. Among these Ave may count Archbishop
Spottiswood, and, more eminent as scholars, the two
Bishops of Aberdeen, Patrick and John Forbes. There
was Leighton, destined for a high place in religious
literature, and Alexander Ross, a man of various
accomplishments and powers somewhat eccentrically
employed.
The foreign intellectual market continued to be
abundantly supplied from Scotland.^ The Latin lan-
guage, as a vehicle of literature and teaching, lingered
man.' He was called Malleus Malignantium ; and Mr Baillie, writing
to 6ome in this Church against Mr George Gillespie, said, ' He was truly
an ornament to our Church and nation.' " — Aiialecta, iii. 111.
' For notices of the learned Scots who became distinguished on the
Continent the author refers to his ' Scot Abroad,' \o\. ii.
LITERATURE, 1560-1660. 339
longer in Scotland than in England, for various obvi-
ous reasons. Until the Scot ambitious of an audience
could address his neighbours of England as well as his
own countrymen, he spoke in these to a narrow audi-
ence. With Latin he had the educated men of all the
world to speak to. The use of the language had
become so much a nature, that one sometimes finds a
Scots scholar, when laboriously endeavouring to ex-
press his meaning in not too provincial vernacular,
relieving himself by relapsing into the familiar Latin.
But as the use of the vernacular increased, the
Latin degenerated by a process of stiffening. As it
dropped out of living use by the great community
of scholars, it came at last to be the dead language
it is now called, and had to be artificially acquired.
In the days of Buchanan it had been purified from
the various barbaric forms into which it had been
twisted by the scholastic divines, the lawyers, and the
chroniclers, in whose hands it took generally a shape
warped by the peculiarities of their several native
languages. In the days of Buchanan it was both pure
and free, and open, as any man's native tongue is, to
the bold handling of a genius such as his. He was no
more under the dominion of the rules of prosody, and
no more excluded from the use of neologies legiti-
mately born of the genius of the language, than Ovid
and Catullus were. But the later men who aspired
to Latin versifying came gradually under the re-
straints in full force in later times, and their verses
mio-ht be accurate and canonical, but were not poetry.
In the collection of elegant extracts already mentioned
as containing the effusions of Andrew Melville and
his comrades — ' The Delicise Poetarum Scotorum ' —
340 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
we can estimate at a glance tlie contribution rendered
by (Scotland to tliis kind of literature. It may be
counted an open question, whether Arthur Johnston
shall be held to rise above the prosodical manufacture
into the region of the poet. The direct comparison
with Buchanan demanded in his translation of the
Psalms did much to prejudice his claim. Still there
are some touches of sweetness and beauty, in his less
ambitious efforts especially, M^here, like Ausonius, he
touches on incidents and scenes of local interest, —
as where he commemorates the tragedy of the burn-
ing of Frendraught, perpetrated near the door of his
own paternal home, or muses on the coincidence that
that home is touched by the shadow of the neighbour-
ing hill of Benochie when the midsummer sun is
setting behind it.
With examples of the vernacular prose literature of
Scotland, from Knox's time downwards, the reader of
these pages may perhaps have found himself rather
too abundantly supplied.
The Scottish poets of the early half of the seven-
teenth century were not many. Chief among them
were Drummond of Hawthornden, Sir William Alex-
ander, Sir Ptobert Aytoun, and Alexander Hume. A
community so small and obscure did not subject itself
to the rules of art coming in force in England for the
discipline of its larger literary republic. The few
Scottish poems of the day have thence a spirit of not
unpleasant freedom, which has recommended them to
the anarchical taste of the present generation.^ But
' Alexander Hume's poem of the " Day Estival," existing in obscurity,
as excluded from legitimate poetry by the canons of each succeeding
dynasty, has found itself in harmony with the poetical spirit of the pre-
POETRY, 1560-1660. 341
although the versification is free of many contem-
porary trammels of art, and is often devoted to the
description of natural objects, yet there is a certain
sent generation — so far, indeed, that a close parallel has been found be-
tween him and a great poet of the nineteenth century in their style of
imagery. It is the description, physical and social, of the land, blessed
by a hot summer day, following the course of daylight from sunrise to
sunset. The morning and the poem open together : —
"0 perfect light, whilk shed away
The darkness from the light,
And left ane ruler o'er the day,
Ane other o'er the night ;
Thy glory, when the day forth flies,
Mair vively does appear.
Nor at mid-day unto our eyes
The shining sun is clear.
The shadow of the earth anon
Removes and drawes by.
Syne in the east, when it is gone,
Appears a clearer sky."
Tlie birds are the earliest to feel the reviving influence, and when the
darkness is utterly dispersed by tlie sun, they and other elements of life
are in full career : —
"For joy the birds, with bolden throats.
Against his visage sheen,
Takes up their kindly music notes
In woods and gardens gi'een.
Up braids the careful husbandman
His cows and vines to see,
And every timeous artisan
In booth works busily.
The pastor quits the slothful sleep.
And passes forth with speed
His little cameo-nosfed sheep
And routing kie to feed."
Moving on towards the mid-day heat we have this sultry sketch : —
'^The time so tranquil is and still,
That nowhere shall ye find
Save on ane high and barren hill
The air of peeping wind.
All trees and simples, great and small,
That balmy leaf do beai',
Nor they were painted on a wall
No more they move or stir.
34- SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
pedantry or conventionalism in the selection of these
objects. The poet does not go forth dreaming on
what is around him, and telling his dream. He must
select and group his matter after such rules as have
prescribed the foreground, middle, and distance of a
legitimate picture, or the unities in a drama. It will
Calm is the deep and purpiire sefi.
Yea, smoother tlian the saud.
The wells that weltering wont to be
Are stable like the land.
Sa silent is the cecile air,
That every cry and call,
The hills and dales and forests fair
Again repeats them all.
The rivers fresh and caller streams
O'er rocks can softly rin;
The water clear like crystal seems.
And makes a pleasant din."
There are many other types of man and natnre endming the burning heat,
and then the day draws to a close :—
"The gloaming comes, the day is spent,
The sun goes out of sight,
And painted is the Occident
With pnrpour sanguine bright.
The scarlet nor the golden thread.
Who would their beauty try,
Are nothing like the colour red.
And beauty of the sky.
Our west horizon circular,
Era' time the sun be set,
Is all with rubies, as it were.
Or roses red o'erset.
What pleasure were to walk and see,
Endlong a river clear.
The perfect form of every tree
Within the deep appear ! "
Hume died minister of a country parish early in the seventeenth cen-
tury. The original edition of his ' Hymns and Sacred Songs, wherein
the right use of Poesy may be espied,' is very rare. It was reprinted by
the Bannatyne Club, and the " Day Estival" has been reprinted more than
once. It is in the third volume of Sibbald's ' Chronicle of Scottish
Poetry,' and in the ' Scottish Descriptive Poems,' edited by Leyden.
POETRY, 1560-1660. 343
perhaps make this characteristic more distinct to say,
that when we accompany a Scottish poet of the day,
who in natural and easy versification is describing
natural objects with much truth and vivacity, yet we
do not feel that we are in Scotland along with him.
This will show itself in the portions from Hume's poem
given in the preceding note, and one may read the
whole without finding anything in the descriptions to
mark the author as a Scotsman. In fact his sum-
mer day belongs to climes nearer the sun ; and only
to some memorable day of exceeding heat, scarcely
occurring once every year, would it be applicable in
Scotland.
It is in harmony with this, that there is nothing
made in these old poems of the wealth of varied na-
tional scenery, which has in late years given inspiration
to English as well as Scottish bards. It is not only
that negatively is this theme of poetry passed by, but
that in one instance there exists what may be termed
a positive protest against it as unworthy of poetic
treatment. It is the one instance where the poetry of
the period deals with scenes frequented now by annual
thousands of pilgrims in search of the picturesque, and
in that one instance the scenery is treated with deri-
sion. A certain freebooter named Diincan MacGregor
had long been a dreaded scourge in the straths leading
towards the central highlands of Perthshire and Angus.
He was at last trapped and brought to the stronghold
of the head of the Breadalbane Campbells, where the
bard divines his contemplations as he is awaiting the
final rope. He is ruminating on the old scenes dear
to his heart — the fair straths and fruitful carses where
his presence was murder and ruin — the savage recesses
344 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
of the rock where he hid his plunder and found shelter
for himself. The point of humour in the effort is, that
on scenes abhorred by poetry and civilisation the
rufSan becomes tenderly pensive. It is as if, when a
modern housebreaker has come to grief, his rumina-
tions should recall the shops and warehouses where he
has done his most distinguished feats as a cracksman,
and should pass from these to the horriljle dens in the
polluted regions of the great cities where he and his
like seek safety, — the whole being rendered in the
manner of Gray's ode on a distant view of Eton, or
Wordsworth's reminiscences at the fountain where his
heart was "idly stirred" by "the self-same sounds"
that he had heard, not alone, in days long past.-^
^ " Farewell, Breadalbane, and Loch Tay so sheen.
Farewell, Glenorchy, and Glenlyon baith ;
My death to yon will be but little skaitli.
Farewell, Glenalmond — garden of pleasance,
For many a flower have I frae you tane.
Farewell, Strathbran, and have remembrance
That thou wilt never mair see Duncan again.
Atholl, Strathtay, of my death be fain ;
For ofttimes I took your readiest gear,
Therefore for me see ye greet not one tear.
Farewell, Stratliern, most comely for to knaw,
Plenished with pleasant policies perclair ;
Of tower and town, standing fair in raw,
I rugged thy ribs, while oft I gart them roar.
Gar thy wives, yif thou wilt do no more,
Sing my dirirje after usum saricm,
For ofttimes I garred them alarum.
Farewell, Monteith, where oft I did repair.
And came unsought, ay, as does the snaw.
To part frae thee my heart is wonder sair.
Sometime of me I gart you stand great awe ;
But fortune now has lent me sic ane blaw.
That tbey whilk dread me as the death beforn.
Will mock me now with heathen shame and scorn."
Farther up in the fastnes.ses of the mountains his regretful memories
are of another kind : —
" Now farewell, Rannoch, with thy loch and isle ;
To me thou wast richt trest both even and morn.
POETRY, 1560-1660. 345
The abode of Drummond, perched on its rock of
Hawthornden, looked down on scenes renowned for
their beauty ; yet one will wander until he is tired
through the sonnets, madrigals, and epigrams to
which his muse was chiefly dedicated, without find-
ing any allusion to the glories spread around him
by nature.
The poets of this period were almost as negligent
of the heroic annals of their country as of its natural
beauties. Classical models, ideas, and names had
gained the supremacy, and were to hold a long reign.
The morsels of poetic or imaginative literature that
did most to offer a mirror of the country and the
period were those given to moralising. The vices
that deo-rade and the virtues that adorn are the ob-
jects of prolific literary painting, and they could not
be personified without some touches of actual human
life. How to adorn the life allotted to us, however
humble, with the mellow beauties of a contented
spirit, is the general tenor of this kind of literature ;
and from Seneca downwards it seems to have been a
favourite theme with ambitious and self-seeking men.
Like these. Sir William Alexander, Earl of Stirling,
the Secretary of State and the projector of the colony
of Nova Scotia, was successful in painting the happi-
ness of a lot he never knew. He speaks in dramatic
Thou wast the place that would me iiocht beguile
When I have been oft at the king's horn."
— Duncan Laideus aliai Makgregouris Testament; Black Book of Tay-
mouth, 149. The author is not kno\vn, but he must have been a cul-
tivated man. Laideus is Latinised from Laudasach, Duncan's hiding
retreat, or some other place associated with his name. For a further
account of the hero and the poem see Innes's Sketches of Early Scotch
History, 355.
346 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
pieces ; but these apparently were not constructed
for the stage, but written to bring out the moralities
in the utterance of the several parts : and there is
a dignity and sweetness in the appreciation and de-
scription of the homely virtues of common life as
they are thus celebrated.'-
There is generally, among a people with a nation-
ality and a history of their own, a literature more
significant in its social relations than the literature of
the library. This, inspired by scholarship, may be
drawn from foreign lands and distant times ; but
the songs and ballads preserved in the traditions of
' The quartets following are a pleasant gloss on the Horatian text of
the " Desiderantem quod satis est," &c. : —
" 0 happy he, who, far from fame, at home
Securely sitting by a quiet fire,
Tliough having little, doth not more desire ;
But first himself, then all things doth o'ercome.
His purchase weighed, or what his parents left,
He squares his charges to his store,
And takes not what he must restore.
Nor eats the spoils that from the poor were reft.
Not proud nor base, he scorning creeping art ;
From jealous thoughts and en\'y free.
No poison fears ia cups of tree,
No treason harbours in so poor a part.
No heavy dream doth vex him when he sleeps ;
A guiltless mind the guardless cottage keeps."
The following is in the spirit of the " Ne sit Ancillse," with an inversion
of the sexes : —
" 0 happy woman ! of true pleasure sure,
who in the country lead'st a guiltless life.
From fortune's reach retired, obscure, secure,
Though not a queen, yet a contented wife.
Thy mate, more dear to thee than is the light.
Though low in state, loves in a high degree.
And, with his presence still to bless thy sight,
Doth scorn great courts while he lives courting thee.
BALLADS AND SONGS, 1560-1660. 347
the people are their own beloved. It was an eminent
and popular Scotsman who first uttered the judgment,
so often repeated, " If a man were permitted to make
all the ballads, he need not care who should make the
laws of a nation." In literature of this kind Scotland
is peculiarly affluent. The ballad-poetry of Scotland
may now be counted a full hundred years old in
printed literature. Allan Eamsay collected a few of
its floating fragments ; but it is in Percy's ' Reliques,'
published in 1766, and more amply in David Herd's
contemporary collection of 'Ancient and Modern
Scottish Songs, Heroic Ballads, &c.,' that the min-
strelsy of Scottish ballad - poetry took a place in
British literature. The later collections, including
Scott's ' Border Minstrelsy,' and ending with Aytoun's
two volumes, are too numerous to be conveniently
individualised.
From the structure of the versification and languaoje
we may carry the bulk of these popular poems at least
as far back as the seventeenth century. It was then,
at least, that they appear to have been completed, or
brought to the condition in which they stand in the
versions held in highest esteem by those who have
collected and published them. At this stage of
their existence we may say of them that they were a
literature adopted by popular acclamation. No one
was known as the author of any one of them. They
grew and fell into shape as they passed from gener-
ation to generation by tradition. One minstrel or
reciter had to fill up, in his own way, what he had
forgotten ; another gave a touch of improvement, or
what he deemed so, to the work as he got it. If there
were originally verses of execrable doggerel in the
348 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
ballads that have come down to us in all their quaint
sweetness, then the public taste must have chosen the
fair and dropped the foul. A literary structure of
this kind should be a valuable study to those scholars
who attribute a similar method of growth to "the Hom-
eric epics."'- The collector for publication was not pre-
cluded from Avhat, in artist phrase, is called "touching
up " his prizes. Of several versions he had perhaps
not simply to select the best, but he had to adorn it
with stray beauties found among the others. This
rendered manipulation necessary ; and the judicious
alteration of a word here and there, to make better
harmony of the whole, was within the licence of his
craft. ^ There is no doubt that in editing; the ' Min-
^ " The peculiar character and tone of the Iliad and Odyssey, apart
from the question of structure and organism, is specifically the tone
and character which belongs to minstrel poetry, as distinguished from
the productions of poetic art in an age of literary culture. The differ-
ence between minstrel poetry and the poetry of literary art is given
necessarily with the character of the age to which it belongs. The min-
strel sings or recites for the entertainment of a race of simple but stout
and healthy-minded men who know nothing of books ; the literary pioet
writes and publishes for a generation of nice readers, subtle thinkers,
and fastidious critics — a people who can do nothing without printed
paper, and for whose souls books have become almost as essential as
bread is to their bodies. The conditions of growth being so totally
diverse, it cannot be that the flower and the fruit brought to maturity
vmder such different influences should not present a corresponding
diversity." — Blackie's Homer and the Iliad, i. 139.
^ For instance, in the exquisitely mournful "Walj', Waly," —
"Now Arthur Seat shall lie my bed,
The sheets shall ne'er be pressed by me ;
Saint Anton's well sliall be my drink,
Since my true love's forsaken me.
0 winter winds, when will ye blaw,
And shake the dead leaf aff the tree ?
0 gentle death, wlien wilt thou come.
And tak a life that wearies me ? "
BALLADS AND SONGS, 1560-1660. 349
strelsy of the Scottish Border,' Scott did much for
purification and a little in the shape of decoration; and
his was the master's hand that could not fail in giving
the true and perfect touch. A critic of the day
whose first sight of Scottish ballad-lore was in these
attractive volumes prophetically announced that they
contained " the elements of a hundred historical ro-
mances."
The Scottish ballad-minstrelsy, indeed, ranges over
— it is said tliat Allan Ramsay tampered with the last line, wliicli in an
older version is, " For of my life I am weary." But we may thank
" honest Allan " for the improvement ; and we are indebted to Scott for
a slight but effective touch, removing an imperfection in the older read-
ings. No one, however, wiU feel any debt of gratitude to tlie pedant
who seems to have brolien iu on the simple description of the beautiful
boy Gil Morice witli " Minerva's loom" and other polishings : —
" Gil Morice sat in good greenwood,
He whistled and lie sang :
' 0 wliat means a' the folk coming ?
My mother tarries lang ! '
His hair was like the threeds of gold
Drawn from Minerva's loom ;
His lips like roses drajiping dew,
His breath was a' perfume.
His brow was like the raoimtain sna,w
Gilt by the morning beam ;
His cheeks like living roses glow ;
His eyes like azure stream.
The boy was clad in robes 0' green.
Sweet as the infant spring ;
And like the mavis on the bush
He gart the valleys ring.
The baron came to the greenwood
Wi' muckle dule and care ;
And there he first spied Gil Morice
Kaiming his yellow hair.
That sweetly waved around his face —
That face beyond compare.
He sang sae sweet it might dispel
A' rage but fell despair. "
350 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
and engrosses every element of poetry except tlie reli-
gious or devout. That had its own minstrels)^ in the
vocal psalmody of public worship. The great cause
of the Covenant had many heroic acts, but few min-
strels. The only tolerable ballads belonging to it are
"Loudon Hill," celebrating the battle of Drumclog,
and " Bothwell Brig," a ballad of lamentation. Of the
songs attached to popular tunes the cause has but one,
and it is not entirely of a reverend character — it is
" Blue Bonnets over the Border," intended as a song
of triumph on Leslie's march to Newcastle. Otherwise
the minstrelsy is rich in all that picturesquely associ-
ates itself with the shades as well as the lights of the
national life. We have the great crimes, with their
harvest of remorse and retribution. War is there,
with its patriotic devotion, its heroism, and triumphs
on the one side ; its calamities and desolation on the
other. Love, of course, with all its romantic vari-
ations, is abundant. Superstition enters with its
horrors ; but it is also sometimes borne on the wings
o
of an exquisite fancy, yet so wild and wayward that
one cannot see what aesthetic law or theory can jus-
tify it, and yet it pleases.^
In Scotland, and perhaps it is the same all over the
1 Take, in 5'oung Tamlane, the changeling brought up in fairy-land,
who has found an earthly lady-love, and plans, with her aid, an escape
from the enchanted land : —
" Gloomy, gloomy was the night,
And eerie was the way,
As fair Janet in her green mantle
To Miles Cross she did gae."
And that fair Janet was " eerie," or touched with nervous apprehension,
is not wonderful, when we have the rehearsal of the scene in which she
is to take the chief active part : —
BALLADS AND SONGS, 1560-1660. 35 1
world, there is no distinct line between tlie " ballad,"
whicb tells a story, and the song, which expi'esses
abstract sentiment. The same literary history is
common to both. The song, like the ballad, was in
the copyright of the people, who altered it to their
" ' The morn at e'en is Hallowe'en ;
Our fairy court will ride
Througli England and tlirougli Scotland baith,
And through the warld sae wide.
And if that ye wad borrow nie.
At Miles Cross ye maun bide.
And ye maxm gang to the Miles Moss
Bet"\veen twelve hours and one,
Tak haly water in your hand,
And cast a compass roun'.'
' And how shall I hen thee, Tamlane ?
And how shall I thee knaw,
Amang the throng 0' fairy folk.
The like I never saw ?'
' The first court that comes along,
Ye'U let them a' pass by ;
The neist court that comes along,
Salute them reverently.
The third court that comes along
Is clad in robes 0' green.
And it's the head court 0' them a',
And in it rides the queen.
And I upon a milk-white steed,
Wi' a gold star in my cro'vsTi ;
Because I am a christened man
Tliey gave me that renown.
Ye'U seize upon me with a spring.
And to the ground I'll fa',
And then ye'U hear an eldrich cry
That Tamlane is awa'.
They'll turn me in your arms, Janet,
An adder and a snake ;
But hand me fast, let me not pass.
Gin ye wad be my maik.
They'll turn me in your arms, Janet,
An adder and an aske ;
They'll turn me in your arms, Janet,
A bale that burns fast.
They'll shape nie in your arms, Janet,
A dove, but and a swan ;
352 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
mind as it passed on from generation to generation.
Since Allan Ramsay published liis ' Tea-Table Mis-
cellany ' these songs have appeared from time to time
with many variations. It happened in the instance
And last they'll shape me in your anus
A mother-naked man.
Cast your green mantle over me,
And sae shall I be wan.' "
— Aytoun's Ballads, i. 9,
In a story of a different kind, but as waywardly fanciful, the beings
of the aerial world express themselves on the crime of her who in a fit
of jealousy murders her fair-haired sister by drowning her in the mill-
dam of Binnourie. A harper finds the drowned girl, and —
'^ He has ta'en three locks o' her yellow hair,
Binnourie, 0 Binnourie !
And wi' them strung his harp sae rare.
By the honnie mill-dams o' Bimiourie.
He brought the harp to her father's hall,
Binnourie, 0 Binnourie !
And there was the court assembled all.
By the bonnie mill-dams o' Binnourie.
He set the harp upon a stane,
Binnourie, 0 Binnourie !
And it began to play alane.
By the bonnie mill-dams o' Binnourie."
Tlie lengthy character of the ballad-poetry is inimical to the exempli-
fication of its imaginative character in extracts. In comparison with
the epigrammatic and antithetic, which may be exhibited like .separate
gems, it is, like natural scenery, only to be enjoyed in its full expanse
and at leisure. Another, however, tempts to citation by its brevity,
and the touch of bitter pathos in its spirit. It is called " The Twa
Corbies" : —
'' As I was walkin' all alane,
I heard twa corbies making their mane ;
The tane unto the other did say,
' Whare shall we get our denner this day ? '
' Out ower aside yon auld fail dyke
I wote there lies a new-slain knight ;
And naebody kens that he lies there
But his hawk, his hound, and his lady fair.
His hound is to the hunting gane.
His hawk to bring tlie wildfowl harae,
His lady has ta'en another mate,
Sa we can make our denner sweet.
BALLADS AND SONGS, 1560-1660. 353
of the songs, however, that the genius of Burns broke
into and disturbed this easy traditional process. He
so revolutionised and adorned their old versions that
the songs became his own. The literature of some
of these songs was so stupid or offensive that it might
have died unregretted; but attached to the coarse
clay was, as it were, a soid in the music belonging to
it, and this it was the mission of Burns to ally with
fitting poetry. In some instances the song in its old
shape might have its merits ; but they were not in
harmony with the habits of the age, and made an un-
suitable union. Besides what the taste of the present
day wotdd condemn as absolutely coarse and inde-
corous, there were characteristics which had ceased to
be genial to the lyric muse. The bacchanalian song
still asserts its supremacy, but the feats it records are
all performed by the male sex. In the Scotland of the
seventeenth century, what is so often called the gentle,
and might in later times be called the sober, sex, in-
dulged to some considerable extent in hard drinking,
and its feats were celebrated in genial rhyme.^
0 ye'U sit on liis wliite hause bane,
And I'll pike out his bonny blue een ;
Wi' ae lock 0' his yellow hair
We'll theek our nest when it grows bare.
Mony a ane for him niaks mane,
But nane shall keu whare he lies slane.
O'er his white banes, when they are bare,
The wind shall blaw for ever mair.' "
1 For instance, take the song called " Andrew and his Cutty Gun" : —
" Blithe, blithe, blithe was she.
Blithe was she butt and ben ;
And weel she lo'ed a Hawick gill.
And leugh to see a tappit hen."
The Hawick gill was a measure of liquor peculiar to that district.
The "tappit hen" was a measure of claret certified on the authority
of the author of ' Waverley ' to contain " at least three English quarts."
VOL. VII. Z
3S4 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
Although, among recent adapters of new words to
the old tunes, Burns at least ever improved on what
he found, the lyrical poetrj superseded by his stronger
muse was not always despicable. Though unequal in
the original, and perhaps injured rather than improved
by. tradition, yet it Avas often enlivened with genial
touches of the sentiment more vividly and artistically
expressed by the reconstructor ; and indeed if the
populace had not been educated to the general tone
and sentiment of national song, they would not
The brief air devoted to this Hithe toperess was wanted for a fairer
spirit, and Burns addressed to a reigning beauty of his day the well-
known —
" Blithe, blithe, and merry was she.
Blithe "vvas she butt and ben ;
Blithe by the banks of Earn,
But blither in Glenturrit glen."
The spirit of feminine joviality comes well out in the following : it
was much liked by the late Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe, who printed
some copies of it with the music for presentation to his friends : —
" There were four diTinken maidens
Together did convene,
From twelve o'clock in a May morning
Till ten rang out at e'en,
Till ten rang out at e'en,
And then they gied it ower.
And there's four drunken maidens
Doun i' the Nether Bow.
When in came Nelly Paterson,
With her fine satin go\\Ti :
' Come, sit about, ye maidens.
And give to me some room.
Before that we gie't ower. '
And there's four drunken maidens
Doun i' the Nether Bow.
Wlien peacock and pigeon.
And hedgehog and bare.
And all sorts of fine venison,
Was well made ready there.
And set before the maidens
Before they gied it ower.
And there's four drunken maidens
Doun i' the Nether Bow," &c.
BALLADS AND SONGS, 1560-1660. 355
have heartily appreciated as they did its revival in
the eighteenth century.^
In a province where adepts claim supreme rule it
would be presumption in any onlooker to define the
place occupied by the song-music of Scotland, or even
to assert that it has a place at all in music, scienti-
fically speaking. It is among human anomalies that
the divine gift sent to soothe the savage breast has
created the fiercest of exterminating wars in the arena
of controversy, and those claiming absolute supremacy
in the art have been denied the possession of music
altogether when the test of science has been applied.
But we may at least say that the Scottish school has
done the duty of national music in stirring the heart
of the people, and bringing a soothing and elevating
^ The folloTving stanzas, first printed in Watson's Collection in 1711,
and evidently then modernised, will have a familiar tone to many : —
" Should old acquaintance be forgot,
And never thought upon ;
The flames of love extinguished,
And freely past and gone ?
Is thy kind heart now grown so cold
In that loving breast of thine,
That thou canst never once reflect
On old long syne ? " &c.
Some critics have the audacity to hold that in one instance, at least —
the restoration of Sir Robert Aytonn's " Inconstancy Reproved " — Burns
did not beautify the ideas of the old song. The first stanza of this
is : —
'^ I do confess thou'rt smooth and fair,
And I might have gone near to love thee.
Had I not found the slightest prayer
That lips could speak had power to move thee ;
But I can let thee now alone,
As worthy to be loved by none."
Burns, varying the measure, begins ; —
'' I do confess thou art so fair
I wad been o'er the lugs In love.
Had I na found the slightest prayer
Tliat lips could speak thy heart could move."
356 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
element into a national character apt to be otherwise
hard and rueaed. The strength of its influence has
been shown among the many wanderers over the
world, who have found in it the most powerful solace
and enjoyment that music can confer in the associa-
tion of the past and present, and the recall of home
memories.^
When the music of the people found its way into
higher social regions at home, whence it spread
abroad, the artists of the legitimate and established
schools complained bitterly of the caprice of fashion
which doomed them to make something endurable
out of the discordant jargon of a rude peasantry.
But the taste has held its own for now nearly a hun-
dred years, and is old enough to merge from a fashion
into a school. Nor was it utterly destitute of older
appreciation in high places. Dryden, when he was
dressing up Chaucer's stories in presentable modern
costume, says that although the voice of their author
is not deemed harmonious to a modern audience,
" they who lived with him and some time after him
thought it musical ; and it continues so even in our
^ The following pleasant little story occurs in that old collection of
qiiestionahle archaeology, Verstegan's 'Restitntion of decayed Intelli-
gence ' : "So fell it out of late years that an English gentleman
travelling hi Palestine, not far from Jerusalem, as lie pursued through
a country town he heard by cliance a woman, sitting at her door
dandling her child, to sing ' Botliwell Bank, thou bloomest fayre.' The
gentleman hereat exceedingly wondered, and forthwith in English
saluted the woman, who joyfully answered him, and said she was right
glad there to see a gentleman of our isle, and told him that she was
a Scottish woman, and came first from Scotland to Venice, and from
Venice to thither, where her fortune was to he the wife of an officer
under the Turk, who being at that instant absent and very soon to
return, entreated the gentleman to stay there until his return ; tlie which
he did."
MUSIC, 1560-1660. 357
judgment, if compared with the numbers of Lidgate
and Gower, his contemporaries. There is the rude
sweetness of a Scotch tune in it, which is natural
and pleasing though not perfect." ^
Much conjectural matter has been written about the
origin of Scottish music, discussing among others the
question Avhether it was the creation of one of the
artistic favourites of James III., or was brought
over and naturalised by David Rizzio. That much of
of it is as old, at least, as the sixteenth century, was
proved by a manuscript collection of the tunes them-
selves in a handwriting and notation which brought
them back close to that period. The collection had
the fortune to be edited by a man of scholarly attain-
ments, who had devoted himself to musical science.
His conclusion on their value as preserving the music
of the country in its original purity is : " The favour-
able contrast which many of the Scottish airs therein
contained present to the dull, tiresome, meretricious
productions which from time to time have been palmed
off upon the public under that name, and the vitiated
copies of the same tunes which have been handed
down by tradition alone, are among the most gratify-
ing results of its discovery. We are now no longer
at a loss for a standard by which we can test the
genuineness of our national music, distinguishing the
true from the false, and separate the pure ore from all
admixture of baser metal." ^
' Works, Wharton's edition, iii. 27.
^ Ancient Scottisli Melodies, from a Manuscript of the Reign of King
James the Sixth ; mth an Introductory Inquiry, illustrative of the His-
tory of the Music of Scotland, by WiUiani Dauney, Esq., F.S.A., Scot-
land. ITie original book is called ' The Skene Manuscript;' and on the
question whether it was a favourite possession of that oracle of the law
358 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
Before the period now readied the country had
made some worthy contributions to the graver sciences.
The logarithmic tables of John Napier of Merchiston
may be counted the grandest discovery in the united
sciences of algebra and arithmetic that can be brought
home to any one discoverer. As a machine for over-
coming the difficulty of working with large and com-
plicated numbers, it may vie with the invention of
what we call the Arabic numeration, because we do
not know by whom it was invented, or where or
when, but have reason to suppose that its first use
was in Arabia. Like this numeration, so familiar to
all who have gone through the first steps of education,
the logarithm is in its elementary principle beauti-
fully simple. Take a series of numbers increasing by
arithmetical progression, or with the same distance
between each, as 1, 2, 3, 4, &c., where the distance is
from one unit to another. Connect them with a set
of numbers marching on by mathematical progression
or multiplication. To multiply one of these by the
other, perform the simple task of adding together the
number attached to them in arithmetical progression.
Take the result of the addition to its place in the
arithmetical series — above it stands the product of the
Sir John Skene, the editor says : " Altliough music was an accomplish-
ment infinitely more yommon — among gentlemen at least — than at
present, there is no information on record " " that he was either a
proficient in or a patron of the art of music" (p. 12). In his celebrated
work of reference, ' De Verhorum Signiticatione,' Skene has " Ifenetum,
Leg. Forest, C. 2, ane stockhorn ;'' " cornare menetum, to blaw ane
stockhorn, whilk commonly is made of timmer-wood or tree, with circles
or girds of the same, whilk is yet used in the Highlands and Isles of this
realm ; where I have seen the like in the country of Helvetia, in the
year of God one thousand five hundred sixty- nucht, among the
Switzers." May we infer that the man who jiut matter like this into
a law dictionary must have had a liking for music ?
SCIENCE, 1560-1660. 359
multiplication of the two numbers of the geometrical
series. Through this means, instead of each mathe-
matician, astronomer, or other adept who has to deal
with large numbers, having to make his own calcula-
tions, they can be made beforehand by persons whose
business it is to do so, and can be stored apart for use.
The union of simplicity and power in this invention
was well expressed by the great astronomer Henry
Briggs, who made a pilgrimage to the inventor's
tower and observatory in Edinburgh. He said to
Napier : " Sir, I have undertaken this long journey
purposely to see your person, and to know by what
engine of wit or ingenuity you came first to think of
this most excellent help unto astronomy — viz., the
logarithms ; but, sir, being by you found out, I
wonder why nobody else found it out before, when,
now being known, it appears so easy."^
The trigonometrical discoveries, adapted to the meas-
uring of great distances, and especially to astronomy,
had gone so far as to make the labour of calculation
by the ordinary methods a heavy burthen on further
discovery, and without such a facility it became clear
that the progress of astronomical discovery was so
impeded that its final stoppage might be anticipated.
The vast saving to mental labour effected by this
adjustment, so simple in its principle, may be esti-
mated by a mere glance at any large collection of
logarithmic tables, such as those prepared under the
auspices of the first Napoleon.^
1 Memoirs of Napier of Merchiston by Mark Napier, p. 409.
^ The system was announced by its inventor in 1614 under the title
' Mirifici Logarithmorum Canonis Descriptio ejusque usus, in utraque
Trigonometria ; ut etiam in omni Logistica Mathematica amplissinii,
&c., explicatio.' Printed at Edinburgh by Andrew Hart. The ivory
360 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
A rival both in power and in simplicity to Napier's
invention was that made by James Gregory, forty
years later, in mechanical optics. The magnifying
influence of a convex lens must have its equivalent
on a concave mirror. Thus the difficulty that the
enlargement of the magnifier tended to the obscurity
of the image was conc[uered. The discovery was not
the less a triumph of pure science that there was no
mechanic of the day, either in England or Scotland,
who had skill enough to give effect to it. The philo-
sopher, not the less confident in his knowledge, left
it as a truth in natural philosophy not to be doubted,
and afterwards the reflecting telescope of the astrono-
mers proved the soundness of his reliance. James
Gregory never used or saw a reflecting telescope, yet
that powerful instrument is coupled with his name as
its inventor.
Scotland owned in the seventeenth century another
discoverer still less fortunate — George Dalgarno. Of
one of his achievements another got the use and credit.
A second died along with the memory of its author.
It is admitted that Bishop Wilkins derived from him
the leading idea of his elaborate ' Essay towards a Eeal
Character and a Philosophical Language.' ^ This
belongs to the speculative sciences, where the value of
discoveries may be appreciated by fellow -students,
but cannot be weighed before the world as realities.
tablets called " Napier's bones," or " rods," do not contain logarithmic
tables, but adjustments for facilitating multiplication and division.
' Wilkins published this in 1668. Among the scanty notices of Dalgarno,
it is known that Wilkins was acquainted with him. Dalgarno's book,
jiublished in London in 1661, is called ' Ars Signorum vulgo Character
Universalis et Lingvia Philosophioa. Authore, Geo. Dalgarno. Hoc
SCIENCE, 1560-1660. 361
But Dalgarno's other discovery — the method of
teaching the deaf to read and speak — was eminently
practical.^
It was not until the project had been rediscovered
and put in effective practice that the curious iu obscure
philosophical literature found the buried discovery of
Dalgarno. Its character may be best expressed in the
words of Dugald Stewart: "After having thus paid
the tribute of my sincere respect to the enlightened
and benevolent exertions of a celebrated foreigner
[the Abbe Sicard], I feel myself called on to lay hold
of the only opportunity that may occur to me of
rescuing from oblivion the name of a Scottish Avriter
whose merits have been strangely overlooked both by
his contemporaries and by his successors. The person
I allude to is George Dalgarno, who more than a
hundred years ago was led by his own sagacity to
adopt, a priori, the same general conclusion concern-
ing the education of the dumb, of which the experi-
mental discovery and the happy application have in
our days reflected such merited lustre on the name of
Sicard. "2
1 ' Didascalocoplius ; or, The Deaf-and-Dvimb Man's Tutor ; to which
is added a Discourse of the Nature and Number of Double Consonants
— both which Tracts being the first (for what the author knows) that
have been published upon either of the subjects. Printed at the
Theatre in Oxford anno Dom. 1680.' Both works were edited by the
late Lord Dundrennan for the Maitland Club, with the title, ' The Works
of George Dalgarno of Aberdeen, 1834.'
" Philosophy, cited introduction to Dalgarno, p. vii.
Dalgarno adorns his ideas with some touches of quaint eloquence :
" The soul can exert her powers by the ministry of any of the senses- ;
and therefore when she is deprived of her principal secretaries, the eye
and the ear, then she must be contented with the service of her lackeys
and scullions the other senses, which are no less true and faithful to their
mistress than the eye and the ear, but not so quick for despatch."
"As I think the eye to be as docile as the ear, so neither see I any
362 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
There was too much strife and too little wealth in
the Scotland of early days to let it be a favourable
field for art. Yet the c[uict for some years following
the Union produced one considerable artist — George
Jamesone. He was born in Aberdeen, and there he
settled as a portrait-painter about the year 1620. In
later days the artist in that and other towns of Scot-
land has generally gravitated towards Edinburgh; but,
as we have seen,'_the northern town was of old a sort of
metropolis in itself. There clustered round its cathe-
dral and university a group of scholars, and there
was a wealthy territorial aristocracy around, so that it
was perhaps the most promising spot in Scotland for
the growth of an artist. It is, at all events, fortunate
that in the quiet, before the storm of civil war was to
burst, there was one able to commemorate the features
of so many of those who were to be actors on the
scene.
It has been said and often repeated that Jamesone
studied along with Vandyke under Eubens. But no
authority can be found for this ; and if he had such
opportunities, he brought little with him either from
his master or his fellow-pupil. His pictures are quiet,
with nothing of the stirring life that filled the canvas
under the powerful brush of Rubens. Nor has he
reason but the hand might be made as tractable an organ as the tongue ;
and as soon brought to form, if not fair, at least legible characters, as
the tongue to imitate and echo back articulate sounds."
" The hand is-^at least is capable of being made — a more serviceable
organ of interpretation to the soul than the tongue ; for it has access to
its mistress's soul by the door of three senses, — 1st, of hearing by aulo-
logy ; 2d, of seeing by both species of schematology- — to wit, Typology and
Dactylology ; 3d, of feeling by Haptology, — whereas the tongue can only
enter by the door of one sense, and do its message only by one kind of
interpretation. Glossology." — Works, 131.
ART, 1560-1660. 363
that wonderful gradation of light and shade, of aerial
perspective, which makes the human figure stand forth
so clear from all the rest in Vandyke's portraits.
Jamesone gives his heads light upon a very dark
ground ; but the painting is thin, with few gradations
of shade, and there is little of the artist anywhere
save in the head itself. His principal patron was the
chief of the house of Breadalbane, and hence many
specimens of his work are to be found at Taymouth.
There are several in the two colleges of the Univer-
sity of Aberdeen. Perhaps the best known, because
most readily seen of his works, is the portrait of Sir
Thomas Hope in the Advocates' Library.^ One of
the pleasantest of all his achievements was engraved
by his grandson Alexander, and re-engraved for Dal-
laway's edition of AValpole's ' Anecdotes of Painters.'
It is a family group — the artist himself with his pallet
and brushes, his comely wife with the tartan snood of
the day, and their chubby child. We know that
Jamesone worked in a pavilion or pleasure-house within
a garden, after the Dutch and Flemish fashion, save
that it stood on the brink of a brawling brook instead
of a ditch. When we have the portraits, the muni-
ficent patrons, the artist himself at work in his studio
decorated by his own brush, we have something like
a chapter out of the social history of the Netherlands.
The final touch is given to the little episode of prem-
1 There are two entries in the great lawyer's diary: "20 Julii 1638,
Fryday. This day William Jamesoun, painter (at the ernest desire of
ray son Alexander), was suflferit to draw my pictur. 27 Julii 1638. — Item,
a second draiight by William Jamesom." Hope was extremely miniite,
as some instances have shown us, in his entries in his diary, but he does
not seem to have acquired accuracy about such a trifle as an artist's
name.
364 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
ature civilisation, when we find the poet Arthur John-
ston describing the whole within the terse limits of a
Latin epigram. On the whole, it must be admitted
that the claims to immortality of this one Scottish
painter are founded somewhat on the poverty of neigh-
bours, and that he would not have been so widely
celebrated had it not been that England had no artist
so good until, a little later, Dobson came forth.
The doctrines of the Covenanting party were inim-
ical to the plastic arts, from the belief that they had
been subservient to the breach of the second com-
mandment, and if encouraged might again be so. In
England, even in the small parochial churches, we can
trace with nicety the changing types of ecclesiastical
architecture, from the debasement, as it has been called,
of the classical into the Norman, on through the various
stages, until, by what is called another debasement,
the perpendicular is mixed with classical restorations
in the seventeenth century. But the progress of
ecclesiastical architecture in Scotland stopped in the
year 1560. From that year, in the building of
churches, not only all decoration ceased, but along
with it all beauty and symmetry departed, leaving, in
the places of Christian worship, objects as displeasing
to the eye as buildings could be made. One exception
to this generality is in itself significant. We have
met with the name of Archbishop Spottiswood as a
friend of the innovations of King James in the direc-
tion of Episcopacy. He had it in purpose, as his
biographer says, " the restoring the ancient discipline,
and bringing that Church to some degree of uniformity
with her sister Church of England, which, had we on
both sides been worthy of, might have proved a wall
ART, 1 560-1660. 365
of brass to botli nations." Besides his more con-
spicuous work as an ecclesiastical politician, lie left a
local relic of his zeal in a parish church in Fifeshire,
built, as he thought, after the Gothic models. In the
words of the same author, " he publicly, upon his own
charges, built and adorned the church of Dairsie after
the decent English form, which if the boisterous hand
of a mad Reformation had not disordered, is at this
time one of the beautifulest little pieces of church-
work that is left in that unhappy country." ^ But
what is left of Dairsie church only shows that the hand
of the builder had lost its cunning, and that neither
the prelate nor his biographer had an eye for medi-
eval art. It is a piece of cold mimicry, like the
work of the cabinetmaker rather than of the architect.
The tracery of the windows, for instance, instead of
being the utmost degree of united beauty and strength
to be obtained by laying one stone on another, seems
like openings stamped into a Hat slab of stone. In
this it has too much in common with some of the
efforts towards Gothic at the present day. It is a
mistake to suppose that the art created by centuries of
study and labour can be mimicked offhand. But it
is of far more importance that these efforts, such as
they are, have been made by the representatives in the
present day of those religious communities which
from the Reformation to the existing generation held
in detestation all sesthetic effort in the building of
places of worship.
In baronial architecture and dwelling-houses there
was a great advance between the Reformation and
1 The author's Life, prefixed to ' History of the Church and State of
Scotland.'
366 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
the Restoration. The French style of tall round
towers or turrets with conical tops prevailed. In
some instances the old square tower was surmounted
with turrets and other decorations, and many dwel-
lings were wholly built in the style of Chantilly and
other great French chateaus. Of these there are
fine specimens in Winton, Pinkie, Glammis, Fyvie,
Castle Fraser, Craigievar, and Crathes. Heriot's
Hospital is a curious modification of 'this style. It
was designed by Sir Robert Aytoun the poet, who
evidently appears to have sought to bring the
rambling picturesque character of the French style
into a rigid symmetry, like that which prevails in the
classical styles. It may be noted that the little corner
turrets did not belong to his original plan. In this
the towers were to be carried up into high, abruptly-
shapen pavilion roofs, after the French fashion, as
exemplified in the Tuileries. These petty turrets
depart essentially from the rule that some useful end
should be the object of all building — they are too
small to serve as flanking works, or to be in any way
of service to the main building.-^
Some of these turreted mansions are decorated with
sculpture, chiefly in pargeted ceilings. But there is
nothing national in these works. The medallioned
heads represent, not the worthies of Scotland, but King
' To Sir Robert Aytoun, who was thus an artist as well as a poet,
there is a monument in Westminster ALbey. It is rich in decoration,
and yet in simplicity and beauty it stands in favourable contrast to
many of its neighliours. It is engraved in Smith's ' Oeconographia Scotica.'
We have a little morsel of incidental evidence that his opinions were
not inherited by his descendant the author of the ' Lays of the Cavaliers.'
He was master of an art in high esteem in its day — that of caligraphy,
or decorated penmanship ; and he exercised this art in writing out il-
luminated copies of the Confession of Faith, some of which still exist.
THE TOWNS, I 5 60- 1 660. 367
David, Hector of Troy, Alexander the Great, and
other persons eminent in Scripture or classical litera-
ture. They were probably the work of Italian and
Netherland artists, made for the general market of the
world.
It is evident that the citizen middle class in the
towns rapidly advanced in wealth and comfort after
the union of the crowns. Like the country mansions,
the streets and houses followed Continental examples
rather than English, in the piling of house above house.
There was an obvious reason for this. England was,
during the dynasty of the Tudors, almost the only part
of Europe where towns did not require to be walled. In
Scotland they were liable to attack from the English
on' the one side and from the Highlanders on the
other. But any one alike familiar with the Scots
borough town and the municipalities of France, Ger-
many, and the Low Countries, sees that Scotland was
some two hundred years later in the progress of the
more material part of culture. The town - houses
earlier than the seventeenth century are in Scotland
extremely rare, perhaps even in Edinburgh they do
not amount to half-a-dozen. Thus, although there, and
in Glasgow, Dundee, Aberdeen, and the small towns of
Fifeshire, the old houses are many, their age as a rule
does not go back behind the union of the crowns.
The old Scots town was not so unpleasant a place of
residence, nor so hostile to the laws of health, as it
became when modern buildings enlarged its area. The
old idea was to run up one long street on a ridge of
hill if such ground were available. The street itself
was close and dirty, but each house had its garden
sloping clown towards the open country.
368 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
The following sketch of Aberdeen by a Cavalier
country gentlemen gives an impression not unpleas-
ing : "It is easy to conjecture that the closes, lanes,
and streets have not been at the first building chalked
out or designed by any geometrical rule. The build-
ings of the town are of stone and lime, rigged above,
covered with slates, mostly of three or four storeys
height, some of them higher. The streets are all
neatly paved with flint-stone, or a grey kind of hard
stone not unlike to flint. The dwelling-houses are
cleanly and beautiful and neat both within and with-
out, and the side that looks to the street mostly
adorned with galleries of timber, which they call fore-
stairs. Many houses have their gardens and orchards
adjoining. Every garden has its postern, and these
are planted with all sorts of trees which the climate
will sufl'er to grow ; so that the whole town, to such as
draw near it upon some sides of it, looks as if it stood
in a garden or little wood." ^
Sir William Brereton, a gentleman of Cheshire, might
claim the merit of being the earliest of a prolific race
— the tourists in Scotland. He was among the first
to leave memorials of what he saw there. He visited
Edinburgh, and then rambled westward, in the year
1634. Perhaps his experience of the Scottish capital
may be read with some interest : —
" This Saturday, after dinner, I took a view of the
castle here, which is seated very high and sufiiciently
commanding, and being able to batter the town. This
is also seated upon the top of a most hard rock, and
the passage whereunto was (as they there report) made
through that hard and impregnable rock, which cannot
' (jordon of Rothiemay's description of Aberdeen, 9.
THE TOWNS, 1 560-1660. 369
be touched or hewed ; and it is indeed a stately pas-
sage, wherein was used more industry, pains, art, and
endeavour, than in any place I have found amongst
the Scotts. It is but a very little castle, of no great
receipt, but mighty strength ; it is called Castrum
Puellarum, because the kings of the Picts kept their
virgins therein. Upon the wall of the castle, towards
the top, is this insculpsion, part thereof gilt, — a crown
and sceptre, and dagger placed under it crosswise,
with this superscription : ' Nobis hsec invicta miserunt
106 Proavi.' The same arms and inscription is placed
upon the front of the abbey, which is the king's house.
Out of the court of this high-seated castle, there Avas
one that watched (a soldier in his turn) in a little
wooden house or cabin, which by a whirlwind was
taken and thrown down both together over the castle-
wall and to the bottom of this high and steep rock,
and the man not hurt or bruised, save only his
finger put out of joint. Hence you may take a full
view of the situation of the whole city, which is built
upon a hill nothing oversteep, but sufficiently sloping
and ascending to give a graceful ascent to the great
street, which I do take to be an English mile long,
and is the best paved street with bowther - stones
(which are very great ones) that I have seen. The
channels are very conveniently contrived on both
sides the streets, so as there is none in the middle ;
but it is the broadest, largest, and fairest pavement,
and that entire, to go, ride, or draw upon.
" Here they usually walk in the middle of the street,
which is a fair, spacious, and capacious walk. This
street is the glory and beauty of this city : it is the
broadest street (except in the Low Countries, where
VOL. VII. '2 A
370 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
there is a navio-able channel in middle of the street)
and the longest street I have seen, which begins at
the palace, the gate whereof enters straight into the
suburbs, and is placed at the lower end of the same.
The suburbs make an handsome street ; and indeed
the street, if the houses, which are very high, and
substantially built of stone (some five, some six stories
high), were not lined to the outside and faced with
boards, it were the most stately and graceful street
that ever I saw in my life ; but this face of boards,
which is towards the street, doth much blemish it,
and derogate from glory and beauty ; as also the want
of fair glass windows, whereof few or none are to
be discerned towards the street, which is the more
complete, because it is as straight as may be. This
lining with boards (wherein arc round holes shaped to
the proportion of men's heads), and this encroachment
into the street about two yards, is a mighty disgrace
unto it, for the walls (which were the outside) are
stone ; so, as if this outside facing of boards were
removed, and the houses bu.ilt uniform all of the same
height, it were the most complete street in Christendom.
" This city is placed in a dainty, healthful, pure air,
and doubtless were a most healthful place to live in
were not the inhabitants most sluttish, nasty, and sloth-
ful people. I could never pass through the hall but
I was constrained to hold my nose : their chambers,
vessels, linen, and meat, nothing neat, but very slov-
enly ; only the nobler and better sort of them brave,
well-bred men, and much reformed. This street,
which may indeed deserve to denominate the whole
city, is always full thronged with people, it being the
market-place, and the only j^lace where the gentlemen
THE TOWNS, 1560-1660. 371
and mercliants meet and walk, wherein they may
walk dry under foot, though there hath been abun-
dance of ram. Some few coaches are here to be found
for some of the great lords and ladies and bishops.
" Touching the fashion of the citizens, the women
here Avear and use upon festival days six or seven
several habits and fashions ; some for distinction of
widows, wives, and maids, others apparelled accord-
ing to their own humour and phantasy. JMany wear
(especially of the meaner sort) plaids, which is a gar-
ment of the same woollen stuff whereof saddle-cloths
in England are made, which is cast over their heads,
and covers their faces on both sides, and would reach
almost to the ground, but that they pluck them up
and wear them cast under their arms. Some ancient
women and citizens wear satin straight-bodied gowns,
short little cloaks with great capes, and a broad boun-
grace coming over their brows, and going out with a
corner behind their heads ; and this boun-grace is, as
it were, lined with a white stracht cambric suitable
unto it. Young maids not married all are bareheaded;
some with broad thin shag ruffs, which lie flat to their
shoulders, and others with half bands with wide necks,
either much stiffened or set in wire, which comes only
behind ; and these shag ruffs some are more broad and
thick than others."^
To the sense of the English baronet of that day
there was of course in Scotland much poverty, dirt,
and discomfort. But the people of the Lowlands did
not lie down on a dreary dead level of common wretch-
edness, like the Highlanders and the Irish. There
were brighter varieties here and there, giving the hope
1 Brereton's Travels, KU-IOS.
372 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
of pvugTC'ss. In the small towns on the Ayrshire coast
he finds comfort and pleasantness. Irvine is " daintily
situate, both upon a navigable arm of the sea, and in
a dainty, pleasant, level, champaign country. Excel-
lent good corn there is near unto it, where the ground
is enriched or made fruitful with the seaweed or lime."
" Hence they trade much into Bourdeaux, in France,
and are now furnished with good wine." He goes on
to Ayr, " where is a cleanly neat hostess, victuals
handsomely cooked, and good lodging." " This also
is a dainty, pleasant-seated town; much plain rich
corn-land about it." " Most inhabiting in the town
are merchants trading into and bred in France." On
these relics of the old French league follows a grievance
significant of the period of Brereton's visit : " Inquir-
ing of my hostess touching the minister of the town,
she complained much against him, because he doth
so violently press the ceremonies — especially she in-
stanced in kneeling at the communion ; whereupon,
upon Easter Day last, as soon as he went to the com-
munion-table, the people all left the church and de-
parted, and not one of them stayed — only the pastor
alone."
From these small trading seaports, with their humble
amenities, the traveller passes on to Culzean, the cas-
tellated mansion of the powerful Kennedies, and there
his sketch is somewhat of the Irish type. It is " a
pretty pleasant-seated house or castle, which looks full
upon the main sea. Hereunto we went, and there found
no hall, only a dining-room or hall, a fair room, and
almost as large as the whole pile, but very sluttishly
kept, unswept, dishes, trenchers, and wooden cups
thrown up and down, and the room very nasty and
unsavoury. Here we were not enteitained with a cup
THE TOWNS, 1 560-1660. 373
of bear or ale ; only one of his sons, servants, and
others, took a candle and conducted us to the cave,
where there is either a notable imposture, or most
strange and much-to-be-admired footsteps and im-
pressions which are here to be seen of men, children,
dogs, coneys, and divers other creatures. These here
conceived to be spirits, and if there be no such thing
but an elaborate practice to deceive, they do most
impudently betray the truth ; for one of this
knight's sons and another Galloway gentleman
affirmed unto me that all the footsteps have been put
out and buried in sand overnight, and have been ob-
served to be renewed next morning. This cave hath
many narrow passages and doors, galleries also, and
a closet with many rooms hewed with mighty labour
out of an hard limestone rock." It is generally so
with the remarkable features of scenery visited by
the traveller- — they are surrounded by an atmosphere
of superstition, flavoured to his English mind with
imposture.
Let us next find how our traveller fared in Glasgow,
a place of mark even at that early period : —
" About one hour we came to the city of Glasgoaw,
which is thirty-six miles from Edenburgh, eighteen
from Failkirke. This is an archbishop's seat, an
ancient university, one only college consisting of
about one hundred and twenty students, wherein are
four schools, one principal, four regents. There are
about six or seven thousand communicants, and about
twenty thousand persons in the town, which is famous
for the church, which is fairest and stateliest in Scot-
land, for the toUboothe and bridge.
" This church I viewed this day, and found it a
brave and ancient piece. It was said, in this church
374 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
this day, tliat there was a contribution throughout
Europe (even Eome itself contributed) towards the
building hereof. There is a great partition or wall
'twixt the body of the church and the chancel. There
is no use of the body of the church, only divine service
and sermon is used and performed in the quire or
chancel, which is built and framed churchwise ; and
under this quire there is also another church, which
carries the same proportion under this, wherein also
there is two sermons every Lord's Day. Three places
or rooms one above another, round and uniformed, like
unto chapter - houses, which are complete buildings
and rooms.
" The toleboothe, which is placed in the middle of
the town, and near unto the cross and market-place, is a
very fair and high-built house, from the top Avhereof,
being leaded, you may take a full view and prospect
of the whole city. In one of these rooms or chambers
sits the council of this cit}' ; in other of the rooms or
chambers j^reparation is made for the lords of the
council to meet in — these stately rooms. Herein is a
closet lined Avith iron — walls, top, bottom, floor, and
door iron — wherein are kept the evidences and records
of the city : this made to prevent the danger of fire.
This tolebooth said to be the fairest in this kingdom.
The revenues belonging to this city are about £1000
per annum. This town is built : two streets, which
are built like a cross, in the middle of both which the
cross is placed, which looks four ways into four streets,
though indeed they be but two straight streets — the
one reaching from the church to the bridge, a mile
long; the other, which crosseth that, is much shorter."^
1 Brereton's Travels, 114, 115.
THE TOWNS, 1560-1660. 375
Here the Englishman came across a feature social
and political, familiar enough to him in England, but
soon to become alien to Scotland. He went to the
archiepiscopal palace, " and going into the hall, which
is a poor and mean place, the archbishop's daughter,
an handsome and well-bred proper gentlewoman, en-
tertained me with much civil respect, and would not
suffer me to depart until I had drunk Scotch ale,
which was the best I had tasted in Scotland."^
A few years afterwards, and during the Protectorate,
Glasgow received a visit from another Englishman,
named Richard Frank. He wrote a book of consid-
erable bulk, already referred to, called ' Northern Me-
moirs, calculated for the Meridian of Scotland.' He
followed a hyperbolical style just coming into fashion,
and manages, with a vast abundance of words, to say
wonderfully little. The serious business of life to him
was fly-fishing, and experienced anglers have said that
his book proves him to have been a highly-accom-
plished adept in this art. He proceeds " to discourse
this eminent Glasgow, which is a city girded about with
a strong stone wall, within whose flourishing arms the
industrious inhabitant cultivates art to the utmost": —
" Here it is you may observe good, large, fair streets,
modelled, as it were, into a spacious quadrant, in the
centre whereof their market-place is fixed ; near unto
which stands a stately tolbooth, a very sumptuous,
regulated, uniform fabric, large and lofty, most indus-
triously and artificially carved from the very founda-
tion to the superstructure, to the great admiration of
strano-ers and travellers. But this state-house or tol-
booth is their western prodigy, infinitely excelling the
^ Brcreton's Travels, 117.
n6 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
model and usual built of town-halls, and is without
exception the paragon of beauty in the west."
After much digression he returns " to consider the
merchants and traders in this eminent Glasgow, whose
storehouses and warehouses are stuffed with merchan-
dise, as their shops swell big with foreign commodi-
ties and returns from France and other remote parts."
He finds that " they generally exceed in good French
wines, as they naturally superabound with flesh and
fowl." Before he departs he pays Glasgow the highest
compliment at his disposal : " What to say of this
eminent Glasgow I know not, except to fancy a smell
of my native country. The very prospect of this
flourishing city reminds me of the beautiful fabrics
and the florid fields of England." And again : " The
linen, I also observed, was very neatly lapped uj), and,
to their praise be it spoken, was lavender-proof;
besides, the people were decently dressed, and such an
exact decorum in every society represents it to my
apprehension an emblem of England, though in some
measure under a deeper die." ^
The moi'ality of a country is no doubt the most
essential chapter in its social history; but it is perhaps
better to leave it to come forth in the narrative of
events, than to offer a summary of its condition. There
are many barriers in the way of such an attempt. In
the quarrels of the age all moral conditions were exag-
gerated. The opposite sides not only maligned each
other, but sometimes maligned themselves. With the
Cavalier party there was the spirit put by Scott into
the mouth of the tipsy butler, who explained that a
Cavalier serving-man must drink and swear according
' Northern Memoirs, 104-107.
MORALS, 1560-1660. m
to his degree, lest he be mistaken for a Puritanical
Roundhead. In some instances, too, where the Cove-
nanting party in the Church have summed up the sins
of the land as a testimony to their own inefficiency in
restraining them, there is a tendency to aggravate
their enormity; and this tendency is flavoured by a
propensity to seek for parallels in the denunciations
of the prophets of old, who had often to address
themselves to such brutalised conditions as we cannot
suppose to have existed in any part of Britain.
In the manifesto of 1651, published at greater length
in 1653, called 'The Causes of the Lord's Wrath
against Scotland, manifested in His sad late Dispensa-
tions,' one might expect some account of the current
matters of the day; but it is little to the purpose to
find, along with texts hinting at worse evils, such
standard pulpit denunciations as the " Woe to them
that rise up early in the morning to drink strong drink ! "
&c. ; or, " There dwelt men of Tyre also therein, which
bought fish and all manner of ware, which they sold to
the children of Judah and Jerusalem on the Sabbath."
In the golden age of the Melville supremacy we
have found the ecclesiastical authorities issuing their
stringent instructions to their executive to enforce
the rule of righteousness, immediately accompanied
by accusations tending, if not intended, to prove the
futility of their corrective organisation. When they
recovered their powers with the Covenant, the old
eff'orts, and bewailings of their insufficiency, were re-
peated in the old form, as if it Avere a precedent for a
ceremonial routine.^
^ The Synod of Fife, for instance, in the year 1650, established a
powerful social police lender a rule " that every parish be divided into
378 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
If we are to take the intellectual triumphs of a
people — their accomplishments in literature, science,
and art — as marking the highest deyelopment of their
social existence, we come at the other end to the super-
stitious that degrade and enslave the intellect. They
are together the light and the shade, the day and the
night, of the intellectual circle. The prevalent super-
stitions of Scotland had a growth assimilated to the
character of the country, as a land rugged and barren,
swept by stormy winds, penetrated by long, \\'ild
stretches of sea - lochs, and cut by rapid torrents.
Among a people trained in such physical conditions the
pallid spectre of the J^nglish churchyard was of little
account as an object of fireside terror, nor were the
household imps familiar in old English village life of
much moment. In place of these, Ffam stalked with his
torn-up tree over the ridge of the misty mountain ; he
was the optical delusion produced by magnified reflec-
tion on the mist, and was of kin to the renowned spec-
tre of the Broken. There was the kelpie who strangled
the traveller in the stream, or swelled it into a flood
to sweep him clown to destruction ; and in many
several quarters, and eacli elder Ids own quarter, over which he is to
have special inspection, and that every elder visit his quarter once every
month at least." They ai-e to " take notice of all disorderly walkers,
especially neglecters of God's worship in their families, swearers,
haunters of ale-houses, especially at unseasonable hours, and long sitters
there and drinkers of healths, and that they delate these to the session."
Soon afterwards the}- enacted a day of humiliation for the sins
of the land. Among these they specify "the great and general con-
tempt of the grace of the Gospel, the conversation of many of the pro-
fessors being not as becometh the Gospel; " and "the many abominable
sins, as contempt and mocking of piety, gross uncleanness, intemperance,
breach of Sabbatli, swearing, injustice, murmuring against God abound-
ing while we are under the Lord's afflicting hand." — Selections from the
Minutes of the Synod of Fife, 168-175.
SUPERSTITIONS, 1560-1660. 379
other shapes the casualties fatal to life in a country
lull of dangers were connected with supernatural
agencies as cause and effect. The picturesque pro-
p)hetic superstition of the " second sight " was the
exclusive possession of natives of the farthest High-
lands, who had a world of supernatural beings and
agencies peculiar to themselves. But there was one
superstition overshadowing all others in the extent of
its horrible influence, as spreading suspicion and ter-
ror through the community, and driving it to acts
of ferocity and cruelty. As the pursuit of the Witch
rapidly increased in frequency over Europe after the
Reformation, the ingenious theory has been suggested,
that a certain amount of superstition is an intellectual
necessary of life to mankind according to their condi-
tion in culture, and if it is not supplied to them they
will take it. Hence, not having it in the decorous
and pompous ceremonials in which it was administered
to them by the Church of Rome, they took it as supplied
by their own degraded and unguided fancies. But
another explanation of this superstition suggests itself
Through much investigation into certain phenomena,
a laborious classification of the results, and a deduction
of general laws from that classification, a sort of
science had been found for the operations of witchcraft.
The Church took the command of this as a portion
of philosophical knowledge especially its own. The
collection of treatises known to erratic readers as
the 'Malleus Maleficarum,' or Hammer of Witches,
received the sanction of the Church, and became the
standard of doctrine to which all who discoursed on
the important science of witchcraft appealed. Great
students, admitted also to be great teachers, pre-eminent
38o SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
among whom was tlie illustrious Delrio, discoursed on
the doctrines of this science as adepts now discourse
on astronomy and geology. The whole affair is a
humiliating instance of what human science may
become, but it is of interest here from the following
considerations : —
The facts brought forth in a great body of trials for
witchcraft in Scotland supply apt illustrations of the
doctrines of the authorities on witchcraft — illustrations
just as apt as the clinical student finds in the wards of
a hospital to the doctrines laid down in the leading
practical authorities of the day. We have the negotia-
tions and treaties with the Evil One, ending in the
transference of the claim on salvation for certain gifts
at his disposal. There are the great Sabbaths or
assemlDlies for his worship immortalised in the Wal-
purgis night. The loathsome doctrine of the incubus
and succuba is exemplified with horrible minuteness.
Some phenomena coming down to the scientific
authorities from the Greek and Latin classics are
repeated with equal fidelity, as the metamorphosis
from human creature to beast, the two animals chiefly
resorted to by the restless being the cat and the
wolf. Another feature of classic descent is the
vicarious torture or slaughter by symbolical infliction
on a waxen image. The necromantic use of the
remains of the dead is a doctrine of the sages amply
exemplified in Scottish practice, and so are the aerial
journeys of the servants of Satan to attend the great
gatherings ordered by their master in distant regions.
Even the minor agencies — through toads, snakes, and
other creatures odious or venomous — are according to
precedent. The shapes, too, in which the victims are
SUPERSTITIONS, 1560-1660. 381
afflicted through these agencies, conform to the estab-
lished doctrine of the authorities.
In its own day the coincidence was natural and
satisfactory, as a fitting together of fact and doctrine.
In the present day it leaves room for none but a very
horrible conclusion, too well supported by the facts.
Towards those who came under the suspicion of dia-
bolical dealing there was no pity left in the human
heart. True, the doctrine that suspicion was not
proof existed nominally for this as for other accusa-
tions, but nominally only. Where the suspicion
alighted it carried belief with it, so as to render this
chapter in the history of human wrongs perhaps the
very darkest and saddest of them all. It followed
from all this, that tortm'e was applied in inexhaustible
abundance to the accused. It was applied in the
presence of sages learned in the doctrines of witch-
craft. They knew, indeed, the things that ought to
be confessed, just as the expert physician knows the
symptoms that his patient ought to describe to him.
So under the infliction of torture the wretches ad-
mitted whatever was charged against them, and their
wonderful confessions were duly recorded.
In Scotland the approved doctrines of witchcraft
had the sanction of the highest authority. King
James himself was one of the sages of the science, as
the author of the ' Dsemonologie ' in three books. He
had wonderful practical experience, too, to guide him.
There was a strong muster of the Satanic world to
interrupt his return home from Scandinavia with his
bride, and the interest and value of the phenomenon
was increased by a co-operative body of witches on
the Scandinavian side, the two affording a crucial ex-
382 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
periment on the laws of dcmonology. The forms of
witclicraft doA'i 'loped in Scotland had the grand
picturesqueness which recommended them to the pm-
poses of (Shakespeare ; and of all the supernatural
escapades admitted by them in their confessions, none
are more richly endowed with the grotesque, the
fanciful, and the horrible, than those which were
confessed in the presence of King James himself, as
appertaining to designs entertained and attempted by
the powers of daxkness against his own sacred person.^
With these, his own peculiar people, the prince of
darkness was at home. They had proffered their
services and become the covenanted slaves of his will.
' For special information on the phenomena of witchcraft in Soot-
lanrl, the inquirer may be referred to Chambers's ' Dduiustic Annals
of Scotland,' Pitcairn's ' Ci'iminal Trials,' Sir John Dalzell's 'Darker
Superstitions of Scotland,' Kirkpatrick Sharpe's introduction to
' Law's Memorials,' the Miscellany of the Spalding Club, and a
' Diurnal of Occurrcnts in Scotland,' in the Miscellany of the Spottis-
wood Society.
The tenacity of a belief in witchcraft among educated people in Scot-
land is signally exemplitied in the methodical ti-eatnient of the crime
and its symptoms in a law-book of the dryest professional character
— 'The Institutes of the Law of Scotland,' publisheil in 1730, "by
William Forbes, advocate, professor of law in the University of Glasgow " :
" Witchcraft is that black art whereby strange and wonderful things
are wrought Ijy a power derived from the devil" (p. 32). He excuses
himself for declining to follow the example of the English commentators,
who touch the matter as if it was an obsolete belief : " Nothing seems
plainer to me than that there may be and have been witches, and that
perhaps such are now actually existing ; wdiich I intend, God willing,
to clear in a larger work concerning the criminal law " (p. 371). When
the penal laws against witchcraft were repealed in 1736, the religious
community, professing to be the rejire.sentative of the Church in the days
of its purity under the Melvilles, lifted a vehement testimony against
the repeal as " contrary to the express law of God ; for which a holy
God may be provoked in a way of righteous judgment to leave those
who are already ensnared to be haidened more and more, and to per-
mit Satan to tempt and seduce others to the .same wicked and dangerous
SUPERSTITIONS, 1560-1660. 383
But liis power over these once established in firm be-
lief, there was a tendency to extend it, as an easy and
rational solution of moral difficulties. It was thus
followed into remons where its action was more subtle
and treacherous. It could establish itself within the
moral nature of those who had not offered themselves
as victims — who were seeking another master — who
had even found him and entered the circle of the elect
people of God. Here, looking at the phenomenon from
without, there might be seen established within the new
Church, what was virtually equivalent to one of the
scandals of the old, a licence to sin admitted by man
in favour of his neighbour. Demoniacal possession
served amply the purpose of indulgence. Without
comparing with each other the merits of the two
Churches, we have the fact that in both there were
people endowed with a small morsel of religion and a
large share of wickedness, who desired to make such
religion as they could command minister to their vices.
In this way absolute demoniacal possession was a
plenary indulgence obtained without payment of a
price. This is one of the moral phenomena calcu-
lated to teach us how in all feuds, civil and religious,
however far the men of the two factions draw oif
from each other, they are still the men of the period,
subject to the like passions and affections ; and it has
been an evil thing for truth that the writers about
such periods should think it their duty to paint the
one side as angelic and the other as diabolical.
It was perhaps from this sense of enslavement to
the power of evil, that men who had trodden in a
peculiarly strict path of life, when they lapsed into
Avickedness, not only confessed their crimes with
384 SOCIAL PROGRESS SINCE THE REFORMATION.
broad distinctness, but drew tliem in their darkest
colours, sometimes even in the spirit of exaggeration,
as if the deeper the atrocity of the crime the clearer
was it that the responsibility was removed from the
perpetrator to the Power of evil. Thus John Kello,
a minister of the most rigid class, murdered his Avife
and made full confession of his crime. He had no
motive for his crime, he said, "but the continual sug-
gestions of the wicked spirit to advance myself further
and further in the world." " These were the glistering
promises wherewith Satan, after his accustomed manner,
clouded my senses, and prevailed so in my corrupted
mind that the space of forty days together I did await
only upon the opportunity of time to put my Avicked
desire in execution." As if to exaggerate his crime,
he said he loved his victim tenderly ; and she was
eminently worthy of all love — so devoted to him,
that Avhen, " pressed forAvard by the temptation of
the enemy," he was doing the deed, she " in the very
death could not believe I bore her any evil-will, but
Avas glad, as she then said, to depart, if her death could
do me either vantage or pleasure."-^
This articulate individualising of the poAvers of
good and evil, and the severing of the two into op-
posite armies set in material hostility Avith each other,
had a terrible and brutalising influence on the polem-
ical and superstitious passions. The tendencies that
soften their hard logic — charity, sympathy, compassion
— were all excluded. There could be none of these for
the great enemy. Admit that Satan himself was the
being to be fought with or punished, there could be no
quarter. Any suggestion of compromise, any admis-
^ Bannatyne's Memorials, 53 et scq.
SUPERSTITIONS, 1560-1660. 385
sion that he might be spared or pitied, was arrant
lilasphemy. Hence the relentless cruelties inflicted by
a people not cruel by nature upon those who fell
under the blight of witchcraft. And something of the
same feeling crept into religious controversy, and gave
it the tone of intolerance that so ill becomes those
who are counted among the champions of free thought
in Scotland. If the inspiration of the Sectaries and
the Malignants were but the manifestation of the
power of evil — and there was ever a suspicion that it
Avas — then, indeed, the toleration of it was a crime of
the darkest hue. We may perhaps have opportunity
of seeing the influence of this spirit on the history of
the dismal period now approaching.
VOL. VII. - B
CHAPTER LXXVII.
Restoration .Scttlftnent.
ARRIVAL OF THE KING IN LONDON — THE REJOICINGS IN SCnT-
LAND — RESUMPTION OF COMMITTEE OF ESTATES — THE ENGLISH
NAVIGATION ACT, AND END OF FRKE-'IRADE — THE TESTIMONY
OF THE REMONSTRANT PARTY THEIR CONDITION AND IN-
FLUENCE— PROSPECTS OF RELIGION — AMBASSADORS AT COURT
FOR THE MODERATE PARTY OF THE CHURCH HISTORY OF THE
NEGOTIATIONS OF JAMES SHARP SENT TO PLEAD FOR THE
PRESBYTERIAN CAUSE, AND RETURNS AS ARCHBISHOP OF ST
ANDREWS — THE REGALIA PRESERVED LOSS OF RECORDS — THE
FORTRESSES MEETING OF ESTATES MIDDLETON AS COMMIS-
SIONER— THE EQUIVOCAL PROMISES ABOUT THE CHURCH — THE
ACT RESCISSORY ESTABLISHMENT OF EPISCOPAL HIERARCHY
VICTIMS — ARGYLE — GUTHRIE — WARRISTON.
As soon as the news of the 29th of May IGGO could
reach Scotland, it became known that Cliarh's II. Lad
arrived in England, and was there received with a
sort of delirious joy.^ The active part of " the
' Perhaps the Bpirit of the time is sufficiently expTcsKcd in a con-
temporary account of the rejoicings in Eilinliurgh on the coronation-day —
a scene much in contrast with anything that had been known in Scotland
for a generation: " Sermon (tnded, the Lord Oomruissioner returned to
the royal palace attended by great numbers of nobility, knights, and
gentry ; and all feasted at one time, and at several tables, in a most
splendid and magnificent manner. And that nothing miglit be wanting
to complete the solemnity, the Lord Commissioner's lady, with her
daughters, at the same tinje, in another room, entertained many ladies of
quality witli all the rarities and didicacies iojaginable, and with such
admirable concerts of music as liardly could been exjjccti^d from u nation
RESTORATION, 1660. 387
Restoration belongs to the history of England, or of
Britain generally ; it is only in its consequences that
there arise facts sufficient in their distinct importance
to keep up the thread of separate national history in
so depressed. Towards the middle of dinner liis majesty's health begun
liy the Lord Commissioner, a sign given from the terrace, the cannons
of the castle began to thunder, which was answered from the citadel at
Leith with the like roaring ; and the great pyramid of coals and tar-
barrels which was in the out-court of the palace was like^\^.se given fire
to, which for its greatness was extraordinary ; and if it had been on the
top of a hill in the night-time, for two miles about it would have shown
light to have sung Te Beums in the smallest print, and put into a sweat
any that had been frozen with the greatest fit of a cold, and at the same
distance too. After dinner the young lords and ladies came out and
danced all sorts of country dances and reels ; and none busyer than
the young Lord Clermont, son of the Lord Commissioner, who was so
ra\'ished with joj' that if he had not been restrained he had thro'mi rings,
chains, jewels, and all that was precious about him, into the fire.
" Now let us take a little notice of the great signs of joy manifested
by our ancient and good to-n-n of Edinburg. After the Lord Provost,
Sir Robert Murray, with the bailies, common councU, and other magis-
trates, had turned up their spiritual thanks to heaven for so blessed an
occasion, then they went altogether to a place appointed for the purpose,
and in a most magnificent manner regaled themselves with those human
lawful refreshment which is allowable for the grandeur of so eminent a
blessing. By that time their feast was finished, the bonfire bells alarmed
them to mind the carrying on of the work of the night. The Lord
provost, with the magistrates — each of them with a white baton in their
handstand the rest of the council, appeared at the cross, which was dis-
posed in a most hospitable piece of pageant — viz., a splendid representa-
tion of a vineyard with all the cognisances of Bachus, and under a large
wine-tree of swelling and bushy clusters did that same god of frolics
bestride a hogshead of the most gracious claret. He was accompanied
with his uncle Silenus and some half-a-score of most lovely and wanton
Bachides ; this same grave and spungy moderator by proclamation gave
most ample permission to all mankind, for the space of twelve hours by
the clock, to be as mad with mirth as their imaginations could fancy.
The indulgence was no sooner pronounced but streams of claret gushed
from the conduits ; trumpets, flutes, and all sorts of carousing instrument
which might screw up the passions, did forthwith sound a charge ; the
breaking of glasses and tumbling of conduits among the commonalty
made a greater noise than the clashing of Xerxes' armies' armoiir did at
a narrow pass when they were upon a rout." — Edinburgh's Joy for his
Majesty's Coronation in England.
388 CHARLES II.
Scotland. It was again religion and the Church that
was to stir into activity the materials of history. But
on this occasion the power roused by religious fervour
in Scotland did not, as in the days of the Covenant,
shake England also. The events, too, were not to
open to the zealous a brilliant and triumphant career.
The predominant features in the new epoch were to
)je defeats and sufferings, and they were to be borne
by Scotland alone, with no aid and scant sympathy
from without.
A convenient arrangement had been bequeathed
from the days before the Commonwealth for the
immediate administration of business. It was put
into the hands of the Committee of Estates, as it was
constituted at the time when Charles II. was crowned
at Scone. It was a body that had been originally
created in defiance of and to thwart the Crown, but
in the present juncture of loyalty it could be trusted
until the king sent a commissioner to preside over a
meeting of the Estates.
The convention Parliament of England had been
assembled, and was sitting for the transaction of busi-
ness when the king arrived. One of the earliest Acts
of this Parliament affected Scotland, and it therefore
happens that the civil history of Scotland at the junc-
ture of the Restoration begins in Westminster. The
" Act for the encouraging and increasing of shipping
and navigation," commonly called " the Navigation
Act," has just as much direct reference to Russia as
it has to Scotland, and yet it was to the Scottish peo-
ple a sudden calamity followed by a long train of
disastrous consequences. The leading rule of that
Act — a rule long held in reverence as the legislative
NAVIGATION ACT, 1660. 389
guardian of English trade — is in these words : " No
goods or commodities whatsoever shall be imported
into or exported out of any lands, islands, plantations,
or territories to his majesty belonging, &c., in Asia,
Africa, or America, in any other ship or ships, vessel
or vessels, whatsoever, but in such ships or vessels as
do truly and without fraud belong only to the people
of England or Ireland, dominion of Wales, or town of
Berwick-upon-Tweed," or of some English settlement.
Further, there was provision that merchandise should
not be imported from abroad into England except in
English vessels, or the vessels of the place where the
goods were produced. In brief, there could be no
trade with the English colonies but in English vessels,
and no goods could be imported into England from
any place abroad by ships that did not belong either
to England or the place whence the goods were
brought. Thus no vessel belonging to Scotland,
HoUand, or France, could trade in the produce of
the English colonies, or between Spain or any other
country and England. To such goods as came
through the narrowed channel of trade from foreign
countries, alien duties were attached for the encourage-
ment of English trade. That the bearing of this Act
on Scotland was kept in full view when it was pre-
pared, is shown by a curious clause of exemption, by
which alien duties are not to apply to " any corn of
the growth of Scotland, or to any salt made in Scot-
land, nor to any fish caught, saved, and cured by the
people of Scotland, and imported directly from Scot-
land in Scotch-built ships, and whereof the master and
three-fourths of the mariners are of his majesty's sub-
jects; nor to any seal-oil of Eussia imported from
390 CHARLES II.
thence into England, Ireland, Wales, or town of Ber-
wick-upon-Tweed, in shipping bo7ia fide to any of the
said places belonging, and whereof the master and
three-fourths of the mariners at least are English." ^
By this Act the free commerce between Scotland
and England, which had lasted for six years, was at
once suppressed, and the infant progress of Scotland
in wealth and enterprise was blighted. The Naviga-
tion Act was the foundation of that great, complicated,
and laborious system of restrictive and prohibitory
commercial legislation which has now been swept
from the statute-book. The navigation laws were an
invention of the Eepublic for the purpose of ruining
the Dutch, who threatened to engross the shipping
and commerce of the whole world. The Restoration
Government saw that it was good, and immediately
preserved it in a legitimate Act of Parliament. Those
statesmen of times not long past who had least sym-
j)athy with the Commonwealth, admitted that its states-
men did one wise thing when they laid the foundation
of the restrictive and prohibitory commercial system.
The economic policy of the present age utterly con-
demns the system ; but that condemnation does not
reverse the view, that as part of a system in which the
island of Britain was one country, it was eminently
advantageous to the Scots. To them the trade of
England was worth the trade of the rest of the world
many times over. This just rendered it all the more
necessary that they should no longer retain it. The
navigation laws were one of those great acts of
homage to the trade jealousy which was growing
in strength and casting its unamiable shadow over
1 Act 12, ch. ii. ch. 18.
NAVIGATION ACT, l66o. 391
England. The Scots, like the English an energetic,
industrious, commercial nation, were more dangerous
than the French or the Spanish, because they were
close at hand. When the Scots afterwards attempted
to rival the English monopoly, and to trade and colonise
on their own account, the English merchants pursued
and ruined them. The efforts of Scotland and the
jealousy of England both culminated in the renowned
Darien expedition. The result of that was, that either
there must be toleration and interchange of trading
privileges, or Scotland would have a separate sover-
eignty for itself, and fight, as of old, its own cause ;
and the consequence of this emergency was the Union
of 1707. Such was the legacy of events left by a
piece of statesmanship belonging to that useful but
uneventful class which history shuns. It is not
wonderful, indeed, that in the many incidents,
tragic or otherwise, of the period, such a matter as the
Navigation Act should be passed by. It is necessary
that we now turn to the scene of these events so
diff'erent in character, and they again drive us into
the thick of ecclesiastical squabbles.
A small body of clergymen and elders desired
their brethren of the Church to unite with them in a
dutiful address or " supplication" to his majesty. The
clergy at large, not liking the names of those who so
appealed to them, held aloof ; and the promoters met
to prepare their appeal in the house of Eobert Simp-
son, a citizen of Edinburgh, on the 23d of August
1660. The supplication resolved itself into some-
thing more like a demand than those of twenty years
earlier. They addressed the king as one of themselves
— a Covenanted monarch. They reminded him of the
392 CHARLES II.
fact thus : " We hope that your majesty will uot take
oiience if we be the Lord's remembrancers to you that
you were pleased, a little before your coming into this
kingdom, and afterwards at the time of your corona-
tion, to assure and declare by your solemn oath under
your hand and seal in the presence of Almighty God,
the searcher of hearts, your allowance and ajjproba-
tion of the National Covenant, and of the Solemn
League and Covenant, faithfully obliging yourself to
prosecute the ends thereof in your station and call-
ing."
That he may be fully informed as to the nature of
the obligations so undertaken, they utter their expec-
tations thus : " That you would employ your royal
power unto the preservation of the Eeformed religion
in the Church of Scotland in doctrine, worship, dis-
cipline, and government; and in the reformation of
religion in the kingdoms of England and Ireland in
doctrine, worship, discipline, and government ; and in
the carrying on the work of uniformity in religion in
the Churches of God in the three kingdoms, in one
confession of faith, form of Church government, direc-
tory for worship, and catechising ; and to the extirpa-
tion of Popery, Prelacy, superstition, heresy, schism,
profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found contrary
to sound doctrine and the power of godliness ; and
that all places of power and trust under your majesty
may be filled with such as have taken the Covenant,
and are of approven integrity and known affection in
the cause of God."
They know that there are designs to overthrow the
" blessed work," and "to reintroduce Prelacy and the
ceremonies and the Service-book, and all those cor-
REMONSTRANT TESTIMONY. 393
ruptious which Avere formerly cast out." But should
these projects be successful, they " cannot, without
horror of heart and astonishment of spirit, think of
what dreadful guiltiness kings, princes, ministers, and
people shall be involved into, and what fearful wrath
shall attend them from the face of an angry and
jealous God."
They admit that they would be no less apprehen-
sive were there a chance of the restoration " of the
spirit of eiTor that possesseth sectaries in these na-
tions, which as it did at first j)romote the practice of
a vast toleration in things religious, and afterwards
proceeded to the framing of the mischief thereof into
a law ; " and they know that there are some who are
prepared to renew this licence "under the specious
pretence of liberty for tender consciences." They
conclude their supplication, of which these extracts
are but a small part, with something like an invoca-
tion : " It is the desire of our souls that your majesty
may be like unto David, according to God's own
heart ; like unto Solomon, of an understanding heart
to judge the Lord's people, and to discern betwixt
good and bad ; like unto Jehoshaphat, whose heart
was lifted up in the ways of the Lord ; like unto
Hezekiah, eminent for goodness and integrity; like
unto Josias, who was of a tender heart, and did hum-
ble himself before God," &c.^ If these parallels ever
found their way into the ante-chambers at Whitehall,
it is easy to imagine them creating much merriment.
This supplication was never presented. The Com-
mittee of Estates, calling the meeting " a conventicle
' " The Ministers' [designed] Supplication " will be found in full in
Wodrow, i. 68 ei seq.
394 CHARLES II.
and private meeting of some remonstrating and pro-
testing ministei's," sent a warrant committing them
to the Castle of Edinburgh.
As it is proper to keep in view the peculiar tenor
of this document, it is also proper to note who its
adherents were. They were the remnant of the Re-
monstrants of the west. The past ten years had
been unpropitious to their growth in numbers and
strength. The Protectorate kept their enemies from
persecuting them, and in some measure favoured them
for the one virtue of their disliking the house of
Stewart. Their sole grievance was, that they were
not permitted to assail the large portion of the
human race who were heretics from their own centre
of truth. If their existence mio;ht be likened to
physical or mental disturbance in the body politic of
Scotland, the effect of the political treatment admin-
istered by the Protectorate might be likened to that
of soporifics and rest on the excited patient. The
more they raved, indeed, the less sympathy did the
great bulk of the community give them ; and there
can be no greater mistake than to suppose, as some
people have from what afterwards befell, that these
men represented the prevailing feeling of the Scots at
the juncture of the Eestoration. Whatever remnant
of the old frenzy remained with these zealots of the
west, the country at large, Presbyterian and Episco-
palian, had little sympathy in it. The country was
never in a more tolerant or moderate temper. Of
those who, like Baillie, were not Remonstrants, yet
had seen the Covenant work its way over the land as
if led by the finger of God, and who expected to see
the restoration of Zion, the number was small, and they
REMONSTRANT TESTIMONY. 395
were old, with little practical influence. Their doctrine,
that all the three kingdoms must become Covenanted,
would have been dealt with as a mere obsolete form of
speech in which the men of former things were entitled
to indulge, had the good spirit that was alive in the
people been cultivated and caressed. Without ventur-
ing to decide whether or not the nation might have
assented to a moderate Episcopacy, it was heartily
tired of things past, and ready for moderation in some
form or other. One powerful element of the old re-
sistance was gone. With the zealous Covenanters the
landowners had now no common cause. A quarter of
a century had passed since the climax of their terror,
that the Church property gathered by them during
the previous seventy-five years would be torn from
them. A new generation now held these lands ; and
the rapid succession of convulsions since the settle-
ment of 1633, when tithes were commuted, had
driven out of recollection a matter so little before the
world — so completely each man's private affair — as the
fear that the settlement was only a first step towards
the restoration of all the old ecclesiastical property to
the Church. It needed the conjunction of two spirits
so peculiar as those of Charles I. and Laud to rouse
such an apprehension ; and such a conjunction was
one of the rare things which men do not expect
every day, and only feel when they are really seen to
be approaching. On the other hand, they had more
recent recollections of the hard discipline exercised
over their life and conversation by the Presbyterian
clergy, and were in no humour to submit to their yoke.
The clergy themselves were weary of the bondage
of " the sectaries," and in the bulk tlioroughly loyal.
CHARLES II.
zealous Covenanting historian, speaking out of the
pirit driven into his community by the events that
were to come, said of his countrymen of the Restora-
tion period: " Meantime the king's character stood so
high in tlie opinion and the idolatrous affections of
the miserable people of Scotland, that a man might
more safely have blasphemed Jesus Christ than derogate
in the least from the glory of his perfections ; people
would never believe he was to introduce bishops till
they were settled in their seat." ^
Whatever earnestness there was in Charles II. 's
nature seems to have turned against the Covenant
and that religion which, as Burnet makes him say,
was "not a religion for a gentleman." He knew
what it was, not from theological study, but bitter
experience. In the days of his misfortune he had
been subject to brief periods of danger and privation;
but in general he led an easy, rakish, and luxurious
life, Avith much in it to satisfy the desires of his
nature. Through its pleasant vistas his dreary abode
at Scone seems to have come like some nightmare
vision of horrors. Yet the few who were alike zealous
in loyalty and in Covenanting faith seem to have
thought that with this odious burden on his memory,
even when triumphant in the homage of the reactionary
zeal of England, he was to come forward and accept
all the humiliating tests endured by him at Scone.
It is strange to find how well one who had expected
to find in him a Covenanting king, and was disap-
pointed, could describe the motives likely to turn a
king like Charles towards Episcopacy rather than the
Covenant : " He knew well bishops would never be
> Kirkton, 132,
sharp's negotiations, 1660-61. 397
reprovers of the Court, and the first article of their
catechism was Non-resistance. They were men of that
discretion as to dissemble great men's faults, and not
so severe as the Presbyterians. They were the best
tools for tyranny in the world ; for do a king what he
would, their daily instruction was kings could do no
wrong, and that none might put forth a hand against
the Lord's anointed and be innocent. The king knew
also he should be sure of their vote in Parliament
desire what he would, and that they would plant a
sort of ministers which might instil principles of
loyalty into the people till they turned them first
slaves and then beggars." ^
When the Court reached London, it found there two
ambassadors sent to plead the cause of a Presbyterian
Establishment for Scotland. The natural conclusion
to be anticipated from the conflicting powers was a
compromise. If there were on the one hand the king
and his favourites eager for a courtly hierarchy, there
was on the other extreme the wild remnant in the
west. The moderate men, if driven to extremities,
must make common cause with them; and that inferred
an effort, with the aid of the English remnant, to
re-establish the Covenant over the three kingdoms.
From such an alliance and crusade the moderate party
recoiled with tremors. To avoid it they would have
given up much. Then it would not, after all, be a
courtly Prelacy that Scotland would possess, unless
the attempts on the old Church lands were renewed,
and that was not in the calculation of chances. The
Scots prelates, whose incomes Avere shaped in the
curious disputes which we have seen in King James's
1 Kirkton, 131, 132.
398 CHARLES II.
reign, would be poor men beside the Lords Bishops of
England. It was noticed that the revenues of the see
of Winchester were worth more than those of all the
Scots sees collectively.^ The result of these conflict-
ing forces, had they been left to free action, can only
be matter of calculation, for the end was otherwise
decided. The Scots Presbyterians were represented
by a traitor who abandoned all. James Sharp was
sent to London as an ambassador in the cause of a
Presbyterian polity, and he returned as the selected
Archbishop of St Andrews. This is one of the simple,
and to a certain extent satisfactory, occasions in which
it is hopeless to plead honest conviction.
Sharp went to London as the ambassador of the
Broad or Kesolution party in the Church ; he was to
treat with ]\lonk and with whatever party he might
find in power. He had, as we have seen, represented
this party at the Court of the Protectorate, where
it was thought that the Pv,emonstrants were unduly
favoured, and had gained a character among the public
men of the age as one endowed with tact and good
practical sense. His instructions bear date 6th Feb-
ruary 1660. They refer in some measure to practical
details, such as "a commission for settling and aug-
menting of ministers' stipends." His primary instruc-
tion was : "You are to use your utmost endeavours that
the Kirk of Scotland may, without interruption or
encroachment, enjoy the freedom and privileges of her
established judicatories ratified by the laws of the land."
Of the subsidiary instructions, one, when read by the
events preceding and those following on it, is suggestive
of reflection : " Whereas, by the lax toleration which
1 Wodrow, i. 2.35.
sharp's negotiations, 1660-61. 399
is established, a door is opened to a very many gross
errors and loose practices in this Church ; you shall
therefore use all lawful and provident means to re-
present the sinfulness and ofFensiveness thereof, that
it may be timeously remedied."^ This one direction
Sharp may be said to have followed to the letter, but
scarcely in the spirit intended by his instructors.
Robert Douglas was appointed his colleague, to join
him in London if necessary ; but Sharp found that
the essential parts of the business had better be con-
ducted by himself alone. By ]\Ionk's suggestion he
went to the Court at Breda, and had interviews with
the new king before he crossed the Channel. His
correspondence at the time, especially that with
Douglas, has been preserved. It is a bulky collection,
and it would be difficult to find letters with fewer
ostensible attractions ; but when we read them by the
light of after-events, it is interesting to trace through
them some faint vestiges of the workings on the
emissary's mind. The first distinct utterance is a
caution not to demand too much — not to attempt to
force the Covenant on England and Ireland : " Pres-
byterians here are few, and all are Englishmen, and
these will not endure us to do anything that may
carry a resemblance in pressing uniformity. I shall
not be accessary to anything prejudicial to the Pres-
byterian government ; but to appear for it in any
other way than is within my sphere is inconvenient,
and may do harm and not good." Again : "For me
to press uniformity for discipline and government
upon the king and others, I find, would be a most dis-
gustful employment and successless ; for although the
^ Wodrow, i. 5.
400 CHARLES II.
king could be indvicecl to be for it, it were not in his
power to effectuate it, the two Houses of Parliament
and body of this nation being against it ; and if I speak
what I know and can demonstrate to you, 'tis already
past remedying."
All this carries an air of sense and modesty. Tak-
ing by deduction from the event an evil view of it, it
might seem a modification of his claim in order that
the remainder might be bought up. The man taking
his stand on the Covenant as absolute righteousness,
which all the three kingdoms must profess, presents a
more formidable obstacle to the seducer than he who
merely claims for himself and his friends an exemption
from the general rule. But on the other hand it might
be said, that if he then had the design of making the
Covenant odious in England, arrogant and excessive
demands were the way to accomplish his end.
On his return to London we find him from time to
time disturbed in spirit by symptoms of the prevalence
of Episcopacy : " A knowing minister told me this
day that if a synod should be called by the plurality
of incumbents, they would infallibly carry Episcopacy.
There are many nominal, few real, Presbyterians. The
cassock-men do swarm here, and such as seemed before
for Presbytery would be content of a moderate Epis-
copacy. We must leave this in the Lord's hand, who
may be pleased to preserve to us what He hath
wrought for us." Again : " I pray the Lord keep
them from the Service-book and Prelacy. If the
king should be determined in matters of religion by
the advice of the two Houses, 'tis feared that Covenant
engagements shall not be much regarded. All sober
men depend more upon the king's moderation and
sharp's negotiations, 1660-61. 401
condescension than what can be expected from others.
The Episcopalians drive so furiously that all lovers
of religion are awakened to look about them, and to
endeavour the stemming of that feared impetuousness
of these men. All that is hoped is to bring them to
some moderation and closure with an Episcopacy of a
new make." " I see generally the cassock-men appear-
ing everywhere boldly, the Liturgy in many places
setting up. The service in the chapel at Whitehall is
to be set up with organs and choristers, as formerly."
Was all this to prepare people for a coming phenome-
non— a torrent of Prelacy so powerful that, unable
to resist it, he is soon carried away by it ?
