The Cursus in
Mediaeval and Vulgar Latin
By Albert C. Clark M.A.
(A Paper read to the Oxford Philological
Society on February 1 8 , 1910)
Oxford
At the Clarendon Press
1910
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH, NEW YORK
TORONTO AND MELBOURNE
PREFACE
THE first part of this paper contains an account of the
mediaeval cursus drawn from various works, most of which are
mentioned in the Bibliography to my Fontes Prosae Numerosae
(Oxford, 1909). I have also used with profit Rockinger's
collection of documents in Quellen z. bayr. u. deutsch. Geschichte
(Munchen, 1863), and Gabrielli's valuable dissertation, L'epistole
di Cola di Rienzo e t epistolografia medievale in A rchivio delta
R. Soc. Rom. di Storia patria, xi (1888). I need hardly say
that this portion of my paper does not claim to be more than
a popular account of the results at which others have arrived,
and I should not have thought of printing it but for certain
suggestions about the influence of accent in earlier prose,
which occurred to me when I was writing, and which, so far
as I know, are new. As I wish to obtain the opinion of others
upon these points, I venture to publish my paper, with a few
corrections and additions.
I should like to take this opportunity of remedying a very
unfortunate omission in the Bibliography previously mentioned,
viz. De clausulis Ciceronianis^ by J. Wolff, a pupil of Skutsch
(1901). I was well acquainted with this very valuable work,
which I have mentioned elsewhere (Classical Review, 1905,
p. 165), and the omission was due to accident. I also regret
that Bornecque's elaborate and learned work, Les claustiles
metriques latines^ was unknown to me. Among other writings
which have since come into my hands are Skutsch's important
article on Sprache, Metrik und Rhythmus der Rb'mer in ihren
Wechselbeziehungen in Zeitschrift f. d. Gymn.-Wesen, 1909,
pp. 67-74, and four works by pupils of his, viz. K. Miinscher,
Die Rhythmen in Isokrates* Panegyrikos (1908), V. Munch,
De Clausulis a Valerio Maximo adhibitis (1909), J. Gladisch,
De Clausulis Quintilianeis (1909), and the valuable edition of
Firmicus Maternus by K. Ziegler (1908). I would also mention
Lehnert's exhaustive Bericht ilber die rhetorische Liter atnr
bis 1906 in Bursian's Jahresbericht 1909 Band CXLII.
I have also to correct a serious misprint in the Preface to
the same work (p. 6). Zielinski's three Forms, if the molossus
base is admitted in 2 and 3, come to 60 per cent., not
40 per cent.
ALBERT C. CLARK.
THE CURSUS IN
MEDIAEVAL AND VULGAR LATIN
THE sophist Thrasymachus is chiefly known to us from the merciless
caricatures of Plato. In the Phaedrus he is depicted as the ' Chalce-
donian giant who can put a whole company of people into a passion
and out of it again by his mighty magic : and is first-rate at inventing
or disposing of any sort of calumny on any grounds or none'. In the
Republic he appears as a mere child in the hands of Socrates, and
resorts to insolence in order to cover his discomfiture. No one could
suspect that he was one of the greatest inventors in the field of litera-
ture that the world has seen, who laid >down the lines upon which
prose was to develop for nearly two thousand years.
We learn from Cicero, whose information is drawn from Theophras-
tus, that Thrasymachus was the first person who deliberately introduced
metrical cadences into prose for rhetorical effect. Previous writers had
used such numeri by accident only : the pleasing result was noticed
and certi cursus conclusionesque verborum (Orat. 178) now became
a part of rhetorical technique. We also learn from Suidas that
Thrasymachus irpwros Tre/otoSov /cat KooAov KareSct^ KOLL TOV vvv rrj<s
pvrropiKrjs rpoTTov ewnryiyo-aTo. Greek writers use the term Ko/x/xa for
a section of the K<3Aov. Cicero translates jco/x/xa by t'nct'sum, KwAov by
membrum, and TreptoSos by ambitus, comprehensio, Sec. There is a close
connexion between this articulation of the sentence and the use of
numeri. The theory of the period is that of a rise and a fall. Rough-
ness is permissible as the sentence storms its way onward, but har-
mony must be restored at the reAevn}. Later Greek writers use
the suggestive term K/HJTOS, i.e. 'beat', for the end of the clause or
sentence. The Latin word is clausula. Wherever the voice halts, a
musical effect is required. The numeri coincide with the beats and
reveal the secret of ancient punctuation.
The invention of Thrasymachus was supplemented by Gorgias, who
introduced his well-known o-x^/Aara, viz. wro'/cwAa, avriOcra, and O/AOIO-
These are considered by Cicero to form a part of the
oratorical numerus)- The pvOpoi of Thrasymachus were combined
with the crx^oLra of Gorgias by Isocrates, of whom Plutarch says that he
spent a lifetime on his Panegyric, pasting together antitheses and
balanced clauses with similar cadences, smoothing his periods with
chisels and saws and making them musical (pv0/uwv). 2 Demosthenes
makes more sparing use of the o-x^/xara than Isocrates, in whose prose
they are so constant as to become monotonous, but greatly developed
the use of pvOpoi. Thrasymachus had relied for effect upon the paean,
a foot which was thought most suitable for prose, since it was little
used in verse. Demosthenes preferred the cretic, which, as ancient
writers point out, is metrically equivalent to the paean (i.e. ^ is
equal to - w ww or ww w ). The beginning of the De Corona TOIS
0cois ev^ofiai Trao-t KCH became proverbial, and Dionysius of Halicar-
nassus remarks that the proem in this, his most carefully written speech,
is founded on the KP^TIKOS pvfytos. 8 He also continually uses a cretic
followed by a trochee or spondee (the final syllable being regarded as
anceps by ancient metrists) and ^8e ro&vfl is quoted by Quintilian as
an example of his severa composition Other favourite endings with
him were a double trochee or double spondee. Cicero held him up as
an example to those who object to the use of numeri, saying that his
lightning was so brilliant because it was winged with numbers. 5
Subsequent writers, especially those connected with Asia, further
developed the practice of Demosthenes. The double trochee now
became the favourite pv#/xos and was used with monotonous regularity :
so much so that it became characteristic of the school. The Romans
adopted the use of numeri from Asiatic teachers before the Ciceronian
era. Thus in 90 B. c. Carbo, addressing the people, said : 6
Quicumque earn violassent, ab omnibus esse ei poenas persolutas.
Patris dictum sapiens temeritas filii comprobavit.
Cicero notes the double trochee, persolutas, and says of the second
double trochee, comprobavit :
Hoc dichoreo tantus clamor contionis excitatus est ut admirabile
esset. Quaero, nonne id numerus effecerit ? verborum ordinem immuta :
fac sic, comprobavit filii temeritas, iam nihil erit.
Cicero was at great pains to set forth the theory of the subject in
his Orator, a work dedicated to the Atticist Brutus, and intended to
convert him to the use of numeri. While his account .of the origin
1 Orator, 202. * De Gloria Athen. ch. 8.
* Hept avvOfacojs tivo^iarwv, 204. * ix. 4. 64.
5 Orator, 234. 6 ib. 214.
and object of the practice is admirable, it cannot be* said that his rules
are lucid. He does not appear to have grasped the secret principles
by which he was guided. These were first ascertained by the patient
analysis of modern scholars.
Zielinski, following in the path of previous inquirers, notably
W. Meyer, Norden, and Wolff, a pupil of Skutsch, has shown that in
Cicero the three favourite clausulae are
1. w w
2. v-/ w \3
3. w \J w
It will be noticed that the first of these is identical with the /x^Sc
Toevfl of Demosthenes, the second is a double cretic and is identical
with rots 0eots CV^O/AOU, the third consists of a double trochee preceded
by a cretic as in the stock example quoted from Carbo, filii compro-
bavit. Zielinski explains the three forms as consisting of a cretic base,
followed by a trochaic cadence of varying length. It may be remarked
that this is stated in so many words by Terentianus Maurus (c. 190
A. D.), who assigns to the cretic a sedes beata just before the end of the
period, when the clausula is completed by a trochee or dactyl.
Optimus pes et melodis et pedestri gloriae:
Plurimum orantes decebit, quando paene in ultimo
Obtinet sedem beatam, terminet si clausulam
Dactylus, spondeus imam, nee trochaeum respuo.
Bacchicos utrosque fugito, nee repellas tribrachyn.
Plenius tractatur istud arte prosa rhetorum.
