Skip to main content

Full text of "Cuddapah"

See other formats

\ ! 

























■ F 

• .' 


" 1 

: »mmmm.MW!m^!»^\av^^^ 




A. C. Rarraud & Co. (Late A. J. Combridge & Co.), Madras. 

R. Cambray & Co., Calcutta. 

E. M. GoPALAKRlSHNA KoNE, PudumaiUapam, Madura. 

HiGGi.NBOTHAMS (Ltd.), MouDt Road, Madras. 

V. Kalvanarama Iyer & Co., Esplanade, Madras. 


S. MURTHY & Co., Madras. 

G. A. Natesan & Co., Madras. 

The Superintendent, Nazair Kanun Hinu Press, .Mlahabad. 

P. R. Rama Iyar & Co., Madras. 

D. B. Taraporevala Sons & Co., Bombay. 

Thacker & Co. (Ltd.), Bombay. 

Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta. 

S. Vas & Co., Madras. 


B. H. BlaCkwell, so and 51, Broad Street, O.xford. 

Constable & Co., 10, Orange Street, Leicester Square, London, W.C. 

Deighton, Bell & Co. (Ltd.), Cambridge. 

T. Fisher Unwin (Ltd.), i, Adelplii Terrace, London, W.C. 

Grindlav & Co., 54, Parliament Street, London, S.W. 

Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. (Ltd.), 68—74, Carter Lane, Londc 

E.C. and 25, Museum Street, London, W.C. 
Henry S. King & Co. , 65, Cornhill, London, E.C. 

P. S. King & Son, 2 and 4, Great Smith Street, Westminster, London, S.W. 
Luzac & Co., 46, Great Russell Street, London, W.C. 
B. QuARiTCH, II, Grafton Street, New Bond Street, London, W. 
W. Thacker & Co., 2, Creed Lane, London, E.C. 


ErnkST Leroux, iS, Rue Bonaparte, Paris. 
Maktinus Nijhoff, The Hague, Holland. 





Hallappa bhuvi) r :^^ %" /i , 
l^J 'V-U;! t NalUmalai ffifii 






Law & Oriental Booksellers 
and Publishers, 








The villages of Idupulapaya, Chilakampalle and Marella- 
madaka mentioned on pages 163, 214 and 217 of this volume 
were transferred from the Pulivendla to the RayachOti taluk 
under Notification No. 329, dated 13th May 1914, published on 
page 931 of Part I of the Fort St. George Gazette, dated 23rd 
June 1914. 



A " Manual " of the Cuddapah district, as then consti- 
tuted, was compiled by the late Mr. J. D. B. Gribble, I.C.S.. 
in 1875. The present gazetteer is prepared on different 
lines, and exigencies of form and matter have necessitated 
the omission of much that is still of interest in the old 
manual, which has thus not been revised so much as jjartially 
replaced. Statistics are under the present system relegated 
as far as possible to a separate volume of Appendices, which 
it is proposed to revise decennially, after every census. 

Where so many have assisted me in the collection of 
material for this book it would be invidious to name a few. 
My thanks are due to them all, officials and others, for their 
prompt replies to my demands for information of all kinds, 
without which I could ne\er have completed the work while 
engaged in the resettlement of another district. 

Settlement Office, 

Chittook, C. F. brag ken bury. 

October /, 1^14. 



Chapter page 

I. Physical Description ... ... ... . i — 23 

II. Political History ..." ... ... . 24 51 

III. The People ... 52 — 71 

IV. Agriculture AND Irrigation ... ... ... 72 91 

V. Forests ... ... ... ... ... .. _ 92 — 107 

VI. Occupation AND Trade ... ... ., 108— 117 

VII. Means of Communication ... ... . uS — 124 

VIII. Rainfall AND Seasons ... ... ... ... 125 — 138 

IX. Public Health ... 139 — 142 

X. Education ... 143 — 14^ 

XI. Land Revenue Administration ... ... 146 — 160 

XII. Salt, Abkari and Miscellaneous Revenue ... 161 — 165 

XIII. Administration OF Justice ... ... ... ... 166 — 173 

XIV. Local Self-Government ... ... ... ... 174 — 176 

XV. Gazetteer — ... ... ... ... ... ... 177^ — 247 

Cuddapah taluk ... ... ... ij7 

Jammalamadugu taluk ... ... ... ... ... 187 

Proddatur taluk ... ... ... ... ... ... ig6 

Kamalapuram taluk ... ... ... ... ... 204 

Pulivendla taluk ... ... ... .. . 20S 

Rayachoti taluk ... ... ... . ... ... 217 

Badvel taluk ... ... ... ... ... .. 225 

Sidhout taluk .. ... ... ... ... ... 234 

Pullampet taluk ... ... ... ... ... ... 240 

Index 249 




General — Natural divisions— Rivers — The western division — 
The southern division — The eastern division Soils. 
Climax e — Rainfall — Temperature — Humidity — Winds. 
Geology— Two distinct rock areas — Of crystalline rocks — 
Of stratified rocks — Concealed by recent deposits — Upland 
rugged with scattered hill masses — Low C( untry of hill- 
divided plains — Granitoid gneiss — Granite veins — Trap 
dykes — Brecciated quartz reefs — Sub-metaniorphic series 
of Cuddapah and Kuinool — Cuddapah formation — In 
south-east taluks — Cheyyer group — Cheyyers in the 
Pulivendla taluk, volcanic — P^paghni group, oldest — Fault- 
ing near Cuddapah— Warm sj rings— Nallamalai group — 
Metalliferous — Cuddapah town on rocks of the Kuinool 
formation — Kunder series of limestones — Narji beds — 
Banganapalle group of quartzites — Alluvium, soils, etc. — 
Implement gravels — Blown sands of Penner — Industrial 
products — Diamonds — Iron ore — Lead ore — Copper — 
Building materials — Limestones — Lime — Slates — Sand- 
stones, etc Gneiss, etc. FLORn, Fauna — Cattle — Buffaloes, 

Sheep and Goats — Game — Quadrumana ... ... ... 1-23 


Introductory — Prehistoric remains — The Deccan politically 
isolated in earliest historical times — Earliest known 
dynasties— The Banas— The Rashtrakutas— The Vaidum- 
bas — R'se of the C'holas — The eastern division of the 
district— The Telugu Chodas— The Kakatiyas of Waran- 
gal — First Muhammadan invasion — The Vijayanagar 
Empire -Rise of the Poligars — The Matla princes— 1 he 
Nawabs of Cuddapah— Haidar AH of Mysore— Transfer of 
Cuddapah to the British— The work of Munro— The Poligars 
and their reduction — Conclusion ... ... ... •■• 24-51 





The Census — Density and growth of the population — Deficiency 
of females — Language — Education — Occupations — Reli- 
gions. The Christians — The Roman Catholic Mission 
— The London Mission — The S.P.G. Mission — The 
Lutheran Mission. The Musalmans — Their relaticns 
with Hindus. The Hindus — Villages — Houses — Dress — 
Food — Amusements. Religious Life — The Village Deities 
— PecuHar religious practices and superstitions. Social 
Life — The more numerous castes — Tribes — Beggars ... 52-71 



Introductory. Wet Cultivation — Paddy — Ragi — Sugarcane — 
Garden crops. Dry Cultivation — The guntaka or 
scuflRe — The gorru or drill — Weeding — Practices peculiar 
to the " black cotton " country — The pedda madaka or big 
plough — Harvesting — Cattle food — Modern changes. Irri- 
gation — General — River channels — Tanks — Wells. Irri- 
gation Works — The Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal — The 
Chapad and Maidukuru Projects — The Sagiler Project. 
Economic Condition of Agriculturists — Indebtedness 
of the ryot ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 72-91 



Forests — Their situation and area — Administration. Char- 
acter OF THE Forests — The Redsanders tree — Its uses — 
Summary. Conservancy — Prior to the Madras Forest Act 
of 1882 — Subsequent operations. Recent Working 
Plans — Fuel — Timber. Work in Progress — Fiiel opera- 
tions — Timber operations — Sandal sowing — Minor forest 
produce — Grazing and goat browsing — Forest offences 
— Fire Protection — Stream bunding — Cart tracks and bridle 
paths — Demarcation — Planting and sowing ... ... 92-107 



Agriculture. Arts and Industries — Textile — Condition of 
weavers —Cotton-weaving— Silk-weaving — Blankets and 
rugs — Cotton-printing and dyeing — Shoe-making — Wood — 



Metal — Stone — Other occupations. Factories. Trade — 
Exports — Imports. Weights and Measures — Table of 
weight — Grain measures — Liquid measures — Lineal mea- 
sures — Measures of time ... ,., ... ... ... 1 08-1 17 


Roads — In 1854 — Extension during famines — Present adminis- 
tration — Avenues — Travellers' bungalows and choultries. 
The Canal. Railways — Projected lines — Accidents ... 1 18-124 



Rainfall — Liability to famine. Early Scarcities. The Great 
Famine OF 1876 — 78 — Series of bad seasons — Beginnings 
of distress in July 1876 — Relief works opened in Septem- 
ber — Prices suddenly rise in October — December 1876 ; 
serious famine — Deputation of Sir Richard Temple — His 
views in regard to Cuddapah — Distress increases in 1877 — 
June to August 1877 — Rainfalls in September — The cost 
of the famine. Scarcities subsequent to the Great 
Famine. The famine of 1891-92 — The famine of 1896-97. 
Floods — In the first quarter of the 19th century — Great 
Storm of 185 1 — Excessive rains in 1874 — The floods 
in 1903 ••• 125-138 


General Health — Plague — Cholera — Small-pox — Malaria — 
Infirmities — Vaccination. Medical Institutions — Public 
— Private ... ... 139-142 


Census Statistics— Progress since 1901 — Education according 
to religions. Educational Institutions — High schools — 
Lower Secondary schools — Education by the missions ... 145-145 





Revenue History — -Under Vijayanagar — In the 17th century 
under the Muhammadans — In the iSth century — The village 
settlement of 1800-01 — Ryotwari settlement of 1801-02 — 
Triennial leases proposed — Munro's views thereon — He 
proposes to reduce the existing ryotwari rates — Early opera- 
tions of the Settlement Department. The Re-s"ettle- 
MENT — Mr. Moir's reports — Dry lands — Wet lands — The 
Subdivision — Dasabandham wells — Financial results. 
Existing Divisional Charges ... ... ... ... 146-160 


Salt — Former sources of supply — Earth salt ; method of manu- 
facture — Its interference with monopoly salt — Its manu- 
facture suppressed. Present sources of supply. Abkari — 
Arrack — Foreign liquors — Toddy — Opium and hemp drugs 
— The preventive force. Income-tax. Stamps ... ... 161-165 



Civil Justice — Village Munsifs — District Munsifs — The District 
Court — Litigation rare — Registration. Criminal Justice — 
Crime — Police — Jails — Some sensational crimes ... ... 166-173 


The Local Boards — Their constitution — The Unions — Receipts 
of the Boards — Their expenditure. Municipal Govern- 
ment ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 174-176 



CuDDAPAH Taluk — Cuddapah — Chennur — Vallur — Pushpagiri 
— Pendlimarri — Chinnadasaripalle — Chintakommadinne — 
Khajipeta-sunkesula — Nandimandalam. Jammalamadugu 
Taluk — J a m m a lam adugu — Peddamudiyam — Kodur — 
Gandikota — Gandiur — Tallaproddatur — Yetur — Muddanur. 
Proddatur Taluk — ProddatOr — Duvvur — Vanipenta — 



Kamanur — RamSswaram — K o r r a p a d — Settivaripalle — 
Mudireddipalle. Kamat.apuram Taluk — Kamalapuram — 
Palagiri — U p p a 1 u r — Animela — Nidujuvvi — Yerraguntla. 
PuLivENDLA Taluk — Vempalle — Pulivendla — Parnapalle — 
Vemula — Chilekampalle — Balapanur — Yerrabala — Siniha- 
dripuram — PeddakOdala — Marellamadaka. Rayachoti 
Taluk — Rayachoti — Tsundupalle — Lakkireddipalle — Gali- 
vadu — Nulivedu — Sanipaya — V I r a b a 1 1 i— Vangimalla — 
Gadikota — Matli — Chinnamandem. Badvel Taluk — 
Badvel — P o r u m a m i 1 1 a — Sankhavaram — Kalasapad — 
Kottakcta — Munelli — Palugurallapalle. Sidhout Taluk — 
Siddhavattam — Vontimitta - Madhavaram — Kuruguntapalle 
— Kotapod — Obulam — Kondur — Yappirala — Gangaperur. 
Pullampet T a l u k — Rajampet — Pullampet — Chitvel 
— Pottapi — Kodur— Settigunta — Nandalur — Pedda Oram- 
pad — Chinna Orampad — Penagalur — Tangatur ... 177-247 






General — Natural divisions — Rivers — The western division — The 
southern division — The eastern division. Soils. Climate — 
Rainfall — Temperature — Humidity — Winds. Geology — Two ' 
distinct rock areas — Of crystalline rocks — Of stratified rocks — 
Concealed by recent deposits — Upland rugged with scattered 
hill masses — Low country of hill-divided plains — Granitoid 
gneiss — Granite veins — Trap dykes — Brecciated quartz reefs — 
Sub-metamorphic series of Cuddapah and Kurnool — Cuddapah 
formation — In south-east taluks— Cheyyer group — Cheyyers in 
the Pulivendla taluk, volcanic — Papaghni group, oldest — 
Faulting near Cuddapah — Warm springs — Nallamalai group — 
Metalliferous — Cuddapah town on rocks of the Kurnool forma- 
tion — Kunder series of limestones — Narji beds — IJanganapalle 
group of qnartzites — Alluvium, soils, etc. — ^Implement gravels — 
Blown sands of Penner — Industrial products — Diamonds — 
Iron ore — Lead ore — Copper — Building materials — Limestones 
—Lime — Slates — Sandstones, etc. — Gneiss, etc, Flora, 
Fauna — Cattle— Buffaloes, Sheep and Goats — Game — 

The district of Cuddapah till recently ranked second in CHAP. I. 
point of size among the Collcctorates of the Madras Prcsi- General. 

dency. By the recent retlistribution of districts, which chiefly 

affected the tract comprising the old districts of Cuddapah 
and North Arcot, the former lost three taluks represent- 
ing an extent of 2,839 square miles, nearly 33 per cent, of 
its total area. Of these taluks Kadiri, the largest, was on 



CHAP. I. October I, 1910, incorporated with the adjoining district of 
General. Anantapur on the west, while Madanapalle and Vayalpad 

were absorbed by the new district of Chittoor, which came 

into being on April I, 1911. With this change, so largely 
conducive to administrative convenience, Cuddapah loses 
much of its diversity, though the taluk of Rayachoti still 
serves to point the distinction which marked off the " sub- 
division " from the " main division " of the old district. As 
now constituted the district lies between 13° 43' and 15° 14' N., 
and Tj"^ 51' and ^<^^ 29' E., with an area of 5,884 square miles. 
Each of its sides is bordered by a single district : Kurnool on 
the north, Chittoor on the south, Nellore on the east and 
Anantapur on the west. 

It contains nine taluks which may be said to form 
themselves roughly into three natural divisions, the first of 
which, consisting of Jammalamadugu, Proddatur, Kamala- 
puram, Cuddapah and Pulivendla taluks, adjoins the Kurnool 
and Anantapur districts and contains large areas of black 
cotton soil ; the second comprises Rayachoti taluk on the 
plateau, facing the districts of Anantapur on the west and 
Chittoor on the south ; and the third is made up of the three 
taluks of Badvel, Sidhout and PuUampet, which constitute a 
fairly well defined valley separated from Nellore district by 
the Veligonda hills, and from the rest of Cuddapah on the 
west by a somewhat similar but more broken range extending 
from the spurs of the Nallamalais from Kurnool in the north 
to the Palkonda and Seshachalam range which terminates in 
the south at the famous hill of Tirupati. 
Rivers. The whole of the district drains into one river, the Penner. 

This runs from west to east and passes into Nellore district 
by the gap in the Eastern Ghats at Somasila. Its chief tri- 
butaries from the north are the Kuncler and Sagiler, which 
flow respectively through Proddatur and the taluks of 
Badvel and Sidhout, while from the plateau it receives three 
important streams, the Chitravati furthest west, and the 
Papaghni and Cheyyer, both of which pass through the taluk 
of Rayachoti. All these streams have their original sources 
outside the district. The Chitravati rises near Nandidrug in 
the Mysore State, and for most of its course runs through 
Anantapur district. It joins the Penner in the north-west 
corner of Cuddapah district in the Jammalamadugu taluk. 
The Papaghni also has its source in Mysore and enters 
Rayachoti taluk at a point not far from the trijunction of the 
three districts of Cuddapah, Chittoor and Anantapur. Piercing 
the Palkondas near Vempalle it joins the Penner about 


two miles north-east of Kamalapuram. The Kunder rises in 
Kurnool, and drains the great cotton soil plains which stretch 
between Nandyal in that district and Proddatur in Cuddapah. 
The Sagiler springs from the higher peaks of the Nallamalai 
hills not far from Cumbum in Kurnool district and in Cud- 
dapah flows in a deep channel along a narrow valley. The 
Cheyyer rises within the Chittoor district under the name of 
the Bahudanadi, and after being fed by several smaller 
streams, the principal of which is the Pinchanadi, flows 
through the Seshachalam hills and the rich valley which 
once formed the petty chiefship of Chitvel, and falls into the 
Penner not far from the eastern limit of the district. None of 
these streams is in any sense perennial. They are filled from 
the drainage of bare, rocky country devoid of heavy forests 
and consequently become torrents for a few days and then as 
suddenly dwindle to thin trickles of water flowing through 
wide sandy beds. 

The five taluks of Jammalamadugu, Proddatur, Kamala- 
puram, Cuddapah and Pulivendla form perhaps the least 
picturesque part of the district. The monotonous contour of 
their hills, of insignificant proportions, lends but little distinc- 
tion to the dead level of the intervening plains of black cotton 
soil, while the intractable nature of the rocks and the inces- 
sant depredations of mankind have thwarted the efforts of 
nature to cover their nakedness. A few trees growing round 
village sites, a fringe of stunted babools round some tank-bed, 
and here and there a tope of mango or tamarind trees afford 
the only relief to the eye. To the dull uniformity of the scenery 
there are however some striking exceptions. At Gandikota, 
six miles west of Jammalamadugu, is the great gorge where the 
Penner has cut its way through sheer rugged cliff's of bedded 
sandstone 200 or 300 feet high crowned on the southern bank 
by a picturesque old fortress where Hindu and Musalman held 
successive sway. It is not easy of access, but the interesting 
and extensive remains of the old fort and its enclosures and 
the magnificent view to be had from its battlements or from 
the roof of the old State granary sufficiently repay a visit. 
Scarcely less famous is the passage of the Papaghni through 
the Palkonda range near Vempalle. Here the hills attain a 
height of nearly two thousand feet, and the river takes a 
winding course between towering cliffs till it emerges in the 
plain that stretches towards Cuddapah. The legend runs 
that when the news of Rama's victory over Ravana was 
brought, a triumphal wreath of gold was hung across the 
gorge, and it is said that its semblance, which is only seen 



The western 



The southern 

The eastern 

at the approach of death by those whom the gods love, 
appeared to Sir Thomas Munro on his last journey to 

Separated by the Palkonda range of hills from the northern 
part of the district, at an altitude of from 1,000 to 1,500 feet 
above the plain, is the taluk of Rayachoti, the sole remnant of 
the old " sub-division " of which it has been said that it differs 
so materially in general aspect and character from the " main 
division," that for climate, cultivation and condition, they 
might be in different degrees of latitude. From the foot of 
the Palkondas this taluk forms a gentle upward slope towards 
the south till it culminates in the Mysore plateau, undulating 
so continuously throughout its extent that it would be difficult 
to find in the whole a perfectly level mile of ground. Isolated 
hills and masses of rock stud the country, some of which, 
though they present a rugged and inclement appearance, are 
not devoid of a certain grandeur. The soil is mostly red and 
of a poor quality, having but little depth, and the country 
presents an aspect of dryness and want of vegetation, which 
is but seldom relieved by an adequate and timely rainfall. 

The eastern division of the Cuddapah district, consisting 
of the three taluks of Badvel, Sidhout and PuUampet, form a 
rough parallelogram of about 140 miles from north to south 
with a maximum breadth of 33 miles. In one respect the 
division is unique in that it has natural and well defined 
frontiers throughout except on the north where an irregu- 
lar and artificial line divides it from the Cumbum taluk of 
Kurnool. About fifteen miles north of Renigunta a narrow gap 
in the Tirupati hills near Balapalle leads the railway line into 
the Pullampet taluk. From this point the hills divide. On 
the right the Veligonda range runs in an unbroken line into 
the Kurnool district with a general north-north-west direction 
and separates the division from Nellore. On the left the great 
range of the Seshachalams, a much denser mass of hills of 
which the highest point rises 3,739 feet above sea level, divides 
the Pullampet and Sidhout taluks from the upland. Forcing its 
way through these hills by a narrow pass famous for the beauty 
of its scenery the Cheyyer enters the low country and after 
crossing the railway just south of Nandalur continues east- 
wards as far as Tangatur where it takes a sharp turn and 
proceeds northwards to join the Penner in Sidhout taluk near 
the village of Madhavaram. West of the confluence lies the 
Vontimitta valley formed by confused spurs thrown off by the 
Palkonda range, which soon afterwards turns definitely west- 
wards to form the northern boundary of Rayachoti taluk, 


thus leaving a clear approach to Cuddapah but one of no CHAF. I. 
great breadth, for the march of the hills continues northwards General. 

till they rise abruptly in an imposing and solid mass north 

of the Penner river where they are known as the Lankamalais. 
Some twenty miles north of the river this great range suddenly 
dips nearly to the level of the plain, the road from Proddatur 
to Badvel passing over a low ghat at their base. To the 
north of this two low ridges encircle the Jangamrazupalle 
valley but gradually coalesce and swell into the great north 
and south system of elevations and depressions known as 
the Nallamalais which stretch beyond this district through 
Kurnool to the Kistna. In rough outline therefore these taluks 
form a depression between two hill ranges. This is, however, 
itself broken by minor undulations, some of which have been 
so denuded that mere humps of disintegrated rock now remain, 
while others rise as abrupt hogbacked ridges. Most noticeable 
is the long ridge running from Kalasapad to the Penner 
parallel to the eastern ghats and enclosing a narrow valley 
wherein lie the great tanks of Porumamilla and Badvel. In 
Sidhout taluk this valley is named after its most important 
village, Obulam. Still further south a less elevated and more 
irregular group of hills marks off the historic valley of Chitvel 
from the rest of the Pullampet taluk. 

The soils of the whole district have been regarded by the Soils. 
Settlement Department as falling into the two main series of 
regar and red ferruginous. The presence of a large area of 
black cotton soil has already been mentioned as a predomi- 
nant characteristic of the four taluks that abut on the 
districts of Anantapur and Kurnool. As we go eastwards 
through the taluks of Pulivendla, Kamalapuram and Cudda- 
pah, the black cotton soil disappears and we find the regar 
element less and less conspicuous till in the eastern division 
of the district it represents scarcely a fifth of the assessed 
area, while in the upland taluk of Rayachoti over 90 per cent, 
of the soil is red ferruginous. There are three distinct regions 
in which the black cotton soil is found. It attains its finest 
development to the north of Jammalamadugu and Proddatur, 
where it can sometimes be seen to reach a depth of twenty 
feet, though its maximum depth is probably much greater. 
Towards the Koilkuntla frontier it is also of excellent quality 
but thinner as the underlying rocks keep cropping up to 
the surface. Next comes the wide plain round Yerraguntla 
extending south-west across the Pulivendla frontier. Much 
of the soil here, though of less depth, is scarcely inferior to 
that north of the Penner. Lastly comes the south-western 


CHAP. I. portion of the Jammalamadugu taluk where it abuts on the 
Soils. Tadpatri plain. Here the cotton soils show a fair general 

average of fertility rather than any marked superiority. The 

qualities of this soil are well known. It is very retentive of 
moisture and when wet exceedingly miry and tenacious. In 
the hot weather it crumbles into a fine dust on the top and 
cracks into adamantine blocks beneath, the fissures often 
being of great depth. Theories as to its origin differ, but 
the curious way in which in places it laps round the rocks 
when exposed, penetrating even to little nooks and crevices 
certainly goes to support the view that it is largely an 
aqueous deposit of lacustrine origin. Next in importance are 
the alluvial soils, which vary in texture and colour as the regar 
soil is more or less impregnated with other elements brought 
down by the rivers. As to the origin of other black soils it is 
unnecessary here to particularise. Loams largely predominate 
throughout the tract especially in Cuddapah and Pulivendla, 
where such land when commanded by wells is often very 
valuable. Turning to the red soils, in Jammalamadugu taluk 
they are almost entirely confined to the villages on and about 
the Gandikota range of hills, from the quartzites of which 
they are derived. They are mostly shallow soils and of a poor 
quality. In Proddatur and more especially in the Cuddapah 
taluk the red soils are more important as they often stretch 
for a considerable distance from the foot of the hills into the 
plains where they are not unfrequently beneficially affected by 
the alluvial deposits of the Penner. In the eastern division 
of the district where red soils predominate, the best and worst 
sorts are found. The stretches of good soil are nowhere very 
extensive, but mention may be made of the light red clay 
lands in the neighbourhood of Kottakota in the north of 
Badvel taluk, and there is also a tract of excellent red loam 
in the villages of Vontimitta and Mantapampalle under the 
Palkonda hills. Smaller patches of fair quality are also to be 
found in parts of the Pullampet taluk, notably in the Chitvel 
valley. In Rayachoti taluk, where more than two-thirds of 
the dry area is assessed at 8 annas an acre and less, the vast, 
uneven expanses of coarse red soil often present a harsh and 
monotonous appearance. 
Climate. An observatory, under the control of the Madras Meteoro- 

logical Department, was instituted at Cuddapah in March 1884. 
The station is 433 feet above sea level. The duty of the 
officer in charge of the observatory is simply to observe and 
report his observations, all reductions of which are made at 
the Madras Meteorological office. 


The rainfall of the district is referred to in some detail in CHAP. I. 
a later chapter. The annual average for the district as now Climate. 

constituted is rather more than 27 inches. The least favoured 

taluks are Jammalamadugu and Pulivendla, where the fall is Rainfall, 
only 21 inches. The district does not lie definitely within 
either of the monsoon areas, but depends on a somewhat pre- 
carious supply from either or both quarters, so that the period 
of the main rainfall in any year is largely conjectural, and the 
precipitation is occasionally untimely. 

The fact that Cuddapah is generally regarded as an Xemnera- 
unpleasantly hot place is probably due to the early setting ture. 
in of high temperatures. It is almost always the first station 
in the Presidency to record a maximum shade temperature 
exceeding 100° Fahrenheit, and this is generally before the 
end of February. The average maximum temperatures 
of April and May are I05'2^ and I06'3° respectively. A 
temperature exceeding 114° is occasionally recorded in 
the period from about May l6th to May 28th. The average 
minimum temperatures for these two months are 8o'8^ and 
83*5°. From the second week in June the thermometer drops 
rapidly as the south-west monsoon declares itself, so that the 
maximum and minimum for this month average respectively 
six and three degrees lower than those of May. But though 
Cuddapah is thus unpleasantly hot for about four months, the 
climate is quite tolerable for the rest of the year. The coolest 
days and nights are from the middle of November to the 
middle of January, during the latter half of which period 
night temperatures not unfrequently drop below 59^. The 
maximum temperature reaches its lowest monthly average in 
December, while the lowest average minimum is recorded in 
January. The figures are 86*8^ and 64'4° respectively. It 
should be mentioned that Rayachoti taluk, most of which 
lies at an altitude of about 1,000 feet higher than Cuddapah, 
enjoys a temperature some five degrees cooler than that of the 
low country. 

The annual average percentage of humidity at Cuddapah Humidity, 
is 67*5. The average figures for May and December, which 
are respectively the driest and most humid months of the year, 
are 526 and 77*5. The most rapid transitions are from 
February to March when the air becomes very dry as the hot 
weather sets in, and from May to June when moisture is again 
brought up by the south-west monsoon. 

It is during the south-west monsoon that winds attain their winds, 
highest velocity. They blow from the south-west in July, but 
in August and September when the rainfall is most frequent, 





Two distinci 
rock areas. 

Of crystal- 
line rocks. 

Of stratified 

hy recent 

rugged with 
hill masses. 

the general direction of the wind is from the north-west. It 
veers to north-east during October, when the second monsoon 
is established and lasts for about two months. The average 
wind direction in December is south-east and it remains in 
this quarter till the latter part of the hot weather, when it 
again blows from the west or north-west. 

1 If Cuddapah district were denuded of the superficial 
deposits which so largely foriii the surfaces of its great plains 
and basins, it would be seen to be divisible into two well- 
marked areas of very different kinds of rocks. All that part 
of the country lying to the south and west of the Guvvala- 
cheruvu and Yerraguntlakota hill ranges with their extensions 
northwards to Parnapalle and southwards to the Tirupati hills 
is made up of rocks of the gfieissic series or as it is otherwise 
termed the metamorphic or crystalline scries. The remainder of 
the district, viz., that lying to the eastward of, and including, 
the hill ranges just mentioned, consists of a succession of 
slates, quartzites (altered sandstones, etc.), limestones and 
volcanic rocks with their accompaniments, all of which have 
been classified into two series called the Cuddapah and Kurnool 

At various places all over the district, but mainly in 
the taluks of Pullampet, Sidhout, Cuddapah, Pulivendla, 
Proddatur, and parts of Badvel, the rock series above given 
are concealed by recent deposits, such as cotton soil, river 
alluviums, blown sands, and stone implement gravels. 

The upland, of which the taluk of Rayachoti forms part, is 
characteristic of a country of the peculiar varieties of gneiss 
of which it is composed, being a rugged region broken by 
numerous great rounded hill masses with occasional steep 
faces, or by smaller hillocks and bosses, whose smooth-curved 
slopes and humpy form bear some resemblance to the roches 
moutonnes of the old ice-worn regions of Europe. Indeed, this 
ice-worn look of the country often derives apparent confirma- 
tion from the further occurrence of rounded blocks and odd- 
shaped ''tots" which are left standing here and there over 
the country as though they had been dropped from icebergs, 
or rolled about and smoothed by ice action. There are also 
long wall-like ridges, with white serrated crests, which are 
peculiarly conspicuous, as well as others not so sharply ser- 
rated, which by their dark colour are easily distinguishable 
from the latter, and which occur mostly in the eastern part of 

• The section of this chapter aealing with Geology is reproduced from 
the Cuddapah District Manual (1875) with certain modifications approved by the 
Director of the Geological Survey of India. 


this country. The indented line of fine scarps and head- 
lands on the eastern and northern edge of the Rayachoti and 
Guvvalacheruvu country forms a well-marked hill barrier 
between this upland and the plains. 

Beyond, or to the northward of, this barrier stretches the 
wide plain of Cuddapah itself with its extension into the 
Kunder valley, and the open country of Pulivendla and 
Chintakunta, the latter confined on either side by the Jamma- 
lamadugu and Pulivendla hills, while that of the Kunder is 
shut in on the east by the much larger and more lofty range of 
the Nallamalais. At its southern and eastern sides the 
Cuddapah basin is completely closed in by hills, but the low 
saddle of Kanamalopalle leads to a succession of flat valleys of 
Vontimitta, the Cheyyerand Pullampet south-eastwards in the 
direction of Madras, which are confined on their eastern and 
western sides by lessening groups of hills and ridges. In 
addition to the great Cuddapah plain and these minor basins, 
there is a further series of long but narrow valleys lying to the 
eastward of the Nallamalais and their extension southwards 
in theBadvel and eastern Cheyyer country, which in its turn 
is closed into the east by the long range of the Veligondas, a 
portion of the true eastern ghats, and the boundary between 
this and the Nellore district or coast low-country. 

The physical features of the country having already been 
described, the rocks may be classified as follows : — 

(i) Superficial deposits (alluvium, gravels, soils, etc.), recent 

(2) Kurnools (limestones, quartzites, shales) ^ 

(3) Cuddapahs (slates, quartzites, etc.) ^ 

(4) Crystallines ^gneiss, granites, traps, etc.) I 

Crystalline series. — The gneiss is very granitoid, scarcely 
any foliation or stratification being visible even over wide 
extents of country. This rock might in hand specimens be 
considered a fine-grained granite, for it has the composition of 
that rock; but there is no evidence of its being intrusive, or of 
its having altered other rocks in its vicinity. The general 
character is that of a more or less close-grained grey or pale- 
red compound of quartz and felspar, or a quartzo-felspathic 
gneiss. Locally it may be met within bands containing Jiorn- 
blende and mica, thus giving the greyer and foliated varieties ; 
and a very pretty pink rock may be met with having pale-green 
pistacite distributed through it in grains, or running in 
irregular strings. 

Of the intrusive rocks associated with the gneiss, the 
granite occurs mostly in two forms. The larger veins are of 




Low country 
of hill- 







Trap dykes. 

quartz reefs. 

very coarse texture, often largely crystallised, and generally 
consisting of a white binary granite of quarts and orthoclasc, 
through often containing mica and sometimes pistacite. This 
coarser granite is easily weathered or decomposed, as compared 
with the other rocks; and it is in great part owing to this that 
the harder gneiss traversed by it is often left standing out over 
the country in isolated masses. Besides the larger and more 
marked veins, there are numerous other smaller ones often of 
great length, but generally only a few inches in thickness and 
running in straight lines, of very close-grained white and pale 
flesh-coloured granite. 

Next in importance to the gneiss itself is the enormous 
number and extent of the trap dykes. These are of a very 
compact, nearly black or dark-green green-stote or diorite, 
which is occasionally porphyritic with large crystals of white 
or very pale-green felspar distributed through the hornblende 
paste. Their direction is generally nearly E. — W., but some of 
them run N. — S. or nearly so ; while their inclination is very 
nearly vertical, or at very high angles to east or west. They 
are often traceable for many miles, one to the eastward of 
Rayachoti being 28 or 29 miles long. The east and west 
dykes are not traceable so continuously, but they in a few 
cases run for 20 miles. 

This wonderful network of igneous outburst is most 
intense in the Gurramkonda, Rayachoti and Pller country ; it 
decreases in the number of dykes, though not in their length 
towards Vellore and Arcot. The intrusion did not, however, 
take place all at once, but at long intervals. The E. — W. 
dykes appear to have been first formed ; they were then 
broken and displaced to some extent by side-shifting during 
the filling in of the dykes of the N. — S. system. 

The remaining rocks of any physical importance in the 
upland are the brecciated quartz rocks. These generally con- 
sist of an amorphous quartz much seamed with oxide of iron, 
as also with strings of more compact silicious matter and they 
are mostly of dirty white colour. The rock looks as though 
it had been crushed and broken up and then re-cemented by 
silicious infiltration ; in other words, it is an "infiltration 
breccia " filling up very long fissures of dislocation which are 
striking across the western part of the upland for long dis- 
tances in NW.— SE. lines, forming the backbones as it were 
of many lofty and long hill ridges. These " runs " or reefs 
of quartz breccia are both older and newer than the dykes of 
trap or green-stone, though they are mostly crossed by the 
latter. Indeed, in some cases, they are possibly newer than 



the Ciiddapah formation, for towards Kurnool they run in 
fractures which have affected rocks of that formation, and 
they are possibly contemporaneous with a series of great 
faults which was superinduced on the rocks of the Guvvala- 
cheruvu range to the south-west of Cuddapah. 

Cnddapah and Kurnool formations. — The rocks of the 
Cuddapah low-country are true sedimentary rocks with one 
exception, and show all the ordinary characters of such in a 
very clear manner ; but they have been altered or metamor- 
phosed to some extent in such a way that the original sand- 
stones and conglomerates are now hardened and vitrified as 
quartzites. The shales and clays have been turned into clay 
slates, and in some cases porcellanised, and the limestones 
have been rendered more or less crystalline. This is the 
general character of the rocks ; but it is often found that they 
are all weathered back again into their originally more sedi- 
mentary appearance. The ordinarily compact, flinty, homo- 
geneous quartzites turn out after weathering to be the coarsest 
sandstones or the roughest conglomerates and shingle beds. 
The limestones become earthy and clayey, and the porcel- 
lanous beds are again ordinary soft pipeclay-looking shales. 

The single exception to the usually aqueous character of 
the rocks is the occurrence of great flows of trap associated 
with ash-beds and other volcanic ejecta. 

Cuddapah series. — Enclosing the Cuddapah plain and its 
continuation northwards is the hilly ground with the other 
valleys and basins of the low-country division of the district, 
and all this is made up of either quartzites, slates, limestones, 
or trap rocks. These constitute the much older series called 
the Cnddapah formation, which is divisible into many different 
groups, only some of which occur in the area under descrip- 

Commencing at the southern end of the district near the 
Balapalle bank and cutting of the Madras Railway there are 
very hard splintery, compact, pale-grey, and nearly white 
quartzite beds which belong to the oldest group but one in this 
series called the Chevyer group. It is a series of great thick- 
ness consisting of two divisions, the lowest being conglome- 
rates and sandstones which are very well represented in the 
famous Tirupati hills and on the summit of Nagari Nose in 
North Arcot.' On these quartzites lies the great slate series 
so well represented to the south of Vontimitta, and out of 

' The wonderfully picturesque amphitheatre of clifls and the narrow rift in 
these, called the Pedda Gandhi to the south of Cuddapah, have been cut out in 
the neaily horizontal quartzite beds of the lower division of this group. 


series of 
and Kurnool. 


In south- 
east taluks. 






Cheyyers in 
the Puli- 










which tolerable slates may eventually be got by deeper quarry- 
ing. There are also many bands of limestone (principally 
silicious) among these slates, the best and easiest worked 
being in the neighbourhood of Vontimitta. 

The Cheyyer group is continued westward along the south- 
ern edge of the Cuddapah basin in a very narrow band 
bordering the Guvvalacheruvu hills into the Pulivendla taluk, 
but the character of the series is totally changed, or at any 
rate much modified by the occurrence of great flows of trap 
(diorite) and ash-beds of great thickness, while the bands of 
limestone are less numerous and thinner than in the Cheyyer 
valley. Fine displays of these ash-beds, traps, limestones, etc., 
may be seen in the Chintakunta and Kondapuram hills lying 
to the westward of the line of railwa3^ 

The thin band of the Cheyyer quartzites to the south of 
Cuddapah overlies the strata of the Guvvalacheruvu hills, 
which are here all quartzites, and form the lowest group or 
the Papaghni beds. These extend westward for some miles, 
and thence northwards all the way to Kurnool,' forming the 
cliffy scraps overlooking the Bellary district, and often run- 
ning up into peaks of considerable height. 

The Guvvalacheruvu hills ^ between the Cuddapah- 
Guvvalacheruvu road and the Papaghni are rather curiously 
cut up and broken by a series of stepped /<^/</^.s running in a 
nearly E. — W. direction, by which a long patch of the crystal- 
line rocks of the upland has been left inside the area of 

The warm springs of the Buggavanka to the south of Cudda- 
pah, and those of Putaleshwar a few miles further west, are 
probably connected with this system of faults. 

A further and higher set of quartzites overlies the Cheyyer 
beds of the Pulivendla valley, viz., those of the Jammala- 
madugu hills, through which the grand gorge of the Penner 
at Gandikota has been cut. These belong to, and are the 
lowest beds of, the Nallamalai group, but their continuity with 
the greater mass in the Nallamalai mountains is hidden by 
strata of the Kurnool series in the Kunder valley. This, like 
the rest, is made up of quartzites and slates, but in more 
numerous and varied bands than in the two groups already 
enumerated. It is also the group which is richest in resources, 
for it has given and still shows signs of treasures of lead, 
copper and iron ores ; and there are fair indications of 
various building materials. The lie of the Cuddapah rocks 
until they get close to the Nallamalais is tolerably easy, that 

■" A portion of the Palkonda range. 



town on 
rocks of the 

series of 

is, they are clipping gently to the north-east as the edging CHAP. I. 
beds of a great bay or gulf; but in this range of hills and geology. 

southward all along the eastern side of the Cheyyer valley 

considerable crushing, folding, and breaking of the strata 
have been superinduced and have in great measure helped to 
elevate the varied strata in the great mountain mass, with its 
flanking valleys and ridges carved out by the great denuding 
forces which were afterwards brought to bear upon this part 
of the surface of the Indian Peninsula. 

Ktiniool series. — The town of Cuddapah stands on a wide 
plain underneath the soil of which, and visible in most of the 
wells, are reddish-purple and chocolate-coloured (with green- 
ish seams) calcareous shales and slaty shales lying nearly 
horizontal or undulating slightly, but having a general 
basonal position ; these have been called Nandyal shales. 
They show all up the middle of the Kunder valley and repose 
on, but graduate quickly down into, pale-grey and dark lime- 
stone flags and thicker beds of limestone called the Koilkuntla 
limestones. The latter dip or rise up gently from under the 
purple shales to the south of Cuddapah and Chintakomma- 
dinne, and to the west of the town in a narrow belt by 
Kamalapuram, Proddatur and so into the Koilkuntla taluk of 
the Kurnool district, whence they are named. 

Underneath the Koilkuntla limestone are sandstones or 
quartzites, locally intercalated in the limestones and known 
as the Paniam series, after the town of that name. These 
outcrop between the open Kunder valley and the western 
ranges or Erramalais, forming some low flat hills such as the 
plateaux of Uppalapad and Undutla. The greatest thickness 
of the quartzites is only 100 feet, and the series disappears 
altogether to the north and south, nor has any sign of it been 
observed on the eastern edge of the basin. An upper portion 
formed of firm white sandstone has been distinguished as the 
" pinnacled quartzites " from its mode of weathering ; the 
lower beds, or " plateau quartzites " are coarser, more earthy 
and ferruginous, of various rusty tints. Again, still further 
underneath is a thin band of white, pale-yellow and bufl" 
non-calcareous shales, traces of which show near the line 
of railway about eight miles north-west of Cuddapah. These 
are underlaid by a set of beds in the Cuddapah district, called 
the Narji limestones, v}\\\c\\ have become an industrial resource 
of Cuddapah. 

The Narji beds are typically very compact, sub-crystal- ^-'-^rji Lieds. 
line, and extremely fine-grained — so fine-grained that it is from 
this series of beds that the so-called lithographic limestone of 




pallc group 
uf (luartzites. 

soils, etc. 



Blov\n sands 
of Penner, 

the Madras Presidency has in some cases been obtained. 
They are generally of a grey colour with a blue shade, some- 
times nearly black, and occasionally of pale-buff and fawn 
colours. These strata crop up on either side of the Cuddapah 
basin and its extension northwards. 

In the Kurnool district, the whole group of buff shales and 
limestones is underlaid by a thin series of qiiartzites, which 
are peculiarly interesting in that they contain diamonds. 
There is unfortunately no good evidence that the lower group 
is represented in the Cuddapah district, unless the quartzites 
capping the Chintakunta hills towards the Chitravati are their 
representatives. There is no case of the rocks on these hills 
having ever been worked for diamonds, and it is almost 
certain that the natives would have known of them long ago 
were they to be found. 

Recent deposits.— The special superficial deposits worthy of 
notice, leaving out the usual sandy soils of red or brown 
colours which are mainly derived from the disintegration of 
the adjacent rocks by atmospheric agency, are the gravels and 
alluvial deposits of the proper plains of the district, the cotton 
soil, and to a small extent the blown sands. The alluvial 
deposits are mainly of two kinds — a hard calcareous clayey 
drift with bands of heavy conglomerate and shingle, and a 
set of softer, somewhat sandy loams. The latter appear to be 
strictly fluviatile and lacustrine in their origin, while the 
coarser deposits are possibly estuarine, and may even be 
partly marine. Stone implements chipped out of quartzite 
have been dug from seams of gravel in the lower clays (though 
not as yet in the Cuddapah basin) of the western side of the 
Kunder valley in a nullah five miles north of Mutyalapad in 
the Kurnool district, and at other places; and hence those 
older clays are sometimes called " implement gravels." Other 
stone implements have been found lying among the much 
more recent sandy soils a short distance to the east of Raya- 
choti. The upper alluvial deposits occupy a large part of the 
middle of the Kunder valley and nearly the whole of the 
Cuddapah plain, but they are every now and then covered up 
by extensive patches of cotton soil, particularly in the direc- 
tion of Nossam and Koilkuntla (Kurnool district) and the wide 
valley west and north of Pulivendla. The heavier clays and 
gravels only show on the east side of the Kunder valley. The 
diamond mines of Chennur were worked in some gravel banks 
of these deposits. 

Blown sands are only exceptionally accumulated in the 
district, and mainly along the banks of the Penner. The 



sands from this river are blown from the bed in the dry CHAP. I. 
seasons by the high winds as they rush through the different Geology. 

gorges, particularly the long one of the Gandikota. At both 

ends of the Gandikota gorge there are heavy accumulations 
piled up by the westerly and easterly winds which blow 
during the two monsoons. The larger drift is at the eastern 
end towards Jammalamadugu, which village is often largely 
invaded by the sand during the westerly winds. From 
Jammalamadugu, there is a belt of low sand hills bordering 
the left bank of the river as far down as and beyond the con- 
fluence of the Papaghni and Kunder. 

The geological resources of this district are diamonds, Industrial 
iron, lead and copper, to which may be added building stones, l"''^<'"cts 
road materials and cements. 

Diamonds have been worked for and found only in one part Diamonds, 
of the district, at or in the neighbourhood of Chennur on the 
right bank of the Penner, about seven or eight miles north of 
Cuddapah. The diamonds were obtained from a hard gravelly 
deposit, or rough conglomerate underneath the rather thick 
covering of soils and clays at Chennur, which is made up of 
fragments of rocks and smaller debris from the proper diamond- 
bearing strata of the adjacent Kurnool district, the whole 
making up a bank or banks of rearranged materials among 
the recent deposits lying around a spur of the Nallamalais 
which here drops down into this part of the Cuddapah basin. 
The extent of these gravels is of course not known, except in 
so far as their area is indicated by the pits dug down to them ; 
but, from all inquiry made on the subject, it would appear 
that further lateral extension of the search was not considered 
worthy of trial, or that the landholders opposed it. There is 
no reason, however, against the supposition that the conglo- 
merate does extend much further, and that it may even be 
found in other parts of the valley. The deposit lies about six 
feet below the surface. The mines are generally of a squa're 
form, and from 4 to 12 feet deep. The pebbles most commonly 
met with are ferruginous, gritty and schistose sandstones, 
sandstone-conglomerates, including rolled pebbles of quartz, 
chert and jasper, claystone porphyry, with crystals of felspar; 
blue jasper, veined with oxide of iron ; coarse, red jasper and 
quartz crystals. Some of these pebbles have evidently been 
transported from the adjacent hills, but the porphyritic and 
felspathic pebbles must have travelled a much greater distance. 
Near the base of the hills the cotton soil is covered with red 
gritty earth, arising from the disintegration of the sandstone 
rock. The process of mining consists merely in digging out 


CHAP. I. the rolled pebbles and gravel, and washing them carefully in 
Geology, small square reservoirs raised on mounds having their bottoms 

paved with stones. At the foot of the mound is a clear space 

surrounded by heaps of refuse, where the washed gravel is 
again carefully spread out and examined in presence of the 
diamond contractors ; the diamonds are easily recognized in 
the moist state by their peculiar lustre. These mines were 
formerly let out by the Government to native contractors. In 
1834 the mines proved profitable, but in the following year the 
miners lost a considerable sum. The sum paid to Government 
by them for the privilege of mining a piece of ground, lOO 
yards long by 50 broad, for four months was Rs. 200. In 1840, 
the contract rose to about Rs. 250. When a diamond of more 
than a gold pagoda in weight (52"56 grains at Madras) was 
found, it was sold by public auction, and one-third of the 
proceeds went to Government, the remainder to the mining 
contractor. Dry weather was selected to carry on operations 
to avoid the inconvenience and expense of draining. Previous 
to British rule all the diamonds produced were carried for 
sale to Vijayanagar and Golconda. In those days very large 
diamonds were found. Dr. Heyne and Captain Newbold, 
when describing their visits to these mines, mentioned that 
the natives objected to their approaching them on horseback, 
as it would, they said, irritate Ammavaru or Lakshmi, the 
goddess of riches, who was the patroness of the mines. 
Newbold stated that he witnessed sacrifices made to propitiate 
her. The different pebbles considered indicative of the 
presence of diamonds bear the following names in Telugu : — 
Telia bendu, decomposed hornstone ; Binga bendu, transparent 
quartz; Pacchai bendu, epidote ; Gaju bendu, pebbles with 
an ochreous encrustation ; Baggira, jasper of various colours ; 
Karla, basalt ; Yerra bendu, sandstone ; Kanna, small globular 
ironstone ; Korund or Corundum, which is considered to be 
the best sign. Besides these there are many other pebbles, 
chiefly varieties of sandstones. 

The mines were leased collectively for a time by 
Mr. Richardson, of Madras, who applied to the Collector of 
Cuddapah, for permission to work them in 1869, at the favour- 
able rent of Rs. lOO per annum. This attempt was not 
attended with success, but there are accounts of two diamonds 
having formerh/- come out of the field which were eventually 
sold, respectively, for Rs. 50,000 and Rs. 30,000. 

In the Ktirnool formation there is a group of quartzites 
which is actually mined at Banganapalle for diamonds ; but, 
though other members of this series are found in the Cuddapah 


area, this particular group, to which the name Banganapalle CHAP. I. 
has been given, does not occur in the district. The nearest Geology. 

point of occurrence of this group is some miles to the west of 


Iron ore is scattered pretty generally over the country, but iron ore. 
only in any quantity at two or three localities, in the neigh- 
bourhood of which it used to be smelted according to the 
demand, the latter being always very small. Usually the ore 
is some variety of the peroxide of iron, mostly a grey mica- 
ceous ore. Some old iron-smelting villages lie along the east- 
ern side of the Kunder valley from Nandyalampet north- 
wards. The form of ore here worked was a massive shaly 
ferruginous sandstone mainly made up of ha'matite. Several 
furnaces were worked at Yerraguntlakota in the Chitvel 
country, the ore being brought from the eastern slopes of the 
hills west of the village. In the Rayachoti taluk, near Madi- 
cheruvu, this manufacture was also carried on, though not 
to any great extent, the ore being quarried and brought 
from the hills to the westward. The industry ceased to be 
remunerative about forty years ago, owing to cheaper 
foreign imports. 

Lead, in the form of galena or sulphide of lead, is fountl in Lead ore. 
the Nallamalais in the neighbourhood of the old mines at 
Jangamrazupalle. The workings are now, and have long been, 
deserted, and much of the lead has probably been worked 
out; but there are still good indications of this mineral. The 
locality is wild, much overgrown with jungle, and feverish. 

Jangamrazupalle is on the pass of that name across the 
Nallamalais, some five miles north of the road from Cuddapah 
to Badvel. The lead-workings were at the south end and east 
side of a low ridge north-north-east of the village. The 
galleries were excavated between beds of dark-grey silicious 
limestone traversed by strings of white and dull-blue quartz. 
Granular sulphide of lead is disseminated in very small quan- 
tities through the blue quartz, and it was doubtless in strings 
like these in the excavated beds of the same rock that the 
extracted lead occurred. These strings of quartz are in north- 
north-east — south-south-west fissures having a dip of 60^ west- 
ward, the beds of silicious rock dipping at 50^ east by north. 
Further south and west of the village there are again numerous 
old galleries excavated in the same series of beds ; and the 
adjacent strata still show traces of the ore. There are 
also other old workings to the westward on the flanks of 
the Nallamalais opposite Vanipenta but no traces of lead 
were seen. 









The lead found in this region is very rich galena, contain- 
ing silver; and, though only poor specimens were found in situ 
at the time of the visit of the Geological Survey of India, many 
of the quarried fragments or debris from the mines were very 
rich in ore ; and fine and massive specimens have been found 
since then by subordinates of the Public Works Department. 
There seems on the whole every probability of this being a 
good mining region as far as the traces of ore can show ; and 
Mr. Wall, the then Mining Engineer of the Madras Govern- 
ment, at the time of his inspection reported very favourably 
on it. It is now within more easy reach of Madras, owing to 
the proximity of the railway, than it was in Mr. Wall's time. 
There is not a good supply of water for working machinery, 
etc., but this might b€>met by damming up some of the streams 
which are full enough during the rains ; and indeed the other 
obstacles in the way of opening out the mines, such as the 
unhealthiness of the place, the poorness of junglegrowth to 
meet the requirements in the Wciy of fuel, and the scarcity of 
labour might all be met to some extent by care and good 

Copper shows only in traces associated with the lead ore 
in this same Jangamrazupalle region. These were only 
cupreous stains, — impressions of crystals of copper pyrites and 
faint traces of native copper. They occur in the strings of quartz 
already detailed as traversing the beds of silicious limestone. 

Good building stone is common all over the district, but 
some of it is of special adaptation, one variety having become 
worthy of exportation into other districts. Among these are 
the various limestones, commencing first with the fine narji 
stone. The best description of this was, and possibly is, yet 
procurable from the original quarries at the village of Narji, 
about 24 miles west-north-west of Cuddapah. It is a regular- 
bedded, compact, dark-grey, semi-splintery rock ; and, being 
well jointed at right angles to the bedding, is easily obtainable 
in blocks and thin slabs- The colour is so dark at times as to 
give almost a black marble when the stone is polished. As 
the group in which this limestone occurs underlies the great 
Cuddapah plain and crops up to the surface on either side of 
it, it follows that good varieties are quarried, or can be 
obtained anywhere along the base of the Nallamalais, as 
also to the westward of a sinuous line drawn from Chinta- 
kommadinne (south of Cuddapah) through Kamalapuram, 
Proddatur, Peddapasupula and Pattur. 

Other almost equally good limestones occur in the Nalla- 
malai side of the valley, though these belong to the upper 


group of the Kurnool formation. It is from this upper series CHAP. I. 
that the coarser and more clayey limestone flags, so largely Geology. 

used in Cuddapah and the villages up the middle of the 

Kunder valley, are obtained. 

Besides these easily procurable and extensively distributed 
limestones, there are frequent bands of other but often harder — 
as being very silicious and splintery — calcareous beds 
especially around Vontimitta, and so down through the 
Pullampet taluk. A very thick series crops up along the 
course of the Papaghni just before it enters the Cuddapah 
basin, and thence continues westward below the main Puli- 
vendla ridge. There are some thin bands of limestone running 
for miles in long north-west — south-east outcrops across the 
plains north of Pulivendla, the highest and thickest bands 
crossing the Chitravati (not seen in river) a few miles above 
the railway bridge. 

Of all these limestones perhaps that from the Narji l>'»"^- 
quarries, or from the corresponding beds on either side of the 
Kunder valley, is best adapted for lime burning, though in 
many cases good lime may be produced from nearly all the 
varieties if care in selection and a judicious mode of burning 
be adopted. The country is, however, so generally productive 
of the peculiar nodular and concretionary fresh-water and sub- 
serial deposit called kankar, both in the upland taluks and in the 
low-country that, except for large works, the proper limestone 
is seldom brought into extensive use as a source of lime. 

The next most frequently-occurring stone in the district. Slates, 
which at first sight might seem of great value, is the clay-slate. 
These slates are never seen to come near the true slates of 
commerce either in hardness, fineness of texture, or intensity 
of cleavage. It may be said of these rocks that they are 
simply clay-slates, describing them as to their composition as 
evident to the eye and touch, the true roofing material being 
distinctly a slate. However, there are regions in the district 
where some of these clay-slates are much more suitable for 
roof-covering or for flags than the generality of the rock ; and 
it is not improbable as the country is opened up and quarries 
cut into the rock, that even better materials may be found. 

The best slates, or such as seem capable of being split into 
slabs of any moderate size and tenuity, are near the upper 
Ahobilam temple in the Nallamalais. Again, large slabby 
slates are quarried to some little extent on the eastern flanks 
of these mountains at about the parallel of Badvel- 

The remaining rocks in the low-country are the numerous Saa.istonos, 
quartzites, or altered sandstones. These are all hard, difficult 





Gneiss, etc. 


to be worked, and only suitable for local construction. 
Occasionally they are thin-bedded and jointed sufficiently to 
give small-sized slabs easily split up. The numerous railway 
works along the line of railway south of Vontimitta are mostly 
built of blocks from these thin beds of the quartzites ; and the 
cutting at Balapalle may be pointed out as a piece of work 
excavated in about the most intractable rock in the country. 

In the upland region the prevalent rock is a variety of the 
gneissic series, or what is usually wrongly designated as 
granite ; and it is hardly necessary to refer here to the build- 
ing material obtainable therefrom as it is so well known, and 
so frequently used in large structures all over Southern India. 
From what has already been said of the situation of the 
district and its scanty rainfall the nature of its flora may be 
readily inferred. The whole district falls within what has 
been called the dry zone of the Presidency, depending for its 
moisture on the fringes of both monsoons. A few weeks 
after hot weather conditions are established, everything 
begins to wear a withered appearance. Herbaceous vegeta- 
tion is burned up, many trees are leafless, and the aspect of 
the country is dreary in the extreme. The main characteristic 
of the stretches that intervene between cultivated areas is a 
rather sparse scrub jungle, variegated by more or less isolated 
rocky hills of no great elevation which are as often as not 
devoid of any growth except thin grass and scattered 
Euphorbia or Cactus bushes. I omit here all reference to the 
reserved forests which cover the slopes of the main hill ranges 
of the district, as they are treated in some detail in another 
chapter. Among the characteristic shrubs of the district may 
be mentioned Carissa carandas, Calotropis gigantea, Opuntia 
dillenii. Cassia auriculata, Euphorbia antiquorum. Euphorbia 
neriifolia. Euphorbia tirucalli and Ixora parviflora. Of these 
the Cassia auriculata — the yellow-flowered tangedit — though 
found throughout the district is perhaps commonest in 
Rayachoti taluk and often thrives over rocky and gravelly 
wastes where seemingly nothing else can grow. Tamarind 
topes abound throughout the district and there are but few 
camping grounds where other trees such as mangoes afford 
an adequate shade. Of scattered trees other than the 
tamarind, the babul and margosa are perhaps the commonest, 
though in Rayachoti taluk no tree seems to occur so frequently 
as the kanuga (Pongamia glabra) which thrives better on the 
plateau, while its growth is encouraged for the manurial value 
of its leaves. Of fig trees, the ragi (Ficus religiosa) and juvvi 
(Ficus tsiela) are most frequently met with, especially the 


former. It is said that at the top of the Palkonda hills a CHAP. I. 
hamlet of Tallapalle-Yelamavaripalle of Pulivendla taluk con- Flora. 

tains an immense banyan tree capable of sheltering about 

three thousand people. The place is very difficult of access 
and I have never had an opportunity of visiting it to verify 
the truth of this statement. 

Live-stock has increased with the spread of cultivation ; Fauna. 
but the indigenous cattle of the district, which are of the small Cattle, 
black and white and red breed common in the Ceded Districts 
and southern portions of the Presidency, are generally of 
poor quality, being undersized, ill-fed and ill-cared for. The 
universal system of common pasturing, in which cattle of all 
ages wander in promiscuous herds over the open arable lands 
and village wastes, ensures immature, mongrel breeding and 
the spread of disease ; and since, in general, there is no 
system of fodder growing, only the scanty wild pasture of the 
unoccupied lands, and the grazing and stubble on the arable 
lands and leaves from trees are available for ordinary cattle. 
Of the better cattle there are two kinds, both imported or from 
imported strains. Around Cuddapah and on the black cotton 
plains the cattle are almost all of the Nellore breed, tall, bulky, 
clumsy and flat sided animals, which however possess great 
strength, and when cared for are very useful beasts. They 
are imported from the breeding districts of Nellore, being 
brought over annually by drovers who seldom obtain full 
payment at the time of sale, the purchase money being spread 
over several years. The best animals weigh up to 1,500 lb. 
and are excellent milkers. Brought over when just ready for 
use, their life under the plough is said to last for about eight 
years. The other imported strain is the Mysore breed, which 
is nowhere found pure in the district and is practically 
confined to the upland taluk, where good results have been 
obtained by intermixing this breed with the common 
indigenous kind. Cattle disease which is prevalent in various 
forms often causes immense loss to the ryots, who are neverthe- 
less slow to abandon time-honoured and ineffectual remedies 
in favour of more enlightened methods of combating the evil. 

Buffaloes are of the usual variety. They are occasionally Rufialocs, 
used for heavy ploughing, and frequently in Rayachoti taluk ^'^'^'^P -^""^ 
for slow heavy draught such as carting slabs from granite 
quarries on the most primitive vehicles imaginable, formed of 
two or three heavy planks on solid wooden wheels. But 
probably most of the buffaloes are sacrificed at shrines, one 
of which, at the small village of Anantapuram in Rayachoti 
taluk, is responsible for the slaughter of hundreds every year. 


CHAP. I. Of sheep the three principal breeds found in the Presidency 
Fauna. are all represented in the district. The small woolly kind is 

found in the upland taluk, all the wool which is of a hairy 

(luality being consumed locally in the manufacture of coarse 
blankets. The other small variety which is red in colour and 
covered only with short coarse hair is found all over the 
district as is also the third species, a long-legged goat-like 
animal, characterized by two tassels dependent from its neck, 
of larger size than the two first named, but producing coarse 
mutton and no wool. The goats are of the ordinary breed. 
Together with sheep they are largely used as manuring 
agents, wandering over the village by day and penned at 
night on the fields of those who have hired their services. 
In folding the sheep on the land hurdles are very seldom used 
in this district, the flock being simply herded on a particular 
field and guarded by the shepherd assisted by two or three 
savage dogs according to his need. No fixed lambing season 
is known, owing to the universal practice of letting the rams 
and ewes run together; but the shepherds acknowledge that 
the best season for the lambs being dropped is February. 

a me. The most important species of game are to be found in 

the reserved forests along the slopes of the main hill ranges. 
Tigers are not very common but are well known to haunt the 
south end of the Seshachalam range where the Pullampet 
taluk adjoins the well-known Chamala valley in Chittoor 
district. This valley is so well stocked with game and so 
carefully preserved that the forests in its neighbourhood have 
become the tiger's permanent habitat. Leopards are very 
common, especially in the rocky hills of Rayachoti taluk, and 
do (jonsiderable damage by killing cattle. The hunting- 
cheetah, Cynaslurusjubatus, isno doubt occasionally seen. One 
was recently heard of at the southern end of the Nallamalais in 
Proddatur taluk, but as the people do not clearly distinguish 
this species it is difficult to record its appearances with 
exactitude. Other smaller species of the wild cat tribe are 
said to be found in all parts of the district. Bears are to be 
found, as also wolves. The latter are less common, but have 
been seen in recent years near Agudur in Pulivendla taluk 
and in the neighbourhood of Veligallu in the extreme west of 
Rayachoti taluk. The Indian wild dog, Cyon dukhunensis, 
occurs wherever deer and sambhar are found. The latter haunt 
the. larger forests, while spotted deer are common at the foot of 
all the big hill ranges. The same may be said of jungle sheep 
(Cervulus muntjac) and wild pig. Outside the forests chinkara 
(the Indian Gazelle) and the Indian Antelope or blackbuck, 


especially the latter, are often seen. Some three years ago CHAP. I. 
black buck was very plentiful in the north of the Pullampet F"auna. 

taluk, west of the road from Pottapi to Madhavaram. In 

addition to these, no doubt the mousedeer, Tragulus mcmimna, 
also occurs, as it is known to frequent all hilly jungle tracts 
south of the Godavari, though I have no record of its having 
been actually seen in Cuddapah district. 

Of game birds, partridges and quails arc the commonest, 
and sandgrouse also occur in all parts of the district. In and 
near the forests peafowl are fairly plentiful, and one of the 
localities specially favoured by them appears to be a stretch 
of jungle and forest a few miles east of Sidhout, where they are 
often to be seen from the road leading to Badvcl. Junglefowl 
andspurfowl are also common in all the forests of the district. 
The Indian Bustard (Eupodotis Edwardsi) though generally 
scarce, is said to be fairly common over a small area in the 
north-west of Jammalamadugu taluk beyond Talamanchi- 
patnam towards the Kurnool frontier. The Lesser Florican 
(Sypheotis aurita) is also occasionally seen and I learn that two 
specimens have been shot in recent years within a few miles of 
Cuddapah town. Besides the usual species of plovers which 
occur in all parts of South India, it is interesting to note that 
a portion of Cuddapah district, corresponding roughly to the 
Badvel taluk, is included in the very limited area to which is 
confined the rarer species of double-banded plover (Rhinop- 
tilus ditorquatus\ which is said to be scarcely ever found 
outside scrub-jungle and is not known to exist except in parts 
of Nellore, Cuddapah and Kurnool districts. Of water-loving 
birds, snipe are less common than on the east of the Veligonda 
hills, but in some years they are very plentiful, especially in 
parts of Cuddapah taluk- Several kinds of teal and duck are 
found throughout the district and are seen in good years on 
nearly all the larger tanks after the cessation of the north- 
east monsoon. Barheaded geese, which visit the country in 
the cold season, are also occasionally met with. 

Finally, the quadrumana of the district may be briefly <,'iiaaiu- 
noticed, as they comprise, besides the common Bonnet 
Monkey (Macacus sinicus) of South India, two rare.r species, 
namely, the'Madras Langiir (Semnopithecus priamus), which is 
the large grey monkey found in the Seshachalams, and the 
curious little slender Loris (Loris gracilis) which, owing to its 
nocturnal disposition, is seldom seen unless searched for. 





Introductory— Pre-historic remains — The Deccan politically isolated 
in earliest historical times —Earliest known dynasties — The 
Banas — The Rashtrakutas — The Vaidumbas — Rise of the Cholas 
— The eastern division of the district — The Telugu Chodas — 
The Kakatiyas of Oarangal — ^First Muhammadan invasion — The 
Vijayanagar Empire — Rise of the Poligars — The Matla Princes 
— The Nawabs of Cuddapah — Haidar Ali of Mysore — Transfer 
of Cuddapah to the British — The work of Munro — The Poligars 
and their reduction — Conclusion. 

CHAP. II. ix has been truly said that in any account which may be 
Introduc- given of the literature proper to South India, one capital defect 
must be obvious, that history finds in it no place. The 
Muhammadan historians have confined themselves to their own 
period, and the records of Golconda and Bijapurdo not touch 
that part of the Deccan which includes the present district of 
Cuddapah. It is only in the last quarter of a century that means 
have been found through antiquarian research of supplement- 
ing the deficiency caused by the absence of materials 
constructed or collected by usual historic methods. That 
epigraphy has thrown and continues to throw a flood of light 
on what has hitherto been obscure or conjectural is proved by 
results. The neglect of history as a branch of the literature 
of the country is in marked contrast to the care which has 
been taken from very early times to as recent a period as the 
l8th century of our era to record matters of local interest on 
stone and copperplates. It is fortunate that the exigencies of 
the climate and the voracity of white ants, which perhaps 
alone precluded the use of a more perishable substance for the 
purpose of making what were intended to be permanent 
records, have preserved to us the means of reconstructing the 
history of the past. Old copperplate records are commoner 
than might be supposed, and are very carefully preserved, 
being handed down as heir-looms from generation to genera- 
tion. Their possessors value them highly and, though often 
ignorant of their contents, are glad to show them to enquirers. 
Lithic inscriptions are mostly found in temples but were also 
not infrequently set up near the entrance to a village or at the 

^'- ■■■■■ '^'^'^^4 I 
. V', ^k 


spot referred to in the inscription. They most commonly CHAP. II- 

record grants to temples, remission of taxes, gifts of land in 

consideration of the performance of services to the community, 
settlement of land disputes and the like. Their historical 
value is to be found not so much in the details they relate as 
in the fact that they nearly always give the date of the event 
recorded, with the name of the reigning king, and his dynasty. 
If the event recorded is a public work redounding to the merit 
of the king, such as the construction of a tank or irrigation 
channel, the titles of the king, indicating the principal 
military achievements of his reign, are often recited, and his 
genealogy is sometimes given. Such inscriptions are fortu- 
nately very numerous, and several may be found relating to 
the same period, so that a little understood allusion in one 
may often be elucidated and explained by another. They 
constitute practically the only material for an authentic history 
of Cuddapah district up to the fall of the Vijayanagar Empire. 

That parts of the district, notably the river valleys in the Prehistoric 
low country, were inhabited ages before the earliest of these '''^'^^^^°^* 
records which have come down to us, is proved by the 
existence of kistvaens or cell-tombs. They are locally known 
to the present day as Pandavagidlu. There are two types 
found in the district, one being constructed of irregular 
unfashioned stones, examples of which are to be seen near 
Yerraguntla, and the other bearing signs of more or less rough 
workmanship. They are always found in groups and not 
scattered about singly. Good examples of the latter type 
have been found at Amilepalle.^ They have not yet been 
surveyed by the Archaeological Department, but it is conjec- 
tured that they contain cinerary urns filled with fine red earth 
and bone ash, with perhaps the remains of a few corroded iron 
implements. The curiously shaped stones planted alongside 
some of the tombs are peculiar and hitherto unexplained, but 
they appear in some way to serve the purpose of memorial 
stones. The constructions of vmhewn stone near Yerraguntla 
are of course to be referred to a still earlier civilization, but as 
they too have never yet been scientifically examined it can 
only be recorded that they are the oldest surviving monuments 
of human activity in the district. 

The earliest historical notices of the south of India lack all The Deccan 
reference to this part of the Deccan, and the key to the P'^|'7'^^'!>' 

•^ isolated in 

obscurity of its history is probably to be found in its earliest 
geographical position- The Eastern Ghats cut it off from the ^.'s'or'cal 
sea-coast country while on the south and part of the west the 

^ In Vayalpad taluk, now incliulcd in Chittoor district. 







intervention of the Mysore plateau constituted a natural barrier 
to intercourse with regions for which easier access to the sea 
secured an earlier development. While we know from the 
Greek geographer Megasthenes (302 B.C.) and the inscriptions 
of Asoka (250 B.C.) of three Dravidian kingdoms in the south- 
east, the extreme south, and the south-west of the Peninsula, 
there is no evidence of any kingdom having been in existence 
in the Deccan at this early period. Further, to judge from the 
configuration of the country and the present aspect of its 
wilder parts, it appears certain that at that time and long 
afterwards what is now Cuddapah district was a mere tract of 
impenetrable forest, barren rocks and stony wastes. With its 
later development it offered means of expansion to the 
kingdoms surrounding it, and its history for many centuries 
affords but an index to the varying fortunes of neighbouring 

The three Dravidian kingdoms above referred to are the 
Chola, Pandya and Kerala or Chera. With the Pandyas and 
Keralas, about the latter of which little appears to be known, 
we are not concerned. The Cholas who appear from earliest 
times to have been firmly established in Tanjore and South 
Arcot found in the early centuries of our era a check to their 
expansion to the north in the growing power of the Pallavas 
who had become firmly settled at Conjeeveram by the middle 
of the 4th century A.D. From here the Pallava kings 
controlled an extensive territory to the north, which included 
the present Nellore district and probably all the Telugu 
country on the east coast as far as the Kistna. From Nellore 
they penetrated for a time into the north of Cuddapah district, 
presumably following the course of the Penner up stream, for 
it is in the neighbourhood of this river in the taluks of 
Jammalamadugu and Proddatur, that the earliest historical 
evidence, in the shape of lithic monuments, has been collected. 
From this and similar evidence elsewhere it appears toler- 
ably certain that the growing power of the Pallavas was 
checked almost simultaneously in the north and the south in 
the latter part of the 5th century, when the Chola dynasty 
under its famous, and hitherto mythical, king Karikala 
attained unprecedented ascendency and captured Conjeeveram 
from Trilochana-Pallava, while on the north the same Pallava 
king suffered defeat at the hands of the Chalukyan adven- 
turer Vijayaditya, who claimed to come from Ayodhya (Oudh). 
This battle probably took place in Cuddapah district, as the 
village of Mudivemu where the queen of the victor Vijaya- 
ditya who lost his life took refuge after the battle, is no 


Other than Peddamudiyam in Jammalamadugu taluk. Yet this CHAP. II. 

district never came under the sway of the Chalukyans, whose 

power developed much later, for the dominions of their two 
branches, the Eastern and Western Chalukyans, scarcely 
touched the middle country. On the other hand, with the 
capture of the Pallava capital, it seems that the Cholas over- 
ran the Pallava territory as far north as Nellore, for a branch 
of them undoubtedly penetrated inland and established them- 
selves for a century or two in the black cotton country on the 
banks of the Penner in this district. The recent discovery 
of some copper plates at Malepad and stone inscriptions at 
Peddamudiyam and Muddanur conclusively prove that at least 
four generations of the earlier Chola kings ruled this country. 
That this dynasty succeeded the Pallavas, politically, in at 
least a portion of their extensive territory is also rendered 
probable by the fact that they adopted titles and names 
current among the Pallava kings of the Simhavishnu line. 
The full extent of this Chola kingdom has not yet been dis- 
covered, but the fact of its existence throws an interesting 
light on the account of a " Choolya " State described by the 
Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang who visited India about 640 
A.D. and compiled a geographical treatise of the south of 
the Peninsula. From the boundaries given by him of the 
various divisions of the country and the order in which he 
mentions the Choolya State it used to be thought that it might 
correspond to part of the Kurnool district, though others con- 
sidered that the names of Choolya and Dravida had been 
transposed and that the Choolya State really referred to the 
Chola kingdom of Tanjore. The doubt has now been cleared 
up. The Choolya State referred to by Hiuen Tsiang was the 
Telugu Chola kingdom occupying most of the black cotton 
country of this district and perhaps parts of Kurnool and 
Anantapur. The same authority says it is a small State, 
about 400 miles in circumference. In inscriptions we find the 
name of this Chola country to be Renandu (the 7000) and a 
division of it is called Renadu (the 70). The rule of the 
Telugu Cholas appears to have lasted till the latter part of the 
8th century, when they were probably dispersed by the Rash- 
trakutasof Warangal in the north Deccan, whose kingGovinda 
III (A.D. 783-84 to 814-15) is recorded to have taken Conjee- 
veram from the Pallavas. At this early date, however, the 
Rashtrakutas do not appear to have obtained any permanent 
foothold in the district of Cuddapah, and the next dynasty 
which established its authority, for a time at least, in these 
parts appears to be that of the Banas. This presumption is 



The Banas. 

Chap. II. supported by the discovery of an inscription at Pottipad in 

Jammalamadugu taluk, the date of which corresponds to 

A.D. 884. It records a grant made by a Bana king or chief 
named Dhavaleyarasa, which shows that by the end of the 
9th century an outpost of the Banas had at any rate pene- 
trated to the heart of the kingdom formerly held by the 
Telugu Cholas. As a last word in regard to these Cholas it 
may be mentioned that they seem to have retreated north- 
wards, as a record of the llth century from the Bastar State 
in the Central Provinces states that a chief named Chandra- 
ditya, a feudatory of the king of those parts, " was a descendant 
of Karikala Chola of the solar race," etc., giving practically 
the same family titles to this chief as were borne by the Chola 
kings of Cuddapah. 

The Bana kingdom, records of which in Canarese are 
chiefly to be found in the eastern fringe of Mysore and in 
Punganur, was established early in the 8th century in a tract 
of country of which the north and south boundaries roughly 
corresponded to those of the present district of Chittoor, while 
it extended from Kolar on the west to Kalahasti on the east. 
Later in the century this kingdom evidently increased 
rapidly in power and absorbed large territories to the north. 
Bana inscriptions of _this period boast of possessing "the 
country west of the Andhra dominions," or all the country 
west of the " road to the Telugu country," by which must be 
meant the east coast road from Conjeeveram to Nellore. That 
all this country was effectively ruled by the Bana is not proba- 
ble, but as already stated his authority was undoubtedly 
acknowledged in the north of Cuddapah district in the last 
quarter of the 9th century. In this connection it is interesting 
to note that with the coming of the Bana we get apparently 
the first historical evidence of the opening of a route to 
Cuddapah from the due south or south-west. It seems natural 
to suppose that the Banas entered the north portion of the 
present Cuddapah district through the Vempalle gorge, 
following the course of the Papaghni from its sources which 
lay within the Bana territory. But at the very time of this 
sudden accession of power to the Banas, another dynasty of 
Cholas was being founded in the south by Vijayalaya, before 
which the Bana kings failed even to conserve their old terri- 
tories, for they became feudatories of Vijayalaya's grandson 
the Chola king Parantaka I (A.D. 907 to 940), with whose 
family they effected an alliance by marriage. 