As he writes, the torrent gains strength : " The
course of Prelacy is carrying on without opposition,
so that they who were for the moderation thereof
apprehend they have lost their game. No man knows
what the overdriving will come to. The Parliament
complain of his majesty's moderation, and that he
does not press the settling all stent ante. God only
knows what temptations and trials are abiding us.
I have made such use of your papers as is possible.
You stand exonered as to any compliance with the
times, or betraying the common cause by your silence,
in the judgment of all to whom I have communicate
what you have ordered me to do. Our task is to wait
upon God, who hath done great things we looked not
for, and can make these mountains plains."
One thing evidently disturbed him personally during
this ruin to the cause. Douglas spoke of coming to
help him. That must be prevented. He wrote that
he was "tossed in his thoughts about it." In one
light it might do good ; but, on the other hand,
VOL. VII. 2 c
402 CHARLES II.
when he reflects what a jealous eye the Prelatical
party, who bear him no goodwill, wUl have on him
and his carriage, he is recommended to forbear. " I
know," he says, " you are not caj)able of being tickled
by the desire of seeing the grandeur of a court, and
you would soon tire were you here ; and the toil and
charge of coming hither and returning in so short a
time — it being necessary you be at home against the
sitting of the Parliament — will be, in my apprehension,
much more than any good can be done at this time."
No — on the whole, he had better not come at present ;
but he is told that "when matters come to a gTeater
ripeness two or three months hence, your coming may
be of more use and satisfaction to yourself and advan-
tage to the public." Sharp was threatened with a still
more formidable visitation. A committee of his most
zealous and able brethren proposed to join him. He
met this boldly. The king did not desire to see them
then in the pressure of his English affairs, and their
coming would prejudice the cause — when his majesty
desired their attendance he would send for them.
The next quotation touches on perilous groimd :
" Our noblemen and others here keep yet in a fair
way of seeming accord ; but I find a high, loose spirit
appearing in some of them, and I hear they talk of
bringing in Episcopacy into Scotland, Avhich I trust
they shall never be able to effect. I am much sad-
dened and wearied out with what I hear and see.
Some leading Presbyterians tell me they must resolve
to close in with what they call moderate Episcopacy,
else open profanity will upon the one hand overwhelm
them ; or Erastianism — which may be the design of
some statesmen — on the other."
sharp's negotiations, 1660-61. 403
This is early in June 1660. On the 16th he comes
again on the impolicy of pressing the Covenant on
England, and.tm-ns into little windings of thought
and argument, such as a mind conscious of treachery
might follow : " Under correction I apprehend our
doing of that which may savour of meddling or inter-
posing in those matters here will exceedingly prejudice
us, both as to our civil liberty and settlement of reli-
gion. It is obvious how much the manner of settling
religion here may influence the disturbing and endan-
gering of our Establishment ; yet, Providence having
included us under a moral impossibility of preventing
this evil — if upon a remote fear of hazard to our reli-
gious interests we shall do that which will provoke
and exasperate those who wait for an opportunity
of a pretext to overturn what the Lord hath built
amongst us, who knows what sad effects it may
have ? The present posture of affairs looks like a ship
foundered with the waves from all corners, so that
it is not known what course will be steered. But
discerning men see that the gale is like to blow for
the Prelatic party ; and those who are sober will
yield to a liturgy and moderate Episcopacy — which
they phrase to be effectual Presbytery — and by this
salvo they think they guard against breach of Cove-
nant. I know this purpose is not pleasing to you,
neither to me." He maintains, somewhat circuitously
and dubiously, that while abstaining from interference
with English affairs, he has been very careful to avoid
committing himself or his brethren to their tenor, or
to anything that might imply a doubt on their " firm
adherence to the Covenant." He announces that the
king has fixed a day for considering the affairs of
404 CHARLES II.
Scotland, and moralises on the occasion : "The Lord
fit us for future trials, and establish us in His way."
On the 19th he imparts, though with a touch of hesi-
tation, hopes which he knew to be false : " I hope
this week to have his majesty's letter signifying his
resolution to preserve the established doctrine, wor-
ship, discipline, and government of our Kirk, and that
we shall have a General Assembly — and then I shall
come home with your leave."
A memorable passage in a State paper, of which
Sharp was the bearer, afterwards gave significance to
tlie words used by him on this occasion. In express-
ing his hopes about the tenor of the king's letter, he
did not say it was to ratify the Presbyterian Kirk
government by General Assemblies, synods, and presby-
teries, though he took care to make it be believed that
such was his own personal hope. His carefully-chosen
words of anticipation were to " preserve the established
worship, discipline, and government." This letter was
dated on the 19th of June. The State paper by which
it came afterwards to be interpreted was dated on the
10th of August. He continues in the same letter: " If
we knew how little our interests are regarded by the
most part here, we would not much concern ourselves
in theirs. If we cannot prevent the course taken here,
we are to trust God with the preservation of what He
hath wrought to us." "Although we want not our
fears, let us procure what is wanting by prayer, and
not dwell too much on fear lest we sour our spirits."
He would rather that his brethren worked by prayer
than by another of their functions. That things dis-
agreeable were said in sermons may be inferred from
this hint : " If the accounts here of expressions min-
sharp's negotiations, 1660-61. 405
isters use in their pulpits be true, I wish ministers
would moderate their passions at such a time."
While all these things were written, Sharp was
virtually Primate of Scotland and Archbishop of St
Andrews. It was believed, indeed, that the bargain
Avas struck at once when he arrived at Breda. Enough,
perhaps, has been drawn out of his perfidious corre-
spondence ; but it may complete this self-drawn pic-
ture of duplicity to add that one passage from his
letters that would have been the most likely to excite
suspicion : "I engage in no party while I am here,
that I may see how the wheels move. There is a
necessity I get and keep acquaintance with the Epis-
copal party as well as Presbyterians, and with those
about Court who manage the king's affairs, though
they be no friends to Presbyterians, though I be
hereby exposed to the construction of men. I am
confident the king hath no purpose to wrong our
Church in her settlement ; my greatest fear is their
introducing Erastianism."
Douglas, his colleague, though believed to be a
great clerical statesman, suspected nothing. On the
occasion when Sharp afterwards went up to London
for ordination — "that the Presbyterian stamp might
be abolished and a new Prelatical stamp taken on " —
Douglas tells us, with a natural bitterness : " Sharp
came to me before he went to London, and I told him
the curse of God would be on him for his treacherous
dealing ; and that I may speak my heart of this man,
I profess I did no more suspect him in reference to
Prelacy than I did myself"^
' Wodrow, i. 228. Douglas is the minister formerly mentioned as
the reputed grandson of Queen Mary. Wodrow preserved for his own
4o6 CHARLES II.
Shai-p returned to Scotland with a royal letter to
his constituents, commending " his good services," and
his faithful account of the state of the Church and the
loyalty and good carriage of his ministers. It inti-
mated the royal resolution "to discountenance pro-
]jrivate use the follo^ving memorandmn about him : He " was, as I
hear, a minister in Gustavus Adolphus' army, and then lie got the most
part of all the Bible in his memory, having almost no other Ijook to read;
so that he was a man mighty in the Scriptures. He was a man of great
authority and boldness. There was a godly learned minister — viz., Mr
Tullidafif — said to me he could never look to Mr Robert Douglas but he
really stood in awe of him ; and he said so of worthy Mr Robert Blair,
that he thought there was a great majesty and authority appearing in
both these men's faces, that he could not take a look of them but he
really stood in awe of them. It's reported that Gustavus said of Mr
Douglas, when he was going to leave him, ' There [is] a man who, for
wisdom and prudence, might be a counsellor to any king in Europe ;
he might be a moderator to any Assembly in the world; and he might
be a general to conduct my army, for his skill in military affairs.'
When some were speaking to him about the ceremonies of England, Mr
Douglas said that 'the bishop was the greatest ceremony of them all.'
If he would have complied, there would no man been Archbishop of St
Andrews before Mr Douglas. They repoit that he said to Jlr Sharp,
' If my conscience had been as yours, I could have been Archbishop of
St Andrews before you.' It's .said, when a great person was pressing
him to be Primate of Scotland, to put him off effectually he answered,
' I will never be Archbishop of St Andrews unless I be Chancellor of
Scotland also, as some were before me,' which made the great man
speak no more to him about that affair. There was a minister said to
me that Mr Douglas was a great State preacher — one of the greatest we
had in Scotland — for he feared no man to declare the mind of God to
him ; yet he was very acce.ssible, and easy to be conversed with. Unless
a man were for God, he had no value for him, let him be never so great
or noble." — Analecta, iii. 82, 83.
Burnet says : " There appeared an air of greatness in him, that made
all that saw him inclined enough to believe he was of no ordinary de-
scent. He was a reserved man. He had the Scriptures by heart to the
exactness of a Jew, for he was as a concordance. He was too calm and
too grave for the furious men, but yet he was much depended on for his
prudence. I knew him in his old age, and saw plainly he was a slave
to his popularity, and durst not own the free thoughts he had of some
things for fear of offending the people." — Summary of Affairs before the
Restoration.
sharp's negotiations, 1660-61. 407
fanity and all contemners and opposers of the ordi-
nances of the Gospel." Then follows a memorable
passage, drawn with a subtle purpose : " We do also
resolve to protect and preserve the government of the
Church of Scotland as it is settled by law without
violation ; and to countenance in the due exercise of
their functions all such ministers w^ho shall behave
themselves dutifully and peaceably, as becomes men
of their calling." ^ The coincidence of this with
Sharp's anticipation has not its full significance until
an inner meaning afterwards comes forth.
Of his brief sojourn in his native land, under the
scrutiny of keen eyes gradually becoming suspicious,
he has left ample traces in his own letters. For a key
to these we must forecast the man's nature as it after-
wards came out in his political life. It was that of a
dexterous experienced man of affairs ; but also of a man
of desperate resolutions, endowed with a wary, subtle
intellect for their execution, and all supported by a
daring and determined temperament. In the thick
of the dangerous political contest which he courted he
had often to fight alone, with no counsel or support
save from his own politic brain. Such was the man
who set himself to write long letters to his brethren
of the clergy — letters that read like the weariful
wailings of a disappointed man who pours into any
ear that will receive it the story of his wrongs and
woes, and bitterness of spirit, and determination to
abandon the world with its vanities and deceptions,
and find solace in obscurity aud solitude. Then he is
bereft of all sympathy in his distress; yea — keener
suffering still — he is absolutely suspected. He sees,
1 Wodrow, i. 80.
4o8 CHARLES II.
with all others, that the calamity he has done his best
to defeat is coming; but instead of an object of sus-
picion, he should be an object of special compassion ;
for is not he the greatest sufferer of all, since by giving
his services to the common cause he had made it
especially his own 1 The whole of his lamentation,
too, is amply seasoned with ejaculations of piety, a
weakness from which Burnet tells us that Sharp, in
his communications with the companions of his
Prelatic life, was peculiarly exempt.
A man of mere ordinary selfish temperament, yield-
ing to the pressure of fortune, and preparing himself
to accept the Avinning side in such a contest, does
not take this tone. His resource is generally a surly
silence ; and if he is active, it is in preparing the way
for desertion by gradually letting it come forth that he
has got new lights, and found reason to doubt whether
the cause hitherto maintained by him is the right
one. But it is clear that Sharp had not to take the
mere passive attitude of yielding to events. He had
to give material help in shaping them. The project
on hand was perilous. Its success depended on dex-
terous and dangerous tactics which might any moment
be overturned ; for Charles 11. was not a man like his
father, on whom a servant such as Laud could place
absolute reliance. In short, it was the case of a leader
betraying his camp into the hands of the enemy, who,
to conceal his purpose from his brethren, required all
his power of dexterity and cunning. It is observable
that in these communings he reserves what might be
considered a point of refuge, whence he could possibly
maintain a lAea for consistency ; but it was one so far
out of the question on hand that it might escape
sharp's negotiations, 1660-61. 409
observation. He ever speaks of himself as in the
hands of the king, and bound without reserve im-
plicitly to obey the command so laid upon him. In
giving effect to this spirit he holds by Lauderdale as
his immediate leader and " very good lord," in whose
fortunes his were embarked. This conjunction will
find a special significance when Lauderdale reveals
to us his own policy. JMeanwhile, he who was be-
lieved to rule the king's mind in Scots affairs, was
a Covenanter who had undergone sufferings for the
cause.
On the 12th of January 1661, among the earliest of
these vindicatory and supplicatory epistles, he says :
"If I stand right in my noble and dearest lord's opin-
ion, in which I trust my integrity shall preserve me,
I shall make small reckoning- of the blasting from the
tongues which folly and perverseness have and do
still design against me. You know I have been alone
upon the stage, and therefore cannot escape the con-
versings of persons as they are variously affected and
interested. My surest fence is in God, who knoweth
that my regard to the interest of my country and this
Kirk doth prejudice my selfish considerations."
On the 26th he introduces his grief with a touch of
decorous modesty : " I do not inquire of business —
when I am asked I tell my judgment. Once a-day I
go to the abbey, officiate at my Lord Commissioner
his table, which I have done upon his invitation, as I
wrote to you formerly ; he uses me civilly. By any-
thing I can yet perceive amongst them, I can find no
design to alter our Church government ; and though
they had it, I do not see how it can be effectuate.
Some discontented, and others who have nothing else
4IO CHARLES II.
to do but to frame conjectures and sjDread tliem, talk
and write what they fancy. No man nor action
escapes their teasing tongues. I want not my own
share of that happiness. AVhether my preferment to
he the only minister who attends the Court doth make
me the subject of people's talk, the object of envy
from others, I know not ; but I am sure my employ-
ment nor fate are not very pleasant to me."
On the 31st he becomes more energetic about the
malice, folly, and calumny of which he is the victim :
" I see no fence for me but patience under the hand of
God, who sees it fit to put me to such an afflicting exer-
cise ; and contempt against what the ill-minded and
factious can do against me, which the Lord, I bless
Him, is pleased in some measure to vouchsafe upon
me. And I think I could not have that patience and
untroubledness if my conscience did accuse me of
what malicious folly would fix upon me. I have been
formerly represented as if I had engaged while I was
in London to introduce Episcopacy into this Church,
and now I am reputed to be an apostate Covenanter.
Sure the next Avill be that I am turned fanatic and
enemy to the king."
The next two passages are extracted from a long
letter dated on the 19th of March : " I had no designs
but the service of others more than myself I thank
God disturbing hopes and fears do not discompose me,
nor is my judgment perverted by aff"ection or interest.
I do chain my affection and desire to that stream of
Providence which may make it be well with the king
and your master, my lord. I am no fanatic, nor a
lover of their Avay under whatsoever refined form ; yet
of late I have received a different light as to the king's
sharp's negotiations, l66o-6r. 411
judgment as to our Church than I found when I
parted from Whitehall. This may be a riddle to you,
but to open more in this way I cannot. I tell you it
is, and hath struck me with amazement — our evil is
from those with you. I cannot exempt some among
ourselves, of whom I am not one. The only wise God
knoweth what ; but for anything yet appearing to
me, I cannot see how this current shall be stemmed,
and this Church kept upon the bottom it stands.
Although you like not my desire to retire now, yet
pardon me to differ from you in my resolution not to
meddle any more in these stormy and bespattering
entanglements. If men will not regard my credit
and peace, I must look to myself. The severity of the
sentence of a crashed credit and prostituted conscience
I do not fear from men of credit and conscience. I
have not stepped awry ; my uprightness will answer
for me when this dust of jealousies, disappointments,
fiddlings, and clamourings is over.
" God help us when we see that the concernments of
the Gospel of the Church and ministry must be hurled
at the heels of the interests of men designing nothing
but greatness, and taking advantage from the divi-
sions, unstableness, insignificance of ministers. For
my part, if, after long contest with men of Avhich it
is time to be wearied, I cannot have leave to retire
among my books, and bewail the evils which the folly
and self-seeking of men are bringing upon my country,
I must think de mutando solo, and breathing of an
air where I may be without the reach of the noise and
pressure of the confusions coming, which I had rather
hear of than be witness to, and for the preventing of
which I have not been wanting in the using of those
412 CHARLES II.
means which to the best of my understanding seemed
probable."
The next is a short but expressive passage from a
letter of the 15th of April, when he is drawing nearer
to his reward, and also his relief from his laborious
game, for that it was laborious the enormous length
of his letters shows us : "I do appeal to the con-
tinued tenor of my actions, which witness for me
in the judgment of all impartial and unbiassed ob-
servers ; and I can with patience and hope commit
myself, my credit, conscience, and what else is ex-
pressed that doth concern, into the hands of my
faithful Creator, who knows my way, and will bring
my integrity to light." ^
This feat of turpitude has a finish and completeness
often to be found in hostile accusations, but rarely
exemplified in real life. It is a tale not to have been
accepted on any authority but for the support afl^'orded
by the man himself. If it be asked why he should
have strewed around him these vestiges of bad repute,
the answer is, that he did so to secure something in
his esteem far more valuable than an honest name.
Among men inclined to moderate views there has
been a disinclination to believe in Sharp's perfidy,
because it makes one of the picturesque sketches in
Burnet's History. But in this instance Burnet's brief
1 These passages are from the Lauderdale manuscripts in the British
Museum, the contents of which were made easily accessible to the author
through a transcript kindly put at his disposal by Mr Douglas, the editor
of the ' North British Review.' The letters, on their own individual
merits, either as morsels of literature or as a general reflection of the
times, would be pronounced valueless, and even repulsive, but for the
interpretation they afford of things beyond their own tenor. To have
been collected and carefully preserved by such a man as Lauderdale,
they must have been considered of consequence as State papers.
sharp's negotiations, 1660-61. 413
estimate appears to me to give with as mucli accuracy
as animation the spirit slumbering in the bulky-
correspondence here referred to. Burnet's words are :
"As he had observed very carefully Monk's solemn
protestations against the king and for the Common-
wealth, it seems he was so pleased with the original
that he resolved to copy after it, without letting him-
self be diverted from it by scruples ; for he stuck
neither at solemn protestations, both by word of
mouth and by letters (of which I have seen many
proofs), nor of appeals to God of his sincerity in act-
ing for Presbytery, both in prayers and on other
occasions, joining with these many dreadful impreca-
tions on himself if he did prevaricate. He was all
the while maintained by the Presbyterians as their
agent, and continued to give them a constant account
of the progress of his negotiation in their service, while
he was indeed undermining it. This piece of craft
was so visible, he having repeated his protestations to
as many persons as then grew jealous of him, that
when he threw off the mask about a year after this,
it laid a foundation of such a character of him that
nothing could ever bring people to any tolerable
thoughts of a man whose dissimulation and treachery
were so well known, and of which so many proofs
were to be seen under his own hand."^
' It is biat fair to the memory of Sliarp to say that the man who, by
his position as a Churchman, and by his services to ecclesiastical history,
has the best title to represent the Church of Scotland — the Church
wounded by the event which was prosperous to Sharp — has deliberately,
and after a full view of the evidence, declined to press the charge of
deliberate turpitude. He thinks that Sharp was merely a seK-seeking
man who took the winning side when it was offered to him, concluding :
" He laboured, as it appears to us, honestly for its establishment at the
Restoration so long as there was any hope of its being established. He
414 CHARLES II.
The Estates of Parliament were to meet on tlie
first day of the year 1661. It had been for a short
time doubtful whether the meeting might not be
subject to a sense of degradation, from the absence
of certain decorations appropriate to the supreme
legislature of Scotland. They were merely valuable
chattels, yet were objects of deep national homage.
Immediately on the Eestoration came a question,
— What had become of the Honours of Scotland —
of the crown, the sceptre, and the sword ? It was
naturally supposed that they had been removed to
London. They were not there ; had they, then, been
destroyed, as part of the plan for obliterating the
traditions of Scottish nationality "? Another rumour
was that they had been taken abroad ; but, to the in-
finite delight of the people, it was announced that they
were safe at home. But their escape had been nar-
row. They had been in the official custody of the
Earl Marischal, who was lord of Dunnottar, one of the
strongest fortresses in Scotland. Thither they were
taken on Cromwell's invasion. But as one strength
fell after another, and Dumbarton and Dunnottar only
remained untaken, it was as absolutely certain as
human events can be, that Dunnottar would not long
hold against Cromwell's cannon. Two women — the
wives, one of the commander, the other of the minister
of the neighbouring parish of Kinneff — formed and
effected a plan for concealing the honours. Mrs
Granger, the minister's wife, carried them out through
the besieging army. The crown lay in her lap ; the
only abandoned the cause when it was hopeless. This was not the part
of a magnanimous man — it was not even the part of a sensitively hon-
ovirable or scrupulous man, considering the part that he had acted." —
North British Eeview, vii. 455.
PARLIAMENT, l66r. 415
sword and sceptre seem to have made a sort of dis-
taff for a mass of lint which, like a thrifty Scottish
matron, she was busily spinning into thread. The
minister buried them at night under the flags of his
church, and in that remote quiet parish church they
remained in entire concealment. As it Avas necessary
to keep the secret from friends as well as enemies, the
public had a pleasant surprise when it was revealed.^
Scotland was less fortunate in the fate of another
piece of property, according to modern notions far
more valuable. A considerable mass of the national
records had been removed to London during the Pro-
tectorate. It Avas observed that after the arrival of the
king they were still detained ; and this was coupled
with an unpleasant rumour, that Clarendon had recom- '
mended the king to keep up the forts built by Crom-
well in Scotland, with their garrisons. That these
chiefly consisted of Englishmen made them off'ensive in
Scotland ; and, as Roundheads, it is difBcult to suppose
them a valuable acquisition to the new Government.
Yet it was not until after a strong remonstrance from
his servants in Scotland that the king consented to
disband them and dismantle the fortresses. It is said
that the reason for detaining the records was to
discover and destroy the Covenant signed by the
king if it could be found. They were shipped for
Scotland before the end of the year 1661, but were
lost on the way by shipwreck.
By the recovery of the Regalia, the Estates were
thus enabled to assemble with all proper pomp and
ceremony. The commissioner was not selected, ac-
cordino- to former practice, from the heads of great
' Papers relative to the Regalia of Scotland, Bannatyne Club, 1829.
4l6 CHARLES II.
houses ; nor was lie, like Chancellor Hyde in Eng-
land, a learned lawyer and sagacious statesman, who
might be counted on for a policy prudent and far-
sighted. The new Lord High Commissioner was
John Middleton, a soldier of fortune, created Earl
of Middleton for the occasion. He had literally
risen from the ranks. Even in the courteous an-
nouncements of the peerages it is told that he " was
a pikeman in Hepburn's regiment in France." ^ He has
on several occasions passed before us — lastly, and most
conspicuously, in " Glencairn's expedition." Along
with his commission to represent the sovereign in the
Estates, he was invested with duties more appropriate
to his career as a dashing soldier, in the command of
the forces and the government of Edinburgh Castle.
Perhaps it was a good selection, since the work to be
done in that Parliament required one accustomed
rather to the word of command than the transaction
of business in committee.
The great achievement of the session was the " Act
Eescissory." It "rescinded" or cut off from the body
of the law all the statutes passed in the Parliament
of 1640 and subsequently." This withdrew from
the statute-book all legislation later than the year
1633, for the Parliament of 1639 passed no statutes.
Certainly no Act of the Scots Estates had ever accom-
plished so much as this. The Estates had been un-
usually busy in these cancelled Parliaments, and gave
forth a mighty bulk of legislation, in which the Acts
affecting the large questions in civil and ecclesiastical
^ Douglas, by Wood, ii. 231.
" Act rescinding and annulling the pretended Parliaments in tlie years
1640, 1641, &c.
ACT RESCISSORY, 1661. 417
politics were but of small bulk ; but it was thought
well to seize the opportunity and cast away the whole,
leaving it to the diligence of succeeding Parliaments
to restore all that related to the administration of
civil and criminal justice, to commercial legislation,
taxation, coinage, social institutions, and all the
complex elements of the legislation of the seventeenth
century. It was a partial realisation of the wish
imagined by Wordsworth for Rob Eoy the outlaw —
" Burn all the statutes and their shelves." It is a
short Act, and yet in its brevity a piece of slovenly
legislative work. The Acts thrown away are neither
admitted to be valid Acts of Parliament which should
be repealed, nor are they declared to be null as having
been illegally passed; but they are spoken of as invalid,
and yet are repealed. We have evidence of the hurried
preparation and passing of the measure. The practice
of passing Acts of Parliament in this reign was not to
bring in bills and pass them amended or otherwise,
but to leave the Lord Clerk Register to put the Act
in shape after its substance was adopted. That high
officer, indeed, had the chief work of every measure,
and could expedite or retard it as he chose. We find
Middleton writing to Primrose, who was then Clerk
Register : " The Act that is now before you is of the
greatest consequence imaginable, and is like to meet
with many difiiculties if not speedily gone about.
Petitions are preparing, and if the thing were done it
would dash all these bustling oppositions." Then after
promises of substantial gratitude if it is done : " Now
I am more concerned in this than I was ever in a
particular. The speedy doing is the thing I propose
as the great advantage, if it be possible to prepare it
VOL. VII. 2 D
4l8 CHARLES II.
to be presented to-morrow by ten o'clock in the fore-
noon to the Articles, that it may be brought into the
Parliament to-morrow in the afternoon. The reason of
this haste shall be made known to you at meeting."^
Burnet mentions a feature of the times felicitous to
such rapid operations : " It was a mad roaring time,
full of extravagance ; and no wonder it was so, when
the men of affairs were almost perpetually drunk."
The Act Rescissory Avas immediately followed by
" an Act concerning religion and Church government."
After some preliminaries of pious thankfulness for his
majesty's preservation and restoration, there follow
assurances "that his majesty will be careful to promote
the power of godliness, to encourage the exercises of
religion, both public and private, and to suppress all
profaneness and disorderly walking." There is no
legislation in the statute — that is for the future ; and
it is announced, that " as to the government of the
Church, his majesty will make it his care to settle and
secure the same in such a frame as shall be most agree-
able to the Word of God, most suitable to monarchi-
cal government, and most complying with the public
peace and quiet of the kingdom." There was a hint
of what was coming, in an arrangement " in the mean
time" to "allow the present administration by sessions,
presbyteries, and synods," " and that notwithstanding
of the preceding Act Rescissory of all pretended Parlia-
ments since the year 1633."^ Thus the existing arrange-
ments were a temporary expedient, and the basis on
which the permanent organisation was to stand was
the system of Church government existing in 1633.
The plot is now completed. Sharp had announced
1 Baillie's Letters, iii. 686. « Act. Pari, vii. 88.
RESTORATION OF EPISCOPACY, 1661. 4T9
the prospect of a proclamation, assuring his friends
of the preservation " of the established worship, dis-
cipline, and government " of their Church. He brings
down such a proclamation. Suddenly, as in one of
the revolutions of a pantomime, the whole apparatus
of the Presbyterian polity is swept from the stage,
and Prelacy stands in its place as the established " dis-
cipline and government." Is anything necessary to
complete the evidence that Sharp's hand was in this
feat ■? If so, it is at hand in a letter to Middleton,
in which he takes credit as the inventor of the
whole. Describing an audience with the king, he
says : " He spoke to me of the method to be used
for bringing about our Church settlement, and bade
me give my opinion of a present expedient, which,
when I had offered, he was pleased to approve ; so
did the Bishops of London and Worcester; and after
consultation with our lords, it was agreed that
Lauderdale and I should draw a proclamation from
the king, to be sent to your grace, with which I
trust you will be satisfied ; and, with submission to
your grace's opinion, I should think the time for
our settling will be more seasonable and proper after
that your grace hath come hither, and so ordered the
way of it as that the perfecting of the work may
be upon your hand, from whom it had its beginning,
and under whose countenance and protection it must
thrive and take rooting. Your grace knoweth the
work is of great consequence, and will not want
its difficulties, which can only be overcome by your
prudence and resolution. Many things are previous
to the ordering and signing of it; and till they be
moulded, the proclamation will suffice to the dispos-
420 CHARLES II.
ing of minds to acquiescence to the king's pleasure,
which your grace will be able to put into execution
with fewer inconveniences than if the king should
presently declare." ^
The field was now cleared for an " Act for the resti-
tution and re-establishment of the ancient government
of the Church by archbishops and bishops." This was
passed on the 27th of May, just two days before the
anniversary of the Restoration. An Act had been
passed for keeping that day holy. Many were pre-
pared to evade the provision, and some to give overt
evidence of its offensiveness. Besides the established
objection to holidays as idolatrous, it was held, by an
ingenious logic, that although the 29th of May hap-
pened to be the day of the restoration of a worthy
prince, it might also happen to be the anniversary
of some atrocity or calamity. Of course the Act
coming so close on its first celebi-ation only aggra-
vated the hostility. This in its turn enraged the
Court, and excited them to a measure which has some
interest as the first of a countless succession for
harassing the Presbyterian clergy. The offenders
were denounced as " such who pretend to ane greater
measure of zeal and piety, and no less loyalty, than
others, but who, under that pretext, always have been
and are incorrigible enemies to the present ancient
and laudable government of Church and State ; " and
it was decreed that they should be incapable of hold-
ing any benefice in the Church.^
The hierarchy was in existence before the Act for
' Letter from original in British Museum ; Trans. Ant. Soc. Soot.,
ii. 104.
^ Act. Pari., vii. 376.
STRENGTHENING THE PREROGATIVE, 1661. 421
the restoration of Episcopacy was passed. Only one
of the old bishops remained, and the rest had to go to
England for consecration. Those of them who had
not been ordained episcopally had to accept a second
ordination. Among these Sharp was one. Even to
his brazen nature there seems to have come a touch
of shame at this solemn avowal that his sacred office
as a minister, and the institution whence he drew it,
were both impostors. He reasoned against the double
ordination, but in vain ; and as he was not the stuff
that martyrs are made of, he had to accept of it. An-
other ceremony of interest to religious parties in Scot-
land came off at the same time — the Covenant was
solemnly burned by the hands of the common hangman.
The G-overnment had meanwhile taken measures
for strengthening its hands ; and it is curious to
note how closely they sometimes followed the pre-
cedent of the Parliamentary government of twelve
years earlier. A Privy Council was erected, with
powers unknown to the old Secret Council. It was
virtually to continue the supreme powers of the
Estates in the intervals between the sessions. It was
thus a copy from the old " Committee of Estates,"
with this difference, that it was created by the Crown,
not by the Estates themselves. The creation of a
standing army was begun in a life-guard, consisting,
like the French musketeers, of men above the rank of
common pikemen. To the old kings of Scotland the
formation of a standing army was so far beyond the
range of possibility that it was never attempted. It
was with difficulty that any one of them obtained in
time of emergency a permanent force — that is, an
army which could at any time be taken from him.
422 CHARLES II.
but was allowed to remain in his hands. When
Queen ]\Iary's mother attempted to create a guard
such as she was familiar with in France, she brought
a political crisis. "When James VI. was permitted to
keep forty gentlemen for his defence from outrage, it
was deemed a great concession. But the Covenanters
had found out how to levy and keep embodied armies
exceeding twenty thousand men. The new Govern-
ment could not but learn some lesson from such an
example. They had organised a system of taxation,
too, for the support of their troops. In the Act Ee-
scissory, among other hard things, it is said of them
that " they laid new exactions on the people, which
in one month did far exceed whatever by the king's
authority had been levied in a whole year." The
machinery used for raising these funds was at hand,
to be employed by new masters in the collection of
the cess or tax.
Wliile the Estates were yet transacting business,
some tragedies began to be enacted, bringing both
gloom and terror into the reign which had opened
with so much joviality.
In England the Parliament was speedily, after the
king's arrival, engaged with an Act of Indemnity for
the protection of the large class of persons who had
done acts capable any day of bringing them within
the letter of the laws of treason. The Indemnity Act
was the completion of discussions which were virtually
a treaty with Charles II. before he was permitted to
land in England. No doubt those who arranged
matters with him sjooke as if his sacred majesty were
already their king ; but they made him understand
that the theory of his divine right would have no
VICTIMS — ARGYLE, 1661. 423
chance of realisation if England was likely to become
a political shambles. It has been maintained that
the treaty was ill kept on the Royalist side.^ For
Scotland there was no treaty. One cause of this
omission might be that the regicides and their abet-
tors were looked at as the leading objects of ven-
geance, and they belonged to England. In Scotland
the indemnity awaited the meeting of the Estates.
Before that event a few victims had been selected ;
and it was determined that of these Argyle, as he was
the chief, should also be the first. His trial was an affair
of statesmanship rather than of the administration of
the criminal law. The blow was to be struck rather
for what he might and could do, than for what he had
done. To strike him, of aU men, was spoken of as a
deed of l^ase ingratitude, since he had put the crown
upon the king's head ; but the very power that en-
abled him to do that might enable him to take it off
again. If the possession of a power dangerous to
such a Government as that of Charles II. was to be, is
a justification for putting the powerful man to death, it
existed here. While the king could only bring into
the field such an army as the great landowners might
consent to supply him with, here was one of them
whose personal following was estimated at five thou-
sand men. But that was not nearly all. Past history
taught that in a quarrel with the king on the old
question of twenty years ago, that would be but a
fragment of the forces at Argyle's disposal. There
was a mere shade of difference between the powers
exercised by him on his Highland territory and the
powers of an absolute sovereign. It was exceptional
1 See Hallam's Constitutional History, ii. 214.
424 CHARLES II.
from all other parts of Scotland in this, that its lord
possessed a Justiciary. This is a supreme court com-
petent to the infliction of all punishments, from death
downwards. In other courts, such as " regalities " and
" sherifl'ships," other great landowners held in their
hands the issues of life and death ; but these were
always in name, and generally in reality, subsidiary
to the royal power. But the "justiciary of Argyle"
was supreme as that of the King of Scotland in the
other parts of the realm.^ We have already seen a
practical attestation of his great power in the treaty
in which he and the English Republic were the high
contracting parties.
There was something offensive to good feeling, if
not absolutely treacherous, in the method of his cap-
ture. He could only have been taken out of Inverary
at the end of a successful war against him. He went
up to London in full reliance on his safety, to pay his
court to the new sovereign. The king was so far
candid as to refuse him an audience. He was seized,
committed to the Tower, and sent in all convenient
speed in a ship of war to Edinburgh. He was guard-
ed in Edinburgh Castle. On the 13th of February
articles of high treason were laid against him before
the Estates, which had just assembled. The record
of his trial has disappeared, but probably the loss to
history is not serious. Acts which could be inter-
preted through the law into treason against the
Crown could be proved against him in superfluous
abundance ; and if we had the indictment and plead-
' As a testimony to its supremacy down to the abolition of the herit-
ahle jurisdictions in 1748, the records of the old "justiciary of Argyle"
are stiU preserved in Inverary, the capital of the territory.
VICTIMS — WARRISTON, 1661-63. 425
ings, they would probably furnish us with nothing
better than confused material for a distorted history
of the times. ^ He was beheaded on the High Street
of Edinburgh on the 27th of May. He met his end
with firmness and calm dignity, and the narratives
relating it have found a high place in the traditions
of Scottish heroism.
Another selected victim was Warriston. Like his
leader Argyle, and many others of the day, if, as a
political question, the decision was that he should die,
it was easy to bring him within the grasp of the law
of treason. Against one who had been so actively
at work through those wild times, an accusation is
interesting chiefly for the selection which his enemies
may make from the several passages of his life. One
charge was " his constant and malicious opposition to
the authority and commands of his majesty's royal
father of ever-blessed memory, ever since the begin-
ning of these troubles in the year 1637." This accu-
sation could have applied to so comprehensive a body
'' Burnet tells us, that on tlie question whether his " compliance with
the usurpers" was voluntary or inevitable, "while it was very doubtful
how it would have gone, Monk, by an inexcusable baseness, had searched
among his letters, and fonnd some that were written by Argyle to him-
self that were hearty and zealous on their side. These he sent down to
Scotland ; and after they were read in Parliament it could not be pre-
tended that his compliance was feigned and extorted from him." By a
curious fatality the " baseness " of such an act has been indorsed by
Monk's vindicators in an indignant denial that it was committed by him.
After much distinguished controversy, the question was settled by a prac-
tising lawyer in Edinburgh, who, in search of authorities on a point of
penal practice, found that Sir George Mackenzie, who held a law office
at the time, in his ' Laws and Customs of Scotland in Matters criminal,'
cites the production and use of the papers sent by Monk as an important
precedent. The controversy will be found in Fox's ' Reign of James,'
Sir George Rose's ' Observations ' on that book, Mr Heywood's ' Vindica-
tion' of it, and the 'Edinburgh Review' for July 1809 and August 1811.
426 CHARLES II.
of his countrymen, that one would think it scarce
worth stating when there were others peculiar to
himself, like the following : That " he did give his aid
and assistance to those who murdered his majesty's
royal father;" " and that by sitting and acting in the
years 1657, 1658, 1659, upon ane call from the mur-
derer and usurper, or his son, as ane of the peers of
England in ane pretended House of Lords newly set
up by the usurper ; and by his sitting and acting as
president of a pretended Committee of Safety set up
by the murderer and usurpers." This charge gives
a glimpse of the contradictory variety of acts that
might have brought any of the actors in the business
of the day within the treason -law if his life were
wanted. Warriston's intercommuning with the sec-
taries was woefully bemoaned as a backslide by his
brethren of the Remonstrance. Yet that he adhered
to that testimony, and was a party to the bitter utter-
ance of its creed, called 'The Causes of the Lord's
Wrath,' were among the items of his treason.^
When Warriston heard that he was to be attacked,
he removed or "fled" to the Continent. He was
condemned in his absence. This was a step onward
in the docti'ine that Parliamentary trials are bound
by no law or precedent. Forfeiture and outlawry for
not appearing to answer an accusation were forms
much abused ; but this is the first occasion in which
witnesses were examined and condemnation awarded
in absence of the accused. Wandering from country
to country, he was hunted down in France and sent
to Edinburgh for execution. There is a story of the
time, that when brought before the Council to be
^ See tlie cliarge in the Scots Acts, vii. appendix 70.
VICTIMS — GUTHRIE, 1661. 427
identified, he crouched and fawned and drivelled after
a fashion not to be expected in one who had passed
a life in dangerous political warfare. But his later
life of physical hardship might have unnerved him ;
and it was said that he had been treacherously treated
by a hostile physician. He received his sentence with
decorous courage. Lauderdale, who was present, says :
"When the sentence was pronounced, his carriage
pleaded much better than anything I could have
expected ; for he received the sentence to be hanged,
and to have his head affixed, with much more com-
posedness of spirit than I did expect. He sat on his
knees, according to the custom, and then prayed God
to bless the king, to bless the Parliament, to keep
every one from his condition ; and again he prayed
for the king, for the Church, and for the kingdom,
and, without one word for himself, he went out." ^
It was determined to have another representative
victim, and to take him from the Church. James
Guthrie was the selected victim and martyr. He
was the most vehement, active, and implacable of all
the Eemonstrants, and uttered his testimony in the
strongest language, in multitudinous shapes, and on
countless occasions. The last was fresh in memory
— he was of the little group who had addressed the
ofiensive " supplication " to Charles himself. The
indictment against him, in its very formalities,
carries an impression of his restless energy. It is
among the charges against him, that " he did contrive,
complot, counsel, consult, draw up, frame, invent,
spread abroad, or disperse — speak, preach, declaim, or
utter — divers and sundry vile seditions and treason-
^ Letter to Sir RoLort Miirray, Lauderdale Papers.
428 CHARLES II.
able remonstrances, declarations, petitions, instructions,
letters, speeches, preachings, declamations, and other
expressions tending to the vilifying and contemning,
slander and reproach, of his majesty, his progenitors,
his person, majesty, dignity, authority, prerogative
royal, and government."^
He was the actual author both of the Eemonstrance
itself and of 'The Causes of the Lord's Wrath;' and
in such authorship he did, as his indictment says,
" utter and belch forth a great many damnable and
execrable leasings, slanders, and reproaches against
his majesty's dearest father of eternal memory, and
others his majesty's noble progenitors, their persons,
majesty, dignity, authority, and government."
Burnet says that at his trial, " when his lawyers
offered him legal defences, he would not be advised by
them, but resolved to take his own way. He con-
fessed and justified all that he had done as agreeing
to the principles and practices of the Kirk." Between
his trial and his execution on the 1st of June every
word that dropped from his lips was carefully treasured
as a relic precious beyond price. A scene following
on the tragedy must be told in the words of the his-
torian of the sufferings : —
" After he was taken down his head was severed
from his body with an axe. It was observed there
was a vast effusion of blood that flowed from his body,
which was presently put into a coffin, and carried into
the Old Kirk aisle, where it was dressed by a number
of ladies of good quality. Some of them took their
napkins and dipped them in the blood ; and when
Sir Archibald Primrose, the Register, challenged one
' Scots Acts, V. appendix 74.
VICTIMS — GUTHRIE, 1661. 429
of them — viz., Mrs Janet Erskine, married after to Sir
Thomas Burnett, doctor of medicine — for so doing,
saying ' it was a piece of the superstition and idolatry
of the Eomish Church to reserve the relics of the
saints,' it was answered, they intended not to abuse
it unto superstition or idolatry, but to hold up the
bloody napkin to heaven in their addresses, that the
Lord might remember the innocent blood that was
spilt. In the time that the body was a-dressing there
came in a pleasant young gentleman and poured out
a bottle of rich ointment on the body, which filled the
whole church with a noble perfume. One of the
ladies says, ' God bless you, sir, for this labour of
love which you have shown to the slain body of a
servant of Jesus Christ ! ' He, without speaking to
any, giving them a bow, removed, not loving to be
discovered."^
His head was set up on the Nether Bow port ; and it
was a story believed at the time, and long afterwards,
that as Middleton was driving through the gateway
some drops fell from that head upon his coach, which
coidd not be obliterated by all the chemical art that
Edinburgh could afford. As this is characteristic of
the times, it may also be mentioned as characteristic,
that a few months before his martyrdom, Guthrie, in
one of his vehement testimonies, had denounced toler-
ation as one of the sins and dangers of the age.^
It was believed that Guthrie would have had a
' Wodrow Analeota, i. 109.
^ ' Some Considerations contributing unto the Discoverie of the Dan-
gers that threaten Religion and the Work of Reformation in the Church
of Scotland. By James Guthrie, minister of the Gospel at Stirling.
1660.' Consideration third — " From the toleration and protection that
is pleaded for and allowed to many gross errors and heresies."
430 CHARLES II.
companion in martyrdom through the designs against
Samuel Rutherford ; " but," as the faithful Wodrow
says, " he had a higher tribunal to appear before,
where his judge was his friend. Mr Rutherford died
in March this year, the very day before the Act Re-
scissory was passed in the Parliament. This eminent
saint and faithful servant of Jesus Christ lamented
when near his end that he was withheld from bear-
ing witness to the work of reformation since the year
1638, and giving his public testimony against the evil
courses of the present time." ^
It was naturally believed that had he lived it
would have been for martyrdom, since a book written
by him called 'Lex, Rex,' was in solemn judgment
burned by the hangman at the cross of Edinburgh
and at the gate of the University of St Andrews,
where Rutherford had been professor of divinity.
This book was published in 1644, and in the pre-
sent day its aspect would not excite any alarm that it
would achieve a permanent popularity productive of
pernicious influence on the public mind. It would
rather be anticipated, that for all the notoriety given
to it by the conflagration, the vulgar would find it a
tough literary morsel. No doubt a principle may be
extracted from it by much labour — the principle that
kings are responsible to their people for their righteous
dealing. There is a corollary to this, that the clergy
of the true Church are the judges of right and wrong ;
and the final inference is, that these gentlemen are the
rulers of the world. But Rutherford, though he wrote
the letters which have acquired such a wide reputa-
tion, did not take up a question of such gravity as
» Sufferings, i. 206.
RUTHERFORD, 1661. 43 1
this in the method of a wild declaim er. He was the
last of that race of Scottish clergy who were vehement
Presbyterians and great scholars. His dense quarto
pages are strewed with Latin, Greek, and Hebre\^^
There are countless quotations, not only from well-
known names, as Tertullian, Cyprian, Chrysostom, and
Augustin, but from such remoter authorities as Arnis-
£eus, Pirerius, Toletus, and Bodinus. Upwards of
four hundred pages of general discussion have to be
toiled through before we are brought to the practical
and dangerous conclusion of the inquiry, in the ex-
hausting of the question " whether the King of Scot-
land be an absolute prince, having prerogatives
against Parliament and laws." But had the Court
known all, they would have found little to fear even
here. The precedents are taken from that race of
shadowy monarchs who have now vanished into thin
air, and the chief value and interest attaching to the
' Lex, Eex,' is its testimony to the permanent influence
of the services to which Buchanan and his followers
put the fictitious history of early Scotland.^ It is
another testimony to this, that a proclamation was
issued against a translation of "an old seditious
pamphlet called ' De Jure Eegni apud Scotos,' where-
of Mr George Buchanan was the author." ^
^ Thus: "The Parliament rejected the lawful son of Cerbredus, the
tn'entieth king, because he was young, created Dardanus, the son of
Metellanus, king, which is a great argument of the power of the Scot-
tish Parliament." — P. 449. " Conarus, twenty-fourth king, was cast in
prison by the Parliament because he did the weightier business that
concerned the kingdom by private advice without the judicial ordinance
of Parliament." — 'Lex, Rex : The Law and the Prince. A Dispute for
the just Prerogative of King and People. — London, 1644.'
"" Wodrow, i. 416.
CHAPTER LXXVIII.
THE INDEMNITY THE EXCEPTIONS THE DRUNKEN PARLIAMENT
THE GREAT EJECTION OF THE PRESBYTERIAN MINISTERS —
COURT OF HIGH COMMISSION — MILE ACT THE REVOLUTION
AT COURT — Lauderdale's position — contest with middle-
ton — VICTORY — constitutional revelations of THE con-
test— ROTHES as commissioner government of LAUDER-
DALE its mysterious policy THE PERSECUTION QUARTER-
ING OF SOLDIERS — IRRITATION — GATHERING OF AN INSURREC-
TION MARCH FROM THE WESTERN MOORS TO THE PENTLAND
HILLS DEFEATED AT RULLION GREEN GENERAL DALZIEL
TREATMENT OF THE CAPTIVES LAUDERDALE COMMISSIONER ■
HIS COURT — THE FIRST INDULGENCE — TREATMENT OF RECUS-
ANTS LAWBURROWS INTERCOMMUNING — THE COURTS OF
LAW SECESSION OF THE BAR ARCHBISHOP SHARP HIS ISO-
LATED POSITION ATTEMPT ON HIS LIFE HIS DISCOVERY OF
ITS AUTHOR PROJECT AGAINST THE SHERIFF OF FIFE THE
ARCHBISHOP COMES IN HIS STEAD THE MURDER THE
ESCAPE OF THE MURDERERS.
Under a Government so little to be trusted, the pro-
mised indemnity was waited for very anxiously by
the large body of men who might be brought within
the letter of the law of treason. It was not adjusted
until the autumn of 1662. Part of the adjustment
was a levy of fines, as the condition of exemption or
pardon. The number of persons fined amounted to
ABJURATION ACT, 1 662. 433
bet^veen seven and eight hundred. The object of
levying the fines was said in the Act to be for the
reparation of the losses of many good subjects who
" have been under great sufferings and liable to great
loss for their affection and loyalty to his majesty.'"-^
Whether intended in the scheme of the Acts, or dis-
covered afterwards, this adjustment gave cruel powers
to the Government against the persons fined. They
were not pardoned, leaving the fines as a debt which
the Government might recover. If the fine were not
paid, the indemnity dropped. Men who could not
aff'ord to pay at all, or to pay promptly, continued
liable to all the treason - laws ; and when it was
thought desirable to retain a strong hold over them,
it was also thought desirable that they should fail
to pay their fines.
A succession of measures for forcing men not only
to adhere to the new order, but to abjure and condemn
the old, began in the session of 1662, in an Act de-
manding a declaration from all persons in public trust.
With other abjurations, the declaration says of the
Covenant and the National League and Covenant, that
they " are of themselves unlawful oaths, and were
taken by and imposed upon the subjects of this king-
dom against the fundamental laws and liberties of the
same." Among those who must take the declaration
are not only the ministers of the Crown, the judges
and other officers appointed and paid by the Crown,
1 Act. Pari., viiL 415 ; " the king's majesty's gracious and free
pardon. Act of Indemnity and Oblivion," p. 420 ; " Act containing
some exceptions from the Act of Indemnity," p. 420. The list of
persons and fines is given at length, heginning, " The Earl of Lothian
in the sum of six thousand pounds Scots."
VOL. VII. 2 E
434 CHARLES II.
but members of Parliament, magistrates, and council-
lors of burghs, and persons having " any other public
charge, office, and trust within this kingdom."
As there were several clergymen who since the
year 1639 had not been presented by the patrons of
their benefices, a law was passed to eject them from
the ministry unless they obtained formal presentation,
and also accepted of Episcopal collation. At the
same time, all clergymen who had merely received
Presbyterian ordination were required to accept of
Episcopal collation. The clergymen who complied
with these rules became unpopular, and their flocks
sought spiritual nourishment elsewhere. Hence, even
before the Church was broken up, assemblies began
to be held, which were denounced in Parliament as
" unlawful meetings and conventicles, the nurseries
of sedition " " kept in private houses." ^
As yet the law scolded rather than struck. The
ministers who failed to obtain Episcopal collation
were not driven forth, and there was no direct penalty
on those who frequented conventicles. Following the
principle that there should be a remedy for every
wrong, the Privy Council, under their powers as re-
presenting the Estates between sessions, passed an
Act on 1st October 1662, where, on the narrative that
certain clergymen who have not obeyed the injunc-
tion to obtain Episcopal collation continue to dis-
charge their ministerial duties, these ministers are
prohibited " to exercise any part of the function of
the ministry at their respective churches in time
coming, which are hereby declared to be vacant ; and
that none of their parishioners who are liable in any
' Act concerning masters of universities, ministers, &c.
THE EJECTION, 1662. 435
part of their stipends make payment to them of this
instant crop and year of God 1662, or in time com-
ing, as having no right thereunto, and that they do
not acknowledge them for their lawful pastors in
repairing to their sermons." The recusant ministers
were required " to remove themselves and their fami-
lies out of their parishes" before the 1st of November
— that is, within a month from the date of the Act.^
This Act was adopted in Glasgow. The historian
of the sufferings tells us that the citizens of that town
called the meeting of Council where it was passed
"The Drunken Parliament," on account of the condition
of the councillors present at it. An earlier writer says :
" The report was, being convened in Glasgow, there
was never a man amono; them but he was drunk at
the time, except only Lee" — Lockhart of Lee — who
said " that proclamation would only lay the country
desolate, and increase the hatred to bishops and con-
fusion among the people." ^
The abruptness of this Act was seen to be a mistake.
The Council afterwards gave time and opportunity
for conforming. The end, however, was, that three
hundred and fifty ministers abandoned their benefices.
As the bulk of their congregations followed them, or
at least abandoned the Church when their successors
were appointed, an Act was passed for the imprac-
ticable purpose of compelling people to attend their
parish churches. It denounced " all and every such
persons as shall hereafter ordinarily and wilfully with-
draw and absent themselves from the ordinary meet-
ings for divine worship in their own parish churches
on the Lord's Day." Penalties were laid according
1 Wodrow, i. 283. = Kirkton, 150.
436 CHARLES II.
to rank on these absentees. They were fixed at a
maximum so lai-ge as to give enormous power to those
who exacted them. Thus the yeoman farmer's fine
was to be a sum " not exceeding" a fourth of his means ;
and the burgess's was to be the same, and the forfeit-
ure of his privilege of trading.^ This Act was popu-
hxrly styled the bishops' " Drag-net." There was found
to be a serious imperfection in it, as persons of the
male sex did not form the entire congregations, or
even the greater part of them, and it was necessarj^
that husbands be made responsible for the absence of
their wives.
The penal regulations of this period were completed
by an Act of Council called " The Mile Act." It was
an aggravation of the English " Five-Mile Act" against
the Nonjurors. It required that no recusant minister
should reside within twenty miles of his old parish,
six miles of Edinburgh or any cathedral town, or
three miles of any royal burgh ; and the punishment
for breaking this rule was in general terms made the
same as the punishment for sedition.^
As this legislative war for the extirpation of the
prevalent religion greatly increased the work of the
Privy Council, the Court of Justiciary, and the humbler
tribunals of the country, aid was sought to them, and
was obtained in the erection of a new tribunal, to deal
especially with ecclesiastical offences. It was the
restoration of the Court of High Commission — that
institution abhorred and dreaded both in England and
Scotland. Intended to attack the Covenanters, it
opened, as if by a cynical pleasantry, against thePapists.
* Act against separation and disobedience to ecclesiastical authority.
= The Act is in Wodrow, i. 341.
HIGH COMMISSION, 1662. 437
Nothing can better express its comprehensive powers
of molestation and infliction than the terms — not
chargeable with indistinctness or ambiguity — of the
commission itself. The court were authorised " to
summon and call before them, at whatsoever place
and time they shall appoint, all Popish traffickers,
intercom muners with and resetters of Jesuits and
seminary priests ; all who say or hear mass ; all ob-
stinate contemners of the discipline of the Church,
or for that cause suspended, deprived, or excommuni-
cated ; all keepers of conventicles ; all ministers who,
contrary to the laws and Acts of Parliament or Coun-
cil, remain or intrude themselves on the function of
the ministry in these parishes and bounds inhibited
by these Acts ; all such who preach in private houses
or elsewhere without licence from the bishop of the
diocese ; all such persons who keep meetings at fasts,
and the administration of the sacrament of the Lord's
Supper, which are not appro ven by authority; all who
speak, preach, write, or print to the scandal, reproach,
or detriment of the estate or government of the Church
or kingdom as now established ; all who contemn,
molest, or injure the ministers who are obedient to the
laws ; all who do not orderly attend divine worship,
administration of the Word, and sacraments performed
in their respective parish churches by ministers legally
settled for taking care of these parishes in which those
persons are inhabitants ; all such who without any
lawful calling, as busy-bodies, go about houses and
places for corrupting and disaffecting people from their
allegiance, respect, and obedience to the laws ; and in
general, without prejudice to the particulars above
mentioned, all who express their disaffection to his
438 CHARLES 11.
majesty's authority, by contravening Acts of Parlia-
ment or Council in relation to Cliurcli affairs." ^
It was in the midst of all this that there came a
revolution at Court, which had no sensible influence
on its policy of harshness, though those who looked
to the tenor of the past had a right to expect in the
change of men a change of policy. There was a
struggle between Lauderdale and ]\Iiddleton ; and
Lauderdale, the sagacious politician, deep in a know-
ledge of practical business and the nature of the men
he had to deal with, vanquished the prompt soldier,
whose notions of politics were limited to command
and obedience. As we shall see, Lauderdale's nature
and purposes were a riddle not easily read ; but he
had done enough to countenance any charge of par-
tiality for the Presbyterian polity, and this was ever
odious at Court. One who had opportunities for
much knowledge, but was apt, as a practical states-
man, to colour his accounts with an object — Sir
George Mackenzie, the wit and lawyer^gives a scene
at Court, where Middleton, Lauderdale, and some
other Scots statesmen discussed the policy to be pur-
sued towards the Church with the king and Claren-
don. Middleton took up the policy to follow on the
Act Rescissory ; " Presbytery is after a long usurpa-
tion now at last rescinded ; the Covenant whereby
men thought they were obliged to it is now declared
to have been unlawful, and the Acts of Parliament
whereby it is fenced are now removed ; — so that it is
arbitrary to your majesty to choose what government
you will fix there." And he proposed that at once it
' The commission will be found at length in Wodrow's Sufl'erings,
i. 384.
MIDDLETON AND LAUDERDALE, 1662-64. 439
sliould be Episcopacy. Lauderdale suggested that
before a final determination was adopted it might be
well to caU a General Assembly, or consult the pro-
vincial synods. It was answered that this were virtu-
ally setting the Presbyterian system in action, in the
hope that it might modify or even destroy itself; and
the result, according to the narrator, was the harsh
rapid policy adopted, and a serious weakening of Lau-
derdale's influence : " Now Lauderdale was brought
so low that his majesty would close the door upon
him when he brought in Tarbet. He was under-
valued by his enemies and deserted by his friends ;
and if prosperity — which, like all ripe things, does
soon corrupt — had not betrayed Middleton and his
friends to too much arbitrariness and want of circum-
spection, Lauderdale had fallen under the weight of
his own misfortunes." ^
One of Middleton's acts destitute of circumspection
was an attempt to deal a final blow against Lauder-
dale. He still held ofiice as Secretary of State, at-
tending on the king in London. It was proposed to
take a vote of the Estates for disqualifying for public
office persons specifically named, as, on account of
their political history, not to be trusted. It was pro-
posed to take the vote on the occasion by ballot.
This in Parliament would at the present day be held
a gross violation of the rights of the public, and espe-
cially of the constituents, to know how each represen-
tative votes. But in that day the ballot was favoured
in legislative voting for the reason that it is at present
favoured for constituent voting — that the voter may
be free from corrupting or intimidating influences.
' Sir George Mackenzie's Memoirs, 73.
440 CHARLES II.
As it was said on this occasion, " None would dare
openly to vote the removal of any present officer,
being still jealous of the event, and sure of their
resentment;" "and as to the interest of the people,
it was most advantageous, because it obliged public
ministers to be afraid of disobliging the Parliament
and their native country ; and it did allow to every
man a free liberty to vote according to his judgment
and conscience." But for such reasons it was favoured
by the democrats of the day; and to use it for the
purposes of Charles II. 's reign would require far more
dexterity than a man like Middleton had at com-
mand.^ It summoned up all the array of classical
denunciations of ostracism. As a precedent it fright-
ened the English statesmen, and Hyde especially
shuddered at the idea of incurring such an ordeal.
The method of taking the ballot, as told by Mac-
kenzie, was an amusing scene of trickery : " This way
was by the Articles prescribed for ordering that affair :
First, every member of Parliament was to write with
a borrowed hand the names of twelve persons, and
these were to be given in to the register, who was to
hold a bag at the foot of the throne, wherein these
billets were to be thrown ; after which the bag was
to be sealed and to be carried up to the Exchequer
chamber, where they were to be compared, and after
the number was agreed upon the billets were to be
burned, and the names of such as were billeted to be
concealed upon oath, which form was thereafter punc-
tually observed — only the register, having a rooted
■ The following title of a popular pamphlet of that day has a tone as if
it belonged to the present : ' The Benefit of the Ballot, with the Nature
and Use thereof,' reprinted in ' State Tracts ' of the reign of Charles II.
MIDDLETON AND LAUDERDALE, 1662-64. 441
quarrel against Southesk, did mark his billet with a nip
when he received it, and thereby discovered his vote."
The register did other more important services than
this ; for we find Middleton taking him up to Court
along with the statutes of the session, " upon design
to be rewarded for his pains in drawing the Acts
so advantageously for his majesty's interest." This
pointed to the laxity of the Scots practice in the
omission of a precaution adopted and always adhered
to in England — that every project of law should be
voted in the express words in which it was to become
an Act, and that no word should afterwards be altered
in any paper that had been adopted by the House.
Of the imperfect arrangements for proper Parliament-
ary action Middleton himself gave this account in his
contest with Lauderdale : " The Parliaments of Scot-
land continuing only but eight days, the first day of
the Parliament's meeting was taken up in constituting
the House and choosing the Lords of the Articles ;
then did the Parliament adjourn. The Lords of the
Articles went about the drawing up and preparing
such Acts as were to be passed in that Parliament.
That being done, the Parliament had its second and
last meeting, in which day all Acts were read, de-
bated, voted, and passed."
The commissioner, when the business of the session
of 1662 was over, went up to Court in all the exultation
of success, for Lauderdale was one of the ostracised.
But for that very reason Middleton never returned to
Scotland to be commissioner, or hold any other office.
Lauderdale was in waiting for him, prepared to put their
quarrel to a final issue. He put into the king's hands
a written statement of the views he had expressed in
442 CHARLES II.
Parliament on various points in Middleton's adminis-
tration. He handled the balloting as an interference
with the royal prerogative, and a tyrannical interfer-
ence. There was another interference still more seri-
ous. The commissioner had given his assent to meas-
ures without receiving the king's special authority to
do so. There were two legitimate courses — either that
he should be instructed to give his authority to Acts
for certain purposes, or if an Act was passed by the
Estates not within any such powers, he should send it
to the king for his instructions before giving it the
sanction of the royal assent. It was in showing that
such a course was impracticable that Middleton gave
the account just cited of the practice of the Scots
Estates. It is observable that in the contest neither
disputant touches the old doctrine maintained by the
Estates, that the touching with the sceptre was a mere
act of courtesy, and that the Acts of the Scots Estates
were effective without the royal assent. Lauderdale's
attack was famous in its day as a great State paper ;
but Middleton's defence, whether prepared by himself
or not, is a work beyond the ability of such a man as
he has been generally described by historians. There
was a charge against him yet more serious than the
other two. The king, by Lauderdale's advice, as it
was said, had deferred the day for receiving payment
of the fines imposed on recusants — an act of partial
clemency ; and Middleton had found reason for sup-
pressing the suspension and enforcing the fines, be-
lieving, as it would seem, that these reasons would
exempt him, and secure him in an indemnity.^ Be-
1 Mackenzie's Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland from the Restora-
tion, 52 et seq.
MIDDLETON AND LAUDERDALE, 1662-64. 443
sides this — the mere external history of the event —
there are other incidents connected with this affair of
the billeting carrying an important bearing on the con-
stitutional tendencies of the Government of Scotland
at that time. The Act was new and unusual. It was
not a law for general use and practice through the
country, but for the guidance of the Court. Among
the ostracised Avere two men in office besides Lauder-
dale—Lord Crawford, and Sir Robert Murray, who had
so much influence in Court that he became afterwards
what might be termed the resident minister for Scotch
business in London ; he is still more worthily known
as the reputed founder of the Royal Society. The
method of dealing with this peculiar Act of Parlia-
ment was to put it into the king's hands in a sealed
packet, presented to him, with the other Acts, by three
officers of State. Burnet tells us that while these
made their solemn progress, although the known ways
to London were watched to stop any news anticipat-
ing their business, yet it Avas managed through by-
ways to send to Lauderdale the warning which en-
abled him to act.
We are told that when the State messengers at-
tended at Com't with the statutes, the king " threw
the Act of billeting into his cabinet, declaring that
he would not follow their advice, nor would he dis-
close their secret." ^
The king afterwards sent a message to the Estates,
with a " commission for trying of the contrivance and
carrying on of the Act of billeting." It spoke of "that
strange Act for incapacitating twelve transmitted to
his majesty sealed, and which his majesty has so
' Mackenzie's Memoirs, 77.
444 CHARLES II.
ordered that it shall never more come to light." ^
Several witnesses were examined on the secret history
of the affair.^ The professed result of the investiga-
tion was to bring home an act of double-dealing to
Middleton. He had made the king believe that the
Parliament desired the proscription, and made the
Parliament believe that the king desired it. In the
end the Parliament ratified the king's suppression of
their two Acts for e0"ecting the ostracism, in a shape
as novel as the Acts themselves. They were declared
to be "now and in all time coming void and null ;"
and ordained "to be expunged and razed out of the
records — likeas, accordingly, the said principal Acts,
being called for and presented in Parliament, were
publicly razed and destroyed."^
Here the king suppressed a measure which, what-
ever were its demerits or the trickery at its root, had
formally passed the Estates and received the touch of
the sceptre from his commissioner. Those who have
noticed how it was from time to time contended that
even the touch of the sceptre was unnecessary — that it
was a mere courtesy, and that the Acts passed by the
Estates were law without it — will recognise how far the
old spirit of that haughty body had departed. We find
the ruling spirit employed in working out this change
^ Act. Pari, vii. 450.
^ Their testimony, or an abstract of it, is in the Lauderdale Papers.
Among those who speak most clearly to the point is the rough soldier
Sir James Turner. He had been taken aside by Middleton, who
had some mysterious conversation with him about a warrant for in-
capacitating certain persons : " The Earl of Middleton asked the depon-
ent what he would think if the person who wrote the warrant should be
one of the number ; and thereupon the deponent asking if he meant
the Earl of Lauderdale, he answered ' Yes.' To which the deponent said,
' God forbid ! ' "
3 Act. Pari., vii. 472.
MIDDLETON AND LAUDERDALE, 1662-64. 445
expressing his exultation in his peculiar tone of frolic
humour. The Act of erasure was passed on the 9th
of September. Lauderdale addressed a letter to the
king on the " 10th of September, being the day after
St Billeting's Day." He begins by some remarks spun
round the text of " that which I am ravished with,
that you govern this poor kingdom yourself." Then :
" By yesterday's A ct you will see that billeting is dead,
buried, and descended ; and that the Act is exactly as
you directed." There are things referred to in this
letter touching a matter of interest to the king — the
marriao;e of his son Monmouth to the heiress of
Buccleuch. But it is evidently in reference to his
backing of the king's suppression of an Act of the
Estates that he alludes in this remarkable concluding-
passage : " Be pleased to weigh the whole, and com-
mand what you please, and I need not tell you you
shall be punctually obeyed. We durst not move what
was so positively illegal without a clear order. But
if it be your will, you shall see Ave know no law but
obedience." ^ Perhaps it was of use to Lauderdale in
his great mysterious scheme of policy, that he should
have the king as his accomplice in an Act " positively
illegal." We may perhaps follow up some of the
practical action of that policj^ before again stopping
to ask whether there is any available key to its
mysteries.
There appear to have been some slight suspicions
that Middleton would not receive sentence of ruin
with the meekness of the lamb. Besides any political
influence he might have established, he was governor
of Edinburgh Castle, and had the general command of
' Lauderdale Papers.
446 CHARLES II.
the forces ; and lie was resolute, unscrupulous, and
rash. Though he was superseded as commissioner
in the Parliament opened on the 18th of June 1663,
it was not until the 5th of January 1664 that he
signed a resignation of his military offices.^
As Lauderdale's was the hand that had pulled down
the enemy, it was perhaps scarcely decorous that he
should be sent to succeed him as commissioner. That
dignity fell to Rothes, while - his master remained at
Court to direct him.
It is now necessary to continue the narrative of
local events, which ran in the old current, unbright-
ened by the change. There was now a potent legis-
lative machinery for harassment and punishment in
force. To give it the more effect military parties
were sent to aid the civil authorities in the most con-
spicuously offending districts. The result was what
always will be the result of putting the enforcement
of the civil law into the hands of the soldier — licence,
oppression, and insult. To the south-western districts
— the centre of Remonstrantism — where the opposi-
tion had its stronghold, a rough unscrupulous soldier,
1 The resignation is in the Lauderdale Papers. There is something
peculiar in dismissal not being thought sufficient, and a resignation being
required. These Papers contain some notices of trifles jjersonal to the
two enemies, — how Lauderdale met him " in the street — a very narrow
one " — and they had to exchange stifl: courtesies. Tlien a scene at Court,
described also by Lauderdale : " When the gentleman-usher went in to
give his majesty notice supper was come, Earls Middleton and New-
burgh stepped to him just as he was coming out at the bedchamber-
door. Earl Middleton stopped his way, clapped briskly down on his
knee, and taking (I say taking) his majesty by the hand, kissed it, and
so did Newburgh after him without one word spoken. The king
passed without farther looking after them, passed to the presence, and
then home. This now was a feat of war I had not seen before — having
spoke to the king at his first arrival without kissing his hand, and to
do it thus by a sort of surprise."
PERSECUTION, 1663-66. 447
Sir James Turner, was sent to command the troops.
How terrible a curse he must have been to the people
can be better understood from the dry detail of an
official report than from all the vehement and eloquent
denunciations that have been heaped on him by the
sufferers and their sympathisers. When, several years
afterwards, there came a change of influence, the Privy
Council made an investigation into his conduct at this
period, and among other things done reported these : —
" 1™°- Quartering of soldiers for levying of fines
and impositions. '2^°- Exacting cess or quartering-
money for more soldiers tlian were actually present,
sometimes for double the number or more ; and that
besides free quarters for those present, sometimes
eightpence, sometimes twelvepence, sometimes six-
teenpence, and sometimes more, for each man. 3*'°'
Cess exacted for divers days, sometimes eight, ten,
or more, before the party did actually appear. 4*°
Imposing of fines and quartering before any previ-
ous citation or hearing of parties. 5*°' Fining with-
out due information from ministers. 6'°- Fining such
as lived orderly, as appears by ministers' certificates.
^mo. pjnijjg and cessing for causes for which there
are no warrants from Acts of Parliament or Council
(as, 1 "■"• Baptising of children by outed ministers ;
2'^°- Baptising by neighbouring ministers when the
parish church was vacant; 3''°- Marrying by outed
ministers ; 4*°- For keeping of conventicles). 8™-
Fining for whole years preceding his coming to the
country, and that after they had begun to live orderly,
gmo. Pining fathers for their daughters baptising
their children with outed ministers, though forisfami-
liate six months before, and living in another parish.
448 CHARLES II.
jQmo. pij^ij^g^ without proportioning the sum with
the fault. 11™°- Fining in whole parishes promiscu-
ously, as well those that lived orderly as those that
did not. 12'"°- Fining whole parishes where there
was no incumbent minister. IS*'"- Fining one that
lay a year bedfast. 14*°- Forcing bonds from the
innocent. 15'°- Cessing people who were not fined.
16^"' Taking away cattle. All those actings are
illegal." 1
Harassments and oppressions such as these at last
drove the people of the west to insurrection. The
physiology of the origin and growth of a mob or an
insurrectionary movement is not easily obtained, and
valuable when it is. We owe it to the researches
of the historian of the suiferings that we have an
account of the germ and growth of this affair, which
has a strong appearance of truth : " Upon Tuesday,
November 13th, 1666, four countrymen, after great
hardships and long fasting, in their wanderings came
to the small country village of Dairy, in Galloway,
to get a little refreshment. Upon the highway a little
from that place they accidentally met with three or
four soldiers driving before them a company of people,
neighbours to a poor old man in that place who had
fled from his own house himself" The object for
which the soldiers were driving the people was " in
order to oblige them to thrash out the poor man's
corns, that of them they might make money to satisfy
for his Church fines, as they were now termed. This
troubled the four honest men very much, yet they
passed by the soldiers and came to the house they
designed." While taking their refreshment there,
^ "Wodrow's Sufferings, i. 102.
INSURRECTION, 1665-66. 449
some one ran to tell tliem that the old man himself
was caught, and that the soldiers were going to torture
or ill-use him. The four " honest men " went to the
spot. There was arguing and at last a scuffle, in
which one of the "honest men" fired a pistol and
wounded a soldier. " This quickly made the rest
yield, and the countrymen disarmed them and made
them prisoners, and the poor old man is happily de-
livered." Taking consultation on their position, the
four " honest men " took the view — probably correct
— that there was no chance for life if they were
taken, " and therefore resolve to go through with it,
and stand to their own defence the best way they
might." There were twelve soldiers at a post near
by. Having got a few neighbours to join them, they
seized these twelve. They had now done something
to be heard of over the country. Sir James Turner
was posted at Dumfries. The question now lay
between taking him or being taken by him. A coun-
try gentleman, the Laird of Bascube, threw in his lot
with them. The little group enlarged, and when there
were fifty horsemen and a considerable party of un-
mounted peasants it was determined to seize Sir
James. This was accomplished easily. It would
appear that he had in his possession a considerable sum
of money collected as fines or cess. It is uncertain
what became of this store ; but as it is difficult to
see how the rapidly gathering body of insurgents
could have been victualled without it, we must sup-
pose that they took it for public purposes.
They increased rapidly, and it is even said that
their numbers rose to three thousand. They conceived
the bold notion of marching to Edinburgh, and came
VOL. VII. 2 F
450 CHARLES II.
within five miles of the city, where they caused much
consternation and rapid preparations for defence.
Tliey seem to have expected recruits on the east coast,
who did not join them. It is observable that their
march lay through mountain and moorland, with
rare patches of vegetation all the way. When they
left the Lanarkshire hills, a dreary flat moss lay
before them. When they had traversed this and
ascended the western shoulder of the Pentland Hills,
they must have seen a prospect new and dispiriting.
The Lothian s — the richest and most fruitful part of
Scotland — spread before them ; while up from the gar-
dens and fields rose the town of Edinburgh, crowned
by its castle. This sight seems to have realised to them
their helplessness. It was the middle of November,
too, and they had sufi"ered from cold, while provisions
failed them. They found that there was nothing for
it but to return westward, and they crossed by House
of Muir to Rullion Green, on the southern side of the
hill. By this time their numbers had rapidly thinned :
it is supposed that they counted about nine hundred.
They were in wretched condition, with some horses in
still worse state. Their leader. Colonel Wallace, ap-
pears to have been a good soldier, and to have done the
best that could be done for his poor followers. EuUion
Green is the name given to the southern end of a
valley dividing the Pentland range and forming a
natural pass through it, conspicuous as a feature of
the range. Here AVallace posted his people on a ridge
of hill. General Thomas Dalziel, who had gone as far
westward as Lanark to intercept them, found them
here at last. He drew his troops through the pass, and
found the peasantry so well posted that it was not an
BATTLE OF PENTLAND, 1 666. 45 1
affair of a moment to sweep them before his disciplined
troops. At the point first approached a cleft lay be-
tween them and him. We are told that two attacks
by detachments on the post were failm-es, and that the
general required to bring his whole force cautiously to
the ridge where the peasantry were posted before he
could break and disperse them.^ It had become dark
when this was accomplished, and thus there were few of
the Covenanters killed in the retreat. Some things fol-
lowing on this affair are significant of the condition of
religious parties at that time — conditions afterwards
changed. It will be remembered that in 1637 Edin-
burgh was the centre of Covenanting ardour and
energy. Yet these " wild western Whigs " were so
offensive to the moderate people of the Lothians, that
we hear of more sufferings to the remnant of their
army from the peasantry around the place of their
defeat, than from the victorious enemy, cruel as their
general was reputed to be.
The natural result of this affair was to strengthen
the hands of the Government, by giving them reason
on their side. It contributed to increase that source
of power in which they were chiefly deficient — the
source generally called the " moral influence." It
might be said that the insurgents were a miserable
rabble, driven by religious delusion and cruel treat-
ment to their fate ; but the external character of the
act was, that they had marched as an army across
the country, and that they had threatened and
^ The site of the battle is supposed to be marked by a monumental
stone. Neither the spot itself, however, nor any part of the range of
the Pentlands close to it, corresponds with the description of the gTound
taken by Wallace— a ridge running north and south, and rising abruptly
on the north end.
452 CHARLES II.
thoroughly frightened the capitah Then if men
commit themselves to an armed contest with the
Government, they cast their lot for victory or martyr-
dom, and must stand their fate ; and it is part of this
fate that it brings ruin on others as well as themselves.
The Government was not the same that had organised
the system of oppression in the west, but the system
remained while the soldiers and their commanders
were there. They had now got a large increase to
the licence of their conduct. It had been peace and
was now war. They could plead they were in an
enemy's country, where the distinction between those
in arms and those peaceably disposed was too nice
to be drawn by a rough soldier. The commander
of these troops was the victor at Pentland, Thomas
Dalziel of Binns. He had served abroad ; and of all
the foreign adventurers who had brought evil ways
from foreign institutions and practices, he had brought
home the largest stock of ferocity and raj)acity.
Others liad chiefly served in the centre of Europe and
in the Thirty Years' War. They learned enough of
evil there ; but Dalziel had been doing the work of the
barbarous Muscovite far off' at the back of Europe.
Of the nature of that work there was only the general
notion that it brought the skill of civilised Europe to
aid in perpetrating the cruelties and brutalities of the
Calmuc. Dalziel was taunted with his foreign service,
and could return the taunts in his own way. At the
council - table he struck a man under examina-
tion on the teeth with the hilt of his sword so as
to draw blood. He had provocation enough — he had
been called " a Muscovy beast who roasted men." It
did not make him more merciful that he was an
BATTLE OF PENTLAND, 1666. 453
honest and ardent fanatic for royalty. Of this he
carried about a perpetual sign in a beard which had
grown since the death of his beloved master Charles I.-^
^ Mr Kirkpatrick Sharpe, in his notes to Kirkton's History, gives
this account of Dalziel : —
" The Czar of Muscovy, Alexis Michaelovitch, under whose hanner he
fought courageously against the Turks and Tartars, for his great bravery
and military conduct, promoted him to the rank of general, and on his
return to Scotland ordered a testimony of his services, in the most
honourable terms, to pass the great seal. ' He was bred up very hardy
from his youth,' says Captain Creichton, ' both in diet and clothing.
He never wore boots, nor above ane coat, which fl-as close to his body,
with close sleeves, like those we call jockey-coats. He never wore a
peruke, nor did he shave his beard since the murder of King Charles I.
In my time his head was bald, which he covered only with a beaver
hat, the brim of which was not above three inches broad. His beard
was white and bushy, and yet reached down almost to his girdle. He
usually went to London once or twice a-year, and then only to kiss the
king's hand, who had a great esteem for his worth and valour. His
unusual dress and figure, when he was in London, never failed to draw
after him a great crowd of boys and other young people, who con-
stantly attended at his lodgings, and followed him with huzzas as he
went to Court or returned from it. As he was a man of humour, he
would always thank them for their civilities when he left them at the
door to go into the king, and wovrld let them know exactly at what hour
he intended to come out again and return to his lodgings. When the
king walked in the park, attended by some of his courtiers, and Dalziel
in his company, the same crowds would always be after him, showing
their admiration of his beard and dress, so that the king could hardly
pass on for the crowd ; upon which his majesty bid the devil take
Dalziel for bringing such a rabble of boys together, to have their guts
squeezed out, while they gaped at his long beard and antic habit, re-
questing him at the same time (as Dalziel used to express it) to shave
and dress like other Christians, to keep the poor bairns out of danger.
All this could never prevail on him to part with his beard ; but yet, in
compliance to his majesty, he went once to Court in the very height of
the fashion ; but as soon as the king and those about him had laughed
sufficiently at the strange figure he made, he reassumed his usual habit,
to the great joy of the boys, who had not discovered him in his fashion-
able dress.' " On closing this quotation from the Memoirs of a Cavalier,
the editor of Kirkton continues : " The accusation of being a witch Dal-
ziel shared with almost all the active loyalists of his time, whom, however,
if we can trust the author of ' God's Judgments,' he so far exceeded in
'devilish sophistry that he sometim es beguiled the devil, or rather his mas-
ter suffered himself to be outwitted by him.' "—Kirkton's History, 226, 227.
454 CHARLES II.
The trials tliat followed the affair of Pentland Hills
were the first to become infamous by the free use of
torture. The question or torture had been in use both
in Enofland and Scotland, but in both countries it
was very odious. Two instruments were chiefly in
use in Scotland — one was the boot, an iron cylinder
in which the leg was placed, the infliction being by
the hammering in of wooden wedges to the required
point of injury and suffering. The other was the
thumbkin, Avhich held the thumb tight while thin
screws were run into the joint — an ingenious device
for producing the greatest amount of suffering with
the smallest instrument and the least labour.
The criminal courts were overworked Avith the busi-
ness now brought into them. Part of it was drawn
off by the appointment of a separate justiciary in the
west. The pressure suggested a method of facilitat-
ing business, taken from the precedent set by the
Estates when they convicted Warriston in his absence.
There seems to be something infectious in any relaxa-
tion of rigid forms by courts of law, especially in the
administration of criminal justice. The supreme
legislature both in England and Scotland claimed
the privilege to be above restraints. The grand testi-
mony to this was the power of impeachment, where it
was not, as in the humbler courts of law, that the
charge to be tried must infer a breach of established
law. In the impeachment the law and its application
might be voted together. There must be somewhere
a power to strike the public enemy, who may be all
the more dangerous that the ordinary laws do not
reach him — and that power exists in the supreme court
of Parliament. All this was fully examined and
PUNISHMENTS, 1666. 455
settled in the impeacliinent of Strafford. The Scots
Estates went a step further, and found that they could
try and convict a man who was not present to defend
himself. The Court of Justiciary, overwhelmed with
business, found that it would be convenient to follow
this precedent : it would facilitate conviction, and so
abbreviate proceedings — the persons condemned, if
afterwards caught, could be punished without further
ceremony. The court professed to deliberate care-
fully before adopting this alternative. They consulted
their brethren of the Court of Session, who gave them
encouragement and support. The plan was adopted ;
but fortunately it became rather a beacon to be
avoided than a precedent to be followed.
Some twenty men were hanged in Edinburgh, and
many in other places. The authorities were becoming
tired of their cruel work, while yet there was a crowd
of prisoners to be disposed of. Some were shipped off
to the plantations ; others released on finding security
for their conduct. A relenting or a more cautious
and considerate spirit had found its way into the
administration. Scotland was affected at that junc-
ture by English politics. The Court was disheartened
by the disgraces of the war with Holland, and the
Prelatic party in Scotland lost a friend in the fall of
Clarendon. It was found at last to be fitting that the
army of the west should be withdrawn. Perhaps the
difficulty of finding means for its support may have
had more to do with this result than any other motive.
When the soldier was removed the assistance of the
lawyer was required. It was asked whether some
self-acting organisation could be devised for keeping
order among the Eemonstrant Covenanters in the west,
4S6 CHARLES II.
aud the lawj'ers said tliey had found such a plan m
the project known as "the bonds of lawburrows."
We have already seen on several occasions how it
crops out as a peculiarity in the history of Scotland,
that such battles as are elsewhere fought out between
conflicting prerogatives, or "prerogative and privi-
lege," have been tried as questions between one man
and another in the courts of law. Much of the har-
assing of the west country was now done in this way :
From Dalziel downwards through a crowd of rapacious
officers of the local courts, men held gifts of forfeitures
or of fines which it was their interest to exact by
form of law. It was a sort of licence to pillage the
enemy in the courts of law. These things took their
course according to settled precedent, but the device
of the bonds of lawburrows was so far beyond them
as to be a work of genius. The term is from the old
Saxon word, which means surety — when one became
bail for another, he was his surety, burrow, or broch.^
The bond of lawburrows is of everyday practice in
Scotland. If one can shoM^ that he has been threat-
ened with violence by one likely to follow up his
threat, a court of law will protect him by requiring
the threatener to find security for his peaceable con-
duct or go to prison. It is the process that in Eng-
land is called finding security to keep the peace. By
the bonds of lawburrows, then, the Crown bound over
the subject to keep the peace. The project was
effected by an Act of the Privy Council. The country
Avas divided into districts, for each of which certain
men of local position Avere named as commissioners.
They were to take bonds for keeping the peace from
' See above, chap. xvii.
INDULGENCE, 1669. 457
each landholder in each district. The landholder in
his turn was to exact a bond from each of his vassals
or tenants. In each instance, if the bond were broken
in a breach of the peace, a penalty became due ; but
the character of these penalties could only be shown
through much technical detail. When the arrange-
ment, as devised in the Privy Council, came into
practical effect, a new question arose, which also had
to be settled by technical law. The bond on its face
only held those who signed it to be orderly and obey
the laws. Did this infer that they were bound over
to the new Prelatical hierarchy, and that they were
to abjure the Covenant 1 To clear this difficulty the
old form of the protestation again came in use. The
persons who signed the bonds protested that they
were not held bound by them to the support of Pre-
lacy or the abjuration of the Covenant ; and there is
so much evidence of the intention of those who took
the bonds so to accept the obligation that a form for
doing so has been preserved.-^ The lawburrows were
renewed with more formality after the disbanding of
the Highland host to be presently brought up.
We now find a curious wavering between tolerance
and intolerance. What is called "the first indul-
gence" was issued from Whitehall in June 1669, on
the sign-manual, countersigned by Lauderdale, and
addressed to the Scots Privy Council. It began with
something resembling a censure on the past : "Whereas
by the Act of Council and proclamation at Glasgow in
the year 1662 a considerable number of ministers were
at once turned out, and so debarred from preaching of
the Gospel and exercise of the ministry." The Councd
1 See Wodrow, ii. 94, 95.
4S8 CHARLES II.
were tlierefore authorised " to appoint so many of the
outed ministers as have lived peaceably and orderly
in the places Avhere they have resided, to return and
preach and exercise other functions of their ministry
in the parish churches where they formerly resided
and served, provided they be vacant." They were
not to have the stipend — only the manse and glebe.
The Council were to collect the stipend, and when
they issued a licence of indulgence, to allow the in-
dulged minister a yearly " maintenance " out of the
stipend. In the warrant for the indulgence there was
so much consideration for the " outed" ministers, that
instruction was given to find maintenance for those
whose places had been filled. This " indulgence " has
to be interpreted, by whoever can make the interpre-
tation, with an Act of the Estates passed little more
than a year afterwards, called an " Act against con-
venticles." It lays heavy penalties on all concerned
in " conventicles," or in any arrangements for worship
according to the Presbyterian form unless through the
indulgence. A climax is reached in the clause, "that
whosoever, without licence or authority foresaid, shall
preach, expound Scripture, or pray at any of these
meetings in the field, or in any house where there be
more persons than the house contains, so as some of
them be without doors — which is hereby declared to
be a field conventicle — or who shall convocate any
number of people to these meetings, shall be punished
with death and confiscation of their goods."
Many of the ejected ministers took the indulgence
as an announcement that the Government wished to
find a decorous exit from its position, and trusted to
the sensible portion of them for help. They took
LAUDERDALE, 1663-80. 459
what was offered, hoping for a final restoration to all
their privileges and emoluments as parish ministers.
To the many who felt with the seceders, and had been
tossed by doubts whether they should remain or go
forth, the indulgence was an undoubted blessing, by
reconciling them to their position.
The indulgence was from time to time revised and
enlarged ; and if one should give the history of the
" indulged " Church without looking around, he might
describe a moderate, serious, comfortable community
living at peace with all men, and Avorshipping God
after their own fashion. But the policy which Lau-
derdale's Government rather seemed to drift towards
than deliberately adopt, was that of balancing every
act of mercy and grace to those who accepted the
conditions set down, with additional machinery of
repression and cruelty directed against recusants.
Rothes and Lauderdale were rewarded each with a
dukedom for his services. It made no change on the
governing influence that in 1669 Lauderdale was
made Lord High Commissioner. This strano-e man was
a scholar and a great reader, with a full command of
the intellectual stores thus at his disposal. But both in
the spirit and the flesh he was an uncouth and unlov-
able figure. A Covenanter, he could scatter profane
jests, and lived a profligate life. His figure was large
and full, with a broad bloated face. Its unmistak-
able sensuality was relieved by touches of the ferocious
and the sarcastic. His wife was nearly as conspicu-
ous a figure as himself. She was Countess of Dysart in
her own right — the daughter of that Murray of the bed-
chamber who had acted the spy to the Covenanters.
She was a pupil of the moral school of Lady Castle-
46o CHARLES II.
maine and the Duclaess of Portsmoutla ; and marvellous
stories are told of her extravagance and rapacity, with
the influence exercised by her on the fines and forfeit-
ures of the jjeriod. The polished profligacy of Louis
XIV. 's Court was vulgarised when it passed on to
St James's ; but when it migrated to Holyrood, its
contact with the rough way of the Scots made it more
hideous still. There have been many attempts — none
of them quite successful — to solve the problem of this
statesman's conscience and intentions. Burnet would
make it a subtle policy, but distinct : " I thought he
was acting the Earl of Traquair's part, giving way to
all the follies of the bishops on design to ruin them.
He upon that ran out into a great deal of freedom
with me, and told me many passages of Sharp's past
life. He was persuaded he would ruin all ; but he said
he was resolved to give him line, for he had not
credit enough to stop him, nor would he oppose any-
thing that he pro^Dosed unless it were very extrava-
gant. He saw that the Earl of Glencairn and he
would be in perpetual war, and it was indifi'erent to
him how matters might go between them ; things
would run to a height, and then the king would put
a stop to their career, for the king said he was not
priest-ridden."
There is another possible theory of his policy, and
if it be otherwise tenable, it will be found to fit
neatly into and explain some points in the letters of
his coadjutor or accomplice Sharp, when he talks of
the king's will as the supreme rule of his conduct and
his adherence to the guidance of Lauderdale. Was it
that Lauderdale thought the fervent and intolerant
spirit of loyalty possessing the nation at the Eestora-
LAUDERDALE, 1663-80. 461
tion might be turned to a purpose, and that on its
wings he might sweep into any absolute authority he
might choose to wield in the king's name 1 The
method by Avhich, as a Presbyterian and a Cove-
nanter, he could do so, would be by setting the king's
will above the Covenant and everything else. We
have seen him already, in something like a spirit of
exultation, following the king in an act called by him-
self " positively illegal." It is possible in his corre-
spondence to find that his Presbyterianism will not
stand in the way when loyalty may be pleaded for
taking another direction. On the 13th of July 1663 he
is attending the Estates, and writes to the king. He
approaches a story he has to tell with a sketch of the
pleasm-es of a mind at ease : " A good master, a good
conscience, and a clear above-board conduct in your
service, does abundantly secure and quiet me against all
base whisperings." He had been working through the
Estates the completion of the new polity — the " Act
against reparation and disobedience to ecclesiastical
authority." His enemies had been scattering foul
rumours that his old affection for the Covenant would
damp the zeal of his loyalty. That " calumny of
my opposition to your declared pleasure in Church
government did stick Avith divers ; so that I thought
it fit for me, and in some measure necessary for your
service, that I should make once a public declaration.
I choosed this as the first and most natural occasion
for it. So after I had endeavoured in debate to clear
all that was objected against this Act, before it
went to a vote I rose up and told the Parliament,
that seeing your commands had kept me from
concurring in these good laws made in the former
462 CHARLES II.
session of Parliament — for your majesty had com-
manded my attendance in London— I thouglit it my
duty not to rest satisfied with giving a bare ' ay ' to
this Act, which ratifies the former Acts relating to the
Church. Then I repeated shortly all the Acts passed
for your prerogative, for restoring the Church, and
particularly the Act Eescissory, and declared my
hearty consent to them all. In the next place, I took
notice of that part of the Act wherein your majesty's
care is held forth to preserve Church government as
now it is settled by law. And because I had the
happiness to have more with you on that subject, and
to have heard very often from yourself how much you
are concerned in this settlement of the Church, I
thought it my duty to declare, not only to the Parlia-
ment, but, as far as I was able, to the whole kingdom,
that these expressions of the Act relating to your
majesty are not matters of form, but that you do
and will concern yourself as much in preserving this
government in the Church as in any other prerogative
of your crown. I touched gently what reason you
had so to do from former miscarriages ; and having,
as fully as I was able, expressed your majesty's zeal
in this particular, I told the Parliament I needed no
other argument to convince them of my hearty con-
currence in and obedience to those laws than that it
was your so express pleasure ; for as I counted it my
greatest honour to be your servant, and as I had in
everything carried myself as a servant, and faithful
servant — notwithstanding of what had been said to
the contrary — so in this and everything else I was re-
solved to serve you faithfully in your own way. Then
I earnestly urged the great obligations this kingdom
LAUDERDALE, 1663-80. 463
owed to your majesty; for had you not by your
glorious restoration redeemed them from the basest
slavery, and restored them to their liberties, their
ancient government, and their laws, but also put the
greatest mark of confidence on them by removing of
the English garrisons ? And as this was an eminent
mark of your own goodness against much opposition,
so I pressed it to be the duty of this kingdom, both
as good subjects and good Scotsmen, to witness their
obedience to your majesty in Church matters, in which
you do so much concern yourself. In the last place,
I told the Parliament that the first thing I did in this
Parliament was the subscribino- the declaration con-
cerning the Covenant. That though I thought not fit
to say anything then, but to sign it cheerfully, so noAV
I thought it my duty to make known that I knew well
what I signed. The first part of that declaration, the
affirming the unlawfulness of taking arms against the
king, had lain heaviest on me when 1 thought myself
nearest to giving my great account. So having con-
fessed it, and craved pardon of it from God and from
the king, I thought it my duty here also to confess it.
And to the second part, I declared myself clearly con-
cerning the unlawfulness of the Covenants, and of the
petitions, protestations, and councils in pursuance of
it; and therefore I need not enlarge that from these
oaths no obligation lies to endeavouring alterations of
the settled form of government. But this, I said, is
only a negative. It is my duty to go farther; and for
a conclusion I declared it to be my duty not only not
to oppose but to maintain and defend those laws, and
heartily concur in prosecution of them. This is a
short and true account of what was spoke. If I had
464 CHARLES II.
a copy I should send it, but truly I have no time to
make set speeches ; on this subject my heart was
so full that I could not fail in speaking, nor now in
repeating the sense of what I spoke. And I did it so
freely and so clearly that all the bishops came in
a body to give solemn thanks. And as the trust
your majesty was pleased to repose in me in this
particular obliged me to this declaration, so now to
give generally this hasty account of it — one thing I am
sure I have got by it, that I have rooted out any con-
fidence that any other party could have in me; and if
any shall hereafter slander me as an opposer of bishops,
they must at the same time declare me a very fool."
In his confidential communings with Sir Eobert Mur-
ray, his representative in London, he gives his reason
for the earnestness of these protestations. He mentions
how, through Middleton's influence, it had been put
into people's heads that he was " disaffected to the
Church government establishment," and opposed to
those who had been sufferers for the king's father. In
referring to the final measure for the settlement of the
Church, he says an expressive word about a feature in
it that might possibly give displeasure to some at
Court : " You will see the penalties calculated for our
western dissenters (though the word Papist be put
in, of course, to bear them company), and it is hoped
the penalties will be stronger arguments to move them
to outward conformity than any divines could use."
Lauderdale, when he had got his power well con-
solidated, set himself to sketch a scheme of govern-
ment, the leading feature in which was to rid the king
of that troublesome body the Estates. He says to
Sir Eobert Murray : " You shall humbly present it for
LAUDERDALE, 1663-80. 465
his majesty's consideration, how fit it is that when
public business are despatched — which it is hoped may
be ready soon after the return of this express — that
this Parliament be concluded and dissolved, and that
this kingxlom return to the good old form of govern-
ment by his majesty's Privy Council." ^
There are several reasons given at length for this
bold suggestion : " Long Parliaments are more unfit
for Scotland than for any other place, for public busi-
ness being done. They can only serve here for creat-
ing division by carrying on pi'ivate interests." They
are costly to the members, but " the most heavy-
burden lies on the king." But the end of all is a
happy prospect, whatever direction the eye may take :
" For if the king's service should require a Parliament,
there is no manner of doubt but the next Parliament
would be as entirely at his majesty's devotion as he
can desire. For the lords spiritual and temporal are
the same, and they sitting in the same House, the king
knows what influence they have. Besides, the power
which the officers of State and noblemen have in
election of commissioners for shires and boroughs
may secure his majesty of the new elections, especially
seeing the declaration concerning the Covenant keeps
out those who are averse to the Church government
established. And the great consideration which puts
it past all apprehension of danger is, that not only
hath the king in Scotland his negative vote, but, God
be thanked, by this constitution of the Articles, hath
the affirmative vote also. For nothing can come to
Parliament but through the Articles, and nothing can
^ After the Eestoration we find the general use of tlie term " Privy
Council" substituted for "Secret Council."
VOL. VIL 2 G
466 CHARLES II.
pass in Articles but what is warranted by his majesty,
so that the king is absolute master in Parliament
both of the negative and affirmative." ^
Yet even to so obsequious a body as this it was
better not to commit the government of the realm.