These three forms without any licence of any kind account for 44 per
cent, of the clausulae in the speeches, 17,902 in number. He also
recognizes a strong form of the base in Forms 2 and 3, viz. a molos-
sus instead of a cretic. 1 The addition of these brings the total up to
60 per cent. Various licences are permitted, the chief of which is that
any long syllable may be replaced by two shorts, e.g. esse vtdedtur.
Also certain variations in the base are allowed, e.g. a choriambus or
epitriton (tr.) in place of the cretic, as in extguo tempore, publtce sub-
scrlbztur', or the trochaic cadence may be prolonged by another
syllable, thus creating a Form 4, e.g. spiritum pertimescerem. This
accounts for another 26 per cent., raising the total to nearly 87 per cent.
The remaining forms need not detain us now, with the exception of
some striking cases in which, for rhetorical effect, a spondee is used in
the cadence instead of a trochee, e.g. career em condimndti, where the
light beat is replaced by a stroke from the hammer.
1 I denote the strong forms by Roman numerals (ii, iii, &c.).
8
Zielinski has since been occupied in investigating the numeri of the
colon. In a letter which I received from him a few days ago he tells
me that he has now gone through the speeches and tabulated the cola,
130,006 in number, and hopes soon to publish important conclusions.
Meanwhile the general theory is clear from a passage in Quint ilian
(ix. 4. 70), who points out that some clausulae Are halting and limp, if
left to themselves, but are propped up by the context. He quotes
1 Non vult populus Romanus obsoletis criminibus accusari Verrem/
durum si desinas, sed cum .continuatum sit iis quae sequuntur . . .
1 nova postulat, inaudita desiderat/ salvus est cursus.
The harsh numeri are comparatively frequent in the cola, while har-
mony is restored in the clausula. ' It may be noticed that the period
frequently falls into strophes, recalling the measures of lyric poetry,
which, curiously enough, Latin writers considered not to have a strict
metrical system. This arrangement by strophes enables us to express
by symbols what Cicero termed concinnitas.
Cicero's system is uniform throughout his writings, with the excep-
tion of the letters to Atticus. Many of the letters ad Familiares are
just as metrical as his speeches. The Commentariolum Petitionis
ascribed to Quintus is written in the same style. The strict Atticists
of his day, Sallust and Caesar, do not resort to numeri, and
Brutus was not convinced by the Orator, which Cicero dedicated to
him (Att. xiv. 20. 4). It is interesting to notice that the Letters of
Brutus, the genuineness of which has been doubted, are not metrical.
Among subsequent writers I find no use of numeri in Cornelius Nepos.
The practice of Livy is exactly opposite to that of Cicero. He shows
a marked partiality for the forms which are least common in Cicero,
notably for the spondaic ending. In this connexion Cicero has an
illuminating remark (Orat. 212), * cur sum contentiones magis requirunt,
expositiones rerum tarditatem,' i. e. History prefers a spondaic measure.
The compositio of Tacitus was intentionally harsh. He was the
Wagner among Roman composers and produced music out of dis-
cords. With these few exceptions, and some technical works for
which such ornament was unsuitable, all subsequent Latin authors
were possessed by the spell.
Just as the later Greek authors tend to monotony, as compared
with the free measures of Demosthenes, so in Latin the tendency is to
uniformity of type. This is already visible in the prose of Cicero.
Zielinski points out that in the early speeches the molossus base, in
Forms 2 and 3, is almost as frequent as the cretic, while in the later
speeches the cretic is considerably more frequent. Quintilian actually
includes the strong form of 2 among the bad clausulae (ix. 4. 104),
and it is notably rare in the younger Pliny. So in the fifth century
Martianus Capella speaks of the vitium in Cicero's ending ad meas
capsas admisero (Div. in Caec. 51). The highly metrical prose of such
writers as Minucius Felix (c. 162), St. Cyprian (200-57), and Symma-
chus (350-420) recognizes few numeri except Forms i, 2, 3 (the cretic
base in 2 and 3 being predominant), a Form 4, and the esse videatur
clausula (i 2 ). These are used in all the cola as well as in the clausula
proper, the effect being very monotonous.
The excess to which these writers carried the use of numeri may be
seen from a passage in Symmachus (in Vaknt. ii. 24-6). I add in
brackets the symbols employed by Zielinski :
Ventilemus prisca monumenta (i 2 ), scrutemiir annales (i) : invenies
vetustatem paene ignaram flumlnum quae tenetis (3). Ipsi illi vates
exoticis nominibus licenter ornati (i), cum ad Indicum Gangen et
Borysthenen Scythicum carmen extendermt(2), Nigrum parem maxi-
mis ignoratione slluerunt (i 2 ). Nunc primum victoriis tuis externus
fluvftis publkatur (3 tr.) : gaudeat servitute (3), captlvus innotult (2).
Elementis quodam modo ditatam cerno rempubKcam (2), cui omnes
incogniti mandpantur (3), longinqua terra coniungltur (2). Dum
orbis terminos quaeris (i), 'gentium sustiilisti (3). Parum quiddam
naturae superest quod adhuc populus Romanus mquirat(i). Relabi
credis imperium nisi semper accesserft (2). Quid si impetus tuos
institutio moenlum non teneret (3) ? nescis translre deserta (i).
We are in presence of a phenomenon similar to that by which the
Greek Hexameter tends to become more and more dactylic in
character. The luxuriance of Homer gradually dries up and finally
in Nonnus (c. 500 A. D.) we find that 25,000 verses yield only nine
types of hexameter, while 35 per cent, of his lines consist of dactyls
only.
Sidonius Apollinaris (c. 431-82), Bishop of Auvergne, carried on
the tradition of Symmachus, whose rotunditas he praises and sets
before himself as a model. The prosody of these accomplished men
is correct, as is to be expected in persons of their culture. The only
deviation which Symmachus makes in the passage quoted above from
the prosody of Cicero is that he appears to scan cerno. Other writers
long before this time wrote in a very different style. Foreigners and
barbarians found it extremely difficult to master the quantity of Latin
vowels. On the other hand the theory of the Latin accent is very simple,
the chief point being that words in which the penultimate is long are
10
paroxytone, e.g. perfrtgit, and those in which it is short are propar-
oxytone, e.g. mncula (Orator, 58, Quintil. i. 5. 29). We soon find
strange scansions, such as those of the Spaniard Juvencus (c. 330), who
has Idborum, ldticibus,futurum, and ends the hexameter with, e. g.,prae-
sentat) Aegypti, &c. Still earlier we have the astonishing hexameters
of the Syrian Commodianus (c. 238), who begins his Instructions with
Prima praefatio nostra viam errant! demonstrat
Respectatque boni cum venerit secul! metra.
The first line of his Apologeticum is
Quis potent unum proprie deum nosse caelorum ?
Teuffel says of him that ' his hexameters in defiance of metre and
prosody merely follow the ear and the accentuation of every-day
pronunciation '.
It is only natural that the prosody of prose- writers should exhibit
similar defects. In order to appreciate this point it is necessary to
consider the relation of accent to ictus in the clausula. In Cicero
these as a rule coincide, as in
(1) w o, e.g. vmcla perfre'git. .
(2) w - w -, e.g. vincla perfregeral.
(3) \j ^ \j w, e.g. vinculum fregerdmus.
It will be observed that in the last instance I have placed a minor
accent over the first syllable oifregeramus. This is in conformity with
all modern writers, who show that long words cannot be pronounced
without the help of minor accents. (Cf. Lindsay's Latin Language,
p. 161.)
While agreement is normal, there are certain cases in which there is
a conflict, as in Zielinski's second Form where a molossus is base and
there is no caesura, e. g. vincfntem fre'gerat, or when the clausula ends
with an iambic dissyllable. It is doubtless due to the tug of the
accent that Martianus Capella censures Cicero's ending consul videt
(Cat. i. 2).
The result of the enfeeblement of quantity and the stress of the
accent was to produce what some writers have called a cursus mixtus,
a very convenient term which means that some of the clausulae are
metrical, while others follow the accent without regard to the quantity.
All that is necessary is to have the accents in the right place. The
result is that the metrical prose of St. Cyprian, Symmachus, and
Sidonius gives way to accentual or rhythmical prose. Form i is
succeeded by a rhythmical equivalent consisting of five syllables, e.g.
II
gtnus humdnum, Form 2 to one of six, e. g. bona remtdia, and Form 3
to one of seven, e.g. fdciunt mentor um. We also find accentual
equivalents for other metrical clausulae, e.g. victor rediturus = esse
videatur (i 2 ), and (txceltyntiae vestrae scribere optima iure con-
tigit (4).
This mixture of metre and rhythm is found in various writers during
the latter half of the fourth century. Some of these are Pagans,
e.g. Ammianus Marcellinus and Vegetius, others Christian, e.g.