With the retreat of the Banas the fertile plains of north- 
west Cuddapah came beneath the sway of a dynasty of kings 

The Rashlra- 


from the north and west. These were the Rashtrakutas who, CHAP. II. 

though they attained pre-eminence in their own country prior 

to the 9th century, only adopted a policy of expansion and 
conquest in the reign of Indra III (fl.c. A.D. 915). Canarese 
verses in praise of this king's general are found recorded at 
the village of Danavulapad on the north bank of the Penner 
five miles south of Jammalamadugu. We know more about a 
later king of this line, Krishna III, who reigned from A.D. 940 
to 956. In his reign the power of the Rashtrakutas reached 
its zenith. He must have held the whole of Cuddapah district 
except the eastern portion beyond the Seshachalams, for he 
penetrated as far south as Melpadi in Chittoor district. He is 
said in an inscription near Polur in the North Arcot district 
to have " taken Kachchi and Tanjai." That he took Conjee- 
veram is possible, as a large number of his inscriptions are 
found in the districts of Chingleput and South Arcot, but that 
he held it for any length of time is most improbable as he 
must have come into violent collision with the now rapidly- 
growing power of the new dynasty of Cholas. The boast that 
he took Tanjore is no doubt a mere exaggeration. In his 
expedition to the south it is not to be supposed that Krishna 
III effectively conquered the south country of Cuddapah 
district through which he passed. We have evidence, how- 
ever, that he exacted allegiance from the local chiefs, among 
whom may be mentioned the Vaidumbas who became his 

As to these Vaidumbas they seem to have ruled independ- The 
ently a tract comprising part of Mysore and the south of '*' "*" "' 
Anantapur district from very early times, and to have extended 
their power into Rayachoti taluk as early as the 8th century 
to which period is ascribed an inscription at Ncrusupalle 
in the Surabhu valley, which refers to a Vaidumba king. 
They were evidently on friendly terms with the Banas, on 
whose side they fought at the battle of Soremati, possibly 
Somapalle of Madanapalle taluk, in A.D. 900, of which we learn 
from a lithic record set up near Pedda Tippasamudram. 

With the death of Krishna III the power of the Rashtra- 
kuta dynasty declined, and we find the Vaidumbas acknowl- 
edged, apparently as the sovereign authority, as far north as 
the village of Animela in Kamalapuram taluk in the year 
A.D. 975-976. 

About this time the Cholas began to establish their Rise of the 
authority in these parts, for in the reign of the Chola king Cholas. 
Rajaraja I, who ascended the throne in A.D. 982, a Vaidumba 
chief was his feudatory and ruled over the " Ingallur-nadu " 




The eastern 
division of 
the district 

The Telugu 

in the Cuddapah district. The Ingallur-nadu must corre- 
spond to a tract in Pulivendla taluk, with the present village 
of Inagalur as its headquarters. From an inscription, the 
date of which corresponds to A.D. 1056-57, we learn that a 
Vaidumba king or chief named BhTma Maharaja restored a 
temple at Palagiri in Kamalapuram taluk, and the same record 
refers to a previous grant made to the same temple by the 
Rashtrakuta king Krishna III (died A.D. 956). The Vaidumbas 
were still feudatories of the Chola kings in A.D. 1 102, as we 
learn from an inscription discovered at Rayachoti. This date 
falls in the reign of the Chola king Kulottunga I of whom we 
know from another source that his dominions extended even 
to Kurnool. They must have included the whole of Cuddapah 
district, for the taluks of Sidhout and Pullampet were at this 
time held by the Telugu Chodas who were also feudatories of 
the Cholas and originally belonged to the same family. 

By the incursion of the ancient Cholas into the Pallava 
country at the end of the 5th century A.D., of which one, if not 
the only, lasting result had been the establishment of a small 
Chola State in the north-west of Cuddapah district, the power 
of the Pallavas suffered only a temporary eclipse. During 
the next four centuries, with Conjeeveram as their capital, 
they ruled all the eastern country, including the present 
eastern taluks of Cuddapah district, and their authority as far 
north as the Kistna was undisputed. Their power in the south 
was however permanently crippled by the severe defeat 
inflicted on them by the Chola king Aditya I under whom the 
new dynasty of the Cholas first assumed importance. This 
was at the end of the 9th century. The Pallavas, though 
they still retained their hold on the north of their dominions, 
gradually retreated, till at the beginning of the Ilth century we 
find the Telugu Chodas governing the country corresponding 
to the modern district of Nellore, and the taluks of Pullampet, 
Sidhout and possibly Badvel. 

The Telugu Chodas claim the same ancestry and possess 
the same family titles as the Cholas. That the word Choda is 
really only a variant of Chola now admits of no doubt. They 
became established in the Telugu country in the century 
following the recrudescence of the Chola kingdom already 
referred to. It is recorded that one Dasavarman, the grand- 
father of a Choda chieftain, conquered the Paka-Rashtra and 
ruled at Pottapi. This must have been about A.D. 1000 
Pottapi has been identified with absolute certainty with the 
village of that name situated on the bank of the river Cheyyer 
in Pullampet taluk. Later Choda chieftains who ruled this 


part of the country generally assumed the title Maduranta- CHAP. II. 

kan-Pottapi-Chola. They were thus feudatories of the 

Chola kings. What Madurantakan means is not clear. It is 
curious to note that the name of the Chola king who immedi- 
ately preceded Rajaraja I and ruled from A.D. 970 to 984 was 
Madurantaka Uttama Chola, and it is suggested that a 
younger branch descended from this sovereign held this part 
of the country as viceroys. On the other hand the name 
Madurantaka may be merely a title. But from the fact that 
several inscriptions of Madurantakan-Pottapi-Cholas have 
been found in the Chingleput district as far south as Maman- 
dur, it is not impossible that Madurantakan-Pottapi-Chola 
was the official designation of the officer or viceroy of the 
Cholas administering for the time being the province extend- 
ing from Madurantakam (a town some ten miles south 
of Mamandur) on the south to Pottapi on the north. The 
portion of this Chola province corresponding to the district of 
Nellore and the eastern division of Cuddapah district was 
known as the Paka-nadu, and the Cuddapah portion, of which 
Pottapi was the headquarters, was the Merpaka-nadu, or the 
west Paka country. The coast part of the province was pre- 
sumably Kll-paka, of which perhaps the name of the Kllpauk 
division of Madras city is a reminiscence. A rich harvest of 
information has been obtained from lithic records discovered 
in or near several villages on the banks of the Cheyyer river in 
PuUampet taluk, such as Nandalur, Lebaka, and Tangatur. 
The great Chola king Kulottunga I (A.D. 1070 to II18) is 
mentioned in an inscription at Nandalur. He must have 
passed through this province on his expedition against the 
Kalinga country (Vizagapatam district). His successor's 
name Vikrama Chola is also found in two inscriptions of the 
same place, to which are assigned dates corresponding to 
A.D. 1 121 and I126 respectively. In the same place again 
there is a record of Kulottunga III (A.D. I178 to I2l6), of 
whom we know from another source that his territory included 
Nellore. The name of his successor Rajarajadeva III is also 
found on an inscription at Nandalur. During this and the 
following century the province was actually administered by 
the Telugu Chodas and from their inscriptions which contain 
genealogical accounts it is clear that the office of governor 
became hereditary. It happened at times, through the 
weakening of the central authority, that these Madurantaka- 
Pottapi-Cholas exercised practically sovereign powers. 
Such a period occurred towards the end of the I2th century 
when another feudatory or viceroy of the Cholas, who was in 


CHAP. II. charge of a province of which the headquarters were at Vallur, 
near Cuddapah, boasts to have " levied tribute from Kanchi." 
This appears to refer to a general insurrection of the northern 
provinces of the Chola Ivingdom in the early years of the reign 
of Kulottunga III, the rebels being probably set on or encour- 
aged by the Eastern Chalukyas or Pallavas. Their success, 
however, was shortlived, for in A.D. 1196 Kulottunga III 
regained Conjeeveram and " made the kings of the north pros- 
trate themselves to the ground." This sovereign entirely 
re-established the Chola power in the Paka-nadu. During 
the reign of his successor Rajarajadeva III (A.D. 1216 to 1243) 
the power of the Cholas suffered a temporary eclipse, chiefly 
owing to the aggression of the Pandyas in the south. That 
the Cholas survived this set-back is chiefly due to the prowess 
and loyalty of the Madurantaka-Pottapi-Chola Tikka who 
was then administering the Paka-nadu. We find him 
actually at Conjeeveram during the reign of Rajarajadeva III 
helping that weak monarch to repel the attacks of the Pandyas, 
one of whose allies was the Hoysala king from the west, 
whose name was VTra-Someswara (A.D. T234 to 1253). Not 
only did Tikka, who was also known as Gandagopala, 
establish the Chola king on his throne, but he defeated the 
Hoysala king and "played ball with the head of Prithvi- 
swara " who apparently threatened the Paka-nadu from the 
north. It is interesting to note that after the defeat of Vira- 
Someswara the ambitions of the Hoysala kings found an 
outlet further north, for his successor Narasimha III, who 
reigned from A.D. 1254 to 1291, is referred to in an inscrip- 
tion found at Devagudipalle of Rayachoti taluk, which shows 
that by that time at any rate the Vaidumbas, who formerly 
held that part of the country, had been dispersed. Both Tikka 
and his son and successor Manumasiddhi ruled the Paka-nadu 
from Nellore, though both of them held the title Madurantaka- 
Pottapi-Chola. Till their time Pottapi had been the head- 
quarters of the Madurantaka-Pottapi-Cholas who governed 
the Mer-paka-nadu, the rest of the Paka-nadu being adminis- 
tered from KandukCir by another branch of the same family 
of Telugu Chodas whose distinguishing name or title seems 
to have been Gandagopala. Manumasiddhi, who ruled at 
Nellore and owed allegiance to the Chola king Rajendra- 
Chola III (A.D. 1246 to 1268), was the patron of the Telugu 
poet Tikkana-Somayaji who translated a portion of the 
Sanskrit Mahabharata into Telugu and from whose writings 
we learn something of Manumasiddhi's genealogy. It 
happens that there has been preserved to us the story of a 


land dispute in the Pottapi division, which was enquired into CHAP. II 

and settled by Manumasiddhi. The account of it is as follows. . 

Certain Brahmans of Perungandura got into trouble with the 
Vellalas and sought the intervention of the Madurantaka- 
Pottapi-Chola to set matters right. The Brahmans repre- 
sented to him that a grant of land had been made to them in 
fifty-two shares " very long ago " by a certain Pallava king 
named Mukkanti-Kaduvetti, and that they had been enjoying 
the same from the time of their forefathers. But recently the 
villagers of Sakali-Kodur being obliged to emigrate owing to 
a disturbance in their country had arrived and settled near 
the village tank. The cultivators of Inumbrolu or Inumpudoli, 
had also put up some huts in the fields of Perungandura as 
they could not stop in their own village on account of plague. 
But they agreed to pay compensation amounting to the total 
produce of the fields occupied by them. Subsequently the 
Brahmans temporarily left Perungandura owing to a famine 
in those parts. When they returned they found that the 
settlers from Sakali-Kodur had named their new settlement 
Kodur. The Inumbrolu cultivators also refused to pay the 
stipulated compensation for their occupation of the fields of 
Perungandura. Moreover the original grant made to the 
Brahmans by the Pallava king was ignored, and the lands had 
become escheat to the reigning king. On the complaint of 
the Brahmans an enquiry was held by Manumasiddhi, and 
both parties were invited to adduce proof by ordeal. In the 
result, the ancient grant was confirmed to the Brahmans and 
the village of Kodur restored to them by Manumasiddhi in 
order to secure religious merit for his father Tikka. It is 
noticeable that the inscription makes no mention of the Chola 
king, which leads us to presume that Manumasiddhi practi- 
cally ruled independently of Rajendra Chola III though 
nominally his viceroy : a presumption which is strengthened 
by the fact that we know from other sources that the power of 
the Cholas was at this time declining. As to the identity of the 
places mentioned in the inscription my authority conjectures 
that the Kodur referred to may be Kodur in the south of 
PuUampet taluk, and states he is unable to identify Perun- 
gandura. Its identification does not, however, present much 
difficulty. It must be Penagalur, on the east bank of the 
Cheyyer river in that taluk. Very near Penagalur are two 
villages Kondur and Indlur, of which the former must have 
been the settlement from Sakali-Kodur, while Indluru is none 
other than Inumbrolu or Inumpudoli of the inscription. As to 
Sakali-Kodur, Sakali is the name of a division of the district, 



CHAP. II. as we learn from a Kakatlya record of the end of the 13th 

century, and that it practically corresponded to the present 

Badvel taluk is conclusively proved by a later inscription 
discovered at Porumamilla, to which reference will be made 
below. Sakali-Kodur is therefore the village of that name in 
Badvel taluk. It is possible that Sagiler, which is the name 
of the only river of importance in Badvel taluk, merely connotes 
'the river of the Sakali country.' The rule of Manumasiddhi 
in the Paka-nadu was not uneventful. In the earlier years of 
his reign he was dispossessed by a cousin, Vijaya Ganda- 
gopala, of the branch that up to the time of Tikka ruled the 
east portion of the province from Kandukur or Nellore. 
Manumasiddhi being ousted sought the assistance of the 
Kakatlya king Ganapati of Warangal and obtained it by 
himself fighting on the side of that king in a battle on the 
banks of the Godavari. It also appears that the poet Soma- 
yaji used his influence with the Kakatlya king on behalf of 
his patron. In the result Manumasiddhi was restored. He 
formally acknowledged the suzerainty of the Chola king 
Rajendra Chola III till the latter's death in A.D. 1268, when 
the Cholas seem to disappear from history altogether owing 
to their conquest by the Pandyas. 

From this date the Pottapi country, as was already the 
case with all the tract corresponding to the taluks of Jamma- 
lamadugu, Proddatur, Cuddapah, Kamalapuram and probably 
Pulivendla, fell into the hands of Ambadeva who had tempo- 
rarily usurped the Kakatlya crown. He ruled this part of his 
territory from Vallur, some ten miles west of Cuddapah, and 
the administrative divisions were the Gandikota-sTma, the 
Muliki-nadu, Renadu and, in the east of the district, the 
Sakali, Yeruva and Pottapi divisions. During the time of 
Ambadeva a land survey of Pottapi-nadu was carried out 
under the direction of his subordinate Peddinayaka, and a 
river channel was constructed at Lebaka. A flood bank was 
also thrown up to prevent the waters of the Cheyyer from 
inundating a temple in the village of Athirala. Prataparudra 
was the Kakatlya king who succeeded to the throne at 
Warangal after the death or downfall of the usurper Ambadeva. 
The Pottapi country continued to form part of the Kakatlya 
dominions, and with the death of Manumasiddhi we hear no 
more of the Telugu Chodas who ruled the Paka-nadu as 
feudatories of the Cholas of the south. 

With the opening of the 14th century we thus find the 
whole of Cuddapah district, except Rayachoti taluk, under 
the sway of the great northern kingdom whose capital was 

The Kakati 
yas of 






Warangal while Rayachoti taluk was, as we know, in the r^j^p u 

latter part of the 13th century, included in the territories of the 

Hoysalas. In A-D. 1309 came the invasion of the Deccan by the 
Muhammadans during the reign of the Khilji Emperor AUah- 
ud-din. Warangal fell and with it the Kakatlya dynasty. The 
whole of the Carnatic and the Coromandel was overrun by the 
invaders, who penetrated to the extreme south of the Peninsula. 
The subjection of the country was completed about A.D. 1325 
when Warangal was captured and king Prataparudra carried a 
prisoner to Delhi. But in A.-D. 1336 the Vijayanagar kingdom 
was founded by Harihara and Bukka, two Hindu refugees from 
Warangal, and in A.D. 1344 a Hindu confederation, consisting 
of the son of Prataparudra of Warangal, Krishna Nayakkar of 
Vijayanagar, and the Hoysala king from Mysore, with an 
immense force drove the Muhammadans out of Warangal and 
rolled back the tide of their advance. The outcome of this was 
the establishment of the Vijayanagar Empire. During the two 
centuries of its ascendency it included the whole of the 
present Cuddapah district. 

No general account is necessary here of the rule of the .j-j^^, 
Vijayanagar Emperors, but the political condition of Cuddapah Vijayanagar 
district from the 14th to the middle of the 17th century, on ^"^^P^e- 
which some interesting light has been recently thrown by the 
discovery of inscriptions may be briefly summarised. Within 
a very few years of the founding of the empire we find the 
whole of Cuddapah district and probably most of Nellore 
included in the province of Udayagiri (in Nellore district). 
This province was ruled over by a son of the Emperor Kampa I 
as early as A.D. 1356, and this fact illustrates what was appa- 
rently the fixed policy of the Vijayanagar dynasty, namely, 
that of appointing close relatives of the reigning emperor as 
viceroys of outlying provinces. The great importance of this 
province is shown by the fact that in the next reign also a son 
of the emperor was viceroy. This was in the reign of Bukka I 
(A.D. 1352 to 1376), when we learn that his son Baskara when 
viceroy of the Udayagiri province constructed the great irriga- 
tion tank at Porumamilla in the Badvel taluk in the year A.D. 
1369. From the inscription which records this event and from 
others we find that the whole of the Cuddapah district fell 
within the Udayagiri province, which was bounded on the 
south by the Chandragiri province, and on the west by the 
Penukonda province. It contained two main districts in the 
country that now includes the Cuddapah district. These were 
the Siddhavattam-sTma and the Gandikota-slma. The former 
comprised among others the Sakali and Pottapi sub-divisions 


CHAP. II. corresponding respectively to the Badvel and Pullampet 

. taluks, so that the Siddhavattam-slma must have represented 

roughly the three eastern taluks of the present district. All 
the rest of the Cuddapah district except Rayachoti taluk fell 
in the Gandikota district, one sub-division of which was the 
Muliki-nadu. This latter was extensive, for it included 
Chennur, Potladurti and Pulivendla, all of which appear to 
have been the headquarters of still smaller administrative 
units. Rayachoti taluk was also included in the Udayagiri 
province but apparently in a different district. From an 
inscription at Chilamakur which records a transfer of land in 
A.D. 1382-83 we again find that the Udayagiri province is 
ruled by a son of the reigning emperor Harihara II. This 
was Prince Devaraya Odaiyar. The latter name, sometimes 
spelled Odeya, was, as is made clear from other records, 
merely a title of the viceroys of the Vijayanagar provinces. 
This prince subsequently became Emperor and ruled from 
A.D. 1406 till at least 1417. The history of Cuddapah during 
the 15th century A.D. is marked, as far as we know, by no 
event of importance. The rule of the Vijayanagar emperors 
was now acknowledged through all the region south of the 
capital, and the country enjoyed peace and comparative 
prosperity. The military forces of the empire were, however, 
continually engaged in resisting the Muhammadans on its 
northern frontier, while on the east, north of Udayagiri 
province, its borders were from time to time harassed by the 
Gajapati king of Orissa and his southern feudatories, of whom 
probably the most important were the Reddis of KondavTdu, 
At the end of this or the beginning of the following century 
Udayagiri must have been temporarily lost to the empire 
through the aggression of its enemies in the north-east, for it is 
recorded that about A.D. 1514 Krishnaraya, the greatest of the 
Vijayanagar emperors, captured Udayagiri and defeated and 
pursued the Gajapati king Prataparudra as far as KondavTdu, 
who subsequently sued for peace and acknowledged Krishna- 
raya as his overlord. An inscription found at Katteragandla 
in Badvel taluk, from which we learn that one Yellamarasayya 
was administering the Sakali district as agent of the Governor 
of the Udayagiri province, shows that the Emperor Krishnaraya 
was ruling as late as A.D. 1530. From the year A.D. 1544 
several inscriptions have been found in the district in which 
mention is made of the Emperor Sadasiva. During his reign 
and that of his predecessor Achyuta the decline of the empire 
began. The empire was actually governed, while Sadasiva 
still occupied the throne, by his brother-in-law Ramaraja, the 


great Hemraj of Muhammadan historians, and his brother CHAP. II. 

Tirumala, the founders of the Karnata dynasty of Vijayanagar 

rulers. In A.D. 1557-58 an inscription at Munelli in Badvel 
taluk shows that Tirumala was then administering the empire 
on behalf of the puppet Sadasiva, while Ramaraja as we know 
from other sources was engaged in incessant warfare on the 
northern frontier. Ramaraja was the only ruler of the empire 
who ever made any headway against the Muhammadans. 
We are told that he wrested several districts from Bijapur, 
overran Golconda, laid seige to the capital and exacted large 
concessions from its king. But his unprecedented success 
had the effect of impelling the Muhammadan kingdoms to 
suspend their mutual jealousies and unite to crush the Hindu 
sovereignty of the Deccan once for all. Thus it came about 
that at the famous battle of Talikota in January 1565, the 
Hindus and Muhammadans, with forces of almost fabulous 
strength, contested for the supremacy of the Deccan. In the 
result the Raja was totally defeated and slain, and his 
capital taken and looted by the Muhammadans. The Hindu 
power in the south was irretrievably broken, but dissensions 
among the victors enabled Tirumala, the brother and successor 
of Ramaraja, to conserve a part of his territory, which we 
may note still included the whole of Cuddapah district, and 
to carry on the government from Penukonda. He was 
succeeded in 1573-4 by his son Ranga who shortly afterwards 
transferred his capital to Chandragiri in the Chittoor district 
on the capture of Penukonda by the Muhammadans in 1 576 7. 
Ranga was followed in 1586 by his brother Venkatapati. 
A record from Varikunta in Badvel taluk mentions this king 
as ruling from Chandragiri in 1602. He died in 1614. For 
thirty years afterwards his successors continued to rule the 
remnants of their territory with Chandragiri as their capital, 
but in 1646 this stronghold as well as Chingleput, a royal 
retreat still further south, fell into the hands of the king of 
Golconda. But long before this time they had ceased to 
exercise any real authority, as first one, then another of their 
viceroys threw off their allegiance. It "appears, however, from 
numerous inscriptions that up to the death of Venkatapati 
the Vijayanagar suzerainty was nominally acknowledged 
throughout most of the Cuddapah district. This was due not 
only to the prestige of the dynasty and its former magnificence, 
but to the fact that, unlike the rest of the Ceded Districts, 
this part of the country was not immediately affected by the 
Muhammadan irruption which followed the track of the 
retreating emperors. In pursuing Sadasiva and Tirumala to 


CHAP. 11. Penukonda after the battle of Talikota the king of Golconda 

left Cuddapah district on the east, and after dislodging the 

emperor from Penukonda and establishing Muhammadan 
influence throughout Bellary and Anantapur, the trend of 
the Muhammadan invasion turned east and south leaving 
Cuddapah district untouched on the north. It was not till the 
beginning of the 17th century that the Golconda kings turned 
their attention to the present Cuddapah district and surveyed 
the country for revenue purposes. The survey took four years 
to complete and the amount of revenue they hoped to realise 
is known in revenue history as the kamil assessment. This was 
a singularly ineffective undertaking, for all traces of the survey 
were soon obliterated audit does not appear that a tithe of the 
assessment was ever collected, nor is this a matter for surprise 
as the country had never been conquered ; yet the kamil 
assessment was utilized by later governments down to the 
British occupation as a sort of standard by which to measure 
the tax-paying capacity of the district. Till the reduction of 
the Golconda kings in 1687 by Aurangzebe the only repre- 
sentatives of the central authority in the Cudappah district 
appear to have been the Nawabs of Gandikota and Cuddapah, 
but as they had not the means of reducing the local chiefs who 
had rendered military service during the Vijayanagar period 
their political importance was almost negligible. Subsequently 
Aurangzebe was continually engaged in withstanding the 
aggressions of the Mahrattas, so that with the opening of the 
l8th century the condition of this part of the Deccan fell 
little short of anarchy. 

Rise of the It is accordingly from the date of the battle of Talikota 

° ^^"^^* and the failure of the Golconda kings to establish a political 

ascendancy in any way comparable to that of the Vijayanagar 
dynasty that we trace the rise of local chiefs and poligars, 
fostered by the absence of any effective central authority. 
These petty chieftains who in fact exercised sovereign rights 
within their jurisdiction were moreover never adequately 
dealt with by the Nawabs of Cuddapah whose authority 
subsequently received nominal recognition throughout the 
district, with the result that after two hundred years of prac- 
tical independence, their reduction was only accomplished 
by British troops and their allegiance won by the unflinching 
determination and never-failing tact of Sir Thomas Munro. 

The Matla Some of the local chiefs of Cuddapah district deserve more 

princes. than a passing allusion. By far the most important was the 

Matla or Matli family of chieftains. They were more than 
poligars, for their territory amounted to a principality, and 


from the beginning of the I/th century at least they assume the CHAP. II. 
title of Raja. As early as A.D. 1524 we find a chief of this — 

family exercising some political authority in the Pottapi sub- 
division of the Siddhavattam-sTma, and a member of his 
family constructed an anicut near the village of Kondur. In 
the reign of the Vijayanagar king Sadasiva the Matla family 
became allied to that dynasty by marriage and acquired con- 
siderable local importance. In A.D. 1 570 Matla Timmalaraja 
who was ruling the Pottapi-nadu granted the revenue of some 
lands in the village of Pondalur to a temple of that place. 
At the beginning of the 17th century they seem to have 
extended their authority, now practically uncontrolled, over 
the three taluks of Badvel, Sidhout and Pullampet. This was 
in the time of the best known ruler of the line, whose name was 
Anantaraju or Anantaramaraju. He is credited with having 
constructed the Badvel tank, and one of the villages it irrigates 
is called Anantarajupuram. There is also a tradition that 
Chennampalle some four miles from Badvel is named after 
his wife Chennamma. In A.D. 1604 he repaired the walls of 
the temples at Sidhout and created the nucleus of the fort 
which was afterwards completed by a Nawab of Cuddapah. 
He appears to be the nephew of another Matla Ananta, who 
was the author of the Telugupoem Kakusthavijayamu and one 
of the brothers of Timmalaraja referred to above. The Matla 
princes spent a good deal of money on irrigation works. In 
addition to the construction of the Badvel tank and the anicut 
at Kondur already alluded to a later prince named Perumalla- 
raja built a sluice in the big tank at Lebaka in the year 
A.D. 1718 while it is recorded that yet another ruler of this 
family dug an irrigation channel from the Cheyyer in Pottapi 
village. It is interesting to note that they took the title of 
Devachodamaharaja and claimed descent from the Chola kings, 
thus establishing their political continuity with the Telugu 
Chodas who ruled the Madurantaka Pottapi country as feuda- 
tories of the Cholas in the 13th century. Towards the end 
of the 17th century in the time of Venkataramaraja we find 
the old Pottapi-nadu split up into two divisions known as 
the Pulugunati-sTma and the Pottapi-sTma. On the whole 
the administrative changes that took place seem to be as 
follows. Under the Vijayanagar kings the Matla family ruled 
the Pottapi division from Pottapi. There is a tradition that 
Pottapi was abandoned as headquarters on account of its 
inferior strategical position. The Matlas therefore moved 
their headquarters to Yerraguntlakota, but this too was finally 
relegated to the sub-divisional officer in charge of the 


CHAP. II. Puliigunati sub-division, while the old sub-division of Pottapi 
— - was administered from Tangatur, and the headquarters of the 
Raja became Chitvel. This last change must have occurred 
about the time that Abdul Nabi Khan became Nawab of 
Cuddapah, for in l8oi Munro writes of the Matla family, 
"They obtained Chitvel about ninety years ago to support a 
body of peons, and pay an annual peshcash which, at the time 
of the conquest of Cuddapah by Haidar, was paid to the 
Nawabs of that province and amounted to above a lakh of 
rupees." It was either the son or the father of Venkatarama- 
raja, named Tiruvengalanatha raja, who built the magnificent 
gopura of Govindaraja at lower Tirupati. The second Tiruven- 
galanatha was ruling in A.D. 1705. An interesting old 
document of the beginning of the 19th century gives us 
the genealogy of the Matla rajas from A.D. 1/21-22 to the 
year A.D. 1801-02 when came the " Kumphani Government," 
in -connection with which is mentioned Colonel Mantolu 
Sahib (Munro). This record tells us that about A.D. 1780 the 
Raja governed under the Sultan for six years, and for three 
years subsequent thereto " the Sultan ruled." Thereafter the 
Raja seems to have come to his own again until the time of 
Company. " The Sultan " here referred to is Haidar Ali, who 
died in 1782 and his son Tipu Sultan. Under Haidar Ali, the 
old sub-division of Cuddapah district which includes the pre- 
sent taluk of Rayachoti was administered by Mir Sahib, the 
Governor of Gurramkonda. Haidar Ali himself, assisted by 
Mir Sahib, finally reduced the Cuddapah Nawab and carried 
him and his family prisoners to Seringapatam in A.D. 1780. 
The effect of this event was not only felt by the Matla 
princes but by the poligars throughout the district. As 
Munro points out in his letter dated 20th March l802 to the 
Board of Revenue concerning the poligars " Haidar Ali was 
the only Indian sovereign we know of who ever subdued all 
his petty feudatories and was really master of his country. " 
Unfortunately for the peace of the country Tipu was 
obliged to cede all his Cuddapah possessions to the Nizam in 
A.D. 1792 with the result that the local chieftains all returned 
and resumed their independence confident in the weakness of 
the central authority. Munro's reports are eloquent of the 
effect on the country caused by a period of eight years' anarchy 
immediately preceding the transfer of the Ceded Districts to 
the British in A.D. 1800. But before giving a more general 
account of the poligars of the district and Munro's adminis- 
tration we must revert to a closer consideration of the history 
of the country under the Nizam, when the whole of the present 


district was, at least nominally, governed by the Nawab of CHAP. II. 


As already stated, a pretty long period elapsed between 
the battle of Talikota and the establishment of Muhammadan 
rule in Cuddapah district, for the reason that the Muham- 
madan kings of the Deccan, besides continually quarrelling 
with each other, were occupied during the next century in the The Nawabs 
final annihilation of the Vijayanagar Empire and in continual of Cuddapah. 
wars with the Mahrattas. It is not until the Nizam of Hydera- 
bad began to rule the Deccan as a practically independent 
monarch in the early part of the l8th century that the Nawabs 
of Cuddapah attain to any political importance. For a whole 
century their authority must have been very restricted, for we 
find that as late as A.D. 1694 a governor of the Siddhavattam- 
sTma was appointed by the Nawab of Arcot and given by 
him a jagir of three villages. The first Nawab of Cuddapah 
to assert his control of the district was Abdul Nabi Khan 
whose governorship began in the year A.D. 1714. He was a 
man of considerable energy and ability, for he extended his 
province as far south as Punganur and even levied tribute in 
the Baramahal. He established garrisons at Gandikota in 
the north and Gurramkonda in the south, but made no real 
attempt to reduce the country to order. The local poligars in 
the Gurramkonda country were allowed to continue undis- 
turbed as long as they shared their ill-gotten gains with the 
Muhammadan governors. In 1732 the name of the ruling 
Nawab was Mahazid Khan, the son of Abdul Nabi Khan. 
But in the year 1740 a Nawab of the latter name is mentioned 
in connection with a raid by the Mahrattas. This Nawab was 
probably a grandson of the first Abdul Nabi Khan. In 
military prowess he was certainly far inferior to the earlier 
Nawab. In May A.D. 1740 the Mahrattas invaded the country, 
defeated the Nawab of Kandanur (Kurnool) and marched 
against Cuddapah with a force of cavalr^^ said to have been 
40,000 or 50,000 strong. A day's fighting then ensued be- 
tween the Mahrattas and the Nawab. Abdul Nabi Khan was 
defeated and sent away his family for safety to the fort of 
Gandikota, himself retreating southwards. He was again 
engaged by the Mahrattas " in the defile," which seems to 
indicate the Guvvalacheruvu ghat. Here he was once more 
defeated but made his peace with the marauders by giving 
them a lakh and a half of rupees and other presents. The 
Mahrattas then proceeded southwards, defeated and killed the 
Nawab of Arcot, Dost Ali Khan, in a cavalry engagement ai 
"the pass" which must have been the descent from the 


CHAP. II. plateau from Pller to Damalcheruvu, and overran all the south 

country. After subsisting for several months on the proceeds 

of raids and robbery they finally invested Trichinopoly which 
was surrendered to them by Chanda Sahib, its Governor, on 
March 30th, 1741. They then returned to their own country- 
Early in 1743 the Nizam himself with a huge following visited 
the south country and made a friendly arrangement with 
the Mahrattas by ceding to them Penukonda in exchange for 
their restoration of Trichinopoly. In this expedition the sons 
of Abdul Nabi Khan followed in the Nizam's train. Their 
names are given as Path Miah and Baday Miah. A crowd of 
poligars also accompanied them. It may be mentioned here 
that the opinion sometimes held that the Mahratta and 
Muhammadan descents from the north into the south country 
were by way of Tirupati seems to be incorrect. The route 
taken from Cuddapah on both occasions was almost certainly 
through Rayachoti, Kalakada, Pller and Damalcheruvu, and 
so to Arcot. That the Nizam did not get to Arcot by way of 
Tirupati on this occasion is beyond doubt, for we are told that 
it was rumoured after his arrival at Arcot that he would visit 
Tirupati and from thence pass south through Conjeeveram. 
If he had already passed Tirupati on his way to Arcot, this 
statement would be incomprehensible. Besides, so far as the 
Muhammadans were concerned, the route from Rayachoti to 
Pller lay entirely within that part of the country controlled 
by their stronghold at Gurramkonda, whereas the eastern 
division beyond the Seshachalams was, as far as is known, 
ungarrisoned.^ The presumption that they took the central and 
more direct route is also supported by the fact that at the 
present day Musalmans are far more numerous in the towns and 
villages through which it passes than in the east of the district. 
After concluding his treaty with Morari Rao at Trichi- 
nopoly the Nizam left that place in October 1743, and returned 
northwards. But before he reached his capital his army was 
intercepted early in 1744 by another Mahratta force which 
broke through his lines and penetrated to the Carnatic. For 
many years subsequently the country stretching from Kurnool 
on the north to Arcot on the south was distracted by similar 
conflicts between the Muhammadans and the Mahrattas. The 
latter were almost always successful, though one exception 
is recorded, when in May 1746 Muhammad Ali Khan, son of the 
Nawab of Arcot, marched to Kurnool, and with the assistance 
of the Nawabs of Kurnool and Cuddapah defeated the Mahratta 
chief BapOji Nayakkan, who retired with loss. In 1750 a 

^ Sidhoul was fortified at a later date. 


tragedy, which plays an important part in Indian history, took CHAP. IL 

place, in which a Cuddapah chief took a prominent share. In 

this year Nasir Jung was besieging Ginjee and was attended 
by his vassals, the Nawabs of Cuddapah, Kurnool and Sava- 
nore. His title of succession as Nizam had been disputed by 
his nephew Muzaffar Jung, whose cause had been adopted by 
the French. Under the orders of M. Dupleix, M. Bussy, by 
a daring attack, captured the fort of Ginjee, hitherto deemed 
impregnable. Nasir Jung advanced to recapture it and 
Muzaffar Jung marched to relieve the garrison. Previous to 
the meeting, however, Dupleix deserted his ally, and Muzaffar 
Jung, thinking his cause hopeless, surrendered to his uncle 
Nasir Jung. The desertion of the French troops was only a 
part of a deep-laid conspiracy, to which the principal chiefs 
of Nasir Jung had been gained over. On the occasion of a 
sally from the Fort, Nasir Jung went forth to head his troops 
and passing by the elephant of the Nawab of Cuddapah he 
paused to salute his vassal. The salute was not returned; 
and, thinking that in the dim light of the morning it had not 
been perceived, Nasir Jung raised himself in his howdah to 
repeat it. He was, however, greeted with a salute from a 
loaded carbine and fell mortally wounded by two bullets. 
Muzaffar Jung was at once proclaimed Nizam and proceeded 
to Pondicherry, where he was formally installed by Dupleix 
with much solemnity and state. The opening scene of this 
tragedy took place in the present district of South Arcot, but 
the closing scene took place in the Cuddapah district, and in 
this the Nawab of Cuddapah plays an equally conspicuous and 
discreditable part- Whilst Muzaffar Jung was lingering in 
Pondicherry, bestowing lavish presents on the French, and 
discussing treaties for the joint government of Southern 
India, the Nawab of Cuddapah, disgusted that he had not 
gained as much as he had expected, had retired to his district. 
Indeed, the only persons who seem to have benefited by this 
act of treachery were the French and Haidar Ali, whose clever 
thieves, in the confusion resulting from Nasir Jung's death, 
had managed to decamp with two elephants loaded with trea- 
sure, which afterwards proved of much service to Haidar when 
recruiting his army. When he arrived in his district, the 
Cuddapah Nawab formed a conspiracy with other Pathan 
Chiefs, and when Muzaffar Jung was marching northwards 
from Pondicherry to Hyderabad, to take possession of his new 
Government, the conspirators met him at the narrow pass of 
Lakkireddipalle in the Rayachoti taluk of the Cuddapah 
district. In the conflict that ensued, Muzaflar Jung fell struck 


CHAP. II. down by a javelin thrown by the Nawab of Kurnool (January 
— 1751)- The name of the dastardly conspirator who engineered 

this double treachery has not come down to us. It has been 
thought that he was merely the guardian of the minor Abdul- 
alam Khan. But that he was the de facto Nawab of Cud- 
dapah admits of no doubt. He seems to have been mortally 
wounded at this very affray at Lakkireddipalle, and it is pro- 
bable that Abdul-alam Khan, the minor, then assumed the 
governorship. This latter is the last of the Nawabs of Cud- 
dapah. In his time (l757) the Cuddapah district was overrun 
by the Mahrattas under Balavanta Rao who gained a decisive 
battle over the Muhammadans near the town of Cuddapah. 
It was apparently on this occasion that the Mahrattas were 
bought off by the cession of Gurramkonda. 
Haidar Aii About this time the rise of Haidar Ali constitutes a new 

of Mysore. element in the political forces which shaped the destinies of 
Cuddapah. This daring adventurer had obtained complete 
control of the Mysore army by 1761 when he persuaded the 
feeble Raja to resign the sceptre to him and to retire into 
private life on an annuity. Haidar Ali obtained possession of 
Gurramkonda in 1766, temporarily lost it to the Mahrattas in 
1772, but regained it early in 1774 through his son Tipu. 
Until 1779 Haidar had no excuse for extending his raids into 
Cuddapah any further than Gurramkonda, but in that year 
the Nawab of Cuddapah, Abdul-alam Khan, having refused 
to supply the military contingent he had bound himself to 
furnish when Tipu re-conquered Gurramkonda from the 
Mahrattas, Haidar despatched a force under Mir Sahib, the 
Governor of Gurramkonda, to punish him for his disobedience. 
This force was too small to effect anything decisive, but in the 
following year Haidar himself took the field and, effecting 
a junction with Mir Sahib, gave battle to the forces of the 
Nawab near the small fortified town of Duvvur on the 
banks of the Kunder, about ten miles north-east of Prod- 
datur. The Nawab's cavalry were defeated in the open 
field and driven into the town, which they surrendered at 
discretion. The Nawab himself escaped to the fort of 
Sidhout, which was at once invested by Haidar and captured 
without much difficulty. The Nawab and his family were 
then sent prisoners to Seringapatam where he finally died in 
captivity. At the close of this conquest Haidar Ali left for 
Mysore, having first added Sidhout and Cuddapah to the 
jagir of Gurramkonda held by his brother-in-law, Mir Sahib, 
who was now left in charge of the whole district on the 
condition of maintaining the requisite garrisons and 3,000 


horse, Mir Sahib, who died in 1781, and his son and CHAP. II. 

successor Kamal-ud-din, were the first rulers of the district 

who seriously grappled with the problem of the poligars, the 
importance of which was fully recognised by Haidar Ali. In 
the words of Munro " The Cuddapah Nawabs expelled some 
of them (poligars), but neither they nor the Mahrattas were 
ever able to reduce the rest, or even enforce the regular pay- 
ment of their peshkash. Haidar was engaged in such constant 
and extensive wars that he had not leisure to root out the 
poligars so entirely as he would otherwise have done. He 
however took the surest means of disabling them from disturb- 
ing his Government. Those who fled were deterred from 
returning by a strong detachment stationed in their country 
and those who fell into his hands were ever after obliged 
to remain near him." As an example of this it may be 
mentioned that Haidar took away the Matla Raja of Chitvel 
with him in 1780. Munro continues " Tipu in the early part 
of his reign pursued the same measures, but when his power 
was reduced by the campaigns of Lord Cornwallis, and when 
he afterwards weakened it still more himself by parcelling out 
his country into a vast number of minute amildaris in order 
to provide for a host of ignorant, corrupt and needy Musal- 
mans, the fugitive poligars, though they did not think it 
prudent to risk their own persons in the country, contrived by 
means of their emissaries to obtain the consent of the Asophs 
to their collecting most of their ancient rusunis and even the 
rents of their villages on condition of their giving them a part 
. . . so that several years previous to the death of the sultan 
the poligars of Gurramkonda were without his knowledge 
drawing large annual contributions from their old possessions. 
When Kamal-ud-din Khan besides his jagir in Gurramkonda 
received from the Nizam the management of the remaining 
part of that province, he found himself too weak to drive out 
the poligars who had recovered their hereditary districts 
during the war, and he therefore granted them terras which 
he meant to observe only while he found it convenient ; but 
they broke them before him by withholding their kists, and a 
fruitless expedition, which he undertook for the purpose of 
enforcing payment, only ended in laying waste the country and 
in placing the recovery of the balances at a greater distance 
than ever. In that part of the Ceded countries which fell to 
the Nizam by the treaties of Mysore and Seringapatam," i.e. 
in 1792, — they included the whole of Cuddapah district — 
" his officers, from indolence or weakness, not only allowed 
the poligars to return but sometimes invested them with the 




Transfer of 
to the British. 

The work of 

management of sircar villages in addition to their own . . . 
The Mysore system, which resumed all poligarships, expelled 
their turbulent chiefs and levied an additional body of troops 
to prevent their return, was in every respect, whether for main- 
taining the authority of Government, or the tranquillity of the 
country, infinitely preferable to that of the Nizam which, at 
a greater expense incurred by the necessity of frequent 
expeditions, suffered them to retain their power, to commit 
every kind of depredations, and on every favourable con- 
juncture to set the Government itself at defiance." 

In the year l8oo the Hyderabad contingent was increased 
to eight battalions, and districts (including the whole of 
modern Cuddapah) yielding sixty-three lakhs a year were 
made over by the Nizam in perpetual sovereignty to the East 
India Company, under the stipulation that the British Govern- 
ment should guarantee all the remaining territories of the 
Nizam from every attack. In their order, dated October 24th, 
1800, the Government of Madras acquainted Major Thomas 
Munro, as he then was, with the particulars of this treaty, and 
posted him as Principal Collector of " the whole of these 
extensive territories," with four Sub-Collectors under his 
immediate authority. For the purpose of establishing the 
British authority in the Ceded Provinces, Colonel Wellesley 
(afterwards the Duke of Wellington) was simultaneously 
ordered to move with all the troops under his command at 
Hubli to Adoni, and to detach a small portion of the troops 
in Mysore in order to meet the Principal Collector's " unavoid- 
able demand for military aid." Less than a month after 
taking charge. Major Munro reports as follows: "By every 
report which has reached me, it appears that almost every 
poligar, however insignificant, who had been expelled since 
the beginning of Haidar's usurpation, has been within these 
few years permitted to resume the management of his district." 

At the opening of the 19th century we thus enter on the 
last phase of the history of the Cuddapah district, namely, 
the subjugation of the poligars, the establishment of a well 
ordered government and the inauguration of the revenue 
system which obtains at the present day. All this was the 
work of the great Munro, who later became Sir Thomas 
Munro, Governor of Madras. Of so high an order were the 
energy, ability, foresight and determination which he brought 
to the task that he accomplished in the short period of 
seven years what might have taxed the powers of a whole 
generation of administrators endowed with less extraordinary 
talents. To these qualities was added also the incalculable 


factor of a magnetic personality, to which much of his success CHAP. II. 

with the people of the country must be attributed. It made 

such an indelible impression on all who came in touch with 
him, that they remembered him all their lives and bequeathed 
to their children the story of his greatness, which so grew 
in the telling that by the middle of the century many tradi- 
tions and legends of a semi-sacred character were associated 
with his name. These survive to the present day, and though 
what he did is now forgotten, the memory of the man is 
preserved in the hearts of the people for ever. 

In describing the state of the country when the Ceded The Poiigars 
Districts passed into the hands of the Company, Munro ^"^ '^.'-'" 
enumerates 80 different poiigars, of whom a large number 
were in the present Cuddapah district. Most of these were 
grouped round the more influential poiigars to whom they 
paid the same sort of allegiance as their nominal chiefs paid 
to the ruling sovereign power- A peculiarity of all these 
poiigars was that every one, however petty his territory, kept 
up a mimic court ; nominal officers were appointed, holding 
the same titles as similar officers in the sovereign courts, and 
a small standing army was maintained of permanently 
appointed peons, aided by a militia of relatives of these 
peons, who were liable to be called out in times of disturbance. 
These small standing armies were but seldom paid, and the 
greater part of their earnings were gained by their depreda- 
tions in time of war. During peace these bodies of peons 
continued their usual practices and earned their livelihood by 
pillaging border villages. The consequence was that every 
village exposed to their ravages (and the territories of each 
poligar were so small, that there were few that were not more 
or less affected by them) endeavoured to put itself in a state 
of defence sufficient to ward off these attacks. In most 
villages of the district are still to be seen a ruined watch- 
tower or the outline of a fort, and sometimes the vestiges of 
turrets and bastions. Where a \ illage was wealthy or 
populous enough to be able to defend itself against the 
attacks of these border robbers, it advanced in the course of 
a few years from the defensive to the offensive. The 
principal inhabitant became the chief of the village, the 
servants employed by the villagers to defend their common 
property were under his orders, and so, after a few years 
(supposing that in the interim his village had not been sacked 
or burnt), the village chief emerged as a petty poligar. A 
few years more added somewhat to his pretensions, and in a 
short time he attempted to imitate the poiigars who were 


CHAP. II. so lately his aggressors, and established his mimic court, 
his standing army, and his raids of plunder. The con- 
sequence was that the Ceded Districts, and more especially 
that portion of them above the ghats, were nothing more 
than a nest of robbers, and the ryots and country people were 
tormented by a continual state of violence and rapine. It is 
almost impossible to imagine a country from which it would 
be more difficult to raise a permanent revenue ; for payment 
of any kind was exactly what every one from the highest to 
the lowest was the least accustomed to. 

In order to deal more promptly with the prevalent disorder 
the Government of Madras had, when appointing Munro as 
Principal Collector of the Ceded Districts, directed that until 
his authority should have been established in the country his 
correspondence should be " immediate with his Lordship," 
but as soon as circumstances should appear to render it 
expedient he should subject himself to the authority of the 
Board of Revenue. Munro carried out his operations so 
quickly and effectually that in March l8oi he was able 
to settle the revenues of the Gurramkonda country and 
in April we find from his correspondence that the Board 
of Revenue had assumed control of the whole district. One 
of the difficulties confronting Munro at the outset was the 
presence of bodies of the Nizam's troops who refused to 
leave the country until their arrears of pay were settled. This 
Munro did at once, leaving the money to be recovered after- 
wards. At the same time the poligars were kept in check by 
a proclamation declaring that every chieftain who garrisoned 
a fort, maintained an armed force, or levied contributions, 
would be treated as a rebel. This was not a mere threat, as 
in May iBoi Major-General Campbell marched against 
Vemula in the Pulivendla taluk and reduced the poligar to 
obedience by demolishing his fort. From there the general 
proceeded to Pullampet taluk and forcibly dispossessed the 
Matla raja of Chitvel. But Munro's summary manner of 
treating these petty chieftains did not meet with universal 
approval. The Governments of Madras and Calcutta gave 
it their sanction, but the Court of Directors condemned it in 
the strongest language as " not only disingenuous, but harsh 
and ill-considered," and called upon Munro for a complete 
explanation of his motives, threatening that, if this proved 
unsatisfactory, he would be removed from his appointment 
and never again employed on revenue work " for which the 
violent and mistaken principles of his conduct seemed to 
render him unfit." The Directors wished the poligars to be 


upheld in their right and enjoyment of the soil, and trusted CHAP. II. 

that a gradual course of good government would wean them 

from "their feudal habits and principles, " and turn them 
into peaceful citizens. Munro's reply of 22nd February 1805 
is an unassailable defence of his position. He shows that 
neither on the ground of their ancient rights nor of their later 
conduct were the poligars entitled to " gentle measures " and 
that their " feudal habits and principles " consisted of crimes, 
oppressions and contumacies which if permitted to continue 
would have rendered good government impossible. The Direc- 
tors said no more and Munro's policy gave the district the first 
taste of tranquillity which it had known for many years. 
He steadily followed each delinquent ; and, though at times 
when the forces under his orders were employed on other duty 
he was compelled to remain quiet (for he made a point of • 
never using force until he knew that he had sufficient troops 
to render resistance unavailing), he always carried his pur- 
pose in the end. For months perhaps the fugitive poligar 
would be going from one friendly chief to another, endeavour- 
ing to incite each into rebellion, and at the commencement 
of Munro's rule these men perhaps ridiculed the ineffectual 
manner in which the Company's Collector carried his orders 
into force ; but Munro never moved from the line he had 
adopted. He had at first only a limited number of troops at 
his disposal. He employed them, as occasion demanded, in 
hunting out or reducing the forts of the absconding poligars, 
but he never allowed them to be diverted from the object they 
had in view. Other poligars might disobey his orders, might 
abscond or attempt to raise rebellion ; but for the present 
Munro would be hunting down the Poligar of Nossam or some 
other particular recusant, and until this task was accomplished^ 
others could wait. Frequently a passage like the follow- 
ing occurs in Munro's despatches : " I was not prepared at the 
time to enforce my demands, and I therefore took no notice of 
his conduct." But when the time came that Munro was able 
to enforce his demand, the rebel poligar was hunted from 
place to place. If he took refuge with a chief beyond Munro's 
jurisdiction, no force was used. Munro would quietly look on 
and remark to the Board that, since for each protection the 
poligar's friendly ally would squeeze as much money from the 
fugitive as he could, the poligar would, after a few more such 
visits, be left without any more resources, and as none of his 
friends would think of protecting him when he had no more 
money, he would then be compelled to surrender to the troops 
who, for days and weeks, had been following and waiting for 


CHAP. II. him as patiently as a cat for a mouse. The whole of the first 
eighteen months of Munro's rule was taken up by these inci- 
dents. The history of one tells us of all; the beginning and 
the end are always the same. The poligar begins by refusing 
payment, he becomes refractory or absconds, and he ends by 
being captured, his estate is confiscated, and he is confined in 
the fort of Gooty. The following despatch of Munro's gives 
us a clear indication of the methods he adopted in dealing 
with refractory poligars : " The poligar of Uppalur, about 8o 
miles to the west of Cuddapah, disobeyed the summons I sent 
him in February last to meet me in order to settle his rents, 
and he also refused to relinquish two sircar villages which he 
had obtained on rent a few years ago from one of the Nizam's 
Amildars. I was not prepared at the time to enforce my 
demands, so I took no notice of his conduct until the division 
under Major-General Campbell encamped in this neighbour- 
hood in June, when I directed the Amildar (Tahsildar) to 
take possession of the sircar villages, which were given up 
without opposition. The poligar was permitted to keep his 
hereditary village of Uppalur on the idea that he would in 
future show more obedience to the civil authority. On my 
arrival here on the 20th instant, I found that he would neither 
come to the cutchery himself nor allow the karnam of his 
village to bring me his accounts. All the poligars of Gurram- 
konda had come in with their accounts, and as 1 was sensible 
that their example being followed by those in other parts of 
the country would depend in a great measure on his treatment, 
I resolved to seize him without delay. As he had only 20 
armed followers, the Amildar's peons would have been suffi- 
cient for the purpose, but as there was a chance of his escaping 
and collecting more followers, and committing depredations 
before he could be taken, I requested Colonel St. Leger, com- 
manding at Kamalapuram, to send a detachment against him- 
The Colonel in consequence marched himself last night with 
these troops, and surprised and made him prisoner without 
any loss. I shall keep him in confinement in Gooty, and 
allow him such a proportion of his revenues as the Right 
Honourable the Governor in Council may be pleased to direct.'' 
At the end of 1807 Munro resigned his post of Principal Col- 
lector and proceeded home on leave, having first received the 
following handsome acknowledgment of his services from the 
Madras Government : — 

" From disunited hordes of lawless plunderers and free-booters 
they (the people) are now stated to be as far advanced in civilization, 
submission to the laws, and obedience to the Magistrates, as any of 


the subjects under this Government. 'J'he revenues are collected with CHAF. II. 

facility ; every one seems satisfied with his situation, and the regret of 

the people is universal on the departure of the Principal Collector." 

The following extract from a letter, dated 6th November 
1805, is significant of the change which had taken place in the 
feelings of the Court of Directors : — " The reports of Colonel 
Munro now brought under our observation afford new proof of 
his knowledge of the people and the lands under his adminis- 
tration, and of his ability and skill as a Collector. We see 
reason to be surprised at the industry which had carried the 
Collector into a detail of no less than 206,819 individual settle- 
ments of this nature (ryotwar) averaging only pagodas 65 each 
of annual rent." 

With the departure of Munro and the assimilation of Cud- <-' 'inclusion. 
dapah district to the more orderly parts of the Madras 
Presidency its history as a separate political unit comes to an 
end. No event of any political significance has since occurred 
within its limits, if we exclude the rising of Narasimha Reddi, 
a descendant of a dispossessed poligar, in 1846, the story of 
which would more properly find place in a history of Kurnool 
district, on the frontiers of which his former jagir lay. 
After two or three months' lawless marauding with a band of 
followers numbering, according to various estimates, from 400 
to 5,000, he was captured and hanged at Koilkuntla in that 

An account of the revenue administration of the Cuddapah 
district, more particularly from the time of Munro to the 
present day, will be found in another chapter. 




The Census - Density and growth of the population — Deficiency 
of females — Language — Education — Occupations — Religions. 
The Christians — -The Roman Catholic Mission — The London 
, Mission — The S.P.G. Mission — The Lutheran Mission. The 

MuSALMANS — Their relations with Hindus. The Hindus — • 
Villages — Houses — ■ Dress — Food — Amusements. Religious 
Life — The Village Deities — Peculiar religious practices and 
superstitions. Social Life— The more numerous castes — 
Tribes — Beggars. 

CHAP. in. For purposes of the decennial census Cuddapah district 

The forms part of the Deccan division and in regard to its popula- 

Census. tion exhibits in itself all the more striking peculiarities which 

are characteristic of the whole. 

Density and First in importance is the sparseness of its population.' 

population ^ ^^s mean density per square mile is only a little more than 
half that shown for the whole Presidency. Conditions of life 
in Cuddapah district are in fact such as to prevent anything 
but a scanty population and a slow rate of increase. Less than 
six percent, of the cultivated area is grown with rice and the 
ryot, whether he lives on the cholam that he raises on his own 
land or buys his food with the price of his cotton, requires 
a greater acreage for his livelihood than the southern cultivator. 
The climate moreover is inclement to the idle or physically 
weak, and the position of the district in the heart of the famine 
zone occasionally entails violent set-backs to what may be 
regarded as the normal rate of increase in the population. 
Thus in the ten years ending with 1901 we find a positive 
decrease in the population by over two and a half thousand, 
largely attributable to the famines of 1892 and 1897. The 
statistics of the following decade, which affords no instances 
of similar acute distress, furnish a truer criterion of the normal 
movement of population in the district, which is represented 
during this period by an increase of I '6 per cent. ; though it is 

^ The census of 1911 gives the total population of the district as 893,998. 


difficult to conjecture why the difference in v^ariation in the CHAP. HI. 
two decades should be so marked in the taluks of Badvel, jhe 
Cuddapah and Sidhout. A cursory examination of the figures Census- 

noted in the margin almost 

Percentage of variation- ^ ^i . 

suggests that an appre- 

1S91 to 1901 to ciable proportion of the 

1901. 1911- population of this tract finds 

Badvel taluk ... -41 +73 it difficult to decide in which 

Cuddapah taluk ... +2-2 -1-4 ^^i^j^ ultimately to settle 

Sidhout taluk ... + 19 - 5'5 , a n 1 . 1 . 

down. All the other taluks 

of the district show an increase in 191 1 over the population of 
1901, the variation being most marked, after Badvel, in Kama- 
lapuram, and least in Rayachoti. Emigration, except to adjoin- 
ing districts, is rare, and is practically unknown in the regada 
taluks, where the ryot will scarcely ever be found to live 
elsewhere than in the village of his ancestors. On the other 
hand, there is naturally no appreciable immigration to an 
inland district possessing no important industrial centre, where 
agriculture is the largely predominant occupation. It is there- 
fore only by an examination of vital statistics for a series of 
unexceptional years that we can arrive at any definite con- 
clusion regarding the normal rate of increase in the population. 
For each of the ten years from 1901 to 1910 the birth-rate of 
Cuddapah district was lower than for the Presidency as a 
whole, while the death-rate for the whole period is slightly 

Another characteristic of the Deccan division and of each Deficiency of 
of its constituent districts is that the males outnumber the f^^i^'^'s- 
females. The fact that certain other districts in which this 
peculiarity was also found to occur at the last census are just 
those districts which are most susceptible to famine has given 
rise to the suggestion that, in the long run, the sufferings 
entailed by a famine wear out more women than men. But 
it is to be noted on the other hand that during the ten years 
ending with 1900, a period which saw two famines, there was 
a slight increase in the number of females per 1,000 males 
over the figures recorded in 1891, while though there has been 
no famine in the present century, the number of females 
per 1,000 males has rather markedly decreased ; and it is in 
fact generally considered that women are less susceptible 
than men to the effects of famine. The two theories are not 
irreconcilable. It may be that though the mortality observed 
to be directly due to famine is smaller among women than 
men, yet the male survivors have greater powers of recupera- 
tion. The subject seems to deserve further investigation. 



CHAP. Ill 






The Chris- 

Ninety per cent, of the people speak Teliigu, and nine 
per cent, representing practically the Musalman population, 
speak Hindustani. Of other languages Tamil, Canarese and 
Marathi account for about six persons per thousand of the 
inhabitants of the district, in nearly equal proportions. The 
higher grade of railway employees throughout the district 
are nearly all Tamilians, as are many Government officials. 
It is curious to note that the author of the original Manual of 
this district, writing in 1875, states: "The number of the 
Tamil-speaking population is yearly increasing " and " it is 
quite possible that . . . this district may at the end of 
the century be a Tamil-speaking one." There is in fact no 
indication at all at the present day that Tamil is in any degree 
whatever displacing Telugu as the vernacular of the natural 

The education of the people is dealt with more particularly 
in a subsequent chapter. It is sufficient to note here that 
though Cuddapah district is included for statistical purposes 
in the backward Deccan division, it compares favourably in 
point of education with two districts that adjoin it outside this 
division, namely, Nellore and Chittoor, in each of which there 
are fewer literate persons per mille than in Cuddapah. 

Nearly three-quarters of the entire population depend for 
their livelihood on agricultural and pastoral pursuits. The 
subject of occupation and trade is separately dealt with 

Rather more than six-sevenths of the inhabitants are 
Hindus. As in other districts of the Deccan the proportion 
of Musalmans is high. They constitute in Cuddapah district 
more than II per cent, of the total population, but compara- 
tively few of them obtain their livelihood by agriculture. It 
follows that they are chiefly settled in the larger villages and 
towns along the main lines of communication. The Musalman 
element is most noticeable in the towns and villages situated 
on the Kurnool-Chittoor road which passes through the taluks 
of Proddatur, Cuddapah and Rayachoti. 

The Christians of Cuddapah district number twenty-five 
in every thousand, a proportion which largely exceeds the 
average for the Deccan as a whole and is only surpassed in 
three other Telugu districts, namely, Guntur, Kurnool and 
Nellore. The vast majority belong to the London Mission 
which has mainly confined its operations in this district to 
the taluks of Jammalamadugu, Pulivendla, Kamalapuram and 
Cuddapah. A branch of the S.P.G. Mission numbers more 
than three thousand converts, principally in the Badvel taluk. 


The remainder, numerically unimportant, are Roman Catholics CHAP. HI. 
and Lutherans. The Chris 

Of these missions the first in point of seniority is the Roman tians. 
Catholic. The origin of this mission in the district as now -j-he Roman 
constituted dates from the middle of the l8th century. At that Catholic 
time, when the political influence of the French was in the ^I'ssioa. 
ascendant, some French Jesuits from Pondicherry to whom 
the neighbouring mission of the Carnatic had been entrusted 
extended their activities to this part of the country. It is 
recorded in the diary of the late Bishop Bonnand who visited 
these missions about the year 1830 that by the middle of the 
l8th century there had been a Christian settlement at Sidhout 
with a resident missionary, a certain French Jesuit, who on 
account of his great skill in medicine had acquired much influ- 
ence at the Court of the Nawab of Cuddapah. But with the 
suppression of the Jesuits in 1773 their society's missions came 
gradually to be abandoned, and their work was ultimately 
carried on by missionaries from the west of the peninsula. 

It was the Rev. Joachim D'Souza, a native of Goa, called 
by the Telugu Christians Father Adikanada, who succeeded 
in founding a more lasting settlement of Christians in the 
Cuddapah district. This was at Sathyapuram, a suburb of 
the present Proddatur, and was established at the_end of the 
iSth or the beginning of the 19th century. Father Adikanada 
had before this founded churches at Bellary and Adoni in the 
Bellary district and at Yaleru in the Anantapur district. Some 
five hundred caste Hindus (reddis, weavers and goldsmiths) 
were converted in Cuddapah district. They appear to have 
enjoyed certain privileges from the Government of the Nizam ; 
but in 1800, when the country was ceded to the British, these 
privileges were withdrawn, and for this and other reasons the 
community broke up and dispersed into different localities. 
Many of them,_particularly the goldsmiths, followed their 
spiritual father Adikanada to Bangalore, where he had joined 
the Fathers of the Foreign Missions Society of Paris. He 
subsequently died there in 1829. Others, notably the weavers, 
went and settled in the Rayachoti taluk, where their descend- 
ants live to this day in the village of Katimayakuntla. 
Again some others of the same caste settled in the Nellore 
and Guntur districts. The greater number of cultivators 
went from Sathyapuram northwards and eastwards into the 
Kurnool, Nellore and Guntur districts where they became the 
pioneers of later Christian communities. 

The spiritual care of these scattered Christians remained 
with the missionaries of Pondicherry, who periodically 




The Chris- 

The London 

visited them once a year or once in two years, until in 1843 
the Telugu districts were handed over to the Vicar Apostolic 
of Madras. But owing to a scarcity of missionaries for the 
Telugu missions progress has hitherto been slow. 

In the town of Cuddapah itself there are only a few 
Roman Catholics, most of them being servants of officials or 
railway employees. They have a substantial chapel. Dur- 
ing the time that Cuddapah was a cantonment' (1821-68) 
the station was regularly visited from Bellary, and the late 
Rev. Father Patrick Doyle registered about 200 baptisms 
during his visits. 

Fresh conversions have taken place here and there in the 
Jammalamadugu taluk, but the greatest number of new con- 
verts are found at Urutur, a village in the newly formed 
taluk of Kamalapuram. In this village through the heroic 
exertions of the late Monsignor J. Balanadar, himself a native 
of these parts, a great many families of the Reddi caste have 
become Christians and have built for themselves a handsome 

According to the latest returns of the mission there are 
only between five and six hundred Roman Catholics in the 
Cuddapah district ; but what the late Right Rev. Bishop 
Stephen Fennelly wrote concerning them in 1875 remains 
true : " They are for the most part Reddis or Kdpiivdndlu, who 
live by cultivation. They renounced paganism and caste as 
far as its observance is incompatible with the honest profes- 
sion and practice of the Catholic religion, retaining those 
social observances of caste which have no religious signifi- 
cations. They have hitherto lived in friendly intercourse 
with their pagan neighbours and relations, who associate 
with them on terms of equality in all the relations of life, and 
not unfrequently give their daughters in marriage to our 
Christians, allowing the girls to be instructed and baptized 
previous to their marriage." 

The activity of the London Mission in this district dates 
from 1822 when the Rev. John Hands, whose headquarters 
was Bellary, began work in Cuddapah town. In 1824 he was 
joined by Rev. W. Howell who was the first missionary to be 
permanently located in Cuddapah. It was in his time, about 
the year 1840, that a large number of Malas began to accept 
Christianity, since when, and notably in later years, remark- 
able progress has been made by the London Mission with 
this community. In the early fifties of the last century 

' The number of Catholics among the sepoys is said to have been considerable. 


when the mission was in charge of the able and energetic CHAP. III. 
Rev. Edward Porter further considerable advances were j^e 
made, and by the year 1875 there were 80 outstations, 31 Christians. 
teachers, some 1,400 converts and thrice as many ' adherents,' — 

and 27 boys' schools with 419 pupils. But in the great 
famine of 1876-78 out of more than five thousand converts 
and adherents the mission lost no less than eleven hundred 
and fifty. 

Previous to 1890 very few caste people joined the mission, 
but in that year a large number became Christians, notably 
in Pulivendla taluk, where they continue to increase to the 
present day. 

In 1891 a new station was opened in Kadiri, which now 
belongs to Anantapur district. The Rayachoti taluk is in 
charge of the Kadiri missionary. 

In 1893 the first lady missionaries came to Cuddapah and 
took charge of the Girls' Day and Boarding schools, which 
were transferred to Jammalamadugu in 1899. The mission 
hospital had also been built at Jammalamadugu, which thus 
became an important mission station.^ 

"From 1890 to 1900," says the Rev. G. H. Macfarlane, the 
present head of the Mission staff, " about ten thousand 
adherents were gathered into the mission. Since then the 
rate of progress has not been so rapid, but a great internal 
advance has been made by the organization of the Christian 
community into circle churches ... A third station in the 
mission was opened in 1903, when a missionary was settled at 
Kamalapuram . . • The mission now (1914) numbers a 
Christian community of 18,500 people." 

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel has a mis- The S.P.G 
sion station at Kalasapad. The Superintending Missionary ^^'^sioq. 
is at present the Rev. Canon Inman. The converts of this 
mission are distributed over some fifty villages of the Badvel 
taluk. The mission was established in 1861. The church at 
Kalasapad was built in 1887 and dedicated by the Bishop of 
Madras at the end of the same year. About ten years ago 
another church was built at Palugurallapalle and deilicated 
by the present Bishop in 1904. 

The headquarters of this mission in Cuddapah district is The 
Kodur in the Pullampet taluk. The present missionary in J;j"J^o^" 
charge is the Rev. J. N. Wittmann. About eight years ago 
this gentleman, who has studied medicine in Germany and 
London, established a Leper Asylum about a mile and a half 

^ For particulars of the medical and educational institutions of the Protestant 
missions, see Chapters IX and X. 








from Kodur, which is known as Krupapalle. It has between 
thirty and forty inmates. The converts attached to this 
mission number about three hundred. The mission has 
looked after their material welfare in a very practical way 
by constructing an anient across the Gunjana river for the 
benefit of some sixty acres of land belonging to them. It has 
also made experiments in the plantation of leguminous trees 
with the view of demonstrating to the ryots what are the best 
green manures. 

That Musalmans should be relatively more numerous in 
the Ceded Districts than in other parts of the Presidency is 
only what the political history of the country would lead us 
to expect. This is particularly the case in Kurnool and Cud- 
dapah. But with the overthrow of the Pathan Nawabs by 
Haidar Ali at the end of the l8th century, thousands of Musal- 
mans must have lost their employment. Many of them to the 
present day are in very needy circumstances and occupy a 
low place in the social scale. They are often weavers, but 
by far the majority are engaged in trade. Nearly 17 per cent, 
of them are Dudekulas, who follow indiscriminately both 
Musalman and Hindu ways and customs. These speak 
Telugu far more often than Hindustani and dress like Hindus 
rather than Muhammadans- Though they attend mosques 
and submit to the authority of the kazi, they nevertheless 
consult Brahmans regarding auspicious days, tie talis at their 
weddings, do occasional worship at Hindu shrines and follow 
the Hindu law of inheritance. Their proper occupation is 
the cleaning of cotton, but this is chiefly done in factories 
nowadays, so that many of them have taken to weaving or 
agriculture. Of the other sects Sheikhs are the most numerous, 
constituting more than five-eighths of the whole Musalman 
population of the district. 

Of the antagonism which must have existed between 
Hindus and Musalmans in the century following the downfall 
of the Vijayanagar Empire, it is diflicult to find any trace at 
the present day. For the most part they live on the most 
amicable terms. Musalmans often dress like Hindus, and in 
many villages the same wells are used by both communities. 
There are several examples in the district of their mutually 
tolerant attitude in the matter of religion. It is of course a 
common practice for Hindus to assume puliveshams and take an 
active part in the Muharram. What is more strange is that 
in parts of Badvel, and in Yetur village of Jammalamadugu 
taluk certain Musalmans regard the Hindu god Narasimha- 
swami with peculiar reverence. They worship him at the 


festival of sankarnnthi, especially, and also before the CHAP. III. 

performance of a marriage as their family god. If they fail The 

to do this, they apprehend that great misfortune will overtake Musal- 

them. These devotees of Narasimhaswami, except that they ^'ans. 

do not eat beef, follow all the customs of other Musalmans, 

with whom they freely mix. Again, in the village of Kondur 

in Cuddapah taluk Hindus hold in great respect the mosque 

of Masthan Sahib, which was constructed by the villagers 

within the last ten years in honor of a holy Musalman whose 

tomb is said to be in Kottacheruvu of Penukonda taluk 

of Anantapur district. His sanctity is acknowledged in 

many villages of this district, and in Kondur it is said that 

Hindus will, out of gratitude for offspring long delayed, take 

their children to the mosque and name them Masthan Reddi 

or Masthan a mm a, after the saint. 

The Hindus constitute so predominant a factor in the popu- The 
lation of the district that any account of their characteristics '^■Dus. 
is for all practical purposes an account of the people in 

Of the total number of towns and villages in Cuddapah Villages. 
district more than five-eighths consist of villages containing 
less than a thousand inhabitants, and in about 62 per cent, of 
these the population is below five hundred. Though the 
villages within each natural division of the district present 
practically identical features, there are noticeable differences 
between the village of the black cotton country and that of the 
upland taluk of Rayachoti, while the villages of the east part 
of the district are in some respects again distinguishable from 
either. For example, in the north-west taluks the villages are 
almost always enclosed by ring walls which generally contain 
a gateway, and houses are not constructed outside this rude 
fortification. They are therefore very often inconveniently 
crowded, while their expansion is further rendered impossible 
by the fact that all the land up to the very walls has long ago 
been appropriated and brought under cultivation. In the south 
of this tract, in Pulivendla taluk, the village gradually con- 
form more closely to the type which is common in Rayachoti. 
This is pre-eminently the country of the old poligars. Here 
the ring wall disappears and we find a ruined fort overlooking 
nearly every village, where the poligar used to dwell with his 
liliputian court. He in his stronghold was responsible for the 
protection of his villages, themselves unfortified, whereas in 
the northern taluks where poligars were scarce it devolved on 
the community itself to make the villages secure. A feature 
common to both tracts is the biiniz or stone-constructed tower 


CHAP. III. situated a short distance Irom the village site. These are of no 

The great size, but very strongly built. They evidently served the 

Hindus, purpose of watch-towers in more turbulent times, but are now 

all ruined. They are more frequently seen on the plateau, 

where it is said they were also utilized for storing grain. In the 
eastern taluks of the district, Badvcl, Sidhout and Pullampet, 
there are no fortified villages or watch-towers, while such forts 
as are found owe their existence to a period anterior to the 
poligars. During the l8th century while the rest of the district 
was exposed to the alarm and danger of every Mahratta raid, 
not to mention the mutual hostilities of the local poligars, the 
part of the country east of the Nallamalais and the Sesha- 
chalams was generally undisturbed and acknowledged, through 
nearly allits length and breadth, the authority of the Matli 
rajas of Chitvel, who ruled the country under the nominal 
overlordship of the Nawab of Cuddapah. 

Houses. In the construction of their houses the ryots of the black 

cotton country follow a type different from that adopted in the 
rest of the district. Where the well-known Cuddapah slabs are 
available these are used for building up the walls, which are 
otherwise constructed of stone and mud. Where the walls are 
built of stone a characteristic feature of the houses in this part 
of the district is the flat roof. Two wooden pillars in the middle 
of the house lend support to the rafters on which stems of the 
cotton plant and other twigs are thrown in two layers cross- 
wise. Upon this foundation is deposited about a foot of earth 
surmounted by a few inches of clay or tsoiidu so as to render 
the roof watertight. This construction is called a midde. 
Ventilation is obtained by openings in the roof, generally 
square, which are covered by slabs in wet weather. When 
Cuddapah slabs are not used the middc, properly so called, will 
not be found unless some other stone of sufficient strength to 
bear the immense weight of this peculiar flat roof is available. 
Nearly all houses are provided with verandahs throughout the 
district, but from the verandah one descends to the street and 
not, as is generally the case in the Tamil country, to an outer 
verandah or pial. There are no courtyards within the houses 
of this district, and in the black cotton country backyards are 
very exiguous. The gad i, or place where the cattle are kept in 
the house, is generally on the right hand side as one enters. 
Further within, on the same side as the cattle, are the masonry 
geriselu or huge hdi?,ke\. gddelu, in which grain is stored. On 
the opposite side of the house will be the living rooms, the 
cooking place and the devunbnida. The better sort of house 
generally has a carved doorway, with the figure of a horse, or 


occasionally an elephant, at the top of each post. On auspi- CHAP. III. 
cious occasions a festoon of mango leaves is hung from one jhe 
to the other across the entrance. Verandah pillars are also Hindus. 

sometimes carved. With these exceptions, the houses display 

no ornamentation. 

Of the well-to-do farmers of the district, the Kapus of the Dress, 
north-west taluks have proved the most conservative in the 
matter of dress. Until comparatively recently, their costume 
comprised, besides the voluminous white turban which is 
characteristic of the black cotton tracts, a plain unbleached 
upper cloth and a pair of drawers, both of very coarse material. 
These coarse fabrics are woven principally by the Malas, the 
yarn, which used often to be homespun, being supplied for the 
purpose. But there has been a noticeable change in the last 
fifteen years. The cotton drawers or tsallddaniiilii are now 
rarely worn except by GoUas, and the locally made upper 
cloth is not nearly so frequently seen as before. So far as the 
men are concerned Manchester goods are steadily gaining 
ground, and on special occasions shirts are worn. The 
change is much less marked in the women's dress. Their 
clothes are for the most part still made of the coarse country 
stuff, with a black or red border, and it is only by the women- 
folk of merchants or very well-to-do ryots that a superior 
' cotton and silk ' material is used. Very little yarn is home- 
spun by the ryots nowadays, the Malas being supplied with 
yarn from the bazaar as occasion arises. In other parts of the 
district, in regard to male attire, there is little worthy of 
remark. It may be noted that tsallddamulu are also occa- 
sionally worn by agriculturists in the north of Badvel taluk. 
Women generally wear the cotton or ' silk and cotton ' cloths 
which are woven in the district, but the Brahmans and the 
richer classes follow Madras fashions. The tight-fitting 
bodice or ravika is very generally worn with certain marked 
exceptions, for example, it is never worn by Oddes nor yet by 
some gotrams among the Pakanati Kapus, and except in the 
lower castes it is not used by a woman after she becomes a 
widow. Certain jewels are said to be less frequently seen 
than formerly ; for example, the bulaki (nose ornament), 
vadyanam (waistbelt) and sandihandi (elbow ornament) are not 
in general use nowadays. In all matters of women's dress and 
jewellery the fashion is set by the Brahman ladies of Madras. 

Cholam is the staple food-grain of the country people in Kood. 
the black cotton taluks of the district, where the principal 
meal of even wealthy Kapus is cholam pudding garnished 
with chillies. Korra is in these parts much less favoured than 



CHAP. III. formerly, though it is still largely consumed in parts of 
The Kamalapuram and in Badvel taluk, where the other principal 
Hindus. food-grain is ragi. This latter constitutes the usual food of 
■ — the ryots of Sidhout and Pullampet taluks, who also consume 

a large quantity of cumbu. Cumbu and ragi are also the 
principal food-grains of Rayachoti taluk. Rice is only eaten 
on special occasions. The Kapus of the north-west of the dis- 
trict call it deviini boova (bhojanam), which sufficiently indicates 
the rarity of its use. In towns and large villages where there 
is a non-agricultural population and rice is sold in the bazaars, 
it is eaten by most classes once a day, at the evening meal. 
Amusements. Somc of the children's games and amusements bear a 

curious similarity to those prevalent in Europe. The game of 
rriarbles is a very common pastime with boys. They also spin 
tops and fly kites. Tipcat is a favourite amusement, but played 
somewhat differently to the English game. The absence of 
breakable windows permits a degree of wildness in street 
games which would not be tolerated in the west. The bigger 
boys play a sort of prisoners' base and also indulge in games 
of ball somewhat resembling rounders and cricket, the latter 
being played with a brick for a wicket. The girls enjoy games 
of a quieter sort. They play with dolls much like the children 
of the west ; for example, dolis' weddings are not unfrequently 
celebrated. Dancing is the main feature of their more active 
amusements. Singing and dancing with clasped hands, jump- 
ing and skipping are favourite pastimes. The universally 
known koldttam is danced not only by children but also by 
grown-up youths who are sometimes most expert in its per- 
formance, going through the most complicated figures with 
the greatest grace and precision. 