The mischievous laws had been swept from the statute-
book, and the power of the Crown and the hierarchy
had been finally settled. The one great necessity
which drove unwilling sovereigns to trust themselves
in the hands of Parliament was happily removed from
Scotland. In the full tide of their loyalty the Estates
had endowed the Crown with a permanent revenue of
forty thousand pounds a-year of sterling money — a
large revenue to be paid by Scotland in that day.
Personally Lauderdale is found true to his new creed
in politics. Implicit obedience is the key-note of the
traces left on his personal conduct. He not only will
not disobey, but he will not thwart or harass by
persuasions. The king's will is a tower of strength
against all assaults. When besought to say a word
for his old leader Warriston, he would not venture to
molest the king on the matter — nor would he permit
any others to do so. Never was Eastern despot blessed
with a minister of his will more obedient, docile, and
sedulous. If we are to find a political philosophy
in the man's past and present, it comes to this : In
the natural man he was the Presbyterian — the enemy
of Prelacy ^the champion of the Covenant. But the
king wills it otherwise, and the king's will be done.
It is evident that for the easy working of such a phi-
losophy much depends on the character of the king
to be set up as its idol. With a man of business and
' These extracts are from tlie Lauderdale Papers.
UNION PROJECT, 1667-70. 467
thorough knowledge of affairs like Louis XIV., it in-
ferred hard and sometimes disagreeable work. With
an indolent, easy man like Charles IL, the task was
easier and pleasanter, and the servant could often
divine the nature of the command before the master
himself knew it. Accidents of various kinds favoured
Lauderdale and his follower Rothes in the absolute
disposal of the king's inclinations. They were both
instrumental in an affair of much personal interest to
their master — the marriage of his son Monmouth to
the heiress of the house of Buccleuch. She was niece
to Rothes, and the adjustment of the business con-
nected with the alliance brought both him and Laud-
erdale in personal communings of great length with
the king.
Before we embark again on the great sea of religi-
ous troubles, it has to be told that from 1667 to 1670
two commissions were professedly occupied in endeav-
ouring to adjust an incorporating union between
England and Scotland. The matter is of less moment
for anything actually transacted than for the spirit
in which the question was raised. It came from the
bitter representations on the part of the Scots of the
ruin of their commerce by the English Navigation
Act. They represent that they had " enjoyed a free-
trade here in England, and in all the dominions and
plantations belonging to the kingdom of England,
more than fifty-and-six years, without any consider-
able obstructions all that time." But now they are
treated as aliens and enemies, and even the inhabit-
ants of Ireland have privileges denied to those of his
majesty's ancient kingdom.^ This was the first symp-
1 Brace's Report, Appendix No. .'cxxi. ; Mackenzie's Memoirs, 137 et seq.
468 CHARLES II.
torn of that national discontent wliicli, raised not out of
political or religious differences, but on tlie solid founda-
tion of pecuniary claims and losses, grew in strength
until it brought, as a political necessity, the final union.
We return to the indulgence, only to find that a
disease had been wrought into the public mind far too
deep and rancorous to be cured either by palliatives or
stimulants. The small insignificant party that had
come together in the west at the Mauchline Testi-
mony, became the centre of a great community, who
drew off absolutely, not only from the Prelatic party,
but from the indulged Presbyterians. On these, in-
deed, they looked with more disdain and hatred than
on their natural enemies. They were deserters pro-
fessing to be within the camp. The indulgence was
a treacherous snare, and these brethren, both weak
and wicked, had fallen into it. These extreme men
would acknowledge no brotherhood with any who did
not go their own way. We may count them un-
reasonable, but their conduct was a fact — the Govern-
ment had made it, and had now to deal with it.
When the indulgence was at its best in 1676, it
was accompanied by a new writ of harassment, called
"Letters of Intercommuning." The term does not
explain itself, for the writ prohibited intercommuning,
or holding intercourse with persons who had broken
the laws against conventicles. This, like many other
Acts of the period, was a usurpation by the executive
of the powers proper to the Legislature. In earlier
reigns the Estates would not have permitted the
Secret Council to take such work out of their hands.
There were old laws against " intercommuning " with
English enemies. By an Act passed immediately after
THE HIGHLAND HOST, 1678. 469
the deposition of Queen Mary, for the purpose of sup-
pressing "the theft, reif, and oppression " committed
on the Border " by thieves, traitors, and otlier ungodly
persons," and finding that they are materially sup-
ported " in their troubles by resetters, fortifiers, and
maintainers," — all such " intercommuning " with them
is counted as accession to their crimes, and so pun-
ished. Any act of Christian charity — clothing the
naked, feeding the starving, hiding the pursued —
was an " intercommuning." Spalding briefly describes
Highland reivers under letters of intercommuning :
"As they were lawless, so made friendless, and might
not bide together." A proclamation of intercom-
muning against the Earl of Argyle Avhen under charge
of treason, renders it accession to his crime " to furnish
him meat, drink, house, harbouring, or any other thing
necessary or comfortable to him." Such were the pre-
cedents about "intercommuning." Heavy penalties
were laid on the intereommuners with the conventi-
clers, and tempting rewards were offered to informers
against them.^
Two years after the proclamation agaiust inter-
eommuners— in 1678 — there occurs a curious diver-
sion from the ordinary gloomy tenor of the harassing
laws. We have already seen that a scandal attached
to the employment in warfare of the Highlanders and
the Irish as persons who would not adopt, and in-
deed could not understand, the courtesies of war.
In the celebrated " Highland host " the Government
added a scandal in this shape to the many rated
1 The proclamation itself will be found in Wodrow, ii. 318. The
statute cited is in the Scots Acts, iii. 31. The other passages cited will
be found, along with much instructive matter, under the head " Inter-
communing," in Jamieson's Dictionary and its Supplement.
470 CHARLES II.
against them. The landed gentry of the counties of
Ayr and Renfrew had been desired by the Council to
take measures for the suppression of conventicles and
other " insolencies " in their respective counties. They
made answer that they found it " not within the com-
pass of their power " to do as they were desired, and
they recommended a toleration of the Presbyterians
as the best means of pacifying the districts. The
reply to this virtually was, that since they could not
keep order, others should be found to keep it for them.
An Irish force was collected at Belfast, and an English
force was brought to the Border. It was found, how-
ever, that the Highlanders Avere sufficient for the
purpose without these auxiliaries. The district to
be infested by them was extended beyond the two
counties ; and besides powers more conformable to the
usual authorities for enforcing the laws, they Avere
"to take effectual course for reducing them to due
obedience," " by taking free quarters from those who
are disaffected, and by disarming all you shall find
necessary, and securing all horses above such a value
as ye shall think fit." This was in the instruction to
the Privy Council, and it was reiterated in the com-
missions to the heads of clans, who are to march
" wherever they shall be ordered ; on which march
we hereby authorise them to take free quarter, accord-
ing as our Privy Council and their committee shall
think fit to order, and if need be to seize on horses
for carrying their sick men, ammunition, and other
provisions. And for their encouragement we hereby
indemnify them against all pursuits, civil and crimi-
nal, which may at any time hereafter be intended
against them for anything they shall do in our ser-
THE HIGHLAND HOST, 1678. 471
vice by killing, wounding, apprehending, or imprison-
ing such as shall make opposition to our authority, or
by seizing such as they have reason to suspect, the
same being always done by the Privy Council, their
committee, or of the superior officer." ^
With these powers there were assembled at Stirling
what Wodrow terms " such a number of Highlanders
■ — a barbarous, savage people, accustomed to rapine
and spoil — as might overrun and depopulate the
western shires."^ In Ayrshire the landed gentlemen
remonstrated against the " sending among them so
inhuman and barbarous a crew." They stated that
the people were orderly and loyal ; but admitted that
" albeit their people were indeed addicted to conven-
ticles, and thought they had principle and solid reason
for so being, yet this was only in those parishes which
were denied the benefit of the indulgence."
Fifeshire was at first included in the hunting-ground
of the Highland host. There were in that county
some very resolute Covenanters and haunters of con-
venticles, but — at least among the gentry — they were
in a minority. Meetings of the landowners were held,
who resolved to come under any endurable obligation
as an alternative of exemption from the operations
of the Highland host. They offered to the Council a
bond engaging to avoid conventicles and to restrain
their tenants and other dependants from them. This
did not suffice, however, without the addition of
a clause that "we or they shall not reset, supply,
or commune with forfeited persons, intercommuned
ministers, or vagrant preachers, but do our utmost to
apprehend their persons."^ Ou this the county of
1 Wodrow, ii. 379. ' Ibid., 375. ^ n^jd.^ 332.
472 CHARLES II.
Fife was exempt from tlie scourge. In the pro-
claimed districts of the west all were to endure it who
had not a sj)ecial protection from the Council, and
such protection was only granted when a bond of the
kind adopted in Fifeshire was taken.
A body of gentlemen prepared to go to the Court in
London, and there appeal or remonstrate against the
outhounding of the Highland host. By an Act of
Council, savouring of curiously perverse tyranny, they
were prohibited from crossing the Border. The host
of marauders so let loose has been estimated in num-
bers varying from six to eight thousand. Looking
back to the history of the Highlanders and Low-
landers, and adjusting all it tells us with the ex-
asperating conditions of the period, the result to be
expected from such a contact of antagonistic elements
would have been a bloody contest of extirpation ; but
it was not so. Whatever was in the minds of the people
of the west, they endured the infliction with wonder-
ful equanimity. We only hear of one Highlander of
the host killed by the country people. Among the
Lowlanders they went to, there were some who, having
obtained protections, were to be spared, and others
who were at their mercy. It is said, however, that
this was a distinction too nice for their comprehen-
sion, and that they were so impartial in their maraud-
ing that the best friends of the Government saw the
necessity of becoming rid of them.
Wodrow's account of their return homeward so
naturally adjusts itself to the character and practice
of the Highlander at that time that we can easily
believe in it : " When the Highlanders went back, one
would have thought they had been at the sacking of
THE HIGHLAND HOST, 1678. 473
some besieged town by their baggage and luggage.
They were loaded with spoil. They carried away a
great many horses, and no small quantity of goods out
of merchants' shops, whole webs of linen and Avoollen
cloth, some silver plate bearing the names and arms
of gentlemen. You would have seen them with loads
of bed-clothes, carpets, men and women's wearing
clothes, pots, pans, gridirons, shoes, and other furni-
ture, whereof they had pillaged the country." ^
The tests and other exacted obligations of Con-
formity in which this age was so prolific, are at first
sight a curious object of study; but they become
tiresome in their reiteration, and even in their varia-
tions, since these were but the devices of cunning
lawyers to rectify technical defects and tighten the
chains set on freedom of opinion. When it was
either necessary or expedient to defend these things
by argument or example, this was ready at hand in
the Covenant. Had not that document, with all its
intricacies, been forced upon the people whether they
believed in it or not — whether they ixnderstood it or
not 1 That the Eestoration Government had taken
a lesson from the Covenanters was so obvious that
Wodrow had in some measure to admit it, along with
a palliation not likely to pass current with all men, in
saying : " It is not my province now to compare the
matter of the one with the other here. The difference
there is prodigiously great, there being evidently in
the Covenants nothing but what was agreeable to the
moral law, and what people were really bound to,
whether they had sworn them or not."^
Apart, however, from questions of conscience and
' Vol. ii. 413. " Ibid., 390.
474 CHARLES II.
of justice, there was a mighty difference in the char-
acter and amount of secular pressure administered by
the two systems, arising out of a small and subtle
difference. No man made money by tendering the
Covenant. Temporal concerns did sometimes ally
themselves with it, and we have seen that a social
and pecuniary pressure might sometimes bear on its
enemies. But the tests of the Ecformation Govern-
ment were connected with a system of trade and
revenue. The forfeitures and fines became so lucrative
to those who laid hands on them, that the discovery
of recusants was more desirable than the obtaining of
Conformists. Thus, while the Covenant swept over
like a popular storm, the bonding and testing system
hounded out upon their neighbours an army of greedy
informers and lawyers. The man who was worth
harassing had set down at his door some keen and
greedy man of office or of law, whose interest it was
to keep him and his affairs in continued remembrance
until the exaction of the last available coin. Even
though not gifted away, as in many instances it was,
the property realised by fines and forfeitures had a
propensity to adhere to those concerned in their ex-
action, though by law the property of the Crown.
Occasionally it is seen that an available source of
revenue is thus lost, and a general attack is made to
compel the collectors to disburse their gains. System
by degrees got possession of the field, superseding
this general scramble ; and the penalties exacted from
recusants became a revenue burdened with a heavy
percentage to its collectors.
A course of arbitrary action, leaving a stigma on
this reign both in England and Scotland — a tamper-
CORPORATIONS, 1678. 47S
ing with the municipal corporations — appears in
Scotland about tiie year 1678. It began with a vague
bullying. Persons raust be selected who were loyal
and acceptable to the Government, otherwise the
town would suffer as a disaffected place. The inter-
ference gradually increased.^ In England the device
of the Quo Warranto — the inquiry into the original
charter of constitution which could not be produced,
or when produced was found defective — afforded a
method of destruction both technical and efficacious.
Under its powers Jeffreys, in the words of a contem-
porary, "made all the charters like the walls of
Jericho fall down before him, and returned laden
with surrenders — the spoils of towns." ^ The Scots
Grovernment could not see the Grown so effectually
served in England without a sense of jealous rivalry ;
and, not so fortunate in discovering a technical form
of attack, fell upon the corporations by assault, declar-
ing their selections of officers to be contrary to the
will of the sovereign, and supj^lying others of their
own choice.
The only event of any moment in the secular pol-
itics of this period arose out of an affair bringing
scandal on Lauderdale, as tampering with the admin-
istration of justice in the furtherance of his own per-
sonal interests. There was a litigation in the Court of
Session between the Lords Dunfermline and Callendar,
and he had reasons for wishing the decision to be for
^ As to some burgesses in the western towns who would not take the
bond at the time of the Highland host, the Council report that they
ordained them " to have their burgess-tickets cancelled and destroyed,
debarring them from all trade and commerce, considering that such
who would not receive your peace ought not to enjoy such large privi-
leges by your free bounty."— Wodrow, iii. 414.
2 North's E.xamen, 626.
476 CHARLES II.
the Lord Dunfermline. When the case came on for
jvidgment, he slipped into the court and sat on the
bench. He was in law entitled to act and vote there,
since he was an "extraordinary Lord of Session," a title
conferred on certain persons of high rank, who were
understood to wear it as a mere distinction, and were
not expected to take in hand the drudgery of the
ordinary btisiness of the court. It was further charged
against Lauderdale, that he got the case brought up
out of its proper order, and carried his point by drop-
ping in his own vote and taking the court by surprise.
The party defeated on the occasion made an appeal to
Parliament. It was said that any reference from the
Court of Session to the Estates of Parliament was
illogical, because the court was created to do the
judicial business of the country which had been done
by the Estates at large. The Court of Session, thus
representing the Estates, had their whole power, and a
reference from the court to the Estates was logically
equivalent to a reference from the Estates to them-
selves. But it could be said that the Estates did their
judicial business through committees.^ The Court of
Session, therefore, only took up the powers of these
committees, and the whole House could of course
review the work either of the one or the other. But
however the logic might be, Lockhart and Cuningham,
the advocates for the appellants, were determined to
put the case at the disposal of the Estates of Parlia-
ment. For this they were suspended from the exercise
of their profession. The suspension was taken as an
injury and insult to the bar as a body, and they were
joined by a secession of fifty members of the Faculty of
^ See above, chap, xxxix.
CHURCHMEN OF THE PERIOD, 1660-80. 477
Advocates — a number that, if not the whole bar, must
have been nearly so. The contest lasted for two years,
ending in 1676. It brought forth some features of
spirit and resolution in the Scottish bar of that period,
but its end partook of the nature of a compromise.^
In many features it will be apparent that the
troubles of this period ranked in heroic dignity far
below those of the original Covenant. Then it was
the old enemy of England, with Laud as represen-
tative of the policy founded by Edward I. Now,
thovigh the hierarchy and ecclesiastical institutions
forced on Scotland were parallel to those of England,
the national instinct devised that the selfish harass-
ment and cruelty did not come from England — they
were of home growth. Nay, all modifications and
relaxations appeared to come from England. The
culminating crime attributed by common repute to
Sharp was the suppression of a warrant of mercy
that had been sent from Whitehall. The people in
Scotland felt it a natural thing that the English should
look on Scotland as belonging to the same Episcopal
hierarchy with themselves, and therefore the indul-
gences were in some measure dealt with as a good-
natured blunder, founded on the English ignorance of a
nature that in religious matters was not content with
toleration, but must have dominion, and that so
absolute that toleration was not admitted with its
conceptions.
The facility for continuing to do duty under the
" indulgence," with the denunciation of death to those
who ministered otherwise, was a challenge to some of
1 The fullest accovmt of this aifair will be found in Sir George
Mackenzie's Memoirs, p 267 et seq.
478 CHARLES II.
the fiery spirits among llic wcsicni llcmonKtraiiks lo
court martyrdom. On tlie otlier liaiid, tlioso cldr^y-
men who wcni l'i'csl)ytcTians merely in doi'Irinc and
form of worship, had notliiiig to al)aiidoii, wlicther tliey
had submitted to Episcopal ('(jllation or were iiecepted
in the indulo-cnce. No " Hervie,e-l)ook " was foreed on
them; nothing was cxiieted that could exeusc tin; old
terror of Popeiy and idolatry. Tliei(^ was no change
in the form of service appointed by the Westminster
Assembly's Directory. " Wc had no cerenioini'S,
surplice, altars, cross in baptism, nor the meanest of
those things which would be allowed in EngliMid by
the Dissenters in way of aeeomniodation," is a rcanark
by a Scots statesman of the diiy who disliked Uic
Presbyterians.^ The author f)f this tells us, H])e;d<iiig
of the church where he attoided : " 'Dn^ way of worshi])
in our church differed nothing from w)i;i,t the Presby-
terians themselves practised, except only that we used
the Doxology, the Lord's Prayer, and in baptism the
Creed." For this the old " l!(jok of (iommon Order"
was not required. It docs not appear that either this
book or the English Pi-iiyer-book was at this time used
in Scotland ; and thus we are driven to the antithesis,
that the Covenanters of 1G38 had a liturgy, and th(!
Episcopalians of Chailes II. 's reign h;i,d none.
But in fact religion, whetliei- expr(%4S(;d in formular-
ies or creeds, was not the object either of the Con if. or
the hierarchy. In this, as in other tilings, the bitter
contest disorganising the country was a sony contnist
to the mighty ecclesiastical struggle which Ix^gan tin;
civil war. We may object as wc will to Laud's re-
' Sir OeoTge Mackenzie's Vimlication of King (.'linrles II.'s (iovcni-
nient ; Works, ii. 343.
CHURCHMEN OF THE PERIOD, 1660-S0. 479
ligious tendencies — we may sneev at his political
projects as a wild dream which any statesman who
knew the times would have laughed to scorn ; but still
there was a grandeur in his mission. The pomps and
ceremonies, the costly and a;org;eous decorations of the
churches, the symbolical ritualism, were aU designed
— thougli many will say they did not truly tend — to
lift man above that which is of the earth earthy. But
from its commander. Archbishop Sharp, dovra to the
humblest parish ciu'ate, the present crusade was
material and self-seekino-. "We have seen that it was
the policy of the Government, and in some measure in
conformity with the habit of the people as addicted to
legal procedure, that inflictions for recusancy should
be left to personal greed and spite. The newly-estab-
lished parochial clergy were too conspicuously and
activel}' engaged in this contest. It was to them that
the civd. authorities chiefly trusted for authentic lists
of recusants. Perhaps in rendering these they were
incited by a strenuous zeal for their own Church ; but
the occupation was an unseemly one for a spiritual
pastor. Looking higher up, we find Sharp himself
the hardest worker at the council-table, and generally
claiming the right of presiding there. He had got back
for the bishops the old power in the selection of the
Committee on the Articles, which made the hierarchy
lords of the Parliament. The bishops chose the eight
lords temporal who were to sit on the Articles, these
in their tm-n chose eight bishops, and the sixteen
tooether chose eight lesser barons and eight burgesses.
He was so indefatigable a meddler with every affair of
ci^Tl o-overnment, that he became intoleitible to the
civil ofiicers of the Crown, and at one time was directed
48o CHARLES II.
by the king to abide within his diocese. The extent
of hatred l^orne towards him by the people is not easily
to be realised. It was mixed with fear, and this fear
was of two kinds — the one was a material fear of the
man's relentless nature, the other was a superstitious
horror of him, as one who had made a compact with
the spirit of evil. The historian of the sufferings heard
stories about him which he did not venture to set
forth in his History, though he felt so much interest in
them as to consign them to his private note-book. He
was, for instance, sitting in Council in Edinburgh, ar-
ranging the articles of prosecution against the Pentland
rebels, when he desired a paper left behind him in his
cabinet at St Andrews. A messenger was sent for it,
who left Edinburgh at ten of the morning and arrived
at St Andrews at four in the afternoon. Entering
the study where he was to find the paper, he saw the
archbishop sitting there. Somewhat astonished and
frightened, he ran down-stairs and asked the chamber-
lain when and how his grace had come. He had not
come — he was in Edinburgh still. " So they come both
up-stairs ; but before they were fully up they both
saw the bishop standing upon the stair-head, staring
upon them with an angry look, which affrighted them
in earnest." When the messenger returned with the
paper, he found the archbishop as he had left him.
We are told how, presiding at a witch-trial, he was
confounded and showed symptoms of terror when the
victim asked him who was with him in his closet "on
Saturday night last betwixt twelve and one o'clock 1 "
He confessed to Eothes, who was inquisitive on the
matter, that it was " the muckle black devil." ^
' Wodrow Aualecta, i. 104, 105.
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 481
With all Ills faults one cannot help admiring the
courage and resolution of the man. He stood alone
in the midst of all this hatred; for his coadjutors were
beginning to feel that the land was troubled, and they
exposed to labours and perils, all for the advancement
of this ambitious priest. He was already Judas to his
enemies, and it seemed to be in question whether he
was to be dealt wdth as a Jonah by his allies. In the
summer of 1 6 6 8 a man had fired at him as he stepped
from his coach in the High Street, but missing him,
shattered the arm of the Bishop of Orkney.
Few of the citizens of Edinburgh belonged to that
fierce class of fanatics to be found abundantly in the
west, and in some measure in Fifeshire. When these
were brought as prisoners through the streets of the
capital, they were generally ridiculed by the mob.
Yet there was so little partiality among them for
Sharp, that the man who had fired on him in the
open street by daylight went off untaken and un-
tracecl. Just at this time, in his loneliness and his
danger, he Avas an object of compassion. Burnet
thouofht it decent to call on him on the occasion and
express his sympathy. This was returning good for
evil, for the two were at enmity ; and, by Burnet's
account, he had been bullied by the primate, and
threatened with excommunication. But his visit was
received after another spirit : " He was much touched
with it, and put on a show of devotion upon it. He
said, with a very serious look, ' My times are wholly
in Thy hand, 0 Thou God of my life.'" Burnet's
commentary on these words is, — •" This was the single
expression savouring of piety that ever fell from him
in all the conversation that passed between him and
VOL. VII. 2 H
482 CHARLES II.
me." Burnet says further, that " on this occasion it
was thought proper that he should be called to Court
and have some marks of the king's favour put upon
him. He promised to make many good motions ;
and he talked for a while like a changed man, and
went out of his way, as he was going to Court, to visit
me at my parsonage house."
The impression made by this incident naturally faded
from other minds, but not from Sharp's own. He was
left to fight his battle in shapes that could only in-
crease the hatred of his enemies and did not tend to
assure his friends. The c[uestion Avas ever before him,
— How was he to discover those whose enmity to him
was zealous even to slaying 1 If he could find the man
who fired the shot, a clue might be got to the others,
and he might rid himself of all who were dangerous.
No one helj)ed him in this, however. No trace of the
man could be got. If any had noted his personal aspect,
they would not betray their knowledge. One person
only kept that man's image in remembrance — Sharp
himself. He afterwards gave in evidence that, on the
firing of the shot, " he had a view of him passing from
the coach and crossing the street."^ As his busy days
passed over him he kept on the watch for that face and
figure, but they did not cross his path. Even in his
retentive memory the vision must have become weak,
when at the end of six years from the event he was
haunted by a face. It was that of a man who pro-
fessed to keep a small shop near the door of the
archiepiscopal residence in Edinburgh. There was
something sinister associated with him. At length a
light dawned on Sharp. He thought it was the man
' State Trials, vi. 1257.
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 4^3
who had fired on him. But before any public or
ofiicial step was taken it was desirable to have a
closer inspection of the man. To efi"ect this, Sharp's
brother, Sir William, with the assistance of some of
his people, seized the man. Sharp was now certain
that he was the same who had fired the shot. It
made the capture the more significant that he was
found in possession of two loaded pistols, and the
captive was handed over to the authorities.
He would confess nothing, and no evidence could
be obtained in support of Sharp's assurance that he
was the guilty man. It is an old rule in Scots law
that no one can be convicted of a crime on the tes-
timony of one witness. This, like other and more
potent technical protections to innocence, could be
evaded in oppressive times. If there was but one
material witness to the absolute fact, others could be
produced whose testimony might be held to corro-
borate his, though in reality it bore on facts which
could only by a tortuous ingenuity be connected with
the crime. But in reality it was not so much the life
of one poor wretch that was wanted, as a revelation
making Sharp and his comrades acquainted with a
group of their bitterest enemies, and showing where to
strike. He was first questioned by the Privy Council.
As their clerk justly observed, however, " it would be
a strange force of eloquence to persuade a man to
confess and be hanged." It was therefore necessary
to give him an assurance of his life. On this he gave
a confession utterly useless for the chief purposes of
his questioners. It stands on record that he " did
freely confess he was the person who shot the pistol
at the Archbishop of St Andrews when the Bishop of
484 CHARLES II.
Orkney was hurt thereby in the year 1668, and de-
pones upon oath that no living creature did persuade
him to it, or was upon the knoAvledge of it." ^
He was detained a captive ; but months and years
passed, yet no additional ray of light fell on the
mystery. It was at last resolved to bring him to
trial. The shot had been fired in 1668, the examin-
ation before the Privy Council was in 1674, and the
trial in 1677. Burnet tells us that as he entered the
court, one of the judges " who hated Sharp " said to
him, " Confess nothing unless you are sure of your
limbs as well as of your life." But such a precaution
was scarcely necessary; unless there was an intention
to do him some evil, there could be no occasion for
taking- his confession a second time. At all events
he would not repeat it in the Court of Justiciary. On
this the Privy Council revoked the promise of protec-
tion. Even if there had been other evidence than his
own confession sufficient for a conviction, the transac-
tion Avould have been an ugly one. But there was no
other evidence. The confession uttered by him on a
promise of safety was laid before the court, and on that
he Avas convicted. When the promise of safety was
pleaded, the court found that they could not look at it.
There was much forensic ceremonial and discus-
sion at this trial. In some respects it looked like a
very solemn and deliberate constitutional proceeding.
Counsel spoke at great length on both sides. Illus-
trious persons had to appear in the witness-box and
give testimony — as, for instance, " John Earl of
Eothes, Lord High Chancellor," " John Duke of Lau-
derdale," and "James Archbishop of St Andrews.'
1 State Trials, vi. 1254.
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 485
By what they said there they brought on themselves
much deeper degradation than any that other people
could have brought on them. Their information was,
that the prisoner had made his confession to a com-
mittee of the Council, renewing it in the presence of
the Council The report of Lauderdale's evidence is,
that " his grace heard no assurance given to him, and
that his grace did not give him any assurance, nor
give commission to any others to give him any assur-
ance, and could not do it, having no particular war-
rant from his majesty for that effect." Sharp's evi-
dence is : " His grace saw him at the Council bar, in
presence of his majesty's Commissioner and the Coun-
cil, acknowledge his confession made before the com-
mittee, and heard him adhere thereto and renew the
same ; and there was no assurance of life given him,
or any sought by him there." ■'■
There was in this the kind of crooked prevarication
that in the eyes of some is more offensive than a flat
falsehood. It was by the committee that the promise
was made, and the testimony of these witnesses was
that none was given by the Council at large. On the
records of the Privy Council it may yet be read how,
on the 12th of March 1674, Mitchell did " confess upon
his knees he was the person, upon assurance given
him by one of the committee as to his life, who had
warrant from the Lord Commissioner and Council to
give the same ; and did thereafter freely confess before
all the lords that was upon the said committee, that
he shot the said pistol at the said archbishop, and did
subscribe his confession in presence of the said com-
mittee, which is also subscribed by them."
1 State Trials, vi. 1257.
486 CHARLES II.
This affair was followed by disclosures bringing
serious dishonour on the chief men of the Government.
The Chancellor Eothes was less distinct in denial than
the others. He did not, he said, give the assurance
of life — at all events he did not " remember " the
giving it. Hatton the treasurer gave also a dubious
testimony. He " did not hear the pannel either seek
assurance of his life, or any other person ofier the same
to him." ^ Now it happened that there was in exist-
ence a letter by Hatton to Lord Kincardine telling
the whole story of Mitchell's capture and examination.
The essential part of it was in these words : " It was
moved by one that the Chancellor might take him
apart to see what he would then say ; this being done,
upon assurance of life he fell upon his knees, and con-
fessed it was he that shot the Bishop of Orkney, and
which he aimed at the archbishop. And here is his
confession — the double of it signed by him, the Chan-
cellor, and us. His punishment, it is thought, will be
the loss of his right hand, and condemned to perpetual
imprisonment on the Bass."
This came out in an accusation or impeachment
against Hatton, raised before the Estates in 1681 by
William Noble, the member for Dumbartonshire. The
charge was dropped, but it left its stain. The offence
named in it was perjury, and Hatton's plea that his
conduct came short of perjury was an admission of
dishonour. To infer perjury there must be a more
absolute untruth, and it must be proved that the
witness was conscious at the moment that what he
swore to was absolutely untrue.^
^ state Trials, vi. 1257.
' " It is answered tliat this accusation is neither relevant nor proven ;
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 4^7
To return to the trial — Mitchell was bravely defended
by Sir George Lockhart, the leader of the Opposition
bar. The chief plea was, that confession can only be
■used absolutely when it is made in open court before
the jury on the great question of guilty or not guilty.
Taken before the Privy Council, the confession was
but a private transaction, of which all the conditions
must be known ; and it is necessary that the records of
the Council be produced that the whole dealing with
the prisoner may be seen. There was so far an ad-
mission of this plea, that, as we have seen, the most
eminent members of the Council had to submit to
examination as witnesses. The long record of the
trial is valuable, as an instance where the law was
permitted to take its course with punctilious preci-
for as to tlie relevancy, perjury being a high crime, is not to be pre-
sumed against any man, much less a person of so high quality and
office, except the deeds inferring the perjury were of knowledge and
directly contradictory. And to infer perjury must not only be deposition
contradicting another deposition which is upon the matter false, because
a man may depone an error bona fide through forgetfulness ; but per-
jury must be a false deposition against one's knowledge, and so he
must be sciens et volens. So that two oaths, after the interval of four
years (which is the distance between the letter and deposition), suppose
they had contradicted, yet, in charity, a person of entire fame might be
excused from perjury ; but where the contradiction is only alleged
betwixt a transient missive letter of news and an oath emitted four
years after the date of the letter, no rational man can think that, albeit
these did contradict, it could infer perjury, but only an error or mistake
in the missive letter; and the writing of a missive upon mistake or
design, though it were produced to a party when he is called to depone,
if he were convinced that he had been mistaken in his missive, he
behoved to depone according to his knowledge and the truth, though
that contradicted his letter, which can never infer the least insinuation
of perjury, suppose the letter had been obligatory and serious ; where-
as this letter was only an overly indigested account of news, and unsub-
scribed."— Proceedings before the Lords of the Articles, &c., against
Charles Maitland of Hatton, Treasurer-Depute, for perjury, in having
given a false testimony at the trial of James Mitchell ; State Trials, vi.
1265.
488 CHARLES II.
sion ; yet all that precision, instead of protecting the
accused, was turned against him.^
But there were also in that trial externals of a more
sinister and revolting kind. The judges are spoken
of as " obscuring themselves by putting their hands
upon their faces and leaning upon their elbows on the
table." This is said transiently, as if it were an
ordinary matter ; but it is apt to recall to the admirers
of the open justice of modern days the traditions of
the Holy Inc[uisition and the secret tribunals of the
middle ages. The instruments of torture were brought
in by the hangman ; and when the prisoner refused to
repeat the confession, the president said : " Ye see
what is upon the table before you — I shall see if that
can cause ye do it."
The man who caused so much fear and trouble, and
brought such heavy scandal on great persons, was in
such mental condition as in the present day would give
him the title of a "dangerous lunatic." So he would be
at large ; and when restrained and treated for cure and
alleviation, he would be a patient, not a criminal. He
professed to be a clergyman, though we do not meet
his name in connection with clerical politics. It is
^ The pleadings are in one sense very provoking from their poverty
as a record of tlie practice of the day in Scotland. They are almost a
caricature of the classical and civilian character of Scots pleading.
Instead of local precedents, we have ample references to Carpzovius,
G(jthofredus, Mathajus, and Bossius ' De confessis per Tortviram.' As it was
maintained that, in being taken by the Privy Council, the confession
really was taken in a court of justice, one might have expected some
light on the curious constitutional question, how far the " Secret Coun-
cil " was a permanent established court. But all we get, after much
moralising from the civil law, is : "That the confession is then judicial
is clear, being taken by authority of the Privy Council, the supreme
judicatory of the nation, and where the design was to expiscate the
truth."— State Trials, vi. 1242.
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1 663-79. 4^9
not uncommon for the insane to bring into tlieix fan-
tastic world some complete organisation belonging to
the rational 'n'orking world. Mitchell was an instance
of this phenomenon, in taking up his position as an
enemy of Sharp and the Government. They were at
open war — he for the spirit of righteousness, and Sharp
for the spirit of evil. In his crazy brain the forces
were marshalled against each other with the organisa-
tion of opposing armies entitled to claim the courtesies
of belligerents. Thus when he had been seized by
Sir William Sharp and his followers without a war-
rant, he considered the act as not unfair between
hostile powers, though it might be a questionable
transaction between citizen and citizen in time of
peace. And he took like privileges to himself ; and
telling that he was "a declared enemy" to the arch-
bishop, went on, "And he to me in like manner — so I
never found myself obliged, either by the law of God
or nature, to set a sentry at his door for his safety ;
but as he was always to take his advantage, as it ap-
pt^areth, so I of him to take any opportunity offered."
[Mitchell was an instance of the proverbial conti-
guity of genius to insanity. This will be found in his
acceptance of the torture, expressed not only in a fine
spirit of heroism, but with a sagacious insight into the
great defect in that ari'angement for the discovery of
truth — namely, that it makes the tortured admit what
their tormentors dictate, instead of frankly telling what
thev know to be the truth. When the president
called his attention to the instruments upon the table,
he said: "By that torture you may cause me blas-
pheme God, as Paul did compel the saints. Tou
mav by that torture cause me to speak amiss of your
490 CHARLES II.
lordships ; to call myself a thief, a murderer, or war-
lock, and "what not, and then pannel me upon it. But
if ye shall, my lords, put me to it, I here protest
before God and your lordships that nothing extorted
from me by torture shall be made use of against me
in judgment, nor have any force against me in law, or
any other person whomsoever." ^
All the cost incurred by the Government, not only
in hard and disagreeable work, but in dishonour, was
wasted on this poor maniac. Whatever he knew of
others, and indeed the question Avhether he did know
anything, perished with him, though he was struck in
the boot until insensibility relieved him. He was
executed in Edinburgh in January 1678.
The gloomy excitement spread abroad by this
tragedy had scarce time to subside ere it was over-
shadowed by another and a greater. On the 3d of
UMay 1679 the rumour passed over Scotland that
Sharp himself was murdered. In the more active
members of the Government and their agents the
event created terror as well as horror. To the na-
tion at large — including those Avho did not justify
the deed — it was the natural end assigned to " the
bloody and deceitful man." This tragedy was the
result of a plot long discussed by the people of the
district, and at last brought to a distinct bearing ; but
the plot was not against the archbishop, it was against
another man — that the archbishop should be the
victim was the result of an accident, or, as many put
it at the time, of a dispensation of Divine Providence.
^ state Trials, vi. 1228. This is liis own account of what he said ; but
even if he improved it in writing it out, it was something to have ex-
pressed such sentiments.
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 491
A certain William Carmichael, called sometimes the
sheriff-substitute, sometimes a commissioner from the
Council, was the object of antipathy. There is re-
ported a meeting on the 8th of April, attended appar-
ently by peasants of Fifeshire, with Hackston of Rath-
illet, whose presence was desned as that of a person of 1
superior rank having sympathy with them. " After |
prayer, and every one pressing another to show the
cause of the meeting," it is told how " Rathillet said,
' Ye have sent for me, and I desire to know the cause of
your sending for me.' Whereupon Eobert Henderson
and Alexander Balfour answered, that the cause of
sending for him and the calling of the meeting was to
consult anent the condition of the shire, the Gospel
being quite extinguished out of it, the hearts of many
like to wax faint anent the keeping up of the same,
through the terror and cruel ojjpression of William v
Carmichael." He was charged with the excessive use
of a device too common at that time — citing under the
offensive laws persons who had not positively broken
them, but whose conscience, or perhaps in some meas-
ure their pride, would not permit them to appear
and vindicate themselves in court. The temptation
to follow this course was the penalties incurred by the
defaulters ; and Carmichael was charged with cruelty
and extortion in the exercise of the power so held by
him. The steps toward a tragedy so eminent might
in fact be called a combination to punish a greedy
and tricky bailiff, who in the unhappy penal laws
of the time had found some convenient instruments
of extortion. It does not appear that his enemies
intended to slay him. Their resolution was : "To
take some course with Carmichael to scare him from
492 CHARLES II.
his cruel courses ; and advising liow to get him, re-
solved to wait on him either in his coming or going
from St Andrews, or other place in the shire, being to
sit in all the judicatories in the shire to take course
with the honest party." Yet when there was a sug-
gestion that perhaps the place in which Carmichael
might most surely be found would be the archbishop's
palace, there were some ideas started by the recollec-
tion of Cardinal Beaton's fate, and some hints that, if
they were jocular, were a jocularity of the grimmest
kind : " Some objected ; what if he should be in the
prelate's house ? what should be done in siich a case 1
Whereupon all present, judged duty to hang both
over the port — especially the bishop, it being by many
of the Lord's people and ministers judged a duty long
since not to suffer such a person to live, who had shed
and was shedding so much of the blood of the saints,
and knowing that other worthy Christians had used
means to get him upon the road before." They had
several meetings " for seeking the Lord's mind farther
in the matter." At these meetings there was much
said towards refreshing and clearness anent the course
to be pursued, as when " Alexander Smith, a weaver
in the Struther Dyke, a very godly man, after prayer
anent their clearness in the matter of Carmichael,
desired all to go forward, seeing that God's glory was
the only motive that was moving them to offer them-
selves to act for His broken-down work ; and if the
Lord saw it meet to deliver Carmichael in their hands.
He would bring him in their way, and employ them
in some piece of work more honourable to God and
them both."
We are further told that " at this meeting it was
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 493
appointed that they should keep Thursday the 1st of
May for seeking the Lord's counsel and assistance,
and that they should be earnest with God through
the whole shire for keeping such back which was
oifering themselves from doing anything that would
either dishonour Him or wrong the cause." It was
arranged to seek out two determined friends of
their cause who were in hiding from previous diffi-
culties— John Balfour of Kinloch, commonly called-
" Burley " or " Burleigh," and John Henderson. A
committee, to consist of ten or twelve, was appointed
to put their plan in execution. But ever to the last
it was with Carmichael that they were to deal ; and
their ground of quarrel was the seizure of their goods
for failing to appear before tribunals where con-
science forbade them to appear. Just before going
forth against Carmichael they affixed to the school-
room-door a notice or proclamation denouncing ven-
geance against all who co-operated with Carmichael
by purchasing the effects distrained from the recusants
and offered for sale by public auction. The placard
gave " advertisement to all that should meddle with
these spoiled goods, either by assisting, resetting, buy-
ino', or any way countenancing the same — however
they thought themselves at present guarded by a
military force, and these persons spoiled despicable —
that they should be looked on as accessary to the
robbery, and should meet with a punishment answer-
able to the villany." So, to the last, the design was
to frio-hten or punish a man who had found in recent
legislation an effective instrument of extortion. This
business was transacted on Wednesday. An arrange-
ment was then made " to meet on Friday night, for
494 CHARLES II.
taking some course witli Carmichael on Saturday if
he could be gotten." If he were gotten and dealt
with according to their intention, which does not seem
to have extended to murder, there was a resolution
that the friends of the cause "be ready against the
Sabbath for keeping of a field conventicle, resolving
to resist such as should offer to oppose the meeting."
The arrangements for thus celebrating the downfall
of Carmichael were so far on that " there was one
away for bringing of a minister " to hold this con-
venticle on the day after the business had been trans-
acted. A committee was appointed — to consist of
ten, or a few more if it were found desirable — to find
Carmichael and deal with him ; and to that end
they were to be " mounted presently with horse and
armed." Looking at all this preparation with the
project for holding a solemn conventicle in defiance
of any offer to suppress it, we may hold that they
were striving to free Fifeshire from what they counted
the oppressive rule of the civil authorities ; but it was
determined otherwise.
On the night before the day assigned they as-
sembled, in number thirteen, " one of whom they let
go, not being clear to reveal to him what was de-
signed." Of the twelve who remained, Hackston of
Rathillet was the only one whose social position
claimed for him the title of " gentleman." He had
been a profligate in his youth ; but he had got clear-
ness of his acceptance, and one for whom so much
had been done behoved to do much in the way of his
Eedeemer's cause. Balfour apjoears to have been a
" bonnet laird " or yeoman. The rest were peasants
and artisans. They spent the night in the house of
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 495
a friend of tlie honest cause who was out on hiding.
While the others prayed and reposed, one of their
number went to Cupar to watch Carraichael's motions.
He returned at seven o'clock on the morning of the
4th, to tell them that he had seen their man leave
Cupar to go to hunt on Tarvit Hill. They now felt
sure of him. Some one had told Carmichael, how-
ever, that suspicious inquiries had been made about
his motions, and he returned to Cupar. After an
angry and impatient search, the twelve deliberated
on the matter, and found "that it seemed God had
remarkably kept them back, and him out of their
hands." But they felt that they could not have been
called to that spot for no purpose : " John Balfour
said he was sure they had something to do ; for he,
being at his uncle's house, intending towards the
Highlands because of the violent rage in Fife, was
pressed in spirit to return ; and he incjuiring the
Lord's mind anent it, got this word borne in upon
him, 'Go and prosper.' So he, coming from prayer,
wondering what it could mean, went again, and got
it confirmed by that Scripture, ' Go ! have not I sent
you \ ' whereupon he durst no more question, but
presently returned."
They met a boy, whom they sent to make some
trivial inquiries ; and when he returned he said the
" o-oodwife " bade him tell them that the archbishop's
coach was approaching. This was astounding news.
Was it complete, and was the archbishop in it ? One
of their number went to make sure. Yes ; it was
Judas himself in all the guilty state for which he
had sold the Church of Christ. Here, indeed, was the
mysterious working of His hand made visible. The
49^ CHARLES II.
paltry subordinate for whom, in the mere pursuance
of their human designs, they had laid their plot, had
been taken out of their hands, and the arch-traitor had
been put in his place. As an object so much greater
than they sought had been consigned to their hands,
so must their dealing with it be a great deed adequate
to the opportunity. They must slay him. It was
clear that this was what God required of their hands.
They dared not go back from the deed. If they did,
the blood of all the Lord's people already slain — of
all deaths and sufferings of the righteous that might
follow — would be upon their heads. They dared not
— they could not — withhold the hand from the work.
They consulted about the choice of a leader, and
asked Hackston if he would command them. No ;
he had been concerned in a personal discussion with
the archbishop about some pecuniary matter. The
carnal man had been stirred within him. He could
not feel sure of that utter extinction of mere human
motive that must, exist in the minds of those worthy
of such a deed. But if those around him felt free of
any such earthly burden, and had clearness as to the
call made to them to act, he would cast his lot in with
theirs — he would stand by and see the deed done,
taking the temporal consequences of a participator.
There was a touch of the chivalrous in this, whatever
we may say of its wild fanaticism. The place of leader
was taken by the fierce Burley, who had no scruples.
He went to the front, and bade them follow him.
In interpreting the scene that followed, it may be
well to keep in view that the inhabitants of Fifeshire
were the least warlike of the Scots. Isolated by the
two firths, and the Ochil Hills as a barrier crossing
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 497
the country between them, they were not in the track
of armies passing north and south. English invasions,
if carried so far north, often swept round by the west-
ern side of the Ochil range. They were too far off to
be troubled with the Border thieves, who, though they
had lost the greater part of their terrors, were still
troublesome. They were alike exempt from the
scourge of their western and northern neighbours —
the predatory descents of the Highlander. They were
a people who lived a little by farming, but chiefly by
commerce and navigation. The peasantry not being
accustomed to warfare, it is likely that the group col-
lected on Magus Moor may have been new to the use
of weapons. This seems to be the best way of ac-
counting for some features in the bloody scene just
going to begin. It was a time when assassins were
expert and prompt, and so far merciful in their work ;
but here was a sad exception.
The archbishop had his daughter as his travelling
companion. There are some little incidents of which
she could be the only relater ; they are trifling, but
everything is of interest at such a moment. He had
stopped at the village of Ceres on his way, to take
a social pipe with the parson of the parish. The
moor at that time stretched over a wide district now
planted or under the plough. It had no scenery or
culture to vary the desolate gloom of a flat Scotch
moor. Some gloomy thoughts seem to have arisen in
the hunted man's mind as he crossed the moor, and
they seem to have turned more on his child's prospects
than his own. As he passed the house of one whom
he knew to be hostile, he said, " There lives an ill-
natured man — God preserve us, my child ! " There
VOL. VIT. 2 I
498 CHARLES II.
was good reason for alarm when presently a horseman
was seen galloping furiously towards the carriage.
When he reached it and looked in, his signal brought
the rest of the group after him. He then fired into
the carriage. There was consternation in those borne
by it outside and in, and the obvious alternative was
to drive for life. The horsemen came up, firing volley
after volley into the carriage. They struck down the
attendants, stopped the horses, and still fired. They
then turned to depart, in the belief that they had
riddled the body of their victim and extinguished life.
Some remark made by his daughter, however, brought
them back. They found him alive, and, as they con-
vinced themselves, untouched. The case was clear.
The Evil One was notoriously known to have power
of contracting with the lost souls he dealt in for
exemption from the leaden bullet ; but his power did
not extend to " the edge of the sword," sanctified of
old as the avenger of wickedness.
They tried to strike him in the carriage, but without
deadly effect ; and in their clumsy hacking they hurt
his daughter. They demanded that he should come
out — "Judas, come forth ! " — but he naturally remained
with such protection as the heavy intricate coach
afforded him, and they found it no easy task to drag
him from it. It is odd that among his possessions in
that coach were a hanger and a pair of pistols of fine
workmanship. It is difficult to account for his pos-
session of such weapons without an intention to use
them, and equally difficult to say why he did not use
them in his awful peril. Against assailants so clumsy,
excited by superstition, and disturbed in nerve by
a bloody work they were unaccustomed to, it seems
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 499
likely that a resolute man well armed might have
held the coach as a sort of fortress for some time.
Partly he was dragged and partly he came forth,
observing that Hackston was not active among the
murderers. He was sitting at some distance, calm
and erect, on his horse, with his cloak about his mouth,
when the wounded wretch crept to him, saying, " You
are a gentleman — you Avill save my life." Hackston
only said, "I will not lay a hand on you." It was
said that he pleaded frantically for mercy, making
promises of all kinds — he would reward them — he
would plead for their lives, forfeited by what they had
already done. But if their hearts were open to mercy,
the fate of Mitchell was in their remembrance. Some
things were said by the assailants in their justification ;
and though perhaps they be not accurately reported,
they are of interest as expressing the spirit by which
they felt themselves driven to the deed. James
Russel, the teller of the story, says, that on Sharp de-
claring that " he had never wronged man," he himself
" declared before the Lord that it was no particular
interest, nor yet for any wrong that he had done to
him, but because he had betrayed the Church as
Judas, and had wrung his hands these eighteen or
nineteen years in the blood of the saints, but especially
at Pentland ; and Mr Guthrie, and Mr Mitchell, and
James Learmonth ; and they were sent by God to
exercise His vengeance on him this day." "And
John Balfour on horseback said : ' Sir, God is our Avit-
ness that it is not for any wrong thou hast done to
me, nor yet for any fear of what thou could do to me,
but because thou hast been a murderer of many a
poor soul in the Kirk of Scotland, and a betrayer of
500 CHARLES II.
the Churcli, and an open enemy and persecutor of
Jesus Christ and His members, whose blood thou hast
shed like water on the earth, and therefore thou
shalt die.'"
Even when they had him on the bare heath, it was
some time ere life was extinguished by their clumsy,
cruel hacking. They said they were three-quarters
of an hour at work on the deed, and they notice the
length of time as peculiarly significant when taken
along with other concomitants. The long protraction
of the trouble was due to the efforts made by his
master Satan to preserve a life so valuable to his
cause. On the other hand, a higher power had re-
moved external sources of interference. The group
afterwards remarked, with pious awe, that although
they were all that time at work on the highroad
between the civil and ecclesiastical capital of Scotland
— though there were people going and coming all day
long, and there were many soldiers parading the dis-
trict on account of the disorders of the time — though
there was noise and confusion among them, and many
shots were fired — and all on an elevated open plain, —
yet they could not have been more absolutely free of
intrusion had they been in the centre of the Great
Desert.
Other wonderful indications of a guiding and pro-
tecting hand were not completed until afterwards.
Hackston, as we have seen, took no share in the
murder. Another man occupied himself in keeping
l^ack out of harm's way the poor daughter, who was
making frantic efforts to reach her father. Now it
was noted that these two were the only members of
that group who suftered punishment for the day's
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. JOI
work. The shield of protection, stretched over those
^yho were doing the work commanded, did not extend
over them. They were actuated by human and sub-
lunary sensations — the one by a sense of honour, the
other by humanity — and so they were left to the justice
or injustice of human tribunals.
There was an immediate search to find some token
of his compact with the devil. They found, among
other trifles, " some coloured thread, and some yellow
coloured thing like to parings of nails which would
not burn." These were probably possessions of the
daughter connected with the mysteries of embroiderj^.
Perhaps, also, she might have taken the responsibility
on herself of a more ominous object discovered by the
murderers : " Upon the opening of his tobacco-box a
living humming-bee flew out. This either Kathillet or
Balfour called his ' familiar ; ' and some in the company
not understanding the term, they explained it to be a
devU." This discovery does not appear to have sur-
prised them. Perhaps they would have been more
puzzled had they found nothing that could be con-
nected with the world of darkness. Some such thing
as that they found came as naturally to them as a
fossil comes to the geologist hammering at the stratum
in which he expects to find it. The " familiar " in the
shape of a small living being easily disposed of was a
belief common to the time. The creature was an agent
or ambassador from the prince of the powers of dark-
ness, ever at hand. Hence the German legend of the
bottle-imp — a creature lying lethargic when the world
is behaving well, but showing animation and activity
when any mischief likely to promote its master's
interest is brewing.
502 CHARLES II.
This account of the death of Archbishop Sharp has
been prepared from the authorities noted below. No
one can be sure that he gives Avith precise accuracy
the stages of such an event ; but I believe that it is of
far more importance to bring out the spirit at work in
those concerned, and it fortunately happens that this
is revealed by the documents referred to with signal
clearness.^ Surely it may be confidently hoped — let
us say it may be at once believed — that at this day no
man, sane and intelligent, making himself acquainted
with the nature of the deed, would have a word to
say in vindication, or even in palliation, of it. In
what spirit a large body of the nation accepted the
act, we may see through the facts already stated and
those that are to follow. A torrent of discussion,
carrying away with it the cLuestion whether anything
could justify a murder, Avas opened in the phraseology
of the proclamations and other documents issued by
the Government. They called the crime "sacrilege"
^ These are — (1) The narrative in AVodrow's History of the Sufferings,
collected from private papers and conversation with persons living at the
time. (2) The trial of Hackston of Eathillet, printed, with a body of
relative documents, in the tenth volume of the octavo edition of the State
Trials, p. 791 et seq. (3) The documents appended by Mr Kirkpatriok
Sharpe to his edition of Kirkton's History — especially a narrative by
" James Eussel in Kettle," one of the most active of the murderers. It
is in one of these documents, written by " two persons who were pre-
sent," and no doubt partakers in the business, that the story of the bee
in the box is told. The paper is preserved in the handwriting of
Wodrow. He was signally susceptible to all the current superstitions of
his day, but it is observable that he does not transfer this incident to
his History. The dealers with Satan had by tliat time decayed in rank.
Only the poor witches, who were his slaves, had been left. The potent
wizard who could command the services of the court of darkness, and
who kept one of its members in his custody that he might from time to
time promptly communicate his wishes, had disappeared. This was of
course the lofty position held by the archbishop in his diplomatic inter-
course with the arch-enemy.
LIFE AND DEATH OF SHARP, 1663-79. 503
as well as murder ; and this brought retaliation, in the
charges of apostasy, treachery, and cruelty for which
the punishment was inflicted. However the law
might stand, it was impossible to convince Presbyte-
rians of even the most moderate kind that there was
anything about the Right Reverend James Sharp to
make him sacred in their eyes, so that violence com-
mitted on him would be a worse crime than the same
violence committed on the Lord High Commissioner
or the Lord Chancellor. How reluctant the Presby-
terian mind was to part with the idea of a just judg-
ment we may see in the reflections briefly dropped
by Wodrow : " Upon the whole, though the most part
of good people in Scotland could not but observe and
adore the holy and righteous providence of God in
the removal of this violent persecutor and spring of
the most part of the former severities at such a junc-
tiu'e when just upon new and violent projects, yet
they could not approve of the manner of taking him
ofi', nor would they justify the actors."-^ Such are the
words of a clerg)Tnan of the Scottish Establishment
in the reign of Greorge II. — a man not only fervently
religious, but in social repute a gentle, moderate,
honest, and kindly man. A word, however, has yet to
be said in fairness to all parties at that period. It is
usual in history to use the term " assassination " rather
than murder on such occasions. The practice is use-
ful, as it separates murder as a private crime, and
casual slaughter in times of violence and confusion,
from the act by which a public man is put to death
as a punishment for his political creed and the means
of stopping his political career, the act being done
1 Vol. iii. 48.
504 CHARLES II.
without any form of trial or other judicial procedure.
In this sense the death of Sharp is the one act of
assassination that can be charged against the Pres-
byterian cause in Scotland.
The assassins spent the night in a lonely house
called " The Teuchits ; " and though it was but some
three miles from the spot where they had done the
deed, and all the neighbourhood, with the military and
the civil authorities, must have heard of it, they were
left undisturbed to the exorbitant exercise of prayer
demanded by such a crisis. According to Russel, they
" went to prayers, first together and then each one
alone, with great composure of spirit, and enlargement
of heart more nor ordinary, blessing the Lord, who had
called them out and carried them so courageously
through so great a work, and led them by His Holy
Spirit in every step that they stepped in that matter."
It was the object of Hackston, Burley, and the
greater part of the group, to find their way to the
sympathetic west country. Some three or four
dropped off and hid themselves, with varying inci-
dents, but all successfully. Before following the main
body we may enter into the confidential utterings of
one of them, William Daniel. A singular Christian
gentlewoman put at his disposal an empty house in a
lonely place, where he " stayed alone day and night,
except the gentlewoman and her daughters brought
him meat in the night-time." After spending some
days under conditions well adapted for pleasant re-
flections on what he had done, he joined his compan-
ions ; and the one who has given us their history says :
" He told them that he had never so much of the pre-
sence of the Lord before ; for all that eight or nine
THE MURDERERS, 1679. 50$
days lie was in a rapture, and the Lord had confirmed
them and approved of all that they had done ; and
still to the day of his death he was kept in a rapture
of joy, and to his death witnessed against the indul-
gence, and declared that the Lord had let him see that
it was hatched in hell for to ruin the Kirk of God."
Hackston and the rest had a perilous journey
before them. In Fifeshire there was but a small
number of the peculiar people. To get to the west
country, where their brethren went about armed, and
where they sometimes gathered in numbers, it was
necessary to pass through the midland district, where
very few sympathised with them, and the Malignants
had a great preponderance. Before beginning the
journey, which would bring them, fresh upon the
rumours of the deed, into the hostile district round
Perth, they prayed, that " seeing He had been pleased
to honour them to act for Him, and to execute His
justice upon that wretch — whom all that loved the
welfare of Zion ought to have striven who might
have had their hand first on him — He might let it be
known by keeping them out of their enemies' hands
and straight in His way." Accordingly it was put in
the minds of those with whom they mingled that they
were troopers on their way from some loyal district
to join the musters called on account of threatening-
rumours from the west. When it came to a closer
examination of their destination and object, it was
brouo-ht in upon the minds of the people that they
were one of the armed parties out in pursuit of the
murderers. So it was disposed for them, and they
had only to humour the metamorphosis. Hackston,
a gentleman and a soldier, who had been one of the
506 CHARLES II.
worldly, was able to play the Cavalier leader and
jolly follow with good effect. Some perilous jesting
thus extracted from him showed that the evils of the
times had lost to his country a ready wit as Avell as
a brave heart. When they came to Dunblane they
" called for the clerk and for a double gill of brandy."
A mob gathered to see the men in pursuit of the
murderers ; and there was much talk, taking a light
jovial turn, as became Cavalier troopers. The ques-
tion of the personal appearance of the murderers com-
ing up, the clerk in his merriment said, " ' You are all
of them;' and said to John Balfour, 'You shot first
at him.' Eathillet, laughing, said, ' If all Dunblane
had been here they could not have judged so right.' "
The clerk found them such excellent company that
they must needs take another gill with him. He
whispered to them, also, that if he could meet them
in private — he did not know who might be in the
crowd — he could give them " an account of some
Whigs that lived thereabout."
When they got as far west as Kippen, in Stirling-
shire, they found themselves among the " honest
folk." On Sunday the 18th of May they attended
an armed conventicle on a hill called Fintry Craigs.
Shots were exchanged, and they did some damage
to the assailants ; but as to themselves, " the Lord
brought them off without the least wrong," "not so
much as one in all the meeting were hurt — only one
man was shot through the coat, but did not touch his
skin." Such was the good fortune of the conventicle
sanctified by the presence of these chosen instru-
ments. One was so close on seizure that as he lay in
a hollow of a bank some troopers had come within
THE MURDERERS, 1679. 507
four or five feet of the hollow, " but "were so restrained
of the Lord that they got not leave to look in ; for
the commander cried to him that was going up and
down searching, ' Are you seeking hens V" So in the
end " the Lord wonderfully carried them through "
" until they joined those who were rising in arms in
the west."
Most of these men were conspicuously active in the
turbulent affairs following on their act. Their very
carelessness, as men who were protected by a higher
power, seems to have saved them. For instance, their
historian Russel, who was one of the most active in
the slaughter, came repeatedly before the world in
much prominence. In 1681 he issued a peculiar
testimony of his own. He nailed it to the door of the
parish church of Kettle, in Fife. His special protest was
against the payment, not only of all taxes, but of feu-
duty or rent-charge on land, and minister's stipend —
to this charge in the parish of Kettle he had a pecu-
liar personal objection, as it enriched the minister,
"Mr James Barclay, a thief and a robber." On the
point of loyalty to the king his views Avere : " Charles
Stewart ! a bull of Bashan, and all his associates are
bulls and kine of Bashan. What would ye judge to be
your duty if there were a wild and mad bull running
up and down Scotland, killing and slaying all that
were come in his way, man, wife, and bairn 1 Would
you not think it your duty and every one's duty to
kill him, according to that Scripture, Exodus xxi. 28,
29 ? " &c. The Government seem to have thought a
wholesome influence might come of making public a
document so preposterous and extreme as one of the
manifestoes of the Covenanters. It was printed " for
S08 CHARLES II.
the satisfaction and information of all bis majesty's
loyal and dutiful subjects," as the production of " one
of those bloody and sacrilegious murtherers of the late
Lord Primate of Scotland his grace." At a meeting
of that extreme party of the suffering remnant with
whom we have to make farther acquaintance, Russel
distinguished himself by going farther than even they
would accompany him. While they dismissed from
their meeting a man " who had joined with some who
paid taxes," Russel, " being a man of hot and fiery
spirit, bred strange confusion in the assembly by the
strictness of his questioning as to their proceedings,
and more particularly if they or their society were
free of paying custom at tolls and bridges." We find
him at meeting after meeting protesting " with bitter-
ness, untenderness, and reflections." He removes him-
self apart even from the followers of James Renwick
and the excommunicators of the king ; and he seems
even to have drawn with him a few followers, united
under such principles of union as the objection to feu-
duties, stipend, bridge-duties, and post-duties, along
with the principles divulged in " a paper about the
names of the days of the week and months of the
year, wherein were several unsuitable and unsavoury
unchristian expressions." ^ Such were the occupa-
tions of one of those men whom the Government were
striving with all their might to find.
' Appendix to Kirkton, 399 ; Faithful Contendings displayed.
CHAPTER LXXIX.
Woust of SteSjjart to tfje Ejijolution.
CONVENTICLES ARMING OF THE WESTERN PEASANTRY BATTLE
OF DRUMCLOG JOHN GRAHAM OF CLAVERHOUSE — THE IN-
SURRECTION DUKE OF MONMOUTH SENT THE DISPUTES
ROBERT HAMILTON BATTLE OF BOTHWELL BRIDGE THE
RETRIBUTION THE SANQUHAR DECLARATION HACKSTON OF
RATHILLET AIRDS MOSS THE CAMERONIANS THE POPISH
PLOT RYEHOUSE AND ASSASSINATION PLOTS SUCCESSION
AND TEST ACTS THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF THE KING THE
RELIGIOUS PARTIES THE DUKE OF YORK THE COMMISSION
OF JUSTICIARY AND THE MILITARY EXECUTIONS — CLAVERHOUSE
AND JOHN BROWN — THE WIGTOWN MARTYRS — SUCCESSION OF
JAMES VII. — Monmouth's rebellion — argyle's insurrection
HIS execution SIR PATRICK HUME — BAILLIE OF JERVIS-
WOOD THE INDULGENCES THE PERSECUTION OF RECUSANTS
CONTINUED THE PROSPECT OF A POPISH RULE — THE REVOLU-
TION.
Let us now turn to the doings in the west country.
Ever since the Protestation and the Mauchline Testi-
mony, now twenty years old, a chosen people standing
apart from all others — from Episcopalians, loyal Pres-
byterians, and every sectarian denomination — had
been assembling together and confirming each other in
their principles. The district to which they belonged
contains the counties of Ayr, Lanark, and Kirkcud-
bright. In later times, when they were driven to
SIO HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
arm for defence, their haunts were chiefly in the
mountain district centring where the counties of Ayr
and Lanark meet, and stretching towards Kirkcud-
bright and Dumfries. It is difticult to imagine ground
better suited for the assembling of outlaws or other
fugitives. The mountains are high and steep ; and
they are not, like the Highlands, divided into groups
by broad straths, but penetrated by narrow abrupt
glens. In this district " armed conventicles " were
now frequent. At such a meeting a clergyman at-
tended, and did duty according to the Presbyterian
service of the time. Some men were constrained to
attend these meetings by religious zeal, others were
induced to attend them for the protection of the
female members of their families who were zealous
attenders. Watches were generally stationed on the
hills around, and the men were all prepared to be
called from their devotions to meet the enemy.
It was known that there were towards the end
of May preparations for a great conventicle, to be
attended by an vmusual strength of guards. And they
found, as suitable for their purpose, a piece of boggy
ground on the slope of Loudon Hill, an abrupt eruptive
rock in Lanarkshire, near the border of Ayrshire.
There was no taint of secret conspiracy in their doings
— on the contrary, they announced their defiance in
a public testimony or proclamation. They intended
to publish it in Glasgow ; but finding that town too
strongly guarded, they had to be content with such
publicity as the town of Ruthergien afforded to them.
There a party of eighty horsemen, under the command
of Eobert Hamilton, brother of the Laird of Preston,
whose better acquaintance we shall presently have
INSURRECTION, 1679. 511
to make, affixed to tlie market-cross of tlie town
' The Declaration and Testimony of the true Presby-
terian Party in Scotland.' This paper, when tested
by others following on it, is brief, moderate in
language, and distinct in utterance. But there was
something curiously provoking in the occasion taken
for displaying the testimony. It was the 29th of
May, the anniversary of " the happy Restoration," and
Rutherglen was in a blaze with the bonfires appro-
priate to the commemoration. The first act of the
armed invaders was to extinguish these fires, and raise
a small fire of their own, in which they burned several
Acts of Parliament, proclamations, and other papers
offensive to their cause. In their Testimony, contain-
ing only seven articles, the fifth was " against that
presumptuous Act for imposing ane holy anniversary-
day, as they call it, to be kept yearly upon the 29th
of May as a day of rejoicing and thanksgiving for the
king's birth and restoration ; whereby the appointers
have intruded upon the Lord's prerogative, and the
observers have given the glory to the creature that
is due to our Lord Redeemer, and rejoiced over the
setting up of an usurping power to the destroying the
interest of Christ in the land." ^
It was usual with the conventicles, when a large
force approached, that their armed guards were content
with arrangements for their safe dispersal. In the
conventicle to be held near Loudon Hill it was deter-
mined to measure swords with the Government. This
challenge, as it happened from the local distribution
of the forces, was thrown to one who might be counted
on accepting it with haughty defiance. John Graham
1 Wodrow, iii. 67.
512 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
of Claverhouse had in the beginning of the previous
year been appointed to the command of a troop of
the Life Guards, under his kinsman the Marquess of
Montrose. His command lay in the district where
the conventicle was to be held. He is sometimes
spoken of as if he had been at this time notorious and
detested as a hunter of conventicles and a persecutor
of the faithful. But in reality he was new to the
work. He had only meddled with one conventicle
near Galashiels : it was unarmed, being attended
chiefly by the ladies of the district ; and he had only
the inglorious task of reporting their names, with that
of their minister, to the Council. It is right to re-
member this inexperience of the service assigned to
him, since he was utterly unprepared for what he had
to meet near Loudon Hill.
Sunday, or the Sabbath, was the proper day for the
great conventicles as for the weekly services of the
Church. This conventicle was held on Sunday the 1st
of June. The religious service had begun, when it be-
came known that Claverhouse was coming upon them.
It was a stimulus to their determination that he had
with him a few prisoners, and among them one of their
own valued ministers. They had among them some two
hundred or more fighting men, forty of them mounted.
They were peculiarly fortunate, too, in the presence
of a few experienced officers. These were Hall of
Haughhead, Burley, Eobert Fleming, and, more val-
uable still, the cool and resolute Hackston of Rathillet.
A young soldier destined for distinction was among
them — William Cleland the poet, who gained a high
military repute after the Revolution by the defence
of Dunkeld.
INSURRECTION, 1679. 513
When the watchers came in and told that Chiver-
house and the Guards were close at hand, the con-
venticle congregation, Sunday though it was, was
broken up, and the armed men took up their position
on the farm of Drumclog, about two miles eastward
of Loudon Hill. The ground so occupied is now
cultivated so as to produce coarse meadow-grass ;
but it is even at present surrounded by bogs so deep
and difficult that the Covenantino; leaders might well
have believed themselves safe from the attack of
cavalry. Their post was protected by a cleft, where
lay the water of a ditch — a " stank," as it is called in
Scotland. From either side of this ditch detachments
from the two forces fired on each other and retired.
The question came to be. Which party would cross
and fight the battle on the other's ground ? Claver-
house would have crossed had he known how. The
others, better acquainted with the ground, seem to
have at first resolved to keep their post ; but their
blood getting up, young Cleland rushed with a small
party round the stank by a way known to them —
others swept round the other end, and both together
charged so impetuously that the Guards broke and
scattered. Thirty-six of them lay dead, and only
three of the Covenanters were killed on the field.-^
We have from the defeated leader this distinct and
instructive report of his disaster, in a despatch to the
Earl of Linlithgow. The "insolency" at Rutherglen
had roused him to activity, and he was sweeping the
country in pursuit of those concerned in it : —
"I thought that we mioht make a little tour to
see if we could fall on a conventicle, which we did,
' Appendix to Kii-kton, 444.
VOL. VII. 2 K
514 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
little to our advantage ; for when we came in sight
of them we found them drawn up in battle upon
a most advantageous ground, to which there was no
coming but through mosses and lakes. They were
not preaching, and had got away all their women
and children. They consisted of four battalions of
foot, and all well armed with fusils and pitch-
forks, and three squadrons of horse. We sent —
both parties — to skirmish ; they of foot, and we of
dragoons. They ran for it, and sent down a battalion
of foot against them. We sent three score of dragoons,
who made them run shamefully. But in end, they
perceiving we had the better of them in skirmish,
they resolved a general engagement, and immediately
advanced with their foot, and horse following. They
came through the loch, and the greatest body of all
made up against my troop. We kept our fire till
they were within ten pace of us. They received our
fire and advanced to shock." Then there Avere some
casualties, " which so discouraged our men that they
sustained not the shock, but fell into disorder. Their
horse took the occasion of this, and pursued us so
hotly that we had no time to rally. I saved the
standards, but lost on the place about eight or ten
men, besides wounded ; but the dragoons lost many
more. They are not come easily off on the other side,
for I saw several of them fall before we came to the
shock."!
^ Nai^ier's Memorials of Dundee, ii. 222. On tbe surface of the wide
boggy moorland still stretching away from Drumclog there are features
of recent origin destined speedily to change the aspect of the country.
Limestone-quarries have been opened, clay is found for the manufacture
of drain-tiles, and a shaft has been sent down to a seam of coal which
has been worked for a few }ears. A somewhat showy monument
INSURRECTION, 1679. 515
There is something curiously and almost carelessly-
candid in this news of his own defeat rendered by
a beaten commander. Graham was then a man
who had all his reputation to make ; for although,
no doubt, he was trained in arms, he had done no-
thing to secure public notice ; and he had held no
command sufficiently important to be known to the
world, and to reach the ears of his biographers. Few
men who have reached his period of life — he was
thirty-six years old — begin a career of glory as illus-
trious captains. Altogether, he was not in a position
to take a defeat lightly, unless it were the opening to
opportunities which he felt certain he could improve.
All this falls in with an accusation of the day, that
the Government desired an insurrection that they
might make short work with the troublesome people.
The last words of the letter are the most curious
feature in it : " This may be counted the beginning
of the rebellion, in my opinion " — as if the rebellion
were a thing expected, and not undesirable.
Claverhouse was correct in his opinion that the
affair of Drumclog was the beginning of the rebellion.
It gathered like a storm. The people of the west
were frantic in their exultation. Tlie hour had now
come. The Lord, whose face had been hidden since
the days of the Engagement, had again acknowledged
His own, and His right arm was bared to smite their
persecutors. The men flocked to the little army in
such numbers that in a day or two from two hundred
stands on the battle-field, with an inscription : " In commemoration of
the victory obtained on this battle-field, on Sabbath the 11th of January
1679, by our Covenanted forefathers over Graham of Claverhouse and
bis dragoons."
Sl6 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
it rose to count five tliousand men. They marched
restlessly through the country. By Hamilton they
passed on to Glasgow. They could have commanded
that city, and done in it any evil they desired ; but
they contented themselves with collecting and burying
the heads and limbs of the sufferers for the cause,
then stuck on spikes in cons^^icuous places. They
were a restless and fluctuating body. Some contem-
poraries say that they may have on occasions num-
bered ten thousaud ; but they went and came, and
after reaching that height, might next day sink to
half the strength. But this very restlessness in some
measure exao-aerated the formidable character of the
rising. It was only known in Edinburgh and London
that the whole of the south-west of Scotland was up
in rebellion and full of activity.
It was resolved at Court not to leave the suppres-
sion of this rising in local hands. The remedy that,
as it was the most effective, was at the same time the
most humane, was sought in the mustering of an
army so powerful as to render resistance hopeless — ■
it was to number fifteen thousand men. It was put
under the command of the renowned Duke of Mon-
mouth, who was called Duke of Buccleuch in Scotland,
from his marriage with the heiress of that house.
It has been said that he was sent in order to render
him unpopular in Scotland ; but if this really was
the policy of the selection, it was a mistake. He cre-
ated a place for himself in the hearts of the people at
large, and among the persecuted he was a relief from
their other enemies. The source of the intensity of
the bitterness throughout the contest was, that the
enemies generally confronting each other were not
INSURRECTION, 1679. 517
two nations, but two opposite parties of the same
people, each detesting the other with a hatred stronger
than the hatred of national animosity. It was well,
when this had come to its climax, that one exempt
from the prejudices and hatreds of both parties should
be sent as the chastiser and pacificator.
The insurgents had the worst of all enemies among
themselves, in the spirit of discord and the incapacity
for common action. Who was to be the leader of the
really great army now arrayed in the great cause 1
The practical men who had done so much for them
at Drumclog were passed over. Whether they could
handle five thousand men as they had two hundred
might be doubtful, but among them would certainly
have been the best chance of a worthy leader. The
command — at least the name of commander-in-chief
— fell to one who was the colleague of the military
men at Drumclog, but who seems to have been even
there of no use among them, — Robert Hamilton. He
held his place partly by his own assertion, and partly
by the voices of the extreme fanatics, who found that
he had reached the farthest extremity in the applica-
tion of their desperate doctrines, and therefore that he
was naturally, or by the power of the Deity who had
put these great doctrines into his heart, their proper
leader for the destruction of the Amalekites. He had
no military experience ; but what of that 1 — it was
not on the arm of the flesh that the issues of the con-
test were to be cast. Never did any fatalist more
absolute than Hamilton bend to Allah or Mohammed.
The extirpation of the wicked — the sweeping of them
from the face of the earth with the edge of the sword
— was his doctrine ; and his belief was, that the sword
Sl8 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
made to effect this righteous purpose was put into his
hands. We see him all in the admissions made by
him with a grim brevity in the explanations character-
istically addressed " to the anti-Popish, anti-Prelatic,
anti-Erastian, anti-sectarian, true Presbyterian rem-
nant of the Church of Scotland." He says to them :
"As for that accusation they bring against me of
killing that poor man, as they call him, at Drum-
clog, I may easily guess that my accusers cannot be
other than some of the house of Saul or Shemci, or
some such risen again to espouse that poor gentle-
man's [Saul's f] quarrel against honest Samuel for his
offering to kill that poor man Agag after the king's
giving him quarters. But I, being called to command
that day, gave out the word that no quarter should
be given ; and returning from pursuing Claverhouse,
one or two of these fellows were standing in the midst
of a company of our friends, and some were debating
for quarters, and another against it. None could
blame me to decide the controversy, and I bless the
Lord for it to this day." He was much perturbed in
spirit by finding that quarter had been given to five
men in such a manner that their fate was put beyond
his control, and he could not get them put to death.
He reckoned this " among the first steppings aside ; "
and seeing such woeful defalcation, he tells us that
he said to a sympathising friend, " I feared the Lord
would not honour us to do much for Him." But
Hamilton was prejDared to play this game of life
and death fairly out, abide the issue, and if he were
the loser, pay the forfeit. "I desire," he says, "to
bless His holy name, that since ever He helped me to
set my face to His work, I never had nor would take
INSURRECTION, 1679. 519
a favour from enemies, either on riglit or left hand,
and desired to give as few." ^
The Covenanting camp — if it could be rightly called
a camp — had already a sufSciency of division when
John Welch, a clergyman, joined it with a reinforce-
ment of men from Ayrshire. This arrival had the
effect of creating a kind of order in the camp, in as
far as it merged the mixed and inextricable hostilities
which made petty bickerings among the clergy and
their followers, into two parties divided by a great
schism. The divisions hitherto were on the point of
distance to which each group had drawn itself off
from its near neighbours in extremity of opinion.
1 Faithful Contendings displajred, 201. Even this hard fierce man
had his tendernesses, and they seem to have heen peculiarly rich and
overflowing. In the document containing these tructilences he enumer-
ates all the parties and persons against wliom he lifts his testimony and
protestation — and they may be said to include pretty nearly the whole
■Christian world outside of his own little group of chosen people. To
-them he says : " It doth not a little comfort me that it is to none of all
these forementioned persons and parties that I am writing, but unto
you, 0 lovely remnant ! to you, 0 dear followers of the Lamb ! the little
flock of Christ in poor Scotland — unto you, who have not only been
honoured to stick to Him against all opposition, but to crown Him again
and again in Hebron. 0 the blessing of Him who was separate from
His brethren be upon you, and long may the crown flourish upon His
head ! Unto you, 0 highly honoured and dearest fellow-sufferers and
sympathising brethren, to whose sympathy, wrestlings, and prayers not
only all the Churches of Christ are indebted, but also poor, contemned,
and every way persecuted, unworthy, unworthy Robin Hamilton is un-
speakably indebted. O beloved ! my eyes are running down with tears,
my heart is melting within me. I know not how I am both weeping
and rejoicing with the very thought that I see yon reading my feckless
line. I think I see the tears in your eyes for my case. I think I hear
secret sighings and sobbings going up before the throne for me. Yea,
I think I win a little to see — at which I must lay by my pen — your
lovely Lord and my Lord stretching forth His soft hand to receive and
bottle your tears, and to make them acceptable on j'our behalf and my
behalf and to lay them out in another manner than you or I can."- —
Ibid., 189, 190.
520 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION,
But there came among them one whose o^^inions were
far a^yay from theirs. He was not one of the actually
indulged — the enemy of mankind himself might as
aptly have come among them ; but he had shown a
hankering after these lost men — a desire to make com-
mon cause with them by some compromise. Here he
Avas in the midst of that sacred army of martyrs, sur-
rounded by a body who listened to his ministrations,
and could only be accounted as accomplices in his
crime. On this matter, William Daniel, one of the
small chosen band who had fought and concjuered at
Drumclog, had just before this arrival uttered a solemn
and touching deathbed testimony before one of their
number ere he died of his wounds. James Russel,
who had so large a share in the slaughter of Sharp,
" came back as fast as he could ride from the pur-
suit of the enemy," and entered into holy communing
with the dying man. He said: "Dear brother Will,
ye many times told me ye was sure enough of heaven ;
have ye any doubts now ? " " He scarcely could speak,
but said, 'No doubts — fully assured, fully assured.'
And on Monday, before he died, all pain left him ;
and then he began and exhorted all present to beware
of meddling with that woeful indulgence, and then
fell out a-praising God, that had honoured him to
Avitness against all abominations, but especially that
woeful indulgence, and to seal it Avith his blood." ^
Welch's origin and history were not of the character
whence a trimmer is bred ; and a glance backAvard on
his career may serve to show how far apart Hamilton
and his followers had drawn themselves. This John
Welch Avas the grandson of " the incomparable John
' Kirkton, Appendix, 445.
INSURRECTION, 1679. 521
Welch of Ayr," and thence the great-grandson of John
Knox. He had at once gone forth with his brethren
when Episcopal collation was required ; and it was
charged against him that he had given to the body
that passed it the name of '■ The Drunken Parliament."
He had the credit of inventing the kind of meetin"'
called a "conventicle," and for nearly twenty years
had been ceaseless in holding conventicles — now here,
now there — among the hills, and eminently successful
in baffling the armed parties sent to disperse them.
Many of these he held in his own original parish of
Irongray. There was a proclamation against him, to
the effect that " the said John Welch does presume
frequently, at least once every week, to preach in the
parish of Irongray, in the presbytery of Dumfries ;
and himself and those who frequent his conventicles
do convene together', armed with swords and pistols." ^
He was under denunciation as a rebel ever after
the Pentland rising. He did not take part in the
battle, but he threw in his lot with the defeated rem-
nant as their pastor and consoler. Twelve years after
that, we are told how — " it would seem in consequence
of the great price [3000 merks] which was set upon
his head — Mr Welch usually travelled about with
a few friends armed for his and their own defence.
This fact Avas much insisted on, to the discredit of the
Presbyterians in general, as if the whole of them were
in arms." ^
Such was the m/in whose appearance in Hamilton's
stern host was to bring a curse with it, because he had
given too much countenance to the inic^uities of the
times. It did bring the curse of enlarging the causes
' Scots Worthier, Mr Gavin's edition, 375. " Ibid., 378.
S21 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
scenes
of quarrel and controversy, and creating such sc
as this, which one who was jsresent lays "in a ham
beside the moor." A council of war was there held,
" where were present the most part of tlie officers and
ministers." They had " appointed Thursday to he a
day of humiliation, and chose four old men, elders of
the Church, and four ministers, to draw up and con-
descend upon the causes of the Lord's wrath that they
might be concerned for. And these eight went to a
barn by themselves and agreed unanimously, and the
clerk was beginning to write. Mr AVelch came into
the barn where the officers were agreeing about a
place for going about it, and bringing with him some
of his party, who made a great stir, dissuading from
the work, and upbraiding them as men that had for-
saken the old path, and again bragging of consulting
betters to lead the army, and the other party pressing
the day of humiliation. Mr Welch desired that that
might be one of the ' causes of God's wrath ' — ministers
preaching against the indulgence, and people hearing
such — until it should be determined by a General As-
sembly, being a controversy." As to a General Assem-
bly at that time, they believed that it would be filled
with " Erastian perjured men, who had joined with
the abominations of the time." ^
In the midst of this wrangling they crossed the
Clyde in a night -march by Bothwell Bridge, and
settled on Hamilton Moss. There the Moderate party
drew up a declaration of their views, ever afterwards
condemned by the other as the Hamilton Declaration.
The two bodies were going to separate and march off
in opposite directions, when an alarm came that Mon-
' Scots AVorthies, Mr Gavin's edition, 461-63.
INSURRECTION, 1679. 523
mouth's great army was close at hand. This seems to
have so far stirred their apprehensions as to supersede
in the mean time the completion of the internal quar-
rel. The extreme party — Avho were soon to have a
name, but as yet had none — were satisfied in the zeal
of animosity they had already shown against their
lax brethren. They had drawn apart from them in
the quarrel ; and their master would accept that testi-
mony, and confirm his acceptance in a triumph over
all their enemies. They went to battle as their fathers
did at Dunbar, with this difference. If in that
battle the saints overruled the military counsels and
put themselves in higher hands, yet they had actually
an experienced general to do the best he could for
them — here they had none. It was observed that the
only work in which the nominal commander took an
interest was the raising of a gigantic gibbet, with a
few cart-loads of rope piled round it. This was a
testimony that when the victory was gained he was
prepared to follow the example he had set in the pur-
suit after the affair of Drumclog. And some said that
when he had finished with the enemy, work would be
found for the oibbet amona; the lukewarm Laodiceans
of his own army.
The two armies drew towards the Clyde where it is
crossed by Bothwell Bridge — the Covenanters on the
south, Monmouth's on the north bank. Some of the
Moderate party had held private communications with
Monmouth's staff, and learned that he was anxious for
peace and clemency. Emissaries were sent over with
a flag of truce to treat about a cessation of hostilities.
They stated their grievances, asked for the free exer-
cise of religion, a free Parliament, and a free General
524 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
Assembly. The duke received them so affably, and
heard them so patiently, as to assure them that his
heart was with them. But he could not stipulate for
terms. They must lay down their arms and abide
such clemency as the Crown might mete out to them.
He could not have done otherwise. The courtesies
of war — the rights of the belligerent, as they are now
generally termed — are never conceded to the insurgent
— he can only win them by the strong hand. He may
obtain them when he is so successful that it has be-
come an open question which side is to rule. The
hapless rabble on the opposite bank of the river was
far from this condition. Indeed it had not enough of
the compactness of an army to be able to surrender in
proper form. No one had it so much in hand that he
could have filed the men past a party so as to stack
their arms, although the bridge afforded a convenient
channel for passing them onwards.
Bothwell Bridge is not now so defensible as it was
then. It has been broadened by an addition to the
west side ; the level of the approaches has been raised,
so that it no longer, like so many old bridges, has a
steep incline from the centre down to either end ; and
the strong gate in the centre is gone. The ground,
however, bears its concurrent testimony to the general
accounts of the lamentable affair of the 22d of June
1679, known as the battle of Bothwell Bridge, though
scarcely deserving to be called a battle. Above the
bridge the river runs through flat haugh-land ; but the
bridge is thrown across between steep craggy banks,
where the river is narrow and deep. From each bank
artillery would tell effectively on the other ; and while
the insurgents had but one gun, there were several
INSURRECTION, 1679. 525
planted on the otlier side. Still the post Avas very
strong to a body standing on the defensive, and on
the side of the insurgents there were several houses
affording protection to a party engaged in holding the
bridge. The few men of military experience present
seem, as they found that they were really no part of
an organised army, to have drawn off small parties of
the men they could trust for any available service.
Thus Hackston of Eathillet took a party for the de-
fence of the bridge. So long as he had powder and
ball he made it good, so as effectually to prove that in
sufl&cient hands it was impregnable. But when his
ammunition was exhausted, and he sent for more,
there was either none remainino^ or no one who had
the duty of issuing it. There was now nothing for
him and his brethren but to retire. Even though the
bridge was thus left open, Monmouth was censured
for temerity in allowing his army to file through a
pass where it might so easily have been cut in two.
But it met no tangible opposition. The orders of the
victorious general were merciful ; but among the
enemy, scattered here and there, with no organisation
for marching off the field, slaughter was inevitable.
England was at that time shaken by the perilous
discussions of the Popish plot. The shadow of their
influence fell on Scotland, and it was not a time for
conspicuous severities against men whose names were
associated with peculiar animosity to Popery. Thus
there was clemency in the immediate dealing with
those concerned in the rising, though it was charged
against them in the accounts of their iniquities sum-
med up when they again committed themselves. Of
twelve hundred captives taken to Edinburgh, two only
526 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
— and both of them clergymen — were immediately ex-
ecuted. Five others were executed on Magus Moor,
somewhat in the way of expiation. They were no more
concerned with the tragedy enacted there than in so far
as it was interpreted to be the preparatory step to their
appearing in arms ; and their execution looked like that
symbolical avenging of the archbishop's death which
the Government were unable to execute on the actual
murderers. The prisoners were far too large a body
to be committed to the jail, or any available strong
building, and they were penned in the Greyfriars'
churchyard — a method of detention not practicable
without much cruelty. A portion were afterwards
released on giving bonds to keep the peace, and the
rest were shipped for the plantations.
We now reach an epoch in the career of the Cove-
nanters. Those who had drawn back into the extrem-
est distance from compliances and the toleration of
compilers, had only announced their spiritual position
by protestations and anathemas against those cast out
by them. Now they were to form a separate covenant
for themselves, and to be united in a positive testi-
mony— it was known and much renowned throughout
the general body of the Covenanters as " The San-
quhar Declaration."
Early in June 1680 there had been a slight scuffle
at Queensferry in an attempt to take two of the leaders
of this party — Donald Cargill, a popular minister, and
Henry Hall. Cargill escaped. Hall was taken, and
in his pocket was found a document called " The
Queensferry Paper." It Avas long and wordy, but
those who had jjatience to read it at the council-board
were favoured with a preliminary sketch of the for-
THE SANQUHAR TESTIMONY, l6So. 527
midable doctrines afterwards announced in the San-
quhar Dechiration. Cargill and his eminent brother
minister Richard Cameron entered the small town of
Sanquhar, in Dumfriesshire, on the 22d of June, with
a small armed party — they made about twenty in all.
There Cameron solemnly read the declaration, and the
party left it nailed on the market-cross. The utter-
ance of this testimony was distinct and powerful. A
belief is announced that " the Lord's great contro-
versy " with His people is because they have failed to
disown Charles Stewart for " his perjury and usurpa-
tion in Church matters, and tyranny in matters civil."
To make up for this neglect of duty, they now pro-
claim as follows : —
" Althouoh we be for e'overnment and governors — •
such as the Word of God and our C*uvenaut allows — •
yet we for ourselves, and all that will adhere to us as
the representative of the true Presbyterian Kirk and
Covenanted nation of Scotland, considering the exeat
hazard of lying under such a sin any longer, do by
these presents disown Charles Stewart, that has been
reigning, or rather tyrannising, as we may say, on the
throne of Britain these years bygone, as having any
rio-ht title or interest in the said crown of Scotland
for government, as forfeited several years since by his
perjury and breach of covenant both to God and His
Kirk, and usurpation of his crown and royal prero-
gatives therein, and many other breaches in matters
ecclesiastic, and by his tyranny and breach of the very
leges regnandi in matters civil." As to their own
future conduct, they announce that, " we being under
the standard of our Lord Jesus Christ, Captain of
salvation, do declare a war with such a tyrant and
528 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
usurper, and all the men of his practices as enemies
of our Lord Jesus Christ, and His cause and covenants."
Among other minor denunciations, they " disown, and
by this resent, the reception of the Duke of York, that
professed Papist, as repugnant to our principles and
vows to the most high God." ^
This may be held as an announcement of the law.
It had to be followed by enforcement. Accordingly
Cargill, holding a solemn assembly, accompanied with
prayer and other exercises, in the Torwood, near
Stirling, pronounced a formal excommunication, be-
ginning : "I being a minister of Jesus Christ, and
having authority and power from Him, do in His
name and by His Spirit excommunicate, cast out of
the true Church, and deliver up to Satan, Charles the
Second, king," &c. How he could be deemed as ever
within " the true Church " is a mystery only explained
by the scene in 1650, when he became a Covenanted
king at Stirling. How he had lapsed from that
blessed condition is told in the grounds of excom-
munication : " For his high mocking of God, in that,
after he had acknowledged his own sins, his father's
sins, his mother's idolatry, yet had gone on more
avowedly in the same than all before him ; 2d, For his
great perjury in breaking and burning the Covenant."
The compiler who has preserved this document
tells how, " next by the same authority, and in the
same manner, he excommunicated James Duke of
York for his idolatry, and setting it up in Scotland to
defile the land, and enticing and encouraging others
to do so — not mentioning any other sins but what he
scandalously persisted in in Scotland — with several
1 Wodrow, iii. 213.
THE CAMERONIANS, 1680-81. 529
other rotten Malignant enemies, on Avliom the Lord
hath ratified that sentence since very remarkably,
whose sins and punishments both may read more
visibly in the providences of the time than I can
record them."^
A league for mutual defence was signed by the
supporters of the Sanquhar Declaration. These in
their wanderings, aware that strong parties were in
search of them, sought a place of security in the broad
dreary swamp in Ayrshire called Airds Moss. They
were some seventy in number, horse and foot ; but a
stronger party overtook them, and there was a small
battle well sustained by the Sanquhar party, for
Hackston of Rathillet was their leader. " We came,"
he says in an account of the affair, " to a piece of gTass,
and lay down, and presently we were all alarmed that
they were upon us, and so making ready, we saw them
coming fast on ; and that about three hours in the
afternoon, and each one resolving to fight, I rode ofi"
and found a strength for our advantage." ^ Though
they were beaten, the greater portion got refuge in the
recesses of the moss. Richard Cameron was killed in
this afi'air, and his fate procured for him the crown of
martyrdom, and a fame destined to be long sustained.
He bequeathed his name to a religious sect, and to a
renowned regiment in the British army. The Sanqu-
hariaus took also the name of " Society men," as being
distributed in " select societies united in general cor-
respondence." ■' After Cameron's death, however, the
1 Shields' Hind let loose, 139.
2 State Trials, x. 834.
5 The reader -will find, perhaps, as much ahout them as he desires to
know, in a volume called ' Faithful Contendings displayed ; being an
historical Relation of the State and Actings of the suffering Eemnant in
VOL. VIE. 2 L
S30 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
name of " Cameronians " fixed itself upon them ; and
in popular use it followed the Church founded by
them, and still existing and flourishinc; under the eccle-
siastical title of " the Eeformed Presbyterian Church
in Scotland."
Hackston was secured at Airds Moss and taken
before Dalziel. " Next morning/' he says, " I was
brought before Dalziel and Lord Eoss, and I not
satisfying them with answers, Dalziel did threaten to
roast me." He was afterwards removed to Edin-
burgh. C!argill, the chief surviving promoter of the
Declaration, after a hot chase, was caught in Glas-
gow. Both were brought to trial in Edinburgh, and
each stood to his stern testimony during his trial
with defying vigour. They were executed, of course
— Hackston with specialties of extreme cruelty and
barbarity. These two men had come forth as soldiers
in their peculiar cause, and enemies of the existing
Government. If they were unsuccessful they could
expect no other fate, and it were well for the memory
the Church of ScotLand, who suhsisted in Select Societies, and weie
united in General Correspondencies during the hottest Time of the late
Persecution — viz., from the year 1 681 to 1691. Together with an Account
of the State of the Land in general, and of the Society People in particu-
lar, in the Intervals betwixt each of their General Meetin.^'S ; with some
pertinent Remarks upon these historical Occurrences, and many Letters
to and from the Geneial Correspondent Meetings, &c. Collected and
kept in record by Mr ilichael Shields, who was clerk unto these general
Societies, and personally present at most of their meetings. To which
is added. Ten Considerations on tlie Danger of Apostasy and Defection
from a Covenanted Work of Reformation. By Mr James Guthrie, some
time Minister of the Gospel at Stirling. As also, a Collection of very
valuable Sermons preached by these faithful and eminent Servants of
Jesus Christ, j\Iessrs John Kid, John King, John Welch, John Blackad-
der, John Dickson, and Gabriel Semple. Collected and transcribed ^)y
John Howie, and published at the desire of some of those who desire to
own the same Testimony that some of those authors owned and sealed
with their blood. 1780.'
THE CAMERONIANS, 1680-81. 531
of the statesmen of the age if it were not burdened
with deeds less easily jiistified.
It mvist be allowed that they had now provocation.
The murder of the Primate — Drumclog and Bothwell
Bridge — the Sanquhar Declaration — the excommuni-
cation— the armed combination, — all following each
other within the period of a few months, — were things
that, taken apart and by themselves, might justify any
Government in measures of repression. To those who
strike the balance of guilt and innocence between the
two parties on the principle that to all forms of dis-
obedience the Government was entitled to apply suf-
ficient coercion for its suppression, the succession of
acts just referred to have provided a fund of available
argument in the support of the Government of that
period. But in modern times it has been usual to
claim for the Governments stigmatised as despotic or
autocratic, the qualification that they are also paternal.
It is among the paternal duties, when there is dis-
ease of mind as well as of body in the household, to
apply nursing and afi'ectionate alleviation rather than
chastisement. We have in this whole sad history
facts enough to enable every one to satisfy himself
whether it was in this spirit that Scotland was at
that time ruled.
The first visit of the Duke of York to Scotland
is referred to in the Declaration. He had returned
unexpectedly from his exile in Holland, and his
friends were at a loss to find what was virtually a
hiding-place for him during the sitting of the English
Parliament. It occurred to them that this might be
accomplished decorously and appropriately by sending
him to represent his brother as Lord High Commis-
532 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
siouer in Scotland. It was now nearly fifty years
since royalty had diffused its influence in serene state
in Edinburgh. He said or did nothing to commit
himself in any way — he was observant, and at the
same time courteous, so that in his short visit he reaped
golden opinions. He returned with a high certificate
of character from the Privy Council, telling how,
throughout his visit, "even the most malicious
abstained from all manner of rebellious risings and
undutiful speeches — no breach of the peace, no libel,
no pasquil, having been ever discovered during his
abode here ; so that this short time has been the most
peaceable and serene part of our life, and the hap-
piest days we ever saw, except your majesty's mirac-
ulous restoration." ^
He returned presently, to leave memorials less
felicitous of his sojourn. He came to preside at the
momentous Parliament of 1681. All England had
been shaken by the great question of a Popish suc-
cessor to the throne, and now the question had moved
on to Scotland, with the man whom it affected in the
midst of those who had to dispose of the business.