St. Ambrose, St. Jerome, St. Augustine.
I quote the following specimen from St. Jerome (A.D. 331-420),
Epistles xxiii. I mark the clausulae by accents, except in the case of
two, viz. angelorum choris and palmatum consulem, which are metrical,
and do not give a clausula by the other method. In several cases
accent and metre agree, others are purely accentual.
Nunc igitur pro brevi labore aeterna beatitiidine fruitur (2),
excipitur angelorum choris (2), Abrahae sfnibus c6nfove*tur (3) et
cum paupere qu6ndam Ldzaro (4), dfvitem piirpuratum (3), et non
palmatum consulem (ii) sed atratum stillam digiti minoris ce*rnit
inqufrere (2). O quanta return mutatio (2) ! Ille qui ante paucos
dies dignitatum omnia culmina praecede*bat (3), qui quasi de subiectis
h6stibus trlumpharet (3), Capitolmas asce'ndit drees (3), quern plausu
quondam et tripudio populus Romanus exce'pit (i), nunc desol&tus
et midus (i) non in lacteo c&eli pal&tio (2), ut uxor mentftur infe*lix
(i), sed in sordentibus tdnebris cbntine'tur (3).
I do not find any systematic use of clausulae in his translation of
the New Testament.
St. Augustine (350-430) says of his own practice 'ego in meV)
e!6quio (2) quantum modeste fferi arbitror (2) non praetermitto istos
numeros clausularum ' (3). In another passage, when commenting
upon the Epistle to the Romans xiii. 14, he says that if the Latin trans-
lator had stooped to such artifices he could have produced a clausula
numerosior, but that he preferred to keep the order of the original.
In the course of his remarks, he mingles rhythmical forms, e.g.
locutus apostolus (2), ciirrere numerose (3), with metrical, e.g. lege
.componat (i), affirmare non audeo (2).
The prose of the Syrian Ammianus Marcellinus (330-400) is much
more accentual than that of Jerome, as the following specimen will
show (xvii. 5. 3) :
Rex regum Sapor particeps sfderum (2), frater S61is et Lunae
(i), Constantio Caesari fratri me'o (3) salutem plurimam dfco (i).
Gaudeo tandemque mihi placet ad optimam vfam te revertfsse (3)
12
et incorruptum aequitatis agnovisse suffragium (2) rebus ipsis ex-
pe'rtum (i), pertinax alie*ni cupiditas (2) quas aliquotiens ediderit
strages (i). Quia igitur veritatis oratio (2) soluta esse de*bet et
Ifbera (2) et celsi6res fortunas (i) idem loqui decet atque sentfre
(i), propositum me*um in paiica conferam (4), reminiscens haec quae
dicturus sum me saepius replicasse (3). Ad usque Strfmona fliimen
(1) et Macedonicos fines (i) tenufsse maiores me'os (3) antiquitates
quoque ve'strae testantur (i), haec me c6nvenit flagitare (3), ne sit
adrogans qu6d adfirmo (3), splendore virtutumque insfgnium sdrie
(2) vetustis re*gibus antistantem (3).
The Sermons of Leo I (Pope 450 A.D.) are rhythmical: so also is
the Leonine Sacramentary, which, whatever its authorship, is of great
interest as the oldest collection of this kind. This may be seen from
one of the first Collects :
Tuas enim Domine virtutes tuasque vict6rias admiramur (3), quoties
in Eccle*sia Tiia (i) horum dierum fdsta celebrantur (i 2 ), quos
insignes confess6rum tuorum (i) et martyrum palmae (i) ad pere*n-
nem mem6riam (2) solemn^mque laetftiam (2) fidelibus p6pulis sacra-
vdrunt (3).
The prose of Boethius (480-524) seems to me of special interest.
His theological writings are in the usual cursus mixtus. Thus in the
dc Trinitate I find such endings as ntimerum fdcit (i), pluralitatemque
perficere (2),fdciunt meritorum (3), unitdtum repetitio (2 2 ). On the other
hand his Philosophiae Consolatio, where he is modelling himself upon
Cicero, is metrical. This is interesting as showing that it was possible
for one writer to use both methods. The metrical clausulae pre-
dominate in the Mythologicon of Fulgentius (480-550), but I find
accentual endings such as citius bbiturum (3), collegia n6n dom'tur (3).
Cassiodorus (480-575) writes in a cursus mixtus complicated by
assonance and rhyme. Gregory of Tours (538-594) writes accentual
prose in which the metrical element is recognizable.
The letters of Gregory the Great (540-604) are considered to mark
the full development of this mixed style. I quote the following speci-
men (i. 10):
Supplicaverunt nobis Hebraei Tarracfnae dege'ntes (i) ut locum
quern synagogae hactenus habue'runt (3), eum illis nostra quoque
auctoritate esset habdndi licentia (2). Sed quia pervenit ad nos
quod locus ipse sic vicinus e*sset eccle'siae (2) ut etiam ad earn vox
psalle'ntium perveniret (3), scripsimus fratri et coepiscopo nostro
Pe'tro (3) ut si esset ut vox de eodem loco in eccle*siam resonaret
(3), ludaeorum celebrationibus privaretur (3).
Various writings of this period, e. g. the Sermons of St. Innocent I,
St. Boniface, and St. Gaudentius, the Professio Fidei of Bachiarus
Monachus, &c., are equally rhythmical.
It is the opinion of the specialists who have worked upon this branch
of the subject that rhythm in prose fell into abeyance about this time.
Thus the Benedictines of Solesmes say that ' a partir de saint Gre'goire
le Grand le rythme semble sexiler pour quatre sticks de la prose lit-
teraire'. The statement is one of great importance for liturgical
students, since it enables them to fix the date of old rhythmical texts.
I have not attempted to check it, since this would involve much labour,
and I feel that the question should be left to experts. I would only
remark that a Decree passed at the Synod of Toledo in 653, some
fifty years after the death of Gregory, is quoted by W. Meyer as an
example of accentual prose. Also, I should have thought it likely
that the old tradition would survive in some places. As we shall see
shortly, it was revived four centuries later by teachers proceeding from
Monte Cassino, and I should have thought it more likely that the art
had lingered on there, than that it had been wholly lost. If once
forgotten, it would in all probability have been lost for ever. I also
notice in the letters of Servatus Lupus, who was educated at Fulda
and was Abbot of Ferrieres from 841 to his death about twenty years
later, a cursus which I cannot distinguish from that current in the
seventh century. I quote the beginning of his first letter :
Diu cunctatus sum desideratfssime h6minum (2), auderem necne
excelldntiae ve'strae scrfbere (4). Et cum me ab hoc officio aliae
rationabiles causae (i), turn etiam eo maxime deterre*bat (3), quod
posse id contfngere vldebatur (3), ut, dum vestram cuperem amidtiam
c6mparare (3), offe'nsam incurrerem (2). Scilicet quod praepropero
et inusitato prorsus ordme (iv tr.) ab ipso familiaritatis miinere
inchoaverim (4), qui nee primordia notftiae c6ntigfssem (3).
Here all the clausulae appear to be accentual with a single excep-
tion, which, however, admits of a metrical explanation, being identical
with a variety of Zielinski's Form 4 (i.e. an epitriton w is
admitted into the base in place of a molossus). I should, therefore,
like to see some further discussion of this point.
We now pass on to the revival of the cursus in the eleventh century,
when it was adopted by the Roman Curia and was the subject of
elaborate rules. The prose of this period was largely epistolary. By
this I mean not merely private letters, but elaborate and courtly com-
positions sent to ecclesiastical dignitaries, and diplomatic documents
proceeding from the Papal Chancery. The usual term for such com-
*4
positions was dictamen, writers were called dictatores, their art was
known as ars dictatoria, and handbooks giving the rules were styled
summa dictaminis. These treatises dealt with a variety of subjects,
e.g. the proper method of addressing a correspondent, the choice
of subjects and their arrangement, rules for the exordium, narratio^
condusio^ and general information of an encyclopaedic character. The
dictatores were very long-winded : thus a usual phrase for * listen ' is
vestrae probitatis agnoscai discretio. They also use words sola ornatus
et bonae sonoritatis causa. The Pope is to address various persons
according to their status. To ordinary persons he sends salutem et
apostolicam benedictionem, to the excommunicated he says spiritum
consilii samfiris, to Jews and heretics viam agnoscere "ve'ritatis. Rules
for the rhythmical order are given in several of these works, and the
terms cursus planus, tardus, velox, corresponding to Forms i, 2, 3,
come into use. It may be observed that 'planus' is used in the sense
of ' ordinary ', just as can/us planus denotes plain song in the liturgy
as opposed to elaborate compositions.