The chief recreations of adults seem to 
be card-playing and cock-fighting. They 
also play several varieties of draughts. One 
of the commonest is known as piilijiidam, 
which is played with stones on any surface 
marked out with a diagram like that shown 
in the margin. 
It is a game for two players. One takes three large stones 
which are called piilulu or tigers, and the other has about fifteen 
smaller stones called mekalit, goats. The stones are moved 
from point to point on the figure, the objects of the game being 
for the tigers to eat up the goats and for the goats to hem in the 
tigers so that they cannot move. The tigers take the goats by 
hopping over them, as in draughts. The apex of the triangle 
is called konda, hill, and the tiger that is placed there never 












leaves his post. This brief description of the game shows CHAP. Ill 
that it corresponds in principle and part of the play to the -p^^g 
English game of fox and geese. The principal card games Hindus. 

appear to be iruvai okati, which is almost exactly the same as 

vingt-et-un, /nuntita nalugu (304), which is a kind of whist — 
the trump suit being declared by the highest bidder — and 
minap which corresponds roughly to poker. Gambling at 
minap is said to be generally very heavy, though it is of 
course made the feature of all adults' games. It is said to be 
exceptionally prevalent in Pulivendla taluk, to a certain vil- 
lage of which people from Anantapur and Kurnool districts 
resort for the purpose of high play. It is said that a certain 
Guntakal gentleman who visits the place never stakes less 
than' a thousand rupees on a single throw, the corresponding 
amount on the other side being made up of the numerous 
petty stakes of less adventurous players. 

The villagers occasionally amuse themselves with rude 
dramatic performances and side shows. Bommaldtam, a 
marionette display, is very common. A cotton screen is 
erected, backed by lights, and dolls made of oiled paper are 
held up on sticks and moved about, while the action is 
explained or commented on by singers behind the screen. A 
favourite play in the black cotton country is ChoicluDidtakam 
which relates the amours of the god Obalapati, whose temple 
is in the Nallamalais, with a Chenchu girl. The story, which 
is unfit for publication, was introduced into these parts from 
Nellore district only some twenty years ago ; but it has become 
so popular that, as I was informed, " any child can tell you 
what it is." 

The wandering Dommaras also travel round and give 
gymnastic and acrobatic displays. 

In Cuddapah district the followers of Vishnu far outnumber Religious 
all other Hindu sects. The Lingayats, who muster so strongly Life. 
in Bellary district, have not extended their influence in these 
parts to any marked degree, though they are represented by 
the Linga-Balijas in some places, notably RayachOti, where 
there is an important temple of Virabhadraswami. Of speci- 
ally sacred places within the district, Pushpagiri, some ten 
miles from Cuddapah town, alone deserves mention here. 
Some account of it will be found in a subsequent chapter. 
Tirupati is so easily accessible and offers religious opportuni- 
ties to so predominant a proportion of the Hindu population, 
that the temples of the district have perhaps suffered by 
comparison. But in any case the real religion of the people 
throughout the district finds its expression not so much in 





The village 

practices and 

devotion to the orthodox Hindu gods as in the worship of 
the tutelary deities of the viHage. 

The tutelary deity of a village is always a goddess. Her 
name varies. Over the greater part of Cuddapah district she 
is known as Gangamma. Theoretically she is one of several 
sisters, of whom Poleramma and Ellamma are also known 
and worshipped in several villages. In Anantapuram village 
of Rayachoti taluk Ellamma is worshipped as well as 
Gangamma at the great annual jdtra. In the black cotton 
tracts the village goddess is almost invariably named Ped- 
damma. In her resides pre-eminently the bJtu-sakti which 
makes the earth bring forth her fruits in due season, just as 
Gangamma is the goddess to be propitiated to ensure an 
adequate supply of water in the tanks. But whatever be the 
goddess' name and peculiar attributes, these are lost sight of 
in the general worship accorded to her for all purposes, and 
one and all demand the same bloody sacrifices and the same 
barbaric rites as in other districts of the Presidency. The 
officiating priest at the annual Peddamma jdtra is either a 
carpenter or a potter according as the image of the goddess is 
made of wood or clay, while the piijdri in a Gangamma y^^r<2 
generally belongs to the GoUa (herdsman) caste. Particular 
care is taken at the time of sacrifice to the goddess that no one 
should pass beyond the village boundary, as it is held that if 
any of the sacrificial blood is carried outside the limits of the 
village, the sacrifice itself is rendered nugatory. It is said that, 
to prevent such a catastrophe, the villagers would not hesitate 
to take life.' 

As every evil that besets mankind is thought to be the 
work of some malignant sprite it follows that, besides the little 
temple of the village goddess, other shrines are found in every 
village. These are of very rude construction. The commonest 
type consists of three stones set up on a low platform between 
two trees. The middle stone is a big one and has a little 
stone on each side of it. These stones are daubed with red 
and yellow spots. The trees are often a margosa and ragi 
tree which have been " married " with due ceremony. Shrines 
of this sort are generally found near the village site. Another 
is often seen on the tank-bunds, and generally consists of 
four stone slabs about a yard square in size. Three of these 
are set up on end like the walls of a room, and the fourth is 
laid on top as a roof. The " walls " are generally painted with 

^ The subject of village deities may be further pursued in Bishop Caldwell's 
" Demonolatry in Southern India; " " Census of India, 1891, Madras ; "and in 
Bishop Whitehead's " Village Deities of Southern India." 


red and white stripes- The inmate of this little chamber is CHAP. HI. 
the usual decorated stone. In addition to these one often religious 
notices that some attention has been paid to natural peculiari- Life. 
ties, such as a tree twisted into a weird shape or a rock of — 

unusual appearance, it being supposed that the stranger the 
appearance of a natural object the more likely is it to harbour 
some demon who has to be propitiated. The earth will there- 
fore be smoothed and levelled round the foot of such a tree 
and the trunk will be smeared with saffron and kunkiimam. 
Somewhat different is the practice of doing puja to stones 
inscribed with antrams consisting of weird and unintelligible 
combinations of letters and figures. Such a stone is called 
saktibanda. They are generally shaped like large tomb- 
stones, and sometimes bear representations of snakes or of a 
female figure above the inscription. Some of them are very 
old, but it is interesting to note that this is not always the 
case. In the village of Utukiir, in Cuddapah taluk, such a 
stone has recently been erected as a prophylactic against 
cholera. Its surface is divided into sixteen squares in each of 
which is a character of the Telugu alphabet together with one 
or more unintelligible symbols. The virtue of these stones no 
doubt resides in the antrams which are considered as charms 
to keep off epidemics. The value of charms in general is of 
course universally recognized. In parts of Badvel taluk it is 
customary to tie silver " arithmetical " charms of the sort 
shown in the margin round the necks of children, 
with the idea of keeping away sickness. In some 
villages of Proddatur taluk it is usual, when an 
epidemic has made its appearance, to tie two 
cocoanuts and a small bottle of arrack or toddy 
to the roof of the house, to secure immunity for 
its occupants. 

The practice of hookswinging,^ in its modern form, is very 
common at village religious festivals in many parts of the 
district. It was in fulfilment of vow^s to the village goddess 
that human beings used to submit to the uncomfortable process 
of being suspended in mid air by iron hooks passed through 
the fleshy part of the back and swung round a maypole. 
When Government forbade this inhuman practice, live goats 
were substituted, the animals presumably being supplied for 
the purpose by the human devotees. The cruelty of swing- 
ing goats is however recognized, and though this is still being 
done it is more common to use a wooden dummy. It is said 

^ A description of this ceremony will be found in the Madras Museum Bulletins, 
Vol. V, No. I. 








CHAP. Ill 



The more 

, that at the great jatra at Anantapuram village human beings 
are actually swung to the present day, but that the hooks are 
attached to the waist cloth: which probably occasions the 
victim no more inconvenience than would a merry-go-round 
at an English fair. 

Before leaving the subject of religion and religious observ- 
ances brief reference may be made to the practice of canoniza- 
tion. The mosque of Masthan Sahib at Kondur has already 
been mentioned. A similar case is to be seen at Lingaladinne 
in Proddatur taluk, where there is a temple of "Brahaswami," 
a Brahman who died in the village about twenty-five years ago. 
He attained this unusual honour partly by his asceticism, 
but chiefly by his accurate prognostication of future events 
and his miraculous power of being in several places at the 
same time. Various extravagant things are said of him, one 
of which is that he gave birth to a son. Upon this son and 
his descendants devolve the duty and privilege of maintaining 
the temple. A Brahman pujari is employed for the daily 
worship of this strange saint. 

There are no important social communities in Cuddapah 
district that are not also found in other parts of the Deccan. 
The vast majority of Telugu-speaking Hindus in the district 
are, according to the latest census, comprised in twenty-five 

First in numerical importance are the Kapus, who are the 
principal landowners of the Deccan. They constitute nearly 
one-fourth of the total population of the district, and consist 
of many sub-divisions. Of these the Peddakanti, Motati, 
Kodide and Pakanati^ Kapus are chiefly found in the taluks 
of Jammalamadugu, Proddatur, Pulivendla, Cuddapah and 
Kamalapuram ; while the Velanadu and Yelama Kapus, the 
latter of whom are vegetarians, seem to be the commonest 
sub-divisions in the three eastern taluks of the district. In 
Rayachoti taluk the caste is not quite so common, many 
cultivators on the plateau being Balijas and Kammas. The 
Kapus are good steady farmers, true sons of the soil, and 
very conservative. Having no interest in life beyond the 
welfare of their crops, their natural obstinacy and love of 
contention finds an outlet in forming factions and fomenting 
the bitterest quarrels. Though there are factions in every 
village of the district, and these are by no means confined to 
Kapus, yet in the black cotton country where this caste 
largely predominates they are developed to a very high degree 

^ In some places called Pokanati. The two names seem to denote the same 
sub-division ; but the matter is not free from doubt. 


of animosity and are a fruitful source of crime, as they not CHAP. III. 
infrequently result in regular blood feuds. The highest Social 
ambition of a wealthy Kapu in Jammalamadugu taluk is to Life. 
become the leader of a powerful faction. Such a man will — 

not leave his village unaccompanied by a body of armed 
retainers, so that free fights occur with passable regularity. 
In this part of the district it is a curious custom of the Kapus, 
and consequently also of the lower castes who all take their 
cue from them, to bend the head and take off the turban with 
both hands as a mark of respect when presenting a petition : 
which appears at first sight to be very similar to the western 
practice of taking off the hat. It has however been suggested 
that the action probably signifies the sdshtdngamulu, or pros- 
tration of eight members, in the performance of which the 
turban will not stay on the head and so is removed beforehand. 
Next to the Kapus, in point of number, come the Boyas, 
but they are of little importance as a distinct social element 
and occupy but a low place in the social scale. In old days 
their proper occupation was that of palanquin bearers. It 
is also said that the poligars' forces and Haidar All's famous 
troops were largely recruited from these people. This may 
account in part for the tradition, preserved in many stories, 
that they are blood-thirsty and cruel. They are good shikaris 
and at the foot of the great hill ranges they trade in forest 
produce and are said to be versed in forest lore. In the towns 
they live by cooly. Bali j as, though somewhat fewer in 
number than the Boyas, have a larger stake in the country. 
It has already been stated that in Rayachoti taluk many of 
them are landowners. In the rest of the district they are 
mainly occupied in trade. Many of them are Lingayats. 
Next come the Gollas who slightly outnumber both the Malas 
and the Madigas. The Gollas are herdsmen, and, perhaps 
from their being accustomed to handle cattle, the pujaris who 
perform animal sacrifices are generally of this caste. They 
are also largely employed as agricultural labourers. The 
Malas and Madigas are the lowest in the social scale, and, 
like the Paraiyans of the Tamil country, occupy separate 
hamlets apart from the rest of the village community. The 
Malas' principal occupation is weaving. The Madigas are 
the leather workers and coolies of the community. In the 
black cotton country there is a marked antagonism between 
these two classes, of which the longstanding bitterness is 
illustrated, if not sufficiently explained, by the currency of 
various mythological stories which present either Mala or 
Madiga in a very discreditable light. For example, in one of 


CHAP. III. these stories a Mala is represented as having fled from a 

Social Madiga, leaving his sword and turban behind. Their enmity 

Life, is kept alive at the present day by disputes regarding the 

division of the flesh of dead cattle. The rights of the Malas 

and Madigas in this respect are immemorial, the Madigas 
taking the skin and one share of the flesh, and the Malas 
taking two shares of the flesh. It appears that in some 
villages the owners of the dead beasts claim to sell the skin, 
and the Madiga to make up for his loss tries to appropriate 
part of the Malas' perquisites. Strife having once arisen, the 
spark is speedily fanned into a flame by taunting references 
to the old stories, and the great opportunity comes at the 
annual Peddamma festival, when the Madigas perform the 
" Chindhu dance," wearing red turbans and carrying swords 
when feeling runs high, in reference to the discreditable story 
of the Mala alluded to above : which they also sing as they 
dance, so as to place their meaning beyond reasonable doubt. 
It is interesting to note that on occasions of " Chindhu 
dancing " the whole village joins in supporting one side or 
the other. The castes who encourage the Madigas are, 
principally, Kamsalas, Kurubas and Boyas, while on the other 
hand those who agree with the Malas in objecting to the 
dance are the potters, barbers and washermen as well as 
Balijas and certain sub-divisions of the Kapu caste. So, if the 
dance ends in a fight, as is not infrequently the case, it 
involves not only the parties immediately concerned but the 
whole village : and the Chindhu becomes a ' shindy ' of the 
liveliest description. 

Of other communities, the Komatis are the principal 
traders of the district. The trade of the big towns is chiefly 
in their hands. The weaving castes, excluding the Malas 
who only weave coarse cotton stuffs, are represented by 
the Togatas, Sales and Devangas in the order of their 
numerical importance. Of the village artisans no special 
mention need be made. The only notable caste occupied 
in agriculture outside the Kapus and Balijas, is that of 
the Kammas. The Oddes, or navvies, are fairly numerous. 
The toddy-drawers are Idigas. The Upparas furnish an 
interesting example of a caste whose occupation is gone. 
They used to live by making earth-salt. When the manufac- 
ture of salt became a Government fmonopoly, the Upparas 
took to agriculture, and this is their usual occupation 

In the latest census report all the wandering tribes known 
to Cuddapah district are returned partly as Hindus and partly 



as Animists. The former predominate. The most important CHAP. III. 
of these tribes, in point of numbers, are the Yanadis, Yeru- Social 
kulas, Lambadis and Chenchus. The Yanadis reside princi- Life. 
pally in Nellore district, and have overlapped into the east of 
Cuddapah. There are now less than two thousand in this 
district. At SrTharikota on the east coast, which is their 
original settlement, they are said still to be very backward. 
But elsewhere they are becoming more civilized and some 
have given up their wandering habits and are found perma- 
nently domiciled in towns and villages.^ The Chenchus are 
often regarded as a sub-division of the Yanadis, but they hold 
themselves distinct, and claim consanguinity with Narasimha 
of Ahobilam in Kurnool district, who, so they say, married a 
Chenchu maid, and gave them the whole of the Nallamalais. 
They are probably as distinct from the Yanadis as, for 
example, are the Malas from the Madigas. Between the 
Chenchu and the Yanadi there is no love lost. They may 
be seen living close together on the Nallamalai hills, but they 
do not intermingle, and their social habits differ. To quote 
an instance, the degree of importance attached to the marriage 
tie differs very considerably in the two tribes, for while the 
Chenchu wife is renowned for her fidelity the Yanadi marriage 
is at best but a loose bond and readily dissolved. 

The Yerukulas appear to be more addicted to a life of 
crime than either of the tribes already mentioned. They are 
more frequently met with on the plateau than in other parts 
of the district. They occasionally settle down, and there is a 
community of them at Mailavaram in Jammalamadugu taluk, 
where they are known by two names according to their 
occupations. Those who live by selling baskets, tatties and 
the like are known as Dabbala Yerukulas, and others, who 
make ' sizing-brushes ' (kiincliiilii) for weavers are known as 
Kunchugattu Yerukulas, and generally travel round with 
monkeys. The women tell fortunes from house to house and 
take notice of their construction and other details with a view 
to informing their menfolk of likely 'cribs to crack.' When 
a woman of this tribe marries again, the relatives of her 
first husband have to be indemnified for the expenses 
of the previous marriage. No woman is allowed to marry 
more than seven times, though if she accomplishes this 
remarkable record she is regarded with considerable respect. 
Their tutelary deity is said to be named Yerukula Nan- 

* Au unusally full account of ihe Vanadi tribe will be found in the Madras 
Museum Bulletins, \'ol. IV, Xo. 2. 


CHAP. III. The Lambadis, who are generally known as Sugalis in the 
Social Telugu country, are commoner in Rayachoti taluk than the 
Life. rest of the district. They live chiefly by collecting firewood 
and other forest produce which they sell in towns and vil- 
lages. Formerly, it appears, they did considerable business 
in the transport of merchandise by means of pack-bullocks. 
With the opening up of communications they naturally lost 
this trade, and some of them have taken to agriculture or live 
by cooly. There are several Sugali hamlets to be found in 
Rayachoti taluk. The women of this tribe, by their dress and 
appearance, are quite unmistakable. They wear patch-work 
petticoats and tight-fitting bodices of the same material, with 
several rows of bead necklaces, while their arms are covered 
with bracelets up to the elbow. In appearance they are not 
very dark, and this fact, together with the regularity of their 
features and the brightness of their costume, reminds one 
vividly of the Romany gypsies of Europe, with whom indeed 
they may be allied, if the prevalence of Indian words in the 
language of the Romanies is the key to their true origin. 

A curious custom, which is nevertheless extremely wide- 
spread and is known to exist in countries so far apart as 
Greenland and Borneo, obtains among both the Yerukulas 
and the Sugalis. It is technically known as the couvade 
(hatching) and is thus described in Brett's 'Indian Tribes 
of Guiana.' " On the birth of a child, the ancient Indian 
etiquette requires the father to take to his hammock, where he 
remains some days as if he were sick, and receives the con- 
gratulations and condolences of his friends. An instance of 
this custom came under my own observation, where the man 
in robust health and excellent condition, without a single 
bodily ailment, was lying in his hammock in the most 
* provoking manner, and carefully and respectfully tended by 

the women, while the mother of the new-born infant was 
cooking, none apparently regarding her." With the Yeru 
kulas and Sugalis, similarly, the father of a new-born child 
will take to his bed for fifteen days and observe a very strict 
diet, being constantly attended by the women of the house as 
if he were sick. On the sixteenth day he undergoes a cere- 
mony of purification and gives a feast to his relatives. 
During all this time the mother pursues her usual avocations, 
and no particular attention is paid to her.^ 

The district is not remarkable for the frequency of beggar 
castes, the only one of any numerical importance being that 

^ For a fuller acconnt of the convada custom the reader is referred to the 
Madras Musetim Bulletins, Vol, IV, No. 2. 



of the religious mendicants known as Dasaris.^ This commu- 
nity is recruited from several castes, such as the Kapus, 
Balijas, Kurubas, Boyas and Malas, and members of it who 
belong to the two last of these, being low in the social scale, 
do not intermingle with the others. All Dasaris are Vaishna- 
vites and admission to the community is obtained by be- 
ing branded by some Vaishnavite guru. Thenceforward the 
novice becomes a Dasari and lives by begging from door to 
door. The profession is almost hereditary in some families. 
The five insignia of a Dasari are the conch-shell which he 
blows to announce his arrival ; the gong he strikes as he goes 
his rounds ; the tall iron lamp he keeps lighted as he begs ; the 
brass or copper vessel in which he places the alms received; 
and the small metal image of Hanuman which he hangs 
round his neck. Of these the iron lamp is at once the most 
conspicuous and the most indispensable. It is said to repre- 
sent Venkatesa, and it must be kept burning, as an unlighted 
lamp is held to be inauspicious. It is also an important 
function of the Dasaris to officiate at certain ceremonies of 
the Malas and other low caste communities. 

Of other beggars mention may be made of the Bhatrazus 
and Budubudukulas. The Bhatrazus carry a little book but 
use no musical instrument of any kind. Their practice is to 
extol the virtues of the principal villagers in extempore verse, 
and the longer alms are withheld the more persistent and 
extravagant grow their praises, till the object of them in very 
shame is compelled to bestow upon them gifts of grain or 
money. Many of the teachers in the 'pial' schools of the 
district are recruited from this community. The Budubudu- 
kulas, so named from the tomtoming of the little drum they 
carry to announce their presence, are a lower class of people 
altogether, possibly a sect of Malas originally. They obtain 
alms by prophesying good fortune to the people, as they travel 
from village to village, and will accept presents of any sort, 
such as old clothes and lumber, for which the owners have no 
further use. 

The description of the Dasaris is taken almost verbatim from the Ananta- 
pur District Gazetteer. 









Introductory. Wet Cultivation — Paddy — ^Ragi — Sugarcane — 
Garden crops. Dry Cultivation — The guntaka or scuffle — The 
gorru or drill — Weeding — Practices pecuHar to the ' black cotton ' 
country — The pedda madaka or big plough — Harvesting — Cattle 
food — Modern changes. Irrigation — General — River channels 
— Tanks — Wells. Irrigation Works — The Kurnool-Cudda- 
pah Canal — The Chapad and Maidukiiru Projects — The 
Sagiler Project. Economic Condition of Agriculturists — 
Indebtedness of the ryot. 

In dealing with the physical description of the district I 
have already had occasion to note its w^ant of uniformity and 
for purposes of convenience to regard the whole as falling into 
three natural divisions. From its diversity in general confi- 
guration, soils, and even climate, it inevitably follows that 
agricultural practice also varies. In Jammalamadugu taluk 
which is characterized by flat stretches of black cotton soil 
more than 75 per cent, of the cultivated area is grown with 
cholam and cotton, and the cultivation of wet crops is almost 
negligible, for the configuration of the country is unfavour- 
able to the construction of tanks, while owing to the absence of 
a porous sub-soil and even of adequate surface drainage the 
land would be ruined by persistent irrigation. Eastwards 
these conditions gradually disappear, and in east Proddatur, 
Cuddapah and Kamalapuram taluks where the soils are pre- 
dominantly loamy the cultivation of paddy is much more 
extensive, cholam is largely replaced by korra and ragi, and 
cotton to some extent by indigo. The change becomes 
complete in the eastern division of the district where, in 
Pullampet taluk, paddy is more extensively grown than any 
other crop, cotton is not found and cholam and korra cover 
less than one-third of the area cultivated with ragi and cumbu. 
Finally, the upland taluk of Rayachoti is marked by features 
that do not chara':-teri7e any other portion of the district. It 
contains very few irrigation sources that are not precarious 
though it is seamed throughout by chains of little kuntas 
with ayacuts of insignificant extent. Without the aid of 
supplemental well irrigation these sources are inadequate to 


secure the raising of a paddy crop, except in years of good CHAP. IV. 

rainfall, so that dry crops such as ragi and cholam are often Jntroduc-* 

grown on wet lands. The red soil in this taluk is the poorest tory. 

in the district and the cereal most commonly grown is cumbu 

which represents more than 50 percent, of 'the total cultivated 

area of the taluk. 

In this district, as elsewhere, paddy occupies the most Wet 

prominent place among the crops grown on irrigated lands. Cultiva- 
Formerly, when indigo was more extensively cultivated this tion. 
crop was used in rotation with paddy over large areas much ^'^^^y- 
in the same way as cotton with cholam in the black cotton 
country. This practice, which consists in putting down indigo 
once in three years on wet lands and growing paddy in the 
other two, is still followed in the Cuddapah and Sidhout 
taluks, where indigo continues to occupy an appreciable 
percentage of the cultivated area. Indigo refuse from the 
vats is a very good manure fot paddy and the continued 
growth of this crop — mostly on v/et lands nowadays — must be 
attributed to its restorative value as much as to any profit 
that accrues to the growers from the declining trade in the 
dye. In the case of paddy the system of cultivation is very 
similar to that pursued in other parts of the Presidency. 
Formerly the practice of sowing the seed broadcast was 
almost universal throughout the district. Being a method 
that results in a great waste of seed as well as an uneven crop 
it is surprising that farmers, whose ingenuity evolved the 
seed-drill to avoid these very evils in the case of dry crops, 
should be so slow to abandon it. It is the prevailing system 
to the present day, though that of transplanting the seedlings 
has gained ground in late years and is exclusivelv followed 
in some parts as, for example, under the Kurnool-Cuddapah 
Canal. In RayachOti and parts of Pullampet taluk trans- 
planting is for some reason only the rule for the Vaisdkliam or 
later crop. If the tanks fill during the south-west monsoon 
and make paddy cultivation possible earlier in the season, 
the grain is sown broadcast. In other parts of the district 
both systems prevail, except in Kamalapuram and Pulivendla 
taluks where broadcast sowing appears to be exclusively 
practised. The saving of time under the transplanting 
system is an important consideration, for it may often happen 
that the last two weeks in the life of the crop determine its 
success or failure, so that the longer the cultivation season the 
greater the risk. 

Besides ordinary cattle manure, leaf manure is extensively 
used, of which some five to ten cart-loads constitute the 








usual application for an acre. In Rfiyachoti taluk the leaf 
invariably used is that of the hlnuga tree (Pongamia glabra). 
Where neither this tree nor indigo waste is available, the 
ryots have generally to obtain their green manure from the 
forests. The manure is applied to the land after the soil has 
been reduced to a state of liquid mud-puddle, and the seed js 
sovi^n broadcast immediately. After the seed is sow^n the 
fields are generally allow^ed to dry until the sprouts are about 
two inches high, and from that time till harvest it is 
considered necessary to keep two or three inches of water on 
the land. As the cultivators also like to keep the water in 
their fields constantly moving, the amount used is thus far 
in excess of the quantity actually required, but this waste is 
so general throughout the country that it demands no special 
notice in regard to Cuddapah district. 

The uneven crop which results from broadcasting is 
usually remedied by crossing it with a rake when about six 
inches high and removing the seedlings from the thicker to 
the thinner patches. 

Paddy has two main seasons known as Kdrtikam and 
Vaisakham, these being the months in which the harvest 
is gathered. The most popular variety is safinavadlu, and 
unless the soil is of inferior quality no other sort is grown on 
single-cropped land ; but as it takes nearly five months to 
mature, some other variety immediately precedes or follows 
it where irrigation facilities render possible the cultivation of 
two paddy crops in a single year. Of such other varieties 
the principal is the chennangi, while tokavadlii, lavtivadlu and 
nallavadlii are also grown on inferior soils. 

Ragi is either grown as a second crop on irrigated lands 
which possess a good water-supply or as a substitute for 
paddy when the supply is insufficient for a wet crop. The 
crop is transplanted from seed-beds, the land being ploughed 
up when moistened by the rain and then manured. The 
depth of tilled soil does not exceed three inches. After the 
manure has been applied, it is not infrequently left for a few 
days before the water is let in, which is done immediately 
before planting out the seedlings. During its growth the 
crop is said to require watering about once in from seven to 
ten days, and to be weeded once. 

The sugarcane grown in the old sub-division of the 
district, now represented only by the taluk of Rayachoti, is 
exceptionally good and the jaggery manufactured therefrom 
is widely known. This crop occupies the land for about a 
year. Considerable care is exercised in the preparation of 


the soil for it, and large quantities of manure are applied. CHAP. IV, 
The land is ridged and the cuttings planted, being laid flat Wet 
in lines about eighteen inches apart, four or five joints being Cultiva- 

allowed to each cutting. During the growth of the crop it is ' 

watered between every second row, so that a high ridge and 
a water furrow are formed. Water is applied about once in 
four or five days. To prevent the attacks of jackals several 
stems in each plant are tied up together with leaves of 
the cane. 

Highly irrigated areas are sprinkled with the usual Ganiea 
" garden " crops, such as the plantain and betel-vine. One '^'^^ ' 
that deserves particular mention is turmeric, from which 
saffron powder is extracted. It is grown in small patches on 
fertile soils under the better irrigation sources. As it requires 
constant though not excessive irrigation and withers very 
rapidly if deprived of water, it is not often found on lands 
unprotected by wells. Large areas are grown with this plant 
in the taluks of Pullampet and Cuddapah as well as under 
the Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal. There are saffron w^orks at 
Cuddapah where the powder is extracted from the turmeric by 
power-driven machinery. 

"Cuddapah melons," which are exported to all parts of 
India, are cultivated in the sandy bed of the Penner river, 
mainly at Sidhout. The fruit is raised either from seeds 
planted in pits dug in the sand, or from transplanted seed- 
lings. As soon as the river dries up after the cold weather 
rains the cultivation of melons is begun. The only expense 
involved in their cultivation — which is very remunerative — is 
the heavy manuring required. The plants trail over the sand 
like creepers and are so prolific that thousands of melons can 
be produced on a single acre. 

With the first showers that herald the approach of the Dry Culti- 
south-west monsoon the ryot begins to prepare his dry fields '^'ation. 
for cultivation. When the surface is sufficiently soft to nr scuffle, 
commence operations, the stubble of the last crop is rooted 
up, and this is usually done by means of the giintaka, or 
scuffle, which is peculiar to the Telugu country. It consists 
of a beam about four feet long to which the draught pole is 
attached, as also an iron blade, which is fixed by two wooden 
holders to each end in such a way as to be forced into the 
soil when the implement is drawn along. The driver often 
stands on the beam so as to ensure that the blade sinks to an 
adequate depth. The surface of the soil being thus prepared, 
the land is ready for the plough as soon as sufficient rain has 
fallen. If the monsoon is seasonable, ploughing operations 





CHAP. IV. will be in full swing before the end of June. Manuring, 
Dry Culti- which is the next process, is often accomplished by the simple 
means of penning sheep and goats on the land. Otherwise 
manure is only applied to dry lands when the ryot has enough 
and to spare for his irrigated and garden lands, and then not 
in large quantities, ten cart-loads being considered a fair 
dressing for an acre. If manure is applied to the land, the 
guntaka is again used to work it in and break up the clods. 
Then, after more rain, the seed is sown. 

The use of the seed-drill, or gorrii, for the sowing of dry 
crops is universal in the Ceded Districts. This implement has 
from three to six teeth. In the black cotton country six is the 
usual number. In other parts of the district the number of 
lines sown by the drill is generally five or three. The teeth 
are of iron, strengthened by a wooden backing, and are 
hollow. Connected with each of them is a hollow bamboo and 
the upper ends of these are brought together and fixed into a 
hopper called the zadigam. The seed is dropped into the 
hopper, passes down the bamboo tubes through the hollows in 
the teeth, and so into the miniature furrows which the teeth 
make as the instrument is dragged over the field by the pair 
of bullocks yoked to it. The seed being thus sown, the 
guntaka is again lightly used to cover it. The chief advan- 
tages of the seed-drill are that it economises seed, provided 
the machine is carefully fed, sows it evenly and at a uniform 
depth and is very well suited for the sowing of mixed crops. 
The commonest form of mixing is to sow two rows of some 
low-growing crop such as ragi or korra and then one row of a 
taller and wider spreading plant, such as dhall or cotton. 
This is effected by stopping up one of the holes in the 
hopper and attaching by a string, a foot or two behind the 
gorrii, a separate seed-tube consisting of a separate hollow 
bamboo and hopper, into which a second sower drops the 
seed required for the third row. This seed-tube is made to 
run in the track left by the tooth of Xhe gorru which has been 
put out of action and thus sows the seed at the proper distance 
from the other rows. By obvious variations of this system it 
is possible to sow the different seeds in alternate lines or 
in such other proportions as may be desired. To prevent 
dishonesty or unnecessary waste of seed the machine is 
generally fed by the ryot himself or one of his family. In the 
black cotton country the work is usually done by a woman. 

The use of the gorrii effects a saving of labour in the 
matter of weeding, which can be done by bullock power in- 
stead of by hand ; for the teeth of the gorru are attached to it 



at even intervals of about nine inches or a foot, so that the CHAP. IV 
field can be v^reeded by driving an implement so constructed dryCl'iti- 
as to pass between the rows made by the gorru. Such an vation- 

implement is that known as the metla giintaka. It consists of 

three blades resembling English hoes fixed to a transverse bar 
at the requisite intervals, and is drawn by a pair of bullocks. 
This is not very serviceable on an uneven surface, for which 
another variety of bullock-hoe is generally used. This is 
known as a danthi and resembles the ordinary giDitaka in 
shape, except that the single blade attached to it is of course 
less wide. Three of these, each guided by a separate man, 
are drawn by one pair of bullocks. In a rocky and uneven 
country such as Rayachoti taluk the advantage of this 
composite implement lies in the independence of each of its 
parts, any one of which can be lifted over obstacles without 
stopping the work of the others. 

To this general description of agricultural practice in the Practices 
cultivation of dry lands must be added some account of the peculiar lo 
methods which are peculiar to farming on black cotton soils, cotton''^'^'^ 
In the first place the practice of burning the stubble of the country, 
last crop on the land and using the ashes as manure, which is 
common in other parts of the district, is not usually followed. 
Firewood being very scarce, the dead cotton plants and roots 
of the cholam are generally collected and taken away for fuel. 
This is done before the rains set in. Even after the south- 
west monsoon declares itself agricultural operations are not 
begun till a month or six weeks later than elsewhere. In July 
or August the ryot will sow some of his lands with an early 
crop, which is locally known as the mimgari paini. The grain 
thus sown is nearly always korra or arika. The rest of his 
holding is reserved for one of the two principal crops of the 
country, namely cotton or cholam, though it should be noted 
that the marked predominance of the latter crop is at length 
threatened by the enormous increase in the cultivation of 
groundnut. The cotton is put down towards the end of 
August and in September, but only on land which has not 
been grown with cotton for the previous two years. The 
practice of mixing cotton with other crops which, partly as a 
substitute for rotation, often obtains elsewhere is not generally 
followed. The system of rotation is, however, thoroughly 
understood and is given full play in the very extensive 
holdings which are characteristic of the black cotton tracts of 
this district. Two-thirds of the land that remains to be culti- 
vated apart from that sown with an earl}^ crop is, or was till 
the recent introduction of groundnut, grown with cholam, 




Dry Culti- 

The pedda 
niadaka or 
big plough. 

which is put down a few weeks after the cotton. The figures 
showing the average distribution of crops in Jammalamadugu 
taluk for the five years immediately preceding the recent 
resettlement indicate how uniform was this system, under 
which every holding contains about twice as much cholam as 
cotton, for cholam represents 50*14 per cent, of the total culti- 
vated area and cotton 25*10 per cent. The mungdri crop 
accounts for about 20 per cent, and the small remainder is 
mainly represented by paddy and indigo. Cholam is often 
mixed with various pulses by which means it is said the ryot 
is enabled to keep all his cholam and pay the assessment with 
what he gets for the rest. 

As individual holdings sometimes run to two or three 
hundred acres and the whole extent has to be sown in a little 
more than two months, it follows that the ryot has no time to 
lose once he begins operations. Cotton especially is a crop 
that cannot be grown successfully unless put down at the 
proper time. Consequently the ryot makes no attempt to 
plough annually more than about one-third of his holding, the 
rest being merely scuffled by the giintaka. Very little manure 
is used, and that only in the neighbourhood of the village-site. 
Though the value of manure is well recognized it is scarce, 
and the amount needed for an average holding in these parts 
would be prohibitive. This and the natural fertility of the 
soil render its use uncommon. 

Although the usual S5'^stem of tillage is poor the ryots are 
aware of the value of deep cultivation, as is shown by their 
use of the pedda madaka or big plough. It is of wood like the 
ordinary plough but weighs about 230 lb. and requires six 
pairs of bullocks and raw-hide traces to pull it. While the 
ordinary plough is used but once in three years, land is only 
very exceptionally brought under the big plough, the effect of 
which is however said to be observable for ten years. It was 
formerly chiefly used for bringing waste under cultivation and 
clearing land that had got foul with the deep rooted hariali 
grass. Now that there remains but little valuable waste to 
reclaim, its use has become more general, but the area 
annually operated on is very small. The crop usually taken 
immediately after the deep tillage is Bengal gram. It is said 
that in the adjoining taluk of Tadpatri, in Anantapur district, 
the pedda madaka has in the last fifteen or twenty years been 
largely superseded by iron ploughs of European pattern. 
This is not the case in Cuddapah district, perhaps because 
the black cotton tract is too remote from any convenient 
centre of distribution. 


The threshing of chohim is begun only after the entire CHAP. IV. 
crop has been brought in. The heads of the plant are stacked dry Culti- 
in heaps on or near the threshing floor and protected by a vation. 

covering of the stalks till the reaping is over. The crop is 

then spread on the floor and rolled with light stone rollers ^^^"^^'^^^'^S- 
drawn by bullocks. This practice is now universal in 
Jammalamadugu taluk, having entirely superseded the old 
system of treading out the corn by cattle. 

Besides cholam straw which is said to be excellent fodder Cattle foad. 
the ryot of these parts usually feeds his cattle on cotton seed 
and husks of the green-gram (phaseolus mungo). Bulls in 
heavy work are given horse-gram. If other fodder is scarce 
cattle are occasionally fed with cholam picked green from the 
field. The cattle being of the heavy Nellore breed and very 
valuable demand and obtain better treatment than is accorded 
to the small local variety in other parts of the district. 

Improved varieties of the cotton plant have been intro- Modem 
duced and are making some headway in the district, but '^^'"^ses. 
their undoubted superiority is, it is said, counterbalanced 
by the fact that their seeds are, unlike the country variety, 
unsuitable for cattle food : so that the ryot gains little 
if any advantage by their cultivation. By far the most 
important change, which dates from only tv/o years ago, is 
involved in the extensive substitution of the groundnut for 
cholam. It may perhaps be thought strange that the r3'ot of 
this part of the country has been so slow to recognize the 
advantages of cultivating this remunerative crop, which has 
for many years steadily gained favour in other parts of the 
district. At any rate his obstinate conservatism has at length 
given way before the growing popularity of this foreign root 
and he appears to have cast aside all hesitation in the matter 
of its adoption. There is no doubt that thousands of acres, 
which were grown with cholam three or four years ago, are now 
under groundnut. Two husking mills were opened at Konda- 
puram last year, and two more at Muddanur and one at 
Yerraguntla in the current year. It is impossible as yet to 
foresee how far groundnut will eventually replace cholam in 
the black cotton country. Its further extension must largely 
depend on whether the soil is found as suitable to a rotation 
of groundnut and cotton as it is to one of cotton and cholam, 
and whether the ryot will be content to become a purchaser 
of food-grain instead of raising it on his own land. This 
remarkable development of the groundnut in the best black 
cotton tracts of the district presents exactly the same features 
that characterized its introduction into Pulivendla taluk which. 




Dry Culti- 



occurring just before the resettlement, is adverted to by Mr. 
T. E. Moir in his scheme report as follows: — "Unrecorded 
prior to fasli 1316^ it was in that year grown on 7.042 acres, 
while in fasli 1317 the area under it had increased to 21,448 
acres or nearly 11 per cent, of the total cultivated area. 
Figures are not available for the present year, but I found 
large areas under it, more especially in the western part of 
the taluk, and it has evidently come to stay and in 1317 
seriously encroached on both cotton and indigo . . . It is 
grown on soils of all kinds including fairly heavy black loams 
and clays. The boom may prove temporary, but if not the 
introduction of groundnut will greatly affect the agricultural 
practice of the taluk and the area devoted to food crops." 

Allusion has already been made to the uneven distribution 
of irrigated cultivation in the district. It is also noticeable 
that different forms of irrigation are typical of different parts. 
In the low-lying taluks west of the Nallamalais, which are 
watered by the Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal system and the 
Penner, Papaghni and Chitravati rivers, channel irrigation 
prevails. In the eastern division where the most important 
tanks in the district are found, of which about sixty-five 
irrigate ayacuts exceeding 250 acres, more than 71 per cent, of 
the occupied wet area is tank-fed. The Badvel and Poruma- 
milla tanks have occupied ayacuts of nearly 3,000 acres each, 
while those at Vontimitta and Ramapuram in Sidhout taluk 
and at Pedda Orampad, Poli, Cherlopalle and Penagalur in 
Pullampet taluk each irrigate over 1,000 acres. In addition to 
its tanks Pullampet taluk also benefits considerably by chan- 
nel irrigation from the Cheyyer and its tributaries. This river, 
under the name of Bahudanadi, also affords irrigation facili- 
ties to six villages in the south-east corner of Rayachoti taluk 
which is otherwise devoid of reliable sources and depends on 
well irrigation to a larger extent than the rest of the district. 

The vast majority of river channels take their rise in spring 
heads excavated in the sandy river beds and often flow long 
distances in the bed or along the bank of the river before 
reaching their ayacuts. A few channels from the Cheyyer in 
Pullampet taluk are provided with head sluices, and there are 
two or three anicut channels taking off from the Gunjana river, 
a tributary of the Cheyyer in the same taluk, a narrow stony 
bedded stream, which contracts into isolated pools in the hot 
weather instead of completely drying up and thus lends itself 
more readily to anicut irrigation than the wide sandy beds of 
the larger rivers. But with these exceptions the river channels 

' 1906-07. 



of the district are devoid of any permanent construction and CHAP. IV, 
depend for their maintenance on the spade work of the ryots Irrigation 

whose interest it is to keep them up. Every landholder 

claiming irrigation from such a channel must contribute his 
quota of labour, or its equivalent in money, according to the 
extent occupied by him. If properly maintained, these river 
channels will ordinarily afford a supply sufficient to raise two 
paddy crops- Most of the river channels of the district take 
off from the Papaghni in its course through the Surabhu valley 
and northwards to Kamalapuram and from the Cheyyer in 
Pullampet taluk. The Chitravati also contains some good 
channels but it only touches the western fringe of the district. 
Owing to the steepness of its banks the Penner which is the 
largest river in the district is not so well adapted to irrigation 
as its tributaries. 

A feature of the tank irrigation of the district is the large Tanks, 
number of good-sized tanks that depend for their supply 
mainly if not exclusively on the rainfall. The situation of 
the eastern division between the Veligondas on the east and 
the Nallamalais and Seshachalams on the west is particularly 
favourable to the storage of water in the rainy season. Most 
of the tanks of the district, notably those of Porumamilla and 
Badvel, were constructed some hundreds of years ago. The 
large tank at Porumamilla was built by one of the earliest 
■of the Vijayanagar princes, in the first quarter of the 14th 
century A.D., and the Badvel tank by a raja of the Matli 
family at the beginning of the 17th century. It is not 
improbable that the principal period of tank construction in 
the district coincided with the apparently uneventful era, 
corresponding roughly to the 15th century, which marked the 
heyday of Vijayanagar supremacy, when diamond mines were 
being worked at the foot of the Nallamalais. The practice of 
granting dasabandham inams to the principal ayacutdars on 
condition of maintaining a tank in good condition was particu- 
larly prevalent in this district, and, if we may rely on an 
inscription discovered in Pulivendla taluk, dates back at least 
to the 14th century. These inams were always confirmed by 
subsequent governments, but in the last sixty years many 
of them have been resumed owing to the conditions of the 
grant not being fulfilled. They are particularly numerous in 
Rayachoti taluk where they generally take the form of money 

The distribution of wells throughout the district is largely Weiu. 
determined by the nature of the soil and the adequacy of other 
means of irrigation, There are naturally but few wells to be 


CHAP IV found in the heavy black soils of the western taluks which 
q'^ are generally unsuited to irrigation and present unusual 
RRiGATioN. ^.^^^^^^jgg jj^ ^j^g matter of excavation. In the neighbourhood 
of Cuddapah, the prevalence of well irrigation indicates a 
high order of farming rather than the necessity of protection 
against drought. The soil is for the most part a fine free loam 
and the water level is usually near the surface, while the town 
affords large supplies of manure. As land endowed with 
such advantages of situation and natural fertility can be 
brought to an excellent condition at a comparatively low cost, 
want of capital, which is the chief obstacle to good farming, 
is less felt here than elsewhere. With this exception the 
largest number of wells are to be found in the poorest 
tracts. Rayachoti taluk contains about 5,700 wells, of which 
nearly half were till recently dasabandham wells. In extend- 
ing to wells the policy of granting dasabandham inams for 
their upkeep, former governments evidently placed but little 
value on private enterprise. This view may have been 
justified at a time when all well lands were assessed at a much 
higher rate than ordinary " dry " lands. But with the recog- 
nition of the principle that ryots' improvements should not be 
taxed and the assimilation of " garden " or " well " lands to 
" dry," the holders of dasabandham wells, under which the 
wet rates, though diminished by the dasabandham allowances 
and remission for lift, still greatly exceeded the dry rates, 
laboured under disadvantages from which owners of private 
wells were free. Consequently many hundreds of dasa- 
bandham wells throughout the district were abandoned in the 
last half century, and their loss is but just balanced by private 
enterprise, so that the total number of wells in the district at 
present differs but little from that recorded prior to the 
original settlement. As dasabandham wells were with the 
consent of the inamdars converted into private property, the 
inams resumed, and the ayacuts assessed at dry rates at the 
recent resettlement, it is believed that the tendency to allow 
wells to fall into ruin has been to a large extent arrested, 
though their abandonment is also in some cases to be attri- 
buted to the divergence of the sub-soil water or the drying up of 
springs. The taluks of Badvel, Sidhout and PuUampet contain 
in the aggregate but one thousand more wells than Rayachoti, 
their frequency in the latter taluk being, as already observed, 
due to the necessity of supplementing in all ordinary years 
the inadequate irrigation afforded by its insignificant tanks. 
Many of the wells in the eastern taluks are doruvu wells which 
are constructed by revetting the river banks. The Penner, 


Sagiler and Gunjana rivers are specially adapted to the CHAP. IV. 
construction of these wells. Irrigation. 

The only water lift in general use in the district is the 

single mhote or kapila- The picottah is scarcely known. 
Two pairs of cattle are generally employed to work the single 
mhote, one walking back up the slope while the other is 
raising the water bucket. A man unhitches the rope from 
the yoke of the cattle as soon as the bucket is empty and 
returning quickly up the slope attaches it to the yoke of the 
second pair which is waiting ready. This is an improvement 
on the method by which one pair of cattle is used and made 
to back up the steep slope every time the bucket is let down 
into the well. The system however involves a waste of cattle 
power, which is enhanced by the universal use of leaky 
leather buckets and inferior pulleys- 

To this general description of the irrigation of the district Irrigation 
must be added a more detailed account of the great irrigation ^o'^^s. 
works which have been undertaken at different periods with 
the object of bringing large portions of the district under 
effective protection. The most important of these is the 
Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal. 

This project owed its inception to the policy inaugurated The Kurnool- 
in the middle of the last century of introducing into India Cuddapah 

T^ • • 1 -1 1 • • , . ^ . . . Canal. 

British capital and enterprise in the construction 01 irrigation 
works. The canal forms only a section of the original 
ambitious design undertaken by the Madras Irrigation and 
Canal Company which was incorporated in 1858. The capital 
of the company was to be £l,000,000 on which Government 
guaranteed 5 per cent, interest- The Madras Government 
was not in favour of the work being undertaken by a private 
company, but the Government of India was desirous of 
attracting private capital to such enterprises and the highly 
successful results of irrigation work in the delta tracts as well 
as the views held by the late Sir Arthur Cotton and other 
irrigation experts contributed to the decision of the Secretary 
of State to accept the company's proposals. 

The canal takes off from an anient, seventeen miles above 
the town of Kurnool, on the river Tungabhadra, which skirts 
the district of Bellary and joins the Kistna in that of Kurnool. 
The anient supplying the canal is built across the Tunga- 
bhadra at Sunkesula. It is fifteen hundred yards in length, 
is founded on rock, has a clear overfall, and is furnished with 
a set of under-sluices. The canal enters the Cuddapah district 
at Suddapalle in Jammalamadugu taluk and passing through 
the Proddatur taluk crosses the Pcnner at the 182nd mile and 


CHAP. IV. finally discharges into a stream a few miles west of Cuddapah 
Irpigation. town. Its continuation parallel to the Penner as far as 

the Pulicat lake was originally contemplated but never 

carried out. 

Owing to a threatened famine, work was commenced in 
the Kurnool section in i860. As a result of hasty procedure, 
engineering difficulties and mistakes, and extravagance and 
carelessness in the management, the guaranteed million was 
expended by 1866, by which time only half of the section had 
been completed. Fresh contracts were made in that year by 
which operations were restricted to the canal between Sun- 
kesula and Cuddapah and new financial arrangements were 
made. By 1871 the canal was finished throughout its length, 
though its capacity and efficiency were by no means satis- 
factory. Even then very little use was made of the water by 
the ryots and with the exception of the famine years 1877-78, 
the working of the canal resulted in an annual deficit which 
was met by the Government. In view of the increasing loss 
thus entailed. Government purchased the canal and assumed 
charge on July I, 1882, at a cost which, including direct 
payments and claims surrendered, amounted to £3,018,758. 
The total length of the canal which thus came into the 
possession of the State is 190 miles, of which about 62 lie in 
this district. 

Prior to the assumption of control by the Government there 
had been considerable friction between the ryots and the 
company's officers and it had been thought for many years 
before the transfer actually took place that applications for 
water would be made more readily if the canal were managed 
by Government agency. Permanent causes operating against 
the financial success of the canal were however recognized, 
such as the sparseness of the population and the large tracts 
of heavy regada soil commanded by the canal, which really 
needed no irrigation. As soon as Government took over its 
management, the irrigation rates were considerably lowered; 
but in spite of this concession and the change in administra- 
tion little improvement was shown either in the area irrigated 
or in the revenue realized. In reviewing the Administration 
Report of Irrigation Works in the Madras Presidency for 
1887-88, the Government of India remarked as follows : — 
"The financial position of this canal is in the last degree 
unsatisfactory ; not only did the revenue fall off during the 
last year and the irrigated area decrease, but at no time since 
the canal was bought by Government has it been worked 
except at a heavy loss. There is a loss both in navigation 


and irrigation and, while the irrigation return is Rs. 2'5 per CHAP. iv 
acre irrigated, the cost, of working expenses falls at Rs. 6-5 Irrigation 

per acre, and there is no prospect of any material improve- 

ment. The total estimated value of the crops raised under 
irrigation, Rs. 2,48,330, does not largely exceed the sum which 
it cost Government to supply the water. The revenue 
expenditure on works and repairs alone (Rs. 1,11,780) is nearly 
double the income earned by the canal. It would appear that 
it might be economical to close the canal as an irrigating 
system merely keeping it in repairs so as to be ready to be 
put in working again, if a season of drought should create a 
sudden demand for the water. The Governor-General in 
Council trusts that the Government of Madras will consider 
the question and formulate such proposals as may seem to 
them expedient with a view to putting a stop to the constant 
drain on the treasury, which the maintenance of the canal 
on its present footing entails." 

In August 1890, the Government accordingly sanctioned 
the appointment of a Special Deputy Collector for nine months 
to enquire into the possibilities existing for the further exten- 
sion of irrigation under the canal. 

The report of this officer contained a number of sugges- 
tions, the most important of which was the appointment of 
a Special Revenue Officer on the canal. As a result of this 
report the appointment of a Special Deputy Collector to be in 
revenue charge of the canal for two years from the l6th March 
1894 was sanctioned by the Government and this appointment 
was, by subsequent extensions, continued till the end of March 
1907. This measure met with a very considerable amount of 
success, and inaugurated an era of improvement in the 
financial history of the canal. From 1894 to 1903 the excess 
of revenue over expenditure increased fourfold. The canal 
has been a greater success in Cuddapah than in Kurnool, 
chiefly owing to the fact that the proportion of the commanded 
area adapted to irrigation is higher in the Cuddapah district. 
Statistics of cultivation under the canal for the five years 
ending June 30, 1913, show that the average extent annually 
irrigated in this district is 28,702 acres, of which nearly 5,000 
acres are cropped twice in the year. 

Connected with the Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal sj^stem are TheChipid 
two important irrigation works known as the Chapad and ^^^ 
Maidukuru projects, which came into operation in the last '^r^ect''"'^" 
decade. The Chapad channel and its distributaries benefit 
a tract of country extending about 12 miles south-eastwards 
from Gopavaram, a village three miles north of Proddatur, to 


CHAP. IV. the junction of the Kunder with the Penner, and lying wholly 
Irrigation between these rivers with a maximum breadth of about 6 miles. 

The project was first sanctioned as a famine relief work in 

1897 at an estimated cost of about three and a half lakhs, and 
was put in hand in the year 1900 when work was needed for 
relief purposes. In the course of execution it was found that 
the provision made for some of the works was inadequate and 
that some additional works were necessary for the completion 
of the scheme, with the result that the estimate was revised 
and the total expenditure incurred, including indirect charges, 
actually amounted to nearly six lakhs. The channel was 
opened for irrigation in 1904 and has at present five distribu- 
taries. It is however intended to construct a sixth distribu- 
tary, for which purpose land is now being acquired. The 
Maidukuru project takes its name from the village of Maidu- 
kuru the northernmost of some nine villages situated along the 
Cuddapah-Kurnool road which are benefited by the project. 
'I he names of these villages are given 
Maidukuru. in the margin. The Maidukuru channel 

ivapuram. takes off from the left bank of the 


Ravulapaile. Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal at 171 miles, 

Duppalagatta, 40 chaius, and the project was designed 

Chemuiiapaile. to improve this channel for a distance 

Chennamakkapalle. ^^ ^ j-^^j^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^-j^g^ extend it 


Boyanapalie. ^^^ ^ length of II miles, to provide 

the necessary branch channels and 
masonry works so as to irrigate an extent of 8,000 acres in all, 
and in seasons of drought to supply tanks in the nine 
villages above mentioned. The project, originally estimated 
to cost about Rs. 2,30,000, was finally completed at an outlay 
of a little over three lakhs, and the area which it was 
intended to operate, namely 8,000 acres, has in fact been 
brought under irrigation, so that it may be regarded as a 
successful enterprise. 
3'^^^^^s»i'=r This project takes its name from the Sagiler river which 

rises in the Nallamalai hills in Kurnool district and, draining 
the narrow valley between these hills and the eastern ghats, 
enters the Badvel taluk at its extreme north end and after 
traversing the Badvel and Sidhout taluks falls into the Penner. 
It is not a perennial stream but a jungle torrent which in an 
ordinary year flows for about twenty days. The project, 
which was designed to improve the supply to the Porumamilla 
tank, consists of an anient across the Sagiler about three 
miles north of Kalasapad and a main channel taking off at 
this point and extending a distance of ten miles to the 





POrumamilla tank. By means of head sluices at various points cHAP. IV. 
in its course the channel affords a supply to the four smaller Irrigation. 

tanks of Kalasapad, Pendlimarri, Pidugupalle and Akkisetti- 

palle and between the 8th and 9th mile passes through the 
Chintalapalle tank before finally crossing the Cumbum road 
and tailing into the Porumamilla tank. Including establish- 
ment and indirect charges the total cost of the work amounted 
to rather more than four and a half lakhs. Operations 
were begun in the year 1898, and the construction estimate 
was closed on March 31,1907. Judging from the additional 
revenue realized in the five years succeeding the completion 
of the project, it cannot be regarded as very remunerative, as 
the return on the capital outlay represented less than one per 
cent, per annum. 

The average extent of ryots' holdings as indicated by the Economic 
assessment they bear constitutes an important factor in the Condition 
economic condition of the agricultural population as a whole. . °^ 


There are but few great landholders and they are chiefly 
found in the black cotton country. More than 70 per cent, of 
the holdings in the district are assessed at less than Rs. 10, 
while those bearing over Rs. 50 do not exceed three per cent- 
As about five-sevenths of the population of the district are 
agriculturists the small ryot accordingly represents by far the 
majority of its inhabitants, and it is on his economic condition 
that the prosperity of the district largely depends. 

It is a truism that in this class of people material progress 
is least to be expected. They are, it seems, incapable of 
bringing their minds to bear on the problem of bettering their 
condition. Their horizon is bounded by the next harvest, their 
stereotyped habits and universal respect for old customs as 
such induce a positive fear of innovation, while that element 
of intelligent self-interest which western economists predicate 
of the 'ordinary man ' is in their case curiously ill-developed. 
Their mental habit is stagnation, and the difficulty of educa- 
ting them out of it can scarcely be exaggerated. A system of 
education which embraces from the beginning the special con- 
sideration of their peculiar educational needs as agriculturists 
would seem to offer the best promise of ultimate success. If 
the education of this class of people has hitherto failed in its 
object, such failure must be attributed to its being usually 
divorced from all the interests of their life work. At any rate 
it is difficult to point to any change of practice or modification 
of manners in the last three decades in any way indicative of 
the progress of enlightenment, and I cannot do better than 
quote the following description of these people, contained in 



CHAP. IV. an official report ' of thirty-five years ago : "In this district 
Economic (Cuddapah) the cultivators are as a rule altogether illiterate, 
Condition despising and rejecting all education for their sons, as being 
^I „,.. likely to unsettle them and lead them in turn to despise the 
vocation of their forefathers. They ask ' of what use is 
writing, if our sons cannot plough and work on our fields 
properly } ' This objection is one which has been met with 
amongst the rural populations of nearly all countries. At the 
same time the adherence to custom, which is so strongly 
developed in this country is, I think, more powerful in 
this district than in the south. The obstruction which this 
feature has presented to agricultural progress in all coun- 
tries is well known, and it might almost be said that the 
persons in the old story, ^ which is often quoted to exemplify 
this in England, could have been a Government official 
advocating the use of a European plough, and a ryot of this 
country replying to him. But no doubt to a certain extent it 
is, as Wren Hoskins says, ' a mistake to attribute these things 
to obstinacy or any unwillingness to adopt an improvement 
that can be perceived; it is in the perceptive faculty that the 
impediment lies — a faculty which will not act of itself without 
exercise, ' and one which the circumstances of the life of the 
ryot do nothing to develop, but much to deaden. Causes and 
effects follow so slowly in agriculture, that the difficulty of 
following out the teaching of experiments is very great. If we 
add to those agencies the extreme poverty, the manifold 
superstitions and other influences affecting the ryot, it is 
difficult to reasonably expect that in the longest life of 
effort for agricultural improvement much can be effected 
in the modification of his present practices, unless pressure 
is brought to bear on the cultivators by their landlord — the 

"The amount of capital which the ryot possesses is 
generally extremely small ; and were he willing, he would not 
be able to make many experiments with changes of his system, 
which he has at least found to bring him means of subsistence 
in ordinary seasons. If by any means new men — men not 
born and bred in it — can be induced to embark in agriculture, 

^ Report of a tour in the Cuddapah and North Arcot districts made in August 
1879, by C. Benson, m.r.a.c, Acting Superintendent of Government Farms. 

* This well-known story is that a certain nobleman, seeing a man ploughing 
a light soil with four horses in a line, got off his horse, unhooked the two leaders, 
harnessed the two others abreast, and ploughed a few furrows out with his own 
hands, intending to show how easily it might be done with a pair. " Ah ! it's all 
very well for you that can afford it," said the man ; " but those newfangled 
improvements nre too expensive for a poor man," 


and to bring to it such a reserve of capital as will enable them CHAP. IV. 

to attempt things which the ordinary ryot cannot from his Economic 

circumstances adventure on, then can more rapid progress be Condition 

expected, for such men ' often form the most intelligent of . °^ 

husbandmen.' As an old writer on English agriculture turists 

observes : ' They have more zeal and fewer prejudices to 

surmount than those who have been brought up in it from 
their infancy. Their closer attention and freedom from the 
influence of habit make amends for their first ignorance 
of minutise ; and being driven to the pains of really study- 
ing their pursuit, they form their ideas upon its guiding 
principles.' . . . 

"Thus it is, I believe, almost hopeless to attempt to influence 
the present race of ryots, or even their children, as long as 
they resist their being educated even to the slightest degree. 
, . . The diffusion of agricultural information amongst 
the educated ryots through the schools, and by means of 
employing in the subordinate revenue posts only such men as 
are acquainted with the true principles of agriculture, will do 
much. But if any marked improvement is to be effected, it 
must be from the infusion of new blood into the cultivating 
classes, and how this is to be done it is difficult at present to 

Nowadays there is of course but little active opposition to 
education, but it is at least doubtful whether the ryot considers 
it to have any practical bearing on his after-life. How the 
remedies advocated in this report are to be applied, namely, 
the infusion of new blood into the cultivating classes and the 
attraction of capital to the land, is still an unsolved problem. 
If the " new men . . . who often form the most intelligent 
of husbandmen " are furnished by the agricultural colleges 
in sufficient numbers it may be that they are destined to 
become the pioneers of a forward movement in agriculture, to 
which at any rate they may be calculated to bring knowledge, 
brains and enterprise ; and that capital in such a case would 
not be slow to take advantage of the new conditions might be 
predicted with tolerable certainty. 

In the Census report of 1911 it is recorded that nearly 38 
per cent, of the cultivable area of the district is waste. If for 
the sake of argument half of this is regarded as land of the 
worst kind the cultivation of which under present conditions 
is scarcely remunerative, it is still clear that of pressure of 
population on the land, in the sense of a dense population 
on a restricted area, there is no indication whatever. The 
sparseness of the population is out of all proportion to the 



CHAP. IV. resources of the district, were they properly exploited. At 

Economic present they are inadequate to maintain the population 

Condition because the occurrence of a famine or a series of bad seasons 

°^ paralyses agriculture. Capital cannot be attracted to the 

Agricul- i^ -^ *~^ 

land till something is done to combat the disadvantage of 

the position of the district in the famine zone. The condi- 
tions of much of the district, apart from this liability to 
drought, are by no means unfavourable. For example the 
soils of the black cotton country are good and very retentive of 
moisture, while the ryots are industrious and not unacquainted 
with some of the rudiments of good farming, yet they have 
made no effort to protect themselves against the effects of 
a prolonged drought. In seasons when the rain fails, the 
crop fails, and they find themselves face to face with starva- 
tion. That such failure and distress are unnecessary there 
is no room for doubt in face of the latest agricultural achieve- 
ments in other parts of the world where the conditions of 
soil and rainfall, if not of climate, do not largely differ 
from those obtaining over large areas of this district. The 
success that has there ^ attended scientific dry-farming is 
measured in the following words : ""The last romance of 
agriculture, the most daring of its many triumphs, is the 
conquest of the desert. Pictured in the winsome song of the 
Psalmist, the sonorous prose of the Hebrew prophet, and 
visioned in the pages of a modern seer, it has remained for 
the latest science, the deep-set share and the diligent harrow 
to complete the ancient prophecy and to produce a harvest of 
corn from a rainless land." 

But while there is thus reason to believe that the rich black 
cotton soils can be made to withstand the effects of prolonged 
drought, the case is different with the barren red soils of the 
upland, and much of the dry land in the east of the district. 
Even horse-gram, the last resource of the poorest lands, cannot 
be made to grow without at least one good shower of rain. 
But it is reasonable to suppose that under improved methods 
of agriculture these lands could in good and average years be 
made to yield an outturn so far in excess of what is now the 
case as largely to enable the ryot to tide over the bad years 
with the surplus of the good. As it is he has no means of 
mitigating adverse conditions, and in a series of bad years 
many a small ryot will sink under the accumulation of his 
indebtedness and disappear. 

South Africa. 
2 See "The Nineteenth Century and After" June 1913 : "A rainless 


By this it is not implied that indebtedness is peculiar to CHAP. IV. 

the small ryot or confined to periods of scarcity. The ordi- Economic 

nary operations of agriculture depend to a considerable extent Condition 

on borrowed capital, and indebtedness is common among all '-'^ 

grades of ryots. The small ryot trying to establish himself T,,o,c-i^c" 

borrows the use of cattle, seed grain, or enough to keep 

himself till the harvest season ; the bigger ryot buys cattle on '"^^^'J^f- 
. , . , , , "° -^ . -' ness of the 

the instalment system and borrows money for a marriage ryot. 

festival or other special occasion while at the same time he 
possibly has money or grain out at interest himself, for the 
extent to which the large landholders finance the small 
holdings is rather noticeable in this district. From one point 
of view it is perhaps advantageous that these transactions 
should be in the hands of the big ryots, who are at least likely 
to time their demands with more intelligence than a merchant 
living in a distant town. On the other hand the greed of 
land in the rich black cotton plains is such an overpowering 
passion that landholders of means are only too anxious to 
accommodate the smaller ryots, in the hope of eventually 
adding acre to acre. They but seldom accept any security 
but the land itself, the usual rate of interest in this case being 
12 per cent, per annum. It is said that they decline to take 
back small instalments of the principal, and wait for years on 
the chance of the borrower failing to meet the interest, when 
they immediately foreclose. If land were only mortgaged to 
raise loans for agricultural improvements there would be 
nothing unsound in ryots' indebtedness. It is unproductive 
debt and the borrowings necessitated by caste and social 
customs to which exception must be taken inasmuch as they 
constitute a burden on the land which the land should not be 
called upon to bear. It is this aspect of the ryot's indebted- 
ness that renders his position so precarious, as a succession 
of bad seasons, the immediate effect of which he has no 
means of avoiding except by further borrowing, quickly 
strains his resources to the breaking point. 






and area. 


Forests — Their situation and area — Administration. Character 
OF THE Forests — The Red sanders tree— Its uses — Summary. 
Conservancy — Prior to the Madras Forest Act of 1882 — 
Subsequent operations. Recent Working Plans — Fuel — 
Timber. Work in Progress — Fuel operations — Timber opera- 
tions — Sandal-sowing — Minor forest produce — Grazing and 
goat-browsing — Forest offences — Fire protection — Stream-bund- 
ing — Cart-tracks and bridle-paths — Demarcation — Planting and 

The district of Cuddapah contains some large and import- 
ant forests, the systematic conservancy of which dates from 
the passing of the Madras Forest Act of 1882. They are 
mainly situated on the principal hill ranges, namely, the 
Veligonda, Seshachalam, Palkonda, Lankamalai and Nalla- 
malai hills. Many of the isolated blocks of rocky hills w^hich 
are scattered throughout the district and occur most frequently 
in the western taluks of Rayachoti, Pulivendla and Proddatur 

have also been constituted 
reserved forests ; but they are 
clothed for the most part w^ith 
thorny scrub jungle of an 
inferior quality and are, from 
a sylvicultural point of view, 
of little value. The district 
contains 1,817 square miles of 
reserved forests, representing 

about 31 per cent, of its total 

area and the figures in the 
margin give particulars of their distribution.^ 

Prior to 191 1 the district as then constituted was divided 
into three forest charges, known as East, North and South 
Cuddapah, the latter corresponding to the old revenue sub- 
division of the district, the headquarters of which was at 
Madanapalle. With the transfer of Kadiri, Madanapalle and 

Since writing the above an extent of about 30 stjuare miles of reserved 
forest in the Seshachalam )iills have been added to this district from that of 


Extent in 
square miles 






- 35S 





Isolated blocks 




... 1,817 



Vayalpad taluks to other districts the number of charges 
was reduced to two, which are still known as East and 
North Cuddapah, though they should more properly be termed 
East and West.'' At the same time the administration was 
rendered more effective by increasing the number of ranges, 
of which there had hitherto been three in each division. 
The east division now contains five ranges, Kodur, Rajampet, 
Sidhout, Badvel and Porumamilla ; and the north division 
four, namely, Rayachoti, Cuddapah, Pulivendla and Proddatur. 
The boundary between the two divisions accordingly runs 
north and south along the watersheds of the Seshachalam, 
Palkonda, Lankamalai and Nallamalai hills. 

The two great classes of evergreen scrub and deciduous 
forest are found here as elsewhere. The former, which is 
confined to the bottom and sides of ravines and to moist 
localities at the foot of the hills, comprises the following 
among its principal trees and shrubs. The description of 
these trees and shrubs is taken from Gamble's " Manual of 
Indian Timbers " : 

Diospyros chloroxylon (Ullinda). — A large shmb or small 
tree, useful for fuel. 

Maha huxifolia (Uti). — A small tree, useful for fuel. 

Erythroxylon tnofiogy/iiim (Devaddri). — A small tree. The 
wood is strong, hard and pretty but is little used except for 
fuel. The leaves are said to be eaten in famine seasons. 

Mimusops Indica ( Pala) and Hexandra (Pogada). — Fine 
large trees. Wood is very hard and heavy, and is valued as 
fuel. The fruit is edible. The bark is used for native 
medicinal purposes. The wood can be used as timber, but its 
great weight and hardness and the existence of better timber 
trees are against it in this respect. 

StrycJuios nux-vomica ( Mushti). — A moderate-sized tree or 
shrub. Leaves, bark, fruit and especially the seeds are 
poisonous. The latter yield alkaloids, strychnine and brucine. 
With two exceptions the tree is untouched by animals. The 
Langur monkey is able to eat even the seed with impunity, 
while the goat occasionally browses and may even make a 
hearty meal off the very young shoots. 

Strycluws potatorum (Chilla). — A moderate-sized tree. 
Not poisonous. The seeds are used to clear muddy water by 
rubbing the inside of the vessels with them. It is known as 
"clearing nut" tree. The pulp of the fruit is edible and is 
made into preserve. The wood is good and is used for 
ploughs, building purposes and cart wheels. 





* This alteration has since been carried out. 




CHAP. V. Eugenia jambohina (Neredu). — A good timber tree. Use- 

Character ful for building timber and also for agricultural implements. 
OF THE Tj^g bark is used in native medicine as a specific for dysentery. 

Pterospcrmnm suhcrifoUiini (Tada). — A moderate-sized tree. 
The wood is used chiefly for fuel but also for making carts. 

Sapindiis e?narginatus (Knnkudn). — A large tree. The fruit 
is used for washing as a substitute for soap, and is known as 
the " soap nut." The wood is good but is not much used. 

Vitex altissima (Nemaliadugn). — A good timber tree used 
in building and cart-making. 

Wehera corymbosa (Kommi). — A large shrub. 

Ixora parviflora (Kiirivi). — A shmb. The green branches 
are used for torches. 

Carissa carandas (Kalivi). — A shrub. Extremely thorny. 
The branchesare used for fencing. The wood is used for fuel. 

Dodonaa viscosa (Bauddni). — A shrub. Its branches are 
used to support the earth of a flat roof. 

Marraya Konigii (Karepaku). — A small tree. The wood is 
used for agricultural implements. The leaves are used to 
flavour curries. 

The deciduous forests are very open and have a luxuriant 
undergrowth of grass. The dominant and most valuable tree 
is Pterocarpiis santalinus (Red sanders — Chandaiiatn). It is a 
very pretty, moderate-sized tree, with an upright clean bole and 
rounded crown. The wood is dark claret red in colour, and is 
extremely valuable. The red sanders, or " redwood" tree as it 
is also called, deserves more than passing mention, as it is 
said that there is probably no important Indian tree the 
distribution of which is so limited in range, and it is on the 
encouragement of the growth of this tree that the whole work 
of the Forest Department is concentrated in its timber opera- 
tions in this district. It is confined to the slopes of the main 
hill ranges of Cuddapah and to the adjoining parts of Nellore 
and Chittoor districts. 

The red sanders is principally used nowadays for the 
construction of house-posts. An important factor in their 
value is that they are never attacked by white-ants. The 
best posts are usually bought in pairs for verandah pillars and 
are often sold at Rs. 40 to Rs. 50 per pair of I^ cubic feet 
each, or in other words at Rs. 15 per cubic foot. Such posts 
are known as 'specials.' The dimensions of a ' special ' are 15 
to 18 inches in mean girth and 12 feet long. This represents 
the measurement of the heart-wood after removal of the bark 
and sap-wood. A tree capable of yielding a ' special ' post 
measures as it stands in the forest from 3 to 4 feet in girth at a 


Red Sander 


Its uses. 

Price of e£ 


Class of timber — 

RS. A. 



10 15 


1st class 



2nd ,, 

2 13 


3rd .. 

2 2 


4th ,, 

I 5 



height of 4/^ feet above the grounil. In addition to the required CHAP. V. 
dimensions a ' special ' post must be without defect and must Character 
taper uniformly from base to top. Since they are usually sold of the 
in pairs, the more alike it is possible to find two posts the Forests. 
greater will be their value. A defective post, which, but for Redwood 
the defect, would be classed as a * special,' falls into the first P"*^- 
class. The figures in the margin show the average prices 

obtained in auction for posts 
of each class. The rates ob- 
tained, it will be observed, fall 
very rapidly. The charcoal 
obtained from this tree is excel- 
lent, and fuel of the best quality 
is provided by the branches 
of badly formed and diseased 
trees. Small pieces of the heart-wood are carved by the 
Settigunta doll-makers into dolls or idols, which are in great 
demand among pilgrims to Tirupati. The wood is also used 
for agricultural implements and the leaves for fodder. 

In former days the wood of the red sanders tree was chiefly 
valued for its red colouring principle, " santalin," which is 
soluble in alcohol and ether but not in water. It was very 
extensivel}^ used as a dye, and large quantities of redwood 
were exported to Europe for this purpose. The shipments 
continued until comparatively recent times, when this natural 
dye was entirely superseded by the introduction of artificial 
substitutes. The earliest account of this trade was brought to 
light by the editor of ' Nature ' (Calcutta), who published an 
interesting article in the issue of May 4, 1911, of which the 
following are extracts : — 

" During the preparation for the press, in 1895, of the ' Diary 
and Consultation Book of the Agent, Governor and Council of Fort 
St. George,' for 1682-85, Mr. A. T. Pringle, the editor, inquired if I 
.could throw any light on the origin of caliature, a name for redwood 
(Pterocarpus santalinus), frequently referred to as an ardcle of trade 
in Madras. Presuming the name to be that of a port on the east 
coast, it has evidently disappeared from nearly all the available 
gazetteers and modern atlases. Inquiries were made in London, 
Holland and Java with no results ; but recent researches in the 
libraries of Calcutta have been more successful, and the following 
notes on the early trade of the country form an interesting chapter on 
the history of red sanders wood : — 

" To Rumphius belongs the credit of giving the origin of the 
term ' caliture.' In 'Herbarium Amboiense,' 1750, vol. ii, 48, he 
speaks of * Santalum rubrum ' being known in his country and in 


CHAP. V. Europe, and as coming from a tree from which ' h'gnum calitour ' is 

Character derived. The wood is very hard, solid, and dull red, which he says 

OF THE could be obtained in great abundance from the northern parts of the 

Forests. Coromandel coast. Various kinds of furniture were made of it, as 

benches and elegantly carved chairs. Only the mature trees afforded 

good sandal-wood, as was shown in letters sent to him in 16S9. The 

wood was also used as a tincture in the arts, and the Armenians in 

Shiraz and Ispahan added it to distilled spirit of wine to give it a 

beautiful and intense red colour. The identity of the town by 

Rumphius I will quote in the original Latin : — 

'Hisce addo ex iisdem litteris locum Caliatour quondam 
dictum, hodie in ora Coromandelensi hoc nomine non amplius esse 
notum, sed tempore mutatum fuisse in Krusjna-Patanum, seu Kisjna- 
Patan, ita ut primi nominis memoria inter Europeos tantum 

"The town of Kistnapatam, referred to in this paragraph is in 
the Nellore district of the Madras Presidency. It is now a village, 
situated at 14° 17' north latitude, 82 miles north of Madras ; it has a 
fine backwater of great depth, and is a shelter for native craft during 
the monsoon. In an old glossary it is said to be the Greek Sopatma, 
and ' title otherwise Calitore.' In a map accompanying ' A True and 
Exact description of the most celebrated East India Coasts of Malabar 
and Coromandel ' (1672), by Philip Baldeus, Callerture is shown 
between Armagon and Penne (Penner river). In a map of the 
' Peninsola deli India ' (dated 1683), by Giacomo Cantelii da Vignola, 
a Portuguese, the town is indicated as ' Caletur,' It is evident that 
while the town was known to foreigners as Calitore or Caletur, it was 
not recognised by that name by the British factors . 