Of the debates in that Parliament we have accounts
so fragmental and incoherent that it were useless to
attempt to make a survey of their tenor. There came
of them two remarkable statutes — the one on the
succession to the crown, the other for the imposition
of "the Test." The "Act acknowledging and assert-
ing the right of succession to the imperial crown of
Scotland " is not set forth in the unimpassioned lan-
guage appropriate to the laying down of the law. It
is liker in tone to the many protestations of ecclesias-
1 Wodrow, iii. 234.
THE TEST, i68r. 533
tical parties, recently passing before us so numerously.
It has all the vehemence of expression that is apt
to accompany a disputed assertion. It asserts that
"the kings of this realm, deriving their royal power
from God Almighty alone, do succeed lineally thereto
according to the known degrees of proximity in blood,
which cannot be interrupted, suspended, or diverted
by any Act or statute whatsoever ; and that none can
attemjjt to alter or divert the said succession without
involving the subjects of this kingdom in perjury and
rebellion." The Duke of York is not named. From
the phraseology of the Act the next heir to the throne
might be a woman ; but there are significant words
to show that the religion of the duke was not over-
looked : " That upon the death of the king or queen
who actually reigns, the subjects of this kingdom are
bound by law, duty, and allegiances to obey the next
immediate lawful heir, either male or female, upon whom
the right and administration of the Government is im-
mediately devolved ; and that no difference of religion,
nor no Act of Parliament made or to be made, can
alter and divert the right of succession and lineal
descent of the crown to the nearest and lawful heirs."
For the practical aim of aU this we must look to
the "Act anent Religion and the Test." This test
was to be taken on solemn oath by every person hold-
ing office, whether of the Government or of corpora-
tions. It went down on the civil side to schoolmasters
and clerks, and on the military side to the rank and
file. The professed object of this oath was to purge
the land of Papists on the one hand, and rebellious
fanatics on the other ; and throughout the Act the
words "Papist" and "Fanatic" pair ofi" with each
534 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
other. The beginnijig of the test was not in terms
likely to frighten good Protestants. After the usual
solemn invocation, it goes on : " I own and sincerely
profess the true Protestant religion contained in the
Confession of Faith received in the first Parliament
of King James the Sixth, and that I believe the same
to be founded on and agreeable to the written Word
of God. And I promise and swear that I shall adhere
thereto during all the days of my lifetime, and shall
endeavour to educate my children therein, and shall
never consent to any change nor alteration contrary
thereto ; and that I disown and renounce all such
practices, whether Popish or fanatic, which are contrary
to or inconsistent with the said Protestant religion and
Confession of Faith." There is in like potent and
profuse terms an abjuration of all foreign authority,
with particularities pointing at the Vatican ; and as if
it were to make this renunciation the more explicit,
there are a few innocent words, bearing " that the
king's majesty is the only supreme governor of this
realm over all persons and in all causes, as well
ecclesiastical as civil."
In the test, standing by itself, the practised eyes
of the champions of the Covenant would of course
detect Erastianism in these simple words. But when
the Test Act was interpreted with the Act of Succession,
there was a deeper meaning in the whole — a meaning
sadly inconsistent with the loud assertions throughout
for the maintenance of the Protestant religion. The
person who was to be some day soon supreme " over
all persons and in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as
civil," was a "Papist."
We have seen already that the statutes of the Scots
THE TEST, 1681. S3S
Estates, especially when they touched large political
principles, were rather a declaration of the prevalent
opinion there, than measures deliberately designed for
permanent legislation. Nothing could be idler than
the words, giving permanence to the Act of Succes-
sion so that even subsequent Parliaments Avere to be
precluded from touching it. The incoherence of the
mixed tenor of the two Acts would probably have
remained only to occupy the attention of archseologi-
cal critics, had they not been associated with a design
to strike a new blow at the house of Argyle. It had
been one of Middleton's bold projects to extinguish the
power of the house by the execution of the heir pre-
sently after his father's death in 1661, and the legal
preparations were made for the purpose. But the
feeling created by the fate of the marquess, with other
symptoms, tended to show that such an act would be
unwise by creating too strong a feeling of uncertainty.
He was released from the Castle of Edinburgh on
Middleton's fall from power in 1663. The earldom
was restored, but not the marquisate. At the time of
the Pentland rising he offered to place a large force at
the disposal of the Government. It was the nature
of the house of Argyle, as the chief in the Highlands,
to aggrandise itself. Favoured by Government, or at
least on good terms with the sovereign, the local ter-
ritorial power of the earl increased somewhat by the
pressing out of smaller septs. At the point reached
by us he had perhaps more territorial power than his
father. He had not the same influence over the great
Presbyterian party as their patron and protector in
the early struggle ; but if troublesome and danger-
ous times were to come, his weight would tell heavily
536 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
in the balance. Then his estates and offices would be
valuable acquisitions ; and both the Government and
its official servants had acquired by recent events a
rapacious appetite for forfeitures.
The earl entered, both in the debates and other-
wise, on much critical examination of the Test and
Succession Acts. It was a discussion conducted with-
out hostility. As his views tended towards a special
interpretation of the test, it was desirable that they
should be put in writing. He did so in a paper which
scarcely makes the test itself any clearer, or lets us
into his own views about it any further than this,
that he is a sound Protestant and resolved to stand
by his religion. He used, however, some expressions
which served the intended purpose — as that he took
the test " so far as it is consistent with itself and the
Protestant religion." On this somewhat narrow foun-
dation, since no better could be found, he was indicted
for that useful offence of treason by " leasing-making."
He was poisoning the minds of the people against the
sovereign and the legislature by charging them with
the passing of inconsistent laws. After a long foren-
sic struggle he was found guilty and condemned to be
executed. He was not very strictly guarded, since,
if his estates were secured, it was well to avoid the
scandal of taking his life. He escaped from the
Castle of Edinburgh, and found refuge in Holland
with many other men of eminence, whose discussions
and arrangements there were destined to influence the
future.
The Eyehouse and Assassination plots of 1683,
with theii- mixed-up intricacies, belong to the history
of England, and call for no further consideration
FERGUSSON THE PLOTTER, 1683-84. 537
here than a casual notice of some of their inciden-
tal ramifications which reached Scotland. A general
feeling of insecurity to liberty and property, among
those who were not in danger of life, increased after
the condemnation of Aigyle. It was seen that the
test was instrmnental for reaching any one who would
not be abjectly servile, and who had property to lose.
Among this class a project was nourished for a gen-
eral emigration to America. A contract was made
with the proprietors of land in Carolina.^ The affair
went on opeidy, and received the sanction of the
Government; but it came to ruin by an unfortunate
contact with the plots. An active person in the
organisation of the new settlement — ^indeed the per-
son who appears t-o have taken the entire organisa-
tion of it — was a certain Eobert Fergosson, known in
history as Fergusson the plotter. He was a Scotsman
by birth, and his ostensible profession was that of a
clergyman of the English Independent community.
In official documents he is called "chaplain to the
Earl of Shaftsbury." At that time he had an olios
name — ^Roberts — ^to serve him in the twofold business
in which he was engaged. He had many journeys
between England and Scotiand, ostensibly about the
Carolina affair. Zachary Boxme, one of the accom-
plices who gave information about the Eyehouse Plot,
but was not concerned in the Assassination Plot,
noticed that the company attending Fergosson in his
office in London — ^Highlanders, sailors, and foreigners
of various nations — could scarcely be accounted for
either by the Carolina affair or the Eyehouse Plot.
In fact, Fergusson was the real demon of the Assas-
1 Wodiow, iii 369.
538 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
sination Plot. He laid out the place and plan for
the murder of the roj^al brothers. He consecrated a
blunderljuss for the purpose, and, as a clergyman, had
a sermon ready to be preached on the occasion of the
happy deliverance. He was on one of his journeys to
Scotland when all was discovered. In Edinburgh he
found posted up a notice of a reward of £.500 for his
apprehension, and a minute account of his appearance,
as " a tall man — dark-brown hair — a great Komau
nose — thin-jawed — heat in his face — speaks in the
Scotch tone — a sharp piercing eye — stoops a little."
He had been often pursued by the ministers of the
law, and had a wonderful faculty for escape and con-
cealment. On the present occasion he excelled all
his former feats of this kind. He had some hold on
the officer in charge of tlie prison of Edinburgh — the
old Heart of Mid-Lothian — so he went and paid a visit
there, as a place not likely to be searched for criminals
at large. Suspicion so far touched some Scotsmen,
from their intercourse with Eergusson, that they were
put to the torture ; and we are told that " worse tor-
tures were prepared for Eergusson if he could be found."-^
The persons tortured were, Spence, a follower of
Argyle ; Carstairs, afterwards the eminent Principal
of the University of Glasgow ; and Gordon of Earl-
ston, who had arranged with Eergusson a meeting
never held.^ Little information was added in Scot-
land to that obtained in England. It was known
that Argyle was in league with the chief leaders of
the Opposition in England, and a key Avas obtained to
^ Dalrymple's Memoirs, i. 99.
° The infoi'inatioii about Eergusson will be found chiefly in the eightli
volume of the Scots Acts, App., p. ,32 ; and in Somers's Tracts, viii. 188.
FERGUSSON THE PLOTTER, 1683-84. 539
a cipher used by liim. But it has stood to the credit
of the sagacity and fortitude of the persons tortured,
especially Carstairs, that they could have bought in-
demnity by the revelation of deeper secrets than the
Government had suspicion of, connected with the
intercourse between British refusjees and the Prince
of Orans^e.^
Chiefly on the foundation of having done business
with Fergusson, the G-overnment attacked some con-
siderable men in Scotland. It has been said — and
the whole of the conditions attending on the prosecu-
tions tend to show — that their object was to draw sym-
pathy to the royal brothers as the destined victims of
a widespread assassination plot, and so to overwhelm
the political question about the succession of the Duke
of York. Campbell of Cessnock was the first great
object of attack. It was desirable that he should be
a victim on account of his connection with Argyle.
His conviction, in fact, would record the earl's own
guilt, but he was acquitted. Baillie of Jerviswood
was pursued with more determination. He was an
old man, much revered by his countrymen for his
domestic and public virtues. He was no doubt in
some measure in the secrets of the English Opposition,
and their views about the succession of the Duke of
York. The common feeling, however, about his trial
ending in a conviction, was, that while it would have
required evidence peculiarly full and sure to convict
such a man of a bloody conspiracy, this was done on
' Burnet is the chief authority about the torturing, and in judging
what he says we must remember that lie was himself concerned in these
aflfairs. He sjieaks of the thumbkins as an invention for the occasion,
but it was an instrument in common use in countries better acquainted
than Scotland was with methods of torture,
540 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
evidence weak aud questionable. He was publicly exe-
cuted— an act producing a strong sympathy inimical to
content with the Government as it was then, and as it
was likely to be, in the hands of the heir to the throne.
We have now to turn to a fierce w^ar between
the " Society men " and the Government. These
men — otherwise spoken of as " Sanquharians," and
known to later times as " C'amcronians " — under
the title of an " Apologetical Declaration," issued a
proclamation of their views and intentions. They
begin with a reference to the other documents,
sufficiently informing the world how they have de-
clared war against Charles Stewart and his " accom-
plices." They say they "utterly detest and abhor
that hellish principle of killing all who differ in judg-
ment and persuasion" from them. Yet in a long
circumstantial list they enumerate certain enemies to
their cause — " such as bloody militiamen, malicious
troopers, soldiers, and dragoons ; likewise such gentle-
men and commons who through wickedness and ill-
will ride and run with the foresaid persons to lay
search for us, or who deliver any of us into their
hands, to the spilling of our blood, by enticing morally,
or stirring up enemies to the taking away of our lives ;
such as designedly and purposely advise, counsel, and
encourage them to proceed against us to our utter
extirpation, by informing against us wickedly, will-
ingly, and wittingly, such as viperous and malicious
bishops and curates." As to these, with a host of
other enemies less distinctly named, " We say all and
every one of such shall be rej^uted by us enemies to
God and the Covenanted work of reformation, and
punished as such according to our power and the
THE APOLOGETIC DECLARATION, 1684. 541
degrees of their offences — chiefly if they shall con-
tinue, after the publication of this our declaration,
obstinately and habitually with malice to proceed
against us." They are not to punish any one " with-
out previous deliberation, common or competent con-
sent, with certain probation by sufficient witnesses,
the guilty person's confession, or the notoriousness of
the deeds themselves." ^
Among the many official persons, lay and clerical,
who had helped to enforce the laws against the
recusants, few could fall into the hands of the suf-
fering remnant without finding themselves in danger,
for all these precautions — nor was there much to
assure them in a solemn admonition in these terms :
1 It may be satisfactory to tlie reader at this point of our story to have
a brief analysis of the various divisions and subdivisions among the
comiolicated groups of persons to whom he has been introduced during
the past iifty years.
The original quarrel was between Covenanters and Episcopalians-
called otherwise Cavaliers, and, after the manner of the primitive
Christians in naming their persecvitors, Malignants.
The "Engagement" of 1647, to assist the king and the march into
England, told off the Engagers, leaving the Nonengagers, otherwise
called Abhorrers.
The " Act of Classes," under Argjde's Government in 1 650, secluded
from power all the Engagers, with some other persons, all being divided
into classes according to the extent of their iniquities. The parties
among the Covenanters were now Argyleites and Classites.
Tlie "Resolution" to acknowledge Charles II. made Eesolutioners,
and Remonstrants or Protesters.
In the earlier part of Charles II.'s reign the Presbyterians were
divided into the Indulged and the Covenanters of the original Cove-
nant, who were again subdivided into Eesolutioners and Protesters.
By the " Sanquhar Declaration," a party of the Protesters withdrew
under a new covenant, and were called Sanquharians, Cameronians,
Society men, Hill men, Mountain men, and Wild Westland Whigs.
There was throughout a sprinkling of Independents, called by
Baillie Hyper-Brownites, but they were not compact enough to make a
party.
542 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
" We are sorry at our very hearts that any of you
should choose such courses, either with bloody Docg
to shed our blood, or with the flattering Ziphites to
inform persecutors where we are to be found — so we
say again, we desii-e you to take warning of the hazaixl
that ye incur by following such courses ; for sinless
necessity for self-preservation, accompanied with holy
zeal for Christ's reigning in our land, and suppressing
of profanity, will move us not to let you pass un-
punished." After much more matter of the same kind,
we come to this conclusion : " Thus having declared
our deliberate, lawful, and necessary purpose concern-
ing this matter, in order to the publication of the same,
we do hereby statute and ordain, that upon the 8th day
of November, copies of this our declaration be afHxed
upon a sufficient and competent number of the pub-
lic market- crosses of the respective burghs, and of
the patent doors of the respective kirks, within this
kingdom." ^
There was in the terms of this document certainly
an excuse for retaliation from those threatened by it,
supposing retaliation to be the proper method of deal-
ing Avith it. The Privy Council asked an opinion
from the Court of Session on the essential part of it — ■
of " a late proclamation, in so far as it declares war
against his sacred majesty, and asserts that it is law-
ful to kill all those who are employed by his majesty."
The end of a discussion on the matter in the Privy
Council was brief and distinct : " The lords of his
majesty's Privy Council do hereby ordain any person
who owns or will not disown the late treasonable de-
claration upon oath, whether they have arms or not,
1 Wodrow, iv. 148, 149.
THE KILLING TIME, 1683-88. 543
to be immediately put to death ; this being always
done in presence of two witnesses, and the person or
persons having commission from the Councd to that
effect." 1
This was an order for military execution without
trial; and we are told that " commissions" to act under
it were carelessly issued to subordinate officers in the
army, and even to common soldiers.
There was another alternative of a rapid form of
trial and execution. A form of oath was prepared,
by which the jurant " did abhor and renounce " the
threats contained in " the pretended declaration of
war lately affixed at several parish churches ; " and a
commission was issued applicable to a limited district
in the south-western part of Scotland, who were to
indict those who refused to take this oath, called
the abjuration oath, and to "call fifteen men as a
i'ary, and let them judge them, and instantly exercise
the sentence of death on such as do so refuse to dis-
own, or to answer to the questions before the said
jury."
Here were two kinds of power — the one military,
the other judicial — both liable to great abuse. And
whether abused or not, they were of such a nature
that if rumours or accusations of their being excessively
abused should find currency they could not be contra-
dicted. There are charges of slaughter under these
powers, extensive in generality, while the importance
attributed to the known instances is apt to create a
doubt whether the sweej^ing charges are justified.
There stand forth two instances such as lawyers
might call " leading cases." The one is that of John
' "Wodrow, iv. 1 55.
544 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
Brown of Priestfiekl, "the Christian carrier;" the
other, that of " the Wigtown martyrs." Brown's story
is told by Patrick Walker, and afterwards by WodroAV,
each decorating it witli his own impressive and pic-
turesque incidents. Of these the chief is, that as the
musketeer ordered to fire on him showed reluctance in
obeying, CLaverhouse himself shot him with a pistol.
We have the account of the affair by Claverhouse
himself. It seems to be natural, as a practical exem-
plification of the orders of the Council, and to be, on
the whole, as bad a business as Walker and Wodrow
make it.
Claverhouse thus reported the afi^air to the Duke of
Queensberry, the Treasurer : " On Friday last, among
the hills betwixt Douglas and the Ploughlands, we
pursued two fellows a great way through the mosses,
and in end seized them. They had no arms about
them, and denied they had any. Being asked if they
would take the abjuration, the eldest of the two, called
John Brown, refused it ; nor would he swear not to
rise in arms against the king, but said he knew no king.
Upon which, and there being found bullets and match
in his house, and treasonable papers, I caused shoot
him dead, which he sufl^ered very unconcernedly." ^
At this time we find Claverhouse and the clergy
of the west transacting business together of a kind
scarcely appropriate either to a chivalrous soldier or
an earnest priesthood. Claverhouse himself reports
to the Privy Council the change he had created in
a district where he found the rebels presumptuous
' Napier's Life and Times of John Graham of Claverhouse, i. 14L
There is surely both candour to the world, and faith in the cause of his
adoption, when the champion of Claverhouse's reputation gives promi-
nence to this admission.
THE KILLING TIME, 1683-88. S45
and comfortable, and the churches deserted : " The
first work he did was to provide magazines of corn
and straw in every part of the country, that he might
with convenience go with the whole party wherever
the king's service required ; and running from one
place to another, nobody could know where to surprise
him. And in the mean time quartered on the rebels,
and endeavoured to destroy them by eating up their
provisions ; but that they quickly perceived the de-
sign, and sowed their corns on untilled ground. After
which he fell in search of the rebels, played them
hotly with parties, so that there were several taken —
many fled the country, and all were dung from their
haunts ; and then rifled so their houses, ruined their
goods, and imprisoned their servants, that their wives
and children were brought to starving, which forced
them to have recourse to the safe-conduct, and made
them glad to renounce their principles, declare Both-
Avell Bridge an unlawful rebellion, swear never to rise
in arms against the king, his heirs, and successors," &c.
He next reported how he " had assisted the dona-
tors to take possession of their estates, and forced
the tenants to take tacks of the king or his donators
in all the forfeited estates." The donators were the
persons to whom the estates forfeited for some one or
other of the shapes of penal nonconformity had been
gifted ; and the duty done by Claverhouse was to
adjust, with military rapidity and precision, the rela-
tions between tenant and landlord in the property
that had changed hands.
One of his instructions was to compel the people
to attend the parish church ; and to encourage, as he
says, those he appealed to, he "told them that the
VOL. VII. - ^
546 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
king had no design to ruin tliem, nor yet to enricli
himself, but only was positively resolved to bring
them to conformity ; and if there were severe things
done, they might blame themselves." There Avas to
be an indemnity to those " not guilty of reset and
communing with rebels or intercommuned persons, or
of field conventicles, or insulting the regular clergy," if
they " would go to church." He found, however, that
it would be expedient to include even those who had
been guilty of conventicalism, if " they would go to
church ; " but the difficulty was to know if they did go.
So we find in his report to the Privy Council, that " it
could not be known in most parts who Avere absent.
Whereupon he ordered the collectors of every parish
to bring in exact rolls upon oath and attested by the
minister ; and caused read them every Sunday after
the first sermon, and mark the absents, who were
severely punished if obstinate. And whercA^er he
heard of a parish that Avas considerably behind, he
went thither on Saturday, having acquainted them
to meet, and assured them he Avould be present at
sermon, and whoever was absent on Sunday was
punished on Monday." ^
The laAV of the abjuration oath, with its punish-
ment, applied to women as Avell as men ; and that two
women were punished Avith death for refusing to
accept it, is a fact which has been proclaimed to the
present times with controversial loudness. There
were several methods of executing the punishment of
death in Scotland. Breaking on the wheel was one,
^ Letters to George, Earl of Aberdeen (Spalding Cluli), p. 107, headed
" Claverhonse being called before the Committee of Council, gave this
account of the affairs of Galloway."
THE KILLING TIME, 1683-88. S47
but not a common form. Strangling in the manner
of the bowstring was more usual. But there were
two forms that, for reasons which no doubt could
have been given by the authors of the practice, were
especially appropriate to women — drowning and burn-
ing. In the year 1624, eleven gipsy women were sen-
tenced to be drowned in the North Loch of Edinburgh,
in the hollow now covered by the verdure of the Princes
Street Gardens. Two women were sentenced to death
— Margaret M'Lauchlan, advanced in age, and Mar-
garet Wilson, said to have been a girl of eighteen ;
and the sentence was executed at Wigtown, on the 11th
of May 1685, by drowning. It was natural that in
the mai-tyrology of the Covenant this affair should
not only be remembered, but that it should be appro-
priately adorned. The place where such a sentence
could be effected was the water of the Solway, cele-
brated for its rapid tides. The method of execution,
according to tradition, was the tying to stakes within
high-water mark, and leaving the victims until the
tide rose over them. The old woman, it was said,
was placed so as to suffer before her companion, in
order that she, the younger, might be impressed or
terrified into compliance ; and the pious converse re-
corded as passing between them, with the singing of
psalms, and other rhetorical decorations of such scenes,
seem to have suggested a doubt of the truth of the
whole story.
The other method of execution was perhaps more
revolting, but it was less cruel. The executioner held
the victim's head under water until life was speedily
extinguished. In this instance it would appear that
the story about the tide was not without some foun-
548 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
elation, and that the execution had been done in the
narrow channel of the Bladenoch when the tide was
rushing through it, so that the people of the district
stood close by on the bank exhorting the poor crea-
tures to accept the oath and live.
The trial of these women was in proper form — by
commissioners of justiciary with a jury. One of the
jurymen, a magistrate of Wigtown, afterwards, as a
condition of admission to Church privileges, had to
declare to the session " the grief of his heart that
he should have sitten in the assize of these women
Avho were sentenced to die." The real significance of
such an event is in the fact that those who sat on the
commission of justiciary were not properly respon-
sible judges, but the bitter enemies of those on whom
they professed to administer justice. It included
Grierson of Lagg, a very Herod, according to the
Covenanting traditions, among the persecutors of the
faithful. Another was the sheriff, David Graham,
the brother of Claverhouse. They were all men pre-
pared to wreak their vengeance on their hated enemies
as far as the law would permit them. The affair was
thus a memorable example of the prevailing spirit of
the times. It was not so much that the Government
with its own hand acted the executioner, as that it
let loose the spirit of hatred and tyranny in the
districts where it grew out of local conflict.
There is evidence that in this instance the higher
authorities saw something dangerously odious in the
novelty and peculiarity of the case, and that there
was a design to interpose in it — hence the long con-
troversy it bred. There is on record a minute of the
Privy Council reprieving the execution, with in-
struction to " interpose with his most sacred majesty
THE KILLING TIME, 1683-88. 549
for a royal remission." But it is equally certain
that the women were put to death. There seems to
have been blundering on the part of the higher
authorities, who had too much work of the kind before
them to give it all very full and serious attention.
The inference is, that the ministers of vengeance,
having the power to execute the sentence, did execute
it. And if in this they might possibly have been liable
to question, the Government of the day was not one
to press them hard.^
1 Hence tlie end of controversy is to bring us back to Wotlrow's con-
clusion, who says that the recommendation for a remission should have
been dealt with as a virtual pardon ; so that " the people of Wigtown are
deejily guilty, and had no powers for what they did ; and the death of
these persons was what the Council ought to have prosecuted them for "
(iv. 249). Those who undertake to bring scattered and conflicting
events mthin the focus of history, are infinitely indebted to the warriors
in such controversial conflicts as the late war on " the Wigtown martyrs "
has been. It has often been said, How many doubts might be settled if
we could get the matter put into the form of a lawsuit, with able counsel
on both sides ! This is exactly what has been done ; and the public has
given its verdict in favour of the author of ' History vindicated in the
Case of the Wigtown Martyrs,' by the Rev. Archibald Stewart, minister
of Glassertoii. Second edition, 1869.
It seemed unnecessary to bring up any other name in this controversy
— and in fact the author had handed both text and note to the printer
when he encountered the following announcement in the literary
advertisements : —
" History rescued, in answer to ' History vindicated ; ' being a Re-
capitulation of ' the Case for the Crown,' and the Reviewer's Review,
in re the Wigtown Martyrs, by Mark Napier. Et vi et scepe cadendo."
Of course this had to be read before final correction, that it might be
seen whether it contained any new and unexpected discovery. But the
two hundred and seventy additional pages revealed no other discovery
save a remarkable instance of that well-known frailty of heroic natures
which deprives them of the capacity of knowing that they are beaten.
Like other works from the same pen, this is very readable matter as
a piece of literary mosaic, and it is not least exhilarating when it is
farthest off from the year 1685 and the county of Wigtown.
The structure of the work affords vestiges of a design of a truly vast
550 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
It must always be remembered that these ferocities
of defiance and infliction were limited to the small
corner in the south-western part of Sr(_^tland, where
the Cameronians, as they are most easily called, pre-
vailed. There was not much sympathy with these
sufferers in. other parts of the country. Looking
through the mismanagements of the period for the
causes of the coming Eevolution, less will be found in
these cruel inflictions on the western zealots, than in
a project for extracting money from certain men of
substance throughout the country. They were called
" fugitives," as being persons who were liable to punish-
ment under some one or other of the multitudinous
penal laws then at work. They were a selected body
of about two thousand. The position in which each
of them was put was, that if he would frankly confess
his oifence and pay a stipulated fine, he would thence-
forth be as exempt from all prosecution for the offence
he had compounded for, as if he had received a remis-
sion under the great seal.^
and earnest character — an exhaustive examination of the literature of the
day for the purpose of founding on the negative testimony of all parts of
it where the Wigtown affair might have been referred to, hut is not. A
faith in this kind of evidence rests on an amiable peculiarity in the
author, which he will be unable to communicate to the less susceptible.
It magnifies the horror of the act, as one that must have resounded
trumpet-tongued all over the world. The more callous reader of the
liistories of the period, however, becomes accustomed to outrages and
horrors ; and if it is made clear that certain persons are sentenced to
death, it will be but a natural sequel that the sentence was executed.
Nor will it be easy to show people why such a sentence was passed, if it
can be proved as it is said of "these two obscure and insignificant women,
whom no human being from the highest to the lowest desired to injure,
far less to immolate, and whom the Government of Scotland were desir-
ous to spare the necessity of executing."
' There is a list in Wodrow, iv. 13, of those to whom this fa-\'Oiir was
ex tended.
ACCESSION OF KING JAMES, 1685. 551
It was amid such a political atmosphere of cloud
and storm that the reign of Charles II. had come to an
end in February 168.5. People who were not too seri-
ously concerned with present exigencies to indulge in
sentiment, reflected sadly on the mad rejoicings that
had inaugurated the Restoration. When it was known
that his brother had quietly taken his place, and
James ^^11. was proclaimed at the cross of Edinburgh,
the prospect scarcely brightened. In Scotland one
great party looked to a continuation of oppression ;
another had to fear a possible retribution. The few
members of the old Church, who had hitherto crept
about in danger and depression, could now openly
walk the streets and look men in the face. There
were some who believed, like the fanatics at the
opposite end of the religious gradations of the day,
that the hand of the Most High would visibly inter-
pose to restore all things as they had been two hun-
dred years before ; but those who looked to the natural
course of political cause and effect, could only rejoice
with trembling-. But the new reign was not to remain
undisturbed ; before the end of April there was the
apprehension of a great civil war, and in May the
news came that it had begun both in England and
Scotland.
Perhaps the person chiefly instrumental in raising
Monmouth's rebellion was that unworthy Scot we
have already met with — Fergusson the plotter. It
was he who had started and supported the idea that
Monmouth was a legitimate son of Charles II. One
day in the summer of 1680 a pamphlet was published
in London and greedily read. It was called ' A Let-
ter to a Person of Honour concerning the Black Box.'
552 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
This box contained papers which it was the object of
some to destroy, while it should be the object of the
nation to recover them. They contained the evidence
of the marriage of the king to Lucy ^^^alters, the
mother of Monmouth. There was a circumstantial
account of the migrations of the box so far : it had
been in the custody of the Bishop of Winchester ; his
son-in-law, Sir Gilbert Gerard, was known to have had
it, but somehow it had disappeared. This pamphlet
was written by Fergusson, who followed it up with
another.'^ The idea took a hold on the public mind
of England so strong that nothing done at the time
could absolutely eradicate it. A popular novel, called
' The Perplexed Prince,' was founded on the tale ; and
Ave know how dangerous the belief had become in the
solemn declarations by the king and Council of Eng-
land circumstantially contradicting it. Fergusson was
the evil genius of Monmouth, attending him on his
expedition and goading him on. He wrote all the
proclamations and other papers connected with the
unhappy insurrection ; and it was said that he had
secured as his reward, that when the true King James
was on the throne of the State, Robert Fergusson was
to be on the throne of the Church as Archbishop of
Canterbury. The insurrection, ending in the battle of
Sedgemoor, belongs to English history, and has been
told by the first historian of our day. It was accom-
panied by an expedition to Scotland more fortunate
in a briefer career and less bloodshed.
The Earl of Argyle naturally enough came to the
conclusion that the rule of the Stewart dynasty was
' ' A Letter to a Person of Honour concerning the King's disowning
his having been naarried to the Duke of Monmoutla's Mother.'
INSURRECTION, 168$. 553
incompatible with the existence of his house. In
HoUand there was a considerable group of Scots
refugees, who held earnest consultation when the
news came of the king's death. They had so far
made preparation that they had spent ten thousand
pounds on arms, and had made, as the historian of
the affair says, a good investment of the money.
Argyle's own Highlanders were armed already, so that
their stores would supply the Lowland allies. Of
these, great things were expected of the " Mountain
men" or " Hill men," a name applied to the Cameron-
ians ; but there never came an opportunity for their
concurrence, and we may be certain that it would not
have been given without strong obligations to stand
by all their peculiar tenets. There is an indistinct-
ness as to the positive object of this expedition — as to
what was to be done with the G-overnment when King-
James was driven out of it. Argyle does not appear
to have acknowledged the supremacy of Monmouth.
They had much consultation together, but it was not
as king and subject; and Argyle was said to be jealous
of the elevated position claimed for the duke by his
supporters. We have, from one who took part in
the affair, that Argyle had spoken with more reserve
about his preparations and intentions than his follow-
ers approved : —
" This discourse, with some tart expressions which
he had upon the Duke of Monmouth, importing great,
and, as we understood, groundless jealousies of him,
or aversion from meddling with him, or having him
concerned in the business, put us to second thoughts ;
yet then we only told him that we would consider
farther of matters, and try the Duke of Monmouth's
554 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION".
incliQations and temper. The next occasion •we had
soon after of treating with the duke, we went over
all had been before discoursed with him ; and find-
ing him firmlv resolved as before, I asked him in
what character he intended to join and act. He
answered, — as a Protestant and Englishman, for the
Protestant religion and liberties of the nations, against
the Duke of York, usurper of the royal dignity, and
his assisters, oppressors of the people in all three
nations in their religion, consciences, rights, and
liberties. I urofed further if he considered himself as
lawful son of King Charles last deceased. He said
he did. I asked if he was able to make out and
prove the marriage of his mother to the King Charles,
and he intended to lay claim to the crown. He
answered, he had been able lately to prove the mar-
riage; and it" some p»ersons are not lately dead, of
which he would inform himself, he would yet be able
to prove it. As for his claiming the crown, he in-
tended not to do it unless it were advised to be done
by those who should concern themselves and join for
the delivery of the nations. ^
Evidently the earl was, like his father, no soldier.
He spoke of the five thousand men to be raised on his
own dominions, and vaguely of some other ten thou-
sand to come together indiscriminately. But when he
touched with his three vessels, fii-st at Ida and then
at Campbeltown, there was no spontaneous assem-
blage of his people to his standard. Even in the
gathering of Highlanders round their natural leader,
there was a form and method. They were brought
together in groups by people of intermediate rank,
^ Sir Patrick Hume's XanatiTe in Eose"s ' Observations,' 12, 13.
:::>
tLeir proper eoloDels and caj*tain=. '-"f thtse meii a
jndieicais seizure s-eeia^ to haTe been ma«ie by tie
Gnovanmeui- and tbe rival clan of Attole had been
sent to Inveraiy, and vjread ot^t the amoimding
district. At Yjhsi^xig ttere was an old T.:.wex. Some
moxmi? were nm np r»>imd it, and fcniaed I-t cannon
frcan the ships. There the eari deposled tiie stor^
on which ererytMnv depended. He left tieie a small
ganison ; but they yielded the j<lsce. stores and alL
to two Engiisi frioates^
After taTTTiCT spent fire weeks in the Hioilands ~ to
no purpos-e," a; .Six Patrick Hume ^ys^ they pa^ed by
Dimibarton into Lanarkshire, exf»eeting tLe people to
rise. At one time tiere appear to have been some eight
htmdred men nnder the eari s cxanmand, but tie nranber
deaeased to five hnndred. As coiisideiable bodies of
troops urere at hand, Argyle was persnaded to find ids
w^ay back to Ms own country, where he eonld defend
himself He CT(>:sed the Oyde, bnt was pursued, and
taken ere he reached his own country. He was con-
reyed to Edinburoi, and executed without trial under
his old sentence. This ^ras ^d to be a politic device
of the Lord Advocate, Sir George Mackenzie, to isvoja
tiie house of Argyle, while he could not preserve its
esistino^ head. The condemnation on the test was so
palpablv- unjust that it might be revoked by a fiiendly
administration — a condemnation on a trial for rebellion
could not be so easily removed.^
His comj>anion. Sir Patrick Hume of Polwarth,
escaped. The story of his concealment and the de-
votion of his femily. though often told, wfll bear
repetition, as a type of the miseries and dangers to
» Wtwffg Dtra^das, L 163.
556 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
which people of rank and condition were subjected
in those fluctuating times. The story is told by his
granddaughter, and her mother is the heroine of it :
" Her father thought it necessary to keep concealed ;
and soon found he had too 2'ood reason for so doing,
parties being continually sent out in search of him,
and often to his own house, to the terror of all in
it, though not from any fear for his safety, whom
they imagined at a great distance from home ; for
no soul knew where he was but my grandmother
and my mother, except one man, a carpenter, called
Jamie Winter, who used to work in the house, and
lived a mile off, on whose fidelity they thought they
could depend, and were not deceived. The frequent
examinations and oaths put to servants, in order to
make discoveries, were so strict they durst not run
the risk of trusting any of them. By the assistance
of this man they got a bed and bed-clothes carried in
the night to the burying-place, a vault under ground
at Polwarth church, a mile from the house, where he
was concealed a month, and had only for light an
open slit at one end, through which nobody could see
what was below. She went every night by herself,
at midnight, to carry him victuals and drink, and
stayed Avith him as long as she could to get home
before day. In all this time my grandfather showed
the same constant composure and cheerfulness of mind
that he continued to possess to his death, which was
at the age of eighty-four ; all which good qualities
she inherited from him in a high degree. Often did
they laugh heartily, in that doleful habitation, at dif-
ferent accidents that happened. She at that time had
a terror for a churchyard, especially in the dark, as
INSURRECTION, 1685. 557
is not uncommon at her age, by idle nursery stories ;
but when engaged by concern for her father, she
stumbled over the graves every night alone without
fear of any kind entering her thoughts but for soldiers
and parties in search of him, which the least noise or
motion of a leaf put her in terror for. The minister's
house was near the church. The first night she went,
his dogs kept such a barking as put her in the utmost
fear of a discovery. My grandmother sent for the
minister next day, and upon pretence of a mad dog,
got him to hang all his dogs. There was also diffi-
culty of getting victuals to carry him without the
servants suspecting. The only way it was done was
by stealing it off her plate at dinner into her lap.
j\Iany a diverting story she has told about this, and
other things of the like nature. Her father liked
sheep's head ; and while the children were eating
their broth, she had conveyed most of one into her
lap. A^Tien her brother Sandy (the late Lord March-
mont) had done, he looked up with astonishment,
and said, 'Mother, will ye look at Grisell ? while we
have been eating our broth she has ate up the
whole sheep's head ! ' This occasioned so much mirth
amongst them, that her father at night was greatly
entertained by it, and desired Sandy might have a
share of the next. I need not multiply stories of this
kind, of which I know many. His great comfort
and constant entertainment (for he had no light to
read by) was repeating Buchanan's Psalms, which
he had by heart from beginning to end, and retained
them to his dying day. Two years before he died,
which was in the year 1724, I was witness to his
desirinc my mother to take up that book, which
5S8 IIOUSI', OF Sll'.WARI- -J'O Till'. KlCVOl.UTION.
;iiu(iiil;kI- dlJicrs iil\v;i.\s lay ii])nii liin lalilc, and hid
Iht try if lu^ luid (ornoi. lii.s psaliiiH, \)\ iiaiiiiiiijf any
one slic would liasT liim repeal- and liy easlini^' her
(')•(' (i\('r it; she woidd know iC he was rinliL, (h(Hi<;li
she did iKil- understand it ; and he missed not a, wurd
in any ])la.ce she named l.o him, and sa,id the)' had
lieen the ^reai coml'orl- of his lil'e, liy ni^hl. and day,
on all occasions."-'
W'e ar(' now close, to the end. I\in<;- -himes seeniH
to lia\'e thoui;lit thai- he. mieiit e.onlinne tl\e allacks
on the ( 'oN'cnaiiters, while he. ohtained l.oh'ration, and
in tlio end supi'c.nia.cy, for his own (Hnircli. lie found,
however, tha.t, f'o)' iJus time. a.L h'a.sl., he. inusl. ta.ke.
the i'ana,tic,s aJong with them, if lie woidd I'cscne his
own peoph' IVoin the. ])enal la,vvH.
'I'he. I<]sta.tes met in April. ''hey i'e-enacte(| the
Tcjst. '^I'lH'y ])a,sse<l also, in stern hrief t(!rms, a.n Act
a.e'a.inst conventicles: " 'i1ia,t aJI such, a.s shall here-
a('t(;r prea.ch a,t su(ih Fa.na.tica.l house or- 11(^1(1 (^onven-
ti(;l(;s, a,s a.lso such a,s sha.ll he present as hearers a.t
field conventicles, shall !«'. puinslie.d hy death jind
(•oiifiscatam of t.lieir <;f)0(ls." '"^ Ihit there I'lrnanred a
momcrrtoirs (jue.stiorr — Would this I'ailia.ment comply
with a known (hjsire of the hinc;, aird repeal the peiral
laws a.gairrst Papists ?
'J'he kirif^ maile a |)a.th(!tic a.ddress to t,he, Msta.teH,
desiririf^ fa,voiir- for' the ]>eople of his own (ihiir'clr:
"We <-a.riTrot he urrmindful of other our innocent
subjects, those of the liorna-Tr (ia.tholic i-eli<riorr, who
have, with the ha.za,rd of Ijieir lives and fortnneH,
' McTiKiirK (>r (icoij^'c liuillii! ol' .li;rviHWO0(l lUiil Uic. liiiily (IriHidI
liaillii^, Ijy Ijiuly Miirriiy, ]i. :;r>^:',<J.
'' Ai-.t. I'url., viii. 4(;\.
INDULGENCES AND PERSECUTION, 16S5-S8. 559
been always assistant to tlie Crc^vn in the ^vars of
rebellions and usurpations, tliongh tliey lay under
discouragements hardly to be named. These we do
heartily recommend to your care, to the end that, as
they have given good experience of their true loj'alty
and peaceable behaviour, so, hj your assistance, the}-
may have the protection of our la^\-s, and that security
under our Government which others of our subjects
have, not suffering them to lie under obligations
which their relioion cannot admit of, — bv doino-
whereof you will gi-s-e a demonstration of the duty
and affection you have for us, and do us most accept-
able ser^dce. This love we expect you will show to
your brethren, as we are an indulgent father to you
all." 1
A bill was prepared, and after some difficulty was
accepted by the Lords of the Articles. It protested
against Popery in the abstract, but provided that those
" who are of the Eomish communion shall be imder the
protection of his majesty's Government and laws ; and
shall not, for the exercise of theii- religion in private —
all public worship being hereby expressly excluded —
be under the danger of sang^.^inary and other punish-
ments contained in any laws or Acts of Parliament."^
The pulse of Parliament was felt on this project, and
found to be unsatisfactory. If there Avere a few in
high places who might be aUm'ed by the prospect of
favour at Court, the lesser barons were not favourable
to the measure, and the burgesses were stubbornly
opposed to it.
The kino- seems to have met this defeat with the
stolid indifference or fatalism peculiar to his nature.
' Act. Pari., viii. oSO. - "SVodrovr, iv. 066.
56o HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
He had another, and perhaps to his mind a more
pleasant, alternative in the Prerogative. In September
the Council received an order to embody the terms of
the bill in an Act of their own as adopted by the king
in Council. Even here, though official changes had
been made to help the new policy, there were demurs
and difficulties. There was questioning with some if
they could concur with the Chancellor in calling the
king's letter a " legal " authority for the suspension of
the penal laws, and it was changed to the term " suf-
ficient authority." In their whole dealing with the
matter, the king thought he saw a lack of that loyal
zeal expected by him from men whom he counted not
the State's servants but his own.^
The suspicious public had an immediate opportu-
nity of seeing what was to grow in the space left
vacant by the removal of the penal laws. The king's
message to the Council contained instructions to fit up
the Chapel of Holyrood for the services of his own
religion. The citizens of Edinburgh, too, saw the
palace frequented by strangers in such ecclesiastical
vestments as had not been visible in Scotland for more;
than a hundred years. It seems to have been an
after-thought, whether of the king himself or his ad-
visers, that it might be well to include others in the
immunities conferred on those of his own Church.
More than one unsuccessful effort was made to widen
the indulgence. But a test or some obligation offen-
sive to the Presbyterian conscience still held fast the
door for their entrance. It was not until three im-
perfect indulgences had been issued, that, so late as
May in 1G88, a fourth, full and effective to the moder-
' Fountaiiili.'iU's Historical Notices, 751.
INDULGENCES AND PERSECUTION, 16S5-8S. 561
ate rrcsbytei-ians, was granted. It seemed tn hv. ex-
trat^ted by fcirce, like the ransom to which the captive
assents when he feels the pressure on his throat.
But far more momentous than all the vest was the
c(tnstitutional phraseology used in the Indulgences.
The king spoke " by our sovereign authority, preroga-
tive ro}'al, and absolute power, which all our subjects
are to observe without reserve."^ Freedom granted
on such terms sounded like the broad farces wdiere
the tipsy Irishman declaims on the virtue of sobriety,
and the High Church squire di'uounces profanity in
a thundering oath. \\'hy use, esj>ecially for this occa-
sion, expressions unknown in any other State docu-
ment belonoiuo- to Scotland ? It was said, and not
without some aspect of probability, that the king was
treacherously used by those who had the duty of
drawing his instructions.
Now at last arose in all their full proportions in the
eyes of the people the two spectres that had long-
haunted the political mind of Scotland — Popery and
Arbitrarj^ power. Since the union of the crowns, the
royal prerogati^'e, save when shaken by the great civil
war, had been daily growing in streugth, and now it
was openly declared to be such as a despotic king-
wielded in unhappy France. AMnit of Popery had
been apprehended in Laud's day was by moderate
people counted its mere foppery, but here it was real.
The king, who claimed the prerogati^-es of a despot,
was as thoroughly the vassal of Eome as Philip II.
or Marv Tudor had been. The imminence of the
real danger is best seen by contrast with the futility
of later occasions of terror. It was not that those
' Kennet, iii. 448, 449.
VOL. vn. ^ >>'
S62 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
who SO chose might abandon the right of private judg-
ment, or even that all mio'ht be told how it was
their duty to abandon that right into the hands of its
legitimate custodiers. But the right of private judg-
ment was to be extinguished. The attempt, at least,
was to be made ; and what such a process would be-
come, among a people stubborn as the Scots, their his-
tory tells us.
An item of distinctness to the prospect was afforded
by the visible effect of the Eevocation of the Edict of
Nantes, an act of the Government of Louis XIA^.,
four years old when the Revolution was accomplished.
The Revocation passed a fine colony into England. It
was felt in Scotland, where the refugees, though few,
were objects of a special interest as martyrs to that
faith and form of worship which the Scots Presbyte-
rians had taken from the French Huguenots. They
had a settlement in Edinburgh, Avhicli was known after-
wards as Little Picardy, from the province whence
came the bulk of the refu^ees.^
This was the second great event in the history of
France influencing materially that of her old ally, not
in sympathy, but in reaction. We have seen how the
Massacre of St BartholomcAV contributed to the ruin
of Queen Mary and the settlement of the Reformation
policy ; and here the dispersal of the Protestant
communities settled under the policy of Henry IV.
had its influence on the Revolution Settlement.
In fact already there was an exodus of sufferers;
^ " To the north-west of the said Greenside is a large edifice denomin-
ated Little Picardy, erected bj' the Edtnburghers for the habitation of a
number of French families, who carry on a cambric manufactory therein."
■ — Maitland's History of Edinburgh, 215. Hence the name of the hand-
some street known as " Picardy Place."
INDULGENCES AND PERSECUTION, 1685-88. 563
but they were not all destined to seek a precarious
or a toilsome subsistence from the cold hands of the
stranger, like the poor Huguenots. Among them were
those who made a sort of Privy Council for the Prince
of Orange, then reflecting deeply on the path that
seemed opening to his ambition. Among these were
Patrick Hume of Polwarth; Gilbert Elliot of Minto,
afterwards one of King William's judges; Sir James
Stewart, who served him as Lord Advocate ; Baillie
of Jerviswood, the son of the martyr ; Eobert Car-
stairs, who afterwards ruled the Church of Scotland ;
and Gilbert Burnet, the most conspicuous of all, but
not the most valuable as a sage and secret counsellor.
That they were to be classed with Papists even in
an act of liberality and mercy, was a heavy scandal to
the zealous. This was in some measure aggravated
by special association with another and smaller body
— not so much an object of dread, but thoroughly an
object of aversion. These were the members of the
Society of Friends, then, as now, called Quakers. The
final indulgence contained a clause " indemnifying fully
and freely all Quakers for their meetings and wor-
ships." There was no restriction here to those who
qualified for indulgence, and were officially admitted
to its benefits — the grace applied to all. There was
a current belief at the time that the Quakers were in
league with the friends of Popery, and the conduct of
Penn and other affairs in England gave strength to
the belief. They were a community who drew their
special vitality from persecution, and they had been
for some years so harassed as to give them an import-
ance which seems to have declined after the indul-
gence and the Eevolution. The earliest penal statute
564 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
affecting religion in the reign of niiiu'los II. was aimed
at this body ; but the riovernment did not, either in
striking or sparing, fulfil the wlioh'Sonie promise thus
begun. In lfJ(J3 an Act of Conneii was passed to
drive them out of Edinl)urgh, where they hold nicct-
ings and "seduce many to follow after mischievous
practices." Wodrow's comment on this is, that "h;id
this good act been prosecute with the .same vigoui- as
those against Presbyterians W('re, we might in this land
have been freed from that dangerous sect ; " but " any-
thing that was done was so little j^rosccute thnt they
spread terribly during this reign." ^ '^'^'^^J themselves
were naturally of opinion that they had too much
instead of too little jiersecution. No blood seems to
have been spilt among them ; but of imprisonments,
fines, and contumelies they found enough to make a
martyi'ology of their own. It has been refreshed
within the last twenty years, and carries even into
this generation one of the legitimate features of the
older martyrologists — the judgment that overtakes the
reviler and persecutor of the just.^
1 Sufferings, i. 377.
^ See ' Diary of Alexander .Jaffray, Provost of Aberdeen,' ' with Me-
moirs of the Rise, Progress, and Persecutions of the People called Quakers
in the North of Scotland,' hy John Barclay. Aberdeen, 18.56.
" But as they did not fail to admire that providential Goodness
through whose hand every blessing flows towards His children, so could
they do no less than notice the remarkable interjjosition of the same
overruling power in another direction — either by unexpectedly baffling
the designs of the persecutors, or by weakening their hands in various
respects ; sometimes even constraining them to penitence, at other
times in an awful manner cutting short the lives of those that still pro-
ceeded in their wickedness. Several instances are on record of this
description, some as regards the persecuting preachers and magistrates
of the day. Among others, .James Skene, who was generally known by
the name of Wliite James, to distinguish him from a very abusive and
wicked man of the same name called Black Ja.mes, took great delight
INDULGENCES AND PERSECUTION, 1685-88. 565
It was only in places where Malignancy prevailed
that the Covenanters met with contumely ; but it
haunted the Quakers everywhere, and was courted by
those external signs of their creed which that creed
required them to exhibit. Their ordinary reception by
the rabble almost everywhere is described in these few
words : " Whenever any of this persuasion appeared
among them, they were received by the populace with
stoning and beating in the streets, pulling by the
hair, and other lawless abuses, which the magistrates,
instead of reproving, too often countenanced." ^ George
Fox in his Journal tells of repeated visits to Scotland,
and rude treatment there, but certainly not ruder than
in inventing malicious slanders against Friends. On one occasion,
whilst he was repeating some wcked verses, which he composed on
purpose to defame a worthy and innocent person, he was in that instant
suddenly struck down as one dead, and was for some time deprived of
his senses. When he recovered, he acknowledged the just judgment of
God upon him, confessed the offence he had committed against this in-
nocent people, and gave proof of repentance by abstaining from such
practices. — Alexander Gordon, professedly a minister of the Gospel, pro-
cured the imprisonment of George Keith for preaching the truth in the
graveyard at Old Deer, and caused him, with another Friend, to be
kept all night in a very filthy dungeon, called the Thieves' Hole, where
there was no window either for light or air : he was immediately after
cut off by death in a sudden and surprising manner. — Nor shoidd the
case of Robert Petrie, provost or mayor of Aberdeen, be altogether
omitted, who, at the furious instigations of his brother-in-law, John
Menzies, and the other stated preachers in Aberdeen, had been
very violent against Friends, often breaking up their meetings, and
causing them to be roughly dragged away to jirison. This same magis-
trate, some years after, on account of some public transactions in the
Convention of Buroughs, in which he thought himself altogether in-
nocent, was ordered to be imprisoned at Edinburgh, fined in a thousand
pounds, and declared incapable of public oflice ; but further — he was
conveyed to Aberdeen, the scene of his most unmerciful conduct, and
there affronted by being himself imprisoned in the very same place
where he so often had had the persons of his worthy fellow-citizens
cruelly detained."— P. 236, 237.
' Memoirs, &c., 202.
566 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
he met hi his own country. The temptation to go
back on these incidents is, that at no earlier point do
the affairs of the Quakers come so prominently up on
the surface of events ; but it is necessary to look to
the more serious national interests concerned in the
Indulgence, and the adoption of it in a prerogative act
of dispensing power.
Meanwhile the law for punishing the conventiclers
Avith death was not idle. The declarations of in-
dulgence, indeed, specially denounced them in such
terms as these : " We have at the same time ex-
pressed our highest indignation against those enemies
to Christianity as well as Government and human
society, the field conventiclers, Avhom we recommend
to you to root out with all the severity of our laws,
and Avith the most rigorous prosecution of our forces,
it being equally our and our people's concern to be
rid of them." ^
Of the method in which the Indulgences were
received by the sterner among the fanatics the follow-
ing specimen may suffice : —
" Smooth words to cover the mischiefs of his former
destructions, and the wickedness of his future designs.
To which his former celebrated saying, that it \\'ould
never be well till all the south side of Forth were made
a hunting-field, and his acts and actings designed to
verify it since his unhappy succession, do give the lie.
For immediately upon his mounting the throne, the
executions and acts prosecuting the persecution of the
poor wanderers were more cruel than ever.
"1. There were more butchered and slaughtered in the
fields, without all shadow of law, or trial, or sentence,
' WoJrow, iv. 417.
INDULGENCES AND PERSECUTION, 1685-88. 567
than in all the former tyrant's reign ; who were mur-
dered without time given to deliberate upon death, or
space to conclude their prayers ; but either in the in-
stant when they were praying shooting them to death,
or surprising them in their caves, and murdering them
there without any grant of prayer at all; yea, many of
them murdered without taking notice of anything to
be laid against them, according to the worst of their
own laws, but slain and cut off without any pity,
Avhen they were found at their labour in the field or
travelling upon the road. And such as were prisoners
were condemned for refusing to take the oath of
abjuration and to own the authority, and surprised
with their execution, not knowing certainly the time
when it should be — yea, left in suspense whether it
should be or not, as if it had been on design to destroy
both their souls and bodies. Yea., Queensberrie had
the impudence to express his desire of it ; when some
went to solicit him, being then commissioner, for a
reprieval in favours of some of them, he told them
they should not have time to prepare for heaven- — hell
was too good for them.
" 2. There have been more banished to foreign plan-
tations in this man's time than in the others. Within
these two years several sliipfuls of honest and con-
scientious sufferers have been sent to Jamaica (to
which before they were sent some had their ears cut).
New Jersey, and Barbadoes, in such crowds and num-
bers that many have died in transportation." ^
Of the whole dreary period of twenty-eight years
now approaching its conclusion, we have hardly any
better picture than in such wailings by sufferers or
1 Hind let loose, 200, 201.
568 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
sympathisers. The title-pages of this kind of con-
temporary literature are in themselves a testimony
how deeply the iron had entered into the soul
of those who were the recorders of the passing
tragedies.^ The " Killing Time," as these writers in
' For instance : —
' Jus Populi Vindicatum; or, The People's Right to defend themselves
and their Covenanted Religion vindicated. Wherein the Act of Defence
and Vindication, which was interprised anno 1666, is particularly justi-
fied. The Lawfulnesse of private Persons defending their Lives, Lihertyes,
and Religion against manifest Oppression, Tyranny, and Violence,
exerced by Magistrats Supream and Inferiour, contrare to Solemne
Vowes, Covenants, Promises, Declarations, Professions, Subscriptions,
and Solemne Engadgments, is demonstrated by many Arguments. Being
a full Reply to the First Part of the Survey of Naphtaly, &c. By a Friend
to true Christian Liberty. 1669.'
' The Poor Man's Cup of Cold Water ministered to the Saints and
Sufferers for Christ in Scotland who are amidst the Scorching Flames of
the Fiery Trial. 1678.'
' An Informatory Vindication of a poor, wasted, misrepresented
Remnant of the suffering anti-Popish, anti-Prelatic, anti-Erastian, anti-
Sectarian, true Presbyterian Church of Christ in Scotland, united to-
gether in a General Correspondence.'
' A Hind let loose ; or. An Historical Representation of the Testi-
monies of the Church of Scotland for the Interest of Christ, with the
true State thereof in all its Periods : together with a Vindication of
the present Testimonie against the Popish, Prelatical, and Malignant
Enemies of that Church, as it is now stated for the Prerogatives of
Christ, Priviledges of the Church, and Liberties of Mankind, and sealed
by the Sufferings of a reproached Remnant of Presbyterians there,
witnessing against the Corruptions of the Time ; wherein several
Controversies of greatest Consequence are encjuired into, and in some
measure cleared, concerning hearing of the Curats, owning of the
present Tyrannie, taking of ensnaring Oaths and Bonds, frequenting of
Field Meetings, Defensive Resistence of tyrannical Violence, with several
other subordinate Questions useful for these Times. By a Lover of
true Liberty. 1 687.'
' A Cloud of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives of Jesus Christ ; or.
The last Speeches and Testimonies of those who have suffered for the
Truth in Scotland since the year 1680. Together with an Appendix,
containing the Queensferry Paper ; Torwood Examination ; A Relation
concerning Mr R. Cameron, Mr D. Cargill, and Mr H. Hall ; and an
Account of those who were killed without process of Law, and banished
INDULGENCES AND PERSECUTION, 1685-88. 569
stern brevity called it, was not calculated to attract
inquirers of a calm and critical nature ; and, on the
other side, it could always be said, and to some effect,
that the martyrology of the Covenant was the exag-
gerated work of frantic fanatics. Alexander Shields,
to Foreign Lands : with a short View of some of the Oppressive Exac-
tions. 1714.'
' Samson's Riddle ; or, A Bunch of Bitter Wormwood, bringing forth a
Bundle of Sweet-smelling Mj'rrh. The First is made up of the sharpe
Sufferings of the Lord's Church in Scotland by the hands of barbarous
and bloody Persecutors, evident by the exact Copies of the Inditements,
Sentences, Executions, and disposing of their Members who were exe-
cuted, to be sett up in the Publick Places of that Land ; together with
the Porfaultries and Gifts of there Estates to others, extracted out of
their own Registers, and here inserted. The Second of the savorie
Testimonies of those Sufferers who witnessed a good Confession, patiently
enduring through the sight of an invisible God sigmally supporting
them, as appeareth both by there Letters and written Testimonies di-
rected to and left with their Freinds, to be published to the AVorld, as
it is here performed.'
' A true and faithful Relation of the Sufferings of the Reverend and
Learned Mr Alexander Shields, Minister of the Gospel, written with
his own hand. Containing an Account of his Examinations and Im-
prisonment at London ; his being sent down to Scotland ; his Examina-
tions before the Privy Council, Justiciary, Lords of the Articles, &c. ;
his Disputations with the Bishops and others : with large and pertinent
Observations and Reflections upon all the material Passages of these
Trials, Examinations, and Disputations. Together with a large and
elaborate Defence of the Doctrine of Resistance, or defensive Arms, of
the Apologetical Declaration, and other Heads of Suffering ; as likewise
a clear and full Confutation of the Oath of Abjuration. 1715.'
'EIIArQNISMOI ; or. Earnest Contendings for the Faith. Being the
Answers written to Mr Robert Fleming's First and Second Paper of
Proposals for Union with the Indulged ; the First Paper printed anno
1681. In which Answers, more sound and solid Proposals for a safe
and lasting Union are offered, and a solemn Appeal thereanent made.
Whereunto some of the Author's Letters relative to the Sins and Duties
of the Day are annexed. By that faithful Servant of Jesus Christ, Mr
Robert M'Ward, some time Minister of the Gospel in Glasgow. 1723.'
' Naphtali ; or, A true and short Deduction of the AVrestlings of
the Church of Scotland for the Kingdom of Christ, from the beginning
of the Reformation of Religion unto the year 1667. Together with
the last Speeches and Testimonies of some who have died for the Truth
S70 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
the author of the ' Hind let loose,' had been him-
self a sufferer. He was ready to abjure the regicide
doctrines of Renwick and his folluwers ; but his con-
science would not permit him to seal his abjuration
since the year 1660. AVhereunto also are subjoined a Relation of the
Sufferings and Death of Mr Hugh M'Kail, and some Instances of the
Sufferings of Galloway and Nithisdale.'
' Faithful Contendings displayed,' the title of which is fully quoted
above, p. 529, note.
' Faithful AVitness-bearing exemplified; A Collection, containing — 1.
An Useful Case of Conscience, concerning Association with Idolaters,
Infidels, Heretics, Malignants, &c., by Mr Hugh Binning ; 2. A Solemn
Testimony against Toleration, and the prevailing Errors, Heresies, &c.,
by the Commissioners of the General Assembly, and by sundry Ministers
in the Provinces of Perth and Fife ; 3. The History of the Indulgence,
by Mr John Brown, some time Minister of the Gospel at Wampliray.
To which is prefixed a Preface concerning Association, Toleration, and
what is now called Liberty of Conscience.'
But the reader wlio desires to feast himself amply on the spirit and
literature of the period, will betake himself to the work so often cited in
these pages — Wodrow's ' History of the Sufferings of the Church of
Scotland from the Restoration to the LTnion.' It deals solelj' in the
part of Scottish history connected with religion for a period of twenty-
eight years, and it is longer than Gibbon's ' Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire.' There were many in his own day, and there still are
some, to whom the matter of his discourse can never be tedious. In the
peaceful days of his Church in Queen Anne's reign Wodrow was miiuster
of Eastwood, near Glasgow, then a Cjuiet forest district, but now noisy
with steam and machinery. The chief value of his work to the his-
torical inquirer is in its multitude of documents — some reprinted from
rare works, others taken from manuscript authorities. There may be
here and there inaccuracies in the rendering of these documents, but, on
the whole, they are deserving of reliance ; for Wodrow was one of those
firm believers in the righteousness of their own cause who are prepared
to proclaim rather than to conceal what some might deem its reproaches.
He took much from the recitals of the sufferers themselves, among whom
he had relations as well as ptersonal friends ; but the narratives thus
collected must often be mistrusted as those of a man credulous and pre-
judiced. He was a believer in nearly all the current superstitions of
his age. Besides his groat work and his biographical collections, he left
behind him, though unconsciously, something still more interesting to
the curious. This was his note-book of private experiences. It was
intended, evidently, merely for the refreshing of his own memory; and
he thought, like Samuel Pepys, that he could entirely conceal from a
INDULGENCES AND PERSECUTION, 1685-88. 571
With an oatli, and lie was among those committed to
the State prison of the Bass.
In what he says about removals to the plantations,
this author touches an indefinite, but certainly a fruit-
ful, source of wrong and misery. On the produc-
tive lands of the more southerly of the British settle-
ments in the New World, there arose a demand for
labour not supplied from voluntary contribution, since
the climate was inimical to physical exertion. The
great African source of supply had not yet been
opened, and wherever man could lay hold on his
fellow, there was a temptation to convey so productive
a commodity to the new settlements. Not only were
"rogues and vagabonds" freely exported under au-
thority, but kidnapping was frequently practised in an
assurance of the difficulty of redress to the person who
had got into the hands of the planters, and was forci-
bly retained as an " apprentice." One redeeming
feature there seems to have been in this method of
persecution, that the Puritan settlers of New England
offered an asylum to those victims, who, like the
martyrs of the Covenant, were people after their own
heart.
Continuing the passage C[uoted from Shields's book,
he brings us to a group of sufferers whose fate stands
forth by itself — the prisoners of Dunnottar. While
some Avere transported, " many also died before in
their pinching prisons, so thronged that they had
neither room to lie nor sit. Particularly the barbarous
prying world some select passages by committing them to a cipher of
his own. The ' Analecta,' frequently consulted by the curious, in
manuscript, in the Advocates' Library, was printed for the Maitland
Club in four volumes quarto, of which it may be simply said that they
contain some of the most amusing reading in the English language.
5/2 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
usage of a great multitude of them that were sent to
Dunnottar Castle, when there was no room for them
in Edinburgh, is never to be forgotten ; which the
wildest and rudest of savages would have thought
shame of. They were all that long way made to
travel on foot, men and Avomen, and some of both
sexes very infirm and decrepit through age, and
several sick, guarded by bands of soldiers. And
then put into an old ruinous and rusty house, and
shut up under vaults above eighty in a room — men
and women — without air, without ease, and without
place either to lie or walk, and without any comfort
save what they had from heaven. "^
The removal of these people to the strong fortress
of Dunnottar was the effect of a panic in the Gov-
ernment. Disturbed and uncertain as to the effect
of Argyle's insurrection, they thought it jDrudent to
sweep away their numerous captives to this strong
fortress in the north. From its very strength and
extent it gave opportunity for fair treatment to the
prisoners ; but it cannot be doubted that they were
dealt with harshly and oppressively, since the Council
found it right to interpose in their behalf. They
received a petition from some women appealing on
behalf of their husbands, among the prisoners in Dun-
nottar, who " are in a most lamentable condition,
there being a hundred and ten of them in one vault
where there is little or no daylight at all, and, con-
trary to all modesty, men and women promiscuously
together, and forty - two more in another room." ^
They had been taken to Dunnottar early in May,
and before the end of July they were removed to Edin-
1 Hind let loose, 201. ' Wodrow, iv. 325.
INDULGENCES AND PERSECUTION, 1685-88. 573
burgh.1 In finally dealing with them, it would appear
that many of them were removed to the plantations.
It was so near to the hour of rescue as the 1 7th of
February 1688, that the last tragedy of " the Killing
Time" was witnessed on the streets of Edinburgh.
There was hot pursuit after Renwick, the head of
the Cameronians and the author of the Apologetic
Declaration. He was discovered hiding himself in
Edinburgh by some revenue officers in search of
smuggled goods, and taken after a stout resistance.
The acquisition was not propitious, and the Govern-
ment were little indebted to the perverse activity of
those who had done it this service. All inducements
were oftered him to spare his own life by some con-
cession ; but those who plied him Avith profiers
laboured in vain — the man was stubborn as fate in
courting martyrdom, and all the protestations to
which he yet adhered made him in a manner the
personal enemy of the king. According to the re-
port of his friends, he said upon the scafi"old : " I leave
my testimony against Popery, Prelacy, Erastianism ;
against all profanity, and everything contrary to sound
doctrine ; particularly against all usurpations and
encroachments made upon Christ's rights, the Prince
■■ The parish, churchyard of Dunnottar contains testimony to the
death of nine out of their number during tlieir brief imprisonment. A
tombstone contains the names of the nine, " who all died prisoners in
Dunnottar Castle, anno 1685, for their adherence to the Word of God
and Scotland's Covenanted work of reformation." It was in the act of re-
freshing this monument that Scott first alighted on his " Old Mortality."
The " Whio-s' vault " is or used to he pointed out to visitors. The
custodier of the ruins having a free choice, naturally selected for ex-
hibition that one among the many vaulted apartments which had the
best attributes of picturescpie horror. Of certain narrow clefts in the
wall he assured his audience that the hands of the victims were fastened
into them with pegs.
574 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
of the kings of tlie earth, who alone must bear the
glory of ruling His own kingdom, the Church ; and
particularly against the absolute power assumed by
this usurper, that belongs to no mortal, but is the
incommunicable prerogative of Jehovah, and against
this toleration flowing from this absolute power." ^
His testimony was continued by Alexander Shields,
who had escaped from his prison in the Bass. He
had consented to abjure the ultimate denunciations
of the king's title in the apologetical relation ; but
now persecution had hardened him, and he cast his
lot with the " Society men." We find him, along
with those who had thronged around him at a great
field-conventicle, hunted by Claverhouse's dragoons
just when the seven English bishops were offering
their testimony in the Tower.
When the last stumbling-block was removed, the
Presbyterian clergy and their flocks had no other
choice but to use the freedom given to them, and
worship in their own way. In the few months elaps-
ing between the final concession and the change of
Government, they showed conspicuously that in the
south at least they were the prevailing party. They
were gradually resolving themselves into their old
distribution of presbyteries and synods ; but they
were orderly, and abstained from expressive political
action. One who undertook to discover how far they
would stand by the monarch who had so befriended
them, reported " that they owned God had made the
king an instrument of showing them some favour;
but since they were convinced that what favour was
shown them was only with a design to ruin the Pro-
' Wodrow, iv. 454.
INDULGENCES AND PERSECUTION, 1685-88. 575
testant religion, they would meddle no more with
him, nor have any communion Avith any that be-
longed to him, especially since he employed in the
chief offices Papists, or persons Popishly inclined ; —
and so desired to be excused from giving any further
answer but that they would behave in this juncture
as God wou^ld inspire them." ^
There was at that period a conspicuous opening
towards promotion. This, of course, was the pro-
fession of the king's religion. As it was conspicuous,
so it was jealously watched by an inquisitive and
critical public. But broad as the gate was, few
entered it. Two men, by doing so, rendered them-
selves notorious and offensive. The one was Drum-
mond. Earl of Perth, the Lord Chancellor ; the
other, Sir Robert Sibbald, eminent for his services
in archgeology and natural history. Sibbald was the
other's parasite, and felt the slavery of the observ-
ances exacted from him so sorely that he soon threw
off the yoke. On the other hand, it is satisfactory
to record that the Chancellor vindicated his memory
from treachery and selfishness by leading the life of
a fanatic in genuine devotion to his adopted Church.
In the limited Parliamentary work of this reign a
measure was passed carrying after it a long train of
evil influences. It established the strict system of
entail peculiar to Scotland ; and it was a device to
meet, so far as the law of private rights could, the
influence of those forfeitures for political ofi"ences
which were ruining so many families, and uprooting
the aristocracy of the country in detail.
The passages already cited will show the temper in
1 Balcarres's Account of the Affairs of Scotland, 14.
576 HOUSE OF STEWART TO THE REVOLUTION.
which the Cameronians received the tolerant policy of
the Court ; and in fact, both by them and the more
zealous Covenanters, who had not drawn off c|uite so
far, the freedom allowed to them was viewed rather
with fear than exultation. The Episcopalian party
were in little less tribulation, the bishops and other
endowed clergy looking to the alternative of apostasy
or imprisonment. At a juncture of extreme excite-
ment and anxiety, when Scotland had no government
strong enough to act on any emergency, the only
symptom of danger was a riot by the Edinburgh mob,
in which a few lives were lost, and the Chapel-Royal,
with its offensive decorations, was wrecked. So mat-
ters stood as Scotland watched the great events in
England following on the landing of the Prince of
Orange. How the country co-operated with England
in the construction of the Revolution Settlement is
told elsewhere.
INDEX.
Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, at the
deathbed of Queen Ajine, vi. 169^his
account of the execution of Sprot, 212
et seq. — letter from James VI. on the
divine-right question, 227 — remonstrates
ag-ainst the alienation of the lands of
Ai-broath Abbey, 247.
AbhotSj titular, retained by the early
Church, V. 312.
Aberbrothock or Arbroath Abbey, its do-
mains conveyed to the Hamiltons, vi. 246.
Abercom Castle, captured by James II.,
iii. 144.
Aberdeen, bishopric of, founded by David
I., ii. 62 — early mention of, as a burgh,
173 — taken by Bruce, 370 — General
Assembly called by the High party at,
vi. 232 — General Assembly of 1616 at,
281 — the stronghold of the Cavalier
party, 512 — commission sent by the
Covenanters to, vii. 24 — ^declaration by
the clergy against the Covenant, 25 —
occupied by Montrose, 29 — and again,
41 — occupied by the Cavaliers, 43 — and
again by the Covenanters, 47 — proceed-
ings of Monro against the Royalists, 130
—captured by Montrose, 187 — Gordon's
picture of, 363.
Aberdeen Breviary, the, vi. 270.
Aberdeen Doctors, their declaration against
the Covenant, vii. 25 — the king's ap-
proval of it, 26, note.
Aberdeen University, date of its founda-
tion, iv. 109^ — modelled on that of Paris,
113.
Abernethy, once the Pictish capital, ii.
123— the round tower at, 190— the Ab-
bey of, lay appropriation of its endow-
ments, 13, note.
Abjuration, Act of, 1662, the, vii. 433.
Abjuration oath, the, vii. 543.
Aboyne, the Marquess of, murdered at
Frendraught, vi. 517 et seq.
Aboyne, Lord, heads the Gordons after liis
father's seizure, vii. 34, 36— forces as-
signed him from those under Hamilton,
37 — occupies Aberdeen, 43.
Absolute power, claim of James II. to, vii,
561.
Absolution, views of Calvin regarding it,
V. 66.
Achaius, King of the Scots, i. 328.
Achir na Kyle, burgh at, i. 101.
VOL. VII.
Acre, capture of, by Earl David of Hun-
tingdon, ii. 214, note.
'^Act of Classes" of 1649, the, vii. 245.
'^Action of redaction," what, vi. 361.
" Action" sermon, origin of the term, v. 75.
Ada, sister of William the Lion, claim of
her descendants to the crown, ii. 214.
Adamnan, see St Adamuan.
Adamson, Archbishop of St Andrews, on
the bishops, v. 320 — a member of tho
Parliament of 1582, 451 — proceedings
of the Presbyterian party against him,
477— sermon before the king on occa-
sion of Queen Mary's death, vi. 26- his
fall, 68 — his recantation, 69.
Adrian IV., subjugationof the Irish Church
b}', i. 256.
Advocates, secession of, in 1678, vii. 476.
MnesLS Sylvius (Pius II.), anecdote of, iii.
35, note — account of coal in Scotland
from, iv. 157— his account of the coun-
try, 158.
Agricola, his invasion of Scotland, i. 1 et
seq. — the Forth and Clyde chosen as his
boundary, 4 — his invasion of the terri-
tory north of this, 6^the battle of the
Mons Grampius, 7^his recall, 9.
Agriculture, state of, before the gi-eat war,
ii. 194.
Aidan, King of Dalriada, i. 319 — freed
from tribute to Ireland, 321.
Aidan, St, his mission to Northumbria,
and foundation of Lindisfarne, i. 333.
See St Aidan.
Ailred of Kievaulx, the Chronicle of, iv.
122 — account of the invasion of England
and battle of the Standard by, ii. 54.
Airds Moss, the defeat of the Covenanters
at, vii. 529.
Airlie Castle, the burning of, vii. 132.
Alava, Spanish ambassador in Finance,
communications from, regarding mar-
riage between Don Carlos and Queen
Mary, iv. 253.
Albania, the Scottish Dali-iada so called,
i. 215.
Albany, the Duke of, brother of Robert
III., Jii. 75 — his inactivity against the
English, 80 — the plot against the Duke
of Rothesay, and his death, 85— becomes
governor of the kingdom, 86 — army col-
lected by him to aid Percy against
Henry IV., 87 — supports a supposed
2 0
57S
INDEX.
Richard II., SS^suspected of collusion
in the capture of James I., 90^regent
after the death of Robert III., 91— mar-
tyrdom of Reseby under him, 92 — war-
fare on the Borders, 93 — the battle of
Harlaw, 100 — founrlation of University
of St Andrews, and his death, 103 — his
character, 10-4 et seq.
Albany, the Dukeof, brother of James ITT.,
iii. 175 — imprisonment at Edinburgh,
and escape, 177— the process of forfeiture
against him, ib. — alliance with England,
&c., 178 — reconciled to his brother, his
treason, and flight to England, 186^ — the
Michael sold to France by him, 238— his
position in France, 254 — arrival in Scot-
land as regent, 256 — his character, &c.,
ib.- — hostilities with Angus, 259^exe-
cution of Lord Home, and his return to
France, 261 — measures for government,
&c,, in his absence, 262 — arranges treaty
with France, 265 — efforts to bring him
back to Scotland, 267 — his return and
unpopularity, 268 — his expulsion de-
manded by Henry VIII., 269 — answer
of the Estates to this, 270— army col-
lected under him, 272— its movement to
the Border, 27^ — and failure, 274— his
return to France, 275— again in Scotland
with French auxiliaries, 278^force as-
sembled under him, -i^^.— repulsed before
Werk, and dispersion of his force, 281^
his final departure, 282 et seq.
Albinus, his overthrow by Severus, i. 36.
Alcluyd or Dumbarton, see Dumbarton.
Alcuin or Dumbarton, the capital of
Strathclyde, ii. 128.
Alexander I., accession and reign of,
i. 422 — formation of bishopric of St
Andrews by, ii. 33, 35 — measures re-
garding it, 35 et seq. — his efforts for the
Catholic revival of the Church, 40 —
founds the Monastery of Inchcolm, 41.
Alexander II., his accession, and war with
John of England, ii. 77— treaty with
Henry III., and lands assigned him in
England, 78~troubles in the north, 81
— alleged arrangement by him as to the
succession of Bruce, 84 — invasion of
England, 89— treaty of Newcastle, 90 —
his death, 91~law regarding theft umler,
145— statute of, as showing the germ of
Parliament, 163.
Alexander HI., accession of, ii. 92 — his
coronation at Scone, 93 — his marriage
to Margaret of Er)gland, 97 — govern-
ment during his minority, 98 — the in-
vasion of King Haco, and its defeat, 105
et seq. — cession of the Hebrides, &c., to
him, 110 — marriage of his daughter to
the Prince of Norway, ib. — adjustment
of Church matters, ib. — birth of a son,
114 — forged entry of alleged homage to
England, 115 — death of his children,
and dangers thence arising, 116 — his
second marriage and death, 117.
Alexander, sonof Alexanderlll,, his birth,
ii. 114— his death, 116.
Alexander, Prince, brother of James V.,
liis death, iii. 268.
Alexander, brother of King Robert, the
*'Wolf of Badenoch," iii. 97 el seq. — de-
stroys Elgin Cathedral, &c., 98.
Alexander of Isla, co-operates with the
Irish rebels, iii. 339.
AlGxander,SirWiiliam,seeStirling, Earlof.
Alexander III., Pope, interferes on behalf
of the Scots Church, ii. 74 — his death,
76.
Alfnrd, battle of, vii. 192.
Alfred, the vessels built by him to combat
the Danes, i. 347 — laws, &c., attributed
to, ii. 135.
Alfrid, Prince, i. 299.
Allan of Galloway, becomes High Con-
stable, ii. 82 — descent of Baliol from, 215.
Allan or Fitz Allan, the family name of
the Stewards, iii. 44.
Allectus, usurpation of the empire in Brit-
tain by, i. 39.
AUexius, Papal legate, ii. 75.
Alnwick, capture of "William the Lion at,
ii. 67.
Altachoylachan or Glenlivet, the battle of,
vi. 64,
Alva, the Duke of, his conference with
Catherine at Bayonne, iv. 291 et seq. — on
the policy of Scotland as a member of
the league, 294.
Amber, ancient ornaments of, i. 130.
Amboglanna, supposed modern name of,
i. 17, note.
Ambrosius, a traditional British prince, i.
174.
America, the French colonies in, vi. 343.
Ammianus MarceJlinus, notices of the
Scots and Picts by, i. 43.
Amphibalus, traditional Bishop of the
Isles, ii. 3.
Amunilesham, Walter de, ii. 223.
Amville, the Marshal d', accompanies
Queen Mary to Scotland, iv. 168 — an
admirer of the queen, 237.
Analysis, true province of, i. 121, note.
Ancrum, battle of, iii. 437 — effect of it on
Henry Vin., 441.
Anderson, Patrick, censorship of poems
by, v. 52.
Aneurin, the Welsh bard, i. 177, 180.
Angles, name of, to whom applied, ii.
127.
Anglo-Saxons, the, their establishment in
Britain, i. 181— their barbarism as com-
pared with the Irish Celts, 332 — their
migrations into Scotland on the Con-
quest, 405.
Angus, rise of the house of, and their hos-
tility to the elder branch, iii. 145.
Angus, the Earl of {'' Bell-the-Cat"), defeat
of the elder Douglases by, iii, 145— and
again, 149 — wounded before Roxburgh
Castle, 152 — heads the affair at Lauder
bridge, 184 et seq. — secret treaty with
Henry VII., 198.
Angus, the Earl of, married to Queen
Margaret, iii. 253— feud with Albany,
INDEX.
579
and his escape to England, 259 — efforts
of, for supremacy, ^t>5— defeat of the
Hamiltons, 266 — seizes Edinburg-h, ib.
— takes refuge in France, 275 — hatred
of the queen and policy of Wolsey re-
garding him, 291 — divorced from Queen
Margaret, 316— returns to Scotland, 317
— gets possession of the king, 318 —
escape of the latter, and his struggle
with Arran, &c., 319^his defence of
Tantallon, 320 and note— animosity of
the king to him, and his flight to Eng-
land, 321 — takes part in Northumber-
land's raid, 338 — execution of his sister,
Lady Glammis, 355 — restored to Scot-
land, and his forfeiture reversed, 377
— obligations under which he came to
Henry VIII., ih. — difficulty in deal-
ing with his vassals in support of
King Henry, 378 — relations of Henry
Vlli. with him, and efforts to bring
him to terms, 412 — shelters Sadler
in Tantallon, 422— joins the national
party, 4:24:, 425 — views of King Henry
regarding him, 430 — his lands ravaged
by Hertford, 435 — repulsed by Evers
and Latour, 436— defeats them, 437 —
attempt of the queen-regent to get pos-
session of Tantallon from him, iv. 3—
Darnley's descent from him, 261.
Angus, the Earl of, at the Raid of Ruth-
ven, V. 448 — banished from Court, 484
— retires to England, 485— Melville's
character of him, 487 et seq. — one of the
signers of the Spanish blanks, vi. 60.
Angus, Kenneth, seized by James I., iii.
112.
Angus, Lord of the Isles, rebellion of, iii.
229.
Angus Oig, seizure of Dunivaig Castle by,
vi. 261, 262.
Anjou, the Duke of, proposed as husband
to Queen Mary, iv. 253, 255 ; vi. 4— the
negotiations for Elizabeth's marriage to
him, V. 338 — his accession as Henry III.,
339 — alleged project of marriage to
Queen Mary, 345.
Anna Trandson, claims Bothwell as her
husband in Denmark, iv. 456.
Anne of Denmark, marriage of James VI.
to, vi. 38 et seq. — birth of a son, 66 —
proceedings of the Presbyterian clergy
toward her, 76, 77— birth of a daughter,
76— sketch of her character, extracts
from her letters, &c., 168 et seq.
Anne, Queen of France, her appeal to
James IV., iii. 240.
Annesly's, the supper at, and band recom-
mending Bothwell as husband to the
queen, iv. 375.
Anointing as a part of coronation, on, ii.
95, 96— the absence of it alleged against
the Scots kings, 96.^
Anselm, Archbishop, i. 422.
Anstruther, Captain, during the massacre
of St Bartholomew, v. 332.
Anstruther, one of the Armada at, vi. 32.
Ansur, the, a burgh privilege, ii. 173.
Antoninus Pius, reconquest of Britain
under, i. 27 — the northern wall built by
him, ib. et seq. — the Itinerary of, 60.
Aodh or Hugh, King, i. 356.
Apocrypha, the, in Scotland, vi. 434 — use
of it in Laud's Service-book, 435.
Apostles' Creed, the, in the Book of Com-
mon Order, v. 67.
Appeals, decisions of, by the Lords Audi-
tors, iv. 99.
Applecross, settlement, &c., of St Mael-
rubha at, i. 284.
Arbroath, Lord, at the battle of Langside,
V. 113.
Arbroath, the Abbey of, founded by Wil-
liam the Lion, ii. 76 — its domains be-
stowed on the Marquess of Hamilton,
vi. 246.
Archteologists, failure of their attempts to
classify the stone, brouze, and iron ages,
i. 133, lUetseq.
Archbishop, earliest traces of one in Scot-
land, ii. 10.
Archbishopric of Glasgow, creation of,
iii. 201 — of St Andrews, its creation, 171.
Archery, the English, their defeat at Ban-
nockburn, ii. 383 — at Homildon Hill,
iii. 83.
Archibald, Earl of Angus ('^ Bell- the-Cat"),
see Angus.
Archibald, Earl of Douglas, afterwards
Duke of Touraine, iii. 130.
Architecture, early domestic, ii. 181 — its
state in Scotland from the great war t-y
the Reformation, iv. 141 et seq. — its pro-
gress from the Reformation, vii. 364.
Ardoch, the Roman camp at, i. 80 — its
supposed connection with the battle of
the Mons Grampius, 12.
Argyle, progress of family under James
IV., iii. 224.
Argyle, the Earl of, colleague with An-
gus, iii. 318 — measures for pacifying
the Highlands under James V., 330
et seq. — disgraced, 332— efforts of the
English Court to gain him, 333.
Argyle, the Earl of, his instructions
regarding the Cathedral of Dunkeld,
iv. 69, note — attempts to mediate
between the regent and the Refor-
mers, 72 — his predominance in the
west, 200— letter in Scots from Queen
Mary to him, 211 — Knox's interposition
between him and the coimtesa, 214 —
alleged conspiracy for seizure of the
queen, 276 — restored to favour, 322 —
the divorce of the queen proposed to
him, 332 — attends Mary to Seton after
Darnley's murder, 355 — one of the coun-
cillors who direct Both well's trial, 367
— acts as justiciar at it, 369 — named
one of the Council of Regency, 454 —
amnesty granted to, v. 15 — subjected
to ecclesiastical discipline, 53 — joins
Queen Mary after her escape, 106, 117,
note — commands at Langside, 113 —
hostile gathering under him, 223 —
proposed as regent after Lennox's
58o
INDEX.
deatli, 274 — his siibmission to the Gov-
ernment, 360 — ParliEimontary indemnity
to, 365 — quarrel with Morton regnrd-
ing' the Crown jewels, 415 — affair of
Alister MacCallum, and feud with
Atholo, ib. et seq. — heads the party
against Morton, 418 — a leader against
the Ruthvens, 466 — one of the jury on
Gowrie, 493 — employed against Huntly,
vi. 62 — his defeat, 63 — reconciliation
between him and Huntly, 137 — persecu-
tion of the MacGregors by, 293, 294—
his power, 309— adhesion with his High-
landers to the Covenant, 510.
Argyle, Archibald, Earl of, joins the Cov-
enanters, vi. 510, vii. 19 — force sent to
aid the Covenanters in Aberdeen, 31 —
accompanies the march to the Border,
5S— proceedings against the Royalists in
the west, 132 — his cruelties, 133, note
— indemnity to him, 133 — in the Parlia-
ment of 1641, 136 — created marquess,
137 — the feud between him and Mon-
trose, 144 — his supposed views on the
. throne, 145 — the alleged plot for his
murder, called the Incident, 146 et s&j.
— movements against Montrose, 187
— his territories invaded, and his flight,
189 — defeated at Inverlochy, 190 — com-
missioner to Westminster Assembly,
202--opposes the Engagement, 238 —
defeated in attj\ck on Stirling Castle,
244 — heads a new committee of Estates,
ih. — conferences with Cromwell, 245
— his account of the death of Mon-
trose, 260, note — coronation of Charles
II. by, 285— treaty with Cromwell, 302
— his trial and execution, 423 et seq.
Argyle, the younger, project for his de-
stiTiction, vii . 535— his position and
power, i7>.— arrested and condemned,
but escapes to Holland, 536 — the insur-
rection under him, and its suppression,
vii. 552 et seq. — his position regarding
Monmouth, 553— his arrest and execu-
tion, 555.
Argyle, Lady, present with the queen dur-
ing the murder of Rizzio, iv. 3(15, 306—
on the night of Darnley's murder, 343 —
subjected to ecclesiastical discipline, v.
53.
Argyle, the Countess of, Morton's efforts
to recover Crown jewels from her, v.
414.
Argyleshire, the sculptured stones of, i.
167 — spread of the Scots from Ireland
over, 212 — attempt of Alexander II. to
subjugate, ii. 91— and of the Scottish
kings, 104.
Aristocracy, their absorption of Church
property, vi. 359.
Aristocratic privilege, absence of, in Scot-
land, iv. 104, 105.
Arkinholm, defeat of the Douglases at,
iii. 145.
Aries, the Synod of, presence of British
bishops at, i. 40.
Arminius, the German leader, i. 339, 340.
Armour, iron, introduced by the Norse-
men, i. 346.
Armstrong, Andrew, indicted for riot at
Holyrood, iv. 228.
Aniistrongs, the, their power on the Bor-
ders, iii. 325— execution of their chiefs,
3-^7, 328 — its effect, 328 — their alien-
ation from James V., 335.
Arran, the Earl of, fleet under him, and
its failure, iii. 238 — as regent, 317 — dis-
placed by Angus, 318— appointed regent
on the death of James V., 375— his char-
acter, 376 — his reception of offer of the
Princess Elizabeth for his son, 382 et
^^i^.— his account to Sadler of the im-
prisonment, &c., of Beaton, 389— con-
firms the treaties with England, 399 —
joins the party of the cardinal, 400—
his general vacillation, 4(H — present at
deliberation on the English treaties, 416
— dismisses the English ambassador,
423 — joined by the Assured lords, 425 —
his son taken in St Andrews Castle by
the conspirators against Beaton, 469 —
his facility as regards the proposed mar-
riage of Queen Mary to his son, 486 —
deposed from the regency, 491— created
Duke of Chatelherault, 493 — negotia-
tions for alliance with England, iv. US-
abandons the Lords of the Congrega-
tion, 74 — ^the younger, his escape from
France, ii. ^represents Scotland in the
treaty of Berwick, 85~his position in
relation to the Crown, 237 — alleged at-
tempt to seize the queen, 238— recon-
ciliation with Bothwell, 239— plot be-
tween them against the queen, and his
insanity, 240— arraigned by the Parlia-
ment of 1569, v. 224.
Arran, the Earl of, his accession and
lunacy, v. 423.
Arran, Stewart, Earl of, his rise, v. 436
— his character, 437 — proceedings
against Morton, and fall of the latter,
438 et seq. — imprisoned on the Raid
of Ruthven, 448 — picture of him by
the conspirators, 449 — subjected to
ecclesiastical discipline, 476 — the true
head of the party against the Ruthvens,
481 — defeats their renewed attempts,
483 — appearance of Melville before him,
484 — final struggle with Ruthven, and
fall of the latter, 4SS et seq.~his supre-
macy at Court, i6.— his treachery to-
ward Gowrie, 490— one of the jury at
his trial, 493 ^conference with Lord
Hunsdon, 495 — his power and pre-
tensions, 500 — account of him by Davi-
son, 501 — plot against him, 502 — ac-
cused of conspiracy on the Border, 503
— banished from Court, ib. — measures
against Maxwell, 509, 510 — his fall and
flight, 511.
Arran, Earl of, see Boyd, Thomas.
Arran, the Countess of, her character, &c.,
v. 500, 501.
Arrow-heads, flint, beauty of their con-
struction, i. 136.
INDEX.
581
Arschot, the Duchess of, correKpondeDce
of Queen Mary with, regarding her
marriage, iv. 252.
Ai*t, works of, Roman, remains of, i. 55 -
its state down to the Keformation, iv.
141 e( 5f*7. —progress in Scotland from
the Reformation, vii. 362.
Arth, a friar, sermon against excommuni-
cation by, iv. 36.
Ai-tbur, Prince, married to Catherine of
Spain, and his death, iii. 216, 219.
Arthur's Oon or Oven, its history, &c., i.
61 et seq. Seat J Arthuriee, &c., origin
of the names, 177.
Arthurian legends, the, i. 174 — age to
which they belong, 175 — connection
with Scotland, 177-
Arundel, Lord, a member of the com-
mission on Queen Mary, v. 185.
Arundel, the Earl of, the conferences for
pacification of Berwick held in his tent,
vii. 65.
Arville, Nicholas d', topography of Scot-
land by, iii. 368 and note.
Asceticism, rigid, underSt Columba, i. 271.
Aser of the Norse mythology, their char-
acteristics, i. 240.
Asgard of the Norsemen, the, i. 236.
Assassination Plot, the, its inHuence on
Scotland, vii. 537.
Assembly of Divines, the, see Westminster.
Assizes of England, their origin, i. 393.
"Association" project, the, its history,
&c., V. 460 et seq,
*' Assured lords," the, iii. 377 — their
doubtful conduct as regards supporting
King Henry, 390— and as to the French
alliance, 392 — their doubtful conduct,
&c., 404 — Sadler's reports about them,
406 — their peculiar position, 407 et seq.
— they evade returning to England, 408
— treatment of their hostages by Henry,
410^their double-dealing, 424^oin the
national party, 425 — Henry's instruc-
tions regarding them, 427.
Assysthement, the law of, it. 143.
Aston, Sir Roger, vi. 17J.
Athelstane, alleged acknowledgment of
his supremacy by Scotland, i. 358 —
defeat of the Scots by, 360.
Athole family, their double connection
with England and Scotland, iii. 5.
Athole, the Lord of, murdered by the
Byssets, ii. 88.
Athole, the Earl of, executed by Edward
L,ii. 358.
Athole, the Earl of, a member of Edward
Baliol's Parliament, iii. 13 — his defeat
and death, 19.
Athole, the Earl of, the earldom of Strath-
earn transferred to, iii. 117— one of the
conspirators against James I., 118 —
executed with his gi'andson, 124.
Athole, Lord, a member of the Romanist
party, iv. 166— at Queen Mary's mar-
riage, 277— in Holyrood during the
murder of Rizzio, 307— named one of
the Council of Regency, 464 — accom-
panies Murray to Lochleven, v. 9—
meeting with Seton, Lethington, &c.,
against Murray, 230— feud "with Argyle,
and Morton's intervention, 415^oins
with Argyle against Morton, 418 — be-
comes Chancellor, 420— suspected poi-
soning of him, 422.
Athole, Lord, joins Glencairn for Charles
IL, vii. 325.
Athole, the Duke of, and the Glen Tilt
case, ii. 157, 158.
Attacotti, the, named as a Scottish race, i.
44 — the Scots in Scotland so called, 214.
Aubign^, the Lord of, afterwards Duke of
Lennox, his arrival in Scotland, v. 426.
See Lennox.
Auchendoun, the Laird of, defeats of the
Forbeses by him, v. 305.
Auchincloich, Roman remains near, i. QQj
note.
Auchy or Achaius, King of the Scots, i. 328.
Auldearn, battle of, vii. 191.
Aumale, the Duke of, accompanies Queeu
Mary to Scotland, iv. 168.
Ausonius, reference to the Druidsby, i. 225.
Authorities, early local, ii. 130 et seq.
Ayr, its charter, ii. 172 — Brereton's sketch
of, vii. 372.
Ayrshire, the Highland host in, vii. 470, 471-
Aytoun, Sir Robert, his poems, vii. 340 —
the architect of Heriot's Hospital, 366.
Bacon, Lord, his speech in favour of the
Union project, vi. 201 — and on the caso
of the ijostnati, 208, 209.
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, a member of the com-
mission on Queen Mary, v. 185.
Bagimond's Roll, its origin and history, ii.
IW et seq.
Bailey, Charles, a secret emissary of Les-
lie's, V. 349.
Baillie, General, sent against Montrose,
vii. 191 — his defeat at Alford, 192 — and
at Kilsyth, 193.
Baillie, Rev. R., on the introduction of
Laud's Liturgy, vi. 417, note — on the
Service-book, 441 — his account of the
Bishop of Brechin and the Service-book,
450— of the Bishop of Galloway, 468—
of the crimes charged against the bishops,
vii. 21 et seq. — of the march to the Bor-
der, 56, 58, 59— and of the camp on
Dunse Law, 62 — of the king's demeanour
at the conference, QQ — accompanies the
march into England, 105 — account of
the occupation, &c,, of Newcastle, 113 —
on Strafford's arrest, 126— on the feeling
against Episcopacy, &c., 127— his ac-
count of the " Incident," 149— com-
missioner to the Westminster Assembly,
202— notices from him of it, 202, 204 et
seq., 214, 215 — on the metrical versions
of the Psalms, 21^,12Qetseq., notes — one
of the commissioners to Charles IL, 261
—his testimony to Cromwell's modera-
tion, 284— his escape from the decision
on "^ the causes of God's wrath," 288 —
on the debates as to employing Malig-
582
IXDEX.
nants, 2S9— -on Stracban and the west-
ern Whigs. 2V*4 — account of Cromwell's
dismissal of the Assembly. 303— on the
difficulties regardiDiT the j-'ctition against
toleration, '6'1-i — his letters^ kc, 336.