The first work on \h.z Ars dictandi was the Breviarium de dictamim
of Albericus, written at Monte Cassino (1075-1110). He does not
give rules for the cursus, but employs it throughout, and says that
prose should be sonoram ei distinctam, id est quasi currentem.
When Urban II was elected Pope in 1088 he went to Monte
Cassino, where Albericus was teaching, and chose as his secretary
Johannes Caietanus in order that
antiqui leporis et elegantiae stylum in sede apostolica iam pene
omnem deperditum sancto dictante spiritu lohannes Dei gratia
reformaret ac Leoninum cursum lucida velocitate reduceret.
The phrase Leonine has here been interpreted as meaning in the
style of Leo the Great, but more probably it refers to the rhythmical
nature of the prose in question. Thus another writer uses the word
as a synonym for consonantia.
Caietanus subsequently became Pope in 1118 under the name of
Gelasius II. The cursus is found fully developed in his own letters
as well as those which he had written for Urban II, and was adopted
by his successors. The rules were published by Albertus de Morra,
who became Pope in 1187 under the name of Gregory VIII. From
this time onwards the term stylus Gregorianus is used to denote that
used by the notaries of the Curia.
Gregory VIII adopts the mediaeval view that every dissyllable,
whatever its quantity, is a spondee, e. g. mare, praebe, amd, Roma are
equivalents. A trisyllable, if paroxytone, e. g. tim6ris, is a spondee
and a half, if proparoxytone, e.g. negligens or famulus, is a dactyl.
A long word like excommunicationis consists of four spondees. Rules
are given for the composition of a sentence. It is best to begin with
a spondee followed by a dactyl, e. g. Deus omnium. It is allowable to
employ continuous spondees, but not dactyls, e.g. ne'glig ens famulus
dh'quis, since this makes the movement too rapid. The last word in
the sentence should be preceded by a dactyl, e. g. gdudia pervenire,
a canon which is obviously identical with the rule of Terentianus
Maurus, who gives that place to the cretic, the quantitative predecessor
of the dactyl, e. g. gdudtum pervenire. The examples given by
Gregory belong to the cursus planus and velox. Rules for the cursus
lardus are added by his contemporary Transmundus, Vice- Chancellor
of the Roman Church.
A large number of treatises based on that of Albericus were com-
posed in Italy and elsewhere. Hugo of Bologna (c. 1124) replies to
those who Alberici monachi viri eloquentissimi librum vicianf, probably
referring to Albertus of Samaria and others who denounced those
' scholasticos seu grammatical dictatores qui dictamina more metrorum
seu rithmorum cursitare sive claudicare coegerunt '. Bonum of Florence
(c. 1210) wrote a work called Candelabrum, the object of which was
to give populo dudum in tenebris ambulanti lucidissi 'mam dicendi peritiam,
Boncampagnus, also of Florence (c. 1220), wrote an encyclopaedic
work, the various books of which had fanciful names such as Oliva,
Cedrus, Myrra, Rota Veneris. Thomas of Capua, Chancellor to
Gregory IX (1227-41), wrote a Summa dictaminis secundum Curiam
Romanam. A minor work by Galfridus de Vino Salvo deserves men-
tion for his verses modelled on the beginning of the first Georgic :
vobis referam quo sidere vestrum
dictamen lucere queat, quo clausula possit
lascivire gradu.
They found imitators in other countries. Thus in Germany we
have the Saxonica summa prosarum dictaminis, in which we are told
praecipua sit industria dictaturo ut stilum qui Romanus dicitur teneat
et observed Ludolphus of Hildesheim gives mnemonic rules for the
three forms of the cursus. Conradus of Mure de arte prosandi dis-
tinguishes prose from verse in the following lines :
Vultque venire metrum tanquam domicellula compto
Crine, nitente gena, subtili corpore, forma
Egregia.
Prosaicus versus, res grossior.
i6
The Galilean Church had the audacity to develop a rival school to
the Roman, viz. that of Orleans. We have an Ars didandi Aurelia-
nensis with letters for the use of Bishops of Orleans, and Poncius
Provincialis (1200-50), who lived at Orleans, is a writer belonging
to this school. The Italian dictatores carried on a fierce polemic
against their brothers of Orleans. Boncompagnus wrote, he tells
us, in order that viri scholastici per falsam et super stitiosam Aure-
lianensium^ id est Gallicorum, sententiam, tanquam naufragantes . . .
formam Sanctorum Patrum, Curiae Romanae et imperialis aulae stihim
prosaico dictamine studerent imitari. Thomas of Capua speaks in
similar terms. I do not profess to have grasped the exact points
where the Orleans school fell into heresy. Bonum of Florence says,
sed hoc aliter ab Aureltanensibus, aliter a sede Apostolica observantur.
Aurelianenses enim ordinant dictiones per ymaginarios dactilos et
spondees. . . . Nos verum secundum auctoritatem Romanae Curiae pro-
cedemus quia stylus ems cunctis planior invenitur. This, however, is
not at all clear, since we find that Gregory VIII founds his Forma
dictandi upon imaginary spondees and dactyls. I should suspect that
the differences were invisible except to contemporary experts, whose
acuteness may be seen from a reply of Innocent III (Pope 1198-
1216):
Litteris ipsis diligenter inspectis ipsi rescripsimus eas tarn ex
dictamine quod a stylo cancellariae nostrae discrepant omnino falsas
esse.
Probably there was some professional jealousy in the matter. We
find scribes from Orleans exercising their art in Rome itself: thus
a Johannes Aurelianensis was Secretary to Alexander III (Pope
1159-81), and the Italian dictatores may have objected to the
'dumping' of foreign goods on their market. Also there was the
perpetual friction between the Gallican Church and the Papacy.
One of the most interesting writers of this period is Johannes
Anglicus, who wrote in Paris (c. 1270). There seems to me no reason
for connecting him with the school of Orleans, since there was a feud
between it and the University of Paris. He distinguishes between
three kinds of stylus, viz. Gregorianus, Istdorianus, and Hilarianus.
Of the first he says ' in hoc stilo considerantur pedes spondei et dactilt,
id est pedes cadentes ad modum spondeorum et dactilorum. In stilo
Tulliano non est observanda pedum cadentia set dictionum et sententiarum
coloratio'. The stylus Isidorianus is said to be based on the Soli-
loquies of Isidore, in which the clausulae correspond secundum
leoninitatem vel consonantiam. This style, he says, is valde motivus
ad pietatem, i. e. useful for sermons. He gives as an example
prius legunt quam sillabicent, prius volant quam humi currant. . . .
Prius monies scandunt quadrivii quam per valles incedunt trivii,
volant ad astra nee pennas possident.
This series of balanced antitheses reminds us of the or^/tara of
Gorgias. It is singular to find the methods of the great Sicilian
suddenly revived in the thirteenth century.
The stylus Hilarianus is so called as modelled on the hymn
ascribed to Hilary :
Primo dierum omnium
Quo mundus exstat conditus.
In this each verse consists of four iambics, or, as Johannes Anglicus
scans it, of 2^ spondees and a dactyl. He gives as an example
a letter to be sent to the Archbishop of Paris by an Archdeacon who
failed to attend a synod. This runs as follows :
Cum essem in itinere, tendens ad vestram sinodum, caput meum
infirmitas oppressit ita subito, quod despero restirgere portumque
vitae tdngere, nisi Dei dementia me visitare mdrcidum condignetur.
Quare pater mitissime, vestra dignetur gratia infirmo mihi c6mpati
meque languentem hdbeat excusatum.
How different from the laconic excuses with which we are now so
familiar !
The orthodox stylus Gregorianus became universal in Papal Bulls,
letters, privileges, dispensations, indulgences, and excommunications.
It was used in sermons, prayers, collects, chants, and graces. We
also find it in non-ecclesiastical literature, as I shall show shortly.
Before passing on to other subjects it will be convenient here to
state the definitions of the cursus given by mediaeval theorists and to
explain the terminology employed by them.
Gregory does not himself employ the terms planus, tardus, velox,
but gives examples which fall under the planus and velox. Trans-
mundus speaks of three kinds, viz. planus, velox, and ecclesiasticus.