"The earliest English factory was planted in 1625 at Masuli- 
patam, where trade was carried on with varying fortune for several 
years. In 1628 the agent, pressed by the Dutch rivalry, migrated 
southwards to Armegam. In 1639 Armegam in its turn gave way to 
Fort St. George, Madras, which in 1653 was raised to the rank of an 
independent presidency. Between this young growing factory and the 
Court of the Honorable East India Company there was considerable 
correspondence, and interesting extracts are made in the Diary and 
Consultation Book of the Agent and Governor. In their despatch 
dated February 8, 1681, the Court wrote as follows : — 

' xA.nd we do further order that you make the like provision of 
300 tons redwood for our next year's shipping. The Dutch called 
this redwood by the name of Calliature wood, and we do p the 
Nathaniell and Williamson send a pattern thereof which came from 
India, We are informed that it costs about 2^ Pag° p candy, they are 
usually in pieces of about 3 yards long but you may have it sawed 
into pieces of about 2 feet more or less as the Commanders shall 



desire for conveniency, it being to be ground to powder here and used 
in dyeing.' 

" Contracts for the supply of the wood were negotiated by 
the Governor, and the question of advances was settled with mer- 
chants. In September 1682, the following entry in the Diary 
occurs : — ' The Calliature or Redwood merchants having made a 
contract with ye Agent, etc., for-candy of redwood, declared that with- 
out they might have half the money before hand they could not 
comply with their contract w^'' upon their promise of giving security 
was granted them.' 

" Redwood was frequently used as ballast in homeguing 
ships. A specific case is recorded in the Diary for 1682 : — ' Captain 
Willshaw of the Resolution complained that he would not be able to 
ride out ye storm without sufficient Quintelage (ballast) therefor 
ordered that the warehousekeeper doe lade on board him 100 : Tonns 
saltpetre and what Calliature wood can be got to stiffen his ship and 
inable him the better to ride out ye storm.' . . . 

"In 1685 as much as 1,337 pagodas were paid to the local 
redwood merchants in 7 instalments during the year. Calculating the 
pagoda at g^., this amounts to ^605, This, however, indicates only 
a portion of the trade for the year. 

"Reference to 'The Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai 
from 1736 to 1761 ' proves that the trade in red sanders wood was 
still brisk. In 1753 the ship ' Fleury ' sailed for France with 1,000 
candies (candy = 500 lbs.) and the ' Phenix ' with 2,000 candies of red- 
wood. It might be mentioned that the ' James and Mary,' that gave 
its name to the dreaded sandbank in the Hughly, and was wrecked on 
September 24, 1694, carried a cargo of redwood taken up at Madras. 

" In the ' Letters received by the East India Company from 
its Servant in the East, 1602-1617,' there are numerous references to 
the various kinds of sanders wood, but they are easily distinguished 
The red sanders wood always came from the Madras coast, xnd was 
sent to Europe for dyeing purposes. . . ." 

Further particulars about the red sanders are given by the 
District Forest Officer 1 as follows : " It flowers from April to 
June, seeding the following February and March. The seed- 
lings die off annually during the hot weather, while the root 
system increases until the shoots are large and strong enough 
to resist the heat of the sun and at times also fire. It prefers 
the eastern aspect of stony hills and is to be found at altitudes 
between 900 and 2,000 feet. It forms the greater percentage 
of the growing stock on the lower slopes, where it is in places 

1 Mr. T. A. Whitehead, who has furnished all the material for this chapter. 
Other quotations ia this chapter, when no authority is mentioned, are from 
Mr. Whitehead's note. 










found pure. As the altitude increases the percentage of red 
Sanders decreases, but the quality improves. The largest and 
best trees are to be found in the upper limit of the red sanders 
zone." Owing to its valuable properties and the fact that it 
received no protection in the past, the drain upon the forests 
of the district "has," says the District Forest Officer "been 
enormous and has continued until quite recent times. Gamble 
in his ' Manual of Indian Timbers' records: 'In the five years 
ending with 1882-83, 12,782 tons were exported to the United 
Kingdom, I,ll6 tons to France, and 1,687 tons to other Indian 
and Ceylon ports, the whole valued at five and a half lakhs of 
rupees.' Not only the stems and branches but also the roots 
were extracted, and it is to be wondered at that the tree 
has survived total extermination. The unmerciful treatment 
meted out to it in the past is apparent from the present 
degenerated state of the forest. A mature red sanders tree is 
difficult to find, a large proportion of the growth is in a pole 
stage and a great many trees have been mutilated by fire and 
man. It, however, reproduces itself vigorously in coppice, by 
suckers and from seed, and to this innate vigour it owes its 
existence. A local tradition maintains that a red sanders tree, 
after attaining a girth of 40 inches becomes rotten at the heart. 
This no doubt is at present true, but it is not due to old age 
and over-maturity as is generally supposed. It is, I believe, 
entirely due to injuries received during the period of its life, 
resulting from repeated scorching. There are two or three 
trees in the Kodur red sanders plantation which are now over 
50 inches in girth and which are still quite sound. No fire 
has occurred in this plantation since its formation in 1865. 
Another tradition maintains that there are two distinct 
varieties of red sanders trees. One variety which has a com- 
paratively smooth bark and a light heart-wood is known as 
the ' female,' the other with the rougher bark and darker heart- 
wood as the 'male.' Botanically there is no difference, and 
the variety is not due to a difference in the quality of the soil 
since the two kinds are found mixed. The contention that 
the smooth-barked tree generally has a lighter coloured heart- 
wood appears to be true. The scientific explanation is still 
to be discovered. 

" A seedling commences to form heart-wood at the age of 
about 18 years or when it has attained a girth of 6 to 9 
inches at breast height, while a coppice shoot shows signs of 
forming heart-wood at the age of 15 years or when it has 
attained a girth of 9 to 15 inches. Pseudo-heart-wood or a 
premature deposit of the red colouring principle ' santalin ' is 


found around natural wounds and artificial injuries. A red CHAP. V. 
Sanders tree of 70 to 80 years of age, which as a rule averages character 
4 feet in girth at breast height, may be said to have attained of the 
an exploitable age or, in other words, an age at which it is ^'orests. 
capable of yielding a ' special ' post." 

The general character of the growth on the five main blocks ""™"^' 
in the district may accordingly be summarised as follows: — 
First come " the fuel forests along the foot of the hills. These 
are as a rule overgrazed and degraded. Along the outer 
boundaries the growth often consists chiefly of thorns which 
gradually disappear and give place to more valuable growth as 
we penetrate deeper in towards the hills. The species found 
in the fuel forests are : — Hardwickia binata, Anogeissus lati- 
folia, Albizzia odoratissima and lebbek, Eleodendron glaucum, 
Buchanania latifolia, Sapindus emarginatus, Canthium didy- 
mum, Mimusops hexandra and elengi, Terminalia chebula 
and tomentosa, Pterospermum suberifolium, Odina wodier, 
Atlantia monoph3dla, Albizzia amara, Memecylon angusti- 
folium, Adina cordifolia. Cassia fistula. Gardenia turgida. 
Gardenia gummifera, Vitex pubescens, Strychnos nux-vomica, 
Diospyros chloroxylon, Butea frondosa, Ixora parviflora, Shorea 
tumbuggaia, Gelonium lanceolatum, Hemicyclia sepiaria and 
Maba buxifolia." 

Next, at a greater elevation, occurs the red sanders forest, 
to which allusion has already been made. " Important timber 
trees with which the red sanders is generally found mixed in 
various proportions are, in the lower elevations, Anogeissus 
latifolia and, at a higher altitude, Terminalia tomentosa, 
Chloroxylon swietenia, Buchanania latifolia, Diospyros 
ebenum, Shorea tumbuggaia and talura and Anogeissus 
latifolia. The red sanders belt is irregularly cut up by the ever- 
green growth along stream beds. In parts within its zone it 
entirely disappears, Anogeissus latifolia being as a rule found 
in its place. 

" Finally, above the red sanders belt the predominating 
species is Eugenia alternifolia, which is found pure in large 
patches especially on the plateaux. It is associated with 
Terminalia tomentosa, Anogeissus latifolia and Chloroxylon 
swietenia in the lower elevations and with Terminalia pallida 
and chebula and Shorea tumbuggaia and talura in the higher 
elevations. The ridges above the plateaux mostly support 
Shorea tumbuggaia, with Eugenia alternifolia and Gardenias 
as auxiliaries and wild date and cycads as under-growth. 

" This may be said to be more or less true of all the five 
large blocks, but the three distinct belts as described above 







Prior to the 
Forest Act 
of 1882. 

are most marked in the Seshachalam, Palkonda and Lanka- 
malai hills. In the Veligonda and Nallamalai hills the red 
Sanders is not nearly so common. Jn the northern portion of 
the Veligonda range, i.e., in the Badvel taluk, the fuel forests 
at the foot of the hills sometimes give place to a very fine 
pure Hardwickia binata forest as well as a mixed forest of 
Anogeissus latifolia and Hardwickia binata." 

Conservancy operations were first begun in i860 and were 
chiefly confined to the south-east portion of the district. 
From a report^ dated January 25, 1877, submitted by Colonel 
Beddome, Conservator of Forests, much may be gleaned of 
the results obtained up to that time and of the previous 
history of the plantations and fuel reserves controlled by the 
department. The following are extracts from the report : — 

" Plantations. — These are five in number, viz., the red 
Sanders plantation at Kodur and the four fuel plantations 
at Upparapalle, PuUampet, Reddipalle and Kamalapuram. 

" T/ie Red Sanders plantation. — This is close to the railway line 
near the Kodur station ; the extent is 50 acres, surrounded 
by a ditch and aloe fence ; over an area of about 20 acres 
there are some twelve or fifteen thousand red sanders trees 
growing very straight and well. . . . The largest tree 
now measures 41 feet 2 inches in height and has a girth 
of 2/5^ inches, but many others are nearly as large. 
The rest of the area does not seem adapted for the growth of 
red sanders, as the tree has failed when it has been tried, but 
almost the whole of this has been planted up with various 
other trees. . . . The plantation was commenced in 1865 ; 
the expenditure up to date has been Rs. 5,839; receipts nil; 
the expenditure is now limited to Rs. 8 per mensem, the pay 
of one gardener 

"77/<? Pullatnpet fuel plantation. — Close to the railway line, 4/^ 
miles from Rajampet railway station. This is an area of 402 
acres; .... Nurseries commenced in 1871, planting out 

in 1872 ; it was intended as a mixed fuel plantation 

As far as it has gone this plantation is a failure, and the 
planting of the vaghi, nim, babul and other trees, hitherto 
attempted at great expense in trenches and pits, will never 


'' Reddipalle fuel plantation. — Commenced in 1869-70; 924 
acres fenced in. . . . The Babul has utterly failed. The 
other trees have grown fairly in some instances, but are not 
likely to pay as fuel. . . . 

' Contained in G.O. No. 1974, Revenue, dated 13th June 1877. 


^^ Fuel reserves. — There are seven in number .... all CHAP, V. 
situate along the north-west line of railway between Tirupati Conser- 
and Nandalur vanxy. 

" Bdlapallc No. I reserve. — Area about 2,000 acres .... 

taken up and fenced round in 1867, since which the growth 
has rapidly improved. . , . The value of timber on the 
reserve at the seigniorage rate is about Rs. 70,000." 

The other fuel reserves mentioned by Colonel Beddomeare 
Balapalle No. 2 (1871), Vagatikona (1874), Kodur (1871), Thuna- 
konda (1874), Yerraguntakota (1873) 'in^l Gathala (1874). 

In their order on this report the Government observe that 
the condition of the fuel reserves is more satisfactory than 
that of the plantations. 

From what has already been said of the red sanders tree 
and its past history it may readily be inferred that the forests 
of Cuddapah district received but little protection prior to the 
passing of the Madras Forest Act of 1882, and that operations 
were mainly directed towards the realization of revenue. It 
should, however, be remembered that the establishment at the 
disposal of the department during these years was so small 
and the areas under its control so extensive that no scientific 
forest work could be attempted with any hope of attaining 
many successful results. 

From 1882 to 1901, some improvement took place, but Subsequent 
timber, fuel and minor forest produce was still extracted by °P*^^^"^"s* 
contractors for the department. This, of course, was detri- 
mental to the forests since little supervision could be 
exercised by the department over the contractors. They were 
permitted to work over extensive areas and helped themselves 
to the plums. With one exception, the mistake to attempt 
to deal with large extents of forest was again made, the Act of 
1882 was not vigorously enforced and the deterioration of the 
forest continued. The one exception is to be found near 
Balapalle in the forests to the east and west of the railway 
line. Here an attempt to work the area systematically for 
fuel was made with gratifying results. A working circle was 
selected in the forests on either side of the line in about the 
year 1880. The two working circles are known as Balapalle 
East and West. They were each divided into thirty coupes 
and one coupe in each working circle was worked annually. 
The fuel extracted was sold to the Railway Company. The 
first rotation in both the working circles has been completed 
and five years ago the second rotation was begun. The 
coupes are being worked under the ' coppice with standards' 
system. Thirty standards per acre are selected and marked 









departmentally. The annual coupe (50 acres to 150 acres) is 
then put up to auction. The actual felling and extraction of 
the fuel and such small timber as is available, is done by- 
contractors under departmental supervision. The success of 
operations in the past is evident from the fact that at the 
present day {i.e., in the second rotation) an average of 
Rs. 12 to Rs. 18 is obtained per acre for coupes which were 
originally felled some thirty years ago. There is little doubt 
that these working circles will afford a perpetual fuel supply 
in future. 

"There are one or two small plantations in the Pullampet 
valley which were planted with red sanders in 1865. The 
most important and most successful of these is the Kodur 
Red sanders plantation. The trees here are now 48 years of 
age and have long since attained their full height growth. 
The largest tree in the plantation measures 4 feet 4 inches 
in girth at breast height and is about 60 feet high. This 
is probably the largest red sanders tree in existence. Some 
useful work was also done in the North division in planting 
palmyra on the banks of the Penner, Papaghni and other 
rivers. The most successful of these is the Idupulapaya 
palmyra plantation which in the near future will become 
invaluable in the supply of building timber to this part of the 
district where it is so badly needed. 

" In 1908 the following batch of working plans for the 
supply of fuel was sanctioned : — 

Fuel Working Circles. 

East Cuddapah : Balapalle (East and West series), Kodiir (East 
and West series), Rajampet, Pullampet, Badvel (East and 
West series), Lankamalais, Porumomilla (North and South 
series), Sancherla, Nandalur Vontimitta, Palkonda Bull- 
men, Lankamalai Bullmen, Sidhout and Kanamalopalle. 

North Cuddapah : Palkonda (Maddimadugu East and West 
and Mamillapalle series), Lankamalais^ (Bainapalle and 
Pattur) and Nallamalais^ (Dasari palle North, East, South 
and West). 

" The ' coppice with standards ' system for these fuel 
working circles has been prescribed. The coupes were 
originally worked departmentally, but in 1912 the work of 
felling, extraction and disposal of the produce was handed 
over to contractors. The demarcation of the coupes and the 
selection and marking of standards still remain in the hands 

' Also timber working series. 







of the department. The department also supervises the work CHAP. V 
of the contractors. 

"In 1909 a timber working plan for the Seshachalam 
hills in the East division was sanctioned. An attempt to 
work it was made until 1912. It was then proved to be 
unworkable owing to the impossibility of carrying out its 
prescriptions with the inadequate staff sanctioned. In addi- 
tion to the timber fellings conducted under this working plan 
unregulated timber fellings were carried out in the Veligondas, 
Palkonda, Lankamalai and Nallamalai hills. Owing to the 
weakness of the establishment, inadequate supervision and 
the excessive extents of the coupes the work was not evenly 
distributed over the whole area. The fellings degenerated 
into the extraction of only the best trees from the most pro- 
mising and accessible localities. Such inadequately con- 
trolled work would soon ruin any forest. The fellings were 
put a stop to in the years 1912 and 1913. 

" Operations for the supply of fuel are chiefly confined to 
the terai forests. With but one or two exceptions all the 
fuel working circles in both divisions are doing well and the 
working plans at present require no revision. The ' coppice 
with standards ' system continues to be in force. 

"Timber compartments were without exception worked 
under the " selection " system in the past. The failure of 
this system which provides for the removal of a number of 
trees of each age class every year, was due not so much to the 
fact that it was inapplicable to this class of forest but chiefly 
to the fact that the prescriptions of the working plans were 
never conscientiously enforced. The areas allotted for annual 
treatment were far too large (1,500 to 6,500 acres) for the 
executive establishment to deal with, or for the controlling 
staff to supervise. The result might perhaps have been fore- 
seen. Each compartment had been estimated to yield a certain 
quantity of material. The quantity was extracted, but from 
only a very small portion of the compartment ; this means 
that the small portion from which the material had been 
extracted was hopelessly overworked while the greater portion 
remained untouched. It was impossible for a responsible 
officer, in addition to his other duties, to adequately check and 
supervise the work in these enormous timber compartments. 
They were often mismanaged or entirely neglected by the 
irresponsible executive staff who knew that their neglect or 
dishonesty would probably not be brought to light. Even had 
the areas been satisfactorily worked a rigid protection of 
them after treatment would have been impracticable. In the 

Work in 





CHAP, V. East division these compartments were worked departmentally 
Work in but in the North division the further error was committed in 
Progress, the last year or two of handing them over with but little 
restriction to contractors. In 1912 unregulated timber extrac- 
tion in the East division was stopped. In 1913 the old system 
in tracts both under sanctioned and unregulated working was 
put a stop to throughout the district and a new system was 
introduced. Under the new system the realization of revenue 
by the extraction and sale of timber-yielding trees is not the 
main consideration. It provides for the improvement and 
subsequent rigid protection of areas sufficiently small to 
ensure detailed work and thorough supervision. The system 
was primarily devised to encourage the growth and to 
protect the existing stock of sound red sanders trees, and 
work is therefore confined within the limits of the red 
sanders belt or zone. Under this system the area of the 
annual coupe in each working circle is at present limited to 
about 100 acres, and with the object of producing mature 
red sanders timber the rotation has been fixed at seventy 
or eighty years, so that each working circle will include a 
block of red sanders forest of 7,000 acres to 8,000 acres. It is 
necessary to retain and protect all the best and soundest trees 
which are at present in a young pole stage, and to cut back, 
for the purpose of obtaining a re-growth of healthy coppice 
shoots, all trees which have been pollarded, injured or 
damaged in such a way as to be crippled for the production of 
sound and valuable timber. The trees selected for retention 
are marked by departmental agency. Each tree so marked is 
entered in a register with its girth measurement. The coupe 
is then sold in auction and a contractor removes, under 
detailed departmental supervision, the inferior growth which 
has not been marked for retention. While the coupe is being 
felled over by the contractor a stone wall 3^ feet in height is 
erected by departmental agency around the coupe so that 
when the work of felling and extraction has been completed, 
the ring wall is also completed. By this means the sound 
trees left standing and the re-growth within the coupe will be 
protected from cattle and fire and it is hoped will also arouse 
the better feelings in man. Three working circles in the East 
division and some half dozen in the North have been roughly 
located and the first coupes demarcated on the ground. Work 
has already commenced in the East division and in two cases 
is in full swing in the first coupe. As this system is being 
introduced in the red sanders areas throughout the whole 
district no sound timber will, except illicitly, be extracted from 



the Cuddapah forests for some years to come. It has already 
been pointed out that this course is absolutely necessary on 
account of the present degenerated state of the forests. 

"Sandal is being introduced into the plateau forests at an 
elevation of 2,500 feet and above. Small areas are sown and 
then demarcated with narrow lines and coupe stones. 

"It will thus be seen that the three classes of forest 
mentioned above, i.e., the terai fuel forests, the red sanders 
belt and the plateau forests are being worked for the pro- 
duction of fuel, timber and sandal respectively. 

" As hitherto, the right to collect minor forest produce and 
bamboos from certain blocks of forest is usually auctioned, 
and the free removal of grass is permitted except when it has 
a market value, in which case the right to remove it is leased 
by Government. 

"Grazing on permit is allowed in all reserves except in 
Ks. plantations and worked areas. 

Sheep li The rates at which permits are 

Cow, bull, ass, etc. ... 3 jgsued per head per annum are 

^"^^'° ^ given in the margin." 

Grazing has hitherto been permitted in the valuable hill 
forests of the district, and the cattle have been penned in 
long established " pentas " or cattle kraals, which are situated 
in the heart of the forests. A large proportion of these cattle 
come from Nellore, but the valuable stock of that district is 
not sent over, and the animals that are grazed are usually 
of a very inferior class. Considerable damage has been done 
to the forests by these annual incursions of cattle, for not only 
have the red sanders and all other valuable timber disappeared 
from the sites of the "pentas " but the forest in the vicinity 
has suffered from theft, mutilation and fire caused by the 
graziers. Under these circumstances the hill forests of 
Cuddapah are being gradually closed to grazing and the cattle 
that resort to them are being provided for elsewhere. Goat- 
browsing was hitherto permitted in certain selected reserves. 
An attempt has recently been made gradually to exclude the 
goat from all reserves, and Government sanction has been 
obtained to close permanently the few blocks that still remain 
open to the goat from 1st July I9I4- 

"Theft of timber and fuel and offences of illicit goat- 
browsing have made the proper protection of the reserves 
extremely difficult. Settigunta is the home of the doll-makers. 
These dolls are made out of red sanders timber and the forests 
in this locality have suffered and are still suffering from the 
raids made upon them by these people. The so-called 



Work in 


Minor forest 

and goat- 





Work in 



and biidle- 

" BuUman," a low caste Muhammadan timber thief, who makes 
use of his bull for the extraction of illicitly felled timber and 
fuel, has been very troublesome in the past. His sphere of 
operations has been confined to the Palkonda and Lankamalai 
hills. It was chiefly to keep him out of mischief and to 
afford him a chance of obtaining an honest livelihood that the 
Palkonda and Lankamalai Bullmen fuel working plans were 
introduced. He was employed by the department to extract 
the fuel felled departmentally on the hill slopes, and is now 
being employed by the contractors who are working the 
coupes under departmental supervision. Every village along 
the foot of the Nallamalai hills can boast of gangs or portions 
of gangs of men that have for a great many years earned a 
livelihood by the sale of stolen timber. Vanipenta harbours 
a crowd of brass-workers. These men required first-class 
charcoal with which to feed their furnaces and have for 
many years helped themselves to red sanders and Hardwickia 
binata fuel from the adjoining reserves to satisfy their 

" Though determined attempts have been made in the past 
to put a stop to the destruction of reserves, results so far show 
that still more thorough steps must be taken for the protection 
of the forests against timber theft. With this view the 
Government have recently sanctioned the introduction of a 
revised set of timber transit rules. They are considerably 
stricter than the old rules, but no honest man need fear them. 
The existence of a large number of shrotriem forests wedged 
into the large blocks of Government reserves had made 
protection of the latter extremely difficult in the past. It is 
hoped that the present rules, if properly and fairly enforced, 
will largely mitigate this evil. 

"A new work of fire lines over the more important blocks 
is, as elsewhere, the system of protection adopted. So long 
as grazing is permitted within the reserves and especially 
within large blocks of hill forest absolute and permanent 
protection against fire cannot be expected. This is an 
additional argument for the exclusion of foreign cattle. 

" The upper affluents of the more important forest streams 
are being bunded with small dams from their sources 
downwards in order to hold up the water for a greater number 
of days after heavy rainfall and to prevent torrents and rapid 

"A network of cart-tracks and bridle-paths is being con- 
structed in the large Seshachalam, Palkonda, Lankamalai and 
Nallamalai blocks in order to open up the forests and facilitate 


work under the new system described above under ' Timber cHAP V 
operations.' All bridle-paths are being aligned at a gradient "work in 
not steeper than i in 20 so as to facilitate their conversion into 'progress. 
cart-tracks when necessity arises. 

"A permanent form of demarcation for reserves was Demarca- 
commenced in 1913 and will be continued until all reserves ^'*^°" 
have been completely and accurately demarcated. The 
particular form adopted is : — Planting numbered stone pillars 
at all turns, building a cairn around each pillar and placing a 
row of large stones from cairn to cairn along the outer edge 
of the cleared 12 feet boundary line. In cases where the 
reserve line at present in existence was wrongly cut, the errors 
are being rectified as the permanent demarcation proceeds. 
It will tajce many years to complete the work. 

"With the exception of the sowing of sandal seed in Planting and 
a few selected areas in the plateau forests no sowing or ^^^^''"g- 
planting is being done. It is considered more important 
to protect and revive the forest at present in existence than to 
attempt to create more forest when that which exists'is not 
yet adequately controlled." 



Agriculture. Arts and Industries — Textile— Condition of 
weavers — Cotton-weaving — Silk-weaving — Blankets and rugs — 
Cotton printing and dyeing — Shoe-making — Wood — Metal 
— Stone — Other occupations. Factories. Trade — Exports 
and imports. Weights and Measures — Table of weights — 
Grain measures — Liquid measures — Lineal measures — Measures 
of time. 

CHAP. VL While agricultural and pastoral pursuits constitute the 
Agricul- livelihood of about five-sevenths of the population of Cud- 
ture. dapah district, there still remains an appreciable proportion 
which may be termed partially agriculturist. Under this head 
must be included the village artizans who customarily hold 
land on favourable tenure in consideration of their services to 
the community. The last census returns also show that of 
those engaged in the textile industry some 9 per cent, repre- 
senting probably the Mala community who are agricultural 
labourers as well as weavers of coarse cloths, rely partly on 
agriculture for their living. In a wider sense the welfare of 
nearly the entire population is dependent upon agriculture, 
for the industries mainly followed in the district deal with the 
products of the earth in their natural state, obtained locally. 
The market for the finished article is also no less restricted. 
The effect of a bad season on the industrial worker is there- 
fore twofold, in that it raises the price of raw material and 
reduces the purchasing power of the agriculturists, who are 
his principal customers. 
Arts and Excluding agriculture, weaving provides employment to a 

Industries, larger proportion of the population of the district than any 
Textile. Other industry. The castes of weavers who carry on their 

hereditary occupation in this district are the Togatas, Sales 
and Devangas, in the order of their numerical importance. 
Many Muhammadans are also engaged in this industry and, 
as already mentioned, Malas are employed, especially in the 
black cotton country, in the weaving of coarse fabrics. The 
industry is carried on entirely with hand-looms. In the year 
1900 there were only three districts in the Presidency contain- 
ing a larger number of hand-looms than Cuddapah, in which 
there were 11,500. The area of the district has been largely 


reduced since then, but it is not thought probable that there CHAP. VI. 
has been much change in the number of hand-looms in the Arts and 
whole Presidency since that date. Industries. 

Though it is often assumed that the condition of the hand- Condition of 
loom weavers has steadily deteriorated owing to the effect weavers, 
of competition, the conclusion drawn from certain facts and 
figures recorded at the last census is that on the whole the 
industry is holding its own, and that the general increase in 
prosperity is leading to an increased demand for its finer 
products. The weavers have on the whole responded to the 
stress of competition and work harder nowadays, turning out 
a larger amount of finished goods than was formerly the case. 
The cleverest weavers are to be found in Pullampet taluk, 
and their high class products command very good prices. 
It is here that the use of the fly-shuttle slay has principally 
developed, by which the output of each loom is said to be 
increased on the average by not less than 50 per cent. On 
the other hand less skilful workers in the backward parts of 
the district have failed to hold their own, as the demand for 
their coarse goods has steadily decreased with the raising of 
the standard of comfort. With this contraction of the market 
and the general increase in the cost of living it is doubtful 
whether a family that depended entirely on the weaving of 
coarse country cloths could maintain itself in these days : in 
fact, they invariably supplement their earnings by other 

Formerly in the black cotton country every process from Cotton 
the picking of the cotton to the manufacture of his dress ^^^a^'^g- 
was carried out under the eye of the Kapu himself, with the 
possible exception of its cleaning by the Dudekula caste 
of professional cotton-cleaners. The ginning, on which his 
womenfolk were employed, was performed by propelling 
stone rollers over the cotton up and down the verandah of his 
house. He would also spin the yarn at home and supply it to 
the weavers to make up into such cloths as he and his family 
required. Nowadays very little yarn is homespun and if the 
ryot still patronises home-made stuffs he buys his yarn in the 
bazaars of the bigger villages and towns which get their 
supply from the spinning mills in Madras and elsewhere- 
Meanwhile the cotton that he grows finds a ready market 
in the ginning and pressing factories of Tadpatri and 
Proddatur. It is the country cloths worn by the women of the 
black cotton country that are now mostly manufactured by 
the Malas. They are sometimes coloured, but generally white 
with red or black borders. The thread for these cloths is 




Arts and 


and rugs. 

bought ready dyed. In other parts of the district softer 
fabrics are worn, and these are woven by the Togatas and 
Sales, who use the best imported yarn. The Devangas are 
numerically unimportant. These weaving castes are found 
throughout the district but are most numerous in Proddatur 
and Pullampet taluks. Red is the prevailing colour of the 
saris and ravikas which they make, and they occasionally dye 
the thread themselves. They also weave good white turbans 
and white or coloured upper cloths for men, for the latter 
of which a common pattern is red chequered with narrow 
white lines- Whether white or coloured, the ends of the cloths 
are often embroidered with gold or silver thread. Some 
of the best embroidery of this kind is done at Pullampet. 

The best silk-weaving in the district is done at Madha- 
varam in Sidhout taluk, a village near the confluence of the 
Cheyyer and Penner rivers, and at Uppalur in the taluk of 
Kamalapuram. The weavers of the latter village are Togatas, 
and some account of their work is given below in the gazetteer. 
The inhabitants of Madhavaram number less than two 
thousand, and seventy-five per cent, of them are Padma Sales. 
They make coloured saris of silk, the colours, usually red and 
black, being in alternate squares, and silk upper cloths for 
men, which if not white are coloured pink, pale blue or red, 
the weavers usually dyeing the thread themselves. These are 
generally more richly embroidered than the cotton variety. 
The best silk cloths cost between Rs. 100 and 150. These 
weavers also make saris and ravikas of mixed silk and cotton, 
which, from the origin of the pattern, are known as Kornad 
cloths. A sari of this kind costs about Rs. 15 and is of the 
same colour and design as the silk, but the squares are 
smaller. The weavers of Madhavaram are, as elsewhere, 
largely in the hands of capitalists who advance them money 
or grain and supply them with the materials of their industry, 
paying them piece-work wages for the cloths they turn out. 
One of these merchants, who has from time to time exhibited 
samples of the excellent workmanship of the Madhavaram 
weavers, obtained a silyer and a bronze medal at the Industrial 
and Arts Exhibition in Madras in 1903 for embroidery and 
two silver medals from the Industrial and Arts Exhibition of 
Mysore in 1911 for silk work. 

Rough blankets which are made from the wool of the 
small black and white sheep found in Rayachoti taluk are 
woven by Kurubas. This breed of sheep is much commoner 
in the higher altitudes of the plateau, and the industry 
employs very few people in this district, where the blankets 


woven are only sufficient for local requirements. In Pulivendla CHAP. VI. 
taluk the same shepherd caste of Kurubas make coarse hair Arts and 
rugs from the fleeces of the other kinds of sheep. These rugs, Industries. 
which the Kurubas dye red, are brought in large quantities 
from Parnapalle and other places in the west of the taluk to 
the weekly fair at Pulivendla. 

White cloths intended for sdris or children's skirts are Cotton 
sometimes printed in black or red colours by hand by the P'^'"''ng. 

■» T . 1 • ^ r T-i - -n • <-r^i . . 3>n(l dyeing. 

Marathi caste of Rangarazus or Rangans. The prmting is 
effected by stamping the cloth with wooden blocks engraved 
with various floral designs. 5c7mofthis kind are dyed red 
or black to a length of about two feet at each end. The 
Rangaris are said to be skilful dyers, and the colours do not 
easily fade. 

Recent statistics show that " Industries of dress and the Shoe-making, 
toilet" afford employment to nearly as many persons in the 
district as do weaving and its allied occupations. Under this 
comprehensive head are included barbers and washermen, 
cleaners and dyers, who in the aggregate number more than 
half of the total, but these are not of exceptional numerical 
importance in proportion to the population of the district. 
On the other hand the number of those engaged in the 
making of shoes, boots and sandals shows that this is one of the 
more important industries of the district. It is chiefly carried 
on by Muhammadans, and the largest number of workers 
are found at Badvel and Cuddapah. There are only two 
districts in the Presidency, namely, Guntur and Nellore, where 
the proportion of shoe-makers to the total population is so 
high. From the large development of the industry at Badvel 
it seems probable that it was to a great extent introduced 
from Nellore. 

Under the major head of " workers in wood " the latest Wood, 
census tables include basket-makers, of whom we find the 
proportion in Cuddapah district exceeds that for the Presidency 
and most other districts. The followers of this industry are 
mostly to be found in villages adjoining the forests at the foot 
of the Seshachalams in Pullampet and Rayachoti taluks and 
also include Yerukulas and other wandering tribes. Fewer in 
number but of more importance are the carpenters, joiners 
and turners who utilize the abundant material afforded by 
the forests of the district for making agricultural implements, 
cabinets and the different kinds of household furniture for 
which there is a steadily increasing demand. At Settigunta, 
in the south of Pullampet taluk, there are some clever wood 
carvers who specialize in the mythological figures, generally 



CHAP. VI. made of redwood, which are sold as votive emblems to 
Arts and pilgrims who visit the sacred hill of Tirupati. 

Industries. At Vanipenta in Proddatur taluk, at the foot of the 
Nallamalais, workers in brass, copper and bell-metal have 
attained considerable reputation. The industry, if not con- 
fined to this village, is at any rate very highly localized. The 
workers are of various castes and include a large number of 
Musalmans. They make cattle-bells, rings, copper pots, 
drinking vessels of copper and brass and various household 
utensils. As in the case of the weavers of Madhavaram, this 
industry is financed by capitalists who supply the workers 
with metal and give them advances, paying them for their 
labour. It is said that the industry has suffered of late years 
by competition with vessels of foreign make and materials 
such as aluminium and german silver. Formerly these metal- 
workers consistently drew on the neighbouring reserved 
forests for the means of making the charcoal which their 
process of manufacture renders necessary in large quantities, 
and it is possible that the improved protection of the forests 
has added to their difficulties. 

Stone. The stone-carving of many modern temples in the district 

has been carried out by some expert sculptors who call 
themselves Silpis, but are locally known as the Gumpramanu- 
dinne people, from the name of their village in the Sirvel 
taluk of Kurnool district. A Muhammadan of Peddamudiyam 
in Jammalamadugu taluk acquired the art of stone-carving 
from these people and transmitted the knowledge to his son. 
With this solitary exception Cuddapah district does not 
appear to contain any professional stone-carvers, though in 
several places Balijas and Muhammadans can carve ordinary 
rough figures on stone. Workers in stone claim our notice 
rather on account of the large number of unskilled labourers 
who obtain employment by quarrying the famous Cuddapah 
slabs. These are obtained from the sub-crystalline limestone 
of the Cuddapah rocks and are so excellently adapted for 
building purposes that they are exported to various parts of 
the Presidency. The best kind is described as a regular- 
bedded, compact, dark-grey, semi-splintery rock, which, being 
well jointed at right angles to the bedding, is easily obtainable 
in blocks and thin slabs. The colour is so dark at times as to 
give almost a black marble when the stone is polished. As 
the group in which this limestone occurs underlies the 'great 
Cuddapah plain ' and crops up to. the surface on either side of 
it, it follows that good varieties can be obtained anywhere 
along the base of the Nallamalais, as also to the westward of a 




Arts and 



sinuous line drawn from Chintakommadinne, some five miles 
south of Cuddapah, through Kamalapuram and Proddatur to 
Peddapasupula, a few miles north-east of Jammalamadugu. 
The best quarries are therefore very favourably situated for 
transport by rail. The largest quantity of slabs are entrained 
at Yerraguntla station. 

Other industries, which account for small numbers of the 
population, present no exceptional features and are in no way 
peculiar to the district. ' Labourers and workmen otherwise 
unclassified' represented at the last census about 15 per mille 
of the total inhabitants. To the rest, of whom thousands are 
petty shopkeepers, occupation is mainly provided by trade. 

The district of Cuddapah has not been unaffected by the Factories. 
industrial tendency exhibited since the beginning of the 
century in the direction of the supersession of hand labourby 
power-driven machinery. Using the term ' factory ' to signify 

every installation of 
such machinery, the 
figures in the mar- 
gin show the number 
of factories in the 
district as at the last 
census and at the 
present time. Ex- 
cluding the applica- 
tion of motive power to the raising of water for irrigation, 
which is largely encouraged by Government, the growth in 
the factory movement during the last few years appears 
remarkable in what must be regarded as a conservative 
district. The recent boom in groundnut cultivation is 
responsible for the establishment of nine husking mills in the 
taluks of Jammalamadugu, Kamalapuram and Cuddapah. 
Cotton is both ginned and pressed by motive power at 
Proddatur, and there are now also five gins in Jammalamadugu 
and two in Pulivendla. The weaving factory at Cuddapah is 
temporarily closed pending the construction of new buildings. 
The saffron factory at Cuddapah deserves special notice 
as it appears to be the only one in the Presidency.- The 
machine used is 'Carter's Disintegrator' and is fitted with 
two sets of plates which enable the operator to grind the 
powder coarse or fine as may be required. 

As the manufactures of the district are few and for the 
Tiost part satisfy local requirements, trade assumes but little 

Weaving factory ... 




iVIunicipal water-works 



Cotton pressing or ginning fac- 




Saffron works 



Irrigation ... 


... ^ 

Groundnut factories 



^ Number not reported. 

* See Census Report, 191 1, Chapter XII, Appendix II. 



CHAP. VI. importance and merely consists of the collection of the various 
Trade. products which it exports and the distribution of its imports. 

As in other districts, there are one or two recognized centres 

at which this collection and distribution are mainly carried on. 
The principal trade centre in the district is, without doubt, 
Proddatur, though some eight miles distant from Yerraguntla, 
the nearest railway station. Cuddapah comes next, after 
which we must probably rank Rajampet, which is situated in 
the busiest part of the eastern division of the district and is 
easily accessible from Madras, the port from which are con- 
veyed such of the products of the district as find their way to 
other countries.^ Business is also brisk in Badvel and Puli- 
vendla, the former providing a link with the coastal district 
of Nellore and the latter attracting by means of its weekly 
market much of the merchandise of Rayachoti taluk and the 
Kadiri taluk of Anantapur district. It is through such weekly 
markets, established at most villages of importance throughout 
the district, that egress is afforded to the industrial output of 
less accessible places. The big traders of the district are 
Komatis, the principal caste of hereditary merchants in the 
Telugu country. Much of the retail trade is also in their 
hands. Excluding these, the Muhammadan community pro- 
bably contains a larger proportion of shopkeepers than any 
others. Numbers of Hindus of various castes are also engaged 
in retail trade. 
p:xports. The principal export of the district is raw cotton, most of 

which, to the aggregate value of about 10 lakhs a year, is dealt 
with by two large firms in Proddatur. Tadpatri, in Anantapur 
district, is, however, nearer to the south-western villages of 
Jammalamadugu taluk, the ryots of which, dispensing with 
middlemen, often put up their cotton in bags and cart it to the 
Tadpatri mills themselves. It is said that about twice as much 
cotton finds its way from Proddatur to Madras— mainly for 
export to Europe — than to other parts of India. After cotton 
the chief exports appear to be food-grains, Cuddapah slabs, 
minor forest produce, indigo, turmeric and, in recent years, 
groundnuts. The food-grains mostly consist of cholam and 
ragi. Cuddapah slabs, which have already been referred to, 
are exported to all parts of the Presidency. Of minor forest 
produce the toothsome nut known as sarapappu is obtained 
in large quantities from the Palkonda hills and is exported 
to Madras and elsewhere both by way of Cuddapah and 
"Rajampet. The trade in indigo, as is well known, has fallen 

• A %-ery limited quantity is also exported from Pondicherry. 



on evil times, but it is still exported to Madras and Rangoon CHAP. VI. 
and parts of the Central Provinces and Bombay Presidency. Trade. 
Turmeric which is largely grown in parts of Proddatur, Cudda- — 

pah and Pullampet taluks, also has a wide market, including 
such distant places as Bombay, Delhi and Amritsar. Ground- 
nuts are generally sent to Tiruttani, Madras or Pondicherry. 
Other local products that deserve mention are the melons 
grown in the bed of the Penner river, especially at Sidhout, 
the silk goods of Madhavaram and the oranges of Velpula in 
Pulivendla taluk. The latter are not exported in very large 
quantities, but the melons of Sidhout are famous and bring a 
large profit to their growers. It is said that some 15,000 
melons can be raised on an acre of river sand, with but three 
manurings. They are exported to Hyderabad, Bombay, 
Calcutta, Madras and even to Tanjore. The silk cloths of 
Madhavaram are chiefly sent to neighbouring districts, but 
also find their way to Raichur and the Nizam's Dominions. 

In exchange for these products the district mostly obtains Imporu. 
such household requisites as salt and kerosine-oil, and, in lesser 
quantities, sugar, spices and rice, the latter principally from 
Nellore : whence also come the agricultural cattle used in the 
black cotton country. European piece-goods and yarn are 
largely imported. Finally there is a growing demand for 
coffee and wheat owing to the recent popular habit of taking 
coffee and wheat cakes as morning refreshment. The in- 
creased consumption of wheat is also partly due to the supposed 
injurious effects of a rice diet on people who are predisposed 
to diabetes. 

The weights and measures in popular use are not uniform 
throughout the district. Variations even occur in the same 
taluk. The following is an account of the standards most 
generally accepted : — 

The ordinary table of weights is as follows : — 
20 tolas ... ... ... ... = I seer. 

6 seers ... ... ... ... = i panch seer. 

12 seers ... ... ... ... = l dhadiyam. 

4 dhadiyams ... ... ... = i maund (about 26 lb.) 

The reason, it is said, why a weight of six seers is called 
" panch seer," which literally means " five seers," is that the 
old maund weighed 40 seers instead of 48 as at present. One- 
eighth of a maund then represented five seers. Early in the 
19th century the weight of the maund in the Ceded Districts 
was changed to 48 seers, but though one-eighth of this new 
maund now weighed six seers it was still called "panch seer." 
A seer of gold or silver weighs, as elsewhere, 24 tolas and is 




Table of 






CHAP. VI. designated in parts of the district " pedda althi " to distinguish 
Weights it from the ordinary or "chinna althi " seer. It may be men- 
tioned that a weight of 6o maunds of raw cotton is called a 
kantlam, and the same term is used to signify 1 5 maunds of 
pressed cotton or 45 maunds of cotton-seeds. 

The seer generally used for measuring grain is one which 
will hold 88 tolas weight of second sort rice when heaped. 
There is however another seer known as the " pakka seer" 
which weighs 132 tolas and is sub-divided into two padlu. Padi 
is the word commonly used for the lowest unit of measure or 
seer. The largest measure of grain in use is called a putti. 
but the number of seers it contains varies in different parts of 
the district. In the black cotton country it is generally 640 
seers, and in Rayachoti taluk 500 seers. Elsewhere it may be 
320, 480 or 560 seers. The measures below the putti are 
generally the following : — 

2 kunchairs ... ... ... ... = I irasa. 

2 iiasas ... ... ... ... ... = i thumu. 

5 ihumus ... .. ... ... = I edum. 

2 edums ... ... ... ... ... = I pandum. 

2 pandums ... ... ... ... = i putti. 

Between the seer and the kuncham is the muntha, but the 
number of seers to a muntha varies to such a bewildering 
extent, that it is best excluded altogether. In the above table 
it will be seen that the putti contains twenty thumus. In some 
parts of the district, however, the thumu is one-eighth of a putti. 

The seer of measure and its sub-multiples, half, quarter, 
eighth and sixteenth, are used in retailing liquids, except that 
oil and ghee are sold sometimes by measure and sometimes 
by weight. 

The English yard and, less frequently, the foot and inch 
are in use, but the popular standards of measurement, which 
are derived from the hand and the arm are as follows: — 

A veledu is a finger's breadth, and 

4 veledus ... ... ... = i bethedu (breadth of the four fingers 


The distance between the tips of the thumb and forefinger 
when fully extended is called ajittedii, and that between the 
tips of the thumb and little finger fully extended is a jdncdu ; 



2 janedus 

4 muredus 

I muredu (cubit, i.e., the length from 
tne elbow to the tip of the middle 

I baredu (the distance between the tijJS 
of the two middle fingers measured 
across the chest with the arms 


The depth of wells is calculated in terms of a unit of CHAP. VI. 
measurement called mattu, roughly corresponding to a man's weights 
height. In Kamalapuram taluk and places where wells are and 
revetted with Cuddapah slabs the term giidhi is used to denote Measures. 
an excavation of three feet deep and two yards wide, these 
being the dimensions of the slabs in use. In other parts an 
excavation of a cubit in depth and width is known as a kunta. 

The common measures of distance are the paragu, or 2/^ 
miles, and the dmada which is equal to four paragus or ten 

Now that watches are much more used than formerly, the Measures of 
English measures of time are pretty well understood, but the ""^^' 
popular measures are — 

60 virhadias ... ... ... = i ghadia (24 minutes). 

2 ghadias ... ., ... = i anihurtam. 

yh ghadias ... ... ... = i jamu (three hours). 

Besides these terms certain expressions are used by the 
country people to indicate particular times of the day, for 
example repitdla means the period between 6 and 9 A.M., 
payitdla is the time from 12 noon to 2 P.M., while pcdda yesidla 
and chiiina yesuUa poddu correspond roughly to the periods 
from 2 to 4 P.M. and 4 to 6 P.M. respectively. Mapitayfda is 
also used to express the evening up to about sunset, from 
which time till about 8 P.M. is the period known as sandhakada. 




Roads — In 1854 — Extension during famines — Present administra- 
tion — Avenues — Travellers' bungalows and choultries. The 
Canal. Railways — Projected lines — Accidents. 

CHAP. VII. The roads of the district received but little attention prior 

Roads. to ths middle of the last century. In the early fifties we find 

the districts of Cuddapah and Nellore comprised, for the pur- 

In 1S54. pQgg q£ Public Works, in the second division of the Presidency, 

The Civil Engineer in charge of this division reports, in 1854, 
" The Government are fully aw^are that up to the commence- 
ment of the present year little had been effected for this 
division under the first of the above headings (i.e., Communi- 
cations) further than in the formation of the great north road 
running through the whole length of the Nellore district." 
From the same report we gather that a small amount had 
recently been expended in improving the " direct Cuddapah 
and Madras road " and that the Superintendent of Roads had 
in progress the important line of communication joining 
Arcot with Cuddapah. With the exception of these two roads 
the district was practically devoid of communications. In this 
year, however, an important new road was in course of con- 
struction, namely, that leading from Badvel eastwards through 
Atmakur to Nellore and Krishnapatam on the east coast, and 
sanction had been obtained to the extension of this road 
westwards to Proddatur. The programme of operations for 
1855 and 1856 was ambitious and included among the roads 
to be commenced all those noted in the margin. Of these 

Porumamilla by the Thakur ghat to projected lines tWO, namely, 
Ramayapatnam on the east coast. ^^g j-oad from Porumamilla tO 

Extension of Badvel and Proddatur Ramayapatnam and the ' direct 
line to Bellary frontier north of ^oad from Cuddapah tO Nellore' 
Penner. , • , r ..1 t. - 

Khajipei to Kurnooi frontier. on the south Side of the Penner, 

Rayachoii to Chitvei. never materialized. Both these 

Cuddapah and Madras Road (Trunk roads were tO be constructed 

^°- ^^}- „. ,, with the avowed object of 

Cuddapah to Vempalle, 


Kadiri to Vempalle. "opening up the coast to the CHAP. VII. 

Rayachotito Vempalle. interior,"' to which consider- Roads. 

Kadiri to Pulivendia. able importance was attached, 

Riyachoti to Gurramkonda. Special emphasis was laid on 

Direct Road from Cuddapah to ^^e feasibility of the direct 

Nellore on south side of river. , r /^ i i u ^ -m i 

„ , ., „.. . .,, route from Cuddapah to Nel- 

Badvel to Porumamilla. * 

Completion of Cuddapah and Cum- ^^ve, south of the Penner, and 
bum line. the advantages of its proposed 

alignment, which is reported 
to be " so clearly advantageous for adopting the first 15 miles 
of the direct Cuddapah and Madras road as far as Vontimitta, 
and leaves only 70 miles to be constructed, making a total 
distance of 85 miles in lieu of 103 by the present road, to say 
nothing of crossing only one river (Cheyyer) in lieu of the 
Penner, the Sagiler" and other streams in Nellore district. 
The section from Vontimitta to the Veligondas was never 
laid, and the country which this road was intended to tra- 
verse is to the present day probably the most inaccessible in 
the district, while the road through Badvel and Atmakur 
is, and is likely to remain, the only passable route from 
Cuddapah to Nellore. 

All the other roads included in the list exist at the present Extension 
day, though many of them, notably the road from Kadiri over ^'"""S 

■' . _ ■' famines, 

the Kuril ghat to Pulivendia, a branch of which extends also 
to Vempalle, were only completed during the great famine. 
In the famine of 1891-92 relief works were opened in the main 
division, but, as concerns roads, were confined to repairs. In 
Rayachoti taluk, however, a serviceable road was constructed 
from Galivedu to Konampet through Nulivedu. More lasting 

results were obtained from the 

Proddatur-Jammalamadueu. ,. r- 1 • ^-^ ^ 1 • ,o^_ 

,..,,_■. . .,, ^ relief works instituted in loQ/, 

Maidukuru-Porumamilla. ' 

Verragumla-vempaiie. when the marginally-noted 

Verragudipad-Kokatam. important roads among others, 

were constructed or improved. 
As in other parts of the Presidency, the maintenance and Present 
construction of roads entirely devolved on the Local Fund '^dmims- 

•^ tration. 

Boards in the year 1879-80, from which date the District 

Board has employed its own engineering establishment 
directly responsible to itself. The maintenance of existing 
communications constitutes the heaviest charge on Local Funds 
and the annual allotment for new works often amounts to 
about half the maintenance charges. The district is well pro- 
vided with metal and in the greater part of it good gravel is 
obtainable, but the lack of water often renders successful 
rnaintenance a very difficult task, and in seasons of scanty 








The Canal. 

rainfall many miles of important roads are perforce left un- 
mended. Presumably this mainly accounts for the consider- 
able surrenders of allotments under repairs to communications 
in past years, and in face of this difficulty it may be thought 
unreasonable to urge a further expenditure on existing roads 
in preference to opening up new communications. On the 
other hand the utility of even the best roads of the district is 
so impaired by the difficulty of crossing the rivers which 
intersect all but one of the main roads, to say nothing of the 
swollen hill streams that periodically wash away the minor 
roads and cart-tracks, that the question of bridging the rivers 
on the most frequented routes is, especially in view of the rapid 
development of motor traffic, assuming considerable import- 
ance. The Penner, Papaghni and Cheyyer all interpose wide 
barriers of sand between some of the most important towns in 
the district, to cross which a loaded cart often requires two or 
three pairs of bullocks. There are but few ferries that are 
regularly maintained, so that during heavy rains cart traffic is 
not infrequently held up for days together, and foot passengers 
who cannot swim are wise if they stay at home. 

As a whole the district is not well off in respect of avenues. 
In the eastern division they only occur in the southern parts 
of Pullampet taluk. There are some well-grown trees on the 
Cuddapah-Guvvalacheruvu road and others passing through 
the central taluks of the district. Elsewhere one only observes 
a few tender shoots and young trees for short distances along 
the road-side, which afford evidence of recent attempts to 
render less irksome the journeys of a future generation of 
travellers by road. But the want of water largely frustrates 
these good intentions, and in many places the greatest diffi- 
culty must be experienced in bringing the trees to maturity. 
At present therefore the district is mostly devoid of effective 
avenues, and an occasional tope by the road-side generally 
affords the only shade obtainable. 

A list of travellers' bungalows maintained by the Public 
Works and Forest Departments, with particulars of their 
accommodation, will be found in a separate appendix.^ At 
Cuddapah one is maintained by the Municipality. The Local 
Boards provide three bungalows in this district, and keep up 
fourteen choultries for the use of Indian travellers. 

Some account of the Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal has already 
been given in connection with the extensive irrigation which 
it affords. It is also a waterway and attracts a certain amount 

^ See Volume U. 


of traffic, mostly in the shape of heavy goods. Cuddapah CHAP. VII. 
slabs are conveniently transported in this way. The esti- The Canal. 

mated values of cargoes up and down the canal in the year 

1912-13 exceeded three lakhs of rupees. Sixteen boats ply 
for cargo and eight for passenger traffic. The number of 
passengers on the canal did not exceed thirteen hundred in 
1912-13. Navigation receipts for the same year amounted to 
a little less than fifteen hundred rupees. These figures are 
for the whole length of the canal in Kurnool as well as 
Cuddapah district. 

The north-west line of the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railways. 
Railway enters the district at Balapalle in its south-east corner, 
and runs diagonally across it to the north-west boundary 
whence it continues through the Anantapur district. The 
principal railway stations are Kodur, Nandalur, Cuddapah, 
Kamalapuram, Yerraguntla and Kondapuram. This line was 
opened in 1804-66. About 120 miles of its length falls within 
Cuddapah district. This solitary line of railway is inade- 
quate to the needs of the district. Not only are there towns 
of secondary importance such as Rayachoti and Porumamilla 
situated more than thirty miles from any station, but Proddatur 
and Jammalamadugu — the former probably the wealthiest 
town in the Ceded Districts — are as yet unconnected with any 
railway system. The importance of opening up more of the 
district to railroad communication has for a long time been 
recognized by the Government and is constantly receiving 
the attention of the local authorities. 

In the year 1898, after the second famine of the last Projected 
decade of the century, the Government selected certain lines 
as being best suited for construction as famine protective 
railways. One of these was a line from Kalikiri, a station 
on the metre-gauge line in Vayalpad taluk, to Rayachoti. 
The line was surveyed and a report on its proposed construc- 
tion, together with an estimate and plans, was made ready 
by the end of 1900. In April 1902 this line was considered 
along with five others and was placed last in order of relative 
urgency because, in the opinion of the Government, "a recon- 
sideration of the conditions that prevail in the district to be 
served by this branch has led to some doubt as to whether its 
possible utility is sufficient to justify the expenditure which 
would be incurred on its construction." In November of the 
same year the Government says of this project : " The con- 
clusion now arrived at is that the conditions of the district 
with regard to the population, the roads and the routes of 
communication that have become established for cart traffic 


CHAI . . ^j.g g^^j^.}^ ^g ^ould prevent Rayachoti from becoming a really 
Railways, efficient centre of distribution ; so that its connection with 
the railway system would not accomplish the principal object 
sought for— that ol facilitating and cheapening the transport 
of grain in a time of scarcity." The Government therefore 
no longer advocated its construction as a famine protective 
line and it was definitely withdrawn from the programme. 

This line was however only part of a bigger enterprise 
formulated by the Board of Revenue in 1897, which contem- 
plated the construction of a line from Kalikiri to Nandyal, 
traversing the whole of the district from south to north and 
passing through Rayachoti, Yerragudipad, Proddatur and 

In 1905 the Collector of the district urged a reconsideration 
of the abandonment of the Kalikiri-Rayachoti line which he 
represented should be regarded as a segment of the more 
ambitious project of connecting Kolar with Nandyal by a 
line taken from Bowringpet station through PunganQr to 
Kalikiri, Rayachoti and Vempalle, and thereafter to Yerra- 
gudipad whence the formerly projected line would continue 
through Proddatur and Jammalamadugu. The Government 
however adhered to their decision to abandon the Kalikiri- 
Rayachoti line. 

In the following year the Government suggested that it 
was desirable " to include in the programme of protective 
railways a line for the protection of the Cuddapah and 
Kurnool districts, which will connect the north-west line of 
the Madras Railway with the Bezwada-Guntakal line : for 
example, a line from Cuddapah to Giddalur via Badvel, or Cud- 
dapah to Nandyal via Sirvel." The Collectors of Kurnool and 
Cuddapah were requested to report on the relative advantages 
of these alternative lines. As the proposed route t^m Badvel 
would not greatly benefit the Kurnool district, a line 
through the north of Cuddapah district to Nandyal was 

As a result of the correspondence that ensued the Govern- 
ment of Madras addressed the Government of India in 1910 to 
sanction the construction of the Yerragudipad-Nandyal Rail- 
way as a protective line, funds for which should be provided 
from the Famine Insurance Grant, But the Government of 
India, while recognizing its importance, declined to sanction 
the execution of the project from this grant as all the money 
available therefrom was likely to be required for some time to 
come for the carrying out of " even more important irrigatiou 


Within the last few months the District Board has passed CHAP. VII. 
a resolution in favour of levying an additional cess for the Railways. 

construction of this branch line. The papers are said to be 

before Government at the time of writing,' and it is hoped that Accidents, 
the project may have a better chance now of being carried out. 

Several railway accidents have unfortunately occurred 
within the limits of this district, the majority being due to the 
weakening of some one of the numerous bridges which span 
the various rivers and streams over wliich the line has to pass. 
The district appears to be peculiarly liable to periodical 
bursts of rain, of a violence quite out of proportion to the 
average annual rainfall, and at such times the rivers and 
streams of the district — which receive most of the drainage 
of the Mysore plateau — rise with alarming rapidity and 
endanger both life and property. The annals of the district 
show that the most dangerous floods are to be expected in the 
latter part of October, when the north-east monsoon some- 
times first makes its appearance with the burst of a cyclonic 
storm. Such an instance occurred on the night of October 
20, 1870, when the Cheyyer rapidly rose to full flood, and an 
arch of the bridge gave way before the violence of the torrent 
and the debris which it brought down and wedged against 
the piers. Whether the section was actually carried away 
before the train arrived or the train itself brought down the 
bridge was never ascertained. As the mail passed over the 
bridge with slackened speed, though without any warning of 
danger, the engine and the two front carriages were precipi- 
tated into the river. Three passengers were killed, two of 
whom were Europeans, as well as five railway employees. The 
bodies were recovered and buried on the south bank of the 
river. Owing to the slow pace at which the train was going 
the hinder wagons were stopped in time by the brake, the 
couplings between the front wagons and the rest of the train 
having snapped. 

In June 1874 there was another serious accident. An 
inspection train going over the bridge at Kamalapuram at a 
rapid pace got off the line, came into collision with one of the 
piers, and then leapt down into the sandy bed of the river. 
It is a matter for surprise that every person in it was not killed. 
Mr. Robinson, the Permanent Way Inspector, and Mr. Ha worth, 
the Assistant Traffic Manager, escaped with slight injuries, but 
a subordinate who was in the same carriage was cut to pieces, 
and another employee was so injured that he afterwards died. 
The other occupants of the train escaped with few injuries. 

' 1st July 1914. 


CHAP. VII. But these accidents, serious enough as they were, are dwarfed by the magnitude of the disaster that occurred near 

Mangapatnam in 1902. Between the hours of midnight and 

3 A.M. on the early morning of September 12, a sudden 
deluge of rain in the nature of a waterspout fell and flooded 
the country on the south side of the railway line, sweeping 
away the second and third spans of bridge No. 664 near the 
206th mile a little beyond Mangapatnam railway station. 
The mail train, which was unusually full as it carried home- 
ward bound passengers and the Europe mail, passed through 
the station without stopping shortly after 3 A.M., and, on 
reaching the bridge, was, with the exception of the rear 
brake-van, precipitated into the gap. The disaster was unfor- 
tunately attended with lamentable loss of life ; seventy-one 
dead bodies were subsequently recovered either at the scene 
of the accident or at various points down stream where they 
had been carried by the current. Seventy-seven persons 
escaped, and eight only remained unaccounted for to complete 
the total of 156 who were in the train according to the calcula- 
tion made by the committee of enquiry. The collapse of the 
bridge was found to be due to the side pressure to which the 
skew piers and girders were subjected by the immense volume 
of water which rose above the girders on the south side : its 
force being augmented by large accumulations of straw and 
rubbish until one of the piers gave way and was bodily over- 
turned. The Government held the accident to be due to 
causes beyond human control and neither attributable to 
negligence on the part of the railway administration nor 
laxity on the part of the Company's establishment. 



Rainfall — Liability to famine. Early Scarcities. The Great 
Famine of 18)6-78 — Series of bad seasons— Beginnings of dis- 
tress in July 1876 — Relief works opened in September — Prices 
suddenly rise in October-December 1876; serious famine — 
Deputation of Sir Richard Temple — His views in regard to 
Cuddapah — Distress increases in 1877 — June to August 1877 — 
Rain falls in September — The cost of the famine. Scarcities 
SUBSEQUENT TO THE Great Famine — The famine of 1891-92 — 
The famine of 1896-97. Floods — In the first quarter of the 

19th century — Great storm of 185 1 — Excessive rains in 1874 

The floods in 1903. 

The rainfall in the Ceded Districts is lighter than in any CHAP. 
other division of the Presidency, but of these districts Cud- VIIL 
dapah on account of its situation derives greater benefit from Raim all. 

the north-east monsoon than do the rest, and this advantage 

is measured by an excess of about five inches over the average 
annual rainfall of Bellary and Anantapur, and about three 
inches over that of Kurnool. This average is for the whole 
district something less than 27^ inches, but the variations 
between its parts are often very considerable; for example, 
Jammalamadugu, the least favoured taluk, has an average 
fall of only 21 inches while Pullampet taluk obtains as much 
as 35 inches in the year. 

With Jammalamadugu must be ranked Pulivendla taluk, 
for which the average is only half an inch higher. These 
are the two westernmost taluks of the district and adjoin the 
drier districts of Kurnool and Anantapur. The central taluks 
of Proddatur, Kamalapuram and especially Cuddapah are 
better off. Cuddapah itself has an average annual rainfall 
of 3l'66 inches, but is so situated amid surrounding hills that 
it seems to catch many showers that leave the rest of the 
taluk dry. Rayachoti taluk on the plateau is better oft' than 
the black cotton tract, but here also the rain is very partial 
and the fall recorded at the taluk headquarters can scarcely 
be taken as truly indicating the condition of the whole 
taluk, which is so broken up into hills and valleys that 
heavy showers are often confined within very limited areas. 





More rain is obtained in the eastern taluks than the rest of 
the district, and the fall is heavier in the south than the 
north where the Eastern ghats attain a greater elevation and 
bar the way of the north-east monsoon to the interior. The 
following figures show the annual rainfall based on the 
records of the several registering stations in the district for a 
series of years prior to the resettlement : — 

Station. Average. 

Cuddapah ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 3i'66 

Proddatur ... 
Pulivendia ... 
Rayachoti ... 
Pullampet ... 

District average 

24' 80 



The rainiest months for all the district except the eastern 
division are August and September. In Badvel, Sidhout and 
Pullampet more rain often falls in October than in either of 
the two previous months. In these three taluks the north-east 
monsoon occasionally continues into December; but with 
this reservation December and the first three months of the 
year are generally very dry. More showers are received in 
April and May and some heavy rain is usually recorded before 
the end of June after the south-west monsoon sets in. Wet 
weather should then continue till the end of September in the 
western half of the district and till the end of November in 
the eastern division. The following figures give the average 
monthly distribution of rain at Cuddapah : — 















Number of 

in inches. 


y days. 





























For the district as a whole the heaviest fall on record is CHAP. 
that in 1874, just before the commencement of the series of VIH. 
bad seasons that led to the great famine of 1876-78. In that Raimall. 

year each of the taluks of Cuddapah, Proddatur and Jammala- 

madugu received approximately twice their annual average, 
and the fall in Pullampet taluk which bore the brunt of the 
cyclone that raged over much of the districi: from October 
23 to 25 reached the abnormal figure of 67% inches. Ten 
years later unusually abundant rains borne in by the north- 
east monsoon in 1884 brought the year's rainfall in this taluk 
to within four inches of the same figure. Throughout the 
whole district the minimum rainfall was recorded in 1876, 
when Jammalamadugu received but four and a half inches, 
Cuddapah nine and a half, and Pullampet six and a half. 
The marked variations between these two extremes, of which 
the records of the last forty years are eloquent, show how 
uncertain is the supply from year to year. Moreover, agri- 
cultural practice is so stereotyped that if the heavy rains are 
not obtained at certain definite periods dry crops will fail over 
large areas : so that the prosperity of a year cannot be gauged 
merely with reference to the total rainfall received. This is 
also no true criterion of the relative economic conditions of 
two such dissimilar tracts as are represented, for example, by 
the Jammalamadugu and Rayachoti taluks. The heavy, fer- 
tile soils of the former require but a scanty rainfall to produce 
bumper crops of cholam and cotton, while the coarse red 
soils on the plateau are incapable of retaining moisture and 
need a more copious and better distributed rainfall to obtain a 
satisfactory harvest. 

Agriculture is so predominant a factor in the life of the Liability to 
population and the area effectually protected by irrigation is f<"^>i^^- 
so small that the prosperity of the district may be said to 
depend almost entirely on an adequate rainfail and its timely 
precipitation. That it is nevertheless subject to marked vicis- 
situdes of seasons necessarily entails its liability to periods 
of more or less acute distress. By far the most serious of 
these was the great famine of 1876-78. But both prior and 
subsequent to this widespread disaster there have occurred 
visitations which, though less calamitous in their intensity, 
were of sufficiently exceptional severity to deserve mention. 

The only famine previous to the cession of the Deccan Early 
districts, of which any particulars have come down to us, is Scarcities. 
that of 1791-92. The Northern Circars were chiefly affected, 
but the famine was also intense across the whole breadth of the 
Peninsula to the southern districts of the Bombay Presidency, 


CHAP. and the whole of the Deccan was therefore involved. It 
VIII. was on this occasion that relief-works were first opened by 
Early the Madras Government for the support of those affected 
Scarcities, ^^y ^^^ famine. In writing about this famine some ten years 
later Munro says : " Had the officers of Government lowered 
the assessment, or even let it remain as before the effects of 
the famine would probably only have been felt while it lasted 
but as they raised it nearly 50 per cent, wherever there was a 
crop, this addition to the high price necessarily occasioned by 
the scarcity rendered grain so dear that very little could be 
purchased by the lower classes of the inhabitants, and great 
numbers of them perished in consequence.'' The first scarcity 
after the cession was in l802, when Munro reported that the 
crop outturns were below the average throughout his charge. 
In 1806 again there was a widespread failure of rain, but the 
Deccan districts were less heavily visited than other parts of 
the Presidency, notably the Carnatic and the neighbourhood 
of Madras. The distress however was very severe and Munro 
considered the season worse than had ever been known. 
There was much discussion as to the proper measures to be 
taken by Government on the occasion of this famine. In 
deprecating interference with the grain trade and suggesting 
that distress could best be alleviated by remissions of revenue 
Munro adumbrated principles that have been accepted in all 
subsequent famines. 

In 1833 occurred the Guntur famine, so called from its 
severity in the old Guntur district where thirty per cent, of the 
population were estimated to have perished from want. In 
Cuddapah district the black cotton tract seems to have 
suffered worst. But in writing in 1874 of this famine as well 
as the subsequent visitations of 1854 and 1866 which had 
occurred well within the memory of the great majority, ryots 
and officials, then living, Mr. Gribble, the author of the 
"Cuddapah Manual, " states as follows: "Famines do not 
ever seem to have seriously affected this district. Even 
during the celebrated Naiuhuia^ year, though there was 
considerable distress and severe pressure, there was never an 
actual famine. ... In 1866 there was distress but no 
actual famine. Several relief works were then put in hand, 
and notably roads, but the distress was not so general that 
very large numbers availed themselves of this offer of 
labour." It should also be mentioned that numbers were 
employed on the construction of roads during the famine of 
1854, when, as already recorded,'- the task of improving 

^ The Hindu cyclic year corresponding to A.D. 1833. ^ See Chapter VII. 


communications first received serious attention. Mr. Cribble's CHAP, 
rather optimistic view of the comparative immunity of the VIIL 
district from famine was destined to receive a severe shock, Early 
for within two years of writing the words here quoted he Scarcities. 
was himself, as Sub-Collector of the sub-division, engaged in 
combating the worst visitation of the kind ever recorded. 

In respect of the area and population affected and the The Great 
duration and intensity of the distress, the great famine which Famine of 
prevailed for more than a year and a half over most of the 1876-78. 
Madras Presidency from 1876 to 1878 was the worst calamity 
of its kind experienced in British India since the beginning 
of the century. Fourteen districts were affected, eight of them 
severely, and the famine is calculated to have caused the 
death of three and a half millions of people. The expendi- 
ture incurred by the State on account of famine during the 
two years ending March 1878 is officially estimated at nearly 
Rs. 625 lakhs, to which must be added a further sum of 
Rs. 191 lakhs on account of loss of revenue. Cuddapah 
district was unfortunately included in the tract that suffered 

The continued series of unfavourable seasons which led to Series of bad 
the establishment of famine conditions began in 1874 when a ^'^^^°^^- 
part of the crops throughout the district suffered from exces- 
sive rains. In the following year the south-west monsoon was 
late and brought but a scanty rainfall, while the north-east 
monsoon was a complete failure. In April 1876 Collectors 
whose districts were regarded as likely to suffer from this 
failure were called on by the Board of Revenue to submit lists 
of relief works proposed to be put in hand should necessity 
arise. Cuddapah was one of the districts so dealt with, but 
it was then thought possible that no exceptional measures 
would be called for. 

This hope was frustrated in July when the Collector, Mr. Beginnings of 
J. R. Daniel, reported that the taluks of Pulivendla and jinv^s;?. 
Badvel as well as the country round Kamalapuram were in 
distressed conditions and apprehended that it would shortly 
be necessary to undertake some work in those parts for the 
relief of the poorest : to provide for which he asked for 
Rs. 25,000 to be placed at his disposal. The Board remarked 
that previous reports had not shown the danger to be so 
imminent, and recommended a provision of Rs. 10,000 to meet 
emergencies. The Government accordingly placed this sum 
at the disposal of the Collector. 

In the early part of August there was 'a fair fall of rain.' 
and agricultural operations were begun. Conditions in 




The Great 

Famine of 


Relief works 
opened in 

rise in 


Kamalapuram and Pulivendla had improved and the danger 
zone had shifted to the black cotton taluks and Badvel, where 
the Collector reports an increase in crimes of housebreaking 
and mischief by fire for the purpose of obtaining grain. 

By the middle of September conditions were everywhere 
much worse, no rain having fallen since the beginning of the 
previous month. In Jammalamadugu taluk the labouring 
classes were in great distress. Dry crops had not been sown 
except in a strip of country within a five miles' radius north 
of Jammalamadugu. A sum of Rs. 2,000 was accordingly 
sanctioned for opening relief works in this taluk. The people 
themselves were very apprehensive of the future. Merchants 
and such of the ryots as had stores of grain would not offer it 
for sale, expecting to need it for their own requirements. In 
this month also parts of the sub-division began to suffer 
severely, and the Sub-Collector, Mr. Gribble, was allotted 
Rs. 2,500 for commencing a relief work in Kadiri taluk. 

During October prices rose suddenly, and the rates of 
wages paid to relief workers had to be enhanced. Towards 
the end of the month the Board of Revenue drew up a fore- 
cast of the probable requirements per month of each district 
affected by the famine, on account of expenditure on relief 
works, the calculation being made at two annas per head per 
day. There were then upwards of 25,000 persons employed 
on relief works in Cuddapah district, and the monthly 
expenditure was estimated at Rs. 2,12,000. 

The absence of rain throughout November rendered the 
outlook still more gloomy, and by the beginning of December 
all hopes of a favourable monsoon had to be abandoned. A 
famine of some months' duration now became inevitable. 
The numbers on works and gratuitous relief steadily increased 
and by December 16 reached the following figures: — 

Men. Women. Children. Tctal. 

Relief works 42,078 46,833 13,429 10,2,340 

Gratuitous relief ... 1,292 1,514 502 3, 308 

This large increase together with the uncertainty of supply 
of food led the Government to order the establishment of 
grain depots in the districts of Bellary, Kurnool and Cuddapah. 
Mr. Thornhlll was constituted the first Government grain 
agent for these districts, with his headquarters at Bellary, 
and divisional officers were ordered to indent on him for grain 
for their depots and to pay special attention to providing 
adequate means of transport from the railway stations to the 
several depots. At the same time they were to obtain such 
grain as the local trade could supply. 


The condition of cattle about this time began to cause CHAF. 
grave anxiety, and the advisabih'ty of utilizing prickly-pear VIIL 
as fodder was commended to Collectors. The experiment was The Great 
only partially successful. Famine of 

Officers of other departments were, towards the end of the 
year, largely employed to assist the revenue officials to cope 
with the immense amount of additional work entailed upon 
them by the famine. ' A few days before the new year 
Mr. Puckle, the Deputy Director of Settlement, acting on 
the instructions of Government, temporarily broke up the 
Cuddapah Settlement Party and distributed it over the Ceded 
Districts for the supervision of relief works. 

At the end of 1876 the Governor of Madras (the Duke of Deputation 
Buckingham and Chandos) left the Presidency to take part in ?/. ^"^ , 

1 • T^ 11 • • • -11 , Kichard 

the ceremonies at Delhi in connection with the proclamation Temple. 
of Her Majesty Queen Victoria as Empress of India. His 
departure at this critical time was looked upon with some 
disfavour in Madras, but the visit was attended by good 
results in that it afforded an opportunity for a personal 
conference with the Governor-General and enabled the 
Government of India to realize for the first time the full 
measure of the calamity from which the Southern Presidency 
was suffering. At the Council which met at Delhi on January 
5 the policy hitherto adopted to combat the famine in 
Madras was discussed and subjected to some adverse criticism, 
the fear being expressed that expenditure was more profuse 
than it need be, and that stricter economy was necessary. 
The outcome of these deliberations was the deputation of Sir 
Richard Temple, who had had famine experience in Bengal 
in 1874, to the Madras Presidency. 

Sir Richard Temple lost no time in setting out. He first His views in 
visited Kurnool, which he reached via Hyderabad, and then ^^^'.'^ '°, 
toured through Bellary and Cuddapah. In the latter district, 
one-fourth of the crop having been saved, the distress was 
in Sir Richard Temple's opinion not so great as in Bellary 
and Kurnool. At the time of his visit there were 200,000 
persons on relief out of an estimated total population of 
1,350,000. This was held to be too large a proportion to be 
satisfactorily accounted for. Under the Collector, near 
headquarters, the management was stricter than at Madana- 
palle where Sir Richard states he believed an excessive 
expenditure was being incurred as to which reconsideration 
was urgently called for. So far as this district was concerned 
the visit of Sir Richard Temple had three main results, a 
reduction in the scale of wages paid to relief workers, the 



CHAP. exercise of greater stringency in admitting persons to the 
VIII. works and the discontinuance of the purchase of grain by 
The Great Government. 

From the beginning of the year the intensity of the famine 
steadily increased, the distress being augmented by a severe 
visitation of cholera which claimed 564 victims in the second 
week of January. In the same week the official returns show 
that 1460 head of cattle succumbed through privation or 
disease. The course of the famine in the ensuing months 
may be seen at a glance in the following table : — 



increases in 


Numbers in receipt of State relief 
at the close of each month. 

On works. 



(J .y o 

Average price in 
seers per rupee of 


2nd sort. 















































f 7-90 
1 14-22 



X 15-00 


The large reduction in the number of relief workers in 
February must be attributed to the change of policy that 
followed Sir Richard Temple's visit to the district. Every 
effort was henceforth made to restrict expenditure as far as 
was compatible with the safety of the people. Large numbers 
from Cuddapah and the adjoining districts were drafted to 
work on the Buckingham Canal on the East Coast. Attempts in 
this direction had been made in the previous year, but many 
of the labourers had come back again. The plan was now 
attended by greater success as the more stringent adminis- 
tration of famine relief offered the workers but little induce- 
ment to return to the district till prospects improved. Mean- 
while matters grew worse as new difficulties arose. Cattle for 
grain transport became very scarce and the Collector's 

' Bracketed figures show the highest and lowest prices, averages not being 


proposal that the feeding of cattle with prickly-pear for CHAP, 
fodder should be sanctioned as a relief work was approved VIU. 
by the Government. In Cuddapah taluk the Special Assistant The Great 
Collector, Mr. MacCartie, was very successful in conducting Ygyi^yg^ 

this experiment, by which means numbers of useful beasts 

which would have otherwise certainly perished were pre- 
served. The great danger that while the bread-winners were 
at relief works their families at home would die of starvation 
led to the necessity of making house to house visitations in 
all villages that had not been deserted, and village officers 
were held responsible for bringing to notice all cases of 
dangerous want. This contributed to the large increase in 
the numbers admitted to gratuitous relief. 