Baillie of Jerriswood, trial and execution
of, vii. 539, r4u.
Baillie of Jerriswood, joins William of
Orange, vii. o63.
Balcanquall, Rev. W., attack on Lennos
by, V. 4 7 ^^disturbance excited in Edin-
burgh by, vi. S4 — his cunduct regarding
the Gowrie Conspiracy, 119 — discussion
with the king on it, 120 — the author of
the ' Large Declaration ' of Charles I.,
\ii. 7S — denounced by the Assembly, 79
—excepted from indemnity of 1641, 139.
Balder, the Xorse deity, i. 2-J7 — the myth
of his death, 23^.
Bulfour, Sir James, fellow -prisoner with
Knox in France, iii. 475 — his after-
character, 47ti — draws the bond for
Darnley's murder, ir. 336 — denounced
in the placards as one of the murderers,
353 — the marriage- contract between the
qaeen and Bothwell drawn up by him,
39U — deserts Both well, and gaves up
Eiiinburgh Castle to the confederates,
402^removed from command of Edin-
burgh Castle, T. 13 — MuiTay's difficulties
regarding him in connection with Dam-
ley's murder, 94 — arrested by Murray,
230 — present at the conference between
Knox and Lethington, 2SS. 294, 296 —
aid from Fnince to Kii'kcakh'' inter-
cepted b)' him, 365.
Balfour, James, his conduct regarding the
Gowrie Conspirac}^ vi. 119 — discussion
with the king, 120.
Balfour, Sir James, on King Charles's
revocation, vi. 356— on the Commission
of Grievances, 357 — on the Parliament
of 1633, 373^-account of Charles I.'s
coronation, 375 — account of the pro-
ceedings against the Engagers by him,
vii. 246, note — his account of the mas-
sacre of Dundee, 29S, note.
Balfour, John, of Bnrley, vii. 493 — one of
ShEirp's murderers, 494, 496 et seq. —
after the deed, 506 — present at Drum-
clog, 512.
Balfour, Robert, the owner of Kirk-of-
Field, iv. 339.
Baliol, Bernard de, ii. 67— at the battle
of the Standard, 56.
Baliol, John, charges of rebellion brought
against Bruce, ii. US, note — supported
by the Bishop of St Andrews, 202 —
summoned to the meeting of barons at
Korham, 203 — accepts Edward's supe-
riority, 210 — ground of his claim to the
crown, 214 et seq. — arbiters appointed
between him and Bruce, 220— decision
in his favour, 234 €t s^q. — his pleadings,
240 et seq., 244 — final judgment for him,
249 — his investiture, 251 — his corona-
tion at Scone, and yields homage as king
to Edward, 252- — his reception as king,
2-!')?> — renounces the treaty of Brigham,
255^cited to appear in law cases before
Kl'-vard, 256, 257 — his demeanour there,
25^ — treaty with France iigainst Eng-
land, 262 — ground assumed by him, 263
— renounces his vassalsbip, 2'i>.
Baliol. Edward, ii. 419 — his position as
regards the :^L^:its crown, iii. 3 — invades
Scotland with the disinherited barons,
& — victory at Duplin, 9 — besieged in
Perth, lb. — crowned at Scune. iO. —
yields superiority to FuL-'lmd. 9, 13 —
proceedings of Parliament under him,
13 — abandons Scotland, 19 — assisted by
the English, 27 — formal surrender of
his crown to Edward III., 32 — his French
estates forfeited, ih.
Ballads, the Scottish, vii. 347 '' seq.
Balmerinoch, Secretary of State, tried in
connection with James VI, "s letter to
the Pope, vi. 138.
Balmerinoch, Lurd, restoration of his
estates, "vi. 25> — his trial in connection
with the Supplication of 1633, 379 et seq.
— condemned, but pardoned, oS3.
Balmerinoch, Lord, commissiunerto West-
minster Assembly, vii. 202.
Batnamoon, the Laird of, iii. 143.
Balnamoon, defeat of the Earl of Craw-
furd at, iii. 143.
Balnaves, Henry, at the formal accusation
of the queen, v. 196. note.
Bancroft, Archbishop, attack by Melville
on him, vi. 23S.
^'Banished lords," the, 15S3, t. 4S3— their
proceedings, &.C., in England, 4S5— they
are outlawed, 495 — their surrender de-
manded, ib. — their rettim in arms, 310.
Bannatyne, notice of John Hamilton by
him, V. 267, note— his accoimt of the
last conference between Knox and
Lethington, 297, note — his character of
Knox, 327.
Bannock Water, the, ii. 379, note.
Bannockbum, circumstances which led to
it, determined its site. &c., ii. 377^ — the
battle, 3S0 et seq. — completeness of the
defeat, 3S4.
^Banquet of Dun na X-Gedh,' the, notice
of, i. 324. note.
Baptism, directions of the Book of Com-
mon Order regarding, v, 73.
Barbour's Bruce, character of, ii. 36S. note
—its date, &c., iv. 123 — notices of Ban-
nockbum from, ii. 3S2 note, 3S4.
Barclay, John, his work on the Quakers,
vii. 564, note.
Barlow, English resident in Scotland, iii.
342.
Barlow, Dr, account of James VI. at the
Hampton Court conference bv, vi. 223,
226, 227, note.
Barmkin, hill fort on, i. 93.
Baron, Robert, vii. 25 — writes in favour of
the Service-book, vi. 451.
Baronets of !Nova Scotia, the, vi. 341.
Baronial architecture, its state in Scotland
to the Reformation, iv. 148 et st'q. — its
IXDEX.
583
and QuesL itir^. rr._ K-i
4c- by tij=
Bi-aa, « _ 2ii33iBii PSaier -.7- tS- 5SS-
'^assiOxiyiA. f.. '"£ ^taiaig^r^ -^ "yaria
6e~u»I '.J "-'--'1, T. 51.
Caaie, — 225.
^irmitH: -
'<j=>a^
IS*. _
r. Bit esz^z:n a: &.; — .tga:-
HfSZiX- 'iSsisrj -"s^iijis- ri- 3K — ii t5sw3
saii y>S^, 3*5 -c wj. — »■ - jj^j's sc-
Tils aes-'JEaaisca iar ireaiT -»ii. iii/i--
fead[,S14.
Ifc»r VIIL ?^— zb%-3=vb»> ^ift !is«s-.>L.^
4f/f — ^jrjfi^.'^jz^, ~7TV^t ''rr mBi '^j Tc-i
— iiift ±-.^- zr-jiiL ia-.^-iijf- it5. 2?i —
Vjsiat. 'jizs^jiisii IT. IV*, 1;7 — cts -s^.?:
1— *e-v
ii ""
ins, Hi'-vi — s-ss'.riz.T '.f i^-JicsviJ* t:r5:-
fell- i '-»-; iii ■' life «s Qseea l^^^j' T.
584
INDKX.
lli'lldinli'ii, .lustioc-dlorU, proMoni at llin
( 'nuiu-il wlik^h (liructs ItuLhwuH'M Iriiil,
iv. :tii7.
itollomlnn. A.liun, llislinp of l>unl>liviio,
hia (lillUniUioM, kr., vi. 'Jlil ,-f. sn/.
UiUor IVom I-aud U>, liSS, nnlo.
liullondon, Sir John, nt- tlio coivumiitiii ol"
JanioH VI., V. 7-
]ioiiiulii\ ilio Itonian Fori, of, i. 'M.
llniincliio, t.lif MaiiUm Sioiiuiit, i. IM'.
liorkoloy, l)iivitl lio. iminlnror, iii. 'JU.
lilM-lratU, t'harloH JllliuH, llui ('l'|■;;^^t• of tlio
I liiRTiiry of liir.hanl of ( 'iicnouHlor, i.
i:{. notu.
IVrwirk, Aftburlan lot^oml roy;ii.i'iliiif. i.
1 77 < ';i^' lt> HiirroiulLifoii to tlio I'lnnjisli,
ii. ()'.! ilH oarly ituportanco, I 'J!'
bnrf^lior laws in, 147 oiio ai' ihii four
liint^liM, I7'l -cIiangnH it, him uiulor^dno,
17H o.uiy ln'id^'o at, l/S* hiu^o and
rapluro ..f, by l-Mwiir.l I., \'J\t\ ,-/ .sw/.
r<u-:i|)turuil liy t.iiu ScntM, 'JITi I'l't-np-
liiivd l)y linuu, ;i!l7 bosin^^ud by Mm
Kofjflisli, ;U)lt (/ •)*'«/. — Hio;j:(i and oaiitiiio
of by Ktiward III., ill. 10 H sn/. its
Hubs(.i(|iiuiit litHiory, I'J busio^^-'od by
llio SuotM, '.V.i Hnrmiidiu'ud by llonry
VI. to Scotland, 1/)'] ruca|iturud by
tlu) I'^iif^diHli, I H7 irtiiil-y ol, liotwuoii
lOli/abuLli and ilio LordH of tlio (lon|j;ru-
}j;atiuti, iv. 8-1 <■/■ nvf/. roooption of
Janios VI. in, vi. I'lfi, Mfl tliu parill-
cation of, botwoon ( IliarloH I. and IjIiu
< -'ovunantui'H, vii. ^i■^ rlnvq. IIiIh tIohoh
tlio contuHt in tho lun-th, '17.
HorwifkHliij-u ravJHliud hy thu JCn^diHli, iii.
;i:i7.
It(il.lmri(-;(inrfc, arrival of, an ainbaMMiuJur
rr-niii li'j-aTiuo, iv. fi'i.
JiuvoiH, M. do, Kfotioli aniliaHHadoi- to
S<Mitlii.nd, iii. V:.V.).
Jto/.a, liiH ' Viiidiuiii) contra TyrannoH,' vi.
1 Hi, note.
Itiaiiri, tliu Italian jioiHonor, V. 'r^''.
Jliltlu, thu aiithorimrd in tho voniacMiliir in
Scotland, iv. AH- tJiu authoriHoil vorHion,
itw orif^in, ^c, vi. '.i2K thiM novor for-
mally adopted in Scotland, ;U)I voi-hIihih
thoro oHcd, li!).''» tho canonical, an lix^d
by the WcHtiMiiiHtur AHHonibly, vii. 'I'll.
TJillntiiif^- Art,, J,ho, vii. 4:tl» H nai.
Jiinnin/jf, boid.Huo Hamilton, Sir'I'homaH.
HirruiiH^ jjinofM nl' H(nnan occupancy at,,
i. (rl.
Iliwhop, TlnnnaH, Icttor from, iij'iiinut tho
intondod Ttnirriu^'o to IJothwcll, iv. lidli.
Ili^ll(lp^■,, poHition, ^ic, of, in tho tinm of
Si. ( !i)hniib;(,, i. '2'i7 thuir ^r(!at nnni-
bor, tVc, in tho IriKh Ohnrdi, 'Jfi'.l
injditional liMtof oiuly, ii. ){ flrMt tniHt-
worthy notice of in thu Scotn (ihiiridi,
111 IJioir poHJtion in tho ('ojiiinbito
('hun^h, '20 tit,ular, rotaiiiod by tho
('hiirch UM firHt or'j.^'-jiniHnd, v. Ill'i thuir
jinKition in it, iill form bir thoir
f.h'Lion, 111. — ruHolntioriH of ( Idm fid
AH:tond)ly ro/j;ardiri(j;- thorn, 'Mh Lhoir
poMJtiou in thu Kirk to 157'!, 400 -
('iini-j.y08 Mf.i;ainHt Ihmn in i.lio AHMunddy,
■|(l| motive of iliMMo, 'lO'J dinuuHHiunN
an to thoir hiAvfuhawH, kv.., I'fi. if .in/.
liontllu attitude of (ho AnHOinbly toward
tiioni, 'IllM pcncin'diM/';H niJfiiiiiNt t.Jioni,
•177 y\('.|, (Milnri'iiiM; NnbndHHion to l,ho,
fiOli itw j'Mhri'nl iH'CiiptaniMi by tiuj
*'|(ii;',y, 507 loHtniation of thuni in
Si'dtliiiid, vi. 'il I niriiHnrcH foi* thuir
<bio I'oM'-irrrid.inii, 'J 1 1 tliuir puuiuuary
dimrnltiuM. 'JH; .7 an/. Ilmlf nubHorvi-
oiico tn blind. ;iSS rl ,sv7/. thoir ponition
ill cuniioctinn with band'n muaHin-uN,
I.SO IJM'ir iniiioval from thu Cuonrll
domandod by Iho Siippln'iinlH, 475
thoir wilhdra'wnl. '170 thuir ti-ial by tho
Assoiidily of HS:tS, vii. 'JO <7 .sv*/. thuy
retire to Mn/'.lMiid, 'Jit.
HissMt, liornard, nnvoy to tliu I'npal ( 'oiirt,
ii. MKi.
Black. Kmv. I>;ivi.l, vi. 71 atbuk on
(..hinrii h:ii/.nl>nth in Ihn pulpit, and liiH
t.finl lor it, H'Arf s.y.
" IMack A^ciicH " of Dmibiir, iii. 'JO,
Itlack Aida or Aidun, tho htuiy of, i. 'J(;7.
HIack <M- Ibdy lto(Ml. its Moi/,nro by \'a\
wiird I., ii. 'J7'J itH ruHJ.oratiiMi, I'JS
n|',iiiri takun id. Nuvillu'M (!roHN, iii, 'Jli.
Jllackiiddor, Arrhbishop of (ilaH^nnv. pur
Huutitioii of l.ho LoUardH by, iii. 'JO:t.
Illii.i'knililot', i'aptain, IiIm acuianit of lliu
n,hdnctioii of t.hiucn Mn.ry, iv. ;i70.
llhiuk (!uHtlo, (li;^ht(d' Mary from Uothvvcll
(IjiHtlu t(t, iv. -10(1.
1 Hii.uk frijirn' MoiniMlory, TurlJi, murdur of
JaniuH I. ill tliu, iii. Ill) dcHtroyod hy
thu UofurmorH, iv. 00 Mdiidiui'^di, at
tiifk hy niol) on ii, iii, ITi-'i.
llln,rkiioi;M, r,oniinuii('oniont of thu widl of
Antonino nuar, i. Ii!'.
Illaukvvood, Adiini, liin rujurtion of tlio
caHkot l(d.torH an for;.''ori((n, v, l^iOM, nolo.
I'.laduM, tnulitionalltiHliopofihu lNlcH,ii. I',.
Illii.il,hni;i.c, Abbot ui' lona, martyrdom of,
i. 1105.
Mlakhal, (iilburt, vi. CVl, notu.
Blind llarry'H WiUl;i.ro, duto, ho., of, iv.
vj;{.
"Blue ril)l>on" of thu ( -ovunantorH, tho,
vii. '11 and nolo.
Boidiul.olj l^'runch envoy lo thu Mmpurnr (.f
* HMiiiatiy, iv. 'Jfi'l.
liodolrii., ur l''nil,h, tli<-, i. 5.
Body ^^uai'd, want n\' unn on tlio accoHHJon
of (^iiuun Mary, iv. 17!!.
JJouuo, lluctor, on tlio Boman romaiim in
Scotland, i. HI, note on Arthur'H Hon,
n:j on thu Hcidptnrud Hl<.nnH, 111), MM
IiiH ar,runnt of the Itatl.lc <>f l,uii''nrl,y,
;J05, notu and of tho mnnlnr nf Kun-
m.th III., :m(l, note on tlm .npliiro of
Abordcen. ii. :i71, nol,u IIihI, l'rln<i,„il
of Kinpf'H ()ollo;.i;u, Aburduun, iv. I Kl
chrLr(icl,uriHtiuH of liiH IliHtory, I'^fi.
Bohnn, Sir llonry <lu, killud at Biinnoclc-
burn, ii. :\m.
Buianiund du Vicui or Baylmond, ratinf.j
of(J)inrch landw by, ii. Ill,
INDEX.
58s
BoUandist Lives of the Saints, the legend
of St Ursula in, i. 289, note.
Bolton Castle, removal of Queen Mary to,
V. 138 — and from it, vi. 10.
Bondsmen or thralls, ancient laws regard-
ing, ii. 152 et seq. — burgh regulations
regarding, 176, note.
Bone, ancient ornaments of, i. 130.
Book of Canons and Ordination abolished
by Assembly of 1638, vii. 20— and again
by that of 1639, 71-
Book of Common Order, the, its origin
and history, v. 61— its character, fi5 —
differences between it and the Euglish
Liturgy, 66— directions for the ministra-
tion of the Lord's Supper, 68 t:t S'-q. —
marriage, 72 — baptism, 73— variations
in different editions, i&. ^its foreign
oriifin, 76 — the various editions of it, 77
— KnoUys on it, I'b., note — directions
regarding the burial of the dead, SO et
seip — translation of it into Gaelic, 83 et
seq. — its general use, vi. 404 — enlarged
version of it, 1618, 406.
Botik of Common Pi-ayex-, the English, at
first used in the Scots Kirk, v. 62 —
differences between it and the Scots
Book of Common Order, 66.
Book of Discipline, dissensiDns between
the clergy and laity regarding it, iv. 187
et seq. — rejected by the State, v. 400 —
the Second, 468 et seq. — it rejected by
Parliament, 471.
"Book of Ordination," T^aud's, vi. 392,
note.
Boot, the torture of the, vii. 454.
Borcovicus, supposed modern name of,
i. 17, note.
Border laws, repeal of, after the accession
of James VI, to theEnglish throne, vi. 203.
Border peels, remains of, iv. 149.
Borderers, the, proceedings of James V.
atrainst, iii. 324 et seq. — their alienation
from James V., 335 — their conduct at
tbe battle of Ancrum, 437 — traffickings
of Henry VIII. with them, 438 et seq. —
excommunication or cursing of, iv. 31
et seq. — expedition of Murray against
them, 198 — measures of Murray against
them, V. 231— shelter the fugitive lead-
ers of the northern rebellion, and invade
England, 247 — excepted from truce of
1572, 311.
Borders, position of affairs on the, iii. 418
— Bothwell created warden, iv. 328 —
vigorous measures of Murray on, v. 92 —
troubles on the, 1575, 408— negotiations
with England regarding them, 409—
troubles on, 1584, 503— and on Queen
Mary's execution, vi. 27 — disorders on,
and their repression, 286 et ser/.
Bore Stone, the, at Bannockburn, ii. 379,
note.
Borough or burgh, origin of name, ii. 170.
Boroughs, a member of the Westminster
Assembly, vii. 211.
Boi-thwick, commander of artillery at
Flodden, iii. 244.
VOL. VII.
Borthwick, Lord, one of the queen's
party, v. 118, note.
Borthwick Castle, style of, iv. 149 — flight
of the queen and Bothwell to, 399—
their escape from it, 400— the battering
of, by Cromwell, vii. 3Q0.
Bothgowan, the scene of the slaughter of
King Duncan, i. 369.
Bothwell, Earl, joins the English, iii. 334 —
arrest of Wishart by, 457.
Bothwell, Earl, said by Leslie to have
accompanied Queen Mary from Franco,
iv. 169, note- his alleged plot with
Arran for the seizure of the queen, 238
et seq. — ^impcached for it, 240 — his trial
for the conspii'acy with Arrau, 263 —
joins the queen after her marriage, 282 —
notice of his influence by Castelnau, 286
— his marriage to Lady J ane Gordon, 283,
297— increasing favour with the queen,
299— in Holyrood during the murder of
Rizzio, 3(i7 — his escape from the palace,
311 — the queen's first indication of her
love to bira, 324 — hirs position, charac-
ter, &c. , 325 — personal appearance, 326
—portrait done in 1861 from his em-
balmed body, Ih., note^his rank and
means, 32H — his ancestry, and their
connections with royalt}^ 327 — his ser-
vices to the queen, ih. — estates and
offices conferred ou him, 328— his pre-
dominance at Court, 329 — wounded in a
Border fray, and the queen's visit to
him, 330^on the proposed divorce of
the queen from Daruley, 333 — superin-
tends the baptism of the prince, 335 —
his movements and proceedings on the
night of Darnley's murder, 343 et seq.
—informs the queen of her husband's
death, 347— his report to Melville of
Darnley's death, 343, note — his first
proceedings after the murder, 350^ — the
ambassadors of France, &c., I'efused in-
spection of the body, li. —denounced in
the placards as one of the murderers,
353 — the feudal supeiioritj' of Leith con-
ferred on him, 355 — attends Mary to
Seton,ii.- — theiramusements, &c., there,
ih. — denounced, and his trial demanded
by Lennox, and agreed to by the queen,
360— his arrogance and violence, 361 —
his rapid advancement, and first hints
of the marriage, 362— his anger against
the remonstrants, 864 — the proceedings
on his trial, 367 et seq.—its, results, 370
et seq. — challenge by him after his
trial, 371 — declaration obtained by
him from Parliament regarding the
Church, 372^emoluments cooferred on
him, 373 — his wealth and powei- at this
time, 374 — the band recommending him
as husband to the queen, 375 — carries
her off on her return from Stirling, 376 et
seq. — preparations for his divorce, 378—
sentence of it pronounced, 379^com-
mission issued by the queen regarding
it, 382 — the alleged ground of consan-
guinity, 383— the alleged dispensation
2 p
586
INDEX.
384 eA seq. — his return to Edinburgh, 336
— the " declaration " of the queen's
liberty, 387— created Duke of Orkney,
388 — preparations for the marriage, i.f>. —
proclamation of the banns, and conduct
of Craig regarding this, 389— the mar-
riage-contract, .Vl'., 390— the marriage,
391 — Sir James MolWUe's interview with
him that day, 3!i"2 tlie scene of the mar-
riage, ti*.— their early married life, 393 —
flightto Borthwick Castle, 399— hisescape
from it, is joined by the queen, and flees
to Dunbar, 400— the confederacy against
him, 401— loses Edinburgh Castle, 402—
proclamation of the confederates against
him, 405 — his march against tbem, and
forces raised, 40fi — position at Carberry
Hill, 407 — Ee Croc's attempts to medi-
ate, ib. et seq.~i\ie conferences there,
413 tt seq. — his flight, and surrender of
the queen, 414 — his treatment of the
queen, 415 — her expressed determina-
tion to adhere to him, 420 et seq. — the
casket letters, 422 et seq. — his flight to
Orkney, 454 — his escape to Denmark,
and ultimate fate there, 455 et seq. — \\\s
Confessions, 457 — Queen Mary' agrees
to divorce him, v. 190 — Professor
Sehiern's work on his residence in Den-
mark, 234, note — excepted from truce
of 1572, 311 — Crown jewels, i;c., given
by Mary to him, 411.
Bothwell, the second Earl of, his parent-
age, &c., vi. 47— his first attempt to
seize the king, 48 — again at Falkland,
49 — and again, ih. — and again at Leith,
50 — hi? after-life, ih. — his popularity, 52
English rumours regarding him, ih. —
proceedings of Hinitly against him, 57.
Bothwell, Adam, Bishop of Orkney, the
marriage cerem^my between the queen
and Bothwell performed by, iv. 391 —
performs the anointing at the corona-
tion of James VI., v. 6 — deposed for his
part in the marriage of the queen, 59 —
one of the commissioners to York, 167
—at the formal accusation of the queen,
196, note— a member of the Parliament
of 1582, 451.
Bothwell Bridge, the battle of, "vii. 624.
Bothwell Castle, the ruins of, ii. 184 — cap-
ture of, by the Scots, iii. 20.
Boundary question, commission to settle
it, ii. 80.
Boune, Z., his evidence on the Ryehouse
Plot, vii. 537.
Bournezel, the Lord of, bis embassy to
Scotland, iii. 48.
Boutot, M., made governor of Orkney,
iv. 3.
Bower, account of the coronation of Alex-
ander III. by, ii. 93, 94, note— account
of the martyrdom of Reseby by, iii.
92.
Bower, Laird, implicated in the Gowrie
Conspiracy, vi. 128, 211 et seq.
Bower or Bowmaker, Walter, one of the
writers of the Scotichronicon, iv. 124.
Bowes, Sir Robert, raid into Scotland by,
and his defeat, iii. 370 — during Hert-
ford's second raid, 442— account of the
struggle for possession of James VI., v.
420 et seq. — eGTorts to prevent civil war,
421 — sent on mission to counteract
Aubign^, 431 et seq. — his reception, 433
et seq. — his recall, 435 — efforts to save
Morton, 438 — instioictions regarding the
king, 444 — account of the Doune Castle
plot, 447— conversation with Ruthven,
448 — sent as ambassador after the Ruth-
ven Raid, 452 e( seq. — gifts to the con-
spirators, 454^account of the plots, and
final dismissal of Lennox, 455 et seq. —
curious conferences with the king, 458
— the association project, 460 et seq. —
negotiations regarding the casket letters,
4f^3— rumours sent by him to England,
465, 4'-;6.
Boyds, rise of the, under James III., iii.
159 — honours, estates, &c., appropriated
by, 161— their fall, 167.
Boyd, Sir Alexander, tutor to James III.,
iii. 1.59 — carries off the king to Edin-
burgh, 160 — his fall and execution, 167.
Boyd, Thomas, created Earl of Arran and
married to the king's sister, iii. 161 — his
fall and flight, 166 — his subsequent fate,
168 and note.
Boyd, Lord, iii. 159 — guardian of the king,
&c., 161— his fall and flight, 167.
Boyd, Lord, one of the queen's party, v,
118, note — commission from Queen
Mary to sue out her divorce from Both-
well, 190 — one of Mary's commission-
ers at York, 165 — indemnity to, 365.
Boyd, George, indicted for riot at Holy-
rood, iv. 228.
Boyd, Zachary, his metrical version of the
Psalms, vii. 225.
Brabazon, Roger, Chief Justice to Edward
L,ii. 204.
Brand, Rev. John, charged by the Presby-
terians with defection, v. 507.
Brandubh, legend of, i. 270, note.
Brankstone or Flodden, battle of, iii. 244.
BrautSme, accompanies Queen Mary to
Scotland, and his account of the voyage,
iv. 169 — his account of Chatelar, 241,
243.
Branxholm, destroyed by the English, v.
251.
Braun on the name Culdee, ii. 7, note.
Braxfield, Lord, on forest laws, ii. 158,
note.
Bread, old regulations regarding, ii. 192.
Breadalbane, as one of the heads of the
Campbells, vi. 309.
Brechin, the abbot of the Culdees of, ii.
12— bishopric, founded by David I., 62
— the round tower at, 190 — ancient
bridge at, 196 — Castle of, taken bj' Ed-
ward I., 326 — Cathedral, the architec-
ture of, iv. 146 — success of the king's
jiarty at, v. 264 — Bishop of, uses Laud's
Service-book, vi. 450.
Brereton, Sir William, his sketch of Edin-
INDEX.
587
burgh, vii. 368 — and of other towns in
Scotland, 372 ei seq.
Bretaofne, John de, appointed Lieutenant
of Scotland, ii. 341— driven out by the
Scots, 355.
Bretagne, origin of the province of, i. 42.
Brets and Scots, the ancient laws of the,
ii. 140— cancelled by Edward I., 341.
Breviaries, various, vi. 270.
Breviary, the Romish, the source of the
Reformed Liturgies, v. bO— of Aberdeen,
the, i. 286 and note^printed by Chep-
man, iv. 138,
Bridge, a member of the Westminster
Assembly, vii. 211.
Bridge of Dee, the affair of the, vii. 44.
Bridges, early, ii. 196.
Brienne, John de, second husband of Mary
de Coucy, ii. 99.
Briggs, Henry, on Napier's discovery, vii.
359.
Brigham, the meeting of the Scots Estates
at, ii. 124 — the composition of the
Estates at, 163 — treaty of, renounced by
Juha Baliol, 255 — how represented by
Edward I., 320.
Biissot, the murder of, v. 267.
Britain, first notices of Christianity in con-
nection with, i. 40 — changed character
of the struggle in, 41 — the Romanised
inhabitants of the south, ih. — the troops
furnished by, 42 — its final abandonment,
46.
Britannia, first appearance of figure on
coinage, i. 25.
Britannicus, surname of, first bestowed on
Hadrian, i. 24.
British Constitution, the peculiarities of
its growth, iv. 92.
Britons, the, confined to Cornwall, Wales,
&c., i. 181 — displaced from the former,
183— their custom of painting them-
selves in war, 203 — their kingdom of
Strathclyde and its history, 308 et seq.
Brodie, the Laird of, one of the commis-
sioners to Charles II., vii. 261.
Brodie, the sculptured stone at, i. 152.
Broichan, a Magus, contest of St Columba
with, i. 230, 231.
"Broken men" in the Highlands, what,
iii. 228.
Bromley, Thomas, v. 352.
Bronze implements found in Scotland, i.
126.
Brooches, &c., Roman, i. 58 — ancient, 130.
Brosse, the Sieur de la, iii. 423 — aid
brought from France by, 416.
Broughty Castle, siege and capture of, by
the Scots, iii. 488.
Brown, Sir A., mission to the Borders, iii.
412.
Brown, John, of Priestfield, his execution,
vii. 543 et seq.
Brown, John, of Wampbray, vii. 336.
Brown, the founder of the Brownists, and
his sect, vi. 414.
Brownists, their increase, views, &c., vii.
210.
Bruce, Edward, siege of Stirling Castle by,
ii. 376, 388— his invasion of Ireland,
and death, 390, 391 et seq.
Bruce, Marjory, daughter of King Robert,
ii. 390.
Bruce, Nigel, capture and execution of, ii,
357.
Bruce, Robert de, at the battle of the
Standard, ii. 56^alleged arrangement
with Alexander II. as to his succession,
84 and note — the race of, 85 and note
— his claim to the crown on the death of
Alexander HI., 118 — one of the Scots
commissioners at Salisbury, 122 — his
first proceedings on the death of the
Maid of Norway, 200 — summoned to the
meeting of barons at Norhara, 203—
accepts King Edward's superiority, 208
—nature of his claim to the crown, 216
— the alleged settlem'^nt by Alexander
XL, 217 and note — arbiters appointed
between him and Baliol, 220 — decision
against him, 234 et seq.— his pleadings,
240 et seq. — lawsuit appealed to Edward
I. by him, 257— his death, 265.
Bruce, Robert, his policy on the rising of
Wallace, ii. 2^Qetseq. — surrenders to the
English, 2S8— his flight from the English
Court, 344 — his parentage and previous
life, ih. e^sey.— competition with Comyn,
347 — league with Lamberton, 348^hi3
danger from this, and flight, 349 — meet-
ing with the Red Comyn, and death of
the latter, 350 et seq. — his coronation,
352 et seq. — excommunicated, 355 — de-
feated at Methven, 360 — and by John of
Lorn, 3dl — his personal prowess in the
last battle, 365 — defeats Percy, 362 —
victory at Loudon Hill, 363 — his char-
acter and habits, 364 et seq. — various
adventures, 366^escape from a blood-
bound, ih. — joined by Lord James
Douglas, 367 — defeats the Earl of
Buchan, 370— capture of various castles,
&c., ih. — truce with England, 371 — ad-
herence of the clergy to him, 372— co-
erced homage by him, 373, note — disre-
gard bj'^ the Scots of the truce, 376 —
battle of Bannockburn, 379 et seq. — his
courtesy to the prisoners, 386 — incur-
sions into England, and efforts for peace,
389-^adjustment of the succession, 390
et seq. — proceedings and negotiations
with the Pope, 393 et seq. — capture of
Berwick, 397 — its defence against the
English, 398^invasionsand successes in
England, 400— truce with England, 402
— renewed negotiations with the Pope,
and appeal to him, 403 et .^eq. — renewal
of war, 408 — invasion by Edward II.,
audits defeat, ¥)'^etseq. — England again
invaded, 411~secret negotiations with
the northern English barons, 412 et seq.
final truce with England, 414— mission
of Randolph to the Pope, and its suc-
cess, 415 et seq. —treaty with Franco,
418 — renewal of war with England, and
successful invasion, 419 et seq. — peace
S88
INDEX.
concluded, and his title acknowledged,
425^treaty of Northampton, 426— con-
spiracy against him, 431^hirth of a son,
ib. — his death, and veneration with
which regarded, V6.— the burghs first
represented in Parliament under him,
173 — endowment of Melrose'Abbey by,
iv. 145.
Bruce, Earl of Carrick, ii. 344— his mar-
riage, ib., note— a member of the Scots
Council, 339 and note.
Bruce, Lord Edward, vi. 137.
Bruce, Dr, his work on the Roman wall,
i. 26, note.
Bruce, John, his edition of 'Borough's
Notes of the Ripon Treaty,' &c., vii. 97
note, 99 note, 118 note.
Bruce, Rev. Robert, dispute with James
V'l., vi. 46 — his conduct regarding the
Gowrie Conspiracy, IIP — discussions
with the king on it, 120 ei ^c^-.— his
writings, vii. 337.
Brud, King, notices of, i. 228, 230— St
Columba's mission to, 275, 281, 311.
Brunenburgh, the battle of, i. 360.
Brimstone, the Laird of, a leader in the
plot against Beaton, iii. 462, 464.
Brutus, the fabulous conqueror of Britain,
ii. 318.
Buccleuch, the Laird of, at the battle of
Ancrum, iii. 437 — carious interview be-
tween him and Wharton, 438 — saves
Morton during the attack on Stirling,
V. 27L
Buchan, the Earl of, one of the guardians
on the death of Alexander III., his
death, ii. 118.
Buchan, the Earl of, a supporter of Edward
I., ii. 347— defeated by Bruce, 370.
Buchan, the Earl of, his victory at Beaug€,
iii. 107.
Buchan, the Earl of, in the secret em-
ploj'^ment of Henry VI L, iii. 189 and
note — his life spared, 197 — a party to
plot for seizure of James IV., 198.
Buchan, the Countess of, coronation of
Bruce by, ii. 353 — revenge taken by
Edward on her, 354.
Buchanan, George, his History of Scotland,
i. 329 note, iii. 274, note— account of
Albany's expedition from, 278, note —
his account of the siege of Werk, 281,
note — his Epithalamium for Queen
Mary, iv. 10 — characteristics of his His-
tory, 125 — its political influence and
importance, 126 et serj. — his account of
Rizzio, 264 — his account of the proposed
divorce of Darnley, 334 — his picture of
the house at Kirk-of- Field, 340, note —
account of the state of Edinburgh after
Damley's murder, 354, note — his inter-
pretation of the abduction of the queen,
377, note -^ his account of Bothwell's
divorce, 383 note, 384 — his * Detection
of the Doings of Queen Mary,' publica-
tion of the casket letters in, 424 —
arguments against his being the forger
of the casket letters, and general
character of his Detection, 447 et seq. —
its exaggerations, &c., 450 — his change
of view with regard to the queen, 452 —
named as one of the censors of the
press, V. 52 — ^first "Moderator" of the
Assembly, 58 — present at the York
Commission, 176 — his account of Mor-
ton's mission to London, 342, 344 — lam-
poon on Lethington ascribed to him,
381 and note — as tutorto James VI., 386
—Melville's character of him, 387 — his
treatment of the young king, 388— his
character as a scholar, 389 — his work on
the Rights of the Scots Crown, 390 et
spq. — his History, 392 — the dedication of
his tragedy of Baptistes, ih.y note— dis-
like of the king to his constitutional
views. 393 — his last days and death,
and character of his w^orks, 478 ei s<q. —
his History, its completion and char-
acter, 479 — his ' De Jure Regni' con-
demned after the Restoration, vii. 431.
Buckingham, the Duke of, allowed by the
Covenanters to attend Charles IL, vii,
264.
Buddhism, attempt to connect the sculp-
tured stones with, i. 1.54, note— and the
Norse mythology, 244.
Bull, Stephen, defeated by Sir Andrew
Wood, iii. 234.
Bulmer, Sir William, letter to Wolsey re-
garding the ''erection" of James V.,
iii. 297.
Burgess, Dr, in the Westminster Assem-
bly, vii. 208, 209.
Burgesses, laws regulating wager of battle
among, ii. 147 — in the Parliament of
1640, vii. 85.
Burgh or borough, origin of name, ii. 170.
Burg-h franchise, the early, ii. 176.
Burgh-on-the-Sands, death of Edward I.
at, ii. 359.
Burghead, attempts to identify the
"Winged Camp" with, i. 63 — ancient
well at, 63, 64, note.
Burgher corporations, the ancient code of,
ii. 144.
Burgh-moor, encampment of infected on it
during tlie plague, v. 231, note.
Burghs, or so-called Danish towers, the,
i. 99 ei scq.— their purpose, 101.
Burghs, royal, ii. 167 — those of regality
and of barony, 168 — earliest charters,
&e., of, 172 — their first representation
in Parliament, 17-3— their asj^ect, archi-
tecture, &c., before the great war, 181
— repeated burnings of, 182 ^repre-
sented in the treaty of Baliol with
France, 257— their early representation
in Parliament, iv. 91.
Burgundy, the Duchess of, and Perkin
Warbeck, iii. 205, 206, 211, note.
Burial, dues exacted liy the Church on,
iv. 37 — directions of the Book of Com-
mon Order regarding, v. 80 et seq.
Burial cairns in Scotland, i. 115 — urns,
116 — their probable era, 119.
Burleigh, Lord, efforts to detach Scotland
INDEX.
589
from the treaty of Franco, iv. 16 — plans
of, for aiding the Scots Reformers, 75
— communications with Kirkcaldy of
Grange, 76 — efforts to secure the co-
operation of Knox, 77 — his difficulties,
and communications between them, 7H
et seq. — urges assistance being given to
the Scots Reformers, 81 — on the crea-
tion of Darnley King of the Scots, 280 —
instructions to Throckmorton from , after
the queen's abdication, v. 27 — ui-ges tho
danger to Queen Mary of intei-vention,
31 — views as to the restoration of Queen
Mary, 110 et seq.— h.]fi perplexities after
Mary's flight to England, and paper on
the subject, 128 — his account of Lord
Herries's negotiations on behalf of
Queen Mary, 113 — answer to Murray
and the Suots Council, 151 — on Mary's
withholding all resignation of the crown
of England, 158 — a member of the com-
mission on Queen Mary, 1S5 — letter
from him condemning Kirkcaldy's pro-
ceedings in Edinburgh, 277 — motives of
his policy toward the king's and queen's
parties during the civil war, 309-^order3
the surrender of Kirkcaldy and Lething-
ton to Morton, 375- — instructions sent
regarding Aubign^, 431.
Burleigh, Lord, President of the Parlia-
ment of 1640, vii. 81^in the Parliament
of 1641, 136.
Burley, see Balfour,
Burne, Nicol, bis controversial works, vi.
275 and note.
Burnet, Bishop, his account of Lord Nitbs-
dale's mission, vi. 358 — on the trial, k,c.,
of Balmerinoch, 384— on the lukewarm-
ness of the Scots lawyers for the king,
502 — account of alleged agTcement be-
tween the Parliamentarians and the
Scots, vii. 102^ — his account of Montrose's
defection, 143 — his account of the Whig-
amores' Kaid, 243 — his account of the
battle of Dunbar, 276, note— character
of Robert Douglas by, 406, note— and of
Sharp, 41 ;^ — his account of Lauderdale's
policy, 460 — interview with Sharp, 481
— a refugee with WilHam of Orange,
563.
"Burning of Frendraught," the, vi. 515,
Burning bush, the symbol of, adopted
from the Huguenots, v. 75.
Burns, improvement of Scots songs by,
vii. 353.
Burntisland, riot headed by women at,
1615, vi. 446, note.
Butchers, old regulations regarding, ii. 192.
Byrthensack, ancient law of, ii. 149.
Byssets, the feud of, with the Lord of
Athole, ii. 88— their head appeals to the
English king, 89.
Cadomo, Johannes de, notary public at
the meeting at Norham, ii. 204 and
note, 207, note.
Caerlavcrock Castle, the ruins of, u. 184—
its siege and capture by Edward L, 320
ei seq. — death of James V. at, iii. 372 —
surrendered to Hertford, 445.
Ciesar, his invasion of England, i. 2 — ■
notices by him of the Britons painting
themselves for war, 203^his references
to the Druids and Druidism, 219 — his
account of the ships of the Veneti, 348,
note.
Cairnbeth, the supposed site of Macbeth's
death, i. 373, note.
Cairns, burial, in Scotland, i. 115 — cham-
bered, 111.
Caithness, Norse settlements in, i. 354 — -
bishopric of, founded by David I., ii. 62
—reception of King Haco in, 105 — tho
Bishop of, appointed by Edward I. Lord
Chancellor, 223 — the Bishop of, under
James VI., his difficulties, vi. 259 et seq.
— the Earl of, a member of the Roman-
ist party, iv. 166 — one of the councillors
who direct Bothwell's trial, 367 — chan-
cellor of the jury at it, 369^ — his arbitrary
proceedings toward the bishop, vi. 259.
Cakemuir, flight of Mary from Borthwick
to, iv. 400.
Calais, efforts of Elizabeth for restoration
of, iv. 16.
Calder, James, slaughter of the Regent
Lennox by, v. 270.
Calderwoof], David, vii. 336^on the Kirk
in 1595, vi. 67 — on the Gowrie Conspir-
acy, 112, note^notices of the Hampton
Court conference from, 221, 222, note —
on the position of the bishops, 266 — on
the execution of Ogilvie the Jesuit, 280
— discussion with James VL, 321— -his
account of the passing of the Five
Articles of Perth, 329.
"Caledonians" of Tacitus, tho, i. 5— name
first used by him, 16 — their strug'gle
with Agricola, 6 — the battle of tho
Mons Grampius, 7 — their outbreak
under Commodus, 32^ — account of them
by Dion Cassius, 35— Tacitus on them,
184 ft seq.
'Calendarium Genealogicum,' notice of
Wallace in the, ii. 334, note.
Callander, the so-called Roman camp at,
i. 75.
Callernish, the great stone circle at, i.
140, 141, 144, 145.
Calvin, letter from Knox to him on the
toleration of the queen, iv. 183 — cir-
cumstances attending his organisation
of the Cluirch at Geneva, v. ti6 — his
attempt to establish a theocratic rule
there, 395.
Calvin or Colville, Robert, the case of the
-postiudi originated with, vi. 206.
Cambria or Cumbria, early application of
the name, i. 362.
Camhuskenneth, the Abbot of, one of
James VI. 's tutors, v. 386, 387, 420.
Camden, dimensions of the Roman wall
in his time, i. 22 — character of Kerr of
Ferniehurst by, v. 504.
Camelon, the Roman tower of, i. 52 note,
590
INDEX.
Cameron of Locbiel joins Glcncairn for
Charles II., vii. 325.
Cameron, Richard, issuinfjof the Sanquhar
Declaration by, vii, 527 — bis death, 529
— party called after him, 530.
Cameronians, their defeat at Airds Moss,
vii. 529— their Apologetical Declaration,
540 — measures of the Council against
them, 542 — the abjuration oath, 543 —
continued severities against them under
James II., 556 — their views on the In-
dulgences, 56*^ et se(/.—the literature of
the persecutions, 568, note ^removal
to the plantations, and the prisoners at
Dunnottar, 571.
Campbell of Calder, vi. 309.
Campbell of Cessnock, trial and acquittal
of, vii. 539.
Campbell. Robert, at the coronation of
James VI., v. 7.
Campbell, Lady Agnes, vi. 296, note.
Campbells, their increasing power, and
branches, vi. 309.
Camps, Roman, in Scotland, i. 74 et serj. —
their special features, 76 et seq.
Candida Casa, the, i. 40.
Canisius, the Larger and Smaller Cate-
chisms of, vi. 273.
Canon -Frome, the siege of, during the
Great Rebellion, ii. 399, note.
Canons, the Book of, abolished by As-
sembly of 1638, vii. 20 — and again by
that of 1639, 71 — and Ecclesiastical Con-
stitutions, the, vi. 391 — Laud the true
author of them, 392 — their character,
393 — imposed by the sole authorit}'' of
the king, 399 — course intended by the
Scots bishops, 401.
Cant, Andrew, one of the commissioners
to Aberdeen, vii. 24.
Canterbury, the Archbishop of, claims
supremacy over Scotland, ii. 36 — his
policy regarding the bishopric of St
Andrews, 37 et seq. — struggles between,
and York for ecclesiastical supremacy,
74 — Papal bull on behalf of Scotland
sent to, 315 — difficulties of his journey to
the king, ih. et se</. — reversal by him of
sentence of excommunication on Huntly,
vi. 281.
Cantyre, tribute exacted by King Haco
from, ii. 105.
Canute, his alleged superiority over Scot-
land, i. 368.
Capitals, local, &c., the early, ii. 128.
Capitolinus, Julius, the History of, i. 27,
28, note.
Carausius, usurpation of the empire by,
and his overthrow, i. 38, 39 — his posi-
tion, &c., in Britain, 348, 349, note-
Arthur's Oon ascribed to him, 52— coin
of, 59.
Carber Riadha, founder of the kingdom of
Dalriada, i. 316.
Carberry Hill, the position of the queen
and Bothwell at, iv. 407.
Carey, George, named as husband for
Queen Mary, vi. 4.
Carey, Sir John, his report regarding the
second Bothwell, vi. 52— saves the two
young Ruthvens at Berwick, 125 et spq.
Carey, Sir Robert, conveys to James VI.
the intelligence of his accession, vi. 143
— his account of Charles I. in childhood,
178.
Cargill, Donald, vii. 526^pronounces sen-
tence of excommunication on the king,
528 — his capture and execution, 530.
Carham, victory of the Scots at, i. 366.
Carlisle, siege of, by the Scots, ii. 299,
note — removal of Qu.een Mary to, v. 121
— necessity of her removal from it, 136.
Carlos, Don, project of marrying Queen
Mary to, iv. 248 et seq. — the scheme
broken through, 2.^1.
Carmichael, Peter, one of the conspirators
airainst iJeaton, escapes from France,
iii. 474.
Carmichael, William, his murder intended
instead of Sharp's, vii. 491 et seq.
Carmichael, Scots warden of the Border,
at tlie Raid of the Redeswire, v. 408.
Carnegie, Sir D., one of the Octavians, vi.
70.
Carolina, projected emigration scheme to,
vii. 537.
Carrick, the Earl of, his widow the ances-
tor of Bruce, ii. Ill, note.
Carrick, the Countess of, marriage of
Bruce's father to, ii. 344, note.
Carscwell, John, his translati<m of the
Book of Common Order into Gaelic, v. 84.
Carstairs, Principal, tortured, vii. 538.
Carthagenian or Punic language, Plautus's
supposed specimen of, i. 197. note.
Carved woodwork, early, in Scotland, iv.
152.
Carvet, Sir John, a Romish priest, treat-
ment of, iv. 272.
Casket letters, the, their discovery, iv.
422 — their history, 423— their publica-
tion by Buchanan, 424 — summary of
their contents, 425 et seq. — the sonnets,
433^the assertion that they were tam-
pered with, 436 — the theory of their
being forged, and arguments against it,
437 — their authenticity not impugned
at the meeting of the Estates, 437, 438,
note — their affluence in minute details
as evidence of their authenticity, 438
et 567.— their exact coincidence with
Crawford's testimony, 440 et seq. — their
general probability, 445 — if forged, who
was the forger? 446 — improbability of
Buchanan's being so, 447 — they are
treated by the party in power as genuine,
452 — the first reference to them in the
negotiations with England, v. 151 — re-
ference to them in Mary's instructions
to her commissioners, 166— letter of the
English commissioners to Elizabeth on
them, 180 — their formal production be-
fore the commission, 201^their exami-
nation by the Council, and the report on
this, ih. et seq. — negotiations in 1582 re-
garding them, 463.
INDEX.
591
Cassilis, the Earl of, one of the " assured
lords," iii. 377 — joins the national
party, 424, 425 — a leader in the plot
against Beaton, 463 — his death in France,
iv. 8.
Cassilis, the Earl of, fraudulent and vio-
lent acquisitions of Church property
by, iv. 191 et seq. — joins Queen Mary
after her escape, v. 106, 117, note — in-
demnity to, 365.
Cassilis, the Earl of, commissioner to
Westminster Assembly, vii. 202 — one
of the commissioners from the Cove-
nanters to Charles II., 261.
Castelnau, conversation of Queen Mary
with, regarding her suitors, iv. 252 —
sent to prtipose her marriapfe to tho
Duke of Anjou, 255 — ^sent as ambassador
to Queen ilary, and his character, 2S4
—interview with Mary, 285— sLatement
from his Memoirs regarding- supposed
daughter of Queen Mary's by Bothwell,
V. 100, note.
Castilians, the party of Grange and Leth-
ington so called, v. 361.
Castlecary, the Koman fort at, i. 31.
Castle Ruthven, seizure of James VI. at,
V. 448.
Castle Sweia, the ruins of, ii. 186, note.
Castles, baronial, &c., in Scotland, iv. 148.
Catechisms, the Larger and Shorter, the
Westminster Assembly's, vii. 227.
Caterans, laws against, iii. 97.
Caterthun, the hill-fort of, i. 91.
Cathedral cities, origin of, ii. 169.
Catherine of Medici, dubious policy of, in
France, iv. 219 — her antagonism to the
Guises, 247 — opposes the marriage of
Queen Mary to Don Carlos, 248— project
for interview with Philip IL, 249 — her
duplicity, 250 — continued opposition to
the Spanish marriaj^e, 254 — withholds
aid from Mary, 284 — her conference
with Alva, and formation of the league,
ti91 — her enmity to Queen Mary, v. 17,
119- herdeath, vi. 34.
Cathei-ine of Spain, her marriage to Prince
Arthur, iii. 216 — and afterwards to
Henry VIII., 217.
Catholic league, formation of the, iv. 291
— danger to England from it, v. 499.
" Catrail," the, an ancient wall in Scotland,
i. 99.
' Causes of the Lord's Wrath,' the, vii. 288
e( seq.
Cavaliers of the north, the, commence
actual hostilities, vii. 39— march south-
ward, but disperse, 40 — march of Mon-
trose against them, 41.
Caves, ai-tificial, at Hawthornden, &c., i.
111.
Caw Mills or Edrington Castle, negotia-
tions regarding, iii. 339.
Cecil, see Burleigh.
Cecil, the younger, correspondence with
James VI. regarding the succession,
vi. 139 et seq.— his reception of James
VI, at Theobalds, 156 et seq.
Cecilia, the Princess, of England, betrothed
to James IV., iii. 173.
Celestine, Pope, Palladius sent as bishop
to the Scots by, i. 253.
Celibacy not adhered to among the Cul-
dees, ii. 12.
Celtic civilisation in Ireland, the earlvj
and its characteristics, i. 330— the eaHy
literatm-e, 331 — races, Druidism as their
supposed religion, 218— ^and Teutonic
races, division between, in Scotland, iii.
96 — races of Ireland, their treatment
and character, vii. 154 et seq. — usnge.s,
gradual disappearance of, as regards
government, ii. 135.
Celts, characteristics of their migrations
and settlements, i. 213 — long reticence
of Norse superstitions among them, 245
— their long resistance to the feudal
system, 392 — their ready subservience
to the Normans, ii. 88— their enmity to
the Lowlanders, 361.
Celts or hatchets, bronze, i. 127.
Censorship of the press, attempts of the
Reformed Church to establish, v. 51.
Ceolfrid, Abbot, on the tonsure, i. 301 —
his letter to King Naitan, 302.
Cerbeil, the treaty of, ii. 418.
Ceremonies, the Millenary petition against,
vi. 220.
Chalmer, James, during interview with
the queen-regent, iv. 60.
Chalmers, Celtic names of rivers from, i.
194, note— Celtic origin given to names
of Pictish kings, 196, note — notices of
early kings from, 325, note— on the sup-
posed armorial bearings of William tho
Lion, ii, 65, note.
Chambered cairns in Scotland, i. Ill —
apparent connection of the "Druidical"
stones with them, 144.
Chamberlain, the Lord, his duties with
regard to the corporations, ii. 171.
Chambers, David, an emissary of Queen
Mary's, iv. 266 — joins the queen after
her marriage, 282^denounced in tho
placards as one of Darnley's murderers,
353 — rewards conferred by Parliament
on him, 373.
Champlain, his discoveries in America, vi.
344.
Chancellorship, the, latterly monopolised
by Churchmen, iv. 27.
"Chnpter" of Mitton, the, ii. 401.
Charlemagne, influence of his wars as re-
gards the Norse migrations, i. 340 — laws
attributed to, ii. 135.
Charles I., his birth, vi. 137— extracts
from his early letters, &c.. 173 — his
early life, 178 et seq. — created Duke of
York, 179 — his accession, and tone of
his reign, 353 et seq. — his marriage, 355
— measures for resumption of Church
revenues, ib. et seq. — terms of his "Re-
vocation," 355 — efforts to carry it out,
357^measures against recusants, 362
et seq. — the final arrangements, 365 —
his probable ultimate designs, 36ii— his
592
INDEX.
subsequent vindication, 307 -at the Par-
liameut of lt)33, 371 tf ^-7.— the 'Sup-
plication/ and bis reception of it, 372
ef srq. — visit to Scotland, 374^his coro-
nation, 375 — measures regarding clencal
dress, 377 — return to London, 378 —
the Supplication refused, and trial of
Balmerinoch, '^sO a seq. — formation of
diocese of Edinburgh, 3St— Archbishop
Spottiswood appointed Chancellor, 385
^the Canons, 391 — they imposed by
his sole authority, 39S^gathering- ele-
ments of hostilit}^ 41)2 — Laud's Liturgy,
and the attempt to introduce it, -117 —
the proclamation enforcing it, 436 —
continued attempts to enforce the Ser-
vice-book, 4-^2 et seq. — proclamations
against the supplicantSj &c., mO ef serj.
— instructions to the Council regarding
the Supplication, &c., 465 ^proclama-
tion, 473 — fresh proclamation, and its
reception, 477 ct seq. — the Covenant,
483 fit seq. — refuses to receive the Sup-
plication, i90 — Hamilton sent as com-
missioner, 491 — terms proposed by the
latter, 496 — spies of the Covenanters on
him, 49S — his proclamation, SOO^com-
prumise proposed, 504— policy revealed
in his secret instmctions to Hamilton,
it. ef seq. — entire surrender of the
points in dispute, 5(_l7^appointment of
Huntly bis lieutenant, vii. 1 — with-
drawal of his commissioner from the
As^^embly, 19^first actual conflict in
the war, 39— preparations against the
Covenanters, 50 — want of resources, 51
— assembling of forces, kc, 53 — pro-
clamation, which the authorities refuse
to receive, 55 — proclamation on the
march to the Border, 60 — his advance
to the Border, 62 — his position, 63 —
attempts at mediation, ih. et seq. — his
attendance at the conferences of the
commissioners, 65 — the pacification of
Berwick, 66 ei seq. — alleged attempt to
kidnap the Covenanting leaders, 68 — his
duplicity in the pacification, 69 et seq. —
documents pro\'ing his duplicity toward
the Covenanters, 73 — his Short and Large
Declarations, and the Assembly's answer,
74 et seq. — struggle with the Parliament
of 1640, 82 ef seq. — his position with re-
gard to it, 86 et seq. — his Large Declara-
tion denounced by Parliament, 89— dis-
covers the negotiations of the Covenant-
ers with France, 91 — release of Loudon,
96— the *'Short Parliament," 97, OS-
hostilities renewed, 105 — agrees to treat,
115- the treaty of Ripon, 116 et seq. — ■
continuation of his Declaration, 117 —
proposes transferring the conference to
York, 123— it removed to London, -ih.
el seq. — the impeachment of Strafford,
126 — conclusion of the treaty, 128 etseq.
— his visit to Scotland, 134 — meeting of
Parliament, 135 et seq. — his speech, 136
— curtailing of the prerogative by the
Parliament, 140 — secret correspondence
of Montrose with him, 142— the " In-
cident," 146 et S''q. — the rebellion in
Ireland, 1.53 — his intended employment
of Irish against the Scots, 157— his sup-
posed commission to Sir Phelim O'Neil,
158— commencement of hostilities with
the English Parliament, 168 — hostilities
resumed by the Scots, 173 — battle of
Marston Moor, 179— surrenders to the
Scots, 230— removed to Newcastle, and
his discussion with Henderson, 231 et
seq. — his residence in the Scots camp,
and dismissal of jMontrose, 234 — motives
of the Scots in retaining him, 235 — cir-
cumstances of their surrender of him,
236 ei seq.— his seizure by Joyce on be-
half of the army, 237 — the ''Engage-
ment" at Newport, 238 — rising of the
Engagers on his behalf, and their defeat,
239 et seq.— hia executi<in, 249 — views in
Scotland on it, ib. et seq.
Charles 11. proclaimed at Edinburgh, vii.
251 — urges on Montrose the invasion of
Scotland, 255— commissioners from the
Covenanters to him, and treaty, 261 et
seq. — he accepts the Covenant, 263 —
landing in Scotland, v7).-— dealings of the
Covenanting leaders with him, 267 etseq.
— signs their declaration, 269 — tlay of
fasting, 270 — removed to Dunfermline,
271— his evasion from the Covenanters,
and recapture, 284— coronation atScone,
285 — again signs the Covenant, 286 —
his flight from AVorcester, 29d — Glen-
cairn's expedition in his favour, 32.i —
his airival in London, and reception,
386 — rejoicings in Scotland, ih., note —
supplication of the Covenanters to him,
391— causes of his hatred to them, 396
deputation from the Scots clergy, 397
—the Earl of Middleton appointed High
Commissioner, 41 !i — executionof Argyle,
AVarriston, &c., 423 et seq. — the Act
Rescissory, 416 — restoi-ation of Episco-
pacy, 418 ef seq. — creation of Privy
Council, 420 — the Act of Indemi ity,
422 et seq., 432 et .'^' 7. — measures against
the Covenanters, 433 et seq. — the Court
of High Commission, 436 et seq. — the
struggle between Middleton and Lau-
derdale, and fall of the former, 438 et
seq. — his treatment of the Billeting Act,
443 — the rising in the west, and its
suppression, iiSeisrq. — the Indulgence,
457— measures of repression, 468 ^'^ seq.
— encroachments on the municipaUties,
475 — the murder of Sharp, 490 et seq. —
the insurrection at Loudon Hill, 510
et 5^7. —declaration of the Covenanters
against him, 527— excommunicated by
theni, 528— increased severities in Scot-
land, 531 — the Succession and Test Acts,
533 — the Ryehouse and Assassination
plots, 536 — his death, 551.
Charles the Bold and Louis XI., the
meeting between, iii. 366.
Charles V. of France, embassy from, to
Scotland, iii. 48.
INDEX.
593
Cliarles IX., suggested marriage of, to
Queen Mary, iv. 255— at the conferences
between his mother and Alva, 293 — ap-
peal from Queen Mary for aid to him,
V. 130.
Charles, the Archduke, proposed as hus-
band to Queen Mary, iv. 2.')1, 252.
Charterhouse Monastery, Perth, destroyed
by the Reformers, iv. 67.
Charters of the Forest, the, ii. 52 — speci-
alties of early, as indicating the germ
of Par iament, 164.
Cbartley, ^ueen Mary's removal to, and
the trap laid for her there, vi. 13 et seq.
Chasles, I\[., on the poems ascribed to
Queen A, .ry, iv. 435, note.
Chastellar accompanies Queen Mary to
Scotland, iv. 168 — Bran tome's account
of him, 2-41 — his attempts on Queen
Mary, 242^his execution, 243.
Cliatelherault, dukedom of, conferred on
Arran, iii. 493.
Chatelherault, the Duke of, alleged con-
spiracy for seizure of the queen, iv. 276
— at first joins the confederates, but
afterwards withdraws, 281 — one of the
Council of Regency on Mary's abdication,
454 — his position as regards the succes-
sion, 7. 226 — his return to Scotland as
head of the queen's party, 227 — placed
under restraint by Murray, 228 — in
Edinburgh Castle, 255 — his death, and
reversion of his dukedom to France,
423. See also Arran.
Chatsworth, Queen Mary's imprisonment
at, vi. 10.
Chattan, the clan, desertion of Huntly by,
iv. 203.
Chepman, Walter, the first Scots printer,
iv. 137.
Chesein, secret emissary of Queen Mary,
iv. 253, 266.
Chevy Chase, the ballad of, iii. 67.
Chinese seals, number of, in Ireland, i. 49,
note.
Chisholme, William, sent to France on
Queen Mary's marriage to Bothwell,
and her instructions to him regarding
it, iv. 393.
ChoUerford, the Tyne crossed by the
Roman wall at, i. 23,
Christian, King of Denmark, claim of
tribute for the Western Isles by, iii.
161 — man-iage of his daughter to James
III., 162 — Orkney andShetland pledged
for her dowry, 163.
Christianity, first notices of, in connection
with Britain, i. 40 — absence of relics
among Roman remains in Scotland, 71
— its state among the Romanised
Britons, 179 — the struggle between it
and paganism, 227 — early, in Scotland,
247 — tliat under the Romans, ih. —
its extinction, 248 — the Scoto-Irish
Church, 253— St Columba, 261 et seq.—
early constitution, &c., of the Church,
266 ei seq. — the successors, &;c., of St
Columba, 277— scanty notices regarding
VOL. VTT.
it subsequent to Adamnan, ii. 2 — its
continued existence, 3.
"Christie's Will," the seizure of Gibson
of Durie by, vi. 286.
Christmas, opposition to its observance in
Scotland, vi. 330.
* Christ's Kirk on the Green,' the supposed
authorship of, iii. 373.
Chroniclers, the, their un trustworthiness
as regards the disputed succession, ii.
200— want of, in Scotland, iv. 121.
Church, the, among the Romanised Brit-
ons, i. 179 et seq. — its early state in
Ireland, 209 — the early, its incomplete
organisation, 260, note — its constitution,
government, ha., under St Columba and
his successors, 266 et seq. — dark period
subsequent to St Adamnan, ii. 1 — its
position subsequent to this, S^tradi-
tional lists of bishops, spurious laws,
&c., ih. et seq. — notices, &:c., during the
dark period, 4 — inquests by jury, 5—^
the Culdees, investigation as to their
position, organisation, &c., 6 et seq,—
its relations at this time to the Church
of Rome, 9^first notice of bishops, 10
— terras of the treaty of Falaise regard-
ing it, 72 — settlement of various diffi-
culties regarding it under Alexander
III., 110 et seq. — its independence as-
serted and secured, 112 et seq. — its posi-
tion and influence at the time of the
great war, 311 et seq. — Acts regarding it
in the reign of James IV., iii. 199— re-
view of its state at the time of the Re-
formation, iv. 20 ef seq. — views of the
nobility as regards its possessions, 25—
its powers, 27 — its practical control over
succession, 28 — power given to it by
excommunication, 29 — the levying of
tithes, 36 — other dues exacted, 37^ — ef-
fects of these things with regard to the
Reformation, 38 — its internal state, 3(1.
Church, the Reformed, its organisation,
v. 49 — its position from 1560 to 1567, ih.
— the Act of 1560 never received the
queen's assent, 50— position of authority
gradually taken up by it, ih. — acts of
discipline, 51 — attempt at censorship of
the press, ib. — discipline enforced over
the nobility, 52^attempts to secure the
revenues of the old Church for ecclesias-
tical purposes, 53 et seq.— the system of
lay eldership in it, its causes and effects,
54 — resolutions at Assembly of 1567 re-
garding endowment of the clergy, 55 —
appropriation by Parliament of the
"thirds," 56 — difficulties of the clergy
in securing their righis, 57 — their dis-
tressed condition, 58 -gradual comple-
tion of its organisation, ih. — the super-
intendents and their functions, 59 —
jealousy of the diunitaries of the old
Church, 60— form of worship, ih. — use of
the English Common Prayer, 62^the
Geneva Liturgy, 63 et seq. — readers and
ministers, 79— measures for religious in-
struction of the Highlanders, 83 et seq. —
2q
594
INDEX.
vocal musiCj 85 et seq. — tho churches, 89
— its structure uiichangeil to 1572, 'd\'l-~
retention of titular bishops, abbnts, &c.,
ih. et seq. — Knox not opposed to tliis,
313 — Moi-tou's difficulties with it, 394—
the system of lay eldership, 395 — at-
tempts to force it on Morton, 396 ei seq.
— denunciations of prevalent immor-
ality, 397 et seq. — sumptuary laws, 398
—these adopted from the Ent^lish Puri-
tans, 399 — rejection by the State (>f the
Book of Discipline, 400— first demon-
strations against Prelacy, ib.-^the bi h-
ops arraigned before the Assembly, 401
— discussions as to their lawfulness, 4"2
— effect of the St Bartholomew massacre,
403 — scheme of Moi-toa regarding its
secular endowment, 405 — declaration
against Episcopacy, 468 — Second Book
of Discipline, ib. — it rejected by Parlia-
ment, 471 ^t now Presbyterian, iO. —
commencement of war against Episco-
pacy, 472— the Second Confession or
First Covenant, 473 — enforcement of
discipline, 476 — proceedings against the
bishops, 477 — ^formal abolition of Epis-
copacy, vi. 42 et seq. — Act for enforcing
discipline, 44 — its triumphant position
in 1595, 67 — account of a revival, 70—
clerical spies placed over the Popish
lords, 73— discipline, 75 — influence of the
Hampton Court conference on it, 218 et
seq.— the High party and their position,
230 — their manifesto, ib. et seq.— tho
question as to General Assemblies and
the power of the Crown, 231— Assembly
called by the High party at Aberdeen,
232 — this denounced by the Crown, 7h.
— trial of the leaders, 233 — restoration
of Episcopacy, 241 et seq. — difficulties
about revenues, &c., 245— the Eive
Articles of Perth, 321 et seq.^mesisnres
of Charles I. for resumption of revenues,
355 et seq.— haud's Canons, their recep-
tion, &c., 391 et seq. — the Liturgies in
use before Laud's, 403 et seq. — Laud's,
417 et seq. — Cromwell's measures for its
reconstn;ction, vii. 321,
Church lands, their early cultivation, kc,
ii. 16^rating of them in the time of
Alexander III., 111.
Church property, seizure, &c., of, by the
nobility, iv. 191 et seq. — arrangements
made regarding it, 193 et seq. — its ap-
propriation by the nobility, and the at-
tempts of the Keformed clergy to obtain
its redevotion to ecclesiastical purposes,
v, 53 et seq.
Churchmen, seignorial rights conferred
on, ii. 132.
Circuit courts of Scotland, their origin, i. 393.
Cists or stone coffins^ different kinds of,
i. 115.
Cities, cathedral, ii. 169.
Civil law, the, rejected in England and
accepted iu Scotland, iv. 102.
Civil power, the Second Book of Disci-
pline on it, V. 470.
Civitas, or city of the Romans, tho, un-
knovi'n in Britain, ii. 169.
Clackmannan Castle, style of, iv. 149.
Clan Quele, &c., the combat of the, at
Perth, iii. 73.
Clarendon on the reception at Court of the
news of the first religious disturbances,
vi. 451 — on the release of Loudoti, vii.
96, note— on the Short Parliament, 98 —
his account of the Scots preachere in
London, 126— and of the ** Incident,"
150 — on the alleged commission to
O'Neil, 159, 160, note.
Class contests, abseiiee of, in Scotland,
iv. 106.
Classic art, absence of indications of, in
the sculptured stones, i. 164.
Classical mythology, attempt to refer
that of the Norsemen to, i. 243.
Claudian, notices of the Britons from, i.
204, note— and of the Scots, 211.
Claudius, the annexation of England
begun under, i. 2.
Claverhouse, see Graham.
"Cleanse the Causeway/' street combat
called, iii. 266,
Cledran, vitrified fort at, i. 96.
ClelaiidjWm.jpresentat Drun)clog,vii. 512.
Clergy, the, give in their adherence to
Bruce, ii. 372 — their disregard of oaths,
374 — dissensions between them and the
nobility regarding the Book of Disci-
pline, iii. 187 et seq. — efforts to secure
provision for them, 189-— arrangements
made regarding this, 193 — their dis-
satisfaction, 195 — the allowances fixed,
196 — their views as to executions for
heresy, iv. 19 — their condition at tho
time of the Reformation, 20 — luxury
and profligacy, 21 — prevalence of con-
cubinage, 22 — light in which this was
regarded, 23 — provision made by Par-
liament for them, v. 56 — their diffieultius
in securing it, and distress in conse-
quence, 57 et seq. — their position in the
north under Huntly during the civil
war, 305 — convention at Leith, and
their proceedings with regard to Epis-
copacy, &c., 313— Morton's scheme re-
garding their stipends, 405 et seq. —
their position at this time, 406, note —
their conduct with regard to Queen
Mary at the time of her death, vi. 25 —
their proceedings, &c., on the approach
of the Armada, 30 — their answer to
James VI. iu relation to Bothwell's at-
tempts, 51 — permanent council at Edin-
burgh, and its proceedings, 75, 76 — re-
port of the Assembly on them, 78 et seq.
—their "Declinatour " of the king's
jurisdiction, 83 — views taken by them
as to the Cowrie Conspiracy, 118 et seq.
— their disposition and views on the
Restoration, vii. 395, 397 — their ejection
after the Restoration, 435.
Clerical dress. Act of Parliament of 1G33
regarding it, vi, 371 — proceedings of the
king, 377, 378, 379.
INDEX.
595
Clifford, caphire of Douglas Castle from,
ii. 367 — defeat of, at Bannockburn, 381.
Clifford, an English spy, iii. 360.
Clifford, Lady, on the Scots in England,
vi. 187.
Clinton and Save, Lord, a member of the
commission on Queen Mary, v. 185.
Closeburn Castle, remains of, ii. 183, note.
'Cloud of Witnesses/ the, vii. 568.
Coal, early use of, in Scotland, iv. 157.
Co-arb, the, in tbe early Irish Church, i.
257.
Cochrane, the favourite of James III., iii.
181 — the charges against hira, 182 —
executed at Lauder, 185.
Coukburn, Sir Jiimos, one of Mary's com-
missioners at York, v. 165.
Cockbui'n Law, so-called Danish burgh on,
i. 105.
Cocklaws Tower, besieged by the Percies,
iii. 86.
Coinage, regulation of, under James I.,
iii. 110.
Coins, Roman, found in Scotland, i. 58.
Cuke, Sir E., on the Regiam Ma.jestatem, ii.
136 ef seq. — the safe-conduct to the Scots
commissioners signed by hini, vii. 64.
Coldbranspath, &c.j destroyed by the Eng-
lish, iii. 337.
Coldingham, Priory of, founded by King
Edgar, ii. 61- — destroyed by Hertford,
iii. 451— its remains, ii. 190.
Colman, Bishop of Northumbria, i. 299.
Cologne, its antiquity as a municipality,
i. 70.
Columbanus, his adherence to the Scoto-
Irish Easter, i. 295.
Columbite Church, disputes between it
and the Roman as regards Easter, &c.,
i. 293 et seq.
Colville, John, his letters, and sketch of
his career, vi. 284, note.
Colville, William, agent of tho Covenant-
ers in France, vii. 91.
Colville or Calvin, see Calvin.
Commerce of the country before the great
war, ii, 193.
Commissary Court, its establishment, iv.
379.
Commission of Grievances, court called
the, vi. 357-
Commission of inquiry at York, the Eng-
lish members, v. 164 — Queen Mary's,
165— the commissioners from tbe kiug's
party, and their instructions, 167— in-
structions to the English commissioners,
168~-discussionregardingthecoursetobe
taken should the all eged crimes be proved
against Queen Mary, 169— the superi-
ority question, 172— concealment of it
from tbe Scots, 173— their receptio_n of
itj 174— preliminary discussion, 177—
opening statements on both sides, 178—
the ''Articles" of Murray as to the
course should the crime be proved, 179
—letter of the English commissioners
to Elizabeth, Vft.— her answer, 182—
fresh instructions from Elizabeth, 184
— conference removed to London, 185
--new English members appointed, ih.
— formal accusation of the queen,
and production of the casket let-
ters, 196 ei seq. — the 'Book of Art-
ticles' against her, 199 — the report on
the casket letters, 201 et sey.— examina-
tion of Crawford before them, 205 ei seq.
— offers made to Mary with regard to
her exculpation, 210 — counter-charge
brought by her against Murray, &c., 211
— terms ofadjustmentproposed by Queen
Elizabeth, 216 -final judgment of tho
commission, 219^ — its termination, 220.
"Committee of Estates," appointment of
the, vii. 90 — after the Restoration, 383
^committal of Remonstrant clergy by
them, 393.
" Committee of the Articles" in the Scots
Estates, iv. 96.
Commodus, outbreak of the Caledonians
in his reign, i. 32.
Common Order, the Book of, see Book.
Communion, regulations of the Five Ar-
ticles regarding, vi. 322, 327 — service,
Laud's changes in the, 430 et seq.
Commutation of tithes in Scotland, the,
vi. 364 el seq.
'Complayntof Scotland,'the, iv. 129 — Ley-
den's reprint of it, ib., note.
Compurgation, the ancient law of, ii. 144.
Comte, Auguste, on slavery, i. 387, note.
Comyn, Robert de, the founder of the
family, i. 406.
Comyn, John, one of the commissioners at
Salisbury, ii. 122 — summoned to the
meeting of barons at Norham, 203—
nature of his claim to the crown, 216 —
accepts Edward's superiority, 260 — raids
against England directed by, 265 — one
of the guardians of the kingdom, 304 —
attempt to defend Stirling Castle by,
328 — capitulates to Edward, 332— nature
of his claim to the crown, and his com-
petition with Bruce, 346 et seq. — his
slaughter, 350.
Comyns, the, during the reign of Henry
IIL, ii. 98, 99.
Conall, King of Dalriada, i. 319,
Conan, traditional Bishop of the Isles, ii. 3.
Concrescault, the Sieur de, iii. 206, 208.
Concubinage, prevalence of, among tbe
clergy before the Reformation, and how
regarded, iv. 21 et seq.
Cond^, the Prince of, proposed as husband
to Queen Mary, iv, 253.
Condlead, an Irish bishop, legend of, i. 259.
Confederate lords, the, meeting of, at
Paisley, iv. 281 — their reception in Edin-
burgh, and retreat to Dumfries, 282 —
their flight into England, 287 — are dis-
avowed by Elizabeth, 290 — their return
from banishment after Rizzio's murder,
311 — their band, 315 — their danger after
the queen's escape from Holyrood, 317
— they flee to England, 318 — remissions
granted, ib.— their dealings with Queen
Elizabeth, 401^ — Edinburgh Castle ac-
596
INDEX.
qnireti by tliem, 402 — their entry into
tho town, 4iili— assume tho machinery
of government, ib. — their manifesto,
404 -march a^!:ainst Bothwell, 4i'.'i -
tlioir forces, 40(i-'thoir position at Tar-
berry. 407 — Le Croc's attempts to medi-
ate, 408 t^^ s<'<f. — the other conferencos,
4Vd if seq. — tlight of Bothwell and sur-
render of the queen, 414— her throats
during tho return to Edinburgh, 417^
their first Wews regarding the queen,
4:^0 — they resolve on her imprisonment,
421^remove her to Lochleven, 422—^
they act on the casket letters as gen-
uine, 4r)"J compel the abdication of tho
queen, 4ri"> - tlieir proceedings after tho
queen's abdication, v. 1 e( so/. — the pro-
visional regency, 2— coronation of the
prince, 4— their proclamation, 8 — their
answer to the demands of the English
ambassador, 25.
CV'nrossion of Faith, the, its acrei>tanc6 by
the Reforming nobility, iv. 187 -in tho
Book of Common Order, v. i'u — tho
Second, King's, or Negative, 473 e( sf/.
— the Westminster Assembly's, vii. 227.
Conindricus, traditional Bishop of tho
Isles, ii, 3.
" Conservator of Privileges," office of, iv.
153.
Consistorial Court, tho, restored by Queen
Mary, iv. SSO^protost of the Assembly
against this, 381.
Constable, Sir R., his account of Sussex's
ravages in Scotland, v. 250.
Constantino, a claimant for the empire in
Britain, i. 46.
Constantiue, King, killed by tho Norse-
men, i, 355, 35d.
Constantino III., defeat of Norsemen by,
i. 357 — defeated in Northumbria, 3tiO —
becomes Abbot of St Andrews, 361.
Constantino, successor of Kenneth III.,
i. 366.
Constantino, a leader of the Britons of
Strathclyde, i. 310.
Constantino, abbot of the Culdoes of St
Andrews, ii. ;J2.
ConstantiuR ( 'hlorus, the recovery of Bri-
tain by, i. ;>!).
Contentus, traditional Bishop of the Isles,
ii. 3.
Continent, the Scots religious houses on
the, ii. 26.
Conventicles, Act against, vii. 458.
Convention of Royal Burghs, the, ii. 175.
Conway, Lord, forces under him, vii. 106
— his defeat at Nowbura, 107 et .sf/.
Cooking- pots, ancient bronze, i. 12S -
utensils, Roman, 58.
Coquet Island taken by the Scots, vii. 176.
Corbredus Galdus of Buchanan identified
with Galgacus, i. 12, note.
Corporation, the scheme of the, applied
by the Roman Church to the monastic
orders, ii. 8.
Corporations, rise, &c., of, in Scotland,
ii. 166 et sc'y.^their early privileges, 177
— vicissitudes they have undergone, 1 78
- arbitniry attacks ou thorn under
Charles II., vii. 475.
Corrichie, the battle of, iv. 203.
Cotterel, Colonel, foiviltlo closing of (Jeno-
ral Assembly by, vii. 303.
Coucy, Kuguenxnd do, ii. i)3.
Coney, Mary de, mai'riage of Alexander
II. to, ii. i)0— her family and character,
93 — at her son's marriage, 117 -again
married to John de Bncnne, 09.
Council of 1559, tho, iv. 63 — its disregard
of the demands of the Protestants, 64.
Councils of tho Church, slight i-ogard paid
to them in Scotland, iv. 42.
*' Count of the Saxon Shore," office of, its
origin, i. 349.
Coiuities or shires, division of the country
into, ii. 129.
Court of Session, its origin, &c., iv. 100.
I'units Baron, introduced by Cromwell,
vii. 320.
Courts of High Commission, the, vi. 242.
(!'ovouant, the First, iv. 57''^ .'••'V-, v. 473 ct
■ST'/. — its authorsliip, vi. 483 its term.'*,
484 — the signing of it, 487 — measures to
secure adhesion, 488^doclaration of the
Aberdeen Doctors against it, vii. 25 —
penalties enforcing subscriiition, 81 -
discussed in the Westminster Assembly,
2(t8 -signed by Charles 11., 263 and
again at his coronation, 2St) -burned by
the hangman, 421--Act abjuring it, 43.1
Covenantors, the, measures to secure adhe-
sion, vi. 488 — their reception of tho king's
commissioner, 491 — measures to [.rovent
conveyance of stores into tlio easLle, 492
—their demands, 491 — negotiations with
the commissioner, 495 et svq. - their
secret spies at Court, 497 protestation,
499 — character of their proe.cediNL;s, 502
—their knowledge of llamilton's st'ci-ut
instructions, 506 — the mob as their
first auxiliary, 508^nieasmes to force
adhesion, 510 — Argyle's Highlanders, ib.
— their adherents in the north, 51 1 - -
opposition in Aberdeen, 512- their at-
tempt to gain Huutly, vii. 2*7 .vny. tlieir
strength tVom the soldiers trained in the
Thirty Years' War, 3 H si'fj. — ^soizure of
their munitions of war on tho seas, &u.,
7 <'t sei/.— efforts to raise money, 8 —
measures regarding the Assembly of
1638, 13 — commission to Aberdeen,
24— struggle against the Cordons, &c.,
27 f'l seq. their blue ribbon, 41, note —
jiroparations of tho king against them,
50 1"/ .svvy, - seizure of tho fortresses,
52 — forces assembled, ani.1 pi'eparations,
54 — refuse to receive tho king's procla-
mation, 5.5 — their mnrch to tho Border,
Cti) — character of tho for(!0, 57 - Iho
J lighlanders, 58 -their numbers, 6(t —
tiie aflair with Lord Holland, 61- en-
campment on Diujse Law, 62 - attenqits
at mediation, 63 ■ ■ cominissionei-s iip-
poiuted, 64 ff seq.- tho p;irilieation of
Berwick, 65 ft 5C(/.— supposed scheme to
INDEX.
597
seize their leaders, 6S — their indig^na-
tioQ at the king^'s duplicitT, 69— n^oti-
ations with France, '^'1 t( seq. — extent to
which the Parliamentarians were in al-
liance with them, 102 et S'-:q. — their
forces again assembled, 105 — enter Eng-
land, 106— battle of Xewburn, 107 —
capture Xewoiistle, 110 — their difficul-
ties. 112 — further successes, 11:3 — ^first
supplicationj 111 — treaty of Kipon, 116
ei st'i. — manifesto by them, and Laud's
notes on it, 117 — their pecuniary de-
niantis, 120 1^ seq. — ^the conference trans-
ferred to London, 123 — reception of
their commissioners, 125 — popularity of
their preachers in London, 126 — the
treaty, 12S— measures against the Royal-
ists in the north, 130 at seq. — and the
west, 132 ei s^q. — first suspicions of
Montrose, and proceedings against him,
142 — their defeat at Tippermuir, 185—
Montrose's campaign and victories, ib.
et seq. — the charge of selling the king,
234 el seq. — the " Engagement," 23S —
treaty concluded uith Charles II.,
2dl et seq. — *' purgation" of their army,
2'j1 — removal of the king to Dunferm-
line, 265, 2d7 — Leslie in C'TiJiQand. 2^5
— ^further purifications, 2^i7^iheir de-
claration, 26y-— day of fasting, 27"— eva-
sion and recapture of Charles IL, 2S4 —
the report on •'"'the cai=es of God's
wrath," 2S7 — the Resolution ers, 2S'' d
seq. — the Remonstrants, 293 — their
'^'supplication" to Charles II.. 391 —
measures aguinst them, 433 — ^the Ejec-
tion Act, 4-35— the Mile Act, 436— the
Court of High Commission, 43/ — quar-
tering, kc. of troops on them, 447 — in-
surrection in the west, 44S tt .?€q. — their
defeat at Rullion Green, 4o' i — executions
which followed, 454 — employment of
torture, ib. — system of lawbiirrows. 456
— the Indulgence, 457 — the Act against
conventicles, 45S — opposition of the
violent to the Indulgence, and letters
of intercommuning, 46'^ — employment
of the Highland host against them, 469
— ^tests, &c., 473 — forfeitures and fines,
474 — of the west, their haunts, &c., 509
d, seq. — their proclamation at Ruther-
glen, 51' I — ^battle of Drumclogor Loudon
Hill. 512 et seq. — its effect in increasing
their numbers, 515 — force sent against
them, 516 —dissensions among them-
selves. 517 — disunion caused by the ar-
rival of Welch, 521— the Hamilton De-
claration. 522 — negotiations with Mon-
mouth, 52:5— battle of Both well Bridge,
524 — the Sanquhar Declaration, .526 —
excommunicate the king, 52S — .iivisions
among them, and names by which known,
541, note.
Cowper, Rev. John, vi. 26.
Cox, Dr, struggle with Knox at Frankfurt,
V. 64.
Crab, his defence of Berwick, u. 39S et seq.
Craibstone, combat of the, v. 305.
Craig, John, v. 277, 27? — part taken by
him against the queen, ir. 2^4— ^proclaims
the banns between the queen and Both-*
well, 383 — his defence of this step, 3*^1:* —
present at the conference between Kn<ix
and Lethington, v. 290, 296 — leader of
the Kirk party, 404 — defection of, 5i.)7 —
rebuke to James VI., vi. 49.
Craigengelt, George, vi. 95-
Craigmillar, murder of Mar in, iii. 176 — its
architectiu-e, iv. 148 — Queen Mary at,
331 — contemporary account of the pro-
ceedings there, 332 et seq.
Craigphadric, vitrified fort of, i. ^d.
Cramond, Roman coins found at, i. 59,
note — its importance under the Romans,
Cranboume, Lord, letter of James \'I. to
him on the Union project, \'i. 19S.
Crannoges of Ireland, the, i. 9& and note.
Cranston, Thomas, vi. 95, 101, 102.
Cranstone, Rev. Michael, vi. S5.
Crawar, Paul, a Hussite, martyrdom of,
iii. 114.
Ci-awfurd, the Earl of, bond with Dougla-«,
iii. 136 ei seq., 141— attacks the Bishop of
St Andrews, 142 — coiitest with the Ogil-
vies, and his death, 143.
Crawford, Lord, a member of the Romanist
party, iv. 166 — at Queen Mary's mar-
riage, 277 — signs the band for her, 117,
note.
Crawford, Lord, one of the jury on Gowrie,
V. 493 — a Popish convert, vi. 61.
Crawford, Lord, v:i. 443.
Crawford, the Master of, vi. 255.
Crawford, Thomas, his account of the
interview between the queen and Dam-
ley at Glasgow, iv. 3:38, 440 it seq. —
notices of, in the casket letters. 425 —
his examination before the Engli.-ili Coun-
cil, V. 2'i.>— his position, &c., 206 — his
evidence in fall, ih. et seq. — denounces
Lethington, 230 — captures Dumbail^n
Castle, 261 ei '■^y. — bis previous career as
soldier, 262, tiL'te.
Crawford-John^ origin of parish of, ii, 33,
note.
Crawford Moor, gold formerly found on,
iv. 156.
Crawfurd, David, Ins 'ilemoirs of the
Afikirs of Scotland,' v. 237, note.
Creech, the Laird of, iv. 305.
Creel-houses, Highland, i. 265.
Creichton, Captain, account of Lalziel by,
viL 453, note.
Cressingham appointed Treasurer of Scot-
land, iu 277, 21.^1 '. 2y2 — killed at the
battle of rrtiriini'. 2'.^3.
Cressys Church Histor}-. list of British
saints in, i. ISO, note.
CricbtoD, Sir William, Chancellor under
James IT.. UL 126 — rivalry with Sir Alex-
ander Livingston, >.t.— compact between
them. 127^es;ecution of the Dou^lasc.=',
12S — strucrgle with Dougla.*?, 1-35 — narrow
escape fn-m the latter, 137-
Crichton, r^-jbert, queen'd advocate, iv.
598
INDEX.
318 — appears for the prosecution at
Bothwell's trial, 370.
Crichton, W., a Jesuit agent, vi. 60, 61.
Criohtons, the, their struggle with Huntly
in the north, vii. 516 ef .■'•f/. — the burn-
ing of Frendranght, 517 — procee<liugs
against them, 518 — their fall, 52)> et fteq.
Crioliton Castle, captured by Douglas, iii,
135— its architecture, iv. 151.
Criiian Canal, geological interest of its
district, i. ^S.
Croj croo, or kro, the, in tho laws of the
Brets and Scots, ii. 141.
Cromwell, Sir Oliver, his reception of
James VL, vi. 11'.).
Cromwell, Oliver, at Marston Moor, vii,
ISl) and note— his defeat of Hamilton at
Preston, 239 — march to Edinburgh, and
terms imposed,' 211— conferences with
Argyle, 215 — advance into Scotland, 264
--Leslie's position before Edinbui'gh,
272 — skirmishes there, 273 — retreats to
Dunljar, 275--battle of Dunbar, 276 et
seq. — his answer to the preachers, 282 —
his liberality to the clergy, 283— sur-
render of Edinburgh Castle, 294r— march
to Perth, 295 — victory at Worcester,
296 — pacification of Scotland, 300 — in-
demnity, 301 et seq.— treaty with Ar-
gyle, 302 — closing of General Assembly,
303 — his foreign policy, 305 — internal
administration, 306 et .'^c/.— measures
for union, 307— establishment of free-
trade, 309— collection of the revenue,
311 — abolition of feudality, 316 — at-
tempt to introduce system of registra-
tion, 319 — fortresses erected, ?'6., 332 —
Courts Baron, and postal communi-
cation, 320— measures regarding the
C^hurch, 321 eC se.q. — his position and
influence in Scntland, 333^his fortresses
dismantled, 415.
Cronan or Crinan, Abhotof Dunkeld,ii. 12.
Ciruss, the, on the sculptured stones, i. 154.
Crossraguel, seizure of abbey lands by
Cassilis, iv. 192.
Crown jewels, transactions regarding them
under Morton, &c., v. 410 et seq.
Crown Matrimonial, discussions regarding
its being conferred on the Dauphin, iv.
9 — Darnley's demand of it, 297.
Culblccn, the battle of, iii. 19.
Culdecs, the, at Dunkeld, i. 306, ii. 6—
origin of the name, ih., note — not under
an episcopate, 10 — question as to whe-
ther they were a monastic order,ll — their
peculiarities, 12 — secularisation of their
endowments, 13 — the Scolochs among
them, 14r— the question as to their age,
17 and note— the name at one time a
term of reproach, 18 — use made of them
in the Presbyterian controversy, 19- -
Ebrard's account of them, 23, 24, note
— their struggle against the Roman
Church, 28.
Culen, King, death of, i. 364.
Culzean Castle, Brereton's account of,
vii. 372.
Cumberland, given up to the Scots, i. 361
— overrun by Wallace, ii. 296.
" Cumbernauld Band," the, vii. 142 et xeq.
Cumbria or Cambria, the district known
as, i. 362— disjoined from Scotland, 422
—surrendered by Malcolm IV., ii. 61.
Cumbria or Struthclyde, see Strathclyde.
Cunimenus Albus, his work on St Colum-
ba, i. 273.
Cunningham, Professor, on the evidence
as to Wishart's comj^licity in the plot
against Beaton, iii. 466, note.
Cunningham, Pobert, iv. 370.
Cunningham, William, iv. 274.
Cupar, recaptured by the Scots, iii. 20.
Curates, the, under Charles II. , vii. 478,
479.
Curl, Elizabeth, servant to Queen Mar}-^,
vi. 28.
Currv, Sir Pierce, killed at battle of Largs,
ii.'lOO.
Cursing or excommunication, power given
to the Church by, iv, 28, 29 — example
of one, 30, 31 — how regarded in later
times, 35.
Dacre, Lord, negotiations with Albany,
iii. 273, 274— inroad into Scotland, 276
— report of scene between Albany and
the Council from, 282 — his victory at
Sol way Moss, 372^ — sheltered by the
Borderers, v. 247.
Dairsie Church, its architecture, vii. 365.
Dalgarno, George, his discoverles,vii. 360.
Dalgleish, George, one of the murderers
of Darnley, iv. 342 — the casket letters
found in his i;)ossession, 422 — his execu-
tion, V. 93.
Dalkeith, removal of the Privy Council to,
vi. 473 — Castle, seized by the Cove-
nanters, vii. 53.
Dalriada, a kingdom so called, both iu
Ireland and Scotland, i. 214 — that in
Scotland, 215, 216, 317-'that in Ireland,
317 — throws off subjection to Ireland,
321.
Dairy, defeat of Bruce at, ii. 362, 365.
Dalziel, General Thomas, his defeat of the
Covenanters at Bullion Green, vii, 450—
his previous coreer and character, 452 — ■
Hackston examined before him, .530.
Daniien, a Frenchman, satire of Dunbar
on, iv, 2.
Dancing, denunciations of, by Knox, iv,
209.
Danes, invasions by tho, in the time of
the Conqueror, i. 406, 407— or Norse-
men, see Norsemen.
Daniel, W., one of Sharp's murderers, vii.
504,
Danish towers, the so-called, i. 99 ef seq.
Darnley, first meeting of, with Queen
Mary, iv. 261 — his descent and antece-
dents, i&.— his marriage, 276— created
King of the Scots, 279 — declaration of
the Protestant lords against this, 280^
refusal of England to acknowledge his
title, ib. el seq. — his character, 296 —
INDEX.
599
growing estrangement of the queen, 237
— a party to the baud for Rizzio's
murder, 300 — and to that for bringing
back the exiled lords,302— the murder of
Rizzio, 304 e^je(/.— his demeanour after it,
308 — proclamations, 310 — the queen's
change of tone, 313 e( seq. — his treach-
ery to his confederates, 320 — alienation
of the queen, i6.— proposes taking refuge
in France, 322 — proposals for divorcing
Lira, 333 et seq. — absent at the baptism
of the prince, 335 — his illness, and re-
moval to Glasgow, 336 — the band for
his murder, ib. — the queen's visit to
him, 3^38 — his removal to Kirk-ol- Field,
339 — the persons imaiediately engaged,
342 — his murder, 345 et seq. — aspect uf
the palace, &c , after it, 349 — placards
denouncing tlie murderers, 353^— excite-
ment, ib. — his burial,354 — the references
to him in the casket letters, 425 et seq.
pass. — execution of the subordinate
murderers, v. 93 — Crawford's evidence
as to the queen's conversation with
him at Glasgow, 207, note.
Dasent, on the Norsemen's hatred of
colour, i. 345, note.
Dauney on ancient Scots music, vii. 357-
David I., founding of the Scottish bisht^p-
ricsby, ii. 34, note — his accession, 42 —
his residence at the EugUsh Court, and
its effects, 43 — revolt and subjiigation of
the Maormorof Ross, 44 — yields homage
to England as Earl of Huntingdon, 47 —
war and treaty with Stephen, 53 — inva-
sion of England, 54 et seq. — battle of the
Standard, 58 et seq. — his death, 60 — ^reli-
gioua foundations by him, 61 — his ordi-
nances, 131, 139, 140 — the Regiam
Majestatem ascribed to him, 136, 160,
161 — germ of jury trial in his laws, 144,
145— laws regarding hanging, 148^and
poor suitors, 150— legend regarding his
finding the Black Rood, 273.
Darid II. (Bruce), his accession and cor-
onation, iii. 1 — regency of Randolph, 2
— removed to Paris, 10 — returns to
Scotland, 20 — invasion of England, 23—
his defeat and capture, 24 — removed to
the Tower, 27 — negotiations with him,
29- -bargain for his release, 30 et seq.—
his conduct after his return to Scotland,
36 — death of his queen, and marriage to
Margaret Logie, ib. eiseq. — proposes the
son of Edward III. as his successor, 38
— secret agreement with Edward III.,
39— measures of Parliaments to check
the royal prerogative, 40 et s^g.— expe-
dition into the Highlands, and his death,
42— nominal submission of the West
Highlands, 94.
David, Earl of Crawfurd, the ''Tiger
Karl," iii. 143.
David, Earl of Huntingdon, claims of his
descendants to the crown, ii. 214.
David, Lord of Cumbria, ii. 5.
Davidson, Sir A., killed atHarlaw, iii. 102.
Davison, Secretiiry, scut as ambassador
after ^tho Ruthven Raid, v. 453, 462 et
seq. — and on the execution of Gowne,
495 — account of Arran and his countess,
500, 501 — and of the king, 502 — pic-
ture of the Countess of Gowrie, 513 —
his letter suggesting the assassination of
Queen Mary, vi. 21.
Dead, disposal of, in prehistoric times, i.
115.
' Dean of Lismore's Book,' the, iv. 140.
Deane, General, vii. 302, 307.
Debateable Land, the, iii. 325.
Dee, ancient bridges over the, ii. 196.
Defensive armour, importance attached
to, ii. 280.
Deil's Dyke, the, i. 99.
Delaware, Lortt, v. 352.
' Delicife Poetarum Scotorum,' the, vii.
339.
Demoniacal possession, the doctrine of,
vii. 383 et seq.
Dempster, on George "Wishart, iii. 461 and
note.