The last of these was styled tardus by his successors. The examples
given by Gregory which belong to the cursus planus are audiri com-
pfllunt and confide'nter aude'bo : those which fall under the velox are,
gaudia pervenire, dgere nimis dure, sufficiant ad voldtum. His general
theory is that ' finales dictiones semper debet quasi pes dactilus ante-
currere '. It will be noticed that this exactly corresponds to the state-
ment of Terentianus Maurus about the sedes beata assigned ' paene in
i8
ultimo' to the cretic. He explains gaudia pervenire as a dactyl
followed by a paroxytone tetrasyllable, which may be replaced by
two dissyllables (ntmis dtire) 1 or a monosyllable and paroxytone
trisyllable (ad voldtum). Transmundus gives as examples of the
ecclesiasticus or tardus the forms operdri iustitiam dirigtntur in exitus.
These he explains as a tetrasyllable (or monosyllable and trisyllable)
with a proparoxytone accent preceded by a word with a paroxytone
accent. Gregory's account of the two forms which belong to the
planus, viz. audiri compellunt, confidfnter aude'bo, is somewhat confusing.
He explains these as a final trisyllable (without mentioning that this
is paroxytone) preceded by a trisyllable or tetrasyllable. As a matter
of fact, however, the number of syllables in the preceding word is not
the determining point, but the paroxytone accent. Thus n6mm
assumens, sinit inter dum equally belong to the cursus planus.
Recent writers have noticed other forms to which the dictatores did
not give names. Grospellier 2 mentions the following, which he
describes in terms modelled upon mediaeval theory :
(1) tr. = trispondaicus, e.g. d6na sentiamus.
(2) dd. = dispondeus dactylicus, e. g. virtutis operatio.
(3) o. = octosyllabicus, e. g. fle'tibus supplicantium.
(4) m. = medius, e. g. ( iugiter p6stulat,
j pre'cibus n6stris,
I fove'mur me'ritis.
The mediaeval method seems to me very cumbrous and it has led
to much misconception. The results can be stated more clearly
by the help of the symbols which Zielinski has invented for the
metrical clausula out of which the accentual is developed. He
considers the Form as a metrical whole and distinguishes the types
by means of the caesura. Thus Form i ( w w) has five possible
types, viz. iudicabatur, non oportere, morte vicistis, civitas possit, resti-
tutus sit, which he terms i a, i /?, i y, i 8, i e. The other Forms he
treats in the same way. Some types are much more frequent than
others. His statistics show that in Cicero y is the favourite type of
Forms i and 2, while 8 is characteristic of 3. In the middle ages
these types have become predominant. The cursus planus, e. g.
sinit intfrdum, is identical with i y, the tardus, e. g. crucis affixio, with
2 y, and the velox, e. g. gaudia pervenire, with 3 8.
If we apply this method to the less frequent types collected by
Grospellier, the first of these, dona sentidmus, is identical with Cicero's
1 This form contravenes Meyer's law (p. 22). 2 Santi, II ' Cursus ', pp. 25-26.
19
esse vtdedfur, which indeed Grospellier quotes among his examples of
this type. This is Zielinski's i 2 y (i. e. the second long syllable in
Form i is replaced by two shorts). So virtutis operdtio corresponds
to esse videdmmi, i.e. 2 2 y : fle'tibus supplicdntium is metrically as well
as accentually identical with Zielinski's Form 4 ( w -- ^ \j ).
The three varieties of the so-called medius cursus belong to the 8
type. Thus iugiter p6siulat cdlltdefecerit, i. e. 2 8, pre'cibus n6stris
= dvitds possit, i. e. i 8, while fovtmur meritis appears to correspond
to creddfis postulo, i. e. ii8 (I denote the 'strong ' variety of Forms 2
and 3, i. e. with molossus base, by Roman numerals).
We are now in a position to draw up a list of endings permissible
in the cursus of this period, which will, I think, be more intelligible,
viz. :
i y e. g. audfri compellunt (planus).
i 2 y e. g. dona sentiamus.
1 8 e. g. pre'cibus n6stris.
2 y e. g. operari iustftiam (tardus).
2 2 y e. g. virtutis operatio.
2 8 e. g. iugiter p6stulat.
ii 8 e. g. fove'mur me'ritis.
3 8 e. g. gaudia pervenire (yelox}.
4 8 e. g. fldtibus supplicantium.
The variety of the tardus given by Transmundus, viz. dirigtntur in
txitus, has a minor caesura, and is strictly 2 y 8, but of course in exitm
is treated as one word. So the varieties of the velox, viz. sufficiant ad
voldtum (where the same explanation applies) and dgere nimis dure,
are 'strictly 386 and 3 8 . The presence of the 8 division is the
important point.
I do not wish to imply that the cursus was always employed
strictly according to the rules laid down by the notarii of the Roman
Curia. It is, however, unmistakably present in a vast body of litera-
ture such as the Policraticus of John of Salisbury (1110-1180),
the writings of St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), and the corre-
spondence of He'loi'se and Abelard. I add an extract from a letter of
Cum me ad temporales olim voluptates expe'teres (2), crebris me
epistolis visitabas (3), frequenti carmine tuam in ore omnium Helofs-
sam pone'bas (i). Me plateae omnes, me domus singulae resonabant
(3). Quanto autem rectius me nunc in Deum quam turn in libfdinem
excitares (3). Perpende, quae*so, quae de*bes (i), atte'nde quae
postulo (2) et longam epistolam brevi fine conclude (i).
2O
The style of sermons may be illustrated by St. Bernard of Clairvaux :
Quam gloriosi revertuntur vict6res de praelio (2). Quam beati
moriuntur mart^res in prae'lio (2). Gaude, f6rtis athle*ta (i), si vivis
et vfncis in D6mino (2). Vita quidem fructuosa et vict6ria g!6ri6sa
(3), sed utrique mors sacra iure praeponitur (2). Nam si beati
qui in D6mino m6riuntur (3) non multi magis qui pro D6mino
mdriuntur (3) ?
It is stated by the experts who have worked upon this subject that
the cursus began to decline under Nicholas IV (1288-92) and that it
disappeared from Bulls in the fourteenth century, except in the case of
formulae which were reproduced from earlier documents. This, again,
is an assertion which I must take on trust, since I have no time in
which to verify it. In any case the cursus survived in literature in its
most exact form, e.g. in the Latin works of Dante (1265-1321), the
letters of Petrarch (1304-1374), those of his friend Cola di Rienzo,
and the letters and de Mulieribus Claris of Boccacio. I cannot refrain
from quoting the famous letter of Dante to the Florentines, which
derives additional interest from the fact that W. Meyer has made
a certain correction in the text upon rhythmical grounds :
O miserrima Faesulan6rum propdgo (i) et iterum iam punita
barbaries (2). An parum timoris praelibata inctitiunt (2) ? Omnia
vos tremere drbitror vigildntes (3), quamquam spem simuletis in facie
verb6que menddci (i), atque in somniis expergfsci plerumque (i),
sive pavescentes infiisa praesagia (2), sive diurna consilia recole*ntes
(3). Verum si me'rito trepidantes (3) insanisse pe*nitet c6ndole*ntes
(3), ut in amaritudinem penitSntiae (4) metus dolorisque rivuli confluant
(2), vestris animis infige'nda supe*rsunt (i) quod Romane rei baiulus
hie divus et triumphdtor Henrfcus (i) non sua privata sed publica
mundi c6mmoda sftiens (2), ardua queque pro n6bis aggre'ssus est (2)
sua sponte penas n6stras partfcipans (2), tanquam ad ipsum post
Chrfstum (i) digitum prophetic ptopheta dire*xerit Isaias (3) cum spiritu
dei reveldnte predixit (i), ' vere languores nostros ipse tulit et dolores
nostros fpse portavit' (i). Igitur tempus amarfssime penite'ndi (3)
vos te'mere presumpt6rum (3), si dissimulare non vultis (i), ad^sse
conspicitis (2).
Punica barbaries was formerly printed in the first line. This reading
yields a very doubtful sense and offends against the laws of the cursus.
W. Meyer emends to punita, referring to the previous destruction of
Florence by Totila. It is very difficult to distinguish between / and c
in fourteenth-century MSS., but Mercati, who has examined the
Vatican MS. which is the sole authority for this letter, is of opinion
21
that it really gives / not c. Meyer's correction is, of course, absolutely
convincing.
With the dawn of the Renaissance the knowledge of quantity
revived, and the cursus was abandoned as barbarous. Thus Coluccio
Salutati says to a correspondent who had written to him a letter in
which it was avoided :
Cum omnia michi placeant, super omnia michi gratum est quod
more fratrum ille sermo rhythmica lubricatione non ludit. non est ibi
syllabarum aequalitas quae sine dinumeratione fieri non solet, non sunt
ibi clausulae quae similiter desinant aut cadant. Quod a Cicerone nostro
non aliter reprehenditur quam puerile quiddam quod minime deceat
in rebus seriis vel ab hominibus qui graves sint adhiberi. Benedictus
deus quod sermonem unum vidimus hoc fermento non contaminatum
et qui legi possit sine concentu et effeminata consonantiae cantilena.