The failure of the south-west monsoon once more intensified J"°^ "-^ 
the distress. Its immediate effect was a still further rise of 1877. 
prices, and an enormous increase in the numbers dependent 
on State relief. Towards the end of July the Collector^ 
wrote as follows in regard to the very critical condition to 
which the district had been brought : " It is with the greatest 
reluctance, and after waiting until what I consider to be the 
last safe moment, that I have the honour to apply to Govern- 
ment for assistance, in order to meet the rapidly increasing 
distress. I have, in previous reports, both official and demi- 
official, stated my opinion that a failure of the south-west 
monsoon would entail the most serious consequences, and have 
observed that in this case Government must be prepared to 
meet a very heavy outlay. I and those under me have worked 
on in the hope that rain would come and all would be well. 
I now see but little chance of its falling, except by a special 
dispensation of Providence. Day after day clouds come up 
only to disappear with the sunset ; the crops are beginning 
to wither and the grass to dry up. Village relief is assuming 
gigantic proportions, and prices are steadily and surely 
rising. Rain may come, but from the accounts from Bombay 
and the West Coast which I see in the newspapers, there is 
but very little chance of its making its appearance. A fort- 
night more of the present weather will certainly end in the 
destruction of nearly the whole of the dry crops of the district. 
It is not necessary for me to say what the effect of this 
will be." 

Reviewing its resources the Government apprehended that 

with the depletion of local stocks of grain they might in the 

near future have whole populations on their hands without 

the prospect of being able to carry food enough to keep them 

1 Mr. (afterwards Sir Frederick) Price. 




The Great 



Rain falls in 

The cost 
of the 



THE Great 

alive. The Supreme Government was notified of this danger, 
and early in August the Viceroy determined to visit Madras 
and to take such measures as might be necessary to ensure 
the provision of adequate transport to convey food to the 
inland districts. The Viceroy left Simla for Madras on 
August l6. At Poona, w^here he halted to consult with 
Sir Richard Temple and the officers of the Great Indian 
Peninsula Railway, arrangements were made for pouring 
grain into the Madras Presidency by railway at the rate of 
from 1,000 to 1,200 tons per day. All other traffic was to 
give way to the conveyance of grain. The main result of the 
Viceroy's tour was a reorganization of the famine adminis- 
tration, which was placed under the immediate control of the 
Governor, with a Personal Assistant accredited by the 
Government of India. 

The climax of the famine had, however, been reached. 
Rain fell early in September and was seasonably distributed 
through that and the following month. But though the crisis 
was passed the effect was not immediate. The numbers on 
gratuitous relief in the district reached the highest figure in 
September, about II^ per cent, of the total population ; but in 
October there was a marked fall in prices and thousands of 
people on relief were enabled to return to work in the fields. 
Thenceforth the distress steadily abated, though the effect 
of a famine of such unexampled intensity necessitated the 
continuance of relief throughout the following year, and that 
mainly gratuitous. 

The district of Cuddapah as then constituted, being the 
largest of those principally affected by the famine, it follows 
that the expenditure incurred on account of relief operations 
was enormous. The loss of revenue it is impossible to 
estimate with any exactitude, but the charges directly due 
to relief and excluding expenditure on extra establishment 
amounted to nearly sixty lakhs of rupees. 

During the thirty-five years that have elapsed since the 
great famine many seasons have been far from satisfactory, 
but famine conditions have never since prevailed over the 
whole district at any one time. In 1891 it was Rayachoti 
and the other taluks of the old sub-division now belonging to 
other districts which suffered most severely. Over the rest 
of the district distress was only apparent in parts of Badvel 
and Sidhout and the south-east of Cuddapah. On the other 
hand the famine of 1896-97 was far heavier in the main 
division than in Rayachoti and the rest of the sub-division, 
where distress was not acute. More recently, the years 1898 


to 1901 were markedly unfavourable, and again in 1904-05 CHAP, 
the rainfall in the black cotton country was very defective. VIIL 
Finally, seasonal remissions were very considerable in all Scarcities 
parts of the district in 1908-09 and 1911-12. subse- 

The rainfall of 1890, especially in the sub-division and .j-^g Great 
particularly in the latter portion of the year, was very scanty, Famine. 

while both the monsoons of 1891 were almost total failures. 

The prices of the principal food-grains began to exceed the 
normal rates about the end of July 1891, and many of the 
working classes soon felt the pinch. With the failure of the The famine 
south-west monsoon in 1891 distress became prominent in "^ ^^^i 92- 
Rayachoti taluk, where the scarcity of drinking water was 
severely felt, as also in Badvel. In August 1891 relief opera- 
tions were opened in Rayachoti and a kitchen was started 
at the taluk headquarters for the distribution of cooked food 
to the deserving poor. By the middle of December prices 
reached famine rates, and relief works were opened about the 
middle of January 1892 in the taluks of Badvel and Sidhout, 
and some four months later in that of Cuddapah. It was 
during this famine that operations were begun on the Sagiler 
project^ in Badvel taluk, some four thousand people being 
employed daily thereon from April till the end of August 
1892. Prior to the latter date all other relief works in the 
district had been closed with the favourable opening of the 
south-west monsoon, the promise of which was not belied, in 
the month of June. A plentiful rainfall soon alla3^ed all 
anxiety, and normal conditions were rapidly re-established. 

A notable feature of this famine was the large measure of 
relief afforded, especially in the sub-division, by the numerous 
advances made to the owners of land under the Land Improve- 
ment Act, for the sinking of wells. Nearly four and a half 
lakhs of rupees were disbursed on this account in the sub- 
division alone, from January 1891, and by the end of the 
following year nearly seven hundred wells had been com- 
pleted, and some four thousand were reported to be under 

In fasli 1306 there was again distress amounting to famine. Jf jSqg *q"/ 
Both monsoons were very defective, especially in the black 
cotton country and adjacent tracts, where the total rainfall 
amounted to scarcely more than half the average. Conditions 
were not so serious in the eastern division of the district, but 
in the following fasli the persistence of the bad season neces- 
sitated the grant of dry remissions in more than forty villages 
of the Badvel taluk. The "sub-division," now represented only 

• See Chapter IV. 






THE Great 

by the taluk of Rayachoti, suffered least. In the Jammala- 
madugu, Proddatur and Cuddapah taluks it was estimated 
that the crop was entirely lost on 33 per cent, of the total area 
sown and on 22 per cent, the yield was " from I to 4 annas." 
Stocks appear to have been sufficient, but those in the hands 
of merchants had been largely depleted to meet the demand 
which had arisen earlier in Bombay and the Central Provinces. 
Very heavy exports were made up to November 1896, Then 
when local conditions declared themselves unfavourable the 
merchants refused to sell, while the ryots also would not bring 
their surplus stocks to market owing to the general apprehen- 
sion that a three years' famine was impending. Prices were 
thus artificially inflated and the labouring and non-agri- 
cultural classes were greatly pinched by the dearness of grain 
as well as the lack of labour in the fields owing to the failure 
of the north-east monsoon. In November 1896 relief works, 
comprising mainly road-construction, were opened in each 
of the taluks of Proddatur, Jammalamadugu and Pulivendla. 
There was a heavy fall of rain at the end of November, and 
as agricultural operations were begun the numbers on relief 
works fell rapidly. But the drought quickly set in again 
and the month of February saw the end of all hopes of a 
satisfactory harvest. Relief works were accordingly opened at 
six more stations in March 1897, and the numbers employed at 
the end of the month amounted to eleven and a half thousand 
as against two and a half thousand at the end of February. 
In April the average daily number of relief workers in the 

taluks principally affected is 
noted in the margin. There- 
were practically no agricultural 
operations in May, and no 
crops were on the ground 
except here and there under wells. The numbers on relief 
works therefore steadily increased, and from June to August 
eight more works were opened in the affected taluks. Private 
charity contracted considerably and those incapable of work 
suffered from acute distress. Relief kitchens were accordingly 
opened in May 1897. During this and the following month 
the famine reached its climax. The south-west monsoon 
broke in June, and the rainfall was well distributed over the 
next four months, bein>? heaviest in August. By the end of 
September the rainfall throughout the district was much 
above the average and almost all the irrigation sources had 
received plentiful supplies. These favourable prospects were 
accompanied by the gradual cessation of relief, and normal 


... 4,447 


... 6,164 


... 8,654 


... 7,088 


conditions were practically restored by the end of October. CHAP. 
Taking account of the liberal remissions and suspensions of VIIL 

revenue as well as direct expenditure, the famine in the four Scarcities 
taluks mainly affected cost the State more than fourteen lakhs subse- 


of rupees. Relief was undoubtedly generous and the Collector the Great 
stated that no change had been wrought by the distress in Famine. 

the economic condition of the^ people. A later Collector 

referred to the famine as the " fat cooly famine," and 
stated that he "feared the famine of 1 897 had demoralised 
the people." 

The position of the district in the valley of the Penner Floods. 
and its tributaries, many of which drain the upland of the 
Mysore plateau, render it specially liable to sudden inunda- 
tions following on an excessive rainfall. Many such have 
been recorded since the beginning of the 19th century. 

The earliest of which particulars have come down to us is I" the first 
that reported by Munro to have destroyed in October 1804 tliTioth ' 
most of the tanks over the Ceded Districts from Harpanahalli century. 
in the west to Chitvel in the east. As much as Rs. 6^ lakhs 
were spent on repairing the damage done to tanks and river 
channels in the four districts by this storm. 

Thirteen years later, in September 1817, a very heavy fall 
of rain occurred, causing damage principally in the taluks 
north of the Penner. The river itself burst its banks and is 
said to have extended in some places to a width of about three 
miles. No sooner had the district recovered from this inunda- 
tion than the north-east monsoon broke with a torrential 
downpour on the night of October 13 and continued for two 
days, when the rain became lighter. Again on October 25 
it began to ram more heavily than ever and lasted well into 
November. Every taluk seems to have suffered, especially 
Sidhout. On this occasion Badvel tank, the finest in the 
district, nearly breached in three tlaces. but was saved by 
the Tahsildar who put tne whole village to work and kept 
them labouring for three days. Fifty-three tanks in Raya- 
choti taluk breached or suffered serious damage. The next 
year, 1818, proved very unhealthy owing to the excessive rain 
which fell almost without cessation during the rainy months 
of both monsoons. The floods of these two years caused 
considerable damage to the crops and remissions of revenue 
were extensively granted. 

On May 8 and 9, 1820, there was another violent storm 
which damaged over a hundred tanks in Rayachoti taluk and 
caused the loss of a number of cattle and the death of twenty 
persons in Pullampet taluk. 



rains in 

CHAP. It was also in May that the heavy rains fell which 

VIII, occasioned such extensive damage in the year 1851. The 

Floods. Penner and Chitravati came down in full flood and the village 

- — of Chautapalle which lies between the two rivers near their 

Great storm confluence was swept away. Parnapalle, situated on the 

ofi85i, bank of the Chitravati in the extreme west of Pulivendla 

taluk, was also partially destroyed. The destruction of these 

villages was attended with The loss of hundreds of lives, as 

the rivers rose so rapidly that the inhabitants had no time 

to escape. 

The year 1874 is remarkable for an excessive rainfall in 
both monsoons. A violent storm occurred in the first week 
in May and from the following month till nearly the end of 
September the black cotton taluks received about twice their 
normal supply of rain. But the heaviest downpour took place 
at the bursting of the north-east monsoon in the second half 
of October. In parts of the district the rain that fell from the 
23rd to the 25th amounted to as much as twenty inches. 
Considerable damage was done to the railway bridges, and 
traffic between Rajampet and Kondapuram was suspended 
for some weeks. 
The floods The last occasion of an abnormal fall of rain was in 

in 1903. November 1903. The rain began on the early morning of 

November 6. A fall of four inches was registered during 
the morning and rain continued all day. By sunset the 
Bugga Vanka at Cuddapah was within three feet of its banks 
when, owing to the breach of some tanks higher up, it 
suddenly rose six feet and flooded the greater part of the 
town. The waters began to subside at 8 o'clock, but only 
after many of the less substantial houses had been washed 
away. The water rose to the foundations of the Sessions 
Court and the Collector's cutcherry, and the Gunta bazaar 
between these two buildings suffered very severely. It was 
reported two days afterwards that 461 houses had been 
destroyed and 756 badly damaged. The loss in house 
property was estimated at Rs. 30,000, and in moveables at 
another Rs. 25,000. 

Outside Cuddapah town the principal damage was in 
Pullampet taluk where the railway line was washed away to 
a length of three quarters of a mile owing to the breaching of 
the Utukur tank. Large numbers of small tanks also burst in 
Rayachoti taluk. 

The standing crops were so much damaged that remission 
of revenue on this account was granted to the extent of 
twenty-five thousand rupees. 




General Health — Plague — Cholera — Small-pox — Malaria — 
Infirmities — Vaccination. Medical Institutions — Public — 

In the matter of public health it is probable that Cuddapah CHAP. IX. 
district has reaped some advantage from the recent contrac- General 
tion of its limits. In the years 1903 and 1904 the introduction Health. 

of plague into the district is recorded to have been due on 

both occasions to importation from Mysore into Madanapalle 
taluk. Malaria is also more prevalent in Kadiri taluk and the 
Pller division of Vayalpad taluk than in any part of the 
Cuddapah district as now constituted. 

The nine taluks of which the district is now formed have l^'ague. 
been practically free of plague during the present century, 
except for the outbreajc in Cuddapah town in 191 2. Two 
imported cases from Adoni were recorded in 1902- In the 
year 1903 a very few imported cases occurred in the taluks of 
Proddatur, Badvel and Pullampet, and in the following year 
there was a single suspicious case, also imported, at a village 
in the vicinity of Cuddapah. Again in 1905 a case of the 
same sort occurred in Buddayapalle in Cuddapah taluk. 
With these exceptions the only recent visitation of plague to 
be recorded is that which affected the municipality in 1912. 
The disease broke out on August 31. It began to abate at 
the opening of the new year and, largely owing to the effect- 
ive measures taken to stamp it out, finally disappeared in 
February. During the three months immediately following 
its outbreak the plague was virulent, but the destruction of 
rats and the inoculation of the people, to which they readily 
submitted, served to mitigate its ravages. The number of 
deaths was one hundred and twenty-two. 

Cholera is an annual visitant to the district, and seems to Cholera, 
affect Pullampet taluk more seriously than other parts. Rajam- 
pet suffers regularly every year and other towns and popu- 
lous villages in the vicinity of the railway are very prone to 
receive and spread the disease. Probably not much improve- 
ment is to be looked for until the principles of sanitation are 







better apprehended by the general public. With all the will 
in the world to remedy defects pointed out by the sanitary 
authorities little can be effected by the presidents of taluk 
boards and chairmen of unions in the face of general apathy, 
if not opposition. Another difficulty is that really effective 
steps in the direction of sanitation entail heavy expenditure 
such as the local boards are often unable to meet. During 
the last decade the heaviest mortality from the disease was in 
the year 1908-09, when the number of deaths amounted to 
more than 6,500. The year 1906-07 was nearly as calamitous, 
when the figure reached 5,746. The municipality used to be 
subject to terrible epidemics of cholera, but since the intro- 
duction of pipe water in 1890 mortality from this cause has 
very markedly decreased. 

Fewer victims are claimed by small -pox, which is much 
less feared by the people than cholera owing to the larger 
proportion of recoveries. But deaths occur from this disease 
every year, and the annual figures show that the worst visita- 
tions synchronize with the severer outbreaks of cholera. If 
recrudescences of these diseases are referable to the same 
cause, it is probably to be found in some climatic vagary, 
such as a defective rainfall or unseasonable weather, to which 
a people accustomed to time meteorological changes with 
exactitude cannot easily adapt itself. The virulence of small- 
pox has been considerably abated by the extension of vacci- 
nation in recent times. Fatalities from this disease number 
but a few hundreds in a year when cholera claims thousands. 
The number of annual admissions to medical institutions 
owing to fever affords no very reliable criterion of its preva- 
lence in the district. On the other hand, after making every 
allowance for the inaccuracy of village registration as to the 
causes of death and a propensity to describe as fever all 
disorders not clearly assignable to some other origin, it must 
be admitted that malaria is endemic in many parts of the 
district. Cuddapah itself has an unfortunate notoriety in this 
respect and the unsparing efforts made during the last forty 
years to improve the health of the town by paying greater 
attention to sanitation and prohibiting wet cultivation within 
municipal limits have only been partially successful. In 
recent years it is doubtful whether the improvement has been 
fully sustained, and the problem of freeing Cuddapah from 
malaria continues to engage the attention of the authorities. 
Outside the municipality parts of Pulivendla taluk are very 
feverish. In the eastern division malaria is chiefly prevalent 
in the south of Sidhout taluk and the north of Pullampet 


while the most unhealthy parts of Badvel and Proddatur CHAP. IX. 
are at the foot of the Nallamalais. General 

Of incurable maladies or infirmities statistics were obtained Health. 

at the last census in respect of insanity, blindness, deaf- 

mutism and leprosy. It is questionable if the returns relating l"firn"ties. 
to leprosy and insanity are of much value in point of accuracy. 
The number of lepers in the district is recorded as ninety- 
six, of whom, as we have seen above,^ some thirty or forty 
are inmates of the Leper Asylum at Krupapalle. The figure 
given is almost certainly below the mark, as the average 
number of leper patients annually treated in the Cuddapah 
hospital in the first decade of this century amounted to forty- 
four, which one would suppose can only be a fraction of the 
total numbers afflicted with the disease. As to insanity, even 
admitting its relativity, the numbers returned, which amount 
to less than two per ten thousand of the population, appear to 
fall far short of the reality. Even among that portion of the 
ryot population of about half the district, with which the 
present writer came into personal contact during the recent 
resettlement, casesof insanity, ranging from weak-mindedness 
to idiocy, were sufficiently numerous to appear remarkable. 
As the census included in the category of blindness only 
the completely blind, and in that of deaf-mutism only those 
entirely devoid of speech or hearing, their classification 
presented less difficulty, though it lacks scientific value in 
the absence of any distinction between those congenitally 
defective and others. In Cuddapah district as in most others 
District population, 893,998 ^^^ deafmutes are more numerous 

Deaf-mutes 797 than the blind- The figure recorded 

Blind 603 at the census are given in the 


Vaccination is compulsory only in Cuddapah town and the Vaccination, 
fourteen unions of the district. Outside the municipality the 
staff employed consists of three deputy inspectors and twenty- 
four vaccinators, the cost of the latter establishment being, 
as elsewhere, debitable to local funds. Under recent orders 
the vaccinators now work under the immediate direction of 
the taluk boards and not, as previously, under that of the 
district board. 

The Municipal hospital at Cuddapah is the only public Medical 
institution of its kind in the district. It was built in 1872 and ^^^'^['^y- 
is controlled by the municipality, an annual contribution p^J-^^ " 
being made from Local funds towards the expense of its 
upkeep. A maternity ward and septic sheds have recently 

1 See Chapter Hi. 







been constructed from funds allotted by Government. There 
are eight dispensaries in the district maintained by Local 
funds, which are located at the following places : Proddatur, 
Jammalamadugu, Pulivendla, Vempalle, Rayachoti, Rajam- 
pet, Sidhout and Badvel. The total number of patients 
treated at the local fund dispensaries during the year 1912-13 
amounted to 65,274. The Railway Company maintains a 
dispensary at Nandalur. 

The only private bodies which control medical institutions 
in the district are the Protestant Missions, of which a general 
account has already been given. ^ The principal institution 
of this kind is the Jammalamadugu hospital, which belongs 
to the London Mission, and was constructed in 1896. The 
mission had associated itself with medical work since 1891 
and this branch of its activities extended so rapidly under the 
able direction of Dr. T. V. Campbell, that the construction 
of a hospital for the accommodation of patients and their more 
effective treatment became in a few years a paramount neces- 
sity. Additions and improvements to the hospital have since 
been made from time to time and it is now a very commo- 
dious building. The medical staff of the mission comprises a 
European doctor in charge, and a lady nursing superintendent. 
In 1905 the mission started a medical school, in which the 
course of instruction lasts four years. By recruitment from 
among such students as emerge satisfactorily from this 
training the mission has been enabled to establish branch 

hospitals, of which there are now 
four. Particulars of their location 
and the years in which they were 
respectively established are given 
in the margin. 

The Lutheran Mission maintains a small dispensary at 
Kodur, as well as the Leper Asylum at Krupapalle to which 
reference has already been made. There is also a busy 
dispensary at Kalasapad belonging to the S.P.G. Mission. 

Mavalur . . . 


See Chapter IIL 




Census Statistics — Progress since 1901 — Education according to 
religions. Educational Institutions — High schools — Lower 
secondary schools — Education by the missions. 

In regard to education the foundation of the formidable 
structure of statistics elaborated at the census is ' literacy,' 
defined as the ability of a person to write a letter and read 
a reply thereto. Measured by this standard the Deccan is 
educationally the most backward division of the Presidency 
except the Agency, but within this division Cuddapah district 
is the most advanced. 

Of the male population of the district more than ten per 
cent, are literate, but of women and girls only sixty-four in 
every ten thousand. The educational progress of the total 
population in recent years is marked by an increase of eight 
per thousand over the number returned as literate in 1901. 
Though not a remarkable advance it may be regarded as 
satisfactory, for it compares favourably with that made by six 
other districts of the Presidency outside the Deccan. 

As elsewhere, the Christians comprise a larger proportion 
of literate persons than any other religious community. 
Secular instruction constitutes so important a branch of 
the Christian Missionary's activities that the acceptance of 
Christianity practically brings the convert within reach of 
education. It also secures to women educational advantages 
as yet denied to their Hindu and Musalman sisters, so that 
the proportion of Christian women and girls who can read 
and write is more than nine times that of the total female 
population of the district. As in most of the Deccan, the 
percentage of Musalmans who are literate is somewhat below 
the corresponding figure for Hindus. In other parts of the 
Presidency the reverse is generally the case. 

The district contains only two upper secondary schools. 
One of these is the Municipal High School at Cuddapah. 
This institution, which was founded in April 1858, was 
originally known as the Government Zillah School and was 
for many years maintained and managed by Government. 



since igoi. 

to religions 











by the 

When a proposal was made later on that the municipality 
should assume the management and support of the school, 
that body pleaded inability to bear the whole cost of main- 
tenance but agreed to defray a moiety thereof. The school 
accordingly came under the management of the municipality 
in 1885, but half the cost continued to be met by Government. 
Some years after this arrangement had come into force the 
municipality, owing to the increase of its expenditure in other 
directions of public utility, contrived to divest itself of all 
pecuniary obligations in regard to the school, so that its 
upkeep again devolved entirely upon Government, though the 
management was retained as before in the hands of the 
municipality. Some two hundred and thirty boys are edu- 
cated in this school, to which is affiliated an elementary 
institution (infant to fourth standard) known as the ' branch 
secondary school.' This latter, which contains 243 pupils, is 
both managed and maintained by the municipality. 

The other upper secondary institution is the National High 
School at Proddatur. This is under private management 
and has recently come under the control of the Theosophical 

There are two lower secondary schools in the district, 
namely, at Proddatur and Nandalur. They are under the 
management, respectively, of the Proddatur and vSidhout Taluk 
Boards and contain in the aggregate about two hundred and 
fifty pupils. The Campbell Memorial School at Jammala- 
madugu is also an incomplete secondary school, but being of 
recent institution it has not yet actually received Government 

The district contains one training school for elementary 
teachers, namely, the Government institution at Rayachoti 
which was opened in 1912. 

In Cuddapah district, as elsewhere, education is an import- 
ant branch of the activities of the Protestant Missionary 
Societies. Reference has already been made to the Campbell 
Memorial School at Jammalamadugu. This institution was 
founded in 1913 as a permanent memorial of the labours of 
the late Rev. W. Howard Campbell on behalf of the London 
Mission in this district. The same mission also maintains a 
caste girls' school in Jammalamadugu, which has been so well 
patronised that its premises are being extended. The Mission 
Boarding School which accommodates one hundred and 
forty Christian girls drawn from all parts of the district 
was originally situated in Cuddapah, but was removed to 
Jammalamadugu in 1898 whither the lady missionaries 



migrated owing to the unhealthiness of the former station- 
The school first started in the district by the London Mission 
was their first-grade elementary school which is situated in 
the part of Cuddapah town known as Nagarajupet, It dates 
from the early attempts of the mission to spread education in 
the town and neighbourhood in the middle of the last century. 
In connection with this institution there is a boarding school 
for Christian boys. These belong mostly to the Mala com- 
munity and are selected from the most promising material in 
the Christian congregations of the villages. They remain 
generally for two or three years, after which they are drafted 
to other schools of the society in Bellary or Gooty for further 

In its Kalasapad district the S.P.G. mission maintains 
about forty elementary schools, to the principal of which, 
situated at Kalasapad, are attached two hostels, in which 
thirty Christian boys and thirty-nine Christian girls are 
boarded. Of the total number of pupils on the rolls of the 
S.P.G. schools more than thirty per cent, are girls. 

The Lutheran Mission established at KodGr maintains 
eight primary schools containing in the aggregate some two 
hundred and twenty pupils. 










Revenue History — Under Vijayanagar — In the 17th century under 
the Muhammadans — In the i8th century — The village settle- 
ment of 1800-01 — Ryotwari settlement of 1801-02 — Triennial 
leases proposed — Munro's views thereon — He proposes to 
reduce existing ryotwari rates — Early operations of the Settle- 
ment Department. The Resettlement — Mr. Moir" s Reports 

Dry lands — Wet lands — The sub-division — Dasabandham 

\vells — Financial results. Existing Divisional Charges. 

For information as to the early revenue history of Cuddapah 
district we are almost entirely dependent on Munro's report, 
dated I2th August 1801, in which he himself complains 
that almost all accounts and records had been destroyed 
during the constant disorders. "The land," says Munro, 
"seems at all times to have been regarded as the property of 
the State, no traces can be discovered of its ever having 
been that of the cultivators or renters. The Enam Sunnads 
of the Bijanuggar ^ Rajas, as well as those of more ancient 
princes, universally grant the soil as well as the rent, a con- 
vincing proof that it belonged to the sovereign." 

The Hindu systems of land revenue, however, never 
concerned themselves with definitions of landed property 
or State rights. On the one side the privileged position 
attaching to the man who first cleared the soil or to the leader 
of the band of colonists who first expropriated the aborigines 
was more or less conceded to their descendants, on the other 
the State passed no self-denying ordinances as to shares, 
increments, or taxation on improvements. In its best days 
the Vijayanagar Empire showed considerable activity in 
making improvements, building tanks and channels and in 
opening up new country. To this period of settlement prob- 
ably belongs the rise of the Visapadi villages, a curious 
feature of the Cuddapah province referred to by Munro, who 
describes them as follows: "There are many villages in 
which the ryots settle among themselves the exact proportion 
of the whole rent that each individual is to pay. These are 

1 Spelled in this book Vijayanagar. 


called visapadi or 'sixteenth' villages from the land and CHAP. XI. 
rent being divided into sixteen shares, and they compose a Revenue 
considerable part of the Cuddapah province, besides being History. 
scattered, though more thinly, over other parts of the country. 
When the season of cultivation draws near all the ryots 
of the Visapadi village assemble to regulate their several 
rents for the year .... They ascertain the amount of 
the agricultural stock of each individual and of the whole 
body, and the quantity of land to the culture of which it is 
adequate, and they divide it accordingly, giving to each man 
the portion which he has the means of cultivating and fixing 
his share of the rent, and whether his share be one or two- 
sixteenths he pays this proportion whether the whole rent of 
the village be higher or lower than last year." This would 
seem to point to bands of colonists originally settling on the 
land in a sort of agricultural partnership, and doubtless the 
joint interest and responsibility were retained in later times 
as a means of resisting and of bearing up against the heavy 
assessments imposed. The question of property in the land 
and to whom it belongs can hardly be said to arise when 
holdings are interchangeable or subject to redistribution. 
The really important thing is the division of the produce 
which as far as the ryots are concerned under the visapadi 
system was regulated by the contribution made to the 
common stock. The State, however, also asserted its right 
to a share, the extent of which the State itself determined. 
Where it was moderate enough to allow the ryot something 
over and above the cultivator's expenses and profit of stock, 
the feeling of attachment to and of private property in his 
holding would naturally arise. This implied, however, a 
limitation of the State share, but the State recognized no 
limitation except such as arose from its own exigencies and 
the ability of the ryot to pay. " According to tradition," says 
Munro, " it was paid in kind in the proportion of half the 
produce, and this half was converted for money at a price 
unfavourable to the cultivator, a circumstance which must 
have been an insurmountable bar not only to the establish- 
ment of private property in land but also to every kind of 
agricultural improvement." 

It was not likely that the Muhammadan conquerors would in the 17th 
lessen the State demand and we find that the kamil assess- century 
ment introduced under the Golconda kings about the begin- Muham- 
ning of the 17th century was based on the same principle of madans. 
the equal division of the crop between Government and the 
cultivator. It was founded upon an actual survey which took 




CHAP. XI. four years to complete. As all rents were to be paid in 
Revenue money the equivalent of the half produce in kind was found 
by taking the estimated gross produce of the different sorts of 
dry and wet land and converting it into money at the average 
price of the preceding ten years. The cultivator also had to 
bear the burden of certain rusums to the revenue officers such 
as the desmukh and the dcspaude. The seeming rigour of this 
settlement under which, as Munro says, the ryot could not 
have extended his cultivation was modified by the action of 
the revenue authorities who allowed the ryots to hold more 
land than was entered in the accounts, their own rusums 
being proportionately increased thereby. The survey was 
thus gradually obliterated or rendered inoperative, and the 
revenue system really had no other principle than that of 
taking the maximum possible. Aurangzebe adopted the 
kamil but had to make allowances for loss. This was 
doubtless due to the depredations of the poligars who took 
advantage of the decay of the Golconda power and to the 
opportunities for the falsification of accounts which the 
change of governments afforded to the karnams. It is to be 
regretted that we have no account of the actual collections 
made under this revenue system. The proportion they bore 
to the extravagantly high assessment was probably ludicrous 
enough, for the political history of the time testifies to the 
absolute lack of any effective central authority. 

During the weak administration of the Nawabs of 
Cuddapah who were constantly exposed to Mahratta attacks 
from without and the insubordination of poligars within the 
district much revenue could never have been realized. Their 
political successors, Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, were of a 
different calibre. Munro frequently alludes to their adminis- 
tration in laudatory terms. Of their more vigorous measures 
we may note the resumption of rusums and unauthorized 
inams, the discovery and speedy repression of frauds and, 
most important of all, the partial reduction of the poligars 
who, generally in collusion with the local revenue officials, 
had always contrived to defraud the paramount authority. 
By this means the kamil standard was gradually restored. 
Under the Nizam (1792-1800) misgovernment resulted as usual 
in decreased cultivation and loss of revenue. The managers 
were perpetually being changed, rents were raised, supple- 
mentary assessments were imposed and various other means 
adopted of raising the revenue. These violent methods, 
however, defeated their own object. " It was not so much the 
sum raised as the unskilful mode of doing it that has exhausted 

In the iSth 


the country," said Munro. Finally when the intended transfer CHAP. XI. 
of the Ceded Districts to the Company became known, the Revenue 
Nizam's managers resorted to every form of exaction, so much History. 
so that many of the head farmers abandoned their villages. 

Of the districts or taluks specified by Munro in his report 
those of Chennur, Chintakunta, Kamalapuram, Dhoor and 
Jammalamadugu correspond roughly to the north-west and 
central taluks of the present district excluding Pulivendla. 
The following table compares the kamil assessment on this 
tract with the assessment and collections at different times, in 
Kantaraya pagodas : — 

Date A.D. 

Name of Ruler. 

Amount in 


Golconda Kings (Kamil 



.. Cuddapah Nawabs (assess- 



... Haidar (collections) 



... Tipu (collections) 


I 799- I 800 

,, Nizam (assessment) 


Munro took charge of the Ceded Districts so late in the The village 
season of 1800-OI that he had no time to do more that year settlement 
than conclude in haste a settlement moiizawar or by villages 
for fasli I2I0. The lump assessment to be paid by each 
village was roughly arrived at by assembling the headmen 
and karnams and questioning them as to the value of their 
own and the adjoining villages. This done, these officers 
were made " severally responsible for the rent (assessment) of 
their own villages and jointly for those of the district (taluk)." 
The Ceded Districts had been handed over by the Nizam in 
return for a subsidiary force to be stationed in his territory, and 
not unnaturally the Directors of the Company expected them to 
bring in a revenue equal to their scheduled value. Munro 
therefore had to face the difficult problem of meeting these 
expectations — a task rendered more difficult by the fact that 
Tipu had placed an excessive value on the districts surrend- 
ered by him in 1792 — and at the same time of securing to the 
ryot a regular system of assessment and a proprietary interest 
in the soil. 

In the following year, fasli I2II, the first step was taken Ryotwari 
by introducing the " kulwar " or ryotwari settlement by settlement 
which each ryot held his land immediately from the Govern- 
ment under a patta, and in fasli I2I2 the natural complement 
of a fieldwar survey and assessment was commenced and 
completed in 1806. Logically this should have resulted in each 
field bearing a fixed assessment, and Munro drew up a scale 








of rates for the diiferent classes under which the fields were 
classified. Under the modern system the individual assess- 
ments would have been totalled, and the beriz of a village or 
taluk arrived at after comparing these totals with previous 
collections and such other checks as might be available. 
This doubtless was what Munro desired. A standard revenue, 
however, was expected to be secured, and the procedure 
actually followed was the exact reverse of this. As each taluk 
came up for settlement the total revenue was first fixed. This 
was done by a comparison of the collections made under the 
native Governments and the Company, modified by the existing 
circumstances of the tract and expert opinion. This total was 
then distributed over the villages. If a village complained of 
over-assessment, the claim was referred to the principal ryots 
of other villages for arbitrament and, if allowed, the amount 
remitted was assessed on other villages. The village total thus 
determined was then distributed among the ryots in accordance 
with the classification of the fields they held. It was thus only 
in the last stage of the assessment process that the results of 
the classification were employed and it consequently lost much 
of its value. It did not serve to correct inequalities in the 
assessments of adjoining villages and even in individual 
villages the nominal rates could not be preserved. If the 
financial results of the application of these rates to the 
classification fell short of the village total, the defect had to 
be met by increasing them and as the increase could only be 
imposed on the better lands, the nominal highest rates were 
often greatly exceeded. As far as possible, however, Munro 
carried out an equalization of assessments, while his vigorous 
and sympathetic administration inspired confidence and 
encouraged agriculture. 

For the next seven years the annual revenue was settled on 
the ryotwari principles thus inaugurated. Loans were freely 
given and cowles granted for waste land, and we find that by 
fasli 1215 (1805-06), in spite of the series of bad seasons that 
immediately followed the paimash, the revenue of the whole 
of the Ceded Districts amounted to more than twenty lakhs of 
Kantaraya pagodas, which was the standard Munro had set 
himself to reach. 

In 1804, however, the desirability of a reversion from the 
ryotwari to a permanent settlement began to be discussed. 
The Governor-General in that year sent down instructions that 
in settling new districts the " Oudh Regulations " should be 
followed with such modifications as local circumstances 
required. Under these each village was rented out as a whole 


for three years at a fixed annual sum to zamindars or other CHAP. XI. 

proprietors of land, and the renter was solely responsible for Revenue 

the payment of the fixed rent. Munro, among others, was History. 

ordered to report on the proposal to extend this system to the 

Ceded Districts. 

His reply embodied an able defence of the ryotwari settle- Munro's 

ments he had been at such pains to introduce. He showed ^'^^^ 

,.,„,,„.. , , . , , thereon. 

that in the Ceded Districts, where there were no zamindars, the 
only people with whom permanent settlements could be con- 
cluded were the ordinary heads of villages and that they were 
totally unfit for the position into which it was desired to thrust 
them. He considered that so far from promoting any improve- 
ment by assisting the poorer classes with advances or allowing 
them to participate in the remissions granted by Government, 
they might rather be expected to press heavily on the ryots 
and reduce them to a worse state than that in which they had 
found them. He also foresaw the even worse mismanagement 
and oppression which would ensue if a speculator or adven- 
turer were allowed to come between the Government officer 
and the cultivator. A settlement direct with the cultivators 
appeared to him more suited to the manners and prejudices of 
the inhabitants, because it was the system which had always 
been followed ; more adapted to the narrowness of their 
circumstances in that it did not insist on the same amount of 
revenue being paid every year but limited it by the actual 
extent of cultivation ; more likely to reclaim them from their 
wandering habits and fix them to their fields by giving them an 
interest in the improvement of these ; less liable to embarrass 
the Government by considerable failures ; and more calculated 
to promote the general prosperity of the country and the 
people. Believing also that the system of great estates would 
raise less produce from the soil than that of small farms ; that 
it would be far more liable to failures and afford less security 
to the revenue ; that it would be less agreeable to the in- 
habitants; and that it could not be permanent because their 
laws and customs continually urged on the rapid division of 
landed property, he recommended that the ryotwari system, 
or settlement with the cultivators, should be continued as a 

Before proceeding on furlough in 1807 Munro repeated lie proposes 
his unqualified condemnation of the proposal to introduce a ^•\''^5^"'^^ 

, , existing 

permanent settlement, but at the same time pointed out that r>otwari 
as the full advantages of the ryotwari system could not be '^^'^^• 
realized unless the ryots acquired a proprietary interest in 
their holdings a saleable value should be given to the land. 




CHAP. XI. The existing rates according to the settlement he had himself 
conducted represented about 45 per cent, of the gross outturn, 
and Munro held that to give the land a saleable value they 
should not exceed one-third. He therefore recommended a 
reduction of 25 per cent, on all rates v^ith an additional 8 per 
cent, on lands under wells and small tanks on condition that 
the ryots kept them in repair; the ryots were further to be 
given the proprietary right and within certain limits the right 
of relinquishment. He believed that the initial loss of revenue 
would soon be counterbalanced by the extension of cultivation 
induced by these measures. 

Meanwhile the controversy started in 1804 continued for 
four years until with the departure of Munro and afterwards 
Lord William Bentinck, the strongest supporters of the ryot- 
wari system, it was ordered early in 1808 that villages should 
be leased out to the village headmen and chief cultivators for a 
term of three years from fasli I2l8 upon such terms as might 
be considered moderate and equitable, subject to the condition 
that no reduction in the rental would be made on account of 
adverse seasons. Munro had left the country in October 1807 
before these instructions reached the Ceded Districts. His 
services to the State during his seven years' tenure of this 
charge received handsome acknowledgments from the Direc- 
tors at home as well as from the local Government in India. 

On the departure of Munro the Ceded Districts were 
divided between two Collectors. Mr. W. W- Chaplin, the 
Subordinate Collector at Cumbum, appears to have first taken 
charge of the Cuddapah district, but to have been transferred 
in the following year to Bellary, the other coUectorate, while 
Cuddapah was assigned to Mr. G. Gregory. Sidhout was fixed 
on as the headquarters of the new district and continued as 
such for several years. The triennial lease was not a success. 
The headmen fearful of being ousted by new-comers accepted 
higher conditions of rent than they could meet. As many 
of them were indifferent managers, the ryots were unduly 
oppressed and cultivation fell off. The Collector of Cuddapah 
spoke strongly against the system. " I believe," he said, 
"that few or none have been benefited by their bargain; 
nearly all have been losers and some have been ruined." To 
the Board, however, the failure appeared to be attributable 
to the shortness of the lease and the excessive rents, and with 
the expiry of the three years' term an attempt was made to 
remedy these defects. 

The result was the introduction in fasli 1222 (1812-13) of a 
decennial lease, the rents being calculated on the collections 


of the seven preceding years. It resulted in even a worse CHAP. XI. 
failure. The renters oppressed, mismanaged, absconded with Revenue 
the collections, or fell into arrears ; the ryots intrigued and History. 

combined against the renters, and under oppression and extor- 

tion resorted once more to the migratory habits from which 
Munro had tried to wean them. Cultivation decreased and 
many villages reverted to Government. Finally the results of 
a bad season in fasli 1226 made the abandonment of the rent- 
ing system inevitable. The Directors with whom Munro had 
been in communication while at home had ordered a return to 
the ryotwari system at the conclusion of the lease, and Munro 
who had returned in 1816, when consulted, advised that these 
orders should be anticipated by encouraging the remaining 
renters to surrender their leases and that the ryotwari system 
should be re-established after carrying out the reductions of 
25 and 33 per cent, he had formerly proposed. Final orders 
to this eifect were passed by Munro himself as Governor in 
1820, and the new settlement was introduced in 1821 in 
the Dhoor and Chennur taluks where not a single renter 
remained solvent. The reductions in the assessment were 
under Munro's orders to be immediate, but the Collector in 
some cases did not give effect to them and in others they were 
saddled with the condition that waste to the extent of half the 
remission should be taken up. This the Board put a stop to 
when discovered, but the unsatisfactory way in which the 
reductions had been carried out was not known till Munro 
toured in the district in 1824, when the Collector, Mr. Hanbury, 
was transferred and full effect given to the intentions of 
Government by his successor, Mr. J. W. Russel, 

The assessment thus arrived at remained in force for 
upwards of fifty years. The evils arising from the triennial 
and decennial leases could not be immediately eradicated, but 
the fact that the revenue of the district reached before very 
long the figure at which Munro's early administration had 
left it shows how large an increase in cultivation must have 
followed the percentage reductions which he finally effected. 
This is an uneventful period in the revenue history of the 
district, being marked only by the removal of a few glaring 
inequalities of assessment and the reduction of some excep- 
tionally high rates, considerable relief being thus given 
to double crop lands. Remissions on waste and on lands 
under ruined irrigation sources gradually became more liberal. 
But the most important changes were made in regard to 
lands irrigated by wells. It has already been noticed that 
Munro granted a special reduction of 8 per cent, on the old 





Early opera- 
tions of the 

assessments of these lands in addition to the general reduction 
of 25 per cent. But in spite of this the assessment was still 
found to be oppressive in individual cases, and in 1824 the 
Collector was empowered to reduce the assessment on 
occupied lands in exceptional cases, and on unoccupied lands 
when the rates kept them out of occupation, and also to 
transfer lands to dry where the wells had fallen into disrepair. 
The question continued to occupy attention from time to time 
in subsequent years, and finally in 1868 and 1869 the Govern- 
ment ordered that the assessments on all such well lands 
should be reduced to the highest dry rates of the villages in 
which they lay. The amount of assessment so foregone 
in the whole district represented about a lakh of rupees, 
but the ultimate effect cannot be considered as otherwise 
than beneficial, in that it did something to arrest the wide 
spread neglect that had left so many wells to fall into disrepair 
and ruin. 

Meanwhile the operations of the new Settlement Depart- 
ment had been extended to the Cuddapah district, and demar- 
cation was commenced in Jammalamadugu taluk in 1864. 
The years in which the new rates were respectively introduced 
in the various taluks that now constitute the district are 

given in the margin. The 



Sidhout ... 
Eadvel ... 






Deputy Directors of Settlement 
responsible for the schemes 
submitted to Government were 
Mr. Cox, whose work during 
his long sojourn in the district 
is still spoken of with appre- 
ciation by the people, and 
Major Stuart, who dealt in 
one report with the three 
eastern taluks of the district. Though the method adopted 
was uniform throughout, there are variations in the resulting 
rates, as slightly different grain values were assumed 
in different taluks and the allowances made on account 
of cultivation expenses were not always the same. With 
this reservation a summary of any one of these schemes 
will serve to indicate how the settlement of the district was 
carried out. All lands, both dry and wet, were classified under 
the two main series of ' regar ' and ' red ferruginous.'^ In 

' This takes no account of the exceptional series in which were placed 
"permanently improved" lands. These represented a very small area, were 
placed on the same footing as other lands in 1893, and at the resettlement were 
reclassified and brought into one of the two ordinary series. 
















. 1,450 


rating dry lands, villages were divided into three groups, the CHAP. XI. 
grouping being based mainly on a consideration of the vary- Revenue 
ing fertility of different tracts ; in regard to wet lands villages History. 

were similarly distributed among two or three groups, accord- 

ing to the advantages of irrigation enjoyed. Cholam on 
regar soils and cholam and korra in equal proportions on red 
were taken as the standard crops on dry lands — except in 
Rayachoti taluk where the standard dry crop was cumbu — • 
paddy being as usual the standard for wet. The grain values 
adopted were, as has been said, not uniform throughout 

the district. The figures in the 
margin ''^ show the number of 
Madras measures assumed in the 
black cotton country to represent 
the outturns on an acre of the 
best and worst lands. The 
commutation rates — generally based on the prices of the 
preceding twenty non-famine years — were, over most of the 
district, based by the orders of Government on the prices of 
the twenty years ending with 1864. The resulting values 
after making allowances varying from 10 to 15 per cent, for 

cartage and merchants' profits 
are shown in the margin.! A 
further deduction of 25 per 
cent, was made for agricultural 
risks, as also allowances for the 
expenses of cultivation. The 
net outturn remained, and half of this was taken as the 
Government share. The resulting rates, rounded off to the 
nearest quarter rupee, ranged in the various taluks as shown 
below : — 

f Cholam 

Per garce. 

•• 139 





and Cuddapah. 


Badvel, Sidhout 
and Pullampet. 












RS. A. 


RS. A. 

2 8 

RS. A. 


RS. A. 


RS. A. 


RS. A. 


RS. A. 


kS. A. 


^ These rates apply to ' permanently improved ' lands in first class villages, 
2 As the whole of Kayachoti taluk was classed in the red ferruginous series, 
the highest wet rate actually found therein was Rs. 7. 







Mr. Moir's 

There were from ten to twelve rates under each head of 
dry and wet, the number slightly varying in different parts 
of the district. Munro's paimash took account of some fifty 
rates in all, including those on ' garden ' lands. With the 
assimilation of garden lands to wet or dry as the case might 
be, and the elimination of the highest wet rates the settlement 
effected a considerable contraction in their range, which made 
for simplicity. That in spite of these measures the settlement 
resulted in an increase and not a reduction is largely attri- 
butable to the excess area found by the survey. What the 
settlement mainly effected was for the administration a 
simplification of the accounts and for the ryots a more equitable 
incidence of assessment. Its financial results represented an 
increase in the land revenue of a little over 9 per cent. 

The rates thus introduced were in force for a period of 
thirty years which expired in the early years of this century, 
when the district came up for resettlement. The tract was 
dealt with in four scheme reports, the first of which related to 
the taluks of Cuddapah, Proddatur and Jammalamadugu, the 
second to Pulivendla, the third to the taluks of the eastern 
division, and the fourth to Rayachoti and the other taluks of 
the old sub-division. The proposals embodied in the first three 
reports were formulated by Mr. T. E. Moir, I.C.S.,' the scheme 
for the sub-division being submitted by his successor, 
Mr. R. W. Davies, I.C.S. Mr. Moir left the party shortly 
before the conclusion of operations in Cuddapah taluk, and 
the resettlement of this taluk and Pulivendla was subsequently 
carried on under the direction of Mr. Davies. The latter 
officer, on his departure at the end of 1910, was succeeded by 
the present writer who continued to be in charge till the 
resettlement of the district was completed. The following 
table shows when the new rates were introduced in the 
various taluks, which are grouped according to the four 
scheme reports above mentioned : — 

Jammalamadugu Cuddapah. Pulivendla. Badvel Pullampet. Rayachoti. 
and Proddatur. and 

1908 1909 1911 1911 1912 1912. 

The Scheme report relating to the first three taluks was 
submitted in September 1906. In reviewing the economic 
condition of this tract the Settlement officer, while giving due 
weight to all indications of material progress, points out that 
the steady recovery from the effects of the great famine — 

^ As Special Settlement officer No. Ill Party. 


which had occurred some three to five years subsequently to CHAP. XI. 
the original settlement — had received continual checks owing xhe 
to the frequency of unfavourable seasons in the latter half of Resettle- 
the settlement period. He says " The district has just passed ment. 
through an extraordinary series of lean years which have 
checked progress and to some extent crippled the resources 
of the ryots. There are, further, several points with regard to 
the prices which urge caution." At the time this report was 
written it could not have been divined that the high prices 
which ruled in 1905 were not occasioned by causes of a local 
or temporary nature, but marked the commencement of the 
great economic change which has intensified ever since and 
persists to the present day. 

In discussing the price of cholam, the standard dry Dry lands. 
crop of the black cotton taluks, the Special Settlement officer 
predicts in regard to the future that "the prices of ordinary 
years will probably range between Rs. 150 and Rs. 190 . . 
. This does not admit of any increase on the score of 
prices." Three years later the Settlement officer, when 
submitting his scheme for the resettlement of the eastern 
taluks, had to weigh the significance of the continued rise in 
prices in the normal years that followed 1905. The figures in 

the margin show that in 
1907-08 the price of cholam 
had reached a cent, percent, 
higher figure than that held 
by the Settlement officer in 
I906 as likely to prove the 
average price of ordinary 
years. "The seasons," says the Settlement officer, "are 
quite inadequate to account for the prices of the last three 
years . . . The question of course is no longer a 
local one, and as financial experts disagree as to the 
solution it lies beyond the province of the Settlement 
officer . . . Apart from vicissitudes of the seasons the 
high prices of the last three years are attributed to two 
main causes, the rise in gold prices in other parts of 
the world and the enormous increase in the rupee coinage, 
the latter being by far the most important according to 
the latest pronouncement on the subject in the March ^ 
issue of the Economic Journal. The extent to which 
this has been due to permanent influences is doubtful but it 
is clear that, depending as it does on the currency policy of 
the Government, it is subject to remedial action . . . 

' 1909. 



of cholam 

per garce. 


1314 •.. 


1315 .- 


1316 ... 








Wet lands. 

The "Sub- 

dham wells. 

Where so many uncertainties exist it seems to me better to 
confine attention to the period up to fasli 1 314 to which these 
unknown factors do not apply." The conclusion drawn was 
the same as in the case of the western taluks, namely, that no 
enhancement of the dry rates was justified on the score of 

In dealing with the Settlement officer's proposals for the 
resettlement of the western taluks the Board had urged that 
an enhancement of 6^ per cent, was at least justified. This 
was, however, negatived by the Government " in view of the 
smallness of the rise in prices and the economic history of the 
taluks." This concession to the " more prosperous western 
taluks " was accorded in due course to the rest of the district, 
and the dry rates remained unchanged. 

Fluctuations in the prices of paddy being less marked 
than in those of cholam over the same period, the question of 
enhancing the wet rates was never discussed. But the system 
by which, at the original settlement, villages had, as regards 
wet lands, been divided into three — sometimes only two — 
groups was found to have resulted in inequalities in the 
incidence of assessment, while the number of sorts provided 
under each class of soil was found to be too few to ensure a 
sufficient elasticity in the rates. For these among other 
reasons the abolition of the " wet grouping " of villages, the 
classification of sources according to their individual capacity 
together with a careful revision of their ayacuts, the reclassifi- 
cation of soils and the imposition of a new table of rates 
were, in regard to wet lands, the principal features of the 
resettlement in the old main division. The new wet rates 
for " single crop " land range from Rs. 10 to Rs. 2. 

Rayachoti is the only taluk of the old sub-division that 
still belongs to the district. Mr. Davies in submitting pro- 
posals for the resettlement of this tract laid some stress on 
the inferior economic condition of the sub-division in general, 
and Rayachoti in particular, to the rest of the district. Dry 
rates as elsewhere remained unchanged. In regard to wet 
lands the grouping of villages was abolished in favour of the 
classification of individual sources, but as it was found -that 
the existing money rates were suitable and assessments by 
no means so unequal as in the main division, the rates were 
retained unaltered and there was no general reclassification 
of soils. 

Allusion has been made to dasabandham wells in dealing 
with the irrigation of the district. In regard to shamilat 
dasabandham wells, which, in the order of taluks taken up 



for resettlement, were first found in Pulivendla, the difficulty 
in applying to them the system of differential water-rate led 
the Settlement officer to submit alternative proposals for 
their treatment, one of which was to convert them into private 
property and to register the ayacuts as dry, discontinuing the 
inam remissions. The Government not only accepted this 
proposal, but extended the concession to khandam dasaban- 
dham wells. Though the immediate effect of this measure 
was a loss of revenue it was held to be justifiable in view of 
the protective value of the wells, the previous high assess- 
ments having led in many cases to their being allowed to fall 
into disrepair and ruin. 

The resettlement of the district resulted in a net decrease 
of revenue by 7 per cent, which is almost entirely attributable 
to transfers of double crop to single crop and wet to dry, as 
well as the more favourable rates now allowed for composi- 
tion of the double crop charge. Besides the concession 
granted by Government in the matter of dasabandham wells, 
large areas under other sources, both Government and 
dasabandham, were found to be totally unirrigable and had 
to be registered as dry. This is particularly the case in the 
taluks of Pulivendla and Sidhout, where it is a matter for 
surprise that transfers to dry were not more freely effected by 
the Revenue Department during the period of the original 
settlement. There is no doubt that the reduction in the 
demand is thus largely counterbalanced by a decrease in 
seasonal remissions. On the other hand it is equally certain 
that the ryots have cause to be grateful to Government for a 
remarkably lenient resettlement. 

The Collector of the district is now assisted in the 
administration of the revenue by a Sub-Collector at Rajampet, 
and Deputy Collectors at Jammalamadugu, Rayachoti and 
Cuddapah. There is, as usual, a Tahsildar in each taluk. 
There are also Deputy Tahsiklars at Chitvel, Lakkireddipalle 
and Cuddapah town, the two latter posts being new creations 
following on the redistribution of districts which came 
into effect in 1910 and 1911. Prior thereto, the taluks of 
Rayachoti, Kadiri, Madanapalle and Vayalpad formed the 
sub-division in charge of a Sub-Collector at Madanapalle ; 
Jammalamadugu, Pulivendla and Proddatur constituted 
another division under the Deputy Collector of Jammala- 
madugu, while a second Deputy Collector in charge of the 
eastern taluks was stationed at Sidhout, and the taluk of 
Cuddapah was, as it still is, administered by the Head- 
quarters Deputy Collector. In October 1910, Kadiri taluk 









CHAP. XI. was incorporated with Anantapur district, and in the 
lixisTiNG following year Madanapalle and Vayalpad went to make up 

Divisional the new district of Chittoor. Rayachoti then became the 
Charges, headquarters of a Deputy Collector, whose charge includes 
the taluk of that name and that of Pulivendla. The Deputy 
Collector of Jammalamadugu has jurisdiction over the taluks 
of Jammalamadugu, Proddatur and the newly formed taluk 
of Kamalapuram, and the taluks of Badvel, Sidhout and 
Pullampet form the charge of a Sub-Collector whose head- 
quarters are, or shortly will be, at Rajampet. 



Salt — Former sources of supply — Earth-salt ; method of manufac- 
ture — Its interference with monopoly salt — Its manufacture 
suppressed — Present sources of supply. Abkari — Arrack — 
Foreign liquors — Toddy — Opium and hemp drugs — The preven- 
tive force. Income-tax. Stamps. 

At the time when the Company came into possession of CHAP. XII. 
the district the salt consumed in it was of two kinds, namely. Salt. 

earth-salt manufactured from saline soils by men of the 

Uppara caste and marine salt obtained from the Nellore ^o"""''' 

*^' sources ot 

littoral. supply. 

The manufacture of earth-salt was peculiar to the Ceded Eanh-salt ; 

T^- • 1 -11 r ' 1 1 1 method of 

Districts and was earned on by means of modas or salt-mounds, manufac- 
A heap of earth was piled up and on the top of it were t^re. 
hollowed out one or more circular basins, some five feet in 
diameter and two feet deep. From the bottom of these basins 
channels lined with chunam ran down to one or more reser- 
voirs similarly lined. Salt-earth was collected in the places 
where it effloresced naturally in the dry months and taken to 
the model on pack-buffaloes. It was thrown into the basins 
and then a quantity of water was poured upon it. The brine 
so obtained flowed through the channels at the bottom of the 
basins into the reservoirs. From these it was baled with 
chatties into a set of masonry evaporating pans, carefully 
levelled and plastered with chunam, where it was left to be 
converted into salt by solar evaporation. Each lot of salt- 
earth which was thus lixiviated was taken from the basins 
and thrown outside them and this process constantly repeated 
gradually raised the level of the moda and the basins which 
were perpetually being remade on the top of it. Some 
of the modas gradually grew to be as much as 20 feet in 
height. When they became inconveniently high for the 
buffaloes to carry the salt-earth up to their summits, they were 
abandoned and others started elsewhere. 

The earth-salt made in this manner was neither so good lisinierier- 
nor so strong as marine salt, but it was much used bv the ^^^e with 

" nionopolv 

poorer classes and for cattle, and thus interfered with the pro- salt. 
fits of the Government salt monopoly which was established 





Its manu- 

sources of 

. in 1805. As early as 1806, therefore, it was proposed to 
prohibit its manufacture. The chief arguments against any 
such step were that it would inflict hardship upon the 
Upparas who made the salt and upon the poorer classes who 
consumed it, and for the next three-quarters of a century a 
wearisome correspondence dragged on regarding the course 
which it would be proper to pursue.^ In 1873, Mr. G. Thorn- 
hill, member of the Board of Revenue, visited the Ceded 
Districts to see how matters stood. He reported that it was 
not possible to check the competition of the earth-salt with 
the Government marine salt by imposing an excise duty, as 
the niodas were numerous and scattered. For similar reasons, 
and also because all the Upparas were very poor, a license- 
tax was out of the question. At the same time he calculated 
that the loss to Government due to the system was from 
eight to eleven lakhs annually and seeing that Government 
salt was obtainable in Cuddapah as cheaply as in other 
inland districts he recommended that the industry should be 
gradually suppressed. 

Government agreed and ordered that the opening of new 
modas should be prohibited and that those in existence should 
be licensed, with reference to their productive capacity, at 
rates to increase by annual increments until 1879, when the 
full duty leviable on sea-salt should be imposed on their 
entire produce. These measures, though they checked the 
manufacture, were not completely successful, and in 1876 the 
Madras Salt Commission and the Board of Revenue concurred 
in recommending that the manufacture of earth-salt should be 
at once and entirely suppressed. The Government of India 
agreed, and in 1880 orders were given that the modas should 
all be destroyed, reasonable compensation being paid to 
their owners. Thirty-five years have thus elapsed since the 
manufacture of earth-salt was prohibited, but the remains of 
the old modas are still to be seen in parts of Pulivendla and 
Badvel taluks where there are extensive tracts of saline soil. 
Cases of illicit manufacture used to occur occasionally but 
largely, it is said, owing to the reduction of the duty on salt 
in 1907— are unknown nowadays. Saline tracts are, however, 
still periodically examined by the officers whose duty it is to 
discover and prevent such offences. 

All the salt now consumed in the district is sea-salt made 
in factories on the coast under Government supervision. Salt 
from Bombay and Goa is not unknown in these parts but is 

1 An abstract of parts of it will be found in paragraphs 271 — 2S9 of the report 
of the Madras Salt Commission of 1876. 


said to compare unfavourably both in substance and flavour CHAF. XH. 
with the east-coast article. Ninety-six per cent, of the supply Salt. 

is obtained from the factories in Nellore and Chingleput 

districts. Salt is sold wholesale at the factories by weight 
but is retailed in the district by measure. 

Abkari revenue is mainly derived frc»m arrack, foreign Abkari. 
liquor, toddy, opium and hemp-drugs. Particulars of the 
revenue realized under these heads in recent years will be 
found in the volume of appendices. 

The supply of arrack is at present regulated by what is -Arrack, 
known as the contract distillery system, under which the 
exclusive privilege of manufacture and supply of country 
spirits throughout the district is disposed of by tender, the 
contract being for a period of three years. The successful 
tenderers — at present the Deccan Sugar and Abkari Company, 
Limited — have the monopoly of supply of liquor of their own 
manufacture to the retail vendors within the district, the rates 
at which the supply is made being fixed by Government. 
The Company maintains a warehouse at Cuddapah, which 
gets its supply from the distillery at Samalkot in Godavari 
district. Molasses arrack is obtained from Samalkot at over- 
proof strength and reduced to 30^ under-proof at the Cuddapah 
warehouse before issue to the retail vendors in the vicinity 
of Cuddapah, who get their supply direct from the warehouse, 
and to the wholesale depots in the district, of which there 
are nineteen. About 45,000 gallons of arrack constitute the 
average annual issue from the warehouse. The right of 
retailing the liquor is annually sold by auction, separately 
by shops. 

The foreign liquor trade is, as elsewhere, controlled by the Foreign 
issue of licenses to wholesale and retail vendors on payment '>*l"'^rs. 
of the prescribed fees. There are only three foreign liquor 
shops in the district, one being the railway refreshment 
room at Cuddapah. 

Since 1897 the toddy revenue has been managed on the Todav. 
tree-tax system under which a tax is levied on every tree 
tapped and the right to open shops for sale is sold annually 
by auction. The trees tapped are dates and palmyras, 
principally the former. Such trees are most numerous in 
PuUampet taluk and thereafter commoner in Cuddapah, 
Proddatur and Pulivendla than other parts of the district. Tn 
the latter taluk at Idupulapaya there is a valuable Govern- 
ment tope of palmyra trees. Shop-keepers apply to havi- 
certain trees marked for their use and pay a tax of Rs. 2-4-O 
per tree. In addition to this a fee of four annas is payable to 





Opium and 
hemp drugs. 

The preven- 
tive force. 

the tree-owner. Where the trees are situated on poramboke, 
which is generally the case in this district, the owner's fee is 
paid to Government. The tapping" of the trees is mainly done 
by idigas, whose hereditary occupation it is, but a few Musal- 
mans also find employment by this means. It is noteworthy 
that here, as in the Ceded Districts generally, cocoanut trees 
are not tapped. They are not largely grown and the toddy 
they give is not locally favoured. It is also said that the 
toddy-drawers of the district do not understand the art of 
climbing and tapping cocoanut trees and that they and the 
shop-keepers have consequently created a prejudice against 
this sort of toddy, to prevent a demand for it. The tappers 
in this district are generally employed by the shop-keepers on 
monthly wages, the collection and transport of the liquor 
being arranged by the shop-keepers themselves. 

An elaborate set of rules has been framed by the Board of 
Revenue with the object of regulating the tapping of trees 
and preventing their death by violent treatment. A fine of 
two rupees is generally levied for every tree killed by over- 
tapping. The offence is by no means common. 

For the manufacture of jaggery sweet toddy is drawn 
principally in PuUampet and Badvel taluks. A few trees are 
also used for this purpose in Cuddapah and Sidhout. The 
total number of trees in the district that are tapped for sweet 
toddy is only about three thousand, so that the practice is not 
widely prevalent. Toddy is not distilled for the manufacture 
of arrack. 

As in the case of liquor, the right of selling opium is put 
up to auction annually by shops. The licensed vendors of 
this district get their supply from the Government treasuries 
at Cuddapah and Proddatur. There is a considerable demand 
for opium at both these places, chiefly among Musalmans. 
The hospital at Jammalamadugu and some dispensaries 
hold opiimi licenses for medicinal purposes. The district sup- 
ply of ganja is obtained from the storehouse at Santara- 
vur. Like opium, it is principally consumed at Cuddapah and 

The preventive force employed by the Abkari Department 
checks illicit manufacture of salt, arrack and toddy and illicit 
practices regarding opium and hemp-drugs. There is at 
present but one Inspector of the department in the district, 
whose headquarters are at Sidhout. He is subordinate to the 
Assistant Commissioner at Vellore. The entertainment of a 
second Inspector, whose headquarters will be at Jammala- 
madugu, has recently been sanctioned. 


Income-tax is levied and collected, as elsewhere, according CHAP. XIL 
to the rules framed under the Income-tax Act of 1886. The income- 
number of assessees under Part IV bears a proportion of less tax. 

than one per thousand of the population of the district. For 

the year IQ12-13 the incidence of the tax per head of the 
total population was eight pies while its average distribution 
among the assessees amounted to nearly forty-seven rupees. 
With the exception of Cuddapah, Proddatur and Rajampet 
the district contains very few trading centres of any import- 
ance, and the fact that there are only three other districts in 
the Presidency which realize less by this tax than Cuddapah 
need occasion no surprise. The assessees under Part IV are 
mostly money-lenders, dealers in food-grains and piece-goods 

Judicial and non-judicial stamps are sold in the district in Stamps. 
the usual manner, local stamp-vendors obtaining their stock 
at a discount from Government treasuries. The population 
being below that of any other district in the Presidency 
except the Nilgiris, and the condition of the people far from 
affluent, it follows that the amount derived from the sale of 
stamps is proportionately small. The love of litigation may 
not be less than elsewhere but the capacity for its indulgence 
is limited, and the sale of judicial stamps in the same 
measure restricted. The demand for non-judicial stamps is 
also not large where big transactions are rare and land is 
mostly owned by small ryots. Statistics show that there are 
but three other districts in the Presidency wherein less 
revenue is derived from the sale of stamps than in Cuddapah. 








Civil Justice — Village munsifs — District munsifs — The District 
Court — Litigation rare — Registration, Criminal Justice — 
Crime— Police — Jails — Some sensational crimes. 

The Civil Courts of the district are, as elsewhere, of three 
grades, namely, those of the village munsifs, the district 
munsifs and the District Judge. They have the same general 
pow^er and jurisdiction as in other parts of the Presidency. 

In Cuddapah, as in the Ceded Districts generally, the 
number of suits filed in the courts of village munsifs falls 
considerably below the district average for the Presidency 
as a whole. In an ordinary year they amount in the aggre- 
gate to about twelve hundred. The majority are valued 
between Rs. 10 and Rs. 20. In the year 1912 only three suits 
were instituted of a value exceeding Rs. 20. There are no 
village bench courts in the district. The figures for the year 
1913 show that in Pullampet and Badvel taluks more than 
twice as much civil work is disposed of by village munsifs 
than in all the rest of the district. 

Before April I, 1911, there were four district munsifs 
in the district, namely, at Nandalur, Proddatur, Madana- 
palle and Cuddapah, and the limits of the jurisdiction 

exercised by each are shown in 
the margin- With the recon- 
stitution of the district in 1911 
which involved the transfer of 
Madanapalle and Vayalpad 
taluks to Chittoor and Kadiri 
taluk to Anantapur district as 
also the creation of a new 
taluk, Kamalapuram, in Cudda- 
pah district the jurisdiction of 
the three courts that remained 
underwent in every case some 
change. Kamalapuram taluk 
was brought within the limits of the Proddatur Court, and the 






• J Sidhout. 

f Madanaplle. 
! Vayalpad. 
j Kadiri. 

l^South Rayachoti. 
f Cuddapah. 
J Pulivendla. 
l^North Rayachoti. 


portion of Rayachoti taluk which formerly belonged to the CHAP, 
jurisdiction of the District Munsif of Cuddapah was further XIII. 
split into two divisions of twenty-five villages each, one of Civil 
which was added to the jurisdiction of Nandalur while the Justice. 
other remained to Cuddapah. The civil district of Cuddapah 
was at the same time extended by the inclusion in it of the 
Gooty munsifi, which comprises the Gooty and Tadpatri 
taluks of Anantapur district and Adoni tahik of Bellary 
district. Consequently the number of district munsits' courts 
subordinate to the District Court of Cuddapah remained the 
same as before. 

The following places in the district deserve mention as 
having, at some time or other, been the headcjuarters of civil 
courts : — 

Rayachdti ... 1816-66 ' Tangatiir... ... 1816-72 

Nandyalampet ... iSry-yo Duvvur ...abolished in 1S60 

Badvel ... ... 1S64-84 Venipalle... ... 1835-66 

It is thus apparent that the District Court of Cuddapah The Dis-Hci 
exercises jurisdiction over an extensive area, the length of °"'^^' 
which from south-east to north-west corresponds roughly to the 
section of the railway line between the junctions of Renigunta 
and Raichur. It is however by no means a wealthy tract, and 
the large majority of its inhabitants, being educationally 
backward, are unversed in the tortuous byways of litigation 
whose uncertain issues they are inclined to avoid. 

Consequently the business annually brought before the Liiii^aiinn 
civil courts of the district is but moderate in quantity and '^''^• 
demands no special steps to aid them in its disposal. It has 
already been seen that the work of the village munsifs is light. 
The average number of ordinary suits annually instituted in 
the District Munsifs' Courts of Cuddapah and Proddatur from 
1901 to 191 1 falls in each case below one thousand, while the 
corresponding figure for the Nandalur Court is much lower 
Revenue suits are very rare, about twenty a year being insti- 
tuted in the Court of the Divisional Officer of Sidhout, and 
none elsewhere. Finally, the original work in the District 
Court is by no means heavy. There is no Sub-Judge at 
Cuddapah. Statistics relating to the business of the civil 
courts of the district will be found in the separate volume of 

The registration of assurances is conducted on the usual Registration. 
lines. The revenue district of Kurnool is, however, included 
in the jurisdiction of the Registrar of Cuddapah. The follow- 
ing is a brief account of the administrative changes that have 

1 68 








taken place from time to time. At the beginning of 1865 two 
sub-registry offices were opened in the taluk of Cuddapah 
and designated the offices of the Sub-Registrars of Cuddapah 
and Kamalapuram. In 1878 the appointment of a Registrar 
was sanctioned and the office of the Sub-Registrar of Cudda- 
pah was amalgamated with that of the Registrar. In the 
following year the office of the Sub-Registrar of Kamalapuram 
was abolished and the area of this sub-district was transferred 
to the jurisdiction of the Registrar of Cuddapah. From 
January I, 1908, a joint sub-registry office was opened at 
Cuddapah as a tentative measure and was ordered to be 
retained permanently from 1910 ; but in the following year it 
was amalgamated with that of the Registrar of Cuddapah. 
Finally, with effect from January I, 1913, the registration 
district of Kurnool was amalgamated with Cuddapah, and the 
jurisdiction of the registration district of Cuddapah became 

conterminous with the limits 
of the two revenue districts 
of Cuddapah and Kurnool. 
There are at present eight 
Sub-Registrars' offices in the 
district at the stations noted in the margin. 

The constitution of the criminal courts of the district 
presents no peculiarity. Lowest in the scale are the courts of 
the village magistrates, who try very few cases. The bulk 
of the criminal work of the district falls, as elsewhere, to the 
courts of the stationary sub-magistrates exercising third or 
second class powers at Cuddapah, Proddatur, Jammala- 
madugu, Pulivendla, Rayachoti and Rajampet. In the other 
three taluks, namely, Kamalapuram, Sidhout and Badvel there 
are sheristadar-magistrates, often of the third class, the limits 
of whose jurisdiction within their respective taluks is deter- 
mined by the District Magistrate. Where there are sherista- 
dar-magistrates Tahsildars also actively exercise magisterial 
powers which is not the case where there are stationary sub- 
magistrates. In addition to these the Deputy Tahsildars of 
Cuddapah town, Chitvel and Lakkireddipalle are sub-magis- 
trates, the area of their jurisdiction being conterminous with 
that of their revenue charges. The Deputy Tahsildar and Sub- 
Magistrate of Cuddapah town is also the President of the only 
bench court in the district, which exercises third-class powers 
and deals chiefly with cases under the Towns Nuisances 
Act and the District Municipalities Act. The District Magis- 
trate and Divisional Officers are invested with full magis- 
terial powers as elsewhere. The jurisdiction of the Sessions 



Court was in 1911 extended to include the Gooty and Tadpatri 
taluks of Anantapur district, which formerly fell within that 
of the Sessions Court of Bellary. Statistics regarding the 
work of the criminal courts will be found in the separate 
volume of appendices. 

In proportion to its population the number of grave crimes 
committed in Cuddapah district is something less than in 
Kurnool but exceeds the corresponding figure for the other 
two of the Ceded Districts. F'ollowing the redistribution of 
districts in 1911 whereby the area of Cuddapah was reduced 
by about one-third, it is worthy of note that, while crimes of 
house-breaking and theft, including cattle theft, are much 
fewer the decrease is not very appreciable in respect of mur- 
ders, dacoities and robberies. It appears to be undeniable 
that crimes of violence have always been commoner in what 
was the old main division than in the rest of the district. 

Statistics show that crime is more rife in the hot weather 
than at other seasons. The causes of this are not far to seek. 
The harvest has then been gathered in and agricultural 
operations are at a standstill. Lacking a legitimate occupa- 
tion bad characters are no longer diverted from their evil pro- 
pensities, while houses are more easily entered for felonious 
purposes at a time when their inmates are compelled by the 
intolerable heat to sleep outside and thus relax due vigilance 
over their property. The great majority of offences against 
property are committed by professional criminals of whom 
there are large numbers in Cuddapah and the adjoining dis- 
tricts. Different tribes are conspicuous in different parts of 
the district. In Proddatur taluk the principal habitual 
offenders are the Donga Woddars, mainly located at Kottala, 
Vanipenta and Duvvur ; in the south of Pulivendla taluk the 
Donga Dasaris of Ammayagaripalle have an unsavoury 
reputation; in Cuddapah taluk the Sugalis of Maddimadugu 
are addicted to cattle-lifting. Of criminal gangs in adjoining 
districts the worst are probably the Korachas of Vayalpad 
taluk in Chittoor district who make periodical inroads into 
Cuddapah district for the purpose of committing crime. 
These and the Donga Woddars have been declared criminal 
tribes under the Act of 1911. 

No account of crime in Cuddapah district would be com- 
plete without some reference to the practice, unfortunately 
widespread, of employing hired assassins for the commission 
of murder. The gang whose misdirected energies are devoted 
to this nefarious business numbers about thirty persons, of 
various castes. The leaders are Kapus and the rest mainly 






CHAP. talaiyaris. The gang has quite recently been notified under 
XIII. the Criminal Tribes Act of 1911. Its members appear to have 

Criminal launched into their career of crime about twelve years ago, 
Justice. \^^^ only came into prominent notice after the commission of 

a very atrocious murder in 1909. They operate chiefly in the 

taluks of Jammalamadugu, Proddatur and Pulivendla, which 
constitute the black cotton tract of this district. The bitter 
factions among the Kapus of this region, already alluded to, 
are pursued with such unrelenting animosity that the forcible 
and final removal of one of the leaders often becomes the 
supreme object of existence to the other party, who are only 
restrained from its accomplishment by the certainty that the 
commission of any such crime would entail suspicion on 
themselves. The remedy for this difficulty is found in the 
professional murderer, for whose services there has been an 
ever-increasing demand proportionate to the immunity of his 
employers. The atrocious murder referred to above was com- 
mitted as follows. On the evening of September 8, 1909, one 
Gudetti Rami Reddi of Kottapeta, while returning to his 
village in a cart from Proddatur where he had gone in the 
morning to register a document was waylaid and murdered, 
his head being cut off and the body thrown on the road about 
a mile or so outside Proddatur. The head was never found. 
In this case the police investigation disclosed that the chief 
of the gang of professional assassins had, in consideration of 
a sum of a thousand rupees which he received from two of the 
deceased's enemies, employed several of his subordinates to 
commit the murder. Long before his murder the deceased 
had information that the leader of the gang had been hired 
by his enemies to murder him, and the assassins, knowing 
this, took no action for about a year so as to allay all sus- 
picion and then committed the murder. This case being 
typical of the methods employed, it is unnecessary to recount 
others, of which some dozen are on record, all of which bear 
evidence of the handiwork of these hired assassins- 

Police. Police administration in the district is controlled by the 

District Superintendent. Under him is an Assistant Superin- 
tendent at Jammalamadugu, whose charge is conterminous 
with the revenue division administered from the same head- 
quarters. A personal assistant is also occasionally given to 
the Superintendent. The force is organized on the usual 
lines. Some three hundred and fifty talaiyaris are in addition 
posted along the high roads and in jungly places which 
offer facilities for the commission of robbery and dacoity. 
Wherever possible land is assigned to these talaiyaris in 


the neighbourhood of their several tdndhs, and a recent order CHAP, 
prescribes that as much as an acre of wet land and two XIII. 
acres of dry should be given in each case, but it is seldom that Criminai; 
so large an extent is available. Justice, 

It is said that investigation is rendered unduly difficult in 
Cuddapah owing to the hostile attitude of the people, which 
is not infrequently encouraged by the village magistrates, es- 
pecially in the lawless black cotton taluks. Numerous cases 
of violent crime in this region are also rendered incapable 
of conviction owing to the universal spirit of faction by which 
nearly all evidence is tainted. 

There is no district jail at Cuddapah. Persons sentenced jails. 
to terms of imprisonment exceeding one month are incarce- 
rated in the central jail at Vellore. There is a sub-jail at 
each of the taluk headquarters. 