Denmark, joins the Holy Catholic League,
iii 219^the king a suitor to Queen
Mary, iv. 256— Bothwell in, 455 tf :^tq.
De Quincys, lands in Scotland claimed by,
iii. 7.
Dermod, King, i. 263.
De Ros, Wm., summoned to the meeting
of barons at Norham, ii. 203— accepts
King Edward's superiority, 210 — gioimd
of his claim, 213.
Devergoil, descent of Baliol from, ii. 215
— and of Comyn, 216.
Dicaledons, a branch of the Picts, i. 44.
Dickson, David, vii. 336 — one of the com-
missioners to Aberdeen, 24^Moderatur
of the Assembly of 1639, 72.
Dignities, rise and peculiarities of, under
the feudal system, i. 3S8 et seq.
Diocesan bishops, unknown in the early
Scots Church, ii. 9 et seq.
Diocletian and the fortune-teller, the story
of, i. 377.
Diodorus Siculus, supposed reference to
Arthur's Oon by, i. 52, note.
Dion Cassias, his History, i. 34.
Directory for Public Worship, the West-
minster Assembly's, vii. 217, 221 et seq.
Dirleton Castle, the ruins of, ii. 184, 321,
note — captured by Edward L, 301.
Disinherited barons, the, their claim, &c.,
on Scotland, iii. 4 et seq.
Divine right, doctrine of, unknown in feu-
dal times, ii. 48.
Divorce, state of the law of, at the time of
Bothwell's abduction of Queen Mary,
iv. 378.
Dogs, destruction of, in Aberdeen by Mon-
trose, vii. 41.
Domestic architecture, early, ii. 181 —
utensils, ancient bron^^e, i. 128.
Domnal or Donald, King of Strathclvde,
i. 310.
Domnal, his victory at Mach Rath, i. 323,
vL 305.
Donald III., King, i. 355.
6oo
INDEX.
Donald TV., Idllod by the Danes, i. 357.
Donald Balloch, rebelliou of, a^^ainet James
I., iii. 113 — (the second), insurrection
ot, against James Hi., 155.
Donald Bane, reign of, i. 419.
Donald Bree, King of the Scots, i. 322—
his defeat at Mach Rath, in Ireland, i.
32:3, vi. 305.
Donald Dhu, rebellion and subjugation of,
iii. 229, '^30.
Donald Gorme, death of, iii. 362.
Donald of the Isles, claims the earldom of
Ross, iii. 100— his defeat at Harlaw, 101
— subdued by James I.. 112, 113.
Doomsday-book, on, i. 3tiO and note.
Dorset, the Earl of, on the death of Prince
Henry, vi. 178.
"Dorsum Britannise," the old name for
the Grampians, i. 15.
Douglases, lawsuit of the, appealed to
Edward I., ii. 257— the family of, 285—
the head joins Wallace, ih. — their lands
in England, iii. 4^their alleged preten-
sions to the ci'own on the accession of
Robert II., 43— origin and secret of
their power, 129 — their alliances, &c.,
with royalty, 131 — their possible claims
to the throne, 132 — weakening of their
power, 134 — struggle between them and
James II., 140 et .s^ry.— feuds between
them and the Hamiltons during minority
of James V., 258 — ravaging of their
lands by Hertford, 435 — desecration of
their tombs, 436.
Douglas, Lord James, surrenders to the
English, ii. 288 — joins Bruce, 367— the
"Douglas Larder," ib., 368 — at Ban-
nockburn, 381 — invasion of England by,
400 — and again, 420— his death, 432.
Douglas, the Earl of, defeated at Halidon
Hill, iii. 11 — raid into England, 52 et seq.
Douglas, the Earl of, invasion of England
under, iii. 59^battle of Otterburn, 61
et scq. — his death there, 63.
Douglas, the Earl of, captures Dunbar
. Castle, iii. 82 — defeated and wounded at
Homildon Hill, S3 — joins in the plot
against Rothesay, 84.
Douglas, the Earl of, in alliance with
Hotspur, iii. 87.
Douglas, the Earl of, his death at the com-
mencement of James II. 's reign, iii. 126.
Douglas, the Earl of, and his brother,
executed under James II., iii. 128-
Douglas, the Earl of, his bond with Craw-
furd and Ross, iii. 136 — pilgrimage to
Rome, 138 — his slaughter, 139.
Douglas, the Earl of, continued struggle
with the king, iii. 145— defeated, and
flees, 145, 146— forfeiture of his estates,
146 — invades Scotland, 149— a party to
treaty for partition of Scotland, 156 —
taken prisoner, and enters a monastery,
186.
Douglas, Archibald, made Duke of
Touraine. iii. 130.
Douglas, Sir Archibald, ambassador to
France, iii. 46~invades England, 59, 69.
Douglas, Archibald, iv. 316 — emissary to
Morton as regards Darnley's murder,
337 — language to the English Court re-
garding Queen Mary, vi. 16.
Douglas, Catherine, her devotion to
James I., iii. 120.
Douglas, Gavin, iii. 265 — his poems, iv. 131.
Douglas, Geoi'ge, outlawed for Rizzio's
murder, iv, 319 — excepted from the
pardon, 336.
Douglas, Sir George and Archibald, raid
into Scotland under, iii. 337— returns to
Scotland, 377 — on the national feeling
against England, 380 — jiolicy recom-
mended to Henry Vtll., 381 — and the
treaty regarding Queen Mary, 395^re-
lations of Henry VIII. with, 412, 413.
Douglas, George, ,becomes a partisan of
Queen Mary's, v. 102^removedfrorathe
castle, 103 — joins her on her escape,
105 — accompanies her in her flight from
Langside, 115.
Douglas, John, Archbishop of St An-
drews, V. 313.
Douglas, Lady, the keeper of the queen in
Lochleven, v. 98.
Douglas, Lord, one of the commissioners
to ti-eat for peace, vii. 65.
Douglas, Margaret, the Fair Maid of Gal-
loway, iii. 134 — married to the Earl of
Douglas, 136.
Douglas, Margaret, Countess of Lennox,
Darnley's mother, iv. 261.
Douglas, Marjory, marriage of Rothesay
to, iii. 82.
Douglas, Robert, an alleged grandson of
Queen Mary's, v. 103, vii. 285, note —
commissioner to Westminster Assem-
bly, vii. 202— his sermon at Charles II. 's
coronation, 285 — sent with Sharp as
representative of the Presbyterians,
399 — correspondence between them, ib.
— his indignation at Sharp's treachery,
405— his character, 406, note.
Douglas, Sir William, iii. 21— murder of
Sir Alexander Ramsay by, and his after-
fate, 22 — at Neville's Cross, 24 — re-
covers Teviotdale, 47.
Douglas, William, Lord, iii. 134 — struggle
with Crichton, 135^ — married to the Fair
Maid of Galloway, 136.
Douglas, Willy, the agent in Queen
Mary's escape, v. 104 — after-notices of
him, 105, note— accompanies her in her
flight from Langside, 115.
Douglas Castle, captured by James II.,
iii. 144— occupied by the Covenanters,
vii. 53.
Doune Castle, plot for removing James VI.
to, V. 447.
Draffen Castle, taken by Morton, v. 425.
Draxholra Castle, death of Bothwell in,
iv. 456.
Dreux, the Count de, marriage of Alex-
ander HI. to his daughter, ii. 117.
Drowning, modes of death by, vii. 547-
Druidical stones, so-called, i. 88 note,
93, 141.
INDEX.
60 1
Dniidism, assigned as the early religion
of Scotland, i. 217 — the modern ac-
counts of it, 218— the evidence on which
these rest, 219 et seq.
Drumclog, see Loudon Hill.
Drummond, Earl of Perth, vii. 575.
Drummond, Lady Margaret, mistress of
James IV., iii. 248.
Drummond, servant to Darnley, iv. 355.
Drummond, Lord, one of the queen's
party, v. 118, note.
Drummond murder of, bv the MacGregors,
vi. 293.
Drummond, General, vii. 327.
Drummond of Hawthornden, his poems,
vii. 340.
Drumwhassel, the Laird of, v. 386.
" Drunken Parliament," the, vii. 435.
Drury, Sir W., report of conversation be-
tween Murray and the (pieen, v. 102,
note — account of attempt at escape, 103
— attempts at mediation, 304, 308 — truce
procured by him, 310 — efforts to bring
over Grange, &o., 361 — commands the
force sent against Edinburgh Castle,
368 — suggestion of Queen ilary's mur-
der to him, vi. 21 .
Drust, first King of the Picts, i. 311.
Dryburgh, Monastery of, founded by
David I., ii. 62— destroyed, 410 — and
attain, iii. 451.
Diyburgh, the Abbot of, v. 386, 387, 420.
Drysdale, James, a retainer at Lochleven,
v. 105, note.
Dublin, Norse kingdom in, i. 352, ii. 101.
Duf, King, his death, i. 364.
Duff, Angus, seized by James T., iii. 112.
Dumbarton, its capture by the Saxons and
Picts, i. 309 — Castle, surrendered to
Queen Mary, iv. 241 — march of Queen
Mary for, v. 112 — its capture by Craw-
ford, 260 et seq. — its effect on the queen's
cause, 265 — governorship conferred on
Esme Stewart, 429 — seized by tlie Cove-
nanters, vii. 52, 113.
Dumfries, taken by Bruce, ii. 370.
Dunalishaig, the burgh or Pictish tower
at, i. 101.
Dunaverty Castle, its capture by James
IV., iii. 221, note.
Dunbar Castle, taken by Edward I., ii.
269— siege of, by the English, iii. 20—
betrayed, but retaken, 82 — betrayed to
England, 186— conditions of treaty re-
garding it, 187— evacuated by the French,
and fortified by James V., 360 et seq. —
flight of Mary and Darnley to, after
Rizzio's murder, iv. 316— conferred on
Bothwell, 328— Queen Mary carried by
Bothwell to, 378— their flight to, 400.
Dunbar, the battle of, vii. 276 et seq.
Dunbar, Bishop of Aberdeen, iii. 292.
Dunbar, the Earl of, invasion of England
under, iii. 59.
Dunbar, the Earl of, repression of disorders
on the Border by, vi. 287.
Dimbar, Lady Elizabeth, iii. 81.
Dunbar, the poems of, iv. 131— edition
VOL. VIT.
printed by Chepman, 138, note— his at-
tack on Damien, 2.
Dunbar, Sheriff of Moray, vi. 58.
Dunblane, bishopric of, founded, ii. 62 —
the Bishop of. Queen Mary's instruc-
tions to him as her envoy to France re-
garding her marriage, iv. 393 — the
Bishop of, under James VI., his difficul-
ties, &c., vi. 264 et seq.
Duncan, King, his reign and death, i. 369,
370 — the son of a Culdee abbot, ii. 12.
Duncan, King, son of Malcolm Canmore,
i. 419.
Duncan Laideus, the Lament of, iv. 132.
Duncha, King of the Scots, death of, i. 319.
Dund.arg, siege of Castle of, iii. 15.
Dundas, Eufame, charge brought against
Kno-\ by, v. 325.
Dundas, Walter, Edinburgh Castle sur-
rendered to Cromwell by, vii. 294.
Dundee, origin of the name, ii 215, not©
— taken by Bruce, 370 — attacks on mon-
asteries in, iii. 453 — fine imposed by
Queen Mary on, iv. 284 — the town-
clerk, one of the commissioners at
Ripou, vii. 116 — captured by Montrose,
191 — stormed by Monk, 297 et seq.
Dundrennan, the Abbot of, iv. 42, note —
Queen Mary's flight to, v. 115.
Dune, island-castle of, v. 97, note.
Dunfermline, burial of St Margaret and
her liusband at, i. 414, note — Abbey
founded by her, ii. 61 — residence of the
kings at, 129 — early mention of, as a
burgh, 172— Abbey Church, 190, 191—
Monastery destroyed by Edward I., 327.
Dunfermline, Lord Chancellor, on the
state of the Borders, vi. 287 — commis-
sioner to Charles I., vii. 87, 116.
Dunglas Tower destroyed, iii. 337.
Dunipace Hills, supposed origin of, i. 67,
note.
Dunivaig Castle, struggle between the
Bishop of the Isles and the Islemen for,
vi. 260 et seq. — recaptured by Govern-
ment, 263.
Duukold, removal of relics of St Columba
to, i. 305 — bishopric, ii. 32, 62 — Cathe-
dral, instructions regarding destroying
images, &c. , in it, iv. 69 — its architec-
ture, 146 — the Bishop arraigned before
the Assembly, v. 401 — a member of the
Parliament of 1582, 451 — under James
VI., his pecuniary difficulties, vi. 252.
Dunkirk, the acquisition of, by Cromwell,
vii. 305.
Dun Macsniachain, vitrified fort of, i. 95.
Dunnadeer, vitrified fort of, i. 95.
Dunnecbtan or Nechtans-mere, the battle
of, i. 312.
Dunnottar, recaptured by the Scots, iii.
20 — carrying off of the Regalia from, vii.
414 — the Covenanting prisoners at, 571
et seq. — the Whigs' vault shown there,
573, note.
Duns Scotus, iv. 118.
Dunse Law, the Covenanters' camp on, vii,
62.
2 R
602
INDEX.
DnnRinnane,hill-forton,i.93 — battle nf,37-'^.
DunstafFoage Castle, ruins of, ii. liiij note,
iii. 221.
Duntocher, Koman fort of, i. 31.
Duplin, battle of, iii. 8.
Durham, James, vii. ^'^>7.
Durham, William, iv. 274:.
Durham, defeat of the Scots at, i. 366—
removal of the Black Kood of Scotland
to, ii. 274, note.
Durham, the Bishop of, after the battle of
Otterbum, iii. 68- his retreat, 69.
Durie, John, a Presbyterian clerg^yman,
V. 39, 465 — his entry into Edinburgh,
477 — banished, 484.
Duries, their quarrel with Kirkcaldy, v.
27-'^ — slaughter of one of them, 276.
Durward, Alan, claim of his descendant to
the crown, ii. 213 — his intrigues, i^c,
during the minority of Alexander III.,
98, 99.
DurwardSj the, their origin, iii. 44.
Eadmer and the bishopric of St Andrews,
policy of the English Primate regarding,
ii. 38 fft seq.
Eard or earth -houses of Scotland, the, i.
107 et seq.
'Earnest Contendings for the Faith,' the,
vii. 569, note.
Earthenware, Roman, found in Scotland,
i.51.
Easter, the dispute regarding its time, i.
293 et seq.
Ehrard, Dr, on the Culdees, ii. 23 and
note, 24, note.
Ecclesiastical architecture, its state to the
Reformation, iv. 141 et seq.- — buildings,
the early, i. 264 — their destruction, de-
gree in which due to the Reformers, iv.
67 — endowments, early lay appropria-
tions of, ii. 13 — historians, silence of the
early, as regards Druidism, i. 227 — pro-
perty, resumed under Charles I., vi.
355 et seq. — remains, early Norman, ii.
188 — revenues, difficulties about them
on the restoration of Episcopacy, vi. 245.
Eddas, their mythology, i. 232, 2Ziets€q. —
their harmony ^vith the spirit of the
people, 242 — their history, 2-14, note.
Edgar, King, his accession and reign, i.
420.
Edgar the Aetheling, his flight into Scot-
land, i. 405 — invades England, 4U6— sub-
mission to the Conqueror, 410 — his ulti-
mate destiny, 'J18, 419.
Edinburgh, Roman remainsin,i. 4.9 — proofs
of Roman occupancy, 64 — castle, surren-
dered to the English, ii. 69 — early men-
tioned as a burgh, 172 — one of the Four
Burghs, 174 — ^Edward I. at, 269 — thecas-
tle taken, 2/0 — taken by Bruce, 370 — re-
captured by the Scots, iii. 21 — its state
at the time of the expedition of John de
Vienne, 51 — Castle, occupied by Crich-
ton, 135— James III. a prisoner in it,
185— repaymentof the English princess's
dower by, 187 — report of a spy on the
castle, 210— the vision before Flodden at
the cros.s, 241— state after Flodden,
and building of wall, 251, 252— combat
between the Douglases and Hamiltons
in, 265 — public acknowledgment of
James V. at. 299 — ^captured and burned
by Hertford, 4o4— captured by the Lords
of the Congregation, iv. 73 — death of
Mary of Guise in castle, 88 — reception of
Queen Mary, 175^riot at pageant, 178
— reception of the confederates, 282 —
fine imposed by the queen, 2S4~excite-
ment after Darnley's murder, 354^(.'as-
tle, acquired by the confederates, 402,
403 — return of the queen, and her recep-
tion, 417 et seq. — reception of ^lurray,
V. 9 — Mary's ])olicy in withholding iier
assent to the treaty of, 157 — instruc-
tions to the York Commission regarding
treaty, 169 — the castle the lieadqnar-
ters of the queen's party, 255 — meeting
of queen's Parliament, 298 et seq. —
Kirkcaldy's defensive nieasures,302 — the
siege begim, 303 — the churches closed,
311— Castle, still held by Grange, ^^c,
361 — firing on the town, 364 — force sent
from England for its reduction, 368 —
siege of the castle, 369 et .'ieq. — its sur-
render, 374 — surrendered by Morton,
418 — religious disturbances in, 1597, vi.
84 — first measures of revenge, and re-
conciliation, 86 — thanksgiving sermon
regarding the Gowrie Conspiracy, 118 —
feeling among the clergy on the fall of
the Melville party, 235 — opposition to
the Five Articles of Perth, 334 — diocese
of, constituted, 384^first reading of the
Service-book, and disturbances, 441 et
S'.'q. — interdict against public worship,
447^danger of the bishop, 445 — the
contest against the Ser\nce-book to be
fought in, 459^threatened removal of
the courts, 460 et .■ieq.—riot in, 461—
assemblages of the Supplicants, 460, -163
— measures to secure the Council, 463 —
the Supplication, 464 — removal of tlie
Privy Council, 473 — enthusiasm for the
Covenant, 488 — Castle, seized by the
Covenanters, vii. 52 — Charles II. pro-
claimed, 251 — execution of Montrose,
259 — Castle, surrendered to Cromwell,
294— Sir W. Brereton's sketch of it, 368
— rejoicings on the Restoration, 386,
note — riot in, 1688, 576.
Edmund the Saxon, connection between
him and Malcolm, i. 361.
Ednam, origin of parish of, ii. 32, note.
Edrington or Caw Mills Castle, negotia-
tions regarding, iii. 339.
Education, early provisions for, iv. 107.
Edward the Saxon, alleged acknowledg-
ment of his supremacy, i. 358.
Edward I., accession of, ii. 114— forged
entry of homage by Alexander III., 115
— threat of Bruce to appeal to him, 119
and note — his first policy toward Scot-
land, 121, 122 — commission at Salisbury
on Scotland, 123 — contemplates the
INDEX.
603
marriago of bis son to the Princess
i\l;u-i^-;iivt. Vl'2, \^l'^^ treaty of Brighani,
l'J+ — thi'oatoniny.- nuwsiiro^, V2'i — at-
toiupt to ixssig'ii tho Koi;iniu Mtijostatem
to his reiiiu, lo7— his ordiuanco regivrd-
ing t>oots law. 1 10 -«vits, i;o., removed
fixnu t>eotland, U4. iioto — tho disputed
suooossion. liX' - doath of his queen, 201
— letter from the Bishop of St Andrews.
ilt. — meeting' at Norham, -0:> -elaiuis
feudal superiority, 1204, '20o — second
meeting', and his speech, "JKi- auswer
of tho Seots, tb.f *J07 — tho claimants
accept his superiority, -i'^ t( .--ri/.^his
policy in euoom'txging claimants. '2\'l tt
.s'o^.- nature of their claims. 213 t/ ^oj.
— appointment uf arlntei-s, 220 — ap-
pointments mavle by bim as Lord Supe-
rior, 22o^leniands the sun-enderof the
fortresses, ib. — i>ath of ivlleg'iance to him,
224 — comndssioti to esainine document-t,
22o--seai'ch iu tho ecclesiasitical houses
for documents. 22S proceedinL;'s re-
sumed. 2.iO— law by which tlie question
should ho decided. J-U . ' sff, —his policy
with ivg-arii to the superiority, 2^13 —
decision in favour of Ixiliol, 2-U f^ .-v-^. —
the pleadings in favour of the claimants.
2;Ui ri .^\y. — the tiual judgment, 'li9- — in-
vestiture of Ixiliol, 2rtl the latter pays
homag'^e. 2.'>2 lit ig-at ions appealed to
him. 2.">4 Haliol appears in appeal ca-^es
before him, 2o7 quarrel with Krauce. 2ti0
— summoned befoi-e Thilip, 2tU — treaty
l>ot\veen IJahol and Philip, 2ti2 et .v-y. —
war with Scotland, 2lU — eapt\u-© of Ber-
wi^.■k,2oo(^'•v(;. — renunciation of fealty by
lx\Uo!.2t.5^ -oaptureof Dunb:u-and Kdiu-
hurgh oiistles, 209 — progress thivugh
ScotUind, 27t* ft s^q. — removal of Stone
of Destiny, 271 -and of the Black RoolI,
27'^— svu-render of BtUiol, 274 — homag:e
from the nobility. 27'> — title now as-
sumeii by him. 27t> -appointments made
in Scotland, 277 — measures dii-eeted
ag^unst WaUace, 2S0— battle of Stirluig,
2i'2 (■(■ S'-'f. - pna^nvi-ations, oOtt — invasion,
301- battle of FjUkirk, 303— his sub-
sequent retreat, 304— truce with France.
30(5- its extension to Scotland, 307. 30:^
—his leiigfuo with the Fieming-s. 30i> —
Foaco of Paris, ib.— his views ivs to the
Scots Church. 312— iuterfeivnce of the
Papal Court. 313 ^t .v-f./.— bis answer to
this, 317 r'' .-v(^. — capture of Caerlaverock
Castle. 32it ^-f ,sv,^.— battle of Roslin, 32^^
—preparations for iVesh invasion, 326
f( .<,-,^. — his Court at Duntevmline. 32S —
capture of Stirling Castle, ^(V'. iff .n'<7. —
his new policy of leniency, 331 — c^n>itu-
hition of the' leadei-s, IhVJ— Wallace ex-
cepted fnmi clemencv, ;v>3 -his trial
and execution. ^WO it .v/. -cjUTving out
hi^ new poUcv toward the country, 339
r-f st-^i- -Parliament called, 34t)— regula-
tion u'lder it for governing the country,
341 (f .^t"/. —conciliation now impossible.
343 — flight of Bruce, 344 — designs
n^^-ainst tho latter, 349— proceedings on
tho news of Bruce's coronation. 3.'il —
revenge on the Countess of Buolian. //>.
proclamation against tho Scvits, 3Jo —
prepanitie'iisforinvixsion, 3,'i(i — his death,
o,'>9 — its effect as regiu'ds the conquest
of Scotland, 3ti9 — his disregurd of his
oaths, 374.
Edward 11., knighted by his father, ii.
35t> — invasions of Scotland, 3t)9 — truce
agreed to. 371 -his defeat at Bannock-
bm-n, 380 d .tft/. — refuses to acknow-
ledge Bruce, 390— refuses to acknow-
ledge the independence of Scotland, 401
— again invades it, 409 ft sei/. — truce
agreed to, 414.
Edward 111, , his accession, ii. 418 -re-
newal of war with SctHland, 419 — narrow
esciipe from ciipture. 424 — acknowledges
the independence of Scotland, 425 — dis-
countenances tho invasion by the disin-
herited barons, iii. S— his superiority
acknowledged by Edward Baliol, 9 — in-
vades Scotland, 10 treaty, i^c, with
Edward Baliol, 13— measures for secur-
ing the surrendered districts, lo — ixg-ain
overruns Scotland, 10 — invades France,
IS — truces with Scotland, and breaches
of these. 22— battle of Xeville's Cross.
and capture of Pavid II., 24— truce, 28
—negotiations with David 11., 29
bai-giiin fur his release, 30 — the crown
surrendered by Baliol, 32 — invades the
country, e3 — b;u-barities of his soldiers.
34 — acquisition of the south of Scotland,
3.5 — his son proposed as successor to
David II., 38 — secret agreement with
the latter, 39 - truce, 40— peace main-
tained, 45 — payment of the i-ansom of
David 11.. Iti- tiis death, 47.
Edwiu-d IV., understjinding between him
and the Highl:\nd chiefs, iii. 154, 155—
treaty -with them, 15*3— forged docu-
ments on supremacy question, 157 ft so/.
— treaty with the Duke of Albany, 178
— policy towaiil Scotland. 179 — force
mustered against him. 180 — the sup-
posed murder of his sons, 204 ff ^r-j.
Edwai\l VI., treaty for the marritige of
t^ueen Marv to, iii. 395 — reception of
M:u-y of Guise by, 493— his Liturgy
used in the Seots Kirk, v. 62.
Edwardian castles in Scotland, ii. 277. iv. 14 8.
Edwin, the S^ixon king, the Picts subject
to, i. 311.
E" bert, capture of Dumbarton bv, i. 309.
Egfrid. defeat of, by the Picts, i. 311, 312.
Eglesham, William, envoy to the Papal
Court, ii. 313.
Eglinton, Lord, joius Queen Mary after
her escape, v. lOti, 117, note — indemnity
to, 365.
Edinton, Lord, heads the Covenanters in
'the west, vil. 132. 243.
Ei^'g. martyniom of St Donnan in, i. 277.
Elbanif. the Marquis of. accompanies
Queen Miu-y to Scotland, iv. 16S— con-
cerned iu a riot, 244.
6o4
INDEX.
Elcho, Lord, defeated at Tippermuir, vii.
185.
EleaDOur, queen of Edward I.j her death,
ii. 201.
Elfry or elf arrow-heads, i. 136, note.
Elgin, march of Edward I. to, ii. 275— the
cathedral destroyed, iii. 98— despoiled
after the Reformation, v. 91— its archi-
tecture, iv. 143.
Elizabeth, second wife of Robert Bruce, ii.
431.
Elizabeth, queen of Robert JL, iii. 45.
Elizabeth, the Princess, project of mar-
riage between her and Arran's son, iii.
382 — her accession, iv. 14 — her legiti-
macy denied by France and Spain, 15 —
efforts to detach Scotland from the coali-
tion, 16— her difficulties as to interfer-
ing in Scotland, 75 — her hatred to
Knox, 78 — policy advocated by her, 81 —
treaty with the Lords of the Congrega-
tion, 84 — treaty of Edinburgh, 88— re-
fusal of a safe-conduct to Queen Mary,
168 — negotiations with Mary, 197^her
knowledge of the projected marriage
between Don Carlos and Mary, 254~the
correspondence between them, 256 —
projected interview, 257-- effect of the
Huguenot war on the relations between
them, 258 — Sir James Melville's account
of her, 259 — proposes Leicester as hus-
band to Queen Mary, ?&.— sends Lady
Ijcnnox to tbe Towei', and refuses to
intervene in Scotland, 269 — communi-
cations between hor and Mary, 270—
refuses to recognise Darnley, 280 —
her difficulties as regards the confeder-
ate lords, 287— her policy with regard
to them, 288— danger of her position,
289 — she publicly disavows the lords,
290— reports of her spies, 298^ — letter
from Mary after Darnley 's murder, 318
— her reception of the news of the birth
of James VL, 321— letter to Queen Mary,
369 — Queen Mary's communication of
her mariiage to Bothwell, 395 — her feel-
ings with regard to tbe confederacy
against the queen, 401 — and with regard
to Queen Mary's abdication, v. 20 — in-
structions to her ambassador, 21 et seq.
—effects of her interference, 26 — fresh
instructions, 27 — ^her views of divine
right, 29 — her anxiety to get James VL
into her charge, 35 — fresh instructions
to Throckmorton, 43 — account to the
French Court of her policy, 46 €t seq. —
contrast between her and her father,
47^her feeling on Queen Mary's escape,
109 — ambassador sent to Mary, 111— let-
ter from Mary after her landing in Eng-
land, 122 — Mary's appeals to her, 133 —
her demand for a persoual interview,
134 — its refusal, 136— her reception of
Queen Mary's envoys, 140 — Fleming re-
fused a safe-conduct, 141 — her views at
this time, 143 — envoy sent to Queen
Mary and to Scotland, 145 — her letter to
Murray, 148— answer of Murray, 149 —
rejoinder of her ministers, 151 — pro-
posal of deputations from Murray and
the queen, 153— -urged to restore the
queen, 155 — the old claim of superiority,
159 — offer made to Mary from her as to
the mixed commission, ib. — appeal to
her from the leaders of the queen's
party, 164 — the commission, ih,— her
instructions regarding the crimes alleged
against Mary, 170^her position, 171 —
the superiority question, 172 — conceal-
ment of it from the Scots, 173 — her
course as regards Mary, 177 — letter
from her commissioners on the casket
letters, 180 — answer as to the proof of
the murder, 182 — fresh instructions, 184
— conference removed to London, 185—
full assurance at last given to Murray
by her, 196 — her demeanour on the ac-
cusation of Mary, 198 — refusal of a per-
sonal interview, 208 — offers made to
Mary as to her exculpation, 210 — her
adherence to the divine-right dogma,
2L5— her true policy to support Murray,
ib. — terms of adjustment proposed, 216
— these refused by Mary, 218 — her
anxiety for a second abdication, 219 —
practical acknowledgment of Jan)es
VL, 220— loan to Murray, 221— her de-
mand regarding mutual hostilities, 222
et sfiq.^the Northern rebellion, 229^
message to the Estates on Mary's res-
toration, 234^appeal from the queen's
party to her after Murray's assassina-
tion, 244 — State paper issued in reference
to the Border raid, 248 — her recom-
mendation of Lennox as regent, 257 —
her acknowledgment of James VL and
the regency, 258 — her sympathy witli
Leslie, 337, 338, 354 — the negotiations
for her marriage to Anjou, 338 — mis-
sion of Morton to her, and his reception,
342 ei seq. — her indignation at him, 344
— her leniency to Leslie, 3.51-— her right
to the throne never admitted by Mary,
353 — negotiation for surrender of Mary,
357— compelled to aid in the reduction of
Edinburgh Castle, 366— her repugnance
to subsidies, 367 — support given to Mor-
ton, 394^purchase of part of the Crown
jewels of Scotland, 411 — mission sent
regarding Aubign^, 431 — efforts to save
Morton, 442 — her tone toward James
VI. , 444 — efforts to obtain possession of
tlio casket letters, 463— pension offered
to King James, 482— intercedes for the
Ruthvens, 512— the plots against her on
Mary's behalf, vi. 2 — extracts, &c., from
Mary's letters to her, 5 et seq.— the
charges of illiberality as regards Mary's
maintenance, 1 2 — anticipations as to
foreign powers shoulH Mary be exe-
cuted, 14 et seq. — mission from James
VL, 16— interview of the Scots ambas-
sadors on behalf of Mary, 17- the death
of Queen Mary a necessity, 19 —her con-
duct with regard to it, 20^1etter sug-
gesting assassination, 22— honours to
INDEX.
60s
Mary after her denth, 23 — her conduct
regarding the marriage of James VI., 38
— trial of David Black for an attack on
her, S3— her cony:ratulations on the
Gowrie Conspiracy, 11-i, note — projects,
&c., reg-arding the succession, 138 et seq.
— her death, 143— her royal progresses,
148, 149 — her despotic notions fostered
by the general subserviency, 181.
Elizabeth of Bohemia, birth of, vi. 76 —
her early life and character, 180.
Ellesmere, Lord Chancellor, his decision
on the case of the post nail, vi. 205.
Elliot, Gilbert, of Minto, vii. 563.
Elliot of Park, Bothwell wounded by, iv.
330.
Ellon, inquest regarding Church lands in,
ii. 14, note.
Elphinston, Lord, one of the queen's
party, v. 118, note.
Elphinstone, Bishop, foundation, &c., of
Aberdeen University by, iv. 20 — his
parentage, 24, note — his foundatina
modelled on University of Paris, 113 —
the Breviary of Aberdeen printed at his
expenf^e, 138.
Elphinstone, James, one of the Octavians,
vi. 70.
*' Engagement," the, between Charles I.
and the Presbyterians, vii. 238.
Engagers, proceedings of the Estates
against them, vii. 245 et seq.
England, the invasion of, by the Romans,
i. 2 et seq. — introduction of Roman
civilisation, &c., 3 — supposed early
acknovFledgments of her superiority,
358, 359, 362 — the Norman Conquest,
380 etseq. — the Scottish abbeys, &c.,
modelled on hers, ii. 34, note — her supe-
riority recognised by treaty of Falaise,
68 — claim resigned by Richard L, 71 —
commission to settle the boundaries, 80
— war and invasion, 1244, 89— growth of
its constitution, 154 c( seq. — contrasts
with that of Scotland, 155— invaded by
Baliol, 264— and by Wallace, 296, 297—
truce with France, 306 — invaded by
Bruce, 376 — incursions after Bannock-
burn, 389 — invasions of, in the time of
Bruce, 400— devastation of the northern
counties, 401 — truce, 402 — change of
policy, 408 — invasion of Sc.tland, 409
— disposition of the northern counties to
alliance with ^'cotland, 412 etseq.—tvncQ,
414 — renewal of war, and invasion, 419
et 56*^. — treaty of Northampton. 426 —
renewal of war, iii. 10 — and of truce,
and hostilities on the Borders, 47 —
truce again concluded but broken, 48
et seq. — invasion under Richard II., 51
—terms of truce offered to James I.,
114— attempt to intercept his daughter,
115 — renewal of her claim, 157 — be-
trothal of princess to the Scottish
prince, 173 — forces for invasion under
James III., 180— alliance \vith Scotland
and Spain, 219— hostilities with France,
239_renewed contests, 269— threatened
invasion, 273 — invasion of Scotland,
276 — menacing position, 303 — treaty
during minority of James V., 314 et seq.
— invasion of Scotland by Northum-
berland, 337 — peace, 339 — strength
of the national feeling against, 378
et seq. — alliance with, 395 — renewal
of war, 423 — peace concluded with
France and Scotland, 491 — reception of
Mary of Guise, 493 — reception in Scot-
land of Protestant refugees from, iv. 48
^alliance proposed with, 63 — destruc-
tion of monasteries, t&c, in the invasions,
70 — rejection of the civil law, 102 —
strength of Romanism, 1565, 2S9^de-
mands made on Denmark for surrender of
Bothwell, 450— Murray's reception after
the abdication, v. 9 — religious neglect
of the native Irish, 83 — Queen Mary's
flight into, 116 — Fleming refused asafe-
conduct to France, 141 — the northern
rebellion, 229 — effect of the murder of
Murray, 243 — appeal of the queen's
party after the death of Murray, 244 —
invaded by the Borderers, 245 — State
paper issued in regard to this, 248— in-
vasion of Scotland, 250 et seq.— its effect
in consolidating parties there, 254 — sup-
ports the king's party, 304 — attempts
to mediate between the parties, 308- -
Melville's views as to her aims, ib. — her
real policy, 309 — the league strengthen-
ed by the massacre of St Bartholomew,
334 — concord with France, 339— forca
sent for reduction of Edinburgh Castle,
368 — continued danger from Mary, 385
— correspondence regarding the Raid of
the Redeswire, 409 — -rumours regard-
ing Aubign€, &c,, 429^mission regard-
ing him, 431 — recall of the ambassador,
436— efforts to save Morton, 442— the
spy system, 443— rumours sent by the
spies, 444 ef seq. — communications after
Ruthven's fall, 481— flight of his party
to, 483 — embassy, &c. , on the execution
of Gowrie, 495 — -danger from the Catho-
lic leag:ue, 498 — embassy to form alli-
ance with Scotland, 499 — proceedings
with reference to murder of Lord Rus-
sell, 503 — conclusion of lengue with, 514
et seq. — the Spanish Armada, vi. 29 ri
seq. — accession of James VI., 144 — his
reception and progress, 1 45 et seq .
— subserviency to Elizabeth continued
to her successor, 181 — effect of his
accession, 184 et seq. — the Scots in,
in his time, 186 et seq. — proclamation
against their repairing to it, 192 — the
Union project, 192 et seq. — the party
opposed to a litxirgy, 415 — indifference
to the religious disturbances in Scotland,
451^the feeling toward Scotland at the
outbreak of the civil war, vii. 97 — state
and feeling of the troops, &c. , 99 et seq.
— extent to which the Parliamentary
party were in alliance with the Scots,
102— measures under Cromwell fur
union, S07 et seq. — free-trade, 309.
6o6
INDEX.
English, their skill in attack and defence
of fortresses, v. 371.
English bishoprics, regulations of the
union scherae regarding them, vi. 11*7.
English Chronicles, their value, iv. 121.
English Church, claims superiority over
the Scots, ii. 73— its Liturgy founded on
that of the Church of Rome, v. 61— its
reformation, vi. 325.
*' English judges," the, under Cromwell,
in Scotland, vii, 306.
English and Scots languages, the, iv. 134
English law system, its antagonism to the
Koman, ii. 138, note.
English Puritans, sumptuary laws adopted
from them, v. 309.
English universities, their special charac-
ter, iv. 112.
Entail Act, the, passed, vii. .575.
Eoch, Prince of Strathclyde, i. 310.
Eocha or Achaius, King, i. 328.
Eochad, King of the Scots Dalriads, i. 322.
Episcopacy, use made of the Culdees in
the controversy against, ii. 19 — Knox
not opposed to. v, 313, 316, 318 and
note — declaration of the Assembly in
1580 against it, 468— commencement
of struggle, 472 — abolished, vi. 42 —
re-established, 8'.*, 241 — further Acts
toward its establishment, 318— its over-
throw in 1638, vii. 20 et seq. — confirmed
in 1639, 71 —restored under Charles IL,
418 et seq.
Equity courts of England, the, iv. 102.
"Erastians," the, in the Westminster
As.-iembly, vii. 212.
Ere, a leader of the Irish Scots, i. 212, 317.
Erdeswick, the Roman wall in his time,
i. 22.
Eric of Denmark, effect of his policy,
i. 351.
Eric, marriage of the Princess Margaret
to, ii. 110 — claims the Scottish crown,
231 — commissioners sent to Edward I.,
122.
Eric of Sweden proposed as husband to
Mary, iv. 256.
Eric Blode Axe, subjugates the Hebrides,
ii. 102.
Errul, Lord, colleague with Angus, iii. 318.
Errol. Lord, signs the band forthe queen,
V. 117, note — one of the signers of the
Spanish blanks, vi. 60 — a Popish con-
vert, 61 — conforms to the established
Church, 65— his forfeiture revoked, GQ.
Errol, the C'ountess of, vi. 75-
Erskine, Sir Alex., guardianof James VI.,
V. 386^ — his hostility to Morton, 417 —
attempt to deprive him of the custody
of the king, and death of his son, 420.
Erskine, Arthur, iv. 305 — aids the flight
of the king and queen from Holyrood,
316.
Erskine, James, during the Gowrie Con-
spiracy, vi. 102.
Erskine of Dun, one of the commissioners
to France on Queen Mary's marriage.
iv. 6 —a leader of the Reformers, 54
— present at interview between Queen
Mary and Knox, 225 — charged with de-
fection, V, 507.
Er.skinc, Sir Thomas, aids in killing the
Master of Ruthven, vi. 101 — during the
conspiracy, 102.
Espec, Walter de, ii. 56.
Ess^, the Sieur d', French ambassador, iii.
486 — the troops, &c., under him, 490.
Essex, the Earl of, a member of the com-
mission on Queen Mary, v. 164 — corre-
spondence of James VI, with, &c., vi.
139— instructions to him regarding the
Highlanders in Ulster, 296.
Estates of Parliament, meetings of, in
Baliol's reign, ii. 256, 257 — their meas-
ures on the death of Alexander III., 117
—their anxiety for marriage between
the princess and the English prince,
123 — their measures for the govern-
ment, &c., of the country, 124. See
Parliament.
Ethelfrid, defeat of Aidan, King of the
Scots, by, i. 322.
Etive, Loch, vitrified fort at, i. 95.
Eumenius, notice of Scotland from, i. 39
— of thePicts, 186, 205.
Euphemia, second wife of Robei-t II., iii.
45.
Eure, Sir Ralph, on the views of James V.
regarding the ('hurch, iii. 357 — opposes
invasion of Scotland, 404.
Evers, Sir Ralph, iii. 436— defeated and
slain, 437.
Eviot, a page of the Earl of Cowrie's, vi. 103.
Excommunication or cursing, power given
to the Church by, iv. 28, 29 — example
of one, 30, 31 — how it comes to be re-
g'arded, 35.
Eyemouth fort, garrisoned by the French,
'iv. 3.
Eylangrig, fortified by Argyle, but taken,
vii. .055.
Eyncourt, Sir Will, d', ii. 381.
Fairfax, General, joined by tbe Scots, vii.
178— at Marston Moor, ISO.
' Faithful Conteudings displayed,' &c.,
vii. 529, 570, notes.
Fala Moor, the Scots army at, iii. 371.
Falaise, the treaty of, ii. 68^its influence
as regards Scotland, 70 — annulled by
Richard I., 71.
Falkirk, the battle of, ii. 303.
Falkland, recaptured by the Scots, iii. 20
— Castle, death of Rothesay in, 85— its
architecture, iv. 151 — attempt of Both-
well on James V[. at, vi. 49 — hunting-
park formed by James VI. at, 155.
Farel, his system of government in Geneva,
V. 395.
Farm ."^tock, ancient laws regarding steal-
ing of, ii. 149.
Farveile church, burial of Bothwell in,
iv. 456.
Fast Castle, taken by the Scots, iii. 93 —
proposal of the Gowrie conspirators fur
INDEX.
607
James VI. 's imprisonment in, vi. 131 ei
seq. pass.
Fasting:, prevalence of, in the Irisli
Church, i. 259, 260.
Fates or Norns of the Norse mythology',
the, i. 238.
Feast of Asses, the, iv. 177.
Fenwick, Colonel, one of the Union com-
missioners, vii. 307.
Ferdinand and Isabella, embassy to James
IV. from, iii. 213— their scheme for a
Holy Catholic Leaf^^ue, 216 et seq.- — pro-
jects with regard to James IV., 217.
Fergus, King" of Dalriada, i. 318.
Ferguson, David, on the state of the
churches, v. 91— on the condition of the
clergy, 406.
Fergiisson, R., the Plotter, his connection
with the Assassination Plot and the Caro-
lina scheme, vii. 537 — his escape, 538 —
his pamphlets on Monmouth's legiti-
macy, and connection with the insur-
lection, 551 et seq.
Fernyhurst, destroyed by the English,
V. 250.
Ferrara, the Prince of, proposed as hus-
band to Mary, iv. 252, 256.
Fetes des Foux, the, iv. 176.
Feudal investiture, long reticence of the
forms of, i. 397, note.
Feudal system, its rise and organisation,
i. 384 et seq. — early difficulties of the
law of succession under it, ii. 45 — its
establishment in Scotland, 134 et seq.—
character, &c., of oaths under it, 373
et seq.
Feudality, its influence as regards the
monastic orders, ii. 9— abolished under
Cromivell, vii. '6\Q et seq.
Fiesci, Papal legate, ii. 112.
Fife, the Earl of, one of the guardians on
the death of Alexander III., murdered,
ii. 118.
Fife, the Earl of, condemned by Edward
III. for treason, iii. 27— raid into Eng-
land, 70.
Fife, ravaged by Hertford, iii. 435— the
French auxiliaries, iv. 87 — supremacy
of the king's party, v. 304— a revival
meeting, vi. 71 — enthusiasm for the
Covenant, 488 — preparations of the
Covenanters, vii. 54 — the Highland
host, 471.
Finella or Fenella, murder of Kenneth
HI. by, i. 365.
Fishwife's Causey, the, i. 82.
Fitz Allan, Brian, appointed one of the
guardians, ii. 223— instructions to him
as to the Church, 312.
Fitz Allan or Allan, the family name of
the Stewards, iii. 44.
"Five Articles of Perth," the, vi. 322 ei
seq.—their terms, 327 et seq. -efforts of
the Court to enforce them, 330 et sfq.~
opposition to them, 334.
Flanders, Count of, see Florence.
Fleming, Lord, ambassador to Albany, iii.
267— one of the "assured lords," 377
— one of the party of the Hamiltons, v.
42 — joins Mary after her escape, 106,
117, note — accompanies the queen in her
flight from Langside, 115— sent as her
envoy to France, 130 — his mission to
England, and refusal of a passage to
France, 141 — ^his escape from Dumbar-
ton, 264.
Fleming, Mary, appropriation of part of
the Crown jewels by, v. 414.
Fleming, Pi-obert, present at Drumclog,
vii. 512.
Flemings, the alliance of Edward I. with,
ii. 309.
Flint implements, i. 126.
Hodden, the battle of, iii. 243 et seq. — its
effects on Scotland, 251.
Florence, Count of Flanders, a claimant
of the crown, ii. 209,214 — the pleadings
in his favour, 236.
Florence of Worcester, the Chronicle of,
iv. 122.
Florence, its antiquity, 1. 70.
Foix, M. de, reports to Catherine the
projected meeting between Elizabeth
and Mary, iv. 257 — account of the posi-
tion of Elizabeth in 1505, 289.
Forbes, Bishop, his preface to the Liber
Ecclesife, i. 286, 287, notes.
Forbes, the Master of, executed, iii. 354.
Furbes, the Master of, defeated and taken
prisoner, v. 305, 306.
Forbes, William, Bishop of Edinburgh, vi.
385.
Forbes, John, of Corse, vii. 25.
Forbes, Patrick and John, vii. 338.
Forbeses, the, as king's men, defeated by
the Gordons, v. 305 — juin the Covenant-
ers, vii. 27.
Ford, Lady, iii. 243.
Ford Castle, captured byJames IV. , iii. 242.
Fordoun, the Chronicle of, iv. 121, 124.
Fordun, early church at, i. 254.
Forest laws of the Normans, the, ii. 50 et
seq. — contrast between them in England
and Scotland, 155— recent trial in con-
nection with them, 157 — none in Scot-
land, iv. 103.
Forestry, grants of, ii. 155.
Forfar Loch, artificial island, &c.,in, i. 97.
Forfeited estates, enactments of Parlia-
liament regarding, iii. 165.
Forfeiture, tho Scots and English systems
of, vi. 217.
Forged deeds, &c., under the feudal sys-
tem, i. 399, 400.
Forman, Andrew, ambassador to England
and France, iii. 239 — Archbishop of St
Andrews, 260 — vengeance on Lord
Home, 261.
Forres, Roman coins found at, i. 58, note
— pillar, its supposed origin, i. 149.
Forster, Sir John, warden, at the Raid of
the Redeswire, v. 408— taken prisoner,
ib. — quarrel with the Kerrs, 503.
Fort Teviot, the Pictish capital, ii. 128,
187.
Forth, the, called the Scots Water, ii. 127
6o8
INDEX.
— and Clyde, tlie, cliosen as the Roman
boundary, i. 4^ — -the rampart betwoeu
these, 5.
Fortification, the Norman aud Vauban
systems of, v. 372.
Fortresses, ancient, i. 91 —early, their
style, &c., ii. 186 et 5(^^.— the attack and
defence of, in the sixteenth century, v.
371.
Fossour, John, Prior of Durham, iii. 25.
Fotheringhay, removal of Queen Mary to,
vi. 14 — her execution at, 23.
Fountainbridge, the abduction of Queen
Mary hy Bothwell at, iv. 377.
Four Burghs, the Court of the, ii. 171.
Fournier, determination by him of the
authorship of puem ascribed to Mary,
iv. 435, note.
Fox, George, the Quaker, vii. tiQo.
France, settlement of British troops in, i.
42 — discoveries as to the age of man, S7
— absurption of the Teutons among the
Celts, 201 — ^commencement of the al-
liance with, ii. 257 — quarrel with Edward
I. , 260- — traces of WaQace, ii. .305 — truce
with England, 300 — treaty with Roljert
Bruce, 418 — the alliance with Scotland
in the time of Edward III., iii. 16 —
claims of the latter on it, 17— assistance
sent aga.inst Edward III., 32 H serj, — re-
newal of league, 46 — truce with England^
and its extension to Scotland, 48 et set/.
— aid sent under De Vienne, 51— position
on the accession of James I., ll)7— ^re-
newed league, and betrothal of his daugh-
ter to the Dauphin, 115 — treaty with the
Earl of Douglas, 130 — concentration of
forfeited estates in the Crown, 165— re-
lations with, in the time of James III ,
174 — the reception of Perkin Warbeck,
206 — efforts of Ferdinand and Isabella
for alliance against, 216 et seq. — renewed
alliance, 238 — relations with Scotland
after Flodden, 254 ei serf — difficulties
with, on the murder of De la Bastie, 263
~ -renewal of alliance, 264- — negotiations
regarding Albany, 267 — auxiliary force
under Albany, 278— ambassadors to the
Beatons from, 309 — ^how regarded in
Scotland, 379 — Henry's attempts to
break the league, 392 — resolution to
adhere to it, 418, 419 — it formally re-
newed, 423— aid sent Scotland, 486— re-
moval of Queen Mary to, 487— dislike of
her interference, iv. 2 — views on the
marriage of Mary, 7 — death of Henry
II., and changed tone towards Scotland,
10 et seq. — projects for annexation of the
latter, 12 et seq. — treaty with England,
16 — influence of the connection on the
Reformation, 49 — the Scots universities
modelled on hers, 113 — departure of
Mary, 168 — contiast between it and
Scotland on the landing of Mary, 171 —
state in 1563 as affecting the policy of
Mary, 219 — the communication by Mary
of her marriage to Bothwell, 393— re-
lations with, after her abdication, v. 15
—difficulties and obstacles in the way of
intervention, 17— influence on the Scots
Church, 74, 78 — ambassador sent by
Mary on her escape from Lochleven,
105, 107 — probable reception of Mary
after Langsiile, 119 — her appeals for
aiil, 130 — feeling excited by the murder
of Murray, 243 — supports the queen's
party, 304— -the massacre of St Bartholo-
mew, 331 et seq. — concord with England
in 1572, 339 — feeling toward Mary, ib. —
aid to Kirkcaldy intercepted, 365 — state
of the Court, 426 — the Second Book of
]>iscipline adapted from the Reformed
Church of, 469— probable effect of Mary's
death on, vi. 14— cessation of the league
on the accession of James VI.. 184 —
negotiations of the Covenanters with,
vii. 91 et seq.
Franchise, the early burgh, ii. 176.
Francis I., relations with England and
Scotland, iii. 254 et seq. — efl'euts of his
defeat and capture, 312 — alliance with
Henry VI II., 315.
Francis, the Dauphin, marriage of Mary
to, iv. 7 — eflbrts to obtain the Crown
Matrimonial for him, 9 — succeeds to the
French crown, 10— his death and its
effect, 165.
Francis, Signer, denounced as one of
Darnley's murderers, iv. 353 — pension to
him, 361.
Francisque, a secret adviser of Queen
Mary's, iv. 266.
Francs, name of, to whom applied, ii, 127.
Frank, his account of Glasgow, vii. 375.
Frankfurt Liturgy, the, its origin, &:c., v.
63.
Fraser, Bishop of St Andrews, ii. 118 — let-
ter from bim to King Edward, 201.
Fraser, Simon, surrenders to Edward I.,
ii. 332— executed, 358.
Frasers, origin and rise of the, ii. 89 — desert
Huntly, iv. 203 — join the Covenanters,
vii. 27.
Frederick II. of Denmark, marriage of
James VI. to his daughter, vi. 38.
Frederick Henry of Bohemia, childish
letter from, vi. 180, note.
Free-trade with England established under
Cromwell, vii. 309.
French, Gilbert, oa the sculptured stones,
i. 163, note.
French, reception of, with the Regent
Albauv, iii. 256, 257.
French Paris, or Nicholas Hubert, one of
Darnley's murderers, iv. 342 — his arrest
and execution, v. 232.
French architecture, partial imitations of,
iv. 146, 150 — refugees, influx of, vii.
562.
Frenrlraught, Lord and Lady, vi. 517, 518,
519.
Frendraught, the tragedy of, vi. 515 et seq.
Froissart, account of the Scots invasion of
England by, ii. 420 et seq. — of battle of
Neville's Cross, iii. 24 — of a Scots raid
into England, 50 — of the expedition of
INDEX.
609
John de Vienne, 51 et seq. — of the
battle of Otterbunij 62 et seq.
Froude, sketch of John Hamilton by him,
V. 267, note— his opinion of Lady Len-
nox, 272, note — on her alleged vindica-
tion of Queen Mary, ib. — his account of
the Romanist schemes of 1582, &c., 450,
note.
Fuller, Andrew, on the Millenary petition,
vi. 219, note.
Fyvie, Lord, his account of Charles I.
when a child, vi. 179.
Gaelic, translation of Knox's Liturgy, &c.,
into, iv. 139, v. 84.
Galgacus, his defeat at the Mons Gram-
pius, i. 7 — the speech assigned by Taci-
tus to him, 10.
Galightly, Patrick, ii. 213.
Galleys, the ancient, i. 316.
Galloway, Patrick, vi. 81 — on the Earl of
Gowrie, 115, note — his sermon on the
Gowrie Conspiracy, 118— his character
&c., 119, note— at the Hampton Court
conference, 229.
Galloway, the Bishop of, charges in the
Assembly against hira, v. 401 — re-
fuses to appear, 402 — under James
VI., his pecuniary difficulties, vi. 251
et seq. — formation of choir at Holy-
rood by, 314 — attack by the mob on,
461— and the Tables, 468.
Galloway, bishopric founded, ii. 62— its
independence of Alexander II., 81^
slaughter and expulsion of the Normans,
87 — the early special laws of, 139 — ad-
venture of Bruce in, 366.
Galwegians, name of, to whom anciently
applied, ii. 127.
Game, laws regarding, iv. 103.
Garary, tradition of defeat of the Danes
at, i. 367, note.
Garioch, the district of, ii. 238 and note.
Gasklune, the battle of, iii. 90.
Geddes, Jenny, vi. 443, note.
Genealogies, Highland, vi. 303.
Genealogy, fulness of early Irish litera-
ture as regards, i. 334.
General Assembly, justification of Knox
by, iv. 230 — discussion on his prayer for
the queen, 231 et .teq, — address to the
queen, 244 — meeting in relation to
the queen's marriage, 272 — Acts passed
by it, 273 — articles presented to tlie
queen, and her answer, 274r— protest
against the re-establishraent of the Con-
sistorial Court, 381 of 1567, resolution
adopted regarding endowment of the
clergy, v, 55 — first election of a Modera-
tor, 58 — of 1572, proceedings regarding
Episcopacy, &c., 315 et seq. — letter from
Knox, 316 — meeting regarding the mas-
sacre of St Bartholomew, 332 et seq.~
urges league with England, 334 — of 1574,
collision with Morton, 396 et sen. — law
regarding clerical clothing, 398— pro-
ceedings against the bishops, 401— dis-
cussions as to the lawfulness of their
VOL. VIT.
office, 402 — measures to assist the
Huguenots, 403 — declaration in 1580
ag-ainst Episcopacy, 468 — Second Book
of Discipline, ib. — commencement of
struggle against Episcopacy, 472 — re-
buke to James VI. and his queen, vi. 77
— report on the state of the country, ib.
el seq.- — regulations regarding the clergy,
78 — deputation to the king, 81 — at
Perth, and its proceedings, 87 et seq. —
Act appointing commissioners to Parlia-
ment, 89— of 1610, regulations regard-
ing Episcopacy, 242 — meeting in 1616 at
Aberdeen, 281 — the Five Articles of Perth
passed by it, 328 — of 1616, Act regarding
alitm-gy, 405 — in Glasgow, 1638, vii. 9—
its importance, 11 — the lay members,
12— objections of the Episcopal party,
13 — proceedings of the Tables regarding
the elections, 14— the officials, 16 — the
records of the Church, ih. et seq. — diffi-
culty about the validity of the elections,
17 — address of the commissioner, 18 —
his departure, 19— admission of officers
of State, //^.—repeal of former Acts, re-
pudiation of the Service-book, &c., 20—
trial of the bishops, 21 — its dissolution,
23 — of 1639, its meeting and proceed-
ings, 70 et 5«(/.— abolition of the Service-
book, &c., 71 — answer to the king's
" Large Declaration," 75 ei seq. — denun-
ciation of its author, 78 ei. seq. — its Acts
confirmed by Parliament, 90 et 5'?^'.— de-
clarations against sectaries, and co-
operation with the English Presbyte-
rians, 166 et seq. — ^commissioners to Mon-
trose after his capture, 258 — forcibly
dismissed by Cromwell, 303.
General councils, disregard of, in Scotland,
iv. 42.
Geneva, state of the Church in, 1573, v.
395, 396— Bible, in Scotland, vi. 395,
396^Liturgy, its history and introduc-
tion into the Scots Kirk, v. 63.
Germans, underground winter dwellings of
the, i. 110.
Gernianus, traditional bishop, ii. 3.
Germany and the Germans, influence of
the Roman conquests on, i. 338, 339.
Giants, Norse legends of the, i. 240, 241.
Giant's Hill, the, Dunsinnane, i. 94.
Gibbon, on Tacitus's Life of Agricola, i. 9.
Gibson, Alexander, of Durie, the seizure
and imprisonment of, vi. 285.
Gight, Tower of, besieged by Montrose,
vii. 42.
Gildas, the fragments ascribed to, i. 180.
Gilderoy, the robber-chief, vi. 520 and note.
Gillespie, George, his writings, vii. 337 —
commissioner to the Westminster As-
sembly, 202— his Dispute, he, procla-
mation against, vi. 461 — his notes of
debates, &c., in the Westminster As-
sembly, vii, 200, note.
Giraldus, on William the Lion, ii. 76.
Gladstanes, Archbishop, vi. 247, 248.
Glammis, Lady, execution of, and death of
her husband, iii. 355 etseq.
2 s
6io
INDEX.
Glammis, Lord, hia death, v. 420.
Glammis, the Master of, v. 448 — retires to
England, 485.
Glammis Castle, ruins of, iv, 143.
Glamorgan, Lord, ne^otiatioo with the
Irish, vii. 162, note.
Glanville, the Regiam Majestatem com-
piled from his work, ii. 137-
Glasgow, legends connected with its armo-
rial bearings, i. 249 — see of, early inquest
by jury regarding, ii. 5 — bishopric found-
ed by David I., 61 — once subject to
Rutherglen, 178 — creation of arch-
bishopric,iii. 201— University, its founda-
tion, iv.l09 — Catliedral, its architecture,
143 — disturbances on the reading of
Laud's Service-hook, vi. 446 — the "ISup-
licatioii" against the Service-book, 4.55
— Cathedral, the meeting of the Assembly
of 1638 in, vii. 9— alleged intended des-
truction of it, 10, note — trade, kc, under
Cromwell, 313 — Brereton's account of it,
373— and Frank's, 375.
Glasgow, the Archbishop of, excommunica-
tion of the Borderers by, iii. 329.
Glasgow, the Archbishop of, arraigned be-
fore the Assembly, v. 401 — excommuni-
cated, 477.
Glasgow, the Archbishop of, under James
VI., his difficulties, vi. 250 — violence of
Laud to, 376— the canons intended to
be drawn up by him, 401.
Glenbuuhat, origin of parish of, ii. 33, note.
Gloticairn, Lord, one of the " assured
lords," iii. 377 — conference with Sadler,
390, 391, note — joins the national party,
424, 425 — aid brought by him to the
Reformers at Perth, iv. 72— joins the
combination against the queen, 279—
restored to favour, 322 — one of the
Council of Regency, 454 — nominated for
the regency, v. 3S0.
Glencairn, the Earl of, one of the leaders of
the Ruthven Raid, v. 452.
Glencairn, Lord, his expedition to Scot-
land in favour of Charles II., vii. 325 —
replaced by Middleton, ih. — duel with
Monro, 326 — again commands, and
treaty with Monk, 330.
Olendower, Owen, iii. 87.
Glenfruin, battle of, vi. 293.
Glengarry, joins Glencairn for Charles II.,
vii. 325.
Glenkindy, earth-houses in, i. 108.
Gleulivet, battle of, vi. 64.
Gleuluce Abbey, acquisition of lands of,
by Cassilis, iv. 191.
Glen Tilt case, the, ii. 157.
Gloucester, the Duke of, iii. 186— his ac-
cession as Richard II f., 187.
Godfathers, directions of the Book of Com-
mon Order regarding, v. 73.
Godly Songs, the, their origin, specimens
of them, &c., v. S6 et seq.
Gold ornaments, ancient, i. 129 — presence
of, in Scotland, iv. 155.
Gomez, Jan, one of the captains of the
Armada, vi, 32, 33.
Goodall, on the Scots and Irish, i. 08,
note.
Goodwin, a member of the Westminster
Assembly, vii. 212.
Gordon, Adam de, envoy to the Pope, ii.
408.
Gordon, Bishop of Galloway, one of the
Council which directs Bothwell's trial,
iv. 367 — office of superintendent refusad
him, V. 60 — his reasons for praying for
the queen, 284-- a member of the queen's
Parliament, 299^Knox'spulpit occupied
by him, 311 — his position as titular
bishop, 312.
Gordon, Lady Catherine, her marriage to
Perkin Warbeck, iii. 206.
Gordon, Lady Jane, Bothwell's marriage
to, iv. 297 — her divorce from him, 379
— her after-life, il>., note — grounds of
the divorce, 382 e( se</.
Gordon, George Lord, iv. 283.
Gordon, Lord, son of Iluntly, vii. 34.
Gordon, Lord Lewis, adventure of, vii. 39.
Gordon, .James, on Laud's Canons, vi. 401.
Gordon, Sir John, imprisoned, but escapes,
iv. 202 — one of Queen Mary's lovers, ib.
-^his execution, 204.
Gordon, Sir John, of Haddo, bis execu-
tion, vii. 229.
Gordon, Sir R., account of Arthur's Oon
from, i. 52— of Camelon, 66 and note
— and of the Deil's Dyke, 99 — on burial-
nrns, 118, note — on flint arrow-heads,
136, note.
Gordon of Auchendoun, one of the signers
of the Spanish blanks, vi. 60 — killed, 64.
Gordon of Lochinvar, one of Mary's com-
missioners at York, v. 165.
Gordon, his account of the measures to
secure signatures to the Covenant, vi.
488— of Huntly's allies, &c., vii. 36,
note — of the proceedings between
Aboyne and Hamilton, 37 — of the Raid
of Stonehive, 44, 45.
Gordon of Earlston, tortured, vii. 538.
Gordon of Rothiemay, his sketch of Edin-
burgh, vii. 368.
Gor<lon of Rothiemay, death of, vi. 516 —
death of Robert at Frendraught, 518.
Gordons, their rise in the north, iii. 141--
their progress under James IV., 223 —
recovery of their power, iv. 268— defeats
of the Forbeses and king's party by
them, v. 305— their struggle with the
Crichtons, vi. 516 — evade joining Mon-
trose, vii. 189.
Gordon's 'History of the Earldom of
Sutherland,' vi. 515, note.
Gorm of Denmark, effect of his policy as
regards the Norse migrations, i. 351.
Gospatrick, Earl of Northumbria, i. 406,
408.
Gothic architecture, its introduction, iv.
141 et spq. — art, absence of signs of, in
the sculptured stones, i. 162 — castle?,
remains of, ii. 183, 184.
Gourlay, Robert, the cctse of, vi. 45.
Gow-chrom, the, iii. 71.
INDEX.
6ii
Gowrie, the Eacl of, one of the leaders of
the Ruthven Ra.id, v. 452 — negotiations
regarding the casket letters, 463 — strug-
gle between him and Arran, 488 et seq. —
prepares to leave Scotland, 489 — Arran's
treachery toward him, 490 — his answers
to his accusers, 491 et seq. — his trial, 493
— his execution, 494.
Gowrie, the Earl of, his share in the Gow-
rie Conspiracy, vi. 93 et seq. pas.?.— his
death, 97, 10!2 et seq. — charges of sorcery
against him, 114^notices of his life in
Padua, 135, note — forfeiture of the
family, 136.
Gowrie, the Countess of, implacability of
James VI. to her, v. 513.
Gowrie Conspiracy, the, vi. 90 et seq. — ful-
ness of the evidence regarding it, 106 —
mystery connected with it, 112 — sus-
picions excited against the king, 115 —
proofs against its being a plot to ruin
the Ruthvens, 116 — recent wttrks on it,
116, note — how it was regarded at the
time, 117 et seq. — discoveries regarding
it subsequently, 127 et seq. — Logan of
Restalrig's letters on it, 128 et seq. —
Sprot's revelations regarding it, his
trial and execution, 211 et seq.
Gowrie family, restored to their estates,
V. 512.
Gowrie House, description of, vi. 93.
Graham, David de, surrenders to Edward
L, ii. 332.
Graham, David, brother of Claverhouse,
vii. 548.
Graham, John, of Claverhouse, vii. 511 —
his defeat at Loudun Hill, 512 et seq. —
his execution of John Broi^T), 544 — his
measures for quieting the west, ib. et seq.
Graham, Malise, deprived of the earldom
of Strathearn, iii. 117 — one of the con-
spirators against James I., 118.
Graham, Sir Patrick, iii. 117.
Graham, Sir Robert, leader of the con-
spiracy against James I., iii. 118 — mur-
der of the king, 121 — his execution, 123.
Graham, Robert, first Archbishop of St
Andrews, iii. 171 el seq.
Graham, the Master of, killed at Pinkie,
iii. 480.
Graham of Balgowan, his evidence on the
Gowrie Conspiracy, vi. 109.
Graham of Inchbrakie, joins Montrose,
vii. 185.
Grammar-schools, early, iv. 107.
Grampians, the modern, not identical with
the Mons Grampius, i. 14: et seq.
Granger, Mrs, the Regalia saved from
Cromwell by, vii. 414.
Grant, James, of Carron, vii. 36, note.
Granvelle, Cardinal, an emissary of Queen
Mary's, iv. 218 — her correspondence
with him on her marriage, 252.
Gratian, a claimant for the empire m
Britain, i. 46.
Gray, Patrick, the Master of Gray, his
first appearance and character, v. 497—
mission to England, and treachery to
Mary, 49S^plotting against Arran, 502
— measures for getting rid of Arran, 508
—fall and flight of the latter, 511^sent
on speciiil mission on Mary's behalf,
vi. lb" — ^interview with Elizabeth, 17 —
charges against him in connection with
Mary, 27.
Gray, Lord, at the Lauder bridge affair,
iii. 184.
Gray, Sir S., list of Normans brought into
Scotland from, ii. 85, note — notice of
Sir William Marmion by, iii. 6Q, note.
Gray, the poet, on a sculptured stone at
Meigle, i. 150.
Great Britain, similarity of her policy to
that of Rome, i. 384, note — early pecu-
liarity of corporations in, ii. 166 — pro-
posed by James VI. as the name of the
United Kingdom, vi. 194 et seq.
Great Roll of St Albans, the, ii. 208, note,
Gregory the Great, King, i. 356.
Gregory the Great, Pope, alleged visits of
St Kentigern and St Columba to, i. 270
and note.
Gregory, Donald, iii. 221, note.
Gregory, James, his invention of the re-
flecting telescope, vii. 360.
Grey, Sir Thomas de, his account of his
own times, ii. 284 — his account of the
interview between Bruce and Comyn,
350 and note.
Grey, Sir Patrick, iii. 138, 140.
Greyfriars' Church, Dumfries, slaughter
of the Red Comyn in, ii. 350.
Greyfriars' Churchyard, signing of the
Covenant in, vi. 487.
Greyfriars' Monaster)', Perth, destroyed
by the Reformers, iv, 66.
Grierson of Lagg, vii. 548.
Grig, called Gregory the Great, King, i.
310, 356 — notice of the Church in con-
nection with, ii. 4.
Groselles, French ambassador to James V. ,
iii. 310, 311.
Grote, Mr, on the fabulous part of history,
i. 328, note.
Gruach, wife of Macbeth, i. 371, 372, note.
Grub's ' Ecclesiastical History of Scut-
land,* ii. 23, note.
Guild brethren, early laws regarding, ii
177.
Guises, the, their secret views, &c., on
the marriage of Queen Mary, iv. 7, 9 —
their influence over the queen-mother,
62 — reaction against them, 219 — the
assassination of the duke, 220 — their
position and views, 247 — project of
marrying Queen Mary to Don Carlos,
248^their joy on the murder of Murray,
V. 243— their murder by Henry I II. ,vi. 34.
Gun, Colonel, vii, 43 and note — com-
mands the Cavaliers of the north, and
march southward, 44 — his defeat at
Stonehive, 45 et seq.
Gustavus Adolphus, Scots soldiers in his
service, vii. 4 et seq.
Guthrie, James, vii, 337 — his trial and
execution, 427 et seq.
6l2
INDEX.
Hacket, Bishop, his account of James
VI. 'a opinion of Laud, vi. 338.
Hackstoa of Rathillet, one of the mur-
derers of Sharp, \ii. 491, 494 — his flight
after the deed, 50(5 — present at Drum-
, clog, 512 — at Bothwell bridge, 525 —
heads the Camcronians at Airds Moss,
529— taken prisoner and executed, 53(1.
Haco, his invasion of Scotland, ii. 105
et soq. — battle of Largs, 10/ — his death,
108 — his betrayal of the chiefs who had
invited him, 109,
Haddington, early mention of, as a burgli,
ii. 172 — the church destroyed by Ed-
ward III., iii. 34 — -recaptured from the
English, 486 — meeting of the Estates,
ib, — the abbacy conferred on Bothwell,
iv. 328.
Haddingtonshire, ravished by theEoglisb,
iii. 337.
Hadrian, construction of the Roman wall
begun by, i. 18 etseq., 24 — coins of, 25.
Hagiologies, the earlier and later, i. 288.
Haig, W., the Supplication of 1633 drawn
up by, vi. 379.
Hailes, Lord, on the Regiara Majestatem,
ii. 136 — on the genealogy of the Doug-
lases, iii. 134, note — his Life of John
Hamilton, v. 267, note — on Scots forfei-
tures, vi. 216.
Haliburton, Andrew, a Scots merchant,
his mercantile transactions, iv. 153.
Halidon Hill, battle of, iii. 11.
Hall, Henry, a Covenanter, vii. 526.
Hall, John, his conduct regarding the
Gowrie Conspiracy, vi. 119 — discussion
with the king on it, 120.
Hall, account of James IV. at Flodden
from, iii. 248, note.
Hall of Haughhead, at Loudon Hill, vii.
512.
Hamilton, Archbishop of St Andrews, iii.
486 — opposition to his brother's resig-
nation, 494 — -the Catechism known by
his name, iv. 43 — prosecuted for Roman-
ism, 217 — arraigned by Parliament, v.
224 — taken at Dumbarton Castle, and
executed, 265^his previous career, and
general hatred of him, 266.
Hamilton, Archibald, his controversial
works, vi. 275 and note.
Hamilton, Arthur, of Bothwellhaugh, his
trial and acquittal, v. 423.
Hamilton, Lord Claud, arraigned by the
Parliament of 1569, v. 224— a member
of the queen's Parliament, 299.
Hamilton, the Earl of, placed at the head
of the re.stored Consistorial Court, iv.
380 — bead of the provincial regency
after the queen's abdication, v. 2 —
claims of the house to the succession, 3
— assembly of his friends, ib. et seq.
Hamilton, Gavin, one of Mary's commis-
sioners at York, v. 165.
Hamilton, -James, execution of, iii. 356.
Hamilton, John, Abbot of Paisley, iii. 400.
Hamilton, John, his character and career,
v. 267 and note^the murderer of Brissot,
extracts from his book of prayers, vi.
271 and note.
Hamilton, John and Claud, proceedings
of Parliament under Morton against
them, V. 423 et seq. — their .flight and
forfeiture, 425 e( seq.
Hamilton, Lord Advocate, on the opposi-
tion to the Five Articles, vi. 334.
Hamilton, the Marquess of, the domain of
Arbroath Abbey bestowed on him, vi.
247— commissioner from Charles I., 491
— protests against the blockade of the
castle, 493 — compromise proposed,
495^demands the rescinding of the
Covenant, 496 — his secret instructions
betrayed, 498 — proclamation, 499— his
legal advisers, 502 — vacillation of the
Council, 503 — returns to Court, 504— the
secret instructions to him, 505 — his
answer before the Assembly, 506 — in-
structions of entire surrender, 507 —
commissioner in the General Assem-
bly of 1638, vii. 12— parting address,
&c. , 18— his departure, 19 — evades order
to assist the Gordons, 37 — his proceed-
ings approved by Laud and the king, 49
— letters from the former, 50 — force
under him sent into the Firth of Forth,
53, 54 — its condition, 54 — proclamation,
55 — connected with the "Incident,"
146 — his defeat at Preston, 239 — treaty
of Uttoxeter, 240 — his trial and execu-
tion, 252 et seq.
Hamilton, Sir Patrick, killed, iii. 266.
Hamilton, Patrick, the martyrdom of, iii.
322.
Hamilton, Professor, Knox's quarrel with,
v. 317.
Hamilton, Robert, leader of the Cove-
nanters at Loudon Hill, vii. 510 — made
commander-in-chief, 517 — his character,
ih. — his incompetence as leader, 523.
Hamilton, Sir Thomas, one of the Oc-
tavians, vi. 70 — arrest, &c., of Sprot by,
211 — picture of the state of Scotland by
him, 283.
Hamilton, Sir "William, act of Church dis-
cipline toward, v. 51.
Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh undertakeg
the assassination of Murray, v. 235 — the
story that this was done from revenge,
ih. e( seq. — the assassination, 237 ef seq.
— excepted from truce of 1572, 311 —
arraigned by the Parliament of 1569, 224.
Hamiitons, origin of their connection
with the Crown, iii. 168 — feud with the
Douglases, 258, 266 ^attempt of the
French ambassador to open negotiations
with them, v, 17 — their policy regarding
Queen Mary, 31 et seq. — Throckmorton's
negotiations with them, 42^their hos-
tility to Murray, 95— join Mary after
her escape, 106— uncertainty of their
adherence, 108— Throckmoi*tonon them,
109, note— hostile gathering of them,
223~— their position as regards the suc-
cession, 226 — their submission to Mur-
ray, 227 — resolve on his assassination,
INDEX.
613
235— their appeal to Elizabeth after it,
244 — the invasion of Sussex directed
against them, 253 — oileots of the electi(jn
ot Lennox as regent on their pretensions,
260— their influence in the west, 305 —
their submission, 360 — proceedings of
Morton against them, 423 — their estates
conferred on Captain Stewart, 437 —
efforts to regain these, 509.
" Hamilton Declaration" of the Covenant-
ers, the, vii. 522.
Hamilton Palace, Queen Mary at, after
her escape, v. 106 — destroyed by the
English, 253— taken by Morton, 42.5 —
occupied by the Covenanters, vii. 53.
Hampton Court, meeting of the Council
on Queen Mary at, v. 1 86.
Hampton Court conference, the, vi. 218
ei seq. — the authorised version of the
Bible its work, 228.
Hanging, ancient laws regarding, ii. 148.
Hardy, Mr Duffus, on Doomsday-book, i.
380, note — his edition of the Chronicles,
iv. 123, note.
Hardyng, John, his connection with forged
documents bearing on supremacy of
England, iii. 158.
Harington, Sir John, his account of
pageants before King James VI., vi. 151
— character of the king, 165 — account of
the illegal execution of a criminal, &c. ,
183, note — on theUnion scheme,203,Dote.
Harlaw, the battle of, iii. 93 et seq., 100 —
its real significance and results, 101.
Harold, Earl of Orkney, ii. 82 et seq.
Harold Harfager, influence of his con-
quests, i. 341, 350 — subjugation of the
Orkneys and Shetlands by, 353.
Harry the minstrel, his picture of Wallace,
ii. 282 — his account of the battle of
Stirling, 293, note.
Hartcla, Earl of ('arli><le, negotiations with
the Scots, ii. 412 — his execution, 413.
Haselrig, slain by Wallace, ii. 283.
Hastings, Sir John de, a claimant of the
Scots crown, ii. 209, 218 — his pleadings,
243.
Hawick, destroyed by the English, v. 251.
Hawthomden, the caves at, i. 111.
Hay, Father Edmond, vi. 61.
Hay, John, envoy to Elizabeth, iv. 270.
Hay, John, a Jesuit father and contro-
versialist, vi. 271.
Hay, Sir John, excepted from indemnity of
1641, vii. 139.
Hay, Lord Clerk-Register, vi. 468.
Hay, Lord Doncaster, vi. 189.
Hay of Talla, one of the nuirderers of
Darnley, iv. 34-3 — executed, v. 93.
Hays, the legend respecting their rise, i.
364, note.
Hearne, his editions of the Chronicles, iv.
122, note.
Hebrides, their subjugation by the Norse-
men, i. 352, ii. 102— ceded to Scotland,
. 110.
Hedenrig, defeat of Sir Robert Bowes at,
iii. 371.
'' Heigate, the purpose of," referred to in
the casket letters, iv. 427, 438.
Hel, Hela, or Hell of the Norsemen, the,
i. 235.
Hemingford, the Chronicle of, iv. 122 —
notices of Wallace in, ii. 298, 302, notes.
Henderson, Andrew (the man in armour),
his account of the Gowrie Conspiracy,
vi. 98 et seq., 110 et seq.
Henderson, Alexander, the revision of the
Book of Common Order proposed to
him, vi. 405 — tried imder proclamation
regarthng the Service-book, 448 — one of
the drawers-up of the demands of the
Covenanters, 495 — Moderator of As-
sembly of 163S, vii. 16 — commissioner
to Aberdeen, 24 — one of the commis-
sioners to treat for peace, 65, 116 — his
popularity in Loudon, 126 — commis-
sioner to the Westminster Assembly,
202 — discussion with the king on Church
government, and his death, 231 et seq.
Henderson, John, one of Sharp's mur-
derers, vii. 493.
Henrietta Maria, marriage of Charles I.
to, vi. 355.
Henry I,, measures of, to secure the suc-
cession of his daughter, ii. 46.
Henry II., Romanism made supreme in
Ireland under, i. 256 — connection of
Malcolm IV. with, ii. 63, 64— war with
William the Lion, 66— the latter his
prisoner, 67 — the treaty of Falaise, 68.
Henry III., treaty with Alexander II., ii.
78_war with him, 89, 90— treaty of
Newcastle, 90— attempts to prevent the
coronation of Alexander III., 95 — mar-
riage of the latter to his daughter, 97 —
interferences diiring Alexander's minor-
ity, 99 — his attempts to establish su-
premacy over the Scots Church, 110 —
his death, 114.
Henry IV., his demand of homage, iii. 78
-invasion of Scotland, 80 — joined by
the Earl of March, 81 — his conduct as
regards the supposed Richard II., 88,
89— capture and detention of Prince
James, 89.
Henry V., at the battle of Shrewsbury,
iii. 87 — his treatment of James I., 106 —
his position in France, 107— his cruelty
toward the Scots in France, 108.
Henry VI., invasion of England in favour
of, iii. 150 — takes refuge in Scotland, 154.
Henry VII., his accession, and anxiety
for peace, iii. 187 — Ramsay and Buchan
in his pay, 189 — his policy on the acces-
sion of James IV,, 198— proposal for
matrimonial alliance, 199— pretenders
set up against him, 204 et seq. — his ac-
count of Perkin Warbeck, 208 and note
— renewal of truce, &c., 212 — efforts of
Spain to win him to the Catholic leagiie,
216 et seq. — marriage of his daughter to
James IV., 219 — Darnley's descent
from, iv. 261 — his chapel, its architec-
ture, lifi, 147, note.
Henry VIII. , his marriage to Catherine of
6i4
INDEX
Spain, iii. 217 — commencement of diffi-
culties with him, 231^ — quarrel, 238 —
treatment of the body of James TV.,
246, note— demands the expulsion of
Albany, 269 — alliance against France, 270
— on Lord Dacre's inroad, 277— anxiety
for the "erection" of James V., 297 —
measures to bring it about, 298 et seq. —
his satisfaction on its accomplishment,
302 — alliance with Francis I., 315^re-
ception of Angus, 321 — instructions re-
specting the Borderers, 336^changed
relations to Scotland after his marriage
to Anne Boleyn, 3-12 — efforts to bring
about a meeting with James V., 346 et
se^i. ^the reports of his spies, 360 et seq.
- meeting arranged with James V,, 365
— evasion of the latter, 366 — secret de-
signs on the Scots king, 367— declares
■war, 369 — revives the superiority claim,
■ih, — invasion ordered, 371 — views on
the death of James V., 376-— dealings
with the Assured lords, 377 — policy re-
commended by George Douglas, 381 —
proposals to Arran, and their reception,
3S2 et 5C/7. ^treaty for the marriage of
his son to Mary, &c., 395— acts of hos-
tility, 402 — his policy, 403 — conduct of
the Assured lords, ih. ^report of com-
mittee on invasion, 404— his wrath
against the Assured lords, 410- — sup-
ported by Lennox, 415— discussion on
the treaties, th. et .sf-^.— letter regarding
the treatment of Sadler, 421^the trea-
ties repudiated by Scotland, 423— de-
clares war, 426 et seq. — the war now to
be one of destruction, 431 — instructions
to Hertford, 432 — his traffickings with
the Borderers, 438 et seq. — effect of the
defeat at Ancrum on him, 441 — second
raid, 442^his efforts to get Beaton into
his hands, 460 et seq. — account sent him
of the plot for Beaton's death, 462— his
death, 477^destruction of monasteries,
kc, in his invasions, iv. 70.
Henry M. of France, his death, iv. 10.
Henry III., his accession, v. 339 — the
murder of the Guises by, vi. 34.
Henry, Prince, son of David I., ii. 53, 58,
59— his death, 60.
Henry, Prince, son of Jame.s VI., birth of,
vi. ^Q — his character and extracts from
his letters, 173 el seq. — his death, 177.
Henry of Huntingdon on the Picts, i. 187.
Heiiryson, the poems of, iv. 131.
Hepburn, strugt):le with Forraan for see of
St Andrews, iii. 260.
Hepburn of Hales, his connection with the
widow of James I., iv. 327.
Hepburn of Bolton, one of the murderers
of Darnley, iv. 343 — his execution, v. 93.
Hepburn, Patrick, excepted from truce of
1572, V. 311.
Hepburns, the, engaged in the conspiracy
against James III., iii. 190.
Heraldry, state of, in the time of William
the Lion, ii. 65 and note.
Hereditary jurisdictions, early, ii. 131^
succession, want of, among the Irish
Celts, i. 262.
Heresy, first execution for, iii. 92 — under
Jiimes v., 356 — feeling with which these
come to be regarded, iv. 18 et seq.
Heriot's Hospital, its architecture, vii. 366.
Hermitage Castle, the ruins of, ii. 184,
note— murder of Ramsay in, iii. 22^re-
taken by the English, 27 — Mary's visit
to Bothwell at, iv. 330.
Herodian, his account of the Caledonians,
i. 36 — notices the Britons painting them-
selves, 203.
Heron, Sir George, his death, v. 408.
Herries, Lord, account in his Memoirs of
Rizzio's murder, iv. 313, note — remon-
strates against the marriage to Bothwell,
363^amnesty, v. IS^juins Maiy after
her escape, 106, 118, note — Throckmor-
ton on him, 109, note— accompanies the
queen in her flight, 115 — his appeal to
Klizabeth on behalf of Mary, 134, note
■ — sent as Mary's ambassador to England,
mollis character and position, 142 —
tenor of his negotiations, 143 — proposal
made to him for a mutual deputation,
153 — refuses to agree to this, 154 — pro-
posal for her restoration, 155 — close of
his mission, ih, et seq. — his report to
Mary of it, 156, 159 — one of her coraruis-
sioners at York, 165 — recriminatiuns be-
tween him and Lindsay, 213 — arraigned
by Parliament, 224 — placed under re-
straint, 228 — indemnity to, 365.
Herries, Sir Hugh, aids in killing the Mas-
ter of Ruthven, vi. 101, 103.
Herries of Terregles, slaughtered by Doug-
las, iii. 137.
Hertford, the Earl of, his account of the
plot for the slaughter of Beaton, iii. 462
et seq.- — the instructions for his expedi-
tion into Scotland, 432 — his burning and
slaying expedition, 433 et seq. — second
raid, 441 — composition of his force, 442
— capture and destruction of Kelso
Abbey, 443 — his account of the havoc
wrought, 449 et seq.
Hewat, Peter, discussion with the king on
the Gowrie Conspiracy, vi. 121.
Hexham, Romau stones in church at, i,
Qb, note — the monastery saved during
the invasion by David L, ii. 55 — de-
stroyed by tho Scots, 297.
Heydon, Sir John, vii. 51.
Heylyn on the illegality of the canons, vi.
399.
Hibbert, Dr, on the Tings of Orkney, i.
142, note.
Higgins, Mr, on the Druids, i, 221, note.
Hitrh Commission, the Court of, in Scot-
land, vi. 242 — its powers, &c., vii. 436
et seq.
Highland bard, appearance of a, at the
coronation of Alexander HI., ii. 94 —
bards, penal enactment regarding, vi,
303 — host, its employment against the
Covenanters, vii. 46'.' — names, their de-
rivations, ii. 12, note — warfare, iii. 98.
INDEX.
6is
Highlanders, their resistance to the feu-
dal system, i. 39'2^fight between, on
the Inch of Perth, iii. 71 — intrigues of
Edward IV". with, 154— difficulties of
dealing with thom, 225 — the feudal
system unknown, 226 — measures of
James IV". for their subjugation, 227 —
again in insurrection, 2t55— at the battle
of Pinkie, 482^measiires of the Refor-
mers for their instruction, v. 83 — ^their
peculiar position, vi. 289^contrast with
the Lowlanders, 290— their dislike to
the sea, 294 — their migrations into Ire-
land, 295 — their forces, &c., there,
297 — their condition at this time, 299
et seq. — titles of their chiefs, and their
genealogies, 302 — their dread of can-
non, vii. 45 — their mode of fighting,
181.
Highlands, absorption of) Northmen
among the Celts in, i. 201 — prevalence
of Norse superstitions, 245— the creel-
houses, 265 — settlements of Normans,
ii. 88— their condition, &c., in Bruce's
time, 3()1— their state, &c., before the
battle of Harlaw, iii. 93 et seq. — various
leaders in the west, 94 — nominal sub-
mission to David II., ib. — measures of
James IV. for settling them, 220 ei
seq. — clearances under Huntly, 228 —
their state under James V., and his
measures to bring them under subjec-
tion, 330 et seq. — progress of James V.
through them, 362- their early litera-
ture, iv. 140 — their forests, 158 — their
state, 1603-20, vi. 289— claim of their
chief as regards Ireland, 305 — Act
passed in 1597 regarding them, 306^
municipality founded, 307— scheme for
their plantation, 308- regulations, kc,
regarding the chiefs, 1616, 310.
Hill-fortresses, abundance of, in Scotland,
i. 91.
'Hind let loose,' the, vii. 568, note.
Hindustan, attempts to derive the Norse
mythology from, i. 244.
Hoare, his classification of barrows, i. 120,
135, note.
Holidays, proclamation for observance of,
vi. 322.
Holland, Lord, affair with the Covenanters,
vii. 61 — a party to the conferences for
pacification, 65.
Holt, a Romish conspirator, v. 496.
"Holy Roman Empire," the, its position
to the Reformation, iii. 345.
Holy or Black Rood of Scotland, its seiz-
ure by Edward I., ii. 272— its restora-
tion, 428^again taken, iii. 26.
Holyrood Abbey, founded by David I., ii.
62, 273— destroyed by the English, 410
—Church, destroyed by Somerset, iii.
483— changes in it by James VI., vi.
314 et seq., 321 — Romanism restored
under James II., vii. 560— sacked during
riot in 1688, 576.
Holyrood Palace, Edward II. in, ii. 269—
coronation of James II. at, iii. 125—
Queen Mary's first night in, iv. 170 — its
state at this time, 173^riot at, 227 —
state, &c., of, after Darnley's murder,
3-19 — his burial in the chapel, 354 —
flight of the queen and Bothwell from,
399— attempts of Bothwell on James VI.
at, vi. 48, 49.
Home, Lord, execution of, iii. 261.
Home, Lord, at the battle of Langsido,
V. 112— a member of the queen's Par-
liament at Edinburgh, 299.
Homes, the, engaged in conspiracy against
James HI., iii. 190^ — defeat of Bowes by,
371.
Homildon Hill, battle of, iii. 82.
Hommel, one of the favourites of James
III., executed, iii. 185.
Hondt, Peter van, or Caiiisius, his Cate-
chisms, vi. 272, 273.
Honorius, abandotmient of Britain by, i. 46.
Hope, Sir Thomas, counsel for the Mel-
ville party on their trial, vi. 234 — his
policy regarding the resumption of
Church revenues, 361— and the Cove-
nant, 483 — on the .side of the Covenant-
ers, 502— his Diary, 503, note— proceed-
ings against Montrose, &c., vii. 142.
*' Hopetoun Manuscript," the supposed
copy of the " Book of Articles " in it, v.
200, note.
Hosack, Mr, on the policy of Elizabeth at
the time of the abdication, v. 29, note
— his criticisms on the Hopetoun
Manuscript, 201, note.
Howard, Sir Edward, iii. 237.
Howard, Lord Henry, rumours regarding
James VI. 's Papal dealings V)y, vi. 137.
Howard, Lord Thomas, iii. 237.
Howard, Lord William, instructions to^
regarding meeting between Henry VIII.
and James V., iii. 346, note.
Howel Dba, Welsh code attributed to, ii,
135.
Howell, James, account of Parliament of
1640 by, vii. 81, note.
Hubert, Nicholas, or French Paris, one of
Darnley's murderers, iv. 342, 343 — his
arrest and execution, v. 232.
Hugo, named Bishop of St Andrew., iu
75, 76.
Huguenot war, its effect on the relations
between Elizabeth and Mary, iv. 258.
Huguenots, policy of Catherine of Medici
toward them, iv. 219 — ^origin of the
system of lay eldership with them, v.
53, 54^their influence on the Scots
Church, 74 — measures of the Assembly
for relief of the expatriated, 403^ — the
Second Book of Discipline adapted from
them, 469.
Hume, Sir Alexander, Provost of Edin-
burgh, vi. 85.
Hume, Alexander, his poemSj vii. 340.
Hume, George, iv. 274.
Hume, Lord, attempt with Morton to
seize the queen and Bothwell by him, iv.
399 — defence of James VI. against Both-
well by, vi. 50.
6i6
INDEX.
Hume, Sir Patrick, his account of com-
munications between Argyle and Mon-
mouth, vii, 553 — his escape and adven-
tures, 555 et seq. — a refug:ee at the Court
of William of Orang-e, 563.
HumeCastle,captarcdbytheEnglish,v.251.
Hunnura, supposed modern name of, i. 17,
note.
Hunsdon, Lord, joined with Sussex in the
invasion of Scotland, v. 250 — conference
with Arran reg;arding Gowrie's execu-
tion, 495 — character of the Master of
Gray by him, 497.
Hunting, representations of, on the sculp-
tured stones, i, 14t).
Ifimting-parks, James VI. 's attempts to
form, vi. 155.
Huntingdon, Lord, joined to the Council
on the casket letters, v. 201 — meeting
with Morton regarding the Raid of the
Redeswire, 410 — force assembled under
him on behalf of Morton, 443.
Huntingdon, earldom of, acquired by
David L, ii. 42— confirmed to Malcolm
IV., 64.
Huntingtower Uastle, iv. 149— seizure of
James VI. at, v. 448.
Huntly, progr:^ss of family under James
IV., iii. 223.
Huntly, the Earl of, iii. 141 — struggle with
Crawfurd, and death of his son, 143 —
defeats him, ib. —clearances in the
Highlands by, 228 — commander at
Pinkie, 479 — Lord Chancellor, iv. 2
— partially disgraced, 3^ — heads the
Romanist party, 166 — his predominance
in the north, 200 — his character and
policy, ib. et seq. — deserted by the clans,
203 — battle of Corrichie, his death,
lb. — conduct of the queen regarding
him, 205 — Knox on Inm, 204.
Huntly, the Earl of, restoration of title,
kc, iv. 283 — marriage of his sister to
Both well, ih. — in Holyrood during the
murder of Rizzio, 307— his escape, 311 —
agrees to further the queen's divorce, 333
— attends Mary to Seton after Darnley's
murder, 355— one of the councillors who
direct Bothwell's trial, 367 — carried off by
Buthwell, 377 — amnesty to, v. 15 — signs
the band for the queen, 117, note— gather-
ing under him, 223 — march of Murray
against him, and his submission, 228 —
commands at the attack on Stirling, 269
— a member of the queen's Parliament,
299 — his influence for the queen, 305 —
his submission, 360 — a leader against
the Ruthvens, 466 — heads the Popish
party in the north, vi. 53 — charges
against him, 56 — authorised to proceed
against Bothwell, 57 — slaughter of the
Earl of Murray, 58 — the Spanish blanks
signed by him, 60 — Argyle employed
against him, 62 — defeat of the latter,
63 — conforms to the established Church,
65 — his forfeiture revoked, 66 — recon-
ciliation between him and Argyle, 137
— accused of harbouring Jesuits, &c..
280 — excommunicated, but the sentence
reversed, 281 — the head of the Cavalier
party, 512 — ^his power in the north, 513
et seq. — his struggle with the Crichtons,
516 — murder of his son, 517 et seq. — hia
death and character, 520 et s- q.
Huntly, George, Marquess of, appointed
the king's lieutenant, vii. 1 — attempt of
the Covenanters to gain him, and his
answer, 2 ef seq. — foiled in attempt at
Turriff, 27 — his commission, 28 —
his submission, 32 — his treacherous
seizure, 33 et seq. — character of the
organisation under him, 35 — evades
joining Montrose, 189 — his trial and ex-
ecution, 254.
Hurry, see Urry.
Hy or lona, see lona.
Hyginus, hia account of the Roman camp,
i. 79.
Hy-Ivar, the Norse dynasty of, i. 352,
ii. 107.
Hy Nyal, the Irish race of, vi. 306.
Hypocausts, Roman, i. 54.
Iceland, peopling of, by the Norsemen, i.
244, note.
Illegitimacy, views regarding it in the
Highlands, vi, 305.
Inchcolm, Monastery of, ii. 40.
Inchkeith, the captain of, his Diary, iv.
406, 417, note.
Inchmahome, Queen Mary's residence at,
iii. 485.
Incident, the, its history, vii. 146 et seq.
Incontinence, enforcement of Church dis-
cipline against, v. 51.
Independents, the, in England, vi. 415 —
their views and influence, vii. 210.
Indulf, King, his death, i. 364.
Indulgence, the, under Charles II., vii.
457 — accepted by the moderate of the
clergy, 458 — opposition of the violent,
468— new, in 1688, 560 — claim of abso-
lute prerogative in it, 561.
Ingvar or Ivor, a Norse chief, i. 352.
Itinerluchty or Fort -William, once the
Scots capital, ii. 128.
Innes, Father, on the origin of the name
Picts, i. 206, note— his version of the
old chronicles, 335, note.
Innes, Cosmo, notices of formations of
parishes from, ii. 32, note — on the
thanedoms in the north, 133 — on the
Regiam Majestatem, 138, note— on the
architecture of Kelso Abbey, 191 — on
early agriculture, &c., 194, note.
Innocent III., Pope, ii. 82.
Innocent IV., refuses to interfere with the
coronation of Alexander III., ii. 95 —
upholds the independence of the Scots
Church, 110.
Inquests by jury, their value in connection
with the early Church, ii. 5.