Coluccio and the other Humanists failed to observe that the
accentual system was based upon one of quantity, and the art of
numerosa compositio was lost, only to be recovered gradually during
the last few years.
The development of the Latin cursus cannot be fully understood
without some consideration of a similar phenomenon which appears
in late Greek prose. Here also in the fourth century A.D. accent
becomes the dominant factor, and the rhythm depends upon the
interval between the accents. This discovery is due to the acumen
of W. Meyer, who shows that from this time onward until the fall of
the Byzantine Empire it became the fashion in prose for at least two
unaccented syllables to come before the last accent in the KwAov
or period.
This explains the remark of Psellus (1018-1078), who states that
the rhythm of prose depends upon the interval between the accents
{ecrrt SiaAeKTOv /xeAos TroTov TI Siowm/fia, iv 8ia<opois <rvAAaj&us fiapv-
TovovfAfvov 17 ouToi>ov/x,ei/ov). The typical clausulae are aTras <ro<os,
o-o<iav n/xa, cbrairwv avflpwircov, SiaAeyovrai avOpviroi. In the case
of a long word like <iAoTi//,ov//,vos, there is a minor accent on the
third syllable before the last accent. The first two Forms, viz. euros
Cronos, oro<iav Tifio, have no analogies in Latin, since in it the last
syllable is not accented : the second, viz. airavTw di/0pw7ra>v, is identical
with the cursus planus (genus humdnum), and the third, viz. SioAe-
yovrat avtfpwTroi, with the tardus (b6na remedt'a). This last Form, the
double dactyl, corresponding to the old double ere tic, e. g. <f>aiSpanri<Ti
Aa/xTTovo-av, became very frequent. Meyer quotes a sermon written in
. 634 A. D., in which all the clausulae belong to this Form, so it must
22
have been' considered valde motivus ad pietatem. The Byzantine and
the Latin cursus therefore exemplify the same principle, viz. a ' binary
movement', in which there are at least two unaccented syllables
between the last two accents. In the cursus planus and tardus there
are two syllables unaccented, e. g. g/nus humdnum, bona reme'dia, in
the velox, e. g. fdciunt meritorum there are four. When the first
unaccented syllable ends the last word but one, there may be an
interval of three unaccented syllables, e. g. mncla reserdre, correspond-
ing to the three short syllables in the metrical Form esse videatur (i 2 ).
When such a word as reserare does not occupy this place, but comes
after a proparoxytone, e.g. vinculum, it is treated as the successor
of the ditrochaeus, e. g. vinculum riser dre, its first syllable receiving
a minor accent.
The two articles of Meyer from which I take these observations are
most profound and illuminating. He was the first to show the
connexion between the Greek and Latin cursus and the common
principle on which both were based, to state that metrical prose is
founded upon the cretic, and to demonstrate the existence of a cursus
mixtus in writers like Ammianus and Vegetius.
The statement hitherto accepted is that this ctirsus mixtus first
appears in the fourth century A.D., e.g. in the writings of St. Augustine.
I have recently arrived at the conclusion that it came into existence
much earlier, and was in fact characteristic of vulgar or colloquial
Latin, as opposed to the sermo urbanus.
While* I was writing this paper, it occurred to me to glance at some of
those authors whose prose is confessedly not metrical, or only partially
so. I began with Petronius, thinking that it would be interesting
to see how far the bas-monde conformed to metrical rules. In this
inquiry I had been preceded by M. fimile Thomas, who found that,
although a number .of the; clausulae were metrical, others were not,
and arrived at the conclusion that the textual criticism of the author
was not likely to be advanced by such a method of study. I looked
first at 70-71 and found that, though several clausulae were correct
from the metrical point of view, others were recalcitran t, e. g.
familia occiipaverat, super me positum cocum, contentus fult
recumbere, contentione Trfmalchlo, testaments meo manumitto, meam
heredem faclo.
Others, though defensible, were harsh, e. g. Circensibus prlmam
palmam, vicensimam et lectum stratum.
It then occurred to me to look at the accents. The result was
surprising, since, where the quantities are -wrong, the accents are
correctly placed. In order to show this, I add the passage with the
accents marked, and insert in brackets the Forms to which the
clausulae belong :
Paene de tectis deie'cti siimus (3), adeo totum triclinium famflia
6ccupaverat (4). Certe ego notavi super me p6situm c6cum (i), qui
de porco anserem fe'cerat (2), muria condimentisque fete'ntem (i).
Nee contentus fuit reciimbere (2), sed continue Ephesum tragoedum
ctfepit imitari (i 2 ) et subinde dominum suum sponsi6ne provocare (i 2 )
' si prasinus proximis circe'nsibus prfmam p&lmam ' (3). Diffusus hac
contenti6ne Trimdlchio (2), ' amici ', inquit, ' et servi homines sunt et
aeque unum Idctem bibe'runt (i), etiam si illos malus fatus opprdssit
(i). Tamen me salvo cito aquam Hberam gustabunt (S 2). Ad
summam omnes eos in testamento mdo manumitto (i a ). Philargyro
etiam fundum lego et contubernalem siiam (3). Carioni quoque
insulam et vice*simam et le*ctum stratum ' (3 tr).
The only clausula which does not suit the accentual method is
liberam gustabunt, which, however, gives the metrical Form S 2 (i. e.
a spondee takes the place of the trochee in the cadence). As hiatus
seems normal in Petronius, I take -c/szmam et to correspond to the
metrical Form -wu-, i.e. a choriambic base (ir.) before a double
trochee.
I add another passage, 103 :
Non est dilata fallacia (2) sed ad Idtus navfgii (2) furtim proce*ssimus
(2), capitaque cum supercfliis (2) denudanda tons6ri praebuimus (2).
Implevit Eumolpus frontes utriusque inge'ntibus Iftteris (2) et notum
fugitiv6rum epigramma (i 3 ) per totam faciem llberdli manu diixit
(iii tr.). Unus f6rte ex vect6ribus (ii tr.) qui acclinatus Idteri ndvis
(i) exonerabat stomachum nausea grdvem (i) notavit sibi ad liinam
tons6rem (i) intempestivo inhaere'ntem minstdrio (2), execratusque
6men (3) quod imitaretur naufragorum ultimum votum (i) in cublle
rei^ctust (i). Nos dissimulata nausedntis dev6ti6ne (3) ad ordinem
tristftiae rdimus (2), silenti6que comp6siti (2) reliquas n6ctis h6ras
(3) male soporati consumpsimus (2).
The clausula ftberdli mdnu duxit seems to correspond to Zielinski's
Form iii tr., in which an epitriton ( u ) replaces a molossus in the
basis. So also ftirte ex veddribus corresponds to ii tr., in which the
same change takes place. I have printed reiectust (reiectus est MS.),
since this seems to have been the popular pronunciation (Lindsay,
Latin Language, p. 167). I also give the vulgar form minsterio
(mmisterio MS.), since this seems demanded by the rhythm. The
34
evidence for minsterium in vulgar Latin is given by Lindsay (pp. 173
and 201). It is interesting to notice that in 92 in conspectu min-
strdntem (i), and 117 detrectdtor minster it (2) the rhythm seems -to
require the syncopated form.
I would mention in this connexion that the vulgar pronunciation
multfre, for which Lindsay (p. 164) quotes the line of Dracontius
(c. 4-90) :
Insuper et Salamon eadem multere creatus
seems to occur in 9 mulie're pugndsti (i).
Caper quoted by Lindsay (p. 163) mentions that words ending in
~c y like adhuc, Aac, illuc, formed from the enclitic -ce, which have
dropped their last syllable, are an exception to the general rule that
the last syllable is not accented. So we find. 57 oppSnerent hdc Hide
(2), and 63 adhuc capilldtus issem (3). I previously mentioned that
hiatus was a characteristic of vulgar Latin. That this is the rule in
Petronius appears from e.g. 44 dendrios milk atireos (3), 66
excelUnte Hispdnum (i).
I do not wish to imply that all passages yield results quite so
satisfactory as the two which I have quoted. The inquiry is as
yet in its infancy, and I am content to indicate the principles involved.