The most remarkable crime occurring in the district subse- Some sen- 
quent to its reduction to order by Munro at the beginning of **f'°°*' 
the last century was the murder of Mr. Macdonald, Additional 
Sub-Collector, at Cuddapah, in 1832. This crime, quite devoid 
of any political significance, was the outcome of a riot engen- 
dered by the fanaticism of a section of Musalmans. Early 
in the morning of June 15, it was said that a small pig had 
been killed and thrown bleeding into the Jumma Masjid. It 
turned out afterwards that this pig was merely a bandicoot 
and had been purposely placed there by a Musalman aided 
by two Hindus. But the populace speedily became excited 
and gave no thought to the possible origin of the incident or 
the perpetrator of the supposed offence. Meeting in the 
market place and the principal bazaars of the town the 
Pathans gathered in large numbers and fanned the passions 
of one and all. By 10 o'clock the crowd had assumed alarming 
proportions and exhibited so uncompromising an attitude that 
Mr. Macdonald sent a message to the Collector who resided 
at some distance from the town, reporting that he would 
endeavour to quiet the mob, but, if necessary, would send for the 
military from the cantonment. Mr. Macdonald then got into 
his palanquin and went to the cutcherry where he found the 
native subordinates assembled and in a great state of alarm. 
An order was at once sent for a detachment, but Macdonald 
was not destined to see its arrival. A letter was brought to 
him from a missionary, Mr. Howel, who lived in the middle 
of the town and who said that he feared an instant attack 
upon his house. Macdonald, in spite of the protestation of 
the cutcherry officials, at once determined to do his best to 
help the missionary. He went into the bazaar accompanied 



CHAP. only by a few peons. A naick and some of the treasury 
XIII. guard sepoys followed him, but it is probable that their pre- 
Criminal sence only served still more to excite the crowd. Macdonald 
Justice, y^^^^ scarcely reached the bazaar before he was attacked and 
cut down. His revenue peons ran away, but the guard tried 
to defend him and shared his fate. The last blow is said to 
have been given by a Pathan butcher ; but after this had been 
dealt, the mob was taken aback. It dissolved as rapidly as it 
had gathered, and in a few minutes the streets were deserted. 
Five of the ring-leaders of this riot were publicly hanged near 
the present town police station. Macdonald was only twenty- 
four years of age at the time of his death, the tragedy of 
which is enhanced by the fact that his young wife only 
survived him twenty-one days, dying, it is said, of a broken 

The episode of Narasimha Reddi's uprising in 1846 has 
been briefly referred to elsewhere." Legends of the most 
fearful atrocities have grown up round his name and that of 
two others, Gaddam Baligadu and Thiti Mallugadu. Of these 
two latter nothing whatever seems to be on record. The 
apocryphal crimes of all three figure in the songs and stories 
recited by a wandering class of beggars who are known as 
Thandava Patagandlu. 

Two crimes of later years, a murder and a dacoity, though 
not of very recent occurrence, are still well remembered, pro- 
bably from having occurred in Cuddapah town. In 1885 on 
Telugu New Year's day about 9 o'clock at night a Komati 
widow by name T. Subbamma, who possessed much pro- 
perty secured in an iron safe in her house, was killed by being 
suffocated. She lived by herself in a house in the middle of 
the chief bazaar street of Cuddapah town. On going outside 
the house previous to retiring for the night, some thieves who 
were hidden in the backyard seized her, carried her inside, 
stuffed a cloth into her mouth to prevent her crying out, and 

^ There is a tomb to the memory of Macdonald and his wife in the cemetery 
near the Sidhout road. An inscription records that it was erected by the civil 
officers of the station " as a tribute of affection and esteem to the joint memory of 
Charles Edward Macdonald Esquire of the Madras Civil Service, aged 24 years, 
a civilian of the fairest promise who, while attempting in the fearless and con- 
scientious discharge of his duty to appease by prompt and persuasive measures the 
fury of a fanatic rabble of Moormen assembled on the 15th June 1832 in the town 
of Cuddapah, was, though completely unarmed, attacked, deserted by all his 
peons and barbarously murdered, and of Agnes his wife, who only survived him 
21 days, having died on the 7th July 1832, broken-hearted, in the 20th year of 
her age." 

* Chapter II, end. 

Administration of justice 173 

tried to find out where the key of the iron safe was. This key CHAP, 
could not be found, and the thieves were unable to open the XIII. 
safe, and so failed to obtain the Rs. 30,000 worth of property Criminal 
for which they had come. The woman, however, was killed Justice. 
by suffocation, and the robbers took all the jewels she had 
on her body valued at Rs. 280. This case was most patiently 
worked out and detected by the Police. At first a bad 
character of Cuddapah town, tempted by the reward of 
Rs. 500 offered by the District Magistrate for the detection 
of the case, came forward and voluntarily, but falsely, con- 
fessed that he and five others had committed the crime. His 
confession, a most deliberate one, led to the arrest of himself 
and of the five persons whom he incriminated. Luckily, 
however, the Police hit upon the right clue in a village near 
Muddanur of Jammalamadugu taluk, as a consequence of 
which five persons were arrested, one was made an approver, 
two were convicted and sentenced to transportation for life, 
and the two others were released. About Rs. 50 worth of the 
property lost was recovered. 

The dacoity referred to took place in 1889. A well- 
organized gang of twenty or thirty dacoits with torches and 
weapons suddenly appeared at the outskirts of Cuddapah town 
and attacked the house of one Makam Chenchayya. Some of 
the party armed with stones and slings prevented any assist- 
ance from reaching the unfortunate victim, while the rest 
broke into his house and carried off property valued at more 
than Rs. 5,500. They inflicted brutal wounds on Makam 
Chenchayya, from which he subsequently died, and ran off 
leaving no clue whatever to their identity. The whole incident 
was reported to have occurred in less than half an hour. 



The Local Boards — Their constitution — The unions — Receipts of 
the boards — Their expenditure. Municipal Government. 

CHAP. XIV. Except in Cuddapah, the only municipality the district 

The Local contains, local self-government is in the hands of the district 

Boards. board and the four Taluk Boards of Cuddapah, Jammala- 

madugu, Rayachoti and Sidhout, the control of the district 

board over the taluk boards being the same as elsewhere. 
The jurisdiction of the taluk boards is in each case conter- 
minous with that of the revenue divisional charge of the same 
name. The taluk board of Jammalamadugu exercises. control 
over the taluks of Jammalamadugu, Proddatur and Kamala- 
puram, that of Rayachoti is concerned with the two taluks of 
Rayachoti and Pulivendla, the Sidhout Board has the three 
eastern taluks to manage, while that of Cuddapah is exclusively 
devoted to the taluk of that name. 
Their Excluding the ex-officio President, who is the District 

constitution. (-Q^^g^^Qj.^ ^he district board consists of thirty-two members, 
half of whom are nominated and half elected, the election 
being by the taluk boards. Prior to July 1909 all members 
were nominated. The taluk boards are now similarly 
constituted, half the members being elected. As in other 
districts the revenue divisional officer is ex-officio president of 
the taluk board in his division. While the vice-president of 
the district board is nominated, a taluk board has the right of 
electing its vice-president, if it needs one. At present there 
are vice-presidents in only two of the taluk boards, namely, 
Cuddapah and Jammalamadugu. 
The unions. The larger towns have been constituted unions, of which 

there are fourteen in the district. They have the usual powers 
of raising taxation within their respective limits, the amounts 
thus realized being expended on works of public utility such 
as sanitation and the improvement of communications. There 
are two unions, Patha Cuddapah and Chennur, controlled 
by the Cuddapah Taluk Board, and six, namely, Sidhout, 
Badvel, Porumamilla, Chitvel, Nandalur and Rajampet by 


that of Sidhout. Rayachoti, Pulivendla and Vempalle are the CHAP. XIV. 
unions attached to the Rayachoti Takik Board, and there are xhe Local 
also three, namely Proddatur, Jammalamadugu and Kamala- Boards. 

puram under the Jammalamadugu board. The income of 

these bodies is chiefly derived from the house-tax, which is 
levied at the maximum permissible rates in eight unions, at 
two-thirds thereof in four, and at half the maximum rates in 
two. The average incidence of the tax amounts to twelve 
annas per house taxed, the rate being lowest in Chitvel and 
highest in Rayachoti. The receipts in each union average 
about Rs. 2,800 annually, of which nearly one-half is spent on 

The incidence of local fund taxation throughout the Receipts of 
district amounts to three annas and one pie per head of the ^^^ boards, 
population. As elsewhere, the chief item among the receipts 
is the land-cess, which is levied at the rate of one anna in 
every rupee of the land assessment and is collected in the 
ordinary manner. Next follows the income derived from the 
sale of the right to collect fees at the various weekly markets. 
There are fourteen of these in the district, of which those at 
Rajampet and Pulivendla are probably the most important. 

The income derived from tolls and ferries constitutes 
another important source of revenue to the boards. The right 
to collect fees at markets is sold annually by the taluk boards, 
and the right to collect tolls by the district board. There are 
seventeen toll-gates and five ferries in the district. Tolls are 
levied at half the maximum rates allowed by law. 

The income^ thus realized is principally devoted to the Their 
improvement of communications and to the upkeep of medical expenditure. 
and educational institutions. Particulars ~ of these have 
already been given. 

Of the early history of the Cuddapah Municipality but :\itxicip\L 
little information is available owing to the destruction of its Govern- 
records by fire in the year 1885. The town was constituted a ment. 
municipality in 1866, the councillors being appointed by 
nomination until the introduction of the Municipal Act of 1885, 
from which date the council has consisted of sixteen members, 
twelve of whom are elected by the rate-payers. The chairman 
of the municipality is elected, and holds office for three or 
two years according as he is or is not a member of the council. 
In point of population Cuddapah ranks but forty-ninth among 
the sixty-one municipalities of the Presidency. According to 

^ For statistics of local funds, receipts and expenditure, see Appeniiix, 
Vol. IL 

*See Chapters VII, IX and X. 




CHAP. XIV. the census of IQII its inhabitants number 17,807 which is less 
MuNciPAL than five hundred in excess of the figure recorded in 1891 and 
only exceeds the population of 1871 by about fifteen hundred. 
Excluding the variable item of grants and contributions 
from Government, the annual revenue realized by the munici- 
pality amounts on the average to about fifty thousand rupees. 
From the accounts ^ of its receipts and expenditure in recent 
years the annual income of the municipality seems to fall 
short of its requirements by about Rs. 4,000, and when excep- 
tional expenditure is to be met, owing, for example, to the 
outbreak of an epidemic of plague or cholera, a much larger 
subsidy is needed. 

The town is provided with excellent water-works, which 
were completed in 1890 at a total cost of rather more than one 
lakh and six thousand rupees. The wells of the town seem to 
be a fruitful source of disease, and the introduction of pipe 
water had a very beneficent effect on the general health. In 
1902 restrictions were placed on the cultivation of paddy 
within municipal limits with the result that malaria was 
rendered less prevalent. In 1912 a medical officer specially 
deputed to enquire into the best means of combating malaria 
visited the municipality, and the closing of all wells was a 
feature of the proposals made by him for still further 
improving the water-supply. The public health is also being 
consulted in the question of providing proper subsoil drainage, 
which has recently engaged the attention of the Public Works 
Department. The hospital at Cuddapah, which was built in 
1872, is under the control of the municipality, but a sum of 
Rs. 3,000 is annually contributed from local funds towards 
its upkeep. 

On the whole the town seems to be in a flourishing condi- 
tion. It is said that the population has recently begun to 
show a marked upward tendency, and new buildings are rising 
rapidly. A town survey of the municipality has never been 
made, and is stated to be greatly needed. The medical and 
educational institutions in charge of the municipality have 
already been referred to.^ 

J See Appendix, Vol. II. ^ See Chapters IX and X. 



CuDDAPAH Taluk — Cuddapah — Chennur — Vallur — Pushpagiri 

Pendlimarri — Chinnadasaripalle — Chintakommadinne— Khaji- 

petasunkesula — Nandimandalam. Jammala.madugu Taluk 

Jammalamadugu — Peddamudiyam — Kodur — Gandikota 

Gandlur — Tallaproddatur — Yetur — Muddanur. Proddatur 
Taluk — Proddatur — Duvvur — Vanipenta — Kamanur — Ranies- 
waram — Korrapad — Settivaripalle — Mudireddipalle — Maidu- 
kuru and Nandyalampet. Kamalapuram Taluk — Kamala- 
puram— Palagiri — Uppalur — Animela — Nidujuvvi — Yerraguntla. 

Pulivendla Taluk — Vempalle — Pulivendla — Parnapalle 

Vemula — Chilakampalle — Balapanur — Yerraballa — Simhadri- 
puram — Peddakudula — Marellamadaka. Rayachoti Taluk — 

Rayachoti — Tsundupalle — Lakkireddipalle — Galivedu 

Nulivedu — Sanipaya — Viraballe— Vangimalla — Gadikota — Matli 

— Chiunamandem. Badvel Taluk — Badvel — Porumamilla 

Sankhavaram — Kalasapad — Kottakota — Munelli — Paluguralla- 
palle. SiDHOUT Taluk — Siddhavattam — Vontimitta — Madha- 
varam — Kuruguntapalle — Kotapad — Obulam — Kondur — 
Yappirala — Gangaperur. Pullampet Taluk — Raiampet — 
PuUampet — Chitvel — Pottapi — Kodur — Settigunta — Nandalur — 
Pedda Orampad — Chinna Orampad — Penagalur — Tangatur. 


The taluk of Cuddapah is situated in the valley of the CHAP. XV 
Penner, mainly to the south of that river and east of the Cuddapah 
Papaghni. The course of the latter from Vempalle to its Taluk. 
junction with the Penner near Kamalapuram forms a natural 
boundary between the Cuddapah and Kamalapuram taluks. 
North of the Penner the Cuddapah taluk embraces the south- 
easternmost corner of the Kunder valley and is separated 
from the Proddatur taluk by an irregular boundary which, 
starting from the Kunder a few miles north of its confluence 
with the Penner, crosses the Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal and 
the Kurnool road a little south of Maidukuru, and extends east- 
wards to the foot of the Lankamalais. This range and that 
of the Palkondas constitute well defined and natural bound- 
aries on the east and south of the taluk. By the recent 
creation of the Kamalapuram taluk that of Cuddapah was 


CHAP. XV. considerably reduced in area. It formerly extended westwards 
CuDDAPAH ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ point on the Muddaniir-Pulivendla road some six 
Taluk. miles south of Muddanur railway station. Its area now is 
509 square miles and it contains a little over a hundred thou- 
sand inhabitants. It lies beyond the limits of the black cotton 
tract which overspreads the western taluks, and the prevailing 
soil is alluvial in origin, loamy and generally fertile. The 
country round Cuddapah and, roughly speaking, extending 
north-westwards through Chennur to the Kunder valley is 
rich land and repays high farming, while the area commanded 
by the Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal in this taluk is admirably 
suited to wet cultivation. The channels from the canal and 
the tanks which it feeds provide the best irrigation in the 
district. The taluk also contains some fair-sized tanks 
unconnected with this system such as those at Utukur and 
Ambavaram ; but these do not afford so sure a supply as the 
river channels from the Papaghni. The Penner though a 
larger river provides less facilities for irrigation in this part of 
its course owing to the steepness of its banks. The taluk is 
well provided with roads which radiate from the headquarters 
of the district, and contains within its limits three railway 
stations, namely, Cuddapah, Kristnapuram and Ganganapalle. 
The following is an account of the few places of interest or 
importance in the taluk. 
Cuddapah. Cuddapah, the headquarters of the district, lies in the angle 
formed by the two branches of the Palkonda hills, one of 
which proceeds northwards and merges into the Lankamalais 
while the other passes due westwards a few miles south of 
the town. It contains a population of 17,807 inhabitants, 
of whom nearly half are Musalmans. All the offices usual 
to a district headquarters are located at Cuddapah except 
those of the Executive Engineer and the Circle Inspector 
of the Salt and Abkari Department. The former officer is 
stationed at Madanapalle and the latter at Sidhout. The town 
was constituted a municipality in the year 1866.^ 

The origin of the name Cuddapah cannot be determined 
with any certainty. It is generally considered to be so called 
on account of its position on the threshold (Gadapa) of the 
pass that leads through the Vontimitta valley to the sacred 
hill of Tirupati. Others derive the word from * Kripa ' signi- 
fying in Sanskrit ' mercy.' In old records, until the l8th 
century, the name of the place was written as Kurpa or 
Kurpah. It is possible that Pata Cuddapah, the original 
village, is identical with Karige or Karipe which occurs in the 
* See Chapter XIV. 


geographical treatise of Ptolemy of Alexandria compiled in CHAP. XV. 
the 2nd century A.D.^ The present town of Cuddapah is Cuddapah 
believed to have been founded in the latter part of the l6th Taluk. 

century. After the battle of Talikota in A.D. 1565 which 

marked the disruption of the Vijayanagar Empire, the country 
was overrun by bands of Musalman adventurers in search of 
new settlements. A Pathan officer in the army of Golconda, 
by name Neiknam Khan, penetrated with a few followers 
into this region and whether on account of its apparent 
fertility or — which is more probable — its strategic possibilities 
he decided to remain. His proposal to found a Musalman 
settlement here was approved by the Sultan of Golconda and 
he was permitted to name it Neiknamabad. The first Nawab 
of Neiknamabad was a relative of the Sultan, and Neiknam 
Khan himself was appointed the Nawab's chief minister. 
But the new settlement showed little signs of thriving. The 
original followers of Neiknam Khan had been few, and others 
who subsequently braved the long journey eastwards brought 
no wealth with them but had rather left their homes with the 
object of repairing their shattered fortunes. For some years 
the new Musalman village remained isolated and resourceless, 
regarded with suspicion and distrust by the neighbouring 
Hindu population. Neiknamabad had been founded about 
a mile and a half south of the ancient Kurpah or Cuddapah 
which at this time was only known on account of its fine 
temple, the gift of a Vijayanagar Emperor. With the Hindus 
of this village the Nawab determined to make friends. In 
this he was successful and, by conceding them full liberty 
to follow their own religious and social customs, he persuaded 
them to settle in Neiknamabad, which from that time forward 
began to grow and prosper. In proof of his good_fairh the 
Nawab allowed the Hindus to erect a temple to Anjaneya- 
swami near his own palace and mosque. Though Neiknama- 
bad grew populous partly at the expense of Cuddapah, the 
latter village still continued to attract numbers of Hindu 
devotees on account of its well-known temple to Sri Venka- 
teswara. From the proximity of Neiknamabad and probably 
also the fact that many families had migrated thither from 
Cuddapah, the name of Cuddapah came to be applied by 
Hindus to the Musalman town also, which — except for its 
one attraction — overshadowed the Hindu village in every 
particular. To the latter in course of time was given the 
distinguishing name of Pata Cuddapah, which still survives. 

' It is so identified in the Madras Manual of the Administration, 1S85, 
Volume I. Geography, page 9. 


CHAP. XV. The Musalman rulers themselves gradually accepted the 
C'JDDAPAH new appellation and Neiknamabad became Cuddapah. 
Taluk. No doubt this is approximately a true account of the early 

history of Cuddapah. Jt contains no Hindu temple of any 

antiquity except the Anjaneya temple already alluded to, 
while the Musalman predominance is proved not only by the 
existence of many old mosques and cemeteries but by the very 
names of the different quarters of the town, among which 
may be mentioned Sayipet, Almospet, Meccapet, Muchimian- 
pet or Muchampet and Nabikot. The Siva temple in Mucham- 
pet was constructed subsequent to the British occupation. 

The early history of the Nawabs of Cuddapah is wrapped 
in obscurity. Their very names are unknown though tradi- 
tion assigns the first Abdul Nabi Khan to some period in 
the 17th century and regards the great Abdul Nabi Khan' 
of the early l8th century as the second of that name. The 
latter, though he never brought the poligars to order, wielded 
a more or less effective authority over the districts of Sidhout, 
Cumbum, Gandikota and Gurramkonda. The two latter were 
strongly fortified places and served as effective outposts of 
his territory. Abdul Nabi was an enlightened ruler as well 
as a good soldier. To him is attributed the construction of 
the Pata Cuddapah tank, for the supply of which he con- 
structed an anicut across the Bugga vanka. This anicut was 
destroyed by dynamite after the floods of 1903,^ and the tank 
is now supplied by a channel from the Kurnool-Cuddapah 
Canal. The Nawab is supposed to have died about the year 
1730. An outlying suburb of the town on the other side of the 
vanka opposite his old palace is called Nabikot, and testifies 
to the honour in which he was held by the people. 

The following story lends colour to the tradition that Abdul 
Nabi was a patron of letters. A young Moulvi of great 
erudition, having heard of the prowess of the Nawab and his 
regard for learning, started out from Golconda to go to Cudda- 
pah to ask the Nawab's daughter in marriage. But by the 
time he came to the end of his long journey it was only to find 
that the Nawab's daughter was already married. The Nawab 
himself was much disappointed and condoled with the young 
man in his misfortune. The latter settled down to a life 
of renunciation and devoted himself to good works. He 
remained a bachelor all his life and by his sanctity attained 
to the dignity of a kablr, dying at Cuddapah in his old age. 
The old Nawab had long since passed away, but his tender- 
hearted daughter on hearing of the death of the Moulvi, who 
* See Chapter II. =» See Chapter VIII, 





had sacrificed all for her, resolved to perpetuate his memory. 
In the centre of the town is a splendid mausoleum which she 
built as a remembrance of the holy man. The building is 
included in the List of Ancient Monuments and conserved 
by Government. The dome, which is very handsome, was 
recently repaired. 

The old fort of the Nawabs with its gateway flanked by 
two towers is still in a good state of preservation. Within it 
are now located the jail, the District Forest offices and, 
temporarily, the Kamalapuram taluk office. 

After the departure of Munro and the bifurcation of the 
Ceded Districts into two Collectorates, Sidhout was for eight 
years the headquarters of the district. It was abandoned 
in favour of Cuddapah in the year 1817. Four years after- 
wards Cuddapah became a cantonment and continued as 
such till 1868. The murder of Mr. Macdonald in 1832 has 
already been referred to.^ 

The municipal water-works were opened in 1890. They 
are situated about four miles to the south of the town. The 
water, which is derived from a number of springs in the 
Bugga vanka, is collected into a deep well from which it is 
pumped by motive power into a large reservoir and conducted 
by pipes to the town. In the hot weather the supply has not 
proved quite adequate to the needs of the municipality, and a 
new and deeper well has consequently been recently con- 
structed. It is recognized as highly important in the interests 
of health that the people of Cuddapah should not be com- 
pelled to resort to the old wells in the town which are mostly 
contaminated and a fruitful source of disease. The pipe 
water is extremely good and much appreciated by the people. 

As a trade centre Cuddapah stands second only to Prodda- 
tur. In a sense it is more important, as it taps a larger area 
within the district. Most of the trade of Badvel, Sidhout, 
Pulivendla and Rayachoti taluks passes through Cuddapah, 
and its situation on the main line to Bombay facilitates the 
export of its more peculiar products, such as melons and 
turmeric, to all parts of India. 

Chennur contains, with its five hamlets, a population of Chennur 
5,254 and is the largest union in the taluk. It is situated 
on the right bank of the Penner seven miles north-west of 
Cuddapah. It is the headquarters of a firka revenue inspector 
and contains two Board elementary schools, one of which 
is reserved for Musalmans, besides a Hindu girls' school 
up to the third standard. The wet lands of the village are 

» See Chapter XIH. 


CHAP. XV. mainly irrigated by channels from the Kurnool-Cuddapah 
CuDD.\PAH Canal and are very valuable. The melons grown in the 
Taluk. bed of the Penner are also a source of much gain to their 
— cultivators. 

The antiquity of Chennur is proved by an inscription on a 
stone in the oldest part of the village, from which we learn 
that in the early part of the l6th century when the Emperor 
Krishnadeva was ruling at Vijayanagar it was the head- 
quarters of an administrative unit consisting of several villages 
and extending as far as Potladurti. This old division of 
Chennur was included in the Gandikota district of the 
Udayagiri province. 

The village contains two choultries, one in the middle of 
the village and the other, of more recent construction, on the 
road from Cuddapah about two hundred yards north of the 
Yellammadevata temple. It has about half a dozen Hindu 
temples, a masjid of some importance and a darga, none of 
which calls for particular notice. 
Vaiiur, Vallur, population 3,113, is situated on the Bellary road 

about ten miles north-west of Cuddapah. It contains large 
areas of channel-irrigated wet land and specializes in the 
cultivation of the variety of paddy called pishdna which is a 
favourite in some parts of the country. The export of this 
product is said to be the main business of a group of wealthy 
merchants residing in this village. 

Many hundreds of years ago Vallur was a place of con- 
siderable political importance. It was the headquarters of 
a province of the Chola kingdom in the I2th century, the 
governor of which rebelled against the Chola king Kulot- 
tunga III and boasted to have levied tribute from him. His 
success was shortlived, as this Chola king subsequently 
reduced all his enemies and became very powerful. In the 
following century Vallur was also chosen by the Kakatlya 
kings of Warangal as their administrative headquarters for 
the government of a large tract of country embracing most of 
the present Cuddapah district. It continued as such till the 
downfall of the Kakatlyas in A.D. 1309, after which it ceased 
to be of any importance. Under the Vijayanagar Empire it 
was presumably included in the Chennur shna. It is said 
that the Emperor Aurangzebe established a Nawab at Vallur 
after the downfall of the King of Golconda in 1687. The 
ruined Musalman stronghold in the village renders this possi- 
ble; but as we find no such rival to the Nawab of Cuddapah 
in the early years of the following century Vallur could not 
have been thus held for many years. 



Pushpagiri is a hamlet of Kotlur, a village situated on the 
Penner about ten miles north-west of Cuddapah. The hamlet 
takes its name from the sacred hill of Pushpagiri, the most 
important religious centre in the district. Vaishnavaites 
sometimes call it Tirumala Madhya Ahobilam from its posi- 
tion midway between Ahobilam in Kurnool and the famous 
Tirupati hill, both places of great sanctity, while Sivaites 
speak of it as Madhya Kailasam as it is situated between 
Varanasi and Chidambaram which are known to devout 
Sivaites respectively as Uttara and Dakshina Kailasam. Two 
fantastic stories are told to account for the name Pushpagiri 
or Hill of Flowers. Some say that a Brahman, desirous of 
mingling the bones of his father in holy Ganges, passed this 
way and, setting down his burden, went to bathe in the 
Penner. On his return from the river he found the bones 
had been converted into jasmine flowers. Content with 
this miracle and assured that his father's soul had gone to 
heaven he resolved to go no further, and cast the flowers 
upon the waters of the Penner. The place where the miracu- 
lous conversion of the bones took place gradually assumed 
the form of a hill, to which the name of Pushpagiri was given 
to mark its wonderful origin. The second story, which my 
informant declares to be more credible, is as follows : An 
old man of the Kapu caste, much worried by his troublesome 
sons who neglected the estate and passed their time in 
quarrelling, found himself obliged to labour in the fields him- 
self and accordingly went forth to plough with a pair of old 
bulls. Having worked for some hours he drove the cattle to 
a large and deep niadiign or pool near by, to give them water. 
To his astonishment the bulls, as soon as they had quenched 
their thirst, were transformed and became young and strong. 
The old farmer wondering at this phenomenon stepped into 
the pool himself and on emerging found himself changed in 
feelings and appearance to a youth of sixteen. His wife 
meanwhile, after upbraiding her sons for sending such an 
old man to work in the fields had taken food in a basket and 
gone out to search for him. She found no signs of him and 
passing near the pool asked the young man if he had seen 
her husband. The youth, recognizing the old woman as his 
wife, revealed his identity and told her the story of the 
transformation of himself and the bulls by the virtue of the 
wonderful pool. The woman would not believe, but scolded 
the young man for deceiving her. He, after bearing with her 
for some time, lost patience and dragged her to the pool and 
made her bathe. In a moment she too was transformed and 





1 84 


CHAP. XV. became youthful like her husband, whom she forthwith 

CuDDAPAH recognized. They then partook of the food she had brought 

Taluk. and returned home in the evening with the young bulls. 

Their sons naturally failed to recognize them, but the truth 

was gradually forced upon them and also became known to 
others, who in their turn bathed in the wonderful pool, 
renewed their youth and became immortal. This state of 
things was discovered by Narada, the wanderer in the three 
worlds, who went and reported to Brahma in Satyaloka that 
his mandates of destiny had become null and void by reason 
of a pool in the world which contained amruta or nectar and 
rendered men immortal. Brahma marvelled how a pool in 
the world could contain nectar which had been hidden 
even from the Rakshasas; but on enquiry he learned from 
Narada that it was indeed a fact, as Garuda when taking 
nectar from Devaloka to relieve the sufferings of his mother 
had been attacked by the god Indra with his diamond 
sword and let fall a drop into this very pool. Being at a 
loss how to remedy the matter Braiima invoked the aid of 
Mahavishnu. The latter forthwith ordered Anjaneya to drop 
a hill into the pool and cover it up. This mandate was 
obeyed but the hill instead of sinking into the water 
floated on the surface like a flower. Then the gods all 
joined together and weighed it down while Vishnu and 
Rudra clamped it firmly by the imprint of their feet at 
each end, which are now represented by two temples. 
That the two temples are on the same side of the hill and 
not at either end is explained by the fact that one of them 
must have been subsequently removed from its original 

Of the several temples on the Pushpagiri hill overlooking 
the river the greatest is the temple of Chennakeswaraswami 
with its lofty five-storied gopiiram. The front entrance is 
approached by a flight of steps from the Penner corresponding 
to a similar flight on the opposite or right bank of the river 
which leads from the village. At the time of the more 
important festivals the local authorities and the police make 
suitable arrangements for their satisfactory celebration and 
the control of the crowds that assemble. The great brahm- 
otsavam takes place about the middle of April, with a grand 
elephant procession and car festival, and attracts about 50,000 

At Adinimmayapalle, about a mile above Pushpagiri, the 
Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal crosses the Penner by an aqueduct 


near which is a travellers' bungalow belonging to the Public cHAP XV 

Works Department. Cuddapah 

Pcndlimarri is a thriving village, about fourteen miles Taluk. 

south-west of Cuddapah, on the road to Vempalle. It has a ,, ,T • 

, . - . ,. Pendhmarn. 

population of 1,419 and contams a police station and a 
travellers' bungalow. The latter is pleasantly situated in a 
tope by the roadside a little east of the village. Pendlimarri 
is the headquarters of a firka revenue inspector. The name is 
a composition of the Telugu words pendli, marriage, and marri, 
a banyan tree, and a story has been invented to account for 
its origin, but there is no large banyan tree near the village 
at the present day. Some houses on the western side of the 
village are enclosed in a ruined fort, the date of the construc- 
tion of which is not ascertainable. The proximity of the 
village to Cuddapah renders it unlikely that it was ever the 
seat of a poligar, as even the weakest of the Nawabs of 
Cuddapah were probably able to maintain their authority 
unquestioned within a radius of twenty miles of their head- 
quarters. The fort is also within the village, while poligars' 
forts were generally built at a little distance from the village- 
sites. That Pendlimarri is of great antiquity is proved by an 
inscription in a temple of a neighbouring village from which 
we find that a certain Kathari Mangayya was ruling " Pendli- 
marri and Tummaliir" in the year S.S. 1292 (A.D, 1370) 
during the reign of the Vijayanagar Emperor Bukka I. 

The village contains a temple of Virabhadraswami, in 
which religious service is conducted once a week. The piijdri 
is a goldsmith. 

Chinnadasaripallc is situated about two miles south-west chinna- 
of Pendlimarri. It is quite a small village, but contains a fine dasaripaiic 
temple of Lakshmi Narasimhaswami picturesquely situated 
in "the valley of a thousand wells," Ont(tula (a corruption of 
veyyinutnla) kona. Like other beauty spots in the Palkonda 
hills, blessed with perennial springs of water in a thirsty 
land, this kona is regarded as a place of great sanctity, and 
the annual festival in May attracts large crowds to the temple. 
This is about a mile and a half south of the village and 
formerly the only way to it lay along the bed of the hill 
stream which rises at the " thousand wells." Subsequently a 
cobble-stone cart-track was constructed by a devotee of the 
temple, so that carts can now be taken as far as its very 
entrance. About a hundred yards from the temple, towards 
tne hills, are three stones bearing inscriptions, one of which is 
undecipherable. Of the others one is that already referred to 
above which refers to the ruler of Pendlimarri and Tummaliir 


CHAP. XV. in the reign of Bukka I. The other records the remission of 
Cud D.A.PAH taxes on weavers' looms in the reign of the Emperor Achyuta. 
Taluk. The date is illegible, but from the mention of the Emperor's 
name it must fall between A.D. 1530 and 1544. 
|-*^i°^^- . Chintakommadinne is situated some six miles south of 

Cuddapah and about a mile west of the road from Cuddapah 
to Rayachoti. Inclusive of its seven hamlets, it has a popula- 
tion of 3,017 inhabitants and thus deserves notice on account 
of its size though possessing no feature of peculiar interest. 
It contains a tank with a waterspread of more than three hun- 
dred acres which, for Cuddapah taluk, is fairly large. An in- 
scription near the bund of the tank records the grant of some 
lands to Reddis, Karnams, Kapus and Kammas foi having 
repaired and strengthened the bund in S.S. 1669, i.e., A.D. 1747- 
It may be mentioned here that in this village as in others 
in the neighbourhood of Cuddapah (where the practice also 
prevails) white butter is used instead of ghee and is retailed 
by weight instead of by measure, being sold at so much per 
seer of twenty-four tolas. 

An inscription in the temple of Janardanaswami records 
that in S.S. 1478 or A.D. 1556 in the time of the Vijayanagar 
Emperor Sadasiva tv/o fields, one wet and the other dry, were 
gifted to the temple by one Yellappa Nayaningadu for the 
performance of religious services. 
Khajipcta- Khajipetasunkcsula, population 2,228, is a village about 

sunkesuia. fQ^j- niiles due north of Pushpagiri and some twelve miles north- 
west of Cuddapah. It contains a police station, two Board 
elementary schools — one for Musalmans — and a branch 
post office. Sunkesuia is a common name of villages in this 
part of the country and the prefix Khajipet is employed to 
distinguish this village from other Sunkesulas. The village 
of Khajipet is said to have been built by one Meera Khan, a 
captain in the army of one of the Nawabs of Cuddapah. 

No account of Khajipetasunkcsula, however brief, would 
be complete without some mention of Duggi Reddi Venkata 
Reddi, headman of the village from 1870 to 1904. His term of 
office was marked by exceptional efficiency and the utmost 
devotion to duty. In the early years of his life, before the 
great famine, he already gave such proof of his ability that 
a Tahsildar of Cuddapah wanted him to be made a revenue 
inspector. For having superintended the construction of a 
road from Khajipet to Kamalapuram during the great famine 
he was rewarded with a gold bangle on which is an inscription 
to the effect that it was presented to him by Government " as 
a reward for conspicuous energy and devotion to duty in 


connection with the execution of relief works during the famine CHAP. XV'. 
of 1877." His whole-hearted co-operation with Mr. MacCartic Clddapah 
in his successful introduction of prickly-pear as cattle fodder' Taluk. 
in 1877 was also commended by Government. Later on he 
was given a silver ring as a reward for promoting vaccination. 
Throughout his term of office he was frequently employed in 
assisting less efficient village officers to collect outstanding 
balances. He was a taluk board member from 1886 to 1903 
and in the latter year was elected a member of the District 
Board. As remarkable as his long and faithful service to 
Government was his devotion to public charities, in recognition 
of which he was in 1903 granted a certificate by the Viceroy 
in the name of His Majesty the King-Emperor. 

Nandimandalam is a large village situated on the right bank Nandi- 
of the Papaghni about six miles north-east of Vempalle, at "■'*"''^'^'"- 
the trijunction of the three taluks of Pulivendla, Kamalapuram 
and Cuddapah. The village is said to have been an important 
place many years ago and inhabited chiefly by Chandravamsa 
Razus. People of the Razu caste calling themselves Nandi- 
mandalam Razulu are found in various parts of this and the 
adjoining districts, but the circumstances of their dispersal 
are not known. It is said that they suffered a crushing defeat 
at the hands of Musalmans who took their territory, and that 
their womenfolk, whom they had left in the village when they 
went out to battle, hearing of their defeat, joined together and 
made a pit of fire into which they threw themselves to escape 
the consequences of capture b}'^ the Musalmans. 

An enclave in the Palkonda hills to the south of the village, 
approached by a narrow winding gorge, contains some peren- 
nial springs, which as usual are regarded as sacred, ami a 
temple to Chennakesavaswami. The god is also called Kona 
Chennarayaswami on account of the locality. 


This taluk occupies the north-western corner of the district. Jammala- 
On three sides its boundaries are artificial, while on the south m^^dcgi- 
it is separated from Pulivendla taluk by the BhanukOta ami 
Mallyala hills which mark the first uprising of the Erramala 
range from the western boundary of Kamalapuram taluk to 
where it abuts on the Chitravati river. Proddatur and Kamala- 
puram taluks adjoin it on the east, while on the north and west 
are respectively the Koilkuntla taluk of Kurnool and the Tfui- 
patri taluk of Anantapur district. The Cuddapah, Anantapur 
and Kurnool districts meet on the Gandikota hills v^'hich start 

1 See Chapter VIII. 








a few miles west of Proddatur and traverse Jamnialamadugu 
taluk in a north-westerly direction to the Kurnool frontier. 
The Penner river enters the taluk near Kodur in the west and 
skirts the southern flank of the Gandikota hills as far as 
Gandlur where the Chitravati joins it from the south. Thence 
the stream turns slightly north and forces its way by a wind- 
ing narrow gorge through the Gandikota hills. A few miles 
further down it takes a sharp curve near Jammalamadugu and 
proceeds south-eastwards across the black cotton plain into 
Proddatur taluk. 

The entire taluk lies within the black cotton tract. The 
purest stretch of this soil lies north of the Penner and attains 
its highest development north and east of Jammalamadugu 
towards the adjacent taluk of Proddatur, where it attains a 
depth of twenty feet or more. The cotton soils in the south- 
west of the taluk adjoining the Tadpatri plain are not much 
inferior to those north of the Penner, but show a fair general 
average of fertility rather than any marked superiority. 
Owing to the nature of this tract there is less irrigation in 
Jammalamadugu than in any other taluk of the district, but 
such as it has is mainly afforded by excellent river channels 
from the Chitravati and Penner. There are but few-tanks. 

The area of the taluk is609 square miles and its population 
106,350. It contains but one town. 

Jammalamadugu, the second largest in the district, with a 
population of 16,099. This, the headquarters of the taluk 
and of the Divisional Officer, is situated in a central position on 
the north bank of the Penner, twelve miles from Muddanur 
railway station. The town is compactly built round the fort 
which commands the river. Since the redistribution of dis- 
tricts in 191 1 it has been the headquarters of the Assistant 
Superintendent of Police. An Inspector of the Salt and 
Abkari Department is also to be stationed here shortly, in 
charge of the recently sanctioned circle. The town was 
constituted a union in 1886 and contains, besides the Union 
office, a Sub-Registrar's office, a police station, a combined 
post and telegraph office, travellers' bungalow and local fund 
market. It is the headquarters of the London Mission Society 
in this district, whose substantial stone bungalows in their 
extensive compounds to the north of the town have added 
much to its appearance. The Local Fund dispensary was 
closed some years ago, as the London Mission hospital 
supplies all the medical needs of the neighbourhood. The 
principal trade of the town is in cotton. Weaving of a 
more ambitious character than usual is carried on by families 


of Mahratta extraction. In addition to turbans which arc chap. XV 

chiefly exported to the Bombay Presidency there is also a con- Jammala- 

siderable manufacture of coloured table-cloths, curtains and madugu 

similar articles, which are dyed by Rangarazus and block- Taluk. 

stamped with patterns of animals and birds. The largest 

temple in the place, dedicated to Venkateswaraswami, lies 

about half a mile to the south-west of the town literally in 

a sand heap on the banks of the Penner. In the Musalman 

cemetery — also on the bank of the river — is the grave of the 

first and last Nawab of Jammalamiidugu, Abdul Syed Khan, 

to whom the town and the surrounding territory were granted 

as a jaghir by Tipu. Legend relates that the Nawab declined 

to allow his last resting place to be covered even with the 

slab of stone which is shown close by, and the simple earthen 

mound is in striking contrast to the large and ornate tomb of 

his wife not far distant. A descendant of the Nawab still 

receives an allowance from Government for the upkeep of 

the mosque. 

Pcddamudiyam, a village on the left bank of the Kunder I'edtlanui.ii- 
about 12 miles north of Jammalamadugu. To the west of the -^^"'" 
village there is an extensive pddit or old village-site on which 
is situated a group of ancient temples. The central one is 
dedicated to MukkantTsvara or the three-eyed Siva. To the 
left of this is a temple of Naraslmhaswami in whose honour a 
new image has been set up by the piety of a Reddi of the 
village. A small shrine at the north-west corner of the site 
shelters the village goddess Mademma, while in the north- 
west corner there is an old Vishnu temple falling into ruins. 
The chief interest attaching to the place lies in the fact that 
it seems to have been the birth-place of Vishnuvard-hana 
who founded the Chalukyan Empire. The arguments in 
favour of this view are ably set forth by Mr. J. Ramayya 
Pantulu in a note, printed in the Report of the Archaeological 
Survey for 1904-05, which is unfortunately too long to give 
in extetiso. The story of Vishnuvardhana's birth may be 
given in Mr. Ramayya's own words: "According to the 
Chelliir plates of Vlrachoda among others (South Indian 
Inscriptions, Vol. I, 49), Vijayaditya, a prince of the lunar race 
and the 67th in the direct line of descent from Arjuna, left his 
ancestral home at Ayodhya and went to the southern country 
(Dakshinapatha) in quest of territory. He fought with the 
Pallava king Mukkanti alias Trilochana and was killed. His 
queen who was pregnant escaped with the purohits and 
ministers and took shelter under a pious Brahman named 
Vishnubatta Somayajin in the Agrahara of Mudivemu. The 








Brahman treated the tiueen as his own daughter and when she 
gave birth to a son, he named him Vishnuvardhana. When 
the prince grew up he learnt from his mother the history of his 
family and, resolving to accomplish what his father had failed 
in, he proceeded to the Chalukya hill and made penance to 
the satisfaction of the gods, by whose grace he collected a 
large army and conquered the Kadambas, the Gangas, etc., 
and ruled the country from the Narbuda to the bridge of 
Rama." Mr. Ramayya's argument is based on the fact that 
an old Canarese inscription of the Mukkantlsvara temple gives 
the name of the village as Mudivemu and describes it as an 
agraharam of pious Brahmans who are referred to as " a 
lotus tank to the birth of the sun- that was king Vishnu- 
vardhana." That the Pallavas ruled over this part of the 
country can scarcely be doubted as their inscriptions have 
been found as far as Bellary. 

Whatever truth lies concealed in the story of Vishnu- 
vardhana's birth, of the immense antiquity of the place there 
can be no doubt. Over the whole of the village-site is a 
thick deposit of debris wherein a large number of interesting 
finds were made. Earliest of all come celts and implements 
of monolithic times to connect the place with the aboriginal 
inhabitants of South India, while Buddhist coins of the 
Andhra dynasty, archaic sculptures, ancient implements and 
ornaments show that so far back as South Indian history can 
be traced Peddamudiyam was a centre of civilized life. Its 
inscriptions give the connecting lines through Pallavas, 
Chalukyans and Cholas down to the Vijayanagar kings, and 
further discoveries in this region may help to lift yet higher 
the curtain that still shrouds so much of the period between 
the fables of the Ramayana and the foundation of Vijaya- 

Kodur, population 2,020, is situated in the extreme west of 
the taluk, about a mile north of the Penner. The limits of the 
village extend about seven miles northwards into the Erra- 
malas and up to the Kurnool frontier. Half-way across the 
hills about five miles north-east of Kodur is a hamlet called 
Dabbudapalle situated on a plateau which at an altitude of 
about a hundred and fifty feet above the plain extends along 
the centre of the range from the vicinity of the Gandikota 
gorge north-westwards to the trijunction of the Cuddapah, 
Anantapur and Kurnool districts. Near this hamlet is a 
strongly built stone fort, which appears to have been an out- 
post of the Gandikota stronghold during the time of the 
Cuddapah Nawabs. 


As in other " dry " villages of this taluk the principal crops CHAl'. XV, 
grown are cholam, groundnut and cotton. The ryots them- Jammala- 
selves convey their cotton to Tadpatri, vi'hich is only seven madugu 
miles distant, and sell it in the mills. Ialuk. 

In the temple of Chennakesavaswami to the north of the 
village there are three stone inscriptions recording grants to 
the temple during the reign of the Vijayanagar Emperor Sada- 
siva. One of them mentions a certain Yenugula Papa Nayudu 
as a minister of Ramaraju, the great Hemraj of Muhammatian 
historians, who was defeated at the battle of Talikota in A.D. 
1565. It is interesting to note that there is still a family of 
this name — Yenugula — residing in Dabbudapalle, the hamlet 
above referred to. 

Gandikota is a village of less than a thousand inhabitants, t'^^ndikoia. 
situated on a hill about five miles west of Jammalamadugu. 
The name is comprised of two Telugu words, gaudi, a gorge, 
and kota, a fort ; and in these lie all the interest and import- 
ance that the place possesses. It is perhaps the most striking 
spot in the district. The gorge where the Penner has cut its 
way through sheer rugged cliffs of bedded sandstone some 
two or three hundred feet high is four miles long, and the 
height overlooking the river on the south bank is crowned by 
extensive fortifications, which, even apart from their historical 
associations, are well worthy of a visit. 

The following is the purport, omitting irrelevancies, of the 
sthala piirdtia relating to the foundation of the village and its 
fortification, as well as the building of the temple of Madhava- 
swami. In the 1213th year of the era of Salivahana there 
lived a certain king called Kaka Maharaju in Bommanapalle, 
a village close by Yerrakonda, about two miles to the east of 
the Penner. The site of Gandikota was discovered b}^ this 
king during a hunting expedition and, being struck with the 
place, he made enquiries and, finding it was sacred, took 
counsel with learned men who advised him to found a village 
which would flourish. He accordingly founded the village 
and fortified the hill which afterwards came to be known as 
Gandikota. In the 1297th year of the Salivahana era, con- 
tinues the record, Harihara Bukkarayalu reigned in Vijaya- 
nagar. His reign was very prosperous. He visited Benares 
anci brought water from the holy Ganges, and on his way back 
he found the images of fom^ gods buried in the sand of the 
Godavari river. These he was miraculously instructed to 
instal in newly-built temples. On his return to his capital 
the king built two temples for two of the gods at Gooty and 
Sashagmndipuram (Pamidi). Then he came to Gandikota 






and saw the fort. While he was out hunting, the god 
Madhavaswami appeared and told him that as the place was 
sacred and contained many holy streams he ought to build a 
temple there. The king accordingly did so. 

The point of most interest in the above account is the 
name of the king, Kaka Maharaju, who is said to have built 
the fort, and the date of its construction, which corresponds 
to A.D. 1290. We know from recently discovered inscriptions 
that in the latter part of the 13th century the Kakatlya kings 
of Warangal held sway over the greater part of Cuddapah 
district, ruling the province from Vallur.^ It seems to be a 
legitimate conclusion that the Kaka Maharaju of the sthala 
purdna was either the Kakatlya king himself, that is, Amba- 
deva the usurper or his successor Prataparudra, or possibly 
his viceroy ruling at Vallur. That the account should omit 
all reference to the eventful period between the building of 
the fort by Kaka Maharaju and the building of the temple by 
" Harihara Bukkarayalu " is in no way remarkable, for it was 
a time of great political disturbance. In A.D. 1309 the Deccan 
was invaded by the Muhammadans, the Kakatlya dynasty 
was overthrown, and it was not till A.D. 1344 that the Hindu 
confederation drove back the invaders and established 
the kingdom of Vijayanagar. The sthala purdna regards 
" Harihara Bukkarayalu " as the name of one man. Harihara 
and Bukka were in reality the two brothers,- refugees from 
Warangal, who engineered the Hindu confederation and 
subsequently founded the Vijayanagar Empire. Bukka I 
reigned from A.D. 1352 to 1376, and S.S. 1297, mentioned in 
the sthala purdna, corresponds to the year A.D. 1375. During 
the Vijayanagar ascendancy Gandikota s'nna was a district 
embracing the present taluks of Pulivendla, Proddatur, 
Kamalapuram and Cuddapah, and possibly a part of Kurnool 
district. It was subordinate to the Udayagiri province, the 
Governor of which was generally a near relative of the 
reigning emperor. 

The sthala purdna contains two other dates. It is related 
that Harihara Bukkaraju who succeeded Kaka Maharaju was 
himself succeeded by Krishnarayalu in S.S. 1421. Krishna- 
raya was the most famous emperor after Bukka I, but more 
than a century elapsed between their reigns. The date of 
his accession was really S.S. 1431, corresponding to A.D. 1509 
or ten years later than the date given in the sthala purdna, 
which may be due to a clerical error. The last date given in 

1 See Chapter II, 
■■* According to Sewell 

"A forgotten Empire. 


5 93 

the record is S.S. 1523 or A.D. 1601, when it is said 
Krishnaraya was followed by one Thimma Nayudu. In the 
latter's time the fort fell into the hands of the Muhammadans. 
By Thimma Nayudu may be meant Timmala, the brother and 
successor of Ramaraja, who conserved part of the empire 
after the battle of Talikota and ruled from Penukonda. But 
if the date is correct Thimma Nayudu cannot be the Emperor 
Timmala, nor is it likely on general grounds that the 
emperor would be styled Nayudu without the usual royal 
titles. It seems more probable that a local officer of the 
Vijayanagar empire made himself master of Gandikota after 
the downfall of the Emperor at Talikota and maintained 
his independence for several years till the forces of Golconda 
turned their attention to this part of the country after dis- 
lodging the Hindus from Penukonda towards the end of the 
l6th century. 

The king of Golconda was not slow to recognize the 
strategical importance of Gandikota, and it became the 
headquarters of a Nawab. The name of the first Nawab is 
said to have been Meer Jumla. His name is held in the 
utmost abhorrence on account of his intolerance of the Hindu 
religion and his desecration of the temples, the materials of 
which he used for the construction of the Jumma Masjid. He 
is said to have killed the hundred cows belonging to the 
Madhavaswami temple. He greatly strengthened the fortifi- 
cations and is supposed to have been recalled by the king of 
Golconda on account of having boasted when rebuilding a 
part of the dilapidated fort that the king would never enter 
it without his permission. The State granary within the 
fortifications— now used as a travellers' bungalow — was built 
by Meer Jumla or one of his successors, the names of six of 
whom are on record, though nothing is known of them. 

Early in the l8th century Abdul Nabi Khan, the greatest 
of the Cuddapah Nawabs, extended his authority over this 
part of the district, and Gandikota became an important 
outpost of his territories. It was here that his grandson,^ 
whose name was also Abdul Nabi, sent his family for 
security after his defeat by the Mahrattas in 1740. The fort 
presumably fell into the hands of Haidar Ali or Tipu Sultan 
after the defeat and deportation of the last Nawab of Cudda- 
pah in 1780. The fortifications were, it is said, still mounted 
with cannon and contained ammunition at the time of the 
cession to the East India Company. Some cannon balls are 
preserved in the Jammalamadugu taluk office to this day. 

' The relaiionship is doubtful, see Chapter 11. 











Within the fort are several wells, strongly revetted and 
provided with stone steps, and a koneni known as Rayalcheruvu 
the springs of which are perennial. These provide irrigation 
for the numerous lime and plantain gardens which are a 
feature of the place. 

Gandlur, population 1,075, is situated on the Madras-Bellary 
road about half a mile south of the confluence of the Penner 
and Chitravati. The nearest railway station is Kondapuram, 
two miles to the south-west. There was formerly a police 
station here, but it was recently removed to Tallaproddatur. 
In the great storm of May 1851 the floods caused much damage 
to Gandlur, but it is said no lives were lost. Such was not 
the case with Chautapalle on the other bank of the river, 
which was completely washed away, nearly all its inhabitants 
being drowned. Evidence of previous floods is afforded by 
the existence of a ruined temple between Gandlur and the 
river, which is almost completely buried in sand. 

Close to the confluence, on the north bank of the river, 
are the ruins of a temple of Sangameswaraswami. It is 
said to have been destroyed by the Muhammadans who 
built near its site the village of Nekunampet which was 
granted, and is still held, for the upkeep of the masjid at 

About three miles south of Gandlur there is a wooded 
hollow in the Erramalas containing a picturesque waterfall 
and perennial springs. The place is called Guriginjakona. 
The inhabitants of the adjacent hamlet of Kottalapalle have 
taken advantage of the excellent soil and water-supply to 
plant gardens of lime trees, plantains, mangoes and turmeric, 
the produce of which finds a ready market at Jammala- 
madugu and the weekly fairs at Yetur and Simhadripuram. 
Like similar spots, Guriginjakona is sacred and contains an 
ancient temple of Venkateswaraswami, opposite to which is 
an exceptionally large banyan tree. Near Gandlur is a forest 
tope of about thirty- eight acres in extent, containing mango 
and tamarind trees. The produce is annually sold by auction. 
The Forest Department maintains a watcher to look after 
this tope and the one at Obannapet near Kondapuram 
railway station. 

Tallaproddatur is a thriving village situated on the south 
bank of the Penner about eighteen miles west of Jammala- 
madugu. It lies close to the Bellary road and about two miles 
north of Regadipalle, the nearest railway station. In the last 
twenty years its population, which is now 1,675, has increased 
by 30 per cent. The village contains a police station and a 



local fund choultry. A mango tope on the river bank 
provides a good camping ground. 

Tallaproddatur contains about a hundred handlooms, and 
is a weaving centre of some importance. The workers, who 
are mostly Padma Sales, Thogatas and a few Musalmans 
are, like the weavers of many other villages in the west of 
this taluk, employed by Tadpatri merchants who supply them 
with yarn and pay them piece-work wages. The better 
kinds of cloths woven in this and neighbouring villages are 
said to be exported to Hubli, Dharwar, Gulburga and other 
distant places. 

Near the village to the west are two Musalman tombs 
concerning which a queer story is told. One of these tombs 
is dedicated to a certain Caliph and the other to his rat. It is 
said that the Caliph used to pass all his time in a masjid near 
his house saying prayers. The rat used to supply him with 
provisions every day. It happened once that the Caliph's rat 
went to a Musalman's house and devoured some food that had 
been prepared for him. The Musalman in a rage struck at 
the rat with a stick and killed it. Alarmed at what he had 
done and fearing the wrath of the Caliph, he went to the 
Caliph and told him what had happened, showing him the 
corpse of his beloved rat. The Caliph was so horrified at the 
sight that he immediately expired. The heinousness of his 
sin so weighed on the Musalman's mind that he erected two 
tombs side by side, one to the Caliph and the other to his rat. 
The tombs are still maintained by the Musalman's descend- 
ants who live close by. 

Yctur, population 1,379, is situated in the south-west of 
the taluk, on the left bank of the Chitravati, about twenty 
miles from Jammalamadugu. The railway stations of Regadi- 
palle and Kondapuram lie two miles north and three miles 
east of the village respectively. Yetur was the seat of one of 
the older poligars who date from the time of the Vijayanagar 
Empire. An inscription on a stone step in front of the 
Chennakesavaswami temple records that the poligar Kon- 
dayya granted some lands to the temple and dug a channel 
from the Chitravati for their irrigation. The poligar's full 
name was Padigala Konda Reddi, of a family of Kodide 
Kapus. The date of the grant is not given, but from the 
mention of Gandikota Rajas it must be assigned to a period 
prior to the Musalman conquest. In the l8th century the 
poligars paid peshkash to the Nawabs of Cuddapah. When 
the country was ceded to the British, the poligar of Yetur, 
though not very powerful, was one of the most recalcitrant. 














His poliem was accordingly forcibly resumed by Munro, and 
he was not even granted a pension. The ruined fort of the 
poligars lies to the south of the village on the brink of the 
river. The village contains no irrigation sources except the 
river channel mentioned above. The cotton grown here is 
taken by the ryots themselves to Tadpatri and sold in the 
mills. It is done up in bags weighing fifteen maunds each. 
This weight of cotton is locally called a kantlam. 

The worship of the god Narasimhaswami by Musalmans, a 
curious feature of this village, has been referred to elsewhere.' 

Muddanur, population 1,586, lies about twelve miles south 
of Jammalamadugu and twenty-three miles north of Puli- 
vendla. It contains a police station and a branch post office. 
The metalled road from Kadiri and Pulivendla to Jammala- 
madugu crosses the railway line near Muddanur railway 
station. The village has therefore attained some importance 
on account of the trade that passes through it from the taluks 
of Jammalamadugu and Pulivendla. Most of the groundnut 
crop of these taluks is exported by way of Muddanur to 
Madras and Pondicherry, and to meet the increased output 
two husking mills have recently been established here. 


The taluk of Proddatur occupies a central position on the 
northern frontier of the district, abutting on the Sirvel taluk 
of Kurnool. On the west it is separated from Jammala- 
madugu taluk by an artificial line terminating at the Penner, 
whence the river in its course south-eastwards marks it off 
from the Kamalapuram taluk till within a few miles of its 
confluence with the Kunder. In the latter stream the three 
taluks of Proddatur, Kamalapuram and Cuddapah meet at a 
point about four miles north of the confluence, whence the 
boundary between Proddatur and Cuddapah follows an 
arbitrary line eastwards to the Nallamalais. This range of 
hills constitutes the eastern boundary of Proddatur taluk, 
separating it from that of Badvel. 

The taluk contains a rich tract of pure black cotton soil 
which overlaps from Jammalamadugu taluk eastwards as far 
as the road from Proddatur to the Kurnool frontier. To the 
east and south of this the soils become lighter in texture 
owing to the action of the rivers ; but the transition is gradual, 
and several villages in the north of the taluk commanded by 
the Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal contain heavy soils which do 
not respond well to irrigation. Southwards the soils are more 

^ See Chapter III. 


friable and better suited to tlie cultivation of wet crops. At CHAP. XV. 
the foot of tlie Nallamalai liills they are red and often sandy. Prodda- 

The canal system, including the Chapad and Maidukuru tur 
projects, supplies this taluk with the best irrigation in the Taluk. 
district, both by channels and channel-fed tanks. There are 
also some river channels from the Penner. 

The area of Proddatur taluk is 430 square miles. It has 
a population of 96,359 and contains seventy-nine villages and 
one town. The latter is — 

Proddatur, population 15,756. This, the taluk head- Proddatur. 
quarters, is situated on the north bank of the Penner eight 
miles from Yerraguntla railway station. It contains the usual 
offices and is also the headquarters of a District Munsif and 
a Sub-Registrar. It possesses a combined post and tele- 
graph office, a police station and a local fund dispensary. 
There is a Board lower secondary school as well as the 
national High school which was recently acquired by the 
Theosophical Society. 

Proddatur is certainly the wealthiest town in the Cudda- 
pah district and possibly in the Ceded Districts. In its press- 
ing and ginning factories large quantities of raw cotton are 
prepared for the market by power-driven machinery. The 
trade of the town, the bulk of which is concerned wath cotton, 
indigo and food-grains, is chiefly in the hands of the rich 
Komati community which is here very largely represented. 
Evidence of their prosperity is seen in their substantial stone- 
built houses and the jewellers' shops with which the place 
abounds. The town has a very busy bazaar and a local fund 
market where country produce is brought in and sold every 
day. The Government offices lie to the north of the town, 
and the cluster of houses near them, which are inhabited 
chiefly by officials and vakils is known as Holmespet after 
a former Sub-Collector of that name. This again is divided 
from the main bazaar by the reservoir from which the town 
gets its water-supply. This is fed by a channel from the 
Penner. On two sides of it the Union authorities have 
rows of lifts working by pulleys to ensure the water-supply 
against contamination ; but these are not generally used, as 
the people prefer to risk disease and fill their vessels by 
descending into the water by the steps on the other sides. 
Adjoining the reservoir is a small park opened in 1903 in 
honour of the coronation of the King-Emperor Edward VII. 

Of the four large temples in the town the only one 
possessing any special interest is that of the goddess Kanya- 
kamma in the main bazaar, which was recently erected by 







the Komati community at a cost of a lakh of rupees. The 
front is most elaborately carved and is an excellent specimen 
of modern work. The carving is very good of its kind and 
some of it is very spirited. The god Subramania riding a 
yah in puttees and boots adds a touch of modernity. These 
carvings are the vi^ork of the famous sculptors of Gumpra- 

In the decade ending v^ith the year 1901 the population of 
Proddatur more than doubled itself. Since then the increase 
has been steady, though not remarkable. The town was 
constituted a union in 1886. Its importance and increasing 
wealth have led to proposals in recent years to convert it into 
a municipality. The Komatis have made it a very important 
centre of trade and, though Cuddapah may attract more of 
the raw products of this district on account of its railway 
station, Proddatur is the market for much of the Kurnool and 
Anantapur districts, while the wealth of the leading traders 
renders possible transactions of a magnitude unequalled in 
this part of the Deccan. 

Some years ago a scheme was formulated to connect 
Proddatur with the railway system by means of a branch 
line from Yerragudipad, and it is believed that this will 
shortly materialize. 

Duvvur, population 2,555, lies ten miles north-east of 
Proddatur on the high road from Cuddapah to Kurnool, a little 
to the west of the Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal. It contains a 
branch post office, a police station and a good travellers' 
bungalow on the bank of the canal, once the residence of an 
Assistant Engineer. In former days it was a place of consi- 
derable importance. A gap in the low ridge of hills due 
e;ist of the town afforded facilities for the construction of a 
fine tank, and the existence of several natural springs gave 
that combination of pure water and cool shade which formed 
a suitable retreat for Hindu priests and saints and the 
favourite site of their temples. Some of these temples are now 
in ruins and those that are still maintained are small and of no 
architectural merit, but they are evidently of ancient origin. 
An inscription in the temple of Kothandaramaswami record- 
ing a private gift to the temple is dated S.S. 1531 (A.D. 1609). 

In the 17th century Duvvur acquired political importance 
and became the headquarters of one of the districts subject 
to the Cuddapah Nawabs, when a large fort was built, 
surrounded by a fine moat the bed of which is now dry and 
converted into paddy fields. It was against this position 

1 Referred to above, see Chapter VI. 


that Haidar Ali advanced in 1779 when he attacked the CHAP. XV, 
Cuddapah Nawab. The Nawab's Pathan cavalry were Prodda- 
defeated in an engag:ement on the banks of the Kunder a few tlr 

miles to the west and driven into the town which they surren- ' 

dered at discretion. A couple of old cannon of the period 
may still be seen lying at the south-west corner of the moat. 

Even after the country was ceded to the British Duvvur 
continued to be the headquarters of a " district " as taluks 
were then called. On the left side of the road as one passes 
through the old town there is an interesting memorial of 
Munro's great survey. Two slabs of stone are set upright at 
a distance of II yards from each other and on the larger is a 
Telugu inscription stating that they represent the standard 
chain of the paimash. Literally translated it runs as follows : 
" The Company Sircar's paimash, fasli I2II, the year 
Durmati, a standard chain ; one chain equals 22 cubits, one 
kunta equals 4 square chains." 

The District Munsif's Court at Duvvur was abolished in 
i860, and the taluk office had probably been transferred to 
Proddatur prior to that date. In 1874 the population of the 
village still exceeded 4,000, but it suffered greatly in the 
famine of 1877, and about fifteen years ago the old village- 
site in the vicinity of the fort became so unhealthy that it 
was abandoned and a new village has grown up near the 
canal. It is now in a thriving condition and cultivation under 
the canal has extended rapidly in recent years. 

Vanipenta, population 4.360, is, after Proddatur, the largest Van=penta. 
village in the taluk. Its importance is of comparatively 
recent origin, being mainly due to the development of the 
metal-working industry, to which reference has already been 
made.^ The workers are principally Musalmans, but the 
industry is financed by Komatis, through whose enterprise 
the village has also become a trading centre of some local 
importance. It is situated at the foot of the Nallamalais 
about fifteen miles east of Proddatur on the road to Poru- 
mamilla. It is the headquarters of a Sub-Inspector of Police, 
a Sub-Inspector of the Salt Department, and a Deputy Forest 
Ranger. It contains two elementary Board schools, one of 
which is reserved for Musalmans, and a mission school 
belonging to the London Mission. Though a large and 
important place Vanipenta has not yet been constituted a 
union. It is a straggling, insanitary village with a stony 
soil and badly laid streets in which water stagnates during 
the rainy season. 

^ See Chapter VI. 








The fort at Vanipenta is believed to have been built in the 
first half of the i6th century when, as we learn from an 
inscription on the wall of the Chennakesavaswami temple, the 
village was granted for an annual rental to one Narapanayani 
Pina Avubala Nayudu during the reign of the Vijayanagar 
Emperor Krishnaraya. This inscription is dated S.S. 1447, 
i.e. A.D. 1525, and another in the same place records that the 
tank in front of the temple was built in the same year. Part 
of the temple and its outer wall are said to have been washed 
away by floods many years ago when the tank breached. 
The bed of the tank is now held on patta, and only a portion 
of the bund remains. 

In the main street in the centre of the village is a large 
temple of Kanyakamma erected by the Komati community 
who specially worship this goddess. It is of modern con- 
struction and built of Cuddapah slabs. The only temple to 
this deity in the taluk exceeding this in size and importance 
is the one at Proddatur. 

Kamanur, population 1,742, is situated about half way 
between Proddatur and Duvvur, on the left bank of the 
Kunder. The village has benefited in recent years by the 
Chapad channel which feeds its tanks, and there has conse- 
quently been a large increase in the cultivation of wet crops, 
notably turmeric. The principal dry crops are cholam, 
groundnut and cotton, including the cambodia variety. 
Besides the agricultural population there is a small colony of 
Sale weavers who dispose of their products at Proddatur. 

The passage of the Kunder at this village is attended with 
some risk when in flood. The stream is not broad, but the 
banks are high, the water rises very suddenly and the current 
is exceptionally strong. There being no raft or ferry the 
crossing is made with the aid of swimmers who are generally 
carried two or three hundred yards downstream before they 
reach the other bank, and the bed of the stream is so churned 
up by the violence of the torrent that it is dangerous to seek 
a foothold till it is safely crossed. 

The temples of the village afl'ord evidence of its anti- 
quity. The most important is the Venugopalaswami temple, 
to which is attached a garden of nearly four acres for supply- 
ing flowers for the daily worship of the god. The annual 
festival in May is attended by considerable numbers from 
surrounding villages. 

Rameswaram, population 3,764, lies on the north bank of 
the Penner about a mile west of Proddatur and forms part 
of the Proddatur union. It has long been a place of great 







sanctity and the story of its origin is as follows: On his 
return from Ceylon Rama received divine intimation that he 
would be relieved of the sin of beheading Ravana if he 
constructed two Siva temples. He accordingly erected one 

at the famous Rameswaram in the south and another here. 

When this temple was in course of construction Rama sent 
Hanuman to Benares to get a lingam, but as Hanuman did 
not return within the time fixed for the prathishta Rama 
made a lingam of sand and planted it. This lingam was 
afterwards miraculously converted into stone but it still 
bears the marks of Rama's fingers. This temple of Rama- 
Hngeswara is situated on the bank of the Penner. The 
village is called Rameswaram because the lingam was 
planted by Rama. The temple is often visited by pilgrims 
from the north on their way to Tirupati. The brahmdtsavam 
which is held in the month of April attracts a concourse of 
about ten thousand people. The temple contains about half 
a dozen stone inscriptions the earliest of which records a gift 
of land and assignment of revenue to the temple in the time of 
the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III who reigned from A.D. 940 
to 956. The others belong to the time of the Vijayanagar 

The white cloths and turbans woven by the Sales and 
Thogatas of Rameswaram are of superior quality and are 
exported by the sowcars of ProddatQr to various parts of 
the country. 

Korrapad, population 2,107, is situated five miles north of Korrapad 
ProddatQr on the road that passes due north to Chagalamarri 
in Kurnool district. It thus has full opportunities for such 
trade as its resources allow, and is in a flourishing condition. 
It is the first village benefited by the Chapad channel, the 
water of which is carried across the Nalla vagu, a tributary 
of the Kunder, by an aqueduct close by. This was constructed 
in 1901. Besides affording irrigation to some low-lying lands 
in the village the channel provides a constant supply of good 
drinking water and is much appreciated on that account. 
The village contains a Board elementary school and a 
London Mission school. There is a good choultry near the 
main road. 

The fort at Korrapad was built during the 17th century 
in the following circumstances. Early in the l6th century 
one of the sirdars of the Vijayanagar Emperor Krishnaraya 
had been rewarded with a jagir comprising some villages of 
the present Kurnool district in recognition of the aid he 
had rendered in the recovery of the province of Udayagiri. 







Subsequently, after the country had come into the possession of 
the king of Golconda a descendant of the grantee applied for 
an exchange and offered to pay a peshkash of ten thousand 
kantaraya pagodas for an estate of equal value in the Gancli- 
kota sima. This was eventually done when one Kumara 
Sunki Reddi received from the Nawab of Cuddapah an estate 
comprising Korrapad and five other villages of the Duvvur 
district at the peshkash agreed upon. It was Kumara Sunki 
Reddi who built the fort. It is now in ruins, with but one 
bastion and two gateways remaining, though it is still possible 
to distinguish the court-room and other apartments within the 
structure. This jagir was resumed by Munro in l8oi and the 
jagirdar granted a pension which is still enjoyed by his 

Evidence of the antiquity of the temple of Chenna- 
kesavaswami at Korrapad is afforded by a stone inscription 
recording the grant of lands to the temple in S.S. 1449 
(A.D. 1527) during the reign of the Vijayanagar Emperor 

Settivaripalle is situated three miles south of Vanipenta and 
about the same distance north of the road from Proddatur to 
Badvel- It is one of the large villages of the taluk, with a 
population of 2,673, and contains two elementary schools, one 
of which belongs to the London Mission. Tradition says that 
this was once the site of a large town called Parnapad, traces 
of which are to be seen in the fragments of wrought stone and 
pottery scattered in the neighbourhood and the foundations 
of houses long ago demolished. A little to the west are the 
ruins of a large fort, the origin of which is not known. It 
contains a deserted temple of Bukka Chennarayadu which 
may indicate that it was founded by a dependant of one of the 
earlier Vijayanagar Emperors. 

About two miles east of the village is an outlying spur 
of the Nallamalais called Mukkonda, on the summit of which 
is a small temple of Mallikarjunaswami. Opposite Muk- 
konda, on the south-west, is the hillock called Gaggula Tippa, 
and the valley between them has been dammed to form the 
Elampalle tank. The temple of Tirumalanathaswami occupies 
an imposing situation on a rock overlooking the tank and is 
approached by a flight of about seventy stone steps. The 
entrance is flanked by figures of elephants skilfully carved in 

An inscription on a stone lying near the Gaggula Tippa 
bears the date S.S. 1350 (A.D. 1428), but its contents are 
unfortunately undecipherable. 


Mudircddipalle is a small village situated in the Nalla- CHAP. XV. 
malais near the road leading to Porumamilla. It was formerly Prodda- 
of some importance, but it is said that owing to the prevalence tOr 
of malaria the rich Komatis w^ho once lived here migrated to Taluk. 
Vanipenta about eighty years ago. It deserves mention for 
having been one of the fortresses hebd by Vannuramma, the ^^[j'^"^*^'^'" 
only woman poligar known to the district. From the stories 
which are still told of her she was evidently a most vigorous 
and capable woman, and a terror to the neighbourhood. It 
appears that she was the wife of one Kumara Narasimha 
Nayudu who held the village of Tippireddipalle, about a mile 
west of Mudircddipalle. At his death she established herself 
in the heart of the Nallamalais some fifteen miles north of 
Tippireddipalle and built a fort and village called Chakar- 
lapad. In this fort which, but for two narrow approaches on 
the north and south, is completely surrounded by the hills, 
Vannuramma generally entrenched herself when not engaged 
in raiding the country. The rest of her time seems to have 
been spent in robbing defenceless villages to replenish her 
granaries. The forts at Mudireddipalle and Tippireddipalle 
at the entrance to the pass leading to Chakarlapad are said to 
have been built by her. She was finally reduced by Haidar 
Ali, as she murdered one of his Amildars who is said to have 
been her paramour. Haidar attacked her at Chakarlapad, 
reduced the fort and took her captive. She was put to death 
by his order at Ganjikunta. After her death the poliem was 
divided between two brothers of the family, Kumara Nara- 
simha Nayudu and Venkatadri, of whom the former continued 
to live at Tippireddipalle and the latter at Dasaripalle where 
he built a fort. At Neelapuram a few miles south of Dasari- 
palle is an old widow lady of the family. She is called 
'Dorasani Venkatamma ' by the inhabitants of the village 
who are mostly Pdtravdtidlu, i.e., descendants of the poligar's 

Formerly iron smelting was the principal industry of 
Mudireddipalle and other villages in the east of the taluk 
under the Nallamalais. It ceased to be remunerative about 
forty years ago. Abandoned workmgs, locally called inupa- 
kolumulii, are to be seen here and there along the foot of the hills. 

Other villages of this taluk which deserve mention on Maidukiani 
account of their size, though otherwise little worthy of remark, ^pd 
are Maidukuru (3,883) and Nandyalampct (3,608). The [am°pe\^* 
KurnoohCuddapah road crosses the Proddatur-Badvel road 
at Maidukuru ; and Nandyalampct lies at the foot of the 
Nallamalais on the road to Badvel. 








The taluk of Kamalapuram was constituted in 191 1 and 
consists of sixty-one villages formerly belonging to the taluks 
of Cuddapah, Proddatur and Jammalamadugu. It is the 
smallest taluk in the district with an area of 303 square miles, 
but in density of population is second only to Proddatur. It 
contains 64,353 inhabitants, a population practically identical 
with that of Sidhout taluk which is just twice as large. It 
occupies a fairly fertile tract enclosed on the north-east and 
south-east by the Penner and Papaghni rivers respectively, 
which unite near Kamalapuram. About a mile north of 
Vempalle the boundary at its southernmost corner turns to 
the north-west and continues in an irregular line to the 
junction of the Pulivendla and Jammalamadugu taluks on the 
road to Muddanur, whence it takes a north-easterly direction 
crossing the railway just east of Muddanur and terminating 
at the Penner. 

The soils of Kamalapuram taluk mark the transition from 
the black cotton tract to the free loams that mostly charac- 
terize the Cuddapah taluk. The depth of the black cotton soil 
in the west of the taluk is less than in the tract north of the 
Penner, but its fertility is scarcely inferior. East of Yerra- 
guntla the soils are alluvial and generally lighter in texture. 
The best of these are in the valley of the Penner; on the other 
hand in the lower reaches of the Papaghni, where its banks 
are shallow, the deposits are often sandy and consequently 
less fertile. The channels from these rivers provide the best 
irrigation in the taluk. There are also some good tanks of 
which that at Kamalapuram is one of the largest in this part 
of the district. 

Four railway stations lie within the limits of this taluk, 
the chief of which are Kamalapuram and Yerraguntla. The 
latter is the station for Proddatur and is connected therewith 
by a metalled road. There are also two roads to Yerraguntla 
from the south of the taluk, one from Vempalle and another 
further west from Ramireddipalle on the Pulivendla frontier. 

Kamalapuram, population 4,825, is the headquarters of the 
taluk. It was formerly the station of a Deputy Tahsildar in 
charge of a division of the Cuddapah taluk. The new taluk 
office is still under construction. Kamalapuram was consti- 
tuted a union in 1885. It is the headquarters of a Sub- 
Assistant Inspector of Schools and contains a Local Fund 
travellers' bungalow, a police station and a branch post office. 
A branch hospital was opened here by the London Mission 
in 1909. 


The town is situated about a mile north of the railway CHAP. XV. 
station and the same distance west of the Papaghni. The Kanula- 
railway bridge over the river consists of twenty openings of puram 
70 feet span each, with wrought iron plate girders over screw Taluk. 

pile tressles. A pier is formed of two tressles, each consisting 

of five wrought-iron piles traced together and surmounted 
with strong casting for the reception of the girders. 

The Kamalapuram tank lies north of the railway line about 
a mile west of the station. It is the largest in the taluk and 
the valuable lands which it irrigates have mainly contributed 
to the prosperity of the town. Rice is exported on a large 
scale to the principal towns in the black cotton tract as far as 
Bellary, besides being purchased by merchants from Madras 
and Salem. Jasmine flowers are grown in some abundance 
and find a market in Proddatur and Cuddapah. 

When the country was ceded to the British Kamalapuram 
was made the headquarters of the troops which Munro had to 
assist him to reduce disorderly poligars. In 1821 the canton- 
ment was removed to Cuddapah. 

Palagiri, population 4,767, is situated on the left bank of Palagiri. 
the Mogameru, a tributary of the Papaghni, and about two 
miles west of the road from Vempalle to Yerraguntla. It 
contains a post office and a Board elementary school. The 
village lies at a slight elevation above the surrounding plain 
and possesses no source of irrigation. It grows the usual dry 
crops of the country including groundnut, and the ryots dis- 
pose of their surplus produce without difficulty at the weekly 
market at Vempalle, about five miles to the south. Some of 
the inhabitants are Devangas and Thogatas who live by 
weaving. A few families of the latter caste weave silk 
ravikas and upper cloths, getting the thread ready coloured 
from some Thogata merchants at Uppalur. 