* Institution of a Prince,' work so called
by Queen Mary, iv. 436.
Intercommuning, the Act regarding, vii.
INDEX.
617
International law, origin of the present
system of, ii. 310 el seq.
Inverchai'ron, overthrow of Montrose at,
Tii. 256.
Iiiveresk, the Roman remains at, i. 54, 55
note, 65 and note.
Inverloohy Castle, iii. 224 — battle of, Tii.
190.
Inverness, the Pictish capital, ii. 128 —
Castle, iii. 221, note — its erection by
Huntly, 224 — captured by Murray, iv.
203 — strength of the Covenanters in, vi.
511 — fortress erected by Cromwell at,
vii. 332.
Inverury, victory of Bruce at, ii. 370.
Investiture, feudal, relic of forms of, i.
397, note.
lona, the sculptured stones at, i. 167 —
settlement of St Columba in, 263— the
early buildings there, 264 et seq. — mis-
sions to Northumbria, 295 ei seq. — the
community brouj^^ht to conformity with
Roman usage, 303 — religious houses,
&c., planted from it, 304 — its sufferings
from the Norsemen, ib. — its gradual
decay, ih. — plundered by the Norse-
men, 350.
Ireland, a Scotsman, sent as ambassador
to James III., iii. 179.
Ireland, views of Agricola on, i. 5 — Chin-
ese seals found in, 49, note — the Cran-
noges of, 98 — the scrilptured crosses
and stones, 167 — early state of the
Church in, 209 — peculiarities of early
Christianity, 255 — the Scots Dalriads
fieed from subjection to, 321 — their in-
vasion of it, and defeat, 323 — peculiarities
of the early Celtic civilisation in, 330 —
Norse kingdom and dynasty, 352 — the
round towers of, ii. 189 — invaded by
the Braces, 391 et seq. — its state under
the Normans, 392— rumours regarding
James V. and, iii. 361 — migrations of the
Highlanders into, vi. 295 — their settle-
ments, &c. , there, 296 et seq. — early con-
nection between it and the Highlands,
305 — migration of Scots colonists into,
352 — the great rebellion, vii. 153 et seq.
— the native population, and their
treatment, 154 — the Scots auxihary
force in, 165 — the horrors of the rebel-
lion, 168.
Irish, the, first called Scots, i. 211— native,
introduced into army of Henry III., ii.
90— employed in Henry VIII. 's raid, iii.
442_religious neglect of them by the
English Government, v. 83.
Irish chronicles, notices of Strathclyde in,
i. 309.
Irish Church, the early, i. 255— its antag-
onism to Rome, 256— its subjugation by
the Anglo-Normans, 257— character of
its monasticism, ib. — number and posi-
tion of bishops in it, 269— its time of
observing Easter, 294— Dr Ebrard on it,
ii. 23, 24, note.
Irish language, the, its early character,
and spread into Scotland, i. 214.
VOL. V(I
Irish Psalters, ancient, their bindings, &c.,
i. 168 — those in Monastery of St Gall,
170.
Iron, worked in Scotland, iv. 157.
Irvine, Sir Alexander, killed at Harlaw,
iii. 102.
Irvine, supposed remains of Norman castle
in, ii. 183, note — surrender of Bruce,
Douglas, &c., at, 288 — Brereton's sketch
of, vii. 372.
Irving, Dr, his ' History of Scottish
Poetry,' iv. 131, note.
Isabella of Spain, her death, and relations
with Queen Mary, v. 120.
Isidorus on the Picts, i. 204, note.
Isla, John of, rebellion and fate of, iii.
221, note.
Isla, battle between the Highlanders and
Lowlanders on the, iii. 98.
Isles, the Bishop of the, his ditficiilties,
vi. 260 — his plantation scheme, 309,
310.
Isles, lordship of, forfeited under James
IV., iii. 227 — its actual abolition, 230,
231.
Isobel, daughter of Earl David, descent of
Bruce from, ii. 216.
'Itinerary of Antoninus,' the, i. 60.
Ivar, invasion of Scotland by, i. 357.
Ivor or Ingvar, a Norse chief, i. 352.
Jaffery, one of the commissioners to
Charles II., vii. 261.
James, Prince, capture by Henry IV., iii.
89 — acknowledged as James I. on his
father's death, 91 — his position in Eng-
land, 105 — his marriage, 106 — his return
to Scotland, ih. — state of the country,
107 — changes which date from his re-
turn, 108 — revision of laws, 109 — survey
of property, 110 — in Parliament, 111
— execution of Albany, &c., ift. — mea-
sures for the subjugation of the High-
lands, 112 et seq. — martyrdom of Cra-
war, 114 — bii-th and betrothal of his
daughter, 115 — conspiracy against him,
116 et seq. — his murder, 119 et seq. —
execution of his murderers, 122 et seq.
— his poems, iv. 131 — an ancestor
of Bothwell's a suitor of his widow,
327.
James II., coronation of, at Holyrood, iii.
125 — struggle for possession of his
person, 126 et seq. — execution of the
Douglases, 128 — married to Mary of
Gueldres, 136— disgrace of the Living-
stons, 139— slaughter of Douglas, 140—
struggle with them, 141 et seq. — submis-
sion of Crawfurd, 143 — continued
struggle with Douglas, 144 — invasion of
England, 150 — his death before Rox-
burgh Castle, 152.
James III., accession of, iii. 1.53 — govern-
ment during his minority, 154 et seq. —
married to Margaret of Denmark, 162
— fall of the Boyds, 167- forfeiture of
the Lord of the Isles, 169 — betrothal of
his son to the English princess, 173 —
2 T
6i8
INDEX.
preparations to aid France, 174— liis
personal character, 175 — treatment of
his brothers, 17t) ^ force mustered
ao;ainst England, and march to Lauder,
180— his favourites, 181 — their execu-
tion, 184 e^.S)^'^.— removed to Edinburgh,
185 — reconciled to his brother Albany,
and liberated, 186— alleged treaty with
England, and confederacy against him,
188 — preparations against the confede-
rates, 191— affair of Sauchie Burn, 192 —
his murder, 193^ — investigation into it,
197.
James, Prince, afterwards James IV., be-
trothed to an English princess, iii. 173
— his accession, 194 — plot of Henry VII.
for his seizure, 198 — arrangements with
the Papa] Court, 199 et seq, — his leniency
to the Lollards, 204— reception, &c., of
Perkin Warbeck, 205 et seq. — expedition
in favour of the latter, 210^project for
matrimonial aUiance with Spain, 217 —
affianced to Margaret of England, 219—
alliance with England and Spain, ih. —
his marriage, 220 — measures for settling
the Highlands, ib. et ^e^.— forfeiture of
the lordship of the Isles, 227 — state of
the Borders, 231^ — large ship built, 232
— naval exploits in his reign, 234 et seq.
— quarrel with England, 238 — prepara-
tions to invade England, 240 et seq — first
successes, 242 — battle of Flodden, and
his death there, 243 et seq. — his charac-
ter, 247 — his patronage of Chepman the
printer, iv. 138— gold workings under,
156.
James V., regency during his minority,
iii. 256 — surrendered by his mother to
Parliament, 258 — proposal for marrying
him to Mary of England, 285 — his
mother's account of him, 295 — his
"erection," 296 et sef^. ^accounts of
him by the English ambassadors, 307 —
his seizure by Angus, 318 — his escape,
319~siege of Tantallon, 320— his ani-
mosity to Angus, ih. — struggle with him,
321 — proceedings against the Borderers,
324 — execution of the Armstrongs, 327
— effect of these measures, 328 — meas-
ures with regard to the Highlands, 330
et 5eg'.— measures against the aristocratic
houses, 333 — assistance given to the
Irish, 339^peace with England, ih. —
position of the kingdom under him to-
ward the European States, 341 — his
dependence on the priesthood, 342 —
anxiety for his aHiance, 343 — claims the
English crown, 345 — efforts of Henry
VIIL to bring about a meeting with
him, 346 — his evasion of these, 348 —
projects for his marriage, 349 — ^journey
to France, 350, 351— marriage to Mag-
dalen of France, and her death, 2>62et seq.
offers of allegiance from England, 352 —
— marriage to Mary of Guise, 354 — ex-
ecutions for conspiracies, ih. et seq. — and
for heresy, 356— his views regarding the
Church, 357— reports of the English
spies, 360 — his fleet, 361 — birth of a son,
and voyage round Scotland, 362— birth
of a second son, 363— death of his two
sons, 364— his conduct toward the no-
bility, and their alienation, i'6. ^agrees
to meeting with Henry at York, but
fails, 365 et seq. — war declared by Henry
VIII., 369 — refusal of the nobility to ad-
vance at Fala Moor, 371 — aflflxir of Sol-
way Moss, birth of his daughter, and his
death, 372 — portrait of him, and his
character, 373— on the state of the
Church, iv. 21 — his poems, 131.
James VI., birth of, iv. 321 — his baptism,
335 — visit of the queen to him, 376 —
measures of the confederate lords for
his security, 402 — supposed destruction
of the casket letters by him, 423 and
note— commencement of his reign, 454
— demands made on Denmark for sur-
render of Bothwell, 456— his coronation,
v. 4 — the oath taken in his name, 5 — ac-
knowledged by the English Government,
220, 258— at the Pai-liament of 1571,
269 — strength of his party, 304 et seq.—
his infancy and childhood, 385 — his
guardians and tutors, 386 et seq. — his
awe of Buchanan, 388 — his early acquire-
ments, 389 — Buchanan's work on the
constitution intended for his guidance,
390— his hatred of it, 393— Morton's re-
signation of the regency, 417— Council
of Regency, 419 — struggle for possession
of his person, 420 et seq.— Esm6 Stewart
becomes his favourite, 427 — honours con-
ferred on him, 428 et seq. — body-guard
under Lennox, 431 — mission from Eliza-
beth regarding the latter, ih. — fall and
execution of Morton, 439 et seq. — tone of
Elizabeth toward him, 444^— plot for his
confinement in Doune, 447— the Raid of
Ruthven, 448 — his position after it, 449
— his title disallowed by the Papal
powers, 450 — his early character, and
conferences of Bowes with him, 458 —
addressed as king by the French ambas-
sador, 459 — the association project, 460
et seq. — reports to England regarding
him, 465 — overthrow of the Ruthvens,
466 — signs the Second Confession, 476
— his proceedings after Ruthven's fall,
481— communications with England, ih.
et seq. — pension offered by the latter,
482 — renewed attempt of the Ruthvens,
483— Melville cited before him, 484—
visit to Ruthven Castle, 488— Arran's
supremacy over him, 489 — trial and
execution of Ruthven, 491 et seq,
— ■ his favourite the Master of Gray,
497 — his personal appearance, ih. —
alliance with England, 499 et seq. —
fall of Arran, return of the banished
lords, 511 ei seq. — anticipations in Eng-
land as to his conduct should Mary be
executed, vi, 15 — mission from him re-
garding it, 16 ei seq. — collision with the
clergy regarding prayers for her, 25, 26
— his understanding with England as
INDEX.
619
regards the Armada, 29— his majority,
35 — device to reconcile the feudal
houses, ih. — Act of Kevocation, 36 —
marriage projects, 37 — views toward
Denmark, 38 — his journey thither, and
reasons for it, 39 — his marriage, 41 —
establishment of Presbytery, 42 et seq.
— disputes with the clergy, 45 fi .tfy.—
Bothwell's first attempt on him, 48^ —
further attempts of Bothwell, 49 et seq.
— message to and from the clergy, 51 —
attempt to establish a royal guard, ib. —
his suspected dealings with Papal agents,
54 and note^his policy in this, 5t> —
proceedings toward the Popish lords, lb.
— difficulties on the slaughter of the
Earl of Murray, &c., 58 et seq.— the
Spanish blanks, 59 et seq. — proceedings
against the Popish lords, 62, 64 — birtb of
a son, 6Q — bis conduct to Adamson, 68 —
state of Government finances, &;c., 69 —
the Octavians, 70— urged to severity
against the Popish lords, 75 — ^birth of
his daughter, and proceedings regarding
her baptism, 76 — again in collision with
Melville, 80 — deputation from the As-
sembly to him, 81 — violence of Melville,
ib. et 5e5'-^Black cited before him for
attack on Queen Elizabeth, 83 — re-
ligious disturbances, 84 — retires to
Linlitbgow, 85 — returns to Edin-
burgh, 86 — Assembly summoned at
Perth, 87 — Episcopacy re-established,
89 — attack on his 'Basilikon Doron,' 90
— the Gowrie Conspiracy, ib. et seq. — his
own narrative, 97 — his danger from the
citizens of Perth, 104 et seq. — his return
and reception at Leith, 117 — sermon
before him, 118 — discussions with the
clergy on the conspiracy, 120 et seq. —
his resentment against the family, 125
— subsequent discoveries regarding the
conspiracy, 126 et seq. — birtb of Prince
Charles, 137 — rumours of his Papal deal-
ings, ib. — letter to the Pope, 138 —
measures regarding the English succes-
sion, ib. et seq. — death of Queen Eliza-
beth, and his accession, 143^his pro-
gress through England, 145 et seq. —
gifts from corporations, &c., 154 — his
passion for hunting, 155 — his reception
at Theobalds, 156— his personal appear-
ance, character, &c., 158 et seq. — con-
trast between him and his mother, 160
et seq. — his vices, 161— sketch of him by
Weldon, 162 et seq. — his pacific disposi-
tion and timidity, 166 — sketch of his
queen, 168 e( seq.— &nd of his children,
173 e^ 56^. —the 'Basilikon Doron,' 175
—his absolutism fostered by English
subserviency, 181— illegal execution of
a criminal, 182 — effect of his accession
to the Enghsh crown, 184 et ^e^.— pro-
motion of Scotsmen by him, 188 et seq.
—the Union project, 192 et seq.— his
proposal of the name Great Britain, 194
— letter on the Union project, 198 — re-
peal of Border laws, 203— the case of
the posUiati, 205 et seq. — appointment
of Lord High Commissioner, 210 et seq.
— at the Hampton Court conference, 221
ei seq. — his attacks on the High Presby-
terian party there, ib. — answer to Bey-
nolds's proposals, 224 — anxiety regard-
ing the acknowledgment of his supre-
macy, 225, 227, note — the authorised
version of the Bible, 229— proceedings
against the High Presbyterian party,
232 et seq., 233 — interviews with Mel-
ville, &c., 236— -bis scheme for winning
them over, 237 — restoration of Episco-
pacy, 241 et seq. — robes for the bishops,
243— '* riding of the Parliament," 243
— position of the Romanists, 266 — the
case of Ogilvie the Jesuit, 276 et seq. ~
repression of disorders, 282^stat6 of the
Highlands, 289 — settlement of the High-
lands, 310 — preparations for visit to
Scotland, 314— letter regarding sculp-
tures at Holyrood, 315— his arrival and
reception in Edinburgh, 317 —further
Acts regarding Episcopacy, 318— prero-
gative claim, 319 — the services at Holy-
rood Chapel, 321 — the Five Articles of
Perth, 322 — his efforts to coerce into
conformity, 330 — opposition to the
" Yule vacance," ih. — regulations regard-
ing Sunday, 331 — letter urging severity,
332 et seq. — stand against the Articles,
334 — proclamation regarding Christmas,
337— he withdraws it, 338~his opinion
of Laud, ib. — project for colonising Nova
Scotia, 340 et seq. — and Ulster, 351 — his
death, 352 — Liturgy of 1618 submitted
to him, 406 — his work against witch-
craft, vii. 381.
JamesVII.,excommunicatedwhenDukeof
York by the Covenanters, vii, 528 — sent
as commissioner to Scotland, 531 — and
again in 1681, 532 — the Succession Act,
ib. et seq. — his accession, 551 — the in-
surrection of Monmouth, ib. — and of
Argyle, 552— increased severities, and
appeal to the Estates on behalf of the
Ptomanists, 558 — bill in their favour re-
jected, 559— forces it on Parliament by
prerogative, 560 — new Indulgences, ih.
et seq. — overtures to the Presbyterians,
and their answer, 574 — the Ptcvolution
of 1688, 576.
James, Steward of Scotland, surrenders
to the English, ii. 288— tries to mediate
before the battle of Stirling, 291.
Jamesone, George, the painter, vii. 362.
Janiieson, etymology of Pictish names
from, i. 196, note — his account of the
Culdees, ii. 22, note — his Scottish Dic-
tionary, iv. 136, note.
Jardine, Alexander, defence of Tantallon
by, iii. 435.
Jedburgh, artificial caves near, i. Ill —
Monastery, founded, ii. 62 — its remains,
190 — Castle, surrendered to the English,
69 — captured by the Scots, iii. 93 — de-
stroyed by Lord Dacre, 276 — the Abbot
of, 297— destroyed by Hertford, 436.
620
INDEX.
Jesuits, the, their activity under James
VI., vi. 269.
Jet, ancient ornaments of, i. 130.
JoL\nnes Scotus, ecclesiastical disputes re-
garding, ii. 75 — made Bishop of Dun-
keld, 7t5.
JoceljTi, Archbishop of Glasgow, ii. 73 —
his Life of St Kentigern, i. 248, 251.
Johanna, wife of David II. , ill. 20 — her
death, 36.
Johannes de Cadonio, ii. 204 and note,
207, note.
John, King, see Baliol.
John, King of England, threatened war
with AVilliam the Lion^ ii. 77— and with
Alexander II., 78.
John, King of France, prisoner in Eng-
land, iii. 29.
John, Don, of Austria, named as husband
for Queen Mary, v\. 5.
John of Bordeaux, denounced as one of
Darnley's murderers, It. 353.
John of Fordun, one of the authors of the
Scotichronicon, iv. 124.
John of Gaunt, a refugee in Scotland, iii.
48.
John of Isla, a Highland chief, iii. 332.
John of Lorn, Bruce defeated by, ii. 362,
365, 366— subdued by Bruce, 390.
John, Lord of the Isles, joins James II.
at Roxburgh, iii. 151— made Warden of
the Marches, 154 — insurrection of his
son, 155 — treaty with Edward IV., 156
— cited for treason, and his estates
partly forfeited, 169 — made a peer, 170.
Johnson, John, epigram on Flodden by,
iii. 247, note.
Johnston, Archibald, of Warriston, the
Covenant attributed to, vi, 483 — one of
the drawers-up of the demands of the
Covenanters, 495 — and of their jiro-
testation, 499 — clerk to the Assembly
of 1638, vii. 16 — produces the missing
records of the Kirk, ib. — one of the
commissioners to treat for peace, 65,
116 — made a Lord of Session, 137 —
commissioner to Westminster Assembly,
202 — the probable drawer-up of the
Act of Classes, 248 — takes office under
Cromwell, 305— -his arrest and exe-
cution, 425 ef seq.
Johnston, Arthur, his Latin poems, vii.
340.
Johnston, the Laird of, vi. 30.
Johnston of Crimond, commands the
Cavaliers at Turriff, vii. 38 — defence of
Gight Tower by, 42.
Johnston's translation of ' Norse Ac-
count of Haco's Expedition,' ii. 109,
note.
Johnstons, feud between them and the
Maxwells, v. 509, 510.
Joleta, marriage of Alexander III. to
ii. 117.
Jovce, the seizure of Charles I. bv, vii.
237.
Julian, the Emperor, aid sent the Britons
by, i. 43.
Jury trial, ancient L'erm of, ii. 144.
*Ju8 Populi Vindicatum,' the, vii. 568,
note.
Justice, great influence of the Church in
its administration, iv. 27.
Justiciars, the early, ii. 131.
Katrine, Loch, stronghold of the MacGre-
gors on, vi. 292.
Keith, Sir William, vi. 16.
Keiths, the, join the Covenanters, vii. 27.
Keller, Dr, his analysis of early Irish
decoration, i. 170 and note.
Kello, John, his confession of demoniacal
possession, vii. 384.
Kelloch, the first - mentioned bishop in
Scotland, ii. 10.
Kclls, relics of St Columba removed to, i.
305.
Kelso Abbey, founded, ii. 62— its remains,
190, 191, note— ancient rental of, 194,
note — destroyed by Hertford, iii. 443 —
intended erection effort at, 444.
Kemble, on the runes on the Ruthwell
cross, i. 161 — account of the Norse Hel
by, 235.
Ken's Works, account of the fate of the
casket letters from, iv. 423, note.
Kenilworth, Scott's account of the revelries
at, vi. 151.
Kennedy, Bishop of St Andrews, iii. 141 —
struggle with the Ear) of Crawfurd,
142 — his administration, 154.
Kennedy, Jane, servant to Queen Mary,
vi. 28.
Kennedy, Quentin, vi. 270.
Kenneth, incorporation of the Scots and
Pictish kingdoms under, i. 313, 315, 329
— endowment of Dunkeld by, 305.
Kenneth III., his reign, i. 364.
Kenneth IV., or the Grim, i. 366.
Ker of Faudonside, outlawed for Bizzio's
murder, iv. 319 — excepted from the par-
don, 336.
Ker, Captain, burning of Towie Castle by,
V. 306.
Ker, Earl of Somerset, vi. 189.
Kerr of Ferniehurst, a member of the
queen's Parliament, v. 299 — made Pro-
vost of Edinburgh, 302 — quarrel of the
English warden with, 503 et seq. — his
character and death, 504.
Kerr, the bearer of the Spanish blanks,
vi. 59.
Kerrs, the, rise of their power, iii. 328 —
their influence for the queen, v. 305.
Ketil Biomson, a Norse chief, i. 352.
Kildrummy, frequency of earth-houses in,
i. lOS— castle, its ruins, ii. 184 — castle
and district, 238, note — demand of Ed-
ward for its surrender, 346 — in Bruce's
hands, 352 — stormed by Alexander
Stewart, iii. 99.
Killigrew, Henry, sent as ambassador to
Scotland, v. 310 — mission to Scotland,
and secret negotiations for surrender
of Mary, 356 — negotiations between the
Hamiltons and the king's imrty, 360
INDEX.
621
— account of the early acquirements
of James VI., 387— bis report on the
state of the country, 39-i — sent to nego-
tiate regarding the Raid of the Eede-
swire, 409.
" KilUngtime," the, its literature vii. 568.
Kilpatrick, slaughter of the Red Coniyn
by, ii. 351 — his descendants, ih., note.
Kilpont, Lord, joins Montrose, vii. 185 —
murdered, 187.
Kilrymunth or St Andrews, first trace of
an Archbishop of, il. 10,
Kilsyth, battle of, vii. 193.
Kilwinning, the Abbot of, v. 299.
Kincardine, Lord, vii. 486.
Kinellar, sculptured stone at, i. 146, note
— Buddhist h3'-pothesis regarding, 154,
note.
King, Bishop of London, vi. 169.
King, Peter, translator of the Catechism
of Canisius, vi. 273.
King's College, Aberdeen, modelled on
University of Paris, iv, 113 — architec-
ture of chapel, 146, 152.
King's Confession, the. v. 473 et seq.
Kinghorn, death of Alexander III. at, ii.
117.
Kinloss Abbey, founded, ii. 62.
Kinneff, recaptured by the Scots, iii. 20.
Kinnoul, Lord, vi. 385 — accompanies
Montrose in his flight, and his death,
vii. 256.
Kintyre, surrendered to the Crown, iii. 170.
Kirk, see Church.
Kirk-of-Field, description of, and Darn-
ley's removal to it, iv. 339 — Buchanan's
picture of it, 340, note — description of
the locality, access, &c., 342,
Kirkbride, the Knight of, ii. 323.
Kirkcaldy of Grange, a leader in the plot
against Beaton, iii. 462, 468— as galley-
slave 'in France, 473 — escapes, 474 — the
first to advocate the English alliance,
iv. 76 — joins the combination against
the queen, 279 — intimates to Bedford
the intended marriage to Bothwell, 366
— a leader among the confederates, 401
— conference with the queen at Car-
berry, 414^— her surrender to him, 416
— pursuit of Bothwell, 455 — appointed
to command of Edinburgh Castle, v. 14
— at the battle of Langside, 112, 113,
114 — his character, and joins the queen's
party, 256 — his position in command of
the castle, and bond with the civic
authorities, 292 — hostilities against the
king's party, and command obtained of
the town, 274 — his challenge to the
king's partisans, 275 — the aflFair of Dune,
276— his proceedings denounced by Eng-
land,,277 — quarrel with Knox, ih. etseq. —
sermon by the latter against him, 279 —
Knox's alleged danger from him, 286,
287 — conference between them, 288 et
seq. — displacement of the municipaHty,
and appointment of a new, 302 — defeat
of bis partisans, 303— truce accepted by
him, 310— the motives for his resistance.
361 — close of the truce, 363 — damage to
the town, 364 — force sent from England,
and siege of the castle, 368, 372 et seq. —
his surrender to the English, 374^given
up to Morton, 375 — his execution, ib. et
seq. — tiis character by Sir James Mel-
ville, 376 — Knox's prophecy as to his
death, 377 — pawning of the Crown
jewels by him, 412.
Kirkcaldy, James, entrapped by Balfour,
V. 365.
Kirkcaldy, John, his quarrel with the
Dunes, V. 275.
E.irkcaldy, its shipping under Cromwell,
vii. 313.
Kirkintilloch, the Peel of, i. 31.
Kirkmichael stone, the, i. 156, note.
Kirkpatricks or Kilpatricks, the, ii. 351,
note.
Kirkton, sketch of Charles II. from, vii.
,396.
Knapdale, surrendered to the Crown, iii.
^170.
Knockhill, supposed site of the battle of
the Mens Grampius, i. 13.
KnoUys, Sir F., on the Book of Common
Order, v. 77, note^sent to take charge
of Mai-y, 124 — his character of her, 127
— urges the queen's removal, 136— ac-
count of her removal to Bolton Castle,
138 et seq.-— report of interview between
Mary and Henies, 159 — and of her
feigned inclination toward the English
Church, 160 et seq. — instructions from
Elizabeth to him, 217.
Knox, Andrew, Bishop of the Isles, vi.
2i50 et seq.
Knox, John, his account of the rivalry be-
tween the Archbishops of St Andrews
and Glasgow, iii, 202, note — on the Lol-
lards of Kyle, 204, note — his account of
Patrick Hamilton, 322— and of Wishart,
456 et seq. pass. — and of the death of
Beaton, 468, note — becomes chaplain to
the garrison of St Andrews Castle, 470
— as galley-slave in France, 473 etseq. —
his advice as regards escape, 475 — re-
leased, and his residence in Ei gland, 476
— effects of his language as to Church pro -
perty, iv. 25— his ''articles," 26, note —
sermon against excommunication by, 36
— hisreturntoScotland, 49— his History,
50 — its personal revelations, ih. et seq. —
discussion with the Lords of the Congre-
gation as to their attendance at mass, 54
—the First Covenant, 57 — account by
him of the first public appearance of the
Protestants, 59 — impression made by
the queen-regent on him, 62 — on the
change in her policy, &c,, ib. — his ac-
count of the outbreak of the Reformers
at Perth, 65— approves of the destruction
of monasteries, &c., 70 — his opposition
to the moderate party, and distrust of
the regent, 72 — anxiety of Cecil for his
co-operation, 77— his obstinacy regarding
his book on the government of women,
79 — his explanation on it, ib. and note —
62:
INDEX.
conference with Eno-Hsh authorities, 81
— characteristics of his works, 133 — his
Liturgy, Gaelic translation of, 13'.! — his
account of the receptions of Mary, 170 —
declaration against the mass, 179 — inter-
view with the queen, ih. ei seg. — its re-
sults, 183 — letter from him to Calvin,
ib. — on the reaction ag^ainst the Re-
formation, 186 — on the Book of Discip-
line, 188 et seq. — opposes the arrang-e-
ments for support of the clergy, 195
— ou the fall of the Earl of Huntly, 20i
— account of Mary's personal habits,
&c., 209— interview with her, 210 — the
question in what language these dia-
logues took place, 211 — dialogues arising
from prosecutions of Romanists, 212 —
his account of the prosecution of the
Archbishop of St Andrews, 217 — on the
reaction toward Romanism, 222— his dis-
satisfaction with the Parliament of 1563,
223 — quarrel between him and Murraj',
224 — sermon against the Lords of the
Congregation, ib. — and on the queen's
marriage, 225 — address to the queen's
ladies, 226 — account of the riot at Holy-
rood in 1563, 227, 228— cited before the
queen, 228 — acquitted, 229 — his justifica-
tion by the General Assembly, 230 — his
prayer for the queen, 231 — discussion on
ib in the Assembly, ib. et ^e^^. —applies
to write to Calvin, 234 — his account of
Arran's attempts to secure the queen,
23S— notices of Chatelar from, 242, 243
— and of Elboeuf, 244 — his knowledge of
the projected marriage to Don Carlos,
254 — account of an Easter riot, 272^
accused of complicity in the murder of
Rizzio, 311— his approval of it, ib. 312 —
at the coronation of James VI., v. 6, 7
— his connection with the preparation
of the Geneva Liturgy, 63 et seq. — his
struggle with Cox at P"rankfurt, 64 —
— forged account of his complicity in
scheme for conferring the crown on
Murray, 240 H seq. — his opinion of Mur-
ray, 243^attacks Kirkcaldy in the pul-
pit, 277 et scq.—h\s refusal to pray for
the queen, 279 — -conduct of the Assem-
bly regarding this, 280 — his f\irther ar-
guments, 281— James Melville's sketch
of him, 285 — his failing powers, ib. — in-
creasing hostility of Kirkcaldy, 286, 287
— conference with Kirkcaldy and Leth-
ington, 288— his failing health, 289 —
account of the conference, 290 et seq. —
retires to St Andrews, 305 — not opposed
to retention of titular bishops, &c., 313,
318 and note— letter from him to General
Assembly of 1572, his jealousy of the uni-
versities, &G., 316 et seq. — on Douglas's
election to the see of St Andrews, 321 —
his failing health, ib. — return to Edin-
burgh, 322 — his death, ib., 327 — his
character and public life, 322 etseq.—h\^
apparent arrogance, 323 — principles of
government advocated, 324, note — the
charges against his moral character, 325
— his personal habits,326 — Morton's say-
ing at his burial, 327 — Bannatyne's cha-
racter of him, ib. — his denunciations of
the massacre of St Bartholomew, 331 —
his alleged prophecy regarding Kirk-
caldy's death, 377 — his Chronicles de-
nounced by James VI., 393, note — his
Liturgy, or the Book of Common Order,
vi. 404, 410.
Kro, cro, or croo, the, in the laws of the
Brets and Scots, ii. 141.
Labanoft's letters of Queen's Mary, iv, 211.
Lachrymatories, Roman, i. 57.
Laing, David, his editions of Dunbar and
Henryson, iv, 131, note — and of the
'Gude and Godlie Ballads,' v. 88, note.
Laity, their opposition to the Book of
Discipline, iv. 187 — their appropriation
of the old Church property, v. 53 — re-
solution regarding it, 55.
Lake-dweliings in Scotland, i. 97 et seq.
Laraartine, his account of Lochleven, v.
97, note.
Lambert, General, at the battle of Dun-
bar, vii. 278 — one of the Union commis-
sioners, 307.
Lamberton, Bishop of St Andrews, ii. 305,
309, 312^eague between him and
Bruce, 348^ — imprisoned by Edward I.,
358 — secures the adherence of the clergy,
372 — his repeated changes of sides, 374,
note.
La Mothe Feii^lon, efforts of, for Queen
Mary's restoration, v. 341^conference
with Morton, 343 — sent as ambassador,
459^popular insult to, 478.
Lampridius, reference to LoUius Urbicus
by, i. 28, note.
Lanark, the Earl of, vii. 115— at the Ripon
conference, 119 — connected with the
"■ Incident," 146 — his statement regard-
ing it, 151.
Lanark, first collision of Wallace with the
Enghsh at, ii. 283.
Laud, tenure, &c., of, in the Orkneys, iii.
164.
Lanercost, the Chronicle of, iv. 122.
Laugdale, Sir Marmaduke, his account of
the battle of Preston, vii. 239, note.
Langside, battle of, v. 112 et seq.
Langtoft, the Chronicle of, iv. 122— his
account of the capture of Wallace, ii.
335, note.
La None, accompanies Mary to Scotland,
iv. 169.
Largs, battle of, ii. 107 et seq.
Latin, its gradual disuse, vii, 338 et seq,
Latour, Sir Brian, iii. 436 — defeated and
slain, 437-
Laud, Archbishop, James VL*s opinion
of him, vi. 338^acconi panics Charles L
to Scotland, 374 — his conduct, 376 —
Archbishop of Canterbury, 385 — his tone
to the Scots bishops, 386 et seq. — their
submission, 388— his objects and ten-
dencies, 389 — issuing of the Canons, 391
— he the author of them, 392 — his en-
INDEX.
623
mity to the Geneva Bible, 396— his
Liturgy, 417— his own account of it,
418 et seq. — his Romanist tendencies,
423 and note — comparison of it and
the English Prayer-book, 424 ef seq.~~
changes in the communion service, 430
el seq. — saints' days in it, 433— use of the
Apocrypha, 434 — works upon it, 435,
note — proclamation enforcing its use,
436^its size, type, &c., 439 — first read-
ing of it in Edinburgh, 441 et seq. — ex-
citement against it, 446 et seq.— trial of
Heuderson for refusing to use it, 448—
general rejection of it, 450 — continued
attempts to enforce it, 452 et seq. — the
"supplications" against it, 454 et seq.
—compromise proposed, 504 — pro-
clamation by Hamilton regarding it,
513— abolished by Assembly of 1688,
vii. 20 — and again by that of 1639, 71—
his denunciations of the Covenanters,
49 ei seq. — his notes on the Scots mani-
festo, 117.
Lauder bridge, the execution of the fa-
vourites of James III. at, iii. 184.
Lauderdale, Earl, excepted from Crom-
well's indemnity, vii. 301 — his influence
with Charles II., 409 — struggle between
him and Middleton, and fall of the lat-
ter, 438 €t seq. — ^the Indulg^ence, 457 —
created duke, and made commissioner,
459 — his character and probable mo-
tives, ib. et seq. — aids the marriage of
Monmouth to the heiress of Buccleuch,
467 — private interferences with justice,
475 — a witness on Mitchell's trial, 484.
Lauderdale, the Duchess of, vii. 459.
'Launcelot of the Lake/ the authorship
of, iv. 120.
Law, the early Scots codes, &c., of, ii. 136
et seq. — measures of the Estates for ad-
ministration, &;c., iv. 97 et f>eq.
Laws, the, ancient remains oa, i. 106.
Laws, early, language in which written,
&c., ii. 142, note — revision, &c., of, under
James I., iii. 109 — mode of passing in
the Estates, iv. 96.
Lawburrows, system of, adopted against
the Covenanters, vii. 456 et seq.
Lawder, John, the accuser of Wishart, iii.
459.
Lawson, James, a Presbyterian clergyman,
V. 465 — one of the censors of the press,
52 — at Morton's execution, 442.
Lay eldership, origin and effects of it in
the Reformed Kirk, v. 53 et seq., 395 et
5e^.— discussion in the Westminster As-
sembly on it, vii. 215.
Lead formerly worked in Scotland, iv. 156.
Learmonth, Thomas, or Thomas the Rhym-
er, iv. 119.
Le Croc, account of meeting between the
queen and Darnley, iv. 323 — and of the
queen's illness at Craigmillar, 331— de-
clines being present at the marriage of
the queen and Bothwell, 392— notice of
the early married life of the pair, 397 —
his attempts to mediate between the
queen and confederates, 407 et seq. —
account of Rothwell's treatment of the
queen, 415 — his report as to the views
of the confederates, &c., 420 — and the
disposal of the queen, 421 et seq. — his
pacific etForts, v. 310— his position in
Scotland after the massacre of St Bar-
tholomew, 331.
Lee, Principal, on the Geneva Bible, vi.
396, note.
" Leges Malcolmi," the, i. 369 and note.
Legitimacy, disregard of, in the Highlands,
&c., vi. 305.
Leicester, the Earl of, proposed as hus-
band to Mary, iv. 259 — and again, vi. 4
— appeal from Throckmorton to him,
V. 34— a member of the commission on
Mary, 185.
Leighton, Bishop, vii, 338.
Leighton, Thomas, sent as English ani-
ba.«sador after the escape from Loch-
leven, v. 111.
Leith, destruction of, by Hertford, iii. 434
— occupied and forti6ed by the queen-
regent and the French, iv. 83 — its siege
by the English auxiliaries, 87— landing
and reception of Mary, 170^feudal su-
periority conferred on Bothwell, 355 —
held by the king's party, v. 303 — fort-
ress formed by them there, ib. — Both-
well's attempt on James VI, at, vi. 50
— its importance under Cromwell, vii.
312.
Leland, his edition of the Chronicles, iv,
122, note.
Lennox, the Earl of, attempts to mediate
before the battle of Stirling, ii, 291.
Lennox, Lord, killed, iii. 318.
Lennox, the Earl of, supports King Henry,
iii. 415— French treasure intercepted by
him, 416— joins the national party, 425
— views of King Henry regarding him,
429 — Darnley's father, iv. 262 — recovery
of his power in the west, 268— intimates
Darnley's design of fleeing to France,
322 — correspondence demanding justice
on Darnley's murderers, 356 et seq. —
summoned to appear at Bothwell's trial,
368 — fails to do so, ih., 369 — one of the
Council of Regency, 454, v. 2 — present
at the York Commission, and his efforts
to collect evidence, 176 — evidence
brought forward by him, 204 — his posi-
tion as regards the succession, 226 — de-
nounces Lethington, 230 — chosen regent,
257 — recommended and supported by
Elizabeth, 258 — effect of his election on
the Hamiltons, 260 — capture of Dum-
barton Castle, 261 et seq. — mortally
wounded, 270 — his last hours and death,
271 —his attachment to his wife, 272^
the Bishop of Galloway on his slaugh-
ter, 401,
Lennox, Lady, committed to the Tower,
iv, 269 — the attachment between her
and her husband, v. 271 — Froude's
opinion of her, 272, note — her alleged
vindication of Mary, ib. ei seq.
624
INDEX.
Lennox, Esm^, Duke of, his arrival, v. 426
— favour with which received by James
VI., 427 — honours, i:c., conferred on
him, 428 et seq. — becomes Protestant,
430— fresh honours, )7).— dis|ileasuro of
Eng-land at his ascendancy, 431 et s^y. — -
the strug-gle between him and Morton,
436 et scq.^tnW of the latter, 438 et seq.
— his overthrow by the Raid of Ruthven,
448 et seq. — picture of him by the con-
spirators, 449^his renewed strugg'Ie for
supremacy, 455 — dismissed from Scut-
land, and his death, 457— attacked fr.tm
tiie pulpit, and his change to Protest-
antism, 473.
Lennox, the Duke of, accompanies the king
to the Ear] of Gowrie's, vi. 92,95, 96— his
evidence on the conspiracy, 96 ei'^f^., 103.
Lennox, the Duke of, the supplications
ao'ainst the Service-book intrusted to
him, vi. 459.
Lennox, the, ravaged by the Norsemen,
ii. 106.
Leonard, one of the favourites of James
in.,iii. 185.
Leslie, Bishop, account of the Highland
invasion under Donald Baloch by, iii.
155 — his account of tlie siege of Brought v
Castle, 488 — ambassador to France, 492
— opposes formation of a standing army,
iv, 5^on the state of the Church, 39 —
on the Acts of the Council of 1559, 47,
note — his History of Scotland, 125 —
on the gold of Scotland, 155 — visits
Mary in France on behalf of the
Romanist party, 166 — mentions Both-
well as accompanying her to Scotland,
169, note — the queen's account to him
of Rizzio's murder, 313, note^one of
the councillors who direct Both well's
trial, 367^one of Mary's commissioners
at York, v. 165 — conference with her
regarding the casket letters, &c., 186 —
and with Norfolk, 187— his connection
with the projected marriage to Norfolk,
189, note — protests against withdrawal
from the conference, 210 — counter-
charge against Murray, &c., 211 et seq.
— his origin, parentage, &c. , 335 — his
defence of Mary, and its grounds, ih. —
his belief in her guilt, 336, 337 — his
defence grounded on the divine-right
dogma, 336 et .te^. ^Elizabeth's sympathy
with his view^s, 337^ — remains in England
as Mary's ambassador, 338 — the pro-
posed transference of her rights to
Anjou, 345, note — his intrigue with Ru-
dolphi, 346 ^^ seq. — discovery of it, 350 —
sent to the Tower, 351 — his admissions,
and leniency of Elizabeth, ib. — Eliza-
beth's partiality to him, 354.
Leslie, General Alexander, his return to
Scotland, vii. 6^made Earl of Lcven,
137. See Leven.
Leslie, David, acts under Montrose in the
north, vii. 27, 29, 31— captures Edinburgh
Castle, 52 — a party to the dealings with
France, 91 — major-general of the Scots
army in England, 173 — at Marston
Moor, 180 — force against Montrose, 196
— his victory at Philiphangh, 197 — final
defeat of Montrose by, 256 — commands
against Cromwell, 265 — his policy, ib. —
character of his force, 266 — his position
before Edinburgh, 272— and at Dunbar,
275 — battle of Dunbar, 276 e( seq. — posi-
tion at Torwood, and march into Eng-
land, 295— defeat at Worcester, 296—
taken prisoner there, 297.
Leslie, Norman, one of the conspirators
against Beaton, iii. 468 — as galley-slave
in France, 473— escapes, 474.
Leslie, Robert, vii. 63.
Leslie, William, Principal of King's Col-
lege, vii. 25.
Leslie of Pitcaple, death of, vi. 517.
Lesmahago, Roman vase found at, i. 50,
note.
Letbington, see Maitland.
Leven, the Earl of, appointed commander-
in-chief, and his march to the Border,
vii. 56 — English forgery regarding liim,
57, note — the camp on Dunse Law, 62 —
the Scots army again assembled under
him, 105 — enters England, 106— victory
at Newburn, 107— capture of Newcastle,
110— further successes, 113 — force and
operations in Ireland, IGS^commauds
the Scots army in England, 173— the
invasion, 175 — capture of Newcastle,
176 et seq. — junction with the Parlia-
mentary army, 178 — at Marston Moor,
179 — surrender of Charles I. to him, and
his reception, 230 — ^the king surrendered
to the Parliamentarians, 236^force3
under him against Cromwell, 265.
Lewis, the great stone circle in, i. 140, 141,
144, 145 — attempt to colonise it, vi. 308.
Leyden, his reprint of the 'Complaynt of
Scotland,' iv. 129.
L'Hopital, the Chancellor, his poem on the
marriage of Queen Mary, iv, 10.
Lightfoofs Journal of the Westminster
Assembly, vii. 200, note^the discussions
on the Covenant, 208, 209.
Liguerolles, M., French ambassador, re-
fused access to Queen Mary, and answer
to his other demands, v. 15 et seq. —
Murray on his embassy, 18.
Limoges, Bishop of, iv. 248.
Lindisfarne, erection of the first church
at, i. 297 — its influence, 304 — plundered
by the Norsemen, ib. — Aidan's estab-
lishment at, 333.
Lindores, the Abbey of, ii- 215, note —
— burial of the Duke of Rothesay at, iii.
85— sacked by the mob, 453.
Lindsay, Alexander, admiral of the fleet
of James V., iii. 363.
Lindsay, Alexander, the revenues of the
see of Moray bestowed on him, vi. 253 —
made Lord Spynie, 254 — his death, 255.
Lindsay, Sir David, on Flodden, iii. 247,
note — his 'Three Estates,' 358, note
— extracts from it, iv. 37, note — his at-
tacks on the Church, 53 — his works, 133.
INDEX.
625
Lindsay, David, conversation with Knox
regarding Kirkcaldy, V. 377— last inter-
view with Kirkcaldy, 378 — sermon before
the king, vi. 117.
Lindsay, Lord, declaration of, against the
miss, iv. 179— accepts Bothwell's chal-
lenge at Carberry, 413 — the queen's con-
duct to him during the return to Edin-
burgh, 417 — one of the envoys to pro-
cure the queen's abdication, 453— at
Lungside, v. 112 — recriminations be-
tween hitu and Herries, 213 — forged ac-
count of his complicity in scheme for
conferring the crown on Murray, 240.
Liudesay, Lord, during the religious dis-
turbances in 1597, vi. 85.
Lindsay of Balcarras, one of the Octavians,
vi. 70.
Lindsay, Kev. John, vi. 509, note.
Lindsay, Rev. Patrick, vi. 247, note.
Linlithgow, taken by Bruce, ii. 370^the
vision to James IV. at, iii. 241— removal
of Mary from, 397 — ^church, its archi-
tecture, iv. 146 — and palace, 151— re-
moval of the Privy Council to, vi. 473 —
assassination of the Regent Murray in,
V. 237.
Lion in the Scottish arms, its supposed
origin, ii. Q5 and note.
Lionel, son of Edward ITL, iii. 38.
Lisle, Lord, iii. 378.
Literature, its state from the War of In-
dependence to the Reformation,!?. 118 e^
seq. — and after the Reformation, vii. 336.
Lithgow, W., his account of Poland and
the Scots there, vi. 342.
"Little Picardy," French refugees in, vii.
562.
Liturgies, various, in use before Laud's,
vi. 404 et seq.
Liturgy, employment of one by the early
Kirk, V. 60 — Laud's, see under Laud.
Livingston, Sir Alexander, iii. 126 —
rivalry and compact between him and
Crichton, 127^oins Douglas, 135.
Livingston, Lord, a party to the conspir-
acy of the Boyds, iii. 160.
Livingston, Lord, accompanies the queen
in her flight, v. 115^ — one of the queen's
party, 117, note— one of her commis-
sioner at York, 165 — convicted of con-
spiracy against Morton, 416.
Livingstons, fall of the, iii. 139.
Lloyd, Bishop, on the antiquity of the
Culdees, ii. 17, note — criticism of Spots-
wood by, 20, note — his attacks on the
fabulous history of Scotland, iv. 128.
Loarn, first King of Dalriada, i. 317.
Lochaber axe. the, first described, iii. 69.
Loch-an-Ei!au, the island-castle of, v. 97,
note.
Lochgarry, combat of, ^di. 328.
Luchindorb, the island-castle of, v. 97,
note.
Lochleven, interview between Mary and
Knox at, iv. 213— removal of Mary to,
422— her abdication, 453— her escape, v.
95^description of the castle, and what
VOL. VIT.
is known of her life there, 96 et seq. —
particulars of the escape, 101 efseq.
Lochmaben, ancient fort at, ii. 187 —
Bruce's Castle of, 352.
Lnckhart, Sir George, defence of Mitchell
by, vii. 487.
Lockhart, Sir William, his services under
Cromwell, vii. 305.
Lockhart of Lee, opposes the Ejection
Act, vii. 435.
Logan of Restalrig, the discovery of his
connection with the Gowrie Conspiracy,
vi. 127, 211 et seq. — his letters on the
subject, 127, 216.
Logarithms, the invention of, vii, 358.
Ligie, Margaret, marriage of David II.
to, iii. 36 — her after-life, 37.
Loki, the Norse legend of, i. 237, 238.
Lollards, the, in Scotland, iii. 92 — of
Kyle, 203.
LoUius Urbicus, reconquest of Britain
by, i. 27, 23 — inscriptions confirming
his invasion, 28, note.
Lomond, Loch, the Norsemen on, i. 344,
ii. 106.
London, early notices of, i. 45— delivered
by Theodosius, ib. — the corporation of,
ii. 166 — the commission on Mary re-
moved to, V. 185 — adjournment of the
Kipon conference to, vii. 123 ^excite-
ment there, 125.
Long Parliament, the impeachment of
Strafford, vii. 126 — and the Scots Es-
tates, 169 — application for aid to the
Scots, 170 — treaty with them, 173 —
ordinance for the Westminster Assem-
bly, 200 — control over it, 202 et seq. —
wisdom of its arrangements, 203.
Lord's Supper, the, the directions in the
Book of Common Order for its ministra-
tion, V, 68 et seq.
Lord of the Isles, the, his independent posi-
tion to the time of Robert III., iii. 95.
Lords Auditors of Complaints, the, iv.
97 et seq.- — merged in the Court of
Session, 100.
" Lords of the Articles," iv. S6, vi. 399
et .seq.
Lords of the Congregation, the, name first
assumed, and their address to the queen-
regent, iv. 61 — manifesto by them, 70
— terms agreed to with the regent, 72
— they seize St Andrews and Edinburgh,
73 — issue proclamation deposing the
regent, 74 — Sadler sent as emissary to
them, 82 — their struggle with the
queen-regent, 83 — are joined by Leth-
ington, 84^treaty of Berwick, ih. — the
treaty of Edinburgh, 88.
Lorn, Lord, professes purpose to join
Glencairn, vii. 332.
Lorraine, the Cardinal, correspondence of
Mary with, regarding her marriage, iv.
252 — at the Bayonne conferences, 293,
295.
Lothian, controversy regarding the name
in the early chronicles, ii. 64, note— the
Archdeacon of, 313.
2 u
626
INDEX.
Lothians, special law customs of the, ii.
U9.
Loudon, Lord, leader of the Supt'licauts,
vi. 47 1) — one of the commissioners to treat
for peace, vii. 65 — commissioner to
Charles L, S7 — a party to the nego-
tiations with France, 91 — his impnsou-
ment for this, 96 — liberated, 96 — uue
of the commissioners at Kipon, lit! —
made Lord Chancellor^ 137 — commis-
sioner to Westminster Assembly, 1^(J2 -
excepted f romCroni well's indemnity, IjOl.
Loudon Hill, victory of Bruce at, ii. 363
the conventicle at, vii. 510 — battle of,
512 ef seq.
Louis XI., marriage of daughter of James
I. to, iii. 116 — relations between, and
James lll.j 174 — policy toward Scot-
land, 179.
Lousie Law, battle of, v. 303.
Louther^ Sir John, opposes invasion of
Scotland, iii. 404,
Lowlanders, defeat of, at the battle of Isla,
iii. 98— contrast between, and the High-
landers, 225, vi. 290, 291.
Liibeck, communication from Wallace to,
ii. 296.
Lucan, reference to the Druids in, i. 2'21.
Lucan, Sir Charles, Royalists forces under,
vii. 175.
Lucian, alleged reference to the Druids,
by, i. 222, note.
Lucius III., Pope, ii. 7G.
LndloWj his account of the massacre of
Dundee, vii. 298, note.
Lulach, stepson of Macbeth, i. 372 note,
374.
Lumphanan, death of Macbeth in, i. 373.
Luncarty, the battle of, i. 3d4,
Lundie, Walter, iv. 274.
Lupicinius, aid sent the Britons under, i.
43.
Lupus, lieutenant of Severus, i. 37.
Lyndesey, Alexander de, ii. 2S8^surren-
rlers to Edward I., 332.
Lyndsay, Alex., made Earl of Murray, vi.
41.
Lyndsay, Lord, at the battle of Gasklune,
iii. 99 — at Sauchie Burn, 192.
Lyndsay, Robert, one of the commission-
ers to York, V. 167.
Lyndsay of Pitscottie, account of the
brothers of James III. by, iii. 176.
Mabinogion, the, i. 175.
Macbeda or Macbeth, slaughter of Duncan
by, i. 370^his reign and character, 372
—his death, 373 — importance of his
reign, 374 — ^how his character has come
to be misrepresented, 376 — Pinkerton on
him, ih., note — and Wyntoun, 377, note.
MacCallum, Alister, affair of, v. 415.
M'Crie, Dr, his pamphlet on the funeral of
the Princess Charlotte, v. 80, note — his
sectarianism, 472, note — his Life of
Andrew Melville, vi. 241.
Maccnllochj Professor, on vitrified forts,
i. 96.
M'Donaldof the Isles, marriage of daughter
of Robert II. to, id. 45.
Macdonald, Sir James, of the Isles, vi. 261,
203.
Macdonald of Kolkitto, vii. 189.
McDonnells of Antrim, the, vi. 304, note.
Macduflf, case appealed to Edward I. by,
ii. 256 — tradition regarding, 353.
Macgill, the Lord Register, meeting of
Reformers at his house, iv. 187 — pro-
posal of, to write to Calvin as to the
deposition of the queen, 234 — present at
the York Commission, v, 176 — accom-
panies Morton to London, 342.
MacGregor, Duncan, vii, 343.
Macgregur, James, his collection of High-
land poems, iv, 140.
Macgregor, John, vii. 37, note.
MacGregor of Glenstrae, his execution, vi.
294.
MacGregors, the clan of, and their strong-
hold, vi. 292 — the murder of Drummond
by, &c.,293 — defeat of the Campbells, lb.
— retaliation on them, 294.
Machatus, traditional Bishop of the Isles,
ii. 3.
Machen, King of Strathclyde, i. 308.
MacHeth, Maormor of Ross, revolt and
subjugation of, ii. 44.
M'lan, Alexander, a Highland chief, iii.
331.
Mackay's regiment in the service of Gus-
tavus Adolphus, vii. 5.
Mackenzie, I)r, on Wishart, iii. 461 and
note.
Mackenzie, Sir George, his defence of the
royal line of Scotland, iv. 128— on tlie
ceremonial of forfeiture, vi, 216, note —
account of the struggle between Middle-
ton and Lauderdale, vii, iZSet seq. — and
of the passing of the Billeting Act, 440,
Mackenzies of Kintail, the, vi. 309,
Mackmakon, a Highland chief, seized by
James I., iii. 112,
M'Lauchlan, Margaret, one of the Wigtown
martyrs, vii, .^47.
M'Lauchlan's*History of the Early Church/
ii. 22, note.
M'Lellan, murder of, by Douglas, iii, 137.
Macleod, Torquil, rebellion of, iii. 230.
Macleod of Doward and his wife, iii. 330,
Macleod of Assynt, capture of Montrose
by, vii. 256.
Macpherson, James, and Ossian's Poema,
i. 178, iv. 140.
Macpherson, on the clan-combat at Perth,
iii. 73, note.
Macpherson's 'Illustrations of Scottish
History,' ii. 101, note.
Mjjeatians, the, a Scottish tribe, i. 35.
Maes-howe, account of, i. 112.
Magdalen of France, marriage of James
V. to, iii, 350 et seq.—Yier death, 353,
Magh or Mach Rath, or Moyra, the battle
of, i. 323 et seq., vi. 305.
Magi in Scotland, the, i. 228.
Magistrate, the Second Book of Discipline
on his duties, &c., v. 470.
INDEX.
627
Magistrates, civiCj early election of, ii.
176.
Magnus, King of Man, during Haco's in-
vasion, ii. 106.
Magnus IV. of Norway, cedes the Hebri-
des, &c., ii. 110.
Magnus, last Scandinavian Earl of Orkney,
iii. 1)52.
Magnus Barefoot, subjugation of the Ork-
neys and Hebrides by, ii. 102.
Magnus Haraldson, his establishment in
the Hebrides, ii. 102.
Magnus, Dr, account of the state of Sect-
land by, iii. 283, note— repurt on Bea-
ton's proceedings, 286 et seq. — sent as
envoy, 30't— his reception, 306 — his
communication to Wolsey, ih. et scq. —
on the mission of the French ambassa-
dors, 309 — on the effects of the defeat and
capture of Francis I., 312 — his unpopu-
larity, and suspicions directed against
him, 313 and note— negotiations for
treaty, 314 — character of Arran by, 376
— form of excommunication given by,
iv. 30, 31.
Maid of Norway, the, her death, ii. 125.
Maiden, the, execution of Morton by it,
V. 440.
Maiden Stone at Bennc^hie, the, i, 150.
Maidment, Mr, on the story of Bothwell-
haugh, V. 238, note.
Mailros or Melrose^ the Chronicle of, iv.
121.
Maitland, Lord Chancellor, vi. 33 — attempt
of Bothwell to seize him, 48.
Maitland of Hatton, tried for perjury, vii.
486.
ilaitland of Lethington, at meeting with
Knox regarding the mass, iv. 55 — sketch
of his character, &c., 56^ — joins the Lords
of the Congregation, 84 — doubtful poli-
cy of, toward the queen and the Reform-
ers, 184— advocates toleration to the
queen, 187 — on the Book of Discipline,
lb. — opposes Knox in the Assembly,
234 — proposed letter to Calvin, ib. — sent
as envoy to Elizabeth, 270 — joins in re-
monstrating against the marriage with
Darnley, iO. — restored to favour, 322 —
proposes the divorce of Darnley, 333 —
attends Mary to Seton after Darnley's
murder, 355— on the intended marriage
to Bothwell, 364 — present at the Council
which directs Bothwell's trial, 367— con-
firmed by Parliament in his acquisitions,
373_carried off by Bothwell, 377— aban-
dons the queen and Bothwell, 399— joins
the confederates, 403— during the con-
ferences at Carberry, 410— conference
with the queen after her being brought
back to Edinburgh, 420 et seq.—on the
danger of Elizabeth's interference, v.
33— urges the withdrawal of the English
ambassador, 36— again points out the
danger of the queen from Elizabeth's
intervention, 39 ef seq.—nt last audience
of Throckmorton, 45— Murray's difficul-
ties regarding, 94— his answer to the
superiority claim, 174 — present with
Murray there, 176 — the marriage to Nor-
folk a schtmo of his, 191 et seq. — at the
formal accusation of the queen, 196,
note^first symptoms of his joining the
queen's party, 213 — Murray's hold over
him as accessary to Darnley's murder,
229— meeting with Seton, &c., 230—
denounced as one of the murderers, lb.
— arrested and sent to Edinburgh, //;.
— released by Kirkcaldy, 231 — openly
joins the (jueen's party, 255 — conference
with Knox in the castle, 288 — his state
of health, 289 and note — accoimt of the
conference, 290 e( .te^'. — his explanation
of his change of sides, 291 — apjieul to
France, 300 — the party of, 361 — siu-ren-
ders, 374 — given up to Morton, 375 — his
death, 379— his character, 380 — Buchan-
an's lampoon on him, 381 and note — his
last letter to Morton, 382 ei sf//. — efforts
to recover Crown jewels from his widow,
414.
Maitland, Thomas, forgery by, v. 242.
Major, John, his History of Scutland, iv,
125 — account of the Highland forests
from, 159.
Malchus, traditional Bishop of the Isles,
ii. 3.
Malcolm, King of Scotland, i. 361— his
death, 364.
Malcolm Canmore, his accession, i. 374 —
his reign, 378 — coronation, 379^ — begin-
ning of Norman influence, ih. ■ — his
marriage to St Margaret, 405 — invades
England, 408— and again, 410, 411— last
invasion and death, 413 — -his affection
for his queen, 417 — his character, 418.
Malcolm II., the reign of, i. 366 — his
death, 3tiS.
Malcolm III., charter of, ii. 164, note.
Malcolm IV., accession and reign of, ii. 63.
Malice of Stratbearn, at the battle of the
Standard, ii. 56.
Malice, Earl of Strathearn, compelled to
do homage by Bruce, ii. 373, note.
Malmoe Castle, Bothwell in, iv. 456.
Mambuisson, Edward de, envoy to the
Pope, ii. 408.
Man, Isle of, the sculptured stones of, i.
167— made the seat of the Norse sover-
eignty, ii. 103— ceded to Scotland, 110
— annexed by England, iii. 12.
Manchester, Lord, at Marstou Moor, vii.
180, note.
Mandeville, Eoger de, ii. 213.
Manriquez, Don Juan de, iv. 248.
Mauwood, description of a royal forest by,
ii. 51.
Maormor of the Mearns, the, i. ^Q5~
of Ross, defeat of, by Alexander L, 423
— his revolt, and subjugation under
David I., ii. 44.
Maomnors of the northern districts, their
position, &c., i. 354 — struggle of the
Scots against them, 364 — merged in the
Earls of Ross, ii. 133.
Mar, the Earl of, regent for David II., iii.
62S
INDKX.
2— defeated at Duplin, 8— defeated by
Donald Baloch, IVS.
Mar, the Earl of, son of the Wolf of Bade-
noch, iii. 98— victory at Harlaw, 100.
Mar, the Earl of, brother of James III.,
his death, iii. 175.
Mar, the Earl of, the infant James VI. in
his charge, iv. 370— his anxiety reg-ard-
iiig the safety of the prince, 4(^2- one
of the Council of Regency, -i^A — at the
coronation of James VI., t. 8 — defeat
of the attack on Stirling by, 270— suc-
ceeds Lennox as regent, 27-3^^his pacific
efforts, 310— his death, 328.
Mar, the Earl of, attempts to seize James
VI., V. 420 — one of the leaders of the
Ruthven Raid, 452 — flees to England,
485 — during the Gowrie Conspiracy, vi.
96, 103.
Mar, the Earl of^ a Covenanter, vii. 20—
holds Stirling Castle for the Covenant-
ers, 53 — a party to the dealings with
France, 91.
Mar, the Earl and Countess of, vi. 170.
Mar, the Countess of, her forced marriage
to Alexander Stewart, iii. 99.
Mar, the Countess of, James VI. in her
charge, v. 387.
Marceliinus, mention of the Scots by, i. 211.
Marcellus Ulpius, suppression of Caledon-
ian revolt by, i. 33.
March, Patrick, Earl of, a claimant of the
crown, ii. 210, 213^a member of Baliol's
Parliament, iii. 13 — ^at Neville's Cross,
24 — joins Henry IV., 81 — at Homildon
Hill, 82.
March, the Countess of, her defence of
Dunbar, iii. 20.
March, Lady, her connection with the
Earl of Arran, v. 437.
March family, the, their forfeiture under
James L, iii. 117.
MarcuSj a claimant of the emjnre in Bri-
tain, i. 46.
Maree, Loch, origin of name, i. 283.
Margaret, queen of Malcolm Canmore, i.
405 — her death, character, and intin-
ence, 414 e/seq. — where buried, kc, 414,
note— her influence in Romanising the
Scots Church, ii. 15.
Margaret, the Princess, affianced to James
IV., iii. 219 — their marriage, 220^ap-
pointed regent, and marries Angus^ 253
—compelled to surrender lier children,
258 — birth of a daughter, 259— hostility
to her husband, and efforts to bring
back Albany, 267- — her reception of him,
208 — her counsels as to invasion of Scot-
landj 280 — letter from VVolsey to her,
284 — engaged to assist in his designs on
Beaton, 290, 292— her hatred to Angus,
294 — her account of her son, 295 — re-
ports of the English ambassadors re-
garding her, 309 et seq. — divorced, and
marriage to Harry Stewart, 316, 317 —
her death, 363.
Margaret of Denmark married to James
III., iii. 162.
Margaret of England, marriage of Alexan-
der IIL to, ii, 97.
Margaret of France, second queen of Ed-
ward I., ii. 328.
Margaret, daughter of Alexander III., her
birth, ii. 99^ — married to Eric of Nor-
way, 110~-her death, 116, 125.
Margaret, daughter of Earl David, descent
of Baliol from, ii. 215.
Marguerite of France, projected marriiige
of Don Carlos to, iv. 251.
Marianus Scotus, notices of Scotia by, i,
216.
Marishal, Earl, a member of the Roman-
ist party, iv. 166 — marriage of Murray
to his daughter, 197.
Marischal, Earl, a leader against the Ruth-
vens, v. 466 — sent to Denmark as proxy
for James, vi. 39 — a Covenanter, vii.
25, 27— excepted from Cromwell's iu-
demnity, 301.
Marmion, Sir William, iii. 66, note.
Marriage, recognised among the Culdees,
ii. 12 — inWuence of the Church as re-
gards, iv. 28 — directions of the Book of
Common Order regarding, v. 72 — disre-
gard of, in the Highlands, &c., vi. 304.
Marryat, his account of Bothwell in Den-
mark, iv. 455, note.
Marseilles, its antiijuity, i. 70.
Marston Moor, the battle of. vii. 179.
Martial, use of the name Caledonian by, i.
16— notice regarding the Britons paint-
ing themselves from, 203.
Mary of England, her death, iv. 14.
Mary of Gueldres, marriage of James II-
to, iii. 136 — connecti(jn of an ancestor of
Bothwell's witli, iv.. 327.
Mary of Guise, marriage of James V, tn,
iii. 354 — custody of the infant queen left
with her, 375 — character of Arran by
her, 376 — negotiations of Sadler with
her, 386— present at deliberation on the
English treaties, 416^appointed regent,
491 — her progress through France, and
reception in England, 492, 493- -instal-
led, 494 — her failure to understand the
Scots character, iv. 1 — her promotion of
Frenchmen, 2 et seq. — attempt to form
a standing army, 4 et seq. — her position
toward the Reformers, 49 — first contest
with the Protestants, 5*^ el seq. — address
from the Lords of the Congregation, 61
— change in her policy, 62— her hostility
to the Reformers, and their demands,
64 — citation of preachers, and her
double-dealing, 65 — the outbreak at
Perth, ih. ef seq. — effects of her treach-
ery, 71 — terms agreed to, 72— herbreach
of these, 73^subsequent treaty, which
she again breaks, iO. — proclamation de-
posing her, 74 — occupies and fortiHes
Leith, further French aid, &c., 83 — her
death, 88.
Mary, Queen, birth of, iii. 372— Arran as
regent, 375 et seq. — views of Henry VIll.
regarding her, 376, 384 — Sadler's ac-
count of her, 387 — treaty for her mar-
INDEX.
629
riage to Edward VI., 395— lier removal
to Stirling Castle, 397 — removed to
Inchmahome, 485— and afterwards to
France, 487 — her proposed marriage to
the Dauphin, 486 — her marriage to the
Dauphin, iv. 6 — stipulations in connec-
tion with it, 7— becomes Queen of
France, 10 — title of Queen of England
assumed on her behalf, 15 — death of her
first husband, 165 — interviews with
Murray ami Leslie, 16t)— efforts of the
English ambassadors to secure her for
Elizabeth, 167 — a safe-conduct refused
her by the latter, 168— sets sail for Scot-
land, ih. — the voyage, 169 et seq. — her
landing and reception, 170— first night
at flolyruod, iO. et seq. — contrast be-
tween Scotland and France, 171 — ^her
want of a body-guard, 173 — her efforts
to establish one, 174 — -presentation, &c.,
by the citizens of Edinburgh, 175 — tlie
Feast of Asses, &c., 176— her difficulties
from the religious question, 178 — dia-
logue with Knox, 179 et ^er^-^i'^actiun
in progress, 185 — meeting regarduig the
toleration to be allowe<i her, 187 — nego-
tiations with Elizabeth, 197 — accom-
panies Murray against Huntly, 201 — re-
fuses to visit the latter, 202 — battle of
Corrichie, 203 — present at Sir John Gor-
don's execution, 204 — her conduct with
regard to Huntly, 205 — her policy in
this, 206 — her life at this time, 208 et
seq. — interview with Knox, 210^in what
language did these dialogiies take place ?
211 — prosecutions by the dominant
party, 212 — dialogues with Knox in con-
nection with these, 213— prosecutions of
Romanists in the west, 216 — her resolu-
tion to restore the old Church, 218
— Knox's appreciation of her, &c., 219
— reasons for concealment of her policy,
ib. — coincidence in her course and that
of the Guises, 220 — her personal quali-
ties and early popularity, ib. et seq. —
meeting of Parliament in 1563, 222 —
interview with Knox regarding her mar-
riage, 225 — progress through the west,
and riot at Holyrood, 227 — Knox cited
before her, 228 — her demeanour, 229 —
discussion in the Assembly regardingher,
232 et seq. — her admirers, 236— plot of
Arrantoseizeher, 'l'-\7 et seq. — Chatelar or
Chastelard, and his fate, 241 — her French
attendants sent back, 243 — address of
Assembly to her regarding her uncle,
244 — the question of her marriage, 246
— views, &c., of the Guises, 247— pro-
ject of marriage with Don Carlos, 248^
the Archduke Charles proposed, 251 —
negotiations renewed regarding Don
Carlos, 252 et 5e'7.— various other pro-
posals, 255 et seq. — correspondence with
Elizabeth, 256 — proposed interview be-
tween them, 257— effect of the Hugue-
not war, 258 — hersubtlety,'t6. — Leicester
proposed as her husband, 259— first
meeting with Darnley, 261— trial of
Bothwell, and his flight, 263 — first
notice of Rizzio, 264— announces her
marriage, 268 — relations with Elizabeth,
270 — articles presented by the General
Assembly to her, 274 — attempted insur-
rection, 275 — alleged conspiracy for
seizure of her and Darnley, 276— her
marriage, lb. — creates her husband King
of the Scot?', 279— his title not acknow-
ledged by England, 280— the confeder-
ates and their forces, 281 — ieudal
citations and fines imposed on recusants,
283 — demands aid from France, 284 —
mission of Castelnau, ih. — marches
against the confederates, and their
flight, 287 — -her accession to the Catholic
league, 294 — policy recommended to
her, 295— Darnley'sGharacter,296 — their
estrangement, 297 — favours Bothwell's
marriage to Lady Jane Gordon, ib. — her
increasing favour to Bothwell, 299 — the
plot against Rizzio, ih. et seq. — her
ignorance of the band for bringing back
the exiled lords, 304 — the murder of
Rizzio, 305 et seq. — Darnley's and Ruth-
ven's conversations with her, 308 et seq. —
the question when she knew of Rizzio's
death, 312, 313, note — her change of
tone towards Darnley, 313 — Rizzio not
slain in her presence, ib., note — her
demeanour towards Daraley, 314 —
meeting with the banished lords, 315—
their band, i'A. ^escapes with Darnley,
316 — takes refuge in Dunbar, 317 —
letter to Elizabeth, 318 — remissions
granted the exiled lords, it. — furce
raised by Bothwell, ib. — her return to
Holyrood, &c., 319 — measures against
the murderers, ?7^ ^entire alienation
from Darnley, 320 — birth of James VI.,
321 — the exiled lords received into
favour, 322 — arguments against Darn-
ley's departure to France, 323 — first
indications of her love to Bothwell, 324
— his services, 327 — estates, &c., con-
ferred on hira, 328 — her visit to him at
Hermitage, 330 — her subsequent illness,
33] — at Craigmillar, -ib. — account of
proceedings there, 332 — her divorce
prnposed, 333 — baptism of the prince,
335 — pardon to the conspirators against
Rizzio, 336 — her visit to Darnley at Glas-
gow, and proposal to remove him to Craig-
millar, 338 — his removal to Kirk-of- Field,
339 — her movements and proceedings
on the night of the murder, 344 et seq.
■ — informed of her husband's death, 347
— the ambassadors of France, &g,, re-
fused inspection of the body, 350 — her
demeanour, 351— letter to Beaton, ib.
— reward offered for discovery of the
murderers, 353 — placards denouncing
them, ib. — burial of the king, 354 — her
visit to Seton, and occupations there,
355 — correspondence of Lennox with
her, demanding justice on Darnley 's
murderers, 356 et seq. — she agrees to the
trial of the persons denounced, 360 —
630
INDEX.
secret accusations of lierself, 3G1 — first
hints of the marriage to BothwuU, 3li2
— remonstrances addressed to her, 363
—the proceeding's on the trial, 367 et seq.
— letters from Lennox and Elizabeth to
her reg-arding it, 369 — his acquittal,
370 — meetin.ef of Parliament, 371 — tlie
hand recommending Butlnvell as her
hushaud, 375— her visit to Stirling-, 376
— carried off by Bothwell on her return,
377 — his divorce, 379— her steps to get
this confirmed, 38l'^Goramissii.in issued
regarding' it, 382 — their return to Edin-
burgh, 386—^*^ declaration of the queen's
liberty," 3S7 — preparations for the mar-
riage, 388 — conduct of Craig regarding
the proclamation of the banns, 389 —
assurance issued with regard to those
who recommended Bothwell as her hus-
band, and the marriage-contract, 3^0 —
the marriage, 391 — their early married
life, 393 — her instructions to her envoy
to France, i^.^anil to Elizabeth, 395 —
explanation of these two documents,
396— threatened rising, 398— the fligiit
to Berth wick Castle, 399— escapes from
it, joins Bothwell, and flees with him
to Dunbar, 409— the confederac}'- against
them, 401 — efforts to get her son into
her hands, 402^objectsof the confeder-
ates 404, 405 — ^her demeanour, &c., at
Dunbar, and march against the con-
federates, 406 — the conferences at Car-
berry Hill, 407 et .5(?7.— Bothwell's flight
and her surrender, 414 — her position, ih.
— her treatment by Bothwell, 415— her
surrender to Kirkcaldy, 416 — demeanour
during her return to Edinburgh, 417 —
her reception there, ib, et setj. — lodged
in the provost's house, and her extra-
ordinary demeanour, 419— her confer-
ence with Lethington, and determina-
tion to adhere to Bothwell, 4*20 et seq. — ■
letter to him intercepted, 421 — her im-
prisonment resolved on, ih. — removed to
Lochleven Castle, 422 — the casket let-
ters, ib. et seq.^n\0{\Q in wliich the con-
troversy regarding her has been con-
ducted, 443 — the contemporary defences
of her, 445 and note — Buchanan's
■^Detection,' 447^her abdication, 453 —
character of the deeds of abdication, ih.
— commission of regency, 454— this the
close of her reign, ih. — proceedings of
the confederates, v. 1 et seq. — interview
between her an<l Murray at Lochleven,
9 — Murray's account of it, 10 — her own,
13, note^the French ambassadors re-
fused access to her, 15 et seq. — difficul-
ties as regards aid from France, 17 et seq.
— feeling of Elizabeth, and her attempts
at intervention, 20 et seq. — danger from
these, 23 et seq., 31— the English ambas-
sador refused access to her, 24 -her
policy in withholding her assent frum
the Act of 1560, 50 — her escape from
Lochleven, 95— her life there, 96 —her
treatment, 98 et seq. — the supposed
daughter by Bothwell, 100— the plans
for her escape, 101 — devotion of George
Douglas, and tradition of her having
had a son by him, 102 — abortive attempt
at escape, 103— particulars of the escape,
104 et *-ey.— flight to Niddry, 105— arrival
at Hamilton Palace, and gathering of
her adherents, lOU — her abdication re-
voked, (!6,— ambassadors sent to England
and France, and. message to Murray, Bt7
— bond signed by her adherents, 108 —
feelingof the English Court, 109 — ambas-
sadors sent to her. 111 — march for Dum-
barton, 112 — the battle of Langside, 113
— her flight, 114 — embarks for England,
lib' — reasons for this, 118 — her probable
reception in France, 119— probabilities
had she escaped to Spain, 120 — her
reception in England, and removal to
Carlisle, 121 — her letter to Elizabeth,
122 — her communications with the Eng-
lish Romanists, 123 — interviews of
Knollys %vith her, 124 ef seq. — danger
from her to England, 12^ — her appeals
for aid to France, 130— memorial to the
European Courts, 131— her appeals to
Queen Elizabeth, 133 — her anticipa-
tions from a personal meeting, 135 —
necessity for her removal from Carlisle,
136^removed to Bolton Castle, 139—
her ambassador refused a safe-conduct
to France, 141 — negotiations of Lord
Herries on her behalf, 142 —views of
EUzaVjeth, 143 — her interview with Mid-
dlemore, 145 — her views, 152--fresh de-
mand for a personal interview, I'i. ^pro-
posal for a mutual deputation, 153 —
her restoration urged on Elizabeth by
Herries, 155— discussion on her assump-
tion of the arms of England, 157 — her
evasions of resignation of this claim, ib.,
158~Herries's report of the result of
his mission, 159 — her hypocrisy as re-
gards the Church and the mass, 161 —
her devotion to the Church of Rome,
162 — her instructions on the Church
question, 163 — the commission at York,
164 — her private instructions, 166 —
reference in these to the casket letters,
i6.— instructions regarding her restora-
tion, 168— -discussion as to the course to
be taken should the alleged crimes be
proved, 169 — ^course of Elizabeth regard-
ing her, 177 — her first statement at the
conference, 178— the English commis-
sioners on the casket letters, 180 — fresh
instructions from Elizabeth, 184 — the
conference removed to London, 185 —
course taken by her commissioners on
the appointment of additional English
ones, 186— Leslie's account of interview
with her at this time, ib. et seq. —the
project of her marriage to Norfolk, 188
— his belief in her gnilt, 189 — agrees to
divorce from Bo'.hwell, 190— the mar-
riage to Norfolk a scheme of Lething-
ton's, 191 et seq. — production of the
casket letters, and formal accusation of
INDEX.
631
her, 193 et seq. — demeanour of Elizabeth
toward her on this, 198 et seq. — the
Book of Articles against her, 199 — re-
port on the letters, 201 et seq. — her
silence as to their being forp:eries, 203
—the evidence of Crawford, 205 ef seq. —
refusal by Elizabeth of personal inter-
view, 208 — offers made by Elizabeth
to her, 210 — instructs her commis-
sioners to withdraw, ib. — counter-charge
against Murray, 211 ef seq. — adjustment
proposed by Elizabeth, 216 e<s««/.— judg-
ment of the commission, 219— its ter-
mination, 220 — message from Elizabetli
on her restoration, 234 — discussion of
her marriage to Norfolk, i?;.— her exulta-
tion on the assassination of Murray, 243
— her complicity in it believed, 241 and
note— effect of the English invasion in
consolidating her party, 25-4 — Knox's
reasons for refusing to pray for her, 279
et se^.— Gordon's on the other side, 284
— meeting of Parliament in her name,
298, 304^ — ^the strongholds of her party,
304 et seq. — effect of the St Bartholomew
massacre on her party, 335 — Leslie's
negotiations and plots on her behalf,
ifj. et seq.- — his opinion as to her guilt,
337 — negotiations for her restoration,
339 — the terms proposed, 340 — mission
of the king's party, 342 et i^g.— alleged
project of marriage to Anjou, 345 — the
secret understanding with Philip XL,
347 et seq. — discovery of the plot, 349 — ■
mission to her on it, 352 — charges
brought against her, and her answer,
a7>.— her policy I'egarding the Eng]isl\
throne, 35-3 — secret negotiations for her
suiTender,356 — continued danger to Eng-
land from her, 385 — transactions regard-
ingherCrown jewels, 411e^S'?(7. — rumours
regarding her by the English spies, 445
— plots on her behalf against Elizabeth,
vi. 2 — her position, 3^1etters to Nor-
folk, ih., note^other alliances suggested,
4 — her occupations, 5 — letters to Eliza-
beth, tO. et seq. and notes^ removal to
Tutbury, Chatsworth, and then to Shef-
field Castle, 10 — taken back to Tutbury,
11 — her French dowry, 12 — removal to
Chartley, and the trap laid for her there,
13 — removal to Tixall, and finally to
Fotheringhay, 14^— her share in the con-
spiracies against Elizabeth, ib. — probable
views of foreign powers on her death,
15 — mission from her son on her behalf,
16— her execution a political necessity,
19 et seq. — the letter counselling her
secret murder, 21— her last days and
death-scene, 22 — her funeral, 23— indif-
ference to her execution in Scotland, 24
— conduct of the clergy, 25 — her be-
quest of the crown, &c., to Philip IL, 28
— sketch of her in contrast to her son,
160 et seq.
Mary, the Princess, sister of James III.,
married to the Earl of Arran, iii. 161—
her fidelity to him^ 166— divorced, and
married to the head of the Hamiltons,
168.
Mary, the Princess, proposal for marriage
of James V. to, iii. 285.
Mary, daughter of the Due de Vendome,
projected marriage of James V. to, iii.
349.
Mary Culter, origin of parish of, ii. 33, note.
Mason, Sir John, English ambassador to
France, iii. 492.
Mathew Paris, the Chronicle of, iv. 122—
notice of the marriage of Alexander HI.
to tlie Princess Margaret from, ii. 97.
Mathew of Westniiu&iter, the Chronicle of,
iv. 122.
Matilda, daughter of Malcolm Canmore,
married to Henry of England, i. 420 et
seq.
Matilda, wife of David I., ii. 43.
Maud or Matilda, the Empress, ii. 45.
Mauvissifere on the Crown Matrimonial, iv.
297.
Maximus, attempt to usurp the empire by,
i. 46.
Maxwell, Lord, one of the " assured
lords," iii. 377^sent to the Tower, 408
^surrenders Caerlaverock Ofistle, 446
et seq. — indemnit}'' to, v. 365— his power
on the Border, 509— in rebellion, and
forces under him, 510 — threatened in-
surrection, and his arrest, vi. 29, 30.
Maxwell, Sir Robert., appropriation of
Church revenues by, vi. 250.
Maxwell, the Master of, iv. 228.
Maxwells, the, their intiuence forthe queen
on the Borders, v. 305 — their support of
the Popish party, vi. 53.
Maybole, old houses in, iv. 151, vi. 512,
note,
Meadowbank, Lord, on the Glen Tilt case,
ii. 158, note.
Mearns, the, subdued by Kenneth III., i.
365.
Meigle, the sculptured stones in, i. 149.
Meldrum, executed for the burning of
Frendraught, vi. 519.
Meldrum, Robert, commissioner to West-
minster Assembly, vii. 202.
Melgund Castle, style of, iv. 149.
Melrose Abbey, founded, ii, 62 — ancient
lawregarding the monks, 140 — destroyed
by the English, 410 — and again, iii, 53
-^desecration of the tombs of the Doug-
lases at, 436— destroyed by Hertford, 451
■ — the Chronicle of, iv. 121 — its archi-
tecture, 145 — abbacy conferred on
Bothwell, 328,
Melville, Andrew, one of the censors of
the press, v. 52 — leader of the Presby-
terian party, and his character, 404 —
leader in the compilation of the Second
Book of Discipline, 469 — cited before
the king, 4S4--retires to England, 485
— congregation formed there, 486 — last
interviews with Buchanan, 479 — accom-
panies James VL against Huntly, vi,
64 — his conduct to Adamson, 68 — at
the meeting of the Estates regarding
6.^2
INDEX.
the Popish lords, 80 — one of deputation
to the king, 81 ei seq. — final contest
with the Crown, 231 —at the Assembly
at Aberdeen, 232— fall of his party, 235
— his interviews with the king, 235
et seq. — scene with Bancroft, 238 —
banisheil, 239 — his death and character,
ib. et seq. — Dr M'Crie's Life of him,
241, note.
I\relville, Sir James, envoy to Elizabeth,
iv. 258^ his account of her, 259 — in-
terim secretary to the queen, 319 — on
the estrangement between Darnley and
her, 320, 321 — announces the birth of
James VI. to Elizabeth, 321 — bis report
of the queen's demeanour on her hus-
band's death, 348, note — account of the
first hints of the intended marriage to
Bothwell, 363 — his remonstrance, 364,
3t>5 — account of the abduction of the
queen, Zl^, oil — carried to Dunbar
with her, 378 — ^ account of Bothwell on
the evening of his marriage, 391 — nego-
tiates the surrender of Edinburgh
Castle, 402 — account of the surrender of
the queen, 416 — report of the queen's
last letter to Bothwell, 421— account of
the formal accusation of the queen, v.
196, note — his character, 308— views as
to the real policy of England, ih. — his
counsels, 310— on the Tulchan bishops,
321 — character of Kirkcaldy, 376 — on
the death of Lethington, 379 — picture
of the early household of James VI.,
386 — his account of the young king's
acquirements, 389 — account of Arran
by, 488, 489— embassy to Denmark pro-
posed to him, vi. 38.
Melville, James, one of the conspirators
against Beaton, iii. 468.
Melville, James, his sketch of John
Knox, V. 285 — account of Durie's re-
ception in Edinburgh by, 477 — and of
the last days of Buchanan, 479 et seq. —
account of one of the Armada, vi. 31 —
of the death of Catherine, and the
murder of the Guises, 34 — on the in-
crease of Popery, 53 — extracts from his
Memoirs, 80, Sl^summoned to London,
■ 236 — account of meeting there, 238 —
sentence on him, 239.
Melville, Sir Robert, the queen's instruc-
tions to him regarding her marriage to
Bothwell, iv. 395 — envoy to the Harail-
tons, V. 3^surrenders to the English,
374, 375 — his remonstrances against
Mary's execution, vi. 16.
Meuipeni, Sieur de Concrescault, iii.
174.
Menteith, the Earl of, executed, iii. 27.
Merchant Guilds, the earl^-, ii. 177.
Merlin, the legends regarding, i. 176.
Mesnage, the Sieur, iii. 423.
Methven, Paul, the case of, iv. 245.
Methven, defeat of Bruce at, ii. 360.
Meusnier de Querlon, poem by, assigned
to Queen Marj', iv. 436, note.
Meynville, M., sent as ambassador to
James VI,, v. 462, 465~populrir insiilt
to, 478.
Michael, building of the, by James IV.,
iii. 232 — sold to France, 238.
Middlemore, Henry, English envoy to
Scotland, v. 145 his interviews with
Mary at; Carlisle, ih. et seq. — letter
through him to the regent, 148.
Middleton, General, taken prisoner at
Worcester, vii. 297- — commands Glen-
cairn's expedition, 325 et 5e</. ^defeated
at Lochgarry, 328 — leaves Scotland, 330
— commissioner after the Restoration,
416 — directions regarding the Act Res-
cissory, 41 7 — letter from Sharp c-n Epis-
copacy, 419 — struggle between him and
Lauderdale, 438 et seq. — his dismis&al
and resignation, 445 et seq. — his project
for executing the younger Argyle, 535.
Mildmay, Sir Walter, conference with
Leslie, v. 346.
Mile Act, the, vii. 436.
Military service under the feudal system,
i. 395.
Mill, Walter, executed for heresy, iv. 19
^effect of his execution, 61.
Millar, the partner of Chepraan, iv. 138
and note.
Millenary party at the Hampton Court
conference, origin of the name, their
views, &e., vi. 219 e( seq.
Millenary petition, the, vi. 219 and note.
Minerals, abundance of, in Scotland, i. 90.
Mines, early Scottish, iv. 155.
Mitchell, his attempt on Sharp, vii. 481 —
his arrest, 482 et seq. — his trial and exe-
cution, 484 et seq.
Mitchell, Professor, 'The Wedderburnf*
and their Woi-k,' by, v. 86, note.
Mitton, the battle or '* chapter " of, ii. 400.
Moderator, origin and fitst use of the title,
V. 5S, 75.
Monarch, the, his position ander the feu-
dal system, i. 389.
Monasterboice, the crosses of, i. 167, 169,
note.
Monastic houses, attacks by the mob on,
iii. 453 — orders, the, their organisation,
ii. 7 et seq.
Monasticism, character of, in the early
Irish Church, i. 257.
Monk, General, at the battle of Dunbar,
vii. 278— the storming of Dundee, 297
et seq. — one of the Union commissioners,
307 — movements against Glencaim's ex-
pedition, 328 — his march to London after
Cromwell's death, 334 — his treachery
toward Argyle, 425, note.
Monks, slaughter of, at Mitton, ii. 401.
Monmouth, the Duke of, his marriage,
vii. 467 — commands against the Cove-
nanters, 516— negotiations, 523 — battle
of Bothwell Bridge, 524— the insurrec-
tion under him, and its suppression, 551
et seq. — communications with Argyle,
553.
Monnypenny of Pitmelly, one of the con-
spirators against Beaton, iii. 473.
INDEX.
633
Monro, General, proceedings against the
Royalists, vii. 130 et seq. — conduct of his
troops, 131— commands the Scots force
in Ireland, 165, 166.
Monro, Sir George, defeats Argyle at
Stirling, vii. 2ii— quarrel and duel with
Glencairn, 326.
Monro, Colonel Robert, envoy from the
Covenanters to Huntly, vii. 2 — his his-
tory of Mackay's Regiment, 5.
Monros, the, desert Huntly, iv. 203.
"Mons Grampius," the battle of the, i. 7
et seq. — various sites assigned to it, 12 —
not identical with the modern Gram-
pians, 14 — alleged by ^yex to be a clerical
blunder, 16, note.
' Monstrous Regiment of Women,' Knox's
book on the, iv. 78^his explanation of
it with reference to Elizabeth, 79 and
note.
Montalembert's 'Monks of the West,' i.
279, 291, notes.
Monteith, Alexander de, capture of Wallace
by, ii. 335.
Monteith, the Earl of, head of the Comyns,
ii. 99.
Monteith, the Lake of. Queen Mary's resi-
dence on, iii. 485.
Montgomery, the Sieur de, iv. 10.
Montgomery, the poems of, iv. 131.
Montgomery, Archbishop, excommuni-
cated, v. 477.
Montgomery, a party to the dealings with
France, vii. 91.
'* Month" or ''Mount," an old name for
the Grampians, i. 15.
Montjoy, project regarding the succession
proposed to James VI. hy, vi. 139.
Montluc, at the conference between Cathe-
rine and Alva, iv. 292.
Montrose, Lord, signs the band for the
queen, v. 117, note.
Montrose, the Marquess of, a leader of the
Supplicants, vi. 482, note — his sub.scrip-
tion to the Covenanters' fund, vii. 8—
commissioner to Aberdeen, 24 — com-
mands in the north, and proceedings at
Turriff, 27 — bis entrance into Aberdeen,
29 — proceedings there, 30 — seizure of
Huntly, 33 et seq. — again sent northward,
41 — siege of Gight Tower, and his
retreat, 42 — again marches north, 44 —
defeats the Cavaliers at Stonehive, 45—
passage of the Bridge of Dee, 46— again
occupies Aberdeen, 47 — pacification of
Berwick, ib. — a party to the dealings
with France, 91— heads the passage of
the Tweed, 106— suspected hy the Cove-
nanters, and correspondence with the
king, 142 et seq.— his probable motives,
144 et set^.— the '' Incident," 145 et seq.—
his Highland campaign, 181— his plans
and commission, 183— his arrival in the
Highlands,184— joined by thelrish force,
and raising the Highlanders, 185— battle
of Tippermuir and capture of Perth,
186 — and Aberdeen, 187 — inroad into
Argyle, 189— victory at Inverlochy, 190
VOL. VII.
— captures Dundee, 191 — victory at
Auldearn, ifi. — at Alford, 192 — and at
Kilsyth, 193 — diBBcultiesof his position,
194 — evasions of the Highlanders, 195 —
named Viceroy of Scotland, and march
to the Borders, ih. — force sent against
him, 196 — defeated at Philiphaugh, 197
—his fame, 198 — his commission with-
drawn, 234 — his landing in the Orkneys,
255 — defeated and captured, 256— his
execution, 257 et seq.
Montrose, burial service formerly used in,
V. S±
Monypenny, settlement of, in France, and
return of a descendant as ambassador
to Scotland, iii. 174.
Morality, report of the Assembly of 1596
on its state, vi, 77 ei seq. — state of, sub-
sequent to the Reformation, vii. 377
ei seq.
Moray, Andrew de, joint-commander with
Wallace, ii. 2<)6, 298.
Moray, bishopric of, founded by David L,
ii. 62.
Moray, the Earl of, invasion of England
under, iii. 59— killed in battle, 145.
Moray, the Bishop of, attacked by the
Wolf of Badenocb, iii. 98.
Moray, the Bishop of, arraigned before the
Assembly, v. 401.
Moray, the Bishop of, under James VI.,
his pecuniary difficulties, vi. 253.
Moray, Randolph, Earl of, see iLandolph.
Morgan, General, defeats Middleton, vii.
328.
Morken, King, and St Kentigern, i. 250.
Mortlach, alleged defeat of the Danes at,
i. 367, note.
Morton, the Master of, afterwards the re-
gent, conference with Hertford, iii. 435
— at Queen Mary's marriage, iv. 277 —
a principal in the murder of Rizzio, 304
—at the meeting between the queen and
the banished lords, 315 — their meet-
ing at his house, 316 — outlawed for
Rizzio's murder, 319 — his owti account
as regards the bond for Darnley's mur-
der, 337— confirmed in his estates, 373
^attempt to seize the queen and Both-
well, 399 — the casket letters discovered
by, 422— they in his hands at the time
of his death, 423— one of the Council of
Regency, 454 — oath at the coronation
of the prince, v. 4 et seq. — accom-
panies Murray to Lochleven, 9 — at the
last audience of Thi-ockmorton, 45 —
Murray's difficulties regarding, 94 — at
Langside, 112 — oneof the commissioners
to York, 167 — captured during the at-
tack on StirUng, 270— but released, 271
— proposed as regent, 274 — procures
election of Douglas to archbishopric of
St Andrews, 313 — his saying at Knox's
burial, 326 — elected regent, 330 — his
surrender of Northumberland, i6.— mis-
sion to London on behalf of the king's
party, 342 — the conference there and its
results, 343— demands the surrender of
2 X
634
INDEX.
Leslie, 354— secret negotiations for sur-
render of Marj'jS.W— proceedings ap;ainst
Balfour, 365, Sljti— siege of Ediiibur>j;h
Castle, 373 ei seq. — its surrender, 374 —
execution of Kirkcaldy, 375^Lething-
ton's last appeal to liim, 3S'2 el seq. — h\9,
character and government, 384 — state
of the country, 385 et 5^9.— supported
by Elizabeth, 394— his difficulties with
the Church, ib. ei seq. — attempts to
force the system of lay eldership on bim,
396— his scheme regarding the stipends
of the clergy, 405 ef seq. — his firm
government, 407 — the Raid of tbeRcde-
swire, and his negotiations with England,
408 et seq. — meeting %vitb Huntingdon
regarding it, 410 — proceedings regard-
ing the Crown jewels, ib. et seq. — his
measures for their recovery, 413 — quarrel
with Argyle, and intervention between
him and Athole, 415— consjairacy against
him, 416 — efforts tu obtain possession of
the prince, 417— dispossessed of the re-
gency, 418 — his conduct as regards the
C'rown property, &c., ib. — Act of Imlem-
nity, &c., 419 — recovers possession of
the king, 420 et seq. — the charge of
poisoning Athole, 422 — recovery of his
power, and proceedings against the
Hamiltons, 423 et seq. — on the king's
favourite Lennox, 429, note — accused
of the murder of Darnley, 438— his trial
and execution, 439 — his last hours, 440
et 5(7. — efforts of the English Court to
save him, 442 — his Cahnnistic lean-
ings, 468.
Morton, at the Ptipon conference, vii. 119.
Mousa, the burgh of, i. 102.
Mowbray, Sir John de, a member of tbe
Scots Council, ii. 339 and note — gover-
nor of Stirling Castle, 376 — surrenders it
after Bannockbm-n, 388.
Mowbray, one of the disinherited barons,
iii. 15; 16.
Moygne, Marjory, the lawsuit of, ii. 174,
note — it appealed to Edward I., 254.
Moyra or Magh Rath, the battle of, i. 323
et seq., vi. 305.
Muir, Mr, his worlc on ancient Scottish
churches, i. 265, ii. 190, notes.
Muir, Sir William, his version of the
Psalms, vii. 225.
Municipalities, Roman, i, 69, ii. 165, 166 —
their progress in Scotland, 165 et seq. —
early harmony between those of Scot-
land and England, 179.
Murdoch, Duke of Albany, succeeds his
father, iii. 105^arrested and executed
with his sons, 111.
Mure, Elizabeth, marriage of Robert II.
to, iii. 45.
Murray, Andrew, chosen regent, and vic-
tory at Culbleen, iii. 19 — his death, ib.