I would only say that wherever the eye rests one sees forms like c&ve
conttmnas (i), vdlde sucfasi sunt (2), honesti6res cendbant (i), h6mo
neg6tians (2), liter as didici (2), voca cticum in mtdio (2), TrimalchiSnis
topdnta est (2), stramenticium vhvat6nem (3), tengomenas facidmus (3),
maii&to et dignitosso (3), tetigerat mala mdnus (3), cantalundus et stflas
ntimero (4), which carry their explanation written on them. Since
everywhere the tendency is from multiplicity to uniformity, it will
probably be found that the cursus of Petronius is richer in forms
than that of writers in the fifth century.
While the colloquial parts of the author are based on accent,
the more elevated passages are metrical. I quote the following,
2, using Zielinski's symbols :
Grandis et ut ita dicam piidica oratio (ii tr.} non est maculosa nee
turg!da (2), sed riaturali pulchritudme exsurglt (i). Nuper ventosa
istaec et enormis loquacitas Athenas ex Asia commigravit (3 tr.) ani-
mosque iuvenum ad magna surgentes (i) veluti pestilenti quodam
sidere afflavit (i), semelque corrupta regula (ii) stetit et obmutuit (2 1 ).
Ad summam, quis postea Thucydldls (ii tr.), quis Hyperidis ad famam
processit (S 2) ? Ac ne carmen quidem sani colons eriltiiit (i 3 ), sep
omnia quasi eodem cibo pasta (i) non potuerunt usque ad senectutem
canescere (ii). Pictura quoque non alium exftum fecit (i), postquam
Aegyptiorum audacia (ii tr.) tarn magnae artis compendiariam m-
vemt (i).
I next looked at Vitruvius, whose Latinity is known to have affinities
with the sermo vulgaris. Some of his linguistic peculiarities are so
striking that Ussing attempts to show that the work de Architectures
cannot have been written during the Augustan period, but during the
decadence of the Latin language and its transition to the Romance
tongues. I took at random a passage, ii. 9. 10-11, alnus . . . hdbent
palos. As this appears to be rhythmical, I mark the accents, and add
in brackets Zielinski's symbols for corresponding metrical Forms :
Alnus autem quae proxima fluminibus ripis procreatur (i 2 ) et
minime materies utilis videtur habet in se egre*gias rationes (3). Est
enim acre et igni plurimo temperata (3), non multum terre*no um6re
paulo (3). Itaque in palustribus 16cis (i) infra fundamenta aedificiorum
palati6nibus crdbre ffxa (3), recipiens in se quod minus habet in
c6rpore Iiqu6ris (? i 2 ) permanet immortalis ad aeternitdtem (3 tr.) et
sustinet immania pondera structurae et sine vftiis conse'rvat (?). Ita
quae non potest extra terrain, paulum te'mpus durdre (i), ea in umore
obruta permanet ad diuturnitatem (3). Est autem maxime id con-
siderdre Rave'nnae (i), quod ibi omnia opera et publica et privata (3)
sub fundamentis eius generis hdbent palos (3).
The passage is certainly not metrical, and seems to exhibit the
same phenomena as those visible in the prose of Petronius with the
exception of the clausula vitiis consfrvat, which does not fall in with
any system unless we consider it a rhythmical equivalent to Zielinski's
P i (- u u - - o). I should not, however, be inclined to accept
Ussing's theory concerning the date of the treatise, but should prefer
to suppose that it is a specimen of accentual prose as written by plain
folk in the Augustan era.
Another author whom I examined was Frontinus. The works
attributed to him are a treatise De aquis urbis Romae, written in 97 A.D.,
and a book on military stratagems (Strategematicori], of which the
fourth book is possibly a composition of a later date. I give the
following citation from the first book of the Strategematon, ch. 6 :
Ventidius Parthico bello adversus Pacorum re'gem (i) non ignarus
Pharnacem quendam nati6ne Cyrrhe'stem (i) ex his qui s6cii vide-
bantur (3) omnia quae apud'fpsos agere*ntur (i 2 ) nuntiare Parthis
irffdiam barbari (2) ad militates siias conve'rtit (i). Nam quae
maxime fieri cupie'bat (3), ea vereri se ne accfderent quae time'bat (3),
ut evenirent optare simuldbat (i 2 ). Sollicitus itaque ne Parthi ante
D
36
transient Euphratem (i) quam sibi supervenfrent Iegi6nes (i*) quas in
Cappadocia trans Taurum habe'bat (i), studiose cum proditore egit,
uti sollemni perfidia Parthis suade*ret (i) per Zeugma trafcerent exer-
citum (ii tr.), qua et brevfssimum fter est (2) et demisso alveo
Euphrdtem deciirrit (i): namque si ilia venfrent (i) adseverabat se
opportunitate collium usurum ad elude'ndos sagitt&rios (ii 2 ), omnia autem
vere*ri (i) si se infra (per) patentis campos prdiecfssent (ditrochaeus\
Much of the treatise de aquis is so technical that it can hardly
be used for this purpose. I quote, however, the following from
ch. Ixxxviii :
Sentit hanc curam imperatoris piissimi Nervae prmcipis stii (i),
regina et domina 6rbis in dfes(i), quae terrarum de"a consistit, (i) cui
par nihil et nihil seciindum (i), et magis sentiet salubritas eiiisdem
aeteYnae tirbis (3), aucto castellorum, operum, munerum et Idcuum
niimero (2) nee minus ad privatos commodum ex incremento bene-
ficiorum efus difftinditur (2).
Armed with these clues I finally looked at Cicero's Letters to
Atticus, which are considered by all critics not to exhibit those
metrical clausulae which characterize his other works. I selected
a letter which has always seemed to me the most private in the
collection, viz. iv. 5, in which he unbosoms himself concerning the
painful incident of the iraXivw&'a after the Conference of Luca. My
surprise was great when I found that the clausulae appear to be
accentual.
Sed valeant recta, vera, hone"sta consflia (2), non est credibile quae
sit perfidia in fstis princfpibus (2), ut volunt esse et ut essent si
quicquam habeYent fide"i (i). Senseram, noram inductus, relictus,
proi^ctus ab iis (i), tamen h6c eram dnimo (2) ut cum iis in re piiblica
cdnsentirem (3): iidem eVant qui fiierant (2). Vix aliquando te
auct6re resfpui (2). Dices ea tenus te suasfsse ut fdcerem (2), non
e"tiam ut scrfberem (2 tr.). Ego me hercule necessitatem mihi volui
imponere huius n6vae coniiincti6nis (3), ne qua mihi liceret Idbi ad
lllos (i) qui etiam turn cum misereri mei debent non de"sinunt invideYe
(3). Sed tamen modici fuimus v7ro0eW (3) ut scripsi : erimus
uberiores si et ille libe"nter accfpiet (2) et ii subringentur qui villam
me moleste terunt habe>e (i) quae Catuli fuerat (2), a Vettio me
emisse non c6gitant (2): qui domum negant oportuisse me aedificare
(i), vendere afunt opo'rtufsse (3). Sed quid ad hoc, si quibus sententiis
dixi quod et ipsi probdrent (i), laetati sunt tamen me contra Pompei
voluntatem dixfsse (i). Finis. Sed quoniam qui nihil possunt ii me
n61unt amdre (i), demus operam ut ab iis qui p6ssunt diligamur (? 3).
a;
Dices 've*llem iam prfdem' (i). Scio te voluisse et me asinum
germanum fuisse (i).
Here the only clausula which gives any difficulty is qui possunt
diligamur, which, however, is metrically correct ( \j-\Ji.e. iii) or
the ditrochaeus may be regarded as sufficient in itself. In h6c eram
dnimo I allow hiatus as in vulgar Latin, and regard eram as unaccented
(cf. Lindsay, p. 167, who says that era/, ertf, &c., ; were unaccented
or accented according to the caprice of the writer).
Other letters at which I looked appeared to confirm this analysis.
Of course Cicero continually drops into his metrical style. Thus in
i. 1 6, a very private letter, of which he says in 8, in ea praesertim
epistula quam nolo dliis Ugi he goes on to refer to a lost speech and
uses metrical clausulae.
I add the following passage from a letter of Caelius, Fam. viii. 6. 3 :
Pompeius dicitur valde pro Appio laborare (3), ut etiam putent al-
terum utrum de filiis ad te missurum (i). Hie nos omnes abs61vimus
(2) et hercules consaepta omnia foe'da et inhone'sta sunt (4). Con-
sules autem habemus siimma dilige'ntia (2 2 ) : adhuc s. c. nisi de feriis
Latinis nullum facere p6tue*runt (3) Curioni nostro tribunatus con-
glaciat (2). Sed dici non potest quo modo hie 6mnia iaceant (2).