In the north of the village is a ruined fort, the history of 
which is not known. It may have been an outpost of one of 
the poligars of Pulivendla taluk, possibly him of Vemula. An 
inscription near the temple of Chennakesavaswami records a 
grant to the temple in S.S. 1426 or A.D. 1 504 in the time of the 
Vijayanagar Emperor Narasimha Deva Raya. A much older 
record of some historical value is the inscription near the 
Bhimeswaraswami temple which tells of its restoration by a 
Vaidumba chief in the year A.D. 1056-57 and refers to a 
previous grant by the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III who died 
in A.D. 956 

Some twenty kistvaens are to be seen scattered about in 
the neighbourhood of this village. 







Uppalur is situated about seven miles south of Muddanur 
and is enclosed on the south and west by the range of hills 
which continuing westwards form the boundary between the 
Pulivendla and Jammalamadugu taluks. It has a population 
of l,86l and contains a Board elementary school. It is, after 
Madhavaram in Sidhout taluk, the most important silk-weaving 
centre in the district. The weavers are Thogatas and for the 
most part work independently though some are employed by 
capitalists of the same caste. It is the latter who obtain the 
thread from Bangalore and after colouring it distribute it to 
their employees or sell it to independent workers in this and a 
few other villages. The thread is said to cost from Rs. 4 to Rs. 5 
per seer of twenty-six tolas and after being coloured is sold at 
a price ranging from one and a half to two rupees per seer 
higher. Piece-work is paid for at the rate of Rs.4 for every 
chdpii which consists of four cloths, each of two and a half yards 
length and weighs from 100 to 130 tolas. Silk and mixed silk 
and cotton cloths of all kinds are exported in large quantities 
to the Nizam's Dominions and parts of the Bombay Presidency 
as well as the principal places in the Ceded Districts. 

This village was once the seat of a powerful poligar who 
proved one of the most recalcitrant when the country came 
into the possession of the British. Our earliest information 
about the village is obtained from an inscription on a stone 
near the Ramalingaswami temple which records the grant of 
some irrigated lands for the benefit of the temples of the 
village in the year S.S. 1534 or A.D. l6l2 and further relates 
that in S.S. 1415 or A.D. 1493 the village had been granted as an 
agraharam to certain Brahmans by the Vijayanagar Emperor 
Narasimha Devarayalu, and that it was this Brahman commu- 
nity who had built the temples, constructed the tanks and 
finally set apart some lands for the above purpose. The 
latter history of the village is gleaned from an old document 
in possession of a relative of the last poligar as well as 
Munro's brief account of the poliem. The prosperity of the 
village is said to have declined in the first half of the I/th 
century. In A.D. 1670 one Patte Khan settled in the village 
at the bidding of the Musalman authorities, built a residence 
on the hill to the west of the village and constructed a masjid. 
After the downfall of the Golconda kingdom one Gopala 
Reddi of Nossam (in Kurnool district) obtained Uppalur and 
some other villages from the Musalman governor of Gandikota 
about the year 1690, on condition of paying 350 kantaraya 
pagodas as peshkash and maintaining a hundred peons. In 
1712 the Nawab of Cuddapah remitted the service and fixed 


the peshkash at seven hundred pagodas. In 1748 the poligar CHAP. XV. 
was expelled and his poliem resumed, but he was restored in Kamala- 
1766. He was again driven out by Haidar Ali in 1779, but he puram 
returned during the war in 1791 and obtained under the Taluk. 
Nizam's weak administration two additional villages to which 
he had no title, and the peshkash was again revised. Whether 
the poligar paid peshkash to the British in the year 1800 is 
doubtful. His family document states that he did. However 
in February of the following year Munro directed the Amildar 
to resume the two villages which the poligar had illegally 
appropriated. As the poligar refused he was deprived of the 
villages by military force, and as he still declined to pay his 
peshkash for the remainder of the poliem which he was 
allowed to retain this was also resumed and he was seized by 
a detachment of cavalry and immured in the fort at Gooty, 

Animcla is situated in the hills of the same name which Animeia. 
are little more than an isolated spur of the Palkonda range 
extending about ten miles north of Vempalle between the 
Papaghni and the road to Yerraguntla. The village lies a 
mile and a half west of the confluence of the Mogameru and 
Papaghni and about the same distance east of the road. It 
has a population of 3,029 and contains a Board elementary 
school. It is a weaving centre of some local importance. 

The village is chiefly of interest on account of its temples, 
the principal of which is the temple of Sangameswara. This 
is situated near the confluence of the rivers upon the heights 
overlooking the Papaghni and its gopurams are visible for 
many miles. It has some remarkable stone-carving, the finest 
work being on the porches of the northern and southern gates 
and the walls of the inner shrine. The latter are ornamented 
throughout with small sculptured figures representing various 
scenes from Hindu mythology and surmounted with floral 
decorations. The work is said to possess a finish of delicacy 
and character such as the best artificers of these parts are 
unable to produce at the present day. 

There are numerous inscriptions in the village, mostly 
belonging to the Vijayanagar period. From an earlier record 
we learn that Animeia was included in the territories of the 
Vaidumbas, feudatories of the Rashtrakutas, at the end of 
the tenth century. A later inscription records a grant to the 
Chennakesavaswami temple in S.S. 1566 or A.D. 1644 by 
Matli Kumara Ananta Raja, though this part of the district 
could scarcely have fallen within the sphere of his political 
influence unless the earlier Nawabs of Cuddapah were even 
weaker than has been supposed. 










Nidujuvvi. population 2,122, is situated on the Bellary road 
thirteen miles west of Kamalapuram. It is one of the princi- 
pal places for the quarrying of Cuddapah slabs, which provides 
occupation to a large number of labourers and cart-men. In 
recent years a Reddi of the village had a remarkable stroke 
of luck with a cow. The animal had eighteen calves and 
was thus a continual source of wealth to its owner who grew 
quite rich. He regarded his cow with such affection and 
respect that on its death he buried it and constructed a tomb 
of Cuddapah slabs, erected a lingam thereon and enclosed 
the burial ground with a compound wall. Members of his 
family do piija at the cow's tomb every Monday and on Siva- 
ratri day distribute jaggery water and pdnsupdri in its honour. 
He subsequently buried both his parents in the same com- 
pound and covered them with Cuddapah slabs like the cow. 
Last of all the man died also, but whether his bones lie in the 
same resting place is not recorded. 

Yerraguntla. population 1,742, lies ten miles to the west of 
Kamalapuram. It contains a police station, branch post 
office, Board elementary school and a London Mission school 
for Panchamas. Its railway station has a double importance 
being the station for Proddatur as well as the depot for the 
export of Cuddapah slabs. Proddatur lies about eight miles 
to the north across the Penner. Double-bullock carts are to 
be hired at the station at all times and there are three choul- 
tries close by with two large wells of good water. Cuddapah 
slabs are sent to Yerraguntla mainly from the large quarries 
at Nidujuvvi some three miles distant and from here they are 
exported to all parts of India. 


Of the three western taluks which abut on the district of 
Anantapur, Pulivendla occupies the central position, and 
forms roughly a parallelogram running from north-west to 
south-east between two ranges of hills. On the north the 
Bhanukota and Mallyala hills divide it from the Jammala- 
madugu taluk, a depression near the centre of the range 
giving access to the railway by the ghat road leading to 
Muddanur. On the west a purely artificial line divides it 
from the Anantapur district, and the eastern boundary adjoin- 
ing the Kamalapuram and Cuddapah taluks has similarly 
been determined purely by administrative convenience. On 
the south, however, separating Pulivendla from the upland 
taluk of Rayachoti the Palkonda hills form an abrupt and 
natural barrier extending from the Anantapur boundary on 


the west to Vempalle on the east where the Papaghni enters cHAP. XV 
the low country through the well-known gorge which has Puli- 
been described elsewhere. Here a small enclave known as vendla 
the Surabhu valley extends to the south of this natural Taluk. 

boundary, access thereto being obtainable only through the 

river-bed. Down the western flank of the valley flows the 
Papaghni, its level margins lined with green paddy flats, 
while outlying spurs of the Palkondas penetrate it from the 
east and south. Such attractiveness of scenery as the taluk 
may be said to possess entirely disappears to the north of the 
Palkondas which slope rapidly to a level plain of black 
cotton soil extending, with scarcely a tree to break the mono- 
tony, in an unbroken stretch to the bare and unlovely hills on 
the north. Nearly the whole taluk is drained by the Papaghni 
and its only tributary of any importance, the Mogameru- 

In point of population Pulivendla stands third of the taluks 
of the district, both in actual numbers and in the percentage 
of increase recorded for the decade ending with the census of 
1911. It contains one hundred and three villages of which 
about half fall within the black cotton tract extending over 
the west and north of the taluk into Anantapur district and 
Jammalamadugu taluk. Generally speaking the soil deterio- 
rates rapidly towards the south and east, and is least fertile 
in that part of the Surabhu valley which borders on Rayachoti 
taluk. More than 47 per cent, of the dry land of the taluk is 
assessed at eight annas an acre and less. It contains no very 
good tanks, but the river channels from the Papaghni 
provide excellent irrigation to the villages along its banks. 
The principal of these is — 

Vempalle. with a population of 10,291. This is the only Vempalle. 
town in the taluk. It was constituted a union in 1886, and 
contains a police station, a local fund dispensary and a 
Board school. The town is situated eighteen miles east of 
Pulivendla village, the headquarters of the taluk, and about 
thirty miles south-west of Cuddapah which is the station on 
the railway line most easily accessible. The wet lands of 
Vempalle, which are unusually extensive, enjoy the best 
irrigation that the taluk affords and are the source of its 
prosperity. It exports large quantities of rice to the less 
favoured villages of the taluk as well as to Rayachoti and 
Kadiri, with which places a pretty brisk trade is maintained 
by means of weekly markets. It is said that merchandise of 
the average value of six thousand rupees changes hands at 
the Vempalle market which is held every Friday. The 
village of Alireddipalle which is situated on the right bank 








of the Papaghni opposite to Vempalle once formed part of it. 
In this village there is a temple to Vrishabhachaleswaraswami, 
conspicuously situated on a hill, visible from some distance 
on the Vempalle side of the river. The curious name of the 
god is accounted for by a myth which relates that a Rakshasa 
named Vrishabhasurudu once inhabited the neighbourhood 
and caused general unpleasantness until he was vanquished 
by Vishnu after a seven days' contest. The scene of the 
Rakshasa's defeat is the hillock and the temple was built 
thereon in honour of Vishnu's victory. The hrahmotsavam 
takes place in the month of Vaisakham and lasts for nine days. 
It used to be conducted with great splendour, but, owing, it is 
said, to dissensions between the Komatis and Kapus, such 
is not now the case. The Kapus claim to be garlanded at 
the time of the festival, and the Komatis have in recent years 
objected, — a point of some interest in that it affords evidence 
of the increasing importance of the trading community and 
its claim to equal consideration with the cultivating class. 

There are several other temples of less importance, and 
two mosques. The Musalman element in Vempalle consti- 
tutes nearly twenty per cent, of its population, which is a 
higher proportion than is found anywhere else in Pulivendla 
or Jammalamadugu taluk. 

Pulivendla, the headquarters of the taluk, is situated on the 
road from Kadiri to Muddanur, being twenty-seven miles 
north of Kadiri and twenty-three miles south of Muddanur 
railway station. It is a union and contains, besides the 
taluk office, a police station, a Sub-Registrar's office and a 
local fund dispensary. There is no telegraph office. A 
travellers' bungalow has been recently constructed. The 
name Pulivendla is said to denote the ' the haunt or abode of 
tigers,' and may have been appropriate to the place some 
hundreds of years ago; but it is certain that there are no 
tigers nowadays in the Palkonda hills to the south of the 
village nor indeed in any portion of the taluk. The Puli- 
vendla vanka, a tributary of the Mogameru, flows through 
the village, and a number of spring channels rising in its 
vicinity provide good irrigation to the low-lying fields border- 
ing the village on the north and east, where betel-vines, 
plantains and other fruits, as well as flowers, are grown in 
some profusion. The Local Fund market at Pulivendla is 
the largest of its kind in the district. It is held every 
Thursday in an extensive and commodious walled compound 
and attracts a great deal of business. Traders from 
Anantapur and Bellary districts frequent it, and it forms ^ 


convenient link between the plateau taluks and the main line CHAP. XV 
of railway at Muddanur or Kondapuram. More than ten Puli- 
thousand rupees worth of merchandise is said to be brought vendla 
to the market every week, mostly in the shape of various Taluk. 
grains and country cotton goods. 

It is a peculiarity of this village that its principal temple 
is situated a mile away to the west in the midst of the fields. 
In spite of this, daily worship is conducted, and some thou- 
sands of people attend its two principal festivals, at one of 
which, the Pavithrotsavam, which lasts three days, a colon- 
nade of bamboos decorated with flowers is erected from the 
mida vigraham to the gateway of the temple. 

There is a ruined fort on a small hill above the village, a 
reminiscence of the political ascendancy of the poligars, 
which is specially characteristic of this part of the district. 
Pulivendla was subject to the poligars of Vemula, 

Parnapallc is situated on the right bank of the Chitravati Parnapalle. 
where a narrow strip of the Pulivendla taluk juts out like a 
wedge into the Anantapur district near the junction of the 
three taluks of Kadiri, Dharmavaram and Tadpatri. About 
a mile south of the village the Palkonda range of hills which 
stretch from the boundary of Sidhout taluk westwards across 
the middle of the district terminates and throws out irregular 
spurs as far as the river bank, which lend a wild and pic- 
turesque appearance to the village. A metalled road provides 
direct communication with Pulivendla about twenty miles 
to the south-east. The nearest railway station is Chinnaya- 
kuntapalle at a distance of seven miles, on the Dharmavaram- 
Pakala branch line of the Madras and Southern Mahratta 
Railway. The village has a population of 1,614 and contains 
a Board school and a branch post office. 

The position of the village is rather precarious owing to 
the possible occurrence of floods in the Chitravati. A faded 
inscription on a rock near the river bank about half a mile 
south of the village, the date of which appears to be S.S. 1318 
(A.D. 1396) records — if its contents have been correctly 
deciphered — that a village called Chlkatipalle was washed 
away by floods and an irrigation channel destroyed. Parna- 
palle itself was partially destroyed by the floods in 1851, and 
many lives were lost owing to the rapidity with which the 
river rose and burst its banks. 

About two hundred acres of land are irrigated by river 
channels from the Chitravati. Rice is exported principally to 
Pulivendla, Simhadripuram and Dharmavaram. The hills 
adjoining the road about half a mile from the village have 






recently been quarried for steatite by the Indian Steatite 
Company, London. The enterprise was presumably found 
unremunerative, as operations were discontinued towards the 
end of 1912. Other metals in the neighbourhood which have 
a saleable value are gandhapu rdllu of a superior sort, and 
paUigii rdllu. The former stone is used in the manufacture of 
sandalwood paste and is exported to various parts of the Ceded 
Districts as well as to Mysore and Nellore. Palugii rdllu are 
ground into powder and mixed with salt earth in the manu- 
facture of common black bangles. These are chiefly made 
by Musalmans in Parnapalle who work for cooly for Gajula 
Balijas. They are paid between one and two annas for every 
thousand bangles. 

The ruined fort west of the village is still inhabited by the 
descendants of the poligar — Koneti Nayudu — who is said to 
have built it ; but they are unable to give any account of their 
ancestors. Close to the fort is a temple of Chennakesavaswami, 
long deserted but not yet fallen into ruin. It appears that the 
image of the god was removed from the temple and lost many 
years ago. The story runs that the god appeared in a dream 
to the Tahsildar of Tadpatri about thirty years ago and 
ordered him to recover the image and convey it to Anantapur. 
The image was accordingly found in the bed of the river, cast 
there presumably by Musalmans in earlier times, and the 
Tahsildar took it away to Anantapur where he established it 
and built a temple over it in honour of the god. 

The village appears to have been visited by Tipu Sultan 
on more than one occasion. The construction of the Jumma 
Masjid and another mosque on the site of a ruined Hindu 
temple is attributed to him. Near the latter is a tomb in 
honour of one Miskin Vali, a saint, who, having returned from 
Mecca, halted a night at the mosque on his way from Tadmarri 
and died there. Tipu established a weekly fair on the hill 
where the mosque is, and had pukka buildings constructed for 
the use of the merchants, devoting the market fees to the 
upkeep of the valVs tomb. With the fall of Tipu the enter- 
prise languished ; but the market buildings still exist, though 
roofless, to lend colour to the story. 

About a mile from the village are some perennial springs and 
a natural cave, the depth of which has never been explored. 
It is of course the abode of rishis who may not be disturbed. 
The Koneru fed by the springs is of special sanctity and attracts 
pilgrims in the month of Kartigai for ceremonial bathing. Like 
other places situated amidst wild and picturesque scenery, 
Parnapalle abounds in legends of a semi-sacred character. 



Vcmula. population 1,744, is situated about nine miles south- 
east of Pulivendla on the road to Vempalle. It contains a 
police station, a Board school and a branch post office. It is 
invested with some historical interest as having been the seat 
of a powerful family of poligars who called themselves Ekili 
Rajas and were, in Munro's words, " the most remarkable for 
their turbulence and depredations of any in the Ceded 
Districts." The earliest of the family of whom anything is 
known is Basavappa Nayudu who maintained a force of six 
hundred men for military service under the Vijayanagar 
Emperor, and received for their payment the village of Vemula 
and twenty-five others, the subsequent kamil assessment of 
which amounted to 9,796 kantaraya pagodas. The peshkash 
varied under the Muhammadan governments and the force 
was reduced to five hundred men, till in 1712 the Nawab of 
Cuddapah remitted the service and fixed the peshkash at 3,500 
pagodas. Forty years afterwards the poligar rebelled and 
was made prisoner by the Nawab who blew him from the 
mouth of a gun, circumcised his son and resumed the poliem. 
In 1756 Vemula fell into the hands of the Mahrattas who 
restored the late poligar's son for an increased peshkash. The 
Mahrattas were not long in possession of the country, and as 
the poligar failed to pay regularly he was expelled by Mir 
Sahib, the Governor of Gurramkonda, in 1766, and subsequently 
died in exile. In 1791 when the district fell into the hands of 
the Nizam, Basavappa Nayudu, a distant relative of the late 
poligar, got possession of the poliem but was driven out the 
following year. He returned in 1794 and took forcible 
possession of Vemula, defying the central authority. He was 
succeeded by his son Kumara Nayudu in 1796 who died without 
issue. A distant relative of the family, a blind and imbecile 
old man, was set up as a puppet by subordinate officials. 
When Munro summoned him with the intention of giving him 
a pension and resuming the poliem he was prevented from 
appearing. After four months' waiting without result, Munro 
requisitioned the military authority. The fort of MTdipentla, a 
few miles south of Vemula, where the poligar was lodged, was 
surprised and captured. The poligar was made prisoner, and 
died at Gooty. 

The ruins of the Vemula fort are still visible. Its position 
is strategically good, backed by the Palkondas and flanked 
by isolated hills. The village is of no particular importance 
nowadays, though, judging from its population, which has 
increased by thirty per cent, in the last thirty years, it is in a 
thriving condition. 











Chilekampallc is a village in the east of the Surabhu valley, 
situated about a mile south of the Palkonda hill range. It is 
about ten miles from Vempalle, and Cuddapah, at a distance 
of thirty miles, is the nearest railway station. Like other 
villages in the east and south of this enclave it partakes more 
of the characteristics of Rayachoti taluk than of that to which 
it belongs. It consists of a very small " casba " and numerous 
hamlets, the population of which amounts in the aggregate 
to 2,095. The dry lands of the village are extensive but 
poor in quality, mostly grown with castors, dhall, red-gram 
and horse-gram which the ryots exchange in the Vempalle 
market for such requisites as salt, kerosene-oil, chillies and 
tobacco. There is one fairly large tank in the village, the 
name of which, Chekrayya cheruvu, suggests some connection 
with the neighbouring village of Chekrayapet. On the tank- 
bund is a ruined temple with a broken inscription. The 
temple is dedicated to Chekrayya, who is supposed to have 
constructed the tank. 

Every five or six years a big dvula panipu} takes place 
in this village, which is attended by several thousands of 
people from the adjoining taluks. About a dozen cows and 
three bulls are devoted to the purposes of this worship and 
are maintained by the pujari who holds inam lands to the 
extent of more than twenty-live acres for the support of the 
cattle and the regular performance of the festival. This 
begins on the Sunday preceding the full moon of Vaisakham. 
The date is intimated by the villagers a week in advance by 
sending to every supporter of the festival a four-anna piece 
tied in a saffron cloth. They make the fact known and on the 
following Sunday they attend with their cattle and little silver 
umbrellas, bringing a large concourse of people. In the 
afternoon the worshippers with their cattle and silver umbrellas 
make a procession three times round the stand where the sacred 
cattle are placed, and then depart. The villagers give a meal 
to every one who produces the four-anna piece in a saffron 
cloth which was sent by way of invitation. The festival costs 
about Rs. 400 or Rs. 500 which is contributed by the ryots of 
this and adjoining villages. 

Balapanur is a large village of over four thousand 
inhabitants, situated on the road to Kondapuram about eight 
miles north-west of Pulivendla. It marks the southern 
extremity of the great black cotton plain which stretches 
north and west from here towards Jammalamadugu and 
Tadpatri. It is the headquarters of a Police Inspector and of 

^ Cow-worship. 


a firka revenue inspector. In the Board elementary school CHAP. XV 
of this village more than a hundred boys are under instruction. „ .' 
The London Mission also has an institution here for the vendla 
primary education of Mala converts. It is said that this vil- Taluk. 

lage was a Brahman agrahdram in the time of the Vijayanagar 

Emperors but was resumed by the Cuddapah Nawabs who set 
apart certain inam lands for the Brahmans. In the early part 
of the l8th century it was included in the poliem of Tondur and 
protected by the poligar with the usual fort and watchtower. 
The latter as well as the gateway of the fort are still standing. 

In a taluk practically devoid of good tanks, the Vura kunta 
of Balapanur deserves mention. It provides irrigation to its 
ayacut for over six months in a good year and furnishes the 
principal drinking water-supply of the village. The water is 
said to be unusually palatable and the situation of the tank 
by the road side is a boon to thirsty travellers. 

An appreciable proportion of the population of the village 
is employed otherwise than in agriculture. Weaving provides 
occupation to considerable numbers. Some Voddes and 
Yerukulas have also settled in the village. The former are 
masons and the latter make bamboo tatties and baskets which 
they sell principally at Pulivendla market. 

Ycrraballa. population 2,396, is situated about five miles Verrabaila. 
south-west of Pulivendla. The Palkonda hills form its 
southern boundary. The big tank of Yerraballa affords an 
example of the disappointing nature of tank irrigation in 
Pulivendla taluk. In the scheme report for the resettlement 
of the taluk it is referred to as follows : " The Yerraballa 
tank occupies a fine natural position in the hills to the south 
of Pulivendla and when it receives a good supply all the 
spring channels lower down have a copious flow. Its history 
of late years is, however, one of short supplies and large 
remissions . . . Another feature of the tanks of this 
taluk is the great percolation through and beneath the bunds 
owing to the porousness of the soil and the lie of the stratas 
underneath. So marked is this that for several tanks such as 
Yerraballa and Vemula no sluice is provided at all, the water 
escaping by percolation into the main supply channel." 

The waterfall near Yerraballa, called Panchalingdlakdnch is 
worth a visit. It is situated in that part of the Palkonda hills 
known as the Dorigallu reserve from the village of that name 
in the adjacent taluk of Kadiri. The water descends the 
face of a rock in a depression between two hills and falls into 
a gundam or reservoir whence it is carried away by the hill 
stream known as Lingala vanka. The waterfall is named 



CHAP. XV. Panchalingala from the sacred cave near by which conta 





five lingams. The cave is approached by a winding passage 
the entrance to which is marked by a temple gateway. The 
passage is little more than a fissure in the rock, overhung by 
beetling crags, and at one place is so contracted that a man 
must crawl to get through it. On Mondays in the month of 
Kartigai the place is visited by numerous devotees. The 
temple of Gundala Mallikarjunaswami in this neighbourhood 
is also situated opposite a picturesque waterfall and attracts 
visitors at the same time of the year. The forest abounds in 
panthers and wild pig. 

Simhadripuram is a small village with a population of less 
than a thousand situated about sixteen miles north-west of 
Pulivendla. Though so small it contains about a hundred 
hand-looms. The weavers are mostly Thogatas. The village 
deserves notice on account of its sheep-market. Some four 
or five thousand sheep and goats are driven in to the weekly 
fair every Sunday, which is well patronized by farmers from 
all parts of the black cotton taluks. 

A branch hospital was opened in this village by the 
London Mission in 1910. 

Pcddakudala, population 2,313, lies about six miles north- 
west of Pulivendla on the road to Parnapalle. It occupies a 
depression surrounded by hillocks with channels on two sides 
which unite in the vanka passing on the east. The water is 
so near the surface in this depression that the channels never 
dry up except for a few weeks in the hot weather. This 
prevailing dampness and the practice of heaping the refuse 
of the village near the channels render the place very insani- 
tary. The wells of the village are impregnated with guinea- 
worm, and it is one of the most feverish places in the taluk. 
The Kodide Kapus of this village are bitterly quarrelsome and 
have earned the unenviable reputation of being addicted to 
all manner of crime. In the l8th century when nearly all the 
villages in the south of Pulivendla taluk were in the hands of 
poligars Peddakudala seems to have retained its independ- 
ence. In place of the usual exterior fort and watchtower it 
contains a circular stronghold in the middle of the village. It 
is said that the villagers assigned some land to the kdvaligar ^ 

^ Munro in a letter to the Board, dated 20th March 1802, says : " Had 
the poligars been always confined to the charge of their own districts, their 
existence would not have proved so ruinous as it has been to the country ; 
but it was the constituting them as Kavallgars or protectors of the property of 
the inhabitants and of travellers, not only in their own, but in the adjacent 
districts, that rendered them rebels during war, and robbers and murderers 
during peace." 


of Lopatanutla in consideration of his sending men to their CHAP. XV. 
assistance in times of danger. Puli- 

Marellamadaka is a little village situated at the entrance of vendla 
the gorge through which the Papaghni pierces the Palkonda Taluk. 
hills. On the face of the rocky_ hill overlooking the river on MareUaT 
the right bank is a temple to Anjaneya, to the antiquity of madaka. 
which the following legend gives colour. Vayu, the father of 
Anjaneya, dwelt here in religious contemplation at the time 
of Rama's expedition to Ceylon. Rama himself had also 
sojourned here during his exile and, on his triumphant return 
from Ceylon with his wife Sita after having defeated and 
slain Ravana, Vayu prepared to welcome him and flung a 
wreath of golden flowers across the ravine through which the 
conqueror should pass on his way northwards to Ayodhya. 
At the earnest request of Vayu, Rama halted here for a day 
with his troops and before leaving he impressed the mark of 
his bow on a rock, whereon the figure of Anjaneya was sub- 
sequently fashioned by the sage Vyasa. On this spot the 
temple was erected. There is some beauty in the popular 
superstition that a vision of the golden flowers is still vouch- 
safed at the approach of death to such as have found favour 
with the gods. It is said that Sir Thomas Munro saw the 
wreath as he passed through the gorge on his last journey 
and drew attention to it ; whereat his followers were grieved, 
for they knew he would shortly die. 


Rayachoti, the most extensive taluk in the district, occu- rXyachoti 
pies the north-eastern extremity of the broad upland generally Taluk. 
known as the Mysore plateau. It lies at a considerably 
higher elevation than the rest of the district and rises gradu- 
ally towards the south to an altitude of some 1,900 feet above 
sea level. It is separated from the low-lying taluks on the 
north and east by the great hill ranges of the Palkondas 
and Seshachalams. Its other boundaries are irregular and 
correspond to no natural features. Westwards it faces the 
Kadiri taluk of Anantapur district while the taluks of Madana- 
palle and Vayalpad of Chittoor district enclose it on the south. 
It has an area of 997 square miles and a population of 113,982, 
the density being 1 14 to the square mile as against the 
district average of 153. Only one taluk, Sidhout, is more 
sparsely populated. The rivers of the taluk are the Pincha, 
Bahuda, Mandavya and Papaghni. The two first-named enter 
the taluk from that of Vayalpad in the south-east and unite at 

21 8 


CHAP. XV. Rayavaram below the Seshachalams whence, under the name 

Rayachoti of the Cheyyer, the river flows through a winding gorge in the 

Taluk. hills till it emerges into the low country in the north of 

Pullampet taluk. The Mandavya river, fed by numerous hill 

streams in the south-west of the taluk, first attains importance 
as it approaches Rayachoti whence it takes a north-easterly 
course and after entering an enclave in the Seshachalams, 
turns south some three miles below Gadikota and finally joins 
the Cheyyer in the heart of the hills about three miles north 
of the road to Rajampet. The Papaghni in the extreme west 
flows in a rocky bed through hilly country northwards to the 
Surabhu valley and is of no value to the taluk as a factor 
in irrigation. 

There is no railway in the taluk, and the country is so 
rocky and uneven as to make travelling by cart very un- 
comfortable except along the main roads. The chief of these 
are the Chittoor-Kurnool road and the Kadiri-Rajampet road 
which meet at Rayachoti and cross at right angles. The 
former is joined a mile south of Rayachoti by the road from 
Madanapalle through Gurramkonda, and a little north of the 
town by the road from Vempalle. Of other roads, which are 
little better than cart-tracks, may be mentioned those 
connecting Rayachoti with Viraballi and Tsundupalle on the 
east, and in the west of the taluk the road from Galivadu 
northwards through Nulivedu joining the Vempalle road at 
Konampet, and the road passing south through Aravedu into 
the Madanapalle taluk. 

There are numerous tanks in the taluk, but they are mostly 
too small to afford sufficient irrigation for wet crops ; hence 
the number of wells in wet ayacuts is unusually large. Some 
half a dozen villages in the south-east of the taluk have the 
advantage of good channel irrigation from the Bahuda river. 
Except in this corner of the taluk soils are poor and irrigation 
is generally precarious. 

The following is an account of some of the places of 
interest or importance in the taluk : — 
Rayachoti. Rayachoti is the headquarters of the taluk. From old 

inscriptions it is clear that the original name was Raja-vTdu 
or the " king's dwelling-place; " but the early history of the 
village is obscure and it is impossible to say to what dynasty 
the king or chief who settled here belonged. Rayachoti has 
a population of 8,012, is a union and contains, besides a 
travellers' bungalow, all the offices usual to a taluk head- 
quarters. There is no telegraph. The nearest railway station 
is Kalikiri on the Pakala-Dharmavaram line twenty-eight 



miles to the south. The distance to Cuddapah on the north is CHAP. XV. 
thirty-three miles, and Rajampet and Kadiri lie some thirty- Rayach5ti 
five miles east and west respectively. Rayachoti is thus Taluk. 

situated in the very centre of the taluk. Eight roads converge 

on the town and most of the surplus produce of the taluk 
finds its way to the weekly market which is held here every 
Sunday. Trade, which is largely in the hands of Balijas, is 
chiefly carried on with Cuddapah, Rajampet and Vempalle. 
Superior cloths are woven and embroidered by weavers of the 
Sale caste and sold locally. The town has no other industry 
of any importance. 

There are a large number of Lingayats at Rayachoti 
and an important temple of Virabhadraswami. It contains 
some old inscriptions recording grants to the temple by local 
chiefs at various periods. Some curious practices are observed 
in connection with the worship of this god. Early in the 
morning of the day of the car festival a big ruby of the size 
of a nutmeg is placed between the two eyebrows of the god to 
represent the third eye of Siva. In front of the idol is placed 
a large heap of boiled rice so as to catch the first glance of 
the ruby eye at the rising of the sun. Till this is done the 
doors are shut and the people are prevented from entering 
lest they should be instantly killed by the fierce rays from 
the eye of Siva. The person who conducts the ceremony 
stands behind the idol, out of the range of the eye,, and 
remains there till the rite is over. At another time of the 
year the god is taken out hunting. He is carried to a small 
mantapam half a mile from the town, and there placed on the 
ground. The place is said to be full of scorpions, but while 
the god takes his rest there his attendants can catch the 
scorpions and hold them without being stung though at other 
times they are as venomous as the rest of their tribe. 

In old Rayachoti near the river to the west of the town is 
a stone very conspicuously set up, with a Tamil inscription 
dated S.S. I155 which corresponds to A.D. 1233. It records a 
grant to a temple by a certain king, but none of the names 
given can be identified with any place in the vicinity. The 
king is called Nissankapratapa Raya, lord of Karkatapura. 
Another inscription of the same date at Abbavaram, a village 
included in the Rayachoti Union, mentions the name of 
another king, Thomba, who was 'first ruling from Kalu- 
katayapuram and then Marujavaduyandapuram his capital.' 
It is probable that Karkatapura and Kalukatayapuram refer 
to the same place and it is possible that Thomba who ' was 
first ruling ' there was expelled therefrom by Nissankapratapa 




CHAP. XV. who calls himself 'lord of Karkatapura.' It is not known to 
Rayachoti what dynasties these kings or chiefs belonged. 
Taluk. Tsundupalle, population 3,538, is situated on the left bank 

of the Bahuda river, twelve miles south-east of Rayachoti. It 

contains a police station, a branch post office and a Board 
elementary school. The arable lands of the village extend 
some miles to the west of the river and some are watered by 
fairly good tanks, but the most valuable irrigated lands are 
those under the river channels, the ayacuts of which are very 

There is a weekly market every Monday, which is held 
in a compound specially constructed by the Local Board. It is 
the most important fair in this part of the taluk and is also 
attended by merchants from Kalakada and other places in 
the Vayalpad taluk. 

In the temple of Ghatturayaru there is a copper plate with 
an inscription dated S.S. 1463 (A.D. 1541) which tells of a 
caste-dispute between the Padma Sales and Jandras. The 
point of dispute appears to have been which of the two castes 
could really trace their origin to the goddess Lakshmi. The 
Padma Sales approached their guru whose name was Talla- 
paka Tiruvengalanadhayya and requested him to discover 
the truth of the matter. He prayed the goddess Lakshmi at 
Tiruchanur to settle the point. The goddess gave her deci- 
sion in favour of the Padma Sales and they in their gratitude 
had the temple constructed with stone from Allaghattu east 
of Chandragiri. Half the merit of this deed belonged to the 
guru, a quarter to the Padma Sales who built the temple and 
the other quarter remained to the caste as a whole. The 
community further promised to pay their guru annually one 
gold coin for every weaver's loom and a silver piece for every 

Lakkireddipallc is situated nine miles north-west of 
Rayachoti on the road to Vempalle near the low ghat leading 
into the Surabhu valley. It has a population of 1,20/, is the 
headquarters of a Deputy Tahsildar and a Sub-Inspector of 
Police, and contains a Board elementary school. The 
Deputy Tahsildar's division is of recent creation, following the 
redistribution of districts which took place in 1911. There is 
a big watch-tower or bastion near the village which is said to 
have been erected as a means of defence against the powerful 
poligars of these parts. The whole of the west of the taluk 
as well as the Surabhu valley appears at one time to have 
been more or less dominated by some local chiefs called Ekili ^ 

^ See under Vemula, Pulivendla taluk. 




rajas or poligars and many stories are told of their depreda- CHAP. XV. 
tions. Several villages about here contain people who still rXyachoti 
call themselves Ekilivandlu. Taluk. 

There is a community at Lakkireddipalle known as Jin- 

kala Musalmans who follow the trade of masons and builders. 
They were recently employed on the construction of the new 
Deputy Tahsildar's office. 

It was at the ghat near Lakkireddipalle that the Nizam 
Muzaffar Jung was assassinated in the year 1751 as the 
result of a conspiracy engineered by the Nawab of Cuddapah.^ 

Galivadu, population 3,500, is situated about eighteen Galivadu. 
miles west of Rayachoti on the road to Kadiri. It contains a 
police station and a branch post office. There is a travellers' 
bungalow, about three miles west of the village, at Veligallu. 
A market is held every Wednesday and, as a business centre, 
it is to the west of the taluk much what Tsundupalle is to the 
south-east. The village-site lies on the right bank of the 
Chinna eru which enters the taluk from the south and flows 
into the Papaghni near the north-west corner of the village 
boundary. Some channels taking off from this stream irri- 
gate small areas on both its banks. There is one large tank 
and several small ones, but the entire irrigated area is small 
in comparison with the extent of arable land in the village 
which mostly consists of the coarse red soil so characteristic 
of this taluk and will often grow nothing but horse-gram, one 
of the principal exports of the village. 

There is a ruined fort close to the " casba," the history of 
which is not known. It was probably an outpost of the Ekili 
poligars, as some of their descendants or retainers, called 
Ekilivandlu or Ekili Nayanivarlu, still reside in the village. 

There is a curious-old sakti stone just outside the village, 
inscribed with unintelligible symbols, to which puja is done 
in times of trouble. 

Nulivcdu is an extensive village situated among low Nulivedu. 
hills on the by-road which leads from Galivadu to KOnampet. 
It has more than forty hamlets with a total population of 2,6o8 
and is the headquarters of a firka revenue inspector. The 
fort to the south-east of the village is said to have been built 
by Kaluva Nayanivaru of the family of Ekili poligars. The 
interior is now overgrown with scrub-jungle and nothing 
remains of the fort but its broken walls and southern gateway. 
Such irrigation facilities as the village possesses have been 
provided by damming the narrow valley which runs between 
the hills from the south-east boundary some three miles 

1 See Chapter II. 






northwards. A chain of tanks and kuntas has thus been 
formed, the principal of which is the Merugulacheruvu. 

There are about forty hand-looms in the village, and the 
weavers, after supplying purely local requirements, sell their 
surplus products at Galivadu and Rayachoti. Some Musal- 
mans find employment in tanning. Date mats are manufac- 
tured by Voddes and sold in the surrounding villages. There 
is a community of the Yanadi ^ tribe permanently settled in 
this village. 

Sanipaya is situated on the Rayachoti-Rajampet road 
close to the ghat by which the road passes over the Sesha- 
chalamsinto Pullampet taluk. It has a population, including 
its hamlets, of 1,922 and contains a travellers' bungalow and 
a police station. Its distance from Rayachoti is fifteen miles. 
The villagers generally purchase their requirements at 
Rajampet which is twenty miles distant as it has a better 
market than Rayachoti. Contractors for minor forest produce 
export honey, bees' wax and nuts such as the sdrapappti to 
Cuddapah as well as to Rajampet. Merchants of Rayachoti 
on their return from the weekly market at Rajampet halt at 
Sanipaya on Thursdays and sell a few necessaries to the 
villagers before proceeding on their journey. 

Sanipaya was once the seat of a poligar whose family 
obtained this and some other villages from the king of 
Golconda early in the 17th century soon after the kamil survey. 
These villages formed several poliems held by different 
branches of the same family. Chintakuntabanda and Sani- 
paya belonged to one branch, while others held respectively 
the poliems of Motakatla and Yerramnenipalem. The kamil 
of the Chintakuntabanda and Sanipaya poliem was 21/ 
kantaraya pagodas and the peshkash was fixed at 168. This 
was raised by the Cuddapah Nawabs to 224 and again by the 
Mahrattas in 1756 to 253 kantaraya pagodas. The poligar was 
expelled by Mir Sahib, the Governor of Gurramkonda, under 
Haidar Ali in 1/75, but he recovered his villages temporarily 
during the war in 1791, losing them again the following year. 
He returned finally in 1799 and the poliem was assessed 
by Kamar-ud-din at 1,776 kantaraya pagodas. Such is the 
account given by Munro. The family papers, however, state 
that three brothers of the family served under the Vijayanagar 
Emperor Narasimha Deva Raya at the end of the 15th century 
and obtained from him the village of Malinenipatnam in 
Sidhout taluk as a jagir free of rent. In the following reign 
the two sons of one of these brothers served under the Emperor 

* See Chapter III. 





Krishnaraya and followed him to Gurramkonda. While the 
Emperor was there he received complaints of the turbulence 
of the country and ordered the two brothers to bring the dis- 
turbers to book. This they did and received as a reward 

the villages of Motakatla, Yerramnenipalem, Guriginjakunta, 
Chintakuntabanda and Sanipaya as free jagirs and the 
right to collect fees, known as kdvali rusums, ^ for the protec- 
tion of twenty-four other villages. 

Viraballi lies under the Seshachalam hills on the right virabalii. 
bank of the Mandavya river. It has a large number of 
hamlets, with an inclusive population of 3,332. It is the head- 
quarters of a revenue inspector and contains a travellers' 
bungalow, police station, branch post office and Board 
elementary school. There is a direct road to Rayachoti which 
is distant about ten miles south-west. Two miles south of 
the village-site is one of the largest tanks in the taluk. It is 
formed by the erection of a dam a mile and a half long 
across the vanka which is fed by hill streams from the 
Seshachalams close by and also receives the drainage of the 
uplands of Polimerapalle north of the Bahuda valley. In the 
heavy floods of 1903 when numerous smaller tanks in the 
taluk were destroyed this one sustained an enormous breach 
in the middle of the bund near the principal sluice. The 
flood in its course three miles northwards to the Mandavya 
swept away every vestige of arable land depositing sand 
and exposing here and there the underlying rock. The tank, 
which has an ayacut of four hundred acres, was taken up for 
repairs by the Public Works Department about two years ago. 

A stone with an inscription in archaic characters, 
formerly set up on the bank of the Mandavya, has now fallen 
into the river. The inscription, which has not yet been satis- 
factorily deciphered owing to a defect in the impression 
obtained, would probably repay examination. A weekly 
market is held in this village every Saturday. 

Vangimalla, as its name seems to imply, is situated where VangimaiU 
the hill range of the Palkondas bends to the west. It lies 
close under the hills on the left bank of the Gangana, a small 
stream which joins the Mandavya half a mile before it enters 
the winding gorge leading to Gadikota. The distance to 
Rayachoti by the road through Viraballi is eleven miles. 
There is a co-operative credit society in this village. 

The village contains several temples, the largest of which 
is that of Malleswaraswami under the Palkonda hills half a 
mile north of the village. The eight pillars of the front 

' See footnote regardiag kavaligars under Peddakudala, Pulivcndla taluk. 








chamber are tastefully carved with figures bearing reference 
to Vishnu, though the temple is dedicated to Siva. Opposite 
the temple is a stone with an inscription of the Vijayanagar 
period dated S.S. 1466 or A.D. 1544. Near the hamlet of 
Rachapalle is a temple of the tutelary goddess known as 
Arinamma. Hers is a terrible figure, nine feet high, and 
eight feet broad, with eyes as large as oranges and four 
arms, while round her feet are snakes and the heads of men. 
An inscription records that she was established here in 
S.S. 1367 during the reign of the Emperor Deva Raya. 

Some Yerukulas have settled in this village and obtain 
their livelihood by the manufacture of baskets and tatties. 

Gadikota lies on the left bank of the Mandavya river in 
an enclave in the Palkonda hills. It can only be reached by 
way of the sandy river-bed, but it is worth a visit for the 
sake of the scenery which is very fine, the cliffs rising in 
many places precipitously on both sides of the river. There 
is a large fort near the village which is said to have been 
built by one of the Matli family. 

The river provides good irrigation to the lands on its 
banks, which are for the most part grown with tobacco. The 
soil is a very good quality of red loam and this crop appears 
to do exceedingly well as the profit on an acre is said some- 
times to exceed Rs. 200. Tobacco from here is sent in large 
quantities to Rajampet and Cuddapah whence it is exported 
to more distant markets. 

Matli is situated on the Mandavya river about five miles 
north-east of Rayachoti. It contains a small fort, now in 
ruins. It was the original home of the Matli rajas who 
attained to considerable political importance in the eastern 
division of the district during the Vijayanagar period and 
maintained their ascendancy till the end of the l8th century. 
The village is of no particular importance at the present day. 

Chinnamandem, population 2,870, is situated some ten 
miles south-west of Rayachoti, on the right bank of the 
Mandavya river and a little west of the road to Gurramkonda. 
It contains a police station and a branch post office. A 
weekly market is held every Friday, About three miles 
further south, on the other side of the road, there is a travel- 
lers' bungalow near the hamlet of Kesapuram, In this hamlet 
also is a village goddess, Paleti Gangamma, who is regarded 
with more than usual importance. Her annual festival in 
March attracts a concourse of about two thousand people, 
many of whom come from the Vayalpad and Madanapallc 


There are two ruined forts in the village, the history of CHAP. XV. 
which is not known. R\yach6ti 

There is a sacred pool of unknown depth in the hills Taluk. 
which separate the village of Paramatakona, once a part - — 

of Chinnamandem, from Tsakibanda. The hill in which it 
is situated is locally known as Akkadevatala konda or " hill 
of the holy sisters." The pool has the appearance of a 
well sunk in the solid rock and is about fifteen feet in 
diameter. In the hot weather the water sinks to a depth of 
twenty or twenty-five feet below the brim and in the rainy 
season rises nearly to the top. It used formerly to overflow — 
as is evident from the appearance of the face of the rock on 
the Paramatakona side — but never does so now because, as the 
people say, a shepherd boy once committed the sacrilege of 
drinking from it ; hence however heavy be the rains the water 
does not rise higher than about three feet from the top. A 
few hundred yards west of the pool is a natural cave which is 
called the temple of the Akkadevatalu. Six or seven stones 
within the cavern represent the goddesses and their foot- 
prints are clearly visible on the flatstone in front of the 
temple entrance. People desirous of some blessing, especially 
the childless who wish for a family, perform their vows at 
the temple and feed an assembly on the hill. The place is 
generally visited in the month of November when the water 
in the sacred pool will have reached its highest level. Once 
in two or three years a festival will take place at the expense 
of any person who desires to show his gratitude to the 
goddesses for blessings received. A cardinal feature of the 
ceremonies performed is the offering of food to the goddesses 
beneath the water. The offerings are let down into the water 
by the pujari and sink at once, a few fragments subsequently 
rising to the surface to show that they have been accepted. 
The pujari also offers saffron and hDikumam on a betel-leaf 
in the same way, and if, when the leaf rises again to the 
surface, it shows the impression of finger nails it is confi- 
dently believed that the wishes of those who then perform 
vows will be fulfilled. There are inam fields set apart for the 
performance of worship to these goddesses, and the pujari is 
a Brahman. 


Badvel is the northernmost of the three taluks forming the Badvel 
eastern division of the district. On the west it is separated Taluk 
from Proddatur and Cuddapah by the Nallamalai and Lanka- 
malai hills, while the Veligondas along the Nellore frontier 






constitute its eastern boundary. Irregular and artificial 
boundaries divide it on the south from the Sidhout taluk and 
on the north from the Cumbum taluk of Kurnool district. It 
contains an area of 755 square miles and a population of 95,896- 

The Sagiler is the only river in the taluk. It rises in the 
Nallamalai hills within the Kurnool district and flowing 
eastwards for the first few miles of its course along the 
northern boundary of the taluk turns southwards and proceeds 
through the centre of the taluk to its southern boundary, 
finally joining the Penner in Sidhout taluk. As a factor in 
irrigation some value has been imparted to the Sagiler by the 
project which bears its name and was designed to improve 
the supply to the great tank at Porumamilla and others higher 
up. The steepness of the banks through most of its course, 
while affording opportunity for irrigation by doruvu wells, is 
generally unfavourable to the construction of river channels. 
The prosperity of the taluk depends rather upon the irrigation 
afforded by its tanks, of which those at Badvel and Poruma- 
milla are the largest in the district. 

In the quality of its soils Badvel taluk is less favoured than 
the other taluks of the eastern division. It contains no such 
alluvial deposits as are found in the valleys of the Penner and 
Cheyyer, while such regar soils as it possesses are generally 
poor and often highly impregnated with deleterious salts. 
Red soils predominate and vary greatly in texture and value. 
The best tract is a light clay in the neighbourhood of Kotta- 
kota in the north-east. The taluk is also unfortunate in its 
rainfall. The annual average no doubt exceeds that of the 
western taluks, but the porous soils of Badvel require a much 
heavier drenching than the black cotton soils of Jammala- 
madugu and Proddatur. The other taluks of the eastern 
division are much better off in this respect, the rainfall of 
Sidhout and Pullampet exceeding that of Badvel by over five 
and eight inches respectively. 

In communications the taluk is no less at a disadvantage. 
It is further removed from the railway than any other part of 
the district, and its metalled roads are few. Of these the most 
important is the Cuddapah-Cumbum road through Sidhout, 
which passes northwards through Badvel and Porumamilla to 
Giddalur and Cumbum in the Kurnool district. At Badvel 
this road meets the main road from Nellore which is continued 
westwards over a low ghat in the Nallamalais to Proddatur. 
From the latter town there is also a direct road to Poruma- 
milla. The largest and most important place in the taluk is 
its headquarters. 






feadvel, with a population of 11,590. This is the fifth 
largest town in the district. Its nearest railway station is 
Vontimitta at a distance of nearly thirty miles to the south. 
Except that there is no stationary sub-magistrate at Badvel, 
it contains all the offices usual to a taluk headquarters. It 
has also a local fund dispensary. Near the junction of the 
Sidhout and Proddatur roads is a travellers' bungalow 
maintained by the Public Works Department. Formerly 
there was a District Munsif's Court at Badvel, but it was 
transferred to Proddatur in 1884. 

The great tank at Badvel is its principal source of wealth. 
It affords irrigation to seven villages, of which Badvel receives 
the greatest share. It has an area of about a thousand acres 
under the tank, of which more than half consists of inam 
lands. Surplus rice is chiefly exported to Udayagiri in Nellore 
district. Turmeric and indigo find a market in Cuddapah. 
Its position on the main roads connecting Cuddapah with 
Cumbum and Nellore renders Badvel a trade centre for the 
eastern taluks only second in importance to Rajampet. In 
the making of shoes and sandals it has developed a consider- 
able industry affording occupation to a large proportion of 
the Musalman population. Badvel was constituted a union 
in 1886. It has an income of rather more than two thousand 
rupees, principally made up of house-tax receipts, minor items 
being cart-stand and market fees. There is a school for 
Musalmans and a girls' school as well as an ordinary primary 
school, all maintained by Local funds. 

The Hindu temples present no feature of particular 
interest. There are two dargas in the town. That in the 
name of Saiyid Khaja Ghouse Muhi-ud-din is the more 
important, whereat vows are performed by Hindus as well as 

Porumamilla, with a population of 5,634, is a Union town PorumamiUa. 
on the Cuddapah-Cvmibum road situated some twenty miles 
north of Badvel. It contains a travellers' bungalow belong- 
ing to the Public Works Department. Like Badvel it derives 
its importance from its great tank. On the bund opposite to 
the ruined temple of Bairavaswami are two large stones 
bearing an inscription of considerable historical interest, 
recording that the tank was constructed by Prince Bhaskara, 
Viceroy of the Udayagiri province, in the reign of his father 
the Emperor Bukka I. The following is an abstract of its 
contents. ^ 

i Kindly furnished to me by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri, Assistant Aichseological 
Superintendent for Epigraphy, Southern Circle. 



CHAP XV [The first three verses are devoted to an academic discussiou of how tiie 

Sanskrit verses in a sdsana (document) are to be composed.] 

BADVEL r , • 1 1 • , J 

Taluk. (v* 4) An intelligent man of kind words issues a deed. 

(v. 5) Invocation to Heramba — the elephant-faced god. 

(V. 6) Invocation to the boar incarnation of Vishnu, 
(v, 7) Invocation to Siva of Srigiri {i.e., Srisailam). 
(v. 8) Praise to the earth-goddess. 

(v. 9) The Sapta-santdJias {i.e., seven permanent issues of 
a man) mentioned, one of which is the construc- 
tion of a tank, 
(v. 10) King Bhaskara Bhavadura performed these 
santdfias (charities). His genealogy is thus 
described : — 
(v. 11) Moon from the milk ocean : 
1 in his race. . . 
Guru son of Brahman : 

1 in this family 
PuriJravas and Nahusha, 
His son Yayati : 

I in this family 
Nilambara and Sri-Hari : 

I in this race in Kali age was born 
(i) Samgama. 
(v. 12) His son was Harihara. 
(v. 13) All kings between the eastern and western oceans 

became his subordinates, 
(v. 14) His brother was Kampana and the latter's brother 

[v. 15) Bukka's brothers were Marapa and Muddapa. 

They were thus five brothers in all. 
fvv. 16 and 17) As Vishnu was the servant of the Pandavas 
in olden times so was Anantaraja minister of 
18) Bukka's capital was Vijayanagara on the bank of the 

Tungabhadra and in presence of god Virupaksha. 
iq) Bukka had many sons. 

20) Of them Prince Bhaskara was appointed by Bukka to 
rule over the eastern province. 

21) Bhaskara was ruling from his capital on the top of 
the Udayagiri mountain. 

(v. 22) Of all charities, he was informed that the charity of 
water was the most meritorious. 

(vv. 23 to 27) The importance of water in creation de- 

^v. 28) Prince Bhavadura wanted to construct a tank. 


(vv. 29 to 31) To the south of Snparvata, 2 ydjanas east of CHAP. XV. 
Ahobila, at the same (?) distance from Siddha- Badv'el 
vatanatha, in the Sakali-country, 2 ydjanas from Taluk. 

Udayagiri hills, to the east of town Porumamilla 

{the tank was founded). The exact date was : — 

(vv. 32 to 35) Saka 1291, Saumya(A.D. 1369-70), Karthika, 
Sukla 14, Thursday, Pushya, Karkatakalagna. 

(v. 36) For the benefit of future kings the twelve (favour- 
able) conditions for tank construction as specified 
in the sdstras are enumerated here : — ■ 

(vv. 37 and 38) (i) The king (who undertakes the work) must 
be charitable, wealthy, healthy, famous and not 
fend of money ; (2) he must also be well accjuainted 
with hydrology or the science of water [pathas- 
sastra) ; (3) the ground (selected) must be of hard 
soil ; (4) (there must be) a fresh water river at a 
distance of 3 ydjanas and (5) a mountain close 
by (?) ; (6) the bund which should not be too long 
must be strongly constructed of huge blocks of 
stone ; (7) and (8) at the two ends (of the bund ?) 
there must not be land yielding fruit {i.e., culti- 
vable land) ; (9) the bed (?) (tiddra) must be deep 
and extensive; (10) must have long and broad 
stone mines (imbedded within it?); (11) the 
fields near {i.e., the irrigated lands) must be 
fertile and of even surface; and (12) the passage 
of water (out of the tank?) must steadily flow on 
hilly slopes. Thus, O ! men, an excellent tank on 
earth is easily brought into existence by observing 
these twelve conditions of work. 

(v, 39) These are the six defects : — (i) holes in the bund ; 
(2) sterile soil ; (3) rising ground in the middle 
and the two ends (?) ; (4) scanty supply of water ; 
(5) too much or too little of ground (catchment 
area ?) and (6) excessive supply of water. 

(v. 40) Without any defects, but with all good points in it, 
the tank Anantasagara was founded by King 
[The details of labour.] 

(v. 41) One thousand men worked each day in the con- 
struction of the bund and the stone work in the 
revetment of waste-weir ; also (were employed) 
one hundred carts. 
(v. 42) It was completed in two years. The money and 
grain spent were unlimited. 







(v. 43) The height, breadth and length of the bund extend- 
ing as far as the mountains (on either side) is 
given in terms of the Rekha-danda. 

(v. 44) ^,ooQ rekha-dandas\or\g'j J (rek/ia-dandas) high. • the 
outlet of water is by 4 bhramas (or sluices) and 
breadth is 8 {rlkha-dandas) ; gods Vighnesa, 
Tsvara, Vishnu, Bhairava, Maha-Durga protect it 
(/.<?., the shrines for these gods are found on the 
bund). Many Brahmans too received presents 
of land below the tank. Then follow imprecations. 

There is a ruined fort in the town, reputed to be of great 
antiquity. Nothing is known of its history. 

Sankavaram is a prosperous village lying about three 
miles north of Porumamilla near the road to Kalasapad. It 
has a population of 3,737 and contains two Board schools and 
three Mission schools belonging to the Kalasapad branch of 
the S.P.G. Mission. It has a large area of irrigated land under 
the Mudireddipalle, Chintalapalle and Porumamilla tanks, of 
which the two latter are fed by the Sagiler project channel. 
The ryots sell their surplus produce at Porumamilla, notably 
turmeric and jaggery. The large number of date trees in the 
vicinity supply toddy to various shops in the north and centre 
of the taluk. The health of the village formerly suffered owing 
to the prevalence of guinea-worm, but this has largely decreased 
since the construction of the Sagiler channel, the water of 
which is said to have percolated into the wells and purified them- 

To the west of the village is a small fort with a circular 
tower said to have been built by " the Kondavandlu family " 
of Kapus who were very famous and powerful in old times.^ 
At a subsequent period it was occupied by a certain Desay 
Marka Reddi, who seems to have been a powerful poligar 
during the l8th century. His descendants own some shrotriem 
villages in the neighbourhood which are said to have been 
granted to the family by Sir Thomas Munro. 

About a hundred yards north of the fort are the remains of 
an old temple which tradition says was built by a Vijayanagar 
king. On a stone close by is a faded inscription wherein are 
only legible a date, S.S. 1517 (A.D, 1595), and the name of 
Venkatapathi Raja of Vijayanagar. This illustrates how the 
Vijayanagar suzerainty was acknowledged at least in name, 
many years after the battle of Talikota. During the whole of 

1 Possibly the Redclis of Kondavidu who continually menaced the northern 
frontier of the Udayagiri province, and occupied a portion of it about the end of 
the 15th century, from which they were ousted and defeated by the Emperor 
Krishnaraya A.D. in 15 14. 




his reign Venkatapathi Raja resided at Chandragiri in the CHAP. XV. 
present Chittoor district. 

Another inscription records that the temple of Iswara 

wliich is built on the slope of a hill about five miles north of 

the village was constructed in the year S.S. 1205 or A.D. 1282 
in the time of Thrighavari Deva Maharaja of the Kayastha 
family. The Kayasthas w^ere powerful feudatories of the 
Kakatlya kings of Warangal who extended their authority 
over most of the Cuddapah district in the last quarter of the 
13th century. Ambadeva who usurped the sovereignty about 
A.D. 1287 belonged to the Kayastha family. 

Kalasapad is one of the more important villages in the Kilasapad. 
north of the taluk. It is situated on the left bank of the Sagiler 
eight miles north of Porumamilla and twenty miles south of 
Giddalur in Kurnool district, the nearest railway station. Its 
population, according to the recent census, was 1,783. It con- 
tains a police station, a branch post office, five private 
choultries, a church and a mission school. It is the head- 
quarters of a branch of the S.P.G. Mission. 

The Kalasapad tank is the first of the series of tanks 
served by the Sagiler project, and has an ayacut of about two 
hundred acres in Kalasapad and three smaller villages. Some 
three miles north of the village a hill stream flows through a 
narrow valley between two ridges of hills across which a dam 
has been thrown at the southern outlet to form a large tank 
known as Racheruvu. This is one of the most picturesque 
spots in the taluk. The tank has an ayacut of over a thousand 
acres and irrigates lands in eight villages including Kalasa- 
pad. The Racheruvu and the village of Rajupalem, about a 
mile to the south of it, are said to have been built by Prince 
Bhaskara at the same time as the Porumamilla tank. 

Attached to the temple of Chennakesavaswami is the mutt 
of Induri Appayya, a latter day saint held in great repute by 
Brahmans. His native place was Rangasamudram in Madana- 
palle taluk, but he lived at Kalasapad. The following is an 
example of the stories that are told of him. On the day of 
the Garudotsavam of Sri Venkateswaraswami at Tirupati 
his mother expressed the wish that they were there. He 
directed his mother to lie on a mat and close her eyes. She 
did so, and shortly afterwards both she and her son were seen 
wandering in the streets of Tirupati by people of their village 
who had gone to the festival. On their enquiring with amaze- 
ment how he and his mother came there, he replied that the 
god Venkateswarulu has brought them. Then he conckicted 
them to the temple and showed them round the town till 



CHAP. XV. the evening. On going to a choultry to retire for the night 
Badvel his mother expressed a regret that she had bought no presents 
Taluk. in the bazaar for her grandchildren. In the morning she 

awoke and found herself in her own house at Kalasapad, and 

on opening the door of a room in the house she found all the 
presents she had regretted not buying the previous day. This 
holy man died at Kalasapad and was buried there about forty- 
five years ago. It is said that he tried to have himself buried 
alive at Rangasamudram, but the police forbade him. So he 
went back to Kalasapad and expired after eight days' fasting 
and religious contemplation. Even now puja is performed at 
his tomb by one of his relatives. 

Kottakota. Kottakota is situated between the Sagiler and the Nalla- 

malais about five miles north-west of Kalasapad. For account 
purposes the village and its hamlets still go by the name of 
Kottakota though the casba is no longer inhabited. It is said 
to have been abandoned after the destruction of the fort, of 
which nothing now remains but crumbling walls and a half- 
filled moat. It must have been a place of considerable import- 
ance at one time, as the ruined fort is nearly as extensive as 
the one at Sidhout. Its history, however, is a matter of conjec- 
ture. Tradition says it was built by a poligar named Krishna 
Reddi who also built the forts at Kalasapad, Narasapuram 
and another in the Nallamalai hills some ten miles west of 
Kottakota. Within the fort on the hills is a large square 
tank, stone revetted, with steps on every side, sunk to a great 
depth and supplied by perennial springs. It seems more 
probable that these forts were constructed in the time of the 
Vijayanagar Empire to protect its north-east frontier which 
was continually exposed to hostile raids. Of the traditional 
poligar Krishna Reddi nothing is known. 

The principal hamlet of the village is Eguva Ramapuram, 
whose inhabitants, chiefly wealthy Kammas and Pedda- 
kanti Kapus, number I,o8l according to the census of IQII. 
Furniture-making provides employment to some skilful car- 
penters in this village who obtain excellent timber from 
the Nallamalai forests. They make chairs of various kinds, 
stools, cots and tables, besides doing a large business in 
agricultural implements and country carts which they export 
to Koilkuntla and Proddatur taluks. Poorer people of the 
village trade in minor forest produce. 

Munneiii. MunnclH, population 2,750, is situated on the left bank of the 

Sagiler about fifteen miles north-west of Badvel. Though the 
village itself is not large, the area attached to it for adminis- 
trative purposes extends from the Sagiler on the west to the 


ridge of hills on the east which marks off the valley containing cHAP. XV. 
the POrumamilla and Badvel tanks. The distance between its badvhl 
northern and southern boundaries is nearly as great, so that it Taluk. 

covers, together with its numerous hamlets, an area of about 

ten square miles. The village contains five fairly large tanks 
irrigating in the aggregate several hundreds of acres. 

Two inscriptions in this village as well as others in the 
Sagiler valley show that in the middle of the l6th century 
this part of the district was included in the Gandikota shna. 
At an earlier period of the Vijayanagar ascendancy Badvel 
taluk appears to have fallen within the Siddhavattam 5/wa ; 
but it is possible that the latter was a sub-division of Gandi- 
kota and not a separate district. 

Every four or five years a h\g jatr a takes place at Munnelli 
in honour of the village deity Devagiri Ankalamma. It lasts 
seven days and attracts an assembly of about four thousand 
people from various parts of the taluk. Animal sacrifices are, 
as usual, the principal feature of this festival. Hundreds of 
sheep and goats are thus immolated, the sacrifice being 
inaugurated on the fifth day by the slaughter of a buffalo. 
At Rajupalem, a hamlet of Munnelli, another great festival 
is occasionally held in honour of the goddess Palnati 
Ankalamma. Several villages in the Sagiler valley worship 
this goddess. Her cult is said to have been introduced by a 
Mala from Palnad in Guntur district. No buffaloes at all are 
sacrificed at this festival, but only sheep and goats. People 
of the Baineni caste are paid to come from Palnad and recite 
the palnati siiddnlu during the festival. 

Coarse country cloths are woven by people of the barber 
caste in this village, 

Palugurallapallc, with a population of 2,703, is situated Paluguralla- 
about twelve miles north-west of Badvel on the right bank P^i^^. 
of the Sagiler. It is the headquarters of a revenue inspector 
and contains a branch post office, a Board school and a mission 
school. It is an important outstation of the Kalasapad Mission. 
Its church, which is a stone building with a roof of Mangalore 
tiles, was dedicated by the Bishop of Madras in 1904- 

The village has four tanks, of which the two larger have 
good catchment areas and irrigate fairly large ayacuts ; but 
the soils are on the whole very poor, abounding in deleterious 
salts and palugu rdllu,^ the prevalence of which presumably 
gave the village its name. 

There is a mutt at this village in the name of one 
Govindaswami, a saintly Brahman who performed many 

1 See under rarnapuUe of Pulivendla taluk. 



CHAP. XV. miracles during his lifetime. A curious story is told to the 
Radvel effect that the swami in one of his journeyings came to 
Taluk. Maidukuru where the Collector was holding jamabandi. 
While there he was observed by the Collector to wring his 
hands vehemently. On the Collector asking him to explain 
this unaccountable action the saint replied that the screen of 
Varadarajaswami at Conjeeveram was being burned. The 
Collector thereupon wrote to the Collector of Chingleput and 
enquired if any such thing had happened, and received a reply 
to the effect that the event had actually occurred at the time 
the swami had spoken of it. The Collector of Cuddapah, it is 
said, appreciated the powers of the swami so highly that he 
gave him an inam of three acres in Dorasanipalle, a hamlet of 
Rameswaram in Proddatur taluk. 


SiDHouT Sidhout is the central taluk of the eastern division. Its 

Taluk. northern and southern boundaries correspond to no natural 

feature, but the Veligondas separate it from the Nellore district 
on the east and the Palkondas from Cuddapah taluk and the 
north-east corner of Rayachoti taluk on the west. The area 
of the taluk is 6o6 square miles. It contains seventy-nine 
villages with a total population of 64,333. The Penner in its 
course through the taluk from west to east receives the waters 
of the Sagiler on the north and the Cheyyer, a more important 
tributary, on the_south. Further east the Tummala vanka 
which drains the Obulam valley joins it from the north. The 
valley of the Sagiler is separated from the Obulam valley by 
a ridge of hills which starts from the neighbourhood of 
Kalasapad in the north of Badvel taluk and extends southwards 
as far as the confluence of the Cheyyer and Penner, where it 
turns eastwards and merges with the Veligondas on the 
borders of Pullampet taluk, thus terminating the Obulam 
valley. A few miles west of this ridge and separated there- 
from by a narrow strip of low country along the right bank of 
the Penner is an offshoot of the Palkonda range which encloses 
the Vontimitta valley. The railway line enters this valley 
about three miles north of Nandalur station and takes a north- 
westerly direction following the Madras-Bombay trunk road 
through the gap in the hills to Cuddapah. 

Like Badvel, the Sidhout taluk depends for its irrigation 
mainly upon rainfed tanks of which the largest are those 
at Vontimitta, Ramapuram and Madapur. River channels 
are scarce as the banks of the Penner and Sagiler are steep 
and more suited to the construction of doruvu wells. The best 



soils in the taluk, alluvial in origin, are found in the valley 
of the Penner, west of Sidhout, and the lower reaches of the 
Sagiler. Elsewhere red soils largely predominate, and their 
quality is good in parts of the Vontimitta valley. North of the 
Penner there are stretches of saline soil which make for a low 
average of fertility- 

On the left bank of the Penner about ten miles east of 
Cuddapah is — 

Siddhavattam or Sidhout, the headquarters of the taluk. 
It is a union, with a population of 3,636. A metalled road con- 
nects Sidhout with the Vontimitta railway station at a distance 
of eight miles. The Sidhout railway station, though much 
nearer, is situated in the jungle and comparatively inaccessible. 
After the departure of Munro and the bifurcation of the Ceded 
Districts, Sidhout was for some years the residence of the 
Collector, but was abandoned in favour of Cuddapah in the 
year 1817. It was till recently the headquarters of the Revenue 
Divisional Officer. The office is still located there, while the 
Sub-Collector resides at Cuddapah pending the completion of 
a bungalow and office premises at Rajampet. An Inspector 
of the Salt and Abkari Department is stationed at Sidhout, 
which also contains, besides the taluk office, a Sub-Registrar's 
office, Forest Range office. Local Fund dispensary and a post 
office. There is no telegraph office. The Public Works 
Department maintains a travellers' bungalow. The historical 
interest of Sidhout centres in its fort. Within it are to be 
seen traces of Hindu temples of which, prior to the Musalman 
ascendancy, there were three, named the Siddheswaraswami, 
Siddhavateswaraswami and Ranganathaswami temples. 
Early in the 17th century Anantaramaraju, a powerful prince 
of the Matli family, whose authority over this part of the coun- 
try was practically unchecked, was invited by the Brahmans 
of Sidhout to visit the temples on his return from Badvel to 
his headquarters in Pullampet taluk. During his halt there 
he gave orders that the temples should be surrounded with a 
strong compound wall. On the south-east side of the wall an 
inscription records its construction by Matli Anantaramaraju 
in the year S.S. 1527 (A.D. 1604). This wall became the 
nucleus of the fort which was built by Abdul Alam Khan, 
Nawab of Cuddapah, about A.D. 1755. A moat was dug and 
water let into it from the Penner. Upon the southern wall of 
the fort, where it rises sheer above the river bank, the Nawab 
constructed a mosque, with a residence for himself close by. 
The mosque being still in use is kept in good repair. When 
the river comes down in full flood and washes the foot of the 





CHAP. XV. wall the view from the top of it across half a mile of swirling 
SiDHOUT torrent to the hills on the south is sufficiently striking to repay 
Taluk. the trouble of a visit. After the Musalman occupation the 

Hindu temples within the fort were dismantled and the idols 

removed and installed in fresh temples. It was in the Sidhout 
fort that the Nawab Alam Khan was finally captured by Haidar 
Ali in 1779 and sent a prisoner to Seringapatam. He is 
reputed to have been but a poor soldier and addicted to a life 
of pleasure. About a mile west of Sidhout in a little village 
called Rajampet which forms part of the union of Sidhout 
is a well called " Bhogandani bhavi, " curiously built, with pil- 
lared verandahs on every side. It is only possible to discern 
the well — square-shaped, with stone steps — after passing 
within the verandah. It is said to have been constructed by 
Alam Khan at the request of his favourite dancing-girl, who 
lived in a two-storied house close by, and hence its name. 
The Bhogandani well is included in the List of Ancient 
Monuments conserved by the Archaeological Department. 

Three miles west of Rajampet is another little village on the 
same side of the river, named Joti. It contains a temple of 
Siddheswaram which is almost completely buried in the sand. 
It is an ancient structure and is supposed to contain very 
valuable inscriptions at present concealed. There are also two 
Vishnu temples of archaeological interest about a mile west of 
the village. 

Owing to some resemblance, real or imagined, in its situ- 
ation on the Penner and the relative position of neighbouring 
villages Sidhout is sometimes known as Dakshana Kasi or 
Southern Benares. That the Penner was thus associated with 
the Ganges from very early times is also indicated by the 
existence of two villages called Pennaperur and Gangaperur 
on the south bank of the river, a few miles north of Vontimitta. 
Again, in such matters as ceremonial bathing and cremation, 
the Penner is held to be endowed with the greatest religious 

The cultivation of " Cuddapah melons " in the river-bed is 
carried out more extensively at Sidhout than anywhere else in 
the district. They are raised between December and March, 
that is to say, as soon as the freshes run dry after the cessation 
of the cold weather rains. The growers mark out their plots 
in the sandy bed of the river and raise the fruit either by 
transplanting seedlings or sowing the seeds in pits. The 
plants require heavy manuring thrice in the season. Some 
fifteen hundred plants creep over an acre of sand and 
produce on an average from ten to twelve melons each. No 


assessment is charged, and the only expense involved in their CHAP XV. 
cultivation is the cost of manure. To the necessity of procur- Sidhout 
ing this in large quantities is due the fact that Cuddapah Taluk. 

melons are only grown in the neighbourhood of big villages 

or towns. 

Vontimitta, the largest village in the taluk, is situated about Vomimitta. 
eight miles south-east of Sidhout on the main road to 
Cuddapah. The railway station is three-quarters of a mile to 
the east of the village. Its population, inclusive of outlying 
hamlets, is 4,309. It contains a travellers' bungalow in charge 
of the Forest Department, two local fund choultries, a post 
office and a police station. The Vontimitta tank, which is the 
largest in the taluk, lies between the railway line and the road, 
the latter passing over the bund. It has an excellent catchment 
area and a large ayacut of over a thousand acres. 

The village is remarkable for its temple of Kothandarama- 
swami, one of the largest in these parts. It has three gopurams, 
of which the central and loftiest is adorned with carved figures, 
the others being plain. Within the courtyard are two stone 
tnantapams, a large one with thirty-two pillars and a smaller 
with fourteen. The former is the place where the utsava 
vigrahams are decorated during festivals, and the latter is the 
kalydna mantapam where on the day preceding the car-festival 
the ceremony of the god's marriage with Sita is performed. 
The great annual festival is conducted with much splendour 
for nine days during April and attracts some thousands of 
people. The temple was quite recently declared a protected 
monument under the Monuments Preservation Act of 1904.^ 
Two inscriptions within the temple record grants made for its 
benefit in the reign of the Emperor Sadasiva of the Vijaya- 
nagar dynasty, of which one, dated S.S. 1477 (A. D. 1554-55), 
consisted of three villages of the Pottapi s'lma and fifty kutitas 
of land under the Vontimitta tank, the donor being the 
Emperor himself. 

Madhavaram, population 1,915, is situated on the Pottapi- j^j^j^a 
Vontimitta road on the right bank of the Penner, about two varam. 
miles west of its confluence with the Che3^yer. About a mile 
beyond Madhavaram the road turns sharply to the west and 
passes over an outlying spur of the Palkondas into the Vonti- 
mitta valley. The distance to Vontimitta railway station is 
about ten miles. The village contains a travellers' bungalow 
and four choultries ; one of the latter, situated in the hamlet of 
Boyanapalle, is maintained by the Local Fund Department. 
The village contains numerous tiled houses, with upper stories. 

' See Fort St. George Gazette of May 26, 1914, page 769. 




CHAP. XV. Its prosperity is principally clue to the silk-weaving industry. 

SiDHouT About three-quarters of the inhabitants belong to the weaving 

Taluk. caste of the Padma Sales and are the most skilful silk-weavers 

in the district.^ But they are said to be thriftless and addicted 

to drink, and the capitalists who employ them were, on this 
account, recently agitating for the removal of the liquor shops. 
A temple of Bhavanarayanaswami, or "Bhavana Rushi," 
the caste god of the Padma Sales, is in course of construction. 
It is designed on a grand scale and will be a feature of the 
place when completed. 

Kuruguntapallc lies two and a half miles south-east of 
Madhavaram and the same distance south-west of the con- 
fluence of the Penner and the Cheyyer. Its nearest railway 
station is Vontimitta, twelve miles to the west. In point of 
size the village ranks third in the taluk, containing a population 
of 3.395- Being near the road connecting Vontimitta with the 
principal villages of the Cheyyer valley in Pullampet taluk it is 
favourably situated for local trade. The village contains a 
large number of Setti Balijas who are skilful weavers as well 
as agriculturists. 

Kotapad. KotapSd, population 1,390, lies about two miles north of 

Madhavaram and half a mile west of the Penner. Its nearest 
railway station is Vontimitta, about nine miles to the south- 
west. The village contains a local fund choultry. Tradition 
says that the site of the present village was once occupied by a 
fort and a peta, the name of the latter being Basannagadda, 
and that on their destruction many hundreds of years ago the 
place came to be known as Kotapad or " ruined fort." No 
traces of any fort are to be seen at the present day. 