Murray, the Earl of, one of the commis-
sioners to France on Queen Mary's
marriage, iv. 6 — moderate counsels of,
72 — interview with the queen -mother
on her deathbed, 88 — visit to his sister in
France, 166 — defends the door of the
queen's chapel during mass, 179— at the
interview between her and Knox, ib, —
advocates toleration to her, 187— his
system of administration, 197— his mar-
riage, ib. — created Earl of Mar, 198 —
experlition against the Borderers, ib. —
and to the north, 199 — struggle with
Huntly, 201 et scf/.— quarrel with Knox,
224 — difficulties of his position, 235
—supports the proposed marriage to
Leicester, 260 — brings on the trial
of Bothwell, 262 et seq. — his difficul-
ties on the approaching marriage
of the queen, 268 — his opposition to it,
271^retires to Lochleven Castle, 275 —
alleged conspiracy to seize the queen
and Barnley, 276 — heads the combina-
tion against them, 279— cited to appear,
281 — heads the barons at Paisley, ib. ei
seq. — secret aid intended by Elizabeth
to him, 288 — disavowed by her, 290 —
accused of complicity in the murder of
Rizzio, 311 — his reception by the queen,
315— restored to favour, 322 — his denial
of knowledge as to the murder of Darn-
ley, 334 — 'leaves Edinbujgh before it,
343 — his departure for France, 362 —
confirmed in his acquisitions, 373^named
regent, 454 — his position as regards the
Hamiltons, v. 3 — doubt as to his accept-
ing the office, 8 — his journey home, 9 —
interview with the queen at Lochleven,
ib. — inaugurated as regent, 13 — removal
of Balfour from command of Edinburgh
Castle, i7/.— his views with regard to the
French alliance, 18 et .'Je^'.— interviews
with Throckmorton, 37 et seq. — pro-
poses sending an ambassador to Eng-
land, 38— fresh interview with the Eng-
lish ambassador, 39 et seq. — announce-
ment of his policy, ll^his answer as to
proceedings in the event of Bothwell's
capture, 44 — at Throckmorton's last
audience, 45^his administration, 92 —
measures toward the Borderers, ib. —
execution of subordinates in the nmrder
of Darnley, 93 — his difficulties with re-
gard to the higher agents, 94— hostility
of the Hamiltons, 95 — measures on
Mary's escape, 107 — his danger at Glas-
gow, 108— forces, 112— the battle of
Langside, 113 — his agent at the English
Court, 144 — Middlemore sent as envoy
from Elizabeth to him, 148— his answer,
149 — difficulty with regard to Eliza-
beth, 150 — proposal for his coming to
England, 153— on the queen's feigned
inclination toward the English Church,
161 — one of the commissioners to York,
167— his anxiety as to the course of
Elizabeth should the alleged crimes be
proved against Mary, 169 — his difficul-
ties, 172 — his anger at the superiority
claim, 174 — hesitates as to the charge
of murder, 177 — his statement in de-
fence, 178— his '* Articles," 179— Eliza-
beth's answer, 182 — favours the mar-
INDEX.
63 s
riage to Norfolk, 191, 193— still with-
holds the accusation of the queen, 195 —
production of the casket letters, 196 —
the 'Book of Articles' agiiinst the
queen, 199— counter-charge against him,
211 et seq. — ^^judgment of the commission,
219 — acknowledged by the English Gov-
ernment, 220 — loan from England, 221
— his internal measures, 222^his re-
turn, 225 — supported by the English
Government, 22U — treaty with the
Hamiltons, 227 — his alleged treachery
toward them, 228 — proceedings against
Huntly,ii etseq. — effects of the Northern
rebellion in England, 229 — his hold over
Lethingtou, &c., ib. — arrests Lething-
ton, 230 — measures against the Bor-
derers, 231 — his alleged misstatements
regarding French Paris, 233— measures
on the Borders, and capture of North-
umberland, 235 — negotiations for the
transference of Mary to Scotland, ih. —
his assassination, 237 et seq. — his char-
acter, 239 — forged account of confer-
ence for confernng the crown on him,
2-iO et seq. — Knox's opinion of him, 243
— feeling excited abroad by his murder,
ih. — his sale of part of the Crown jewels,
411 — Morton's proceedings to recover
others of them from his widow, 414.
Murraj'", the Earl of, vi. 57 — his slaughter
by Huntly, 58.
Murray, John, vi. 249, 263.
Murray, Sir Robert, vii. 443, 464.
Murray, V/. (Lord Dysart), vi. 498.
Murray, Lady, her Memoirs, vii. 556 et seq.
Music, vocal, employed by the Scots Kirk,
V. 85 — of Scotland, the, vii. 355 et seq.
Musselburgh, Roman remains at, i. 47 note,
54.
Mute Hill at Scone, the, ii. 10.
* Mystery of Iniquity,' the, its account of
the commission to Sir Phelim O'Neil,
vii. 161, 162, note.
Naitan, King of the Plots, Ceolfrid's letter
to, i. 302.
* Naphtali,' vii. 569, note.
Napier, Lord, a Covenanter, vii. 20— pro-
ceedings of the Covenanters against, 142.
Napier, Mark, his work on the Wigtown
martyrs, vii. 549, note.
Napier," the inventor of logarithms, vii.
358.
Naseby, the battle of, vii. 230.
Nastrond of the Norsemen, i. 236.
National records, loss of, vii. 415.
*' Nations," the, in the universities, iv. 112.
Nau, Queen Mary's secretary, vi. 12.
Navigation Act, the, its inlluence on Scot-
land, vii. 388, 467.
Navy under James IV. , iii. 232 et seq.
Neciitans-mere, the battle of, i. 312.
Neck, the, in the Norse mythology, 1. 238.
Negative Confession, the, v. 473 et seq.
Nelson, evidence of, regarding Darnley's
murder, iv. 339.
Nemours, the Duke of, iv. 256.
Nennins on Arthur's Oon, i. 52--notice of
St Palladius by, 254.
Neville, Sir Ralph, at Neville's Cross, iii. 24.
Neville's Cross, battle of, iii. 24.
Newbattle, Monastery of, ii. 62.
Newburn, battle of, vii. 107.
Newcastle, the Marquess of, vii. 178 — his
defeat at Marstou Moor, 179.
Newcastle, its origin, i. 406 — treaty of, ii.
90 — Melville and the banished lords at,
V. 485 ct seq. — its capture by the Cove-
nanters, vii. 110, et seq. — contributions
levied, 112 — its importance, 173 et seq.
—its capture by the Scots, 176 el seq. —
removal of Charles I. to, 231.
New Forest, fonnation of, ii. 51.
New Grange, the cairn at, i. 111.
Nice, the Council of, determination of the
time of Easter by, i. 294,
Nicholson, Bishop, iv. 122, note.
Nicholson, Sir Thomas, vi. 502.
Nicolas, his Siege of Caerlaverock, ii. 322.
Nioolson, James, vi. 81, 125.
Niddry Castle, iv. 149 — Queen Mary at,
V. 105.
Nigg, stone at, i. 172.
Nilsson, Professor, i. 123, note.
Nisbet Moor, defeat of Scots at, iii. 82.
Nithsdale, Lord, vi. 357 et seq.
Nobilit)% the, oppose formation of a stand-
ing army, iv. 5 — their views as to the
property of the Church, 25 — oppose the
Book of Discipline, 187 — their position
on the accession of James VL, vi. 186.
Noble, "William, vii. 486.
Norderies or North Hebrides, the, ii. 103.
Norfolk, the Duke of, his attempts to
secure the person of Beaton, iii. 288,
289 -^ correspondence with Wolsey re-
garding this, 290 et seq. — letter from
Wolsey to, 304 — ordered to invade
Scotland, 370 — - his forces and diffi-
culties, 371 — represents Elizabeth in
the treaty of Berwick, iv. 85 — a member
of the English commission, v. 164 —
conference with Leslie regarding the
casket letters, &c., 187^ the project of
his marriage to Mary, 188 et seq. — his
belief in her guilt, 189 — opposes her ac-
cusation, 194— a party to the agreement
with Philip of Spain, 348 — discovery of
the plot, 349, 351 — his execution, 331,
352 — extracts from Mary's letters to
him, vi. 3 and note.
Norham, Herbert de, execution of, ii. 358.
Norham, meeting summoned by King
Edward at, ii. 203 — ruins of the castle,
206, note — besieged by the Scots, 425 —
adventure at, iii. 66, note— captured by
James IV., 242.
Norman castles, of the time of Stephen, ii.
49 — early, unknown in Scotland. 52, 183
—their different styles, 184.
Norman chivalry, their scorn of the lower
orders, ii. 280.
Norman church architecture, remains of,
iv. 141, 142.
Norman Conquest, the, its effects, i. 379 ei
6^6
INDEX.
41 »r.
-migration of Saxons caused hy it,
Normana, their power of organisation, i.
381 — their influence in Scotland, 382 —
relations to the Roman empire, 383 —
rise of the feudal system, 384 ef seq. —
their establishment in the northera coun-
ties, ii. 44 — their increasing tyrannies
in England, 49 et ser/.— tbeir forest laws,
50 et 5t'f/. ^sources of their success, 85 et
seq. — their unpopularity, 87— their settle-
ments in the Highlands, 88.
Norns or Fates of the Norse mythology,
the, i. 238.
Norris, letter from Cecil on Mary's flight
to England, v. 129— his communications
regarding it, ih.
Norse migrations, the, i. 340.
Norse mythology, its prevalence in Scot-
land, i. 232— sketch of, 233 et seq. — its
harmony with the spirit of the people,
242 — ^attempts to derive it from Eastern
sources, &c., 243,
Norsemen, their absorption by the Irish
Celts, i, 215 — their ravages in lona, &c.,
305— influence of the Celtic civilisation
on them, 334 — their true position, 336
—their first settlements in Britain, 341
— peculiarity of these, 342 et seq. — their
invasions, 344 — origin of their hatred of
colour, 345 and note — their armour, 346
— as seamen, 7'6.— plunder lona, 350 —
their increased migrations, 351 — estab-
lished at Dublin, 352 — subdue the
Hebrides, &c., 353 — their settlements
on the mainland, 354 — the records and
relics of their invasions, 355 — invasion
in the time of Alexander III., ii. 100 ei
seq.—t\ieiT settlements in Orkney, &c.,
100 — circumstances which led to the in-
vasion, 104 et seq. — battle of Largs, 107
et seq.
Northallerton, the battle of, ii. 57 et seq.
Northampton, the treaty of, ii. 426 et seq.
Northumberland, the Earl of, raid under,
iii. 49 — his account of ArgyJe's fall, 333
—and of Earl Bothwell, 334 — on the un-
popularity of James V., 335— fresh raid,
337^danger as regards Mary in connec-
tion with him, v. 137 et .tpr/.— joined to
the Council on the casket letters, 201 —
sold by Morton to the English, and exe-
cuted, 330.
Northumberland, the Earl of, on the con-
dition of the troops, &c., in 1640, vii.
99, 100, note.
Northumbria, mission from lona to, i. 295
^struggle between, and the Picts, 311
—the Celtic mission to, 333 — subdued
by Athelstane, 358 — invaded by the
Scots, 360 — invaded by Malcolm Can-
more, 408 — surrendered by Stephen, ii.
59^surrendered by Malcolm IV., 64.
Norway, attempts of the kings to assert
their sovereignty in Orkney, &c,, ii.
100, 101, 105 ef 56-7.— the Hebrides, &c.,
ceded by her, 110 — voyage of James VI.
to, vi. 39.
Nottingham, the Earl of, raid into Scot-
land under, iii. 49.
Nova Scotia, the colonisation of, vi. 340
et seq.
Nye, an Independent, vii. 211.
Oaths, character, &c., under the feudal
system, ii. 47, 373 et seq. — powers of
the Church in connection with, iv. 28.
O'Brien, H., on the round towers, ii. 189,
note.
Ochiltree, Lord, marriage of his daughter
to Knox, V. 326.
Octavians, their appointment, &c., vi. 69
et seq.
Ogham or Ogam writing, i. 159,
Ogilvie, Lord, one of the queen's party, v.
118, note.
Ogilvie of Findlater, iv. 202.
Ogilvie, a suspected Papal agent of James
VI. 's, vi. 54, note.
Ogilvie the Jesuit, the case of, vi. 276 —
his execution, 278.
Ogilvie of luverquharity, executed, vii.
229.
Ogilvieg, struggle between, and the Craw-
furds, iii. 143 — attacked by Argyle, vii.
132--join Montrose, 187.
Ogtiern, rank or grade of, ii. 141.
Olave, invasion of Northumbria by, i. 360.
Olave the Black, of the Isle of Man, ii. 74.
Olave, overthrow of, in Ireland, ii. 102.
Oldhamstocks, destroyed by the English,
iii. 337.
Olifant, defence of Stirling Castle by, ii.
330.
Oliphant, Lord, one of the "assured
lords," iii. 377 — one of the queen's party,
V. 118, note.
O'Neil, Sir Phelim, the alleged commis-
sion from Charles I. to, vii. 158.
O'Neil, Shane, vi. 296, note.
Orcades of Tacitus, i. 18.
Orkney, the Bishop of, affair of, ii. 82—
his difficulties, vi. 264 — wounded in at-
tempt on Sharp's life, vii. 481.
Orkney, the Earl of, vi. 264.
Orkney Isles, subdued by the Norsemen,
i. 353 — reception of King Haco, ii. 105
— their state, &c., under James III., iii.
162 — their acquisition by Scotland, 163
—landing of Montrose in, vii. 255.
Orkney and Shetland Isles, the Norse-
men's sovereignty in, ii. 100 et seq.
Orleans, the Count of, iv. 256.
Ormiston, his account of the bond for
Darnley's murder, iv. 337, note — among
themurderers of Darnley, 343— excepted
from truce of 1572, v. 311.
Ormond, the Earl of, executed, iii. 145.
Ormsby, Justiciar, ii, 277 — escape from
Wallace, 284.
Ossian's Poems, i. 178, iv. 140.
Ostia, the Bishop ofjlegate to England, ii. 59.
Ostmen, the, their subjugation, ii. 102.
Oswald, King of Northumbria, i, 295, 332
et seq.
Osway, King of Northumbria, i. 299, 300.
INDEX.
^il
Otterburn, Sir Adam, Provost of Edin-
hurj^hj iii. 434 — his account of the gold
workings of James IV,, iv^ 156.
Otterburn, the battle of, iii. 62 ei seq.
Overture, origin of the term, v. 58, 75.
Ovid, notice regarding the Britons paint-
ing themselves from, i. 203.
Oysel, influence of, with Mary of Lorraine,
iv. 3— garrisons Perth, 73 — his ravages
in Fife, 87.
Pageants, royal, before King James, vi.
151 (^ seq.
Painting, absence of, prior to the Re-
formation, iv. 152— connected with the
murder of Darnley, 418 and note.
Paisley, the king's party at, v. 264.
Palgrave, SirF., his documents on Scottish
history, ii. 118, 119, notes — extracts from
these in connection with the succession
question, 204, *207, 217, 230, 241, 250
notes^correction of blunder regarding
Wallace, 289, note— instance of coerced
homage by Bruce, 373, note — on the
tergiversations of Lamberton, &c., 374,
note — on the forgeries of Hardyng, iii.
159, note.
Panter, David, iii. 400.
Papal Church, the, its connection with the
old Roman empire, vi. 268.
Papal Court, difficulties, kc, with, dur-
ing the War of Independence, ii. 310^
interference on behalf of Scotland, 313 —
its claim of sovereignty, 314 — bull ad-
dressed to Edward, 315 — his answer,
317 et aeq. — its dealings with Bruce,
393 et sefj. — renewed negotiations and
appeal from Parliament, 403 et seq. —
mission of Randolph, and its success,
415 et sff/. —discussions with it, under
James IV., iii. 199— ^its deference to
James V., 343, 344 — communications
of James V[. with it, vi. 138.
Papebroch, account of the remains of
Queen Margaret by, i. 415, note.
Paris, the peace of, ii. 309— University of,
King's College, Aberdeen, modelled on
it, iv. 113.
Parishes, subdivision of Scotland into, ii.
29 ei seq.
Parliament, first mention of, ii. 160— its
development, 162— hrsfc representation
of the burghs, 173— summoned by Ed-
ward I., 339— its enactments, 340 et seq.
—appeal to the Pope in the time of
Bruce, 4cOZ et seq.— of 1318, 428— that of
1326, 430— rejection of the son of Ed-
ward HI. as successor to David II., iii.
38— measures to check the royal pre-
rogative, 40 ei se'?-— proceedings under
Robert III., 76 —changes under James
I.^ Ill — Acts regarding forfeited estates
under James II., 146—1165, other Acts,
147 — arrangement of national defences,
&c., 148 et 5,?(?.— prevents assistance
being given to Louis XL, 175— pro-
ceedings with regard to Edward IV.,
179 — under James III., 190 et seq.--
after his death, 197 — Acts regarding the
Church, 199 — meeting after Flodden,
252— treaties, &c., with France, 255 —
Acts regarding the Church under James
v., 359 — meeting regarding the English
treaties, 402 — plans for marriage and
disposal of Mary, 486 — deposition of
Arran, 491 — efforts for reformation of
the Church, iv. 39, 40— Act authorising
the Bible, 48 — Acts establishing the Re-
formation, 88 et ^e^.— its rise and pro-
gress, 91 — differences between it and
that of England, 92 et .wq. — features
chax'acterising its powers, &c., 93 — its
maintenance of the order of succession,
95^not divided into two Houses, ih. —
'■^Committee or Lords of the Articles,"
96 — the Lords Auditors of Complaints,
97 — accepts the Confession of Faith,
187— of 1563, 222— Act of Oblivion, and
its objects, 223 — meeting, after Darn-
ley's murder, 371 — declaration regard-
ing the Church, 372 — confirmation
of Murray, &c., in their estates, and
honours to Bothwell, 373 — the casket
letters not impugned in it, 438 — its
meeting under Murray, v. I'L— Act re-
garding the thirds of benefices, 56 —
meeting in 1569, 223 — prosecutions of
the queen's party, 224 — election of Mar
as regent, 273 — meeting in the interest
of the queen, 298, 300^ — election of Morton
as regeiit, 3'29— meeting at Edinburgh,
1572, 364— meeting in 1577 at Stirling,
421 — proceedings against the Hamil-
tons, 423 el seq. — Act of Indemnity
in favour of the Ruthven conspira-
tors, 451 — rejects the Second Book of
Discipline, 471 — of 1584, Acts regarding
the Kirk, 505 et seq. — conclusion of the
league with England, 514 et seq. — partial
meeting on Mary's death, vi. 26 et seq.
—Act of Revocation, 1587, 36— of 1592,
Act establishing Presbytery, 42 ei seq.—
meeting regarding the Popish lords, 80
—Acts re-establishing E[.'iscopacy, 89,
241 et seq. — first appearance of the re-
stored bishops, 243 — further Acts estab-
lishing Episcopacy, 318— and regarding
ministers' stipends, 319 —prerogative
claims, 320 — the Five Articles of Perth,
328— of 1633. Act ratifying the arrange-
ments regarding Church property, ii65 —
other proceedings, 368 — peculiarities of
constitution, ib.— the Lords of the Art-
icles, 369— first appearance of an Oppo-
sition, 371 — Act regarding the apparel
of the clergy, ih. — meeting in 1640, vii.
81 — first contests, 82 — limitations of the
prerogative, ib., 83 — adjourned by the
king, 83 — at issue with the Crown, 84 — -
new constitution, 85 — its position, 87—
its defence, 88 — denounces the king's
Large Declaration, 89 — confirms the Acts
of the General Assembly, 90 — Commit-
tee of Estates appointed, ih.^oi 1641,
135— -Acta passed, 137— contrastbetween
it and the English, 138— appointment
63S
INDEX.
of pulilic ofEcers, 140— tbe discussions
on the " Incident," 14/ el S'']. — offers
of aid against the Irish rebels, 164—
trials and executions for treason, 229 —
of 16-1'.*, the Act of Classes, 245 et S''</. —
meeting- after the Restoration, 414 — the
Act Rescissory, 416— of 1661, Act restor-
inf,^ Episcopacy, 418 et s--'/. — of 1664, the
Billetiny; Act, 439 — re-enact the Test
Act, and Act aj^ainst conventicles, 558
— reject bill in favour of the Romanists,
550 — it forced on them by preroga-
tive, 5611.
Parliament House, the, vii. 81.
Parma, the Duke of, communications of the
Popish lords with, vi. 61.
Parr, Dr, on James VI., v. 390 and note.
Parr, Lord, letter from Sadler to, iii. 381.
Pasquier, M., ambassador to England, v. 46.
Paston, account of the Earl of Arran by,
iii. 168, note.
Patten, his account of the battle of Pinkie,
iii. 478 et s&f pass,
Paulet, Sir Amyas, vi. 21.
Paulinus, mission of, i. 295.
Paz, De, secret mission of, iv. 252 et s^q.
Peasantry, their state in Scotland and
France, iii. 54.
Peilro de Ayala, Don, his accorint of Scot-
land and the Scots in the time of James
IV., iv. 159 et seq.
Peebles, Alexander, vi. 105 et seq.
Peel Bog, the, ii. 187.
Peels, Border, iv. 149.
Pembroke, the Earl of, governor of Scot-
land, ii. 355— invasion by him, 357 —
defeats Bruce, 360 — defeated and re-
turns to England, 363.
Penda, Prince of Mercia, i. 298.
Pennant, account of Uowrie House by, vi.
112, note.
Penninyton, Sir John, vii. 53.
Penrith, terms under which held by the
Scuts king, ii. 79.
Pentlands, battle of, vii. 450.
Percies, the, their lands in Scotland, iii. 4.
Percy, forces imder, against Wallace, ii.
286 — -defeated by Bruce, 362.
Percy, Sir Charles, vi, 144.
Percy, Sir Henry, at Neville's Cross, iii. 24.
Percy, Sir Henry (Hotspur), iii. 60 — -at
Otterburn, 61 et sf-rj. — taken prisoner
there, 64— -at Hunilldon Hili, 82— his
revolt, defeat, and death, 86 ef seq. — his
son exchanged for the son of Albany, 104.
Percy, Sir Henry, negotiations between
him and Arran, iv. 63.
Percy, Sir Ralph, at Otterburn, iii. 60 et
seq. — taken prisoner there, 64.
Perkin Warbeck, his appearance in Scot-
land, iii. 204 — his reception by James
IV., 20iy et seq. — expedition in his favour,
209 — terms made with James IV., 210 —
leaves Scotland, 212.
Persecutions,literature of the, vii. 568 ef seq.
Perth, early mention of, as a burgh, ii, 172
— ancient bridge at, 196 — taken by Bruce,
370^Edward Baliol besieged in, iii, 9^
recaptured by the Scots, 20 — the clan-
fight at, 71— murder of James I, at, 119
—outbreak of the Reformers, iv. G5 -
seized by the queen-regent, 73 — Gener-
al Assembly at, vi. 87 — excitement dur-
ing the C4owrie tragedy, 104 et seq. —
captured by Montrose, vii. 186.
Peter and Mary Culter, origin of parish of,
ii. 33, note.
Peterborough Cathedral, interment of
Queen Mary in, vi. 23.
Petrie, Mr, on the round towers, ii. 189,
note.
Petroleonis, Cardinal, ii. 73.
Peukini, the, i. 189.
Philip of Franco, quarrel of, with Edward
I., ii. 260 — war between them, and
treaty between him and Baliol, 262 et
s^y. ^connection of Wallace with, 305 —
truce with England, 305 — discussion as
to its extension to Scotland, 307 —
urges on Kdwardll. a truce with Scot-
land, 371 — treaty with liobert Bruce,
418.
Philip II. of Spain, policy toward England,
iv, 14 — -declares Elizabeth not the right-
ful heir,15— his views regarding marriage
of Don Carlos to Queen Mary, 248 — the
marriage scheme broken off, 251 — nego-
tiations for it renewed, 252 — conference
with Catherine, 291 — atjreement on be-
half of Mary, v. 348 — his preparations
against England, 498 — probable effect of
Mary's death on, vi. 15— her bequest of
her crown, &g., 28 — the Armada, 29 et
seq.
Philip III,, ambassador of James VI. to,
vi. 55, note.
Philiphaugb, battle of, vii. 197.
Philippa, Queen, iii. 24,
Pictish kingdom, the capital of the, ii,
128 — kings, different etymologies given
for their names, i. 196, note — towers,
the so-called, 99 et seq. — their pur-
pose, 101.
Picts, first mention of them, i. 43^tbeir
kingdom, 184— the controversy regard-
ing their nationality, &c,, /'', et seq.- -
theories of their origin, 189 — the at-
tempts to fix this by names of places,
193 — small results of the controversy,
200 — attempts to solve it by ancient re-
mains, &c,, 202 — derivation of the name
from Plcti, 203 — the country occupied
by them, 207, 307 — attacks on Strath-
clyde, 309 — their kingdom, notices of its
history, 310 et seq.-~\i& extension to the
present Borders, 313 — their disappenr-
ance from history, 314, et seq. — tradi-
tional remains of them, 314, note— their
union with the Scots, 329.
Picts' houses, the so-called, i. 107 et seq. —
apparent connection of the " Druidical "
stones with them, 144,
" Picts' Work Ditch," the, i. 99.
Pinkeny, Robert de, ii. 210, 213.
Pinkerton, his theory of the origin, &c,.
of the Picts, i. 189 et seq. — i"
INDEX.
639
Gothic names from, 193, 195, note-
Gothic orig-in assigned to names of
Pictish king:s, 196, note — his literary
dishonesty, 199, note— his character of
Macbeth, 376. note.
Pinkie, the battle of, iii. 479 d scq.
Pitcairii, Hubert, v. 167, 342.
Pitscottie, account of Cochrane, the
favourite of James III., by, iii. 183,184 —
of transactions with r'aptain Wood after
the death of James III., 194, note— of
the Michael, '2?y2 — ^of the naval com-
bat between Wood and Bull, '2?^5, note
— of the vision to James IV., 241, note
^and of that at Et.linburgh Cross, 242,
note— of James IV., 249 — of the exe-
cution of the Armstrong's, 326.
Pittarrow, the Laird of, iv. llHi, v. 3/4.
Pittencrieft", the Laird of, vi. IdO.
Pius IL, his account of Scotland, iv. 157.
Pius IV., communication frum Mary to,
iv. 218.
Plague, ravages, &:c., of, 1569, v. 231 and
note.
Plantations, removal of Covenanters to
the, vii. 571.
Plautius, Aulus, his invasion of England,
i. 2.
Plautus, his supposed specimen of the
Punic tongue, i. 197, note.
Pliny, account of Druidism by, i. 220.
Poitou, attempt to derive the Picts from,
i. 192.
Poland, the Scots in, vi. 342 and note.
Polybius, his account of the Roman camp,
&c., i. 78.
Pontefract Castle, the supposed murder of
Richard II. in, iii. 89.
Pontelands, taken by the Scots, iii. 61.
Poor, ancient lav? regarding the suits of,
ii. 150.
Pope?;, the, their position and diplomatic
influence, ii. 310 et seq.
''Popes of Edinburgh," the Presbyterian
zealots so called, vi. 87, 230 — their fall,
and feeling on it, 235.
Popery, its slight hold on Scotland, iv. 48
— its overthrow there, 89 — declaration of
the Second Confession against it, v. 474
et seq. — its secret adherents, vi. 326.
Popish lords, their position, vi. 53^pro-
ceedings with regard to them, 56~their
connection with the Spanish blanks, 60
— further proceedings against them, 62
clerical spies placed over them, 73 —
meeting of the Estates regarding them,
80— renewed trouble to the Church
from them, 280.
Popular songs, &c. , the attempts to
spiritualise them, v. 87 et seq.
Porter, Endymion, vii. 161, 162, note.
Postal communication, efforts of Crom-
well to organise, vii. 320.
Postnati, the case of the, vi. 205 et seq.
Powrie, William, one of the murderers of
Darnley, iv. 343— his execution, v. 93.
Prayer-book, the smaller Scottish, vi. 411.
Prehistoric period in Scutlandj the^ i. 86 —
indications of the age of man in it, 87 —
fortresses, 91 -vitrified forts, 94 — lake-
dwellings, 97— the Deil's Dyke, 99— the
burghs, or so-called Danish towers, lb.—
earth-houses, 107 — caves and chambered
caverns. 111 — burial-cairns, anddispof-al
of the dead, 115 — burial -urns, 116 —
weapons, 125 — trinkets, 129— the stone,
bronze, and iron ages, 133^ohjects sup-
posed to be connected with religion,
139 — stone circles, &c., 140 — sculptured
stones, 146.
Presbyterians, their position in 1595, vi.
67 — their persecution of Adamson, 68 —
their proceedings against the Popish
lords, 73— their council in Edinburgh,
75 et seq. — the English co-operate with
the Scots, vii. 167, 169 el seq. — their
acceptance of the Indulgence of James
II. , 574 — answer to his overtures, ib.
Presbyterian Church, its forms of worship,
&c., vi. 323.
Presbyterian clergy, controversy between
them and Cromwell, vii. 281 et seq. — his
liberality to them, 283.
Presbyterian controversy, use made of the
Culdees in the, ii. 19.
Presbyterianism, Knox not an avowed
advocate for, v. 319 — rise of zeal for it,
334 — declaration of the Assembly in
1580 in its favour, 468 — establishment
of the Kirk on its basis, 471 — its peculiar
spirit, 472 — formally established, 1592,
vi. 42 et seq.— nuder Charles I., 488—
re-established by Assembly of 1638, vii.
20 et seq. — confirmed by that of 1639, 71
- — opposition of the Independents to it,
210.
Press, attempt of the Reformed Church to
establish a censorship of it, v. 51.
Preston, Simon, of Craigmillar, v. 292, 302.
Preston, the battle of, vii. 239.
Primrose, clerk of the Privy Council, vi.
474 — the Act Rescissory drawn by him,
vii. 417.
Printing, introduction of, iv. 137-
Privilege, absence of special, iv. 103 et seq,
pass.
Privy Council, trial regarding Laud's
Liturgy before them, vi. 449 — instruc-
tions to them from Court, 465^their re-
ception of the Supplication, (6.— their
powerlessness, 466 — formation of the
Tables, 468— attempt to dissolve these,
469 — remove to Linlithgow, and pro-
clamation, 473 — discussion with the
Tables, 474 — withdrawal of the bishop«,
and views of the lay members, 476^
proclamation at Stirling, 478 et spq. —
symptoms of vacilliation, 503 — agi'ee to
enforce subscription to the Covenant,
vii. 80 — created for Scotland, and its
powers, 421 — Abjuration Act, 433 —
Ejection Act, 435— Mile Act, 436— the
first Indulgence, 457 — examination of
Mitchell before them, and their pledge
of protection to him, 483 et seq. — their
measures in answer to the Declaration
640
INDEX.
of the Cameronians, 542— the Abjura-
tion Oathj 543.
Procolitia, supposed modern name of, i.
17, note.
Property, sui'vey and valuation of, iii. 110.
Prosper of Acquitaine, notice of Bishop
Palladius in, i. 252.
Protestantism, its progress in Scotland,
iii. 452— its dangers throughout Europe
in 1565, iv. 288.
" Protestation of the Earls of Huntly and
Argyle," kc, account from it of the con-
ference at Craigmillar, iv. 332 et scq.
Protestation, meaning, &c., of, in Scots
law, vi. 478.
Protesters, the party of the, vii. 321 et seq.
Provincial council of 1549, the, its efforts
for Church reformation, iv. 40— of 1559,
45.
Prynne's * Hidden Works,' &c., extracts
from, vi. 392 note, 419, 420, 425, 435, note.
Psahns, the metrical versions of the, v.
76, vii. 224 — that selected by the West-
minster Assembly, 225.
Psalter, the, its introduction, v. 88.
Psalters, ancient Irish, i. 168.
*' Pteroton," the, i. 63.
Ptolemy, the notices of Roman Scotland
in, i. 60.
Puebia, Don Pedro de, Spanish ambas-
sador to Scotland, his account of James
IV., iii. 213 — negotiations, &c., regard-
ing matrimonial alliance, 217, 218.
Punic language, Plautus's supposed speci-
men of, i. 197, note.
Puritans, the, their denunciations of danc-
ing, iv. 209— adoption of Knox's Liturgy
by them, v. 65.
Pyramids, analogy between, and Maes-
howe, &c., i. 114.
Quadra, Alvaro de la, iv. 252.
Quakers, the, favo\ir shown them by
. James II., and their persecution in
Scotland, vii. 563 ft seq.
Queen Mary's Mount, Carberry, iv. 407.
" Queensferry Paper," the, vii. 526.
Quonium Attach lament a, revision of, iii.
109.
KadclifFe, envoy to Scotland, iii. 304.
Kagman Rolls, the, ii. 276, note.
Raid of Ruthven, the, v. 448 <'? seq.
Raid of Stonehive, the, vii, 44.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, effort of Queen Anne
to save him, vi. 172.
Ralph the Cofferer, ii. 321^killed at
Roslin, 325.
P^momy, Sir John, iii. 85.
Ramsay, Sir Alexander, captures Rox-
burgh Castle, iii. 21 — bis murder, 22.
Ramsay, Sir John, in the Gowrie Conspir-
acy, vi. 100— kills the Master of Ruth-
ven, 101 — and the Earl of Gowrie, 103.
Ramsay, one of the favourites of James
III., iii. 185— created Lord of Bothwell,
and his alleged treason, 188, 189 — sub-
sequent proofs of this, 189 and note —
attainted and forfeited, 196 — plot for
the seizure of James IV., 198 — acts as
spy to Henry VII. 209 et seq. — favour
of James IV. to him, 211.
Ranald Oig, seizure of Dunivaig Castle by,
vi. 260.
Randolph, nephew of Bruce, at Bannock-
bum, ii. 381, 390 — invades England,
400 — and again, 411— his mission to the
Papal Court, 415 et seq. — treaty with
France, 418 — again Invades England,
420— his regency, iii. 2.
Randolph, English ambassador to Mary,
iv. 198^sketch of the queen, 208 — notice
of Chatelar, 243 — reports regarding
Mary, 258— on the proposed marriage
to Leicester, 260 — his account of Both-
well's trial, 263 — urges intervention, 269
— account of his treatment, 271 — de-
clines to recognise Barnley, 280 — on
Mary's supposed accession to the Ca-
tholic league, 294 — cognisant of the in-
tended murder of Rizzio, 301 — his ac-
count of it, 305, 313, note — on the
estrangement of the queen from Darnley,
320 — conversation with Queen Elizabeth,
V. 30— charges Mary with complicity in
her brother's murder, 244 and note —
attempt to mediate between the parties,
308- Melville's opinion of him, 310 —
sent to Scotland on behalf of Morton,
443 — his reception and return, ib.
Ratisbon, the Scottish monastery at, i.
166 note, 210, ii. 26.
Raulet, emissary of Queen Mary, iv. 253,
266.
RaJ^ Alexander, vi. 108.
Reader, office of, in the Scots Church, v.
79.
Records of the Kirk, the missing, pro-
duced at the Assembly of 1638, vii. 16—
their after- fate, 17, note.
Rederech, King of Strathclyde, i. 252, 308.
Redeswire, the Raid of the, v. 408 — nego-
tiations with England regarding it, 409.
Rees's ' Essay on the Welsh Saints,' i.l80,
note.
Reeves, Dr, account of St Maelrubha by,
i. 284, note — on the Culdees, ii. 7, 12,
29, notes.
Reformation, the, circumstances which
regulated it in Scotland, iv. 17— the
previous state of the Church, 20 et seq.
— its silent progress, 49 — its formal es-
tablishment, 88 ei seq.
Regalia, their alleged removal by Edward
I., ii. 270— how saved duiing the Pro-
tectorate, vii. 414.
Regality, burghs of, ii. 168.
Regensburg, the Scottish monastery at, i.
166, 210, ii. 26.
Regents of the universities, iv. 115.
Regiam Majcstatem, the, its history, &c.,
ii. 136 et seq. — revision of it, iii. 109.
Registration, system of, Cromwell's at-
tempt to introduce, vii. 319.
Regnar Lodbroc, i. 351.
Regnlus, Prince of Ireland, i. 5.
INDEX.
641
Reid, Adam, of Barskimming, iii. 204,
note.
Reid, Bishop of Orkney, bis death in
France, iv. 8.
"Relegation," the French system of. v.
483. ^
Religion, ancient remains supposed to be
connected with, i. 139— the early of
Scotland, 217.
Relii^ious houses destroyed hy Hertford,
iii. 451.
Remonstrants, party called, vii. 293— their
views, &c., after the Restoration, 394.
Renwick, execution of, vii. 573.
Rescissory Act of 1661, the, vii. 416.
Reseby, John, martynlom of, iii. 92.
Resolutiuners, party called, vii. 289, 321
€( seq.
Revenue, collecting, under Cromwell, vii.
314.
Revival, account of a, vi. 71.
Revocation of Edict of Nantes, its effect,
vii. 562.
Reynolds, Bishop, at the Hampton Court
conference, vi. 224, 225.
Richard Casur-de-Lion renounces the feu-
dal superiority, ii. 71, 72.
Richard II. invades Scotland, iii. 51— his
difficulties, and invasion by the Scots,
57 eiseq. — supposititious, 87 ei seq.
Richard III., his accession, iii. 1S7.
Richard of Cirencester, the Itinerary of,
i. 13, 61 ei seq.
Richard of Hexham, the Chronicle of,
iv. 122.
Richelieu, negotiations of the Covenant-
ei's with, vii. 91.
Rievaulx Chronicle, the, iv. 122.
Rigg, William, the case of, vi. 335.
Ripiin, the Scots commis-sioners at, vii.
116 —the conferences and treaty, 117
et seq.
Rishanger's Chronicle, ii. 251 note,iv. 122.
Ritson on the Picts, i. 187, note.
Rizzio, David, his first appearance, iv.
264 — Queen Mary's confidence in him,
265 — forwards the marriage with Darn-
ley, 267 — conspiracy against him, 299—
the band for his murder, 300— its execu-
tion, 304 et seq. — not slain in the queen's
presence, 313, note — his reinterment in
Holyrood, 319.
Rizzio, Joseph, succeeds his brother, iv.
319 — denounced as one of Darnley's
murderers, 353 — leaves the country,
356 — the queen's "State" signed by
him, 439.
Roads, Roman, i. 81 — early, ii. 196.
Robert I., see Bruce.
Robert II., adjustment of the succession,
iii. 45 — his sovereignty not acknowledg-
ed by England, 46— leag^ie with France,
i7^_ — truce with England, 47— hostilities
on the Borders, ih. — invasion of England,
56 et seq. — his death, 70.
Robert III., his accession, iii. 70 — the
clan-fight at Perth, 71— -his character,
and state of the country, 75 — hostili-
VOL. VII.
ties with England, 78 et seg. — his death,
90.
Robert, Commendatorof Holyrood, iv. 373.
Robert, Duke of Normandy, i. 410, 411.
Robert, Earl of Northumberland, i. 413.
Robert of Gloucester, ii. 47.
Robert, Prince, son of James VI., vi. 168.
Robert, Prior of Scone, ii. 39.
Robert, Steward of Scotland, iii. 19 — at
Neville's Cross, 24— his dissatisfaction
with the second marriage of David II.,
37— his accession as Robert II., 43.
Robertuo, parish of, ii. 33, note,
Robertson, on early lay appropriations of
Church endowments, ii. 13, note — his
Scholastic Offices in the Scottish Church,
14, note^his account of the Gnuncil of
1549, iv. 40 et .'('''/.—editor of the Stiituta
Ecclesias, 385, note — on the casket let-
ters, 423, note.
Robertson, on the name Plots, i. 206, note
— and Viking, 337, note.
Robertson, Principal, on the casket letters,
iv. 423, note.
Robin Hood, origin, &c., of the English
legends regarding, ii. 156 — riot at
pageant of, iv. 177.
Roger of Hoveden, ii, 67, note — his
Chronicle, iv. 122.
Rogers, a favourite of James HI., iii. 181—
executed, 185.
RoUo, Sir William, vii. 184.
Roman Church, the early Irish Church in-
dependent of it, i, 256 — disputes between
it and the Columbites, 293 et sei/.— or-
ganisation, &c., of the monastic orders
by it, ii. 7 ei spq. — early relations of that
of Scotland to it, 9 et seq. — the Culdees
independent of it, 11 — its struggles
against secularising Church property,
1,5— absorption of the Culdees into it,
28 — devotion of Queen Mary to it, v.
162.
Roman Conquest, its influence with regard
to the Norsemen, i. 338.
Roman domination in Scotland, remains
of it, i. 47 el seq.
Roman empire, as revived by Charle-
may:ne, i. 390 — connection of the vitality
of the Papal Church with it, vi. 268.
Roman law, comparison between it and
the old Scots laws, ii. 151.
Roman shield, the, i. 128.
Roman wall, the, i. 17 ei seq.
Roman writers, scantiness of their notices
as to the Picts, fee, i. 197 — use made of
these, 198.
Romanised Britons, their character, i. 41
— attempt to trace their history, 173 et
spq. — meagrenoss of materials, 179.
Romanism, declaration of the Test Act
against, vii. 534— approaches of James
II. to restoration of, 561.
Romanists, reaction amont^ them on Queen
Mary's marriage, iv. 268 — their position
under James VI., vi. 267 — causes of
their continued vitality, 268— their de-
votional books, 269— new style of these,
2 Y
642
INDEX.
and their authors, 270 d 5^(7.— new con-
troversialists, 274— the case of Ogilvie
the Jesuit, and his execution, 276 ef soq.
— excommunication of Huntly, kc, 280
ei seq. — appeal of Jnmes 11. on their
behalf, vii. 558— bill in their favour
rejected, 559.
Romans, the, their tolerance toward other
idolatries, i. 226 — Christianity intro-
duced by them, 247 et seij.
Rome, the invasion of Great Britain by, i. 1
et seq. — her system of organisation, 383
— change which ensued on her fall, 384
— supposed pilgrimage of Macbeth to,
373 — the municipalities, ii. 166 et seq.
Romulus, traditional Bishop of the Isles,
ii. 3.
Ros, William de, ii. 299, note.
Rosenberg, Peter van, iii. 345 and note.
Roslin, the battle of, ii. 324.
Ross, Alexander, vii. 25, 338.
Ross, Euphemia, queen of Robert II., iii. 45.
Ross, the Bishop of (under James VI,), his
difficulties, vi. 257.
Ross, the Earl of, bond between him and
Douglas, iii. 136, 141 — invades the
west, 145.
Ross, the Earl of, brother of James IV.,
iii. 209.
Ross, Lord, joins Queen Mary after her
escape, v. 106, 117, note.
Ross, Lord, Hackston examined before,
vii. 530.
Ross, bishopric of, ii. 62.
Ross, the efirldom of, claimed by Donald
of the Isles, iii. 100— forfeited to the
Crown, 169.
Ross, stretjgth of the Covenanters in, vi.
511.
Rossythe, the Laird of, iv. 403.
Rothes, Lord, his death, iv. 8.
Rothes, Lordjjoins the combination against
the queen, iv. 279 — ^joins her after her
escape, v. 106, 117, note^and the Sup-
plication of 1633, vi. 379— his estimate
of Huntly's power, vii. 2 — one of the
commissioners to treat for peace, 65— a
party to the dealings with France, 91 —
succeeds Middleton, 446 — created a
duke, 459 — aids Monmouth's marriage,
467 — a witness on Mitchell's trial, 484,
4S6.
Rothesay, the Duke of, iii. 75 — appointed
lieutenant of the kingdom, 77 — defence
of Edinburgh ag;ainst the English, 80 —
married to the daughter of Douglas, 81
— his death, 84 et seq.
Roubay, M. de, iv. 2, 3.
Rough Castle, Roman fort at, i. 3L
Round towers of Ireland, the, ii. 188 et seq.
Rous, Francis, his Psalter, vii, 225.
Row, John, sermon before Parliament, v.
268 — on the trial of Balmeriuoch, vi.
384.
Rowl, John, a priest, iv. 35.
Roxburgh, one of the Four Burghs, ii.
174 — its disappearance, 178 — Castle,
surrendered to the English, 69— its ruins,
187 — taken by Bruce, 370— recaptured
by the Scots, iii. 21 — retaken by the
English, 27— town, taken by the Scots,
93 — Castle, siege of, 151 — death of
James II. before, 152 — its capture and
destruction, 153— Abbey, destroyed by
Hertford, 451.
Roxburgh, the Earl of, during the Liturg:y
tumults, vi. 445 — a member of the Privy
Council, 476,
Roy, General, on the battle of the Mons
Grampius, i. 12 — on the Wall of Anto-
nine, 30 — on the Roman camps, 75, 78
— his account of the Caterthun, 92.
Royal Burghs, the, ii. 167 — the Convention
of, 175.
Royal guard, efforts to establish, vi. 51.
Royal prerogative, measuresof Parliaments
to check it, iii. 41.
Royal progresses, their origin, &c., in
England, vi. 148.
Rudolphi, Leslie's intrigue with, v. 347
et seq.
Rullion Green, battle of, vii. 450 et seq.
Rupert, Prince, vi. 180 — at Marston Moor,
vii. 179 et seq. — named Viceroy of Scot-
land, 183.
Russel, James, one of Sharp's murderers,
vii, 499, 504— his after-life, 507.
Russell, Lord, killed in a Border fight, v.
503.
Russell, Lord Francis, captured at the
Raid of the Redeswire, v. 408.
Russia, power of the municipalities in, ii.
166.
Rutherford, Samuel, vii. 330 — commis-
sioner to the Westminster Assembly,
202— his death, 430— his ' Lex, Rex,' iO.
et seq.
Rutherglen, Glasgow once subject to, ii.
178— taken by Bruce, 370 — proclama-
tion of the Covenanters at, vii. 510.
Ruthven, Lord, his instiTictions regarding
the Cathedral of Duukeld, iv. 69, note —
on the band against Rizzio, 300 — and
on that for bringing back the exiled
lords, 302 — at the murder of Rizzio, 305
—his conduct toward the queen, 308,
309 — account of the queen's meeting
with the banished lords, 315 — his char-
ges against Darnley, 316— outlawed for
Rizzio's murder, 319.
Rxithven, Lord, conference with Bowes, v.
447 — seizure of the king (the Raid of
Ruthven), 448 — manifesto, 449 — Act of
Indemnity, 451 — negotiations regarding
the casket letters, 463 — overthrow of
his party, i6Q. See also Gowrie.
Ruthven, Alexander (the Master of Gow-
rie), his share in the Gowrie Conspiracy,
vi. 91 et seq. pass. — his death, 97, 101.
Ruthven, Margaret, sister of the Earl of
Gowrie, and mother of Montrose, vi. 125.
Ruthven family, their power and popu-
larity, and suspicions regarding the
Gowrie Conspiracy, vi. 115 et seq. (see
Gowrie) — resentment of James VI.
against them, 125.
INDEX.
643
Ruthven lords, the, their difficulties, v.
*^3— reuewed attempt, and their flight,
483.
Ruthvens, restored to their estates, v. 512.
Ruthven Barrack, old fort at, ii. 187.
Ruthwell, the sculptured cross at, i. 161.
Rutland, the Earl of, iii. 336.
Ryehouse Plot, the, Tii. 536.
Rynd, W., vi. 113.
Sadler, Sir Ralph, instructions to, regard-
ing meeting with James V., iii. 347 and
note— ambassador to Scotland, /i59— his
character of Arran, 376— sent to watch
the "assured lords," 178— on the feeling
against England, 380 et se^.— report re-
garding Arran, 382 et set/.— his efforts
with the queeu-mother, 385— his account
of the queen, 387— his difficulties with
regard to Beaton, 389 — conference with
Gleucairu, 390— efforts at a compromise,
394 — treaties adjusted, 395— offer re-
garding Queen Mary's household, 396,
note — reports the treaties conhrmed,
399 — and the union of Arran and Beaton,
400 — on the conduct of the " assured
lords," 404 — his communications regard-
ing them, 406 — his report of the delibera-
tions on the treaties, 416 et seq. — his
unpopularity and danger, 421 et seq. —
takes refuge in Tantallon, 422 — recalled,
423 — reports of Protestant tumults, 453
— the plot against Beaton communicated
to him, 464 — conversation with James
V. on the Church, iv. 21 — report on the
Reformed riot at Perth, 69, note— emis-
sary to the Lords of the Congregation,
82 — his abstract of the casket letters,
437 and note — a member of the commis-
sion on Mary, v. 164 — on the dangers
connected with Mary's case, 214 — visit
to Leslie, 346 — mission to Mary regard-
ing Norfolk's plot, 352.
Saemond, compiler of the Eddas, i. 245,
note.
Saetere, the Norse deity, i. 233.
Sagas, Saemond's collection of the, i. 245,
note.
St Adamnan, his Life of St Columba, i.
248, 252 note, 274, iv. 121 — notices of
the Pictish language by, i. 188— his
efforts to introduce the Roman observ-
ance of Easter, &c., 301 — on the battle
of Magh Rath, 325.
St Aidan, his mission from lona to Nor-
thumbria, i. 296 et seq.
St Albans, the Great Roll of, ii. 208, note
— Chronicle, iv. 122.
St Andrews, first trace of an archbishop
of, ii. 10— final struggle between the
Culdees and Romanists in, 29, note —
formation of bishopric, 33, 35 — disputes
regarding it, 34 et seq. — the bishop,
anointing of David Bruce by, iii. 2—
foundation of university, 103, iv. 109 —
made an archbishopric, iii. 171 — fate,
&c., of the first archbishop, ih. et seq. —
struggle for see, 260 — the castle held
by Beaton, 286, 287— assassination of
Beaton in it, 468 — its capture, 470 et seq.
— its destruction, 472— monasteries, &c.,
destroyed, iv. 73— Cathedral, its archi-
tecture, 143 — execution of Cliatelar at,
243 — John Douglas, archbishop, v. 313
— University, Knox's jealousy of it, 317 —
the archbishop taken prisoner at Ne-
ville's Cross, iii. 25 — Archbishop of,
Laud's dictation to, vi. 386.
St Baithen, legend regarding, i. 279, note.
St Bartholomew, the massacre of, planned
at Bayonne, iv. 293— its effects, v. 331,
354 et seq. — its effect on the Reformation
in Scotland, 334, 403 — and on the
queen's party, 335.
St Bridget, influence of, i. 258.
St Columba, notices of Magi in lives of, i.
228 et sey.— his visit to St Kentigem,
248 — his life and work, 261 et seq. — con-
stitution and government of the Church,
266— story of Black Aidan, 267— his in-
dependence of Rome, 269 — his visit to
it, 270, note — monastic life under him,
271 — his successors, 273 — Adamnan's
Lite of him, 274 — his relics removed
from lona, 305 — his mission to King
Bi-ud, 311 — Aidan anointed by, 319 —
attempts to derive the Culdees from,
ii. 6, 17 and notes — the position of
bishops in his Church, 19, 20— monas-
tery dedicated to him, 41.
St Cormac, i. 278, 281.
St Cuthbert, i. 3U4.
St Donnan, martyrdom of, i. 277.
St Egbert, i. 303, 304.
St Ernan, i. 291, note.
St Findchan, i. 267.
St Finnian, i. 297.
St Gall, the Scots monastery at, i. 170 el
seq., ii. 26.
St Germain, i. 181.
St Giles, Edinburgh, iv. 147, note.
St Jerome, notices of the Scots by, i. 212.
St John of Beverley, ii. 319.
St John, one of the Union commissioners,
1654, vii. 807.
St Kannechan, i. 266.
St Kentigern, or St Mungo, i. 228, 248,
270, 294 et seq., 308.
St Lupus, i. 181.
St Machars, Aberdeen, despoiled, v. 91.
St Maelrubius or Maelrubha, i. 283 et seq.,
ii. 2.
St Margaret, see Margaret.
St Mungo, see St Kentigern.
St Ninian, Bede's account of, i. 40, 247 —
the church of, 71.
St Oran's Chapel at lona, i. 264.
St Palladius, i. 253 et seq.
St Patrick, his history, i. 72, ii. 23— a
native of Scotland, i. 247 — bishops con-
secrated by, 269 — abstraction of relics
by, ii. 27, note.
St Regulus, the tower of, ii. 190.
St Ronan, i. 298.
St Serf, i. 249, 254— Monastery of, v. 101.
St Ternan, i. 254.
644
INDEX.
St Thomas-a-Becket, tho Abboy of Ar-
broath dedicated to, ii. 77.
St Ursula, the legend of, i. 2S9, note,
St Wilfrid, i. 299.
Saints, the early Britisli, 1. 180 — the
earlier and later lives, 2SS ctseq.
Saints' days, the, in Laud's Service-book,
vi. 433.
Salique law, the, ii. 45.
Salisbury, the Earl of, iii. 20.
Salisbury, Lord, charges against him, vi.
190.
Salisbury, commission at, ii. 123.
Sallowey, Major, vii. 307.
' Samson's Ptiddle,' vii. 569, note.
Sandilands, Sir James, vi. 48.
Sandilands of Callander, slaughtered by
Douglas, iii. 137-
" Sang Schules," the early, v. 89.
Sanquhar, Lord, v. 118, note.
Sanquhar, flight of Mary to, v. 115 — De-
claration, league entered into by the
signers of it, vii. 526, 529.
Sanquharians, see Cameronians.
Sardica, Coujicil of, i. 40.
Sarum Breviary, the, vi. 270.
Sauchie Bum, the battle of, iii. 192.
Saville, Sir George, vi. 24.
Sa^^lIe, Lord, document forged by him,
vii. 102 et scq.
Saxo Grammaticiis, on the story of Balder,
i. 245, note.
Saxon Chronicle, the, on the Norman
castles and cruelties, ii. 49 — on the
forest laws, 51.
Saxons, menti-ned by Ammianus, i. 44
— their establishment in Britain, 181 —
part of Scotland held by them, 307 —
struggles between them and the Picts,
311 — their condition, ii. 49.
Scalaoronica, the, iv. 122.
Scandinavia and the sculptured stones, i.
165.
Scandinavian mythology, its introduction
into Scotland, i. 232 ef scq. — attempts
to derive it from Eastern .sources, 243.
Scandinavians, attempts to connect the
Druidical stones with the, i. 141 et seq.
Schiern, Professor, his work on Bothwell's
residence in Denmark, v. 234, note.
Schivas, Archbishop of St Andrews, iii.
200, 202.
Scholars, Scots, abroad, iv. 117 — the early,
118.
Schools, early establishment of, iv. 107.
Science in Scotland from the Reformation,
vii. 358.
Scolochs, the, among the Culdees, ii. 14
and note.
Scone, coronation of Malcolm Canmore at,
i. 379 — of Alexander III., ii. 93 — its
early importance, 129 — assembly of
nobles, &c., at, 162 — coronation of
Baliol at, 252 — removal of the Stone of
Destiny from, 271 — coronation of Bruce,
352— of David Bruce, iii. 1 — of Robert
11. , 4a— of James L , 106— of Charles IL,
vii. 285.
Scot, gradual changes in use of the name,
ii. 127.
Scotia, originally refers to Ireland, i. 208,
ii. 127.
Scotichronicon, the, its account of Bruce's
appearance before Edward, ii. 209, note
— its authorship, &c., iv. 124.
Scoto-Irish, the, in the west, i. 307.
Scoto-Irish Church, the early disputes be-
tween it and the Roman, i. 293 et srq. —
Dr Ebrard's pictvire of it, ii. 23, 24, note.
Scoto-Irish religious houses on the Con-
tinent, the, ii. 26.
Scots, the, first noticed, i. 43, 211 — their
origin, 208 et seq.— the name, 211 — their
first settlements, 213 — their kingdom,
316 — union with the Picts, 329 — the
Lowland, their character, &c., ii. 281 —
honours accorded in France, iii. 256 —
their inexperience in attacking for-
tresses, V. 371 — in England under
James VI., vi. 186 et seq. — proclamation
against them, 192 — numbers in the ser-
vice of Gustavus, vii. 4.
Scots Acts, the, ii. 180 note, iii. 108 — tam-
pering with them, 76, note.
Scots auxiliaries, the, in France, iii. 107.
Scots Church, superiority over it claimed
by the English, ii. 73.
Scots Guard, the, in France, iii. 107, iv.
174 — during the massacre of St Bartho-
lomew, V. 332.
Scots language, the old, iv. 133 et seq.
Scots Water, the Forth so called, ii. 127-
Scott of Buccleuch, iii. 318,
Scott, Sir \V., hi.s account of the revelries
at Kenilworth, vi. 151.
Scotts, the, rise of their power, iii, 328.
Scottish cathedrals, &c., the, ii. 34, note.
Scottish monastery at Regensburg, the, i.
166 note, 210, ii. 26.
Scrimgeur, Alexander, de, governor of
Dundee, ii. 299, 300.
Scrogie, Alexander, vii. 25.
Scrope, Lord, his difficulties regarding
Mary, v. 122 — she is removed to his
castle at Bolton, 138 — invades Scotland,
250.
Sculpture, Roman, in Scotland, i. 51 —
want of, before the Reformation, iv. 152.
Sculptured stones, the, i. 146 et seq.
Seaforth, Lord, vii. 190.
Second Book of Discipline, the, v. 468 et seq.
— it rejected by Parliament, 471.
Second Confession, the, v. 473 et seq.
Secret or Privy Council, see Privy.
Sectaries, declarations of the Assembly
against, vii. 166, 167.
Sedgemoor, the battle of, vii. 552.
Seganius, Abbot of lona, i. 295.
Segrave, John de, ii. 324, 325.
Selden, a member of the Westminster
Assembly, vii. 212.
Semple, Lord, one of the Reformed
leaders, iv. 72— at Langside, v. 112.
Semple, Lord, a suspected Popish agent
of James VI. 's, vi. 54, note.
Semple, Colonel, vi. 54, note.
INDEX.
645
Sennachies, the Highland^ vi. 303.
Serfs, their position under the feudal
system, i. ZSG — ancient laws regarding,
. ii. 152.
Servants, hired, ii. 176, note.
Service-book, absence of, under Charles
II., vii. 478. See under Laud.
Session, Court of, superseded, vii. 306.
Seton, Lord, iii. 388, 389— joins the
queen after her marriage, iv. 282 — aids
her flight to Dunbar, 316— entertains
her after Darnley's murder, 355 — re-
ceives her on her escape, v. 105 — signs
the band for her, 117, note.
Seton, Alexander, ancestor of the Gor-
dons, iii. 141.
Seton, Alexander, one of the Octavians,
vi. 70.
Seton, Christopher and Alexander, execu-
tion of, ii. 357.
Seton Palace, Queen Mary at, iv. 355.
Seton - Gordons, their progress \mder
James IV., iii. 223.
" Seven earls," the, ii. 121, note.
Severus, his Scottish campaigns, i. 35, 37
— his death, 38— his connection with the
great wall, 24, 38.
Seward, Earl of Northumberland, i. 373.
Shakespeare's Macbeth, i. 370, note.
Sharp, James, his first appearance, vii.
322 — his instructions as agent of tbe
Presbyterians, 398— his correspondence,
399 et seq. — negotiations, 401 — made
archbishop and primate, 405 — his treach-
ery, ib. — letters to his brethren, 407
— danger of his task, 40S — further ex-
tracts from letters, 409 — Burnet's sketch
of him, 413 — the restoration of Episco-
pacy, 418— ordained, 421 — his character
and proceedings, 479 — hatred of him,
480 — attempt on his life, 481 — arrest of
Mitchell, 482 — a witness on the trial,
484 — his murder, 490 et seq. — the narra-
tives of it, 502.
Sharp, Sir William, brother of the Pri-
mate, vii. 483.
Sharpe, Charles Kirkpatrick, ii. 351, note.
Shaw, governor of Stirling Castle, iii. 192,
Sheffield Castle, Queen Mary at, vi. 10.
Sheriffs or shire-graffs, ii. 130.
Shetland Isles, subdued by the Norsemen,
i_ 353 — acciuired by Scotland, iii. 163.
Shields's ^ True and Faithful Relation,'
&C.J vii. 569, note— his own sufferings
&c., 570 — his account of the prisoners
at Dunnottar, 571— bis after-life, 574.
Shields, bronze, i. 127.
Ships of the Norsemen, the, i. 346, 347.
Shipbuilding under James IV., iii. 232
et seq.
Shipping under Cromwell, vii. 312 et seq.
Shires or sheriffdoms, ii. 129.
Short, John, betrayal of Wallace by, ii.
335, note.
" Short Parliament," the, vii. 97, 9S, 99.
Shrewsbury, Lord, joined to the Council
on the casket letters, v. 201— Queen
Mary's keeper, vi. 8, 10.
Shrewsbury, the Countess of, vi. 8.
Shrewsbury, battle of, iii. 87.
Sibbald, Colonel, vii. 184— John, 25— Sir
Robert, 575.
Sibilla, wife of Alexander I., ii. 34.
Sigurd, Earl of Orkney, i. 353, 354— Norse
ruler of the Hebrides, ii. 103.
Sigyu, the Norse legend of, i. 237.
Silbury Hill, the stune circle at, i. 143.
Silures, Tacitus on the, i. 184.
Silver, ancient ornaments of, i. 130.
Simaneas State papers, the, iii. 219, note.
Simeonof Durham, the Chronicle of,iv. 122.
Simnel, the pretended PJchard III. ,iii. 205.
Simpson, Robert, vii. 391.
Simson, Andrew, iv. 108.
Sinclair, Oliver, his defeat at Solway Moss,
iii. 872 — accused of lying in wait for the
English ambassador, 422.
Sinclair, Lord, one of the queen's party,
V. 118, note.
Sinclairs, Earls of Orkney, iii. 163, 165.
Sir Tristrem and Sir Lancelot, authorship
of, i. 177, iv. 118.
Sitones, Pinkerton on the, i. 190, 191.
Sitric, King of Northumbria, i. 358, 360.
Skene, John, one of the Octavians, vi. 70
— W. P., i. 33.5, note.
Slaughter, pecuniary compensation for, ii.
141— retention of this system, 143.
Smith, Madeline, the trial of, iv. 339,
note.
Society men, see Cameronians.
Sodor and Man, bisliopric of, ii. 103, note.
Solemn League and Covenant, the, vii. 171.
Solway Moss, the affair of, iii. 372.
Somerled of Argyle, ii. 63, 103 — his alleged
descendants, 104.
Somerset, the Duke of, marriage of James
I. to his daughter, iii. 106.
Somerset, the Protector, his invasion of
Scotland, iii. 477 — the battle of Pinkie,
478 et seq.
Somerset, Thomas, vi. 144.
Somerset, earldom of, conferred on Ker,
vi. 189.
Sommerville, Lord, one of the ''assured
lords," iii. 377 — ^joins Queen Mary after
her escape, v. 106, 118, note.
Song-music of Scotland, the, vii. 355 et seq.
"Sonnets," the, of the casket documents,
iv. 433.
Sophia, the Electress, vi. 180.
Sorners, Act regarding, iii. 147.
Soulis, Nicholas de, a claimant of the Scots
crown, ii. 210— his grounds, 213.
Soulis, John de, one of the guardians, ii.
304— capitulates, 332— conspiracy of,
against Bruce, 431.
''Sow," the, a military engine, ii. 399.
Spain, death of Douglas in, ii. 432 — rela-
tions with Scotland in the time of James
IV,, iii. 213 et seq. — her position, 216 et
sg^-. — alliance with England and Scot--
land, 219 — possibilities had Queen Mary
escaped to, v. 120 — feeling on the mur-
der of Murray, 243.
Spalding, account of ceremonies, &c., at
646
INDEX.
the coronation of Charles I., vi. 375
note, 376 et seq. — character of Huntly,
521 — his account of Leslie, vii. 1 , note
— of Montrose's entry into Aberdeen,
29 —and of the seizure of Huntly, 33 —
of the blue ribbon of the Covenanters,
41, note.
Spang, W., his work against Laud's Ser-
vice-book, vi. 435, note.
Spanish Armada, the, vi. 29 et seq.
Spanish blanks, the, vi. 59.
Spear-heads, bronze, i. 127-
Spence, John, denounced as one of Darn-
ley's murderers, iv. 353— appears at
Bothwell's trial, 370.
Spence of Wormiston, killed, v. 270.
Spence, tortured, vii. 538.
Spey, ancient bridge over the, ii. 196.
Spottiswood, Archbishop, his writings, vii.
338 — Bishop Lloyd on, ii. 20, note — his
account of Rizzio's murder, iv. 313, note
— Chuich discipline exercised toward, v.
51— on the Gowrie Conspiracy, vi. 112
et ^fe^-^his pecuniary difficulties, 248 —
examination of Ogilvie, 278 — ma<le
Chancellor, 385 — letter of Charles 1.
to, vii. 73^rebuilding of Dairsie Church,
3ti4.
Spottiswood, Sir R., excepted from in-
demnity, vii. 139— his execution, 229.
Sprot, George, his disclosures regarding
the Gowrie Conspiracy, trial and execu-
tion, vi. 211 et seq.
Sprott, G. W., his introduction to the
Book of Common Order, v. 79, note.
Spyuie, Lord, vi. 254.
Standard, battle of the, ii. 57 et seq.
Standing army, attempt of Mary of Lor-
raine to form one, iv. 4 — creation of, vii.
421.
"Stannin' Stanes," or Standing Stones, i.
142 — remains found near them, 143.
'' State," the queen's, iv. 426, 439.
State papers, the, carried off by Edward
L, ii. 225, 220.
'Statuta Generalia' of the Scots Church,
the, ii. 113 and note.
Stenness, the stone circle at, i. 140.
Stephen, King, ii. 47, 48 — treaty with
David of Scotland, 53 — war and invasion
of England, 54 et seq. — battle of the
Standard, 58 et seq. — treaty, 59.
Stephens, on early Norse settlements, i.
349, note.
Stevenson, Rev. Joseph, notices of the
Earl of Cowrie's life in Padua by, vi.
135, note.
Stevenson, R., the engineer, anecdote of,
i. 314, note.
Stewards or Stewarts, the, iii. 44.
Stewart, Alexander, Earl of Mar, iii, 98
ei seq.
Stewart, Alexander, Kirkcaldy's challenge
accepted by, v. 275— treachery to Kirk-
caldy, 366.
Stewart, Arabella, her parentage, v. 226—
her account of Courtamusements,vi. 153.
Stewart, Dugald, on Dalgarno, vii. 361,
Stewart, EsmtS, Duke, see Lennox.
Stewart, Esm^, the younger, v. 496.
ytewart, Francis, see Bothwell.
Stewart, Harry, iii. 311 — marriage to
Queen Margaret, 317.
Stewart, James, afterwards Earl of Murray,
see Murray.
Stewart, James, son of the Regent Murray,
V. 447.
Stewart, Sir James, a Popish priest, iv.
208.
Stewart, Captain James, executed, vii.
145.
Stewart, Sir James, vii. 563,
Stewart, Lady Jane, iv. 214.
Stewart, Sir Lewis, vi. 502.
Stewart, Patrick, Earl of Orkney, vi. 264.
Stewart, Robert, see Athole.
Stewart, Walter, vi. 70.
Stewart, William, executed, v. 233, note.
Stewart, Captain, v. 436. See Arran.
Stewart, Colonel, v. 490.
Stewart, Lord of Lorn, iii. 127.
Stewart, Treasurer, iv. 367.
Stewart of Ardvoirlich, vi. 293,
Stewart's ' Case of the Wigtown Martyrs,*
vii. 549, note.
Stilicho, aid sent the Britons by, i. 46.
Stillingtieetj on the historv of Scotland,
iv. 128.
Stirling of Keir, imprisoned, vii, 142,
Stirling, the Earl of, grant of Nova Scotia
to, vi. 341 et seq. — his poems, vii. 340,
345.
Stirling, early mention of, ii. 172— one of
the Four Burghs, 174 — ancient bridge at,
196— Castle, surrendered to the English,
69— the battle of, 290 et seq. — Castle,
capture of, by Edward I., 328 et seq. —
siege of, by Edward Bruce, 376 — Ban-
nockburn fought to prevent its relief,
379— its surrender, 388- recaptured by
the Scots, iii. 21 — the new buildings of,
182 — removal of Queen Mary to, 297 —
architecture of, iv. 151 — baptism of
James VL at, 335 — Queen Mary's visit
to James VL at, 376 — measiires for his
removal, 402 — his coronation at, v. 4 —
execution of Hamilton at, 265, 266 —
Parliament held at, in 1571, 268— attack
on it by the queen's party, 269 — seized
by the Ruthvens, 483 — in the hands of
the Covenanters, vii. 53.
Stirling heads, the, iv. 152.
Stone buildings, early ecclesiastical, i. 264,
Stone circles, &c., i. 140 et seq.
Stone coffins or cists, i. 115,
Stone or flint implements, i. 126,
Stone of Destiny, its removal by Edward
L, ii, 271 — its proposed restoration, 428,
Stonehenge, the stones of, i. 144 — Ar
thuriau legend regarding, 177.
Stonehive, dispersion of the Cavaliers at,
vii. 44 et seq.
Stones, Druidical, i. 140 et seq. — sculp
tured, 145 et seq.
Stow, account of the body of James IV.
by, iii. 246, note.
INDEX.
647
Strachan, defeat of Montrose by, vii. 256
— the leader of the western Whigs, 293.
Strada, Famianus, iv. 293.
Strafford, his Impeachment, vii. 126 —
charf^es in connection with Scotland, 127.
Strathbogie, Huutly's Castle of, iv. 200,
201.
Strathclyde, the Briton State of, i. 183,
308^Christianity introduced, 248 ei seq.
— the capital of, ii. 128 — absorbed into
Scotland, i. 310.
Strozzi, Leo, captures St Andrews Castle,
iii. i70 etseq. — accompanies Queen Mary
to Scotland, iv. 169.
Struthers, W., vi. 401.
Stuart, Mr, on the elephant on the sculp-
tured stones, i. 152, note — on the sym-
bols on these, 159, note — his work on
the sculptured stones, 16S, note.
Stukeley the antiquary, i. 13, note.
Succession, the law of, i. 315 and note — early
difficulties of, ii, 44, 45— the disputed
199 — letter from the Bishop of St An-
drews to Edward, 201 — meeting at Nor-
ham, 203— address of Edward I., 204
et seq. — second meeting, 206— answer of
the Scots, 207 — the claimants accept
King Edward's superiority, 208 et seq.—
nature of their claims, 213 et seq. —
appointment of arbiters, 220 — reassem-
bling at Norham, 230— the law, 231 et .^eq.
— decision, 234 et seq. — the pleading in
favour of the claimants, 236 et seq.- —
final judgment, 249^its adjustment in
the time of Bruce, ii. 390— power of
the Church in questions of, iv. 28 — the
order of, adherence to it, 95.
Succession Act of 1681, the, vii. 532.
Suderies, or South Hebrides, the, ii. 103.
Suetonius, reference to Dniidism by, i.
223.
Suffolk, the Earl of, iii. 405.
Sunday, regulations regarding, vi. 331.
Superintendents, office of the, v. 59.
Superiority, the claim of, revived by Henry
VIII., iii. 369 — its revival proposed by
Cecil, iv. 75^revived at the York Com-
mission, V. 172.
Superstitions, prevalent in Scotland, vii.
378 et seq.
" Supplicants," the, against Laud's Service-
book, vi. 454 et seq. — their tone, 456,
459 — proclamations against them, 460
— gathering at Edinburgh, ib. 463 —
measures to secure the Town Council,
46.3 — united supplication, 464 — proceed-
ings of the Council, 465 et seq. — tlie
Tables, 467 et seq. — their demands, 473—
protestation issued, ib. et seq. — their pro-
testation at Stirling, 478 et set/.— signing
of the Covenant, 483. See thereafter
Covenanters.
"Supplication"of 1633, the, vi. 370, 372
€t seq. — its history and reception, 379—
that on the Service-book, 437, note —
the united, 464.
Surrey, Earl of, appointed guardian, ii.
277 — measures against Wallace, 286 —
his defeat at Stirling, 290 et seq. — his
flight, 293.
Surrey, the Earl of, victory at Flodden,
iii. 243 — dispersion of his army, 252 —
account of Dacre's inroad, 276 — on the
position, &c., of James V., 296
Sussex, Lord, a member oi the commis-
sion, v. 185 — on the casket letters, &c.,
204, note-letter to Cecil, 220, note-
on the position of the Hamiltons, 226 —
invasion of Scotland, 250 — his difficulties,
252 — interview with Leslie, 346.
Sutherland, the Earl of, iv. 166^ — signs the
band for the queen, v. 117, note.
Sutherland, Norse settlements in, i. 354 —
strength of the Covenanters, vi. 511.
Swein Castle, iii. 221.
Sweyn, King of Denmark, i. 406.
Swinton, Sir John, iii. 83.
Swords, ancient bronze, i. 126.
Sydney, Sir H., vi. 296 and note.
Symbols on the sculptured stones, i. 152
et seq.
Symington, origin of parish of, ii. 33, note.
Sympson, a member of the Westminster
Assembly, vii. 212.
Tables, formation, constitution, &.c., of
the, vi. 467 et 56'/.— mode of their action,
470 et seq. — discussion with the Council,
474 — proclamation and protestation, 479
etseq. — measures to secure adherents, 510
— complain of seizure of their munitions
of war, vii. 7, 8— measures to regulate
the elections for the Assembly, 14.
Tacitus, his Life of Agricula, i. 2 — its ob-
ject and leading characteristics, 9 et seq.
— on the underground winter-dwellings
of the Germans, llO^his account of tlie
Caledonians, &,c., ISi et seq. — his refer-
ence to the Druids, 221, 223— history of
a revolted C4erman cohort from, 339, note.
Talbot, lands in Scotland claimed by, iii.
7 — a member of Edward Baliol's Parlia-
ment, 13.
Tamworth, English ambassador, iv. 280.
Tanist, the early title of, i. 375.
Tantallon, defence of, by Angus, iii. 319,
320 and note--its capture, 321 — held
against Hertford, 435— attempt of Mary
of Lorraine to get possession of, iv. 3 —
its architecture, 1-J8.
Tapuc, ancient remains on the, i. 105.
Tarbet Castle, iii. 221.
Taus of Tacitus, the, i. 3, note.
Taverns, ancient laws regarding, ii. 193.
Taxes under the feudal system, the, i. 394.
Tay, the, did Agricola penetrate to, i. 3,
note.
Teinds or tithes, mode of levying, iv. 36
et seq.
Temporalities of the Church, dissensions
regarding them, iv. 189.
Terregles, flight of Mary to, v. 115.
Test Act of 1681, the, vii. 533 — re-en-
acted, 558.
Teutonic and Celtic races, division be-
tween, iii. 96.
648
INDEX.
Teviotdale, restored to Scotland, iii. 47.
Thanage and Thane, what, ii. 132.
Theft, ancient laws regfarding, ii. 145.
Theobalds, James VI. at, vi. 156 et seq.
Theodosius, deliverance of London by, i. 45.
Thermes, De, capture of Bronghty Castle
by, iii. 4S8.
*' Thirds of benefices," the appropriation
of, iv. 193 — Act regarding, v. 5t>.
Thirlestane, Lord Chancellor, vi. 27.
Thirty Years' War, Scots soldiers engaged
in it, vii. 4 et seq.
Thomas of Ercildonn, iv. 119.
Thomas, cousin of Buchanan, v. 470, 480,
Tbor, Norse legends connected with, i.
240, 241.
Thorstein Olaveson, a Norse leader, i. 354.
Thralls, ancient laws regarding, ii. 152.
Throckmorton, interviews with.Queen Mary
in France, iv. 167 — ambassador to her,
197 — his reception, 268 — character
of Bothwell, 325 — reference to the casket
letters, 437, 453 — on the policy of Mur-
ray, V, 8, note — Murray's account to
him of the interview at Lochleven, 10 —
his account of the reception of the
French ambassador, 10 — and of the non-
probability of French intervention, 18
et seq. — his instructions, 21^iis difficul-
ties, 23- — refused access to Mary, 24—
fresh instructions, 27 — on the danger of
English interference, 31 ei seq.- — on the
schemes of the Hamiltons, i/i. ei seq. —
conversation with TuUibardtne, 32 —
and with Lethington, 33 — appeals
regarding Queen Mary's dangei", 34
— alarmed for her own safety, 35 — his
withdrawal urged, 36— interviews with
Murray, 37 et seq. — announcement of
Murray's policy, 41 el. seq. — result of
his negotiations with the Hamiltons,
42 et seq. — his recall, 43 — Murray's
answer as to proceedings in the event
of Bothwell's capture, 44 — his last in-
terview with tiie confederates, 45 —
on Murray's administration, 92 — on
the queen's refusal to be divorced from
Bothwell, 100, 101, note— report on the
Hamiltons, 109, note.
Thule of Tacitus, i. IS.
Thumbkin, the torture of the, vii. 454.
Tichburne, Alderman, vii. 307.
Tippermuir, battle of, vii. 185.
Tithes, origin of, in Scotland, ii. 31.
Tithes in kind, the, in Scotland, vi. 360 —
their commutation, 363 et seq.
" Titulars of the teinds," the, vi. 360.
Tixall, removal of Mary to, vi. 14.
Todd, Dr, his Life of St Patrick, i. 73—
on the co-arb, 258, note.
Toleration, denounced by the Presby-
terians, vii. 324.
Tomasi, Cardinal, ii. 74.
Tonsure, dispute regarding the, i. 300.
Torfin, first wife of Malcolm Canmore, i.
379.
Tor)ihichen, one of the favourites of James
III., executed, iii. 185.
Torture, employment of, against the
Covenanters, vii. 454.
Torwood, the, ancient remains in, i. 105.
Toshachs, a class of northern chiefs, ii. 133,
Touraine, the dukedom of, conferred on a
Douglas, iii. 130.
Towie Castle, the tragedy of, v. 306.
Trade, state of, to the Reformation, iv.
153— under Cromwell, vii. 312.
Trading communities^ their privileges, ii.
177.
Trandson, Anna, claims Bothwell as her
husband, iv. 456.
Tranent, Roman remains near, i. 57 —
Queen Mary at, iv. 355.
Traquaii', the Earl of, procures Balmeri-
noch's pardon, vi. 385— attacked by the
mob, 462 — proposals to the supplicants,
470— mission to the king, 477— commis-
sioner to the Assembly, vii. 70 — his in-
structions, 74^at the Ripon conference,
119 — excepteii from indemnityj 139.
Trent, the Council of, iv. 42.
Trespass, the laws of, iv. 103.
Trinkets and ornaments, ancient, i. 129.
Triremes of the ancients, the, i, 347.
Trivet, the Chronicle of, iv. 122.
'' Trot of Turriff," the, vii. 38.
Tucker, T., his report on excise, &c., vii.
311 et seq.
Tudor architecture, wanting in Scotland,
iv. 146 et seq.
Tulchan bishops, the, v. 320,
TuUibardine, the Laird of, iv. 403, 413—
conversation regarding the Hamiltons,
v, 31 et seq.
Tumuli, remains, &c., in, i. 1-35, note.
Turnherry Castle, attempt of Bruce on,
ii. 302.
Target's Life of St Margaret, i. 415— con-
secrated Bishop of St Andrews, ii. 35 —
his death, 37.
Turner, Sir James, on the atrocities of
the Irish, vii. 155 — exactions, &c.,
against the Covenanters, 447 — captured
by them, 419.
Turrifif, Montrose checks the Gordons at,
vii. 27 — dispersion of the Covenanters
at, 38.
Turston, Archbishop of York, ii. 6b, 5Q.
Tutbury, Mary at, vi. 10, 11.
Tutor of Bunby, the, his murder, iii. 137.
Tweed, early bridge over the, ii. 179 and
note — passage of it by the Covenanters,
vii. 106.
Twenge, Sir Marmaduke de, at the battle
of Stirling, ii. 293 — Bruce's courtesy
to, 387.
Twis«i, Dr, President of the Westminster
Assembly, vii. 202.
' Twopenny Faith,' the, iv. 45 and note.
Tylney, Emery, account of Wishart by,
iii. 454, note.
Tyndrum, defeat of Bruce at, ii. 362, 365.
Tyne, Roman bridge over the,i. 23 — its pas.
sage forced by the Covenanters, vii. 107.
Tynedale, terms under which held by the
Scots king, ii. 79,
INDEX.
649
Tyrie, James, a Popish ag'eiit, vi. 60, 270.
Tytler, P. F., his views as to Queea Mary,
V. 201, note.
Ulster, migrations of the Highlanders into,
vi. 295 et set}. — plantation, 351.
Umfravile, Gilbert d', ii. 221 — lands in
Scotland claimed by, iii. 8.
Union of England and Scotland, the pro-
ject for, in the time of James VI., vi,
192 et seq. — appointment of commis-
sioners, 194 — the arguments against it,
196 et seq. —the project dropped, 200
— steps toward, under Cromwell, vii.
307 et seq. — commissions for, after the
Restoration, 467.
Universities or burghal communities, the,
ii. 257 — the Scottish, iv. 109 — specialties
of them, 111 — modelled on those of
Finance, llS^their privileges and ex-
emptions, 114 — their influence, 115 —
Knox's warning regarding them, v.
316.
University, the original conception of it,
iv. 110, 111 et seq.
Upsala, meeting of James VI. and his
bride at, vi. 41.
Urns, burial, found in Scotland, i. 116 —
their era, 119.
Urry or Hurry, General, defeated by
Montrose, vii. 191, 192.
Uttoxeter, the treaty of, vii. 240.
Valence, Aymer de, ii. 355.
Valentia, the province of, i. 45 — alleged
birth of St Patrick in, 72.
Valhalla or Wtelheal of the Norsemen,
the, i. 235.
Vane, Sir Harry, account of the affair with
Lord Holland by, vii. 61 — a member of
the Westminster Assembly, 212.
Vane, the younger, one of the Union
commissioners, vii. 307.
Vans, John, schoolmaster of Aberdeen,
iv. 108.
Vauban system of fortification, the, v. 372.
Vecturions, a "branch of the Picts, i. 44.
Veneti, the ships of the, i. 348, note.
Vernay, Sir Edward, vii. 64.
Verneuil, extermination of the Scots mer-
cenaries at, iii. 108.
Vesci, William de, a claimant of the Scots
crown, ii. 210 — his grounds, 213.
Vienna, John de, force sent into Scotland
under, and Froi^sart's history of it, iii.
51 et 56^.— invades England, 52 et seq.
—treatment of his troops, 54 et seq.
Viking, origin of the name, i. 337.
Vikings, the, their conflicts with the Picts,
i. 313. See Norsemen.
Villemore, promoted by Mary of Lorraine,
iv. 3.
Villeroy, M., French ambassador, v. 15. _
Vindobala, supposed modern name of, i.
17, note.
Vitres or Veteres, identified with Odin,
i. 232, note.
Vitrified forts of Scotland, the, i. 94.
VOL. VII.
Vopiscus, references to the Druids by, i.
222, 223.
Vortigern, traditional history of, i. 174.
Wcelheal of the Norsemen, i. 235.
Wager of battle, law of, ii. 145 et seq.
Wake_, Thomas, Lord, iii. 5,
Wales, sculptured stone found in, i. 167,
note — the Britons shut up in, 183 —
Britons from Strathclyde in, 310.
Wall, the Roman, see Romans.
Wallace, first appearance of, ii. 277 — his
probable origin, &c., 278 — the traditions
regarding him, 279 and note— his abili-
ties, 280 — native and English characters
of him, 282— first collision with the
English, 283— attack on Ormsby, 284—
measures to resist the English, 290- —
battle of Stirling, 291 et seq. — his
organisation of the country, 294 et seq.—
communications to LUbeck and Ham-
burg, 296— invasion of England, 297—
his conduct during it, 298 — guardian of
the kingdom, 299— his difficulties, 300
—invasion by Edward, 301— battle of
Falkirk, 303 — his disappearance from
public life, 304 — traces of visit to France,
305 — said to have commanded at Roslin,
325 — excepted from mercy, 333 — his
movements, &c., 334 — captured, 335 —
bis trial and execution, 336 et seq. —
effects of his death, 338.
Wallace or Fian Adam, executed for
heresy, iv. 18.
Wallace, Colonel, heads the Covenanters
at Rullion Green, vii. 450.
Walsingham, the Chronicle of, iv. 122.
Walsingham, ambassador after Rnthven's
fall, V. 481 — his plot to entrap Queen
Mary, vi. 13 et seq. — his letter counselling
her secret assassination, 21.
Walters, Lucy, the mother of Monmouth,
vii. 552.
Waltheof , Earl of Northumberland, ii. 43.
Wanlockhead, lead early worked in, iv. 156.
Wardlaw, Cardinal, iii. 46.
Warrenne, Earl of Surrey, Guardian of
Scotland, ii. 277 — measures against
Wallace, 286— his defeat at Stirling,
290 et seq.— his flight, 293.
Wars of the Roses, the, their effect, iii. 149.
Warwick, the Earl of, at Pinkie, iii. 479 —
one of the Council on the casket letters,
V. 201.
Wat, John, vi. 85.
Watling Street, its course, i. 22.
Watson, William, his conduct regarding the
Gowrie Conspiracy, vi. 119 — discussion
with the king on it, 120.
Wattles, the early churches, &c., built of,
i. 265.
Wealth, indications of, before the great
war, ii. 197.
Weapons, ancient, i. 125.
Wedderburn, the Laird of, the murder of
De la Bastie by, iii. 263.
Wedderburn, Bishop of Dunblane, letter
from Laud to him,vi. 420, 423, 433, notes.
2 z
6so
INDEX.
Wedderburns, the, their book of Godly
Songs, &c., V. 85 et seq.
Weonis, John, vii. 71, 337.
Weems or earth -ho uses, i. 107 d seq.
Weights and measures, regulation of, iii.
110.
Weird, origin of the word, i. 239.
Welch, John, tried as one of the leaders of
the High Presbyterian party, vi. 233.
Welch, John, vii. 337— joins the Covenant-
ers, 519 — his character and previous
life, 520 et seq.
Weldon, Sir Anthony, account of pageant
before James VI. by, vi. 153 — sketch of
the king by him, 162 — account of him,
165, note — his "^ Perfect Description of
Scotland,' 187.
Welsh chronicles, notices of Strathclyde
in the, i. 309 — romances, 178.
Wemyss, Lord, vi. 445.
Werk Castle, captured by James IV., iii.
242 — repulse of Albany before, 281.
West Kilpatrick, termination of the wall
of Antonine near, i. 29.
Western Isles, their social condition under
James VI., vi. 300, note — attempts at
their plantation, 308.
Westminster Assembly, the, vii. 199 — its
constitution, 200 et seq. — the members
and Scots commissioners, 202 — dis-
cussion on the Covenant, 208 et seq. —
views of the Pi-esbyterians, 209 — and of
the Parliament, 210 — the Independents,
211 — -the Erastiaas, 212 — influence of
the Scots commissioners, 213 — discus-
sion on lay eldership, 214 — opposition
of Parliament, 216 — the Directory for
Public Worship, 217 ef seq. — the Parlia-
mentary queries, 219 — the metrical
Psalms, 224 et seq. — the Confession of
Faith and Catechisms, 227.
Westminster Hall, trial of Wallace in, ii.
336.
Westmoreland, Lord, joined to the Coun-
cil on the casket letters, v. 201 — shel-
tered by the Borderers, 247.
Westmoreland, ravaged by the Scots under
Wallace, ii. 296, 297.
Wex, Car], on the Taus of Tacitus, i. 4,
note—correction of the "Grampius" of
Tacitus by, 16, note.
Wharton, Sir T. , opposes invasion of
Scotland, iii. 404 — conference with the
Laii-d of Buccleuch, 438 — his account of
the surrender of Caerlaverock, 447 —
raid under, 483— on the gold of Scot-
land, iv. 156.
Wharton, account of Laud's Liturgy by,
vi. 421, note.
Whig, first use of the term, vii. 243.
' * Whigamores' Raid," the, vii. 243,
White, N.,characterofMary b}'-, V. 127,128.
White Gaterthun, the hill-fort of, i. 92.
Whitekirk, church of, iii. 34.
Whitelaw, captain of the Castle of Dun-
bar, iv, 402.
Whitelocke, a member of the Westminster
Assembly, vii. 212.
Whithorn, church at, i. 40.
Wicker-work ornamentation on the sculp-
tured stones, the, i. 163 and note.
Wigtown martyrs, the, vii. 547 et seq.
William the Conqueror, his efforts to sub-
duo Northumbria, i. 406 — transactions
with Scotland, 407 et seq.— his forest
laws, ii. 51.
William the Lion, his accession, ii. 65 —
his supposed armorial bearings, lb. and
note— invades England, 66 — taken pri-
soner, 67— treatyof Falaise, 68 — released
from it by Richard L, 71 — ecclesiastical
disputes, 74 et seq. — founds the Abbey of
Arbroath, 76 — his death, 77 — the laws of,
127, 128, 149, 193— claims to the crown
through descent from him, 213 — early
charter of, 172, 238, note.
William Rufus, war between him and
Malcolm Canmore, i. 410, 411.
William of Orange, refugees at his Court,
vii. 563 — his landing, 576.
William Lord Douglas, iii. 22.
William of Malmsbury, the Chronicle of,
iv. 122.
Williams, Archbishop, Laud promoted by,
vi. 340.
Willock the Reformer, iv. 49 — present at
the deathbed of the queen-mother, 88.
Wilson on the burghs of Scotland, i. 103,
note — account of the attempts to deter-
mine race, 123, note — character of his
work, 138.
Wilson, Margaret, one of the Wigtown
martyrs, vii. 547.
Wilson, Patrick, one of the murderers of
Darnley, iv. 343— excepted from truce
of 1572, V. 311.
Wilson, Sir Thomas, conversation with
Leslie on Mary's guilt, v. 337 note, 352.
Wimund, a pretended Maormor of Ross,
ii. 60.
Wine, consumption of, in the Western
Isles, vi. 300, note.
'' Winged Camp," supposed site of the, i.
63.
Wingfield, Queen- Mary at, vi. 11.
Winram, present at the last conference
between Knox and Lethington, v. 289,
295^presides at inauguration of Doug-
las as Archbishop of St Andrews, 313.
Winram, George, commissioner to West-
minster Assembly, vii. 202.
Wintoun, tradition regarding Macbeth
from, i. 377.
Winzet or Winyet, Ninian, iv. 108, 109,
note, vi. 270.
Wishart, Bishop of Glasgow, surrenders
to Edward I., ii. 332 — a member of the
Scots Council, 339 and note — imprisoned
by Edward I., 358— his repeated changes
of side, 375, note — building of Glasgow
Cathedral under, iv. 144.
Wishart, George, account of, iii. 454—
his arrest and trial, 457 et seq. — his mar-
tyrdom, 460— his complicity in the in-
tended murder of Beaton, 461 ef seq.
Wishart, his Life of Montrose, vii. 198.
INDEX.
651
Witchcraft, first Scots Act against, iv. 223
— first delations for, v. 50 — the belief
in, vii. 379 et seg. — the trials for it, 380.
Wodrow, his account of the interview be-
tween the Assembly's commissioners
and Montrose, vii. 258— of Strachan, 295
— of George Gillespie, 337, note— char-
acter of Robert Douglas by him, 405,
note — bis account of the Highland host,
471, 472 — on the murder of Sharp, 503
— on the Quakers, 564 — his * Sufferings of
the Church,' and ' Analecta,' 570, note.
Wogan, Captain, his death, vii. 331.
Wolf of Badenoch, the, iii. 97 ef seq.
Wolsey^ Cardinal, on the feud between
Angus and Arran, iii. 266, note— de-
maud for breach with France, 269, note
- accountof Albany's invasion, 273, note
— his efforts to withdraw Scotland from
France, 279 and note— his State papers,
280,note — letter to Queen Margaret from,
284 — his object to sever Scotland from
France, 2S5 — proposal for marriage of
James V. to Princess Mary, ib. — his
attempts to secure Beaton, 288 et seq. —
anxiety for the " erection " of the Scots
king, 297 — measures to bring it about,
298 — his satisfaction on its success, 301
— determination to break the French
alliance, 302 — his emissaries to Scotland,
304 — letter regarding these, ib. — their
communications to him, 306 et seq. — his
anxiety regarding the French influence,
309.
Women, influence of, in the early Irish
Church, i. 267 et. seq. — their succession
under the feudal system, ii. 45.
Wood, Sir Andrew, after the death of
James III,, iii. 195, note — his naval ex-
ploits, 234.
Wood, John, Murray's agent at the Eng-
lish Court, V. 144 — at the accusation of
the queen, 196 and note.
Wood, Patrick, stores imported for Charles
I. by, vi. 492.
AVood, early use of, for architecturCj ii.
181, 182.
Woodhouselee, Hamilton of Bothwell-
haugh's connection with, v. 236 and note.
Worcester, Lord, joined to the Council on
the casket letters, v. 201.
Workington, landing of Queen Mary at, v.
116.
Wossemarraut, pleadings of, in favour of
the Count of Holland, ii. 237.
Wotton, Edward (afterwards Lord), sent
to Scotland to negotiate league, v. 499
et seq. — measures for displacing Arran,
502 — his difficulties and danger, 508 —
his flight, 509.
Wriothesly, Sir Thomas, iii. 343, note.
Wyntoun, name given the Grampians by,
i. 15, note— extracts from, ii. 197, note
— his account of Bruce's appearance
before Edward, 209, note— on the clan-
combat at Perth, iii. 73, note — his Chro-
nicle, iv. 123.
Xiphilinos, the abridger of Dion Cassius,
i. 34.
Yaxley, an emissary of Queen Mary's, iv.
266.
Tester, Lord, one of the queen's party, v.
118, note.
York, the Archbishop of, consecration of
the Bishop of St Andrews by, ii. 36 —
and again, 39 — claims jurisdiction in
Scotland, 73 — struggles with Canter-
bury, 74 — marries Alexander IIL to the
Princess Margaret, 97.
York, Duke of, see James II.
York, rleath of Severus at, i. 38 — castles
built by the Conqueror at, 406 — their
capture, 407 — meeting of the commis-
sion on Queen Mary at, v. 164 — the
commission moved to London, 185 — the
Council of the Peers at, 1640, vii. 116,
120, note.
Young, Peter, one of the ecclesiastical
censors of the press, v. 52— one of the
tutors to James VI., 386, 387— one of the
Octavians, vi. 70.
Yule festival, its origin, i. 234.
Zend Avesta, attempts to derive the Worse
mythology from the, i. 244.
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"As cavalry officer, hunting horseman, coach proprietor, whip, and steeplechase-rider, flie
author has had long and various experience in the management of horses, and he now gives us
the cream of his infonuatiou." — Athcncevm.
" He propounds no theories, but embodies in simple unteclmical language what lie has learned
practically." — Sporting Gazette.
OUR DOMESTICATED DO&S.
Their Treatment in Reference to Food, Diseases, Habits, Punish-
ment, Accomplishments, &c. By the Author of 'The Handy Horse-
Book.' 2s. 6d., bound in gilt cloth.
"How frequently do we hear ladies complain that just when their favourites come to know and
love them, 'they are sure to die.' If instead of constantly cramming them with unwholesome
food, they would follow the directions given in the pages before us, not only would the mortality
be less, but the appearance and even the dispositions of their pets would be marvellously im-
proved."— Land and Water.
THE HAIDT BOOK OF BEES;
A Practical Treatise on their Profitable Managemekt. By A.
PETTIGREW. With Engravings, 4s. 6d.
M nTRODTJCTORT TEXT -BOOK OF ZOOLO&T,
For the Use op Schools. Bt H. ALLEYNE NICHOLSON, M.D., D.Sc,
F.R.S.E., F.G.S., Lecturer on Natural History, and Vice-President of tlie
Geological Society of Edinburgh. In crown octavo, with numerous Engrav-
ings. In the Press.
THE BOOK OF THE FARM.
By HENRY STEPHENS, F.R.S.E. A New Edition, in Two Volumes large
octavo, with numerous Engravings. In the Press.
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