Nisi ego cum tabernariis et aquariis pugnarem (?) veternus civit&tem
occupasset (3 tr\ Si Parthi vos nfhil calffciunt (2), nos non nihil
frfgore frige'scimus (2 fr.). Tamen quoqu6modo p6tuit (2) sine
Parthis Bibulus in Amano nescio quid cohorticularum amfsit (i).
The only clausula here which calls for comment is aqudriis pu-
gndrem. This may be regarded as equivalent to Zielinski's P i
JL w w -^ , a rare Form in which a dactyl appears in the base in
place of the initial trochee. For the accent of quoqu6modo cf.
Lindsay, p. 169.
It would be a long task to examine the prose of Cicero's corre-
spondents and determine whether they write metrically, rhythmically,
or in neither style. The letters of Plancus are of course metrical like
the elaborate compositions of Cicero himself when writing to Lentulus.
A short letter of Pompeius at which I have glanced, Att. viii. n. A,
appears to be rhythmical from such clausulae as iter habfre, proficisci
Corftnto, cohSrtibus subsequt, Lucertam ve'ntas, tutissimo ptito ftire.
I find neither metre nor rhythm in the hurried dispatch of Caesar to
Oppius, Att. ix. 13. A, or in the elaborate letter of Antonius, Att.
xiv. 13. A.
I would conclude this investigation by a few remarks upon the
nature of the Latin accent and its relation to the Greek. The Greek
28
accent was one of pitch, at any rate in classical times, so that there
was no conflict between accent and quantity. At a later date it
became one of stress. Thus accent is taken into account in the verse
of Babrius, and in the fourth century A. D., as Meyer has pointed out,
it became the regulating principle in prose. In the case of Latin the
facts are wholly different. It is clear from a variety of considerations,
such as the syncope of unaccented vowels, vowel changes, the shorten-
ing of the vowel in unaccented final syllables, and the accentuation
of the Romance languages, that the original accent was one of stress.
This is also evident in the indigenous Saturnian metre, which was
essentially rhythmical. To quote Lindsay's description of this (p. 128),
the line consisted of two halves, the first of which contained seven
syllables with three accents, one always oh the first syllable of the
line, while the second half contained six syllables with two accents.
He distinguishes between two types, viz.
'
e. g. ddbunt mdlum Metelli Nae'vio poe'tae
I 7\ / / / II / /
(b} ~ - ||
e. g. prtm(a) inctdit Cereris Prose'rpina piier,
When the Romans adopted the Greek quantitative metres, the
influence of the accent in shortening unaccented syllables is seen in
such lines of Ennius as
Virgines nam sibi quisque domi Romanus habet sas
and in various features of Plautine versification.
The Latin language being essentially rhythmical, was ill suited to
the quantitative system. Thus Skutsch says ' Die Natur der lateini-
schen Sprache ist stark undactylisch ', and has shown the various
devices by which the poets adapted it to the Hexameter (Zeilschrift
f. d. Gymn.-W., 1909, p. 68). There would appear to have been
a perpetual struggle to lessen the conflict between accent and ictus
with the result that certain endings to the Hexameter and Pentameter
become conventional. There remained, however, constant collision, as
may be seen from the first line of the Aeneid.
Arma virumque cdno Trtiiae qui primus ab orts.
So the disyllabic at the end of the Pentameter, though possibly
smoother than some other endings, causes a perpetual conflict. Mr.
Robert Bridges considers that the music of Latin verse is assisted by
these discords, since, if accent and ictus always agree, the effect
becomes monotonous. This may be true, but I would point out that
29
there is no such conflict in Greek verse, and no one would say that
this was less musical than Latin. Certainly this was not the view of
the Romans themselves.
While the internal evidence shows clearly that the Latin accent was
originally one of stress, it is equally indisputable that the Latin gram-
marians use terms which are inconsistent with the explanation. Cicero,
Varro, and Quintilian are unanimous in speaking of pitch (uods
altitudo, vocis fastigium, &c.), and use precisely similar terms when
describing the accent in both languages. It is usual to suppose that
they borrowed Greek terms without noticing the essential difference
between the two systems, but this cannot be considered a satisfactory
explanation.
Prof. F. F. Abbott of Princeton has recently made a suggestion which
appears to me most illuminating (Classical Philology, 1907, pp. 444
60). This is that, when the Romans took over the Greek metres,
the Greek pitch-accent was also adopted in the sermo urbanus, while
the native stress-accent survived in the sermo vulgaris. This would
explain the language used by the grammarians, who wrote only for
educated people and did not concern themselves with the talk of the
vulgar, and the fact that syncope and vowel reduction were chiefly
found in the sermo pkbeius. In reply to the objection that orators
who did not use the popular accent would not be understood by the
masses, we may point out that the same objection would apply to the
employment of the sermo urbanus itself, which was essentially artificial
in vocabulary and construction. Abbott thinks that when Cicero tells
us how the whole theatre would break out into an outcry if any false
quantity was made by an actor, he is referring to the Senators and
Knights by whom he was surrounded, who would be followed by the
rest of the audience. It is interesting to notice that a similar explana-
tion occurred to Leonardo Aretino in the fifteenth century. 1
It may also be doubted if the difference between pitch and stress
was in practice so great as we might at first suppose. Thus the
accent in French resembles a pitch-accent, while our own is emphati-
cally one of stress. Would the difference between the two methods
of pronunciation have been greater than that of two Englishmen, one
of whom had been educated in France and had a French accent ?
On the other hand, this theory, if stated without qualification, runs
contrary to certain facts. If there was no conflict between quantity
and accent, how are we to explain the attempt visible in poetry to
reduce this to the smallest possible proportions by the choice of certain
1 Epp. vi. 8.
30
recognized endings in dactylic verse ? So also in prose Zielinski has
shown that the ictus of the clausula generally agrees with the accent,
and that where there is a conflict the Form, or the type of the Form,
which produces this conflict is never common and steadily becomes
rarer. I would, therefore, propose a very slight modification of
Abbott's view, viz. that in the sermo urbanus the accent tended ,-to
become one of pitch, but that the process was not complete. If so,
the conflict would be slight, while it was sufficiently felt to be noticed
and on the whole avoided.
Abbott's paper contains suggestions which appear to me very
interesting in view of the results at which I arrived after studying the
accentual system of Petronius and Cicero's Letters to Atticus. Thus
he says (p. 457), ( When we bear in mind the great differences in
pronunciation, vocabulary, and phraseology which are to be found
between the Latin of the freedmen in Petronius and the Latin of
Cicero or Quintilian, and when we recall the statements which the
Romans themselves made concerning the vulgar tongue, we can
readily believe that vulgar Latin and formal Latin were distinguished
from each other in the character of their accents.' In a note on
p. 458 he says, ' It would be quite possible for Cicero to modify his
accent slightly in addressing the people, just as he makes his voca-
bulary and his phrases suit the topics which he discusses and the
people whom he addresses in his letters.' This is practically what
my analysis of such a spontaneous and unstudied document as
Att. iv. 5 would show him to have done when writing in his most
colloquial style to his most intimate friend.
I end this paper with a suggestion concerning the meaning of
a passage in Cic. ad Att. xii. 6. 2. Tyrannic is said to have been
the first person who introduced the theory of accentuation to the
Romans (Lindsay, p. 151). He sent a book on the subject to Atticus.
Cicero had arranged to read it with Atticus, but Atticus, to Cicero's
annoyance, read it first by himself. Cicero, after expressing his
disappointment, says :
Te istam tarn tenuem deupiav tarn valde admiratum esse gaudeo.
Etsi tua quidem sunt eius modi omnia. Scire enim vis, quo uno modo
animus alitur. Sed, quaeso, quid ex ista acuta et gravi refertur
ad
In the Dublin edition etsi . . . re'Aos is translated, ' The whole bent
of your mind is for subtle speculations. You desire knowledge, which
is the vchy pabulum of the mind. But, I ask you, what in that acute
and grave treatise has any bearing on the ultimate principle of conduct?'
3 1
The editors say that there is a play upon the * acute and grave'
accents which were the subject of the treatise, and Cicero's work
De Fim'bus, on the re'Aos or summum bonum. This seems to be the
recognized view. Professor Reid, however, dissents in a note added
by the editors, and says, ' I feel sure that there is no allusion to the
de Fmtfus! He explains reXos as referring to the end of Atticus,
viz. the acquisition of knowledge. It occurs to me that re'Xos may be
used for the end of the sentence, i.e. Cicero asks, 'What is the
relation of the accent to the clausula ? '
184008
OXFORD
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
PA 2340 .C6 1910 SMC
Clark, Albert Curtis,
The cursus in mediaeval and
vulgar Latin 47067987