About two miles from the village_ is a fenced enclosure 
with a wooden gateway, known as Avula male, where sacred 
cattle were kept. An dvitla pariipu ^ used to be performed 
periodically by a sub-sect of kdpus called Rayas, who formerly 
lived in Kotapad. Near the enclosure are four stones contain- 
ing representations of cattle and vigrahams of Krishna and 
Siva. Against each bull and cow so portrayed is written its 
name, such as, Lempalapu Avu, PallaboUi Eddu and so forth. 
Near the gate is a stone inscription recording that in the year 
S.S. 1500, i.e., A.D. 1578, in the time of Kotapoti Bhakki Reddi, 
Karnam Veerappa and others, six kiintas of dry land and half a 
y^i/«/a of wet land were assigned by one Inge Bheema Reddi 
for the performance of the dvida parupu. The sacred cattle 
were under the special protection of the Raya Kdpus. They 

^ See Chapter VI — " Silk-weaving." 
* Cow- worship. See under Chilakampalle, Pulivendla taluk. 


were never milked or used for agricultural purposes, and after cHAP. XV. 
death they were buried and not given to the Madigas like other sidhout 
cattle for the sake of their skins. The sacred cattle became Taluk. 

extinct many years ago, and the family who protected them no 

longer lives at Kotapad. Some descendants of these Kapus 
are said to reside at Upparapalle, a hamlet of Pattapurayi in 

Obulam, with a population of 2,964, is situated about two Obulam. 
miles north of the Penner, some five miles below its confluence 
with the Chej^yer. It is the principal village in the valley 
which bears its name, and is the headquarters of a firka 
revenue inspector and a sub-inspector of police. It has eleven 
hamlets and its boundaries extend east and west to the hills 
which enclose the valley. The village itself is in the centre 
on the left bank of the Tummala vanka. Nothing is known 
of its history, but it is believed by its inhabitants to have been a 
place of great importance " when Boyas ruled the country." 

The Veligonda hills to the east of the village are locally 
known as the Mallemkondas and are held in great sanctity on 
account of their perennial springs and wooded hollows, which 
are still thought to be the abode of rishis. Chief among 
such picturesque spots is the Velpula kona wherein is the 
temple of Mallemkondayyaswami. Within this hollow are 
seven pools of water, the most sacred of which is the Moksha- 
gundam to which a flight of steps leads down from the temple. 
Every visitor to the temple first bathes in this pool before 
worshipping the god. The principal tank in the village is 
called Musalnayani cheruvu and is said to have been con- 
structed in the 17th century by a minister of the Matli rajas 
named Musalnayadu. 

The wells of the village are impregnated with guineaworm, 
and a very large proportion of the inhabitants suffer from the 

Kondur is situated in the Sagiler valley about a mile east Kondur. 
of the road to Badvel and eleven miles north of Sidhout. It 
contains a police station, a local fund choultry and a travel- 
lers' bungalow. The latter, which belongs to the Forest 
Department, is on the roadside and makes a convenient half- 
way house between Sidhout and Badvel. The boundary of 
the village extends westwards as far as the Lanka millais, 
wherein is a temple of Venugopalaswami. This is held in 
great sanctity and often visited from long distances for the 
purpose of fulfilling vows, 

Yappirala lies on th_e north bank of the Penner some four Vap^niaia. 
miles south-east of Obulam and twenty-five miles east 








of Sidhout. It has a population of_ 1,261 and is the only 
village of any importance in the Obulam valley south of 
Obulam. It is a recognized halting-place for travellers and 
merchants passing to and from Kaluvaya in the Nellore 
district. About sixteen miles of the journey from Vontimitta 
to Kaluvaya has to be performed along the sandy river-bed as 
there is no other road between Madhavaram and Somaslla ; 
consequently merchandise by this route is generally conveyed 
by pack-bullocks. The panchalingdlakdna in the Veligondas 
to the east of the village is a place of some religious import- 
ance and attracts numerous devotees. Spotted deer are 
sometimes to be seen at the foot of the hills near this village. 

Gangaperur, population 1,074, is situated three miles north 
of Vontimitta near the road to Sidhiout, and about a mile 
south of the Penner. In the name of the village some profess 
to trace the influence of the early Ganga dynasty in these 
parts ; but it seems more probable that the names of Ganga- 
perur and its neighbour Pennaperiir merely serve to mark the 
old association in the popular mind between the Penner and 
the Ganges. In connection with the temple of Narasimha- 
swami in this village a curious story of Munro is told by the 
people to this day. The Collector had come to the village for 
the purpose of examining the inam tenures. He confirmed 
the village service and artizan inams but declined to allow 
the inam granted for the worship of Narasimhaswami. At 
length in response to the earnest representations of the 
karnam, Munro declared that he would confirm the inam if 
he should see the god in person. The karnam, therefore, 
prayed the god to appear to the Collector, in order that the 
inam might not be resumed. In the evening Munro hearing 
the sound of a galloping horse came out of his tent, and saw 
the god ride past on a white horse. He was so pleased at the 
sight that he at once confirmed the inam. 

A copper-plate inscription dated S.S. 1699 (A.D. 1777) 
records the grant of some land for the upkeep of a mosque in 
the hamlet of Mukundapuram. Among other items the grant 
speaks of a contribution of grain for feeding the partridges 
in the mosque. 


PuUampet is the southernmost of the three taluks forming 
the eastern division and, like Sidhout, is flanked on the east 
and west by the great hill ranges of the Veligondas and 
Palkondas or Seshachalams. These two ranges coalesce in 
the southern extremity of the taluk and terminate a little to 
the west at the sacred hill of Tirupati. About fifteen miles 


north of Renigunta a narrow gap in the hills leads the railway CHAP. XV 
line from the Chendragiri taluk into that of Pullampet, Pullampet 
whence it proceeds in a north-westerly direction till it enters Taluk. 
the Sidhout taluk a few miles north of Nandalur. The taluk 
is drained by the Cheyyer which forces its way through a 
winding gorge in the Seshachalams about sixteen miles south- 
west of Rajampet and turning northwards near Tangatur enters 
the Sidhout taluk about three miles south of its junction with 
the Penner. Its only important tributaries in this taluk are 
the PuUangi and the Gunjana which join it from the south. 

The area of Pullampet taluk is 979 square miles and it 
contains a population of 145,230, which exceeds that of any 
other taluk in the district, though in point of density it ranks 
but sixth. It has a better rainfall than the rest of the district, 
and its irrigation facilities are excellent. The Cheyyer river 
channels below Nandalur are as good as any in the district, 
and there is no scarcity of large tanks though there is none 
to equal those at Porumamilla or Badvel. Of these may be 
mentioned the tanks at Pedda Orampad, Poli, Cherlopalle 
and Penagalur each of which irrigates an ayacut of over a 
thousand acres. The soils of the taluk call for no particular 
notice ; generally speaking, the nearer the rivers the better 
the soils. The red ferruginous series largely predominates, 
as in the rest of the division. 

The taluk is well provided with communications. There are 
eight railway stations within its limits and the more important 
of these are connected by metalled roads with the principal 
villages of the interior, which lie to the east of the railway line. 

The following places in the taluk deserve notice : — 

Rajampet, with a population of 14,649, is the fourth largest Rajampet. 
town in the district. About twenty-five years ago it svas 
made the headquarters of the taluk in preference to Pullam- 
pet. The town, which is a mile from the railway station, 
contains a travellers' bungalow, a combined post and tele- 
graph office and all the offices usual to a taluk headquarters 
except the Sub-Registrar's office which is still located at 
Pullampet. It is situated on the left bank of the Pullangi 
which flows into the Cheyyer four miles further north. On 
the other bank of the stream, opposite the town, is a hill 
called Kondur Tippa which bears traces of old fortifications. 
It is said to have been an outpost of some ruling chiefs, now 
spoken of as the Kondur rajas, who founded the adjoining 
town and called it Rajampet. 

Historically there is nothing to relate of Rajampet. Its 
importance is of modern origin and dates from the opening 


CHAP. XV. of the Madras Railway some fifty years ago, by which it 

PuLLAMPET received a great stimulus to trade and rapidly became the 

Taluk. principal centre of distribution not only for Pullampet but for 

much of Sidhout and Rayachoti taluks. The transfer of the 

taluk office to Rajampet increased its importance, and it was 
constituted a union in l888. It will be made the headquarters 
of the division when the Sub-Collector's bungalow and office, 
now under construction, are completed. 

A large weekly market is held every Wednesday. Weav- 
ing is the only industry that provides occupation to any 
considerable section of the population. Petty shopkeepers 
and traders, large and small, constitute the majority. The 
proportion of Musalmans is lower in Rajampet than any other 
town in the district. 
Pullampet. Pullampct, formerly the taluk headquarters, is situated 

about seven miles south-east of Rajampet and three miles from 
Reddipalle railway station. It has a population of 2,274 and 
contains a local fund travellers' bungalow, a Sub-Registrar's 
office and a police station. There is also a choultry on the 
Madras road. A metalled road branches from the main road at 
Pullampet and passes over the low hills eastwards to Chitvel 
in the Gunjana valley. It is crossed by the Pullangi close to 
Pullampet, which probably derives its name from this river. 

The weavers of Pullampet have a reputation for excellent 
workmanship. They belong to the Sale caste, the most skilful 
• weavers in the district. There are three subdivisions of this 
caste in these parts, namely, the Padma Sales, Pattu Sales and 
Kanna Sales. Neither class will take food with the members 
of another and intermarriage is of course prohibited. The two 
first-named wear the sacred thread. They are all flesh-eaters 
and by no means teetotalers. Fine white turbans and white 
or coloured cloths for men's wear are woven by the Sales of 
Pullampet, who specialize in the manufacture of gold and silver 
embroidery with which these are so often embellished. 
No better embroidery of the kind is made in the district. 

The temple of Anjaneyaswami at Pullampet was erected 
by a Tahsildar of the taluk about fifty years ago. There is 
also a Siva temple of more recent construction. 
^'^° ■ Chitvel, a union and the headquarters of the Deputy 

Tahsildar's division, is situated on the Gunjana about twelve 
miles east of Pullampet. Besides the direct road to Pullampet, 
a metalled road connects Chitvel with Kodur on the south and 
joins the Rajampet-Tangatur road on the north near Narayana- 
nellur. Another road leads eastwards from Chitvel over the 
Veligondas by the Rapur ghat to Nellore district. 



Besides the office of the Deputy Tahsildar and Sub- 
Magistrate the village contains a Sub-Registrar's office and a 
police station. There was formerly a travellers' bungalow 
here, but it was demolished some years ago and it is proposed 
to construct a new one. The Lutheran Mission has an out- 
station at Chitvel and a small church near which is a mango 
tope where tents can be pitched. 

About the beginning of the l8th century Chitvel became the 
headquarters of the powerful family of Matli or Matla princes 
whose authority once extended over the whole of the eastern 
division of the district. Though the Matli family are spoken 
of by Munro as " poligars of Chitvel " the term is really a 
misnomer. There were no poligars in this part of the district, 
and the origin and nature of the political ascendancy of the 
Matli princes have nothing in common with the rise of the 
poligars in Pulivendla and Rayachoti taluks. They ruled the 
Pottapi-nadu under the Vijayanagar Emperors and were thus 
the political successors of the Telugu Chodas who had held 
the same position under the suzerainty of the Cholas till the 
latter part of the 13th century. The removal of their head- 
quarters to Chitvel in the reign of Abdul Nabi Khan, the most 
energetic of the Nawabs of Cuddapah, marks the beginning 
of their decline, and by the middle of the l8th century their 
authority certainly did not extend beyond the limits of the 
Pullampet taluk. Their political influence was further under- 
mined by Tipu and finally extinguished by Munro. For 
many years after the British took possession of the country 
Chitvel remained the headquarters of a ' district ' (Le. taluk), 
and the exact date of the transfer from Chitvel to Pullampet 
is not now ascertainable. 

Turmeric is a favourite garden crop in Chitvel and other 
places in the Gunjana valley. The raw product is sent to 
Cuddapah where the powder is extracted by motive power and 
exported to various parts of India. 

Pottapi, population 1,453, is situated on the left bank of 
the Cheyyer, about fifteen miles north of Rajampet. It is a 
pleasant village and full of historical interest. The Telugu 
Chodas established themselves here about A.D. 1000, and 
}*ottapi remained the headquarters of this part of the country 
under various dynasties for about seven hundred years. There 
are several old inscriptions, some of which have not been 
deciphered, in the temples of Mulastaneswaraswami and 
Gopalaswami. Their systematic investigation would probably 
add to our knowledge of the early history of these parts. 
An inscription in the first-named temple appears to record its 


puli ■ mpet 



CHAP. XV. foundation in S.S, 1 1 15 or A.D. I193. In the other temple are 

PuLLAMPET two inscriptions one of which states that the temple was built 

Taluk. in S.S. 1459 by a Matli prince named Anantaramarazu. The 

date indicates that this was Matla Ananta, the author of the 

Telugu poem Kakusthavijayamu.^ The other inscription 
records that in S.S. 1643 or A.D. 1721 three kuntas of wet 
land were granted to the temple by Kumara Ananta Raja, 
another member of the same family. 

Of the extensive fort the foundations are now alone 
visible, and the broad moat is under cultivation. The 
gardens between the village and the Cheyyer, irrigated by 
river channels, lend the place a picturesque appearance. 

There is a good camping ground in a tope near the river 
about half a mile north-east of the village. 
Kodur. Kodur, is a large village with numerous hamlets and an 

inclusive population of 6,592. It is situated on the Gunjana 
river a mile north-east of the railway station of the same name 
and contains a travellers' bungalow belonging to the Forest 
Department. The making of bamboo cots, baskets, tatties 
and the like, material for which is obtainable from the adjoin- 
ing forests, constitutes the only important industry in the 
place. A metalled road following the course of the Gunjana 
river connects Kodur with the principal villages of the Chitvel 
valley, exports from which are generally entrained at the 
Kodur railway station, while its comparative proximity to 
Madras gives it some advantage over Rajampet in the distri- 
bution over the same area of rail-borne goods from the south 
of the Presidency. Some years ago a Marwari from the 
Bombay Presidency established a power-driven factory for the 
cleaning of turmeric preparatory to its export to the north of 
India, but being found unremunerative it was closed about two 
years ago; possibly it was unable to compete with the saffron 
mill at Cuddapah. 

There is a valuable red sanders plantation at Kodur dating 
from 1865, particulars of which have already been given. - 
The Forest Department also maintains a fuel depot which 
was established in 1871 as well as a large mango plantation. 

A branch of the German Lutheran Mission was established 
at Kodur about thirty years ago. Some account of its activities 
will be found elsewhere.' The Mission Church at Kodur was 
built in 1887. The Leper Asylum maintained by the Mission 
at Krupapalle lies about a mile and a half south-east of Kodur. 

A peculiar custom obtains in Kodur among sudra castes. 
When a child falls ill the toe-ring is removed from the 

1 See Chapter II. 2 See Chapter V. » gee Chapter III. 


mother's left foot and tied round the child's neck with an CHAP. XV. 
indigo-coloured thread with the object of restoring it to health. Pullampet 
It is also worthy of note that the pujari who conducts the Taluk. 
worship of Ankalamma, the village goddess, is a woman ; a 
peculiarity of which there appears to be no other example in 
the district. 

Scttigunta is the southernmost village of the taluk. Its Settigunu 
limits extend northwards to within two or three miles of Kodur 
railway station, so that its length from north to south is about 
ten miles. Its eastern and western boundaries are the Veli- 
gondas and the Seshachalam hills. The " casba " is situated 
near the Settigunta railway station. The village, which con- 
tains many hamlets, has a total population of 5,431. 

It is supposed to be named after the big tank on its western 
side, which, tradition says, was built by a Setti or Linga Balija. 
The tank occupies a fine natural position in the centre of the 
valley and receives the water of hill streams from both ranges, 
but its utility is somewhat impaired by the railway line 
which cuts off a portion of the bed on the east. 

As at Kodur, the adjoining forests supply material for the 
making of cots, baskets, tatties and mats. This is particularly 
the occupation of a caste of people called Medaravandlu, 
They claim to be Balijas, but the latter do not admit them to 
social equality, A special industry has arisen at Settigunta 
in the making of wooden figures out of the heartwood of the 
red Sanders tree, for which there is a considerable demand 
among pilgrims to Tirupati.^ 

A few miles south of Settigunta are the Balapalle fuel 
reserves. They are in a very flourishing condition and under 
the present system of working are expected to afford an 
unfailing supply of fuel. 

Nandalar is situated on the left bank of the Cheyyer about Nandalur. 
six miles north of Rajampet. It is a mile south-east of the 
railway station which lies in Nagireddipalle village. As the 
latter forms part of the Nandalur union the two villages may 
be conveniently dealt with together. They contain in the 
aggregate a population of 4,322. The Union office. District 
Munsif's Court, travellers' bungalow, post office and office of 
the Sub-Assistant Inspector of Schools are all situated in 
Nagireddipalle, as is also the railway dispensary. The rail- 
way line crosses the Cheyyer about half a mile south of the 
station. The bridge, which was reconstructed after the 
disaster of 1870," consists of forty-six openings of 64 feet span 
each, with wrought iron-plate girders over stone and cast-iron 

1 See Chapters V and VI. « See Chapter VII. 





Oram pad, 

cylinder piers. The latter are of immense girth and very 
deeply imbedded in the river. The bridge has successfully 
withstood some very heavy floods, notably those of 1874, and 

The wet lands of Nandalur are irrigated by river channels 
from the Cheyyer and by the Kannekala tank which is also 
river-fed. The tank is rather unfavourably affected by the 
railway but in good years it affords an excellent supply to its 
entire ayacut. " Kannekala cheruvu " means " the tank of the 
maidens," and tradition relates that seven virgins were sacri- 
ficed at the time of its construction to ensure that it would 
never breach. Nowadays when the tank surpluses Brahman 
matrons go to the bund of an evening and make offerings to 
the shades of the departed maidens. 

The temple of Saumyanathaswami at Nandalur is of 
immense antiquity and was formerly held in great repute. It 
contains on its walls and elsewhere no less than fifty-four 
inscriptions dating from the Ilth century to Vijayanagar 
times, from which much information of historical value has 
been gleaned. At the present day the temple is unfortunately 
somewhat neglected. 

Nandalur contains one of the only two Board lower second- 
ary schools in the district, and a Government Muhammadan 

Pedda Orampad and Chinna Orampad are two villages 
situated on the north and south respectively of the great Pedda 
Orampad tank. Chinna Orampad lies on the Madras road 
about a mile north-east of the Orampad railway station, and 
despite its name, is the larger of the two villages, containing a 
population of 4,730, while Pedda Orampad has but 3,294 
inhabitants. The local tradition runs that these villages were 
founded about two hundred years ago on the site of a town 
called Bukkapatnam which had been founded by the Vijaya- 
nagar Emperor Bukka and subsequently destroyed by the 
Musalmans. The story is not supported by history, so far as is 
yet known. 

The tank is one of the largest in the taluk and irrigates 
some half a dozen villages. It is fed by a hill stream from 
the Seshachalams called Pamaleru and the surplus water 
flows into the Pullangi. Part of the bund is formed by the 
hillock known as Duddine Tippa. In the foreshore of the tank 
is a hamlet of fishermen called Bestapalle, all the inhabitants 
of which belong to the Besta caste of fishermen, and subsist 
solely on their hereditary occupation. 

i See Chapter Vlll, 



Pcnagalur, population 2,196, is situated near the right bank cHAP. XV 
of the Cheyyer about twelve miles north-east of Rajampet. It Pullampet 
contains a large tank with an ayacut of over a thousand acres. Taluk. 

which irrigates nearly all the land in the village. In the 

course of years the tank has silted up to a considerable extent, Penagalur. 

but its supply has recently been improved by the renewal of a 

feeder channel from the Cheyyer. The tank is also known as 

Kannekala cheruvu, and the name is accounted for by a variant 

of the story already given in connection with the Nandalur 

tank, according to which the Penagalur tank actually breached 

in seven places the year after its construction and, in obedience 

to the god GOpalaswami whose temple is near the bund, the 

seven daughters of the man who had built the tank sat one in 

each of the breaches, which were then filled up ; since when 

the tank has never breached again. 

Reference has already been made^ to an ancient grant of 
some lands of Perungandura (Penagalur) to Brahmans which 
was confirmed by the Telugu Choda chief Manumasiddhi in the 
latter half of the 13th century. It is interesting to note that 
part of the village is still held by Brahman shrotriemdars with 
whom is a copper-plate showing that the grant was again 
renewed in S.S. 1493, i.e., A.D. 1 571 by Tirumalaraja, a chief 
of the Matli family. It is conjectured that the grantees 
obtained this confirmation for fear that their rights might 
be called in question subsequently to the downfall of the 
Vijayanagar Empire, which had occurred but six years before 
at the battle of Talikota. 

Tangatur, population 1,665, is situated on the left bank of Tangatsr. 
the Cheyyer where the river turns north towards Sidhout taluk. 
It is a place of some historical interest. An inscription near 
the ruined temple of Siddheswaraswami, dated S.S. 1257 (A.D. 
131 5) mentions the Kakatlya king Prataparudra, This shows 
that his authority in these parts was still recognized in spite of 
the Musalman invasion of the Deccan six years earlier. His 
deposition and removal to Delhi did not in fact take place till 
ten years later, in A.D. 1325. 

Some time in the 17th century the Matli princes made 
Tangatur the headquarters of one of their administrative 
divisions in place of Pottapi. 

^ See Chapter II. 

N D E X 

Abbavaram, 219. 

Abdul Alam Khan, 44, 235, 

Abdul Nabhi Khan, 40, 41, 42, 193. 

Abdul Syed Khan, 189. 

Abkarj, 163. 

Accidents on railways, 123. 

Achyuta, 36, 186. 

Adina cordifolia, 99. 

Adinimmayapalle, 184. 

Aditya, i, 30. 

Administration of justice, 166. 

Ad5ni, 46, 148. 

Agudur, 22. 

Agriculture, 108 ; and irrigation, 72. 

Agriculturists, economic condition 
of, 87. 

Agudur, 22. 

Akkadevatula Konda, 225. 

Akkisettipalle tank, 87. 

Albizzia amara, 99 ; odoratissima, 

Ali Khan, Dost, 41. 

Alireddipalle, 209, 

Allah-ud-din, 35. 

Aluminium, 112. 

Amada, 117. 

Ambadeva, 34, 231. 

Amelapalle, memorial stones at, 25. 

Ammavaru or Lakshmi, 16. 

Amruta, 184. 

Amusements, 62. 

Ananda Ranga Pillai, the private 
diary of, 97. 

Ananta Matla, 39, 244. 

Anantarajupuram, 39. 

Anantaramaraju, 235, 244 ; con- 
structs the Badvel tank, 39. 

Andhra dominions, 28. 

Animela, 29, 207. 

Anjaneya. 184. 

Anjaneyaswami temple, 179. 

Ankalamma, 245. 

Anogeissus latjfolia, 99, 100. 


Anthrams, 65. 

x^rinamma, temple of, 224, 

Arrack, 163. 

Arts and industries, textile, 108. 

Ashbeds, 11, 12. 

Asoka, 26. 

Asophs, 45. 

Athirala, 34. 

Atlantia monophylia, 99. 

Aurangzebe, 38, 148. 

Avenues, 120. 

Avula parupu or cow worship, 314, 

Ayodhya or Oudh, 26. 


Babool tree, 3, 20, 100. 

Baday Miah, 42. 

Badvel, 30, 38 ; construction of its 
tank, 81 ; fuel working circle, 
102 ; breach of its tank, 137 ; dis- 
pensary at, 142 ; district munsif's 
court at, 167 ; Sub-Registrar's 
office at, 168 ; descriptive note of, 

Badvel taluk, 2, 4, 226. 

Baggira, 16. 

Bahudanadi, 3, 80, 201. 

Bainapalle fuel working circle, 102. 

Balanadar, Monsignor, J., 56. 

Balapalle, 4, 121 ; fuel working 
circle, 102 : fuel reserve, 100, loi, 

Balapanur, 214. 

Balavanta Rao, 44. 

Balijas, 66, 67 : stone carverK, 112. 

Bamboos, 105. 

Bunas, 27, 28 

Bandaru, 94. 

Banganapalle group of quarzites, 14. 

Banyan tree, 21. 

Bapoji Nayakkan, 42, 

Baramahal, 41. 

Baredu, 116. 



Basannagadda, 238. 

Basavappa Nayudu, 213. 

Baskara, son of Bukka I, construc- 
tor of the Porumamilla tank, 35. 

Bastar State, 28. 

Bears, 22. 

Beddome, Colonel, 100, loi. 

Beggars, 71. 

Bellary, 38. 

Bengal gram, 78. 

Bentinck, Lord William, 152. 

Bestapalle, 247. 

Betel vines, 75. 

BezwadaGuntakal railway line, 122. 

Bhatrazus, 71. 

Bhavanarayanaswami temple, 238. 

Bhima Maharaja kin? of the Vaid- 
umbas, 30. 

Bh5gandani bhavi, 236." 

Bhusakti, 64. 

Bijapur, 37. 

Binga bendu, 16. 

Blackbuck, 23, 

Black cotton country, agricultural 
practices peculiar to, 77. 

Black cotton soil, 6. 

Blankets, no. 

Bommalatam, 63. 

Bommanapalle, 191. 

Bonnand, Bishop, 55. 

Bonnet monkey, 23. 

Boots, manufacture of, in. 

Boyanapalle, 237. 

B5yas, 67. 

Brahaswami, 66. 

Brahma, 184. 

Brahmans of Perungandura, 33. 

Brecciated quartz, 10. 

Buchanania latifolia, 99. 

Buckingham canal, 132. 

Buddayapalle 139. 

Budubudukulas, 71. 

Buffaloes, 21, 105. 

Bugga Vanka, 12, 138. 

Building materials, 18. 

Bukka Chennarayudu, 202. 

Bukka I, 185. 

Bukka, founder of the Vijayanagar 
Empire, 35. 

Bukkapatnam, 246. 

Bulaki, 61. 

BuUmen, 102, 106. 

Bulls, 105. 

Bungalows, travellers', 120. 
Buruz, 60. 
Bussy, M., 43. 
Bustard, 23. 
Butea frondosa, 99. 

Cactus, 20. 

Caliph and his rat, story of, 195. 
Calotropis gigantea, 20. 
Campbell, Dr. T. V., 142, 144. 
Campbell, Major-General, 48, 50. 
Canal, the Kurnool-Cuddapah, 83 

to 85, 120. 
Canthium didymuni, 99. 
Carissa carandas, 20, 94. 
Carnatic, the, 35, 42. 
Cart tracks and bridle paths, 107. 
Cassia auriculata, 20. 
Cassia fistula, 99. 
Castes, 66. 
Cattle bells, 112. 
Cattle, food of, 79. 
Cattle, manure from, 73. 
Cattle, Mysore and Nellore breed 

of, 21. 
Celltombs, 25. 
Census, 53. 
Chalukyan adveruurei Vijayaditya, 

Chalukyans, western ana eastern, 

Chandanam, 94. 
Chanda Sahib, governor of Trichi- 

nopoly, 42. 
Chandraditya, 28, 
Chandragiri, 37. 
Chandragiri province, 35. 
Chapad and Mydukur projects, 85. 
Chaplin, Mr. W. W., 152. 
Charcoal, 106. 
Chautapalle, 138, 194. 
Cheetah, 22. 
Chekrayapet, 214. 
Chenchunatakam, 63 
Chenchus, 69. 
Chennakesavaswami temple, 187, 

Chennakeswaraswami temple, 184. 
Chennamma, 39. 
Chennampalle, 39. 
Chennangi, 74. 



Chennur, 36, 181. 

Chennur taluk, 153. 

Chera or Kerala, 26. 

Cheyyer group, ii, 12. 

Cheyyer river, 3, 4, 30, 39, i2o_ 241. 

Cheyyer valley, 9. 

Chikatipalle, 211. 

Chilakampalle, 214. 

Chilamakur, 36. 

Chilla, 93. 

Chindhu dance, 68. 

Cbinkara or Bennett's gazelle. 23. 

Chinna althi, 115. 

Chinnadasaripalle. 185. 

Chinnamandem, 224. 

Chinna Orampad, 246. 

Chinnayakuntapalle Railway station, 

Chintakommadinne, 113, 186. 
Chintakunta, 9. 
Chintakuntabanda, 222. 
Chintakunta hills, 12. 
Chintalapalle tank, 87. 
Chitravati river, 2, 138. 
Chitvel, 3, 159, 168 ; valley of, 5, 

6 ; Sub-Registrar's office at, 168 ; 

descriptive note of, 242. 
Chloroxylon swietenia, 99. 
Chodas, the Telugu, 30. 
Chola, Kingdom and dynasty, 26 ; 

kings, 27 to 29. 
Cholani, 78, 114, 127, 155, 157; 

staple food grain of the black 

cotton country, 61. 
Cholera, 139. 
Choolya state, 27. 
Choultries, 120. 
Christians, 54. 
Civil Justice, 166. 
Clays, II. 
Clay slate, 11. 
Climate, 6. 
Cocoanut trees, not tapped for 

toddy, 164. 
Coffee, 115. 

Communication, means of, 118. 
Conglomerates, 11. 
Conjeeveram, 26 to 28, 30, 42, 
Conservancy of forests, prior to 

Madras Forest Act of 1882, 100 ; 

subsequent operations, loi ; re- 
cent working plans, 102. 

Co-operative credit society, 223. 

Copper, 12, 18. 

Copper plate inscriptions, 24. 

Copper pots, 112. 

Coppice with standard system of 
fuel felling, loi, 102. 

Cornwallis, Lord, 45. 

Coromandel, 35. 

Corundum, 16. 

Cotton, 78, 127; printing and dyeing, 
III ; ginning and pressing facto- 
ries at Jammalamadugu, Proddatur 
and Pulivendla, 113. 

Cotton, Sir Arthur, 83. 

Couvade (hatching) custom, 70. 

Cows, 105. 

Cox, Mr., 154, 

Crime, 169. 

Crimes, sensational, 171. 

Criminal justice, 168. 

Criminal tribes, 169. 

Crystalline rocks, 8, 9. 

Cuddapah, Meteorological Observa- 
tory at, 6 ; Bugga Vanka near, 12, 
138; town on rocks of Kurnool 
formation, 13; battle of, 44; 
saffron works and factory at, 75, 
113; husking mills and weaving 
factory at, 113 ; a principal trade 
centre, 114; a railway station, 
121 : outbreak of plague in, 139, 
Municipal hospital in, 141, 176 ; 
high school in, 143 ; London 
Mission elementary school in, 
145; Deputy Collector at, 159; 
district m unsifs court at, 166; 
a Municipality, 174; descriptive 
note of, 178. 

Cuddapah basin, 9. 

Cuddapah district, boundaries, lati- 
tude and longitude and area of, 2 • 
its transfer to the British, 46 

Cuddapah melons, 75, 236. 

Cuddapahs or Cuddapah formations. 
8 to II. 

Cuddapah slabs, 112, 114 and 121 ; 
use of, 60. 

Cuddapah taluk, 2, 3 ; turmeric culti- 
vation in, 75 ; description of, 177. 

Cultivation, wet, 73 ; dry, 75 ; modern 

changes in, 79 
Cycads, 99. 




Dabbala Yerukulas, 69. 

Dabbudapalle, 190. 

Daggupad, 164. 

Damalcheruvu, 41, 42. 

Danavalapad, 29. 

Daniel, Mr. J- K., 129. 

Danthi, 77. 

Dasabandham wells, 158, 

Dasaripalle, 203. 

Dasaripalle fuel working circle, 102. 

Dasaris, 71. 

Dasavarman, 30. 

Date trees, tapi)ed for toddy, 163. 

Davies, Mr. R. W., his scheme report 
for the resettlement of the sub- 
division, 156, 158. 

Deccan, 25, 37, 38, 41J Sugar and 
Abkari Company, 163. 

Decennial lease of renting, 153. 

Deer, 23. 

Deities, village, 64. 

Delhi, 35. 

Demarcation of forests, 107. 

Density and growth of population. 

Deposits, geological, 8. 

Deputy Tahsildars, 159. 

Desamukhi, 148. 

Desay Marka Reddi, 230. 

Description, physical, i. 

Despondi, 148. 

Devachdda Maharaja, 39. 

Devadari, 93. 

Devagiri Ankalamma, 233. 

Devagudipalle, 32. 

Devangas, 68, 108, no. 

Devaraya Odaiyai, 36. 

Devuniboova, 62. 

Devunimiila, 61. 

Dhadiyam, 115. 

Dhavaleyarasa, King of the Banas 

Dhoor taluk, 153. 

Diamond mines, 81. 

Diamonds, 15. 

Diorite, 10, 12, 

Diospyros chloroxylon, 93, 99. 

Diospyros ebenum, 99. 

District, redistribution of the, i; 
shape and boundaries, 2 ; history 
of the eastern division of the, 30. 

District Court, 167. 

District Munsifs, 166. 

Divisional charges, 159. 

Divisions, natural, 7 ; western, 3 ; 

southern and eastern, 4. 
Dodonnoea viscosa, 94. 
Dogs, wild, 22. 
Dolls, 106. 
Donga Dasaris, 169. 
Donga Woddars, 169. 
Dorasani Venkatamma, 203. 
Doyle, Rev. Fr, Patrick, 56. 
Dravida, 26, 27. 
Dress, 61. 

Drinking vessels, 112. 
Dry cultivation, 75. 
Dry lands, resettlement of, 157. 
D'Souza, Rev. Joachim, 55. 
Duck, 23. 

Duddine Tippa, 246. 
Dudekulas, 58, 109. 
Duggireddi Venkatreddi, 186. 
Duke of Wellington, 46. 
Dupleix, M., 43. 
Duvvur, 167; battle of, 44; district 

munsifs court at, 167; descriptive 

note of, 198. 
Dynasties, earliest known, 26. 


Earth Salt, method of its manufac- 
ture, its interference with mono- 
poly salt, 161; its manufactures 
suppressed, 162. 

Eastern division, 4, ghats, 25. 

East India Company, 46. 

Economic condition of agricultu- 
rists, 87. 

Education, 54 ; according to reli- 
gions, 143 ; by the missions, 144. 

Educational Institutions, 144. 

Edum, 116. 

Ekili rajas, 213, 220. 

Eleodendron Glaucum, 99. 

Ellamma, 64. 

Epidote, 16. 

Erythroxylon monogynum, 93. 

Eugenia alternifolia, 99. 

Eugenia Jambolana, 93. 

Euphorbia, 20. 

Euphorbia antiquorum, 20. 



Euphorbia neriifolia, 20. 
Euphorbia tirucalle, 20. 
European piece goods, 115. 
Exports, 114. 

Factories, 113. 

Eamines, 127 to 138. 

Fath Miah, 42. 

Fauna, 21. 

Felis Jubata, 22. 

Felspar, 9, 10. 

Females, deficiency of, 53. 

Fennelly, Rt. Rev. Bishop Stephen, 

Ficus religiosa, fig tree, 21. 

Ficus tsiela, 21. 

Fleury, the ship, 97. 

Floods, 137, 138. 

Flora, 20. 

Florican, 23. 

Fly shuttle slay, 109. 

Food, human, 61 ; of cattle, 79. 

Foreign liquors, 163. 

Forest produce, minor, 105. 

Forests, their situation, area, admin- 
istration and character, 92 ; plant- 
ing and sowing, demarcation, 107 ; 
forest offences, fire protection; 

Fort of — Vanipenta, 200 ; Korrapad, 
201; Mudireddipalle, Tippireddi- 
palle, Chakaralapad, 203 ; Parna- 
palle, 212 ; Midipentla, 213 .• 
Nulivedu, 221 ; Gadikota, 224 ; 
Kottakota, 232 ; Sidhout, 233. 

French, the, 43. 

Fuel reserves, loi. 

Fuel working circles, 102 ; working 
operations, 103. 

Gaddam Baligadu, 172. 
Gadelu, 60. 
Gadi, 60. 
Gadikota, 224. 
Gaggula Tippa, 202. 
Gajapati, 36. 
Gajubendu. 16. 
Gajiila Balijas, 212. 

Galena, sulphide of lead, 17. 

Galivadu, 221. 

Gamble, 98. 

Game, 22, 

Ganapati of VVarangal, Kakatlya king, 

Gandagopala, 32. 
Gandhapurallu, 212, 
Gandikota, gorge, 3 ; hills, 6 ; sima, 

34 to 36 ; fort, 41 ; descriptive note 

of, 191. 
Gandlur, 194. 
Gangamma, 64. 
Gangana, river, 223. 
Gangaperur, 236, 240. 
Ganja, 164. 
Ganjikunta, 203. 
Garden crops, 75. 
Gardenia Gummifera, 99, 
Gardenias, 99. 
Gardenia turgida, 99. 
Garuda. 184. 
Gathala fuel reserve, loi. 
Geese, barheaded, 23. 
Gelonium lanceolatum, 99. 
Geology, 8 ; industrial products of, 

Geriselu, 60. 

German silver, materials of, 112. 

Ghadia, 1 17. 

Giddaliir, 122. 

Ginjee, 43. 

Gneiss, 8, 9, 10, 20. 

Gneissic series. 8. 

Goa, 162. 

Goats, 21. 

Godavari district, distillery in, 163. 

Godavari river, battle on the banks 

of, 34- 
Golconda, 16, 24, 37, 193. 
Golla, 64, 67. 
Gooty Munsifi, 164. 
Gdpalaswami Temple, 244. 
G5pal Reddi, 206. 
Gopavaram, 85. 
Gorru, 76. 
Govinda raja, 40. 
Govindaswami, 233. 
Govinda III, 27. 
Grain measures, 116. 
Granite veins, 9. 
Granitoid gneiss, 9. 



Gravel, 8. 

Grazing and goat browsing, 105. 
Green gram, 79. 
Green stone, 10. 
Gregory, Mr. G., 152. 
Gribble, Mr.. 128, 130. 
Ground-nut, 79, 114. 
Gudetti Rfimi Reddi, 170. 
Gudhi, 117. 

Gumpramanudinne people, 112. 
Gunjana river, 80,83, 241. 
Guntaka, 75. 
Guntur famine, 128. 
Guriginjakona, 194. 
Guriginjakunta, 223. 
Gurramkonda, 41, 42, 45, 48 ; its 

cession to the Mahrattas 44 ; 

poligars of, 50. 
Guvvalacheruvu, hills, 8, 12 ; ghat, 

Gypsies, 70. 


Haidar Ali, 40, 43, 44, 45, 148, 199. 

Hanbury, Mr., 153. 

Handlooms, 108, 109, 

Hands, Rev. John, 56. 

Hanuman, 71. 

Hardwickia binata, 99, 100. 

Hariali, 78. 

Harihara Bukkarayalu, 191. 

Harihara, founder of the Vijaya- 

nagar Empire, 35. 
Harihara II, 36. 
Harpanahalle, 137. 
Harvesting, 79. 
Ha worth, Mr., 123. 
Health, general, 139. 
Hemicyclia sepiaria, 99. 
Hemp drugs, 163, 164. 
Hexandra, 93. 
Heyne, Dr., 16. 
High Schools, 143. 
Hindus, 59. 
History, political, 24. 
Hoematite, 17. 
Holmespet, 197. 
Hornblende, 9, lo. 
Hornstone, 16. 
Hoskins, Wren, 88. 
Houses, 60. 
Howell, Mr,, 171. 

Howell, Rev. W., 56. 

Hoysalas, 32, 34, 35. 

Hubli, 46. 

Hughly, 97. 

Humidity, 7. 

Husking mills, at Muddanur, 196 ; 

at Jammalamadugu, Kamalapu- 

ram, Cuddapah, 113. 
Hwen Thsang, 27. 
Hyderabad, 43, 46. 


Tdigas, 68, 164. 

Idupulapaya palmyra plantation, 
102, 163. 

Implement gravels, 14. 

Imports, 115. 

Inagaliir, 30. 

Income tax, 165. 

Indebtedness of the ryots, 91. 

Indigo, 114. 

Indigo vats, refuse as manure. 73. 

IndlQr, 33. 

Indra, 184. 

Indra III, 29. 

Induri Appayya, 231. 

Industrial products, 15. 

Infirmities, 141. 

Ingallur Nadu, 29, 30. 

Inge Bheema Reddi, 238. 

Inman, Rev. Canon, 57. 

Inoculation, 139. 

Inscriptions at, Rayachoti, 219; 
Tsundupalle, 220 ; Pdrumamilla, 
227 ; Chenniir, 182 ; Pendlimarri, 
185; Chintakommadinne, 186; 
Duvvur, 98 ; Vanipenta, 200 ; 
Rameswaram, 201 ; Korrapad, 
Gaggula Tippa, 202 ; Palagiri, 
205 ; Uppalur, 206 ; Animela, 
207 ; Vontimitta, 237 ; Kotapad, 
238 ; Gangaperiir, 240 ; Pottapi, 
244 ; in Soumyanathaswami tem- 
ple, 246; Sidheswaraswanii temple, 

Inumbrolu or Inumpudoli, 33. 

Inupakolumulu, 203. 

Irasas, 116. 

Iron ore, 12, 17 ; oxide, 10, 

Irrigation, general and under river 
channels, 80 ; under tanks and 
wells, 81. 



Irrigation works, 83. 

Iruvai Okati, 63. 

Ixora parviflora, 20, 94, 99. 

Jackals, 75. 
Jaggery, 74, 164. 
Jails, 171. 

James and Mary, the ship, 97. 
Jammalamadugu, Mission hospital 
at, 57 ; husking mills and ginning 
factory at, 113 ; Mission medical 
institution at, 142; Campbell 
Memorial school, caste girls' 
school and Boarding school at, 
144; Deputy Collector of, 159; 
Sub-Registrar's office at, 168; 
descriptive note of, 188. 
Jammalamadugu taluk, 2, 3, 1S7. 
Jamu, 117, 
Jandras, 220. 
Jangamrazupalle, lead workings of, 

17 ; valley, 5. 
Jasper, 16. 
Jatra, 64. 

Jesuits, suppression of, 55. 
Jinkala Musalmans, 220. 
Joti, 236. 

Judge, District, 166. 
Jungle fowl, 23 ; sheep, 23. 
Justice, administration of, 166; civil, 

166 ; criminal, 168. 
Juvvi tree. 21. 

Kachchi or Kanchi (Conjeeveram\ 
29, 32. 

Kadiri taluk, added to Anantapur 
district, I. 

Kaka Maharaja, 191. 

Kakatiyas of Orangal, 34. 

Kakustavijayamu (Telugu poem), 39, 

Kalahasti, 28. 

Kalakada, 42. 

Kalasapad, 5 ;anicut near, 86, tank, 
87 ; Mission dispensary at, 142 ; 
elementary school at, 145 ; des- 
criptive note of, 231. 

Kalikiri. 121, 122; railway station. 

Kalinga, 31. 
Kalivi, 94. 

Kaluvanayanivaru, 221. 
Kaluvaya, 240. 

Kamalapuram, 2, 160; fuel planta- 
tion, 100; railway station, 121 ; 
railway accident near, 123; pri- 
vate dispensary at, 142 ; descrip- 
tive note of, 204. 
Kamalapuram taluk, 2, 3, 204. 
Kamal-ud-din, 45. 
Kamaniir, 200. 
Kamar-ud-din, 222. 
Kamil assessment, 38, 147 ; survey, 

Kammas, 66, 68. 
Kampa I, 35. 
Kanamalopalle, 9 ; fuel reserve and 

working circle, 102. 
Kandukur, 32. 
Kankar, 19. 
Kanna, 16. 
Kanna sales, 242. 

Kannekalacheruvu, the story of the 
^ origin of the name, 246, 247. 
Kannekamma temple, 197, 200. 
Kantalam, private dispensary at. 

Kantlam, 116. 
Kanuga trees, 21, 74. 
Kapila, 83. 
Kiipus, 66. 
Karepaku, 94. 
Karikala Choia, 26, 28. 
Karla, 16. 

Karnam ^'eerappa, 2^S. 
Kartikam, 74. 
Kathari Mangayya, 1S5. 
Katteragandla, 36. 
Kavaligar, 216. 
Kavali rusums, 223. 
Kazi, 58. 

Kerala or Chera, 26. 
Kerosene oil, 115. 
Kesapuram, 224. 
Khazipet-Sunkesula, 186. 
Kdpaka or Kilpauk, 31. 
Kistna, 5. 26. 

Kistvaens or cell tombs, 25, 205. 
Kodide Kapus, 66. 
Kodur (Jammalamadugu taluk). 



Kodur (Pullampet taluk), 33 ; red- 
sanders plantation, 98, 100; fuel 
reserve, loi ; fuel working circle, 
102 ; railway station, 121 ; mission 
dispensary at, 142; mission pri- 
mary school at, 145 ; descriptive 
note of, 244. 

Koilkuntla lime stone, 13. 

Kolar. 28, 122. 

Kolattam, 62. 

Komatis, 68, 114, 197. 

Komtni, 94. 

Kondapuram, hills, 12; husking 
mills, 19; railway station, 121, 

Kondavandlu, 230. 

Kondavidu, Reddis of, 36. 

Kondur, 33 ; anicut near, 39 ; des- 
criptive note of, 239. 

Kondur rajas, 241. 

Kondur Tippa, 241. 

Koneti Nayudu, 212. 

Korachas, 169. 

Kornad cloths, no. 

Korra, 77, 155. 

Korrapad, 201. 

Korund or Corundum, 16. 

Kotalapalle, 194. 

Kotapad, 238. 

Kotapalle Bakki Reddi, 238. 

Kothandaramaswami temple, 237. 

Kotlur, 183. 

Kottakota, 6, 226, 232. 

Krishna Deva, 182. 

Krishna Naiker of Vijayanagar, 35. 

Krishnaraya, the greatest of the Vija- 
yanagar emperors, 36, 192, 200, 
201, 222. 

Krishna Reddi, 232. 

Krishna III, King of the Rashtra- 
kiitas, 29, 30, 201, 205. 

Krupapalle, leper asylum at, 58, 
141, 142, 245. 

Kukudu, 94. 

Kulottunga I, Chola king, 30. 

Kulottunga III, 31, 32, 182. 

Kumara Ananta Raja, 207, 244. 

Kumara Narasimha Nayudu, 203. 

Kumara Nayudu, 213. 

Kumara Sunki Reddi, 202. 

Kumphani Government, 40. 

Kunchams, 116. 

Kunchugattu Yerukulas, 6q. 
Kunchulu, 69. 
Kunder river, 2, 44. 
Kunder series, 13. 
Kunder valley, 9. 
Kunkumam, 65. 
Kurivi, 94. 

Kurnool-Cuddapah canal, 83, 120; 
turmeric cultivation under it, 75. 
Kurnools or Kurnool formations, 8, 

Kurubas, 71, no, in. 
Kuruguntapalle, 238. 

Lakkireddipalle, 43, 44, 159; deputy 
tahsildar of, 168 ; descriptive note 
of, 220. 

Lakshminarasimhaswami temple, 


Lambadis, 69, 70. 

Land revenue administration, under 
the Vijayanagar Empire, 146 ; 
Visapadi system, 147 ; Muham- 
madan system, 147; in the i8th 
century, 148. 

Languages, 54. 

Langur, 23. 

Lankamalais, 5. 92, 99 ; fuel work- 
ing circle, 102, 103 ; timber 
fellings, 103. 

Latchmi, goddess of- riches, 16. 

Lavu vadlu, 74. 

Lead, 12. 

Leaf-manure, 73. 

Leases, decennial, 153 ; triennial, 

Lebaka, 31, 34, 39- ' 

Lebbeck, 99. 

Leopards, 22. 

Leper asylum, 58, 141, 142, 245. 

Lime, 19. 

Limestones, 8, 9, 12, 18. 

Lineal m<asures, 116. 

Linga Balijas, 63 

Lingala Vanka, 215. 

Lingayats, 63, 219. 

Liquid measures, 116. 

Liquor, 163. 

Lithic inscriptions, 24, monuments, 

Litigation, 167. 



Local boards, 174; their receipts 

and expenditure, 175. 
Local self-government, 174. 
London Mission, 56. 
Loris, 23. 

Lower Secondary schools, 144. 
Lutheran Mission, 57. 


Maba buxifolia, 93, 99. 
MacCartie, Mr., 133, 187. 
Macdonald, Mr., murder of, 171, 181. 
Macfarlane, Rev. G. H., 57. 
Madanapalle, and Vayalpad taluks 

added to Chittoor district, 2. 
Madanapalle, district munsif's 

court, 1 65. 
Maddicheruvu, iron furnace at, 17. 
Maddimadugu fuel working circle, 

Mademma, 189. 
Madhavaram, 4 ; its silk weaving, 

no, 112, 115; descriptive note 

of, 237. 
Madigas, 67, 68. 

Madras and Southern Mahratta rail- 
way, 121. 
Madurantakam, 31. 
Madurantakan-Pottapi-Chola, 31. 
Madurantaka-Uttama-Chola, 31. 
Mahabharata, 32. 
Mahavishnu, 184. 
Mahazid Khan, 41. 
Mahrattas, 38, 41, 44. 
Maidukur project, 85 ; descriptive 

note of, 203. 
Mailavaram, 6g, 
Makam Chenchiah, 173. 
Malaria, 139, 140. 
Malas, 67, 68 ; Weavers, loS. 
Malepad, 27. 
Malinenipatnam, 222. 
MalleniKondas, 239. 
Malleswaraswami temple, 223 
Mamandur, 31, 

MamiUapalle fuel working circle, 102. 
Mandavya river, 217. 
Mangapatnam, railway disaster near, 

Mango trees, 20, 
Mantapampalle, 6. 


Mantolu Sahib (Munro), Colonel, 40. 

Manumasiddhi, 32 ; his settlement 
of a land dispute of the Brahmans 
of Perungandura, 33, 247. 

Manuring, method of, 73. 

MarellatViadaka, 217. 

Margosa trees, 20. 

Markets, weekly, 175. 

Marraya Konigii, 94. 

Masthan Sahib, 59, 66. 

Matla Ananta, 39, 244. 

Matia (Matli) princes, 38, 241, 247. 

Matli. 224. 

Mattu, 117. 

Mayalur, private dispensary at, 142. 

Measures, grain, liquid and lineal, 
116 ; of time, 1 17. 

Medaravandlu, 245. 

Medical institutions, public, 141 ; 
private, 142. 

Meer Jumla, 193. 

Meera Khan, 186, 

Meer Sahib, Governor of Gurram- 
konda, 40, 44, 213, 722. 

Megasthenes, Greek geographer, 26. 

Melons of Cuddapah, 75, 236 ; of 
Sidhout, 115. 

Melpadi, 29. 

Memecylon angustifolium, 99. 

Merpaka-Nadu, 31. 

Merugulacheruvu, 221. 

Metal, industries in, 112; work in 
Vontimitta, 199. 

Metamorphic series, 8. 

Metla guntaka, 77. 

Mhote, 83. 

Mica, 9. 

Midde, 60. 

Mills, husking, 79. 

Mimusops hexandra and elengi, 99 

Mimusops Indica, 93. 

Mines, diamond, 81. 

Miskin Vali, 212. 

Missions, Roman Catholic, 55 ; 
London, 56; S.P.G., 57; Luth- 
eran, 57^ 
Modas ur Salt mounds, 161. 
Modern changes in cultivation, 79. 
Moharram, 58. 

Moir, Mr. T. E., his scheme reports, 
156 ; his remarks on the culti- 
vation of groundnut, 80, 



Molasses, 163. 

Monkey, 23. 

Monsojn, N.E., 125 ; S.W., 126. 

Morari Rao, 42. 

ivlotakatla. 222. 

Motati Kapus, 65. 

Mouse deer o'tragalus memimna, 23. 

Muddanur, 27; husking mills, 79, 
196 ; descriptive note of, 196. 

Mudireddipalle, 203. 

Mudivemu, 26. 

Muhammad All Khan, 42 

Muhammadans, their invasion, 34 ; 
their invasion rolled back by tne 
Hindus, 35 ; their fight with the 
Vjayanagir empire, 37 ;_ their 
system ot land revenue administra- 
tion, 147. 

Munammadans, 42, 45, 48 ; as weav- 
ers, 108 ; as boot and shoe-mak- 
ers, III ; brass, copper and bell- 
metal workers and stone carvers, 
112 ; as shopkeepers, 114; as tree 
tappers, 164 ; as masons and build 
'^'rs, 220 ; as tanners, 222 ; as shoe 
and sandal manufaciureres, 227 ; 
as bangle makers, 212 -. theii wor- 
ship of the Hindu god Narasi'iiha- 
swami, 196. 

Muhurtaii), 1 17. 

Mukkanti-Kaduvetti, 33. 

Mukkanliswara temple, 189. 

Mukkonda, 202. 

Mukundapuram, 240. 

Mulastaneswaraswami temple, 243. 

Mulikinadu, 34, 36. 

Munelli, 37, 232. 

Mungari pairu, 77. 

Municipal government, 175. 

Munro, Sir Thomas, 3, 38, 40, 45, 
48, ;28, 137,148, 149; Governor 
of Madras, 153,156; his work 
as principal Collector, 41 ; his 
reduction of the Poligars, 47 ; his 
method of dealing with them, 49 ; 
his ryotvvari j:etclement approved 
by the Madra-^ Government, 50 ; 
and by the Drectors, 51 . h s 
rates of as'^essment, 150 ; story of 
his grant of inam for the Nara- 
simhaswami temple, 240. 

Munsifs, District and Village, 166. 

Muntha, j 16. 

Munutanalugu, 63. 

Muredu, 116. 

Musalnayadu, 239. 

Musalniiyani Cheruvu, 239. 

Musnti. 93. 

Muzaffar Jung, 43, 221. 

Mysore, plateau, 4, 26, 44 ; breed ol 
cattle, 21 ; treaty of, 45; Indus- 
trial and Arts exhibition, 110. 


NabhikSt, 180. 

Niigarajupet, London Mission 
School at, 145. 

Nag reddipalle railway station ^45. 

Nallamalai group, 12. 

Nallainalai hills, 2, 3, 5, 9. 92, 99, 
io5, 112 ; fuel and t mber working 
circle, 102 ; timber fellings, 103. 

Nallavadlu, 74. 

Natla Vagu, 201. 

Nandalur, 4, 31, loi, 102 ; fuel 
working circle, 102 ; railway sta- 
tion, 121 ; railway oispensary, 
142 ; Lower secondary school, 
144 ; district munsifs court, 166, 
descriptive note of, 245. 

Nandimandalam, 187. 

Nandyal, 121, 122. 

Nandyalampet, district munsifs 
court, 167 ; descriptive note of, 

Nandyal shales, 13. 

Narada, 184. 

Narapanayani Pina Avubala Nayudu, 

Narasimha Deva Raya, 205, 206, 222. 

Narasiii ha of Aliob lam, 69. 

Narasimha Reddi, 172. 

Narasimhaswami temple, 59, 189, 

Narasimha III, 32, 

Nawabs, of Gandikota and Cudda- 
pah, 38 ; nf Cuddapah, 39 to 44, 
180 ; of Arcot, 41 ; of Kandaniir 
( Kurnool), 4T, 43 ; of Savanore 43 

Nazir Jung, 4:. 

Neelapuram, 203. 

Neiknamabad, 179. 



Neiknam Khan, 179. 
Nekunampet, 194. 
Nemaliadugu, 94. 
Neredu, 93. 

Ncrjee limestones, 13, 18. 
Nerusupalle, 29, 
Newbold, Captain, 16. 
Nidujuvvi, 208. 
Nim tree, 100. 

Nissanka Pratapa Raja, 219. 
Nizam, 40 to 42. 
Nulivedu, 221. 

Obalam, valley, 5; descriptive note 

_ of, 239. 

Obalapathi, 63. 

Obannapet, 194. 

Occupations, 54, 108, 113. 

Oddes, 68. 

Odeya, a title of the rulers of the 

Vijayanagar provinces, 36. 
Odina Wodier, 99. 
Onutulakona, 185. 
Opium, 163. 
Opuntia dil'enii, 20. 
Oranges of Velpula, 115. 
Ordeal, trial by, 33. 
Orthoclase, 10. 
Oudh Regulations, 150. 

Paddy, 165 ; its cultivation and 
method of sowing, 73 ; its seasons 
and varieties, 74. 

Padigala Konda Reddi or Kondayya, 

Padlu, 116. 
Padma Sales, no, 212; their caste 

dispute with the Jandras, 220. 
Pakanadu, 31, 34. 
Pakanati Kapus, 66. 
Pakarashtra, 30. 
Pakka Seer, 116. 
Pala, 93. 
Palagiri, 30, 205. 
Paietti Gangamma, 224. 
Palkonda hills, 2, 3, 92, 99, 102, 

103, 114; bullmen fuel working 

circle, 102 ; timber fellings, 103. 


Pallavas, 26, 27, 32. 

Palmyras, 102 ; tapped for toddy, 

Palnati Arikalamma, 233. 
Palugurallapalle, 233. 
Palugurallu, 212. 
Pamaleru, 246. 
Pamidi, 191. 
Panchalingalakona waterfall, 215, 


Panch seer, 115. 
Pandavagullu, 25. 
Pandums, it6. 

Pandya and Pandyas, 26, 32, 34. 
Paniam series, 13. 
Papaghni river, 2, 3, 28, 102, 120, 
217 ; group, 12. 

Paraiyans, 67. 

Paramatakona, 225. 

Parantaka I, Chola king, 28. 

Parnapad, 202. 

Parnapalle, 8, 138, 211. 

Partridges, 23. 

Pata Cuddapah, 178. 

Patchai benou, 16. 

Pathan chiefs, 43. 

Patravandlu, 203. 

Pattapurayi, 239. 

Patte Khan, 206. 

Pattur fuel working circle, 102. 

Pattu Sales, 242. 

Pea fowl, 23. 

Pedda althi, 115. 

Peddakanti kapus, 66. 

Peddakudala, 216. 

Pedda madaka, 78. 

Peddamma, 68. 

Pedd mudiyam, 27, 112, 189. 

Pedda Orampad, 246. 

Peddapasupula, 113. 

Peddinayaka, his land survey of 

Pottapi nadu, 34. 
Penagalur, 33, 247. 
Pendlimarri, tank, 87; descriptive 

note of, 185. 
Pennaperur, 236, 240. 

Penner river, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 27, loi, 
115, 137, 138, 241 ; blown sands 
of, 15 -, lithic monuments in its 
neighbourhood, 26, 

Pentas, 105. 



Penukonda, 35 ; transfer of the head 

quarters of the Vijayanagar empire 

to, 37. 
PerUfiiallaraja, 39. 
Perungandura, 33 ; brahmans, their 

land dispute settled by Manu- 

masiddhi, 247. 
Phaseolus Mungo 79. 
Phoenix, the ship, 97. 
Physical description, i. 
Picottah, 83. 
Pidugupalle tank, 87, 

Pig, 23- 

Piler, 41, 42. 

Pinchanadi, 3, 217. 

Pista.ite, 9, 10. 

Plague, 33 ; its outbreak at Cud- 
dapah, 139. 

Plantains, 75. 

Plantation, the Pullampet and Red- 
dipalle fuel, 100, 

Pleistocene, 9. 

Plovers, 23. 

Pogada, 93. 

Poleramma, 64. 

Police, 170. 

Poligars, 38. 47. 

Political history, 24. 

Polur, 29. 

Pondalur, 39. 

Pondicherry, 43. 

Pong^n-.ia glabra, 21. 

Population, density and growth, 52 ; 
emigration, birth and death rate, 
sexes, 5 5, parent tongue, educa- 
tion, occupat'Ons, 54 ; religious 
and social life, 63, 71 ; castes, 66. 

Porter, Rev. Edward, 57. 

Porumamilla, 34, 35, 121 ; tank and 
its construction, 81 ; fuel working 
circle, 102 ; descriptive note of, 

Pot'adurti, 36. 

Pottapi, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 243. 

Pottapi sima, 39. 

Pottipad, 28. 

Prataparudra, 34, 35, 36, 247. 

Prehistoric remains, 25. 

Preventive force, Salt and Abkari, 

Prices of food grains, 157. 

Pringle, Mr. A. T., 95. 

1 Prithvlswara, 312. 

Proddatur, Cotton pressing and gin- 
ning factories of, 109, 113, 114; 
a primipal trade centre, 114 ; the 
wealthiest town in the district, 
121 ; dispensary at, 142 ; schools 
in, 144 ; distr'ct munsil's court at, 
166 ; Sub- Registrar's office at, 
168 ; descriptive note of, 197. 

Proddatur taluk, 2, ig'>. 

Pceraspermun suberifolium, 94, 99. 

Pterocarpus santalinus, 94. 

Public health, 139. 

Puckle, Mr., 131. 

Pulijudam, 62, 

Pulivendla, 34, 35, 36, 48, 114; 
weekly fair at, iii, 175; ginning 
factory at, 113 ; dispensary at, 
142 ; Sub-Registrar's office at, 
168 ; descriptive note of, 210. 

Pulivendla taluk, 2, 3 ; cultivation 
of ground-nut in, 80 ; descriptive 
note of, 208. 

Pulivesham, 58. 

Pullampet, 30, 38 ; fuel plantation 
and working circle, 100, 102 ; 
weaving industry in, 109 ; embroi- 
dery work in, no; Sub-Regis- 
trar's office at, 168 ; descriptive 
note of, 242. 

Pullampet taluk, 2, 4; turmeric 
cultivation in, 75 ; descriptive 
note of, 240. 

Pullan^i river, 241, 246. 

Pulugunilti sIma, 39. 

Punganur, 28, 41, 122. 

Pushpagiri 63, 183. 

Putaleshwar, warm springs of, 12. 

Putti, 116. 

Quadrumana, 23. 
Quails, 23. 
Quartz, 10. 
Quartzites, 8, 9, 20. 


Rachapalle, 224. 
Racheruvu, 231. 
Ragi, 62, 74, 114. 



Raichur, 167. 

Railways, projected lines, 121 ; acci- 
dents, 123. 

Rainfall, 6. 

Rainfall and seasons, 125. 

Rajahmundry, 164. 

Rajampet, fuel working circle, 102; 
a trade centre, 114; dispensary 
at, 142 ; Sub-Collectorate, 150 ; 
weekly market at, 175 ; descriptive 
note of, 241. 

Rajarajadeva III, 31. 

Rajaraja I, 29, 31. 

Rajendra Cholalll, 32, 33, 34. 

Rakshasas, 184. 

Rama, his victory over Ravana, 3. 

Raraaraja, the great Hemraj of 
Muhammadan historians, 36, 37, 

Ramayya Pantulu, Mr. J., 180. 

Rameswaram, 200, 

Rangarazus or Rangaris, iii. 

Ranga, son of Timmala, 37. 

Rashtrakutas, 27, 28. 

Ravikas, 61, no. 

Rayachoti, rough blankets of no, 
III; dispensary at, 142 ; Govern- 
ment training school at, 144 ; 
Deputy Collector of, 159; district 
munsifs court at, 167; Sub- 
Registrar's office at, 168; descrip- 
tive note of, 21S. 

Rayachoti taluk, 2,4, 217. 

Rayakapus, 239. 

Rayalcheruvu, 194. 

Rayavaram, 217. 

Ra^us, 187, 

Reddipalle fuel plantation, 100. 

Reddis of kondavldu, 36. 

Red ferruginous soils, 5, 6 ; their 
classification, 154. 

Redistribution of districts, i. 

Redsanders plantation, at k6dur, 98, 
100, 244 ; in the Pullampet valley, 

Redsanders tree, 97 ; its uses, 94. 

Redwood posts, 95. 

Regadipalle, 194. 

Regaror black cotton soils, 5 ; their 
classification, 153, 154. 

Registration, 167. 

Relief works, famine, 130. 

Religions, high percentage of 
Muhammadans, the Christians, 
54 ; Roman Catholics, 55 ; the 
London Mission, 54, 56 ; the 
S.P.G. Mission, 54, 57 ; the 
Lutheran Mission, 57 ; religious 
practices and superstitions, 64. 

Religious life, 63 — 66. 

Renadu, 27, 34. 

Renandu, 27. 

Renigunta, 4, 167. 

Resettlement, 156 ; of dry lands, 
157 ; of wet lands, 158 ; of dasa- 
bandham well lands, 158 ; finan- 
cial results of, 159. 

Revenue history, 153, 146 ; under 
Vijayanagar empire, 146 ; under 
the Muhammadans, 147 ; in the 
i8th century, 148. 

Revenue settlement, village settle- 
ment of, 1800-01, ryotwari settle- 
ment of 1801-02, 149; triennial 
leases, 150 , Munro's views there- 
on, 151 ; ryotwari system, 151. 

Rice, 115. 

River Channels, 80. 

Rivers, 2. 

Roads in 1854, 118; extensions 
during famine, 119; present ad- 
ministration, 119; avenues, 120. 

Robinson, Mr., 123. 

Roches Moutonnes, 8. 

Rock areas, description of, 8. 

Roman Catholic Mission, 55. 

Romany, 70. 

Rugs, no. 

Rumphius, 95. 

Russel, Mr. J. W., 153. 

Rusums, 45. 

Ryots, their indebtedness, 91. 

Ryotwari settlement of 1801-02, 


Sadasiva, emperor, 36, 37, 39, 186. 
Safi'ron, works, 75 ; factory at Cud- 

dapah, 113. 
Sagiler, river, 2, 3, 34, 226 ; proiect, 

86, 135. 
Saiyid Khaja Ghouse Mahiuddin 

darga, 227. 



Sakali, 33 to 35. 

Sakali Kodur, 33. 

Saktibanda, 65. 

Sales, 68, 108, no. 

Salt, 115 ; former sources of supply, 
monopoly salt, 161 ; present sour- 
ces of supply, 162. 

Salt mounds, 161. 

Samalkot, 163. 

Sambhar^ 22. 

Sancherla fuel working circle, 102. 

Sandals, manufacture of, in. 

Sandal sowing, 105. 

Sandibondi, 61. 

Sandgrouse, 23. 

Sandstone, 8, 11, 20. 

Sanipaya, 222. 

Sankaranthi, 59, 

Sankavaram, 230. 

Sannavadlu, 74. 

Sanskrit Mahabharata, 32. 

Sapindus emarginatus, 94, 99. 

Sarapappu, 114, 222. 

Saris, no, 11 1. 

Sashagrundipuram, igi. 

Sashtangamulu, 67. 

Scarcities subsequent to the great 
famine, 134. 

Schools, 143. 

Seasons, 125 ; for paddy cultivation, 
74 ; series of bad, 129, 

Selection system of timber felling, 

Seringapatam, 40, 44 ; treaty of, 

Seshachalams, 2, 3, 4, 42, 99 ; 
timber working plan for, 103 ; 
workers in wood near, in. 
Setti Balijas, 238. 

Settigunta, home of doll makers, 
106 ; wood carvers of, in ; des- 
criptive note of, 245. 
Settivaripalle, 202. 
Settlement department, early opera- 
tions of, 154. 
Settlement, the village — of 1800-01, 
and ryotwari of 1801-02, 149 ; 
triennial leases, 150; Munro's 
views thereon, 151 ; decennial 
leases, 153. 
Shales, 9, 11, 13. 
Sheep, 21, 105. 

Sheep and goats, penning them fo:* 

manure, 76. 
Sheep fair of Simhadripuram, 216. 
Sheikhs, 58. 

Shoes, manufacture of, in. 
Shorea tumbaggaia and talura, 99. 
Siddhavattam sima, 35, 39. 
Siddhavatteswaraswami temple, 235. 
Siddheswaraswami temple, 235. 
Sidhout or Siddhavattam, 30, 38 ; 
fort, 44 ; fuel working circle, 102 ; 
melons, 115 ; dispensary at, 142 ; 
headquarters of the district, 152, 
181 ; Sub-Registrar's office at, 
168; descriptive note of, 235. 

Sidhout taluk, 2, 4, 234. 

Silk weaving, no. 

Silpls, 112. 

Simhadripuram, weekly fair at, 194 ; 
private hospital at, 142 ; descrip- 
tive note of, 216. 

Simhavishnu line of kings, 27. 

Sirvelj 122. 

Slates, 8, n, 19. 

Small-pox, 140. 

Snipe, 23. 

Social life, 66. 

Soils, 5. 

Somapalle, 29. 

Somasila, 2, 240. 

Somayaji, 34. 

Soremati, battle of, 29. 

Soumyanathaswami temple, 246. 

Southern division, 4. 

Sowing, 73. 

S.P.G. Mission, 57. 

Spices, 115. 

Spur fowl, 23. 

Sriharikota, 69. 

Sri Venkateswara temple, 179. 

Stamps, 164. 

State granary of Gandikota, 3. 

Steatite, 212. 

St. Leger, Colonel, 50. 

Stonework, 112. 

Storms, 137. 

Stratified rocks, 8. 

Stream bunding, 106. 

Strychnos nux-vomica, 93, 99. 

Strychnos potatorum, 93. 

Stuart, Major, 154. 

Subbamma, T., 172. 



Sub-division, the r'^oettlement of, 

Sub-registrars, 168. 

Suddapalle 83. 

Sugalis, 70, 169. 

Sugar, 115. 

Sugarcane, 74. 

Sunkesula, 83. 

Superstitions, 64. 

Surabhu valley, 29, 81, 209. 

Survey of the Cuddapah district by 
the king of Golconda, 38 ; of 
Pottapinadu by Peddinayaka, 34. 

Table of weights, 115, 

Tada, 94. 

Tadpatri cotton ginning and pressing 

factories, 109, 114. 
Tadpatri plain, 5. 
Tahsildars and deputy tahsildars, 


Talikota, battle of, 37, 40, 179, 

Tallaproddatiir, 194. 

Tamarind topes, 20. 

Tangatur, 4, 31, 39 ; district munsif's 
court at, 167 ; head quarters of 
the Matla princes, 247 ; descrip- 
tive note of, 247. 

Tangedu, 20. 

Tanjai or Tanjore, 29. 

Tank irrigation, 80. 

Tanks at, Porumamilla and Badvel, 
5, 227 ; at PoruHTamilla construct- 
ed by Baskara, 35 ; at Badvel 
constructed by Anantaramaraju, 
39 ; at Lebaka, 39 ; of Viraballi, 
223; of Kalasapad, 231 ; of 
Vontimitta, _237 ; of Settigunta, 
245 ; of Orampad, 246 ; of 
PenagaKir, 247 ; of Kamalapuram, 

Teal, 23. 

Tellabendu, 16. 

Telugu Chodas, 30. 

Temperature, 7. 

Temples at, Ahobilam in the Nalla- 
malais, 19 ; Palagiri, restored by 
Bhima Maharaja, 30 ; Athirala, 
34 ; PondaliJr, 39 ; Sidhout, 39 ; 
of Virabhadraswami at Rayachoti, 

Temple, Sir Richard, 131, 132. 

Terminalia chebula, tomenfrosa and 
pallida, 99. 

Thandava Patagandlu, 172. 

^"himma Nayudu, 193. 

Thiti Mallugadu, 172. 

Thomba, 219. 

Thornhill, Mr. G., 130, 162. 

Thrighavari Deva Maharaja, 231. 

Thuniakonda fuel reserve, loi. 

Thumus, 116. 

Tigers, 22. 

Tikkana Somayaji, 32. 

Tikka or Gandagopala, 32, 33. 

Timber and timber operations, 103. 

Timber transit rules, 106. 

Timmala, 36, 37, 193. 

Tippireddipalle, 203. 

Tipu Sultan, 40, 44, 45, 148, 212. 

Tirumala Madhya Ahobilam, 183. 

Tirumalaraja Matla, 39. 

Tirupati, 2, 4, 8, loi, 112, 114, 
115; lower, 40. 

Tiruvengalanatha Raja, 40. 

Toddy, 163. 

Togatas, 68, 108, no. 

Tokavadlu, 74. 

Tondiarpet, 164. 

Toncur, 215. 

Tots, 8. 

Trade, 108, 113. 

Tragalus Memimna or Mouse deer, 

Transplanting, 73. 

Trap dykes, 10. 

Traps, 9, 12. 

Travellers' bungalows and choul- 
tries, 120. 

Trial by ordeal, 33. 

Tribes 69, criminal, 169. 

Trichinopoly, 42. 

Triennial leases, 150. 

Trilochana Pallava, 26. 

Tsalladamulu, 61. 

Tsoudu, 60. 

Tsundupalle, 220. 

Tummala vanka, 234. 

Tummalfir, 185. 

Tungabhadra, 83. 

Turmeric, 75, 114, 115 


Udayagiri, 35, 36. 
Ullinda, 93. 



Unions, 174. 

Uppalur, 4 ; poligar of, 50 ; silk 
weaving industry at, no ; descrip- 
tive note of, 206. 

Upparapalle, 239; fuel plantation, 

Upparas, 68, 161, 162. 

Urampad, 124. 

Urutur, 56. 

Uti, 93. 

Utukur tank, breach of, 138. 

Vaccination, 141. 

Vadyanam, 61. 

Vagatikona fuel reserve, 100, loi. 

Vaghi tree, 100. 

Vaidumbas, 29. 

Vaisakham, 73, 

Vallur, 32, 34, 182. 

Vangimalla, 223. 

Vanipenta, 106, 112 ; lead workings 

near, 17; brass workers of, 106, 

112 ; descriptive note of, 199. 
VannQramma, the only female 

poligar, 203. 
Varikunta, 37. 
Vayalpad and Madanapalle taluks 

added to Chittoor district, 2. 
Velanadu Kapus, 66. 
Veledu, 116. 
Veligallu, 22, 221. 
Veligonda hills, 2, 4, 9, 92, 99 ; 

timber fellings, 103. 
Vellalas, 33. 
Velpulakona, 239. 
Velpula, oranges of, 115. 
Vempalle, 2, 3, 28 ; dispensary at, 

142 ; district munsif's court at, 

167 ; descriptive note of, 209. 
Vemula, 48, 213. 
Venkatadri, 203, 
Venkatapathi, 37, 231. 
Venkataramaraja, 39, 40. 
Venkatesa, 71. 

Venkateswaraswami temple, 189 
Venugdpalaswami temple, 239. 
Vighadia, 117. 
Vijayaditya, 26. 
Vijaya Gandagopala, 34. 
Vijayalaya, 28. 

Vijayanagar empire, 16, 24, 41 ; 
founded by Harihara and Bukka, 
35 ; rolls back the Muhammadan 
invasion, 35 ; its history, 35 ; its 
policy of appointing relatives of 
the reigning emperors as viceroys 
of provinces, 35 ; its administra- 
tive units, 36 ; the Muhammadan 
confederation against it, 37 ; its 
power broken at the battle of 
Talikota, 37 ; its capital trans- 
ferred to Penukonda, 37 ; again 
to Chandragiri, 37 ; its final 
overthrow by the king of 
Golconda, 37. 

Vikrama Chola, 31. 

Village deities, 64. 

Village Munsifs, 166. 

Villages, 59. 

Village settlement of 1800-01, 149. 

VIraballi, 223. 

Virabhadraswami temple, 63, 185, 

VIra Someswara, 32. 

Visapadi system, 147. 

Vishnuvardhana, 189. 

Vitex altissima, 94. 

Vitex pubescens, 99. 

Volcanic rocks, 8. 

Vontimitta, 6, 12, 102 ; valley, 4, 9; 
fuel working circle, 102; descrip- 
tive note of, 237. 

Vows, 65. 

Vrishabhasurudu, 210. 

Vura Kunta, 21. 


Warangal, 34. 

Warm springs, 12. 

Weavers, castes of, 108 ; condition 
of, 109, 

Weaving, cotton, 109 ; silk, blankets 
and rugs, no; cotton printing 
and dyeing, in. 

Webera corymbosa, 94. 

Weekly markets, 175. 

Weights and measures, 115. 

Weights, table of, 115. 

Wellesley, Colonel, 46. 

Wells, irrigation under, 81 ; treat- 
ment of lands under, 154. 



Western division, 3. 

Wet lands, cultivat'on of, 73 ; re- 
settlement of, 158. 

Wheat, 115. 

Whitehead, Mr. T, A., 97. 

Wild date, ^9. 

Wild dog, 22. 

Willshaw, Captain, 97. 

Winds, 7. 

Witfmann, Rev. j. N., 57. 

Wolves, 22. 

Wood, work in, iii. 

Wreath of golden flowers, triump- 
hant, legend of, 3, 217. 

Yali, 198. 
Yanadis, 69. 
Yarn, 109, 115. 
Yappirala, 239. 
Yelamakapus, 66. 
Yellamarasayya, 36. 
Yellammadevata temple, 182. 
Yellappa Nayanigadu, 186. 

Yenugula Papa Nayudu, 191. 

Yerraballa, 215. 

Yerra bendu, 16. 

Yerragudipad, 122, 198. 

Yerraguntla 5 ; husking mills at, 79 ; 
railway station, 121, 197 ; where 
Cuddapah slabs are entrained, 
113; unfashioned prehis'oric 
tombstones found near, 25 • 
descriptive note of, 208. 

Yerraguntlakota, hill range, 8 ; head- 
quarters of the Matla princes, 93 ; 
fuel reserve, loi j iron furnace at, 


Yerrakonda, 191. 

Yerramanenipalem, 222. 

Yerukula Nancharamma, 70. 

Yerukulas, 69, in. 

Yeruva division, 34. 

Yetur, weekly fair at, 194; descrip- 
tive note of, 195. 

Zadigam, 76. 


University of California Library 
Los Angeles 

This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 

APR 1 1 2005 




A 000 071 510 2